British Rule in India: 1750-1950
British Rule in India: 1750-1950
Arts(HISTORY) GE-II
UNDER CHOICE BASED CREDIT SYSTE
G.E-II
HISTORY OF INDIA - II (1750-1950)
By the mid-18th century, the Mughal Empire, which had once controlled most of the Indian sub-
continent, was in a state of collapse as native Indian and European states attempted to carve out
their own political and economic power bases.
The East India Company was one of these competing powers. While battling the French for
trading supremacy, it simultaneously began to involve itself in local politics, especially in Bengal,
India’s richest province.
The Bengali ruler Siraj-ud-Daulah had been in dispute with the Company for some time. A year
before the Battle of Plassey, when the Company refused to halt military preparations against the
French following the outbreak of the Seven Years War (1756-63), he had attacked and captured
its stronghold of Fort William in Calcutta (Kolkata).
Shortly after Fort William's surrender, Siraj confined a number of prisoners in a small dungeon.
One British survivor’s account states that 123 of the 146 prisoners died in the crush.
The ‘Black Hole of Calcutta’ subsequently proved to be a useful justification for British revenge
and conquest. It has been the subject of much controversy ever since.
By February 1757 the Company and the British Army had won Calcutta back. The following
month Robert Clive seized the French fort of Chandernagore.
In the spring of 1757 the opposing armies skirmished and squared off in a series of minor
engagements.
Eyre Coote, later Commander-in-Chief in India, was a captain serving with the 39th Foot during
Clive's Bengal expedition, c1779
Eyre Coote, later Commander-in-Chief in India, was a captain serving with the 39th Foot during
Clive's Bengal expedition, c1779
Regime change On learning that Siraj was negotiating with the French, the Company decided a
change of regime was needed to achieve its political and financial goals. It was not alone in
wanting Siraj gone. Mahtab Rai, head of the Jagat Seth Bengal banking family, was concerned
that the Nawab would seize the Seth's huge wealth for his own ends.
The Jagat Seths and Clive therefore secretly offered to make one of Siraj’s army commanders,
Mir Jafar, the new nawab of Bengal, if Siraj was defeated in battle. On 23 June 1757 Mir Jafar got
his chance at Plassey.
The armies
Siraj-ud-Daulah (1733-57) commanded around 50,000 men, including 16,000 cavalry. He also
had 50 field guns, a combination of 32-, 24- and 18-pounders. Officers on loan from the French
commanded this artillery.
Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Clive (1725-74) commanded the British force. Formerly a writer
(clerk), Clive had switched to the Company’s military service and his tactical flair and personal
bravery had earned him rapid promotion and a great personal fortune.
His army was about 3,000-strong, including 2,100 Indian sepoys (infantry) and about 800
Europeans. The latter included the 1st Madras European Regiment and 600 Crown troops from
the 39th Regiment. Clive had only ten field guns and two small howitzers.
In the race of establishing colony and empire in India, the other three Europeans like Portuguese,
Dutch and French could not compete with the mighty British. Though the Dutch, the French and
the English all had their settlements in Bengal, yet the English settlements were in the best
position. The English succeeded against the Nawab and that made them not only the masters of
the provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa but also provided them the capacity to eliminate the
French from the politics of India and by gradual process to gain the control of the Indian
subcontinent. Thus, the foundation and expansion of British rule in India started with the conquest
of Bengal which was completed after fighting two battles against the Nawabs of Bengal like (1)
the Battle of Plassey and (2) the Battle of Buxar.
Political condition of Bengal on the eve of the Battle of Plassey
Bengal has always been a prosperous province and rich and fertile in production. During this
period the province consisted of not only of Bengal but that of Bihar and Orissa. The political
developments in Bengal following the death of Aurangzeb provided a suitable condition to led the
foundation of British empire in India and its further expansion. Murshid Quli Khan, who was
appointed as the Diwan of Bengal, remained at the helm of affairs till his death. Murshid Quli
Khan shifted his capital from Dacca to a place which, after him, was named as Murshidabad.
After his death, his son-in-law Suja Khan governed the province till 1739. He was succeeded by
Sarfraz Khan.
Alivardi Khan
During this period Alivardi Khan, the Deputy of the Nawab of Bihar, managed to kill Sarfraj
Khan by a plot. Thereafter, he occupied the throne of Bengal and proclaimed himself the Nawab
with a formal permission from Mohammad Shah, the titular emperor of Delhi.
Alivardi Khan was a capable administrator and under him Bengal greatly prospered, so much so,
that it was regarded as the "Paradise of India." He was an able ruler and kept the foreign
companies under control. He never permitted them to fortify their settlements in Bengal. Bengal
was the paradise of India for various reasons. (1) While the rest of India was distracted by
fratricidal wars, (2) Marathas invasion, (3) Jat uprisings, (4) and Northern India was devastated by
the invasions of Nadir Shah, Bengal had remained almost tranquil. The Marathas, raids (1742-52)
had, indeed, been a painful episode, for Orissa had to be ceded to them. During the early part of
the 18th century there had been a phenomenal growth of trade in Bengal. Progress in trade,
industry and agriculture stimulated banking, as is illustrated by the rise of Jagat Seth. In the sad
picture of dependence and bankruptcy which India presented, Bengal was the only bright spot
where prosperity prevailed. The foreigners who lived amidst the people had studied closely the
strength and weakness of the system. They entertained a very poor opinion of the Indian rulers’
power. However, Alivardi Khan appears to have had a dim awareness of this weakness.
Siraj-ud-daula
Nawab Sirajudaula was a young lad of twenty when he succeeded the throne of Bengal after the
death of Alivardi Khan.
By this time the Mughal empire had already collapsed and the East India Company had
established its roots very strongly. Hence, the throne of Bengal did not prove to be a bed of roses
for Sirajuddaula . The British merchants continued to subject him to problems. Sirajuddaula had
to face various difficulties. His relations opposed his succession, but Sirajuddaula faced all these
consiparacies boldly and succeeded in maintaing his Nawabship by his ability. Looking at this, he
directed his attention towards the British in order to supress his rivals. The conflict between
Sirajuddaula and the British reached its climax with battle of Plassey which was fought in 1757.
There were several causes which led to the outbreak of the battle of Plassey are given bellow.
1. Personality of Sirajuddaula
Alivardi died in 1756 and his grandson (Daughter's son) Siraj ascended the throne of Bengal
which created problem for him. Sirajuddaula was a weak youth with a violent temperament and an
unpleasant reputation. He was an incompetent and vain youth of twenty. According to J. N.
Sarkar, "He came to his long assigned throne in a house divided against itself, with a hostile
faction in the army and a disaffected subject population." Siraj was not the ruler the time needed.
In the words of P. E. Roberts, "Siraj was a youth with all the weaknesses and vices so often met
with the harem reared princes of the East." However, he desired to use his powers as a ruler as
effectively as were used by his predecessors while the English, emboldened by their success
against the French in the South India, desired to engage themselves in fresh adventures and,
therefore refused to accept his authority. He felt that the English not only refusing to obey his
commands, but, probably intriguing with his enemies against him.
2. Internal conflict
The succession of Siraj was not undisputed. He was the son of the youngest daughter of Alivardi
Khan, so he had to face a great deal of opposition from Saukat Jang, the son of Alivardi's second
daughter. Saukat Jang raised revolt against Siraj at Purnea in collaboration with Alivardi's eldest
daughter Ghasiti Begum and her Diwan Rajballabh. Ghasiti Begum wanted to place his adopted
child on the throne. His cousin and Subedar of Purnea, Saukat Jung also aspired for the throne.
Mir Zafar, brother-in-law of the late Nawab and Commander-in-Chief of the army was yet another
aspirant He removed Ghasiti Begum to his own palace and kept her under surveillance. Shaukat
Jang was silenced for the time being by a mere show of threat. Although all these contenders had
easily submitted before the new Nawab, he was suspicious of the intrigues against him and felt
that the English were also a party to them.
The behaviour of the English was quite suspicious. The Company did not give due recognition to
the authority of the Nawab. They did not give presents to the Nawab as was the custom at the time
of his coronation. At one time, the English refused him to give permission to visit their factory.
The English could see the military weakness of the Indian rulers including [Link]
Anglo-French struggle in Carnatic wars had shown the military and political weakness of the
Indian rulers. Their success and stronghold in the south encouraged them to establish British rule
in Bengal.
The East India Company had very strongly fortified Calcutta. When Siraj-Ud-Daula came to
power he asked both the French and the British Companies to demolish their fortifications.
Whereas the French complied with the instructions the East India Company did not, on the plea
that this defensive fortification was needed to save establishment from possible French attack. The
Nawab was, however, not satisfied with this argument and he decided to completely expel the
Britishers out of Bengal. His argument that the Company was only a trading Company carrying on
trade under his protection and needed no fortification but that did not cut any ice with the East
India Company.
9. Weakness and unpopularity of the Nawab
The English wanted to take advantage of the new Nawab's weakness and unpopularity and seize
power, if possible. In fact for some years past the English were aware of the rattan condition of
Bengal, had become restive and were keen to throw off restrictions placed upon them by Alivardi
Khan. By the middle of the 18th century, the English traders in India, and more particularly in
Bengal, had formed vague ambition for territorial acquisition, which they thought desirable in the
interest of their commercial enterprise, if not in the ultimate object of their policy in India. Siraj
felt the necessity of putting a curb on the activities of the English, if not of driving them out with
bag and baggage from India. So, Siraj-ud-daula decided to teach them (the English) a lesson and
to launch an attack upon their political settlement of Calcutta.
The condition of Bengal on the eve of the battle of Buxar was troublesome. The battle of Buxar
fought between the East India Company and the confederacy of Mir Qasim , Shuja-ud-Daula, the
Nawab of Oudh and Shah Alam II, the Mughal Emperor, was won by the company and it decided
not only the fate of Bengal but also the fate of whole India.
Mir Jaffar had come on the throne with the help of the East India Company and for all practical
purposes he was puppet in their hands. The Company and its servants financially exploited him
and received bribes from him as well. Mir Jaffar, however, did not prove to be a competent
Nawab. He could not manage the affairs of the state. The people were dissatisfied with him. All
those officers who found favours with the English continued to occupy high posts in spite of the
wishes of the Nawab not to continue with them.
The servants and officers of the Company wanted to remove him, so that they could exploit the
new Nawab and bargain with him. But as long as Clive was in India he did not allow any change
and Mir Jaffar continued to be the Nawab. Situation, however, changed in 1760 when Clive left
India and Holwell succeeded him for some-time. He had no liking for Mir Jaffar and wanted to
remove him from the position of Nawabship. He found support from his servants, who were ever
willing to see him off. He proposed Mir Jaffar to hand over nawabship to Mir Qasim and himself
become his deputy. This was not acceptable to the Nawab. There upon Mir Jaffar was called to
Murad Bagh where he was charged with many offences. It was alleged that he was conspiring
with the Dutch and also that he was cruel to his subjects. Other allegations against him were that
he was mismanaging the affairs of theprovince and violating the treaty concluded by him with the
East India company. He was, therefore, suggested to leave the throne and hand that over to Mir
Qasim. The Nawab found himself helpless. He was not even allowed to go to his palace. He was
thus forced to abdicate the throne as a helpless person. Mir Jaffar had to remain satisfied only with
a small pension.
Mir Qasim: Mir Qasim became the new Nawab in 1760. The new Nawab signed a treaty with the
Company by which it was provided that:
The Company will be given the districts of Chittagong, Burdwan and Midnapur;
He will clear all the arrears payable to the Company which the old Nawab had failed to
clear;
He will pay Rs. 5lakhs to the Company to meet the expenses which the latter had to incur
in Camatic war;
He also agreed to pay £ 530,000 to Vansittart, £ 27,000 to Holwell and £ 25,000 to other
members of Calcutta Council.
Causes of the battle of Buxar
After his coming to power, he attempted all that was necessary in the interest of the state. Mir
Qasim proved himself as an able ruler. He properly managed all state affairs and discharged his all
obligations towards the Company.
Personality of Mir Qasim
He was a man of strong character. He had been the Faujdar of Purnea and Rangpur and thus
possessed an administrative character. He could remove incompetent officers of the days of
previous Nawab. He suppressed the rebellion of the jagirdars which was continuing from the days
of Mir Jaffar.
Administrative measures taken by Mir Qasim
He forced all officers who had earned ill gotten money during the days of Mir Jaffar to deposit
with him. Not only this but in order to put the treasury on sound footings he took several economy
measures and reduced palace and court expenses. He even imposed several new taxes. He began
to pay full salaries to the soldiers and the employees, so that they remained satisfied. In order to
reduce the influence of the Company he shifted his capital from Murshidabad to Monghyr. He
ensured that his soldiers were well equipped, trained and disciplined and accordingly made all
arrangements for their training on European model. He set up factories to manufacture arms. In
fact, he wanted to exert himself as a Nawab independent and sovereign. He was not prepared to
accept the position of a puppet in the hands of East India Company. This situation was not
acceptable to the Company which wanted a ruler who played to their tunes and was prepared to
surrender whenever they want.
The conflict for sovereign power
The primary cause of conflict between Mir Qasim and the English was the question as to who was
the real power in the state? Since the Company wanted to have puppet on the throne and Mir
Qasim was not prepared to accept that position, conflict between the two became inevitable.
Bitterness on the issue of Shah Allam II
It was during this period that Mughal Emperor Alamgir II was murdered and his son Shah Alam II
declared himself as new Emperor. He was then in Bihar. The Company wanted to recognise the
new Emperor and get some concessions from him. One possible concession was subedari or
Nawabship of Bengal. The Company desired Mir Qasim to accept Shah Alam as the new Emperor
but the former refused to do. Main reason for refusal was that if he recognised Shah Alam II as
Emperor and the latter agreed to hand over Subedari of Bengal to the Company, his position will
be reduced to nothingness. The Nawab was not prepared to accept this situation. This, however,
resulted in bitterness between the Nawab and the Company.
Importance of the Battle of Buxar
The battle of Buxar was very important in the history of modern India. It proved an important
turning point for the company. The process of conquest of Bengal which was started at Plassey
was virtually completed at Buxar. It not only added to the influence of the English in Bengal, but
also enabled them to bring the North- West frontier of the Subah also under their control. The
English power began to grow. In 1765 Awadh also came under the English influence. The Nawab
of Bengal now retained a mere outward show of independence.
Political significance
The new Nawab became a puppet in the hands of the English. The Mughal emperor became a
pensioner. The whole territory from Bengal to Allahabad lay at the feet of the company and the
road to Delhi open.
De facto ruler of Bengal
The English now became the de facto ruleer of Bengal. In July 1763, they had placed Mir Zafar
on the masnad. He reimposed trade-tax on Indian merchants and gave huge amount of money to
English to fight the battle ofBuxar, He died on February 5, 1765. The English then raised his
minor son Najm-ud-daula on the masnad of Bengal. The new Nawab surrendered the right of
nominating his officials to the English and also dismissed his ann)'. Thus, he became solely
dependent on the English for all administrative and military matters.
CONQUEST OF MYSORE
In Mysore the Company had to fight four wars with Mysore. The First Mysore War was fought
between the Company and Hyder Ali between 1767-69, the second between Hyder Ali and the
Company between 1780-84 when Warren Hastings was the Governor General; the third war was
between the Company and Tipu Sultan (1790-92) when Lord Cornwallis was the Governor
General of India and the last one between Tipu Sultan and the Company in 1799 during the days
of Governorship of Lord Wellesley.
First Mysore War (1766-69)
Mysore was originally a part of the Hindu kingdom of Vijaynagar. It became independent under a
Hindu Raja of Wodeyar dynasty after the disaster which befell the Vijaynagar empire in the battle
of Talikota in 1565. In due course of time the state of Mysore state became quite powerful in
South India.
Hyder Ali
The state of Mysore had its own history. It was then being ruled by Hyder Ali, who was born in
the state at Budikot in 1721. His father was in the service of Hindu ruler of the State as Faujdar.
