ABU RAYHAN MUHAMMAD B.

AHMAD AL BlRUNl
(d. 440 A.H. = io48 A.D.)

AL - QANUNU' L -MAS'UDI

(Canon Masudicus)

Vol.I

(AN ENCYCLOPAEDIA
OF
ASTRONOMICAL SCIENCES)

Edited by the Bureau

from the oldest extant Mss.

Under the auspices of the Ministry of Education,

Government of India
by

Published

The Dairatu'l-Ma'arif-il-Osmania
(Osmania Oriental Publications Bureau )

Hyderabad-Dn.
INDIA

i954A.D,/i373A.H.

* '■
C(4
<6 $ ...........
p
:
 THIS WORK IS DEDICATED
TO

THE HON'BLE MAULANA ABUL-KALAM AZAD,

Minister for Education, Natural Resources and

Scientific Research, Government of India, in grateful

acknowledgment of the part played by him in the

achievement of our Independence, in the advancement

of education, in the promotion of scientific research,

in the enhancement of the cultural prestige of India

abroad, and as a tribute to his profound scholarship

and creative genius, placing the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif-i'l-

'Osmania in a unique position to publish one of the
masterpieces of Eastern science, the Qdnun-i-Mas(udl
( The Canon Masudicus ) of the great philosopher,

mathematician, astronomer and scientist, Abu Rayhan

Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Biruni ( d. 1048 A.D. ), that

had remained unpublished for the past ten centuries

in spite of the serious efforts of distinguished scholars

and learned institutions of the East and West .
-*
 Manuscripts of al-Qdnunul-Mas'udi of al-Biruni
arranged in chronological order and
utilised for a standard edition of the text

The Director of the Dairatul Ma'arif il-Osmania

has been fortunate in obtaining information about the
earliest known Mss. of this work in the great libraries
of the world and also Microfilms of the most important
ones which are as follows :-
(1) The earliest known Ms. which is first half of the
text is in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, (Or. No. 516)

dated 475 A.H. / 1082 A.D. (Abbreviation adopted "O") .

(2) The second oldest Ms. which has recently been
acquired by the authorities of the Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris, France, is (Arabe No. 6840) dated 501 A.H./1108

A.D. ( Abbr. "F") .

(3) The third Ms. is in the Library of Millat,
(Jarullah No. 1498) Istanbul, dated 531 A.H./1136 A.D.

Abbr. "J").
(4) The fourth Ms. is also in Istanbul in the Library

of BayazTd (Valiuddin No. 2277). This Ms. has been trans-

cribed sometime before 536 A.H./1141 A.D. andhas been
the base of the late Dr. Max Krause who copied it carefully,
verified the diagrams and collated it with three other Mss.
for nearly ten years, but could not finish it owing to his
untimely death in the bombarding of Hamburg in 1943

in the World War II. We have followed Max Krause's

transcript closely, but compared and corrected it from

other better Mss. ( Abbr. "V") .

 (5) The fifth Ms. is the old Berlin one, now
bearing the shelf-mark ( Orient Quart 1613 ) dated 562
A.H./1166. A.D. and preserved in the University Library

of Tubingen. ( Abbr "B").

(6) The sixth Ms. is in the British Museum, London
(Or. No. 1997) which has been transcribed in 570 A.H./

1174 A. D. (Abbr. "L" ).

(7) The seventh Ms. is the one that has been

transferred from the Tal'at Pasha collection to the

Egyptian Nationl Library, Cairo (Miqat No. 866 ) dated

673 A. H./1274 A. D. ( Abbr. "M" ).

Detailed description of all these and other Mss. will
appear in the General Introduction of the Chief Editor.

M. N.
 GENERAL INTRODUCTION

TO

THE NEW SERIES

OF

THE DAIRATU'L- MA' ARIF- IL- OSMANIA,

PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES

OF THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION,

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
 GENERAL INTRODUCTION

bi ' ■ ' ■ 3 '■ b ools ' '(] ; ■ c.;/v- :)1

Since the achievements of Eastern authors in the fields

of humanities and sciences are of basic importance and

since modern historians of literature, religion, philosophy
and science are deeply interested in the evolution of
thought and are making great researches into the regions of
knowledge covered by the geniuses of the past centuries,

the Executive and Literary Committees of the Dairatu'l-

Ma'arif , realising the great need of our times, have planned
a New Programme of Publications and included in it
several literary, scientific and historical works which had
remained unpublished and beyond the reach of students,
scholars and even experts for centuries .

During the past seven decades, the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif,

keeping in view its aims and objects and its resources, has
contributed its share to the advancement of Eastern

knowledge in various branches of studies and has published

nearly 150 independent works in 350 volumes of which
a cursory mention has been made in the Glimpses of the

Ddiratul-Ma'drif (1888 - 1956 ), published recently.

Xhe year 195 1 marks a great extension in the activities

of the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif and it may well be claimed as

one of the lasting fruits of Independence and a symbol of
our national re-emergence.
 The New Programme of these Publications was first

announced in 1951 at the XXII Session of the Interna-

tional Congress of Orientalists at Istanbul andwas finalised
at the Colloquium on Islamic Culture at Princeton in 1953.
It was highly welcomed by the great Orientalists that had
assembled there from the four quarters of the globe .

The visit of the Hon'ble Maulana Abu'l-Kalam Azad,

Minister of Education, Government of India, to the city

of Hyderabad, the Osmania University and the Dairatu'l-

Ma'arif on 24th September 1952 and his survey of the
activities of the Daira and its future plans put a new
life into the work of the Daira and enabled it to render

greater service by reviving the glorious past of the East

and presenting to the wor]d a few masterpieces of the
Medieval times which have been the coveted goal of the
Western nations during this and the past centuries . This
was but a consummation of the patronage that had been
extended to Oriental Studies by India in the past ages.

The New Series of which a list is given below, ( this

work forms one of its components ) would not have seen
the light of day, had it not been for the continued
financial subsidy from the Government of Hyderabad
and the Osmania University, as well as for the specific
grant of the Ministry of Education, Government of India.
Thus the Daira has been fortunate in opening
fresh
fountains of knowledge for new workers in free India and
has been able to depute a few silent ambassadors of our
own country to foreign; lands where Arabic is studied
seriously and where Eastern thought and learning are
2
valued highly for the sake of liberal knowledge and for

preserving the cultural unity of the South-East Asian

nations .

In spite of the magnitude of the task and the variety

of subjects and technical difficulties of editing such
highly specialised works, the Daira has, to an appreciable
extent, attempted to bring out these works in the original
Arabic text with as much accuracy as possible and with
as few drawbacks as are inherent in all human under-
takings and with as little equipment and resources as
are necessary for publishing such highly learned texts.

Details of all these efforts, the position of the author

in a particular branch of knowledge, the place of
a particular work in the literature of that subject,
the introduction, essays, notes and indices as are necessary
for modern research publications, have all been appended
to each and every work. The interested reader will thus
know the part played by a particular author in advancing
human knowledge in his own: days and the importance of
that particular book in the present times .

Xhe Daira owes a deep debt of gratitude to all those

who have helped it to produce the works in the present
form. Due acknowledgment has been made of all such
benefactors in the right place. It further wishes to seek
the indulgence of all scholars for any shortcomings they
may come across and requests them to help it by their
advice in future also .

3
 The New Series

SCIENTIFIC WORKS

(I) The SUWARU'L-KAWAKIB of Abu 1-Husayn

'Abdur-Rahman as-Sufi (d.986 A.D.). (Description

of the 48 Constellations and revision of Ptolemy's

Almagest or Syntax .

(II) The QANUN-I-MAS'UDl or Canon Masudicus

by Abu Rayhan al-BTruni (d. 1040 A. D.). Encyclo-
paedia of Astronomical Sciences and Chronology
of Ancient Nations etc. (VolsI-III) .

(III) The KITABU'L-ANWA' oi Ibn Qutayba (d.879

A.D.) Meteorology of the Arabs, and exposition
of technical terms lexicographically .

(IV) The HAWI FIT-TIBB of Abu Hakr Muhammad

b. Zakariyya ar-RazI ( d. 925 A.D.). Compendium

of the Greek Medical Lore with Razfs clinical Ob-

servations and Treatment of Diseases (Vol.I-III) .

( to be continued in 7 vols. )

TRADITON & TRADITIONISTS

(V) AL-JARH WAT-TA'DIL of Ibn Abi Hatim

ar-Razi ( d. 938 A.D. ) • ( Criticism of the Sciences
of Tradition and Traditionists ) . Vol. IV, pts. i-ii .
(Whole work completed in 9 vols ) .

4
 (VI) TA DHKIRA TU'L-HUFFAZ of Shamsn'd-Dm
adh-Dhahabi (d. 1347- Ai.D. ) >. Standard work on
the Biographies of Traditionists ). Vol.1. (Revised
Edition) (to be continued ).

(VII) KANZU'L-'UMMAL of 'AH al-Muttaqi al-Hindl

(d. 1567 A.D.) (An authentic Compendium of the
Corpus of Hadith literature ) . Revised Edition.
(Vols. IV&V) (to be continued in 16 Vols.) .

HISTORICAL & BIOGRAPHICAL WORKS

(VIII) DHAIL-I-MIRATU' Z-ZAMAN of Qutbud-Dm

al-Yunmi (d. 1326 A.D.) , A contemporary record
of Post-Crusade Kingdoms of Syria, Egypt and
other European Principalities). Vols. I-IL
( to be continued ) .

(XI) AD-D URA R U'L - K AM IN A of Ibn Hajar

al-Asqalanl (d. 1448 A.D.) Biographies of the
Eminent Personalities of VIII century A.H.
(Vol. Ill) .

(X) NUZHATU'L-KHWATIR of 'Abdul Hayy of

Nadwatu'l -'Ulama, Lucknow. Biographies of
Eminent Indians from the I-XIV century Hijra)
(Vols. IV&V) ( to, be continued ).

5
 Besides these the Daira has planned its fresh Programme
of Publications for the next triennium after due consul-
tation and collaboration with famous scholars of various

countries. It is earnestly hoped that the Daira will

be enabled to complete the monumental works it has
already started to edit and publish, and to provide richer
and more original material in future through its later
publications also.
In conclusion, the Chief Editor solicits that his appeal
will meet with greater response in the coming years and
that with the help of distinguished collaborators and with
the financial subsidy of generous patrons, particularly the
Ministry of Education, Government of India, it will be
possible for the Daira to implement these great literary
projects in the near future, to maintain its past reputation,
to justify its position among the premier institutions of
Eastern research in India, to render greater service to the
cause of humanities and to promote cultural unity
amongst kindred nations.

D/ 31 st March 1956, \ M. Nizamud-Dm

Dairatu'l-Ma arif -il-Osmania, ) ( Editor-in-Chief )

Hyderabad-Dn. 7
STANDARDISATION OF THE TEXT AND A BRIEF
SURVEY OF THE EXTANT MANUSCRIPTS

OF THE QANUN-I-MAS'UDI OF AL-BlRUNl

Xhe Qdnun-i-Mas'udi, the magnum opus of al-Biruni,

which was compiled in 421/1030 is one of those monu-
mental works that had remained unpublished for the
past nine hundred years inspite of the efforts of old and
new schools of Arabists and Mathematicians.

It was Nicholas de Khanekoff, Russian Orientalist,

who first drew the attention of European scholars in 1866

to the scientific achievements of al-BirunT and the
necessity of a complete translation of his works. Edward
Sachau laid the scholars under a deep debt of gratitude
by editing and translating two of the important works of
al-Biruni, the Athdrul—Bdqiya and the Kitdbul-Hind in
1878 and 1887 respectively, but the Qdnun had remained
a sealed book .

A proposal dated 30th April 1913 which emanated

from the portals of the Muslim University, Aligarh, by
Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed and Dr . Horovitz is found in the

files of the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif and it runs as follows :

"Abu Raihan Muhammed Ibn Ahmed El-Biruni
lived in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni, with whom
'•' 7
he came to India on several occasions. He studied

Sanskrit and he acquired the reputation of a chro-

nologist and an astronomer. Two of his important
 books, History of India and Chronology of Ancient
Nations, have been edited and published by Sachau,
the Director of Oriental Seminar, Berlin. Nallino,
who has made special study of Arabic, says of him :
he is the most original, the deepest thinker that
Islam has produced in the field of physical and
mathematical research. The most important work
of his life, on which his reputation chiefly rests,i.e,

Qdnun-i-Mds'udt has not yet been published. It

is the most complete and the most authentic work
of the Arab Astronomers, and it contains certain
theories which are commonly supposed to have
been discovered in Europe in XVII century.
Both the Oriental scholars and the Astronomers

have been demanding its complete publication since

1868, when Sir Henry Elliot published the tenth

chapter of the fifth book of Qdnun-i-Mds(udi .

The Royal Asiatic Society of England and the
Academies of Science of Paris and Berlin have

passed resolutions expressing very great desirabi-

lity of the publication of Qdnun-i-Mas'udi " .

In the following years, Dr.Ziauddin Ahmed, during his
own researches on higher Mathematics, contributed two
articles in the journal of Islamic Culture of Hyderabad in
1 931 and 1934, emphasising the necessity of the publica-
tion and translation of the Qdnun-i-Mas'udi. Later another
Indian mathematician and physicist, the late Sir Shah
Sulaiman, once the Vice-Chancellor of the Muslim Univer-
sity, Aligarh, had collected lot of material and got it trans-
lated into Urdu with the idea of publishing it, but the
8
scheme did not materialise and scholars all over the world

were anxious to see its text published.

In 1951 when, the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif was making a fresh

inquiry into its assets, and re-orientating its policy of

publications, it included the Qdnun-i -Mas' udi in its new

programme of publications, little knowing the difficulties
that it will have to surmount in the implementation of
this project.
The present writer on whom the burden of the manage-
ment of the Daira had fallen recently announced in 195 1
at the XXII Session of the International Congress of

Orientalists at Istanbul the intention of the Dairatu']-

Ma'arif to publish the Qdnun-i-M as' udi in its New Series.

This idea was welcomed by several Orientalists, parti-
cularly by Prof. Dr. Zeki Velidi Togan, Head of the Dept.
of Islamic Studies in the University of Istanbul, Turkey.
He had made definite contributions to Birunica by the

publication of "Birum's Picture of the World " in the

Memoirs of the Archaelogical Survey of India. No 53.

Another great scholar, the Doyen of German Orien-

talists, Prof. Dr. Helmut Ritter, Director of the Orien-
talisches Seminar of the University of Frankfurt who had
made his researches in Istanbul Libraries for more than

20 years revealed that Dr. Max Krause, one of the leading

German Orientalists and Mathematicians, had perpared
an edition of this work from the earliest known manu-

script which had remained incomplete owing to his cala-

mitous death in the bombardment of Hamburg in 1943
and was in possession of the mother of the late Dr. Max
Krause .
9
 That very day, a letter was addressed to her to release
the transcript as a posthumous bequest of her late son

to the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif and Professor Otto Spies of Bonn

and Dr. Roemer, Director of the German Oriental So-
ciety at Mainz, were approached to use their good offices.
In the meanwhile, the present writer was deeply en-
gaged with the work of collecting fresh information and
microfilms of the existing manuscripts of the Qdnun-i-
Mds'udim the known libraries of the world and had collect-
ed the requisite data for a standard edition of the text,
when in November 1952 through the kindness of Prof.
Otto Spies of the Orientalisches Seminar, Bonn, the much

longed for transcript of Dr. Max Kaurse arrived in Hyde-

rabad. It was a great gift and legacy of a very serious
nature. It would be in the fitness of things if the real debt
of the late Dr. Max Krause is acknowledged at this point.
It is his labours in the solution of the technical side of the

work, and in his contribution to medieval astronomy

that the Daira is reaping great benefit. His transcript of
1229 pages of foolscap size in his neat, clear, beautiful
hand is a marvel of European scholarship on scientific
subjects .
He had taken meticulous care in transcribing the
Arabic text from the Veliuddin (No. 2277) Bayazit Lib-
rary Istanbul Manuscript written certainly before 536
A.H. / 1141 A.D. and in giving variants and difficult read-
ings and emendations from the other four oldest manu-
scripts known to him at that time :
(1) The Bodleian Library,Oxford,No.5i6dated 475A.H.
written almost 35 years after the death of the author.
10
 (2) The second best of the oldest Mss. Jarallah No 1498,
intheMillat Library, Istanbul, dated 531 A.H./1136 A.D.

(3) The third one , the so called Berlin Ms. No 213

acquired in 1927, once belonged to the Imperial Library
of Calcutta , is now preserved in the University Library,
Tubingen (Orient Quart 1613) dated 562 A.H. /1166 A.D.

(4) The British Museum London, (Or. No. 1997 ) Ms.

dated 570 A.H. / 1174 A.D .

The technical subject-matter, enormous astronomical

tables, diagrams, figures, mathematical calculations,

geometrical and trigonometrical problems and their solu-

tions were a Herculian task which would have bewildered

any other scholar except Max Krause. Only those who

have worked on such undertakings can realise the amount
of scholarship and the labour of love bestowed on such
highly technical works. In fact our printed text may be
considered as a posthumous edition of Dr. Max Krause.

But when the transcript arrived in Hyderabad, the key

to the manuscripts was missing and the results of the
researches of Dr. Max Krause had not been completed.
Therefore this edition had to be revised and collated

in the light of the new material acquired by the present

writer. There was no one scholar who combined in him-
self the knowledge of medieval mathematics and Arabic
language. The Daira with the help of one of its workers,

Maulavi Sayyld Zainu'l-'Abidm and another scholar of

mathematics, Prof. Khwaja Mohfu'd-Dm of the Dept. of
Mathematics, Osmania University has attempted to
complete this task under trying circumstances .
11
 All these efforts would have been of no avail, if the
discerning eye of the great scholar and statesman

Maulana Abu'l-Kalam Azad, Minister of Education,

Govt, of India had not perceived the real importance of
this work in the field of Medieval Sciences and enabled

the Dairatu'l-Ma'arif to take up this difficult task by

sanctioning a specific grant for the publication of this
work and the works mentioned above in the General
Introduction .

His interest in the monumental works connected with

the past glory of India is so deeply grounded in him that

during the time of his visit to the Daira on the 24th of
September 1952, he gave his masterly instructions about
the editing, printing and publishing of this work and
thereby laid the Daira and the future generations under
a deep debt of gratitude by his trenchant advice, scholar-
ly guidance and generous support. It was he who fulfilled
the ambitions of the admirers of al - Biruni from XI
century A.D. down to our own times.

In fact, the dedication of this work to him is but a

meagre acknowledgment of his genuine interest in the
publication of this work. In the real sense of the term, he
is the motive-force behind all such cultural activities that
go to enhance the prestige and name of India in foreign
countries .

In this connection two or three other scholars who have

taken genuine interest and have helped the Daira by their

advice and contributions also merit recognition. Prof.

'Abdu'r-Rahman Khan, a 12former Principal, Osmania

University College, now Vice-President of the Islamic
Culture Board, always helped the Daira by his counsels on
scientific and mathematical subjects. Prof. H. J.J. Winter
of the University of Exeter, England, and Mr. Syed Hasan

Burney, the famous author of "al-Btriini "in Urdu, deserve

the highest praise for their voluntary contributions.

