Understanding Caste
Understanding Caste
General Introduction
Current Understanding of Caste
Caste in Modern India is understood to be a system of social stratification, which
confers upon its constituents birth based privileges and rights. Caste in the
modern understanding has become intrinsically linked with its political and
administrative purpose based on categorization like General, Other Backward
Classes, Scheduled Castes and Tribes.
The caste system varied from region to region and the status and position of
constituent castes has varied across time and space and continues to do so.
Neither did the caste system as such exist ever in the way it has come to be
perceived.
What existed instead were a multiplicity of social hierarchies, both local, regional
and national varying from place to place which were neatly packaged within the
term caste system.
Variance of Caste Status Over Time
The status of individual castes has historically changed over time and from geography to
geography. A modern variant of this can be seen where in certain castes receive different caste
categories depending on the geography they reside in.
There are mentions throughout history, of certain communities seeing a change in their caste status.
Communities such as the Kaibartas of Bengal and Assam are categorized as Scheduled Castes
currently, however the same communities in the past owned significant lands and even small kingdoms
and were essentially considered Kshatriyas.
Similarly, the Paradavar fishing caste of Tamil Nadu were historically land owners and kings, who
are currently under the OBC category as a result of fall in social status post the loss of their
kingdoms in the aftermath of Madurai Sultanates rule.
At the same time there are various castes which started off as cultivators or nomadic herdsmen, who
through military success gained lands and kingdoms and as a result began being considered to be upper
caste.
Variance of Caste Status Over Geography
Just as castes have changed their positions in the hierarchy over time it has also changed over geography.
Jats in states like Punjab and Haryana did not gain Backward caste status until recently, while Jats in
Rajasthan did so much earlier. Similarly, Reddy’s have backward caste status in Karnataka but not in
Andhra Pradesh. Even a few Brahmin communities have OBC status such as Bairagi Brahmins or
Daivadanya Brahmins in Karnataka or Saurashtra Brahmins in Tamil Nadu.
The reason for such discrepancies, while having political reasons is also due to the different trajectories
taken by these communities in different regions historically.
While the Jats in Punjab and Haryana gained extensive lands and set up kingdoms, the Jats in UP failed
to do so. Brahmins in certain regions and certain sub castes have similarly failed to attain the same
success as Brahmins in other regions.
Caste status as a result gets influenced by the vicissitudes of time and isn’t a stagnant institution
unchanged throughout history.
Variance of Caste Status Over Geography - In the Prism of the State
In the previous slide, we discussed how there is a variance in the perceived social status of Jats in
Rajasthan compared to their status in Punjab and Harayana, it should also be noted that the status of Jats
vary within the State as well.
The state of Rajasthan was created by amalgamating the various state of the ‘Rajputana Agency’ with
the major Kingdoms present in the North Western Region such as Bikaner, Jodhpur and Jaipur. This
State included the erstwhile Princely States of Dholpur and Bharatpur, which are modern day
districts in the State. Jats, being the ruling classes of these regions, were excluded from the
benefits of reservation at the Central Level.
While a 1999 Rajasthan High Court order provided benefits at the State Level, that order was recently
vacated by the High Court, considering their social status in the region.
A similar example is that reservation for Denotified Communities or the erstwhile “Criminal Tribes” in
Tamil Nadu is tried to geographic origin as well.
What is Caste? What is the Origin of the Term?
The English word "caste" derives from the Spanish and Portuguese casta
meaning "race, lineage, tribe or breed". When the Spanish and Portuguese
colonised parts of what today is Latin America and Asia, they used the word to
mean a "clan or lineage".
The Portuguese first employed casta in the primary modern sense of the English
word 'caste' when they applied it to the thousands of endogamous, hereditary
Indian social groups they encountered upon their arrival in India in the late 15th
century and early 16th century.
What is Varna? What is the Origin of the Term?
Varna in the context of Hinduism refers to the Brahmanical division of society into classes based on
occupation and skill set.
The earliest explanations of Varna begin in the later Vedic period and attain greater definition with the
Dharmashastras and Smritis which detail them extensively.
Those communities which didn’t belong to the 4 Varnas, were considered to be Avarnas or people
outside the pale of the Caste system. In current understanding Avarna is conflated with untouchable.
However this was not historically the case.
Is Caste the Same as Varna ?
As mentioned previously the term caste system came to be used for the social structures and hierarchies
of the Indian subcontinent as a whole. However in practice, Hindu society has two distinct social
categories- Jatis and Varnas.
This term Caste has now come to encompass and describe the Indian caste system in all its forms. The
system however fails to differentiate between two wholly different categories which are essential to
understanding the society of India - Jati and Varna.
Varna is a scriptural term and there exist only 4 Varnas. However there exist innumerable Jatis.
However by the late Vedic period there is mention of existence of a more recognizable caste structure
with terms such as Brahmanas, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas coming into parlance.
It is only more than a millennium after the Vedas that there is concrete mention of the classical
Chaturvarna. Varna System was not a feature of Hindu society since the beginning. It was instead a
system which came into existence as a reaction to Socio-Economic Changes.
The origin of Jatis unlike that of Varna doesn’t lie in religious scripture and law books. It lies instead in
the thousands of occupational castes and tribes which dotted the geography of pre-Modern India
straddling between an agrarian and nomadic existence.
Historical Relationship Between Jati and Varna
Jati and Varna have historical coexisted and acted as complementary systems. A Jati would exist as an
often endogamous occupational or tribal unit which would claim its place within the Varna system as the
constituent of a particular Varna.
In the earliest stage of development of the Varna system the majority of the Jatis were engaged in
nomadic occupations. As society underwent agrarian transformation these multiplicity of tribes each
came to occupy a place within the caste system as an occupational caste.
Jatis which previously had most members engaged in hunting and gathering post adoption of agriculture
took upon diverse occupations and positions in the social hierarchy.