He was also jagirdar of Budikot. After the death of his father in 1728, Hyder Ali got a job in the
army under King Krishna Raj. At that time his Minister Nand Raj was an effective person and in
fact defacto head of the state. He rose to prominence during Karnataka war. Chance as it would
have been he could lay hand on a part of the treasurer of Nasir lung, the Nizam of Hyderabad.
With the help of this money he recruited soldiers and gave them good training. He also could
capture few cannons during Mysore's invasion of Trichnopoly. Gradually he began to rise both in
prestige and position. In 1755 he became Faujdar of Dindigul. Thereafter he began to make rapid
strides towards his rise and in 1761 he became the de-facto ruler of the state. He took full
advantage of weaknesses and mutual conflicts of the Nizam, the Marathas and the East India
Company with the French Company and added several territories to Mysore and made several
neighbouring chiefs to accept his over lordship. In 1766 after the death of his Hindu master he
became the ruler of the state.
In 1761 Hyder Ali became de-facto ruler of the state and his rise obviously was not tolerated
either by Nizam or by the Marathas. In 1764 Peshwa Madhav Rao invaded and defeated him. In
1765 he signed a treaty of peace with him by which he surrendered some territories to him. He
also agreed to pay him annually Rs. 28 lakhs as Chauth, though he did not pay that for long. The
Nizam however, felt that it will be wise for him to join the English to deal with Hyder Ali. It was
this league which resulted in the outbreak of First Anglo-Mysore war.
Circumstances Leading First Mysore War (1766-1769) :
The rise of Hyder Ali was becoming very powerful in Mysore and this was intolerable not only
for the English but also for Nizam and the Marathas. The English feared that Hyder Ali had some
evil designs in Carnatic and as such the English, the Marathas and the Nizam entered into an
understanding to check the rising of Hyder Ali.
Course of Events
Nizam with the help of English forces attacked Hyder All, but not much success could be
achieved. Hyder Ali on his part alienated the Marathas from the English and Hyderabad by paying
them Rs. 35 Lakhs. Nizam also came to terms with Hyder Ali. The English were defeated by the
combined forces of the Nizam and Hyder Ali near Trichnopoly. At Trichnopoly combined forces
of Colonel Smith and Colonel Wood again faced the combined armies in December 1767 and
planned to attack Hyderabad. When Nizam came to know that Hyderabad was in danger, he left
Hyder Ali and signed treaty at Massaulipatnam with the English in March 1768. By this he agreed
that Hyder Ali was a usurper and not legitimate ruler of Mysore. He also agreed that the English
shall have the right to collect Diwani of Mysore once Hyder Ali was defeated. He will also help
the English and also the Nawab of Karnataka in punishing Hyder Ali. The Nizam also agreed to
the terms of the previous treaty signed with the English.
The effect of the treaty was that Hyder AIi now had to face the English all alone. It was now clear
to the former that the latter was bent upon eliminating him, It was clear that the English wanted to
collect the Diwani of Mysore. But in spite of all this Hyder Ali did not feel discouraged. He
defeated the English forces which came from Bombay and occupied Mangalore. In March 1769
he attacked Madras and reached the vicinity of the city. This forced the Company to sign a treaty
with Hyder Ali, which was concluded on April 4, 1769.
Results of First Anglo-Mysore
By this treaty both the parties agreed to return each other's conquered territories and also
the prisoners of war.
Both also agreed to help each other in case third party invaded anyone of them.
Hyder Ali also agreed to hand over the district of Karur to the Nawab of Karnataka.
Thus, the First Anglo-Mysore war came to an end. It was hoped that both the parties would have
friendly relations with each for at least for some time but even that did not happen. Second
Mysore War (1780-84)
After the conclusion of First Mysore war it appeared that good relations between Mysore and East
India Company would continue and both shall live in peace with each other but soon these hopes
got shattered.
Circumstances of Second Mysore War (1780-84)
Certain circumstances had annoyed the Marathas, Nizam of Hyderabad and Hyder Ali against the
Britishers and thus brought them once again together.
(1) In so far as Hyder Ali was concerned in 1771 the Marathas invaded him. Under the treaty
it was obligatory for the English Company to come to the help of Hyder Ali but that did
not happen. Hyder Ali had to face the Marathas single handed and was defeated by them.
This very much annoyed Hyder Ali but still he tolerated that and did not disturb his
friendly relations with the Company. In addition, when the war against the Marathas was
going on, Bombay Government of East India did not provide him necessary war material
which very much annoyed him. The English captured Guntur to the much disliking of
Hyder Ali. In addition he was also annoyed with the English because of their capturing
Mahe, which was under his possession. He was, therefore, on the lookout of an
opportunity when he could take revenge of this defeat and violation of treaty.
(2) The Nizarn was equally not happy with the English. Under the treaty obligations the
Company was to pay an annual amount of Rs. 7 lakhs to the Nizarn which, however, it did
not pay. Then another point of irritation with the Nizam was that the English had taken
away Guntur district from Basalat Jang, one of his relatives. They also helped the Nawab
of Karnataka in capturing Tanjore, which Nizam did not like.
(3) The Marathas were as well unhappy with the English because the Company was un-
necessarily interfering in their affairs.
(4) The result of these annoyances was that all the three combined together to fight against the
English Company and the strategy developed was that there would be three prolonged
attack on the English. The Marathas would attack from Berar and Madhya Pradesh, Nizarn
from Northern Circars and Hyder Ali will launch an attack on Madras and the
neighbouring territories.
Course of Events
The war broke out in 1780 when Hyder Ali with a strong army of 83,000 soldiers and 100
cannons entered Kamataka and started looting. He also defeated English armies under Col. Baillie
and captured Arcot. It was at this stage that the Company Governor General Lord Warren
Hastings acted diplomatically and tried to break confederacy which they felt was real danger to
their position of superiority in India. They gave Guntur back to the Nizam of Hyderabad and thus
satisfied him. His point of irritation having been removed, he withdrew silently from the
confederacy. They could also successfully persuade the Marathas to withdraw their support from
Hyder Ali. This left Hyder Ali all alone. It was really unfortunate for India that at this critical time
both the Nizarn of Hyderabad and the Marathas withdrew their support from Hyder Ali.
In spite of all this Hyder Ali continued war single handed. In 1781, he was defeated at Porto Novo
by the English armies under the Command of Sir Eyre Coote. But Hyder Ali's son Tipu Sultan
defeated the English at Tanjore. Meantime Hyder Ali with French support could capture
Cuddalore and Trincomali which were under English possessions. Thereafter Hyder Ali died on
December 7, 1782.
The war continued by his able son and successor Tipu Sultan after the death of his father. He
defeated the English forces commanded by Brig. Mathews which were advancing to capture
Mangalore. But in 1783 in Europe both Britain and France reached some understanding and the
French in India decided to withdraw their support from Tipu Sultan. This very much weakened
Sultan position. This also provided a good opportunity to the English to capture both Coimbatore
and Palghat. The English forces then .proceeded towards Srirangapatnam, the Capital city of
Mysore, but Governor of Madras decided to recall these due to financial difficulties.
Now both the sides were in a mood to sign some treaty. The English were faced with serious
financial difficulties and Tipu Sultan was not only feeling all alone but also got exhausted of
fighting single handed. The two therefore concluded a treaty namely Treaty of Mangalore.
The Treaty of Mangalore :
The treaty was concluded on March 7, 1784 By this both the parties agreed to return each other's
conquered territories and also the prisoners of war. The war thus ended but at the time of
conclusion of the treaty it was clear that both the parties would soon have another contest for
supremacy and that the present treaty was not permanent arrangement but only a respite for
gaining time to have another war. Thus, it was clear to both the parties that it was only a
temporary phase.
The Third Anglo-Mysore War ( 1790-92)
Second Anglo-Mysore war had come to an end because both the parties to the war were keen to
end it due to their own problems and limitations. But it was amply clear that Tipu Sultan was keen
to have his supremacy in Deccan. He was also keen to take revenge both from the Marathas and
the Nizam of Hyderabad for their leaving him in spite of their forming a confederacy. As regards
the English in spite of financial difficulties and decision of Board of Directors not to wage wars,
the Company wanted to expand in the South and crush the rising power of Tipu Sultan who was in
league with the French, the traditional rival and enemy of the British East India Company. So the
main question was that of establishing supremacy in the South rather than anything else. Tipu
Sultan is stated to have sent his ambassadors to France and Turkey to seek their help in his
struggle against the Company. This was intolerable for Lord Cornwall who decided to punish the
Sultan at the earliest opportunity.
The opportunity came when Tipu Sultan captured Nargund and Kittur which alarmed Lord
Cornwallis who decided that the enemy should be checked in the very begirming itself. But before
taking any step he wanted to be sure that the cooperation of both the Marathas and the Nizam of
Hyderabad was not available to Tipu so that the three did not form any confederacy to endanger
British position in Deccan.
He first of all approached Nizam and demanded that Guntur be returned to him though it was not
in keeping with the then prevailing policy of non-expansion of the Company. The Nizam agreed
to it on the condition that the Company will help him in getting back all his territories from Tipu
Sultan which had been conquered by his father Hyder Ali. The Company willingly agreed to it
and promised that as and when these territories were conquered these would be handed over to the
Nizam. Not only this but the English also agreed that the armed forces of the Company would be
made available to Nizam on the sole condition that these shall not be used against any friendly
state of the Company. In other words the forces will be used only for defensive and not for
offensive purposes. He also persuaded the Marathas not to help Tipu Sultan. He signed a treaty
with Marathas on June 1, 1790 and with Nizam on July 4, 1790 by which both agreed to help the
Company against Tipu Sultan.
Though the main burden of war fell on the English Company but Cornwallis was ready to bear it.
He was satisfied because at least both the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Marathas will not side
with Tipu Sultan and that he will have to fight war single handed. The English felt that now Tipu
could be contained.
The Course of the War: After having made these arrangements Cornwallis now remained on the
look out of an opportunity when he could deal with Tipu Sultan. The opportunity came when Tipu
decided to invade the Raja of Travancore, a friend of the Company and under its protection. The
Raja was giving protection to the enemies of the Tipu Sultan. In spite of the best efforts of Sultan
to deter the Raja of not doing so, he continued to give shelter to these people. The Raja had also
purchased two ports from the Dutch, which Tipu felt were within his territories. Not only this, but
he also built protective wall around these ports, which Tipu felt crossed his boundaries. Tipu
wanted to settle these disputes very peacefully but when he found that no reasonable solution was
insight, he invaded Travancore. It was sufficient an excuse for Cornwallis and he declared war on
Tipu in January, 1790. As per arrangement in the war Nizam of Hyderabad and the Marathas did
not take part and thus the English had to deal with Tipu Sultan all alone. Had both the Indian
forces sided with Tipu Sultan, the course of the events would have altogether been different.
British armies under General Medow could not achieve much. In December 1790, Lord
Cornwallis took the command of the English armies in his own hands.
In March 1791 the English captured Bangalore but had to relax their hold because food supplies,
etc., could not be promptly maintained. They also captured the forts of Bali Pur and Deolali.
Efforts made by Tipu to regain Bangalore absolutely failed. Tipu received a further set back when
at this critical time Nizam sent his forces to the help of the English. Thereafter,
British forces marched towards Srirangapatnam, the capital of Mysore and successfully reached
few miles away from it. Tipu, however, put up a tough resistance and British forces ran short of
war material and food supplies. These were thinking of retreating when Tipu learnt that Maratha
forces have joined the English forces against him. Thus, whereas the resources and the morale of
the English forces went up that of Tipu Sultan and his forces went down.
Tipu was now prepared to sign a peace treaty but Cornwallis was agreeable to it only if the Sultan
agreed to make both the Nizam as well as the Marathas a party, for which the former was not
ready. The war continued till Tipu exhausted his ammunition. Compelled by the circumstance
Tipu agreed to sign a peace treaty with the English.
The Treaty of Srirangapatnam:
The treaty of Srirangapatnam was concluded in March, 1792 which was definitely to the great
disadvantage of Tipu Sultan. He had to sign it under compelling circumstances. By this treaty the
Sultan agreed to surrender half of his territories. These were distributed among the three winning
partners as under:
The English got the territories of Baramahal, Salem, Dindigul and Malabar.
The Marathas received territories extending from river Krishna to Tungbhadra.
The Nizam got territories extending from river Krishna to Panna including the forts of
Cuddapah and Guji Kotah.
All the parties agreed that the English were the over-lord of Raja of Coorg. All the prisoners of
war who were in the custody of Mysore were to be returned. The English were also to be paid war
indemnity of Rs. three crores and thirty lakhs; half of which was to be immediately paid whereas
the remaining half was to be cleared in easy instalments. In order to ensure that
the Sultan did not break the terms of the treaty and was honest to what had been agreed, his two
sons were to remain as hostages with the English.
Thus the Third Mysore war came to an end which greatly crippled the strength of Tipu Sultan and
weakened his position considerably. It enhanced the prestige of the English and lowered that of
the native Sultan.
The Fourth Anglo-Mysore War (1799)
During Third Anglo-Mysore war Tipu Sultan had been badly defeated. He had to part with half of
his territories and pay heavy war indemnity.
Circumstances leading to the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War
Tipu Sultan was feeling badly humiliated and keen to take revenge of his defeat which he felt was
only because the Nizarn and the Marathas had not sided with him.
Steps taken by Tipu Sulatan
Tipu’s first obligation was to pay 50% of the unpaid war indemnity and get his two sons released,
who were taken as hostages, after the treaty. He did so very quickly and got his children released.
Thereafter, he started preparations for confrontation with the Company. He repaired all the forts
which had been damaged during the last war for future defence of Mysore. The capital city of
Srirangapatnam was both repaired and strongly fortified. He also increased the strength of his
army and cavalry and wanted to well train and equip that. He suppressed the revolt of all
rebellious chiefs.
He also started negotiations not only with the French but also with other foreign powers including
Arabia, Turkey and Afganistan. He even became a member of French Jacobin club. It is believed
that some French people arrived in the capital city of Srirangapatnam and planted tree of liberty
there. A small contingent of French soldiers arrived at Mangalore as well. In order to keep his
people satisfied the Sultan paid attention to trade and agriculture and improved both, so that the
people enjoyed prosperity and wealth, remained satisfied and cooperated with [Link] 1796 De
Jure Hindu Raja of Mysore died and Tipu instead of bringing his minor son on the throne,
declared himself as Sultan and in this way he ended the Hindu dynasty.
Measures taken by Lord Wellesley
It was a time when Lord Wellesley was the Governor General of East India Company in India. He
was a great expansionist and imperialist. He believed in the policy of expansion and thus quite
keen that the power of Tipu Sultan should be completely crushed. He wanted to end his
supremacy in the South. He felt that this was very essential to end French influence in South
India. Lord Wellesley had considered that the power of Tipu Sultan could be crushed only when
the cooperation of both Nizam of Hyderabad and the Marathas was available. He, therefore,
appealed both to sign peace treaty with him.
In September, 1798 Lord Wellesley entered into a treaty of alliance with Nizam of
Hyderabad. The Marathas, however, did not respond. But even then the Governor General assured
the Marathas that the Peshwa would get half the territory captured from Tipu. In this way the
Company won the friendship of Nizam and neutrality of the Marathas. The Sultan was left alone,
as in the previous war, to face the Company single handed. He, however, had the cooperation of
the French and an army which had been trained by them.
The Course of War:
The English decided to attack Mysore from two sides. One English army commanded by General
Harris and Arthur Wellesley marched from Vellore and reached Mysore in March 1799. The other
army commanded by General Stuart attacked Mysore from the west. Tipu was defeated by Stuart
at Sedaseer whereas from Harris at Malvelly. He therefore, decided to retreat to his capital city of
Srirangapatnam but was besieged by the English forces on April 7, 1799 AD. After some
resistance he decided to surrender and sued for peace. The English were prepared for peace treaty
on certain terms which were non-acceptable to the Sultan and he decided to continue the war. On
May 4, 1799 AD the English made a breach in the fort of Srirangapatnam. Tipu Sultan died while
defending the fort.
Results of the war
His son and successor surrendered before the English forces. He was taken prisoner along with
other members of the family and sent to Vellore.
The Hindu Raja of Mysore who had been denied his Gaddi by Tipu Sultan was given back his Raj
and one Purniya, who was with the Company and puppet in its hands, was made his Regent.