Prof. Winter's article on "The Place of the Qdnun-i-

Masudi in the History of Science." is a masterly analysis
of the contents of the Qdnun-i-Mas'udt in which he has
also traced its influence on later astronomers.

Ih/lr. Burney has very generously contributed his latest

researches on al-Birum under the title " Al-Biruni and

His Magnum opus, al-Qdnunu'l-Mas'udt " and has dis-

cussed in detail the achievements of al-Birun! in various
branches of knowledge; particularly portions relating
to the theory of the Universe, Cosmogony, the Geo-centric
theory, Calendars and Chronology, Trigonometry, Obli-
quity of the Ecliptic, Astronomical Geography, Predic-
tion about America, General Picture of the World, Measure-
ment of the Earth, Tables of Longitudes and Latitudes,
Names of Indian Places in the Qdnun, Projection of
Cartography, Determination of the Motion of the Apogee
of the Sun, the Length of the Solar Year, Physical Nature

of the Sun, the Fixed Stars, and his reliance on'Abdu'r-

Rahman as-Sufi's observations in the Suwaru' l-Kawdktb ,
on the Eastern Movement of the Fixed Stars. the Anwa

{ or Meteorology ), Lunar Theory, Distance of the Sun

from the Earth, Distance and Magnitudes of the Stars
from the Earth, Planets, Eclipses,
*3 Appearance of the New
Moon and other interesting problems which serve as eye
opener to modern astronomers .
 A CONSPECTUS OF THE EXTANT MSS. OF

THE QANUN-I-MAS'UDI
I [Or. 516] Bodleian Library, Oxford dated 475/ 1082,
the oldest known Ms. and transcribed only 35 years
after the death of al-Birum and collated with an original

evidently a contemporary copy, contains only first-half

and ends with the VI Maqala.lt retains all archaic features
and is written in a close cursive Naskh in maghribi script

in a scholarly hand. This Ms. has also been utilised for

recording of variants and correction of the printed text,
and gives very intelligent readings, and approximates the
printed text; hence much nearer the authors own version.
For want of the second-half, it could not be made as a base
of the text. It appears that the author originally intended
to divide the Book into two volumes and this being the
first volume, ends on the VI Maqala.
Its fuller description is found in the Latin Catalogue of
the Bodleian by Nicolli on p. 360, Codex CCCLXX. Folios

160; size 8 1 j2 "x 7 I|2" ; 24 lines per page, 5" length; without
diacritical marks but with dots on 3 as usual in the 5th

Cenury A.H. Defective in the beginning: Folio 1 a, begins

with julaill jj J and corresponds with

the printed text p. 62. I. 6 which is the end of the 3rd

Bab of 1st Maqala and ends on the VI Maqala with a
colophon and a note of collation on folio 160 b, but the
14
name of the scribe is not mentioned.

The text of this Ms. corresponds materially with the

Veliuddin Ms. used as a base for this edition and enhances

incidentally the value and authenticity of both the Mss.

as the variants are negligible. It is denoted by the letter

"O" for Oxford or " 1 " and the variants are given accor-
dingly in the footnotes to the printed edition.

II. [Arabe684o] Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, France,

dated 501 A.H. /1108, A.D., is the second oldest known
Ms. recently acquired by authorities. This Ms. was kindly
shown to me by Prof. Georges Vajda, Cataloguer of -the
recent acquistions as one of the priceless possessions of
the Bibilotheque Nationale, and is a complete copy of the
text, perhaps the oldest complete dated text known so far.
It bears the title in ornamental Kufic letters on / 3 a on
the frontispiece and several important endorsements on

the fly-leaf showing the authenticity and preciousness

of this copy.

The scribe is Abu Ghalib b. abi'ali who transcribed it

in Isfahan at the end of Ramazan 501 a.H. Apart from
endorsements of other owners, this Ms- has been in posse-

ssion of the Astronomer-Royal of Babu'l-'alT, Muhammad

known as Munajjimak the little-astronomer .
This is a historical Ms. bears several seals and endorse-

ments'of Royal Libraries, one in Yamanite handwriting,

recording that this Ms.belongd to'Abdu'llah b. AmTru'l
Muminln al-Mansur-biirah-i-Rabbi-' AlamhVAli b. Amiri'l

Mu'minm al-Mahdi al-' Abbas, dated 4th Muharram 1226

A.H. It contains 204 Folios; its size is 38 x 27 cm; 36 lines
per page; cursive Naskh, but very clearly and carefully
written; rubrications; tables and diagrams neatly drawn.
15
All headings in Kufic ornaments. The chief feature of this
Ms. is that it closely resembles with the oldest copies and
probably belongs to the same family, and corresponds
materially with the printed text. This again enhances the
value of the printed edition and leads to the standardisa-
tion of the text and adds to its athenticity . It has cursorily
been mentioned by Prof. Vajda in his List, but has not
been catalogued and is not known to scholars at all. It is

denoted by the letter "F" for France or « l3 » .

III. [ Jarullah 1498] Millat Library, Istanbul dated 531
A.H.[ii36 A.D.is the Third complete important, correct
vocalised and dated Ms. of the Qdnun. It was especially
prepared for the library of a noble or ruler entitled

Makinud-Dawlatam AbT 'All Ahmad b. Ism a/ II whose

native place or kingdom is not recorded. It is no doubt
transcibed by an anonymous scholar in round bold cur-
sive but legible clear Naskh with archaic script. It con-
tains 401 folios; 20 lines per page, rubrications, tables
and diagrams very carefully drawn and the text is highly
vocalised and offers finest readings.

It has been extensively utilised by Dr. Max Krause for

collation and variants. In fact this may be considered
as a second base for our printed text, and has been the
prized possession of several astronomers and bibliophiles

in the past ages, one of them being Abu'l-Hasan 'AH b.

Muhammad ash-shahrabadi in 639 A.H. It is a unique
phenomena in the history of editing of such a highly tech-
nical text, that the Daira has been fortunate in utilising
the oldest and the most correct Mss. of the work known

to the world as yet. This positively adds to the authenti-

city of the printed text of this work. This Ms. is denoted

by the letter ''J" for Jarullah, or £ in the foot-notes to the

text. It has not been catalogued as yet, hence its descrip-
16
tion is given here for the first time .

IV. [Veliuddin 2277] Bayazid Library, Istanbul, the

base of our text. The scribe of this Ms. has left out the

year of transcript in the Colophon on / 313 b; but after

mentioning his own name as Abu Ya'la Muhammad b. al-

Husayn bin Fatik? or Qatik? (without dots) al-Qashani

or Kashani has recorded: "Wednesday 14th Ramazan"

as the date of transcript without giving the year. This
according to calculation coincides with one of these
years, 487, 495, 503, 511, 519, 527 and 535 A.H. There is
an endorsement of an owner on the fly-leaf dated 536 A.H.,
so then, this Ms. according to the indications of the cha-
racter of the hand-writing and antiquity appears to have
been written much earlier than that 536, probably in the
beginning of the 6th century, about 503 A.H. or so. This
is practically the fourth dated Ms. of the Qdnun that has
been utilised for our edition of the text .

This Ms. has been selected rightly as the base of the

transcript by Dr. Max Krause and variants have been
recorded from the other three Mss. utilised by him as

mentioned above on pp 10-11. As regards the accuracy

of the text and the variants it gives with the other six
Mss., it may be said that it offers a very reliable text
and the tables and diagrams are also neatly and carefully
drawn, although figures in the tables of almost of all
Mss. differ slightly. Again this Ms. probably belong to a
cognate family. Every attempt at standardisation of the
text has been made and intelligent readings from all the
above Mss. have been given in the foot-notes to our
printed edition. These show the extent to which attempt
has been made to standardize the text, particularly the
variation of figures in the tables has been a very difficult
feature. While retaining or admitting Veliuddin Ms. as
a basic-text, minor variants have been noted in the
foot-notes .

This Ms. contains 313 folios of 23 lines per page. It is

in broken Nashk and is vocalised in part s and written on

Khan-Baligh paper with bronze coloured ink. Frontispiece

and Unvans of chapters are in ornamental Kufic charac-
ters with endorsments of various imporant owners :

(1) An owner whose name is obliterated and who per-

haps purchased the Ms. in Baghdad in 536 A.H.

(2) Muhammad b. Muhammad at-Turbati? temporary

resident of the Great Mosque at Damascus, dated 774A.H .

(3) Another endorsment of Muhammad b. Ahmad al-

Khatib, an inheritor of the book, dated 823 A.H.

Then it was acquired by Shaikhu'l-Islam Veliu'd-Din

for his ov/n Library, as it bears his seal and autograph
signature. It is now preserved in the Bayazid Library,
Istanbul and is one of the most valuable Mss. of the

Qanun existing in the world. It is denoted by the letter

"V" for Veliuddin or j in the foot-notes.

V. [Orient Quart 1213,] now in the University Library

Tubingen, Ex. Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, bear-
ing old acc. No. 213, acquired by that Library in 1927, is
the fifth almost complete Ms. dated 562 A.H. / 1166 A.D.
which once belonged to the Imperial Library, Calcutta,
now the Indian National Library, Belvedere, Calcutta.

18
 The identity of this Ms. can be easily ascertained from the
internal evidence found in the Ms. and from the external fea-
tures described by persons who have used it in Aligarh. The
date of colophon i.e. RabiTI, 562 A.H.=February 1167 A.D.
is a conclusive proof, as there is no other Ms. of this work
known to scholars so far bearing this date. The description

given by Mr. S. H. Barani in his article on ''Muslim

Researches in Geodesy" in the Al-Biruni Commemoration
Volume on page 19 also confirms this fact.

This Ms. is transcribed carefully by Abu'l-Fath Nasr

b. Muhammad b. Hibatu'llah b. Mansur, an Iranian scribe
who mentions the date of transcript in two places : on folio
120 b at the end of the first-half of the text and also on
f . 239 b in the colophon, where he gives the corresponding
Iranian date, month and era : Isfandar Mudh 565 A.H.
Shamst.

This is a historical Ms. as it contains several endorse-

ments of great owners, the earlier ones being erased pur-

posely. On the fly-leaf, underneath the title, in Kufic gold
letters in a quadrangular space of 4" x 3" with gold borders
and rubrication, the history of the entry of this Ms. into the
library of a high Iranian revenue official is recorded. The
owner mentions his name as Awhad b. As'ad b. Bahrain al-
Mustawf 1 al-Baihaqi who takes great pride in possessing this

unique manuscript and calls it a "precious diadem with

which he has been crowned in the month of Shj'bdn 818

A.H. "/October 1415 A.D.

19
It appears that this Ms. had been transferred in the
earlier days from Iran and other countries to India and
entered into the Library of the Mughal Emperors, as is
borne by the circular seal of " Fazil Khan, the servant of the
Emperor Shahjahan dated 1059 A.H/71649 A.D. Since
then, it had remained in India as a prized possession of the
Mughal Emperors in their special archives and later belonged
to the Imperial Library, Calcutta. Thence lent to the Lytton
Library, Muslim University, Aligarh from where it was
stolen and taken to State Library, Berlin, about 1927. After
the Second World War, this Ms. along with others has been
deposited in the custody of Tubingen University Library.
In 195 1 the Chief-editor had the good fortune of examining
it t horoughly for the first time, and to acquire its photostats
and check it again with the transcript of Dr. Max Krause,
before finally editing the text and printing it at the Daira.

The frontispiece and title of the work are in Kufic orna-

mental letters, in gold and rubrications.lt contains 239 folios
of large folio size, 33 lines per page, written on brownish

Khan-Baligh paper, in beautiful Naskh, vocalised in parts, in

tan-coloured ink still bright and legible. The tables and
diagrams have also been carefully drawn and the whole text

is excellently preserved, except for a few folios 121-130

which have been replaced in a later hand to complete the
missing folios of the original transcript. The Ms. appears to
have been collated with another original copy by the scribe
himself. Hence the authenticity of the text is all the more
confirmed. It has not been catalogued any where as yet.

After the author's " Introduction' ' to the book comes

the list of contents of the 11 Maqdlas, then the actual text.

At the end of each Maqdla, a short colophon is given by the

scribe, showing the progress of his trascription till he reaches
the end of nth Maqdla or the end of the book.
20
 This Ms. stands fifth in the chronological order of our
survey, and has proved very valuable during our collation

of the text and for verification of Max Krause's transcript.

For the sake of reference, we have denoted it with the letter
B Berlin and sr> *n our edition and footnotes.
VI. Or. 1997 , British Museum, bearing Sir Henry Miers

Elliot's Library seal and number 440, is also a de-luxe

Codex which once belonged to the Mughal Emperors,

'Alamgfr and Farrukh-Siyar. It contains the seals of several

officials of the Mughal Emperors, inspection notes and
Imperial endorsements, one of them bears the date : 25

UrdT-bihist 1064 Fasli. So then this Ms. may have entered

into the Royal Library in the days of the Emperor Shah-
jahan (ruled 1621-58 A. D).
This Ms. has been described in full detail by Rieu in his
Supplement to the Catalogue of the Arabic Mss. in the British
Museum, No. 756. on p. 513. It is a complete text,
transcribed at Baghdad in 570 A.H./1174 A.D. i.e., eight
years after the copying of the previous Ms. (No. V) described
above. It has been collated carefully in 571 x\.H./ii75 A.D.
Hence it is the Sixth dated Manuscript of this work that
is known to exist in the world. It contains 262 folios. Its size

is I3l"x9"red morocco leather-binding with gold medall-

ions in the centre and sides; 31 lines per page of 7" long,
on brownish Khan-Baligh paper, in bold Naskh semi-cursive,
but very legible style dark tan ink, partly or sparing voca-
lised,sometimes without dots, but in a masterly hand with
scholarly mannerism of writing e.g the projection of the
letter Alif to the bottom to give it a tail shape. This Ms.

has been designated by us as" L " for London, and J in our

foot-notes.
21
 VII. Mtqat 866, Daru'l-Kutubu'l-Misriyyah, Cairo, is the
Seventh dated de-luxe copy of the work written evidently
for a great Eastern potentate whose name has purposely
been obeliterated, but from the date and other indications,
it is obvious that it has been prepared for the treasury of

one of the rulers of Hisn Kifa and 'Amid during the rule of
the Ayyubidsin Sin jar and Naslbm. It once belonged to the

Tal'at Pasha Library and has since been transferred in 1918

to the National Library of Egypt, where the Chief-editor
had the good fortune of examining it in detail and adding

it to the list of manuscripts utilised by him during the pre-

paration ofthe monumental edition of the Qdnun-i-M as' iidi '.

It is transcribed by one astronomer-calligrapher

Muhammad bin Mas'ud as-Sinjari al-Munajjimin Jumadall

673 A.H./ December 1274 A.D., sixteen years after the fall

the 'Abbasid Caliphate. It contains 268 folios, its size is

11" x 14I", 19 lines per page, written in beautiful bold Naskh
with rubrications golden frontispiece and highly decorated

semi-kufic headings and titles, and profusely vocalised. The

tables and diagrams have also been carefully and neatly
drawn and preserved. The Chief-editor has availed this Ms.
through the kindness of the authorities of the Egyptian
National Library, Cairo in 1951 during his second visit
to Egypt.

This is the Seventh dated Ms. of this work existing in

the world. It is designated as M Misr and f in our edtion
and foot-notes.

Thus seven de-luxe royal copies transcribed by famous

scribes have been utilised in the standardisation of this text.

22
 THE PLACE OF THE QANUN-I-MAS'UDl
IN THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

The second half of the eleventh century A D. is highly

significant in the history of mankind as period of great
intellectual activity in Persia. Amidst this flowering of
the Persian genius the achievements of Abu Raihan

Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Biruni (973-1048 A.D. ) bear

witness to a profound erudition and a generous humanity.
The spirit of this age may be said to dwell in the critical
al- BirunT , the philosophical Ibn Sina , and the poet
Firdausi ; whilst of the first-named Professor Sarton has
written :

" Traveller, philosopher, mathematician, astronomer,

geographer, encyclopaedist. One of the very greatest
scientists of Islam, and all considered, one of the great-
est of all times. His critical spirit, toleration, love of
truth, and intellectual courage were almost without

parallel in medieval times".

Born in Khwarazm in 362 A.H. our celebrated author
passed his adult life first at the courts of Qabus b. Wash-

magir. Prince of Jurjan, and of Abu'l-'Abbas Ma'mun b.

Ma'mun; but soon after the assassination of 1 he latter in
407 A.H. 10 16 A.D, he went to Ghaznah, where he came
under the patronage of the Ghaznavi Sultans Mahmud

1. G; Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science I, 707^ Baltimore, 1927 .

I
and Mas'iid. It was during their invasions of India that
al-Birum was able by accompanying them to gain at first
hand his deep understanding of Hindu thought. He died
at Ghaznah on 2nd Rajab, 440 A.H. ( 1048 A.D. ) .

Amongst the many important wTritings of al-Birum

are al-Qdnun-ul-Masudi, the subject of the present
notice, and three others which inevitab]y enter into our

discussion of it, namely, al-Kitdb al-Athdr al-Bdqiyya

(Vestiges of the Past, or Chronology of Ancient Nations),

Td'rtkh al-Hind (History of India,) C. 1030 A.D. and

al-Tafhlm li-Awd'il Sinaati't- Tanjim .
Al-Qdnun u'l-Masudt is a lengthy and important
encyclopaedia of astronomy dedicated to the Sultan

Mas'ud, The preface relates how Mas'ud overcame his

opponents in the struggle for succession, and the work
itself consists of eleven books, subdivided into chapters
which are still further sectionized. It was written in

Ghaznah between 421 A.H., when Mas'ud came to power,

and 427 A.H., when it appears in the list of completed
works set down by the author himself. After the stormy
reign of Mahmud, al-Biruni was sincerely thankful to be
able to settle quietly to the writing of what is probably

his greatest work, for Mas'ud, despite his other failings,

gave the astronomer-astrologer the much-needed respite
from material cares. There is no doubt that al-Bfrunl had
an uneasy time during the reign of Mahmud and had
little to admire this sovereign, for he says of this period,

" . . . . it is quite impossible that a new science or any

new kind of research should arise in our days. What we
have of sciences is nothing but the scanty remains of
bygone better times;"1 but in the preface to al-Qdnun u l-
Mas'udt where high-sounding phrases extol the virtues
of the new ruler, a feeling of gratitude permeates his

words-" Is it not he who has enabled me for the rest of

my life to devote myself entirely to the service of
science,

The eleven books of this encyclopaedia deal respec-

tively with fundamental definitions, calendars of different

races, properties of the circle, the mathematical astrono-

my of the sun and constellations and its use in the study
of night and day and of the latitudes of cities, the further
mathematical treatment of latitude and longitude, motion
of the sun in the zodiac, motion of the moon, eclipses of
the sun and moon, the fixed stars, the motions of the five
planets in their spheres, and finally, motion of a planet
in the zodiac and its astrological significance. Embracing
as it does the whole field of observational astronomy and
the measurement of time, together with the mathematics
of the Ptolemaic system, a work of these dimensions
cannot be discussed fully within a short space for it raises
many interesting questions, but it is hoped in this notice
to indicate its main features and to emphasize its signi-
ficant place in the history of science .