Varna thus a flexible system where any Jati with power could take a higher position in the Chaturvarna
system. This can be witnessed with the rise of previously tribal groups to becoming rulers of kingdoms
and ultimately becoming upper castes in the Varna system.
Is the Caste System Uniquely Indian ?
Is the Caste System Uniquely Indian ?
In most ancient pre-industrial civilisations, society was divided into occupational categories, this
division did not factor in all social groups present in premodern society, and its broad categories were
more an idealization than a practical reality.
Though often many academics identify India as a peculiar society riddled with hierarchical divisions,
the fact is that most pre-modern/pre-industrial societies accepted a form of stratification to bring a form
of stability in daily affairs. Notable examples can be seen in East Asia and even Europe.
Hierarchical divisions were essentially the building blocks of pre modern world. To pre-modern
civilizations constrained by paucity of resources and lack of mobility such a structured system were
considered the most stable and ideal outcome possible.
It will not be wrong to say that the idea of hierarchies being wrong is an entirely modern concept only
allowed for by the changed economic realities of the modern world.
Current Effect of Ancient Hierarchies
Caste system of India is often accused of creating a system of privileges which allows for the accrual of
generational wealth and power among certain groups of society while depriving other groups of the
same. This is also considered unique to India in some regards, however that is not the case.
As in India, the effect of pre modern hierarchies continues to persist even in other societies. In the UK for
example, those of Norman descent continue to be disproportionately powerful, wealthy and well
connected more than a millennia after the Norman conquest.
Similarly in Japan, the descendants of the Samurai class continue to make up a disproportionate number
of major industrialists, entrepreneurs and such.
We will now explore some of the other similar social systems which have existed throughout history.
Trifunctional Hypothesis
As discussed previously, early Hindu society only had mention of Priests, Kings and the general populace, as
opposed to an elaborate caste system.
Parallels for this existed across the Indo European society. According to Georges Dumzeil,a French scholar,
such a 3 tiered society existed across Eurasia.
Early Germanic Society was similarly divided between the King, Nobility and Regular Freemen.
Plato in his ‘Republic’, describes classical greece as having a similar hierarchy consisting of Nobles,
Citizens and Slaves/Helots.
The roots of the caste system were thus shared across Indo European society even prior to the development
of proper agrarian civilizations across Eurasia.
The three tiered caste system survived in Europe until Modern age, by the way of the 3 estates of society -
The Priests, Nobility and Commoners.
Division Of Society In Pre-Modern Europe
From the medieval era till the late 18th
Century, the three estates of the realm, were The Second The Third
The First Estate
Estate Estate
the broad orders of social hierarchy used in
Europe for dividing society members into
Consisting of both Consisting of This comprised
estates (substitute for clans) developed and senior and junior members belonging the majority of
evolved over time. The most cited example in members of the to the then French commoners ,
Europe is usually the Ancien Régime (Old Catholic clergy. Since nobility many of both urban and
certain clergymen whom were ministers rural, including
Regime) in the Kingdom of France from the
gave religious sanctity and administrators in labourers,
Middle Ages until the French Revolution of and thus legitimised the royal court along farmers,
1789. the monarch, the with the merchants and
clergymen were commanders of the artisans.
In this system the monarch of the kingdom was
treated as nobility. royal army.
above and beyond the social divisions as his
rule was given Divine sanctity. The divisions
of the Ancien Régime were as depicted here:
Division Of Society In Pre-Modern Europe
The French society had their share of outcasts called ‘Cagots’ who mostly were victims of leprosy. The origin
has been much theorised.
They were considered to be carriers of a disease and were excluded from basic amenities. They were not
allowed to drink from the same containers as the others, they were prohibited from using the same bathing
places as the others, nor were they allowed to wash dishes along with the others.
Even on religious matters, they had to enter the Church by a separate door which was placed at a lower length
obliging them to bend, reminding them of their status.
They had to be buried in a separate section of the burial ground but more often, in a separate cemetery itself.
The ‘cagots’ had to wait till the Revolution of 1789 to improve their living conditions.
Division Of Society In Pre-Modern Europe
Another notable example of social division was seen in medieval England where
the power structure was based along the lines of social hierarchy. The division of
the power namely between the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, began
during the reign of Edward III in the 14th century where the Lords (Spiritual and
Temporal) sat separately from the Commons.
That division exists even now, as the British Parliament recognises three divisions:
the Commons in the House of Commons, while the nobility (Lords Temporal) and
the Church of England bishops (Lords Spiritual) are entitled to sit in the House of
Lords.
Division Of Society In Pre-Modern East Asia
The ancient East Asian (comprising present day
China, Taiwan, Japan, South and North Korea)
societies were conscious of the concept of rank and
position. 1. Scholars and
Bureaucrats -
Since they know
how to maintain
Social hierarchy was important in East Asian society Social Order
with each individual being expected to observe rules 2. Farmers - Since they produce
that were meant to maintain the status quo. necessary goods
One of the dominant ancient philosophies, 3. Artisans - Since they produce materials for society
Confucianism is credited with defining their social
stratification as highlighted in the pyramid. 4. Traders - Involved in business transactions
Division Of Society In Pre-Modern East Asia - I
Though there was a clear division in social structure which was enforced by law, the commoners could move
up in society if they met the necessary requisites. Through accumulating wealth and certain skills, people from
lower classes could ascend the social ladder.
Outside the scope of the established social hierarchy existed the group of communities considered impure
whose work involved the contact with dead bodies, such as tanning,leather making, executing criminals, and
preparation of corpses for burial. Such works were deemed unclean and contrary to the established societal
values.
These communities in a sense had monopoly over these ‘unclean’ occupations. In many cases, though these
occupations were paid well. Thus members of these communities were not necessarily poor, and were at times
comparatively well-off. But their overall existence was not always very pleasant due to the stigma attached to
their works.
Division Of Society In Pre-Modern East Asia - II
The term for this group in Japan was the Burakumin, while in Korea the term used
was Baekjeong.
