Vol 25, No 1 2009

MELANESIAN JOURNAL
OF THEOLOGY

Towards a Melanesian Perspective on Conversion:

The Interrelationship Between Communal and
Individual Decision-Making and its Implications
for a Melanesian Communal Way of Life
Moses Bakura

Impact of the Prosperity Gospel in the

Assemblies of God Churches of Papua New Guinea
George Mombi

Lessons from 19th-century Pacific Patterns

for 21st-century Theological Education by Extension
Philip Bungo

Contemporary Melanesian Christian Music

August Berita

Journal of the Melanesian Association of Theological Schools

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Copyright © by the Melanesian Association of Theological Schools

ISSN 0256-856X Volume 25, Number 1 2009

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 MELANESIAN JOURNAL OF THEOLOGY
Journal of the Melanesian Association of Theological Schools

The Melanesian Journal of Theology aims to stimulate the writing of

theology in Melanesia. It is an organ for the regular discussion of
theological topics at scholarly level by staff and students of the member
schools of the Melanesian Association of Theological Schools (MATS),
though contributions from non-members and non-Melanesians are
welcome.

The Melanesian Journal of Theology is committed to the dialogue of

Christian faith within Melanesian cultures. The Editorial Team will
consider for publication all manuscripts of scholarly standard on matters
of concern to Melanesian Christians, and of general theological interest.

The opinions expressed in the articles are those of the authors, and do not
necessarily represent the views of the Editor, Editorial Team, or the
member colleges of MATS. All articles have been edited to meet the
requirements of the Journal.

The Melanesian Journal of Theology normally appears twice yearly, in

April and October.

Editor: Doug Hanson

Christian Leaders’ Training College

Editorial Team: Graeme Batley

Helen Scarlett
Suzanne Graf
Kirine Yandit
John Yejerla
All of Christian Leaders’ Training College

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 CONTENTS

Editorial ......................................................................................... 4

Towards a Melanesian Perspective on Conversion: The

Interrelationship between Communal and Individual
Decision-Making and its Implications for a Melanesian
Communal Way of Life
Moses Bakura ........................................................................ 5

Impact of the Prosperity Gospel in the Assemblies of God

Churches of Papua New Guinea
George Mombi....................................................................... 32

Lessons from 19th-century Pacific Patterns for 21st-century

Theological Education by Extension
Philip Bungo .......................................................................... 59

Contemporary Melanesian Christian Music

August Berita......................................................................... 84

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

EDITORIAL
During 2008, a number of Christian Leaders’ Training College (CLTC)
graduates embarked upon study towards a Master of Theology degree.
From their work, we have chosen three of the major essays, which, we
believe, will be of interest to readers. The fourth article comes from a
CLTC student, who will complete his Bachelor of Theology degree this
year.
In his article, Moses Bakura addresses the phenomenon of group
conversions in Melanesia, in contrast to individual conversions, as
experienced in Western countries. He then explores the relevant issues
that group conversions create, and attempts to answer these from a
Melanesian perspective.
George Mombi tackles an issue that is affecting many ministries at
different levels across Melanesia. In cultures, which often desire
technological and material gain, Christianity, coupled with prosperity
theology, seems to be the ideal solution. George outlines why this
theology is dangerous, and draws attention to the problems it causes.
Philip Bungo reviews the history of theological training in the Pacific
region from the time of early missionisation onwards. In doing so, he
considers the value of the Theological Education by Extension (TEE)
model, but also challenges us regarding the relevance of much that is
taught today.
Christian music plays a large part in the way that we worship,
particularly for young people. August Berita is a talented young
musician, who considers the issues involved in this very relevant matter.
Not everyone will agree with the conclusions reached by the authors.
However, we hope that, as you grapple with the issues, the thoughts of
the authors will help you grow in your understanding of what God’s
Word says to your life and culture.
Graeme Batley.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

TOWARDS A MELANESIAN PERSPECTIVE

ON CONVERSION: THE INTERRELATIONSHIP
BETWEEN COMMUNAL AND INDIVIDUAL
DECISION-MAKING AND ITS IMPLICATIONS
FOR A MELANESIAN COMMUNAL WAY OF
LIFE
Moses Bakura

Moses was a long-serving member of the faculty at the Christian

Leaders’ Training College. In 2008, he resigned from his position as
Dean of Studies, Lae Campus, to return to ministry in his home area of
the Lower Ramu in Papua New Guinea.

INTRODUCTION
Communal participation and living was an integral part of Papua New
Guinea’s (PNG’s) Melanesian way of life for thousands of years before
the coming of foreigners, and the introduction of commerce, Christianity,
and Western civilisation. People did things together. Equal sharing was
the emphasis in Melanesia, and no one was left poor. In outlining the
eight-point plan for our nation, Sir Michael Somare – who was the Chief
Minister of our nation straight after self-government – did not fail to
affirm emphatically that this practice must be preserved. 1 A closely-
related practice to communal participation in Melanesia is the pervasive
relationship to their spirits. The spirits of dead ancestors, and local
geographical spirits, were embraced as part of their cosmos.

Given a glimpse of what communal life was like then, this article aims to
discuss how the implications of conversion can have a positive effect on
today’s communal way of life. To do so, this essay firstly defines and

1
Michael Somare, “New Goals for New Guinea”, in Pacific Perspective: Journal of the
South Pacific Social Sciences Association 2-1 (1973), p. 1.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

contextualises the process of conversion, and then looks at some of its

19th-century dynamics. It then considers what conversion means for
Melanesians in PNG today, and reviews Stilwell’s study, “Towards a
Melanesian Theology of Conversion”.2

In the process, the essay will also discuss additional theological issues
that currently face converts in Melanesia, and points the way forward,
before concluding. It will also, by way of illustration, give selected
snapshots of some 19th-century Pacific missionary movements’
contributions to conversion in the Pacific generally. The essay will, at
times, refer to PNG cultures, such as the Kire3 cultural and language
unit, for further illustrations.

CONVERSION: CONCEPT DEFINITION, PERSPECTIVES,

DIFFERENCES, AND STAGES
CONCEPT DEFINITIONS AND WESTERN PERSPECTIVE
Various definitions of conversion are offered by Bock, 4 Snyders,5
Weymouth,6 Price,7 and Barclay.8 Without examining each of these,
Hovey builds on Tippett’s definition9 in a most helpful way when he
states that conversion is:

2
Ewan Stilwell, “Towards a Melanesian Theology of Conversion”, in Melanesian
Journal of Theology 9-1 (1993), p. 29.
3
A geographical area comprising 12 villages that speak the Kire language in the Bogia
District of the Madang Province of PNG. The author comes from this area.
4
Darrell L. Bock, “Conversion”, in Evangelical Dictionary of Biblical Theology, Walter
A. Elwell, ed. (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1996), p. 118.
5
John Snyders, “The Best of Two Worlds”, in Catalyst 1-2 (1971), pp. 50-51.
6
Ross M. Weymouth, “The Gogodala Society in Papua and the Unevangelized Fields
Mission 1890-1977”, Ph.D. thesis (Adelaide SA: Flinders University, 1978), p. 161.
7
David Price, “The Protestant Understanding of Conversion and its Implications for
Missionary Obedience”, D.Miss. thesis ( Pasadena CA: Fuller Theological Seminary,
1979), p. 340.
8
William Barclay, Turning To God: A Study of Conversion in the Book of Acts and
Today (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Book House, 1964), p. 25.
9
Allan R. Tippett, The Deep Sea Canoe: The Story of the Third World Missionaries in
the South Pacific (South Pasadena CA: William Carey Library, 1977), p. 42.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

the process, by which a person turns from whatever was his/her

primary allegiance, to place God in that position. This process, by
the grace of God, begins long before the person is consciously
aware of it, and continues throughout the whole of life. It is only
made possible by Christ’s death and resurrection, and is effective
in a saving sense (regeneration) when that person consciously
acknowledges that allegiance to God. From the time that primary
allegiance has been changed, each decision and attitude will be
subject to that allegiance, and the outward expression of this God-
directed life, with all its ramifications, will, therefore, be in the
forms that best express those meanings in that society. 10

This description is well put, but very lengthy. It also seems very
intellectual, and needs redefining for pragmatic Melanesian people.
How would a rural Christian understand the concept, and its process, as
expressed here?

Price cites Loffler and Cassidy in arguing that “the biblical study of
conversion is complicated by the fact that there is no one word in the Old
and New Testaments which covers the whole concept, so serious doubts
about the validity of the term have been raised”. 11 He also cites J. G.
Davies’ objection “to the term ‘conversion’ as a valid biblical
expression”. 12 It may be true that the continued use of the word
conversion misleads many, and Price questions if conversion is a biblical
concept, “is it an important one . . . and is it, therefore, correct to reject
it?”13 He further argues that a word-study approach, in the light of the
above problems, is inadequate, if used alone, because both Old and New
Testaments do give example of conversions. “There is no one word for
it, because no one word can embrace its comprehensiveness
sufficiently!”14 Therefore, it is very clear that, though there is no one

10
Kevin G. Hovey, Before All Else Fails. . . Read the Instructions (Brisbane Qld:
Harvest Publications, 1986), p. 89.
11
Price, “The Protestant Understanding of Conversion”, p. 285.
12
Ibid., p. 286.
13
Ibid.
14
Ibid.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

word for conversion in scripture, the reality of the conversion event is

seen everywhere in scripture.

However, the problem with these definitions is that they seem to be from
a Western perspective, depicting individual conversion only. The
expectation of an individual’s conversion, in a Western society,
sometimes differs from that of an individual’s decision in Melanesian
societies. In Melanesia, an individual decision, made in isolation to a
group’s consensus, always has a ripple effect on everyone associated
with it, because of the vibrant communal network. So, how do we
balance this in the definition?

Hanciles expresses the same concern that a definition of conversion

needs not only include individuals, but groups as well. He believes that:

writers lay themselves open to criticism by depicting conversion

as essentially an individual and psychological (or “interior”)
experience. Perhaps, due to an evangelical predilection, neither
makes provision for “group” conversion, an approach considered
more efficacious in contexts, like Africa and Melanesia, where
“religion” is communally regulated, while the “interior bias”
ignores both the significance of “context” and the variability of the
phenomenon. 15

What Hanciles expresses is out of a genuine concern for a recognition

and inclusion of group conversion in the definition. What then should a
Melanesian contextualised definition of conversion look like? What
words should be used to define conversion, so that any simple believer in
a rural village will understand what it entails?

15
Jehu J. Hanciles, “Conversion and Social Change”, in Christianity Reborn: The
Global Expansion of Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century, Donald M. Lewis, ed.
(Grand Rapids MI: William B. Eerdmans, 2004), p. 158 (emphasis added).

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Contextualised Definition
When attempting to define conversion within Melanesia, we must firstly
consider two important steps. The first step is to redefine the Melanesian
Pidgin words tanim bel or tanim bel pinis.16 These phrases are very
vague in their meaning, and do not truly describe the change, and the
process involved. The terms might apply to exposed and committed sin
only. They do not seem to include secret sin,17 and the specific
allegiance to spirits and other sins the Bible so clearly defines.

Neo-Melanesian language18 has drastically changed, and continues to do

so. Therefore, such phrases are outdated. If they are used, they are
considered old fashioned. Senisim olpela pasin or kisim Jisas long
laip,19 are better alternatives. Senisim olpela pasin is more inclined
towards the process of conversion, while kisim Jisas long laip challenges
someone to conversion. Are these not better terms than tanim bel or
tanim bel pinis?

The second step is that consideration must be given to defining the

process of change in the individual, or group of individuals, who are
turning from one allegiance to another. The new allegiance must
become the only source of their lives, with a resolve to live by the
principles and precepts of the new allegiance, and not to resort again to
the old ways.

Therefore, any effort to define the term, and its process, must be done
well, using helpful, practical terms so that people from various levels of
our society will understand them. This is vital, as many people lack a
proper understanding of the cognitive process of conversion, and what it
involves. It explains why nominalism is rampant.

16
Frank Mihalic, The Jacaranda Dictionary and Grammar of Melanesian Pidgin
(Milton Qld: Jacaranda Press, 1971), 192. Tanim bel is “to influence, to change
someone’s mind, repent”, and tanim bel pinis refers to “one already converted”.
17
Stilwell, “Towards a Melanesian Theology of Conversion”, pp. 30-31.
18
Sometimes referred to as “Pidgin English”.
19
Senisim olpela pasin means “to change your old way of living”, and kisim Jisas long
laip means “to accept Jesus into one’s life”.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

This essay, therefore, makes an attempt to provide a Melanesian

understanding of conversion and its process: it is the individual, or a
group of individuals, who firstly turn from their primary allegiance. This
may involve turning from the worship of spirits (ancestral and others),
together with the accepted, negative Western or cultural influence and
attitudes they have towards other people, themselves, and material
things. Secondly, they turn to God by the Holy Spirit through Jesus
Christ, place their lives upon God for their livelihood, and adopt His
principles and precepts, for practical living under His leadership. They
also do things God’s way, daily, and think no more of resorting to their
former way of life.

This may not be the best definition. It is open to criticism, even to the
extent of being rejected outright, or of it being redefined towards a better
definition. However, if no attempt is made, nothing will ever be done to
give an indigenous description of the concept and its process. It is,
indeed, a challenge to Melanesian theologians to seriously think and
redefine the process of conversion, and its meaning for our context.

The next section deals with the difference between individual and
communal conversion.

Conversion Differences
The London Missionary Society (LMS), in 1795, adopted its
fundamental principle “that our design is not to send Presbyterianism,
Independency, Episcopacy, or any form of church government . . . but
the glorious gospel of the blessed God to the heathens”. 20 This was the
motivating factor that drove them to commission missionaries to Africa,
West Indies, India, and a year later, in 1796, to the Pacific Island of

20
Andrew F. Walls, “Outposts of Empire”, in Lion Handbook: The History of
Christianity, Tim Dowley, ed. (Oxford UK: Lion Publishing, 1977), p. 550.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Tahiti, where “18 of their number remained”,21 with the objective to

civilise and then Christianise.22

Those who remained were mostly artisans and labourers. They laboured
and toiled for 16 years without any converts or church growth. 23 Some
36 years later, in PNG’s Morobe District, the Neuendettelsau Mission
was established, and later became the Lutheran church of Papua New
Guinea. Wagner and Reiner note that the “first baptism took place in
1899, after 13 long years of missionary toil”.24 In the author’s Kire area,
it was reported that, in 1959, the Australian Churches of Christ’s first
missionaries moved to Pir from Tung:

Pir proved to be an area where work was difficult, and often

heartbreaking, and where response to the gospel was slow – after
nine years of faithful ministry – there seemed very little sign of
spiritual growth anywhere among the three villages that have
received constant visiting. . . . In 1969, there were 26 baptisms.25

So, when we consider historical reports, such as these, the questions we

may ask are: “Why were there no conversions seen in these places?
What caused the delay for missionaries to see their first conversions,
after so many years of toil? Were their evangelistic skills and missionary

21
Allan R. Tippett, People Movements in South Polynesia: A Study in Church Growth
(Chicago IL: Moody Press, 1971), p. 10.
22
John Hitchen, “Training ‘Tamate’: Formation of the 19th-century Missionary
Worldview: The Case of James Chalmers of New Guinea”, Ph.D. thesis (Aberdeen UK:
University of Aberdeen, 1984), p. 775. Chalmers testifies to this in vivid terms with the
challenge, “Nowhere have I seen our boasted civilisation civilising, but everywhere have
I seen Christianity acting as the true civiliser . . . for God’s sake let it be done at once! –
gospel and commerce, but remember this, it must be the gospel first.” See also Selwyn’s
perspective in David Hilliard, God’s Gentlemen: A History of the Melanesia Mission
1849-1942 (St Lucia Qld: University of Queensland Press, 1978), pp. 5-6.
23
Tippett, People Movements in South Polynesia, p. 11.
24
The Lutheran church in Papua New Guinea: The First Hundred Years 1886-1986,
Herwig Wagner, and Hermann Reiner, eds (Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing House,
1986), pp. 41-53.
25
“A Short History of Australian Churches of Christ New Guinea Mission”, in Mission
History Folder 2, Vertical File, CLTC Banz Library, nd.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

endeavours ineffective? Were their conversion methods incapable of

converting the indigenous islanders?”

The same concerns were raised by the many supporters of the early
missionaries to Tahiti from England. They began to “wonder about this
project, unto which they had put their funds for a decade and a half
without any conversion returns”. 26 Tippett explains that there were two
reasons for this. The first was that lay people were sent, without any
experienced missionaries being there to share, oversee, and advise.
Their knowledge of the culture and environment came through the
writings of seamen, and their only advice was from the Society’s
directors, and this was foreign. The second reason was that they did not
have an indigenous agency to work with, and to later spearhead the
gospel penetration.

The main factor that delayed conversion, then, was the “civilise to
evangelise” policy, which gave civilisation priority over evangelisation.
Certainly policies were made by a group of good-standing people, but, if
souls are precious and are dying, would it not be possible to bend those
policies to save them? Other factors also contributed to no conversions
in Tahiti for 16 years, but it must also be noted that, unfortunately, the
missionaries27 found themselves in an environment of communal
decision-making, and, to emphasise individual commitment or decision
was something foreign to the islanders. So, conversions were slow.

The Western worldview of individual conversion has been the accepted

norm in many Christian churches in Melanesia today, but it has its own
strengths and weaknesses. One weakness is the imminent danger of the
individual, who does not see the importance of being part of a family, or
a community, and facing isolation from the group. Melanesian converts
to Christianity must realise that they are not to be singled out of the
community, but are to remain in the family, and the society. As Barclay
states:

26
Tippett, People Movements in South Polynesia, p. 11.
27
Used generally to refer to missionaries from all missionary-sending organisations,
such as Methodists, Lutherans, Catholics, and Anglicans (including the LMS).

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

There is always a danger of making conversion an individualistic

thing, in which a man is concerned with the saving of his own
soul. It may well be said that conversion is the end of
individualism, and the entry into fellowship . . . conversion is not
only towards a certain kind of life; it is conversion into a
fellowship.28

If an individual wants to destroy a family deity, consensus must be

sought, otherwise it is not possible. The decision to dispose of the deity
must come, firstly, from the group.

In Melanesia, communal conversion has not escaped negative comments.

Some anthropologists, missionary historians, and theoreticians have
often attached negative descriptions of mass movements they have
observed as a “fearful, hysterical crowd, acting as an irrational mass”. 29
One thing that these experts did not perhaps realise is that Melanesians
are spiritual people. They did not appreciate that Melanesians have a
genuine desire within to experience something completely satisfying,
and that it is not “cargo”, as is often referred to. St Augustine of Hippo
said long ago that there is a vacuum in man that only God can fill. The
desire to have this vacuum filled is perhaps their longing, and their
search.

Communal conversion in Melanesia must be seen in the light of

Tippett’s terminology: “People movements or people’s movements”. 30
Or, as Whiteman puts it, a “multi-individual response . . . that is,
individuals established the new norm for the group, which then led to

28
Barclay, Turning To God, p. 71.
29
Tippett, People Movements in South Polynesia, p. 199.
30
Ibid. Tippett further specifies the phenomena of people movements and people’s
movements, as the former suggesting the multi-individual character, and the latter the
structural entity. The former is valuable for describing the conversion of a village or
family; the latter for differentiating between, say, the Tongan and the Maori movements.
See also Donald Anderson McGavran, Church Growth and Christian Mission: A
Pioneering Reappraisal of the Role of Christian Missions and the Prospects of the
Church Around the World Today (New York NY: Harper & Row, 1965), pp.69-86.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

whole groups choosing to become Christian . . . where individuals could

practise their understanding of Christian living, as a corporate entity”.31

Within a Melanesian society, although a multi-individual response is

usually the norm, the commitment each individual makes within the
communal decision is a very crucial commitment. Therefore, it must be
intact, and consistently maintained within the group. Without such a
balanced emphasis, it is very easy for people, who were part of the
decision-making, to slide into nominalism, and become mechanical,
giving verbal support only, but unwilling to actively participate in
community life and responsibilities. So, as discussed, whichever way
conversion is experienced, the goal is for better living within a
communal society, both for now and the future. It is a steady ongoing
walk with Christ. It is just as important as the moment of becoming a
Christian.

