1

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

Background of the Study

Of all possible behavior a person emits in the course

of her life, few may have as many implications as there are

in the behavior of voting for a party or a representative in

an election. By casting a vote, the individual person,

directly or indirectly, lays down a course of action for the

government and for the socio-political and physical

organization she inhabits.

For instance, in a democratic country like the

Philippines, citizen plays a vital role in making democracy

more effective. The citizens are the ones who are

responsible in choosing an individual who will serve as

their representative and responsible for the common good of

the people. One important manifestation of a democratic

process is through election since it represents the

political choice of people.

By being an integral part of the decision- making

process in a democratic country the Philippine Constitution

granted its citizens the right of suffrage and even with the
 2

freedom of choice. The public often falls deep into the

felony of vote- buying candidates with their fraudulent

platforms that would later on turn into empty promises.

People fail to take notice of the candidates’ records of

past works or their credentials; how they treat their

family, those closest to them, their degrees of relationship

or even their past histories. And when it comes to the

government, the people are complacent in making complaints.

People want to see changes in the economy, in healthcare, in

education, and much more. They want to see real changes

happen in the country. However, how can they expect to

achieve real change if they don’t care to take part in a

vehicle that could help them bring the said change, they

long for? The electorate, especially the Filipino voters

fail to realize that their actions are the ones that bring

them to a kind of governance they are experiencing. People’s

ignorance in choosing and electing a candidate affect the

majority which resulted in undesirable leadership.

As John F. Kennedy,1 an American politician, once said,

“The ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the

security of all,” It emphasizes that every voter is of equal

importance in a democracy, and that a citizen’s most

1
Politics and Culture, Retrieved from https://www.brainyquote.com /quotes/ john_f_kennedy
_124805 on October 15, 2022.
 3

important contribution is an informed vote. It serves as a

reminder of the current voting situation and the importance

of what will be the outcome of voting. It is a fact that

every vote matters. Hence, choosing and knowing the right

leaders for the country is essential. To vote is not just a

right. It’s a responsibility, a moral and political

responsibility that is shared equally by every citizen in a

democratic system. Voting is the only process in politics

where a poor farmer or a woman from a disadvantaged

community has the same political power as the CEO of a giant

company or a person holding the most powerful and

prestigious position in the government.

The complaints and criticism mentioned mostly came from

the youth who are more exposed to information on different

platforms of mass media and throughout Philippine history.

Generations of Filipino youth have been instrumental in

critical movements that have changed social and political

landscapes. Common phrases like “the youth hold the future”

or “the youth is the hope of our nation” are indubitably

true.

The youth today are the inheritors of the land of

tomorrow. Now, on the face of several present- day

difficulties, they’re bonding together, educating

 4

themselves, and pushing themselves to be heard. The youth

seem to be growing more determined to have a say or a voice

on their future. However, despite of their strong

inclination towards political issues, some of them still

don’t give value to the importance of voting. They are least

likely to participate in an election which is a major

concern of everyone. Considering that 52% of the total

registered voters in the Philippines are youth,2 their low

interest in voting is a decline in democracy. The non-

participation of the young electorates had been found to

have low level of political efficacy.

Political efficacy is measured by level of interest in

politics. The view that politics is easy to understand, and

the perception that politics is relevant. A range of

international studies investigating youth political

attitudes and electoral engagement have found that young

people, and particularly young voters, tend to have low

levels of internal political efficacy, and that they often

find politics boring, complicated, and irrelevant.3

2
Comelec Spokesperson James Jimenez said in a CNN online briefing on Saturday, September 11,
2022. Retrieved from https://www.cnnphilippines.com/news/2021/9/11/Comelec-youth-vote-2022-
national-elections.html on October 25, 2022.

3
Sahara I. Balch, Multiple Indicators in Survey Research: The Concept 'Sense of Political Efficacy'.
Political Methodology 1, p.43. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/25791375.pdf on October
25, 2022.
 5

Moreover, young voters do not trust the political

system. While young people make up a large portion of the

eligible voting population, they're much less than those who

are older to get out and vote. People have low internal

political efficacy, and this seems to be more pronounced

among young voters.

The far-reaching importance of the conduct of election

makes this study on voting behavior a valuable academic

endeavour. Since it is only through voting that the

electorate can vest the government with sovereign powers.

The preceding observation on voting behavior and her

own political beliefs led the researcher to conduct this

study.
 6

Statement of the Problem

This study attempted to determine the factors related

to the voting behavior of the youth in selected barangays of

Bobon, Northern Samar.

Specifically, it attempted to answer the following

questions:

1. What is the socio-demographic profile of the

respondents in terms of:

a. age,

b. sex,

c. civil status,

d. occupation,

e. monthly income,

f. religion,

g. educational attainment, and

h. place of residence?

2. What is the level of mass media exposure of the

respondents?
 7

3. What is the level of political efficacy of the

respondents?

4. What is the voting behavior of the respondents?

5. What is the relationship between the voting behavior

and the following variables:

a. age,

b. sex,

c. civil status,

d. occupation,

e. monthly income,

f. religion,

g. educational attainment,

h. place of residence,

i. level of mass media exposure, and

j. level of political efficacy?

6. Is there a significant difference between the voting

behavior of the youth from Barangay General Lucban and

Barangay Quezon?

Objectives of the Study

 8

This study primarily aimed at determining the factors

related to the voting behavior of the youth in selected

barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar.

Specifically, it aimed to:

1. Determine the socio- demographic profile of the

respondents in terms of:

a. age,

b. sex,

c. civil status,

d. occupation,

e. monthly income,

f. religion,

g. educational attainment, and

h. place of residence.

2. Determine the level of mass media exposure of the

respondents.

3. Determine the level of political efficacy of the

respondents.

4. Determine the voting behavior of the respondents.

5. Determine the relationship between the voting behavior

and the following variables:

 9

a. age,

b. sex,

c. civil status,

d. occupation,

e. monthly income,

f. religion,

g. educational attainment,

h. place of residence,

i. level of mass media exposure, and

j. level of political efficacy?

6. Determine if there is a significant difference between

the voting behavior of the youth from Barangay General

Lucban and Barangay Quezon.

Significance of the Study

This study is highly significant because this will help

to identify and evaluate the basis of decisions of the

voters when casting a vote, which has been considered to be

a central concern for political scientists and by the

electorate. It will also help to answer questions concerning

related instances on voting behavior.

Specifically, this study is important to the following:

 10

The Youth. This study will help them to make more

informed choices when casting a vote and will help them to

identify whether their voting behavior is desirable or

undesirable.

The Registered Voters. This study is important to the

voters in general because this will help them to improve

their voting choices and will enable them to determine the

importance of taking their part in electoral processes.

The Barangay Officials. This study will provide them an

information on the voting behavior of the youth.

Consequently, the findings of this study will greatly help

them to improve their methods of making policies and

programs that can help and encourage the young voters to

become more politically oriented.

Political Science Students. This study will help to

expand the knowledge of the students and deepen their

understanding about the nature of voting behavior and they

will also be able to evaluate their own political attitudes.

Future Researchers. This study is important because

this will serve as a reference for related studies that may

be conducted in the future.

 11

Scope and Limitation

This study is limited in determining the factors

related to the voting behavior of the registered youth

voters in selected barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar

namely: Barangay General Lucban, and Barangay Quezon.

It is limited in determining whether the independent

variable such as; age, sex, civil status, occupation,

monthly income, religion, educational attainment, place of

residence, level of mass media exposure, and level of

political efficacy have a significant relationship on the

respondent’s voting behavior, and also limited in

determining if there is a significant difference between the

voting behavior of the youth from the two selected barangays

of Bobon, Northern Samar.

Due to some reasons beyond the control of the

researcher, and the huge number of registered voters in the

municipality of Bobon, Northern Samar, only 2 out of 18

barangays were chosen for this study. Moreover, out of 119

questionnaires only 92 questionnaires were retrieved. For

 12

economic reason and time limitation, the researcher decided

not to go back again to gather the uncollected

questionnaires. Knowing that some were working in other

cities and some could no longer produce the instrument

handed to them. Lastly, some respondents especially those

who are residing outside the población refused to

participate in this study.

Theoretical Framework

The act of voting is a central element of decision

making in modern democracies. It gives each citizen who is

eligible to vote the opportunity to co-decide political

decisions. There exist three theories that will support this

study, (1) The Rational Choice Theory, (2) Media

Mobilization and Media Malaise Theory and (3) The

Sociological Theory.

According to Downs, aggregation of public opinion is a

building block of democracy and he further claims that

voting behavior can be investigated through voter’s self-

interest and rational choice. According to Downs theory,4

rationality is the center point for both voters and

4
Anthony Downs, An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Harper, 1957) p. 342. Retrieved
from https://academic.oup.com/edited-volume/34715/chapter-abstract/296447698 on October 21, 2022.
 13

political parties. It emphasizes that both the voters and

political parties act according to their own interest and

needs. Political parties do not run election campaigns using

amateur techniques but their main agenda is to seek prestige

and to win ultimately power and this is possible only if

political parties are able to convince their voters about

their agenda and are able to win maximum votes, in turn

voter’s voting behavior demands rational satisfaction of

their needs and interests from available political parties.

Applying this theory in this study, individuals may

make rational choice when they vote but their socio-

economic status like sex, age, monthly income, religion, and

others including the media they consume shapes how they form

this rational choice.

Empirically supporting the rational choice theory,

according to Dalton and Wattenberg,5 voter’s choice of a

particular candidate is influenced by rational thinking that

a party’s objectives should be compatible with their own.

According to the media mobilization theory, news media

act as agents to mobilize the public to participate in

politics. In contrast, the media malaise theory asserts

5
Russel J. Dalton and Martin P. Wattenberg, The Not So Simple Act of Voting, 2nd Ed. pp. 193- 218.
Retrieved from https://publiceconomics.files.wordpress.com/2011/06/26-dalton-y-wattenberg-act-of-
voting.pdf on October 21, 2022.
 14

that entertainment media and/or certain news media (e.g.,

television news) decrease the public’s interest and increase

its cynicism in politics. In terms of the media

mobilization theory, past research has established a strong

and positive correlation between consuming news about public

affairs and the political socialization process. For

example, obtaining news from a newspaper is one of the

strongest predictors of political participation.6

Similarly, Garramone and Atkin7 explored the

association between exposure to media and fundamental

political knowledge in young people. Based on a survey of

public-school students, they found that newspaper reading

had the greatest impact on political participation, and

broadcast media helped students gain an understanding of

current events.

Applying this theory in this study, a greater exposure

to mass media influences the behavior of the voters. The

overall media use was a significant factor in relation to

various political activities.

6
Kitechs, J. Powell, Information, please? Information seeking, mass media, and the undecided
voter, Communication Research Reports, 20 (1), pp. 73-81. Retrieved on November 1, 2022.

7
Michael G. Garramore, & Kenn C. Atkin, Mass communication and political socialization:
specifying the effects. Public Opinion, Quarterly, 50, pp. 76 – 86. Retrieved on November 1, 2022.
 15

Another theory, according to Lazarfelds et al.8 is the

“sociological theory” that is built on the argument that

voter’s social neighbourhood and membership of other groups

influence over the voting behavior of an individual. The

association between the voter’s electoral behavior and the

social groups he belonged to, reached to the conclusion that

social characteristics determine political preference.

Sociological model also explains that voters in a country

like the United States of America do not cast their votes

based on some reason, but to conform or to fit in one’s

social group.

Among other sociological factors that define voting

behavior of an individual, peer group and family members

also determine voting behavior.

Supporting the “sociological theory” according to Gavin

Stamp,9 a political reporter of BBC states that one third of

young adults claim that their voting decisions are

influenced by their family members and peer groups. The

young voters who live with their parents, are influenced by

their parents for voting. In the social and political

8
Paul Felix Lazarfelds et al., The People’s Choice How the Voters Make Up His Mind in a
Presidential Campaign (Columbia University Press. 1944) p. 56. Retrieved from
http://cup.columbia.edu/book/the-peoples-choice/9780231197953 on October 21, 2022.

9
Gavin Stamp, BBC News- Election: How do friends and family influence votes? 2010. Retrieved
from http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/election_2010/8622748.html on October 21, 2022.
 16

context, these influences are categorized into two different

types of influences; decide to vote and whom to vote. The

most influential social pressure is within household. For

most young adults, the family is the most influential

determinant in the democratic participation of the youth

i.e., voting.

Applying this theory to this study, a voter’s behavior

may be shaped by different factors that would benefit their

own interest and other economic circumstances. In need for

money, a voter may resort to undesirable action during

election like selling his or her vote for incompetent,

unworthy, and neglectful candidate.

Conceptual Framework

This study is conducted based on the assumption that

age, sex, civil status, occupation, monthly income,

religion, educational attainment, place of residence, level

of mass media exposure and the level of political efficacy

affect the voting behavior of the youth in selected

barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar.

This assumption or conceptualization is illustrated in

the following diagram.

 17

Paradigm of the Study

This section presents the flow of the study. It shows

the schematic relationship between the independent and the

dependent variables.

Independent Variables Dependent Variable

Age
Sex
Civil Status
Occupation
Monthly Income
Educational
Attainment Voting Behavior

Religion
Place of Residence
Level of Mass Media
Exposure
Level of Political
Efficacy

Figure 1. A paradigm showing the relationship between the

independent and dependent variables.

 18

Figure 1 presents primarily the concept of this study.

It consists of major variables namely: age, sex, civil

status, occupation, monthly income, educational attainment,

religion, place of residence, level of mass media exposure,

and level of political efficacy which serves as the

independent variable of this study whereas the voting

behavior of the registered youth voters is the dependent

variable.

Hypotheses

The following hypotheses will be tested in this study.

1. There is no significant relationship between age and

the voting behavior of the respondents;

2. There is no significant relationship between sex and

voting behavior;

3. There is no significant relationship between civil

status and voting behavior;

4. There is no significant relationship between occupation

and voting behavior;

5. There is no significant relationship between the

monthly income and voting behavior;

 19

6. There is no significant relationship between religion

and voting behavior;

7. There is no significant relationship between

educational attainment and voting behavior;

8. There is no significant relationship between place of

residence and voting behavior;

9. There is no significant relationship between the level

of mass media exposure and voting behavior;

10.There is no significant relationship between the level

of political efficacy and voting behavior.