The East Asian societies at the end of the 19th Century and beginning of 20th Century
were witness to sweeping reforms (Meiji Restoration in Japan and Gabo Reforms In
Korea) which to a significant extent removed social resticitions between the identified
outcasts and mainstream society.
This, along with the Massive Industrialization resulted in these divisions becoming
irrelevant in both regions.
Why do Hierarchical Structures
Develop ?
Why do Hierarchies Develop?
The creation of Social hierarchies is a process which happens often, in order to accommodate the society
and the economy that exists at a given time.
Hierarchies can develop for a variety of reasons ranging from conquest to technological advancement to
creation of trade networks.
Hierarchies for example, have developed when a more advanced external community, culturally
influences less advanced tribes and castes and assimilates them into their social structure. Similarly they
are also formed when a group is displaced by another through military means.
Civilizations in every part of the world have embedded hierarchies, albeit in different forms. Hierarchies
are a prerequisite to the formation of states (governments) and are not necessarily evil.
Hierarchies are themselves in turn characterized by several features which will be discussed ahead.
Social Inequality - Evil ?
Social Inequality is a constant characteristic of hierarchies, economic inequality is another characteristic
of hierarchies. Are these however inherently evil ?
Let us take the case of a position that draws high income - The CEO of a large private enterprise.
The position doesn't have power and prestige attached to it Because it draws a high income. The
position has high income because it has a high functional importance in society and the fact that very
few personnel are capable of occupying it.
Almost always, high-income jobs require a very high education, experience and training level. The
associated compensation is a motivator in society for people to strive to achieve more and thus
increasing the general level of prosperity.
The same is true for social and income inequality i.e they are not necessarily evil. In fact, social
inequality places an important role in the proper functioning of a society.
What Exactly is Evil in Our Societies?
While hierarchy is natural, rigid hierarchies which do not allow for social mobility through
educational attainment as well as financial progress are evil.
They are evil not just because it is morally wrong. They are evil because the phenomenon makes
societies and civilizations weak and susceptible to being defeated by barbarism.
Making hierarchy out to be an evil thing is not useful because there can't be organization and stability
without it. Without organization and stability, civilization is an impossibility.
Also true, that hierarchies with a decadent and incompetent bunch as the dominant elite are
dangerous and evil. The solution to this evil is not ‘removal of hierarchy and the elite’ but the
targeted removal and replacement of the said elite.
Hereditary Inheritance - Evil ?
A perceived characteristic of hierarchies is the ability of certain groups of people to be more suited for
certain activities as a result of their nature.
A component, not all, but not insignificant, of intelligence is hereditary. The rest is a function of nutrition,
growth environment and more. The same is true of other human traits such as strength, height musculature
, looks etc.
Hereditary intelligence manifests itself in different ways as do all Hereditary traits. Taller parents tend to
have taller children, smarter parents tend to have smarter children and so on. This is as true in animals as
in humans and is true across races, ethnicities and geographies.
Caste in India through the Ages
Understanding Jaati & Varna From the Hindu Viewpoint
In the earliest stage of development of caste. the majority of Hindus were engaged in nomadic
occupations. Agriculture was yet to become the norm and the creation and spread of the caste system is
inherently tied with the rise of agriculture.
In a Tribal society all members of the clan or tribe would engage in pastoralism or low intensity
agricultural processes like shifting cultivation. With the introduction and expansion of agriculture there
arose a huge number of associated occupations within agrarian society.
For early Hindus, caste with its strict hierarchies and orders was a more elaborate, stable and ideal system
for the new economy which they were faced with. Tribes which previously had most members engaged
in hunting and gathering, post adoption of agriculture took upon diverse occupations and positions in the
social hierarchy.
Caste System in Classical India
Caste was the channel through which this process of transformation of society from nomadic to
agricultural took place.
Caste in its early iterations remained a flexible system where any tribe with power could take a high
position in the Chaturvarna. This can be witnessed with the rise of previously tribal groups to becoming
rulers of kingdoms and ultimately becoming upper castes in the caste system.
The Caste system also allowed for manning of the various multitude of occupations which made up an
agrarian society and ensured that the skill set necessary for continuation of these occupations was
passed down hereditarily.
Jatis here came to play the role of preserving each occupation or guild within the agrarian society.
Endogamy thus came to become an important basis of the agrarian caste society.
Caste System in Classical India
The Influence of Varna system as an agent of socio economic change cannot be overstated.
In the classical period of Hinduism adoption of the Varna system was essentially a process of proto
sanskritization. The concept of Sanskritization will be explained in greater detail, later on in the
presentation.
The process allowed for the tribe or community in question to gain access to improved agrarian
technology, it allowed them to gain access to trading networks which already existed across more
developed parts of India, it allowed the communities in question to attract greater art and architecture in
the region among other things.
The process of adoption of the Varna system was thus viewed as beneficial to the community in question
as it bought with it considerable material advantages and made them a part of the greater Indian society.
How an Agrarian Society Influences the Class Structure - I
A key concept of an agrarian society is the Agrarian Surplus- Agrarian Surplus is the agricultural
produce which exceeds the needs of the society.
The concept of Agrarian surplus is also important to understanding caste as well. Agrarian societies
traditionally had such low productivity that only a small section of populace performed occupations
which were not agrarian in nature.
This was the case as the low productivity of agriculture made other occupations untenable as the requisite
agrarian surplus could not be produced.
In such a society the skills set which was thus passed down across castes and communities were the ones
most useful for the society in question. This skill set remained agriculture and farming for the
overwhelming bulk of society.
How an Agrarian Society Influences the Class Structure - II
In an agrarian society with limited productivity, skills such as literacy was of lower utility for survival
and as a result only a smaller section of the populace was literate.
This was true not just in India but in every pre industrial agrarian society. It is important to keep these
things in mind while discussing caste as the society caste existed in was one whose primary goal was to
maintain agrarian surplus and with it the stability of society.