The act of conversion is vital, whether done individually or corporately.

If conversion is a process, as has been seen earlier, then what are the
stages? Are these important to know? The next point of our discussion
will help us to look at the different stages of this process.

Conversion Stages
Communal conversion, or multi-individual movements, was not new, or
limited only to the Pacific Islands peoples. Acts 19 tells how a number
of those who practised sorcery brought their scrolls together and burned
them publicly. That was a multi-individual movement.

Tippett sees the Christian experience of conversion and commitment as

going through four periods or stages: from Awareness, through
Decision-Making, through Incorporation, and on to Maturity.

31
Darrell Whiteman, Melanesians and Missionaries (Pasadena CA: William Carey
Library, 1983), p. 186.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Old Way New Way

Each stage is directed by an experiential point.32 Hovey further develops

this process by adding what Kraft saw as the specific decisions that are
involved in each stage. The process, he states, is only complete when the
person physically enters into heaven.33 Hanciles notes seven stages, and
gives a very lengthy deliberation on each one.34

The different stages of conversion and commitment presented are very

helpful to the intellectual mind. However, many Melanesians would not
understand them. Melanesian theologians are, therefore, urged to see the
importance of conversion, and to interpret and contextualise it for our
people. Hosea, in the Old Testament, correctly said, “my people are
destroyed because of lack of knowledge”.35 This lack of explanation has
left so many members of churches in Melanesia, as well as in the Pacific,
largely nominal.

So far, we have considered the different stages of conversion. The

challenge now is to explain them clearly, so that the people can
understand the process, and the commitment one makes. The attributes
that contribute to conversion in Melanesia are discussed next. What are
the dynamic factors that lead to mass and individual conversions in the
Pacific?

DYNAMICS OF COMMUNAL CONVERSION

The missionaries of the early 19th century engaged in mission work at
various locations, and identified different motivations for conversion.
Whiteman identifies six dynamics of conversion in the Solomon Islands.
They are the desire for education, which the indigenous people see as the
passport to the Western world; the desire for material objects of
European origin; the desire for peace; a connection to the outside world;
the desire to adopt Christianity, because it is perceived to be a religion of

32
Tippett, The Deep Sea Canoe, pp. 42-43.
33
Hovey, Before All Else Fails, p. 86.
34
Hanciles, “Conversion and Social Change”, p. 160.
35
Hos 4:6.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

great practical use in the contact with foreigners; and, finally, because
they were attracted to the influential individual personality of the
missionaries. 36

Beside those identified dynamics, Daimoi notes another reason that

Melanesians “fearfully and positively”37 embraced missionaries. It was
not because of the ultimate desire for Christianity, but because they
believed these missionaries were the expected dead relatives that had
come from the land of the dead. The other noted motivating factors of
conversion are what some have termed “power” and “cargo”. 38 From
these discerned motivations arose comments such as “often mass
conversions resulted because they [Melanesians] expected the
Christians’ God to give them the white man’s riches and abilities, in the
same way as their former gods”.39 This comment, however, does not
fairly represent every Melanesian society.

The main dynamic of conversion, as I see it, is through a demonstration

of spiritual power. People began to see the powerlessness of their gods,
as they were confronted by the God of the missionaries. King Pomare II
of Tahiti, 40 and Varani of Fiji, 41 are examples of this. When King
Pomare II, in 1809, was defeated by his political rivals, and the
missionaries left, he was open for change. But it was not until a child
died within the chiefly ranks that he openly made known his intention to
the chiefly council to turn from his gods to the God of the missionaries.
This was the normal Oceanic pattern of making decisions.

36
Whiteman, Melanesians and Missionaries, p. 188.
37
Joshua Daimoi, “Nominalism in Papua New Guinea” Th.M. thesis, Pasadena CA:
Fuller Theological Seminary (Ann Arbour MI: University Microfilms International,
1987), p. 32.
38
Stilwell, “Towards a Melanesian Theology of Conversion”, pp. 31-32. “Cargo” means
the mythological anticipation of “goods” (more inclined towards the Western-type)
coupled with an abundant life.
39
Dorothy Tweddell, “Cargo Cults: a Search for Meaning”, in vertical file, CLTC Banz
Library, 1977), p. 15.
40
Tippett, People Movements in South Polynesia, p. 16.
41
Tippett, The Deep Sea Canoe, pp. 47-48.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

The other dynamic factor was the influence of the leaders or chiefs of the
people groups. On Lifou Island, in New Caledonia, the blind chief Bula,
who was befriended by MacFarlane, had all those, who aligned
themselves to him, embrace the Protestant LMS mission there. The
opposite of this was the chief Ukenizo, who resisted the LMS mission,
because of his rival, Bula, and embraced the Marists.

The strength of such an influential decision was that the people were
likely to maintain peace, so long as their leader remained peaceful with
others, and did what was needed for the mission. This strength can also
bring an adverse effect on the community, much like George Taufa’ahau
I, the King of Tonga, in 1885. Mr Baker, who was his adviser,
convinced some Bible school students to give them support to unite the
Free church and demolish the Wesleyan church. 42 The weakness to note,
for conversion under leadership influence, is that when the leader fails to
continue, and withdraws, it is unlikely that the followers will remain
steady in their commitment.

Another forceful stimulus to conversion is the fear of hell, as Weymouth

observed among the Gogodala people. 43 When the Australian Churches
of Christ New Guinea Mission first went to the Pir, Temnung, and
Minung areas in 1959, my uncle was the first indigenous evangelist of
that mission. I can still remember him preaching about hell in our
village. Because of the fear of hell, the whole village turned up the next
day just to get baptised, in order to escape hell. The danger here is that
decisions were made out of fear, and only time would tell if their
commitment was authentic.

42
Allan K Davidson, Semisi Na, ed., The Story of My life: A Tongan Missionary to
Ontong Java (Suva Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies of University of South Pacific, 1996),
p. 83.
43
Weymouth, “The Gogodala Society in Papua”, p. 170.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Another dynamic factor is the wantok system, which contributes to

conversion. Unlike other Pacific islanders, the wantok system is a very
strong system among Melanesians, and was a very dynamic factor in
conversion. Through this system, people are able to propagate the
gospel, but it can also have adverse effects on ministry.

The dynamics of conversion, listed above, are not exhaustive. They

highlight only some of the motives for being converted. If these
dynamics continue to surface, there is a danger that the reverse of what
people claim this nation to be, a Christian country, will occur, as Kero
has indicated. 44 Mass conversion has its limitations and weaknesses.
Unless these are corrected, they can contribute to mass nominalism, as
Daimoi, Kero, and Kendi have pointed out.45

THE MEANING OF CONVERSION TO PNG CHURCHES

In 1796, the first LMS missionaries landed in Tahiti and commenced
work there, though without much success for 16 years, in terms of
converts. In 1871, 75 years later, the LMS missionaries reached the
largest island in the world, Papua New Guinea (PNG), then known as
New Guinea.46 Mission history tells us that, in PNG, the LMS entered
southern Papua, and began their work in 1871. The Methodists arrived
on the Duke of York Island in East New Britain in 1875. The Roman
Catholics had landed earlier, on the Bismarck Archipelago, in 1847, but,
unfortunately, their work did not progress. They later came to the
southern part of the country in 1875. In 1876, the Neuendettelsau
Mission began in Finschhafen along the north coast of New Guinea. In
1891, the Anglicans landed at Dogura, and commenced their work there.
These are the major denominations that formed what we call the
mainline churches today.

44
See Kero, “Nominalism”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 14-1 (1998), p. 57.
45
Daimoi, “Nominalism in Papua New Guinea”, pp. 1ff. See also Wayne Kendi, “The
Doctrine of Justification: The Remedy To the Ills of The Melanesian Church”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 21-2 (2005), p. 82; and Kewai Kero, “Nominalism”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 14-1 (1998), p. 57.
46
Throughout, I have mostly used Papua New Guinea (PNG), rather than New Guinea,
to avoid ignoring areas like the New Guinea Islands and along the Papuan coast.

18
 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Each of these denominations had their own mission goals and objectives
to fulfil, including the concern for the conversion of souls. Like their
previous counterparts in the Pacific, these mission organisations
unknowingly entered Melanesian societies of communal decision-
making, which had a cosmological worldview that was entirely different
to that in the West.

During the early stages of mission establishments, several

misunderstandings of conversion were evident, because of, as Horndasch
notes, the already existing common belief “in the coming of the Ultimate
Future. The notion of the golden age has been present in their traditional
myths, and has emerged from time to time in various religious
activities.”47 Stilwell adds, “this meant a drive for abundant life . . . and
to go on experiencing this life”.48 “Cargo cults, for instance, are a
reflection of the common myth, present in the traditional religious
beliefs, that anticipated a radical revolution in the future to fulfil the
hopes of humankind.”49

The reason for these misconceptions was probably because of some of

the terminology used by the missionaries. In addition, the Bible contains
words, similar to terms the indigenous people commonly held, like
salvation, life after death, power, and the future. Whenever there was a
revival or revitalisation movement, people often saw this as a means, by
which the ancestors would usher in the expected cargo. To avoid this
thinking, it is vital to explain what revival entails. True revival
movements bring a hunger for God, and His Word, prayer, and a
renewed zeal for evangelism.

Conversion, for the indigenous people, had connotations of education,

the desire for power (mana), cargo, and so forth, with their fellow
Solomon Islanders. Weymouth has perceived the Gogodalas’ motivation
for becoming Christians in this way, “Christianity was associated, in the
minds of the Gogodalas, with social improvement and material
47
Helmut Horndasch, “Theology and Christian Spirituality in the Melanesian Context”,
in Catalyst 28-2 (1998), p. 122.
48
Stilwell, “Towards a Melanesian Theology of Conversion”, p. 31.
49
Horndasch, “Theology and Christian Spirituality in the Melanesian Context”, p. 31.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

advantage, and that this played a significant part in the early movement
to Christianity, is beyond doubt.”50 Yet, within the church, it meant a
personal commitment to become a member of a particular mission.
Loyalty and allegiance were now on a denominational basis, rather than
on the existing communal life in each setting. Kadiba deliberates, “in
religious experience and religious symbols, Melanesian Christians have
been alienated from their traditional ways. Hence there is a foreignness
about their Christianity.”51

Negatively, such gatherings of people – without due consideration of

their allegiance to their social groups – have led to many separate groups
today. What has this produced, but divisions? Who are we to blame, but
ourselves, for what we have done? What implications does conversion
have on a Melanesian convert? What theological issues confront him/her
today? The next section helps us to see this.

REVIEW AND CRITIQUE ON “TOWARDS A MELANESIAN THEOLOGY

OF CONVERSION” STUDY
REVIEW AND COMMENTS
Ewan Stilwell was once a lecturer at the Christian Leaders’ Training
College’s Banz and Port Moresby campuses. With his five years’
experience as a missionary in PNG, he was able to point to the direction
in which indigenous conversion should go. In his study, he gives four
basic parts of conversion. They are a radical turning which involves,
firstly, a turning from [Repent]; secondly, a turning to [Believe]; thirdly,
a turning into [Be baptised]; and finally, a turning for [Service]. We now
look at each of these radical turns briefly.

First is the turning from sin, which is repentance. In this section,

Stilwell gives a good scriptural basis, as well as defining sin. However,
there are two terms he uses in this section that need some clarification.

50
Weymouth, “The Gogodala Society in Papua”, p. 169.
51
John Kadiba, “In Search of a Melanesian Theology”, in The Gospel is Not Western,
Garry Trompf, ed. (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1978), np.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

The first is the term “cargo”. There is no question about the idea of
cargo in cult movements. However, to just generalise that all
Melanesians align themselves to cargo is not a fair comment that
represents every cultural and language group. Within the Kire culture of
Madang, there seems to be no myths of any sort that indicate this, and no
stories were told of people, who expected cargo to arrive. This may be
because the idea has either been submerged, or has been done away with
by leaders of the villages of Kire, which embraced Christianity.

The other term to clarify is the closely-related term “abundant life”

(gutpela sindaun). To merely see this from an anthropological
perspective would lead one to arrive at negative assumptions. The
opposite would be true, if seen from a theological perspective, as Stilwell
correctly states: “Conversion . . . brings the promise of a real fulfilment
of this deep Melanesian yearning for abundant life.”52

For a converted Melanesian, life and worship are not segregated from the
secular and sacred, as they are in the West. Also, to a Melanesian, this
abundant life is not only one that is expected to be received, when one
dies, or the Lord returns, but one that can be fully enjoyed here and now,
within the communal life of people, where it is expressed in praise,
worship, and sharing of the blessings received. In John 10:10b, Jesus
said, “I have come that they may have life, and have it to the full.” This
life can be fully shared within a church, village, clan, or family. Boseto
aptly said, “It is a life inseparable from community, with community, and
for community.”53 Therefore, the expression of this life’s joy is well
represented in the worship, communal, and church gatherings.

The second turning, Stilwell describes, to believe is related to a power

encounter. In relation to the access of this power, the desire sometimes
can mislead people to seek power from God, in much the same way as
they did in their past life. Prayer, itself, can be seen as a ritual for
acquiring power for selfish use, rather than as a means of communication

52
Stilwell, “Towards a Melanesian Theology of Conversion”, p. 32.
53
Leslie Boseto, “The Gift of Community”, in International Review of Mission 72-288
(1983), pp. 581-583.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

with God. Otherwise, I agree with Stilwell on this point, in every

respect.

The third is a turning to become the people of God. This point is also
significant, as Melanesians are communal people. Identity and personal
significance come from family, clan, and the village. There is also
another important aspect of personal significance and identity, where the
person takes on the family, the clan, and the village name wherever he
goes. What that person does as he relates to other people also reflects
the family, the clan, and the village. So, being integrated into the people
of God carries this important principle. Who we are in public, and what
we say and do, represents God and His people. Sad to say, not many of
those, who claim to be God’s people, reflect God’s actions among others.

Finally, Stilwell looks at turning for mission in the world: service. He

puts it well, when he states that mission is related closely with the idea of
service, and that any form of service, whatever it may be, must be done
in a servant style. Unfortunately, for most Melanesians, misconceptions
have led people to think that a missionary is the one who goes out to
another country, rather than seeing that every Christian is a missional
Christian. Therefore, many do not often see themselves as missionaries
where they are.

Conversion is fundamentally a process of worldview change in an

individual that ripples through group life, as seen in this study. It is a
change from a focus on ancestral and geographical spirits to a focus on
God, and involves the portrayal, by life and deed, in the community of
this changed allegiance. As this is lived, questions come to mind about
the implications of the converted life, and how one can deal with them
for better living. The next section deals with this issue.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

RELEVANT THEOLOGICAL ISSUES SURROUNDING CONVERSION IN

MELANESIA TODAY
As people see multi-individuals make a response to the gospel, one
might ask, “Are all these people saved?” Salvation is by grace alone,
and it is the gift of God. Salvation is granted to those who personally
make a commitment to God, within a group context, as seen in Acts
16:31. There is danger in assuming that, because people within a group
are automatically registered by a church, they are saved, when the group,
as a whole, responds to the gospel message. This must be avoided, and

There is also a question of whether or not the Spirit leaves the convert.
Unlike traditional religions, where the spirits come and go, through a
“shaman”,54 God the Holy Spirit is omnipresent. The moment a person
aligns his life to Christ, the Holy Spirit enters, and resides with and in
that person at that very time. In OT times, the Holy Spirit came and
went, but now He resides with those who have aligned their lives with
Christ.

Another implication of conversion upon a person, within a communal

life, is the aspect of discipleship. When one is converted, he/she lives a
life that is connected to Christ, as John 15 tells us. In this life, we
represent God’s community, Christ Jesus’ clan, and belong to their
group. It is a life of discipline, in a similar way as traditional initiation
rites enable one to be integrated into the village as a mature person.
Therefore, as God instructed Abram to walk before Him, and be
blameless,55 so must we.

Conversion of a Melanesian means also that the style of leadership

changes. Whether achieved or ascribed, it must be changed to take on
the servant-style leadership, expressed in the Bible, 56 and demonstrated
by Jesus.57 Pedi Anis and Ezekiel Waisale explore this form of

54
See Raeburn Lange, Island Ministers: Indigenous Leadership in 19th-century Pacific
Island’s Christianity (Canberra ACT: Pandanus Books, 2005), p.25.
55
Gen 17:1; 1 Pet 1:16.
56
Matt 20:25-28.
57
John 13:1-17.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

leadership and decision-making in government. 58 The attitude towards

others, as we lead them, must reflect who we are, and to whom we have
aligned our lives. Continued submission to ancestral spirits,59 and to
other spirits, is another area, from which we need to be truly turned
away. People once used rituals to manipulate the spirits for good or bad.
The power that was once sought from these deceptive spirits must now
be stopped. God must be given the priority. The fear of deceptive spirits
must also be successfully dealt with.60

Conversion also requires that God must be given priority over clan or
family allegiance. Though these allegiances are vital in our society, as
part and parcel of our relationships, when decisions of loyalty to family
or clan undermine the loyalty to God, loyalty to God must be given the
priority.

The relationship between conversion and prosperity theology61 is another

matter that must be addressed. This bad theology has somehow got
people giving to the work of God, above and beyond their limitations. It
has caused unnecessary high expectations that God will bless them if
they give abundantly. Christian converts, in present-day Melanesia, have
no stable church base on which to rest. One cannot blame others for the
dislocation of youth, and many others. Equally so, it is of our own
making, as Kenilorea states.62 Such motivations are dangerous.

Even the interrelationship between conversion and fellowship is

inseparable. Within a communal context, fellowship always gives the

58
See Pedi Anis and Ezekiel Waisale, “The Bible in Decision-Making”, in Catalyst 18-4
(1988), pp. 16-23 for a full description of what it means to be leaders, and making
important decisions.
59
K. Burridge, “Tangu, Northern Madang District”, in Gods, Ghosts, and Men in
Melanesia: Some Religions of Australia, New Guinea and the New Hebrides, P.
Lawrence, and M. J. Meggitt, eds (Melbourne Vic: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp.
224ff. Burridge explains there are no strong ties to ancestors, except an immediately-
dead member of the clan or family.
60
Stilwell, “Towards a Melanesian Theology of Conversion”, p. 32.
61
Hanciles, “Conversion and Social Change”, p. 172.
62
Peter Kenilorea, “Cultural Values versus the Acquisitiveness of Man: A View from
the Solomon Islands”, in Pacific Perspective 5-2 (1976), p. 3.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

sense of identity and influence. Deeper commitment and loyalty are

found to be very strong within this family unit of belonging. 63
Development of this kind of environment provides opportunities for
discipleship training, ministry together, receiving answers to pressing
unanswered questions that are not given on Sunday mornings, 64 and to
further help younger ones grow.

The implication of conversion on stewardship is another issue. A

turning to God means that our resources, our money, our time, and our
family are “baptised”, and seen as the means to support the work of God,
and to be used for His glory. Therefore, natural resources must be
strictly protected against unnecessary exploitation.

