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Political Process and Governance in Tamil Nadu

Article in SSRN Electronic Journal · January 2016

DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2748971

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 Political Process and Governance in Tamil Nadu
Subramaniam Chandran
Vinayaka Missions University, Salem
[email protected]

was also grown with it. Besides, social and religious

Abstract: India has had ancient legacy in political ideas reforms were envisaged by enlightened people as well.
and practice. Politics is understood as practice of goodness.
The whole India was moved with the idea of
Monarchs did not ignore the guidance of scriptures, elders
and wise. It was believed that the sovereignty was given by nationalism and struggle for independence from
the God and the monarchs were the legitimate rulers. It is British imperialism, the Tamil region of Madras
true in Tamil Nadu, a southern State of India, as well. Tamils Presidency was inculcate with twin notions that
have their own ethical and spiritual foundations in harmony independence should be both from British imperialism
with other parts of the world. Despite all these virtuous and the nationalist. The British managed to give up the
governance, conflict and battles were frequent among the imperialism and extended freedom to India. Even
neighbouring kingdoms. As India witnessed several before that the British facilitated the politics of Madras
invaders, their impact on Tamil region was also happened. Presidency to establish its own which in turn brought
Territorial expansion and tax were rule of the day. Kings and
far reaching impact on the regional forces to sustain
kingdoms were survived on these exercises. Medieval time
was influenced by several invasions and frequent mobility of their power. The survey of literature and ideas
people. Politics and governance were gradually sensitized by constantly reflect these inferences.
language and culture. Modern era mostly occupied by
British colonialism taught the people the rule of law and II. THE FOUNDATIONS
representation. Nationalism was also grown with it. Besides,
social and religious reforms were envisaged by enlightened Politics is always viewed as assuring goodness to
people as well. The whole India was moved with the idea of citizens. All political systems and their process are also
nationalism and struggle for independence from British viewed as bringing goodness by emphasizing on
imperialism, the Tamil region of Madras Presidency was
virtue and justice. It structure and functions are
inculcate with twin notions that independence should be
both from British imperialism and the nationalist. The British
believed to move towards making the citizens good.
managed to give up the imperialism and extended freedom Good citizens can sustain the good political system
to India. Even before that the British facilitated the politics of and its governance. The essence of classical political
Madras Presidency to establish its own which in turn philosophy rightly reflects this idea. Western tradition
brought far reaching impact on the regional forces to sustain was fortunate to have systematic political treatises.
their power. Political process signifies from thought to This is not in the case of Tamil tradition in which
practice. political ideas and good governance were appeared in
literary poems. Prose was not used in ancient times.
Keywords: Dravidian Movement, social justice, south
In ancient India, politics and governance was
India, Tamil Nadu
viewed as dissipation of virtue and justice. Monarch
was the symbol of god, virtue and justice. He was all
powerful and superior. He was the only person to
I. INTRODUCTION
make the nation and its citizens happy. Vedic
literature reflected this condition. Manusmrti said that
INDIA has had ancient legacy in political ideas and the monarch who controlled his emotions and feelings
practice. Politics is understood as practice of could govern his citizens intact. Ramayana revealed
goodness. Monarchs did not ignore the guidance of that a country without a king seemed to be a river
scriptures and ministries. It was believed that the without water, a forest without trees, and a herd
sovereignty was given by the God and the monarchs without a shepherd. Mahabharat in its Shantiparva
were the legitimate law givers. Tamil Nadu, a taught how to govern the country and the people
southern State of India, has had parallel scriptures and through the practice of justice. In Gita, Lord Krishna
masters. Despite all these virtuous governance, conflict said, ‘whenever justice declines and injustice increases,
and battles were frequent among the neighbouring I incarnate to protect justice and destroy injustice. This
kingdoms and foreign invaders. Territorial expansion is also justified for king. Stories of Panchatantra upheld
and tax were rule of the day. Kings and kingdoms a clever approach to succeed. The idea of diplomacy
were survived on these exercises. Medieval time was was practiced in these stories in which animals were
influenced by several invasions and frequent mobility the characters. Exceptionally, Indian tradition has had
of people. Politics and governance were gradually Kautilya’s Arthasastra, the treatise on politics and
sensitized by language and culture. Modern era governance (Ghoshal, 1965; Chandran, 2001, 15-16).
mostly moved through British colonial rule taught the Medieval invaders from Persia added their law and
people the rule of law and representation. Nationalism system of governance which were rooted in Islamic

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tradition. However, society was mostly engulfed in careful and critical analysis. The basic problem is to
tread and unrest due to religious intolerance and tackle the discontinuity and distortion of historical
cultural estrangement. There were exceptional facts.
monarchs, especially Akbar, who tried to build Indigenous writings also show some sort of
coexistence and peaceful political system. Modern distortion and inhibition of reality. Autobiographies,
period witnessed influx of western political biographies and discourses of the leaders reflect
philosophy and social reform movements. These ambiguity which lack original and explicit political
enhanced the nationalistic fervor as well. The post- philosophy or theory (Chockalingam, 1955; Annadurai,
independence saw specific interests in 1961; Kalyanasundaram, 1969; Ramachandran, 1971;
constitutionalism, parliamentary democracy, Sivagnanam, 1974; Dhanushkodi, 1975; Kannadasan,
federalism, social justice and nation-building. Besides, 1982; Chidambaranar, 1983; Kousigan, 1987;
proliferation of political parties, regional forces, Subramanian, 1996). Contrary to these writings,
electoral alliance and coalition sensitized the political Nenjukku Needhi, both an autobiography and political
development. treatise of M. Karunanidhi seems to be detailed
Ancient literature of Tamils categorized the life as account of his life and record of political history
private realm (agam) and public realm (puram). Agam (Karunanidhi, 2004). It runs into six volumes so far.
includes the subjectivity, and personal and family However, it is also not free from ambiguity twisting of
relationship embedded in ethics and in the way the facts as some critics assessed. Perhaps, his
ancestors taught and followed. Puram speaks about autobiography is rich in narrating the political history
valour, battles, governance and all the economic of Tamil Nadu and India (Chandran, 2015).
activities. These also emphasized ethics. Mundane
activities were enlightened by ethical and spiritual III. PARADIGMS AND APPROACHES
teachings. Thus, the monarchs drew their power and
authority directly from scriptures. Monarch was the Apart from the existing dominant discourses, efforts
representative of God and he brought justice and have also been made to formulate alternative
peace. Loyalty to monarch was absolute. However, his historiography and subaltern studies. Western
behavior was regulated by the ancient scriptures. He scholarship often reflects biased positions. Several
was bound to respect the people as well. Monarchy academic writings lack explicit hypotheses and critical
represented goodness and justice. Nothing was equal outlook. They mostly describe the selective events and
or beyond the monarchy. But in practice, evidences of make pre-conceived inferences. As the real political
history showed frequent battles, unrest and invasion. process is engulfed in vested interest, theorization
The life of people reflected both peace and shows its influence smaller or bigger level. The
disturbance. nationalist thought has its own validity or invalidity to
Sangam literature of Tamils in ancient time, the study of regional politics. Concepts such as nation,
especially Pathitrupaththu and Purananooru revealed sub-nationalism, power relations, Political leadership,
the good characteristics of monarch and stressed good language, and caste have been represented or
governance as his duty. Silapathikaram emphasized on appropriated in the theorization process at their own
justice in governance and on equality before law. choice. The effort of theorization has to tackle these
Thirukkural and Naladiyar defined politics and problems.
governance with normative approach. All features Relating to past and antiquity is a prerequisite for
have been said in two and four verses respectively. All the concept of nation. It is widely believed that
aspects of governance have been outlined in twenty nationalism is primarily a cultural phenomenon
five chapters. Thirukkural discussed in depth several although it often takes a political form and also it is
features of governance embedded in virtue and justice not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness
(Chandran, 2001, 18). (Plamenatz, 1976). Gellner views that "nationalism
Theorization on the politics of south India was uses some of the pre-existent cultures, generally
initially attempted by western scholars. They applied transforming them in the process, but it cannot
western concepts and theories to study the Indian and possibly use them all" (Gellner, 1983, 48). Anderson
Tamil tradition. Language and culture showed certain feels that nation is an imagined political community.
difficulty in understanding the native phenomena. It It is not uniquely produced by the constellation of
seems that their exercise is not free from ambiguity certain objective social facts, rather it is created
and controversy. Insufficient observation together (Anderson, 1983). Chatterjee writes, "...the critique of
with the tendency of assuming hypothesis itself as nationalist discourse must find for itself the ideological
conclusion paved the way for wrong inferences. means to connect the popular strength of those
Appropriating the pre-existing cultures and struggles with the consciousness of a new universality,
superimposing the constructed attribute often to subvert the ideological sway of a state which falsely
facilitated manipulation of power. Discourses of the claims to speak on behalf of the nation and to
leaders and the ideologies prevailing over the society challenge the presumed sovereignty of a science which
and the resultant theorization have to be put into puts itself at the service of capital, to replace, in other