It is only over the course of the first wave of Industrialization that the feudal class system in Europe that
survived for a thousand years was upended, through the creation of massive urban poor and a middle
class.
The Indian experience in migrating away from a primarily agrarian economy is still in progress, and one
can see that economic progress of caste groups have resulted in a changed standing for their social status
as well, through various forces.
Kinship Networks as a Substitute for State Capacity
Caste system spread initially due to a variety of reasons such as due to being a conduit towards Agrarian
civilization and due to the material advantages and greater access that came with it. It however also
persisted in the long run as it acted as a substitute to state capacity.
Caste as a system is historically seen as a combination of descent groups (i.e. descended from a common
set of ancestors) and kinship networks (i.e groups which marry with each other but not outside the
network).
Historically, the endogamous (marry inside the network) nature of caste increased a lot in the past 1000
years. A major reason for this was the weakening of the ‘state’ and it’s capacity to enforce its will and
enforce the ‘law’ and ‘contract’ as it stood.
Caste networks became a substitute for state capacity in most places. The multi generational effects of
this is still visible in regions of India which was under colonial rule or under the rule of small zamindaris.
Caste in an Industrial Society
As discussed previously, caste exists as a framework to facilitate socio economic interactions. Several
castes exist solely to perform functions and carry out occupations which exist only in an agrarian society.
The nature of caste demographics itself is such that communities which are primarily engaged in agrarian
occupations make up a majority agrarian caste based societies.
In an industrial society the occupations previously followed by many of the castes suddenly become
obsolete due to the flooding in of Industrial goods and due to highly productive modernized agriculture.
Thus, it becomes necessary for members of such communities to shift from agrarian occupations to
occupations which are feasible in an industrial society.
The transition and the struggles that come with it are central to the caste based competition and conflict
one witnesses in modern India.
Outsider Perspective on Caste
Early External Perspectives on Caste
The institution of Varna and Jati which existed in India was noted by travelers and merchants throughout
history.
Alexander’s interactions with ascetic Brahmins is elaborated on by his historians, who describe the
Brahmins as Gymnosophists.
Similarly the Chinese travellers such as Fa Hein and Hieun Tsang, display significant understanding of
the Caste system and elaborate on the castes of various rulers across India at the time of their travels and
even draw parallels with the social structure back in China.
Interestingly, Hieun Tsang in his commentary on India notes that rulers existed of all 4 castes, going
against the modern perception of kingship being a solely upper caste prerogative.
Christian Missionary Conceptualization of Caste
Early Missionaries in India viewed ‘varnashrama’ as an interesting method of social ordering. They did
not pronounce ‘holy judgement’ on it immediately. While Francis Xavier preferred conversion by force
(Read : Goan Inquisition by AK Prilorikar), some actively tried targeting the ‘priestly strata’ of Indian
society for conversion by calling themselves ‘Roman Brahmins’. Case in point - Roman Brahmin
Roberto de Nobili.
Limited success in terms of number of converts achieved as well as administrative reasons in Europe
forced a change of tactics. Varnashrama had to become a demonic form of social order led by brahmins
in order for the missionary endeavour to achieve success among landowning ‘shudra’ communities.
This change in the Christian Perception of Caste largely occurred only in the 19th century when the
failure to convert upper castes became apparent.
The Roman Brahmana
Today, Muslims themselves are stratified into three broad caste classes: Ashrafs (literally, the ‘nobles’,
who trace their ancestry to inhabitants of the Arab peninsula or Central Asia or are converts from Hindu
upper castes), Ajlafs (literally, the ‘commoners’, who are said to be converted from Hindu low castes)
and Arzals (literally, the ‘despicable’, who are said to be Dalit converts).
Modern Islamic politics has attempted to also use casteism among Hindus as an issue to perpetuate the
idea of Islam as an “egalitarian” religion and drive conversions.
Marxist and Liberal Conceptualization of Caste
Today, many Marxist scholars and liberal social
activists argue that India is a caste-ridden society
tracing it to the Purusha-Sukta of the Rig Veda.
The Purusha-Sukta hymn states that brahmins are
born from the forehead of the creator, kshatriyas
from the arm, vaishyas from the stomach and
shudras from the foot.
The ground reality however was of several castes, even ones of repute not having a well-defined position
in the Varna System. This caused competition between castes to get themselves classified as one of the
upper castes.
The British Administration developed the habit of attaching certain privileges such as military
recruitment and easier access to land ownership to castes it considered most suited or politically pliable.
This in turn led to the creation of various caste categories.
Criminal Tribes
British Administration, brought with it the creation of classifications such as Criminal Tribe , Martial
Castes etc
Criminal Tribes- Criminal Tribes were those tribes considered to be prone to criminal activity and these
communities found themselves facing significant legal impediments. Including possible arrest if they
were found in certain areas. At the time of independence as many as 13 million people were bracketed
as a Criminal Tribe.
Acts such as the criminal tribes act led to several communities suffering from generational
impediments.
The long term effect of the criminal tribes act was the fact that several communities which weren’t even
traditionally lower caste got pushed down in the hierarchy as a result of such policies and ended up with
severe social backwardness.
Martial Race
Martial Race- ‘Martial Race’, was a designation created by the British Administration to create a list of
communities it deemed suitable for military careers. These communities had easy access to military
careers and with it social status and regular employment. Communities such as Punjabi Muslims and
Sikhs came under the Martial races.
The creation of classifications such as Martial Castes led to significant social changes across India such
as the conversion of Hindu Jats to Sikhism to improve their chances of recruitment or the increase in land
holdings of martial groups.
It also had the long term impact of driving caste relations in favor of communities such as Jats and other
beneficiaries in parts of India dominated by these communities.
Effect of British Rule on Caste Relations
British rule brought with it both the economic impact of industrialization which would destabilize
agrarian economies and with it the castes involved in agriculture and artisanry.