Finally, conversion must affect the relationship one has with the Living
Word. Jesus said that without Him we cannot do anything. 65 Boseto
also sees the need for the Word to be concretely seen in Melanesia, and
he challenges fellow Islanders to live the Word – “to ‘incarnate’ [make
human] the word as we struggle together, share together, and care for
one another. He is one of those who no longer looks for a
conceptualised Word, but the incarnate Word in each place here and
now.”66

THE WAY AHEAD

“How deep-rooted is the Christian faith in this so-called Christian nation,
which is also seeking to establish her own identity?”67 Pre-independent
church and national leaders have played an important role in the
formation of our government. Our National Constitution reflects this
involvement. 68 “The national leaders adopted our National Constitution,

63
Leslie Boseto, “Mission and Development”, in Point 1 (1978), p. 32.
64
Paulias Matane, “Our Guiding Star”, in Catalyst 18-4 (1988), p. 15.
65
John 15:5.
66
Leslie Boseto, “The Incarnate Word”, in Catalyst 18-4 (1988), p. 78.
67
John Guise “How Deep-Rooted Is the Christian Faith in Our Nation?”, in Christ in
South Pacific Cultures, Cliff Wright, and Leslie Fugui, eds (Suva Fiji: Lotu Pasifika,
1985), p. 12.
68
The Constitution Of The Independent State Of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby
PNG: Legislative Council, 1975, p. 1.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

which is one of the best in the world, truly.”69 The foundation was set,
but, over the last 30-plus years since 1975, so much has changed, in
terms of our national identity. We had no choice but to move towards
globalisation in our political, economic, social, and even spiritual
endeavours. So, where are we now? Do we have our own Christian
identity, based on “valued traditions and ceremonies, involved with the
whole of human life”?70 Leana asks along the same lines, “What should
the Melanesian church of the future be like?”71 This and many other
similar questions cannot be answered fully by other people. Church
leaders and theologians in this nation, alike, must work together with a
combined effort to develop that ideal Christian identity, desired by the
late Sir John Guise. Leana’s article is a step in the right direction, but
how long this will take will depend entirely on our efforts.

Some positive signs are present today of what the future church of PNG
will be like. The first is that churches have now moved towards working
together. In Lae, this is done mainly through the Ministers’ Fraternal.
The second is that walls of denominational boundaries are now
collapsing, due to revival and renewal experiences, and people have the
freedom to engage in fellowship with others. If these current ministry
forms continue, Christian members of different denominations will
embrace each other, as one community of believers in this nation.
Communal identity will still be maintained, and denominational tags
done away with. We will also begin to see the rise of a national and
missional church, which will be one, catholic, and apostolic.

CONCLUSION
This essay has emphasised that conversion, in a Melanesian context, is
fundamentally a turning-about process from primal religions toward
God. Whether conversion occurs individually or corporately, the
difference is not really the concern. Decisions must be made towards the
one goal of living together within a communal village, or city, as God’s

69
Matane, “Our Guiding Star”, in Catalyst 18-4 (1988), p. 14.
70
John Guise, “How Deep-Rooted Is the Christian Faith in Our Nation?”, p. 12.
71
Amos Leana, “What Should the Melanesian Church of the Future be Like?”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 19-1 (2003), p. 102.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

people. This is the church redefined. This is where the real-life

questions and queries dwell. This is where the incarnated Word can
become a reality, and it will not be pretended in the weekly activities
environment. At the same time, we must firmly maintain the one church,
and many congregations, meeting, as is done currently in most of our
cities.

The way forward to a better communal way of living is to work together

now to involve converts in each community, through discipleship
training and nurture, in growing towards becoming a national, but
indigenous, missional church – a church which is one, catholic, and
apostolic.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Barclay, William, Turning To God: A Study of Conversion in the Book of
Acts and Today, Grand Rapids MI: Baker Book House, 1964.
Bloom, Benjamin, Taxonomy of Educational Objectives, London UK:
Longman, 1964.
Bock, Darrell L., “Conversion”, in Evangelical Dictionary of Biblical
Theology, Walter A. Elwell, ed., Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books,
1996.
Brown, Denis E., “Worldview and Worldview Change: A Reader”,
Master’s project in Missiology, School of World Mission and
Institute of Church Growth Fuller Theological Seminary,
Pasadena CA, 1983.
Burridge, K., “Tangu, Northern Madang District”, in Gods, Ghosts, and
Men in Melanesia: Some Religions of Australia, New Guinea and
the New Hebrides, P. Lawrence, and M. J. Meggitt, eds,
Melbourne Vic: Oxford University Press, 1965.
The Constitution of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, Port
Moresby PNG: Legislative Council, 1975.
Daimoi, Joshua K., “Nominalism in Papua New Guinea”, Th.M. thesis,
Pasadena CA: Fuller Theological Seminary, Ann Arbor MI:
University Microfilms International, 1987.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Davidson, Allan K., “The Pacific Is No Longer a Mission Field?”, in

Christianity Reborn: The Global Expansion of Evangelicalism in
the 20th Century, Donald M. Lewis, ed., Grand Rapids MI:
William B. Eerdmans, 2004.
———, ed., Semisi Na: The Story of My life: A Tongan Missionary to
Ontong Java. Suva Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies of University
of South Pacific, 1996.
Green, Hollis L., Why Churches Die, Minneapolis MN: Bethany
Fellowship, 1972.
Guise, John, “How Deep-Rooted is The Christian Faith in Our Nation?”,
in Christ in South Pacific Cultures, Cliff Wright, and Leslie Fugui,
eds, Suva Fiji: Lotu Pasifika, 1986.
Hanciles, Jehu J., “Conversion and Social Change”, in Christianity
Reborn: The Global Expansion of Evangelicalism in the 20th
Century, Donald M. Lewis, ed., Grand Rapids MI: William B.
Eerdmans, 2004.
Hilliard, David, God’s Gentlemen: A History of the Melanesia Mission
1849-1942, St Lucia Qld: University of Queensland Press, 1978.
Hitchen, John, “Training ‘Tamate’: Formation of the 19th-century
Missionary Worldview: The Case of James Chalmers of New
Guinea”, Ph.D. thesis, Aberdeen UK: University of Aberdeen,
1984.
Hovey, Kevin, Before All Else Fails . . . Read the Instructions, Brisbane
Qld: Harvest Publications, 1986.
Kadiba, John, “In Search of a Melanesian Theology” in The Gospel is
Not Western, Garry Trompf, ed., Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books,
1978.
Lange, Raeburn, Island Ministers: Indigenous Leadership in 19th-
century Pacific Island’s Christianity, Canberra ACT: Pandanus
Books, 2005.
McGavran, Donald Anderson, Church Growth and Christian Mission: A
Pioneering Reappraisal of the Role of Christian Missions and the
Prospects of the Church Around the World Today, New York NY:
Harper & Row, 1965.
———, ed., Homogeneous Populations and Church Growth, New York
NY: Harper & Row, 1965.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Mihalic, Frank, The Jacaranda Dictionary and Grammar of Melanesian

Pidgin, Milton Qld: Jacaranda Press, 1971.
Narokobi, Bernard, “Concept of Ownership in Melanesia”, Occasional
Papers of the Melanesian Institute No 6, Goroka PNG: Melanesian
Institute, 1988, pp. 1-32.
———, The Melanesian Way, 2nd edn, Boroko PNG: Institute of Papua
New Guinea Studies, 1983.
Pickett, Waskom J., The Dynamics of Church Growth, New York NY:
Abingdon Press, 1963.
Price, David, “The Protestant Understanding of Conversion and its
Implications for Missionary Obedience”, D.Miss. thesis, Pasadena
CA: Fuller Theological Seminary, 1979.
Recker, Robert, “What are People Movements?”, in Theological
Perspectives on Church Growth, Harvie M. Conn, ed., Nutley NJ:
Presbyterian & Reformed, 1977.
Rowe, George Stringer, The Life of John Hunt: Missionary to the
Cannibals, London UK: Charles Kelly, 1859.
Tippett, Allan R., People Movements in South Polynesia: A Study in
Church Growth, Chicago IL: Moody Press, 1971.
———, The Deep Sea Canoe: The Story of the Third-World
Missionaries in the South Pacific, South Pasadena CA: William
Carey Library, 1977.
Wagner, Herwig, and Reiner, Hermann, eds, The Lutheran Church in
Papua New Guinea: The First Hundred Years 1886-1986,
Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing House, 1986.
Walls, Andrew F., “Outpost of Empire”, in Lion Handbook: The History
of Christianity, Tim Dowley, ed., Oxford UK: Lion Publishing,
1977.
Weymouth, Ross M., “The Gogodala Society in Papua and the
Unevangelized Fields Mission 1890-1977”, Ph.D. thesis, Adelaide
SA: Flinders University, 1978.
Whiteman, Darrell L., Melanesians and Missionaries, Pasadena CA:
William Carey Library, 1983.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

JOURNAL ARTICLES
Anis, Pedi, and Waisale, Ezekiel, “The Bible in Decision-Making”, in
Catalyst 28-4 (1988), pp. 16-23.
Bayston, B. D., “Christianity, Pornography and Censorship”, in
Interchange 3-1 (June 1971), pp. 15-28.
Boseto, Leslie, “The Incarnate Word”, in Catalyst 18-4 (1988), pp. 76-
78.
———, “Mission and Development”, in Point 1 (1978), pp. 27-36.
———, “The Gift of Community”, in International Review of Mission
72-288 (1983), pp. 581-583.
Horndasch, Helmut, “Theology and Christian Spirituality in the
Melanesian Context”, in Catalyst 28-2 (1998), pp. 117-124.
Ingebritson, Joel, “The Challenge of Sects to the Mainline Churches in
PNG: A Pastoral Response”, in Catalyst 19-1 (1989), pp. 67-78.
Kendi, Wayne, “The Doctrine of Justification: The Remedy to the Ills of
The Melanesian Church”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 21-2
(2005), pp. 71-99.
Kenilorea, Peter, “Cultural Values versus the Acquisitiveness of Man: A
view from the Solomon Islands”, in Pacific Perspective 5-2
(1976), pp. 3-8.
Kero, Kewai R., “Nominalism”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 14-1
(1998), pp. 57-86.
Leana, Amos, “What Should the Melanesian Church of the Future be
Like?”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 19-1 (2003), p. 102.
Matane, Paulias, “Our Guiding Star”, in Catalyst 18-4 (1988), pp. 12-15.
Snyders, John, “The Best of Two Worlds”, in Catalyst 1-2, (June, 1971),
pp. 47-60.
Somare, Michael, “New Goals for New Guinea”, in Pacific Perspective:
Journal of the South Pacific Social Sciences Association 2-1
(1973), pp. 1-6.
Stilwell, Ewan, “Towards a Melanesian Theology of Conversion”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 9-1 (1993), pp. 29-42.

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VERTICAL FILE, CLTC LIBRARY BANZ PNG

“A Short History of Australian Churches of Christ New Guinea
Mission”, in Mission History Folder 2, Vertical File, CLTC Banz
Library, nd.
Stilwell, Ewan, “A Study of the Relationships between Cargo and
Revival Movements”, nd.
Tweddell, Dorothy, “Cargo Cults: A Search for Meaning”, 1977.

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IMPACT OF THE PROSPERITY GOSPEL

IN THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD CHURCHES
OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA
George Mombi

George graduated from the Christian Leaders’ Training College in 2004

with a Bachelor of Theology degree. He is currently the Principal of the
Assemblies of God Northern Region Bible College at Maprik in East
Sepik Province.

INTRODUCTION
Papua New Guinea (PNG) is a developing country, rich in resources. It
is the biggest island country in Melanesia and the South Pacific. 1 When
combined with the West Papua Province of Indonesia, it is the second
largest island in the world. PNG gained its independence from Australia
on September 16, 1975, and has just celebrated its 33rd anniversary of
independence.

In 1996, the economy of the country collapsed, and the people were
severely affected.2 The country has been struggling to recover ever
since. The government was under pressure to reverse the situation. The
church3 also sought answers to the groaning and sufferings of the people.
The answer that the church offered was the “prosperity gospel”. 4 In

1
Here the South Pacific covers Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia.
2
“The local currency (kina) dropped from par with the Australian dollar in 1996 to
$A0.40 in 2002, and the per capita income only increased from $A1,200 in 1970 to
$A1,340 in 1999. There has been a steady decline in infrastructure and services in recent
years, particularly in rural areas.” Philip Gibbs, “Papua New Guinea”, in Globalisation
and the Re-Shaping of Christianity in the Pacific Islands, Manfred Ernst, ed. (Suva FIJI:
The Pacific Theological College, 2006), p. 87.
3
Church spelt with a capital letter “C” refers to the body of Christ, while spelling with a
small letter “c” refers to denomination(s).
4
The terms “prosperity gospel” or “prosperity theology” will be used interchangeably
throughout the paper.

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2002, under the Somare regime, 5 the economy stabilised, and the country
has experienced positive economic growth. 6 Even with this positive
economic growth, the country is still poor.

What is the “prosperity gospel”? Saracco defines it as a “theological

current that states that, if certain principles are followed, the expiatory
work of Christ guarantees, to all who believe, divine healing, the riches
of this world, and happiness without suffering”. 7 The prosperity gospel
seems to have the philosophy and the answer for the PNG people. The
church has embraced the prosperity gospel, and felt its impact.

In this essay, I will discuss the impact of the prosperity gospel in the
Assemblies of God (AOG) churches in PNG. The essay is subdivided as
follows.

● Impact of Christianity and Western goods;

● Interpretation and contextualisation of the prosperity gospel;
● Evaluation and critique;
● Recommendations;
● Conclusion.

IMPACT OF CHRISTIANITY AND WESTERN GOODS

In the South Pacific, the Polynesian societies were the first to receive the
Christian gospel. 8 Before the arrival of the Christian missionaries, the
local prophets and charismatic people of the tribal religions had

5
In the 2002 elections, Sir Michael Somare’s National Alliance Party won government.
Somare was elected Prime Minister, and, together with the Integrity of Political Party,
has provided stable government. As a result, many investors were attracted to PNG.
6
Gibbs, “Papua New Guinea”, p. 88.
7
J. N. Saracco, “Prosperity theology”, in Dictionary of Mission Theology: Evangelical
Foundations, John Corrie, ed. (Nottingham UK: IVP, 2007), p. 322.
8
The European sailors shipwrecked at Upolu introduced Christianity to the Samoans.
This Christianity later became known as the “Sailor cult”. See Lowell D. Holmes,
“Cults, Cargo, and Christianity: Samoan Responses to Western Religion”, in Missiology
8-4 (1980), pp. 472, 477.

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predicted9 the “arrival of the ships, and of new religious leaders, who
would fulfil the old Pacific religions”.10 The arrival of missionaries to
Tahiti from the London Missionary Society on the ship Duff,11 and then
John Williams to Samoa, in 1830, was according to these prophecies.
They brought with them goods that were superior to those of the
indigenous islanders, which “were naturally coveted”.12

How did the Polynesians perceive the coming of the Europeans, the
gospel, and Western goods? Were not the predictions, uttered by their
prophets and charismatic people, fulfilled? Yes, Christianity was
accepted, because it fulfilled the prophecies. One of the motives for
responding to the gospel was to prove the supremacy of “the God, who
seemed to be the source and controlling power behind a floating society
of marvels”,13 and of all the superior goods. This perception led to the
formation of two related cargo-cult movements – Mamaia and Siovili.14

A. MAMAIA MOVEMENT (TAHITI)

The Mamaia movement was formed in 1826 under the leadership of two
dissident prophets, Teao15 and Hue, in opposition to the dominance of
the LMS16 Anglo-Saxon church. The Mamaia cult was a “Christian
heresy” that had some Christian elements combined with tribal elements
in its practice. It was millennial in focus, looking forward to the
“imminent return of Christ to endorse their cause . . . with its

9
High Chief Tamafaiga prophesied “that, after his death, the people will hear of a new
religion and a new god”. Ibid., p. 472.
10
John Garrett, To Live Among the Stars (Suva Fiji: University of South Pacific, 1982),
p. 5.
11
Ibid, pp. 11-12.
12
Ibid, p. 5.
13
Ibid.
14
J. D. Freeman, “The Joe Gimlet or Siovili Cult”, in Anthropology in the South Seas:
Essay presented to H. D. Skinner, J. D. Freeman, and W. R. Geddes, eds (New Plymouth
NZ: Thomas Avery, 1959), p. 187. A footnote in this article gives various names used by
different authors: John Williams, in his journal, used Joe Vili, Suavili, or Seauvili, while
Peter Turner used Jovili. In 1836, most LMS missionaries adopted the name Siovili.
Garrett, To Live Among the Stars, p. 85, uses Sio Vili.
15
Freeman, “The Joe Gimlet or Siovili Cult”, p. 189, spells the name “Teau”.
16
LMS stands for the London Missionary Society.

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expectations of ‘cargo from heaven’.”17 Tribal elements of Raiatean in

the pre-Christian era were revived: “ecstatic behaviour . . . combining
this with wild sexual conduct, . . . some of the great chiefs of Pomare II,
who had adopted Christianity, veered toward the Mamaia. . . . The cult
continued active until it finally died out in 1841.”18 However, Mamaia
influence gave birth to the Siovili cult in Samoa.

B. JOE GIMLET OR SIOVILI CULT (SAMOA)

In the mid-1820s, Siovili travelled to Tonga, and then to Tahiti, “at the
time when the Mamaia movement was at its height”. 19 During this time
of travels, the sailors gave him the name Joe Gimlet.20 Siovili saw a lot
of “Europeans, their ships, and their posts”. In 1830, he returned to his
village, Eva, as a hero, claiming to be knowledgeable in the Europeans’
ways, and brought the seed of the Siovili cult from Tahiti. He pieced
together knowledge acquired in his brief and limited contact with LMS
Christianity and the Tahitian Mamaia heresy. 21 As a self-styled prophet
and visionary, in a few years, he had a large following. 22

The Siovili cult had all the features of the Mamaia cult. The Siovili cult
practised Christian “rites and tenets. . . . they accepted Jehovah as their
God, built chapels . . . held services . . . singing of hymns, . . . offering of
prayers, . . . preaching of sermons . . . celebration of . . . Lord’s
Supper”.23 The adherents believed that Siovili had travelled to distant
lands, where Jehovah was known, and he was chosen by Jehovah and
Jesus to be their spokesman. It was appropriate to listen to him. 24 The
Siovili cult also believed in a millennial dawn “coupled with the great
desire to acquire the material wealth, apparently associated with the god
Jehovah”.25
17
Garrett, To Live Among the Stars, p. 254.
18
Ibid.
19
Barff, 1836, cited by Freeman, “The Joe Gimlet or Siovili Cult”, p. 187.
20
Freeman, “The Joe Gimlet or Siovili Cult”, p. 187. Siovili was nicknamed Joe Gimlet
on the ship.
21
Holmes, “Cults, Cargo, and Christianity”, p. 472.
22
Freeman, “The Joe Gimlet or Siovili Cult”, pp. 187-188.
23
Ibid, p. 190.
24
Ibid, p. 191.
25
Holmes, “Cults, Cargo, and Christianity”, p. 477.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

The Samoan chiefs and their people accepted Christianity with mixed
motives. They wanted the Europeans’ material wealth, which they
perceived was given to them by their God. Chief Malietoa Vai’inupo, in
comparing their primitive items with European goods, reasoned that
these goods were created and given to them by their God. He reflected,
“I, therefore, think that the God who gave them all these things must be
good, and that His religion must be superior to ours. If we receive this
God and worship Him, He will, in time, give us these things as well as
them.”26

Garrett states:

Samoan chiefs wanted to know what supernatural forces gave the

white men their powers in navigation and war. . . . Such thoughts
were in the mind of Malietoa Vai’inupo, holder of one of the
country’s highest titles, who was involved in fighting on Savai’i
during the 1830s.27

However, Christianity, and the missionaries, did not meet the

expectations of the people to provide the naturally-coveted items. The
alternative that seemed available to the chiefs and the people was to veer
towards the Siovili cult and its ideologies, which promised them the
European manufactured goods they naturally coveted. 28

From the above data, it is clear that the Mamaia movement and the
Siovili cult philosophy are materialistic or cargoistic. By embracing
Christianity, converts anticipated gaining material wealth from the
Christian God. Cargo cults in PNG have a similar philosophy.