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words, the old problematic and thematic with new from any sophistry are rare in contemporary political
ones" (Chatterjee, 1986, 170). history (Chandran, 2009; 2013).
Authors of subaltern studies argue that the
nationalist historiography like the imperialist, IV. PERCEPTION OF DRAVIDIAN
colonialist historiography, fails to recognize the
historical limits of capital. The subaltern studies have The significance in the study of Tamil Nadu politics
the merit of emphasizing fundamental relations of can be located in the perception of the concept of
power, of domination and subordination (Guha, 1989). Dravidian. Though there are divergent arguments
It is also emphasized that priority is to be given to the exists on the concept, concretization of power
task of reconstructing democratic political institutions structure and territorial identity for Tamils in modern
(Pantham, 1995, 191). It is believed that Marxian sense emerged only after that. In ancient times down
political economy can be integrated with Dumont's to about the ninth or tenth century A.D. the Tamil
Indo-centric socio-cultural theory of the caste system speaking people occupied a somewhat wider area than
in terms of a multiplicity of contending or colluding they do now. Some writers have sought to establish
civil societies (Bose, 1989). that the fairly advanced urban culture of the Indus
Erich Fromm considers that the influence of any valley was essentially Dravidian in its makeup and
doctrine or idea depends on the extent to which it that the numerous seals belonging to that culture carry
appeals to psychic needs in the character structure of inscriptions in a proto-Dravidian language. There are
those to whom it is addressed. Only if the idea also scholars in the Tamil country who altogether
answers powerful psychological needs of certain social discount the idea of a Dravidian immigration from
groups will it become a potent force in history outside and hold that the Tamils are autochthonous
(Fromm, 1941, 54). It also seems that the ambition of children of the soil. The study of the languages of the
politics is the need to diminish the distance between south enabled Caldwell to discover a faithful picture
self and others longing for the return of authority. The of the simple life of the non-Aryanized Dravidians'
ego-ideal plays a vital role in identifying the leader. and to claim that the elements of civilization already
The fundamental contradiction between individual existed among them (Caldwell, 1856).
and society in terms of ambivalent love-hate At the beginning of the nineteenth century the
expression towards all kinds of authority as well as whole of the Tamil country had passed under the
one's fellow beings is unraveling the mysteries of direct administration of the Company, and the
unconscious construction of politics (Freud, 1927; 1930; hundred years that followed saw the generally
1933). peaceful evolution of a modern system of
It seems that certain measure of synthesis of the administration and a fairly successful mutual
colonial historiography as well as subaltern studies adjustment between the handful of foreign rulers and
and the changing relations of power structure would the children of the soil. Nilakanta Sastri wrote, "It is
add significance in political theorization. It is also the attack by the so-called non-Brahmin or Justice
relevant to study the unconscious process that Movement on the apparent position of monopoly and
determines the construction of political power, privilege which the Brahmins seemed to have
leadership and legitimacy. The concept of 'over deliberately build up for themselves in the society and
determination' appropriated by Althusser is also administration of the land. It started as a fight for
relevant in understanding various movements against government jobs, but soon broadened into a plea for
colonialism (Althusser and Balibar, 1970, 188-89). social democracy. Some mischief was done by a few
In Tamil Nadu, the roots of political process and civilian administrators who fanned the flame of
values are related to two important leaders, namely, C. discontent; some false theories were adumbrated; the
Rajagopalachari and E.V. Ramasamy Periyar. Major differences between Dravidian, Tamil and south on the
part of political history is significantly rooted in the one side and Aryan, Sanskrit and the north on the
biography of political leaders. Though the lives of other were underlined; and one section even now
political leaders are seen with admiration, criticism is stands for the separation of the Dravidian country
inevitable when they play a leading role in public from the rest of India. While all this is not difficult to
realm. Their manifestations were contesting ideas and understand or explain, there is also every reason to
activities in the political history of Tamil Nadu. Their hope that in the long run moderate counsels and a due
life illustrates the inherent contest between sense of proportion will prevail, and that nothing will
traditionalism and rationalism, between nationalism happen to hurt unduly any section of the population
and separatism, between theism and atheism, between or the unity of the country"(Sastri, 1964, 42-43).
varnashrama dharma and casteless society, and In the monarchical form of state, the Brahmins aided
between constructive programmes based on Gandhian the king in performing sacrifices and conducting state
values and Social reforms based on Dravidian values. affairs, particularly in the administration of justice.
Their moral stand remains an ideal which could not be The mark of a good king was to do nothing that would
compromised with manipulative or opportunistic scandalize the feelings of true Brahmins. A righteous
politics. Their pragmatic approach and open talk free war spared women, cows, Brahmins and the sick.

3
During the regime of Krishnadeva Raya, the State up their pious occupation and turned to
often handed over to temples and Brahmins the worldliness"(1917, 9).
privilege of enjoying its share of the land revenue in E.V. Ramasamy critically stated, "India is not a
accordance with agreed terms. He had great faith in nation, it is a nation of many nations...it is said that
the loyalty and endurance of Brahmin commanders of there were 56 'desas' (countries) during the puranic
forts and recommended their employment wherever period" (Ananimuthu, 1974, 649-50). During the ani-
possible. Their prime duty was also the maintenance Hindi campaign in 1939, he gave the historic slogan
of Hindu social solidarity as against the inroads of ‘Tamil Nadu for for the Tamils.’ Later he changed the
Islam and Christianity. slogan into ‘Dravida Nadu for Dravidians.’ While the
Nilakanta Sastri wrote "Vijayanagar rulers aimed at concept of Dravida Nadu aimed at liberation of the
the preservations of Hindu society and its institutions whole of Madras Province comprising the four
against the attacks of Islam, and the result, most linguistic areas, no efforts had ever been taken to
involuntary, was an added stringency in the standards spread the message of separation in the other parts of
of orthodoxy, social and religious. The Brahmin, the province except Tamil Nadu. C.N.Annadurai
always respected in society, gained still higher esteem declared that the ideology of DMK is to reform the
under the new conditions. With the exception of those social set up, ensure a socialistic economy and to get
who took to the service of the state, civil or military, Dravidanadu liberated from the rule of northerners.
they generally devoted themselves to religious and Annadurai spoke in the parliament, "I consider that
literary pursuits, and stood outside the race for wealth the Dravidians have got something concrete,
and power. They lived on voluntary gifts from all something distinct, something different to offer to the
classes from the king downwards, and devoted nation at large...I am pleading for separation of
themselves exclusively to learning, teaching and Dravida Nadu not because of any antagonism but
writing. They showed themselves capable of detached because, it is separated, it will become a small nation,
thinking on social questions and their presence in compact, homogeneous and united, wherein sections
every town and village provided for the common of people in the whole area can have a more effective
people not only patterns of ethical and religious and social regeneration more fruitful..."(Chandran,
conduct, but active helpers and disinterested 2001). Later the DMK has given up separation
arbitrators in the numerous concerns of their daily ideology in preference to electoral politics and it was
life…The Brahmins, however, did not always live up satisfied with working for state autonomy which
to the ideals of his vocation and some protests against meant to demand more powers to the state.
his high place in society were not unknown; but as a
rule he proved true to his trust, and this was V. TERRITORIAL IDENTITY AND
recognized by the rest of the people"(Sastri, 1964, 95- THE POLITICS OF CONFLICT
96).
Sanskrit literature represents the interest of the Irschick argues that fixed population and
ruling class and denies its fruits to the common man resacralised land stand out between 1785 and 1895 that
and it helps to articulate consensus in favour of the Tamil culture came to be identified with territory
dominant class. However, it is widely recognized that (Irschick, 1994, 4). He further adds that the
Tamil is the oldest of the Dravidian languages with conceptions of spatializing, reconstructing, and
literature from the first century before Christ and the resacralising rural society in the late eighteenth and
Tamil region was a second source of high culture pre- early nineteenth centuries - that the future society of
dated only by developments on the Indus and the area was projected from a constructed past
Gangetic plains. dialogically produced by both British officials and
In a welcome address in 1917 at the South Indian local individuals. This privileging of sedentarization
Non-Brahmin Confederation, Theagaraya Chetty resulted from an attempt on the part of both British
explained that, "the genius of Dravidian civilization and Indians to define citizenship strictly in terms of a
does not recognize difference between man and man society whose members possessed given places of
by birth. The leaders of Dravidian thought, residence, who were embedded, and who did not
Thiruvalluvar, Avvaiyar and Kambar do not claim to move about. The religious rituals aided the process of
be born from the brain of the god-head. The preventing people from moving about and helped to
Nayanmars and Alvars do not claim greatness in bind people together into sedentary, embedded
virtue of birth. It is the Aryans who have introduced structures (1994, 191-192). From this background, he
this birth distinction which they have elaborated into inferred what later came to be called the non-Brahmin
the system of varnashrama dharma with its movement. He adds that it is an outgrowth of this
concomitant evils. It was that civilization which general world project that linked ethnicity with
brought about illiteracy in the century, the pedestal on sedentariness and culture.
which is erected the exclusive oligarchy of the The non-Brahmin movement in seeking to displace
Brahmins...Thanks to the British government, the Brahmins from positions in the administration and
times have changed, our Brahmin friends have given politics, hastened a general demographic project