At the same time the British obsession with an idealized picture of caste system led to increased social
discord as it also brought with it extreme competition between communities to be considered as Upper
Castes. The early census exercises for example were replete with communities attempting to make cases
for their own upper caste status.
This also played out by the way of Inter Caste Political and Social conflict and creation of caste
coalitions for better bargaining. It also led to the officialization of phenomena such as Sanskritization.
Formation of Community Associations
English education gave a boost to social reorganisation in certain regions and helped to build
community associations. As a result, a number of community associations came into existence in
several parts of British India.
In the erstwhile Mysore state, the two dominant castes were Vokkaligas and the Lingayats. Although
the Vokkaligas were numerically stronger than the Lingayats, the latter better educated ritually higher
and organized, took lead in state politics. In the year 1906 some of the community leaders with the
aim of ameliorating the conditions of the Vokkaligas organized the Vokkaligara Sangha to promote the
material intellectual and moral interest of the Vokkaliga population. Following the lead given by
Vokkaligara Sangha, other communities organized their own associations. The most significant among
them were the Mysore Lingayat Education Fund Association in 1909, Arya Vysya Mahasabha in 1915,
the Adi-Dravida Abhivrudhi Sangha in 1920, the Jaina Education Fund Association in 1921 and the
Kurubara Sangha in 1922.
All these associations were striving hard to secure the betterment of their respective communities in
matters pertaining to administration, public service, social and economic growth.
Elite Caste Community Associations
The process of formation of caste and community associations, however was not an uniform process.
Neither should it be equated with the political presence of a community.
Communities such as Brahmins in Southern India and Maharashtra, Kayasthas in Bihar and Brahmins,
Baidyas and Kayasthas in West Bengal all were highly active politically as members of the Congress and
other such political organizations.
These communities also enjoyed relatively high levels of literacy, within the context of their province.
They were also quite wealthy and had no real competition from the other communities in their province.
When these communities thus entered the national political discourse, they thus presented themselves not
just as representatives of their own caste, but rather as representatives of their state or even of the nation.
Neither did these communities feel the need to engage in formations of caste organizations and
associations as there was no real necessity for a community which had already attained social,
educational and economic prosperity.
Landed Caste Community Associations
Excluding the wealthiest and most socially advanced communities, the process of caste mobilization was
followed by nearly every community. However the effects of this mobilization and the changes that came
with it differed.
The first communities to form caste associations and engage in the activity of formation of caste
associations were the landed castes who found themselves lagging behind Brahmins and Scribal castes in
educational attainments.
Caste like Lingayats, Vokkaligas, Vellalas, Marathas, Rajputs all formed caste associations of their own
in the early 20th century and successfully petitioned their way into political and administrative relevance.
In doing so they managed to gain a foothold in the bureaucracy and also managed to carve out a place in
the Congress’s national organization.
Despite this the more literate castes such as Brahmins retained an edge in representation at least until
Independence.
Backward Caste Community Associations
Communities such as Shanars ( Later Nadars) are a typical example of successful backward caste
mobilization.
Nadars, were till later 19th century a caste made up largely of small tenant farmers and toddy harvesters.
They had low ritual status and were marked by several social disabilities. However the community
developed an elite class in late 19th century and early 20th century, as a result of the general prosperity
among tenant farmers in Southern India.
This elite section of Nadars, took upon themselves the task of caste advancement and formed Caste
Organizations rather early and through these created a wide social network of their caste.
These networks and caste institutions such as Universities and Banks helped the community in advancing
both socially and economically and ensured that the community had a high degree of political
mobilization and representation.
Backward Caste Community Associations
On the other hand communities such as Madigas of Andhra Pradesh or for that matter, the scheduled
caste communities in much of India, failed to form caste associations or even if they did develop the
networks and institutions necessary for socio economic advancement.
The lack of presence of favourable socio economic conditions and most importantly of a large enough
class of educated individuals proved to be the undoing for these communities.
Due to the failure to develop a significant class of educated individuals, these communities failed to gain
representatives within the bureaucracy or the political class. As a result of this absence of representation
they failed to advance socially and economically and remained stagnant till well after independence.
Certain Scheduled Caste Communities such as the Mahars of Maharashtra would however buck this
trend. The Mahar community, due to the presence of a significant class of educated individuals ended up
playing a leading role in the mobilization of the Scheduled Caste.
Caste and the Freedom Movement
The process of caste conflict and competition set forth by British Administrative policies would play a
key role throughout the freedom movement.
The early freedom struggle came to be largely dominated by castes such as Brahmins in Southern and
Western India and Upper castes in general across North India. This allowed for the British
Administration to play into the fears and ambitions of other dominant communities in order to develop
pro British support groups and loyalist caste associations.
The Dravidian movement in South Indian for example, remained loyal to the cause of continued British
rule as it saw communal benefit in opposing the Freedom movement which it perceived as Brahmin
dominated.
Similarly agriculturist communities across Northern India could be successfully mobilized to support the
British by the way of martial caste status and improved caste classification in censuses.
Caste and the Freedom Movement
As with dominant castes the Freedom Movement also affected the relationship of the Lower Castes with
the British polity. The members of Untouchable communities saw the freedom struggle as an opportune
time to bargain for removal of social restrictions and improvement of social status of the lower caste
communities.
This played out by the way of the demand for separate electorates by members of the lower caste within
the Hindu community. The issue of the lower caste representation was often discussed in the three round
table conferences between 1930 and 1932.
One of the important milestones regarding the issue of castes was the signing of the Poona Pact signed
between Dr. Ambedkar and MK Gandhi which reserved seats for the lower castes in the the then British
lower provincial legislatures, a practice continued today in the form of reserved seats.
Caste in Modern India
Post 1947 - Indian State and Caste
At the time of Independence, due to their access to English education, Brahmins and a few other
communities such as Khatris and Kayasthas had absolute domination over the administration and liberal
professions. This scenario resulted in the rise of a hostile anti-Brahmin movement led by Non-Brahmin
castes.