C. CARGO CULTS IN PNG

Mantovani has stated, “Melanesians were and are religious people.
Traditional religions play an important role in the people’s spiritual
affairs, and the total life of the community.”29 Each tribe, clan, and
26
Freeman, “The Joe Gimlet or Siovili, Cult”, p. 187.
27
Garrett, To Live Among the Stars, pp. 121-122.
28
Ibid., p. 85.
29
Ennio Mantovani, “Traditional Religions and Christianity”, in Point 6 (1984) p. 1.

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family displayed their religiosity, in the worship of their own gods or

spirits.30 This belief in spirits is classified as animism. These spirits
were believed to be the source of their daily sustenance. They were like
“clouds overshadowing”, and were the “spiritual vitality of the
community”. 31 The totality of life depended on these spirit beings. In
return, people worship them; otherwise the tribe, clan, or the family will
suffer calamity.

Among the animistic beliefs, there are mythical beliefs in a “better life
and material prosperity” that will be ushered in by an “ancestor”. Myth
is unlike animistic beliefs. The ancestor, in the mythical belief, is not
consulted for daily living but is expected to return one day to make life
better. Myths explain the reason for all the hardships and toils that
people are currently experiencing – the ancestor(s) had not been careful
with their actions in the past. Therefore, myth is a tribal way of
explaining and understanding the millennium that is beyond their
influence, which will be inaugurated by the ancestor – when a time of
golden age will replace hardship and toil, forever. The myths provide
the ideology for cargo cult movements.

The arrival of missionaries to Papua from Tahiti, 32 in 1871-1872, marked

the initial introduction of Christianity. Bible stories were told to make
converts. Some of the stories were similar to the myths people had, such
as the Tower of Babel narrative. At this point, there was no known cargo
cult movement. It was not until the presence of colonial government
officials in many parts of Papua and New Guinea, explorers, and the
Second World War, that cargo cults appeared. However, not all tribal
religions or cults are cargo cults. Steinbauer divided these cults into
three categories “according to their chief tendency: magico-mechanistic,

30
These included the spirits of dead ancestors, rocks, trees, and rivers.
31
Joshua Daimoi, “An Exploratory Missiological Study of Melanesian Ancestral
Heritage from an Indigenous Evangelical Perspective”, Ph.D. thesis (Sydney NSW:
University of Sydney, 2004), p. 33.
32
Garrett, To Live Among the Stars, pp. 206-229; and John Hitchen, “Roots and Shoots
in the Pacific – Our Mission Heritage” (Class Notes, Banz: CLTC, May 2008), p. 35.

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religio-spiritual, and political-social”. 33 Strelan said cargo cults are the

“irrational response” of the tribal people to “Western culture, with its
technology and wealth”. 34 To explain the new experiences, the tribal
people turn to their myths to find answers, which, in turn, lead to the
creation of cargo-cult movements.
The Polynesians perceived that the Christian God gave material wealth
to the missionaries. If they accepted Christianity, the Christian God
would give them material wealth, likewise. This is not so with
Melanesians. Melanesians perceived that it was their ancestors who
gave the Europeans the technology and wealth that was supposed be
theirs, and not Jehovah God. With this worldview, and the desire for
European-style wealth, Melanesians accepted Christianity, and revised
their native cosmology to create a cargo-cult movement. 35 A cargo cult
is the result of an indigenous struggle to rationalise Christianity and
Western goods and the tribal religion.
Holmes identifies five similarities in Samoan and Melanesian cargo
cults, where there is:36
1. a gifted or “charismatic leader, who assumes the role of
hero or deliverer”;
2. a strong emphasis on acquiring material wealth;
3. prophecies on “millennium without want”;
4. a new revelation;
5. the practice of “rites and ceremonies, involving hysteria and
states of trance”.
33
Friedrich Steinbauer, Melanesian Cargo Cults: New Salvation Movements in the
South Pacific, Max Wohlwill, tran. (St Lucia Qld: University of Queensland Press,
1971), p. 2.
34
John G. Strelan, Search for Salvation: Studies in the History and Theology of Cargo
Cults (Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing House, 1977), p. 4.
35
Dorothy Tweddell, “Cargo Cults: A Search for Meaning”, in Anthropology 870
(1977), pp. 4-10. Tweddell gives five theories behind the causes of cargo cult
movements: (1) oppressive/deprivation; (2) relative; (3) psychological stress; (4)
cognitive; and (5) a psycho-cultural factor.
36
Holmes, “Cults, Cargo, and Christianity”, pp. 480-481.

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He also notes one important difference. Melanesian cults look to the

ancestors for cargo, while the Siovili cult looks to the omnipotent
Jehovah, coupled with the Adventist belief of Christ’s imminent return to
set up His kingdom in Samoa.37
THE INTERPRETATION AND CONTEXTUALISATION OF THE
PROSPERITY GOSPEL
The prosperity gospel became popular in the mid-1990s, after the
collapse of the PNG economy in 1996. Some world-renowned
evangelists from the West 38 were invited to preach in PNG. During their
visits, the prosperity gospel was introduced. The prosperity gospel took
a foothold in the churches in Port Moresby, and spread through church
networks across the country. Societies, influenced with cargo
philosophy and the collapse in the economy, made the churches wonder
what the likely impact of the prosperity gospel in PNG would be. I will
answer this question, beginning with the biblical concept of wealth and
then the prosperity gospel, followed by some examples of the
contextualisation trends of the prosperity gospel in the church.
BIBLICAL CONCEPT OF WEALTH39
The English definition of wealth is:
“the condition of being happy . . . prosperous” and “spiritual well-
being”. . . . The most common usage . . . involves the narrower
sense of “abundance of possessions, or of valuable products”. A
large percentage of scripture focuses on right and wrong uses of
this latter kind of wealth, while always subordinating to the
former.40
Old Testament
Wealth originated from God, and it was given to humankind. 41 Sin has
corrupted the process, but humankind’s responsibility of managing and
37
Ibid.
38
Benny Hinn, Morris Cerelo, Cleflo Dollars, and Tim Hall from Australia.
39
Craig L. Blomberg, “Wealth”, in Evangelical Dictionary of Biblical Theology, Walter
A. Elwell, ed. (Grand Rapids MI: Baker Book House, 1996), p. 813.
40
Ibid.
41
Gen 1, 2.

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using these blessings remains. God’s covenant with Abraham was partly
material blessing.42 The patriarchs were blessed materially, as were the
children of Israel at Goshen in Egypt,43 during their exodus from Egypt,
and throughout their journey to the Promised Land. On their way to the
land of milk and honey, the Lord gave them rules to regulate wealth.44
Canaan was the land of abundance. However God sternly warned them
against accumulating unnecessary wealth, and ordered them to use their
wealth to look after the poor. God promised the Israelites that, if they
obeyed the Law, they would be rewarded with blessing, peace, and
prosperity, but, if they disobeyed the Law, they would be conquered,
disgraced, and oppressed. The promise, God made to Israel, was
repeated on many occasions.45

Psalms and Proverbs give us “two-pronged riches and poverty”. 46

Wealth can be accumulated as the result of being industrious or
righteous,47 or it can be accumulated through ill-gotten or wicked ways.
Hence, it is better to be poor.48

The Old Testament (OT) concept of wealth is often seen as a blessing

from God, and poverty is seen as a curse. It is linked with the land and
the temple. This is not carried over to the New Testament, since no
“piece of geography or architecture” is sacred any more. 49

New Testament
The New Testament (NT) portrays Jesus as a carpenter, and the majority
of His disciples were fishermen. Jesus taught that mammon is a major
competitor with God. Wealth is deceitful. 50 The desire to accumulate
wealth can make people godless in their thinking. Wealth can make it

42
Gen 12:7; 15:18; 17:8; 22:17.
43
Gen 24:35; 26:13; 30:43; 47:27.
44
Ex 16:16-18; 2 Cor 8:15.
45
Blomberg, “Wealth”, p. 814.
46
Ibid.
47
Ps 112; Prov 12:11; 13:21; 21:5.
48
Ps 37:16-17; Prov 15:4-5; 16:8; 17:1.
49
Blomberg, “Wealth”, p. 814.
50
Mark 4:19.

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difficult for rich people to enter the kingdom of God.51 Jesus did not
disapprove of being wealthy, but, rather, advised people to use their
wealth to honour God – providing for the poor, widows, orphans, and the
needy. Jesus’ disciples put these teachings into practice, as we see in
Acts, and the writings of the Apostles. 52 To have material wealth is not
wrong. The Bible warns us that the desire for wealth can hinder us from
knowing God, and can disqualify us in the afterlife in heaven with God.
Now, let us see what the prosperity gospel teaches.

PROSPERITY GOSPEL
There are several names given to prosperity theology. Names like
“wealth-health-and-happiness gospel”, “name-it-and-claim-it gospel”,
“success gospel”, and “positive-confession theology”.53 Let us begin
with the background of the prosperity gospel.

Background
The prosperity movement started in America in the early 20th century,
and has spread throughout the world. It has been considered heretical by
a number of Christian churches. It is the “expression of the so-called
‘faith movement’ ”, 54 which has been mainly advocated by “E. W.
Kenyon (1867-1948), Kenneth Hagin (1917-2011), and Kenneth
Copeland (1937-)”.55

Kenyon had a good relationship with the Pentecostals, and then got
acquainted with the “New Thought” and “Christian Science”
movements. 56 The major teaching of these two movements is that
“positive thinking and positive confession” will create health and wealth,
while negative thinking and confession will lead to poverty and illness. 57
This teaching has become the pillar of the prosperity gospel.

51
Luke 18:18-24.
52
Blomberg, “Wealth”, p. 815.
53
Saracco, “Prosperity Theology”, p. 323.
54
Ibid., p. 322.
55
Ibid.
56
Ibid.
57
Ibid.

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Hagin’s view was that “the principles that made faith operative were
believing with all your heart, confessing with your mouth what you
believe, and receive what you have confessed”. 58 He incorporated
Kenyon’s thoughts into his writings. Kenneth Copeland is now his
successor.59

From this overview, it is obvious that the founders of the prosperity

gospel movement propagated faith as positive thinking and positive
confession, and this is the channel of prosperity for its adherents.

Major Tenets
Based on the spiritual principles or laws that function unalterably, these
principles or laws operate through faith in God.60 “Spiritual laws or
principles” and “faith” set the platform for the five major doctrines of
prosperity gospel, as stated by Saracco:

(i) The law of blessing. This is based on God’s covenant with

Abraham to bless him materially. Christians are the
spiritual children of Abraham, and have inherited these
blessings. It belongs to us here and now, and we must
“prosper in all areas of life”. 61

(ii) The law of sowing and reaping. This doctrine is derived

from Mark 10:29-30. We will receive from God 100 times
what we give Him. “Whoever puts into practice this law
would practically enter into a cycle of endless wealth.”62

(iii) The law of faith. “In ‘faith movements’, faith operates by

itself, just as a natural law. This is called faith in faith.”63
Mark 11:22, which says, “Have faith in God” has been

58
Ibid.
59
Ibid.
60
Ibid., p. 323.
61
Ibid.
62
Ibid.
63
Ibid.

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rephrased as “have the faith of God”64 that operated in

creation. Act with faith, name what you want with
certainty, and it becomes reality.

(iv) The law of proclaimed word. The formula is “proclaim to

have”.65 The text used to support “this idea is Mark 11:23-
24. According to this interpretation, the force of faith is
released by words”. 66 It is not enough by believing, you
have to confess what you believe, and it will materialise.

(v) The expiatory work of Christ. Ours is “divine healing and

material prosperity”,67 because it has all been given to us
through Jesus Christ, who died and removed the curse of
poverty and illness.

From this background of the prosperity movement and its major

doctrines, it is clear that the prosperity gospel is more human-centred
than God-centred. Scriptures are incorrectly interpreted to substantiate
human ideas.

Christians in PNG have quickly embraced the prosperity gospel without

careful examination from the clergy. With the given economic situation,
and churches struggling financially, what a relief to know the secrets of
prosperity. Give to God, and God will give you 100 times more, and
your barns will overflow, because you are entering into “God’s cycle of
endless wealth”. You hold the key to your prosperity. All you need to
do is to have faith, think positively, confess what you need/want, and
receive it. These were, and still are, the sorts of messages preached in
churches.

CONTEXTUALISING THE PROSPERITY GOSPEL

The AOG church preaches the prosperity gospel without careful
interpretation and contextualisation. Christian ministry groups, which
64
Ibid., pp. 323-324.
65
Ibid., p. 324.
66
Ibid., p. 324.
67
Ibid.

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were formed to minister to people’s needs, have drifted in the direction

of the prosperity gospel, which is apparent in their contextualisation of
their ideologies. Three, in particular, will be considered: the Joshua
Operation, the Israel Ministry,68 and the most recent being the Apostolic
and Prophetic Ministry. The founders/directors of these movements may
deny any links to the prosperity gospel, but that is not important. What I
want to point out is that their ideologies are related. Besides these
religious movements, there have arisen false money schemes, which are
the making of the prosperity gospel. This will be also discussed.

Joshua Operation69
The Joshua Operation movement has no connection with the prosperity
gospel. It came into being in the early 1990s, with a genuine concern to
address social, political, economical, and religious issues affecting the
nation and the church by uniting churches together. Marlin Starky, the
founder of the Joshua Operation, and coordinator of the National Prayer
Centre in Mt Hagen, initiated and ran conferences in different parts of
the nation to encourage, motivate, and challenge the churches to take up
responsible positions in the spiritual dimension, and to take back the
land, before it was taken over by the forces of evil. The movement
derived its name from the Book of Joshua, which provided the spiritual
principles for taking the land.

The movement envisioned that the way forward for communities,

churches, and the nation is through confession and repentance of sin,
reconciliation and redemption.70 It has taken the lead in strategising and

68
The Israel Ministry is no longer a ministry, but a local church.
69
The detail given here is from the author’s general knowledge of the Joshua Operation.
In 1999, he attended a conference organised in Lae (PNG) titled “Gate Keepers’
Conference”, and again, in 2007, at Maprik (East Sepik Province, PNG) titled “Joshua
Strategy”. In the latter conference, he witnessed some strange spirit manifestations, and
heard from the participants of the hosting church and villages that soon there will be a
material breakthrough in their churches and villages.
70
Redemption, used in this context, has the meaning of taking back the things, culturally
used for evil practices to glorify God. An example of this practice is the yam ceremony
in the Maprik District. There the tribal gods, responsible for the planting of yams, were
appeased in order to give a good harvest. However, this ceremony is being redeemed,

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advocating these theological thoughts, as a means of releasing people

from bondage, to inherit God’s blessings in every area of life.
Communities and churches that have facilitated the Joshua program have
embraced it wholeheartedly, acknowledging that these teachings are the
key to enter into an era of prosperity, which will be more materialistic.
God’s glory will be revealed, land will produce abundant crops, minerals
will be discovered, and foreign aid will be channelled to develop
communities.

The Israel Church (Ministry)

Another movement is the Israel Ministry, founded in 1996 by Paul Joe
Sonumbuk, with the “desire to participate in fulfilling the prophecy of
Is 49:22-23, about Zion’s children being brought home”. 71 It was part of
the AOG ministry, but later broke away from that denomination, formed
its own local church, and introduced Saturday Sabbath, to identify with
Israel.

The philosophy of the Israel Ministry is to give to Israel, as this will

result in abundant blessings. Israel is the key to all material blessings, as
is being demonstrated in our spiritual blessings, which we share in Christ
as a Jew. Therefore, Christians must give to Israel, and, in return, they
will be blessed. 72

Apostolic and Prophetic Ministry

The AOG clergy, without evaluating what has been happening, have
embraced the Apostolic and Prophetic Ministry to raise their “water
level” in ministry. This time they have turned to Dr Jonathan David73 to
instruct them to minister in the apostolic and prophetic dimensions.
They believe that what is needed today in the church is apostolic and

and, instead of paying homage to the yam gods, the worship and honour is being given to
Christ.
71
Gibbs, “Papua New Guinea”, p. 123.
72
The 2007 All-Pacific Prayer Assembly held in Port Moresby had a strong Israeli
favour, which is an indication that Israel is the key to material prosperity.
73
Dr Jonathan David is the Presiding Apostle of the International Strategic Alliance of
the Apostolic Church (ISAAC) network. “Jonathan David”, http://www.jonathan-
david.org/bio, June, 2008.

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prophetic worship74 and leadership to connect into the movement of God

on earth, to experience breakthroughs.

How will this happen? David has stated, “The foremost feature of this
new move is a transformational paradigm shift of mentalities, migrating
towards apostolic. . . . The church needs a clear change of philosophy
and mentality of concept that have been handed down to the present
generation.”75 He adds that, across the globe, the churches must return to
“biblical norms and New Testament patterns . . . to build churches and
believers, according to heavenly blueprints . . . willingness to go back to
apostolic mentalities. . . . The apostolic mindset is a new configuration of
the triumphant breakthrough.”76

This emphasis on “apostolic mentalities”, or mindset, is what is needed

to see breakthrough believers, who will dominate the globe, but how?
To answer this question, I will refer to what I have heard being preached
in churches that have embraced the apostolic and prophetic movement.
Christians, who flow in the apostolic and prophetic dimension, will see
breakthroughs in every area of life. It is declared that it is now time for
Christians to rise up and “dominate the globe”. Consequently, in the last
national and council election, many pastors contested, because they
believed it is time for the apostolic and prophetic generation to take over
and rule with God’s authority.

The philosophy of the apostolic and prophetic movement is the

restoration of the apostolic and prophetic offices in the church, as the key
to “breakthrough believers”. The language, used in the churches that
embrace this movement, reveals its connection to the prosperity gospel.
One clear example is that everything is locked up in humankind – think
and speak positively, and you will see breakthroughs in your life.77

74
In so-called prophetic worship, speaking in tongues is a norm (without interpretation),
from the start to the end of the service. Sometimes those unable to speak in tongues are
taught to do so.
75
“School of the Prophets”, http://www.jonathan-david.org/bio, June, 2008.
76
“School of the Prophets”.
77
David Dii (or David Dian Warep) is the founder of Covenant Ministries, which is
widely known as Life in the Spirit Ministry in PNG. It has links with Jonathan David.

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False-Money Schemes
The high propagation of the prosperity gospel in the churches has created
a fertile ground for false-money schemes to germinate. Money schemes
include Money Rain, U-Vistract,78 Millennium, Money-Link, Nikong,
and Papalain.79 Some AOG church leaders envisioned the creation of a
church financial institution.80 They collaborated with Christian lay
people, mobilising church congregations across the nation to make
financial contributions toward the scheme, but, to date, they have not
received anything in return.

Abel Haon comments:

In the mid-1990s, a number of Quick Money Schemes (QMS)

sprang up, primarily in Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands,
with a large following in other Melanesian island nations. These
QMS alleged that they were Christian organisations, and so had
the strong backing of certain denominations and their leaders.
After siphoning people’s money, they vanished – together with the
“investment”; a large proportion of which belonged to ordinary
believers and Christian denominations.81

According to Gibbs, David has said “that if you give yourself completely to God, then
God will give to you abundantly in return. If you give everything to God, then God will
meet all your spiritual and physical needs.” Gibbs, “Papua New Guinea”, p. 120.
78
Gibbs further explains, “Other movements include pyramid money schemes, such as
U-Vistract, in which people contribute their savings, in the hope of getting incredibly
large returns on ‘their investment’. These money schemes promote a religious aura with
rallies, including gospel music and the conspicuous presence of pastors from some
conservative evangelical churches.” Ibid., p. 132.
79
One false money scheme still active today is Papalain, with active involvement of
Christians, and those outside of the church.
80
The AOG church was experiencing revival under the ministry of evangelist Joseph
Walters. The church leadership perceived spiritual revival would lead to physical
breakthroughs in the church. George Forbes, A Church on Fire: The Story of the
Assemblies of God of Papua New Guinea (Mitcham Vic: Mission Mobilisers
International, 2001), p. 265.
81
Abel Haon, “The Church Impacting Melanesia: a Case for People-Centred and
Participatory Ministry”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 24-1 (2008), pp. 20-21.