4
already in operation to move Brahmans out of the maximum military and financial security. Control and
villages to the cities of the region to other cities in distribution of forest and waste land was another
India and elsewhere (1994, 204). This is an explanation important tactic in the settlement of rural society. The
to what he hypothesized in 1969 that the conflict assessment of waste in ryotwari areas was designed to
developed between the Brahmans and the non- secure a fixed population and to limit the spirit of
Brahmans in south India was the articulation of a pre- emigrating. Almost everywhere the rural elite were
existing social rivalry (Irschick, 1969, xiv). Irschick consolidated or attempts were made to create one
further argues that "the years after world war II, the (Bayly, 1988, 109).
land of the Tamils had become firmly wedded to the Bayly further observes that three basic forces
culture of the Tamils. The identification of Tamil moulded the nature of Indian society in the early
culture with agriculture helped to sacralise all villages colonial period. First, social relations and mode of
as thousands of points of light on what came to be thought and belief which had consolidated themselves
considered the broad and sacred map of the Tamil in the later years of Mughal India continued to
country"(1994, 204). develop under British rule. These were distorted or
Irschick argues that the interaction between the modified by the second range of influences which
bureaucracy and the Indian population created an derived from the military and financial needs of the
environment for the development of secular, anti-caste colonial state and from sporadic and uneven
sentiments which found their expression in revivalist developments in the European world economy. In
and nativist movements. The British saw the revival of turn, armed and unarmed resistance from within India
ancient Tamil literature and egalitarian ideas as itself blunted and deflected these influences. So
measures which would support them against the pressure and rebellion operating at all levels of
perceived political threat of sedition from Brahman political power within the subcontinent provided the
quarters. Revivalism gave the British a feeling that third determinant of the nature of colonial Indian
they could maintain political stability. The non- society. There was an inability of indigenous states to
Brahmans agreed with some British perceptions of withstand the British, but also there was a relative
Tamil social history that it was a past where an failure of the Company to transform India into a
egalitarian society flourished before the Brahman quiescent and profitable colony (Bayly, 1988).
invaders arrived from the north. Though the British It was reported that in some areas, especially the
appeared to want to move the clock back, the non- lands of Thanjavur, Thirunelveli and Chengalput,
Brahmans used these revivalist and nativist efforts to there were leading villages known as mirasidars, with
claim that 'modern' ideas and social institutions hereditary land rights, and these sometimes controlled
existed in the Tamil area long before the British agricultural production over hundreds even thousands
arrived in India; in this way they did not have to of acres. The inamdars generally held lands as
accept modern institutions outright (Irschick, 1986, 3- hereditary rights given by local rulers or rewards for
4). Nelson noted that there were no true sudras in services, were most frequently Brahmins and were
south India and that therefore Hindu (or rather usually regarded as holding land for their religious
Sanskrit) law could not be applied to them. institutions rather than as individuals. The British did
The law of the Brahmans could not be applied to the not eliminate these pre-existing land rights, but over
rest of the population. Hence it paved the way for the most of Tamil Nadu they promoted the individual
British an administrative category, that of 'non- ryot.
Brahman', was given sanction (Nelson, 1881). The They made the landholder responsible solely to the
creation of labels and categories in modern India by government for his land taxes. No more than a quarter
the British for their bureaucratic reports resulted from of the land area of the Madras Presidency was under
an unconscious attempt to control the categories by the zamindari system, by which large landed
which Indians were to look on their own society and proprietors were established as intermediaries
by inference the categories with which the British between the ryots and the government with rights of
would operate their own administration (Irschick, tax collection on their own estates. The ryotwari
1986, 24). system undoubtedly moulded the region's political
and social character. The zamindars of Tamil Nadu
VI. POLITICAL ECONOMY AND were too few in number and commanded too little
POWER RELATIONS influence in rural society to provide a solid prop for
the British regime or to be valuable intermediaries
Bayly describes that the 1790s witnessed the between the colonial administration and the
experiments designed to stabilize rural society in the cultivators.
environs of Madras. The Company's aim was to It was the tax-paying ryots on whose tolerance,
control the conflicts between different types of rural collaboration and self-interest, the Madras government
and tax entrepreneurs which had become increasingly depended in Tamil Nadu. They were numerically
disruptive to regular revenue returns. The first important - a factor with the progressive expansion of
principles of British administration were towards the franchise in the twentieth century. They

5
constituted a social stratum through which the British establish its control over much of the administration
could hope to regulate rural life and the wealthy ryots which was being transferred to the new
were extending their range of economic activity as intuitions...when important political decisions were
wealth derived from cash-crop production, marketing made at the level of village and neighbourhood by
and money lending was invested in western education notables who could count on their local officials to
enabling a new generation to enter urban professions protect them from the capital, the central influence of
and the bureaucracy. It was largely because of this government was minimal" (Washbrook, 1976, 62-63).
diversification that non-Brahmins from rural agrarian "The centralization of appointments and control in the
and trading castes came into conflict with the bureaucracy...gradually pulled an increasing amount
Brahmins. It was the professional middle class which of service patronage towards the capital..."(1976, 218).
took the lead in organizing an anti-colonial movement. While commenting on the Dravidian Movement,
Traditional status, access to landed wealth, “Firstly, the language of the movement was closely
generations of involvement in the administration, related to the language of government...Secondly,
aloofness from cultivation - these factors were together these movements, whatever their pretensions, did not
responsible for Brahmin domination of the western- need to have, and many did not have, a political
educated, professional middle class forming in Tamil existence prior to the creation of the publicist and
Nadu from the middle of the nineteenth century. The administrative categories which they filled...The
rapid expansion of higher education in the third movement emerged when the very novel political
quarter of the nineteenth century soon created a processes of early history is not the ideational
surplus of graduates. Government service in the antecedents of the movement but the contemporary
Madras Presidency and in neighbouring princely processes. Thirdly, throughout our period and
states offered the main field for graduate employment, beyond, the old socially vertical systems of political
but by the 1870s and 1880s jobs in the bureaucracy connection continued to control a vast system of
were becoming scarce. rewards. Men moved in and out of 'communal'
The European monopoly of the higher echelons and politics with a remarkable speed as the opportunities
Indian nepotism made entry for outsiders even harder. for rewards shifted around, simply because a
Exclusion from bureaucratic employment provoked politician appeared as a non-Brahman" (Washbrook,
the frustrated graduates to criticize selection 1976, 286-87).
procedures for government service and sharpened this
complaint against officials’ conduct. Graduates sought VII. DRAVIDIAN, NON-BRAHMIN, AND TAMILS
other occupations such as law, medicine, education,
journalism and accountancy too they ran headlong In simple terms, the Dravidians are identified as
into conflict with European professionals. Because of non-Brahmins, or non-Aryans which in turn mostly
their religious training and social privileges, Tamil ascribed to Tamils. This is because, the non-Brahmin
Brahmins carried within themselves an extreme movement did not attract in other states of south India
confidence in their own ability to lead and in their considerably.
authority to speak on behalf of the people as a whole. While portraying the non-Brahmin movement,
By the turn of the century non-Brahmins ryots and Irschick writes, "They challenged the prevailing elite
traders were beginning to realize the economic and group; they demanded a position of importance and
political advantages to be gained by entering the special treatment by the government; they created a
professions. Numerically, the professional middle myth of their own origins; and finally they decided on
class was very small - it constituted less than 0.5 per a drive for separatism" (1969, xviii). During the 1919
cent of the population of the Presidency - and factional reforms the non-Brahmins felt that the success of the
and sectional competition, as much as outside pressure Home Rule Movement would result in the
and a changing electoral set-up forced middle class entrenchment of Brahmins in the administration.
politicians to look outside their own tiny class for allies Therefore the non-Brahmins felt that there was greater
and support. The advent of British rule was a major need among them to unite and counter every move of
factor altering traditional relationships between south the Brahmins through the Home Rule League and the
Indian Brahmin and non-Brahmin elites. (Arnold, Congress.
1977; Bayly, 1988; Washbrook, 1976; Baker, 1976). Hardgrave observes that the Dravidian movement
Washbrook held that while analyzing the politics over the time has changed its character and methods
from 1870 to 1920, that the local officials enjoyed more with the changing leadership and so also it aims - from
powers and the government appointments were made a demand for an independent state of Dravidastan to
in accordance with the interest between the local the pragmatic political demands of a political party.
officials and the dominant native group. Hence the The defeat of Justice Party reflected the growing
centralization of administration became attempted in nationalist movement throughout India. With the
order to get away the injustices. He adds, "Whatever impact of national self-consciousness and aspiration
the theoreticians of British rule might have thought, for Swaraj, it imperial connections brought it defeat
the bureaucracy proper had never been able to (1965, 24). Besides, the Justice party was rocked by