These movements became more dominant in the political discourse throughout the country. An early
indication was seen during the 1951 General Elections in Bihar. The Congressmen in Bihar were said
to have covertly, and sometimes openly, supported Independent candidates belonging to their castes
standing against their party's official candidates.
This was the beginning of middle caste mobilization and major changes in caste relations across the
country. Several laws were passed right in the aftermath of independence which further severely
affected caste relations. We’ll study these in the following slides.
Role of Caste in Politics Post Independence
With the arrival of independence and democracy caste conflicts and competition started managing itself
within the confines of electoral politics. Communities coalesced together to form vote banks for major
parties and in return expected the parties to do their bidding.
At the time of independence the Indian National Congress had the support of most sections of society and
was dominated by the upper castes who were still the predominant political class in much of the country.
Exceptions to this were emerging in regions like Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu where dominant castes
such as Marathas and Vellalas were displacing the Brahmins and literate castes from political power
through demographic heft.
The First Amendment’s Long Lasting Effects
The first amendment to the Constitution, passed in 1951, guaranteed the
continuation of preferential quotas for backward sections of society. This marked
the beginning of pan India quotas in many ways and laid the foundation to later
expansion of reservation system which would considerably affect caste dynamics.
The act of Zamindari abolition had the effect of seismically changing the caste equations in various parts
of the country by the dint of redistribution land ownership and with it economic dominance.
All of a sudden communities which were previously small landowners or cultivators gained huge tracts
of land while communities like Rajputs in Northern India and Brahmins, Rajputs , Marathas etc faced
significant loss of economic power and prestige. Communities like Ahirs, Kunbis, Jats, Kapus gained
majorly at the same time.
It must be said that Zamindari abolition wasn’t a singular act, it was passed in different phases in
different states with states like UP, TN etc passing it in the 1950s itself while states such as Bengal
passed it as late as 1970s.
Zamindari Abolition Act
Abolition of Zamindari and the succeeding land reforms weren’t a smooth process or a uniform process.
Certain landed castes negotiated the reform rather well while others failed.
Castes such as Marathas in Maharashtra, Vokkaligas in Karnataka and Reddys in Andhra Pradesh
succeeded in retaining much of their land holdings due to their numerical dominance and ability to
negotiate with the bureaucracy and parcel off the land to different members of the clan.
Castes such as Brahmins on the other hand failed to retain their land holdings in much of India and often
lost their rural dominance quite completely and with it their political bargaining power.
In the long run the Zamindari abolition acts made permanent the loss of political dominance of castes
such as Brahmins in much of rural India while allowing for the middle castes to take their first steps
towards political power.
Lohaite Caste Consolidation and Indira Gandhi’s Pragmatism
The Zamindari Abolition Acts had far reaching effects that raised the economic and social, and therefore
political profile of many “middle” castes that were not traditionally dominant such as Yadavas, Ahirs,
Gujjars etc.
This raised political profile of these castes resulted in a political shift as well, with Ram Manohar
Lohia’s theory regarding the necessity of consolidation of backward classes for social progress finding
favour. A series of non-Congress Governments being elected in the late 60s and early 70s. In Uttar
Pradesh and Bihar, non-Congress Chief Ministers were elected for the first time in the late 60s.
At the same time, Indira Gandhi also adopted a pragmatic approach to the rising popularity of Lohaite
politics by adopting socialistic politics, as well as consolidation of the middle tier of castes in Karnataka
under Chief Minister Devaraj Urs.
Arrival of Dominant Castes
Caste consolidation in the political arena comes at different levels influenced by a number of factors
including numeral dominance as well as social importance which can be understood from the level of
organization.
There are dominant castes present in nearly all states of India who dictate the political narratives.
Dominant castes emerged across North India as well as castes such as Jats and Yadavs benefitted from
the abolishment of Zamindari and then from the prosperity brought forth by green revolution.
These communities announced their political arrival in the 1970s with Chaudhary Charan Singh’s
government and there after continued playing a major role in state politics.
In the South, the same pattern was followed with the coming to power of DMK in TN in 1967 and
with Devaraja Urs’s Chief Ministership in Karnataka in the 1970s.
Arrival of Dominant Castes
Brahmins had at the time of Independence been the predominant political and social class with high
literacy and dominance of many urban professions. Few other Urban Castes such as Khatris and
Kayasthas and Baniyas also had dominance over nearly all the modern enterprises and institutions.
The displacement of Brahmins and other upper castes first happened politically beginning in the 1960s.
While Brahmins had already been displaced from political dominance, to varying degrees in Southern
and Western India in the 1960s the process hadn’t yet played out in much of the North. The reasons for
this being the significantly higher population of Brahmins in most northern states along with the presence
other multiplicity of landed and dominant castes with their own internal competition.
Result of these changes was that going into the 1980s, Upper Castes still retained political and social still
retained literary dominance in much of the country but political dominance in a much reduced manner.
Both these things would come to change in the following decades.
Mandal-ization of Politics
The Term Mandal is derived from the surname of the prominent chairman of the Backward Classes
commission Report, BP Mandal. This report would have seismic effects on politics and caste across
India.
The dominant castes had achieved political power through their demographic heft and new found
prosperity in the 1960s and 1970s. However they were yet to attain parity with the upper castes
educationally and occupationally with upper caste dominance of modern occupations being
disproportionate.
It was to this end that the Mandal commission was established to solve the issue of reservation for
socially backward classes of India. It was through the Mandal Commission that a new section called the
OBCs (Other Backward Classes) were identified to comprise 52% of India’s population.
OBC Reservation was given to a wide range of castes including both certain dominant castes and many
assortments of minor middle castes with little particular political dominance. The dominant castes which
received OBC status such as Ahirs and Kurmis became the biggest beneficiaries of this change.
“Kamandal” Politics
The announcement of OBC reservation marked a permanent break with the past. Overnight castes which
were dominant in many parts of the country were considered economically and socially backward and
liable to receive benefits from the state.