11. There is no significant difference between the voting

behavior of the youth from Barangay General Lucban and

Barangay Quezon.

Definition of Terms

The following terms are herein defined conceptually and

operationally to facilitate better understanding of this

study.

Age. Conceptually, it is a time of life usually define

in years in which a person, thing or object has existed.10

10
Webster American English Dictionary (Springfield, Masachussets: Federal Street Press. 1995)
p. 54.
 20

In this study, it refers to the actual age of the

respondents, counted to his/her birthday or at the time this

study will be conducted.

Civil Status. Conceptually, it refers to the status of

whether an individual is single, married, widowed, and

separated.11 In this study, it refers to the status of the

respondents whether they are married or non- married.

Educational Attainment. Conceptually, it refers to the

highest level of education that a person has successfully

completed.12 In this study, it refers to the highest degree

of education the respondents have reached which could be

elementary level, elementary graduate, high school level,

high school graduate, college level, or college graduate.

Monthly Income. Conceptually, it refers to the

financial gain over a given period of time.13 In this study,

it refers to the respondents monetary earning from all

sources over a certain period of time.

Level of mass media exposure. Conceptually, it refers

to the extent to which the audience have encountered

11
Ibid, p. 29.

12
United States Census, Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/topics/education/educational-
attainment.html on October 15, 2022.

13
Corporate Financial Institute, Retrieved from https:/ /corporatefinanceinstitute.com/
resources/ monthly-income on October 15, 2022.
 21

specific messages or classes of messages and media

content.14 In this study, it refers to the mass media forms

and the frequency spent by the respondents in reading

newspaper and other forms of publication, watching

television, listening to radio programs, and surfing in the

internet.

Level of Political efficacy. In this study, it refers

to the respondent’s faith and trust in government and their

belief that they can understand and influence political

affairs. It can either be high or low.

Place of Residence. Conceptually, it refers to the

civil subdivision of a country (district, county,

municipality, province, state) in which the individual

resides.15 In this study, it refers to the place where the

respondent lives.

Political efficacy. Conceptually, it refers to the

underlying belief of an individual’s powerfulness or

powerlessness in the political world.16 In this study, it

14
Webster’s Universal Dictionary and Thesaurus (WS Pacific Publication, Inc., Manila Philippines,
2002) p. 178.

15
Place of residence Definition: Law Insider, Retrieved from https://www.lawinsider.com on
October 15, 2022.

16
Joseph A. Campbell et al., The Voter Decides (Row Peterson Publication, Inc., 1954), p.57.
Retrieved from https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/
voter-decides/html on October 15, 2021.
 22

refers to the respondent’s ability to understand politics

and their belief of being capable to influence government

and politics.

Religion. Conceptually, this refers to the social-

cultural system of designated behaviours and practices,

morals, beliefs, worldviews, texts, sanctified places,

prophecies, ethics, or organizations, that generally relates

humanity to supernatural, transcendental, and spiritual

elements.17 In this study, it refers to the type of

religious beliefs and practices the respondent is identified

with.

Sex. Conceptually, this refers to either of the two

major forms of individual that occur in many species and

that are distinguished respectively as male or female

especially on the basis of their reproductive organs and

structures.18 In this study, it identifies whether the

respondents are male or female.

Voting behavior. Conceptually, it refers to the form

of electoral behavior, a way in which people tend to vote.19

17
The Global Religious Landscape, 18 December 2012. Retrieved from https://www.
pewresearch.org/religion/2012/12/18/global-religious-landscape-exec/html on October 15, 2022.

18
Merriam Webster Dictionary (University of Cambridge, USA: Merriam Webster Inc), p.122.

19
Sheldon Goldman, Voting Behavior on the United States Courts of Appeals, 1961–1964. The
American Political Science Review. 60 (2), p. 374. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/1959082
on October 15, 2022.
 23

In this study, it refers to the manner by which the

respondents in selected barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar

exercise their right to vote. This may either be desirable

or undesirable depending on whether it is in accord with the

election laws and prevailing moral standard.

Youth. Conceptually, it refers to the critical period

in a person’s growth and development from onset of

adolescence toward the peak of maturity, self- reliant, and

responsible adulthood comprising the considerable sector of

the population from the age fifteen (15) to thirty (30)

years.20 In this study, it refers to the registered voters

between the age of eighteen (18) to thirty (30) years old

who serve as the respondents of this study.

20
National Youth Commission, Republic Act 8044, Sec. 2 (2). Retrieved from
https://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unyin/documents/wpaysubmissions/philippines.pdf on October 15,
2022.
 24

Chapter II

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

To the extent the content and background of this study

conceptual and related studies are hereby presented.

Conceptual Literature

Factors that influence voting behavior in particular

and voter’s behavior in general is an important subject that

is widely addressed in political science and sociology. As

the factors that influence voters’ preferences are better

understood, politics get closer to the ideal of creating a

“Common good” for the people, settling issues and ensuring

social welfare and integrity. Therefore, whenever politics,

which is the only method in this framework, has left it to

their methods to fulfil these goals, the price was paid by

the “Human suffering” which is always the price for wrong

politics. In today’s world where sicknesses, poverty and

 25

wars terrorise the entire planet, politics obviously has a

long way to go.

It is believed that the data obtained in this study

will contribute to the literature of political science and

of other relevant areas. Furthermore, it will give

interested parties an opportunity to better understand the

voter – with respect to the local or national elections.

On Socio- Demographic Factors

Age

According to Miller et al.,21 age is a significant

a factor, it is age that defines the voting patterns of an

individual. Some difference can be identified, however. For

one thing, young adults tend to be more liberal than older

ones, for example young adults tend to hold more progressive

views than older persons on such issues as racial equality.

Another study on voting behavior conducted in

Washington State University stated that age was one of the

strongest predictors of vote choice in the most recent

national or local elections. Moreover, younger people are

21
Warren Edward Miller and Merrill J Shanks, “The New American Voter”, Harvard University
Press, Retrieved from http://www.stevenwwebster.com/research/age_full_paper.pdf on December 3,
2022.
 26

usually more liberal than older people and younger people

prefer younger candidates over older candidates compared to

older people.22

Sex

Women are more likely to vote than men (56 percent

vs. 53 percent in 2014). As recently as 2020, voter

participation rates were higher among women than men.

According to the data from the Commission on Elections,

registered female voters outnumber males by at least 1.5

million.23

Gender has also been an important factor when studying

the voting behavior of citizens regarding a variety of

issues. Sanbonmatsu,24 looks at the different stereotypes

associated with men and women regarding “candidate beliefs,

issue competency, and traits, and voter gender.” In regards

to gender stereotypes Sanbonmatsu claims that the general

population tends to view women as more capable to understand

issues dealing with women’s rights, whereas men are more

22
Jenny Lynn Holland, “Age Gap: The Influence of Age on Voting Behavior and Political
Preferences in the American Electorate”, Washington State University, January 2013. Retrieved on
December 3, 2022.
23
Philippine News Agency, Retrieved from https: www.pna.gov.ph>article.com on December 3,
2022.

24
Kira Sanbonmatsu, “Gender Stereotypes and Vote Choice”, American Journal of Political Science
Vol. 46, No. 1, pp. 20-34, Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/3088412 on December 3, 2022.
 27

capable to deal with issues such as foreign policy and

defense. Sanbonmatsu reports that their gender stereotypes

influence a preference for certain genders in office.

Sanbonmatsu found that in regards to issues that voters “who

think women are more likely to take their position on

abortion – a stereotypically female strength – are more

likely to prefer the female candidate.” The voters,

especially female voters, who are pro-choice and support

women’s rights believe that a female representative will be

more likely to vote pro-choice than a male representative.

Ultimately, Sanbonmatsu found that “voter gender is only

part of the explanation for voters’ baseline preference; not

only voter gender, but stereotypes about traits, beliefs,

and issue competency explain the baseline gender

preference.” The stereotypes about an issue such as

abortion, or foreign affairs show a correlation with gender,

thus affecting how people vote.

Kaufmann also looks at the effects of gender on voting

behavior and how the gender gap between the parties has

widened. He also added that “For women, the issues

themselves – reproductive rights, female equality, and legal

protection for homosexuals – have become increasingly

important determinants of party identification. For men,

the influence of cultural conflict on partisanship is argued

 28

to be equally pervasive.” Kaufmann looks at the cultural

factors that have pushed women to the Democratic Party while

men tend to be a part of the Republican Party. Kaufmannn,

also found that newer social policies regarding women’s

rights and homosexual rights are threatening to a society

based upon tradition, thus leading to the split between men

and women between the parties.25

In looking at the division between the genders and the

political parties, Kaufmann looks at the opinions and

cultural values on different issues. Kaufmann states that

“women are generally more liberal than men across most of

the issue dimensions and in particular on cultural and

social welfare issues.” He sees how cultural attitudes

toward different issues such as women’s rights, homosexual

rights, and abortion rights are different for men and women.

Kaufmannn claims that there is strong evidence that the

culture wars – in particular partisan polarization over

abortion and homosexual rights – may have recruited

additional women to the ranks of the Democrats. Even though

men and women share similar attitudes on abortion and

women’s rights, the greater emphasis that women place on

these views tend to exacerbate the partisan differences

25
Karren M. Kaufmann, Gender Conflict and Political Choice: A Study of Mayoral Behavior in Los
Angeles and New York, Volume 33, Issue 5, Retrieved from https://journals.sagepub.com on December 3,
2022.
 29

between them. This can also be true for the influence of

religions in that particular religious groups, such as

Protestant groups, in that their overwhelming voting

influence is what further separates the voters in the

different parties. Ultimately, Kaufmann’s (2002) findings

show that women are more interested in the particular issues

such as abortion rights or homosexual’s rights leading them

to be more liberal with partisanship whereas men are more

conservative regarding the issues because their focus is on

policies regarding social welfare. Kaufmann, strongly

argues that there are many gender implications when looking

at culture issues in the United States.26

Civil Status

According to Leigley and Nagler,27 in their

extensive research on who votes, there is consensus on the

positive relationship between marriage and voting behavior.

Married people are more likely to have a good voting

behavior than unmarried people and if your partner votes,

you are more likely to vote. The positive relationship

between marriage and voting is commonly explained by either

26
Ibid.

27
Jan E. Leighley and Jonathan Nagler, “Socioeconomic Class Bias in Turnout: The Voters Remain
the Same”, The American Political Science Review Vol. 86, No. 3, pp. 725- 726, Retrieved from
https://www.jstor.org/stable/1964134 on December 3, 2022.
 30

social network access or social stability. With this in

mind, it is hardly surprising that marital status is a

widely used variable in research on voting behavior. The

choice of life partner has a large impact on your social

status, your networks, and your future choices in life.

Nevertheless, the importance of who your partner is has not

received much attention in the voting behavior literature.

Occupation

According to Azzollini,28 unemployment decreased

electoral participation to which later on affect an

individual’s voting behavior. One easiest way to classify

voters is by occupation. A person's occupation will normally

not change much during their lifetime. (Unlike changing

jobs, which are often in the same occupation.) A voter's

occupation will also determine their income. employment

insecurity affects the more fundamental decision of

abstaining from voting, especially under left-wing

incumbents, as a poorly performing left-wing government will

leave insecure individuals ambivalent and alienated from the

political process. While the salience of unemployment may

differ across individuals for example, due to variation in

28
Leo Azzollini, The Scars Effect of Unemployment on Voting Behavior, European Sociological
Review, Volume 37, Issue 6, December 2021, Retrieved from https:/doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcab016 on
November 13, 2022.
 31

employment insecurity voters are assumed to have a common

preference for low unemployment. They are also assumed to

have a desire to elect the political actor most likely to

reduce unemployment, with changes in unemployment under the

incumbent serving as a signal of his or her competence

Monthly Income

According to Swann,29 voters with higher income

are able to participate in electoral process more easily,

thus engaging in and controlling the legislative debate in

terms that will most likely favor their interest. The fact

that higher income is associated with greater voter turnout

does not necessarily mean that having a higher income causes

people to be more likely to vote. In theory, there are

reasons why higher incomes could make people more likely to

vote. Voting can be a costly activity. Doing so requires

time, skills, information, a certain level of health, and

access to transportation, among others. It is possible that

having higher incomes provides people with resources that

make the activity of voting easier. But there are other

possible interpretations regarding how income might affect

voting that point in a different direction: if voting

requires taking time off, this can be more costly for people
29
Cynthia A. Swann and Elizabeth M. Yang, “How Inequality Impacts Voting Behavior”, Vol. 48,
No. 1: Economics on Voting, October 24, 2022. Retrieved on December 3, 2022.
 32

who earn more (as the opportunity cost of their time is

higher). Alternatively, it is possible that other factors

that tend to be associated with higher incomes — such as

higher levels of education, for instance — underlie the

association between higher incomes and voter turnout.

Education provides skills that make it easier for people to

consume political information. Beyond resources and skills,

education might also provide people with a social context

that makes it more likely to participate in voting. If those

with higher levels of education feel a greater sense of

civic duty, or have a stronger belief in the benefits of

voting, this would contribute to the correlation between

income and voting.

Religion

Philippines has long been considered to be the

only Christian country in Asia, it is expected that

everywhere in the country is people who predominantly were

Roman Catholics. Even if the country has a freedom of

religion, Roman Catholicism is still a dominant religion.

Throughout time there has been a strong emphasis in the

understanding of voting behavior. According to Gibbs,30

religion is a strong indicator of an individual’s voting

30
Aimee K. Gibbs, “Religiosity and Voting Behavior”, Retrieved from https://www.mckendree.edu
on November 29,2022.
 33

behavior. Religion has an important impact in how the voter

looks at specific issues, such as abortion, homosexuality,

the environment, and economics. The voter then uses his or

her response to these issues as a guideline to help

determine which presidential candidate to vote for. It is

therefore reasonable to understand that religion has a

significant influence on an individual’s voting behavior in

presidential or local elections.

Educational Attainment.