6
internal struggles over positions among the various Dravidians to positions of power. Here was an
communities including untouchables and Muslims explanation of present 'oppression' and a nascent
and it gradually lost these groups’ support complete program for a 'positive' future" (1976, 316-17). For
by 1937. It is stated that the aim of the Justice party those non-Brahmins who internalized the Dravidian
was to enable these non-Brahmans to supplant the political identity during the radical phase from the
Brahmans, while keeping the untouchables at a good 1930s to the late 1950s, that identity was embedded in
economic, educational, and political distance. an elaborate radical ideology according to which
Due to this fact, the Justice party was criticized that separation and a free Dravidian nation would achieve
it reduced and manipulated the socio-economic forces radical social reform.
and necessities to their own benefits and they are In 1949 E.V.Ramasami and C.N.Annadurai chose
opportunists seeking security for their wealth and separate paths to achieve Dravidian ideological goals.
recognition for their prejudice over Brahmans. It is At the outset, Dravidian ideology and Dravidian
evident that they supported the British rule and identity had a strongly progressive social-reform
accepted the awards from them viz, Maharaja, Nawab, character because these elite non-Brahmins believed
Diwan Bahadur, Rao Bahadur etc. With the decline of they had to attack the very structure of society to
the Justice party, elite without mass base, the accomplish their ends. As they achieved some goals
Dravidian movement exploited primordial sentiment, and reestablished their position vis-a-vis Brahmins,
and expanded its ranks in the process of social their orientation changed. Barnett writes, “While the
mobilization. The movement has served as a vehicle concept of relative deprivation provides a shorthand
for an expanding identity horizon and given the Tamil description of the underlying motivation for the
people a sense of community, of national identity transformation in political consciousness, the nature of
(1965, 77-80). It should be noted that in Kannada and the perceived deprivation changes. When Brahmins
Kerala regions of Madras Presidency, the non- were the leading political elite, many wealthy elite
Brahmins occupied significant place in society, non-Brahmins believed themselves deprived because
education and economy. The anti-Brahmin ideology of a perceived decline in status in relation to Brahmins
did not work to bring support for the 1920 elections to ... Once the elite non-Brahmins became the leading
Justice Party. Only independent candidates from these political elite, backward non-Brahmins found both
regions got elected. It is stated that, "Tamil Nadu of Brahmins and elite non-Brahmins above them blocking
today is very different from the Madras Presidency of the road to enhanced political power" (Barnett, 1976,
the 1920s and 1930s. The older unit was not only 321). She writes, "While territorial nationalism was the
larger but culturally much more heterogeneous. It is response of the Congress-led independence movement
difficult now to isolate the exact contribution of the to the west, Dravidian (and later Tamil) cultural
Tamil speaking people to the non-Brahmin movement. nationalism responded to Congress territorial
But one must remember that a large number of the nationalism"(1976, 322). She further argues that
leaders of this movement were Telugu speaking political identity in a cultural nationalist context is
people who combined with their Tamil and based on the concept of collective individualism,
Malayalam speaking counterparts against the Brahmin stressing the priority of a self with historical, cultural
elite which appears to have been predominantly, attributes. "Although separation remains a strong
though by no means wholly, Tamilians"(Beteille, 1992, underlying theme in Tamil Nadu political culture, this
103). is not evidence of the incompatibility of cultural
Barnett considers that political identity has been nationalism and territorial nationalism...it suggests the
defined as non-Brahmin, Dravidian, and Tamilian at importance of federalism and decentralization in
various historical moments. Cultural nationalism mitigating conflict between cultural and territorial
should be seen as one of a number of ideologies nationalist perspectives or among competitive cultural
available for purposes of mobilization of groups that nationalist perspectives" (Barnett, 1976, 325). She
seek greater power. The non-Brahmin community is a argues that whether cultural nationalism can remain a
cultural construct which united diverse castes within viable ideology for further mass mobilization will
an encompassing political identity (Barnett, 1976, 315). depend on its perceived utility as a program, map or
She further adds, "Although the symbolic elements of guide, it legitimizing potential; and its capacity to
the Dravidian ideology were rather loosely integrated arouse mass support. Since all major Tamil Nadu
up to 1938 (the first demand for a separate Dravida parties are to some degree committed to Tamil
Nadu), the conviction of past Dravidian greatness was nationalism, it might be increasingly difficult to use
a link between the status and power aspects of the nationalism for mobilization on internal issues such as
ideology. Pre-Aryan (Dravidian) civilization was problems of adi-Dravidas and urban industrial work
supposedly casteless, classless, and the most advanced force (Barnett, 1976, 326-27). The classless and
in the world. There was a messianic regression into casteless society aimed by the Dravidian movements is
the past, as well as a hopeful projection into a vague not supported by systematic theory. However this
future. The projection into the future looked to the kind of primitive communism existed in the past
destruction of caste and ritual, and the return of

7
(Marx, 1859) does not support the claims of the leaders regional levels (Baskaran, 1981; Dikey, 1993,
of Dravidian movements. Narayanan, 1970).
Critics argue that the Dravidian ideology developed There is a possibility in stating that the pre-colonial
by Maraimalaiadigal was transformed by the Self- values have a clear impact on current political
Respect movement into a new arsanal with which the behaviour in Tamil Nadu. The concept of kingly
ruling elite was attacked. Pandian writes, models gives us an instrument to understand the
"...E.V.Ramaswamy's concept of politics freed history context for MGR's political success (Price, 1989). The
from any notion of Saivite utopia, invoked a number concept of patron-client ties and charismatic
of interiorized identities and as a result expanded the leadership has both given clues to MGR's popularity
realm of politics to include a range of oppressed and electoral success. MGR's benevolence may also at
groups, and, above all, invested them with active times have been the result of embezzlement or
political agency. More importantly, it had the quality arbitrary implementation and distribution of public
of being perennially contestatory: the teloes of history good (Widlund, 1993). The screen image of MGR and
and rationality were interminable and hence there its insertion in the pre-existing common sense, of the
could be no certitude about the finality of any political subaltern classes helped dominant ideologies succeed
resolution. Struggle had to go on… In short, the in the terrain of struggle and produce consent among
political discourse of E.V.Ramaswamy stood in sharp the subaltern classes. The ubiquitous and overarching
contrast to the early Dravidian ideology of the Vellala structure of patriarchy in Tamil Nadu is reaffirmed
elite; and his break with them was substantial and through MGR films. MGR's was a regime which
qualitative. This is what accounted for his success in enjoyed massive support from the poor but served the
mass politics, and not his 'unprecedented styles' or interests of the rich. In both real life and on the screen,
'populist stance'" (Pandian, 1994, 100). Though MGR presented as one among the common people and
E.V.Ramaswamy opposed the traditional norms, he at the same time he was distinct from and stood above
himself often cited the parallel aspects of Tamil and them. It shows that such presentation leads the
Sanskrit texts and claimed that the latter texts were common people to identify with the idealized leader
copied from the former. At the same time, it should be as the compensation for the lack in their lives and at
noted that the relationship between political power the same time to remain attached to those parts of their
and progressive development could not be ignored. ego which have not been thrown into the leader image.
When state is emerging as a class compromise agency MGR as an idea that mediates elite politics has become
and its legitimacy embedded in the support of an element of the subaltern common sense (Pandian,
different classes, the hegemonic role of the state 1992).
becomes weakened. The significance of MGR as a phenomenon and the
elite who supported him lies in the recognition that the
VIII. COMMON SENSE AND POLITICAL mosaic of common sense or the untheorized
MOBILIZATION philosophy of the subaltern classes is an important
terrain of political intervention. He brings out the
The formation of the DMK assimilated the needs novelty that, "MGRs success does not mean that his
and aspirations of new emerging class. The DMK as a hegemonising sweep was total. On the contrary, the
catalyst for social mobilization has effectively realm of politics in Tamil Nadu is characterized by
exploited the identity anxiety of the transitional multiple discourses, each engaged in a constant
individual in his movement from a primordially- dialogue with the others...even among the devoted
determined unit of family, caste and village to an followers of MGR there exist indelible marks of
urban environment Alienated from the traditional dissent, however emasculated they may be, are quite
village ties, influenced by new ideas through important” (Pandian, 1992, 144-45).
communications media, and frustrated in economic In modern democracy, political success depends on
desires, the individual is attracted toward the party, sphere of electorate which is fragmented on different
both as an expression of his discontent with society lines. The 'common sense' category does not explain
and as a psychological substitute for the roles, status, the level of opposition which is more than the
and values provided by the traditional system. The supposed 'image trap' of the leader. Kohli observes
advance of the DMK among youth may be an that the personalistic and populist ruling style has
expression of generational conflict (Hardgrave, 1965, become a major impediment to the use of state power
36). to solve the nation's problem (Kohli, 1991, 386).
How the cinema and the stars helped for political Besides, power-hungry leaders often are as responsible
mobilization and appropriated the common sense and for weakening democratic institutions as are the
ego ideal of the individuals together with sensitizing demands of newly mobilized social groups. The
the Tamil culture are very significant deliberations in personal popularity of any leader cannot easily be
the political process of Tamil Nadu for the past seven translated into the ability to solve problems. On the
decades. Drama and cinema facilitated in building contrary, Hardgrave argues that MGR provided hope
political parties and leadership at national as well as to a section of very poor and powerless people