The minor prince who now was brought on the Gaddi. He had to sign a treaty of
subsidiary alliance with the Company and thus became dependent on it. He agreed to keep
British forces in Mysore and also agreed to pay Rs. 21 lakhs per annum towards the cost of
maintaining these forces.
The other terms of the treaty were that the state of Mysore will in future not engage any
foreigners either in civil or army employment. It shall also not directly negotiate with any
foreign power.
In case the state fails to properly manage its affairs, the British shall have every right to
interfere in state affairs. Thus, the Company got right to interfere in the internal affairs of
Mysore state, thereby ending its independence.
The territories conquered by the Company were distributed between the Nizam and the
English because the Marathas were offered some territories on certain conditions which
were not acceptable to them. The Nizam of Hyderabad was given the territories of Gooti,
Gurumkonda except its forts and the district of Chittaldurg. These territories were already
near the existing territories of Hyderabad state. The English got Kannada, Bainad,
Coimbatore and Darapuram in the South West. In the east the Company got
Srirangapatnam and two other districts. All other territories were given to the boy ruler of
the state.
Thus, ended both the glory and independence of once glorious and powerful Deccan state. The
state now became completely dependent on the English, after signing the treaty of subsidiary
alliance. It was reduced both in strength and area and thus no more a power to be reckoned with.
In its fall both the Nizam and Marathas significantly contributed. The Nizam openly sided with
the English, whereas the Marathas did not help a challenger of British supremacy in India by
remaining neutral. At the end, they did not get even half of the promised conquered territories.
CONQUEST OF MAHARASHTRA
The Marathas were brave soldiers and loved their independence above everything else. It was
unfortunate that they could not pull on well with the Nizam on the one hand and Tipu Sultan on
the other. Had they united perhaps the history of India would have taken altogether a different
turn. They were quite conscious of the fact that the English have vast resources both economic
and military and that any confrontation would mean disadvantage to them. But at the same time
the English were fully aware that only obstruction on their way in Deccan could be the powerful
Marathas. Sooner this obstruction was removed better it would be in the interest of imperialist or
expansionist policies.
The English realising discipline, strength and devotion of the Marathas were keen to remove them
from Deccan power scene. They wanted to very much reduce their power and prestige at the
earliest opportunity. This opportunity came when after the death of Peshwa Madhav Rao a war of
succession broke out among the Marathas. The conflict once started in 1775 continued till 1818
during which period both fought four wars. The first Maratha war broke out in 1775 and ended
after about 7 years in 1782. Not far away in 1803 broke out second Maratha war which continued
for three years and came to a close only in 1805. Next year in 1806 the Marathas fought third war
with the English. The Fourth and the last war was fought between the two in 1817 which ended in
1818. The wars definitely proved to the disadvantage of the Marathas. Their power and prestige
considerably came down.
The First Maratha War (1775--1782)
The Marathas were a house divided itself in 1775 and thus provided .the English an opportunity to
interfere in their affairs. Peshwa Madhav Rao died in 1772 and after his death a war of succession
started among the Marathas. The claimants were Narayan Rao, the younger brother of Peshwa
Madhav Rao and Raghu nath Rao, the uncle of Madhav Rao. In the struggle Raghu Nath Rao got
Narayan Rao murdered and himselfbecame a Peshwa on August 30, 1773 When Maratha nobles
came to know that Raghu Nath Rao was a murderer they decided to replace him and Council of
Ministers known as Bara Bhai was formed to run the administration. Within next few months of
his replacement wife of Narayan Rao gave birth to a child on 18th April, 1774. The Council of
Ministers accepted him as Peshwa and ordered the arrest of Raghunath Rao.
The Treaty of Surat (1775) :
On hearing the decision of the Council of Ministers, Raghu Nath Rao managed to go to Surat
where he took shelter with the Company and signed a treaty with the English on March 7, 1775.
Its main provision were:
The Company will provide 2500 soldiers to Raghu Nath Rao to enable him to regain his
gaddi and also to enable him to become Peshwa of the Marathas;
Raghu Nath Rao will pay all the expenses of this army out of his own resources;
After his winning in the war and occupying gaddi Raghu Nath Rao will cede to the
Company the territories of Salsette, Bassein and the adjoining islands;
A part of the income of Surat and Baroach will be given to the English;
Raghu Nath Rao will not conclude any peace treaty with Poona Council unless the English
were made a party to it; and
No raids will be made by the Marathas on Karnataka and Bengal.
After signing the treaty English armies under Colonel Kealings proceeded to fight the Marathas
and defeated them at Arras on May 11, 1775. Ihe Governor General, however, was not in favour
of opening hostilities with the Marathas and desired that these be stopped. It was primarily
because the Company was faced with serious financial difficulties. Since the attack had already
been made, the situation became somewhat difficult. Retreat was not easy. The English however
captured Salsette. At the same time financial problems of the Marathas were in no way less
serious. Both the parties were therefore keen that the hostilities should be ended. On behalf of
Company Colonel Uptan started peace negotiations with the Marathas at Poona. After prolonged
negotiations which lasted for about 3 months settlement was reached between the two warring
parties. The main provisions of the peace treaty were as under :
The Treaty of Purandhar :
This treaty was signed between the East India Company and the Marathas on March I, 1776. The
main provisions of the treaty were:
It was agreed that the hostilities by both the parties on all fronts will be stopped;
The English will give up the cause of Raghu Nath Rao for Peshwaship.
The English were permitted to retain Salsette.
The Peshwa will give a monthly pension of Rs. 25,000/- to Raghu Nath Rao.
Reghu Nath Rao will retire to Pargaon in Gujarat.
The English will be paid Rs. 12 lakhs by the Marathas for maintaining Raghu Nath Rao.
The treaty of Surat signed earlier was to be treated as null and void.
This created a very peculiar situation. Whereas Bombay Government signed one treaty with one
Maratha faction, the Bengal Government signed another treaty with another Maratha faction. The
treaty of Purandhar being non-acceptable to the Government of Bombay, it approached the
Governor General with a request not to accept that treaty. Since it was not approved by the
Governor General, therefore, in 1778 the English forces attacked Poona. It is believed that this
attack would have been delayed had the Marathas not been negotiating with the French. In 1779
an open war was declared on the Marathas. An English army of about 30,000 strong soldiers
started against Peshwa Madhav Rao Narayan but was badly defeated and forced to sign the
Convention of Wadgaon.
The Convention of Wadgaon :
The main provisions of the Convention of Wadgaon were:
The English will return to the Marathas all territories conquered by them since 1773.
The Company will not champion the cause of Raghu Nath Rao and will surrender him to
the Marathas.
Bengal forces of the Company will be ordered to retreat.
A part of the revenue of Ba roach will be paid to Scindia.
This Convention obviously was humiliating for the English and the Governor General refused to
accept it. He decided to continue the fight with the Marathas. Meantime the Marathas also tried to
consolidate their position. They made a cause with Hyder Ali of Mysore, Nizam of Hyderabad
and Bhonsle of Nagpur. The plan was that Hyder Ali will invade the English in Kamataka and the
Nizam and Bhonsle from Bengal. In this way the English will be required to face the enemy on
three fronts.
Meantime Lord Warren Hastings sent an army under Goddar to defeat the Marathas who captured
Bassein in December 1780 but was defeated by the Marathas at Poona. Warren Hastings then sent
another army under Captain Poham which captured the fort of Gwalior on August 3, 1780.
As already said the Marathas had an alliance with Nizam, Bhonsle and Hyder Ali for invading the
English both from Karnataka and Bengal. When Warren Hastings came to know of the alliance in
order to have cracks in alliance he gave Guntur back to Nizam and purchased the Bhonsle as well
as Nizam by various means. In this way he broke the alliance. When time of action came only
Hyder Ali invaded the English from Kamataka whereas Bhonsle and Nizam remained inactive.
This very much discouraged the Marathas and they decided to have some peace treaty. After
prolonged negotiations on May 17, 1782 both the parties signed a treaty known as the Treaty of
Salbai.
The Treaty of Salbai (1782) :
It was signed between the Marathas and the East India Company. By this Treaty it was provdied
that:
The English were to return all the territories of the Marathas conquered by them since
1776 except Salesette which the Company was allowed to retain.
The Company recognised the independence of Gaekwad.
The Company agreed to pay a sum of Rs. three lakhs to the Marathas for getting Baroach.
It was agreed that the English would not champion the cause of Raghu Nath Rao and
instead accept Madhav Rao Narayan as Peshwa.
Peshwa agreed that he would pay a monthly pension of Rs. 25,000/- to Raghu Nath Rao.
Both the parties agreed to return each other's territories conquered during wars in South
India.
Both assured each-other to live in perfect peace.
The Treaty was to the advantage of the Company in the sense that if nothing else, at least Salsette
was retained by it, which was a definite gain. But in addition for the time being the Marathas
became friends of the Company. This provided the Company much needed time to deal with other
two formidable Deccan enemies; namely, Hyder Ali and Nizam of Hyderabad. In so far as
Marathas were concerned, it was also good for them. In between First and Second Maratha wars
there was a gap of 20 years during which they could establish their position in Deccan, as they
had to fight no war with the Company. It was also during this period that Mahadji Sindhia rose to
prominence in Deccan who put country's interest above everything else. The Marathas emerged as
a powerful people once again in Deccan after the Third Battle of Panipat. But one thing which
cannot be forgotten is that while concluding peace treaty with the English the Marathas did not
consult Hyder Ali, though on his part he had fulfilled his commitment and invaded Kamataka, as
per alliance with Bhonsle, Nizam and the Marathas. It would have been befitting of the Marathas
to have consulted him as well.
About the significance of the Treaty Smith has said, " ...the English became the controlling,
though not the paramount power in India." Similarly Warren Hastings said, " ...a successful
negotiation of peace in the most desperate period of distress."
The Second Anglo-Marathas War (1802-1804)
As the time passed with that internal disputes and mutual conflicts of the Marathas very much
increased. There were no signs of their being amicably settling down their differences. Nana
Fadnavis became more and more ambitious and wanted to have maximum powers in his hands.
Young Peshwa Madhav Rao Il could not check mutual rivalries of Maratha chiefs and found
himself helpless in this situation. The differences between Nana Fadnavis and Madhav Rao II so
much developed that the latter decided to commit suicide en October 25, 1795 Baji Rao who
succeeded him as Peshwa, was incompetant and also could not pull on well with Nana Fadnavis
with the result that the situation among the Marathas worsened. It was more or less this time when
Trikoji Holkar expired and his death complicated the situation. After his death a war of succession
started in which Nana and Peshwa took different sides. It was in this tense situation and with the
growing difference that in 1800 Nana died. According to some historians with him passed away
Maratha wisdom though many historians do not agreed with this. They believe that by becoming
over ambitious and in his zeal to capture power, he did more harm than good to Maratha cause.
They hold him responsible for deteriorating situation among the Marathas.
It was at this critical and difficult time that Lord Wellesly became the Governor General of the
Company in India. As already said he was imperialist and expansionist. He wanted to see
Company supreme in the South. After having defeated Hyder Ali, he decided to deal with the
Marathas. He wanted to take the fullest advantage of the internal differences of the Marathas. For
him these were real boon. He paid his attention towards Peshwa Baji Rao and tried to befriend
him by assuring him of giving a part of the territories which the Company might conquer from
Tipu Sultan. In 1800 AD he suggested him to enter into a subsidiary alliance treaty with the
Company and keep British forces in his territory at his cost to protect him. Baji Rao, however, did
not agree to many temptations given by the Company.
The situation among the Marathas was that Jaswant Rao Holkar was plundering the territories of
Daulat Rao Scindia and thus the two were each other's bitter enemies. At the same time Pe shwa
was sick of Vithoji who had created a terror in Pe shwa' s domain. In order to deal with the
situation Peshwa and Scindia combined together and they captured Vithoji and killed him on 16th
April 1801. They also defeated Jaswant Rao Holkar. On October 25, 1802 Holkar, however,
defeated Peshwa and forced him to leave Poona and flee towards Bassein. Holkar then made
Vinek Rao, the grandson of Raghu Nath Rao as Peshwa. The Peshwa who was being hot chased
by Hoikar sought refuge with the English and on December 31, 1802 he signed Treaty of Bassein
with the Company.
The Treaty of Bassein :
The Treaty was signed between East India Company and Peshwa Baji Rao. By this treaty-
Both the parties agreed to defend each other's territories and the Company would help the
Peshwa with 6000 infantry and also European artillery to enable him to regain his position.
The Peshwa will keep these forces within his territory permanently.
In order to meet the expenses to these forces the Peshwa agreed to surrender to the
Company such territories which yielded annual income of Rs. 26 lakhs.
He also agreed not to levy additional taxes for the forces to be thus maintained in his
territories.
The Peshwa agreed not to employ any foreigner in his service without the approval of the
Company and surrendered his rights over Surat to the Company.
In addition, he agreed to accept the English as arbitrators in the settlement of all his
disputes with the Nizam of Hyderabad and Gaekwad of Baroda.
He also agreed not to enter into any treaty agreement with any native princes without prior
approval of the Company.
In this way Peshwa completely surrendered himself before the English. He accepted them
as their supreme boss in foreign affairs.
He agreed not to employ any foreigner in his service and not to sign any treaty with any
native prince.
He accepted subsidiary alliance scheme of the Company to the disadvantage of the
Marathas.
In other words in order to get back his gaddi of Peshwaship he sold Marathas
independence.
After signing the Treaty the English acted swiftly. An army under Arthur Wellesly entered Poona
on May 13, 1803 and declared Baji Rao as Peshwa. Much has been said about the Treaty of
Bassein. It definitely gave the Britishers an upper hand in Deccan and in fact an empire in India. It
very much increased Company's prestige but at the same time in order to get the treaty
implemented it had to fight a war with the Marathas. The treaty would have been meaningless had
the war not been won. It would in effect mean many wars with the Indian princes.
When the Maratha chiefs came to know that Baji Rao has signed Treaty of Bassein with the
English with which he has sold the Marathas interests for the sake of gaddi, they naturally felt
humiliated and disturbed. Hoikar, Bhonsle and Scindia all combined to oppose this treaty and get
that nullified. In the words of Arthur Wellesley, "The treaty had been made with a cipher." While
discussing its importance P.E. Roberts said, "The Treaty of Bassein gave the Company the
supremacy of Deccan."
Maratha Chiefs:
All the Maratha chiefs now combined together and started secret negotiations with the native
states against the English so that the effects of the treaty were nullified. They were, however, no
success. On their part the English prepared themselves for a fight, against those chiefs who were
conspiring to annul the effects of the treaty. Since the Maratha chiefs were divided, therefore, they
could not unite. Holkar preferred to keep aloof and did not cooperate with Bhonsle and Scindia so
that. all combined together to oppose this treaty and get that annulled. Taking advantage of these
differences among the Marathas, English forces under Arthur Wellesley entered Deccan and
inflicted defeat on Scindia at Assaye. In the north General Lake inflicted defeat at Bhonsle at
Aragaon. On December 17, 1803 Bhonsle signed a treaty with the English, known as the Treaty of
Deogaon.
The Treaty of Deogaon :
This treaty was signed between Bhonsle and East India Company. By it Bhonsle agreed to cede
territories of Balasore, Cuttack and west of river Wardha to the English. He also agreed to have a
British Resident at his court. He accepted the English as arbitrator in the settlement of all his
disputes with the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Peshwa. He also accepted that the Treaty of
Bassein signed between the Company and Baji Rao was valid.
The Treaty of Suraj Arjan Gaon :
As already said Scindia was also defeated by the English and he signed with them a treaty. By this
he agreed to give all the territories between river Yamuna and Ganges to the English. They were
also given all the territories to the north of the states of Jaipur, Jodhpur and Gohu. He surrendered
the territories of Ahmad Nagar, Baroach and the areas between Ajanta and river Godawari. His
major surrender also was that he gave up all his claims over Mughal Emperor, the Peshwa, the
Gaekwad and the Nizam of Hyderabad. He also agreed not to employ any American or European
citizens without the approval of the English and also to have an English Resident at his court. Like
Bhonsle he agreed that the Treaty of Bassein was valid and would get Company's support in case
of war with any other party. He even went to the extent of agreeing to support the English in case
of war with third party.