To realise the personal background of the author in

this connection is important. He had studied and mas-
tered both Greek and Hindu astronomy, though after he
had returned and settled in Ghaznah he does not seem

to have made any progress beyond what his Indian

(i) E. Sachau. Alberuni's India, I, 152. London, 1910.

travels had taught him; indeed, as with most Islamic
astronomers, he shows overwhelming support for Greek
methods, preferring the lucid deductive argument and
the geometrical representation. Of critical independent
outlook, he did not merely follow tradition in this, being
in fact anti-Arab in disposition and for his times, extre-
mely tolerant of the intellectual outlook of other nations.
It was simply that he preferred the directness of Greek
methods to the subtler analytical ideas of the Hindus,

which usually had philosophical and religious implica-

tions. Thus we find his work lucid and orderly, with each

section usually divided into three parts - a short general

introduction, a statement of the problem under discus-
sion, and an elaboration of his own. In this last he at-
tempts to get a better understanding and to arrive at a
conclusion, often by comparison with Greek and Hindu
evidence on the subject. He uses the manuscripts of ear-
lier writers with the utmost discretion, exposing errors
of both authors and scribes. We find a special regard for
the astronomical investigations of Ptolemy. As for al-
BirmrTs knowledge of the geometry of the sphere, whilst
it reveals a thorough acquaintance with the Greek con-
tribution, itis in no way a complete anticipation of the
great treatise on spherical trigonometry which was to
appear some two hundred years later from the hand of
Nasir al-Din at-TusI. Finally, one should not ignore the
medieval mind in al-Blruni when praising the objec-
tivity of his outlook in regard; to scientific problems. He
undertook a lengthy study of Hindu and Greek astrology,
being especially influenced by the latter, and undoubtedly
4
made the customary assumption of the influence of
the planets and the zodiacal signs upon the destinies of

men. An Arabic translation with commentary of Plato's

Timaeos found an honoured place in his library .
In the introductory Book al-Biruni deals with the nature
of the universe and with the system of planetary spheres,
the division of night and day and of the year into months
and days by different races, and the solar and Lunar
years. These general conceptions are essentially those of
Ptolemy . However , on the possibility of a motion of

translation of the earth, al-Birum's objective outlook ,

with its realization of the relativity of astronomical mo-
tions, seems to have led him to a position of reserve, for
in the Tarikhal-Hind there are to be found these words:-

" Besides, the rotation of the earth does in no way impair

the value of astronomy, as all appearances of an, astro-
nomic character can quite as well be explained according
to this theory as to the other [with the earth immov-
able.] There are, however, other reasons which make it
impossible . This question is most difficult to solve . The

most prominent of both modern and ancient astrono-

mers have deeply studied the question of the moving of
the earth, and tried to refute it . We, too, have composed

a book on the subject called Miftdh ( Ilm-al-Hai' a ( Key

to the Science of Astronomy ) , in which we think we have
surpassed our predecessors, if not in the words, at all

events in the matter . " 1

Calendaric problems occupy the whole of the second
book. Following upon his earlier reference to the practices

(i) Ibid r, 267-277. this requires further research.

5
of the Arabs, Jews, Hindus, Romans, Nestorians, Copts
Persians, and Sogdians in respect of the division of the

year, al-Birunl now deals in detail with the three systems

of chronology adopted by Muslims, Greeks, and Persians,
their similarities and the conversion of dates between

them, obscurities and errors, and the comparison of these

three with Hindu chronology. Next the periods of fasting
and the great days of the feasts are considered in respect
of Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and the ancient Persian
religion. Finally, a chronological survey is made through
Chaldaean, Assyrian, Babylonian, Medean, Persian, Alex-
andrian, Ptolemaic, Roman and Byzantine times to
Muhammad, al-hijra, and the Caliphs. This work is similar
to that in al-Kitdb al-Athdr, and on the question of Hindu
eras it reveals no progress beyond what is also mentioned

in Ta'rikh al-Hind. In fact, al-Biruni mixes up the era

of the astronomers, as in the Khandakhddyka of Brahma-
gupta, with the Guptakala.
Book three is of an entirely different character. It
provides the fundamental plane geometry and trigono-
metry required for subsequent chapters and deals princi-
pally with the reckoning of angles. Its importance rests
in (i) the use of the sine and (2) the trigonometrical treat-
ment of the shadow of the gnomon. There is also an
interesting reference to terminology in which al-Brrimi
says that the word zijdt (tables) derives from al-ziq (the
measure of a chord), which may be traced to a Persian
word which he writes « oj » again, jivabd (half-chord) is
called in India jibdrd, but since the half-chord is widely
used there instead of the chord it has taken the name of
6
the whole chord (pba). The main treatment is that of the

sides of circumscribed polygons, al-Birunl establishing

these sides as the fundamental units from which other

chords might be evaluated; thus, he derived the chord of

a particular arc in the case where the chord of the supple-
mentary arc is known; the chord of the double arc given
the chord of the single arc and vice versa; so, by a pro-
cess of halving, the chord of the quarter arc, etc.; also, the
chord corresponding to the sum and difference of two
known arcs. This investigation was extended to include

the determination of the chord of i°, the properties of

the nonagon, and the relation between the circumference
and diameter of the circle by successive approximation.

al-Biruni's value of pi was slightly greater than the accep-

ted 3. 1466 from Greek and Hindu sources. Superseding
now the Greek method of reckoning by chords, al Biruni

calculated the sine (al-jaib ) of an angle from the corres-

ponding arc, and vice versa, and treated similarly the
sinus versus (jaib mankus ) ; his sine table was based on
intervals of 15 1 whereas that of the Surya Siddhdnta had
been in intervals of 3°45 r. An important application of
plane trigonometry to the gnomon (miqyas ) enabled al-
Birum to measure the shadow in terms of the length of

the gnomon, to define the tangent and co-tangent and

angular elevation, and to investigate elevation by move-

ment of shadow. Tables of shadows (Zill-i-ma'kus), corres-

ponding to tangent tables, could then be constructed.
Such tables are to be found later in the Zij-i-Ilkhdni of
Nasir al-Dm al-Tusi and the Samarqand Tables, ZTj-i-
Ulugh Beg. The basic relationships for the horizontal
7
and vertical shadows, m and n, cast by a gnomon of
length q are given as

m^qcoth , n ^q tan h

where h is the angle of elevation, or ( when the shadow is

along the mid-day line ) the meridian height, of the sun.

This next Jbook IV is a long treatise of 26 sections in

which (1) this basic theory of the gnomon is fully elabo-

rated and applied by al-Blruni and in which (2) trigono-
metrical relationships are developed for the sphere . Thus

problems of geographical latitude are particularly promi-

nent since they involve both (1) and (2) . By considering
a meridian section of the celestial sphere in which the

horizon, zenith, celestial equator, and N pole of the hea-

vens are shewn, al-Biruni was able, through the maxi-
mum and minimum heights, hI and h2, of the path of a
circumpolar star around the celestial axis (or through

the "Zenith heights" of the Sun when in positions known

with respect to certain constellations), to determine the
latitude of the place of observation in the form
" 2

ph- = h1 Plus h2

This expression, written as Phi - h1 Plus 1(2 (h2-hY) y

actually occurs as early as al-Battani (c. 929 A.D.); and
again, h. -ijzfhi- h2) is to be found in the work entitled

On the Use of the Astrolabe by 'All ibn Tsa (Mahan ), who

flourished still earlier, c. 850 A.D. What is especially signi-
ficant about al-Bfrunf s trea tise in his interpretation of the
implications of this equation and his good result (330 35 1 )
for the latitude of Ghaznah. A table of meridian heights
8
of the sun as observed from Ghaznah was also compiled;
a similar one had been recorded for Baghdad by Habash

al-Hasib (c.870). If the sun's latitude reckoned from

Aries is Lambda, and in relation to Cancer is Lambda -900,

the corresponding sun's declination is Delta, and the

obliquity of the ecliptic is Epsilon, then
Sin Delta — Sin Epsilon . Sin Lambda
Also since Delta and h are related by the equation
h = go°-Phi Plus Delta
the approximate meridian height h for any day may be
calculated and compared with the direct measurement

made by quadrant or octant. In addition, al-BIrunl

discussed in this fourth book the nature of the obliquity
of the ecliptic, and the method suggested by Muhammad
ibn Sabbah for its determination in which the assumption

of the sun's passage through equal distances in equal

times al-BIrunl shows to be false. He also describes the

principal types of alidade, and here he reveals his depen-

dence upon Ptolemy .
In book V al-BTruni extends his mathematical dis-
cussion to the problems of longitude. He writes especially
of the longitudes of cities in terms of the distances between
them and in relation to the occurrence of solar eclipses,

and effects trigonometrical calculations such as the deter-

mination ofthe distance between two cities of known

longitude and latitude. There is also an important chapter

on the direction of the qibla. In concluding this book, the
author deals with tables of latitude and longitude for the
location of cities on the earth, and describes the regions
of the spherical universe as a whole in terms of these two
9
conceptions .
The earlier part of Book VI deals with the latitude of
Ghaznah, and of Alexandria according to Hipparchus;
whilst there is a discourse on intersecting orbits with
reference to the zodiac. Later, this discourse leads on to
a study of the orbit of the sun. Ptolemy in Almagest
Book III, had explained the excentric and epicyclic theo-
ries, the epoch and mean path of the sun the anomaly
of the sun (with a table), solar days and the solar year.
This investigation had been well conducted by Ptolemy,
and we find that al-Blrunl has closely followed him.
Motion of the moon is the subject which occupies al-
most the whole of the next Book. Here the author deals

with the path of the moon in the zodiac, its phases, the

discrepancies between its observed and calculated posi-

tions, and the first and second anomalies. Again, the
elaborate treatment of Ptolemy in Books IV and V of
Almagest, in which he not only applies corrections to

the moon's motion for longitude and anomaly, latitude

and epoch, but compiles a table for the complete double
anomaly, and adds further chapters on parallax and on

the moon in syzygy :— this is indeed so full that al-Blrunl

could hardly hope, whilst retaining a geocentric system
of the universe, to give a better account.

Following once more the general plan of Ptolemy's

Book VI, al-Biruni proceeds in his own Book VIII to
deal fully with the characteristics of lunar and solar eclip-
ses both from the standpoint of orbital motion and the

optical questions of light intensity and shadow. He dis-

cusses the limiting conditions beyond which eclipses
10
cannot occur, deduces the diameters of luminous and
illuminated bodies and of the shadows of the latter, and
has several chapters devoted to such subject as the times

of rising and setting, twilight, the "mansions" of the

moon, and the lunar calendar.

The last three Books of al-Qanun u'l-Mas'iidt are con-

cerned almost entirely with the motions of the spheres
of the five known planets, their rising and setting, pe-
riods and conjunctions, and their positions with respect to

the "mansions" of the moon according to the Arabs and

Hindus; and especially with the way in which Ptolemy
accounted for their motions in the final five Books (IX-
XIII) of Almagest. al-Biruni, with his leanings towards
astrology, was clearly interested in knowing the time of
arrival of a particular planet at a given position in the
zodiac; so we find him, in sections 7 and 8 of his last
Book, writing about the fortunes of children in terms of
the years and months and days of their birth. Owing to
the tremendous influence and the extensive mathematical

investigation of Ptolemy's planetary theory it is worth

re-stating some of those major features which could scar-

cely fail to determine al-Biruni's approach. In Almagest

Book IX, the Greek astronomer, after setting up tables
for the mean path of the five planets in longitude and
anomaly, discussed the orbit of Mercury, proved that
whilst in its circular path the planet could twice attain
its greatest elongation, and calculated the numerical
values for the epicycle of the planet. A similar treatment
followed in Book X for the apogee, epicycle, period, and

excentricity of the planets Venus and Mars:- a compli-

11
cated mathematical section using Euclid, VI, aud ending
with tables of anomalies for the five planets and the
calculation of their longitudes. Jupiter and Saturn were

investigated, with tables of anomalies, in Book XI. Gene-

ral planetary theory, an attempt to account for the ap-
parent irregularities of motion, based largely upon the pure
geometry of circles and chords (Euclid III, VI ), occupies
the whole of the last two Books. Ptolemy investigates
the extent of recession, or slowing down in a part of the
orbit, for each planet in turn also the greatest elongation
of Mercury and Venus, obliquity conditions and the path
in latitude, and helical rising and setting. Difficulties
which could only be met by more corrections and an

increase in the number of circles, as in Ptolemy's general

theory, are the result of the adherence to a geocentric
theory and reveal at once both the ingenuity and the
limitation of the Greek mathematical mind.

In conclusion, we summarise briefly the real significance

of al-Qaniln ul-Mas'udi. Encyclopaedic in character, it is

representative of those great medieval treatises, written

by such scholars as al-Bfruni and Ibn Sma, which by the

power of synthesis and zeal for completeness in their
authors, remain for historians of science a mirror of all
the knowledge of their day. In the nature of their vastness,
compilation overshadows originality, and one has to

search, as in al-Qaniln ul-Mas'udi, amongst the accumul-

ated achievements of past generations and earlier races
to find whether the author has himself contributed any
new knowledge. With al-Bfrum the debt to Ptolemy, and
in turn Hipparchus, within the field of general planetary
12
theory is almost complete. But in other directions, as for
instance, in the manner of recording astronomical data,
in certain problems of spherical trigonometry, and in the
knowledge of the calendars of the ancient peoples of the
East, he advances the cause of science. It is true that sines

occur as early as c. 1007 in the Hakemite Tables of Ibn

Yunus, but al-Blruni, with his unique knowledge of Hindu
sources, both explained their value and extended their
use. Though the scope of his work relating to the sphere
is not comparable with that in the treatise Shakl ul-qatta
of Nasir a] -Din at-TusT, it is by no means insignificant,
for he exhibits versatility in his application of the sine
relationship for spherical triangles. Moreover, he was able

to use the method of orthographic projection. As for chro-

nology, al-Bfrum's al-Atharul-Bdqiya 1 (c.iooo A.D., 390 /i

A.H.), with all its technical and historical detail of the
various methods for computation of time, is a primary

source; and since al-Qanun ul-Mas'udi draws upon it in

certain respect we must attach considerable importance
also to the latter. Al-Biruni is always liable to introduce
some new fact. Thus his list of names of the months of the

Sogdians is the scanty remnant of a lost Iranian dialect

and therefore of considerable interest to philologists. Upon

the author's accuracy we can generally rely. In spite of

occasional lapses, e.g. in the interpretation of experimen-
tal results or in poornees of expression, he had great faith
in his own instruments and methods, and originality was
13
seldom lacking .

I.E. Sachau Chronologie Oriental ischer Volker, Leipzig, 1878. English edition,
London, 1879 .
 We end with a quotation from E. Sachau \s preface to the

English edition oi Ta'rikh ul-Uind published in 1910 :—

"As far as the present state of research allows one to

judge, the work of Albiruni has hot been continued. In
astronomy he seems by his Canon Masudicus to represent

the height, and at the same time the end, of the indepen-
dent development of this science among the Arabs. But
numerous scholars toiled on in his wake, whilst in the
study of India, and for the translation of the standard
works of Sanskrit literature, he never had a successor

before the days of the Emperor Akbar."1

Whilst joining Sachau in his general commendation of

the eminent medieval scholar, we have to modify some-

what his opinion regarding al-Birum's achievements in

astronomy, without however detracting appreciably from

the high excellence of al-Birum's learning as a whole.

Dated 9th January 1956, j

University of Exeter, \ HJ.J. WINTER
England )

(1) E. Sachau. "Alblriini's India " I.XLIII. London, 1910.

Al-Biruni and His Magnum Opus

Al-Qanunu'l Mas'udi

AN INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE

ON

THE ARBIC TEXT)

By

Syed Hasan Barani

(Off-print)

by

Printed & Published

The Dairatul-Ma'arif-il-Osmania
(Osmania Oriental Publications Bureau)

Hyderabad-Deccan
INDIA

1956 A.D./1376 A.H.

 AL-BlRtJNl AND HIS MAGNUM OPUS

Al-QANUN U'L-MAS'UDI

(1o -v^l )

"And I pray for God's favour and spacious bounty

to make me fit for adopting the right course and help

me in perceiving and realizing the truth, and facilitate its

pursuit and enlighten its courses, and remove all impedi-

ments in achieving noble objects. He is all powerful to do

as He pleases. "
(From the autograph Ms. dated A.H.416,

of al-Birunl's Kitdbut-Tahdid p. 45 )

{ » ,i v^tT )

" I do not scorn to accept truth from whatever

source I can find it . " ( idem p. 104 )

 THE MILIEU

A very early tradition tells us that when al-Bfrum

dedicated his magnum opus to Sultan Mas'ud of Ghaz-

nah, after whom the work is named, the Sultan in his turn

rewarded him with a camel's load of silver, but the

savant thankfully returned it, saying that he did not need
the money, nor loved money for its own sake. Truly no
amount of riches could match the wealth of knowledge
that this really great work contains. With the publication

of al-Qanunu'l-Mas'udT, the historians of astronomy

would, as never before, be in a position to appreciate
the actual achievements of the Muslim astronomers, as

well as al-Birunl 's theoretical and practical contribu-

tions to his favourite subject.

His times, talents and experience were all perfectly

suited for the work in which he undertook to render a com-

plete and up-to-date account of astronomy, when it had

reached its climax amongst the Muslims .

He had, at his disposal, about half a century's inces-

sant personal labours as well as more than two centuries
of continuous labours of other Muslim astronomers.

In the Preface to this book, he says that from the very

outset he had devoted himself exclusively to this

department of knowledge, and did not count his achieve-

ment in so many other fields of learning, almost encyclo-
paedic in its range . For no other scholar ever before or
after him has combined the study of all that was available
in his times from the Indian, Greek and Muslim sources
and at the same time left behind him so many original
contributions of his own in numerous spheres of learning .
i
 This is hardly the place to give a fuller account of all
his achievements. Something to that effect has already
been attempted by the present writer in his Life of

al-Birimi and some other writings including a lecture

on "al-Birunfs Scientific Achievements" delivered in 1952

in the Iran Society of Calcutta. Here I would like to confine

myself to a brief account of al-Biruni's life and contribu-

tions in relation to the work in hand .

Like all great men al-Bfrunl was a product of his age

and his greatness lies in his being much ahead of his own

times. His age was particularly marked for its keen inter-
est in astronomy. Its history, of which, at present, we

have some glimpses only, has got to be written com-

pletely.