8
(Hardgrave, 1971, 308). How this ‘hope’ among the dividing the subcontinent into antagonistic ethnic and
people is sustained is a significant search on the line religious communities until the later 1940s. In
inquiry generated by Gramsci (1971). consequence, throughout the period from 1870 and
1920 and beyond, there remained a viable colonial
IX. LANGUAGE AND CASTE political system through which power was distributed
and conflicts were contained and compromised.
The relationship between caste and politics in Tamil Indeed, it was only by destroying this system and
Nadu often manifests ambiguity. It is widely argued nationalism and communalism came to achieve their
that the varnshrama dharma of the Aryan civilization later positions as dominant political themes"
induced such kind of classification. However, during (Washbrook, 1976, 9).
the Chola period the proliferation of castes perceived The politics from 1920 to 1937 have been differently
intensely. Bayly believes that caste was not an theorized by Baker. He argues, "Political parties were
immutable given of Indian society. Castes were not built around their ideologies. In the case of the
constantly in the process of formation and change, Justice party, it was its functions that attracted support
notably in periods such as the eighteenth century not its attributes. Similarly, it was not merely the
when political authority was very fluid (Bayly, 1988, fervour of patriotism that drew so many into the
11-12). It is also observed that in north India religion Congress in the 1930s...The problem which faced
played significant role in politics whereas in the south politicians was not the rightness or wrongness of
language and caste play predominant role in politics. nationalism as the ultimate goal of politics, but the
Andre Beteille states, "In Tamil Nadu power shifts priority that nationalism should have among other
from one dominant caste to another. Brahmins were political goals and the strategies that were correct for
displayed by non-Brahmins in important political the nationalist movement. Circumstances in the 1930s
bodies. Today, the locus of power shifts from the caste brought nationalist aspirations and the more
system itself to differentiated structures of power. The immediate goals of the local and provincial politician
caste elders have to compete increasingly with close together...Nor were political parties built out of
functionally specific structures of power such as units of caste...South Indian society did not consist of
parties and panchayats" (1992, 82). series of family, clan, subcaste and caste units each
He further states that in a democratic system aware of its own extent and each resting within the
virtually any kind of social identity may be used as a one above - Spenserian view which the early
basis for mobilizing political support and it is difficult anthropologists wished to confirm...The changing
to deny that caste continues to play a major part in this relationship between provincial government and
regard in Tamil Nadu. It is equally difficult to see how parties and local boards formed one of the key to the
a particular mode of social grouping becomes its very political history of this period" (Baker, 1976, 323-25).
antithesis by the sole fact of engaging in competition The study on the relationship between caste and
with groupings of a like order (Beteille, 1992, 118). In politics in Tamil Nadu is as relevant as the study of
traditional societies, it is usual for a group to capture Dravidian movement. Irschick observes that
the power and patronage of the state and secure for according to the 1871 census, in the British
itself a privileged position. In modern societies, the administration area called Chingleput district by far
power and patronage is larger and its deployment the largest proportion of the inhabitants were non-
affects other groups more drastically; and under the Brahmin communities. They amounted to 62 percent
conditions of democracy it is commonly a group of the population. Brahmins were 3.6 percent of the
which identifies itself as the majority which takes total. The remaining were the Dalit communities. The
control of the state. Kothari claims in 1970 that the local claims to dominance in the area required certain
outstanding feature of recent Indian political construction of the past as well as manipulation of
development is the creation of a centre and that the dialogically produced documentation techniques such
expanding role of government has brought about as the census. Documentary projects although
major changes in the social structure. identified with the names of British administrators
While analyzing the politics from 1870 to 1920, were often dominated by local inhabitants and local
Washbrook writes, "Members of different castes, physical evidence (Irschick, 1994, 101). Irschick tries to
religions and castes sometimes are seen to belong to establish the relationship between the efforts of caste
separate political communities which jockey against groups and construction and propagation of Tamil
one another for place, power, and status… about 1915, culture.
however, almost no significant even in British south He argues that the non-Brahmin community of left-
Indian history could possibly be understood in caste division had broad spatial ideas. Throughout the
communal terms alone" (Washbrook, 1976, 7). He pre-European period the propagation of Tamil was
further writes, "While it is certainly true that initiated as sacred responsibility. In the twentieth
nationalism and communalism were important century, a section of people associated with temples
political forces, it is also true that they did not succeed and the performing arts came to play an important
in tearing India out of her imperial connection nor in role in spreading Tamil as part of a large-scale political

9
movement. Therefore, long before the British arrival, to counter the Congress in the electoral politics. Third,
mechanisms both spatial and cultural were at work in he took utmost care not to offend the original social
the Tamil region to connect large areas through the and religious spirit of the Tamils. Thiruvalluvar and
spread of Tamil. This activity was an essential Thirumular helped at large in regaining the pure
ingredient in uniting what was considered Tamil spiritual orientation of the Tamils. Here, his rational
culture and territory (Irschick, 1994, 114). orientation was differed from Periyar. He skillfully
One of the most important aspects of Indo-British differentiated the terms ‘Brahmin’ and ‘Brahminism’
civilization was the rise in esteem of sedentary as Mahatma Gandhi differentiated the British and the
agriculture as a form of culture. This judgment British rule. The Constitutional (Sixteenth)
separated those who practiced agriculture from Amendment Act 1963 was enacted to protect the
groups who wandered and travelled across the land in sovereignty and integrity of India (Pandey, 2004). It
search of a livelihood, to pursue commerce, to beg, or forced the DMK to give up the demand for separate
to become saints. It also ultimately separated those state for the Tamils. It made the DMK to revise its
seen to be authentic Dravidians from cultural principles in accordance with parliamentary
interlopers. This has resulted from an attempt on the democracy as depicted in the Constitution of India. In
part of both British and Indians to define citizenship fact, Annadurai himself upheld earlier the
strictly in terms of a society whose members possessed parliamentary democracy as he celebrated the
given places of residence who were embedded and Independence Day and Republic Day. The Official
who did not move about (Irschick, 1994, 191). Language Act and the imposition of Hindi activated
The initial exercise of Annadurai was to appropriate the DMK to continue the agitations. Its agitations
the language politics for building his party, Dravida become a source of mass mobilization for anti-
Munnetra Kazhgam (DMK). Regaining the values of Congress and pro-regional electoral orientations
Tamil language and literature and superimposing a (Forrester, 1965). The 1967 elections favoured the
rational-reformist style were needed at that time. DMK. As a chief minister he was instrumental in state
Tamil society was viewed as free of castes. The building. The demand for separate state for the Tamils
organization of Tamil society was fully ascribed to was temporarily kept in abeyance. In other words, he
five-fold natural stratification in terms of ‘tinai.’ It was had to insist the values the Tamils in every aspect of
believed that the issue of social inequality or relative governance. To begin with, he was responsible to
deprivation did not exist. Annadurai added a new change ‘Madras State’ as ‘Tamil Nadu.’ The process of
dimension to Tamil literature through his speech and state building is a wider exercise. It began from the
writing. His ideas upholding the values of Tamil were changing the name of the state to getting a rightful
enthusiastically propagated by the educated youth. He partner in coalition and legitimizing the Tamil as
skillfully made use of the commonsense and the life- classical language.
world consciousness of the Tamils (Annadurai, 1951;
1961). XI. FROM SEPARATISM TO COALITION
Drama and Cinema helped at large scale to reach the
illiterate mass. His ideas provided a sort of education In the initial stage, the language politics of the DMK
to the illiterate mass. The educated youth was was formulated as well as strengthened by the
fascinated by the magazines and periodicals published speeches and writings of Anna. It was complemented
by the DMK. Though most of them were short-lived, by the speeches and writings of Karunanidhi and other
they had strong impact on the youth (Hardgrave, second-level leaders of DMK. In addition, the drama
1964). The process of party building was utmost and cinema further widened the reach of the DMK.
importance for Anna and the emerging leaders of MGR and others who supported the DMK completed
DMK at that time. He managed to have and keep the process of party building. It was projected and
people who have different background and propagated that the protection and development of
personality. The common ground which united them Tamil culture was synonymous with the development
was Anna. This is how he was able to win the minds of of DMK. This trend gave an impetus to the separatist
Karunanidhi, M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), demand (Barnett, 1976). It survived up to 1963
Nedunchezhian, Anbazhagan and Mathiazhagan. officially. For Annadurai, the social and political
During his party building process, he had to balance situation of electoral politics should sustain the values
the political forces emanating from EVR, of parliamentary democracy and federalism. The anti-
Rajagopalachari, Kamaraj, and Bakthavatsalam. Hindi agitations provided a strong base for emotional
link of the DMK volunteers. By harnessing anti-
X. LANGUAGE POLITICS FOR STATE BUILDING Congress sentiments pervaded in the centre as well as
the states of India during 1967, Annadurai was
From its foundation in 1949, the growth of the DMK instrumental to make an electoral alliance and to see
had to tackle various challenges. First, Annadurai took the DMK to win in the elections. Even the opposing
care not to affect adversely EVR or his Dravidar traditions were brought together to oppose the
Kazhagam (DK). Second, he had to plan in such a way Congress and support the DMK (Chandran, 2009;