Results of War
The effects of Second Maratha war were very far reaching. In the words ofMunro, "We are now
complete masters of India and nothing can shake our power, if we take proper measure to confirm
it." The Marathas were completely crippled and Maratha confederacy began to extinct. The
weaknesses of the Marathas resulted in political paramount of the English over other Indian
States. Their possessions very considerably increased.
The Third Maratha War (1804-1806)
When Bhonsle and Scindia were defeated they signed treaties with the English. Both of them also
agreed that the Treaty of Bassein was valid. But Jaswant Rao Holkar had signed no such treaty
and thus he was quite free. In April 1804 he plundered Jaipur and the English declared war on
him. Holkar defeated at Mukand Dara British armies sent under Col. Monson. He was so much
encouraged by this victory that in October he besieged even Delhi. The seige continued for a weak
when English armies under Lt. Col. Ochterlony and Lt. Col. Bum forced him to lift the seige.
After few days on November 13, he was defeated at Dig and thereafter at Farrukhabad on
November 17, by General Lake. The British armies also tried to capture the fort of Bharat Pur as
well because its ruler was known for his friendly postures towards Holkar. The Raja instead of
putting any resistance decided to conclude peace treaty with the English.
Treaty with Bharat Pur:
The treaty between the English and the Raja of Bharat Pur was signed on April 10, 1805 by which
the Raja agreed to pay the Company a sum of Rs. 20 lakhs and also that the friends and enemies
of the Company will be both his friends and enemies. He also agreed that all those territories
which he had secured by a treaty already signed with General Lake will be surrendered. In this
way the Raja of Bharat Pur surrendered much and gained nothing. Since the enemies of the
Company were his enemies as well, therefore, Holkar with whom Company was at war but who
was friendly to the Raja, became enemy of the Raja as well. It was at this time that Board of
Directors came to know that Holkar had defeated Col. Monson and that the British armies had
failed to capture the fort of Bharat Pur. It felt so much disturbed that it decided to recall Lord
Wellesely and in his place Lord Cornwallis was sent to India as his successor. He was given clear
instructions to stop war. In this way Holkar who was being hard pressed received much needed
respite. What would have been his policy towards Holkar is all a matter of guess because
Cornwallis died suddenly on October 5 at Calcutta.
Lord Cornwallis was succeeded by Sir George Barlow as Governor General. He was also not
interested in continuing war and wanted peace with Holkar. Meantime General Lake was badly
pushing Holkar to the North towards Amritsar. Holkar had hoped of active support of the Sikhs in
Punjab and also hoped that the Marathas and the Sikhs would be tough for General Lake. But
much expected support from the Sikhs did not come. This so much disappointed Holkar that he
decided to have peace treaty with the English. The Treaty of Rajpur Ghat: Sir George Barlow was
quite willing to sign peace treaty with Holkar and thus a treaty was signed between the two on
January 7, 1806. By the terms of this treaty Holkar agreed to renounce his claims to the territories
north of river Chambal and also in Poona and Bundelkhand. He also agreed not to employ
American and Europeans by him in his service without prior consent and approval of the
Company. He also accepted Company's demand to return to Malwa by a particular route.
On their part the English agreed not to interfere in the territories of Holkar lying South of river
Chambal. They also agreed to return to him all the territories north of Bundil hills and also Tonk
and Rampur. All the protection being given by the Company to the states north of river Chambal
and also from Jaipur will be withdrawn. In this connection it may be mentioned that these states
had considerably helped the English in their wars against Bhonsle
and Scindia. George Barlow and Treaty of Suraj Arjan Gaon: As already said Lord Wellesley had
signed treaty of Suraj Arjan Gaon with Scindia, to the disadvantage of the latter. Sir George
Barlow agreed to revise this treaty as well. By this revised treaty which was signed on November
22, 1805 the English gave Gohad back to Scindia and also the fort of Gwalior. They also agreed
not to claim any territory of Scindia which laid south of river Chambal. Similarly Scindia on his
part agreed not to claim any territory north of this river. The English agreed not to extend any
protection to the Rajput states. The action taken by George Barlow in signing treaty with Holkar
has come under much criticism. The propagators of expansionist and imperialist policies opine
that the policy of expansion being followed by Lord Wellesley was wise and that George Barlow
should have followed that. This would have crushed the Marathas for ever and the Company's
supremacy in Deccan would have been established beyond all doubts. They also believe that
Bhonsle and Scindia had already been defeated, a treaty with Peshwa had been signed and Holkar
was desperate. Had George Barlow followed active policy at this stage there would have been no
need for the Company to fight another Maratha war.
On the other hand the supporters of the policy of George Barlow argue that he followed very wise
policy. It was a time when the Company was faced with serious financial crisis. It had no fmancial
resources to carry on its administration less to talk of continuing a war. Had aggressive policy
been followed and war continued, the Company would have bowed down under its own financial
burden. The situation would have been really alarming for the Company, had Bhonsle and Scindia
joined hands and decided to extend their support to Holkar.
They, therefore, feel that Barlow followed a very wise and practical policy and got sufficient time
to improve Company's fmancial resources for fighting the Marathas at a time when there was no
fmancial difficulty.
Fourth Anglo-Maratha War (1817-18)
The English had concluded treaty to end third Maratha war to find time when they could
financially improve their conditions and again face the enemy. The Marathas on their part,
however, did not utilise the opportunity properly. They continued to fight with each other and
instead of uniting they got themselves subdivided. All efforts made by them to come together
failed. This was really a boon for the English who were interested to see the Marathas divided and
sub-divided so that they would humble them down. Some of the main factions of the Marathas
and their position was as under :
Jaswant Rao Holkar died as an insane on October 20, 1811 and was succeeded by his son Malhar
Rao II. Efforts made by his wife Tulsi Bai to manage the affairs of the state efficiently having
failed, his territories were absolutely mismanaged and the people were badly suffering. As regard
Daulat Rao Scindia his soldiers were not under his control because he had failed to pay them their
salaries, etc. Raghuji Bhonsle n was being harassed both by the Pandaras· and Pathans. Gaekwad
of Baroda was in subsidiary alliance with the East India
Company and in no mood to violate the treaty which he had signed with the Company on April
21, 1805.
Peshwa Baji Rao was under the influence of one Trimbkaji Danglia. In this way the Marathas
were disunited and no single chief could take courage to challenge the authority and the
supremacy of the Company. But the tragedy was that each one had signed one or the other treaty
with the English and accepted a subordinate position. They had common grudge against the
English namely that they were not being well treated but even then did not come together to
unitedly deal with a common enemy. Whereas the Marathas were not coming together and in their
best wisdom had decided to remain disunited, the English were thinking of fmishing them. Under
Lord Hastings the Company decided to follow an aggressive policy which aimed at fmishing the
Marathas disunited as they were. Peshwa Baji Rao had signed a treaty with the East India
Company but he .was absolutely dissatisfied with the English. He was keen that the Marathas
Chiefs like Scindia, Bhonsle and Holkar should sign a treaty of friendship and unitedly they may
fmish the English. He also started negotiations with the Pathans and Pandaras with this end in
view. Not only this but he also took steps to improve his military strength.
It was at this stage that the Peshwa demanded from Gaekwad, a friendly faction of Marathas with
East India Company, the territory of Ahemdabad. The Gaekwad sent his Minister Gangadhar
Shastri to negotiate with the Peshwa and find a way out for the settlement of this dispute. The
Shastri was murdered at Poona and there was every reason to believe that Peshwa's favourite
Trimbaka Ji had a hand in this murder. At that time Elphistone was British Resident at Poona with
the Peshwa. He was very anxiously watching the activities of Peshwa, who was drifting
towards the other side away from the English. He did not lose any time in demanding the
surrender of Trimbaka Ji. The Peshwa was very reluctant to surrender him but finding that choice
was between war and his favourite, he decided to surrender him. He was imprisoned and sent to
Thana fort, from where he managed to escape after some time. The Resident opined that in his
escape the Peshwa has a hand. Upon this Governor General Hastings demanded that the Peshwa
should be forced to sign a new treaty with the Company.
The Treaty of Poona:
On June 13, 1817 Peshwa Baji Rao signed a fresh treaty with East India Company. By this
Peshwa promised to capture Trimbaka Ji and hand him over to the English. Till he was arrested
his family was to be kept as hostage. He agreed not to claim himself as the head of all Maratha
chiefs. He also agreed not to negotiate with any other power except through British Resident.
Then it was also agreed by him to withdraw all his claims over Gaekwad. He got himself satisfied
by getting Rs. 4lakhs annually from him for the disputed territories. He agreed to cede some more
territories to the English. In this way power of the Peshwa was sufficiently reduced and his
position considerably came down. He ceased to be the head of the Maratha chiefs.
In 1805 Gaekwad had signed treaty of Subsidiary alliance with the East India Company and was
keen to maintain that as well. The Governor General wanted to still further reduce his position. He
signed another treaty with him by which he agreed to still more reduce the strength of his army
and thus his dependence on the Company still more increased. He agreed to the increased strength
of British forces at his cost by two regiments of cavalry and one thousand artillery. He ceded
some more territories to the Company to meet extra cost.
As regards Bhonsle he was being harassed both by the Pandaras and also the Pathans. He died on
22 March 1816. His son and immediate successor Persoji was infirm and mentally distorted. His
next successor was his cousin Appa Sahib. Raghuji Bhonsle's widow however, wanted that there
should be a Regency to assist him in running administration and Appa Sahib should be excluded
from that. In other words she wanted that Appa Sahib should be ousted from the position of
authority. This was obviously a point of annoyance for Appa Sahib. The Council was formed at
last and Appa Sahib was included in it. This should have blown the storm, but that did not happen.
The English wanted to take advantage of the situation. They forced Appa Sahib to sign a new
treaty with them.
The Treaty of Mandsor:
The treaty of Mandsor was signed between Holkar and the East India Company on January 6,
1818 by which the former surrendered all his rights over the territories of Amir Khan Pathan. He
also agreed not to have any claim over Rajput states including Bundi, range of Satpura and all
states South of it. He also accepted subsidiary alliance system and agreed to keep British forces in
his territory at his cost. Not only this but he agreed to have a British Resident in his court. All his
foreign affairs matters were to be decided by the Company in future. The treaty made him
absolutely dependent on the English. He was now to deal in all matters with the approval of the
Company. In this way like Scindia and Bhonsle, now Holkar was also humbled.
As regards Appa Sahib he was arrested but given back his throne but after some time the English
found that he was collaborating with Peshwa Baji Rao. They could not tolerate this and arrested
him. He was imprisoned at Allahabad but somehow managed to escape from the custody of the
English and ran away to the hills. It was from there that with the help of the Pandaras he began to
harass the English. The latter were, however, a success in besieging and arresting him at Asirgarh.
Appa Sahib, however, again managed to escape from the jail and went to Punjab. Thereafter he
went to Jodhpur. Both, however, settled their affairs on the same lines as the Peshwa and the
Company. He was allowed to reside in the British territories on a pension of rupees two lakhs. He
died at Jodhpur in 1840 AD. As regards Pe shwa Baji Rao who had burnt British Residency at
Kirkee, was defeated soon thereafter and ran away to Satara. The English forces which followed
him defeated him at Koregaon in January 1818 and within a short span of time on February 20,
1818 at Ashti. The British then took over entire territory of Peshwa and forever abolished
Peshwaship. Peshwa Baji Rao was given a yearly pension of rupees eight lakhs. His favourite
Trimbaka Ji was imprisoned in the fort of Chunar for the whole of his life.
Effects of Maratha Wars :
Thus, the Maratha war came to an end. Wit it ended the great Maratha power. There was now no
powerful chief who could claim any sort of independence in any way. All had now become
absolutely dependent on the English, who took away all their territories and made them live on
small pensions. They made them dependent by signing with them the treaties of subsidiary
alliances by which British forces were to be maintained by them at their cost. They were forced to
accept British Residents in their courts and obey their commands and live under their supervisory
eyes. Their foreign affairs were taken over by him and they lost the right of deciding the destiny
of their people in the way they liked. They were forced to accept a very subordinate position
before the English. They became so weak that none of them had the courage to challenge British
supremacy and over-lordship. Their defeat made the British absolute supreme power in the South.
It was now clear to all that it was very difficult, if not impossible, to defeat the English in India. It
has rightly been said that by defeating Marathas the English not only subdued the Indian armies
but also Indian mind. While discussing the significance of war. H.G. Rawilson has said that,
"Thus the mighty Maratha Empire, which had at one time dominated India, was at last brought to
an end. Meanwhile, the net had closed round the Pindar
The Causes of the Downfall of the Marathas
The Marathas were very strong and powerful people. Their leaders had also formed a
confederacy. After the disintegration of Mughal empire they became so strong that they began to
think of ruling all over India and establishing Hindu Pad Padshahi. But the same Marathas could
not face the English who were foreigners on the soil of India. They bowed humbly before
politically ambitious traders. Each one was forced to enter into subsidiary alliance and maintain
British armies in his court at his own cost. Not only this each agreed to keep British Resident and
also to deal with foreign nations through the Company. After all why did they suffer defeats. For
this not one but several causes were responsible. Some of the important causes responsible for this
being :-
Third Battle of Panipat
The Marathas suffered heavy losses at the Third Battle of Panipat. Though the man power loss
could be recouped with the passage of time, yet great loss suffered in prestige could not be
regained. The loss of the Maratha leaders at the battle field provided several selfish leaders to
come to the forefront. They kept selfish interests above national interests. Whereas after the Battle
the Marathas wanted time to regain their lost position, the English used that time for consolidating
their position for further expansion. This also provided an opportunity to the English to extend
their area of influence.
Lack of proper leadership
Then another important cause responsible for their defeat was lack of proper leadership. The
Marathas had all the necessary resources needed for winning a war. They were neither short of
ammunition nor man power but there was no leader who could keep them united and close
together. Scindia, Gaekwad, Bhonsle and Holkar though good leaders were all fighting with each
other. On the Pe shwa Gaddi there was no powerful personality which could keep all Marathas
together as united body. Peshwa Baji Rao even sold interests to get back his own gaddi.
Obviously when there is lack of leadership, the nation cannot win.
Lack of powerful Central government
Even when the Marathas were at the height of their glory and power, they could not create a
centralised authority and powerful Central government, which could knit all the Marathas. Peshwa
was, of course, their head but as the time passed his position too weakened. Maratha kingdom at
the most was a confederacy in which all Maratha chiefs considered themselves independent.
When difficult times came this confederacy completely broke down. Instead of facing the enemy
as a strong force each unit of this confederacy cared for its own selfish interests. Shiva Ji had
before him the high ideal of Hindu Pad Padshahi under which he brought all the Hindus together.
But after his death his successors became narrow in outlook. They began to even ill treat to non-
Marathas Hindus, like the Jats and the Rajputs. They alienated their sympathies as well. In fact
they failed to win sympathies of any section of the society of their kingdom. There was in fact a
wide gap between the rulers and the ruled. The people did not sympathise with them when need
arose and that resulted in their fall.
Negligence of the Marathas in the South
Then another cause which proved responsible for 'Maratha's downfall, was that when there was
need for consolidation of their position in the South they became too ambitious and decided to
bring north India under their control and domination. In this way they neglected South where the
Britishers consolidated their position in the absence of the Marathas. The latter thus could not win
much in the North and lost South as well.
UNIT-III
The English were expansionist in nature. The English were very much interested to expand their
territory in India to create a vast British empire after their success in Bengal. They wanted to have
maximum trade and reap fruit out of that. As the time passed they came to know of the
weaknesses of Indian princes and found it possible to expand by making Indian princes quarrel
and fight with each other. The wars are of course quite common method of expansion and every
imperialist resort to that either on one or the other pretext and the Britishers in India being no
exception to it. But their war policies had put heavy strains on Company's financial resources.