According to Morris et al.,31 individuals who have

attained more education is more likely to view voting as a

civic duty. Whether caused by schooling, family background,

personality traits, or adult social networks (or a

combination of these factors), internalization of voting

norms is more pronounced among people with higher levels of

educational attainment. Civic participation, especially

voting, is an expected behavior among the highly educated in

the US, and consistent reminders of this expectation is

eventually becoming more self-enforcing. Voting regularly

simply becomes taken for granted, even in the absence of

active social pressure to do so. In turn, the highly

31
Michael Morris et al., Nomology: Integrating insights about social norms to understand cultural
dynamics. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 129, p.13. Retrieved from https:// fem.
pku.edu.cn/docs/20190604104817657813.pdf on July 14, 2022.
 34

educated feel more motivated to vote regularly in elections,

without needing to be reminded of the injunctive norm in the

lead-up to Election Day.

Place of Residence.

According to Burns et al.,32 another factor that

affects voting behavior is the place of residence, where one

lives apparently has a relation to how one votes. The

effect of place of residence on voting behavior in general

and voting turnout in particular has been ambiguous.

Modernization theory has assumed a positive relation-ship

between urban residence and higher levels of political

participation.

A study conducted in Turkey, provides that

urbanization, combined with other component processes of

social modernization, would create among citizens new ties

to the national state, increase the amount of political

communication, lead to greater awareness of instrumental

stakes of politics, and shift the political orientations of

citizens from parochial to national and participant.33

32
Nancy Burns, Adam J. Berinsky and Michael W. Traugott, “The Public Opinion Quarterly”, Vol.
65, No. 2, p. 178, Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/3078801 on December 3, 2022.

33
“Urban-Rural Differences in Political Participation”, Princeton University Press 2013, Retrieved
from https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9781400870622-007/pdf on September 29,
2022.
 35

On Mass Media Exposure

According to Iyengar and Reeves,34 both mass

communication and personal communication have attracted

increased interest as sources of persuasive information

which influence individual voting decisions. Katz and

Lazarsfeld's 'filter hypotheses’ maintain that personal

communication mediates the influence of mass communication

on individual voters, reinforcing or blocking the impact of

media information, depending on the evaluative implications

of that information and on the political composition of

voters' discussant networks.

According to Falck et al.,35 the mass media are the

main sources of information for voters on government

policies and the ideological positions of parties and

politicians. Theoretical models also found out that more

information is generally good for voters because it helps

them monitor politicians more efficiently. This simple

insight is, reflected in freedom of information legislations

34
Shanto Iyengar and Richard Reeves, Do the Media Govern? Politicians, Voters, and Reporters in
America (Thousand Oaks, Calif: Sage, Inc) p. 22. Retrieved from https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/do-
the-media-govern/book5701 on September 23, 2022.

35
Oliver Falck et al., E-lections: Voting behavior and the internet (American Economic Review
104:7), p. 2238–2265. Retrieved from https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.104.7.2238 on
September 23, 2022.
 36

that guarantee access to government information. However,

the quality of information provided by different types of

media may vary across political issues (e.g., labor, trade,

education, housing) and across regions, thus giving rise to

all kinds of media biases. One obvious bias arises from a

situation where the broad range of mass media was

strategically employed to manipulate public opinion. This is

usually observed in totalitarian regimes. However, even in

the absence of strategic manipulation, media can still exert

a partisan influence on public opinion, as they may

reinforce voters’ predispositions through pervasive

selection and filtering. The intense media coverage of an

issue can makes people believe that the issue is important

(agenda setting); people may evaluate politicians’ decisions

based on the issues covered in the media (priming); and the

way an issue is characterized in news reports can have an

influence on how it is understood by the audience (framing).

These different sources of biases are particularly

likely to occur in the context of traditional mass media

such as newspapers, radio, and television, where editorial

boards determine the topics covered. For example, one study

analyses the impact of the introduction of Fox News in the

US on voting behavior between 2013 and 2016 and finds it to

 37

have had a significant effect on Republican votes during the

presidential elections in 2016.36

Similarly, another study analyses the expansion of the

first private Russian television channel (NTV) at the end of

1996, which was supportive of the opposition in the 1999

parliamentary elections in Russia. It finds that the

presence of that independent television channel increased

the combined vote for major opposition parties at the

expense of the governing party.37

These examples underline the important role of the

media in the dissemination of information in relation to

voting patterns. Moreover, using the radio to gather news

was also a significant predictor, with respondents who

actively listened to radio news programs as being more

politically efficacious.

On Political Efficacy

36
Stefano Dellavigna and Ethan Kaplan, The Fox News effect: Media bias and voting (Quarterly
Journal of Economics, Inc, 2013), p. 1187. Retrieved from https://eml.berkeley.edu/~sdellavi/wp/Fox
VoteQJEAug07.pdf on September 30, 2022.

37
Ruben Enikolopov et al., Russia Media and political persuasion: Evidence from American
Economic Review, pp. 3278- 3285. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/41408737 on September
30, 2022.
 38

According to Sheerin,38 political efficacy is broadly

defined as a person’s self-belief in their own ability to

understand politics, be heard, and make a difference

politically. Political efficacy is one of the most

theoretically important and frequently used concepts to

explain and predict political attitudes and behavior among

citizens. Also, political efficacy has long been considered

a powerful predictor of voting behavior.

Following Campbell et al.,39 seminal work on political

efficacy, it was revealed that majority of the youth today

have low level of efficacy. Political Efficacy is comprised

of two different components: internal efficacy-beliefs about

one’s own competence to understand and to participate

effectively in politics, and external efficacy one’s

perceptions about politicians and elections as responsive to

citizen demands Empirical research has consistently linked

political efficacy with a propensity to vote.

Recent research indicates that using social media and

public affairs websites positively predicts political

efficacy. Kushin and Yamamoto’s study of college student

38
Celia Anne Sheerin, Political Efficacy and Youth Non-Voting: A Qualitative Investigation into the
Attitudes and Experiences of Young Voters and Non-Voters in New Zealand (University of Canterbury,
2007) p. 124. Retrieved from https://ir.canterbury.ac.nz/handle/10092/962 on September 30, 2022.

39
Angus Campbell et al., The Voter Decides (New Haven Haley: University Press) p.98. Retrieved
from https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/15205436.2010.516863 on October 15, 2022.
 39

activity during the 2008 United States presidential election

concluded that female respondents were more politically

efficacious when compared to their male counterparts.40

Studies on political efficacy in Germany stated that

internal political efficacy is translated from political

knowledge and then influences various actions of political

participation, including conventionally, i.e., going out to

vote.41

According to Ajzen,42 internal efficacy is also

described as something that increases the willingness to

participate. Such willing behavior is an essential primary

condition in determining actual action or voting behavior.

Studies in 24 European and American countries on

political efficacy explain the findings of the study based

on individuals and countries in general. Individually,

internal efficacy plays a significant role in driving a

person's likelihood of engaging with political

40
Matthew James Kushin and Masahiro Yamamoto, Did social media really matter? College
students' use of online media and political decision making in the 2008 election (Mass Communication &
Society Press, Inc), p. 608. Retrieved from https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/
9781315872650-4 on October 15, 2022.

41
Frank Reichert, How internal political efficacy translates political knowledge into political
participation: Evidence from Germany, Europe’s Journal of Psychology 2016, p. 221. Retrieved from
https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4894288 on October 15, 2022.

42
Icek Ajzen, Martin Fishbein's legacy: The reasoned action approach, The Annals of the
American Academy of Political 2012, p. 27. Retrieved from https://journals.sagepub.com on October 15,
2022.
 40

participation. In general, at the national level, internal

efficacy drives the probability of participation in

representative forums. However, it does not directly lead to

turnout results. Thus, individual representative

participation is determined by internal efficacy, whereas

voting exit is seen as a conventional civic norm.43

On Voting Behavior

According to Dahlgren,44 voting behavior is considered

as an indicator of how effectively the democratic process

runs and has been a subject of discussion for many political

scholars throughout the world. Nevertheless, it is believed

that the political and the social systems, to which an

individual belongs hold multiple factors that influenced the

voting decision of an individual member.

Moreover, a concept of behavior can be understood as

all things or act that is being done by someone, behavior is

a personal main characteristic to do something as the result

43
Erik Amna et al., Meaningful Participation? Political Efficacy of Adolescent in 24 Countries
(Sweden Publishing Inc, 2004) p. 67. Retrieved from https://www.semanticscholar.org/paper/1 on
October 23, 2022.

44
Peter Dahlgren. Social Media and counter- democracy: The contingences of participation,
Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 7444 LNCS, p. 11. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-
33250 on July 22, 2022.
 41

of combining many factors such as psychological, physical,

biological and social condition that affect persons’ life.

The study of voting behavior is roughly divided into

long-term and short-term influences. Long-term influences

include social class, gender, race, culture, religion, age,

education, housing tenure and simple long-term political

alignment (when people just say “I’m Labour” for instance).

Short-term influence includes the performance of the

governing party, major issues, the electoral campaign, the

image of party leaders, the influence of the mass media and

major political events (e.g., war or economic crises).45

Another study of voting behavior, suggested that at

least there are three models in the study of voting

behavior, i.e. sociological model which be identified as

Columbia models by focusing on the influence of social

factors; psychological model that be identified as Michigan

model which views that party identification is the main

factor behind the voting behavior of the voters; and

rational choice theory or economic model which be identified

as Rochester model that be based on economic theory of

democracy. This is also true with schools. Teaching and

45
Robert J. Jackson and Doreen Jackson, An Introduction to Political Science: Comparative and
World Politics (Toronto: Pearson, Prentice Hall, 2008), p. 53. Retrieved from https://www. Amazon.com/
Introduction-Political-Science-Comparative-Politics/dp/0130083453 on August 11, 2022.
 42

learning in the school have huge influence in politic

education, especially for young generations. Through

teaching and learning, politic education can be achieved in

particular subject as in national education and history.46

Proponents of the rational model suggest that people

vote by assessing the pros and cons of each candidate or

political party. They argue that: “Voters decide whether to

vote and how to vote, based on maximizing an expected

utility with both selfish social terms”. They may vote for

the person or party based on the expectations they have for

their performance on major issues such as economic growth

and lack of corruption. Nevertheless, most of the advocates

of this stance give credit to the numerous studies done on

the role of inner biases in the voting behavior. Otherwise,

they would need to extend the definition of rationality to

the point of becoming meaningless if they were to assume

that inner biases are rational or that their role is

insignificant to the voting behavior.47

Numerous research has shown that a number of

considerations play a role in shaping vote choice. Voters

46
Joana C. Antunes, Analysis of Vote Behavior in Election (Atlantis Press, Inc) p. 184. Retrieved
from https://www.atlantis-press.com/article/125933815.pdf on August 11, 2022.

47
Anthony McGann, Voting and Rational Choice, 31 August 2016. Retrieved from
https://oxfordre.com/politics/viewbydoi/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.79 on August 11, 2022.
 43

may prospectively consider agreement with the proposed

policy stands of candidates or parties, and on occasion

their material self-interest.48

Retrospective judgments about past performance in

office can be influential, especially when incumbents seek

re-election. In candidate-centered electoral systems, the

character of the competing politicians—their competence and

integrity—is often important. Stereotypes and prejudice can

automatically (and unconsciously) influence and social

identifications, particularly with political parties, can

determine vote choice.49

Related Studies

In the study conducted in Nigeria, according to

Shehu,50 in the 2019 general elections in Biliri local

government, religion, ethnicity and the region in which the

voter’s belong are found to be the dominant factors of

48
Stephen A. Jesse, Spatial Voting in the 2004 Presidential Election, American Political Science
Review, p. 82. Retrieved from http://laits.utexas.edu/~sjessee/research-files/spatialvoting04APSR.pdf on
September 15, 2022.

49
Angus Campbell et al., The American Voter (Chicago: University of Chicago Press) p. 235.
Retrieved from https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/A/bo24047989.html on September
23, 2022.

50
Shehu A. Enoch, A Study of Factors that Influenced Voters' Behaviour: A Case of Billiri Local
Government 2019 General Elections, November 2019, p. 78. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.
net/publication/343474457 on October 23, 2022.
 44

voting behavior. Exercise of rights, obligation and

political aspirants also influenced voter’s behavior more

than any factors.

Ronato’s,51 on the factors related to the voting

behavior of the voters in the two selected barangays in the

Municipality of Catubig, Northern Samar revealed that

majority of the respondents had desirable voting behavior.

It also presented that an independent variable such as age,

sex, civil status, religion and income were not

significantly related to the voting behavior of the

respondents. On the other hand, place of residence,

educational attainment, and occupation were found to be

significantly related to the voting behavior of the

respondents.

Although Ronato’s study and this study both dealt with

voting behavior, they differed in some areas. First Ronato’s

study was conducted in the two selected barangays of

Catubig, Northern Samar, whereas this study was conducted in

the two selected barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar.

Second, this study includes 10 independent variables

namely; age, sex, civil status, occupation, monthly income,

educational attainment, religion, place of residence, level

51
Sheryl Ann A. Ronato, Factors Related to the Voting Behavior of the Voters in the Two Selected
Barangays in the Municipality of Catubig, Northern Samar, Unpublished Thesis April 2013, p. 74.
 45

of mass media exposure and level of political efficacy.

Whereas Ronato’s study had 9 independent variables such as;

residence, age, sex, civil status, religion, educational

attainment, monthly income, occupation and level of mass

media exposure. Furthermore, Ronato’s study focuses on the

voting behavior of the electorates in the two barangays of

the municipality of Catubig, Northern Samar. Whereas the

respondents of this study are the registered youth voters

who are considered to be the game changer of politics.

Lastly, this study also dealt with political efficacy

which is also considered to be a determining factor on

voting behavior.52

Chapter III

METHODOLOGY

Locale of the Study

52
Irena R. Servia, Political Efficacy: A Three Component Scale, National Research University
Highschool of Economics, 20 Myasnitskaya Str., Moscow, 101000, Russian Federation. Retrieved from
https:/www.semanticscolar.org/paper/politicalefficacyathreepointscale/html.com on November 13, 2022.
 46

This study was conducted in the two selected barangays

of Bobon, Northern Samar namely: Barangay General Lucban,

and Barangay Quezon (Panicayan).

Bobon is a 4th class municipality in the province of

Northern Samar, Philippines with a total number of 18

barangays.

The municipality has a land area of 130.00 square

kilometers or 50.19 square miles which constitutes 3.52% of

Northern Samar’s total area. Its population as determined by

the 2020 census was 25, 964. This represented 4.06% of the

total population of Northern Samar province, or 0.57% of the

overall population of the Eastern Visayas. Bobon is situated

in Northern Samar, Region 8, Philippines, its geographical

coordinates are 12° 31' 37" North, 124° 33' 49" East and its

original name (with diacritics) is Bobon.