This gave rise to various political forces who rode the wave of OBC politics. A prominent example in
this case would be Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, which captured
power by capturing the Yadav-led OBC community votes.
The attempt at creating a broad social coalition based on OBC votes was being attempted at the same
time as when Hindutva politics (“Kamandal”, literally, a water-pot used by Hindu ascetics but in politics,
a metaphor for Hindutva politics) had come into the forefront on the back of the Ram Janmabhoomi
agitation.
The attempt made through the implementation of Mandal recommendations was to nip this social
coalition in the bud. However, the evolution of Hindutva to accommodate Mandal politics as well.
Hindutva Movement
The Hindutva movement on the outset was disproportionately upper caste dominated. It had however
always aimed for greater acceptance among other sections of society and preached unification of Hindu
society across caste lines and equality between castes.
The Mandal commision and the brand of OBC politics which emerged out of it were a major threat to the
Hindutva movement as they made its potential outreach towards significant sections of Hindu society
significantly harder.
While Mandal preached advancement of middle castes and backward castes by the means of allocating
greater economic resources to their development, Kamandal preached the equality of castes by the means
of Sanskritization and cultural unification.
Sanskritization refers broadly, to the concept of upwards mobility among castes not previously high in
the ritual hierarchy. The concept will be discussed in further detail later on.
Caste in the 21st Century Politics
Both Mandal and Kamandal politics has enjoyed varying levels of success with Mandalite political parties
dominating the state governments of UP and Bihar for much of the time since 1990.
At the same time the BJP which has long been perceived as an ‘Upper Caste’ party has punctured the
stereotype through the inroads it has made into the “Bahujan” vote bank. This outreach of Hindutva movement
started with the Ram Janmabhoomi Movement which cut across caste lines making the BJP a pan-Hindu party.
The result can be seen in 2019 when BJP increased its Lok Sabha tally to 303 from 282 in 2014 with nearly
half of its additional members coming from reserved (SC/ST) constituencies ( the party has won 77 of 131
reserved constituencies), showing its expanded reach among Dalits and tribals.
This has been attributed to Hindu consolidation and Narendra Modi government’s effective social welfare
schemes creating a strong Hindu vote bank. It also bears note that increased Sanskritization,Urbanization and
Westernization have boded well for the rise of Hindutva as a movement among the various communities.
Sanskritization
Sanskritization is the adoption of rites and customs of the Brahmins and the upper castes by the lower
castes and tribes. It is not only limited to adopting rituals but also the mores of upper-caste society.
Increasing Sanskritization leads the lower castes to adopt Brahminical standards limited to not only rites
and mores but all the elements that constitute a way of life fall under the hierarchy of Sanskritization.
Sanskritization also occurs in the theological sphere, with certain forms of worship, rituals, concepts, and
religious idiom being graded in a hierarchical manner.
The motivation behind Sanskritization is the aspiration of upward mobility and associated prestige, and
what limits it is the possibility of hostility by local competing castes.
Castes such as Yadavs & Ahirs are the most typical example of Sanskritized castes.
Forms of Sanskritization
Sanskritization can happen in several forms:
Brahmin Centric Sanskritization - In this case castes take on Brahminical Gotras, claim Brahminical (not
necessarily Brahmin) descent, employ Brahmin priests, adopt Brahmin habits such as vegetarianism and
in some cases even adopt speech patterns form the Brahmanical Dialect. Certain aspects of Brahmin
Centric Sanskritization are quite common such as employment of Brahmin priests and vegetarianism
while others are rarer.
Most middle castes and even many SC and ST castes have over the past century adopted aspects of
Brahminical Sanskritization such as employing Brahmin priests etc.
Forms of Sanskritization
Kshatriya Centric Sanskritization- In this case castes claim descent from Kshatriya dynasties and rulers
and often from puranic Kshatriya lineages. It is a more contentious form of Sanskritization as often there
is conflict between these communities claiming Kshatriya status and those who are considered pre
existing Kshatriyas such as Rajputs.
Examples - Gujjars claiming descent from the Pratiharas, Yadavs from the Yadavas of Puranas.
While certain aspects of British rule were hostile to Sanskritization, the accompanying industrialization
and democratization helped hasten the process of Sanskritization on an even larger scale. Brahmins and
castes coming from literary tradition, were among the first to take up English education and gain from
its associated benefits, and consequently, the first to Westernize.
While Westernization became necessary, or unavoidable, to rise up in the ranks of the colonial
hierarchy, several aspects of Westernization conflicted with the traditional paradigm of Sanskritization.
Despite several complicating factors, Westernization was a successful enterprise to varying degrees.
The effects Westernization had on Sanskritization, such as the breakdown of occupational hierarchy due
to the loss of taboo associated with certain work.
The process of Urbanization causes multiple communities from erstwhile rural areas to come in contact
with more cosmopolitan culture. In order to acclimatise themselves to the new surroundings, these
communities adapt practices based on their peers, which is an interplay or overlap between both
Sanskritization and Westernization.
Breakdown of Caste in 21st century
Caste system faces severe challenges from a variety of fronts, Industrialization undid its economic
purpose, Westernization is weakening its social roots, Urbanization ensures that several castes retain
no affinity at all to their ancestral occupations.
At the same time the Caste System also sees severe competition between various constituent
communities for industrial occupations and resources.
Caste has thus changes from a system of socio-economic management to one solely of competition
and conflict with increasingly little socio-economic basis.
Frameworks to Understand Caste
What can be a Useful Framework ?
The Dominance Framework tempered by ‘numerous’ as a qualifier is the most useful
framework for understanding Indian Polity.
Each sub region of India can have it’s communities divided into the following categories-
a. Highest Landholding in that particular geographical unit (District subdivision to even an entire
region of a particular state).
b. Desire to dominate over and subjugate communities doing the work of agricultural laborers -
usually the local scheduled castes.
c. Numerous in number throughout the geographical unit.