Quite often the Board of Directors and Board of Control disapproved war policy of the Company,
as that meant losses to the shareholders who had invested money in the Company, not for creating
an empire but only for earning out of the trade. The wars, however, in many cases were imposed
on Indian princes much against their wishes, either on one pretext or the other. But the English in
India, in order to expand the British Empire adopted diplomatic methods as well like (a) The
system of Subsidiary Alliance, and (b) The Doctrine of Lapse. By both these methods of
diplomacy the British empire in India considerably expanded.
The System of Subsidiary Alliance
The system of Subsidiary Alliance though usually associated with the name of Lord Wellesley,
was actually revived by him by the addition of some new clauses, but was existing to an extent in
one form or the other long years back. As already said the Britishers were quite keen to expand in
the north and many territories were added to the empire by conquest. But in several cases the
English took over entire administration of the country in their own hands and left the ruler with
his title and royal estate only. Thus, whereas the ruler remained only nominal head of the state
real power and authority remained with the Britishers who used both finances and territories in the
way they liked. Then another diplomacy which they used was that of subsidiary alliance. This
proved very effective for territorial expansion and increase of political influence in India.
Beginning of subsidiary alliance
Lord Wellesley was anxious to make the English the paramount power in the Indian sub-
continent. Therefore, he adopted the policy of Subsidiary Alliance. But it cannot be said with
certainty whether it was his original idea. According to M.S. Ranade, this policy was first of all
initiated by Shivaji. He obtained Chauth and Sardesh Mukhi from the rules of South India. It was
just like the Subsidiary Alliance. Some writers have opined that the Rakhi system (protection
system) introduced by the Sikhs in the pre-Ranjit Singh Punjab was the Indian version of the
Subsidiary System of the British. It is also said that Wellesley did not originate it. It was first
devised by the French Governor Dupleix, He started the practice of providing military help to
native rulers in return for money. The English also adopted this practice and from Clive to
Wellesley every English Governor General used it as a means to enhance the political influence of
the Company. The system passed through several stages of development.
First stage of subsidiary alliance
In its first stage the Company gave troops to some friendly native rulers and for that received
some money. This was done by Lord Warren Hastings when he lent his troops to the Nawab of
Oudh for his war against the RohilIas. In 1768 AD such a treaty was signed by the Nizam of
Hyderabad with the English.
Second stage of subsidiary alliance
During the second stage the English agreed to maintain a fixed and permanent military force to
help a native prince. The prince on his part agreed to pay to the English a fixed annual amount of
money. The Subsidiary force was not kept in the territory of the Company.
Third stage of subsidiary alliance
During the third stage the English agreed to maintain a permanent and fixed force to help the
native prince. He paid money for training a fixed number of soldiers under British Officers. The
Company received some fixed amount of money annually and kept the forces within the territory
of the native prince. In 1797 Sir John Shore made such a treaty with the Nawab of Oudh. The
Nawab agreed to pay a sum of Rs. 76 lakhs for maintaining British forces in his territory.
Fourth stage of subsidiary alliance
The fourth and last stage was when the English agreed to maintain a permanent and fixed
subsidiary force within the territory of the native prince. The Company did not accept any money
for maintaining these forces but instead insisted on getting some territories. This meant regular
and fixed income for maintaining subsidiary forces. By this the Company could take possession of
certain strategic places and also permanently reduce the strength of the native prince.
Main Provisions of Subsidiary Alliance
The native Indian Princes who accepted this treaty also acknowledged the British
supremacy. In the absence of this provision, the treaty would have been meaningless.
Once the treaty was signed, the Indian Princes could not enter into any kind of alliance
with any other power without the prior permission of the English. Moreover, they could
not appoint any other European on any post in their States.
Every ruler who accepted this treaty had to keep an English army in his territory for his
own help. Though the army was of the English, yet all its expenses were to be borne by the
Indian rulers. In case, that ruler could not pay for the maintenance of the army in cash, he
was to surrender a portion of his territory to the British Company.
Besides keeping an army, the Indian Prince was also to receive an English Resident in his
Court. He had to consult him in both internal and external administrative affair,
The Company in return took over the responsibility of protecting the state from internal
revolts and external attacks.
The Company assured the Indian rulers that they would never interfere in their internal
administration.
Under the Subsidiary system the English were greatly benefited by the native rulers. Those rulers
who accepted it became dependent and a kind of salve to the British Government. In the long run
they had to face a number of hardships. In fact, the alliance not only brought their liberty and
freedom to an end but it also proved to be a curse for them.
Merits of Subsidiary Alliance
The Subsidiary Alliance had the following advantageous for the English government.
The rule of the Company was established on the native rulers by this alliance which freed
the Company from any fear of invasion by one or more native rulers.
It boosted the resources of the British government and enabled her to establish her
supremacy over the native rulers. The Company used to provide security to those native
rulers who accepted the supremacy of the Company and paid money to her.
Such provisions were made that the British army could remain in India at the cost of the
native rulers.
The mutual differences among the native rulers who accepted this treaty, ended
automatically because the responsibility to solve their problems was taken over by the
Company. Thus the existence of the native rulers depended on the mercy of the English.
This alliance system saved the Company's empire from external invasions. The army of
the Company began to encamp in the native states. Hence there remained no fear of the
revolt of native rulers.
This system did not offend any European power, for the English agreed not to intervene in
the internal affairs of the native rulers.
The English also were benefited by the treaty inasmuch as no war was fought on their
land, which saved them from the dangerous consequences thereof.
The subsidiary alliance put paid to the influence of the French with the native rulers. They
were not allowed to employ any European except the English. It saved the native rulers
from the conspiracies of the French.
The native rulers failed to enter into any organisation against the English which helped the
latter in the extension of their empire.
The British residents began to live in the courts of the native rulers. Consequently, the
influence of the Company was established on some internal affairs of the native rulers. It
checked the native rulers from doing anything against the will of the English.
The maintenance of the subsidiary force was very expensive and the native rulers were
incapable of bearing the expenses, hence they were compelled by the English to surrender
to them some part of their territory in lieu of the expenses. Lord Wellesley has said about
it, "The system enabled the British government to preserve the tranquillity of India by
exercising a general control over the restless spirit of ambition and violence which is the
characteristic of every Asiatic government."
These were the benefits derived from the Subsidiary Alliance, though it was all in favour of the
company and the English. This alliance also enhanced the influence of the English in India to a
some extent in India.
Demerits of the Subsidiary Alliance
Although, the English Company was much benefited by the implementation of the subsidiary
alliance but the Indian native rulers had to face many difficulties as a result of this alliance. The
demerits of the Subsidiary Alliance are given bellow:
It hurt the independence of the native rulers. Gradually, they were entrapped in bondage of
slavery.
The paid servants of the native rulers who accepted this alliance, were turned Out from
their employment. Being unemployed, they resorted to theft and robbery. Some of the
soldiers joined the Pindaris and created troubles for the people.
The native rulers became lazy and inactive as the English took the responsibility of their
safety from internal revolts and external invasions.
Although, the English residents appointed in the kingdoms of the native rulers, had no
right to intervene in their internal affairs, this condition was never truly followed. It took
away the self-confidence of the rulers and they became disinterested in administration.
It ended the national feeling, responsibility towards the kingdom, courage, and military
organisation of the native rulers. Munro writes in this context, "The security of the allied
state was purchased by the sacrifice of independence of national character and of whatever
renders people respectable."
It made the native rulers cruel and they began to harass their people for the sake of more
and more money, so that they could please the English and save their empire.
The East India Company also annexed some parts of the kingdoms of the native rulers on
the charge of corruption and maladministration which terrified the native rulers.
Gradually, as a result of this alliance, the native rulers became completely dependent on
the English and they began to consider the .English their all in all. They not only became
the supporters of the English but also created hindrances in the way of the national
freedom movement of India.
With the passage of time native rulers lost most of their fertile land and important territory
to the English. Thus we see that from the point of view of the Indians, this treaty proved
to be very harmful. Sooner or later, the native rulers became rubber stamps of the English
government
The Subsidiary Alliance in Practice:
The system of subsidiary alliance was very much put in use by the English. In 1798 Nizam of
Hyderabad accepted this to check the attacks of the Marathas and Tipu Sultan. Such an alliance
was signed in 1798 between Lord Wellesley and the Nawab of Oudh and the former got from the
latter Rohilakhand for maintaining the cost of these forces. After the Fourth Mysore War, the ruler
of Mysore Krishna Rao accepted it. When Peshwa Baji Rao II was defeated by HoIkar, he signed
Treaty of Bassein with the English. Under this Treaty he accepted subsidiary system. After
Second Maratha war Scindhia and Bhonsle accepted the system and the same was also accepted
by Gaekwad of Baroda and the rulers of several Rajput states.
Thus, it is quite evident that the Subsidiary Alliance of Lord Wellesley was a great diplomatic
success and he trapped almost all the powerful native rulers in this web but they realised their
mistake too late to mend things. The system of subsidiary alliance as introduced by Lord
Wellesley proved very advantageous to the Company. It increased its financial resources and also
its territories. Moreover, the Company with the passage of time annexed all the territories which it
got by way of alliance. On the other hand, it proved to be of great disadvantage to Indian princes
who became dependents on the Company, on the one hand and lethargic and corrupt on the other.
They completely neglected administration and could not take any welfare activity for their people.
Arthur Wellesley has rightly remarked, “Our policy and our aim have rendered all the powers of
India to the state of Sifars.”
DOCTRINE OF LAPSE
Lord Dalhousie was supporter of territorial expansion of the Company's territories in India as he
was a frank imperialist. Like every other Governor General of India, he was quite keen that on one
pretext or the other both the territories of the Company and its revenues may be increased. He
completed the map of the British Empire in India. Lord Dalhousie had no conscience about
annexation and he made annexations right and left in total disregard of Indian feeling and
susceptibilities.
His annexation policy rested on a three fold basis like (1) right of conquest, (2) Doctrine of
Lapse, and (3) the desire to extent the benefits of British rule to provinces misgoverned by Indian
monarchs. As noticed before the annexation of the Punjab and Pegu came under the first head, the
provinces being annexed as result of military conquest. A small portion of Sikkim was annexed as
a penalty for the Raja's ill treatment of the British officers.
Hindu Adoption system
Under the Hindu social system it is right of every Hindu to adopt a son, if he has none otherwise
and the adopted son enjoys all those rights which are legally enjoyed by a son born of the couple
otherwise. Thus for all practical purposes there is no difference between a child born to the couple
or adopted by a couple or either of the parent if the other parent does not dispute adoption. Such
an adoption is accepted both by religion and society. In India the princes have been adopting
children so that after their death succession line does not break and there is no dispute for the
gaddi. Not only the princes royal but even the common man has been adopting children, to have
the consolation that someone will be there to lit the pyre after their death.
Attitude of the English for Adoption
Under the Hindu social system it is right of every Hindu to adopt a son, if he has none otherwise
and the adopted son enjoys all those rights which are legally enjoyed by a son born of the couple
otherwise. Thus for all practical purposes there is no difference between a child born to the couple
or adopted by a couple or either of the parent if the other parent does not dispute adoption. Such
an adoption is accepted both by religion and society. In India the princes have been adopting
children so that after their death succession line does not break and there is no dispute for the
gaddi. Not only the princes royal but even the common man has been adopting children, to have
the consolation that someone will be there to lit the pyre after their death.
But this did not mean that adoptions made after the death of a ruler were always turned down. In
1827 Daulat Rao Scindia died and after his death his widow Baija Bai adopted Jankoji as heir and
this succession though made after the death of the ruler was accepted by the Company. Similarly
when in 1843 Jankoji died Daulat Rao Scindia's wife adopted Jayaji Rao as heir and this adoptions
too was accepted. In fact between 1826-48 as many as 15 adoptions were accepted by the East
India Company and it was only in rare cases that the request for adoption was turned down. It was
however, during this period that the Company did not accept adoption of a son by Rama Chandra
Rao, the ruler of Jhansi. He had adopted a child before his death but could not get the approval of
the English before he died. When request for approval was made the English declined and placed
his uncle Raghu Nath Rao on the gaddi. Thus the right not to accept adoption was utilised. But
when the adoption was not accepted even then the territory was not annexed to the Company's
territories.
The Doctrine of Lapse was not a creation of Lord Dalhousie. Its foundations had been laid by the
Directors of the Company when they wrote to the Indian Government in 1834. "Whenever it is
optional with you to give or withhold your consent to adoptions. the indulgence would be the
exception and not the rule and should never be granted but as a special mark of approbation."
Again in 1841, the Directors had expressed their increasing tendency towards annexation
by expressing their intention of "abandoning no just or honourable accession ofterritory or
revenue." Auckland had annexed the States of Mandavi ,.Jalaun, Colaba and Surat by refusing
recognition to the adoption. Dalhousie had the credit to expand the scope of this doctrine so much
so that it reached its climax under him. In other words we can say that this doctrine having been
originated in 1834 remained in a formative State until Dalhousie handled it and magnified its
scope to the maximum.
When Lord Dalhousie became the Governor General of India he vigorously and enthusiastically
followed the policy enunciated under doctrine of lapse. He said that there were three types of
states in India.
In the first category fell those states which directly or indirectly were created by the
English.
In the second category were the states which were dependent on the Company
In the third category fell independent states.
According to his theory the states falling under first two categories must seek the permission of
paramount power for adopting a child and it was for that power to decide whether to grant such
permission or not. In case the permission was not given the territory would lapse to the Company
and annexed to its territories. In fact he went a step further and said that the states falling in the
first category shall have no right to adopt a child as heir.
The Doctrine of Lapse was not a creation of Lord Dalhousie. Its foundations had been laid
by the Directors of the Company when they wrote to the Indian Government in 1834. "Whenever
it is optional with you to give or withhold your consent to adoptions the indulgence would be the
exception and not the rule and should never be granted but as a special mark of approbation."
Again in 1841, the Directors had expressed their increasing tendency towards annexation
by expressing their intention of "abandoning no just or honourable accession ofterritory or
revenue." Auckland had annexed the States of Mandavi, .Jalaon, Colaba and Surat by refusing
recognition to the adoption. Dalhousie had the credit to expand the scope of this doctrine so much
so that it reached its climax under him. In other words we can say that this doctrine having been
originated in 1834 remained in a formative State until Dalhousie handled it and magnified its
scope to the maximum.
Application of the Doctrine of Lapse
It was fortunate for Dalhousie but unfortunate for Indians that a good many States were without
natural heirs and their rulers died during the tenure of his Governor General. Thus, he was able to
enlarge the scope of this doctrine and annex all such States as fell under it. The States which came
under the Doctrine of Lapse can be discussed below:
Annexation of Satara
Satara was the first Indian state to be annexed. In 1848 Appa Sahib, the Raja of Satara, died
without leaving a natural son. He bad, however, adopted a son some days before his death but
without the consent of the East India Company. Lord Hastings after destroying the Maratha power
in 1818 had conferred this principality of Satara on Pratap Singh, the representative of the house
of Shivaji and in his sons and heirs and successors. In 1839 the Prince had been deposed and
replaced by his brother Appa Sahib. Bombay Council beaded by Sir George Clerk advised against
the annexation. Lord Dalhousie decided to regard it as ‘dependent principality' and declared the
state annexed. The Court of Directors approved Dalhousie's decision; "We are fully satisfied that
by the general law and custom of India, a dependent principality like that of Satara, cannot pass to
an adopted heir without the consent of the Paramount Power; that we are under no' pledge, direct
or constructive, to give such consent ; and that the general interest committed to our charge are
best consulted by withholding it". In the House of Commons Joseph Hume described the
annexation as a victory of 'might over right' but the House of Commons agreed in the annexation.
Sambalpur
As regards Sambalpur, Raja Naraysn Singh, the ruler of the state died without adopting a son.
After the death of her husband, the widow took over the administration of the state. The company
did not agree to this arrangement and annexed Sambalpur The state was annexed in 1849. J.H.
Crawford, the Agent to the Governor General assumed the charge of the administration of
Sambalpur.
Udaipur
The case of the annexation of Udaipur was also very weak. In case of the failure of natural heirs,
the sovereignty, if at all it was to lapse would have been lapsed in favour of the Raja of Sarguja.