 47

Figure 2. A map highlighting the Barangay General Lucban and

Barangay Quezon, Bobon, Northern Samar

Research Design

This study employed a descriptive research method.

Specifically, survey and correlational method to determine

the factors related to the voting behavior of the youth in

selected barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar. Survey was

used to describe the variables such as age, sex, civil

status, occupation, monthly income, educational attainment,

religion, place of residence, level of mass media exposure,

level of political efficacy and voting behavior of the

respondents. Correlational method was used to test the

relationship between the independent and dependent

variables.
 48

According to Sevilla et al.,53 through correlational

method one can ascertain how much variation is caused by one

variable in relation with the variation caused by another

variable.

Population and Sampling

The population of this study includes the registered

youth voters who are residing in the two selected barangays

of Bobon, Northern Samar namely: Barangay General Lucban,

and Barangay Quezon (Panicayan).

In order to compare if there is a significant

difference between the voting behavior of the registered

youth voters, one barangay within the población and one

barangay outside the población were chosen to serves as the

locale of the study.

The sampling technique employed in this study is random

sampling. Specifically, stratified sampling was used in

selecting the respondents of this study. From the total

population only 10% of the respondents were randomly chosen

from barangay General Lucban and 20% of the respondents were

randomly chosen from barangay Quezon (Panicayan).

53
Consuelo G. Sevilla et al., Research Methods (Quezon City: Rex Printing Company Inc, 1992), p.
110.
 49

The Respondents

The respondents of this study were the 92 out of 119

registered youth voters who were randomly selected from the

two selected barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar namely:

Barangay General Lucban, and Barangay Quezon (Panicayan).

The respondents of this study were broken down as

follows:

Name of Barangay Population/ Respondents

Universe

General Lucban 617 53

Quezon (Panicayan) 284 39

Total 901 92

Research Instrument

A survey questionnaire was used to gather the data

needed for this study which was patterned from Ronato’s

 50

instrument. However, new items were introduced like the

series of questions on political efficacy which was

patterned from Sarieva’s instrument in order to suit this

study.

The instrument of this study is composed of four parts.

Part I is the gathered data on the socio- demographic

profile of the respondents such as age, sex, civil status,

monthly income, educational attainment, religion, and place

of residence.

Part II measured the level of mass media exposure of

the respondents.

Part III determined the level of political efficacy of

the respondents.

Lastly, Part IV dealt with the assessment of the voting

behavior of the respondents.

The instrument was originally prepared in English, but

was translated into Ninorte- Samarnon for easy understanding

of the respondents.

Validation of the Instrument

 51

The survey questionnaire was pretested to the five

registered youth voters residing in the Municipality of San

Jose, Northern Samar in order to identify the weak points of

the questionnaire. The pre- test results were presented to

the thesis adviser which was used as a guide in improving

the instrument. The accomplished questionnaire was carefully

examined by the researcher and then submitted to the adviser

for the final corrections. With the approval of the adviser,

the final copies were reproduced for distribution to the

identified respondents.

Variables and their Measure

For the analysis and interpretation, the ten

independent variable and one dependent variable were

categorized as follows:

Independent Variables

A. Age

The age of the respondents was categorized into three

age brackets as follows:

AGE
 52

28-30

23-27

18-22

B. Sex

Sex of the respondents was categorized into male and

female.

SEX CATEGORY

Male Male

Female Female

C. Civil Status

The Civil Status of the respondents was categorized

into married or non- married. The married and separated

respondents were categorized as “married” while the single

respondents were categorized as “non- married”.

Civil Status Category

 53

Married
Married
Separated

Single Non- Married

D. Occupation

The occupation of the respondents was categorized as

employed and unemployed.

Occupation Category

Cashier, Laborer, Utility,

Driver, Teller, Teacher,
Farmer, SK Chairman, Dole GIP,
Construction Worker,
House Helper, Collector
Book Keeper, Office Staff, Employed
Call Center Agent, Fisherman
Fish vendor, Promodiser,
Municipal Secretary,
Substitute Teacher,
Delivery Boy

None Unemployed

E. Monthly Income
 54

The Monthly income of the respondents was categorized

based on their salary. Those respondents who have greater

income were categorized as “high”, respondents with average

income were categorized as “average” and the respondents

with the smallest income were categorized as “low”.

Monthly Income Category

20,001 above
High
15,001- 20,000

10,001- 15,000
Average
5,001- 10,000

3,001- 5,000
Low
3,000 below

F. Educational Attainment

The Educational attainment of the respondents was

categorized into:

Educational Level Category

College Graduate
High
College Level

Highschool Graduate
Average
 55

Highschool Level

Elementary Graduate
Low
Elementary Level

G. Religion

The Religion of the respondents was categorized into

Roman Catholic and Non- Roman Catholic for those respondents

who are Born Again, Iglesia ni Kristo, Jehovah’s Witnesses

and other religions.

Religion Category

Roman Catholic Roman Catholic

Born Again

Iglesia ni Kristo
Non- Roman
Jehovah’s Witnesses Catholic

Other religions

H. Place of Residence

The Place of residence of the respondents was

categorized into:

Place of Residence Category

 56

Barangay General Lucban Within the Población

Barangay Quezon Outside the Población

I. Level of Mass Media Exposure

The frequency of mass media used was multiplied with 4

for always, 3 for sometimes, 2 for seldom, and 1 for rarely.

The scores were summed up and categorized as “high”,

“average”, and “low”.

Scores Category

14-15 High

10-13 Average

6-9 Low

J. Level of Political Efficacy

This was measured by three indicators; the respondent’s

interest in politics, the view that politics is easy to

understand, and the perception that politics is relevant.

Through these indicators ten statements were formulated. The

extent of their agreement and disagreement was given certain

points. A “strongly agree” (SA) response to a positive

statement was given 5 points, “agree” (A) 4 points, “fairly

agree” (FA) 3 points, “disagree” (D) 2 points, “strongly

 57

disagree” (SD) 1 point. A response to a negative statement

of “strongly agree” (SA) was given 1 point, “agree” (A) was

given 2 points, “fairly agree” (FA) was given 3 points,

“disagree” (D) was given 4 points, “strongly disagree” was

given 5 points. The score obtained by all respondents was

totalled to get the mean. Using the mean, the level of

political efficacy was categorized as high for 36 above and

35 below was categorized as low.

Scores Category

36 above High

35 below Low

Dependent Variable

A. Voting Behavior

The voting behavior of the respondents was determine

based on their responses to the given statement which was

formulated to capture the respondents’ voting behavior. An

“always” (A) response to a positive statement was given 3

points, “sometimes” (S) 2 points, and “never” (N) 1 point. A

response to a negative statement of “always” (A) was given 1

point, “sometimes” (S) 2 points, and “never” (N) 3 points.

With the total score from their responses the respondent’s

 58

voting behavior was categorized as desirable and

undesirable.

Scores Category

54 above Desirable

53 below Undesirable

Data Gathering Procedure

The researcher first wrote a formal letter-request to

the Office of the Comelec of Bobon for the list of

registered voters to obtain the total population of the

study which was signed by the thesis adviser, Chair of the

Department of Social Sciences and the Dean of the College of

Arts and Communication.

The researcher also asked for the approval through a

formal letter from the Punong Barangay of the two selected

barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar to personally administer

the questionnaire to the identified respondents. The

researcher also provides a formal letter asking for the

consent of the respondents and ensured that the data they

provided are treated with utmost confidentiality and was

used for academic purposes only. The distribution of the

 59

questionnaire started in the last week of December 2022 and

ends I n the first week of March 2023.

Ethical Consideration

Before agreeing to participate in the study, the

researcher provided a letter of consent to the respondents

and a list of the hypotheses and what is expected during the

study. Stated in the letter was the confidentiality of the

data gathered that it will be used only in this thesis

dissertations. The respondents are also free to choose

whether to participate or not without any pressure or

coercion. All participants are given the freewill to

withdraw from, or leave, the instrument at any point without

feeling an obligation to continue. They can also withdraw

their information by contacting the researcher anytime as

they wish. All of the respondents have a right to privacy,

and that they are rest assured that the researcher will

protect the data they provided.

 60

Statistical Treatment

The data gathered in this study were tallied, tabulated

and statistically analyzed using mean, percentage, ranking,

and chi- square test.

Percentage: P=f ÷ n× 100

Where:

P= Percentage

F= Frequency

N= Number of Cases

100= Constant Number

The Chi- square test was used to determine if there is

a significant relationship between the independent and

dependent variables.

Chi- Square test: x 2=∑

( 0− ⅇ )2
E

Where:

2
x = chi-square

O = Observed frequency

E = Expected frequency

Σ=summation
 61

2
N ( AD−BC )
Chi- Square test of Difference: x 2=
( A + B )( C + D ) ( A +C ) (B+ D)

Where:

2
x = chi-square

N = total number of cases

A, B, C, and D = are the observed frequencies

 62

Chapter IV

PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF DATA

This chapter presents the statistical analysis of the

data and the corresponding interpretation and discussion of

the findings based on the order of the statement of the

problem.

The tabulated findings, analysis and interpretation of

the data gathered through survey questionnaires were

analyzed and interpreted using statistical tools.

Socio- Demographic Profile

Age

Table 1a presents the distribution of respondents

according to their age. The data shows that, 52 or 57

percent of the respondents was 18 to 22 years old, 36 or 39

percent was 23 to 27 years old and 4 or 4 percent was 28 to

30 years old. The youngest respondent was 18 years old and

the oldest was 30 years old.

The data clearly indicate that the vast majority of the

respondents was 18-22 years old which implies that they

 63

already possessed this kind of maturity to be able to

discern what is right and what is wrong, proper and improper

in every situation and action. A study conducted on voting

behavior in Washington State University stated that age was

one of the strongest predictors of vote choice in the most

recent national or local elections.

Table 1a

Distribution of Respondents by Age

Age Frequency Percentage

28-30 4 4
23-27 36 39
18-22 52 57
Total 92 100
oldest: 30 youngest: 18 mean: 22

Sex

Table 1b presents the sex of the respondents. Among the

92 respondents, 54 or 59 percent of the respondents was

female and 38 or 41 percent was male.

The data indicate that there are more female than male

voters in this study. According to the data from the

Commission on Elections, registered female voters outnumber

the male by at least 1.5 million.

 64

Table 1b

Distribution of Respondents by Sex

Sex Frequency Percentage

Female 54 59
Male 38 41
Total 92 100

Civil Status

Table 1c presents the distribution of the respondents

based on their civil status. As indicated, 65 or 71 percent

of the respondents was single, 26 or 28 percent was married

and 1 or 1 percent was separated. According to Leigley and

Nagler, the positive relationship between marriage and

voting is commonly explained by either social network access

or social stability. With this in mind, it is hardly

surprising that marital status is a widely used variable in

research on voting behavior.

Table 1c

Distribution of Respondents by Civil Status

Civil Status Frequency Percentage

Single 65 71
Married 26 28
Separated 1 1
Total 92 100
 65

Occupation

Table 1d presents the distribution of respondents

according to their occupation. It can be seen from the table

that 62 or 67.42 percent of the youth voters was unemployed,

3 or 3.28 percent was into farming, 3 or 3.28 percent work

as a cashier, 3 or 3.28 percent work as a house helper,

while the rest of the respondents works in various jobs.

The data show that there are more unemployed youth

voters in this study. This group is vulnerable to political

machinations of the candidate.

Table 1d

Distribution of Respondents by Occupation

Occupation Frequency Percentage

Cashier 3 3.28
Laborer 2 2.19
Utility 1 1.08
Driver 1 1.08
Teller 1 1.08
Teacher 1 1.08
Farmer 3 3.28
SK Chairman 1 1.08
Dole GIP 1 1.08
Construction 1 1.08
Worker
House Helper 3 3.28
Collector 1 1.08
Book Keeper 1 1.08
Office Staff 1 1.08
Call Center Agent 1 1.08
Fisherman 2 2.19
Fish vendor 1 1.08
 66

Promodiser 1 1.08
Municipal 1 1.08
Secretary
Substitute Teacher 1 1.08
Delivery Boy 1 1.08
Merchandizer 1 1.08
None 62 67.42
Total 92 100

Monthly Income

Table 1e presents the monthly income of the

respondents. Out of 92 respondents only 14 or 15.2 percent

earned Php 3,000 below a month, 7 or 8 percent earned Php

3,001 to 5,000 a month, 3 or 3.2 percent earned Php 5,001 to

10,000 a month, 3 or 3.2 percent earned Php 10,001 to 15,000

a month, 2 or 2.1 percent earned Php 15,001 to 20,000 a

month, and 1 or 1 percent earned Php 20,001 above a month,

and 62 or 67.3 percent has no monthly income.

The data clearly indicate that majority of the

respondents have no income. This finding has a far-reaching

implication to elections and voting as a political process

of choosing the officials who will constitute the

government. Elections could not be free when people are

economically poor.
 67

Table 1e

Distribution of Respondents by Monthly Income

Monthly Income Frequency Percentage

20,001 above 1 1
15,001-20,000 2 2.1
10,001- 15,000 3 3.2
5,001- 10,000 3 3.2
3,001- 5,000 7 8
3,000 below 14 15.2
None 62 67.3
Total 92 100

Religion

Table 1f presents the data on the religion of the

respondents. Out of 92 respondents, 88 or 96 percent was

Roman Catholics, 3 or 3 percent was Iglesia ni Cristo and 1

or 1 percent was a Born Again.

The data show that almost all of the respondents are

Roman Catholics. It can be inferred that the voters are

equipped with Christian values to guide them in making

political decisions. It is well known that the Catholic

Church in the Philippines is taking an active part in

educating Filipino voters. Since the Philippines is

dominated by Christian values in Asia, it is expected that

everywhere people are predominantly Roman Catholics. Even if

 68

the country has a freedom of religion, Roman Catholicism is

still a dominant religion.

Table 1f

Distribution of Respondents by Religion

Religion Frequency Percentage

Roman Catholic 88 96
Iglesia ni Cristo 3 3
Born Again 1 1
Total 92 100

Educational Attainment

Table 1g presents the educational attainment of the

respondents. Out of 92 respondents, 1 or 1 percent was in

the elementary level, 5 or 5 percent was elementary

graduate, 7 or 8 percent was in high school level, 21 or 23

percent was high school graduate, 43 or 47 percent was in

college level, and 15 or 16 percent was college graduate.