That history goes back to the beginning of the 'Abbasid

Caliphate in the first half of the second century of the
Hijrah and received its greatest impetus at the hands of

the most enlightened Muslim sovereign, al-Ma'mun. The

Muslims started with some translations of the Indian and

Persian works on astronomy and then with the transla-

tions of the Greek astronomers, including Ptolemy, whose
magnum opus Syntaxis, better known as Al-Magest,
occupied a special position in their minds. Most of

those translations and original works of al-Ma'mun's

times are lost. We know what happened to the scores of
books in Baghdad at the hands of the Mongol hordes of
Hulaku, and much of what was left, was eventually des-
troyed later by the ravages of time and subsequent wars
in the Muslim countries. Some glimpses of these we have in

the works of authors like al-Birum. A searching study

a
would reveal a very fascinating story of the achievements

of al-Ma'mun's scientists, particularly the astronomers of

the age; We know that he had setup at least two well-
equipped centres for astronomical observations and resear-
ches in Baghdad and Damascus under a band of disting-
uished astronomers. He had almost a passion for this
science and sought verifications and necessary corrections
on every particular point. Let us take one instance. He
wanted to ascertain the actual dimensions of the earth

and got a single degree measured more than once at seve-

ral places. But his insatiable zeal for research is vividly
illustrated by a curious anecdote mentioned in an unpub-
lished work of al-Bfruni, where he relates that towards the
end of his life in the course of his invasion of the Byzan-

tine territory, while al-Ma'mun happened to pass by a

mountain adjacent to the sea, he ordered one of his astro-

nomers, Sind b. 'AH, to ascertain the earth's dimensions

by a trignometrical method, which was later success-
fully repeated by al-BTrunl at Nandnain India. A glance
at the chapter of this book dealing with the Obliquity

of the Ecliptic (^azty J:U) will be sufficient to show that

a large number of independent observations, as against
a couple only of the times of Greek astronomers, were
carried out in the lands of the Eastern Caliphate to verify
the actual degree. al-Birum himself carried out at least
three of his own, two in his homeland and the last at
Ghaznah.

The Muslim astronomers tried to reinvestigate almost

the entire field of astronomy and, it appears, specially
directed their attention to those parts where differences

Hi
of observations or opinions existed. As we proceed fur-

ther al-Biruni's efforts in this direction by carrying out

his own independent researches on such points will be
noticed markedly.
The fourth and fifth centuries of the Hijrah (X & XI
centuries of the Christian era ) were marked by conflic-
ting political divisions in the Muslim world. The cultural
contacts, however, did not altogether cease amongst the
various parts and what was written in one part was often
after a short while available in the other parts, except

perhaps the extreme East or the West. From al-Blrum's

books it appears that he was not cognizant of the resear-
ches in the Fatimid land of Egypt, and the Umayyad
land of Spain. No references to his contemporaries, Ibn

Yiinus and Ibnu'l-Haitham in Egypt, or Maslamah and

Ibnul-Samh in Spain are found. By this time these
countries had also improved in their scientific studies,
but the Eastern lands had a much earlier start in this

respect .

By reading al-Q dnunu'l-M as' udT one can have a glimpse

of that spirit of scientific adventure that had been infused
in these countries and the rivalry that existed amongst
the several states. One finds, references to some of these
distinguished astronomers and their chain of observations
from the metropolis of the Eastern Caliphate, Baghdad,
and the headquarters of the Buwaihids to semi-indepen-
dent states at Isfahan, Hamdan and Raiy to Khwarazm

and Ghaznah and other important places. al-Biruni had

a knowledge of the results achieved in all these centres in
the East and kept himself in touch with the chief organi-
sers of those establishments .

iv
 HIS LIFE

He was born in the fore-noon of Thursday, the 3rd

of Zilhij, 362 A.H. (4th September, 973 A. D.) of an
unknown family, in the outskirts of Kath, the old capital
of Khwarazm, and most probably was left an orphan at
a very early age. He was brought up and educated by Abu

Nasr Mansur b. 'All b. 'Iraq, a distinguished member of the

ruling family of Khwarazm and a leading mathematician
and astronomer of his time, who by oral and written
instruction instilled in al-Biruni an insatiable love for
scientific studies. It was Abu Nasr who put al-Biruni in

contact with the former's own veteran teacher, the

famous astronomer, Abu'l-Wafaal-Buzjanl, then living in
Baghdad, for simultaneous observations of solar eclipses,
for determining the longitudes in Khwarazm . In his

unpublished "al-Tahdid" , al-Biruni says that he almost

lost his eyesight by repeated solar observations in the
observatory he had set up for himself in a small village
near Kath. He began his literary career very early. His
activity was unfortunately disturbed towards the end of
385 A.H. (995 A.D. ) by the war between the two rival

chiefs of his country, M'amun ofjurjania andAbu'Abdillah

Khwarazmshah of Kath, resulting in the latter's murder
and the fall of his ancient dynasty. al-Biruni did not stay
there for long after the event and shortly after 387 A.H.
(997 A.D.) left home in search of some suitable patron

and for a time found one in Shamsu'l-Ma'ali Qabus b.

Washmgir, the Ziyarid ruler of the neighbouring country
of Jurjan,and himself a distinguished poet, literateur and
lover of learning, to whom al-Biruni dedicated his first
v
major work al-Athdru'l-Bdqiyya, which deals with the
calendars and chronology of all the peoples known to

him. Oabus held al-Biruni in very high esteem and

desired him to share the ruling power. But al-Biruni

left Qabus as he did not like his patron's tyrannical

nature. Previous to his visit to this court al-Biruni had

stayed for a short time in Raiy and met al-Khujandi, an

eminent astronomer of those parts and the inventor of the
sextant known as sudsu l-F dkhir , for which al-Biruni has
expressed much admiration. Some time in 394 A. H.

(1003-4 A.D.) he returned home at the invitation of 'AH b.

Ma'mun who had succeded his father in 388 A. H. (998 A.D.) .
Time had healed the old wounds and al Biruni found

in 'AH and his Vazir Abu'l-Husain Muhammad b. Ahmad

al-Suhaili more humane and enlightened patrons at

home, where later on, the third of the line, M'amun, proved
to be a great lover of learning and in later days appears

to have appointed al-Biruni his Minister, till after that

king's murder by the rebels in the army and the fall of his
short lived dynasty in 407 A.H. (1016A.D.). Mahmud in-
vaded and annexed Khwarazm in 408 A.H.(ioi7A.D.).
al-Biruni set up an observatory in the royal palace and
was particularly busy in those days in his studies in
astronomical geography. This was probably the most
unhappy moment in his life. Not only was his scientific
work once again disturbed and his most loving patron
dead, but he was also himself carried away by the con-
queror to Ghaznah and for a short period even kept as
a political detenue in the fort of Nandna, where, however

he was able to carry out his measurements of the Earth's

vi
dimensions. Next year we find him wandering in the vici-
nities of Kabul and Qandhar carrying out his researches
for latitudes in those parts. He met Mahmud somewhere
on the way, while the latter was returning after his famous
expedition to Mathura and Qannauj and showed to al-
Blruni the unique precious stone weighing some 450 Mith-
qals taken from a temple in Mathura. al-Birum, who has
described it in his al- Jamahir was not much impressed
by its quality and Mahmud discerning the fact inmedia-

tely withdrew it from al-BirunT's view just to keep up

the much exaggerated notions of its value in the people's
minds. This curious incident very well illustrates the
relations that subsisted between these two great men.
al-Birum was forgiven and allowed to continue his work
and establish an observatory in Ghaznah. He was even
consulted now and then on scientific matters, and pro-
bably highly valued as an astrologer, but he was never
totally reconciled to his fate at that court.

In his "al-Tahdid" , an autograph Ms, or at least contem-

poraneous copy of which exists in Istanbul (dated 416
A.H. 1025 A.D.) , we find him most disconsolate, but not
altogether despairing of resuming his scientific work which

he had left incomplete at home and regaining all the mate -

rials including a hemisphere on which he had been mark-
ing all the longitudes and latitudes of the various places
ascertained by his own exertions. Of the several works he
wrote at Ghaznah, we have fortunately recovered two

mathematical treatises Istikhrdjul - Autdr and Ifrddu'l-

Miqdl written in 413 A.H. (1022 A.D. ) , both published

by the Dairatu'l - Ma'arif, like several other tracts

connected with al-Birum.
vii
 But by far the most notable event of his life in those
days was his study of Sanskrit and extensive researches
on India, its people, literatures, and sciences, specially
mathematicas and astronomy. Out of a number of his
profound studies in this particular line, including a very
exhaustive work dealing with Indian Astronomy, which
are all lost, we are still left the most valuable Kitdbul-
Hind, the unique testimony of his arduous labours on
India so well known throughout the world .
By his vast Indian studies the later generations were

so much impressed that they believed that he had tra-

velled in India for forty years. But after a long study of
the subject, I am fully convinced that most of his studies
were carried out in Ghaznah with the help of the Indian
scholars living there. There is no doubt that he travelled
in some parts of the Western Punjab up to Multan. But
beyond that he never went and knew of Sindh, like other
parts of India, only from the account of other people
who had travelled in or, belonged to those regions.

How many years did he actually devote to these

Indian studies ? It may surprise many, but it is another
proof of his great genius, that before writing his Indicci
he does not appear to have given more than four or five
years of his time to these exacting Indian studies. But
he never ceased to continue his work in this special field
along with his other studies, for some five years after we
still find him keen on finishing his books and translations
on Indian subjects. What other books he was actually
able to write on India even after this we do not know;
for no records are available and such books, like so many
viii
others of his, are lost. We have his own list upto 427 A.H.

f 1035-36 A.D.), when he was already 65 but still full of

zest for life and work in the future. He tells us that at

the age of 60 he had fallen ill severely and recovered

after much difficulty. No doubt all these Indian studies
must have taxed him a great deal .

Something of his method in pursuing the Indian stu-

dies is mentioned in the Indica, but not very explicitly.
Some references in other works throw further light on

the subject. At first he relied entirely on the interpre-

ters, whom he tried to check by sheer tact. Later on he
made appreciable progress in testing them by the texts
themselves. By this time he must have gained sufficient
knowledge of Sanskrit for his purpose. Further on, he

advanced far enough to translate by himself from Sans-

krit into Arabic and vice-versa. But of this later stage
we have not much left to form our final judgement.
He had collected a whole library of Indian books
from far and wide. It is a matter of great regret for us

also that on account of political strife and warfare bet-

ween his own people and the Indians, he was precluded
from visiting the real centres of Indian learning like
Benares and Kashmir.

What interest Mahmud himself had in these studies is

not quite clear? Evidently through al-Birunf s influence

Mahmud got some of his coins struck in Sanskrit legends.

But al-Birum was never in sympathy with Mahmud's

ways in India , and we do not know as yet of a single work
which he dedicated to the conqueror. On the other hand

a well known passage in the Indica actually speaks dis-

ix
paragingly of his Indian exploits.
All this attitude of al-Bfrunl changed with the great con-

queror's death. The first thing he did was to take stock

of all that he had learnt of India, while writing Indica.

With Mas'ud's accession to the throne the atmosphere

became distinctly favourable for al-Bfruni. We know
there was not much love lost between the father and the

son. In the last days Mas'ud had been actually labouring

under Mahmud's displeasure. Mas'ud was temperamen-
tally a very different man from his father. Never so much
successful in the affairs of state, he was quite a learned
person and an enlightened patron of the sciences.

In this very book we have al-Biruni's own testimony

that the Sultan was very good to him and it was only

as a mark of sincere gratitude that he dedicated al-Qaniin

to that ruler. From the internal evidences in the book, it
appears that it was begun some time before 421A.H. / 1030
A.D. and completed sometime after 427 A.H. /1035 A.D.

HIS SUBSEQUENT LIFE

He wrote some other minor works for the Sultan, but

during Mas'ud's reign his main occupation must have

been the completion of the Qdnun. It appaers that as soon
as he had finished it, he took up other works. For his

successor Mawdud, he wrote his famous "al- Jamdhir" on

Gems and Precious Stones, which has also been published
by the Daira. This is reputed to be the best book written
on the subject during the whole Muslim period. He
wrote another book on Ethics for the same ruler. His best

known work compiled after he was eighty, is a Medical

x
Treatise Kitdbu' s-Satdana dealing with simple drugs,
some extracts from which have been published by Prof.
Zeki Valid! Togan of Istanbul in the Memoirs of the

Archaeological Survey of India. No. 53 pp. 108-142.

An imperfect translation of this work was made in India
in the times of Iltutmish, the slave-king of Delhi, and
the late Dr. Meyerhof left an incomplete edition of it
which is now lying in the Institute Francaise, Cairo.
We do not know the exact date of his death, but the
traditional date, Friday, the 2nd. of Rajab, 440 A.H.
( 11 th. Sept. 1048 A.D. ), after he was seventy-seven, is
altogether fictitious. Unfortunately we have no precise
knowledge in regard to the last 15 or 16 years of his life.
From a contemporary jurist we have a report showing

al-Biruni's anxiety to learn something new even in the

very throes of death .

In "al-Tahitd" , al-Biruni has remarked that a scholar

should try to learn at least the basic principles of every
science, even though it might not be impossible to master
all the details of a science. He wanted everybody to be
a philosopher i.e. a true lover of wisdom in the real sense
of the word.

His method of study was to concentrate on one parti-

cular branch of science at one time and after exhausting
all its contents to take up fresh studies, never losing
sight of his main concern as a specialist while trying
to make his own, what ever else he chose to deal with.
Thus every book that he has written bears the distinct
impress of his genius and in every science that he has
undertaken to deal, he has left original contributions of
his own. What a vast range of studies he commanded and
xi
what a balanced and mature mental critique he had deve-
loped, isnot easy to imagine. He is a most independent
scholar and no respector of personalities where truth is

concerned. He was always very critical of Aristotle's scien-

tific theories, and no less of Ptolemy's and pointd out
boldy wherever he found that they had swerved from

the right path. Thus al-Qdnun bears ample testimony

to his independence of judgement.

As soon as we open the book, we find him disputing

and censuring some of Ptolemy's arguments in support

of the very first propositions of this science. And if he
accepts the rotundity of the Earth or the Heavens it is
not for the reasons given by Ptolemy, which he rejects
one after another, as being mere assumptions of an un-
scientific nature. Ptolemy thought that the sun and the
moon and other heavenly bodies were of divine nature
uncreated, everlasting, incorruptible and spherical in
form and moving in circles, as the sphere and the circle

were the most perfect form and more becoming for those
bodies and their movements. For such fantastic views

al-Biruni had no patience, he ruled them out as altoge-

ther beyond science's sphere. He even contends the idea

that the circle is better suited than the other forms like

the elliptic. If al-Biruni thinks that the Earth is not in

motion and stands at the centre, he accepts and expounds
the view for strictly natural and scientific reasons of his
own. He is almost free from the theological or even

metaphysical bias and works with an entirely independ-

ent mind rejecting all the supernatural or superstitious
notions about Astronomy.
xii
 AL-QANUNU' L-MAS'UDl

■ In the face of great achievements we are apt to forget

the spade work and other preparatory labours leading to
such astonishing results. In the case of al-BTruni they had
involved a tremendous effort. There is hardly any portion
in this book which had not already received from him
ampler treatment elsewhere. It appears that with that
rare insight, which is part of his genius, he had directed his
studies in a most ordered manner. He had, for example,
started with the subject of Calendars and Chronology on
which he had written elaborately some 35 years before.
Then he took up Trignometry and Shadows and on these
two subjects we have two of his earlier works published
by the Daira. On the Longitudes and Latitudes he wrote
several books including al-Tahild, which deals much more
in detail with topics like the Obliquity of the Ecliptic. On
the measurements of the Earth, he has treated more fully
in the same book and in a special treatise of 120 pages
no longer available to us .

From his early age he had begun to collect an exten-

sive library of his own on his favourite subjects, and

apparently possessed all the well known books on Astro-

nomy written within the area extending from the Me-
diterranean Sea to the Bay of Bengal. These included all
the extant Greek, Indian, and Muslim authors, except
probably those belonging to the Western Muslim lands
of Spain and Egypt .

He is not one of those who are reluctant to acknow-

ledge the debt of his predecessors. In the preface he
xiii
expresses his full sense of gratitude to all of them and
takes equal care to indicate his own share and views
where occasion arises. He intended al-Qdnun to be an
up-to-date Encyclopaedia of Astronomy supplanting

all previous works ranging from Ptolemy's al Magest to

al-Magestiush-Shdhioi his own teacher, Abu Nasr. Almost
a tradition had grown up of writing comprehensively, and

there was another such work written by Abu'l-Wafa, also.

For those who have not studied his life and works

it is not easy to realize the pains he had taken to master

the entire subject before putting his pen to this book.
He had already commented on all the outstanding

works of his predecessors like Habash, al-Khwarazmi,

al-Fargham, al-Battam, Abu Ma'shar and the Siddhan-

tas of the Indian Astronomers. He had himself com-
piled formerly some more restricted and moderate sized
texts on Astronomy, and even Astrology, in which he
was thoroughly versed but does not appear to have

implicit faith, though in the people's mind and in the

court he was treated as the greatest astrologer of the
world. Some five years earlier he had compiled for an
educated lady of his native land named Raihana his

Kitdbut-T afhim both in Arabic and Persian versions,

treating of the elementary Mathematics, Astronomy and
Astrology. There he remarks that most people consider
the last subject as the real fruit of the entire science,
although on his part he prefers to range himself on the
side of the minority, i.e. those who think otherwise.

In al-Qdnun al-Biruni's method is to collect the best

available information on every point and sometimes in
xiv
important matters to render a historical and comparative
treatment and to disclose whatever he had personally ob-
served or investigated as well as the complete processes
by which the various results had been achieved .
He had a special skill for devising instruments and
equipped under his own supervision two observatories in
his native land and one at Ghaznah. He has left quite the
best book on Astrolabes named al-Istidb still extant in
manuscripts. He invented for the cathedral mosque of
Ghaznah a time-machine based on the Roman calendar,
but was much annoyed by its rejection by the Imam on
account of its being based on a non-Muslim calendar sys-
tem. He remarks that the measurement of time was a

purely secular matter and convenience and utility were

the only considerations which should prevail.

It would, however, be unjust to compare al-Qdnun with

an Encyclopaedia of modern astronomy, as the former
has a very limited range. It is only when we compare al-

Birum's work with his predecessors and contemporaries,

that we notice his advance on all sides.

AL-BlRUNl'S THEORY OF THE UNIVERSE

al-Biruni had some ideas very strikingly similar to

those of Einstein and other modern scientists regarding
the Universe as a whole. Like them he considered it to be

situated on the outermost surface of a limited sphere.

Like Einstein he also rejected the idea of the universal

gravitation as an actual force on the ground of its being
altogether opposed to experience :
xv
 Further al-BTruni considered that when a part of a
mass at rest moves from one part to the other, it moves

in a straight line, but on the other hand its movement

round another body at rest is of a circular nature and

represents a movement round a fixed point like the

Earth's centre.

&j£ 41* j&i Jl jfL £y 0A J3 lilj

Here too he is very much in agreement with Einstein,

who held that curvature of the space-time in the neigh-

bourhood of the Sun causes the planets to describe el-
lipses, whereas if all the masses were infinitely removed

they would describe straight lines .