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Eventually these False Money Schemes were curbed. The investors,

who were promised 100 percent interest overnight, never got their
money back. AOG churches, clergy, public servants, and grassroots
people, who invested in those schemes, were defrauded, primarily due to
their desire to find a quick way to prosper. Prosperity theology has
created many dilemmas in AOG churches. It is an excellent illustration,
and a warning for the clergy to carefully assess new theologies before
embracing them. Unfortunately, it appears that there is still ignorance in
the church.
EVALUATION AND CRITIQUE
Having looked at the cults in Polynesia, with a special emphasis on the
Siovili cult, a general overview of the cults in PNG, and the prosperity
gospel, I will tie the three together, firstly by identifying their
differences, then their similarities, followed by a critique. An important
observation to highlight is that, whenever and wherever Christianity and
Western technology are being introduced, they spark waves of
movements, either religious or non-religious, as the contact groups try to
hold on to their cultural heritage, and make adjustments to accommodate
the new culture, in order to find meaning, purpose, and equality.
DIFFERENCES
The main difference between the three sects is the source of their
prosperity. The Siovili cult looked to Jehovah God, Melanesian cults
looked to their ancestors, and the prosperity gospel is human-centred,
with a strong emphasis on positive thinking and positive confession.
Another difference is the cargo-cult movements that came about when
Christianity and Western technology were being introduced. The
prosperity gospel movement, however, came after PNG was
Christianised, and denominations were indigenised and modernised.
Also, cargo cults are the product of Christianity, with its Western
technological influence, contacting tribal religion, while the prosperity
gospel is the sole product of Christianity from the West, with its wealth.
SIMILARITIES
The main philosophy that stands out in the three sects is that of material
prosperity in every area of life, and a utopia that will last forever.

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Another similarity is that all three sects are trying to address the physical
needs of individual people, which Christianity may have overlooked.
All three sects express the key to prosperity, meaning that there are
certain rituals and formulae for adherents to follow that will open the
way to prosperity.

Having identified their differences and similarities, one must ask, what is
it that makes people, whether in the past or present, seek material
prosperity, and a life without infirmities? Where can we find real
prosperity? How about the cross of Christ? I will attempt to answer
these questions in the following critique.

CRITIQUE
When God created the first human beings, He placed them in a place of
fellowship, wealth, and abundance. Everything they needed was
provided, and they were given the responsibility of stewardship.
However, they disobeyed God’s command, and were banished from the
place of prosperity. If this is the case, the quest for prosperity, expressed
in cargo cults and the prosperity gospel, is the yearning of humanity to
return to that state of originality.

The life of abundance, or the state of originality, is not decided by the

acquired wealth of individuals, but is ultimately decided by the One who
did the banishing in the beginning. Melanesian cargo cultists identify
the terminator as his/her ancestor, prosperity gospel says it is the human
being, while the Siovili cultist identifies the terminator as Jehovah God.
Therefore, the terminator must be an ancestor, a man, or Jehovah God.

Is there someone like that in the history of humanity? Is He not the one
called Jesus the Christ? Hebrews describes Him as the ancestor,82 the
prophet Daniel identifies him as the Son of Man,83 and Mark’s and
John’s gospels identify Him as the Son of God. 84 Matthew portrays Him

82
Heb 2:10-18. For a more detailed explanation of Jesus being an ancestor, see Daimoi,
“An Exploratory Missiological Study”, pp. 136-176.
83
Dan 7:13-14; Mark 1:1.
84
Mark 1:1; John 1:14-18.

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as the Messiah of Israel,85 one who will bring prosperity to Israel, and to
the whole world.

To gain a true insight and road map to prosperity, one needs to start at
the cross of Christ. He suffered to give the fullness of life to humanity,
and His suffering cannot be divorced from a prosperous life by His
adherents. The seven “I am” sayings in John’s gospel, 86 and the “seven
last words” from the cross 87 are the sum total of prosperity – that Christ
is the source of the prosperous life – made available through His
suffering. Suffering is the terminator’s preordained plan to lead His
adherents to prosperity.

The prosperity gospel is man-centred rather than Christ-centred. It is an

experience-based theology, and is emotionally appealing to the adherent,
with a promise of material prosperity. On a positive note, the prosperity
gospel helps the adherents to break free from emotional bondage, impart
a positive self-image, and gain a new worldview to life.

However, the prosperity gospel is theologically unbalanced. The five

major tenets reveal the subjectiveness of the scriptural interpretation,
which needs balancing. This is vital, in the Melanesian context, because
of its cargo cult history and occurrences. Here, I will endeavour to
present the balance needed in prosperity theology.

Firstly, the Abrahamic covenant of material blessing88 should be

understood in the context of Israel as a nation. Abraham needed the
material blessing, because God promised to build a nation out of
Abraham’s own seed. It is a national covenant, and is not universal.
Contained in the covenant is universal blessing, and that is what needs to
be sought,89 not the material blessings of the Abrahamic covenant.90 The

85
Matt 1:1, 18.
86
John 6:35; 8:12; 10:7, 11; 11:25; 14:6; 15:1.
87
Matt 27:46; Luke 23:34, 43, 46; John 19:26-27, 28, 30.
88
In Gen 12:1-5, before God called Abram, he had already accumulated great wealth.
When he obeyed God’s call, God’s blessing was upon his whole household, livestock,
etc., and he prospered.
89
Gen 12:1-3; Rom 4:16-18; Gal 3:6-9.

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material wealth should be recognised in the Adamic covenant of

dominance, 91 which is for all humanity. Sin did not remove this, but
hindered it.

Secondly, the law of sowing and reaping is manipulative, as if human

beings can manipulate God to give them what they want. 92 Mark 10:29-
30 should be understood as the cost and sufferings of being a disciple of
Christ, more than the prosperous life. This text also talks about
suffering, which should not be excluded from the prosperous life. In a
reciprocal society like Melanesia, this teaching will hinder church
support, if givers do not get anything in return.

Thirdly, the law of faith, which reveals that God has faith, based on
Mark 11:22, is, again, an error. God is all-sufficient, and does not need
faith. We need faith, but God does not. There is no other scriptural
support for this doctrine.

Fourthly, the law of proclaimed word derived from Mark 11:23-24 is not
about the words you speak, but faith93 in God, who is omnipotent, able to
do anything according to His will. Spoken words are mere words, but
words spoken through faith in God can move mountains.

Finally, the expiatory work of Christ should be understood primarily in

terms of His taking the guilt of sin, and bearing its punishment on the
cross. Divine healing is made possible through faith in Christ; however,
real-life experience is quite the opposite. Job, a righteous man suffered.
The apostle Paul struggled with an infirmity, and prayed that God would
heal him, but God replied, “My grace is sufficient for you, for my power

90
Craig L. Blomberg, Neither Poverty nor Riches: A Biblical Theology of Material
Possessions (Leicester UK: Apollos, 1999), p. 36.
91
The Hebrew word for “dominance” is hdArA (radah). It means to rule over creation and
people. It is not a right for exploitation or destruction of creation but the responsibility to
govern, manage, and use it to the glory of God. See The Revell Bible Dictionary, s.v.
“dominance”.
92
Saracco, “Prosperity Theology”, p. 325.
93
Ibid., p. 324.

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is made perfect in weakness”. 94 What we need is the all-sufficient grace

of God, and not easy lives.

Regarding the prosperity tenets, Saracco states:

There are . . . biblical interpretations, theological developments,

and ethical positions that raise (sic) serious objections to this
movement. Passages, such as Mark 10:30; 11:22; and 11:23-24
are key to the prosperity gospel, and interpreted by forcing their
arguments on the translation.95

In comparing the major tenets of the prosperity gospel, we see that they
are similar to rituals that were performed in tribal religions and cargo
cults to appease the ancestral spirits, to make the people prosperous.
Daimoi states, “For the community to obtain power and prosperity,
contact with the spirit world is established through ritual in speech and
action.”96

Are a healthy life and material possessions the true definition of

prosperity? Christians should define prosperity in terms of salvation
from the bondage to sin, Satan, and death, more than physical prosperity.
God is concerned for the physical well-being of humankind.
Nevertheless, God is even more concerned that we “seek His kingdom
and His righteousness”.97 When we become kingdom subjects, we
rediscover our potential in the image of God to cultivate our gifts to
make us prosperous.

God has given certain knowledge, skills, and abilities for everyone to use
for their survival. He expects us to utilise our knowledge, skills, and
abilities to meet our physical needs. However, we should strive to seek
spiritual prosperity ahead of material prosperity, so that we develop a
right attitude towards wealth. Hanson gives “Five principles for
Melanesian believers” from Proverbs, regarding wealth. They are:

94
2 Cor 12:9 (NIV).
95
Saracco, “Prosperity Theology”, p. 324.
96
Daimoi, “An Exploratory Missiological Study”, p. 49.
97
Matt 6:33.

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(i) God blesses all believers with spiritual wealth;

(ii) God blesses all believers with varying abilities, to gain
material wealth;
(iii) Believers should focus on spiritual wealth, and not material
wealth;
(iv) Believers should gain material wealth in a godly manner;
and
(v) God commands believers to spend their wealth in a godly
manner.98

Therefore, the correct definition of the prosperity gospel is seen in the

work of Christ in reconciling us to God. We are to focus on becoming
more Christ-like, rather than on accumulating material wealth.
Christians should not use God as a means for material prosperity. This
needs correction, for the church’s good.

RECOMMENDATIONS
This section will provide practical and theological recommendations for
the AOG denomination.

A. CONTEXTUALISE THEOLOGY
Contextualisation is not a new school of thought in theological
education. However, it is an issue that every generation must wrestle
with. Whenever and wherever we deal with the Word of God,
contextualisation is unavoidable.

I see this as one of the weaknesses in AOG churches in PNG. Often,

contextualisation is not done well, and theologising is done through a
Western context. The church is indigenous in structure and identity, but
its Christianity is still Western. Western contextualised theology is
deemed superior and attractive, and is copied in the churches. Christians
are made to feel that Western culture is good, and theirs is evil. What is

98
Doug Hanson, “Wealth in Proverbs: Five Principles for Melanesian Believers”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 23-1 (2007), p. 81.

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cultural is deemed evil, and is suppressed. There is little contextualised

theology in the churches. This is one of the reasons for shallow
Christianity in PNG, today, where there is a lot of backsliding and
nominalism in the churches. There is a need for Melanesian theologians
to reenter their cultures, in order for them to do contextualised theology
“to express the reality of Christ in our context”. 99

As Guise says,

our greatest weakness is our failure to enter deep down into the
people’s traditional faith and religious insight, understanding, and
convictions, and then begin to build from there. . . . I am sure that
the Christian teacher, who is not blinded by Western ideology (sic)
will find, in his or her investigation of the traditional religious life
and beliefs of this nation, . . . far from being incompatible with the
Christian faith, there is a rich and fertile ground, ready and
prepared to receive the Christian religion.100

The italic part of Hitchen’s definition, below, provides the steps for
doing contextualised theology:

Contextualisation . . . is the task of representing, in a new cultural

context, the message of God, so that it speaks the same message,
as originally given in the biblical context. It impinges on, and in
part, at least, embraces, the tasks of biblical understanding
(exegesis), interpretation (hermeneutics), translation and
explanation (communication), and application (indigenisation and
enculturation).101

This is either done poorly, or not at all. The easiest way for many clergy
is to transplant into our context what is done elsewhere. Doing

99
Leslie Boseto, “Foreword”, in Christ in South Pacific Cultures, Cliff Wright, and
Leslie Fugui, eds (Suva Fiji: Lotu Pasifika, 1986), p. 1.
100
John Guise, “How Deep-Rooted is the Christian Faith in our Nation?”, in Christ in
South Pacific Cultures, pp. 12-13.
101
John M. Hitchen, “Culture and the Bible – The Question of Contextualisation”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 8-2 (1992), p. 31. Underlining mine.

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contextualised theology is a difficult task. Many clergy do not have the

know-how. Contextualised theology will minimise transplanting of the
message from a foreign culture, and will provide the way for Melanesian
theology to bloom.

LAND – PRIMARY SOURCE OF WEALTH

In PNG, 97 percent of the land is owned locally, while the government
owns only three percent.102 It is an inheritance that is priceless. 103 This
wealth is the source of material prosperity for Melanesians. In countries,
where people do not own the land, their source of acquiring material
wealth is in their skilled knowledge.

God gave the land to our ancestors.104 It contains all the ingredients to
make us prosperous. He gave us the gift of work. We are to work our
God-given land to meet our needs, and those who have skilled
knowledge must use their skills.105 Material wealth, which is acquired
through hard work and honesty, is a blessing. We must take our eyes off
Western material wealth, which is accumulated through advanced
technology, and fix our eyes on God and the land, for our advancement.
With the availability of Western technology, and our skills, we can
maximise our land potential to supply our needs.

CONCLUSION
The impact of Christianity and Western technology on tribal religions led
to the cargo cult movements in Polynesia and PNG. The philosophy
behind the cargo cult movements was material wealth and a utopia that
will be ushered in by the god Jehovah/ancestor.

The prosperity gospel has a similar philosophy with cargo cult

movements, but it propagates the view that the key to a prosperous life
without suffering is humankind. You have to think and speak positively
102
Gibbs, “Papua New Guinea”, p. 84.
103
Land inheritance is either through the matrilineal or patrilineal system in PNG.
104
Leslie Boseto, “Do Not Separate us From our Land and Sea”, in The Pacific Journal
of Theology 2-13 (1995), p. 69.
105
On the right attitude for work, refer John Stott, Issues Facing Christianity Today
(London UK: Marshall Pickering, 1984), pp. 165-166.

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to have a prosperous life without suffering. However, the biblical

doctrine of wealth emphasises that the prosperous life is Christ-centred.
Material wealth is accumulated through honesty and hard work, and is to
be used to glorify God. The prosperity gospel is being interpreted and
contextualised by various movements, but its impact is such that the
church ought not to embrace it.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Avi, Dick, “Contextualisation in Melanesia”, in Melanesian Journal of
Theology 4-1 (1988), pp. 7-22.
Blomberg, Craig L., Neither Poverty nor Riches: A Biblical Theology of
Material Possessions, Leicester UK: Apollos, 1999.
———, “Wealth”, in Evangelical Dictionary of Biblical Theology,
Walter A. Elwell, ed., Grand Rapids MI: Baker Books, 1996.
Boseto, Leslie, “Do not Separate us from our Land and Sea”, in The
Pacific Journal of Theology 2-13 (1995), pp. 69-72.
———, “Foreword”, in Christ in South Pacific Cultures, Cliff Wright,
and Leslie Fugui, eds, Suva Fiji: Lotu Pasifika, 1986.
Daimoi, Joshua, “An Exploratory Missiological Study of Melanesian
Ancestral Heritage from an Indigenous Evangelical Perspective”,
Sydney NSW: University of Sydney, 2004.
Forbes, George, A Church on Fire: The Story of the Assemblies of God
of Papua New Guinea, Mitcham Vic: Mission Mobilisers
International, 2001.
Freeman, J. D., “The Joe Gimlet or Siovili Cult”, in Anthropology in the
South Seas: Essays presented to H. D. Skinner, J. D. Freeman, and
W. R. Geddes, eds, New Plymouth NZ: Thomas Avery, 1959.
Garrett, John, To Live Among the Stars: Christian Origins in Oceania,
Suva Fiji: University of the South Pacific, 1982.
Gibbs, Philip, “Papua New Guinea”, in Globalisation and the Reshaping
of Christianity in the Pacific Islands, Manfred Ernst, ed., Suva
Fiji: The Pacific Theological College, 2006.
Guise, John, “How Deep-Rooted is the Christian Faith in our Nation?”,
in Christ in South Pacific Cultures, Cliff Wright, and Leslie Fugui,
eds, Suva Fiji: Lotu Pasifika, 1986.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Hanson, Doug, “ ‘Wealth’ in Proverbs: Five Principles for Melanesian

Believers”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 23-1 (2007), pp.
81-88.
Haon, Abel, “The Church Impacting Melanesia: a Case for People-
Centred and Participatory Ministry”, in Melanesian Journal of
Theology 24-1 (2008), pp. 5-42.
Havea, Sione Amanaki, “Christianity in the Pacific Context”, in South
Pacific Theology: Papers from the Consultation on Pacific
Theology; Papua New Guinea, R. Boyd Johnson, ed., Oxford UK:
Regnum Books & World Vision International, South Pacific,
1987.
Hitchen, John M., “Roots and Shoots in the Pacific – Our Mission
Heritage”, course notes, Banz PNG: CLTC, 2008.
———, “Culture and the Bible – The Question of Contextualisation”,
Melanesian Journal of Theology 8-2 (1992), pp. 30-52.
Holmes, Lowell D., “Cults, Cargo, and Christianity: Samoan Responses
to Western Religion”, in Missiology 8-4 (1980), pp. 471-487.
Hueter, Dick, “The Battle for the Abundant Life: The Problems of Cults
and the Church”, in Point 1 (1974), pp. 123-140.
“Jonathan David”, http://www.jonathan-david.org/bio.
Kaima, Sam Tua, “The Rise of Money-Cults in Wantoat”, in Catalyst
17-1 (1987), pp. 55-70.
———, “Politics as Cargo in Papua New Guinea”, in Catalyst 17-2
(1987), pp. 149-162.
Mantovani, Ennio, “Traditional Religions and Christianity”, in Point 6
(1984), pp. 1-22.
Mugabi, Stephen, “Biblical Perspectives on Wealth Creation, Poverty
Reduction, and Social Peace and Justice”, in Transformation 20-3
(2003), pp. 139-142.
Narokobi, Bernard M., “Who Shall Take up Peli’s Challenge?: A
Philosophical Contribution to the Understanding of Cargo Cults”,
in Point 1 (1974), pp. 93-104.
Saracco, J. N., “Prosperity Theology”, in Dictionary of Mission
Theology: Evangelical Foundations, John Corrie, ed., Nottingham
UK: IVP, 2007.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Seib, Roland, “The Myth of Wealth or the Growth of Social Inequality –

An Assessment of the Results of Research Programs on Poverty in
Papua New Guinea”, in Catalyst 29-1 (1999), pp. 110-132.
Steinbauer, Friedrich, Melanesian Cargo Cults: New Salvation
Movements in the South Pacific, Max Wohlwill, tran., St Lucia
Qld: University of Queensland Press, 1971.
Stott, John, Issues Facing Christianity Today, London UK: Marshall
Pickering, 1984.
Strelan, John G., Search for Salvation: Studies in the History and
Theology of Cargo Cults, Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing,
1977.
Sunderland, J. P., and Buzacott, Aaron, eds, Mission Life in the Islands
of the Pacific: Being a Narrative of the Life and Labours of Revd
Aaron Buzacott, Missionary of Rarotonga, London UK: John
Snow, 1866.
Trompf, Garry, Religion and Money: Some Aspects, The Young
Australian Scholar Lecture Series No 1, Bellevue Heights SA:
Charles Strong Memorial Trust, 1980.
Turner, George, Nineteen Years in Polynesia: Missionary Life, Travels,
and Researches in the Islands of the Pacific, London UK: John
Snow, 1861.
Tweddell, Dorothy, “Cargo Cults: A Search for Meaning”, in
Anthropology 870 (1977), pp. 4-10.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

LESSONS FROM 19TH-CENTURY

PACIFIC PATTERNS FOR 21ST-CENTURY
THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION BY EXTENSION
Philip Bungo

Philip is the Dean for Distance Theological Education (DTE) at the

Christian Leaders’ Training College. Currently over 1,000 students
across the South Pacific are enrolled in the TEE program, and Philip
sees that it has great potential for the future.