10
2011). For the first time, the party which was criticized misrepresented self-image; b) mass adoration is
and condemned as regional, linguistic, chauvinistic, replaced by elite sycophantic discourses; and c)
parochial, anti-national, separatist and communal depoliticized public realm paves the way for the
captured power and form the government on behalf of emergence of indifferent and mediocre people which
the Tamils under the leadership of Annadurai. His in turn provides legitimacy for the present rule. This
scholarship and leadership earned the acclaim situation also explains participation and integration
‘Arignar Anna.’ crises which result in the proliferation of political
parties. One can realize that in the private realm,
XII. LEADERSHIP PATTERN power is not expanded or exhibited well. In the public
realm, power is being used to surpass the
The leadership of Annadurai was not divisive one. achievements of one's predecessor as well as the
His style of leadership was not one that of conflict contemporary. Political development often proves that
with others. Winning over the minds of the opponents it is how to appropriate power with utmost dramatic
through persuasion and rational-logical discussion sense of 'common good' or 'democratic way'.
were his method of leadership. Providing sufficient The first aspect explains how the leader
space and opportunity for the second-level leaders coincidences his own identity with development
drawn from different social background was originally which in turn further politicizes with a view to
practiced by Anna. His demise in 1969 paved the way reducing the gap between the ruler and the ruled. It is
for the leadership of Karunanidhi. His style of convenient to locate the first aspect in MGR and later
language politics attracted both appreciations and in Ms. Jayalalitha. MGR considerably politicized and
criticisms (Kesavan, 1991). From 1969 to 2010, he made the poor people to participate in the politics who
managed to withstand all the adversities of politics at previously restricted themselves on many grounds.
the centre as well as the state. Karunanidhi continued The asymmetrical power relations and the mass
his efforts of state building by demanding more winning through their hero over the elite portrayed in
powers to state. The concept of fiscal federalism and his films secured constant loyalty and legitimacy.
state autonomy were stressed against the domination Though his films were rooted in Dravidian ideology,
of centre and the unitary tendencies of the constitution he was able to neutralize its radicalism in his decade of
(Swaminathan, 1974). In his regime almost the state reign between 1977 and 1987; especially in the arena of
building process is completed. The interesting move is Brahmin-nonBrahmin and Centre-State controversies.
from periphery to centre, that is, from the demand of The strong loyalty from the masses undermined the
separate state to active coalition partner of the national profound question about the necessity of structural
government. transformation. Rather, his rule opted for surface level
In other words, the regional party becomes a part of development with little structural transformation
national government. Ironically, the party once within the framework of status quo. His populist
demanded a separation and a quit from the nation, programmes are the outcome of his self-styled
now it declares as ‘the government.’ Even though, it is compulsions, and his endeavours in recognizing Tamil
a constituent unit of the central government and the language and culture are the direct responses for
decisions are dominated by Congress or BJP, the DMK which he was previously misrepresented as non-Tamil
has its own moral responsibility. origin. The very striking feature is his project of
Being a part of coalition government at the centre, reconciliation of tradition and modernity, and rich and
the DMK maximizes its powers on the other hand, and poor carried in his films which in turn contributed
brings national recognition for the Tamils and their consolidation of the support of the various sections of
language and politics which were once criticized as people. It is argued that the concept of kingly models
parochial, chauvinistic and anti-national. The credits gives an instrument to understand the context for
solely go to the leadership of Anna and Karunanidhi. MGR's political success. The concept of patron-client
By assigning a status of classical language to Tamil, it ties and charismatic leadership have both given clues
is inferred that no alien elements destroyed or to MGR's popularity and thereby ADMK's electoral
undermined the Tamil language. It is also true for success. MGR's benevolence may also at times have
those who born as Tamils elsewhere. Of course, there been the result of arbitrary implementation and
is an importance question to be asked. Since 1972, the distribution of public good (Pandian, 1992).
process of political socialization initiated by MGR There is also a valid argument that personal growth
established an alternative way of power-capturing and social progress are complementary according to
method. There seems to be shift from language politics MGR. This process has continued in Jayalalitha’s reign
to populist agenda generated through personality during 1991-1996 and 2001-2008. However, the real
politics. desire is to get beyond her mentor MGR and establish
It seems that there are three new aspects of political her own style of politics which itself is a highest
development emerging in Tamil Nadu, viz, a) political reflection of his style with little modifications (Price,
development may be viewed as the efforts of the 1989). The leader should observe that any amount of
leader to reconstruct his/her own distorted- glorification of his/her name through policies and

11
programmes can be miscarried, if they fail. The second absurdities and sufferings in their private life, they did
aspect explains the nature of relationship of masses not tolerate any injustice done by their king or his
and elites to the leader. MGR's screen image and his ministers. People had a sense of rationality to question
careful manifestation in the public changed the masses about king's performance. One can find many
to admire and adore for more than one reason. His numbers of events in Tamil literature. This sense of
appeal re ached the innermost psyche of the working responsibility, rationality and bravery should be re-
class, women and children as well. All the Messianic invoked in the modern citizen. The depoliticized
expectations crossed through anti-colonial, cultural public realm in reality seeks to maintain its strength
identity and moralized public sphere as well have through non-political aspects or ways of mobilization -
been made to identify with MGR. through primordial identities. Occasionally this
In fact MGR's reach and impact are wider than what situation politicizes these mediocre people wrongly
he confined himself within the range of his party with a view to getting power in the other way.
ADMK. He profoundly supplied substitute One may remember the merit of the Self Respect
gratification and ego-ideal in the psychological sphere Movement of EVR which intensely activated the
of life. This caused the people to get beyond his people to remove the domination and the sense of
politics impossible except embracing and culminating guilt. The recent trends ignore the fact that power is
through another leader. This happened through the the overall capacity of a socio-political system to get
leadership of Jayalalitha. The masses are more often things done in the interests of collective goods. It also
strangers and spectators rather than participants in the ignores that the capacity to agree in un-coerced
reign of Jayalalitha. This situation implies an communication on community action. In fact, there
estrangement in the people's responses, despite the will not be any logic in relating the popular support to
fact of getting absolute majority in the election. In the governmental performance. Loyalty shown by the
order to remove this lacuna, a peculiar type of elites should require a careful attention on the part of
sycophantic discourses is envisaged through elites the leader. Because, politically speaking, loyalty and
ranging from politicians, bureaucrats to academicians. trust may be hypocritically envisaged on purely
It shows a paradox that whether an absolute majority opportunistic grounds. However, as far as masses are
government needs constant glorification or the elites concerned, they submit from individual weakness and
have no other way of getting their share except helplessness, because there is no acceptable
through sycophantic discourses. The logic is still to be alternative. The exaggerated and aggressive masculine
demystified and yet to be understood what are the ideal - the dominant symbol of power - would
compelling reasons and necessities for such practices degenerate social harmony. This signifies a constant
for a strong leader with stable government. The elite challenge and restlessness, and the vanity and
may think that when the volume of sycophantic maintenance of privileged attitude which are contrary
messages is greater than the oppositional and critical to a healthy communal life. These three aspects are not
messages, the greater would be the legitimation effect. the exhaustive ones. However, the present day
Perhaps, the merit of these sycophantic discourses is political development is embracing these aspects.
that it provides a moral check on the part of a leader Sometimes the hard realities prevent any amount of
from victimizing his followers. The negative aspect is value judgments. People are yet to find a way to
that it fosters rituals and mystification rather than transcend the incompatibility between the private and
preparing the people for meaningful political public realm. Perhaps, political development is a
participation. One must remember that, costly enterprise calling for rationality, immense
psychologically speaking, for a leader or even for a patience and abundant tolerance on the part of the
person, nothing is sweeter and greater than his own people.
name. This is because; the sense of immortality is
culminated in the prolonged maintaining of one's XIII. VARIANTS IN IDEOLOGY AND PRACTICE
name. The third aspect is specifically relevant to the
present government under Jayalalitha. Language has been manipulated by political elites to
Depoliticization signifies two levels in the present promote communal and national movements. Over the
context. One, the expanded legal and institutional different periods, changes have occurred within the
structure together with elite-bureaucratic domination party ideology and leadership pattern. The real issue is
has resulted in uncreative mass participation. Two, the between the sole emphasis on social reform through
integration crisis in major political parties gives chance mass movement and social reform through political
to consolidate the dissatisfied mass and paves way for power (Chandran, 2011). The formation of the DMK
the further proliferation of political parties. Thus, the assimilated the needs and aspirations of new emerging
indifferent and mediocre people in general and the class. The DMK as a catalyst for social mobilization has
integration crisis of the major political parties in effectively exploited the identity anxiety of the
particular enable her government legitimate and transitional individual in his movement from a
stable. One may remember the reality of Tamil society primordially-determined unit of family, caste and
in ancient times. Though people tolerated all the village to an urban environment. Alienated from the