No doubt al-Biruni's conception of the Universe was

more static than that of our modern astronomers who

hold it as an altogether restless body full of movements

and even expanding and contracting. Of course some of

these most advanced theories can in our present state of

knowledge be considered as more or less of tentative

nature only.
xvi
 Newton's theory of Universal Gravitational pull re-
mained undisputed for two centuries till it had to be modi-
fied in the light of better knowledge and substituted by
Einstein's more advanced theories of Relativity, which
have revolutionalized our ideas of Space, Time, Matter &
Energy as conceived by former thinkers, so much so that
in the present state of our knowledge we find Bertrand
Russel remarking :—
Tn fact because all motion is relative we cannot
distinguish between the hypothesis that the Earth goes
round the Sun and the hypothesis that the Sun goes
round the Earth. The two are merely different ways of
describing some occurence like saying that A marries B
or B marries A To Kepler and Galileo and
their opponents, however, since they did not recognize
the relativity of motion the question in debate appeared
to be not one of convenience of description but of objec-
tive truth. " (Religion & Science, pp. 30-31) .
It should go to the everlasting credit of al-Blruni that
much in advance of his times he held an identical view

and has expressed it in his al-Istidb :—

Ja^Jp-lj^j) l^k^l ^jp^JLlt ^i^J 3

 1 saw a kind of simple Astrolabe, invented by Abu-

Sa'id-alSijzi, not composed of the Northern and South-

ern sections of the Sky, and known as az-Zauraqi.
I liked it immensely and praised him a great deal, as it
rested on an independent foundation, the basis of its

operation and construction lies in some people's belief that

the motion lies in the Earth and not in the Sky. I swear
that it is an uncertainty extremely difficult to resolve or
by my life contradict . The Geometricians and Astronomers
who depend merely on the lines resulting from measure-
ments, have no means to contradict this theory. For in
view of the fact that it is the same so far as the movement
itself is concerned whether one ascribes it to the Earth
or the Heavens. In both the cases it does not affect their

science, but if it is possible to contradict this belief and

resolve the uncertainty, then amongst all the philoso-

phers it should be the concern of the physicists."

It may be pointed out here that the question of the

Earth's movement was being very keenly debated

amongst the Muslim Astronomers in the 10 th and n th
centuries of the Christian era , and the echoes of their

discussion are still discernible in al-Qdnun, where ( pp. 50

&51) al-BTrum has tried to meet their objections. It is
a pity that the works of az-Sijzi and others who held such
views have not survived. It is certain that centuries before

Copernicus, a few Muslim Astronomers had freely believed

and worked on this hypothesis.

Similarly, regarding gravitation some of al-Bfruni's

contemporaries, and Newton centuries after believed in
a universal force residing in matter and attracting the
xviii
bodies. Al-Biruni did not believe in such a universal force.

Nor did his illustrious contemporaries Ibnu'l-Haitham

and Abu-Sahl-al-Quhi. Like Einstein all these believed
that gravitation is only the accelaration of the mass and
is neither derived from outside nor parts the mass and
would not deviate unless obstructed by some impediment.
I take liberty to quote from al-Khazmi who wrote some
75 years after al-Blruni, borrowing from the two above-
mentioned Muslim savants: —

i 4>r J s^ai dUr £y ^ j < jT>l iji Ul 4^4-1

( iXU o\yf Jtf ) ^U! Jl

Some day we may perhaps discover some unpublished
work of al-BTrum where in he may have dealt with the
subject in detail, but we have sufficient indications in
al-Qdnun that like our modern scientist, he did not at all
believe in the objectivity of such force in the Universe.
COSMOGONY

In al-Qdnun, al-Bfrunl has not hazarded any scientific

hypothesis about the origins of the Universe, but in at-
Tahdtd we have a long discourse on this subject. Against
the prevelent philosophical ideas of the Universe he has
xtx
demonstrated that it cannot be treated as eternal. On
the other hand from the evidence of the rocks and the

study of the natural forces like water and fire on the surface

of the Earth, he concludes that in the long periods of its his-

tory ithas been and is still under-going changes. But it is
not easy to compute the precise time the Earth should have
taken since its very beginning. He was very much interes-
ted in the various Cosmogonies known in his time and had
even collected some of them in his book,

( \ . ♦ j* ^ .ji (J )
which formed a supplement to another earlier collection

by a physician, 1Abdu'l-Malik of Bust relating to the begin-

ning and the end of the Earth. It would repay to persue

this subject in Prof. Validi's extracts and more completely

in the original text of th& Kitdbu't-T a Mid . . '

THE GEOCENTRIC THEORY OF AL-BlRUNl

11 In al-Qcimln, al-Birum has upheld the Geo-centric

theory, not because he was unaware of or belittled the Hel-
io-centric theory, In fact time was not yet ripe for decid-
ing this problem with absolute certainty. The Astrono-
mers were still busy in observing and collecting their

data for checking as well as correcting the former obser-

vations. Itgoes very much to his credit that al-Biruni,
as we know, throughout k:ept an open mind in such
matters. We have to remember the difficulty in support-
ing the Helid -centric theory. It was the absence of ariy

apparent changes of the distant stars' places in the

Heavens or of the objects falling ftorn the height ort th'e
xot
earth's surface. After very complicated modern observa-
tions and computations such shift (parallax) has been
actually observed in the case of some nearer stars and
even the distant Nebulae. But in the absence of the

telescope and other modern instruments of precision, the

ancients had no means to ascertain such displacements.
In fact except a few philosophers like Ibn Slna and

Fakhru'd-Dln Razi, they thought that all the fixed stars

belonged to the one and the same Heaven and calculated
its distance from the Earth at a much shorter range than
evenour nearest star. Each planet, they thought, had a
separate Heaven for itself. And then they had another
difficulty to face, i.e. the supposed movement in the

circle, an idea originally based on Plato and Aristotle's

metaphysical notions of perfection and beauty.
Even in his earlier days, in his controversy with Ibn
Slna, al-Bfruni had questioned the soundness of this
notion, asserting on his part the equal validity of the
elliptical or oval form. The same is his view in al-Qdnun.
It stands to his credit that he came so close to the very
revolutionary idea of Kepler, who for the first time
enunciated the planetary movements in the elliptical
forms .

Even from his own teacher Abu Nasr's treatise on the

Sphericity of the Earth ( .p \f & ) published by the Daira y
it is evident that to him and his pupil, the circular move-
ments of the Heavens always meant mere geometric re-

presentation oman's
f observations from the Earth's plat-
form and nothing more real or sacrosant: —

xxt
 Similarly al-Biruni remarks in al-Qdnun: —

" It is equally conceivable that the shape of the Universe

be spherical, or oval or elliptical or cylindrical or coni-

cal or consisting of several sides, Ptolemy's argument

from the stars retaining the same magnitudes in all the
parts of the Heavens and keeping the same direction is no
sufficient reason by itself, but it precludes the other
forms owing to the nature of the motion itself as well as
the figures that the heavenly bodies describe in their

movements. "
It cannot, however, be denied that all these old mas-
ters were straining the evidence to bring it in line with

the idea of describing the movements of the heavenly bo-

dies in circles. For if it were true that the Earth is in the
centre and the Heavens move round it, it should have

served as its real centre and the very pivot of their Geo-

centric Heavens. But all those planets' centres never

actually corresponded with the Earth's centre and they
had to invent the cumbrous system of the Eccentrics
xxii
and Epicycles to describe the zig-zag paths as recorded
by the stars in the course of their apparent motions.
With the advance of science we are always wiser
than our predecessors, but let us give them the credit

that is their due. This theory, how-so-ever faulty, achiev-

ed its object to a very great extent, so far as the study of
the apparent aspects of the Heavens was concerned. For
ordinary purposes it hardly matters whether we consider
the day and night due to the movements of the Earth or
the Sun.

How some eminent Astronomers like Aristarchus, Aryy-

abhatta and al-Sijzi were able to advance the Helio-cen-
tric theory could only be described as lucky flashes of
inspiration, not much based on the known demonstrable
data as on more or less barest assumptions. The same is

true of Copernicus, who was yet far from any precise the-
ory of the Universe. He retained the system of circles
and Epicycles. It was really an advance on many fronts,
the invention of telescope, use of pendulum and the pre-
cise observations of Brahe and subsequent theorization
of Kepler that eventually led to Newton, and in our times
to Einstein. We, however, do not know if we have yet
reached the Ultimate, perhaps we shall never reach the
end in our scientific adventure .

It was only the labours of the great scientists like al-

Birunl that gradually led to extend our range of know-
ledge. Some of their observations are still valuable and

probably of perennial interest. Others have lost their in-

trinsic value. As AbuNasrMansur rightly remarked: This
only shows that human knowledge, like human nature is
xxiii
imperfect. The truth is difficult to reach and the ultimate
or absolute truth is beyond the reach of science:—

(^ a - \. ^ \J\ if sSL j )
CALENDARS AND CHRONOLOGY

After discussing in an original manner Ptolemy's six

basic propositions regarding the sphericity of the Heavens

and the Earth and the latter's fixed and central, but ex-
tremely insignificant, position in the Universe, and the
nature of the Eastern and Western motions in the Hea-

vens, al-Biruni proceeds to define those imaginary circles

like the Poles, Equator, Longitudes, Latitudes, Obliquity,

and the signs of Zodiac etc. which are used by the As-
tronomers as technical terms for their treatment of the

Heavens and the Earth and which every student should

know before entering the subject.

The next part from the fourth chapter of the first Maqa-
la to the end of the next Maqala (pp. 63-270 ) relates to
the discussion of Time as treated in Astronomy, and after

defining the day-night and the various kinds of lunar and

solar months and years, proceeds to render a detailed
account of the calendars of the different peoples known
to the author. In al-Qanun he has supplied additional in-
formation about Indian systems and the mode of convert-
ing the most important Indian era Sakkala into the Hij-
rah, Yezdgerd and Alexanderian eras and vice -versa.
According to al-Bfmnfs researches Zoroaster, the noble
prophet of Iran, lived 267 years before Alexander, (p. 59)
xxiv
and 1218 years before the last Persian Emperor Yezdgerd
(p. T31 ). Similarly he points out that the era known after
Alexander began from the tenth year of his death, and
most important era Sakkala precedes by 587 years the
other called Guptakala on which the Indian A stronomical
treatise Khandakhandyaka is based.
He points out that the beginning of the Muslim era of
al-Hijra corresponded with the first of Ramzan according
to the pre-Islamic calendar. He calculates that exactly
3472 days had elapsed between al-Hijrah and Yezdgerd.
He informs us that the ancient Arabs had learnt the

system of inter-calation from the Jews of Yathrab some

200 years before the Prophet's migration to Medina, and

the pilgrimage to Mecca as well as the marketing days
and festivals fell in fixed seasons. In the year of the Pro-

phet's migration, the pilgrimage fell in S ha ban, and so the

Prophet did not like to perform it and restored it to its
ancient position after the conquest of Mecca. It^is also
noteworthy that according to al-Bfruni, the Prophet died
on the 8th of Rabtul-Awwal, and not on the 12th as it is
generally believed now. He calculated that nine years,
eleven months and twenty days had elapsed since the
date of his migration.
Very valuable and curious information may he gleaned
from this part of the book by those interested in the
history of ancient Persians, Jews and Christians living in

the Muslim lands in al-BTrimT's time. For instance, he

points out that the Jews and Christians very much diffe-

red amongst themselves in reckoning the date of Adam's

birth. He, on his part, thought that it was not possible
XXV
to ^assign any exact dates for such remote events for
which no reliable reports were available (p. 145). On the
other hand like our modern Geologists, he believed that
very long periods of time were needed to account for the
past history of the Earth.
TRIGONOMETRY

The third Maqala dealing with Trigonometry has

already been translated in German by Carl Schoy and
subjected to critical study by Mr. M. A. Kazim of the

Muslim University, Aligarh,in his article "Al-Biruni and

Trigonometry "in the"Al-Binini CommemorationVolume''
which he concludes by paying a tribute to the mathema-
tical genius of al-BirimT:

"How astonishing it looks to modern mathematicians

that a person existing thousand years back happens to
produce so much original work inspite of very little
resources of those times, at the same time plays a consi-
derable part in diverse fields with astonishing accuracy
and mathematical care .

The world still knows very little of al-Birum as a

great mathematician and many of his original contribu-
tions to mathematics still lie hidden in the pages of his

master-work the Qdnun-i-M as' udi and many of his other

books which perhaps may never come to light. "

OBLIQUITY OF THE ECLIPTIC

The fourth Maqala opens with the detailed discussion
of the Obliquity of the Ecliptic, a subject of much histo-
rical and scientific importance .

We know that in its path round the Sun the Earth's

axis is keeping an inclined angle of about 23 J/2 degrees.
xxvi
al-Biruni calls it the angle formed by the inter-section of
the Celestial Equator and the Ecliptic.

The( ^*$\ J:U Chinese

Indian, j* 3 i and ^
earlier 'J&k 4>j\j )
Greek Astronomers

agreed that it amounted to 24 degrees . But the later

Greek Astronomers like Eratosthenes, Hipparchos and
Ptolemy found that the angle had declined to 230 511
and some seconds ranging from 191 to 23 1 only. When
the Muslim Astronomer renewed their observations in

al-Ma'mun's time they discovered that it had still further

decreased in the meanwhile. They thought that it was
due to the defect in the instruments, and the matter was
pursued continously by their successors to establish the
real value .

After many observations from time to time the results

were found to vary from 35 to 32 minutes. al-Biruni him-

self repeated the observations several times in Khwarazm
and Ghaznah and found that his results, amounting to

23°"35I tallied with those obtained by his illustrious pred-

ecessors like Muhammad and Ahmad sons of Musa,

al-Battani, Ibnu's-Sufi and Abu'l-Wafa. According to

Nallino, al-Blruni's value exceeds to a nominal extent of
0.57 only.
It did not, however, strike al-Biruni that in reality the
angle of the Obliquity itself had been declining progres-
sively. It was reserved to some other subsequent Muslim

Astronomers like al-Zarqall and Nasiru'd-Din at-Tusi to

come to this conclusion, which corresponds with the view
of our modern scientists, who compute that the change
amounts to about a minute in 125 years. mans.
xxvii
 ASTRONOMICAL GEOGRAPHY

In this and the next Maqala al-Biruni deals with the

theories of Latitudes and Longitudes and their applica-
tions in determining times in day and night and fixing the

positions on the Earth's globe. This was a very favourite

subject of al-Biruni and his at-Tahdtd mainly concerns
with it. There he mentions that he had an idea of compiling
a Geography, combining the features of the Samanid Minis-

ter aLJaihani's work (now lost), describing the various

countries and illustrating them by maps, and other kind
of books (like that of Ibn Khurdadbih ) on the Routes and
Distances of important places meant for the benefit of the
state and the travellers. He tells us that he spared neither
his influence nor money for collecting information and
constructed a hemisphere of about 15 feet in diameter on

which he marked the Longitudes and Latitudes ascert-

ained by his own investigations or from other reliable
sources. As we know the work was interrupted by

Mahmud's invasion of Khwarazm in A.H.408.

His researches in Geography constitute a very signifi-
cant part of his original contribution to our knowledge.
Dr. Zeki Validi Togon has already published some extracts
from the al-Qdnun, as-Saidana and at- Jamdhir in the above

mentioned Memoir entitled BirunT's Picture of the World,

particularly from the at-Tahdid, which served as a middle
stage between his researches in Khwarazm and the much
more advanced knowledge amassed before undertaking
al-Qdnun .
It is a pity that most of the other books he wrote on
this subject are lost beyond much hope of recovery. We
xxviii
know at least the following titles from his own list com-
piled in 427. A.H. i c

5 jj yl v J jTLll 0I2UU ^SSiad jTb^l wis^ c-jkS" (\ )

5 jj Y • J J j^ll j ^ 4^*' <i cij^ j (0 )

4j j f J j^Wl J £*lj!l ci^Vl j (a)

fivii- cri^. ^ « ».(rr ^ )

and half a dozen treatises on the correct determination of

the Muslim Qibla, a subject also briefly dealth with in

al-Qdnun, and at-Tahdid where he rightly emphasises its

importance for the correct performance of Muslim pray-
ers. Besides the theoretical discussion, we know he actu-
ally took the trouble to fix such direction from Ghaznah
and another place in Afghanistan called Bust.
HIS PREDICTION ON THE EXISTENCE OF
THE AMERICAN CONTINENTS BEYOND
THE WESTERN SEAS

s! iJn chapter nine of the fourth Maqalah, where al-Biruni

presents a short account ofi the inhabited world, he re-
marks that the Greeks h,ad terminated the inhabited
xxix
world on their side by the coast line of the Atlantic Ocean,

as they had no reports except about those islands (Cana-

ries and Madeira), not very far from there. Nor did the
reports from the Far East exceed beyond the limit of a
half circle, thus confining the known inhabitation mainly
to the two northern quarters of the globe, not because,
says our author, it is necessary by nature or climatic
conditions but simply because of the lack of reliable
reports about the remaining quarters. It is indeed most

remarkable that he goes still further in his at-Tahdid by

asserting that land must exist beyond the seas between
the Western and Eastern coast lines of the known world,

thus anticipating the discovery of the American Conti-

nents in the Western hemisphere:-

"There is nothing to prohibit the existence of inhabited

lands in the Eastern and Western parts. Neither extreme
heat nor cold stand in the way and

therefore it is necessary that some supposed regions do

exist beyond (the known ) remaining regions of the world

surrounded by waters on all the sides . "

HIS GENERAL PICTURE OF THE WORLD

Even the general picture of the world as presented by

al-Birunl is remarkably accurate. He tells us that the
length of the inhabited world is greater than its breadth.
It is surrounded by the seas on all its sides, and the
xxx
various oceans in the North, East, West and South all
combine at different points. In the North, his limits are
set by the habitations of the Suwars, Bulgars Russians,
Sclavs and Azovs, in the West by the northern regions
of Africa, Spain, France and some other parts and un-
known lands, and then the coldest regions unsuited for
habitation. In the South, except the groups of East-Indies

Islands ( & j j J\ jl J\ 3^3 oWjB-j ) and

Ceylon and a few others, he admits nothing much is
known of the lands or people from the sailors in those
parts. In the East, China forms his terminus, although as
mentioned above, he very much believed in the existence
of the regions (e.g. Japan ) lying in the Far Eastern ocean
as in the West.

Except for the upper portions, he knows nothing much

of Africa beyond the sources of the Moon across the
Equator after which he thought the oceans coming from
the West and the East combined. His detailed knowledge
of the seas, gulfs and inland lakes like the Caspian is
very precise .