INTRODUCTION
This paper will discuss how theological education was presented in the
early 19th century in the Pacific, and the patterns that have been used,
and provides analysis on whether the 21st-century Theological Education
by Extension (TEE) program has some theological significance for the
contemporary Pacific theological education context.

This study will be approached from three perspectives: firstly, from a

theological perspective; secondly, from an indigenous Melanesian
perspective; and thirdly, from an indigenous evangelical Christian
perspective. Its argument will be that: the 20th-century TEE is a vital
teaching model for doing theological education across the Pacific in the
21st century.

THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION
Theological education has to begin with God. “The acid test of theology
was well expressed by Thomas Aquinas, ‘Theology is taught by God,
teaches of God and leads to God.’ ”1 Over the centuries, “churches have
increasingly affirmed that theological training is central to their life and
witness. It is assumed that theological education, in whatever way it is
conceived and practised, is necessary for the training of those who, in

1
New Dictionary of Theology, s.v. “theology”.

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turn, are called to mobilise and equip the people of God for ministry and
mission.”2 This, of course, comes in many forms, e.g., “study centres,
lay training centres, other decentralised programs, community-based
theological learning, cell groups for Bible study, theological education
by extension, etc.”.3 We will, therefore, firstly focus on the early 19th-
century Pacific patterns of theological education.

EARLY 19TH-CENTURY PACIFIC PATTERNS OF THEOLOGICAL

TRAINING
The improvement of native society, and, above all, the
communication of the Christian religion to the Pacific people,
does not appear to have been thought of by those who either
directed, or performed, the early voyages to the South Seas
Islands. The published accounts of the voyages from Britain to
the South Seas, in the latter part of the 18th century, produced a
strong feeling of wonder and delight, and excited considerable
interest on behalf of the inhabitants of the remote and isolated
regions. The late Excellent Countess Dowager of Huntingdon was
exceedingly solicitous that efforts should be made to convey to
them knowledge of the Christian religion.4

“The first evangelical missionaries sailed on the Duff for Tahiti, and
landed on its shores on March 7, 1797.”5 It was by their sacrificial effort
that the gospel was deposited in the Pacific Islands. We shall now
examine some of the theological education methods applied in their
missionary endeavours.

NON-CENTRALISED LEARNING MODE

There are evidences of non-centralised learning in the early stages of the
missionary penetration in the Pacific, which helped to groom the
islanders in their knowledge of, and participation in, Christianity. Prior

2
Ross Kinsler, Ministry by the People (Geneva Sw: WCC Publications, 1983), p. 1.
3
Ibid.
4
William Ellis, Polynesian Researches, 4 vols (London UK: Henry Bohn, 1859), pp.
2:2-3.
5
Ibid., p. 5.

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to propagating the gospel to a new people, with diverse cultures, the

early missionaries envisaged embarking on the following activities.

LEARNING NATIVE DIALECT

In order to evangelise, the early missionaries resorted to learning the
islanders’ tongue, by “mingling with them, hearing and asking them
questions”. 6 This was the only alternative, as, “not knowing the
language of the people makes it hard for the people to understand
them”.7 However, later missionaries in New Guinea realised the
necessity, “when they were supposed to learn the local language, and
bring the people under church influence”8 before preaching the gospel.
Ellis says the missionaries were “studiously endeavouring to gain an
acquaintance with the native language, which was considered essential to
the accomplishment of their objects”.9 A second-generation missionary,
hearing the natives singing praises for the first time, was astounded, as
Williams says, “In the evening, we heard the praises of God rise in the
Tahitian tongue, from various dwellings around our residence.”10 Even
to date, missionaries who have not learned local languages, find it hard
to share the gospel.

Some methodologies of theological education in the early period were:

SUNDAY WORSHIP SERVICES

The traditional avenue of receiving God’s word was the Sunday morning
worship service. Williams recalls:

When we arrived at the islands, we were much struck with the

attention, which the people paid, while the gospel was preached,

6
John Williams did this when he came to Eimeo, Huahine, and Raiatea, as a means to
learn the Tahitian language adequately. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, p. 2:45.
7
Herwig Wagner, and Hermann Reiner, eds, The Lutheran Church in Papua New
Guinea: The First Hundred Years (Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing, 1986), p. 36.
8
Mary R. Mennis, Hagen Saga (Boroko PNG: Institute of Papua New Guinea Studies
1982), p. 71.
9
Ellis, Polynesian Researches, p. 2:13
10
Ebenezer Prout, Memoirs of Revd John Williams (New York NY: M. D. Dodd, 1843),
p. 35.

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our hearts were much affected. It rejoiced us to hear them singing

the praises of Jesus. On the Sabbath morning after our arrival, we
went and stood outside their place of worship, and heard one of
the natives engage in prayer, he began addressing God as the God
of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob . . . and that the missionaries would
soon attain their language, and teach them the word of truth.11

FAMILY PRAYER/DEVOTION
After the missionaries acquired a good command of the islanders’
dialect, the islanders were then encouraged to interact with God in their
own homes. Williams tells how “the inhabitants were engaged in family
prayer, which is observed throughout the Islands”.12 Of course, this does
not mean that the islanders had completely done away with their old
ways. Their heathen state was still prevalent, as the divine word was yet
to penetrate their hearts. However, the point here is that the missionaries
realised that the family is an important force, from which theological
education can be taught, by way of catechism, prayer, and the sharing of
scripture.

MENTORING/APPRENTICESHIP
Mentoring was very effective in those early years. Some islanders were
specifically mentored to take on the responsibility, as, “Iro, who has been
mentored by Pitman, was put in charge of a large outstation at
Ngatangiia, and proved to be a steady and excellent man”, 13 in the
execution of his duties. “Tauraki was appointed as an assistant teacher
in the institution in his mid-teen years; he was mentored by Jane and
James Chalmers, when he was ten years old.”14 These are some of the
examples of effective mentoring. Although they may not have been
qualified in other areas of ministry, they had proven their capability to be
11
Ibid., p. 37.
12
Ibid., p. 35.
13
Raeburn Lange, “The Beginning of a Cook Island Ministry”, in The Origins of the
Christian Ministry in the Cook Islands and Samoa, Macmillan Brown Working Paper
Series, No 6 (Christchurch NZ: University of Canterbury, 1977), pp. 5-9.
14
John M. Hitchen, “Training ‘Tamate’: Formation of the 19th-century Missionary
Worldview: The Case of James Chalmers of New Guinea”, Ph.D. thesis (Aberdeen UK:
University of Aberdeen, 1984), p. 12.

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utilised, in whatever capacity, to ease the immediate need. “They [the

Chalmers] also converted their home into a classroom to teach the
student wives, which was a tradition established by Buzacott and Jane
Hardie at the Malua Institute, Samoa.”15 Thus we see that specially
mentored and apprenticed candidates are a useful means of ministry
delegation.

SMALL-GROUP CATECHISMS/BIBLE STUDY

Sunday services were not the only method of teaching. Small-group
Bible studies and catechisms were another means of providing
theological education. “Without any direct encouragement from the
missionary, most church members also gathered in the homes of one of
their deacons for evening devotions.”16 It is interesting to see that the
church members were involved, in the absence of the pastors and
teachers, and “eventually some members were chosen as deacons”, 17 to
help in the work of the ministry.

EXTENSION MODE
The early missionaries also had gospel tracts printed, and circulated to
the external students throughout the islands, which had a dramatic
impact. Many islanders, who already knew how to read, had the
opportunity to study and interact with the materials, at their own pace,
and, at times, were tutored by teachers. Williams explains:

To the rapid improvement effected at Raiatea, during the first

year’s residence of the missionaries on the island, it must not be
overlooked that the printing press contributed its due share, that
mighty instrument, set up by Ellis, who, with devoted zeal and
labour, carried forward their good work. From this source, 800
copies of the gospel by Luke, and a supply of elementary books,
early found their way to Raiatea, and were distributed by the

15
Ibid., p. 6.
16
Ibid., p. 7.
17
Marjorie Tuaiaekare Grocombe, tran., Cannibals and Converts: Radical Change in the
Cook Islands (Suva Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies, 1983), p. 159.

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missionaries amongst numerous eager applicants. This gift had a

most important influence upon the people.18

The missionaries saw the people’s need. Ellis writes:

An edition of 2,300 copies of the Tahitian Catechism, and a

collection of texts, or extracts from scriptures, were also printed;
after which Luke’s gospel, which had been translated by Mr Nott,
was put to press.19

Many came from their villages to the centre, and bought the materials.
This method convinced the Islanders to learn more about the scriptures.
However, while this gained momentum, the missionaries had other
plans.

CENTRALISED MODE
As the ministry expanded, the missionaries realised the need for a
centralised mode of training to further equip the islanders at a higher
level, for further expansion of the gospel throughout Polynesia and the
Western Pacific.

TRAINING INSTITUTION
Williams found opportunities for promoting, by other means, the
prosperity of the South Sea Mission. He submitted to the directors
in England for an establishment of a self-supporting theological
college in Rarotonga, which was approved. 20

“Back at Rarotonga, the matter was further deliberated with the brethren,
natives, Williams, and Buzacott for the establishment of a college to
educate pious and intelligent young men for missionary work.”21 In the
process, Takamoa Theological Institution in Rarotonga was established,
and “by 1884, a total of 30 men and women had entered the

18
Prout, Memoirs of John Williams, pp. 60-61.
19
Ellis, Polynesian Researches, pp. 2:18-21.
20
Prout, Memoirs of John Williams, p. 284.
21
Ibid., p. 365.

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institution”. 22 Over the years, the graduates were utilised in Polynesia

and Melanesia. There were also other Bible colleges and institutions,
which were established later.

We have identified and discussed some early 19th-century theological

education methods that were applied by the missionaries. We will now
focus, in the next section, on a new 20th-century model of theological
education, which, in a very short time, became global.

THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION BY EXTENSION: A NEW 20TH-

CENTURY MODEL
What is Theological Education by Extension (TEE)? Mulholland
explains “TEE is simply decentralised theological education; it is a field-
based approach that does not interrupt the learners’ productive
relationships to society”.23 McGavran explains its value:

Theological education in the rich, powerful denominations of

Europe and America, which can readily establish a theological
seminary, costing five million dollars, and be content to grow at
the same rate as the general population, is a poor pattern for
theological education demanded by expanding younger churches.
The recent Western pattern of theological training has served to
produce highly-trained and well-paid ministers and executives,
but, as the church grows, as congregations multiply exceedingly,
this type of minister is not needed. 24

As a result, with the surpassing need in growing and expanding

churches, TEE was born.

22
Lange, The Origins of the Christian Ministry, p. 9.
23
Kenneth Mulholland, “TEE Comes of Age: A Candid Assessment after Two
Decades”, pp. 1-6. Provided by Pamela Harding, Entrust, Colorado Springs, March 21,
2007. Email address: [email protected], internet site: www.entrust4.org.
24
Donald A. McGavran, “Foreword”, in Theological Education by Extension, Ralph D.
Winter, ed. (South Pasadena CA: William Carey Library, 1969), pp. 7-8.

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HISTORY OF TEE
TEE began in Guatemala in 1963, a country in Central America, where
there was a rapid growth of the Presbyterian churches in the rural areas.
The seminary that was located in the capital city had come to realise that
they were not able to train enough pastors to meet the needs of the fast-
growing churches. Nevertheless those

seminary graduates seldom wanted to go back to their rural areas,

because they became accustomed to the city life. Also, the
training they received was not relevant to the rural churches. Out
of the 200 pastors, who graduated from the seminary in its 25-year
history, only 20 were still active in the churches, while most were
in the cities. 25

Conflicts were also prevalent among the seminary graduates, and the
experienced pastors, and lay leaders of the rural churches.

The lay elders were actually acting as pastors. Though they had
little or no formal training, they were carrying on a kind of tent-
making ministry. They were serving their congregation without
pay. To remove these lay leaders from their homes and
occupations for a long period of seminary training would remove
the natural, functioning leadership of the churches.26

Therefore, the seminary teachers decided that they were to take the
teaching out to the rural areas, where most of the local churches were
located. However, they soon came to realise that those who came were
not interested in big textbooks, and a heavy academic program. The
students that came were, indeed, the true church leaders, but many of
them had little formal schooling, and even fewer had theological
knowledge. Because of this, the seminary teachers changed their plans.

25
David Rowsome, “The TEE Tutor’s Guide”, CLTC TEE Study Manual (Banz PNG:
CLTC, 1998), p. 5.
26
Richard Smith, “An Evaluation of Participants’ Perceptions of the Value of Selected
Aspects of TEE’s Educational Methodology and Curriculum as Effective Preparation for
a Selected Range of Christian Ministries in Bangladesh”, M.Th. thesis (Auckland NZ:
Tyndale-Carey School of Theology, 2008), pp. 2-9.

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Firstly, they put aside all the big textbooks, and started writing materials,
which would suit the pastors. Then, instead of bringing the pastors into
the seminary to attend classes, the seminary teachers went out by foot,
bicycle, motorbike, and truck, to take the teachings to the pastors and
leaders in each local church.27

By training persons where they lived, the seminary was able to

reach into various subcultures, without uprooting people from
their environment. Thus, it was able to enlist, and equip for
ministry, those persons best suited and gifted to minister.28

TEE: A WORLDWIDE MOVEMENT

Since then, there has been much enthusiasm about TEE, and many
churches and denominations have seen the potential for TEE in their part
of the world. TEE was taken from Guatemala, and planted on every
continent. It is still growing and expanding today, with many TEE
programs around the world. Our current “TEE email network serves 146
recipients, representing many countries and distant-learning programs.
We count it as an immense privilege to serve in this work”. 29 TEE
networkers around the world enjoy constant dialogue, partnership, and
sharing. Could this be an ideal model for the Pacific? TEE was born in
the Pacific three decades ago. Here is the story of how it happened.

FOUNDING OF THE CHRISTIAN LEADERS’ TRAINING COLLEGE (CLTC)

John M. Hitchen, a pioneer missionary to Papua New Guinea in the early
1960s, and former Principal of the Christian Leaders’ Training College,
states:

The Christian Leaders’ Training College of Papua New Guinea, an

evangelical, interdenominational Bible and Theological College,
commenced teaching at Banz in the Western Highlands Province
of PNG in 1965, serving the evangelical and mainline churches.
27
Rowsome, “The TEE Tutor’s Guide”, pp. 5-7.
28
Mulholland, “TEE Come of Age”, pp. 1-2.
29
Michael Huggins, email March 30, 2007. Huggins is the Field Director with Oxen
Ministries (ORTA Russia, Increase, Matheteuo, and TEEN Net), based in the UK. His
email address is [email protected].

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

. . . The College’s beginnings can be traced to an initiative of

George Sexton, the Field Leader of the then Unevangelized Fields
Mission (later Asia Pacific Christian Mission, and now Pioneers).
Following a UFM field leaders’ discussion, Sexton circulated to
other evangelical mission leaders, in March, 1959, a letter giving
reasons for the suggestion: “Would it not be possible for the
evangelical missions to get together and establish a ‘Central Bible
Training School’?” He proposed discussing this at the next
Government-Missions Conference the following year.

In the process, the Melbourne Bible Institute (MBI) Council

accepted the challenge, and set up a subcommittee to explore the
possibility. By 1963, the MBI had appointed Revd Gilbert
McArthur as Principal-elect of the new College. A suitable
location was acquired in the Wahgi Valley near Banz, confirmed
to be the Giramben property in the Western Highlands District of
PNG. Thus, in February, 1965, the first group of 18 students
arrived at the College. 30

BIRTH OF CLTC TEE

Hitchen continues to explain that:

Alongside the core of the residential programmes, CLTC has

developed alternative modes for delivering their educational
ministry. In 1970, the then Dean of the College was deeply
impressed by reading of the impact of the Theological Education
by Extension movement in Central America. He prepared a staff
study paper on the nature of TEE, and how it could supplement the
College’s residential ministries. Two years later, in 1972, the
College presented the challenge of extension theological education

30
John M. Hitchen, “Evangelicals Equipping Men and Women In Melanesia – CLTC
Educational Ministries, 1965-2005”, pp. 1-15. Paper prepared for the Evangelical
Identities Conference, Auckland NZ, March 29-30, 2007. Also cited, “The Concept of
Theological Education by Extension and its Relevance for Melanesia”, a study paper
presented by John M. Hitchen to the Evangelical Alliance Meeting, CLTC, Banz PNG,
August, 1970.

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as a topic for consideration at the annual meetings of the

Evangelical Alliance.

No significant development took place until 1975, when the first

TEE pilot course in English was conducted in the first half of the
year in Mt Hagen, and then repeated in Port Moresby, and other
centres in the second half, with a second pilot of the new course
continuing in Mt Hagen. New staff member, Ian Malins,
conducted that second pilot, and, from that point, took
responsibility for the development of a TEE program to extend the
ministry of the College around the country. The number of
students, courses, and extension centres expanded rapidly each
year, and the programme, now called Distance Theological
Education, with extension centres in Port Moresby, capital of
PNG, and Lae, continues to prove a very significant part of the
work. 31

THE IMPACT
Since its establishment in 1975, CLTC TEE has been instrumental in
motivating, equipping, and enabling the people of God to develop their
gifts, and give their lives in meaningful service to others. CLTC TEE
has brought many TEE students from the spiritual darkness to the
marvellous light, to have a closer walk with the Lord Jesus. Over the
years, hundreds of TEE students have made personal commitments to
follow Jesus Christ. This is the real achievement in meeting the
overarching goal for which the ministry of TEE was established.

The table below indicates the statistics of total enrolments, and

completion rates, from 1975 to 2007, inclusive, as demonstrated by the
DTE database.32

31
Hitchen, “Equipping Men and Women in Melanesia”, p. 2.
32
This statistical information is collected from the Distance Theological Education
Database at CLTC, Banz PNG.

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English: All Courses Started Completed

Isolated Students 4,472 2,305
Group Students 9,401 5,561
Tok Pisin: All Courses Started Completed
Isolated Students 637 498
Group Students 5,220 3,275
Other Countries 250 198

CLTC TEE is the provider of extension materials to Papua New Guinea,

the South Pacific Islands, and the world. There is an annual enrolment
of 1,000-plus students. A national TEE director oversees this program.
Pacific Theological College in Fiji is also running an extension program,
which is more academic in nature.

SCRIPTURAL PATTERNS OF THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION

We have discussed how God has been training men and women in the
Pacific, through the TEE models. These guiding principles for Christian
workers in the Pacific may still be applicable today. However, is there
any theological pattern for us to learn from the scriptures, since
theological education is about learning to know God, and making Him
known? We shall now discuss some of the biblical patterns of training.

OLD TESTAMENT PATTERN OF TRAINING

Moses, an Israelite, was raised in Pharaoh’s royal household, receiving
the best education. After killing a man, Moses was humbled during his
years of hiding in the wilderness. God then called, commissioned, and
enabled Moses to lead the Israelites from bondage. “This was the
curriculum Moses followed.”33 Joshua, prepared as a leader under
Moses’ tutelage, took on leadership responsibilities at an early age.
David took on responsibility as a musician and shepherd, learning to deal
with failure and success.34

33
John M. Hitchen, “Some Biblical Patterns of Ministerial Training and their Relevance
for Melanesia Today”, p. 2. Paper presented at the Study Institute of the Melanesian
Association of Theological Schools held at CLTC, Banz PNG, January, 1976. John
Hitchen was Principal of CLTC at the time.
34
Hitchen, “Some Biblical Patterns of Ministerial Training”, p. 3.