12
traditional village ties, influenced by new ideas to the British supremacy in India. Thus British officials
through communications media, and frustrated in had a desire to curtail the growing influence of
economic desires, the individual is attracted toward Brahmins (Hardgrave, 1965). The major reason was
the party, both as an expression of his discontent with their affiliation to the Indian National Congress which
society and as a psychological substitute for the roles, moved from pro-British to anti-British with a view to
status, and values provided by the traditional system. attain independence from colonial rule.
The advance of the DMK among youth may be an
expression of generational conflict (Hardgrave, XV. PROTECTIVE DISCRIMINATION FOR THE
1965).There is a possibility in stating that the pre- DISADVANTAGED COMMUNITIES
colonial values have a clear impact on current political
behaviour in Tamil Nadu. The concept of kingly In 1920, the Justice party was able to form ministry
models gives us an instrument to understand the and maintained its influence till 1937 despite its
context for MGR's political success (Price, 1989; decline in 1930s. The government ruled by the Justice
Subramanian, 1999). The concept of patron-client ties Party issued a series of Government Orders for the
and charismatic leadership has both given clues to benefit of backward class citizens. First Communal GO
MGR's popularity and electoral success. In modern (MRO, Public, Ordinary Series, G.O. 613, Sept. 16,
democracy, political success depends on sphere of 1921) says, “In order to increase the proportion of
electorate which is fragmented on different lines. The posts in Government offices held by Non-Brahmins,
personal popularity of any leader cannot easily be the Government direct that the principle prescribed for
translated into the ability to solve problems. the Revenue Department in Board’s Standing Order
No 128 (2), on the subject of the distribution of the
XIV. POLITICAL PROCESS AND SOCIAL JUSTICE appointments among various castes and communities,
should be extended to appointments of all grades in
In India, the colonial legacy and post-colonial social the several departments of the Government.” The
and political pressures sustained the appropriation of Heads of the Department were further instructed to
‘caste’ category in allocating public resources to the maintain the information of employees according to 6
backward class of citizens. For several reasons, different communal categories. The Second Communal
‘economic’ category could not be placed in allocating GO (MRO, Public, Ordinary Series, G.O. 658. Aug. 15,
resources. It is important to examine the reasons 1922) declared that the government concurred entirely
behind the deliberative exercises and formulating in the desire of the members of the Legislative Council
policies and seeks an alternative framework in for information on the 6 categories set out in the First
realizing social justice in terms of a unified category. Communal GO, not only for new appointments but for
This attempt can be viewed as a reconciliation of all government employees, including personnel in
traditional and modern values for a viable alternative permanent, temporary, or acting appointments, and
in public policy making. Political parties and pressure those appointed either for the first time or promoted
groups are the vanguard in mobilizing the voters for (Veeramani, 2000).
their own interests which often conflict intra-group The Justice party started decaying in mid 20s and
interests (Chandran, 1999). most of its leaders joined the Congress. The Justice
Expanding horizon of populist policies is well Party lost power in 1926 and was replaced by an
pronounced in a democratic liberal set up. Fulfilling independent ministry supported by the Indian
the interests of competing groups and allocating the National Congress. Though the Justice Party had lost
adequate resources for those groups are imperative in power, Non-Brahmin movement was still strong
liberal democracies. Protective discrimination is highly through independents and congress, and hence
stressed in the concept of social justice. Both justice another GO was brought in 1927.
and equality is conditioned not by philosophical The 1927 GO represented a victory for the Vellala,
questions but by political and social pressures. an upper land-owning caste. In these areas, they had
It was believed that the British also encouraged the provided the leadership of the Justice Party, although
groups against the Brahmin monopoly as they were there were leaders from other Non-Brahmin castes as
increasingly identified as promoters of anti-colonial well. The Justice Party leaders were drawn from the
sentiments. With support of British governmental, the landed classes and were not much keen on broadening
dominant non-Brahman castes organized, as Justice their base by including the landless castes within their
Party, to resist Brahmans. The sole purpose of the ranks. In fact, they began to show a marked
Non-Brahman movement was to restore their earlier disinclination for social reforms and amelioration of
privileges with the help of the British. the condition of other weaker and backward castes.
There are several factors which led to organization There was growing discontent among backward
of Non-Brahmin movement. The British officials had a Hindus and Depressed classes. The leaders of
lot of mistrust about the Brahmins. The Brahmin’s Backward Classes League wrote to the Executive
usefulness to the British administration was doubted Council that the appointments reserved for non-
and the British officials saw in them a potential threat Brahmin Hindus all went to a few forward

13
communities. They felt that Communal GO was not reservations. If the upper crust in each caste is not
giving protection to those who needed it most. removed from competing with the less privileged the
They also claimed that the said Communal GO was object of social justice, especially distributive justice,
doing communal injustice to the major part of the will not be achieved. As a result of the clubbing
population. Following persistent demand by the together of comparatively progressive castes with the
Backward Classes League, SCs, and other associations, most backward classes under one general category,
the Government revised the communal GO in 1947. representation of the latter as a group in government
Another Communal GO was passed in 1947. For the services and professional colleges is
first time Non-Brahmin Backward Hindus were disproportionately low; without treating them as a
separated from Non-Brahmins Hindus. This separate entity for purposes of reservation there can be
bifurcation was done on the basis of the then existing no chance of their reaching adequate representation in
list of backward castes for educational concessions the foreseeable future, and they will continue to
(Chandran, 2001). remain depressed.
Immediately after the introduction of new In keeping with these observations the Commission
Constitution, reactions against the communal system recommended 16 percent separate reservation for the
of reservation were visible. Champakam Dorairajan, a MBCs and 17 percent reservation for the BCs, taking
Brahmin girl could not get admission in a medical into consideration its estimate of these categories in
college even though she had scored sufficient marks the state population as 22 percent and 29 percent
due to a communal GO issued by the government. The respectively; and exclusion from reservation benefits
communal GO just distributed seats based on an idea families of salaried persons whose annual income
to cap particular communities. So the girl moved the exceeded Rs. 9,000, land owners owning more than ten
Supreme Court and claimed she had been standard acres, and business people with taxable
discriminated only based on her caste, the court income exceeding Rs. 9,000.
agreed and struck down the entire GO. Major The DMK ministry, which appointed the
agitations broke out in Tamil Nadu leading to political Commission in 1969, enhanced in 1971 reservation for
and social upheaval. India had just been formed, the the BCs from 25 percent to 31 percent, and for the SCs
Lok Sabha had not even met, and the government was and STs from 16 percent to 18 percent. However, it did
forced to amend the constitution for the first time, due not offer separate reservation for the MBCs; nor did it
to the quota situation in the Madras state. The attempt to eliminate the creamy layer. Disappointed
amendment added a clause 4 to Section 15. Clause 4 of by Government’s attitude, Sattanathan urged the
Article 15 reads: Nothing in this Article or in Clause 2 Governor to look into the matter.
of Article 29 shall prevent the state from making any In 1979, M.G. Ramachandran ministry tried to
special provision for the advancement of any socially eliminate creamy layer. For that, it prescribed an
and educationally backward classes of citizens or for annual income limit of Rs. 9,000 on OBC families for
the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. After eligibility to the reservation benefits. When the G.O.
the first amendment, the following reservation scheme was issued there were protests against its enforcement,
was implemented in September 1951. and agitations demanding its immediate withdrawal.
In 1954, the quota for SCs was raised to 16%. The In the wake of these, and his party's defeat in the
1970 report of the Tamil Nadu First Backward Classes January 1980 Lok Sabha elections; MGR announced,
(Sattanathan) Commission made several critical on the eve of the dismissal of his ministry, the
observations on the state of reservation in Tamil Nadu. withdrawal of the G.O., and outwitting his
There is a progressive section among the BCs in very adversaries, also an increase in the reservation for the
many castes; in some of the castes it is so substantial BCs from 31 percent to 50 percent. These measures
by all yardsticks that it may as well be regarded as amply rewarded the ADMK in terms of its return to
having crossed the borderline. Some castes have taken power. They also brought cheer to the vested interests
full advantage of the state's protective measures and among the BCs and the political parties representing
made rapid strides, while many others continue to trail them. Among others, Karunanidhi hailed the
behind and are still in the lower stages of stagnancy. It announcement as a great success of the agitations
was reported that a group of nine castes accounting for launched by his party and the Dravida Kazhagam.
about 11 percent of the BCs population in the state .The Supreme Court directed the state government
have cornered much of the benefits available to the to appoint another commission within two months for
entire BCs population, namely, 37 percent of the non- reviewing the existing list of BCs after enumeration
gazetted and 48 percent of the gazetted posts, 44 and a factual and scientific investigation of their
percent of the engineering and 47 percent of the conditions. The government constituted the Tamil
medical college seats (Sattanathan, 1954). Nadu Second Backward Classes Commission under
Such layers of developed segments can very well J.A. Ambasanker in 1982. The data collected by the
merge with the advanced sections of society, the so Commission revealed the following:
called Forward Classes, and compete openly for Of the total BC students admitted to professional
careers and opportunities without taking cover under courses, more than three fourths were from a small