MEASUREMENT OF THE EARTH BY AL-BlRUNl

In chapter seven of the fifth Maqala, al-Biruni deals

with the dimensions of the Earth's globe. As I have al-
ready treated this subject in full detail in my special

study "Muslim Researches in Geodesy' ■ in the Comme-

morative Volume published by the Iran Society in 195 1

on the occasion of al-Biruni's Millenary Celebrations,

I propose to touch upon it here rather very briefly .
The ancient Greek and Indian Astronomers had
xxxi
attempted the measurement of the Earth, but the stan-
dards of their measurements were not precisely known to

the Astronomers of al-Ma'mun who was keen to know the

actual dimensions. He, therefore, ordered two praties to

measure separately two degrees of Longitude by operat-

ing from the same point in opposite directions in the
plains of Sin jar near Mosul. After comparing their results

they computed that a single degree consisted of 56 2/ 3

Arabian miles and the Earth Vcircumference 20, 400 miles,

which according to my calculations come to 364, 106 */4

feet, and 24, 825 3/4 English miles respectively and when
compared with the modern calculations the former ex-
ceeds by 5/ j j mile and the latter by 171 miles only.
In order to satisfy himself, al-Biruni tried without
success to measure a degree by the same method in the
plains of Dihistan (Jurjan) . But later on, while in detention

in the Fort *of Nandna (in West Punjab ), he resorted to

a trigonometrical method as suggested by al-Ma'mun's
Astronomer Sind b .'All, The whole operation is described in
at-Tahdid without mentioning his actual values, al-BTruni
obtained his own by calculating the height of the peak

of a mountain in the neighbourhood plain and ascertain-

ing in the sight the decliniation of the horizon from the
same point. He found the length of a degree to consist
of c. little more than 56 Arabian miles, which, according
to say calculations, falls short by about 12 miles in the
radius and 70 II 2 miles in the cricumference as compared
with our modern scientists .

A slightly different account of this event is also given

in at-Tahdid, from which I conclude that it must have
xxxii
happened sometime towards the end of A.H. 408 or to-
wards the very beginning of 409 , when soon after we
find al-Bfrum in a very sore state of mind wandering in
the neighbourhood of Kabul.

I may further mention, by the way, that subsequently

al-BirunT also measured the area of the Earth's surface,

and its volume and weight in gold.

We should, however, remember that although his results

came very close to those of al-Ma'mun's Astronomers,

al-Bfruni has preferred to use their measurements, as he
says their instruments were more precise and their labours
of extremely exacting and fastidious nature.

TABLES OF LONGITUDES AND LATITUDES

In at-Tahdid al-Biruni tells us that as he had made

Ghaznahhis second home, he was anxious to carry out all
his favourite scientific researches there, and determine
for the first time the correct Longitude of Ghaznah by

reference to Baghdad. He had fixed the former's Latitude

as soon as he was there, but the establishment of the
Longitude was a much more complicated affair. By the
time he wrote the present work he had accomplished it
successfully.

It is necessary to remember that in the matter of

Longitude much confusion prevailed in those days. Some
had taken the Canaries Islands as the starting point,
according to which they calculated Baghdad lying 80
degrees to the East, while others treated the farthest point
on the Atlantic coast as the primary Longitude, according
to which Baghdad was supposed to lie at a distance of
xxxiii
70 degrees only. al-Biruni determined that the difference
between the Longitudes of Baghdad and Ghaznah amoun-
ted to 240- 201, wonderfully close to the actual difference
of 23°~34I, considering the fact that it was by indirect
method of calculating from distances and directions that
this result was obtained. He, however, admitted that
inspite of his best efforts there might still be existing
slight differences in his computation.

In order to ascertain the vast amount of altogether

new information collected by him, one has to compare

his list of more than 600 names with al-Battani's 100

only and the contents of some contemporary geogra-
phical works like Hududul- Alam, compiled only half a
century earlier. One will notice that extensive regions
like India, little or altogether unknown to the outsiders,
have come into full light. Of course, his knowledge of
India is incomparably the finest for his times, and even

later when we come to Abul-Fazl's Am of Akbar's time.

It is, however, necessary that excepting a few, the Longi-
tudes and Latitudes in al-Qdnun have been computed by
the author by means of comparing their positions to one
another and the distances ascertained from travellers or
inhabitants of those countries or on the basis of other

written and oral reports.

After a close scrutiny, I find that generally speaking

the Latitudes are more approximately correct than the
Longitudes, in respect of which he has erred to a much
larger extent. But allowing for such inevitable deficien-
cies, some of the results are strikingly successful. For the
benefit of the readers who want to make a detailed com-
xxxiv
parison it may be pointed out that al-Biruni has chosen the
most distant place of the West African coast on the

Atlantic Ocean near Susu'l-Aqsa as his prime meridian,

according to which he calculates the Longitude of Cor-
dova in Spain as 9, 40 e, and its Latitude as 35, 2 n. Now
according to the Green witch Meridian its position is
4,48 w and 37, 52 n. aLBTrunrs coastline should, therefore,
be some 14, 28 w of Greenwitch line.

But as we proceed Eastward and reach Cairo the

difference exceeds the right value by a considerable ext-

ent. Cairo's position is 31, 13 e, and 30, in. In al-Qanun

it is 54, 40 e and 30, 20 n. Thus his Latitude corresponds
quite closely. But according to his prime meridian it

should be 45, 51 e i.e., 8, 49 degrees less than the calcula-

ted position in al-Qanun.
By the time we reach Baghdad the discrepancy has
still further widened. According to Greenwitch line Bagh-
dad is 44, 30 e and 33, 18 n. In al-Qanun it is 70 e and
33, 25N. Here again the Latitnde corresponds, but the
Longitude exceeds the correet position by .about 11
degrees.

Let us stop here and consider the point. al-Biruni had

admittedly no personal knowledge or direct means to
check the correctness of the true Longitudes and Lati-
tudes in those distant regions. He had generally to
depend on his predecessors and take their estimate more

or less on credit. We know, e.g., that Ptolemy's Africa

was too wide and vastly exaggerated particularly in the
South and the East, virtually connecting itself with Asia
and making the Indian Ocean a ]ake surrounded on all
XXXV
its sides by land. This unreal extension of land in the Far
East was responsible in fostering a belief in the mind of
Columbus that it was possible to reach Asia by direct
navigation across the Atlantic. Leaving the dark Conti-
nent of Africa and most of the Western and Central

Europe aside, al-Biruni's knowledge of Asia and the

Indian Ocean was vastly superior to that of any earlier
Geographers. Africa too he does not extend much beyond
the source of Nile in the Mountains of the Moon, i.e., not
very far from the Equator, and thereby joins the Atlantic
Ocean with the Indian Ocean. He has a very accurate
idea of the position and form of the Indian Peninsula.
As to China, which to him meant the rest of the Far

East land beyond India, including the Indo-Chinese and

Malay Peninsulas lying between the fifth and the fortieth
Latitudes and hundred sixteen and hundred sixty two
of his Longitudes, i.e. some 46 degrees, his knowledge,
thanks to the Muslim sailors and traders, had grown to
some extent, but as compared with India it was still rather

vague, and we find that in locating some of the identifi-

able places like Khanfu (Canton) the Latitude are much
lower down than their exact positions. On the other hand
of the Turkish lands, which also included the homelands
of the Tartars and the Mongols, he has a better knowledge.

During his stay at Mahmud's court two embassies from

the Far-Eastern part had visited Ghaznah and al-Biruni
may have collected information about those lands which
he has utilised in al-Qdnun.
Of the Muslim countries in Asia his knowledge is full
and most reliable . In his Kitdbu t-T ahdid he remarks that
xxxvi
in his times owing to the extension of Islam on the three
continents all the barriers and impediments which existed

in Ptolemy's times and forced him mainly to depend on

hearsay in determining his geographical positions had
been removed and facilities for travelling, trade and explo-
ration greatly increased, resulting in a much better know-
ledge of the countries and the nations of the world .

MENTION OF INDIAN PLACES IN AL-QANUN

A map of India based on the tables in al-Qanun would

not on the whole present a very distorted picture. Unf or-
nately al-Biruni had no opportunity to travel widely in
this country. As explicitly mentioned by him in his Indica
he visited only a few places in the Western Punjab and

determined their Latitudes. " I have myself found the

Latitude of the fortress of Lauhur as 340, 10, 56 miles from
the capital of Kashmir, half the way being rugged country
and the other half plain. I enumerate in the below what
other Latitudes I have been able to observe myself :—

Ghaznah , 330 35' Lamghan 340 43'

Kabul 330 47' Purshavar . .. 340 44'
Kandi, the guard-station Waihand 340 30'
of the prince 330 55' Jailam . 330 2of
Dunpur 340 20' The fortress Nandna 3 2° o'
The distance between the last place and Multan is
nearly 200 miles .

Sialkot 320 58'

Mandakkakor 310 50'
Multan... 290 40'
We have not travailed beyond the places mentioned
xxxvii
above nor learnt any Longitudes and Latitudes from the

Indian books. God alone will help in achieving our obj ects' ' .
By the time he worte al-Qdnun he had collected
sufficient data to determine the positions of the Indian

places. ( Kitabu'l-Hind, p. 163 and English Translation

Vol. I. pp. 317-318 ).
Extent of India from Peshawar (his Long. 970, 10 e)
to the mouth of the Ganges ( Long, no, 40 e ) would

amount to 13 1 12 degrees, while according to the modern

calculations it should be 17 degrees, thus making

al-Birunl's estimation short by 3 II 2 degrees only. His

Southern-most Latitude for the Adam's Bridge (o,n) is
most exact differing by 15' only while its Longitude 119 e
exceeds by 3 degrees as compared with our 79, 30 e. Simi-
larly the position assigned to Ceylon is nearly correct so
far as the Latitude goes but exceeds by about 4 degrees
towards the East. In the case of other inland places in
the South like Tanjore and Rameshwaram the Longitudes
are wrong by as many as 8 to 9 degrees and even the

Latitudes by 4 to 4 1 /2 degrees .
Judging from the positions of the forts in the moun-

tains of Kashmir's Southern boundary at 33 n, we find

that estimation of India's length is amazingly close to
the real dimension .
So was his idea of its Peninsular form. In an outline

map of the inhabited world in the manuscripts of his

at-Tafhim reproduced in the Encyclopaedia of Islam

under its article on Geography and also in the Persian
edition of the book itself, he gives an almost correct

representation of India's shape and place in the Eastern

xxxviii
hemisphere. The superiority of his notions can very easily
be judged by comparing his world map with that of Ibn-
Hauqal (c. A.D. 975) reproduced from a manuscript of

the nth century facing page 86 in the 'Legacy of Islam '.

Proceeding Eastward and taking Ghaznah as our start-
ing point, we discover that there is hardly a difference
of a degree or so upto the place occupying the site of mo-
dern Lahore. By the time we reach Mathura the Latitude
errs slightly by more than one and a half degree but the

Longitude by one sixth only. Meerut's Longitude is wrong

by 2 */4 degrees and Gwalior's by less than a degree and
their Latitudes are short by a single and a quarter deg-
ree respectively. Pryag ( modern Allahabad ) suffers by
half a dergee in its Latitude and one and a half degree in
the Longitude; Benaras by less than a degree (Latitude)
and two and a half degrees (Longitude), Ajodhya by
one and a half (Latitude ) and two and a half (Longitude)
Oannauj both by about one and a half degree, Patliputra

by two and a half both ways and Mongair by four deg-

reesLongitude
( ) and less than three ( Latitude ) .

On India's West coast Somnath's Longitude is wrong

by 3/4 degree and Latitude by 4 z/4 degrees, Cambay by
two degrees both ways and Bharoach by 1 /2 degree (Lati-
tude) and 1 1 / 4 ( Longitude ). Maharashtra is placed con-
siderably North and its Longitude is wrong by two deg-

rees. Thanah's (Bombay) Latitude (19.20) corresponds

with its correct position ( 19.12 ), but its Latitude (104)
exceeds by more than four degrees and a half. In Sind
Daibal on the mouth of the Indus river (called Mehran)

nearly corresponds with the modern Karachi. Multan's

OC OCOCtOC
Latitude errs by half a degree and Longitude by one. In

the innermost places Dhar's Longitude is slightly wrong

by more than a degree and Latitude by one and a half

and Mhow's Latitude by one and a half and Longitude

by three degrees .

In the Western Punjab Sialkot's Longitude is in excess

by one and a half degrees and Latitude by J/2 of a degree,

Jhelum's Longitude by less than J/2 and Latitude by less

than 3/4 of a degree, and Peshawar's Longitude short by
less than a half and Latitude more than a degree only.

It may, however, be pointed out that al-Bfrum's tables

do not mention either Delhi or Lahore, nor does his
Indica. The inference is clear. Both did not exist or were

unknown by these names in his times. As to Delhi my

own researches have led me to conclude that it was foun-
ded some time after. Lahore, which is called Lohawar,

is mentioned as a regional name and its capital as Mand-

kakaur ( j JSCS' X*a ) in the best readings of the manus-

cripts of the Indica and al-Qdnun. This name should not,
however, be confused with the name of a fort called Lau-
haur in the mountains of Kashmir as the latter's Latitude
is at least two degrees removed from modern Lahore.
But some places near about Delhi like Sunnam, Meerut,
Sursawa (now Sarawa) and Thaneshwar, the holy city of
the Indians are mentioned. But my own place, Baran,

(now Bulandshahr) which was supposed by modern his-

torians to be one of the places conquered by Mahmud in
the course of his famous campaign against Mathura and
Qannauj in A.H. 409, is equally missing. I am, therefore,
convinced that the place mentioned in the contemporary
xl
history written by 'Utbi tallies with Meerut and by the
mistake in the manuscripts has been corrupted to Barana,
as in the Arabic script the two names are easily liable to
be confused. al-Biruni, however, has mentioned another
place in the neighbourhood of Bulandshahr named as
Ahar, which occupies a very ancient site. The inference
is equally clear, i.e. , like Delhi the fort of Baran did not
exist or was unknown by this name in those times.

As to Ujjain, the prime meridian of the Indian Astro-

nomers, al-Biruni's reckoning of the Latitude and the

Longitude is most correct .
Longitude Latitude
al-Biruni Modern al-Biruni Modern
105 50 79 58 26 25 27 ,3
Let us show how we have worked it out. According to

al-Biruni Ghaznah has a Longitude of 94.20. The diffe-

rence between the two places is n.35°.The modern Longi-
tude of Ghaznah being 68.25 the difference is 11.35. Thus
both the results are identical.

But al-Biruni vehemently rejects the Indian Astrono-

mers' theory of its being situated on the middle-line of

the inhabited world, called the Cupola of the Earth,
j^l running from Lunka on the Equator to the
Meru mountain on the top of the Northern Pole, and
passing through Ujjain, Rohtak fort, Thaneshwar plains,
the Jamuna region and the Himalyas. (p. 504). The
Persian Astronomers had also borrowed this idea from

India and the tradition passed on to the earlier Muslim

Astronomers, who corrupted the word Ujjain to Uzain and
eventually to Arin, which persisted for long times to denote
xli
the prime meridian by which the Longitude according to
the Indian system were calculated in their books.
PROJECTION AND CARTOGRAPHY

al-Bfruni was intensely interested in both and, as he

mentioned in al-Athar, devised ways for Cylindrical and
Conical Projections for the Geographical purposes. In his
list of books he mentions

i.e. a full description of the inhabited world with illus-

trative maps. If he was ever able to complete these books,
they should have served as valuable guides and models
to the subsequent writers like Idrisi of Sicily, who com-
piled his well-known Geography and Atlas for the Nor-
man ruler Rogerll.Unforunately none of such maps could

be included in al-Qdnun which was treated by al-Blruni

as a mere summary of his vast knowledge of Astronomical
subjects, each of which received his separate exposition
in more elaborate treatises.

M.-BIRUNPS DETERMINATION OF THE

MOTION OF THE SUN'S APOGEE

From the Earth al-Blruni passes to the Heavens and

begins with the Sun. Ptolemy had held that the Sun's
Apogee (the highest point from the Earth ) was fixed,
pointing to the same spot in the Heavens as was long
before determined by Hypparchus. When the Muslim
Astronomers commenced their observations they found
that the Apogee had moved further east from tho point

mentioned by the two Greek Astronomers. al-Berunl

mentions one by one the observations by Al-Mamun's

xlii
Astronomers, Khalidul-Marwazi, Ali b. Isa-ul-Harrani
and Sind b. Ali, and later on the sons of Musa and

Abul-Wafa in Baghdad, al-Battani at Al-Raqqa and

Sulaiman b. Asbah at Balkh and Abul Hamid al-Kho-

jandi at Raiy (pp. 655-664 ). Subsequently he carried out

his own observations in Jurjania and Ghaznah and was

thoroughly convinced of the Muslim Astronomer's obser-

vations as against Ptolemy's observation. He rightly
remarked that the new results obtained during the pre-
ceding two centuries and supported by his own could not
be brushed aside.

Rejecting in Chapter seventh of the sixth Maqalah

Ptolemy's view about the fixity of the Sun's Apogee he

proceded in the next chapter to determine the correct
value of this movement. All his predecessors had deter-
mined itas amounting to one degree in 66 years, and, as
it appears from his Kitabut-Tafhim he also depended on

al-Battani's researches and accepted this value. But six

years after further advance and careful studies of his
own, all embodied in so much detail, in al-Qdnun, he
at last discovered that the movement took more than

70 z/3 years to cover a single degree of Heavens' circle,

and o° o1 711 44111 54IV in a single day (p. 677) .
This result obtained by al-BirunT is very much in
accord with our modern researches,which make the move-
ment as 52.2 every year and one degree during 72 years.
THE LENGTH OF THE SOLAR YEAR

Hipparchus and Ptolemy had fouud the length of the

Tropical year to be 365 days 5 hours and about 56
minutes .
xliii
 Continuous observations by the Muslim Astronomers

from the days of Al-Mamun had shown that the length

of the year was really much less.
Observations at Damuscus found it as 365 days 5 hours
and 46 minutes, and the same were confirmed by Yahya
b. Abi Mansur in his observations at Baghdad, but his
earlier observations had shown it as 365 days 5 hours and

54 minutes.
Al-Biruni tells us that Al-Mamun was very keen to
measure the correct length of the Tropical year, and for
that purpose set up an iron pillar at Dair Marwan in
Damuscus, but after comparing its measurements was
surprised to find out that the pillar had decreased to the

extent of a barley's length during the intervening night.

Consequently he almost despaired of ascertaining the
true length of the year with the help of the available
instruments. Commenting on this episode al-Biruni re-

marks that a single individual's life -nay, even the lives

of several generations put together are not sufficiently
long as compared with the requirements of such matters.
This, on the other hand, should be a sufficient warning
to an individual against constituting himself the sole
authority on the basis of his own observations only. It is,
therefore, necessary that the process of observation should
continue over many generations, one passing the work to
the other (p- 637 ).

al-Battani's reseaches had resulted in establishing the

solar year as consisting of 365 days 5 hours, 46 minutes
and 24 seconds. But the subject engaged the attention
of other Muslim Astronomers also and eventually
xliv
al-Bfruni undertook to solve it for his own satisfaction.
After complicated researches based on his own repeated
observations as well as those of his predecessors, of which
he has rendered a detailed account from the days of
Hipparchus and Ptolemy, he found the length of the year
as 365 days 5 hours, 46 minutes and between 46 and 47
seconds (or 47 seconds as he puts it in At-Tafhim) .
In an article on the Jalali Calendar, based on the results
of the Muslim Astronomers including Omar Khaiyyam,
(published in Islamic Culture, Hyderabad Deccan, 1943,
pp. 166-175 ) we have dealt with the researches of the
Muslim Astronomer for determining the correct value,

which soon after al-Biruni eventually led to the best

reformed solar calendar of Jalaluddin Malikshah Seljuqi.
It appears that his Astronomers found the length of the
year as 365 days 5 hours and 49 minutes, whicn most
nearly approximates to the true length of the mean Tro-
pical year according to the most modern researches, i.e

365 days 5 hours, 48 minutes and about 47 z/2 seconds.