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From the training of the above three Old Testament servants of God, we
see certain principles. God Himself chooses His workmen, and a
personal encounter with the Lord leads to a wholehearted commitment.
Personal knowledge of the burdens of people is essential for leaders, and
personal apprenticeship under a proven leader is also an important aspect
of training.

NEW TESTAMENT PATTERN OF TRAINING

As we turn to the scripture records, we find that the Lord Jesus followed
many of the principles of the OT, but He also added new principles, in
the ways He selected His disciples for ministry. Hitchen explains:

Many people, from all walks of life, came to Him, some upon
recommendation of others, some through the witness of others,
and, on many occasions, Jesus Himself went and found
individuals. At other times, people came with curiosity, or when
they were in need. Nonetheless, the disciples, whom He himself
had chosen, stayed with Him, and continued in His service to the
end, except Judas.35

Prior to discussing the methods, we will identify some features that were
true of Christ, in training His people.

Personal Fellowship With Christ

“Personal fellowship with Christ is at the centre of all the training Christ
gives. In the Old Testament examples, we noted that a personal meeting
with God was central to the workman’s preparation.”36 Also, in the
gospels, we find that, when Jesus trained someone, He first called that
person to be with Him. The disciples lived with Him, ate with Him,
talked with Him, and shared in all that Jesus did for nearly three years.

Instruction/Right Teaching
Hitchen notes: “Instruction or right teaching was central in all Christ’s
work of training. ‘Rabbi’ or ‘Teacher’ was the most common title
35
Ibid., p. 8.
36
Ibid., pp. 9-13.

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people used in speaking to Jesus. ‘Disciples’ or ‘student-learners’ was

the most common name given to His followers.”37

In an age when we are uncertain about truth, and afraid of authority, we

easily forget the central place Jesus Christ gave to careful regular
teaching for those who would be His workers.

Making Clear the Nature of Mission

Hitchen again: “Jesus is careful to make the nature of Christian ministry
clear; Jesus Christ was training His disciples for a distinctive kind of
work. He was very concerned to make the nature of His work clear.
Those who work for Him must become His servants.”38 That was the
Lord’s way.

LATER NEW TESTAMENT TRAINING

We read of Paul’s encounter with the Lord on the Damascus road (Acts
9:1-19; 22:3-16). As with the many OT men of God, Paul clearly knew
that the Lord had chosen him for a very special purpose. If we place
these “hidden years”, after his calling, in a Melanesian context: we look
to “these years as traditional initiation periods, when the young men
went into isolation for varying lengths of time”, 39 prior to being
recognised as mature individuals to participate in the affairs of the
community. Likewise, Paul actually was going through what Fountain
defines as a “spiritual formation”40 for future ministry. For Paul, those
hidden years were his in-service training. Afterwards, he immediately
became involved in public preaching and witnessing. His religious
upbringing, and formal education in the best educational school of his
day, were of much help in his God-anointed ministry.

37
Ibid., p. 10.
38
Ibid., p. 9.
39
Joshua Daimoi, “Spiritual Formation in Bible and Theological Colleges”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 5-2 (1989), p. 46.
40
Ossie Fountain, “Contextualisation and Globalisation in the Bible Training Ministry
of the Christian Brethren churches of Papua New Guinea, Part 2 of 4”, in Melanesian
Journal of Theology 19-2 (2003), p. 59.

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PAUL’S METHODS OF TRAINING BY EXTENSION

We can now learn some of Paul’s methods by studying the way he
trained his leaders in the early churches. Acts 14:21-23 tells us that local
Christians were appointed as elders in each congregation. These
appointments were made, in dependence upon God, to select the right
people. Paul also wrote letters to the churches (Gal 6:6). They served to
warn, rebuke, teach, and correct, and to give in-service training for the
elders. Providing proper support was an important key to ministerial
development. We notice that this method was used by the early
missionaries in the Pacific.

The New Testament apostles made other missionary journeys, and

selected young men for further training (Acts 15:36-16:5). Those, who
selected the first leaders, were concerned to see how they were
performing, and so conducted further in-service training. Likewise, we
find that John Williams sent out island teachers, and he made follow-up
visits to see how they were faring. In the same way, Paul arranged for
Timothy, an itinerant Bible teacher, to spend some time with the young
churches (2 Tim 4:10). Likewise, here at CLTC, the College receives
personnel from Australia, New Zealand, and America to give in-service
training, encouragement, and spiritual nourishment, in order to keep the
program functioning at a steady pace.

We have seen that some of Paul’s “extension” methods of training were

prevalent in the early Pacific missions, and in our own context, too. That
does not mean all training programs were perfect, as they also
encountered disappointments, frustrations, and hindrances. Theological
education in the 21st century is no exception, as already there are
erroneous teachings in the villages.

PROBLEMS AND CONCERNS IN THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION

A local village church deacon interpreted Heb 10:24-25 like this:
“Drinking with friends in a public bar, gambling with friends, or going to
a 24-hour disco dance are some ways of meeting together, and enjoying

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Christian fellowship.”41 This illustrates that, while theological educators

are performing to their utmost ability, there are serious problems
stemming from various aspects of life in the church and society. Most
pastors, in rural and remote localities, who received theological training
some 10 or 15 years ago, are in need of further formal theological
training, while the more highly-qualified theological graduates are
seeking greener pastures in urban churches, or going to higher-paying
jobs. Perhaps, until now, our churches have not been able to offer formal
training for lay people.

“Churches in the rural and remote localities urgently need sound biblical
teaching. Many are drifting towards cultism, and many splinter groups
are creating divisions in the churches.”42 This is posing a very serious
threat to the evangelical churches. Perhaps Boseto was right when he
said, “Stop introducing more religious groups into the Pacific, the Pacific
is no longer a mission field.”43 But, sadly, it is too late to take heed of
this warning. With a massive intrusion of wealthy cults, the evangelical
churches have inadequate strength to withstand the assault, and their
members fall prey to false philosophies. “There are avenues, where
students and leaders may gladly do some study, if they could do it, while
they live and work at their normal careers.”44 What then is the best
strategy to help our grade 10 and 12 young people, who are without
work in our congregations? The issues, observed some three decades
ago in PNG, are still prevalent today. Observers have pointed out the
neglect and inefficiency of theological educators, who have not produced
quality theological students.

41
This incident happened in 1984, in a remote village in Chimbu Province PNG. A
pastor present at the meeting reported the matter to the author.
42
George Mombi, interview by author, June 30, 2008. Mombi is the Principal of the
Assemblies of God Northern Region Bible College, Maprik, in East Sepik Province of
PNG.
43
Allan K. Davidson, “The Pacific is no Longer a Mission Field: Conversion in the
South Pacific in the Twentieth Century”, in Christianity Reborn: The Global Expansion
of Evangelicalism in the Twentieth Century, Donald M. Lewis, ed. (Grand Rapids MI:
William B. Eerdmans, 2004), pp. 133-154.
44
“Theological Education by Extension” (CLTC Banz PNG, April, 1976), pp. 1-6. The
paper was circulated to PNG churches to encourage them to do TEE.

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Tofaeono, responding to the issue of violence against women, stresses,

“there is a problem with theological education, and the violence against
women lies with the theological educators’ inability to address the
problem”. 45 She emphasises that the cause is “deeply rooted in
inadequate theological interpretation and assumptions, because
theological students are not equipped with the analytical and pastoral
know how”.46 Kadiba also points out that theological educators tended
to “teach traditional theological subjects, and follow methods and
approaches, inherited from Western models”.47 “It is sad to hear ‘out of
context’ sermons and teachings in some PNG rural and remote local
churches.”48 These are crucial issues. How they should be corrected
needs urgent deliberation by theological educators.

Daimoi has identified one of the main causes of the dilemma. “Training,
in Melanesia, therefore, must be deeply rooted in true spirituality.
Biblically understood, this spirituality is rooted in Christ, through the
mediatorship of the Holy Spirit.”49 As communal and relational people,
“theological colleges in Melanesia must be flexible and innovative, if
they are to keep abreast of the changing Melanesian situation, and to
depart from traditional models of [t]heological education brought from
outside”.50 These crucial issues demand answers from the Pacific
people.

CRITICAL EVALUATION
In the early 19th century, in the evidence from extension methods of
training, we see TEE was being used. The missionaries printed
literature, and sent it out. The students, seeing that the materials suited
their needs, came to purchase them at the centre. In most cases, the

45
Joan A. Filemoni Tofaeono, “Cracking the Silence: The Churches Role in Violence
against Women in Oceania”, in Ministerial Formation 103 (July, 2004), p. 30.
46
Ibid., pp. 30-31.
47
John Kadiba, “In Search of a Melanesian Theology”, in The Gospel is Not Western,
Garry Trompf, ed. (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1978), p. 142.
48
The author has had the opportunity to visit many PNG churches. He has observed that
much Bible preaching is out of context, and needs urgent attention.
49
Daimoi, “Spiritual Formation”, pp. 46-47.
50
Kadiba, “In Search of a Melanesian Theology”, p. 143.

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missionaries revisited the native teachers for follow-up, and conducted

in-service training. It is even more challenging to see that Paul used
extension methods of training for the elders of the churches. He
appointed elders in the churches to take care of them, he wrote letters of
instruction, and he sent teachers to follow-up and to provide in-service
training for them. The result was that it equipped, strengthened, and
enabled them to grow in maturity, and provided spiritual energy for
further gospel propagation.

It is sound biblical teaching that is needed. Tofaeono considers that an

issue confronting the Pacific today is that theological institutions and
Bible colleges have trained incompetent theological students for ministry
– “incompetent” in the sense that much of what is taught is not rooted in
Christ, and the implementation of such seldom occurs. If we ever want
our students to grow to maturity, and handle theological, ethical, and
social issues, at a more mature level, we need to think seriously about
training that will enable a student to embrace Christ as the Head of the
ministry.

Local Bible colleges are staggering and dying in the rural localities, with
shallow biblical-teaching programs, and abundant misinterpretation in
sermons, many of which are not rooted in Christ. With run down
infrastructures, pursuit of self-gain, and mismanagement, which,
perhaps, resembles our spiritual immaturity, and lack of mutual dialogue,
support, and partnership with other evangelical denominations, the
sustainability of the evangelical faith is at stake.

Mombi points out that, “there is a great lack of sound biblical teaching in
our churches today; pastors are misinterpreting the gospel, which results
in divisions and apostasy, causing splinter groups, because of the
congregations’ immaturity”.51 The church and theological educators are
answerable for this dilemma. He asks, “What kind of training are we

51
Mombi, interview, June 30, 2008.

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giving our students?”52 It is an onerous question for theological

educators to ponder.

Having assessed the positive contributions of CLTC TEE, we see that

there are also major weaknesses. In an earlier paper, the author wrote:

Christian Leaders’ Training College TEE has served PNG and the
Pacific Islands for over three decades, but has lacked vision to
upgrade its capacities to meet the 21st-century demand.
Extensions of its centres to other Pacific Islands, and development
of formal diploma/degree programs to meet the earnest desire of
the seekers, are the prerogatives of the stakeholders. CLTC TEE
needs directions for the future. There needs to be proper
guidelines in place for how courses should be written, and changes
done to the establishment. Some policies need to be put in place
to ensure that there are standards set. TEE courses must be
recognised by the Melanesian Association of Theological Schools
(MATS). Even the issue of accrediting the TEE courses with the
residential courses offered needs to be spelt out clearly. There is a
need for a thorough evaluation of the TEE program, in order to
effectively meet the needs of the users.53

The concern in theological training in the Pacific ought to be the concern

for Pacific theologians; it is not for Westerners to dictate, but to provide
assistance to develop Pacific theological education programs. Are
Pacific theologians prepared to prove to their Western counterparts their
capability, accountability, and management in this work? All potential
Pacific theologians should pool their experience and knowledge in order
to provide and train students with adequate theological training,
appropriate and applicable to Pacific people.

In the research undertaken for this paper, the challenge remains that no
significant Pacific theologian has developed TEE in this region. Non-
Pacific people have been involved in developing TEE over the past
52
Ibid.
53
Philip Bungo, “Distance Theological Education”, SWOT Analysis (Banz PNG:
CLTC, February, 2008), pp. 12-14.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

decades. Nevertheless, the vision exists. Kadiba spoke of the function

of TEE when he stressed, “theological education should be a two-way
process, it should educate the people at the grassroots level, and, at the
same time, theological educators should be ready to be educated by folk
in the villages”. 54

Boseto unconsciously recommended the principles applied in TEE when

he said, “their time should not be limited to worship on Sundays, they
[Christians] could also be given opportunity during the week to conduct
Bible studies in groups”.55 My challenge to Pacific theologians is this:
TEE was planted on our shores three decades ago. Now is the time for
Pacific theologians to catch the vision of TEE, and develop it, as such,
instead of looking to traditional Western Bible colleges. This is a call for
reshuffling our training programs, and seeking partnership and
collaboration with other evangelical theological educators, if evangelical
theological educators want to reach a new milestone with input and
vision for training, the TEE WAY will reverse the current trend.

HOW DO HISTORICAL COURSES HELP?

The new 20th-century TEE is the vital teaching model for 21st-century
theological training in the Pacific. If it provided positive results in the
19th century mission, and proved effective in Jesus’ and Paul’s
ministries, then, perhaps, it could be the pattern for the Pacific today.
The TEE movement has “made available basic theological education,
and Christian education, to an enormous number of people, who did not
previously have these benefits. Many hundreds of pastors have been
trained, who would never have been trained by residential methods.
Thousands of evangelists have received basic Bible training, and many
hundreds of thousands of lay Christians the same.”56 Two case studies
from PNG are presented.

54
Kadiba, “In Search of a Melanesian Theology”, p. 143.
55
Leslie Boseto, “Towards a Pacific Theology of Reality: A Grassroots Response to
Winds of Change”, in Pacific Journal of Theology Series II No 12 (1994), p. 55.
56
Stewart G. Snook, Developing Leaders Through Theological Education by Extension:
Case Studies from Africa (Wheaton IL: Billy Graham Centre, 1992), p. 2.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Case 1. The author of this paper was converted in prison in 1982, after
he did the CLTC TEE course “Come Follow Me”, a course on
discipleship. After being released from prison, he went home and shared
his new-found faith in Christ, with the little knowledge he gained from
the TEE studies. He had no formal degrees or diplomas, but the benefits
grew. In the space of 14 years, six local churches were planted. All the
pastors and leaders of the churches were trained, discipled, apprenticed,
and mentored through TEE. This was their only means of receiving
theological education. Most of them had a grade-6 level of education.
After the author came for full-time theological training at CLTC for five
years, the churches continued to prosper and thrive under the leadership
of those ordinary men and women. 57

Case 2. The Evangelical Brotherhood church (EBC) of PNG has caught

the vision of TEE. Ulrich and Christina Spycher recall:

Our first contact with the TEE program goes back to the 1970s.
Ian Malins, 58 a lecturer at CLTC Banz, and his family stayed at
our guesthouse in Goroka to await the new addition to their young
family. It was there and then that Ian Malins was writing his first
TEE course. I became interested, and arranged with him to run a
pilot project. . . . [F]rom the initial pilot course, we moved on to
regular TEE ministry, as part of our yearly program, with a rapid
growth of EBC church work in the area. . . . Our commitments
also grew, but time has shown that the TEE ministry produced a
lasting impact in the lives of many students, and young people are
attending these courses.59

57
Philip Bungo, “An Evaluation of the Evangelical Christian Fellowship Church and
Proposal for Its Future Development”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 16-2 (2000),
pp. 40-77.
58
Ian Malins wrote many TEE courses during his time as a lecturer at CLTC. Many are
still very popular. He and his family are now based in Australia.
59
Ulrich Spycher, Christina Spycher, Singaut magazine 157 (September-December,
2007), pp. 1- 15. Singaut is the magazine of the Evangelical Brotherhood church of
Papua New Guinea.

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The EBC has a national coordinator, who oversees the work of TEE in
the EBC churches throughout PNG. Pastors and elders in their own local
congregations, and in major prisons around the country, tutor TEE. As a
result, the EBC church is one of the fastest-growing denominations in
PNG, with firm support from the EBC National Mission Board.

CONCLUSION
Pacific people are unique, communal, and relational people. New 21st-
century TEE could be ideal for Pacific people, but only if individuals and
theological educators are serious and committed to embarking on such a
journey. Sound biblical teaching in the Pacific is an urgent need today.
Syncretism in the Christianity of Melanesia and the Pacific is often
mixed with traditional religions. The tendency to drift towards
syncretism, apostasy, cults, and the prosperity gospel is gaining
momentum. These diversions can be halted by effective teaching of
God’s Word. The development of biblically-oriented leaders affects the
degree to which these trends will be challenged.

Finally, the Bible declares the pattern and result of good training. It was
demonstrated by our Lord, and His discipleship model was exhorted by
Paul in 2 Tim 2:2 (RSV): “And what you have heard from me, before
many witnesses, entrust to faithful men, who will be able to teach others
also.” “Ideally TEE is suited to training leaders as links in a chain.
Students are to faithfully teach others what they learn.”60

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Boseto, Leslie, “Towards a Pacific Theology of Reality: A Grassroots
Response to Winds of Change”, in Pacific Journal of Theology
Series II No 12 (1994), pp. 53-61.
Bungo, Philip, “An Evaluation of the Evangelical Christian Fellowship
Churches and Proposal for its Future Development”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 16-2 (2000), pp. 44-77.
———, Distance Theological Education “SWOT Analysis”, Banz PNG:
CLTC, February 2008, pp. 1-17.

60
Snook, Developing Leaders, p. 4.

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 Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

Daimoi, Joshua, “Spiritual Formation in Bible and Theological

Colleges”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 5-2 (1989), pp. 46-
47.
Davidson, Allan, “The Pacific is no Longer a Mission Field: Conversion
in the South Pacific in the 20th Century”, in Christianity Reborn:
The Global Expansion of Evangelicalism in the 20th Century,
Donald M. Lewis, ed., Grand Rapids MI: William B. Eerdmans,
2004.
Ellis, William, Polynesian Researches, 2 vols, London UK: Henry G.
Bohn, 1859.
Fountain, Ossie, “Contextualisation and Globalisation in the Bible
Training Ministry of the Christian Brethren Churches of Papua
New Guinea (Part 2 of 4)”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 19-
2 (2003), pp. 53-64.
———, “Contextualisation and Globalisation in the Bible Training
Ministry of the Christian Brethren Churches of Papua New Guinea
(Part 4 of 4)”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 21-1 (2005), pp.
14-19.
Grocombe, Marjorie Tuaiaekare, tran., Cannibals and Converts: Radical
Change in the Cook Islands, Suva Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies,
1983.
Hitchen, John M., “Evangelical Equipping Men and Women in
Melanesia: An Interpretation of the Christian Leaders’ Training
College of Papua New Guinea’s Educational Ministries, 1965-
2005”, Paper prepared for the Evangelical Identities Conference,
Auckland NZ, March 29-30, 2007.
———, “Some Biblical Patterns of Ministerial Training and their
Relevance for Melanesia Today”, Paper presented at the Study
Institute of the Melanesian Association of Theological Schools
held at CLTC Banz, January, 1976.
———, “The Concept of Theological Education by Extension and its
Relevance for Melanesia”, A study paper presented by John M.
Hitchen to the Evangelical Alliance Meeting, CLTC Banz,
August, 1970.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

———,“Training ‘Tamate’: Formation of the 19th-century Missionary

Worldview: The Case of James Chalmers of New Guinea”, Ph.D.
thesis, Aberdeen UK: University of Aberdeen, 1984.
Kadiba, John, “In Search of a Melanesian Theology”, in The Gospel is
Not Western, Garry Trompf, ed., Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books,
1978.
Kauna, Emmanuel, “Spiritual Growth of Melanesian Youth”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 18-2 (2002), pp. 40-46.
Kinsler, Ross, “Doing Ministry for a Change?: Theological Education
for the 21st Century”, in Ministerial Formation 108 (2007), pp. 4-
24.
———, Ministry by the People, Geneva Sw: WCC Publications, 1983.
Lange, Raeburn, The Origins of the Christian Ministry in the Cook
Islands and Samoa, Macmillan Brown Working Paper Series No
6, Christchurch NZ: University of Canterbury, 1977.
McGavran, Donald A., “Foreword”, in Theological Education by
Extension, Ralph D. Winter, ed., South Pasadena CA: William
Carey Library, 1969.
Mennis, Mary R., Hagen Saga, Boroko PNG: Institute of Papua New
Guinea Studies, 1982.
Mitchell, Ian McD., “Distance Education”, in An International TEE
Journal 18-2 (1977), pp. 260-261.
Mombi, George, Principal of Assemblies of God Northern Region Bible
College, Maprik Sepik Province PNG. Interview by author, June
30, 2008, CLTC Banz.
Mulholland, Kenneth, “TEE Comes of Age: A Candid Assessment after
Two Decades”, provided by Pamela Harding, Entrust, Colorado
Springs, March 21, 2007, email: [email protected], internet:
www.entrust4.org.
Prout, Ebenezer, Memoirs of Revd John Williams, New York NY: M. D.
Dodd, 1843.
Rowsome, David, The TEE Tutor’s Guide: CLTC TEE Study Manual,
Banz PNG: CLTC, 1998.
Sanders, J. Oswald, Planting Men in Melanesia, Mt Hagen PNG: CLTC,
1978.