The data indicate that all respondents have gone to

formal schooling and majority of them have attained college

education. According to Morris et al., individuals who have

attained more education is more likely to view voting as a

civic duty. Whether caused by schooling, family background,

personality traits, or adult social networks (or a

combination of these factors), internalization of voting

 69

norms is more pronounced among people with higher levels of

educational attainment.

Table 1g

Distribution of Respondents by Educational Attainment

Educational Frequency Percentage

Attainment
Elementary Level 1 1
Elementary 5 5
Graduate
Highschool Level 7 8
Highschool 21 23
Graduate
College Level 43 47
College Graduate 15 16
Total 92 100

Place of Residence

Table 1h presents that 53 or 58 percent of the

respondents is resident of an interior barangay whereas 39

or 42 percent of the respondents is resident of an exterior

barangay.

The data shows that majority of the respondents in this

study resides within the población in the municipality of

Bobon, Northern Samar. According to Burns et al., another

factor that affects voting behavior is the place of

residence, where one lives apparently has a relation to how

one votes.
 70

Table 1h

Distribution of Respondents by Place of Residence

Place of Residence Frequency Percentage

Brgy. Gen. Lucban 53 58

(Within the
población)

Brgy. Quezon 39 42
(Outside the
población)

Total 92 100

Mass Media Exposure

Frequency of Use of Mass Media

Table 2a presents the frequency of use of mass

media form by the respondents. As shown in the table,

Internet is the mass media form that is used “always”

whereas Newspaper is the mass media form that is used

“rarely”.

The data indicate that the respondents are more exposed

to the Internet compared to other mass media form.

 71

Table 2a

Distribution of the frequency of Use of Mass Media by the

Respondents

Forms of Mass Frequency of Use

Media
Always Sometimes Seldom Rarely
Internet 54 28 10 0
Television 34 8 38 12
Electronic 4 2 29 57
Media
Newspaper 1 4 26 61
Magazine 0 1 31 60
Total 93 43 134 190

Mass Media form Used

Table 2b presents the mass media forms used by the

respondents. The data show that television ranked 1 with 49,

documentary ranked 2 with 40, newspaper rank 3 with 39, soap

opera rank 4 with 28, and showbiz rank 5 with 21 respondents

using it.

The data show that majority of the respondents watch

television. This means that the respondents rely on

 72

television for information and entertainment. It also means

that the respondents prefer television over print media.

According to Falck et al., mass media are the main source of

information for voters on government policies and the

ideological positions of parties and politicians.

Table 2b

Responses of the Respondents on Mass Media Form that they

Use

Mass Media Form Frequency Rank

Television 49 1
Documentary 40 2
Newspaper 39 3
Soap opera 28 4
Showbiz 21 5
*Multiple Response

Level of Mass Media Exposure

Table 2c presents the level of mass media exposure of

the respondents. Out of 92 respondents, 13 or 14 percent had

high level of mass media exposure, 47 or 51 percent had

average level of mass media exposure, and 32 or 35 percent

had low level of mass media exposure.

The data show that majority of the respondents had an

average level of mass media exposure. According to Falck et

al., the mass media are the main sources of information for

voters on government policies and the ideological positions

 73

of parties and politicians. Theoretical models also found

out that more information is generally good for voters

because it helps them monitor politicians more efficiently.

This simple insight is, reflected in the freedom of

information legislations that guarantee access to government

information.

Table 2c

Distribution of Respondents by Level of Mass Media Exposure

Level of Mass Frequency Percentage

Media Exposure

High 13 14

Average 47 51

Low 32 35

Total 92 100

On Political Efficacy

Interest in Politics

Table 3a presents the interest of the respondents

in politics. Five being the highest and 1 being the lowest.

The data show that out of 92 respondents, only 20 or 22

percent rate their interest in politics as (5) Highly

 74

Interested, 16 or 17 percent rate their interest in politics

as (4) Interested, 34 or 37 percent rate their interest in

politics as (3) Averagely Interested, 13 or 14 percent rate

their interest as (2) Not Interested, and 9 or 10 percent

rate their interest in politics as (1) Highly Not

Interested. This means that majority of the respondents only

have an average interest in politics.

Table 3a

Distribution of Respondents by Interest in Politics

Interest in Politics Frequency Percentage

Highly Interested 20 22
Interested 16 17
Averagely Interested 34 37
Not Interested 13 14
Highly Not 9 10
Interested
Total 92 100

Response on whether or not Politics is Relevant

Table 3b presents the respondents as to whether or

not politics is relevant.

The data clearly indicate that vast majority of the

respondent states that politics is relevant. Out of 92

respondents, 91 or 99 percent views politics as relevant,

and only 1 or 1 percent views politics as not relevant.

 75

Table 3b

Distribution of Respondents by responses on whether or not

Politics is Relevant

Responses Frequency Percentage

Relevant 91 99
Not Relevant 1 1
Total 92 100

Assessment on Political Efficacy

Table 3c shows that of the positive statements,

the top line noting statement in which the respondents

indicated, they “strongly agree” are as follow: “I can

influence the enactment of laws”, which out of 92

respondents 18 or 19.57% strongly agreed; “I believe that I

have the capacity to make political changes”, which out of

92 respondents 18 or 19.57 percent also strongly agreed.

While the positive statement with the biggest number of

respondents who indicate they “strongly disagree” is the “I

believe that a person like me is way more powerful than a

 76

person sitting in the highest position in the government”

which out of 92 respondents 17 or 18.48 percent.

As regards to the negative statement, the top line

statement with the biggest number of respondents who

indicate they “strongly disagree” is the “People like me

don’t have a say to what the government does” which out of

92 respondents 39 or 42 percent strongly disagreed.

The data shows that majority of the respondents

indicates “fairly agree” to every positive statement whereas

in negative statements majority of them indicates they

“strongly disagree”.

Table 3c

Distribution of Respondents on the statements of Political

Efficacy

Statements SA A FA D SD
F P F P F P F P F P
1. I can
feely and 9 10% 24 26% 36 39% 9 10% 14 15%
publicly
express my
political
opinions.

2.I can
influence 18 19. 14 15. 31 33. 15 16. 14 15.
the 57% 22% 69% 30% 22%
enactment
of laws.

3.I believe
 77

that I have 18 19. 23 25% 30 32. 10 10. 11 11.

the 57% 61% 87% 95%
capacity to
make
political
changes.

4.I have
the right 13 14. 16 17. 33 35. 16 17. 14 15.
to 13% 39% 87% 39% 22%
criticize
the
government
without
fear.

5. I
believe 10 10. 14 15. 28 30. 23 25% 17 18.
that a 87% 22% 43% 48%
person like
me is way
more
powerful
than a
person
sitting in
the highest
position in
the
government.

6. People
like me 4 4% 7 8% 19 21% 23 25% 39 42%
don’t have
a say to
what the
government
does.

7. My
single vote 7 8% 12 13% 17 18% 18 20% 38 41%
won’t make
any
difference.

8. I do not
have the 2 2% 12 13% 23 25% 26 28% 29 32%
 78

right to
speak
something
against the
actions of
the
government.
9.I do not
have the 2 2. 7 7. 19 20. 31 33. 33 35.
power to 17% 60% 65% 70% 87%
call out
the
government
lapses.

10.My voice
alone is 12 13. 10 10. 22 23. 19 20. 29 31.
ineffective 04% 87% 91% 65% 52%
to any
democratic
process

Computed Mean Value on Political Efficacy

Table 3d presents the computed mean value of every

statement in political efficacy and its corresponding

weighted score interpretation.

The table shows that of the positive statements from

items number 1 to 4 correspond with a weighted

interpretation of fairly agree. Which means that, almost all

respondents in this study fairly agree about the positive

statements on political efficacy. On the other hand, one

positive statement in item number 5 corresponds with a

weighted interpretation of disagree. Which means that the

 79

respondents in this study do not believe that they are way

more powerful than a person sitting in the highest position

in the government.

As regards to the negative statements from items number

6 to 10 correspond with a weighted interpretation of

disagree. Which means that, almost all of the respondents in

this study disagree about the negative statements on

political efficacy.

Table 3d

Weighted Score Interpretation on Political Efficacy

Statements Computed Weighted Score

Mean Interpretation

1. I can feely and

publicly express 3.1 Fairly Agree
my political
opinions.

2.I can influence

the enactment of 3.1 Fairly Agree
laws.

3.I believe that I

have the capacity 3.3 Fairly Agree
to make political
changes.
4.I have the right
to criticize the 3.0 Fairly Agree
government without
fear.

5. I believe that
a person like me
is way more 2.8 Disagree
 80

powerful than a
person sitting in
the highest
position in the
government.

6. People like me
don’t have a say 2.1 Disagree
to what the
government does.

7. My single vote
won’t make any 2.3 Disagree
difference.

8. I do not have
the right to speak 2.3 Disagree
something against
the actions of the
government.

9.I do not have

the power to call 2.1 Disagree
out the government
lapses.

10.My voice alone

is ineffective to 2.5 Disagree
any democratic
process

Level of Political Efficacy

Table 3e presents the distribution on the level of

political efficacy of the respondents. This was assessed

based on the responses of the respondents to the given

statements which were formulated to capture their level of

political efficacy. A “strongly agree” (SA) response to a

positive statement was given 5 points, “agree” (A) 4 points,

 81

“fairly agree” (FA) 3 points, “disagree” (D) 2 points,

“strongly disagree” (SD) 1 point. A response to a negative

statement of “strongly agree” (SA) was given 1 point,

“agree” (A) was given 2 points, “fairly agree” (FA) was

given 3 points, “disagree” (D) was given 4 points, “strongly

disagree” was given 5 points. The score obtained by all

respondents was totalled to get the mean. Using the mean,

the level of political efficacy was categorized as high for

36 above and 35 below was categorized as low.

Out of 92 respondents, 30 or 33 percent had high level

of political efficacy and 62 or 67 percent had low level of

political efficacy.

It can be deduced from the data that majority of the

respondents had low level of political efficacy. This

finding is consistent with the study of Campbell et al., on

his seminal work on political efficacy, it was revealed that

majority of the youth today have low level of efficacy.

Political efficacy is one of the most theoretically

important and frequently used concepts to explain and

predict political attitudes and behavior among citizens.

Also, political efficacy has long been considered as a

powerful predictor of voting behavior.

 82

Table 3e

Distribution of Respondents by Level of Political Efficacy

Level of Political Frequency Percentage

Efficacy

High 30 33
Low 62 67
Total 92 100

Assessment of Voting Behavior

Table 4a presents the responses of the respondents on

whether or not they are registered voters in the

municipality of Bobon, Northern Samar with 92 or 100 percent

indicates that they are registered voters in the said

municipality.

Table 4a

Distribution of Respondents by responses as to whether or

not they are a registered voter

 83

Responses Frequency Percentage

Yes 92 100

No 0 0

Total 92 100

On Voting Behavior Statements

Table 4b shows that on the positive statements, the top

line noting activities in which the respondents indicated

they “always” do are as follow: “Voting in the local and

national elections” with 87 or 95 percent of the

respondents; “Vote not only in the synchronized election but

also in barangay elections” with 82 or 89 percent of the

respondents, “Vote for a candidate who is competent rather

than one who is popular” with 72 or 78 percent of the

respondents, “Consider voting as an obligation and as a duty

of every citizen in a democratic society” with 66 or 72

percent of the respondents, “Try to understand the issues,

platforms and programs of the candidates” with 66 or 72

percent of the respondents.

While the positive statements with the biggest number

of respondents who indicates they “never” do was “Attend

 84

political rallies to help them decide on whom to vote” with

30 or 32 percent.

As regards to the negative statements, the top three

voting activities in which the respondents indicate the

“always” do are as follows; “Just decide on whom to vote at

the polling place” with 50 or 54.4 percent of the

respondents, “Accept ‘vote money’ but it will not change

their decision on whom to vote” with 50 or 54 percent of the

respondents, “As a gesture of ‘utang na loob’, vote for a

candidate who has helped them and their family regardless of

his competence and character” with 31 or 34 percent of the

respondents.

The negative statement in which the biggest number of

the respondents indicate they “never” do was “sell my vote”

with 82 or 89 percent of the respondents followed by “Vote

for a candidate endorsed by a TV personality” with 64 or 70

percent.

The data clearly indicate that the youth voters

regularly exercise their right and obligation to vote in the

local and national elections and majority of them vote for a

candidate who is competent rather than who is popular, which

is a good practice that a voter should adapt.

 85

It clearly revealed that the majority of the registered

youth voters accept the money offered to them, but they do

still vote for a candidate of their own choice. Moreover,

the vast majority of the respondents indicates that they do

not sell their votes and that they do not vote for a

candidate endorsed by a TV personality.

Table 4b

Distribution of Respondents by responses on Voting Behavior

Statements

Always (A) Sometimes Never (N)

Voting Act (S)

F P F P F P

1.I vote in the

local and 87 95% 2 2% 3 3%
national
election.

2.I go to the
polling station 52 57% 14 15% 26 28%
with a list of
candidates, I
will vote for.
3.I vote for a
candidate who is 72 78% 12 13% 8 9%
 86

competent rather
than one who is
popular.

4.I go to the
polling station 37 40% 46 50% 9 10%
early.
5.I choose
candidates who 40 43% 42 46% 10 11%
meet the
qualities and
prescribed by
the catholic
church.

6.I attend
political 18 20% 44 48% 30 32%
rallies to help
me decide on
whom to vote.
7.I look into
the performance 52 56% 31 34% 9 10%
and educational
background of
the candidates.

8.I try to
understand the 66 72% 18 19% 8 9%
issues,
platforms and
programs of the
candidates.

9.I vote not

only in the 82 89% 2 2% 8 9%
synchronized
election but
also in barangay
elections.

10.I listen to
the radio and 54 59% 33 36% 5 5%
watch
television, to
know more about
the character,
plans and
 87

accomplishment
of the
candidates.

11.I consider
voting as an 66 72% 17 18% 9 10%
obligation and
as a duty of
every citizen in
a democratic
society.

12.I vote
according to the 54 58% 19 21% 19 21%
dictate of my
conscience.