But Dalhousie annexed it without any suspicion, though his annexation was reversed by Lord
Canning.
Annexation of Nagpur
Raghu Ji, the ruler of Nagpur had died in 1853. Before his death he had applied for permission to
adopt a child. Hence he directed his wife to adopt Yashwant Rao before his death. According to
the last wish of her husband, the queen adopted Yashwant Rao but Lord Dalhousie was very
anxious to grab Nagpur, hence he annexed it to the empire of the Company on the pretext that
prior permission was not sought or granted by the government. But the fact was that Nagpur was
situated on the route ·to Calcutta and Bombay and it held so much significance for the English.
Hence violating all the principles of morality, he seized Nagpur.
Annexation of Jhansi
Jhansi was another impoortant victim of his principle of Doctrine of Lapse. It was handed over to
the English by the Peshwa in 1818. Rao Ram Chandra was seated on the throne by Lord Hastings
and by a treaty he was authorised to choose his successor. Gangadhar Rao, the last ruler of Jhansi
died without a natural son. He had adopted a son before death. Lord Dalhousie declared that his
adopted son could not be his successor. Queen Laxmi Bai referring to the treaty of 1818wrote to
Dalhousie and stressed that an adopted child had the right to succeed but Lord Dalhousie was not
prepared to accept the terms of a treaty which was concluded by his predecessor. He outright
rejected the succession of Anand Rao and annexed the kingdom of Jhansi.
Annexation of Jaitpur, Udaipur, Berar
Besides the above cited three important states, he incorporated Jaitpur, Udaipur, Berar etc., to the
English Empire as the rulers of these native states had no successors.
LET’S SUM UP
Thus, Lord Dalhousie was a great imperialist and he did his best for the expansion of the British
territory in India. Lord Dalhousie was the follower of the policy of annexation and incorporated
several native kingdoms into the British domain. He endeavoured to extend the Company's
territory through fair or foul means. His 'Doctrine of Lapse' was a very powerful weapon on the
strength of which he gobbled up many kingdoms. In reality, he can be said to be the real founder
of the British Empire. His expansionist and imperialist policy remained successful so long he
lived in India but just after one year of his leaving for England, the people of India who were
dissatisfied with his policies revolted against the English and shook them to their roots.
CONSOLIDATION OF BRITISH RULE AND INDIAN RESPONSES
INTRODUCTION
History is a witness that Indian peasants and tribals on several occasions have raised their voice
against their exploitation both by the big zarnindars, money lenders and outsiders during the
British period. It is equally a fact of history that no such rebellion or rising was ever a success or h
deep effect either on the rulers or on the policy makers but proved to be only an indication of
discontentment and dismay of the peasants. On the other hand, the tribals, the freedom loving
people also considered the Britishers as their bitter enemy. To the tribals, the British alone were
responsible for making them economically poor and bent upon depriving them of their much
loved freedom. So, both the peasants and tribals raised their voice against the British ministration,
Zamindars and money lenders, etc.
PEASANT AND TRIBAL RESISTANCE AGAINST BRITISH RULE
The East India Company gradually established their political and economic hegemony over large
parts of India after the Battle of Plassey in 1757. The British rule in India brought many changes
in the agrarian system of the country. Under the new ministrative measures, the old agrarian
system collapsed, new land tenures were created, new classes emerged and the peasantry came
under the brutal sway of the Zamindars, money lenders, tax collectors and parasitical
intermediaries. Within a few deces of the British rule, the Indian Peasantry came to be oppressed
and exploited not only by the foreign rulers and their agents, but also by the native exploiters and
urban-based capitalists. It resulted in the disruption in the old way of life and different sections of
society were affected by it. Many changes were seen in the economic, social, religious and
political spheres of life. This resulted in many people getting stripped off their tritional rights and
privileges and also saw many people sink into debt and poverty. This led them to raise their voice
against the Zamindars, Money lenders, and British rule.
Characteristics of peasant and tribal rebellions
.In India peasants and tribal rebellions h some characteristic features which are given below :
No ideology nor political background
These rebellions h neither any ideology nor political background. Though the peasants and
tribals rose in revolts several times to voice their miseries, yet these h no political orientation.
In fact, political activities in India for a long time, more particularly during the days of East
India Company, were non-existent.
Removal of economic miseries and backwardness
The rebellions were primarily concerned with the removal of economic miseries and
backwardness. The peasants and tribals tolerated miserable economic conditions to a point
when their cup of patience was full to the brim. With the help of these revolts they wanted to
end their immediate economic problems and worries.
No national character
The Peasants and tribal rebellions in India were never of all national character. On the other
hand these were of much localised nature and character. These were not even in many cases of
regional character. In other words these rebellions were such which rose in a particular area
against the high handedness, excessive use of power and challenge to their customs. In many
cases even the nearby areas did not know that there has been any rising.
Lack of able leership
Then another feature of these rebellions were lack of able leership. The peasantry and the
tribals in India could not get the support of any organised group. In the past the peasants could
not make a cause with any powerful section of the society against all those who exploited
them. Thus whenever they raised their voice that was crushed and suppressed.
Lack of planning and national organisation
The peasants and tribals rose in rebellion against the British without any planning. There
was no national level organisation to support these rebellions
Due to this, the Britishers in India never thought that peasants and tribals were a serious
threat to their position and authority in the country. They always worked on the theory
that Indians in general and peasants and tribals in particular could be ruled with the help
of rod and they used that as well. They always neglected their welfare and in fact felt
that they could be treated shabbily and h neither any respect nor honour.
Among the rebellions raised by the peasants and tribals Sanyasi Rebellion, Kondh
Rebellion in Ghumsur, Santal Rebellion, etc. were prominent which discussed bellow are:
SANYASI REBELLION (1763)
The Sannyasi rebellion (The monks' rebellion) was the rebellion of Sanyasis and Fakirs in
Bengal against the East India rule which started in 1760s and continued up to four deces . The
Sannyasi rebellion took place around Murshidab and Baikunthpur forests of Jalpaiguri of Bengal.
The Sanyasi rebellion h a religious framework although political and economic reasons were also
responsible for this. The Fakir-Sannyasi Resistance was an armed resistance of the combined
body of Muslim fakirs (sufis) and Hindu sannyasis (yogis) against the dominance of the English
East India Company in Bengal.
The contemporary government records :The contemporary government records describe these
rebellions in their own way as:
"A set of lawless banditti known under the name of Sanyasis and Fakirs, have long infested these
countries and under the pretence of religious pilgrimage, have been accustomed to traverse the
chief parts of Bengal, begging, stealing and plundering wherever they go and as it best suits their
convenience to practice. In the years subsequent to the famine, their ranks were swollen by a
crowd of starving peasants, who h neither seed nor implements to recommence cultivation with,
and the cold weather of 1772 brought them down upon the harvest fields of lower Bengal,
burning, plundering, ravaging in bodies of fifty to thousand men”
The Fakir-Sannyasi rebellion was organized and led by Majnu Shah, a sufi saint of Maria sect. He
succeeded Shah Sultan Hasan Suriya Burhana to the leership of the Bihar based Maria sufi order
in the mid-eighteenth century. He h his lieutenants in the persons of the sufis like Musa Shah,
Cherag Ali Shah, Paragal Shah, Sobhan Shah, Karim Shah etc. On the other hand the Sanysis
belonged to saiba sect amongst Hindus. Bhabani Pathak, a Bhojpuri Brahmin, who h discourse
with Majnu Shah and also h communication with a petty zamindar Devi Chaudhurani, led the
Sannyasi rebels. They were called a jajabar of Hindustan. They were not properly organized
throughout the land. But they could successfully inspire the oppressed peasantry with an idea to
fight for their independence, culture and religion throughout Bengal and Bihar under the united
leership of Majnushah.
Although, the reasons are still obscure, but there were some causes which led to the outbreak of
the Sanyasi rebellion which are given bellow:
I. It seems that the regulations of the East India Company seriously disturbed the ways of
life of the Muslim fakirs and Hindu sannyasis thereby pushing them to make common
cause and to take resort to armed resistance.
II. Both the groups of mendicants lived on alms. It was the practice of the Sanyasis to collect
alms and contributions from the zamindars and followers during their religious travels.
III. The Company rulers, who little understood the religious institutions of the country, took
their alms collection drive for unauthorised impositions on the village people.
IV. The government thus issued decrees banning collection of alms by the organised groups
like the fakirs and sannyasis.
V. In response, they started a resistance movement against the Company rulers. The
resistance movement got rey support from the peasantry for their religious attachment to
the mendicants and also having been hard pressed under the new land revenue policy of
the Company government.
VI. The British considered the Sanyasis looters and imposed restrictions on the Sanyasis
barring them from visiting holy places.
Events of the Sanysi Rebellion
Against the ruthless British, the first flag of rebellion (1763) was unfurled by Majnushah, the leer
of a band of fakirs along with Bhawani Pathak, the leer of a band of sanyasis. It lasted up to 1800.
Their main target was the Company kuthi, revenue kacharis of zamindars loyal to the Company
rulers, and the houses of their officials. The rebels used swords, spear and lances, gun, fire
throwing device, hawai and even revolving cannons. Among the fakirs only Majnu Shah and
some of his lieutenants used horse while moving from one strategic place to another. Camels were
used for carrying provisions and ammunitions. Their operations were mainly of guerilla nature. In
most cases they attacked the Company personnel and their establishments in surprise. In regular
operations and in specific battle there was often assemblage of five to six thousand fakir-
sannyasis. The number of fakirs and sannyasis rose to around fifty thousand or more in 1770s.
The rebels h their intelligence agents in the persons of the villagers who earlier transpired to them
the movement of the Company troops.
The rebels attacked the commercial kuthi of the Company at Bakerganj (1763) and kept the
factory chief Calley confined for some days, and plundered the kuthi. In the same year they
surprised Dhaka kuthi while its English supervisor Ralph Lester evacuated. However, Captain
Grant subsequently recovered the factory. The same year, the rebels attacked Company kuthi at
Rampur Boalia in Rajshahi, captured the factory chief Bennette who was sent to Patna as captive,
where he was killed.
By 1767 the attack of the rebels intensified in Rangpur, Rajshahi, Kuch Bihar, Jalpaiguri
and Comilla. To check the activities of the rebels in North Bengal an English army was sent to
Rangpur in 1767 under Captain De Mackenzee. Meanwhile the rebels defeated an English
contingent sent by Barwel, the Resident of Maldah, under the command of Myrtle who was killed
by the rebels. At the approach of Captain De Mackenze with his army the rebels retracted towards
Nepal. During 1768-70 fakir-sannyasi raids mainly continued in Saran (Bihar), Benares, Purnia,
Rangpur, Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Comilla and Chittagong districts.
Fakir-Sannyasi raids got intensified in 1776 in the districts of Bogra, Rajshahi, Dinajpur
and Chittagong. During the period between 1777 and 1781 the fakir-sannyasi raids mainly
continued in Bogra, Rajshahi, Rangpur, Chittagong, Sylhet and Mymensingh areas. The activities
of the rebels took a serious turn in Alapsingh pargana of Mymensingh in 1782.
After a severe battle at Pukhuria Majnu Shah receded into the Mhupur jungle with his followers.
In 1785 he proceeded towards Mahasthangarh and was defeated in a battle. In the following year,
Majnu Shah planned simultaneous attack in eastern Bengal under himself and in North Bengal
area under his lieutenant Musa Shah. In a battle against the Company army under Lieutenant
Brenan in Kaleswar area (8 December 1786) Majnu Shah lost a large number of his followers, and
some of his wounded followers were carried to Mewat. After 1786 Majnu Shah is not seen to le
any expedition. It appears that he himself was wounded in the battle at Kaleswar and died on 26
January 1788.
After the death of Majnu Shah his able lieutenants like Musa Shah, Cherag Ali Shah,
Paragal Shah, Sobhan Shah, Mar Baksh, Jari Shah, Karim Shah, Kripanath, Rowshan Shah, Anup
Narayan and Sri Nibash continued the revolt till the closing of the year 1800 and even upto 1812 .
But after the death of Majnu Shah the movement was grually losing its direction and dynamics.
Thus, by the late 1790s, the Sanyasi revolt began to be subsided only to wither away in the
form of stray resistance in the subsequent dece of early 19th century.
The 19th century witnessed a number of tribal rebellions against the British rule in India as
well as Odisha. All those rebellions occurred due to strong dislike for the new rule, the oppressive
revenue system, high rent, threat to tritional privileges of the tribal people, etc. Besides that the
British policy of intervention in their religion, social reforms further aggravated the situation. The
missionary activities carried on massively in different tribal area and steps taken against their ruler
largely contributed to the tribal uprising. The Ghumsur rebellion under the leership of Dora Bisoi
and Chakra Bisoi, Keonjhar rebellion under the leership of Ratna Nayak and Dharanidhar Nayak
and the Munda uprising under the leership of Birsa Munda are some of the important tribal
uprisings of Odisha against the British authority.
Kandha rebellion under Dora Bisoi
The growing discontent among the tribals of Ghumsur from the beginning of British rule
under the Mras authority led to the rebellion. The British did not pay proper attention for the
ministration of Ghumsur. In due course of time, the tribals of Ghumsur led by Dora Bisoi started
rebellion against the British authority.
Factors responsible for the discontent of Dora Bisoi
There were many factors which led Dora to revolt against the British. First, the
suppression of Meriah in the Kandha dominated area of Ghumsur was a direct attack of British on
the tritional religious faith of the Kandhas. Along with that the activities of the Christian
missionaries, infuriated the Kandhas and me them rebellious. Secondly, the land revenue up to
50% was collected from the people through forceful method which wounded the sentiment of the
tribals. So, the tribal people became irritated and wanted to take revenge against the British.
Thirdly, the Bhanja rulers of Ghumsur h no friendly relation with the British. Being apprehensive
to be captured by the British authority, Dhananjay Bhanja the ruler of Ghumsur fled to the jungle
and sought the assistance of the Kandhas. The Kandhas wanted to help him as he was their ruler.
Lastly, the dissolution of the Bhanja ruling family after the death of Dhananjay Bhanja in 1835
became the immediate cause of the rebellion. After his death, Brundaban Bhanja and Jagannath
Bhanja, two members of the royal family became rebellious and got the supported by Dora Bisoi,
the tribal chief of the Kandhas of Ghumsur.
About Dora Bisoi
The Kandha tribe rose in rebellion under the leership of Kamal Lochan Dora Bisoi. He
was Benniah Kandha born in the village Binjigiri, located near Kulla of the lower Ghumsur area.
He was a 'Maliah Bisoi' or 'He Agent' of the Kandhas of Ghumsur area of Odisha. He was a good
sword-fighter and a wrestler of high quality. Therefore, he became the leer of the Kandhas and
'Agent of Kandha attairs' to the king of Ghumsur. He was appointed as the Commander-in-chief
of the Ghumsur army. He h managed the military affairs of Ghumsur in a good manner. While
fighting with the British army, he h given a top fight to the British authority at Ghumsur.
British measures to stop the rebellion
In order suppress the rebellion of Dora Bisoi, the British authorities took several measures.
When the rebellion of Dora Bisoi became intolerable, the British authority under the Mras
Presidency sent George Edward Russel to suppress the rebellion under Dora. During this time,
Dhananjay Bhanja who h left Ghumsur h taken shelter under the Kandhas of Ghumsur. However,
it is supposed that inste of paying revenue to the British Government, he h taken much amount of
money with him to continue and support the rebellion in association with the Kandhas of
Ghumsur. In the mean while Russel reached Ghumsur on 11 January 1836 to suppress the
rebellion. He h a grand army with him to fight with the Kandhas. In spite of that the British
Government of India h ordered the superintendents of the Tributary Mahals to render habitual
help to Russel to suppress the rebellion.
Preparation of Dora Bisoi for the rebellion
During this critical time Raja Dhananjay Bhanja died on 31 December, 1835 leaving his
family to the care of the Kandhas of Ghumsur. At this critical hour, persons like Brundaban
Bhanja, Jagannath Bhanja, Mhu Bhanja, Baliar Singh, Sundaray Bisoi, Sangram Singh, Nanda
Bisoi and many others came forward to strengthen the hands of Dora in the rebellion against the
British authority. As these tribal leers were residing in the forest, they were quite acquainted with
the jungle area. They took the benefit of it and resorted to Guerrilla warfare in this rebellion. Now
Dora as the leer of the rebellion planned to fight against the British by concealing themselves in
the jungles and ghaties and to make sudden attacks on the British army.