14
number of the BCs accounting for only about two political mobilization (Kothari, 1970; Srinivas, 1964),
fifths of the BC population in the state; of the total and social justice or the policy of reservation
number of BC scholarships, the total amount of these (Radhakrishnan, 1996).
scholarships, and candidates of all grades selected by The policy of reservation for backward classes is still
the Public Service Commission, about two thirds again debated in terms of its philosophy of justice. There is
went to this relatively small number of BCs; even need to establish justice for different groups of
within this small number, just about one third, citizens. It implies that there is need for a unified
accounting for about one third of the total BC approach for social justice. The unified approach
population, had cornered as much as two thirds of the incorporates both traditional and modern categories. It
BC admissions to the professional courses and more also tries to bring the hitherto dissatisfied groups into
than half of the scholarships, scholarship amounts, and the fold of social justice. Framing of social justice index
BC candidates selected by the Public Service is important on the one hand and seeking consensus
Commission (Ambasankar, 1982). for the index from the political parties, pressure
Due to controversy, the MGR ministry did not make groups and citizens at large is on the other hand
the report public, and despite repeated requests, did (Chandran, 2003; 2011).
not table it in the Assembly. However, through a series
of GOs issued on July 30, 1985, it made selective use of XVI. POLITICS OF COST RECOVERY
the report. These GOs contain the ministry's orders to
continue the existing 50percent reservation for the BCs It is important to understand the features of political
(besides 18 percent for the SCs and STs) in both economy in the dynamics of representative politics in
educational institutions and public services; to add 29 developing countries, especially in India. Politics is
communities to the BCs list, without deleting any seen as enhancing economic benefits through
recommended for deletion; and the continuation of the acquiring and maintenance of power in the realm of
existing list of MBCs within the BCs’ list. democratic set up. The system of representation is
In 1989, the quota was further revised. Out of 50 riddled with competitive populism. Emerging leaders
percent reservation for 201 communities, it set apart 20 and parties are forced to accommodate their ideologies
percent for 39 MBCs and 68 Denotified Tribes, together in coping with competitive politics. Electoral politics
accounting for about 31.14 percent of the BCs, and 30 and voting behaviour reflect series of influences
percent for rest of the BCs accounting for about 68.86 mooted by the politicians. Voters are accustomed to
percent of the total BC population in the state. expect benefits outs of state exchequer. The electoral
In 1990, the National Front Government announced competitors show a changing phase of investment and
27 percent reservations for OBCs in Central services return policy. Every elector has to spend and realize
and public sector undertakings. In a resolution passed his costs in his tenure. In the case of defeated electors,
unanimously in the Assembly on September 30, 1991 even the cost recovery is not possible directly; there
the ADMK urged the centre to provide 50 percent are indirect means to recover their costs. The series of
reservations to BCs in all its services and educational case studies show the method of party funding,
admissions. Moving the resolution, the Chief Minister, campaign financing, electoral expenditure, and cost
J. Jayalalitha said that the ADMK had been recovery. Regulations could not restrict the level of
consistently demanding 50 percent reservation at the spending. Several cases of disproportionate
Centre in both employment and education, and accumulation of wealth by the politicians reveal that
denounced V. P. Singh regime for limiting the money played a major part in electoral process
reservation only to jobs and only to 27 percent. (Chandran, 2011c). The political economy of
The perception of social justice in terms of representative politics hitherto ignores how a
contextual status was resulted in the initiation of politician spends and recovers his cost and multiples
protective discrimination based on caste system. The his wealth. To be sure, the acquiring and maintenance
census initiated by the British in 1881 recorded the of power is to enhance the wealth of the electors. This
caste data until 1931. The discontinuity occurred due situation can be seen in Tamil Nadu.
to the views expressed by the social reformers that the The increasing role of money power in elections is
caste system was considered to be a retrograde and not too well known and is one of the maladies which
based on the principle of social equality. sometimes reduces the process of election into a mere
In south India, social and political discourse is much farce by placing some privileged candidates with
dominated by disadvantaged groups in reaction to financial resources in a distinctly advantageous
nationalist as well as conventionalist for more than a position as compared to other candidates. The result of
century. One way or other, this trend was encouraged such an election cannot reflect the true choice of the
by colonial rulers themselves. Disadvantaged social people. The system also sometimes deprives qualified
groups began to counter the nationalist discourse. One and able persons of the prerogative to represent
can come across three types of studies on the category masses. Parties receive funds from individuals,
of social identity relating to various appropriations. societies, companies etc. The financial management of
These include anthropological or cultural orientations, parties comes to forefront during elections. A large

15
amount of funds are transferred from civil society to democratic authorization. At the same time, the
party and from party to voters during elections. As far resistance and challenges to Dravidian mobilization
as an elector is concerned, the spending and revering did assume within the purview of parliamentary
his costs are crucial in the political economy of democracy. The evolution of Dravidian movement has
representative democracy. Winner has the opportunity crossed from separatism to coalition and the sub-
not only to recover his costs but also to accumulate nationalism did not terrify the gross nationalism. The
wealth by all means. The runner has to wait for conflict was perceived at provincial level and not at
another opportunity. national level. In other words, there is no conflict
The DMK basically differs from its root DK in between Tamil and non-Tamils at national level.
emphasizing on electoral participation with a view to Rather, the conflict is perceived within the province.
capture political power to achieve its social and Here, it is important to understand how the issue of
political goals. EVR strongly believed that the electoral Tamils in Sri Lanka is folded by the political process in
participation would invariably be involved in Tamil Nadu. The case of Sri Lanka is somewhat
corruption. The electoral competition between DMK different as the Tamils are minorities and the conflict is
and Congress existed till 1971. From 1972 onwards, the perceived at national level (Wilson, 2000). Besides,
competition is between DMK and ADMK. The decision-making process did not assure the features of
remaining parties both national and regional parties, parliamentary democracy. An alternative course of
have to align with either DMK or ADMK for its political mobilization happened justifying the growth
success. Perhaps, the mutual benefits can be witnessed of militants. It seems Sri Lanka struggles to sustain the
in such type of electoral alliance. More interestingly, values of plural society and representative democracy
the ideology is concealed in the accruing political for a long time. In reaction to the state failure, rebels,
advantage. The elections for 234 assembly militants and state-supported violence have resulted in
constituencies are very competitive over the period. mass killing. In India, multiple factors such as the
Right from 1957, the DMK has its own network of struggles of Dravidian leaders, colonial legacy,
electoral alliance in state assembly elections as well as national attitude, constitutional values have assisted to
parliamentary elections. Ironically, the DMK is not empower the Tamils. In Sri Lanka, colonialism did not
prepared to share power with other parties. At the hinder the progress of Tamils. But, the postcolonial
same time, it rightfully claims a share in central state augmented the ethnic strife which gradually
government. This is due to the decline of Congress alienated the Tamils. It is the role of the state to restore
domination. The ADMK is also one the same track to peaceful co-existence, parliamentary democracy and
compete for power. Several party leaders run social justice. There are lessons which should be
profitable business. There is a direct linkage between learned or forgotten both from India and Sri Lanka
electoral politics and the capitalists. Black money (Chandran, 2012).
resulted from tax evasion is liberally utilized for the Parliamentary democracy is skillfully utilized by
expenditure of elections. Besides, electoral alliance and both the DMK and the ADMK. They are very prudent
coalition for ministry are achieved with the help of in political mobilization and electoral politics without
huge money or other monetary promises. That is why any aggressiveness. However, power is obviously
the communist parties received no or less donations used to strengthen their economic base in which the
from business firms. leadership remains crucial. There are several criticism
leveled against them. But, the other parties seek the
XVII. CAN TAMIL NADU SET AN EXAMPLE? same end though they disclaim at surface level. The
common word is corruption. But it is a never ending
In South Asia, Tamils have a legacy of distinct past process both at individual level and collective level. In
and preserve their language and culture intact with other words, seeking and sustaining political power us
their lives. Modern democracy paves way for different to widen their economic power. The basic requirement
methods of political mobilization. Colonial legacy and is to keep or hold the voters’ desires towards the
postcolonial decision-making system in terms of leaders. Several researches have been done whether
resource allocation for competing groups have caused the ideology or charisma is solely responsible for
social conflicts and group rivalries. The process of support or power accumulation. It remains a paradox
political mobilization is envisaged at the cost of anti- whether only one is responsible or all are responsible.
group feeling. In other words, the merits and the success of both the
The hostility towards the ‘other’ is articulated for DMK and the ADMK are obvious and concrete.
optimum political mobilization. In India, the Tamils Though the national parties criticized them as
were initially mobilized on Brahmin and non-Brahmin parochial, primordial or ethnic, both reached their
categories. The concept of Dravidian was constructed height beyond caste and instilled the values among the
ethnically to empower the non-Brahmins. Political people as their own (Satyamoorthy, 1996). Whereas,
parties and successive leaders initially appropriated other parties are viewed as ‘other’ in the case of
with the help of colonial support. The postcolonial national parties, and ‘caste’ in the case of several State
construction is legitimated by constitutional and parties. There is a strong view of the opponents that

16
both utilized caste for their success. It seems true. But Bose,Arun. (1989): India's Social Crisis: An Essay on Capitalism,
Socialism, Individualism and Indian Civilization, Oxford University
the leadership and the party cannot be viewed entirely
Press, New Delhi.
to this criticism. The Communists are also on the same Brass, Paul R. (1990): The Politics of India since Independence, The
line of going beyond the caste category. However, New Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV.I, Cambridge University
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to DMK and ADMK. Both Thought and practice Caldwell,R. (1856) (1974): A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or
South Indian Family of Languages, Harrison, London.
guided the political process and made the governance Chandran, S. (1999). Tamizhaga Aatchiyiyal (Public Administration in
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ultimately hold powers since 1967 as well as hold Chandran, S. (2001). Tamizhaga Arasiyal (Politics in Tamil Nadu),
decision making powers at national level. Chennai: Bharathi Puthakalayam.
Chandran, S. (2003). Indhiya Arasiyal (Politics in India), Chennai:
Bharathi Puthakalayam.
XVIII. CONCLUSION Chandran, S. (2004). “Patterns of Administration in Madras
Corporation: A Historical Perspective,” in U.B. Singh ed. Urban
Theorists did not give up the merits of colonialism Administration in India: Experiences of Fifty Years, Serials Publications,
New Delhi.
as well as nationalism and sub-nationalism. At a large Chandran, S. (2009a). Traditions Apart: Rajaji and Periyar, Chennai:
scale, the historians tried to establish that the colonial Sivaguru Pathippagam.
administration induced the sub-nationalistic Chandran, S. (2009b). “Between Rural and Urban: The Case of Town
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Chandran, S. (2011a). “From Separatism to Coalition: Variants in
south India. The Dravidian movement was largely Language Politics and Leadership Pattern in Dravidian Movement,”
perceived against this background by these historians. World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology, 5 (3) 2011,
Moreover, the Self-Respect movement and Tamil 431-435.
revivalist movements were underestimated or Chandran, S. (2011b). Towards a Unified Approach of Social Justice:
Merging Tradition and Modernity in Public Policy Making in India,
theorized in reductionist terms. On the contrary, these World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology, 5 (5) 2011,
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glories or future-defined modernization. The usage of Political Economy of Representative Democracy in India, World
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'Dravidian' implies some sort of compromises. Chandran, S. (2012). “Political Mobilization of Tamils in India and Sri
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