13.I listen to
the suggestions 29 31% 52 57% 11 12%
of my parents/
family on whom
to vote.

14.I accept
money given to 26 28% 43 47% 23 25%
me by the
candidates.

15.I sell my 4 4% 6 7% 82 89%

vote.

16.I just decide

on whom to vote 50 54.4% 15 16.3% 27 29.3%
at the polling
place.

17.I vote
because every 28 30% 13 14% 51 55%
qualified voter
in my
neighbourhood
does.
18.I vote for a
candidate who is 12 13% 18 20% 62 67%
my relative even
if he/she is not
competent and as
 88

honest as the
other
candidates.

19.I vote
because it is an 6 7% 25 27% 61 66%
opportunity to
earn money.

20.I accept 50 54% 23 25% 19 21%

“vote money” but
it will not
change my
decision on whom
to vote.

21.As a gesture
of “utang na 31 34% 26 28% 35 38%
loob”, I vote
for a candidate
who has helped
me and my family
regardless of
his competence
and character.

22. I try to
influence my 19 21% 39 42% 34 37%
relatives on
whom they should
vote for.

23. I vote for a

candidate 2 2% 26 28% 64 70%
endorsed by a TV
personality.

Voting Behavior
 89

Table 4c presents the distribution of voting behavior

of the respondents. This was assessed based on the responses

of the respondents to the given statements which were

formulated to capture their voting behavior. A “always” (A)

response to a positive statement were given 3 points,

“sometimes” (S), 2 points, and “never” (N), 1 point. A

response to a negative statement of “always” (A) was given 1

point, “sometimes” (S), 2 points, and “never” (N) 3 points.

The voting behavior score obtained by all respondents were

totalled to get the mean. Using the mean, the voting

behavior was categorized as desirable for 54 above, and 53

below was categorized as undesirable.

Out of 92 respondents, 57 or 62 percent had desirable

voting behavior and 35 or 38 percent had undesirable voting

behavior. The data clearly indicate that the majority of the

registered youth voters had a desirable voting behavior.

Table 4c

Distribution of Respondents by their Voting Behavior

Voting Behavior Frequency Percentage

Desirable 57 62
Undesirable 35 38
Total 92 100

Test of Relationship
 90

Age and Voting Behavior

Table 5a shows the relationship between age and

voting behavior. The computed chi- square value of 8.54 is

greater than the tabular value of 5.99 at 2 degrees of

freedom and .05 level of significance. It clearly shows that

the null hypothesis is rejected since there is a

relationship between age and voting behavior of the

respondents.

It can be deduced from the table that the respondents

with desirable and undesirable voting behavior were

different in the three age groups. This means that the

display of the respondent’s voting behavior is defined by

age. Which is consistent with the study of Miller et al.,

that indicates age is a significant factor. It is age that

defines the voting patterns of an individual and younger

people are usually more liberal than the older ones.

Table 5a

Relationship between Age and Voting Behavior

Age Voting Behavior Total

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
28-30 4 2 0 2 4
23-27 22 18 14 18 36
18-22 20 26 32 26 52
Total 46 46 92
 91

x c=¿8.54 x t=¿ 5.99 df=2 LS=.05 R=S

2 2

Sex and Voting Behavior

Table 5b shows the relationship between sex and

voting behavior of the respondents. Out of 54 female

respondents, 33 have desirable voting behavior, and 21 have

undesirable voting behavior. While out of 38 male

respondents, 23 have desirable voting behavior and 15 have

undesirable voting behavior. The test of relationship

between sex and voting behavior indicate that the computed

chi- square value of .00 is lesser than the tabular value of

3.84 at 1 degree of freedom at .05 level of significance.

Therefore, the null hypothesis is accepted. This means that

the sex of the respondents does not affect their voting

behavior. This finding is consistent with Ronato’s study

which indicates that sex is not significantly related with

the voting behavior of the respondents.

Table 5b

Relationship between Sex and Voting Behavior

Sex Voting Behavior Total

Desirable Undesirable
 92

O E O E
Female 33 32.87 21 21.13 54
Male 23 23.13 15 14.87 38
Total 56 36 92

2 2
x c=¿.00 x t=¿ 3.84 df=1 LS=.05 R= NS

Civil Status and Voting Behavior

Table 5c shows the relationship between the civil

status and voting behavior of the respondents. With the

computed chi- square value of .54, with a corresponding

tabular value of 3.84 with 1 degree of freedom at .05 level

of significance, the test of relationship between civil

status and voting behavior is not significant since the

tabular value is greater than the computed chi- square

value. Therefore, the null hypothesis is accepted. This

means that the civil status does not determine the voting

behavior of the respondents. This finding negates to Leigley

and Nagler, in their extensive research on who votes, that

there is consensus on the positive relationship between

marriage and voting behavior. Married people are more likely

to have a good voting behavior than unmarried people because

if your partner votes, you are more likely to vote.

Table 5c

Relationship between Civil Status and Voting Behavior

 93

Civil Voting Behavior Total

Status

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
Married 18 16.43 9 10.57 27
Non- 38 39.57 27 25.43 65
Married
Total 56 36 92

x c=¿.54 x t=¿ 3.84 df=1 LS=.05 R= NS

2 2

Occupation and Voting Behavior

Table 5d shows the relationship of occupation and

voting behavior of the respondents. The computed chi- square

value of 1.07 is lesser than the tabular value of 3.84 with

1 degree of freedom at .05 level of significance. Hence, the

null hypothesis is accepted. It means that the occupation

whether employed or unemployed does not determine the voting

behavior of the respondents. This finding is inconsistent

with Ronato’s study which revealed that occupation was

significantly related to the voting behavior of the

respondents.

Table 5d
Relationship between Occupation and Voting Behavior

Occupation Voting Behavior Total

 94

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
Employed 16 18.26 14 11.74 30
Unemployed 40 37.74 22 24.26 62
Total 56 36 92

2 2
x c=¿1.07 x t=¿ 3.84 df= 1 LS=.05 R= NS

Monthly Income and Voting Behavior

Table 5e presents the relationship between the

monthly income and voting behavior of the respondents. From

the computed chi- square value of .6 is lesser than the

tabular value of 7.81 with 3 degrees of freedom at .05 level

of significance; it clearly indicates that there is no

significant relationship between the monthly income voting

behavior of the respondents. Thus, the null hypothesis is

accepted. These findings suggest that whether one has a

higher or lower income, he or she is capable of manifesting

a desirable or undesirable voting behavior.

Table 5e

Relationship between the Monthly Income and Voting Behavior

of the Respondents

Monthly Voting Behavior Total

Income

Desirable Undesirable
 95

O E O E
High 2 1.86 1 1.14 3
Average 3 3.72 3 2.28 6
Low 14 13.01 7 7.99 21
None 38 38.41 24 23.59 62
Total 57 35 92

2 2
x c=¿ .6 x t=¿ 7.81 df= 3 LS= .05 R= NS

Religion and Voting Behavior

Table 5f presents the relationship between

religion and voting behavior of the respondents. The table

shows that the computed chi- square value of 3.71 is lesser

than the tabular value of 3.84 with 1 degree of freedom

at .05 level of significance. Hence, the null hypothesis is

accepted. It means that the religion does not affect the

voting behavior of the respondents. This negates the study

of Gibbs’s which implies that religion is a strong indicator

of an individual’s voting behavior.

Table 5f

Relationship between Religion and Voting Behavior

Religion Voting Behavior Total

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
Roman 52 54 36 34.43 88
Catholic
Non- Roman 4 2 0 1.57 4
Catholic
 96

Total 56 36 92

2 2
x c=¿3.71 x t=¿ 3.84 df= 1 LS=.05 R= NS

Educational Attainment and Voting Behavior

Table 5g presents the relationship between

educational attainment and voting behavior of the

respondents. It shows that the computed chi- square value of

9.83 is greater than the tabular value of 5.99 with 2

degrees of freedom at .05 level of significance. Therefore,

the null hypothesis is rejected. This means that educational

attainment affects the voting behavior of the youth.

As shown in the table, a much greater number of

respondents with “high” and “average” educational attainment

have desirable voting behavior. These individuals are least

likely to participate in voting activities which are

unlawful and not within the bounds of moral standard. This

finding is consistent with Ronato’s study that educational

attainment was significantly related to the voting behavior

of the respondents.

Table 5g

Relationship between Educational Attainment and Voting

Behavior
 97

Educational Voting Behavior Total

Attainment

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
High 39 34.04 19 23.96 58
Average 15 16.43 13 11.57 28
Low 0 3.52 6 2.48 6
Total 54 38 92

2 2
x c=¿9.83 x t=¿ 5.99 df=2 LS=.05 R= S

Place of Residence and Voting Behavior

Table 5h presents the relationship between the

place of residence and voting behavior of the respondents.

The computed chi- square value of .57 is lesser than the

tabular value of 3.84 with a 1 degree of freedom at .05

level of significance. This means that there is no

significant relationship between the place of residence and

voting behavior of the respondents. Hence, the null

hypothesis is accepted. This finding is inconsistent with

Ronato’s study that place of residence was significantly

related to the voting behavior of the respondents.

Table 5h

Relationship between Place of Residence and Voting Behavior

Place of Voting Behavior Total

Residence
 98

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
Gen. Lucban
(Within 34 32.26 19 20.74 53
Poblacion)
Quezon
(Outside 22 23.74 17 15.26 39
Poblacion)
Total 56 36 92

x c=¿.57 x t=¿ 3.84 df= 1 LS= .05 R= NS

2 2

Mass Media Exposure and Voting Behavior

Table 6a presents the relationship between the level of mass

media exposure and the voting behavior of the respondents.

The test of relationship between these variables reveals

that the computed chi- square value of 7.31 is greater than

the tabular value of 5.99 with 2 degrees of freedom at .05

level of significance. Therefore, there is a significance

relationship between the level of mass media exposure and

the voting behavior of the respondents. Hence, the null

hypothesis is rejected.

The table clearly indicates that those with “high” and

“average” levels of mass media exposure have desirable

voting behavior. This finding suggests that mass media plays

a vital role in the dissemination of information in relation

to voting patterns.
 99

Table 6a

Relationship between Mass Media Exposure and Voting Behavior

Mass Media Voting Behavior Total

Exposure

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
High 14 9.74 2 6.26 16
Average 28 28 18 18 46
Low 14 18.26 16 11.74 30
Total 56 36 92

2 2
x c=¿ 7.31 x t=¿ 5.99 df=2 LS=.05 R= S

Level of Political Efficacy and Voting Behavior

Table 7a presents the relationship between the level of

political efficacy and voting behavior of the respondents.

The test of relationship between the variables shows that

the computed chi- square value of 14.84 is greater than the

tabular value of 3.84 with a 1 degree of freedom at .05

level of significance. Therefore, there is a significant

relationship between the level of political efficacy and

voting behavior of the respondents. Hence, the null

hypothesis is rejected.

The table clearly indicates that those with low level

of political efficacy have possessed an undesirable voting

 100

behavior. Therefore, majority of the respondents in this

study view themselves as powerless when it comes to any

political activities. According to Campbell et al., on their

seminal work on political efficacy, it was revealed that

majority of the youth today has low level of efficacy.

Table 7a

Relationship between Level of Political Efficacy and Voting

Behavior

Level of Voting Behavior Total

Political
Efficacy

Desirable Undesirable
O E O E
High 27 18.59 3 11.41 30
Low 30 38.41 32 23.59 62
Total 57 35 92

x c=¿ 14.84 x t=¿ 3.84 df= 1 LS=.05 R=S

2 2
 101

Summary Table of the Test of Relationship

Table 8a shows the summary of test of relationship

between variables on the respondents voting behavior. The

study found out that the independent variables such as sex,

civil status, occupation, monthly income, religion, and

place of residence were not significantly related to the

voting behavior of the respondents. On the other hands, age,

educational attainment, level of mass media exposure, and

level of political efficacy were found to be significantly

related to the voting behavior of the respondents.

Table 8a

Summary Table of the Test of Relationship between

Independent Variables and Voting Behavior

Variables 2
x c
2
x t Df Level Interpretation
of
Significance

Age 8.54 5.99 2 .05 S

Sex .00 3.84 1 .05 NS

Civil .54 3.84 1 .05 NS

Status

Occupation 1.07 3.84 1 .05 NS

Monthly
 102

Income .6 7.81 3 .05 NS

Religion 3.71 3.84 1 .05 NS

Educational 9.83 5.99 2 .05 S

Attainment

Place of .57 3.84 1 .05 NS

Residence

Level of 7.31 5.99 2 .05 S

Mass Media
Exposure

Level of 14.84 3.84 1 .05 S

Political
Efficacy

Chi- Square in Testing the Significance of Difference

Table 9a presents the Significance of Difference on the

voting behavior of the respondents from the two selected

barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar, namely; Barangay General

Lucban (within the población), Barangay Quezon (outside the

población.

The test of significance of difference on the voting

behavior of the youth between the two selected barangays

shows that the .57 chi- square computed value is lesser than

the 3.84 tabular value with 1 degree of freedom at .05 level

of significance. Therefore, there is no significant

 103

difference on the voting behavior of the youth in the two

selected barangays. Hence, the null hypothesis is accepted.

Table 9a

Chi- Square Test of the Significant Difference on the Voting

Behavior of the youth in the two Selected Barangays

Voting Behavior
Name of Total
Barangay
Desirable Undesirable

Barangay
General 34 19 53
Lucban

Barangay 22 17 39
Quezon
 104

Total 56 36 92

2 2
x c=¿ .57 x t=¿ 3.84 df= 1 LS=.05 No SD

Chapter V

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATION

Summary

This study on factors related to the voting

behavior of the youth in selected barangays of Bobon,

Northern Samar tried to find out if the socio- demographic

profile of the respondents in terms of their age, sex, civil

status, occupation, monthly income, religion, educational

attainment, place of residence, level of mass media

 105

exposure, and level of political efficacy have a significant

relationship with the dependent variable, voting behavior.

And if there is a significant difference between the voting

behavior of the youth from the two selected barangays.

This study used descriptive research method,

specifically survey and correlational methods. It involved

53 respondents from Barangay General Lucban, and 39

respondents from Barangay Quezon, Bobon, Northern Samar. The

gathered data were tallied, tabulated, analyzed, and

interpreted using statistical tools such as frequency

counts, percentages and rankings. Chi- square test was used

to determine the relationship between the independent and

dependent variables.