The British operation
In order to capture the family members of Dhananjay Bhanja, Captain Butler on 14th
February, 1836, led the British troop to the Ghats He h two point responsibilities to perform (1) to
capture the royal members and (2) to rescue to treasury which h been taken by Dhananjay Bhanja.
Dora h instigated the Kandhas to resort to aggression against the British troop. When the British
troop reached the Ghats to make a he way to Udaygiri, they faced resistance from the Kandhas.
When the British troops forcibly took away the fowls of the Kandha villages, they invited the
hostility with the Kandhas of Ghumsur.
Resistance by the Kandhas
In the mean time, the rebellious Kandhas attacked a British detachment between Udaygiri
and Durga Pras. In that encounter, thirteen soldiers (sepoys) and two European officers named
Lieutenant Bromly and Ensign Gibbon were killed. Prior to that the British forces h captured
some Kandhas and took others as prisoners after this incident. On the other hand, the Kandhas
under Dora Bisoi gave a tough resistance to the British forces. By this, the British also became
cruel to suppress the rebellious Kandhas of Ghumsur.
Special operation of British forces to arrest Dora Bisoi
In order to arrest Dora, the British entered into Ambhajhara and Jiripa but they could not
get success. Till that time Dora was playing as the key leer of the movement. The British
searched in many places to arrest him. He moved from place to place and at last sought refuge at
Angul. Being failure to capture Dora Bisoi, the British, declared a prize of 5,000 rupees who
would capture him. In this connection, the Tributary Chief of Angul betrayed him. At the
instruction of Henry Ricketts, the Commissioner of Odisha, Raja Somnath Singh of Angul h
played a very important role in surrendering Dora Bisoi. Lastly, Raja Somanath Singh of Angul
handed over Dora Bisoi to the British forces in 1837.
consequences of the Revolt of Dora
After the capture of their leer Dora Bisoi, other rebellious leers were captured later. They
were tried and awarded severe punishment. As a result of which Dora received life imprisonment
and died inside the Ooty prison in 1846. 40 rebellious persons were awarded death sentences, 29
received confinement for life and 2 others received the same sentence for 8 years. Similarly,
others got imprisonment who were involved in the rebellion of Ghumsur.
After the arrest of Dora Bisoi and other rebellious leers, the British Government me new
agreement with the Kandhas. The British appointed Sam Bisoi as the Chief of the Kandhas who h
played a great role to capture of Kamal Lochan Dora. After this, the rebellion organized Dora
Bisoi ended.
Kandha rebellion under Chakra Bisoi
The Kandha rebellion did not stop after Dora’s imprisonment and death. His nephew,
Chakra Bisoi, took Dora’s place and resolved to take revenge for his uncle’s imprisonment and
death. He posed a great threat to the British authority.
Factors responsible for the rebellion under Chakra
The Kandhas under Chakra Bisoi were instigated to make rebellion against the British Raj.
The following factors were responsible for this rebellion. (1) the death of Dora Bisoi, h left a scar
in the mind of Chakra. He wanted to take revenge of the death of his uncle Dora Bisoi. (2) the
actions of S.C. Macpherson, the Meriah Agent disturbed the Kandhas a lot as he h interfered in
the religion of the Kandhas. He rescued Meriahs and threatened the Kandhas of dire consequences
who violated the law regarding Meriah. Further, he punished the Kandhas mercilessly. (3) on the
other hand, Captain Macpherson was humiliated in his camp at Bisipara in 1846. He was forced
by the Kandha revolutionaries to surrender the Meriahs whom he h rescued from the Kandha area.
Otherwise the Kandhas would have killed him. This achievement of the Kandhas under the
leership of Chakra me them courageous. Finally, the Kandhas installed Pitambar, the minor son of
Dhananjay Bhanja as the king of Ghumsur. This emboldened them and being surcharged with
enthusiasm, they looted the British camp. The above factors forced the British Government to
plan to suppress the rebellion of the Kandhas under Chakra Bisoi.
British plans to capture Chakra Bisoi
Looking into the above factors, Macpherson did not follow the policy of appeasement with
the Kandhas. The British Government realized that his presence as a Meriah agent was
detrimental to the smooth functioning of British ministration at Ghumsur. In order to bring the
situation under control, the Mras Presidency appointed Lt. Col. Campbell as the Meriah Agent
who succeeded Macpherson. However, Campbell was a man of different attitude. He followed a
convincing policy and tried to win over the Kandhas of Ghumsur. So, the Kandhas promised to
abstain from Meriah sacrifice. In this way trial was me to persue the Kandhas and to make
unfriendly with Chakra Bisoi.
Role of Somnath Singh in the rebellion
By his strategy Campbell won most of the Kandhas to his side. However, Chakra Bisoi did
not come under the influence of the British authority. He organized rebellions of the Kandhas
against the British forces. It was alleged that Chakra Bisoi and Nabghan Konhoro were assisted by
Somnath Singh, the King of Angul. After this, the British Government followed a new policy
towards the rebellion. He pardoned both Chakra and Nabghan in order to suppress the rebellion.
The policy bore fruit and Nabghan surrendered. However, Dora did not surrender to the British
authority. This me the British authority to become skeptic about Somnath Singh and wanted to
take severe actions against Somanath Singh of Angul.
As a result of which Somnath picked up his quarrel with the British in 1846. He forcibly
took possession of a village of Hindol. For that offence he was fined Rs. 3,000/-. The King tried to
protest but he could not get success. On the other hand, Lt. Col. Campbell was authorized to
march towards Angul to suppress Somnath Singh. In 1848, Angul was confiscated and Somnath
Singh was sent as a prisoner to the Hazaribagh Jail. He h to pay heavy price for supporting Chakra
Bisoi in the rebellion against the British authority.
British attempt to Capture Chakra
Then the British me many attempts to capture Chakra Bisoi. The capture of Rendo Majhi,
the leer of the Borikiya Kandhas of Kalahandi and the successive attack on the camp of A.C. Mac
Neill who succeed Campbell as Meriah Agent led British to conclude that Chakra Bisoi was
behind the attack. Meanwhile G.F. Cockburn who succeeded Samuells as the Superintendent of
the Tributary Mahals wanted to take steps against Chakra. In the meanwhile, the Zamindar of
Manpur was accused of giving shelter to Chakra. So, he was removed from his zamindary.
Although, R.M. Macdonald sent troop to capture Dharam Singh Mandhata of Athagaon who h
given shelter to Chakra, was arrested.
Chakra's strategy
Looking at the strategy of the British forces, Chakra never stopped in his mission against
the British. He could know that the Savaras of Parlakhemundi were rising against the British
under the leership of Dandasena of Gaiba. Taking this opportunity, Chakra united the Savaras and
Kandhas and instigated them to set fire and plunder those villages which did not support
Dandasena. Captain Wilson moved to suppress this rebellion and captured Dandasena who was
captured and hanged. After that Chakra moved from Parlakhemundi to the area of Tel valley.
Looking at the threat of the British authority, the king of Patna could not help Chakra Bisoi. So, in
order to save himself, Chakra entered into the forests of Kandhamal. The Govt. of Bengal learnt
the connection of Baud and ordered for the annexation of Kandhamal into the British territory in
1855. From that time nothing was known about Chakra Bisoi. He was never captured. He died in
1856. However, in 1857 G.F. Cockburn, the Commissioner of Odisha wrote to the Government
regarding Chakra that perhaps he has abandoned this country. For a dece from 1846 to 1856, the
activities of Chakra became a severe heache to the British authority.
Thus, the Kandha rebellion under Dora Bisoi and Chakra Bisoi is significant in the history
of Odisha in particular and India in general. The role played by both Dora Bisoi and Chakra Bisoi
in this Tribal uprising was commendable. The British failed to capture him even though efforts
were me to capture Chakra Bisoi. However, it is beyond doubt that this tribal rebellion under the
Kandha leers like Dora Bisoi and Chakra Bisoi h given a tough challenge to the British authority
in the early part of the British ministration in Odisha. Although, the rebellion could not bring
much result, but it h the shaken the British authority in Odisha.
SANTAL REBELLION
The establishment of colonial rule also affected the tribal people. Living outside the boundary of
the mainstream population the tribals lived in their own world being governed by their own
tritions and customs. The colonial government extended their authority to the tribal lands and the
tribals were subjected to various extortions. The tribals resented the entry of the colonial
ministration into their land. The Santhals were living in a large tract of land in the Birbhum, Bankura,
Murshidab, Pakur, Dumka, Bhagalpur and Purnea and in different parts of Orissa. The area of
maximum concentration of Santhals was called Daman-i-koh or Santhal Pargana. When the
Santhals cleared the forest and started cultivation in this area the neighbouring Rajas of
Maheshpur and Pakur leased out the Santhal villages to Zarnindars and money-lenders. Grual
penetration by outsiders (called dikus by the Santhals) in the territory of the Santhals brought
misery and oppression for the simple living of the Santhals.
The oppression forced the Santhals to take up arms, and they found their leers in two
brothers, Sidhu and Kanu. It was believed that Sidhu and Kanu h blessings from the gods to bring
an end to their miseries. They decided to get hold of their lands and to set up their own
government. The rebellious Santhals were supported by the local poors like the Gowallahas. Telis,
Lohars and others. The rebellious Santhals ultimately failed in the face of the ruthless suppression
by the British.
Precarious Condition of the Santals
The condition of the Santals became very precarious during the early part of the British rule. The
Zamindars, the police, the revenue and court, etc have exercised a combined system of extortions,
oppressive exactions, and forcible dispossession of property, abuse and personal violence against
the Santhals. The interest on loans of money ranging from 50 to 500 percent, false measures at the
hat (weekly market) and the market and uncharitable trespass by the rich etc. h me the life of the
tribals deplorable.
Coming of the outsiders (Dikus) to Damin-i-Koh
The Santhals immigrated in large numbers into Damin-i-Koh from Cuttack, Dhalbhum,
Manbhum, Barabhum, Chotanagpur, Palamau, Hazaribagh, Midnapore, Bankura and Birbhum.
Santhal tribe came to Damin – I- Koh to live a peaceful life but they could not live peacefully in
that area. The Damin – I- Koh h always been regarded as a reserve area for the aboriginal race of
the district but after the establishment of the Colonial rule, some outsiders, Mahajans, Zamindars
and foreigners came to that place. The main object of the Government in encouraging the Santhals
to settle in the Damin-i-Koh h been clearly stated by Dunbar, “to ascertain what profits are now
derived from the lands” This created anger among the Santals.
Spread of Christianity
The spread of Christianity among the Santals was another cause of the rebellion. Christian
missionaries h entered Damin-I-Koh to impose their own religion on these tribal people
forcefully. In Bhagalpur Commissioner Records of 1836 , we can get an example of that incident.
It is mentioned, “These people (Santhals) have no definite religious system to guide
them......among such people it is not too much to suppose that the labour of a devout missionary
would make rapid progress and extend grually from the flat country to the Hills where in
reference to the character and religion of the Hill race the facilities for propagating the Gospel
would be equally so that under God’s blessing at no very remote period we might hope that
Christianity take firm root and the light of truth reveal itself, in the forest and wilds of the
Rajmahal hills.
The cruel exploitation of the Santhals and ivasi by the money lenders, zamindars, Mahajans and
Bengalis was another cause for the rebellion. These hill men in due course of time, revolted
against the British rule. The Rajmahal Hills were inhabited by the Paharias and in the jacent tracts
the Santhals h grually established their settlements from the early days of British ministration by
clearing the forest. In that area which was under Damin-I-Koh, some outsiders had come to settle
there and other purposes and justice was never given to Santhal tribes.
The economic condition of the Santals was also affected by the money lenders and the outsiders.
Police, revenue officers and court amlas h also tortured tribal people economically. The
administrative abuses and economic injustice were one of the major problems which drove the
Santhal people towards the bloody rebellion of 1855 and continued for two years.
The good days of the Santhals of Damin-i-Koh were short lived. The Santhals were being
stripped of their ownership rights of their lands and thus becoming tenants and even slaves of
Hindus, who knew how to manipulate laws. The Santhals wanted to be relieved of their economic
plight. The impossibility for the Santhals to court redresses, their yearning for independence and
increased political power, an inefficient, inexperienced and lethargic government in dealing with
the Santhal’s grievances against indigo planters, cattle lifting, rape of Santhal women, abnormal
rise in price, the British system of fixed payments on land in cash, ill treatment meted out to the
Santhal prisoners including children and women, poor geographical knowledge of British officers
were some of the reasons for the Santhal rebellion, which form a dark spot on the pages of British
history in India.
The chief cause of the Santhal rebellion was the oppression of the Mahajans, the Darogas and the
corruption of the Amlas. These Mahajans gave the Santhals, money as loan which high interest
and once he h contracted a debt he h little chance of escape, because if his creditor sued him the
Santhals could not produce any authentic record, whereas the creditors h his ledgers and daybook,
these Mahajans sometimes going to court to realise his capital and interest, sent his agents to take
away their cattle forcibly. The Santhals raised their voice against the Indigo planters. The planters
h established some kuthis in the Damin-i-Koh area and forced the Santhals to cultivate indigo.
However, the Santhals were against that cultivation system. Another reason for Santhal rebellion
was the inefficiency of the English ministration.
In many cases Adivasis were rounded up and physically thrown off the land, and were forced to
become migrant labourers. Sometimes they resorted to arms and there are numerous instances of
uprisings in Adivasi areas throughout the colonial period – very often over this issue. The most
spectacular of the uprisings associated with British land policies was that of the Santhals in
Chotanagpur in Bihar in 1855 . This tribal group was tortured physically, economically and
mentally day by day and the rebellion was the outburst of their anger.
The Santhals were further enjoined to slaughter at once all the Mahajans and Darogas, to
banish the trers and zamindars and all rich Bengalis from their country, to sever their connection
with the Damin–i–Koh, and to fight all who resisted them.
The Santhal rebellion soon plundered the Barhait Bazaar the place of the rich Mahajans,
and then marched in different directions with bows, poisoned arrows, axes and swords and
committing plunders and atrocities on their way. For fear of life, the Bengal and the non-Santhal
inhabitants took to their heels, leaving their hearth and home behind.
The open rebellion caught the British Government in surprise. From a letter of the Commissioner
of Bhagalpur to the commanding officer at Dinapur we come to know that the Commissioner of
Bhagalpur was engaged to write a letter to Magistrates and other government officials to suppress
the rebellion. Initially a small contingent was sent to suppress the rebels but it could not succeed
and this further fuelled the spirit of the revolt. When the law and order situation was getting out of
hand the British Government finally took a major step and sent in large number of troops assisted
by the local Zamindars and the Nawab of Murshidab to quell the Rebellion. British Government h
announced an award of Rs. 10,000 to arrest Sidhu and his brother Kanhu Murmu. A number of
skirmishes occurred after this which resulted in large number of casualties for the Santals. The
primitive weapons of the Santals, weren't a match against the musket and cannon firepower of the
British. Troop detachments from the 7th Native Infantry Regiment, 40th Native Infantry and
others were called into action. Major skirmishes occurred from July 1855 to January 1856, in
places like Kahalgaon, Suri, Raghunathpur, and Munkatora.
INTRODUCTION
The Revolt of 1857 is considered as one of the most important events in the history of the struggle
towards the liberation from the British yoke. The hundred year’s British rule i.e. from 1757 to
1857 was the period of mounting distress and unhappiness for the people of India. The ever
increasing effect of the British expansionist policies, economic exploitation and administrative
innovations over the years had badly affected the life of the people of India. The British rule had
endangered the life, prestige, religion and property of both Hindu and Muslim community. Their
discontent found expression in different revolts, of which the Revolt of 1857 was most important.
The revolt was a big challenge to the British empires to sustain its control over India. It was
presumed at one time that it was going to end. It was started as a mere Sepoy mutiny.