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Smith, Richard, “An Evaluation of Participants’ Perception of the Value

of Selected Aspects of TEE”, M.Th. thesis, Auckland NZ:
Tyndale-Carey School of Theology, 2008.
Snook, Stewart G., Developing Leaders through Theological Education
by Extension. Case Studies from Africa, Wheaton IL: Billy
Graham Centre, 1992.
Spycher, Ulrich, and Spycher, Christina, Singaut Magazine 157 (2007),
pp. 1- 15.
Steyn, Gert, ed., The TEE Journal 1 (1997), pp. 13-16.
Stott, John, New Issues Facing Christianity Today, 3rd edn, London UK:
Marshall Pickering, 1999.
Tofaeono, Joan A. Filemoni, “Cracking the Silence: The Churches’ Role
in Violence against Women in Oceania”, in Ministerial Formation
103 (2004), pp. 25-31.
Wagner, Herwig, and Reiner, Hermann, eds, The Lutheran Church in
Papua New Guinea: The First Hundred Years 1886-1986,
Adelaide SA: Lutheran Publishing, 1986.
Williams, John, Narratives of Missionary Enterprise in the South Sea
Islands, London UK: John Snow, 1837.
Wilson, H. S., “Prospect for Connectivity of Theological Educators in
Asia and North America”, in Ministerial Formation 109 (2007),
pp. 34-42.
Winter, Ralph D., ed., Theological Education by Extension, Pasadena
CA: William Carey Library, 1969.

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Melanesian Journal of Theology 25-1 (2009)

CONTEMPORARY
MELANESIAN CHRISTIAN MUSIC

August Berita

August graduated from the Melanesian Nazarene Bible College before

coming to the Christian Leaders’ Training College in 2008. A talented
musician, August has also had valuable experience working with a large
number of young people.

INTRODUCTION
These days, secular music seems to have a greater influence on many
people’s lives than Christian music. Unless Melanesian churches
embrace a broader worldview of their changing culture, the world will
continue to mislead their young people with things that are attractive and
relevant to their context. In a changing world, Christian music must be
willing to adapt to the times, as Christians use it in their worship of God.
It must not be confined to a set of man-made traditions that serve as an
encumbrance to church growth in the new era.

Melanesians have varying opinions about Christian music: the style, the
type of instruments played, and the context in which it is used. To aid
their understanding about the changes in music, this paper answers the
question of what is Christian music. Then it identifies the factors that
shape a person’s perspective of Christian music, and will give realistic
reasons for adopting contemporary music.

EVALUATING CHRISTIAN MUSIC IN MELANESIA TODAY

THE VALUE OF INDIGENOUS MUSIC IN WORSHIP
Indigenous music is the native music of a particular group of people, and
an important part of their worship life. It is the “language of the heart of
an indigenous person, in the best medium of communication between

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people and spirits”.1 Different forms of indigenous music display the

cultural identity of a particular group of people. People, who are not
exposed to contemporary music, regard native music as more
meaningful. In most remote areas, traditional music is more highly
valued than contemporised music, because of its influence in their lives.

One factor that makes indigenous music more valuable is the skill of the
local musicians in producing it, using their traditional instruments.
Contemporary music may be admired by the people, yet, because of its
foreign tunes, and difficulty in playing, the unskilled local musicians
tend to ignore it. People have a tendency to like what they are more
familiar with.

IS MODERN MUSIC ANTI-CHRISTIAN?

Because of church traditions, acculturated in people by some pioneer
missionaries and church leaders, the question about using contemporary
Western music in worship has created a much-debated issue among
many Christians. Some say indigenous music is Christian, while
Western music is secular. Many claim that contemporary music, like
rock and jazz, cannot be accepted as Christian music, because it can
destroy people’s lives.2 How do we correct this misunderstanding?

There is a famous proverb that says, “Do not judge a book by its cover”.
By observing the negative impact of modern music in the secular world,
some people draw the line, and say that it is corrupted by evil, and
cannot be used in the worship of God.3 On the contrary, these pessimists
do not see its constructive use when Christianised, nor can they identify
any convincing disadvantages. They even accuse former secular music
artists, who are now converted Christians, for bringing their secular
musical styles into the Christian circle, claiming that they are soiling the

1
Philip Manuao, “Communicating the Gospel in Meaningful Cultural Forms in
Melanesia”, in Melanesian Journal of Theology 16-1 (2000), p. 72.
2
Dan Peters, and Steve Peters, Why Knock Rock? (Minneapolis MN: Bethany House,
1984), pp. 195-205.
3
Ibid.

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sacredness of Christian music.4 This, too, is an invalid argument,

because each musician is gifted in a unique way. One size does not fit
all. David did not wear Saul’s armour, because he was familiar with the
slingshot.5 These unique talents are from God, and it is fitting when they
are consecrated and used for God. Moreover, how do we define
Christian music, when both Western and local music have a history of
animism and syncretism? It is best to solve this misunderstanding by
looking at the origin of music.

Christians should not be fooled, but should know that music started with
God in heaven. 6 God created music, before He made mankind. Since
ancient times, people believed that music originated from God, 7 that it
was purposely designed to accompany people’s worship of God.
Regrettably, that plan was soiled by sin, so music was deprived of its
purpose. It is like computers, mobile phones, knives, and other
important tools that were invented to make life convenient, but they are
sometimes used wrongly.

Seeing human downfall, Satan took advantage of it – using it as an

effective tool to lure people into worshipping him. Apart from the triune
God, nobody knows music better than Satan. He was “the musical
director of the universe . . . God’s song leader, before he was cast out of
heaven”. 8 He knows the strong impact music can have on people’s
lives.9 Christians today are afraid to claim and use what is rightfully
theirs, because of the fear of its association with Satan. Luther once said,
“Why allow the devil to have all the good tunes?”10

4
Melex Bosip, “A Tune Of Our Own: Developing Melanesian Church Music”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 22-2 (2006), p. 19.
5
1 Sam 17:38-40, 48-49.
6
Job 38:7.
7
Phil Kerr, Music in Evangelism and Stories of Famous Christian Songs (Grand Rapids
MI: Zondervan, 1962), p. 10.
8
Ibid, p. 9.
9
Ezek 28:11-19.
10
Marva J. Dawn, Reaching Out Without Dumbing Down (Grand Rapids MI: William
B. Eerdmans, 1995), p. 189.

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Since the time of Jubal, until today, 11 music has been changing.
Historical information suggests that even though music had its origin in
God, it had an earlier association with folk religions, because of the
degeneracy of humanity. Melanesian music, like primitive music
everywhere, is quite similar in natural history. Even the “most sacred
vocal music of the Jews had its origin in folk songs”,12 and Western
church music developed from a Greek influence. 13 Many early songs
were used unofficially for long periods until they were finally accepted
by the church. Luther and Calvin opposed new styles and forms of
secular music introduced into the church, but later allowed them, because
they could not stop the people from using them. They realised the
effects of the changing culture on music, and had to make adjustments.
Later, Luther borrowed popular secular tunes of his day to compose
hymns. He claimed that music is God’s gift to drive out the devil. 14
Charles Wesley also used common secular tunes in composing hymns.
This kind of situation has always been, and is still, a factor in the
development of Christian music. Although Christian music developed
from secular influences, it becomes an effective evangelistic tool when
Christianised.

WHAT IS CHRISTIAN MUSIC?

What makes music Christian? Is it the lyrics, the type of music, the
record label, or the musician? Music is music, and cannot be branded in
any way. It is the “heart, the lifestyle, the spirituality, and the
worldview”15 that affect the music. Christian music is music produced
by Christians, and dedicated to God, regardless of its style, tune, or

11
Gen 4:21.
12
William C. Rice, A Concise History of Church Music (Nashville TN: Abingdon Press,
1964), p. 11.
13
Ibid.
14
Kerr, Music in Evangelism, p. 202.
15
Jonathan Bellamy, “A Jesus Music Revolution: What Part Does Christian Music Play
in Revival?”, January 19, 2006, July 27, 2008. <http://www.crossrythm.co.uk/
articles/lifeA_Jesus_Music_Revolution/18607/p1/.htm>.

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origin. 16 Though Christian music differs in forms and definitions,

according to the cultural context, it is written from an individual
perspective and conviction about Christianity, focusing on Christ.17

There are two types of Christian music: church and general. Church
music is particularly appropriate to be used in a church worship setting.
The styles, tunes, and all its attributes assist the congregation in
worshipping God. The general type is any Christian music, intended for
entertainment purposes only. It may not be relevant to the church,
because it could be too noisy, complicated, or similar to secular music in
mode. Using the wrong type of music, in the wrong place, at the wrong
time, to entertain the wrong people, may cause division among the
musicians and the parishioners.

INFLUENTIAL FACTORS THAT SHAPE A PERSON’S PERSPECTIVE

CHURCH TRADITIONS AND FORMALITIES
Rice asserts, “Three groups of people have always been concerned with,
and affected by, church music – the clergy, the musicians, and the
congregation.”18 There are two factors that shape a person’s musical
taste. The prime factor is his/her church tradition and formalities. It is
often assumed that, because missionaries taught a type of music in
church,19 or their forerunners used one particular form of music, it is the
appropriate church music. Anything new, and outside of that, is
regarded as secular. Evangelicals and mainline churches have a strong
music tradition, while the Pentecostals do not. Many Evangelicals
emphasise hymn singing as the only suitable style of church music.

The fashion of worship plays an important part in shaping a person’s

style of worship. Pentecostals tend to be open and passionate in their
16
Yomi Daramola, “Christian Music as a Discipline: A Religious Appraisal of Christian
Music in Nigeria Today”, in Cyber Journals for Pentecostal-Charismatic Research #17,
July 27, 2008. <http://www.pctii.org/cyberj17/Daramola.html>.
17
“What is Christian Music?”, July, 2008. http://en.wikipedia.or/Wiki/Christian_
music.htm.
18
Rice, A Concise History of Church Music, p. 12.
19
Bill Matthews. “Sacred or Secular: a Discussion Report”, in Point 1 (1973), p. 106.
Many pioneer missionaries introduced hymn singing.

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worship of God, using whatever styles they see fit. A person, who is
used to the Pentecostal way will find it quite boring to worship in an
Evangelical church. Interestingly, Evangelicals, realising this, are now
trying to improve from their traditional forms, and be flexible in
adopting new styles that make worship services livelier.

Furthermore, the form and style in music play a key role in worship.
With a good mixture of music, the worship becomes livelier and more
enjoyable. Some churches consider preaching as more important than
music, while others do not. Other churches prefer using simple
instruments, like the piano, organ, keyboards, and acoustic guitars, while
others experiment with a different range of instruments. Moreover,
many churches debate about certain musical styles used to worship God.
Some assume that the much-simpler styles, which are less stimulating,
are spiritual, and those that excite people have secular features.
Different assumptions affect people’s thinking about music.

Whether people are aware of it or not, the environment in which the

church is located also affects the form of worship. Without proper
analysis of the environmental context, Arua comments, “some pastors do
not emphasise Melanesian Christian worship . . . in the town churches”. 20
His thoughts are reasonable, but narrow-minded. He incorrectly uses
contextualisation to emphasise his idea of “indigenisation”.
Contextualisation is relevant in a particular culture.21 A town is a
modern environment, and is very different from a village.
Contextualisation is necessary, but indigenisation may not be relevant
because of the mixture of people in the church. Many short-sighted
people falsely accuse Western missionaries of discouraging
indigenisation in the past, without considering the genuine reasons why
it was discouraged. 22 Some Melanesian church leaders tell others to
indigenise music, while they, themselves, prefer modern music. This

20
Ako Arua. “Christian Worship in Melanesian Churches”, in Melanesian Journal of
Theology 9-1 (1993), p. 27.
21
Ledimo Edonie. “Syncretism in the Milne Bay Province of Papua New Guinea”, in
Melanesian Journal of Theology 16-1 (2000), p. 40.
22
Arua, “Christian Worship in Melanesian Churches”, p. 28.

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shows that these people are only retelling what they were told in their
classes on contextualisation, and not from their own convictions.

In a town church, people generally want to use the latest forms of music
in worship. Where churches have high school and tertiary students
involved in the youth programs, the music groups, time and again, want
to apply the latest styles they have learned. Professionals in the church
also want something that is relevant to their context. In contrast, those in
rural churches would consider something that is not too old, but relevant,
to be appropriate.

ETHNIC INFLUENCE
The second sphere of influence lies in the socio-cultural upbringing.
People, who like music, grow up learning certain popular local tunes. A
person may not be aware of his inclination towards certain musical tunes.
However, you could ascertain his preference for a type of music when he
whistles or hums the tune himself. Probably, in his earlier life, he has
been involved with a music group. That group may have favoured a
style that eventually won the musician’s interest. If the group likes
playing rock, their fans, too, will be led to love rock. A person, growing
up in a contemporary culture, will probably prefer Western styles more
than local music.

Some people instinctively have individual interests on what music they

prefer. When they hear a style or tune, they feel good about it, and want
to hear more of it. That interest may not be cultivated by other factors,
like cultural upbringing, church, or any secular influences, but by their
own individual interests. Some may attribute this to one’s personality,
though not all, necessarily, agree.

WHY ADOPT CONTEMPORARY CHRISTIAN MUSIC?

CULTURAL CHANGES AFFECTING INDIGENOUS MUSIC
Culture changes as people adopt new ways of living. Melanesian culture
is changing very quickly, with the influence of the Western lifestyle.
Development in the modern education system has paved the way for
people to be exposed to Western influences. As a result, many educated

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people are shifting from old ways of life to new ways. Those, who have
access to better services, like electricity, education, roads, entertainment
industries, and other daily services, prefer the new way of living.
Contemporary music is also becoming popular, and in more demand than
the traditional music of the past, owing to these changes.

The music desired in modern Melanesian societies today is heavily

influenced by the Western lifestyle. No one can stop the tide. People,
who complain about the changes that are happening, are like a person
trying to stop the Sepik River flooding.23 With the effects of modern
development, our societies are moving towards a global community.

In the light of these changes, contemporary music has greater advantages

than indigenous music. People, who live in towns, would prefer to use
power instruments, like the electric guitar, keyboard, and drums, to aid
their worship, rather than use kundu drums that may not be relevant to
their context, even though they are Melanesians. In many village
churches, people like to use guitars to produce music in worship
services, rather than traditional instruments. This is due to the fact that
people are beginning to understand the quality of the sounds these
musical instruments produce. A guitar can produce a beautiful tune, and
a good rhythm, as contrasted with a kundu or garamut that can give
beats, but no tune. Many traditional instruments produce unnecessary
noise.

A restatement of the Lord’s commission is to “know Christ, and make

Him known” (Matt 28:19-20).24 To fulfil the Great Commission, certain
approaches, which are relevant to the context of the present culture,
should be used to aid the gospel. In the past, ancestors used traditional
tools for work. Their work was hard and slow, and produced less
harvest. Today, modern tools are preferred, because they make work
easier, faster, and produce better results. Likewise, music is a ministry
tool. Traditional music may have been effective in the past, but the
modern generation would prefer the latest technology, because of its

23
The Sepik River is a very big river in East Sepik Province PNG.
24
CLTC Mission Statement.

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mass impact. Clergy and musicians have to broaden their views,

because, as time changes, it brings with it the force of change. The
winds of change are blowing in every direction, and Christianity has to
ride with the wind, or lose everything to the secular world. Gregory
remarks, “Musical experiences, like religious experience, must grow if it
is to live”. 25

THE GOSPEL MUST BE PASSED ON TO THE NEXT GENERATION

We should not only think of what is appropriate for us today, but also
consider the important factors that can relay the message of Christ, in a
meaningful way, to the next generation. Some people are too legalistic,
and do not see the opportunities of passing the gospel to the next
generation. To make Christian music meaningful and appropriate for
them, we have to allow our children and young people to embrace the
gospel, through whatever means that seems appropriate to their
perspective. As Maeliau points out:

Throughout the history of the church, theologians have always

been dating, updating, and outdating their theologies . . . [they]
have one thing in common, . . . and that is to make the gospel . . .
address itself to the people of today in a meaningful and relevant
way. Is this not our aim, too?26

Unless the music presented in our churches fits their standard, we cannot
win their love for Christian music. Young people do not like outdated
music.

Contemporary music is positively impacting churches today. Even in

village churches, many people are not using traditional music, but are
blending it with modern-day music, to create something new. On the
other hand, Bosip asserts that some theologians have argued that

25
A. S. Gregory, Praises with Understanding (London UK: Epworth Press, 1936), p.
163.
26
Michael Maeliau. “Searching for a Melanesian Way of Worship”, in The Gospel is
Not Western: Black Theologies from the South-West Pacific, G. W. Trompf, ed.
(Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1987), p. 121.

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contemporary music is affecting the work of the church. 27 Their

argument is bigoted and fallacious. With the introduction of
contemporary music, churches have seen great changes in their worship
services, and an increase in church attendance and membership.
Churches that are growing most rapidly are those that have very fine
contemporary music. People are not willing to come to church and hear
the Word of God unless the church provides something that interests
them. “Music that shapes the community will use many styles that invite
greater inclusiveness.”28

CONCLUSION
Music in worship is like the flesh that holds the bones and other body
parts together. In the past, traditional music was highly valued by
indigenous people. However, modern influences have changed people’s
tastes for beauty and relevance in life. The old ideas are being replaced
by the new. Because contemporary music is foreign, it comes under fire
from legalistic, orthodox Christians. This is due to the fact that people
have different opinions about what Christian music is. By having a
better understanding, changes and adaptations can be made to modern
forms of music, in order to make Christian music relevant to
contemporary Melanesian society.

Rice affirms:

The present is exciting, and the future is bright. The day should
soon come when sacred music will, again, be at least equal to
secular music in quality and quantity. Beauty and holiness will
exist in proper perspective, and the holiness of beauty will be a
reality. 29

27
Bosip, A Tune of Our Own, p. 19.
28
Dawn, Reaching Out Without Dumping Down, p. 178.
29
Rice, A Concise History of Church Music, p. 115.

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