The Chi- square test of Difference was used to

determine if there is a significant difference between the

voting behavior of the youth in the two selected barangays

of Bobon, Northern Samar.

From the data gathered, the following findings emerged:

On the socio- demographic profile of the respondents,

the majority of the respondents, 52 or 57 percent were 18 to

22 years old, 54 or 59 percent were female; 65 or 71 percent

of the respondents were single or non- married. Regarding

with their occupation, the majority of them were unemployed

 106

with 62 or 67.42 percent and having no monthly income. A

total of 88 or 96 percent were Roman Catholics. All

respondents had undergone formal schooling, with 43 or 47

percent were in college level. Furthermore, 53 or 58 percent

resided in Barangay General Lucban Bobon, Northern Samar.

As to the frequency of mass media use, most of the

respondents “always” used the Internet. The magazine and

newspaper were the least used. Television ranked first among

the mass media form used by most of the respondents and this

was followed by Documentaries. Majority of the respondents

had an average level of mass media exposure with 47 or 51

percent.

The majority of the respondents, a total of 91 out of

92 or 99 percents indicates that politics is relevant, 34 or

37 percent had an average interest in politics, 62 or 67

percent had low level of political efficacy.

All Respondents were registered voters in the

municipality of Bobon, Northern Samar with a total of 92 or

100 percent.

Furthermore, the top most positive statement in which

the respondents indicated they “always” do was “voting in

the local and national elections” with 87 or 95 percent of

the respondents and the top most negative activity they

 107

“always” do were to “just decide on whom to vote at the

polling place with 50 or 54.4 percent of the respondents,

“Accept ‘vote money’ but it will not change their decision

on whom to vote” with 50 or 54 percent of the respondents.

The negative voting activity they “never” engaged in

included “selling my vote” with 82 or 89 percent of the

respondents followed by “Voting for a candidate endorsed by

a TV personality” with 64 or 70 percent.

Subsequently, majority of the respondents, 57 or 62

percent had desirable voting behavior.

Sex, civil status, occupation, religion, place of

residence and monthly income were found to have no

significant relationship with voting behavior. On the other

hand, age, educational attainment, mass media exposure and

level of political efficacy were found to have significant

relationship on the voting behavior of the respondents.

Lastly, the voting behavior of the youth between the

two selected barangays of Bobon, Northern Samar was found to

have no significant difference.

 108

Conclusion

Based on the findings of the study, the following

conclusions were drawn:

1. Two significant socio- demographic characteristics

such as age and educational attainment are strong

predictor of voting behavior. The voting behavior of

the respondents cuts across different socio-

demographic characteristics. However, while the

youth are of different ages, sex, civil status,

occupation, monthly income, religion, educational

 109

attainment and place of residence, it appears that

there is a greater undesirable voting behavior among

those who are 18-22 years old, who are female, non-

married and unemployed. Those who have lower

educational level appears to have an undesirable

voting behavior.

2. The Mass Media Exposure affects the voting behavior

of the respondents, since mass media is the one that

provides the respondents with information that can

help them decide on whom to vote in an election and

to whether or not participate in electoral

processes. This is so because, mass media plays a

vital role in the dissemination of information

across different platforms.

3. The Level of Political Efficacy of the respondents

was found to be a significant factor in predicting

the respondent’s voting behavior. Most of the

respondents in this study have a low level of

political efficacy to which constitute to an

undesirable voting behavior. Provided by the reason

that they view themselves as powerless in any

political activities in a democratic society.

4. By all counts, and with proven results, it is no

wonder that most of the youth respondents in this

 110

study have a desirable voting behavior since they

are way more equipped now with technology that

provides them an access to information that helps to

shape their voting actions.

5. The Voting behavior of the respondents were not

significantly related to sex, civil status,

occupation, monthly income, religion and place of

residence whereas age, educational attainment, mass

media exposure and political efficacy were found to

have a significant relationship to voting behavior.

This conclusion is drawn from the findings of this

study which is also consistent with Ronato’s study

that educational attainment and mass media exposure

were found to have a significant relationship on the

respondent’s voting behavior.

6. The Voting behavior of the youth from the two

selected barangays does not have a significant

difference. Therefore, an individual living within

or outside the población does not determine if

he/she has a desirable/ undesirable voting behavior.

 111

Recommendation

In the light of the foregoing results of this study,

the following recommendations are forwarded:

1. The municipal government may implement a training

program for the unemployed youth to provide them with

knowledge and skills to make them employable.

2. The elective officials may create or establish an

ordinance for a free access on internet or any print

media for educational purposes since exposure to mass

media provides an increase awareness and knowledge, as

 112

well as changes in attitude, social norms, and

behaviours that may lead to positive voting actions.

3. The Commission on Election (COMELEC) in partnership

with schools and non- government organizations may

implement a program that educate the voters on the

importance of participating in elections and the

importance of electing and having a reliable leader for

the country, so that the voters will not resort to

undesirable actions in voting which are morally wrong.

4. As any other studies in political science, this study

is not perfect or free from limitations. Future studies

using this framework may include additional variables

which are yet to be discovered to better gauge the

voting behavior of an individual.

5. Similar study that focuses on the Level of Political

Efficacy may be conducted to better validate the

findings of this study.

6. Similar study may be conducted involving other

barangays or municipalities to have a better comparison

on voting behavior.
 113

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briefing on Saturday (Sep. 11, 2022). Retrieved from
https://www.cnnphilippines.com/news/2021/9/11/Comelec-
youth-vote-2022-national-elections.html on October 25,
2022.

Corporate Financial Institute. Retrieved from https:/

/corporatefinanceinstitute.com/resourcesmonthly-income
on October 15, 2022.Internet Sources

National Youth Commission, Republic Act 8044, Sec. 2 (2).

Retrieved from https://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unyin/
documents/wpaysubmissions/philippines.pdf on October
15, 2022.

Phil Atlas 2022. Retrieved from https://www.philatlas.com/

visayas/r08/northern-samar/bobon .html on November 8,
2022.
 120

Philippine News Agency, Retrieved from https:

www.pna.gov.ph>article.com on December 3, 2022.

Place of Residence Definition: Law Insider. Retrieved from

https://www.lawinsider.com on October 15, 2022.

Politics and Culture. Retrieved from https://www.brainy

quote. com /quotes/ john_f_kennedy _124805 on October
15, 2022.

Stamp, Gavin. BBC News- Election: How do friends and family

influence votes? 2010. Retrieved from http://news.
bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/politics/election_2010/8622748.h
tml on October 21, 2022.

The Global Religious Landscape, 18 December 2012. Retrieved

from https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/2012/12/18//
global-religious-landscape-exec/html on October 15,
2022.

United States Census, Retrieved from https://www.census.gov/

topics/education/educational-attainment.html on October
15, 2022

“Urban-Rural Differences in Political Participation”,

Princeton University Press 2013, Retrieved from
https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/97814008
70622-007/pdf on September 29, 2022.

US Census 2008. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/hhes/

www/socdemo/ voting/ index.html on July 14, 2022.
121
 122

APPENDICES

University of Eastern Philippines

University Town, Catarman, Northern Samar
College of Arts and Communication
Department of Social Sciences

Date: __________

Hon. Bonifacio Caparal, Jr.

Brgy. Captain, Brgy. General Lucban
Municipality of Bobon
Province of Northern Samar

Dear Barangay Captain,

I am Ezelle Anne B. Guinto, a senior AB Political
Science student of the College of Arts and Communication,
University of Eastern Philippines.
 123

I am conducting a study titled, “FACTORS RELATED TO THE

VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE YOUTH IN SELECTED BARANGAYS OF BOBON
NORTHERN SAMAR”, a requirement in Political Science
Undergraduate Thesis 1.
In line with this, please allow me to distribute my
questionnaire to the chosen respondents from your barangay.
Rest assured that the information they will provide will be
treated with utmost confidentiality and will be used for
academic purposes only.
Your cooperation on this matter will be highly
appreciated. Thank you and God bless!

Respectfully yours,

EZELLE ANNE B. GUINTO

Researcher
NOTED:

EDUARDO OCAÑA JR. REX OLIVER T. PAPEL, MAT

Research Adviser Chair Department of Social Sciences

MA. ALFE G. BANAWIS, DALL

CAC DEAN
University of Eastern Philippines
University Town, Catarman, Northern Samar
College of Arts and Communication
Department of Social Sciences

Date: __________

Hon. Nerissa Malinao

Brgy. Captain, Brgy. Quezon
Municipality of Bobon
Province of Northern Samar

Dear Barangay Captain,

I am Ezelle Anne B. Guinto, a senior AB Political
Science student of the College of Arts and Communication,
University of Eastern Philippines.
 124

I am conducting a study titled, “FACTORS RELATED TO THE

VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE YOUTH IN SELECTED BARANGAYS OF BOBON
NORTHERN SAMAR”, a requirement in Political Science
Undergraduate Thesis 1.
In line with this, please allow me to distribute my
questionnaire to the chosen respondents from your barangay.
Rest assured that the information they will provide will be
treated with utmost confidentiality and will be used for
academic purposes only.
Your cooperation on this matter will be highly
appreciated. Thank you and God bless!

Respectfully yours,

EZELLE ANNE B. GUINTO

Researcher
NOTED:

EDUARDO OCAÑA JR. REX OLIVER T. PAPEL, MAT

Research Adviser Chair Department of Social Sciences

MA. ALFE G. BANAWIS, DALL

CAC DEA
University of Eastern Philippines
University Town, Catarman, Northern Samar
College of Arts and Communication
Department of Social Sciences

Date: ___________

Dear Respondent,

In the belief that Research is highly valuable in

contributing progress and improving the quality of life of
the entire humanity, I Ezelle Anne B. Guinto, a senior AB
Political Science Student in the College of Arts and
Communication, University of Eastern Philippines, University
Town, Catarman, Northern Samar who wants to pursue a
research study that will serve this purpose. The title of my
study is “FACTORS RELATED TO THE VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE
 125

YOUTH IN SELECTED BARANGAYS OF BOBON, NORTHERN SAMAR” a

requirement in Political Science Undergraduate Thesis 1.

In connection with this, I would like to ask for your

cooperation by answering the attached questionnaire with
utmost sincerity. Rest assured that the data you will
provide will be treated with utmost confidentiality and will
be used for academic purposes only.

Thank you and God bless!

Respectfully yours,

EZELLE ANNE B. GUINTO

Researcher

NOTED:

EDUARDO OCAÑA JR. REX OLIVER T. PAPEL, MAT

Thesis Adviser Chair Department of Social Sciences

MA. ALFE G. BANAWIS, DALL

CAC DEAN

APPROVED BY:
HON. BONIFACIO CAPARAL, JR.
Barangay Captain
University of Eastern Philippines
University Town, Catarman, Northern Samar
College of Arts and Communication
Department of Social Sciences

Date: ___________

Dear Respondent,

In the belief that Research is highly valuable in

contributing progress and improving the quality of life of
the entire humanity, I Ezelle Anne B. Guinto, a senior AB
Political Science Student in the College of Arts and
Communication, University of Eastern Philippines, University
Town, Catarman, Northern Samar who wants to pursue a
research study that will serve this purpose. The title of my
study is “FACTORS RELATED TO THE VOTING BEHAVIOR OF THE
 126

YOUTH IN SELECTED BARANGAYS OF BOBON, NORTHERN SAMAR” a

requirement in Political Science Undergraduate Thesis 1.

In connection with this, I would like to ask for your

cooperation by answering the attached questionnaire with
utmost sincerity. Rest assured that the data you will
provide will be treated with utmost confidentiality and will
be used for academic purposes only.

Thank you and God bless!

Respectfully
yours,

EZELLE ANNE B. GUINTO

Researcher

NOTED:
EDUARDO OCAÑA JR. REX OLIVER T. PAPEL,
MAT
Thesis Adviser Chair Department of Social Sciences

MA. ALFE G. BANAWIS, DALL

CAC DEAN

APPROVED BY:
HON. NERISSA MALINAO
Barangay Captain
University of Eastern Philippines
University Town, Catarman, Northern Samar
College of Arts and Communication
Department of Social Sciences

SURVEY QUESTIONNAIRE

Name (Optional): ____________________________

Address: ____________________________________

PART I: On Socio- Demographic Profile

1. Age:
2. Sex:
 127

Male ( ) Female ( )
3. Civil Status:
Single ( ) Separated ( )
Married ( ) Widowed ( )
4. Occupation:______________
5. Monthly Income:
None ( )
3,000 below ( )
3,001- 5,000 ( )
5,001- 10,000 ( )
10,001- 15,000 ( )
15,001- 20,000 ( )
20,001- above ( )

6. Religion:
Roman Catholic ( )
Jehovah’s Witnesses ( )
Iglesia ni Cristo ( )
Born Again Christian ( )
Others please specify: ____________________

7. Educational Attainment:
Elementary Level ( )
Elementary Graduate ( )
Highschool Level ( )
Highschool Graduate ( )
College Level ( )
College Graduate ( )
8. Place of Residence:
Barangay Gen. Lucban ( )
 128

Barangay Quezon ( )

PART II: On Mass Media Exposure

1. Which of the following mass media do you use? How
often/ frequent do you use these mass media?
Forms of Frequency of Use
Mass Media
Always Sometimes Seldom Rarely
Television
Newspaper
Magazine
Internet
Electronic
Media
Others,
please
specify
__________

2. by putting 1 before the media program, you prefer

most, a 2 before the next most preferred, and so
on.
___ Television
___ Newspaper
___ Documentary
___ Showbiz
___ Soap Opera
Others, please specify ____________________

PART III. On Political Efficacy

A. On a scale of 1-5, 1 being the lowest and 5 being the
highest how would you rate your political interest?
___5
___4
___3
 129

___2
___1

B. Do you think politics is relevant?

___Yes
___No

C. To determine your level of political efficacy, please

indicate whether you “strongly agree” (SA), “agree” (A),
“fairly agree” (FA), “disagree” (D), or “strongly disagree”
(SD) to every statement listed below.

Statements SA A FA D SD
1. I can feely and
publicly express my
political opinions.

2.I can influence the

enactment of laws.

3.I believe that I have

the capacity to make
political changes.
4.I have the right to
criticize the government
without fear.