It is, however, still a moot question whether the length

of the year has always been constant or has been grad-

ually increasing progressively. But for the specialists al-

Biruni's careful researches and observations may yet

serve as a useful record .
AL-BlRUNFS OPINION ABOUT THE PHYSICAL
NATURE OF THE SUN

In al-Qdnun al-Biruni did not as a principle enter into

matters which he thought should belong to the domain
of Physics rather than Astronomy, which had not yet
emerged from its geometrical stage. It was reserved for
xlv
our modern times to develop the dynamical and physical
aspects and make them necessary parts of Astronomy.

Anyhow, it goes to al-BirunT's credit that wherever he has

rarely touched on such questions he has generally main-
tained sane views. For instance in the case of the Sun,
against the prevalent metaphysical or rather mythological
notions, inherited from the Greeks, making it a spiritual

body destitute of any mundane elements, al-Biruni uni-

formly held that it was a fiery body and the, solar promi-
nances noticeable during the total eclipses were just like
the flames arising in the atmosphere round some burning
body (p. 646) .
aS j iL*£jil ^j^wJt J _f i^j L_A Jli J|!l <wjlo^ olji \a\ j

.jUi jM\
THE FIXED STARS

In the total absence of any evidence of the proper

motions of the stars, detected in a few cases by our mo-

dern Astronomers with the help of their new instruments

and intricate methamatical computations and other phy-

sical phenomena, it was impossible for the Astronomer
of the former times to imagine or treat them except as
fixed points in the Heavens serving as useful background
and points of reference for determining the movements
of the Planets etc.
Al-BirunT knew that the skies were full of innumerable
bodies of various magnitudes and it was impossible to
determine their number by sight even in a small part of
the sky.
xlvi
 ♦ (WW c^) 'J^O
He admits that the instruments of his times were un-
able to help the eyes in ascertaining their numbers .

The ancient astronomers had tried to fix the positions

of a number of the more brilliant ones visible to the bare

eyes upto the sixth degree of their apparent magnitude .

The foundations of the science of placing the heavenly
bodies on the celestial hemisphere were laid amongst the
Greeks by Hipparchus, who is believed to have prepared

a catalogue of more than iooo. Ptolemy's catalogue in

his al-Magest rests a great deal on that of Hipparchus
and al-Biruni has rightly remarked that it is not at all
certain if Ptolemy himself carried out his own obser-
vations or intentionally left them out considering the
matter as a mere branch (p. 991 ).
During the Muslim period when the whole field of

Astronomy was being checked afresh, Abdu'r-Rahman

b. Ibnul-Sufi, the court-astronomer of Azudu'd-Dawla of
the Buwayhid dynasty, a great lover and patron of
sciences, devoted his entire life to this single branch, al-

Biruni has rightly placed his confidence in Abdu'r-

Rahman's unrivalled performance and considered him as
a specialist to be the best informed of all the angles and
minute of his subject.

J^lj ^ U>\ jJi j At \J J> J*- (j4t li* j °j*-<s^

xlvii
 ♦( W ) ^ ^
al-Biruni frankly admits that he himself never under-
took acomplete charting of the Heavens, except in a
restricted manner, and has contented himself in al-Qdnun

to rest his list of stars on Ptolemy's as revised by Ibnul-

Sufi, resorting to such corrections as were necessary to

bring their position up-to-date according to their apparent

progress in Heavens to the further extent of some 13 deg-
rees as computed by al-Biruni himself (p. 1012). But for
this purpose he claims to have compared all the available

copies of Ptolemy's text and its Arabic translations

available to him.

♦ ( \ * \ Y l/^) J 3 C)A ^^^^ S^Lall i ju>

In his catalogue, however, he has dropped such descri-
ptions as colours, considering the matter to be better
suited for physics. He was not much impressed by
the prevalent theories about the causes ascribed by the
physicists about such matters. At best they were surmises
of uncertain nature .

♦ {\\\ u*) g> d\

On the Nebulae and the milky-way he has some stri-
king remarks in a small chapter (p. 992). I quote him
in extenso.

" In the skies we have some objects not resembling the

stars in their roundness and light. They are the white
patches called the Nebulae. Some of these are considered
xWiii
to be composed of the clusters of the stars".
He disagrees with Aristotle and his supporters' opinion
about the position of the Milky Way being below the
sphere of the planets and rightly believes them to belong
to the highest sphere of the stars .

Similarly he has discarded the views held in Astrology

and supported by Aristotle that they injured the sight
and caused sorrow and misfortune .

THE EASTERN MOVEMENT OF THE

FIXED STARS

Al-Biruni holds that all these stars moved to the East

on a central axis and parallel to the Zodiac line.
The nature and extent of this revolution could be

ascertained by observations spread over long periods and

al-Biruni has tested the matter by comparing his own

restricted observations with those in Ptolemy's catalogue .

His gauge year is 400 of Yezdgerd Era, which corres-

ponded with Sultan Mas'ud's return to Ghaznah after his

father's death in A.H. 422. He found that the stars had
moved to the extent of 13 degrees as compared with

Ptolemy's time .

• ( \* \\ u* ) Wjkt 4*rj* 0 j£e <olj>

He adopted the revised magnitudes of Ibnus Sufi .

Every nation, he says, (p. 1020), had given the stars

different names in their languages and ascribed imaginary
xlix
figures to their groupings and even assigned some tradi-
tions and stories suited to the early stages of civili-
zation (p. ioio).

The Arabs, for instance, had their own system of no-

menclature, but al-Bfrum had prefered the Greek system
of 48 figures and 12 constellations arranged on a belt,
remarking at the same time that these resemblances are
seldom accurate enough to comprehend all the stars, and
in fact leave a number of them outside their ranges.

Al-Bfrum has discarded all such descriptions as their

tempers resting on colours and more or less other supersti-
tious and Astrological notions. The scientific value of
such descriptions is mainly the concern of Astrophysics ,
which enters into the question of their composition, age,
evolution and even distances etc. But it would take us

on a discursion hardly pertinent to our present study.

Ptolemy had calculated that the sphere of the stars
moved in 100 years to the extent of a single degree out
of a total of 360 degrees (p. 998) . All the preceding Muslim
Astronomers except Ibn Yunus were in agreement that it
took only 66 years to make a complete revolution.
In At-Tafhim al-Bfrum, relying on al-Battani, had stated
that each of the fixed stars as well as the apogees of the
Planets moved at the rate of 66 years for a single degree
(p. 135, Persian edition) and 23, 760 years for the complete
belt. The ancients had made it 36,000 years (p. 132). al-
Biruni and Ibn Yunus, however, independently, calculated
that it took more than 70 years to complete the revolution.

They only differed in the additional fraction, 1 /4 according

to Ibn Ynnus and 1/3 according to al-Bfrum. This is in
% igfc
complete accord with the modern researches which makes
it about 72 years for a single degree and 25,867 years
for the complete circle .

All the subsequent leading Astronomers like Nasiru'd-Din

Tusi, Qutbu'd-Din Shirazi and Ulugh Beg computed it as
70 years .
Thus al-Birum 's result is the nearest approach to our
modern calculations, next best being that of lbn Yunus,
who, however, had preceded him by many years and in
point of time can claim priority for correct valuation .
I have discussed this subject a little more in detail to

show that al-Birum's list of the stars' positions is not a

mere copy of any one of his predecessor's catalogues. For
this purpose, taking Ptolemy's catalogue for his basis, he
worked out his own results and there is no doubt that

judging from the value assigned by him to the precession

of the stars in his times, his revised computation of their
positions has to be taken on its own merit and should not
be considered to be a mere second-hand affair. This, how-

ever, isnot intended to belittle al-Battani or Ibnus Sufi's

valuable researches, as such matters, in the words of

al-Biruni, depend on many minute observations spread

over long periods,

and, we may add, the exceptional genius of persons like

al-Biruni and lbn Yunus.
THE ANWA

The Anwa (the plural of Nau, a star) mean certain

atmospheric phenomena like the rains, winds; heat, cold
li
and moisture etc. which were supposed to be subject to
the influence of the stars. Strictly speaking Nau initially
concerned the rains.

The art of recognizing the Anwa formed a special

science with the Arabs. They closely connected the Anwa

with the Moon's mansions. The Indians had their own

system of connecting the lunar mansions with their
astrological system. The Muslims, who had inherited both

the systems, combined them and compiled annual calen-

dars forecasting the meteorological, agricultural and even

medico-hygienic aspects for the various periods .

This information, based on long observations general
experience and popular ideas, inherited from the past,
could not be of a strictly scientific order and as pointed

out by al-Birum varied from place to place. The seasons

and the natural conditions produced by the former are
really the result of the relative position of the Sun in
the sky. All such forecasts were, therefore, of a tentative
nature .
For instance, winter starts at various times in various
places. He points out that the whole system reflects

an analogy to the results arising out of the Sun's move-

ments in the Zodiac .

♦ (nn u*) Jj^u

AL-BIRUNTS LUNAR THEORY
The theory of the Lunar motions has always formed

an important part of Astronomy and al-Biruni has devot-

ed wholly the Seventh Maqala and parts of the next to
this subject.
lit
 The Moon does not revolve in a perfect circle and its
maximum and minimum distances appreciably differ.
Its mean distance is estimated between these two limits .

Moreover, the Moon is always changing its path and

its motions are subject to variations. Astronomers and
Mathematicians have always been much perplexed by its
irregularities and their combined efforts have hot yet
been crowned with perfect success in computing and
predicting its exact positions at different times. Thanks
to continuous improvements in the Lunar theory these

inequalities have been gradually reduced to the mini-

mum. Exact records of the past observations, specially
of the Lunar eclipses are, therefore, of immense value.

Hipparcus discovered a considerable inequality in the

Moon's course and Ptolemy detected a second inequality

and tried to cover it by means of an epicycle. When the
Muslim Astronomers took up their observations they

appear to have realized that even Ptolemy's theory did

not fully account for the Moon's motions. It is, for ins-
tance, claimed that a third inequality was detected by
Abul-Wafa, but his claim was disputed by some modern

scholars in favour of Tycho Brahe's. But with reference

to al-Biruni the point is not so difficult to settle. As the
matter has enjoyed some importance I would like to give

al-Biruni's views a little in detail to show that he cer-

tainly knew the inadequacy of Ptolemy's theory and tried

to remove its defects .

al-Biruni points out that the Moon's movements

very much differ from those determined by the ancient
liii
Astronomers of Greece and India and believes that
Ptolemy had missed some of its motions in the same
way as he did in the case of the Sun .

j U a2l 3 xX\ j_)t o1£U jUl uLJ jS j

jjt\ U jl dili Jaj ^ij-^V ijU»

(w\ c^) 2JI £lr

He further remarks that it is not difficult to observe

the Moon's return to its former place with refernce to

the fixed stars, but over long periods it is always altering
its path and eventually the minute differences accu-
mulate and cause the difficulty, (p. 785). The solution
suggested by him is to keep a constant watch over it
and collect reliable data from generation to generation.

"The Moon's movements/' says al-BTrum, nay, those of

all the moving bodies in the heavens are not ascertain-
able in a single attempt, as they vary from time to time.
So they are at first determined in a larger and more
approximate manner. When we repeat our observations
second time we come nearer to the true value, and as we

keep comparing our later results with the previous ones

we arrive at a greater precision. This method should go
on ad infinitum and that is all that is required of an

original worker in this field, (p. 776) .

Even a bare outline of his discussions relating to the

complicated motions of the Moon would land us into the

very depths of Mathematics and we confine ourselves
here only to a few of his important results of general
interest .

liv
 First of all, he has tried to determine the length of the
ordinary Lunar month corresponding to the period of the

Moon's movement from one phase to the same phase

again, technically known as the Synodic month, (i.e.,refer-
ing to its position to the Sun), and, relying on previous
accounts of anceint observations, he has computed it as

a little more than 29 I days, ( to be exact 2Q,°3ii5oii

giii giv 2ov i3vi ). He has determined its daily average to
be 130 io1 35" 2iU 6iv (or in the alternative 7iviov4vi)
(P. 730).

In the next chapter he has undertaken to rectify the

Mean and the Anamolistic daily movements of the Moon.
The latter has reference to the nearest point of the

Moon's approach to the Sun (perihelion ) and back to

the same, which takes a bit longer than its movement
from one star and back to the same. The extreme pains
that he has taken in fixing both may very well be judged
from the minute results of his investigation. According

to him the first is 130 io1 34" 2m jiv iyv 8vi 25™ 57™ 25ix
42x and the second i3°3i 13* 54iii8iv5v3ivi32vii9viii44ix.
He had obtained these values after comparing the results
of his own three consecutive Lunar observations in A.H.

393 & 394 (P- 746) carried out after the most careful
precautions ^jLJj^ j aLIjS J cuiJl j (p. 745 ).

Just to illustrate al-Biruni's advance we may point out

that according to al-Battani the mean daily motion
amounted to 130 10' 35" and the Anamolistic to 130 3' 54" .
Now al-Biruni's mean motion is the closest approxima-
tion to the modern researches which compute it as 130
lv
1Qi 34u 5 2Hi3iv. Equally improved are his other values.

In respect of the mean Obliquity of the Moon's Eclip-

tic he has accepted the more accurate value of 5 degrees,
as determind by Ptolemy, against 4 4 of the Indian As-

tronomers and al-Battani and 4 f of al-Mamuns' Astro-

nomers, Yahya b. Abi Mansnr &Habash and later on the
sons of Musa. In this particular matter he frankly admits
that he did not know the way to ascertain and check it
(P. 77°),

( VV"l ) &j» ^ * ^ jit 4i J

The Moon looks larger when nearer to the Earth and

smaller when more distant. Its apparent diameter, there-

fore, varies relative to its distance from the Earth

(P. 865).

Al-Biruni's researches established that its Longest dis-

tance was63° 52' 40" times of the Earth's radius and the
shortest 310 55' 5" (p. 844). As to its diameter he rejected
al-Battani's calculation of 330 33' 20" of the Earth's
diameter remarking that it was not noticeable at any one

of the Moon's distances from the Earth. He points out

that howsomuch the Moon's diameter may appear to
differ at various distances its real diameter should be a

constant value. He has preferred Ptolemy's value of 33/

20" as compared with the Earth's diameter, and this very
much corresponds to the mean apparent diameter 31' y'r
as determined by the modern researches. Similarly he

prefers the ratio between the Earth's shadow on the sur-

face of the Moon during the Lunar eclipse as bearing a
Ivi
relation of 2 3 /5 to i. This corresponded equally with the:
results obtained by Ptolemy as well as al-Battani.
THE DISTANCE OF THE SUN FROM THE EARTH

Al-Biruni had serious misgivings about Ptolemy's cal-

culation ofthe Sun's distance from the Earth, as it was
based on total eclipses and in complete disregard of the
annular eclipses, which implied much larger distances,

(pp. 868-870).

5-JJI Jp oU ^ j dllJu IjV ^jVI dJUi J UoUJ ei^-l

(AV*'-AV» l^) ^ ujl ia** jit Jl jA JLjw J ^ (j-^JI

According to Ptolemy the Sun's distance amounted to

286 times of the Earth's radius (p. 874). Al-Biruni con-
fesses his inability to check or correct Ptolemy's calcu-
lations. Unfortunately he never happened to observe a
total Solar eclipse nor possessed precise record about them
to rely upon. (p. 874) .

jap ^ c-AJI I Jl Jj^jll -0 jSCc U iiiUl ^ jVl

( AW ) ? (j-* j^2! U
That al-Biruni was perfectly justified in his doubt is
Ivii
borne out by the researches of our modern Astronomers.
The ancients had hopelessly erred in determining the
distances and the magnitudes of the heavenly bodies,
except in the case of the nearest of them, the Moon, which
was amenable to the operation of the instruments they

possessed. "But the Sun," says al-Birum, "is still immea-

sureable by our instruments and remains an object for

conjectures." (p- 857).

THE DISTANCES AND MAGNITUDES OF THE

STARS FROM THE EARTH

Al-Bfruni admits that it was not possible to ascertain

their distances and magnitudes, as there was no real way
known to detect the parallex of the fixed stars (p. 1303).
The way suggested by the Greek Astronomers was to
place the stellar sphere next to the most distant Planet,

i.e., according to Ptolemy 19, 666 times of the Earth's

radius (p. 1310).
Similarly he calculated the diameter of the stars of the

first magnitude and of Mars to be I/2 of thd Sun's dia-

meter. AMuslim Astronomer Abu-Jafar al-Khazin in his

book on the distances and sizes of the heavenly bodies'

(^ J ) had stated that the stars of the first
magnitude had I/7 of the Sun's diameter, those of the
second J/4, the third I/2i, the fourth J/'24, the fifth
?/i27 and the sixth J/36. He did not mention if he had
himself determined them nor did he explain the method
by which he had arrived at his results.
Iviii
 Al-Biruni then quotes the various values by the Indian
and some other Astronomers. Those who are interested

in his detailed exposition of Ptolemy's results are referred

to the Persian edition of the Kitabut Tafhim wherein he

has worked out complete figures in the Earth's radius as

ascertained by al-Mamun's Astronomers. The learned
editor claims to have taken pains to check the table. In
the light of modern advances in Astronomy such figures
have only antiquarian interest, as all the ancient and
medievial Astronomers lacked the necessary equipment
for the precise computations.

We now know that the Sun is nearly 300 times more

distant than what those former scientists had thought .
The nearest star is at least 300,000 times the distance of

the Sun and for the purposes of measuring such vast dis-

tances not even the Earth's orbit is sufficiently large.

And the nearest Nebula is supposed to be at a distance
of 7 million light years! Words are wholly powerless to
evoke even a remote idea of the scale of our Universe .

Undoubtedly our old Astronomers had a very limited

notions of the dimensions of the world. Al-BlrunI,however,
knew that they had not yet even satisfactorily ascer-
tained the Sun's distance. He himself never ventured to
hazard any theory of his own where he was not certain of
his grounds .

THE PLANETS

The Tenth Maqala deals with the planetary move-

ments.In this part of the book al-Blrunl follows Ptolemy
implicitly and considers him almost inspired, crediting
lix
with having perfected the theory of planetary motions in

the best possible manner (p. 1161 ). Herein al-Birimi lays

claim to no original contributions of his own, except the
modifications in the Eastern movements of their apogees

to the same extent as that of the Sun's apogee-i.e., one

degree in 70 J instead of 100 years suggested by Ptolemy
(p. 1166).
Al-Birum remarks that although the earlier Muslim
Astronomers had not taken the trouble to explain the
mathematical processes in their calculations, yet the

positions of the Planets's apogees mentioned by al-

Mamun's Astronomers, Yahya and Habash very much
agreed with his own (p. 1197).