If a caste is dominant over an entire region - Patels in Saurashtra, Vokkaligas in KA,etc; they can be
said to have region wide dominance.
Some castes like Ahirs in Haryana have dominance of only about 1-2 district. These castes can be said
to have localized dominance.
Who are the Scheduled Castes and Tribes ?
Scheduled Castes and Tribes are a category of officially designated groups of people in India who are
liable to receive economic and legal benefits from the government of India. These groups were also
previously known as depressed classes.
a. Scheduled Castes are characterized by lower levels of economic prosperity and literacy than other
communities of the region.
b. Scheduled Tribes share certain features with dominant castes such as dominance over a particular
geography however they aren’t practitioners of extensive agriculture and their land holdings fall
largely into uncultivated and forest land.
c. Scheduled Castes and Tribes have certain similarities with historical Untouchable castes however
the equivalence isn’t always applicable.
Classification of OBCs. Scheduled Castes and Tribes
Originally, the Constitution provided only for lists of Scheduled Castes and Tribes under Articles 341
and 342, under which the Parliament and the President can designate certain communities as SC and ST.
As per the Order designating Scheduled Castes, only those belonging to Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist
religions can be SC.. However members of Scheduled Tribes can belong to any religion.
Other Backward Classes List of the Centre and the National Commission for Backward Classes did not
have specific legal backing in the Constitution until the enactment of the 102nd Constitutional
Amendment Act in 2018.
It is also important to note that Scheduled Castes and Tribes have political reservation in the Lok
Sabha under Article 330 and in the State Legislative Assemblies under Article 332 of the
Constitution.
Case Study : Old Mysore Region
It would be useful to understand the region wise framework of caste, given below
is a primer of the Old Mysore Region of Karnataka where the castes have been
classified into several categories including categorising those castes dominating
the whole region as well those castes dominating local sections of the region.
Case Study : Western Uttar Pradesh
Similarly let us understand the region wise framework of caste and caste
categories in Northern India. For this exercise we will take the region of Western
Uttar Pradesh in the state of Uttar Pradesh.
Case Study : Northern Kerala
The Case Study of Kerala is unique as a state with significant minority population
(Chrisitans accounting for 18% and Muslims accounting for 27% of the
population) and the ideological dimension due to the strong base of Communist
Politics. In the Northern Part of Kerala, Muslims dominate the political equation,
with a majority of Hindu voters preferring the Communist Parties.
How to make sense of a region ?
A region’s caste hierarchies can be understood only by having information not just of the demographics of
the area but also of the economic standings of communities and their political history and other social
attainments.
Upper Castes -Generally Jatis which are higher in the Varna system or are considered upper caste tend to
have good social status and higher levels of literacy and economic prosperity. However such communities
are not necessarily numerically dominant and politically powerful.
Dominant Castes- Dominant castes are those castes with significant land holdings, significant economic
dominance , significant population and significant political clout. Landed castes can also be upper castes in
some cases but are often middle castes.
Non Dominant Middle Castes- Non dominant middle castes are those communities with minimal
political clout and only middling prosperity.
SC/ST- They are the most backward sections of society. They are generally lacking in educational and
economic attainments however they can frequently have political clout in a certain region or district. These
communities tend to have decent populations depending on the region.
Analysis:Kozhikode District
Kozhikode District in Kerala consists of 13 different Legislative Constituencies, which
are part of three different Lok Sabha Constituencies - Vadakara, Wayanad and
Kozhikode.
Kozhikode district though numerically dominated by Thiyyas, has seen prominent Nair
leaders as well. The District hosts the second largest Muslim population in the State
after Malappuram
There are two fully urbanised constituencies, Kozhikode North and South. While North
is Hindu dominated, South is dominated by Muslims. Kozhikode North has traditionally
been represented by Nairs, the upper caste in Kerala. Semi-Rural and Rural
Constituencies such as Quilandi, Vadakara and Nadapuram are dominated by Thiyyas,
the OBC caste.
While Nairs are a broadly dominant upper caste group across the state and in the district, their numbers
and political dominance have been chipped away in the semi-rural and rural constituencies, which are
dominated by Thiyyas.
Muslims are dominant in the Southern areas of Kozhikode, while Christians have a significant
population within Kozhikode city and in the Thiruvambady Constituency.
Beypore has a significant population of Dheevaras, a caste traditionally linked to fishing. However, they
are politically disorganized and dominated by Muslims in the constituency.
Kozhikode has traditionally been a citadel of the left, with a minority of Muslim votes with the great
majority of Nairs and Thiyyas voting for the Communists.
Common Misconceptions About Caste
Common Misconceptions About Caste
Shudras are Dalits -
A frequent misconception is that Shudras and Dalits are the same and that they are also untouchable. This
however is a complete misunderstanding of reality. Castes which are considered Shudra make up the
largest section of the Hindu society and include a broad variety of castes ranging from large landowners
with extensive historical dominance to smaller communities which perform marginal tasks. Shudras are
not untouchable and never have been.
Dalit is a political term which refers largely to communities which come under SC category and
comprises largely of communities which traditionally engaged in what were considered polluting
activities and were often considered untouchable.
Common Misconceptions About Caste
Education was denied to lower castes -
It is true that historically lower castes had lower literacy than the upper caste communities in general,
though exceptions existed even in this case.
However this was not the result of scriptural incitements or casteist mechanization but rather the
consequence of an agrarian society. The nature of agrarian society and of agrarian surplus as discussed
previously meant that the primary skill set which was necessary was that of agriculturists. Only a few
communities could engage in non agricultural professions and these included literacy among other
things. As a result of this only a small section of society could partake in non agricultural activities such
as education.
This is true of all historical agrarian societies wherein literacy rate of such societies never exceeded 15%.
It must be noted in most regions where upper castes had high population the literacy rate of upper castes
was lower as well as not all upper castes going engage in non agricultural activities due to agrarian
constraints.
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