5. I believe that a
person like me is way
more powerful than a
person sitting in the
highest position in the
government.

6. People like me don’t

have a say to what the
government does.

7. My single vote won’t

make any difference.
 130

8. I do not have the

right to speak something
against the actions of
the government.

9.I do not have the

power to call out the
government lapses.

10.My voice alone is

ineffective to any
democratic process

PART IV. On Voting Behavior

1. Are you a registered voter in the Municipality of
Bobon, Northern Samar?
( ) yes
( ) no

2. The following statements are designed to assess your

voting behavior. Please indicate whether you “always”
(A), “sometimes” (S), and “never” (N) do each voting
act below.
Voting Act Always Sometimes Never
(A) (S) (N)
1.I vote in the local and
national election.

2.I go to the polling

station with a list of
candidates, I will vote
for.

3.I vote for a candidate

who is competent rather
than one who is popular.

4.I go to the polling

station early
 131

5.I choose candidates who

meet the qualities and
prescribed by the catholic
church.

6.I attend political

rallies to help me decide
on whom to vote.

7.I look into the

performance and
educational background of
the candidates.

8.I try to understand the

issues, platforms and
programs of the
candidates.

9.I vote not only in the

synchronized election but
also in barangay
elections.

10.I listen to the radio

and watch television, to
know more about the
character, plans and
accomplishment of the
candidates.
11.I consider voting as an
obligation and as a duty
of every citizen in a
democratic society.

12.I vote according to the

dictate of my conscience.

13.I listen to the

suggestions of my parents/
family on whom to vote.

14.I accept money given to

me by the candidates.

15.I sell my vote.

 132

16.I just decide on whom

to vote at the polling
place.

17.I vote because every

qualified voter in my
neighbourhood does.

18.I vote for a candidate

who is my relative even if
he/she is not competent
and as honest as the other
candidates.

19.I vote because it is an

opportunity to earn money.

20.I accept “vote money”

but it will not change my
decision on whom to vote.

21.As a gesture of “utang

na loob”, I vote for a
candidate who has helped
me and my family
regardless of his
competence and character.
22. I try to influence my
relatives on whom they
should vote for.

23. I vote for a candidate

endorsed by a TV
personality.

Thank You and God Bless!!!

 133

University of Eastern Philippines

University Town, Catarman, Northern Samar
College of Arts and Communication
Department of Social Sciences

MGA PANGUTANA

Ngaran (opsyonal): __________________________________

Lugar san balay (kumpleto:___________________________

Una nga Parte: On Socio- demographic Profile

1. Edad: _____

2. Kinatawo:
( ) Babaye
( ) Lalaki
 134

3. Estado sibil:
( ) Ulitawo/ Daraga
( ) May Asawa
( ) balo
( ) bulag sa asawa

4. Relihiyon:
( ) Romano Katoliko
( ) Protestante
( ) Iglesia ni Kristo
( ) Muslim
( ) Mormons
( ) Born Again
Iba pa, alayun pagsurat:___________________

5. Naabot sa pag eskwela:

( ) Diri tangpos sa elementary
( ) Tangpos sa elementary
( ) Diri tangpos sa hayskul
( ) Tangpos sa hayskul
( ) Diri tangpos sa kolehiyo
( ) Tangpos sa kolehiyo

6. Trabaho:_______________________

7. Kita sa kada bulan:

( ) 3,000 paubos
( ) 3,001- 5,000
( ) 5,001- 10,000
( ) 10,001- 15,000
( ) 15,001- 20,000
( ) 20,001 tipabawbaw

8. Lugar na gin iistaran:

( )Barangay General Lucban
( )Barangay Quezon

Ikaduha nga parte: On Mass Media Exposure

Hain sa mga masunod nga mass media an imo gin gagamit?

Nanu kaagsob mo ini gin gagamit?
 135

Forms of Kaagsob san pag gamit

Mass Media
Pirmi Haros Makadanay Mas
pirmi Makadanay
Television
Newspaper
Magazine
Internet
Electronic
Media
Iba pa,
alayun
pagsurat
__________

Rangguhi alayun an mga panguna subay san imo kaagsob

paggamit. Butangi 1 an programa nga imo pirmi gin papamatian
ug gn iimdan. Butangi 2 an programa nga sunod san pirmi mo
gin iimud ug gin papamatian, ngan sunod- sunod na.

___ Television
___ Dyaryo
___ Dokumentaryo
___ Soap opera/ pelikula
___ Buhay artista
Iba pa, alayun pagsurat ________________________________

Ikatulo nga parte: On Political Efficacy

A. Kun gagraduhan mo an imo interes sa politika, 1 an

pinakahabubo ngan 5 ang pinakahataas, nano man an imo grado?
___5
___4
___3
___2
___1

B. Sa imo paghunahuna, importante ba an politika?

___Oo
___Diri
 136

C. Basi mahibaruan an imo level san political efficacy,

alayon ipahayag an imo pagtindog sa kada pahayag nga
ginlista sa ubos, pinaagi sa pagtsek san imo pagtindog sa
kada pahayag na nakalista sa ubos.

Makusog Nauyon Medyo Diri Makusog

Mga Pahayag nga Nauyon Nauyon nga
Nauyon Diri
Nauyon
1. Naipapahayag ko
sa publiko sin
waray kahadok an
akon mga opinyon
hiunong sa
politika.
2.
Naiimpluwensiyahan
ko an paghimo san
mga balaod.
3. Nagtutuo ako
nga yaon ako
kapasidad maghimo
sin mga
politikanhon nga
pagbabag-o.
4. Yaon ako
katungod nga
manginlabot sa
gobyerno sin waray
kahadok
5. Nagtutuo ako
nga an tawo nga
sugad sa ako mas
gamhanan kaysa sa
tawo nga nalingkod
sa pinakahataas
nga posisyon sa
gobyerno.
6. An mga tawo nga
sugad sa ako wara
katungod nga
manginlabot sa
ginhihimo san
gobyerno.
7. An akon sayo
nga boto diri
 137

makahimo sin
pagbabag-o.
8. Wara ako
katungod nga
magbagaw sin
kontra sa mga
aksiyon san
gobyerno.
9. Wara ako gahum
nga pansinon an
mga kapakyasan san
gobyerno.
10. An nagsasayuan
ko nga boses diri
epektibo sa bisan
nano nga
demokratiko nga
proseso.

Ikaupat nga parte: On Voting Behavior

1.) Rehistrado ka ba nga botante san Bobon, Northern

Samar?
( ) Oo
( ) Diri

2.) Alayun pagbaton subay san kaagsob san imo pagbuhat

san mga masunod nga mga pamaagi san pagbotos. Alayun
pag butang tsek kun “pirmi”, “danay”, ug “diri”.

Pamatasan sa Pagbotos Pirmi Danay Diri

1.Nabotos ak sa local
ngan nasyonal nga
eleksyon.

2. Napakadto ak sa
 138

presinto nga may listahan

san mga kandidatu nga ig
bobotos ko.

3. Gin bobotos ko an mga

kandidato ngay may kapas
ug kwalipikado, kontra sa
mga popolar ug sikat.

4. Nakadto ak sa presinto
atab.

5. Gin pipili ko an mga

kandidato nga naka abot
sa mga klasipikasyon san
mga gin talaan san
singbahan nga katoliko.

6. Nag aatender ak sin

mga miting de abanse para
san ako pagpili san ako
bobotosan.

7. Ako gin kikit- an an

mgabuhat ug naabot nga
pag aramdam san mga
kandidato.

8. Gin tatalinguha ko
masabtan an mga isyu,
plataporma, ngan programa
san mga kandidato ug
Partido.

9. Nabotos ak diri la sa
nasyonal ug local nga
eleksyon, hasta sa pan
barangay nga eleksyon.

10. Namamati ak sa radio

ug nag- iimud telebisyon
para mahibaru kaupay san
mga karakter, plano, ngan
nabuhat san mga
kandidato.
 139

11. Gin kokondsiderar ko

an pagbotos nga sayu nga
obligasyon ug katungod
sans ayu nga molupyo sans
ayu nga demokratiko nga
sosyudad.

12. Nabotos ak subay sa

dikta san ako konsensya.

13. Namamati ug natuod ak

sa mga opinion ug pag tuo
san ako pamilya sa kun
sin- o an ako bobotosan.

14. Nakarawat ak san

kwarta nga gin hahatag
san mga kandidato.

15. Gin babaligya ko an

ako botos.

16. Nagpipili ak san ako

bobotosan in adto na ak
sa presinto.

17. Nabotos ak kay

nabotos ak mga higripid
na botante.

18. Nabotos ak sa mga

kandidato nga konektado
sa ako pamilya bisan wara
kapas ug dire tangkod.

19. Nabotos ak kay

oputunidad iton nga
makakarawat kwarta.

20. Nakarawat ak san

kwarta nga gin hahatag
san mga kandidato pero
diri iton nakaliwat san
ako desisyon sa kon sin-
 140

o an ako bobotosan.

21. Tungod sa “utang nga

kaburot- on”, gin
bobotosan ko an kandidato
nga nakabulig sa ako ug
sa ako pamilya, labot san
kanya kapas ug pamatasan.

22. Gin sasarihan ko

maimpluwensya an ako
kasayangkayan ug
kaurupdan sa kanra
pagbotos.

23. Nabotos ak san mga

kandidato nga gin
iindorso san mga artista
ug mga sikat nga tawo.

Appendix D- SCORING SYSTEM

On Mass Media Exposure

Frequency of Use of Mass Media by the Respondents

Always- 4

Sometimes- 3

Seldom- 2

Rarely- 1

On Political Efficacy
 141

On the Statements formulated to capture the level of

political efficacy.

 For Positive Statements

Strongly Agree- 5

Agree- 4

Fairly Agree- 3

Disagree- 2

Strongly Disagree- 1

 For Negative Statements

Strongly Agree- 1

Agree- 2

Fairly Agree- 3

Disagree- 4

Strongly Disagree- 5

On Voting Behavior

On the Statements formulated to assess the Voting

Behavior of the respondents.

 For Positive Statements

Always – 3

Sometimes – 2

Never- 1

 For Negative Statements

 142

Always- 1

Sometimes- 2

Never- 3

Appendix E - DOCUMENTATION

Part I.
 143

Distribution of Questionnaire in Barangay General Lucban,

Bobon, Northern Samar

Part II.
 144

Distribution of Questionnaire in Barangay Quezon, Bobon,

Northern Samar

Appendix F- STATISTICAL TREATMENT

Chi- Square Test

AGE
O E O-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
4 2 2 4 2
22 18 4 16 0.89
20 26 -6 36 1.38
0 2 -2 4 2
14 18 -4 16 0.89
32 26 6 36 1.38
TOTAL 8.54
 145

SEX
O E O-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
33 32.87 0.13 0.02 0.00
23 23.13 -0.13 0.02 0.00
21 21.13 -0.13 0.02 0.00
15 14.87 0.13 0.02 0.00
TOTAL 0.00

CIVIL STATUS
O E O-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
18 16.43 1.57 2.46 0.15
38 39.57 -1.57 2.46 0.06
9 10.57 -1.57 2.46 0.23
27 25.43 1.57 2.46 0.10
TOTAL 0.54

OCCUPATION
O E O-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
16 18.26 -2.26 5.11 0.28
40 37.74 2.26 5.11 0.14
14 11.74 2.26 5.11 0.44
22 24.26 -2.26 5.11 0.21
TOTAL 1.07

MONTHLY INCOME
O E O-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
 146

2 1.86 0.14 0.02 0.01

3 3.72 -0.72 0.52 0.14
14 13.01 -0.99 0.98 0.08
38 38.41 -0.41 0.16 0.00
1 1.14 -0.41 0.02 0.02
3 2.28 0.72 0.52 0.23
7 7.99 -0.99 0.98 0.12
24 23.59 0.41 0.16 0.00
TOTAL 0.6

RELIGION
O E O-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
52 54 -2 4 0.07
4 2 2 4 2
36 34.43 1.57 2.46 0.07
0 1.57 -1.57 2.46 1.57
TOTAL 3.71

EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
O E O-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
39 34.04 4.96 0.15 0.00
15 16.43 -1.43 2.04 0.12
0 3.52 -3.52 12.74 3.62
19 23.96 -4.96 24.60 1.03
13 11.57 1.43 2.04 0.18
6 2.48 3.52 12.39 5
TOTAL 9.83

PLACE OF RESIDENCE
 147

O E 0-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2

E
34 32.26 1.74 3.03 0.09
22 23.74 -1.74 3.03 0.13
19 20.74 -1.74 3.03 0.15
17 15.26 1.74 3.03 0.20
TOTAL 0.57

LEVEL OF MASS MEDIA EXPOSURE

O E 0-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
14 9.74 4.26 18.15 1.86
28 28 0 0 0
14 18.26 -4.26 18.15 1
2 6.26 -4.26 18.15 2.90
18 18 0 0 0
16 11.74 4.26 18.15 1.55
TOTAL 7.31

LEVEL OF POLITICAL EFFICACY

O E 0-E ( 0−E )2 ( 0−E )2
E
27 18.59 8.41 70.73 3.80
30 38.41 -8.41 70.73 1.84
3 11.41 -8.41 70.73 6.20
32 23.59 8.41 70.73 3
TOTAL 14.84

Chi- Square Test of Difference

2
2 N ( AD−BC )
x=
( A + B )( C + D ) ( A +C ) (B+ D)

2
x =92 ¿ ¿

2
x =92 ¿ ¿
 148

2
92 ( 160 )
2
x=
4,167,072

❑
2 92 (25,600 )
x=
4,167,072

2 2,355,200
x=
4,167,072

2
x =0.57

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Ezelle Anne Balite Guinto was

born on April 16, 2000 in Barangay

General Lucban Bobon, Northern

Samar. She is the middle child of

 149

Mr. William G. Guinto and Mrs.

Elvie B. Guinto.

She obtained her elementary education from Bobon

Central Elementary School and her Secondary Education from

Bobon School for Philippine Craftsmen. Presently, she is a

senior BA Political Science student in the College of Arts

and Communication, University of Eastern Philippines.

When she was in senior high school, she was inspired by

the story of one of her teachers who was studying law in the

UEP College of Law that led her to pursue Bachelor of Arts

in Political Science as her undergraduate degree.

Her interest in politics and the importance of casting

an informed vote led her to conduct a study on Voting

Behavior.