In chapter sixth of the maqala he strikes an original

note, doubting the accepted order of the Planets that
placed the Sun between the Moon and the two so called
inferior Planets. Venus and Mercury, adding that it was
quite possible that the Sun is below all the other Planets

except the Moon, as it is equally possible that some Pla-

nets intervene between the Sun and the Moon (p. 1301 ) .
Later on in Spain Jabir b. Aflah (c. 1140 ) held it more
probable that Mercury and Venus were above the Sun .
THE ECLIPSES AND THE APPEARANCE OF

THE NEW MOON

The Eighth Maqala deals with the Lunar and the

Solar eclipses and the appearance of the New Moon. It is
marked by a masterly exposition of their theory in all
its aspects. I donot propose to enter into the details, as
there is apparently nothing very much novel to mention,

Ix
except two topics, one relating to the appearance of the
New Moon, and the other, in the last chapter, relating to
the Indian theories of eclipses called Khayalai-ul-Kusu-

fain, "the images of the eclipses " which pass on the faces
of the Sun and the Moon and do not really affect their
bodies. In his list dated A.H. 427 he mentions a treatise
of his own specially devoted to this subject.

"And I have prepared a book on the two united and

equal axes and entitled it as the idea of the eclipses ac-
cording to the Indians. It is a subject well-known to them
and none of their Astronomical treatises is devoid of its

treatment, but it is not known to our Muslim Astrono-

mers . "
He has summarized the theories and adduced the

requisite proofs in their support, relying on Paulis, the

Greek, and Brahma Gupta's Khandakhandayaka. As the

English translations of the latter, with necessary notes

and appendices by Mr. P. Gangoly, and of the Suryasid-

dhanta by Burges and edited and annotated by the
former, and both published by the Calcutta University,
are easily available, I refer the readers to the chapters
five and six of the former and chapters fourth to seventh
of the latter work for the Indian treatment of the Lunar

and the Solar eclipses .

The appearance of the New Moon, says al-Biruni,is an

altogether uncertain affair and predictions do not some-
Ixi
times come to be true. Ptolemy and other Astronomers
did not concern themselves with any theory about the

Moon's appearance. But the Muslim Astronomers like al-

Fazarf, Ya'qub b. Tariq, and al-Khwarazmi on the one
hand and Habash-ul-Hasib and al-Battani on the other
made it a subject of their special study and devised laws

concerning the appearance of the New Moon. al-Birurm

has relied on the researches of Habash, which he says
were the best on this subject.

DAWN AND SUNSET

This subject enjoyed sufficient importance with the

Muslim scientists, as the two phenomena helped in deter-
mining the times for some prayers, and fasting. We

know that the greatest Muslim writer on Optics, Ibn-ul-

Haitham, determined that the twilight begins or ceases
when the sun is 19 degrees below the horizon, and
attempted thereby also to measure the height of the

atmosphere. In Chapter XIII of the VIII Maqala al-Birunl

deals with the subject, and it is remarkable that he was
cognizant of still better results, for he informs us that

both these phenomena occured when the Sun was 18 deg-

rees below the horizon. He adds that some people deter-
mined it as 17 degrees. The former result corresponds
exactly with the best modern researches. Evidently both

the results, slightly different from Ibn-ul-Haitham's, are

based on independent researches. We know that Optics

was one of al-Biruni's favourite subjects in which he left

some original researches of his own, It is a pity that none
of his books on this subject are available now, although
Ixii,
at least one of them, al-Lam'at, was known and utilised in
our country by the author of the Jami'-i-Bahadur Khani,
an Encyclopaedia of Mathematics, produced in the beginn-
ing of the last century .

AL-BIRUNI AND THE THEORY AND PRACTICE OF

ASTROLOGY

In al-Birunfs time Astrology, already a fully developed

system, had a strong hold on people's mind. Muslim theo-

logians and philosophers were generally opposed to its
claims, but the Astronomers commonly supported its
theory and adopted its practice as part and parcel of their
profession. Many Muslim rulers believed in its efficiency
and patronized their Astronomers equally for their know-
ledge ofAstrology. So generally speaking both Astronomy
and Astrology went hand in hand in those days .

The Mulims, however, enriched their system of Astro-

logy by combining and harmonizing the various elements
derived from the Iranian, Indian, Greek and other sour-
ces. This is not a place to write the interesting history of
Astrology amongst the Muslims or in the Medieval
Europe, which borrowed its entire system from the for-
mer. Only one point needs stressing. The Muslims appear
to have taken Astrology rather seriously and almost in a

scientific spirit and given it a respectable form, by press-

ing in its service their knowledge of Spherical Trigono-
metry and Mathematics. In their hands it thus became a
highly complicated and technical system .

I Thereis absolutely no doubt that al-Birunl was -tho-

roughly versed in |he theoretical a^id practical aspects of
Astrology and wrote a number of times on it. The titles
of his books in this particular line may be gleaned from

his own list of A.H. 427. Kitdbu't-Tafhlm, (extant both in

the Arabic and Persian versions), is the best surviving
work, the latter half of which is- devoted to Astrology,

while his Tamhidul-Mustaqarr, published by the Daira,

deals exclusively with a single topic of Astrological import
called mamarr, i.e., the passage of one Planet over the
other, which also forms in a brief manner the subject

matter of Chapter X of the last Maqala. In al-Qdnun,

al-Biruni confines himself to the methods of Spherical
Trigonometry and Mathematics, deemed indispensible for
determining the movements and relative positions of the
heavenly bodies, on which are based all the results of
Astrological import. In this limited range also he claims
several new methods of his own .

Of all the Muslim Astronomers his attitude to Astro-

logy ismost clear and definite. He repeats his views again
and again in his various books. The last section of

at-Tafhlm pertaining to Astrology opens with the remark

that for most people it is the highest product of the whole
Mathematical science. He, however, ranges himself with

the minority -i.e., those who do not hold this opinion

(P- 3i6).

In other places in the same book he is very hard

upon those who practised Astrology and preyed on the
Ixiv
ignorance of the people. It also appears that he did not
consider most of them as even fully informed in their
difficult subject and warns the people to be on their
guard against their sharp practices (p. 360).

He had a special book on this topic called

In his Kitdbu't-Tahdid (p. 324), he pronounces a similar

verdict against the whole system itself.

"The system of predictions in Astrology rests on

totally absurd principles, weak deductions, contradictory

guesses and merest assumptions, opposed to certainties " .

It is, therefore, certain that, like his illustrious contem-
porary and friend Ibn Sina, al-Birum was totally oppos-
ed to Alchemy and Astrology. The most eloquent testi-
mony of the views on the latter is, however, available in
the opening passage (p. 1354) of the last Maqala where
al-Birum says :-

"This science (of Astronomy ) to which this book is

devoted is absolutely self-sufficient in its own excellent
principles. But the heart of those people, who cannot
conceive of any joy except in the things that can save
them from bodily pain, and of any gain except in the
wordly boons, are not attracted and are even inimical to
it and its votaries. This was the reason that led the ancient
Ixv
thinkers to connect the events of the world with the

Astronomical propositions and thereby establish the in-

fluence ofthe heavenly bodies in a delusive manner, and
thus devise the bases for the principles governing the fore-
cast of the future occurences and persuade the people to
accept Astrology as the very fruit (of Astronomical
science). This those thinkers did to gain their following,
knowing that the masses are greedy to learn the means
whereby they can derive benefit, avoid harm, ward off

disgrace and avert biting calamities".

From a personal anecdote in his al-Fihrist we learn

that at the time of his serious illness in A.H. 422 he con-
sulted the Astrologers to find out the remaining years of
his life, but, to his utter disappointment^ they hopelessly
differed amongst themselves and produced altogether con-
flicting and even impossible results (p. 41).

It is, however, very curious that in subsequent times

he was rated as the greatest Muslim Astrologer and some
evidently false anecdotes, like those in the Persian work

Chahar Maqalah, (written in the middle of the 6th. cen-

tury), were invented to show his greatness as a most
wonderful Astrologer.

I do not propose to enter here into further details of

the various topics relating to the calculation of the 12

celestial domus (ojj), the juxtaposition with reference

to the signs of the Zodiac, the contiguity of the planets

in their longitudes and latitudes, the casting of horos-

copes, the ascension, and declension of the planets and the
passage of one planet over the other etc. These matters
Ixvi
were too difficult and complicated to find place in the
earlier and more elementry book, at-Tafhtm, which is
very much suited for those who are interested in Astro-
logy as a profession. But you could never know his great-
ness even as a perfect master of Astrology, unless you
have studied his last Maqala, wherein he has undertaken
to enunciate the universally admitted bases on which was
raised the enormous structure of Astrological practices .

We sample out here two themes of general interest

forming the subject-matter of the last chapters of the

book.

The first deals with the theory of the Qirans (ol'lji)

the conjunction of the Planets, an idea which had origi-
nated in the land of ancient Iran. The Astrologers set a
great store by this theory, which, they claimed, helped
them in predicting important public events and careers
of men born under such conjunctions. Of these, the con-
junction ofSaturn and Jupiter were considered as the
most auspicious.

was supposed to take place at the end of twenty years,

the second, more in use, 240 years and the third 960 years.
al-Biruni points out that even according to the works of
the ancient Persian Astronomers, who carried out their
calculations on the basis of 360 days for a year, the first
should take place, not in 20 years, but in 19 years,
3 months and 26 days, and even much less, according
to the solar year of more than 365 days, as calculated by
Ixvii
Ptolemy and the Indian Siddhantas.

"This/' says al-Biruni, "I mention to warn you against

the ravings and patchings of these Astrologers on account

of their love of the number '12' in respect of the con-

junctions".

oliitJtj ol'LUl j^US 0 JCJ lift ojf :> Ul j

These Astrologers were, of course, extremely displeased

by his criticism of their favourite theory, but, as rightly

remarked by al-Biruni, 'truth does not follow our wishes . '

Om u*) <sj^
The last chapter deals with the Millenia and other

Astrological periods. Here he has offered some very pun-

gent remarks, which are, perhaps, equally applicable to
our times, in which there is no dearth of hypothesis
relating to the beginning of our universe and its other
component parts.
He makes no secret of his views that the Iranian and

Indian systems of calculating the beginnings of the Uni-

verse, the Earth and the Human race and assigning them

cycles of thousands or other specified periods, are all un-

certain guesses, based on no demonstrable data. On the
other hand he believes that such beginnings are alto-
gether unknown and the human reason is incapable of
precisely determining or describing such events .

Traditional lore and religious books differ hopelessly

Ixviii
and even the Quran is silent on this particular point.
The Indian system of periodic revolutions of the heaven-
ly bodies is full of inconsistencies and rests merely on the
ancient traditions. The same is true of the theory of con-
junction ofall the heavenly bodies in the beginning, and
previous to all the subsequent events in the Universe.
He, therefore, rejects all such speculations one by one
and contents himself in the end to narrate what the

Iranians and Indians had to say on this subject :-

CONCLUDING REMARKS

In a work of such vast dimensions and rich contents

it is not easy to pick and chose. I do not claim to have

exhausted or even copiously utilised the inexhaustible
store of materials in this work. My main idea has been to
demonstrate the value of this book even to a layman.
I have, therefore, avoided the more complicated or techni-
cal matters which I thought belong to the domain of a
highly specialised scholar. I, however, believe that the
best course for any one would be to select a limited theme
at one time and work on it in a detailed and exhaustive

manner, e.g., by taking up the Prolegomena dealing with

the first principles, or anyone of the subsequent parts rela-
ting to Chronology and Calendar, Geography, the Solar,
Lunar or Planetary theories, the stars and so forth. The
space and time at my disposal have permitted me only a
very brief treatment of the themes chosen for this study,
which was being carried out the same time that the book
Ixix
was passing through the press. I, therefore, earnestly beg
my readers to overlook its imperfections and shortcom-
ings. However, I hope, in the words of Ibn Sina in the

preface of his al-Qdnun on Medicine :-

to renew in the near future my labour on a much larger

scale, if God spares me life and good luck favours me to
do so.

After its publication the most important thing in my

opinion would be al-Qdnun s translation and annotation

in some modern language of international status on the

lines of the great Italian savant C. Nallino's unrivalled

performance in the Latin language in connection with

al-Battanl's work. In al-Biruni's case a still wider know-

ledge of the sciences, languages and history would be
necessary, besides the fact that he is rather a difficult
writer who, while on his part does everything to furnish
the required proofs, demands at the same time an
extremely careful and exacting devotion to his work,
specially in this one intended for the most advanced
scholars.

This brings us to some of the most distinguishing and

original features of this work mentioned by the author
himself towards the end of his Preface, i.e., the particular
care he has taken to unravel the basic principles, to
demonstrate the propositions enunciated in the book,
to adduce the proofs of his deductions and to indicate his
personal observations and researches. These features, says

al-Biruni, were very much lacking in his predecessor's

Ixx
works and in his opinion, were indispensible to enable
the scholars to judge and check the results. For in a
growing science like Astronomy it is well nigh impossible
to overlook the work done by the former scholars. So he
gratefully benefited himself by the previous researches
and theories, but freely and fearlessly criticised where he
thought they had missed the mark or gone astray. The
whole passage on pages 4 and 5 is a true exposition of
his scientific method, consistently pursued in all his
works. He had already written very extensively to furnish
the missing proofs for the researches of the leading
Astronomers like al-Khwarazmi, H abash, al-Farghani

and Abii-Ma'shar, and the Indian compilers of the

Siddhantas, Karana-Khand-Khandayaka etc. (cf. his al-
Fihrist, pp. 30,32 & 43 ). His firm belief in the laws of
nature, his insistence on continuous observations and
collection of reliable data and the successful application
of all these principles, mark him out as one of the greatest
exponents of the true scientific method .

Another important aspect of this work needs emphasis.

During the five or six years that had elapsed after the
completion of his Indica in A.H. 422, al-Biruni had gone
further ahead with his Indian studies. His most exhaus-
tive work of 1 100 pages exclusively devoted to the Indian
Astronomy :-

% jj oo*
is apparently lost. It would, therefore, be necessary to
elucidate his special debt to the Indian Astronomers, for
Ixxi
there is no doubt that in some parts, like the Solar and

Lunar theories and the Eclipses, they had worked inde-

pendently and even surpassed the Greek Astronomers.
On the other hand it would be worth-while, although not
so easy, except by indirect reasoning, to trace the influ-
ence that his own works in Sanskrit exerted on the con-
temporary or subsequent Indian Astronomy. For, while
seeking enlightenment from the Indian sources, he on his
part loved to pay back his debt by introducing the
Indians to the principles of Muslim Astronomy at its best

period .

If al-Biruni was lucky^n his life in having some enligh-

tened and even learned patrons, he is no less lucky now
after his death in having an illustrious patron of his

works in Maul ana Abu'l-Kalam Azad, to whose worthy

name the present edition of the book has been rightly
dedicated. For I know from my personal experience the
unlimited admiration he has got for al-Biruni and his
works and even found time during his busy life as the
Education Minister of India to contribute some apprecia-
tive articles of his own on al-Biruni.

The publication of this marvellous work would indeed

be an event in the field of scientific studies. It was the

ambition of many savants and learned bodies to bring

out a complete edition of this book. More than 40 years

ago, when I published the First edition of my " Life of

al-Birum," in Urdu and some 12 years after, its Second
edition, M.A.O. College, Aligarh was hoping to bring out
the text and translation of al-Qdnun. But unfortunately
Ixxii
 nothing came out of those labours, except the preparation
of a transcript from the beautiful and precious ^manuscript
of A.H. 562, then belonging to the Imperial Library,
Calcutta, and the careful comparison with the photo-

stat of the oldest,1) [Or. 516 Bodl. ] but incomplete,

manuscript in Oxford and a much more recent copy which
originally belonged to Syed Mahmud, the illustrious scion
of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, the founder of that famous
institution. The transcript then prepared and some abor-
tive attempts at its translation in Urdu, should still be in
the keeping of the University Library.

The Dairatu'l-Ma'arif-il-Osmania at Hyderabad -Dn

deserves to be congratulated for bringing out a standard
edition of the whole text, which, I hope, should serve as a
basis for all the future researches relating to this book .

A word of caution is, however, necessary to add here

for the benefit of those who would like to undertake the

study of the parts or the whole of al-Qdnun or even a

single topic therefrom. They should as a rule compare the
text of the printed parts of this edition with some of the

best available *) manuscripts, and go even a step further to

check the results, for in a work like this where the author
has generally resorted to the system of numeration by
means of the Arabic letters, and very sparingly by the
Indian numerals, no text of such a big magnitude, full of
innumerable minutae, can, inspite of the care bestowed
by its editors, remain totally immune from errors and
misprints. In his times al-Biruni himself had to face

1) See supra for descriptions "Conspectus of the Extant Mss of the Qanun"p. 14
Ixxiii
and tackle similar difficulties in the manuscripts. And,
moreover, even the best Mathematicians commit mistakes
in their calculations and we know that al-Biruni was no
exception. See, for instance, the various corrections of
this kind that the learned editor and translator of the

Indica had to make in his English notes with the help of

a great Mathematician of his times .

Some other valuable works of al-Biruni exist in good

manuscripts and deserve early publication. To one of
these, I would particularly draw attention here. It is the
autograph, or at least a contemporaneous copy of al-

Biruni's Kitdbut-Tahdld^ dated A.H. 416, which in my

opinion should be published in photographs, for it would
serve as a beautiful palaeographical souvenir of the early
5th century of the Muslim era. I am really very much
indebted to the learned Director of the Daira and the

Chief-Editor of al-Qdnun for procuring for me its microfilm

from the Fateh Library in Istanbul . The work by itself

constitutes one of the smaller masterpieces of al-Biruni,

written soon after his arrival at Ghaznah in A.H. 410, i.e.,
after his release from detention in the fort of Nandna.

Another minor work of special interest is. al-Istidb on

Astrolabes, which exists in several good manuscripts in
Iran and other countries.

These and all other available works of al-Biruni may,

one after the other, be taken up by the Daira under the

care of its present Director, Dr. M. Nizamu'd-Dm, whose

knowledge and experience are only equalled by his love
of learning, specially where the East is concerned. As for
Ixxiv
 myself, I am further indebted to him. for furnishing me
with the instalments of the book in the course of its prin-
ting, suggesting some excellent formal and verbal modifi-
cations in the typed copy of my article and eventually
relieving me to a large extent in correcting its proofs for
the press.

And above all I thank God that I have been able to

complete this work which I had undertaken as a labour

of love in honour of an author whom I have always con-
sidered as one of the greatest and best that the world has
produced or would produce in the future. For as we know
more and more of his works we are bound with the pass-
age of time to bestow on him still greater honours that
are reserved only for the elite of our human race.

Hasan Manzil, "\

Bulandshahr, U.P., > Syed Hasan Barani
Friday, the 15th June, 1956 J

Ixxv
 CORRIGENDA

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iv 1. 26
delete 'to' between the Buwaihids & semi-independent.
vi 1.1 22 had set up
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xviii 1. 7-9

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