Subsequently peasants, princess and civilians joined in it and made the great Revolt of 1857.
REVOLT OF 1857
The revolt of 1857 was the result of the culmination of popular discontent that had been
accumulating for a long time against the policies of the British in India. The record of the
Company of the last hundred years in India was that of extension of political power and economic
exploitation. It created dissatisfaction and distrust among the Indian masses, which resulted in
several local revolts and mutines prior to the Revolt. The people had revolted at Bareilly in 1816,
the Kols in 1831-1833, the people in the Kangra Valley in 1848 and the Santhals in 1855-1856.
Similarly the mutiny of 7th Bengal Cavalry and 64th Regiment, the mutiny of 22nd N.I. in 1849.,
the mutiny of 66th N.I. in 1850, the 38th N.I. in 1858 among the sepoys found expression out of
socio-economic-political and administrative causes. By 1857, certain factors involved Indian
soldiers as well in it which sparked the revolt. Then, the dissatisfied native rulers, landlords, and
their subjects and certain opportunistic people also became a party to it. Thus, the revolt of 1857
was the result of certain deep-rooted causes though its immediate cause was ‘greased cartridge’
provided by the Indian soldiers.
NATURE OF THE REVOLT
Now the question arises as to what was the nature of revolt i.e., whether it was spontaneous
outburst or pre-planned Rising. In other words, whether the revolt was an outburst of the people
against the discontentment which was brewing in the minds of the people or it was instigated by
few vested interested interests who had been dislodged from their position and authority.
Different views have been expressed by historians, scholars, statesmen and writers on the nature
and character of the events of 1857 which are given bellow:
Sepoy Mutiny
Scholar like Sir John Lawrence was of the view that the events of 1857 had their origin in the
army and their cause was the greased cartridges and nothing else. According to Sir John Seelay it
was "Wholly unpatriotic and selfish sepoy mutiny with no native leadership and no popular
support." Prof. P.E. Roberts accepts the views of John Lawrence and Seelay and observes that the
Mutiny was mainly military in origin but it occurred at a time when for various reasons there were
social and political discontent in the country and the mutineers took advantage of the same.
Marshman called it as "the savage muting of a hundred thousand sepoys." The view of Dr.
Alexander Duff is that the revolt was the spontaneous outcome of the fraternity of sepoys of all
castes and creeds.
The explanations of the above scholars are unacceptable. Although, the Revolt started as a
military revolt, but it was not confined to the army everywhere. Even the army as a whole did not
join the rising and a big part of the army fought on the side of the government. In fact, the rebels
came from almost every section of the population. In Oudh some districts of Bihar, it got the
support of the common people. In the trials of 1858-59, thousands of civilians along with the
soldiers were made guilty of the revolt and were punished.
Conflict Between Civilizations and Barbarism
Some historians led by T. R. Holmes are of view that the Revolt of 1857 was "a conflict between
civilization and barbarism." This point of view smacks of narrow racialism. It may be noted that
both the English and the Indian were guilty of murder of innocent people. If the Indians were
guilty of the murder of European women and in some cases children in Delhi, Kanpur and
Lucknow, the record of the British was equally tarnished by the black deeds which were no less
barbaric then those of the Indian people. Hodson made indiscriminate firing at Delhi. Neil hanged
hundreds of innocent Indians without any trial. At Allahabad there was scarcely a single tree
which was not used as gallows for the poor peasants. The street urchins were caught and hanged
by the British at Banaras. The Muslim noblemen were sewn alive in pig skin by the British
soldiers. By committing this kind of heinous crime and acts, no nation can claim itself to be
civilised.
Hindu and Muslim Conspiracy
A few historians call it a Hindu Conspiracy. It is contended by them that it was initiated by
Mangal Pandey - a Hindu. It was engineered by the emissaries of the Peshwa under the guidance
of Nana Saheb. Sir James Outram and W. Tayler hold the view that "it was a Mohammedan
conspiracy making capital of Hindu grievances." There is no basis for such a theory. The Hindus
and the Muslims worked shoulder to shoulder. This view is basically made on the English
diplomacy of "Divide and Rule.” The explanation is extremely unsatisfactory. If it were a Muslim
conspiracy, the Nizam of Hyderabad would have been induced not to remain neutral. Mangal
Pandey, Nana Saheb, Tantia Tope, Rani Laxmi Bai, were not Muslim leaders.
National Uprising
Lord Canning, the Governor-General of India, in whose rule, the events took place observed, "The
struggle which we have had, has been more like a national war than a local insurrection. It its
magnitude, duration, scale of expenditure and in some of its moral features, it partakes largely of
the former character." Benjamin Disraeli, a contemporary conservative leader in England,
describes it as "a national rising." He contended that the so-called Mutiny was no sudden impulse
but was the result of careful combinations, vigilant and well-organised, on the watch for an
opportunity the decline and fall of empires are not affairs of greased cartridges ..such rebellions
are occasioned by adequate causes and accumulation of adequate cause." Ashok Mehta, a great
national leader points out the national character of the movement in his book " 1857: The Great
Rebellion."
The above views are again not acceptable as everybody in this revolt were fighting for their own
cause and interests. So, this cannot be accepted as a national war. The rebel leaders by and large
lacked national perspective. They were fighting for the restoration of their lost privileges. The
sepoys of Meerut who came to Delhi declared Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah II as their leader.
Very few leaders who led the movement fought under his leadership. There was no central
leadership to guide the rebel sepoys and civilians. There was no war strategy. The movement was
unplanned and uncoordinated. The leaders at different places were jealous and suspicious of one
another and often quarrelled. The only thing common was their own interest against the
maltreatment of the British rulers to them. Patriotism merely meant regionalism. There was no all-
India consciousness or modern type of nationalism.
Popular Revolt
Some scholars argues in favour of the revolt as a popular revolt which are given bellow:
Participation by Civilian
No doubt, the sepoys were the backbone of the revolt and they bore the brunt of the struggle to
break the chains that imprisoned India. They became its shield and spear. However, besides
the sepoys, millions of Indian took part in the revolt. The number of the civilians killed was as
large as that of the sepoys.
The rapidity with which the struggle for freedom spread shows that in several areas, it
enjoyed mass support. At some places the civilians were more active and aggressive than even
the sepoys. At some places, those who sided with the British faced boycott from the
community. At places boats men refused to ferry British army across the river. Several
sections of population participated in the struggle.
Common Symbol
The circulation of 'Chapatis' - the symbol of revolts in different parts of the country by the
'Sadhus' and others point to the popular upsurge for freedom.
Involvement of Several Region
The movement was not confined to one region or city or province. It was widespread.
Hindu-Muslim Unity
The religious harmony among the Hindus and the Muslims was quite evident during the
movement. The Mughal Emperor prohibited the cow slaughter through tout the country to
conciliate the Hindus. In a letter to Rajas of Rajputana, he pleaded that the different forces of the
nation must unite and wage the Revolutionary War. He further wrote, "I have no desire left of
ruling over India after the expulsion of the English for my own aggrandizement. If all of your
native Rajas are ready to unsheathe your sword to drive away the enemy, then I am willing to
resign imperial powers who are chosen to exercise it." Several Hindu rulers responded to the offer
of the Muslim ruler.
The above views are also not accepted. The Revolt in the absence of any unity of purpose
did not embrace the entire country. Major parts of South India, East India and West India
remained unaffected. It was primarily restricted to North India. Some of the Indian rulers
supported British. Quite a large number of big Zamindars sided with the British. Propertied class
in general kept itself aloof from the mutineers. Modern educated Indians did not provide help to
the rebels.
Religious Uprising
It is believed by some historians and thinkers that it was a religious uprising. Their contention is
that the greased cartridges smeared with animal fat of cow and pig had led the sepoys to suspect
the intentions of the British rulers to convert them to Christianity. They, therefore, rose in
rebellion as their religions i.e., Hinduism and Islam were against such things.
This theory is discounted with the argument that had this been a religious crusade, several, Hindu
and Muslim rulers and other sections would not have rendered any help to the British. Further, it
is difficult to agree with L.E..R. Rees that the Revolt was ‘a war of fanatic religionists against
Christians’ the Christians ultimately won but not Christianity. The Hindus and Muslims got
defeated but not their religions. Moreover, there were no religious clashes between the Christians
and other religions. There is no doubt that religious cause was one of the reasons of the
widespread Revolt but not the sole cause.
War of Independence
V.D. Savarkaar, a great nationalist revolutionary leader and an eminent writer, wrote his book
'The Indian War of Independence' which was published in London in 1909. He described the
uprising of 1857 as a "planned war of Indian Independence"; and attempted to prove that the
uprisings of 1826-27, 1831-32, 1848 and 1854 were rehearsals of the great drama played in 1857.
Later on several leaders of the freedom struggle further developed the theme of the popular
character of the Revolt and it cited as a shining example of the perfect accord and harmony
between the Hindus and the Muslims in the fight for freedom from British domination.
Thus, the Revolt of 1857 was basically anti-imperialist and both the civilians and sepoys
wanted to throw out the British ruler form the soil of India. From the letter written by Mughal
emperor Bahadur Shah to the Rajas of Rajputana, it becomes clear that the struggle was for the
independence of the country. The letter reads, "It is my ardent wish to see that the 'Feringee'
(English) is driven out of Hindustan by all means and at any cost. It is my ardent wish that the
whole of Hindustan should be free, but the Revolutionary war that is being waged for the purpose
will not be crowned with success unless a man capable of sustaining the whole burden of the
movement, who can organise and concentrate the different forces of the nation and unify the
whole people in himself, comes forward to guide the rising. I have no desire left of ruling over
India after the expulsion of the English for my own aggrandizement. If all of your native Rajas are
ready to unsheathe your sword to drive away the enemy, then I am willing to resign imperial
powers and authority in the hands of any confederacy of native princes who are chosen to exercise
it." Several sections of Hindus responded to this. All this shows that it was the war of
independence or national rising, although on a limited scale.
Causes of the Revolt
The 1857 revolt was merely started as a military outbreak. The East Indian Company which was
started as a trading company, had some military ambition. They took the help of military to
exploit the Indian trading privileges as their only prerogatives. After defeating Portugues and the
French trading companies they not only defeated Indian powers in 1757 but also monopolised
trade in their favours. However, the following causes were responsible for the outbreak of the
Revolt of 1857.
Economic factors
East India Company compelled Indian peasants and, artisans, weavers to sell their products in
unremunerative price. There was huge drain of wealth from India. The policy of
deindustrialisation ruined the economy of country. Heavy-protective duties were imposed on
goods to disfavour the Indian trade and manufacturing sectors. The industrial products of Britain
flooded the Indian markets. The cotton-weavers failed to get the proper price. The Indigo-
cultivators of Bengal and Bihar got the rough treatment. In order to broaden the base their profit
their main source of revenue shifted to land. They devised new system of land settlements like
Permanent, Ryotwari" and Mahalwari' Settlement. All these systems made tenants the helpless
creatures and the exorbitant land revenue made their condition down. Landlords were given
absolute right. They collected revenue from tenants in rigorous methods. Many Zamindars lost
their rights on Zamindars because of sunset law. If they failed to deposit in time they lost their
Zamindary. These settlements made Indian peasants poor and hard to survive. Many of them went
to money-lenders and compelled to disposed their property in a distress sale. The peasants were
oppressed by petty official. As Indian agriculture depended on nature during bad harvest they
suffered more. Even the law courts failed to give them proper justice. The nexus between the
lower officials, law courts and money-lenders created an unholy alliance. as a result Indian
peasantry alienated. Besides the outbreak of seven famines during first half of 19th century made
the condition more distressing.
Political Cause
During the administration of Lord Dalhousie (1848-56) the East Indian Company's policy of
annexation became naked and severe. Even it never spared his own friends. By a stroke of pen
Dalhousie took its Indian Empire to its culmination. It was Doctrine of Lapse which disallowed
the Princely states to adopt sons or select the successors. Satara was annexed in 1848, Jhansi in
1854, and Awadh in 1856. Besides Sambalpur, Jaipur, Udai, Bhagat were also annexed by
Dalhousie. In the course of eight year (18-lS-56) he annexed eight states. The annexation of
Awadh was the most brutal act of imperialism. The policy followed to annex Burma. Assam,
Coorg and Sind created wide discontent in these regions. It made a number of rulers dissatisfied
with Britishers Begum of Avadh, Rani of Jhansi and Nana Saheb adopted son of Peshwa Bazi Rao
II were displeased with British authorities. It hut their Sepoys, and dependent relatives. They paid
more taxes and became many of them unemployed. The Doctrine of Lapse was one of the potent
cause of 1857 revolt.
Social Cause
The middle and upper classes of Indian society were deeply oppressed. During Mughals they were
a major part of their civil service and helping them in administration. By their talents they were
given very high posts. Indians served both in high and low level of service. They were deprived
form civil service because of annexation of Princely states. During British, they were allowed to
act as subordinates and juniors, suffering from racial prejudice. Many talented Indians and
personnel were neglected. Many Britishers never mixed with Indian people and .ill treated them.
Their policy of exploitation was severe to ruin Indians economically. The introduction of English
education and Western civilization challenged some of the Indian thoughts unreasonably. No
doubt some practices existed had no scientific rationalisation, should be changed. But to make it a
point to undermine our cultural, social and religious fabric was certainly wrong. The policy of
Christian missionaries to convert our people to Christianity, claiming it to be superior religion
created panic and havoc among Hindus. The abolition of Sati and infanticide, introduction of
widow remarriage, the right of inheritance .to converts were looked as interference of our religion.
It was believed that the introduction of railways and telegraphs had some ill motive to destroy our
path of religions beliefs and strengthen the British imperialist designs.
The Immediate Cause
The discontent of too deep and even spread to other sectors. mostly sepoys. Indian Sepoy of
British Army belonged to various religions. They lived like brothers. In 1824 the Sepoys of
Barrakpore refused to go to Burma by sea to justify their religious beliefs and besides they had
series of grievances. Their allowances were cut. Canning's General Service enlistment Act made
all recruits to march wherever ordered. British saw the Bengal Army mutinous. The policy of
promotion to Indian Sepoys compared to others was not encouraging. Another factor which made
Indian Sepoys to revolt was its sizeable numbers. When Dalhousie left India the British Army
contained 2,33,000 Indian Sepoys and 45,322 British Soldiers.
The Greased Cartridge Story:
This discontentment and dissatisfaction was sparked off by the spread of greased cartridge story.
In 1856 Enfield rifle was introduced in the army. The top of the cartridge of this Rifle was to be
removed by the mouth before its being loaded in the rifle. Soon thereafter, a rumour was spread in
the army that cartridge were greased by the fat of cow and pig. This annoyed both the Hindu and
the Muslim soldiers who felt strongly aggrieved that their religion was being spoiled by the
government. All efforts made by the government to convince the soldiers that there were no fat of
cow or pig failed and they decided not to use these cartridges. This became immediate cause
responsible for the spread of revolt. British historians, among others have accepted, that greased
cartridges definitely contained the fats of cows and pigs.
Outbreak of Revolt
The people of India who were on the outlook of an opportunity to rise against Company rule,
found the greased cartridges issue as a good opportunity. The soldiers of 19th regiment at
Barrackpore cantonment refused to use greased cartridges but subsequently they agreed to use
these. The leaders of the plan were punished and regiment disbanded. On March 20, 1857,
Mangal Pandey fired at his sergeant major and raised the banner of revolt. He was however,
arrested and executed. The soldiers at other cantonments also raised their voice. All protests made
by the soldiers to stop the use of greased cartridges failed and discontentment among the soldiers
went on increasing. On April 24, 1857, soldiers of 3rd cavalry regiment at Meerut refused to use
these cartridges, but the revolting soldiers were arrested and imprisoned.
They were also disgraced in the public. On May 10, 1857, the 3rd cavalry regiment
soldiers revolted in large numbers and infantry joined them. They killed many English officers
and got many prisoners released from jails. They marched towards Delhi and captured it on May
12. Here also some Englishmen were killed. Bahadur Shah II was proclaimed as the Emperor of
India. The revolt then rapidly spread in Lucknow, Kanpur and Jhansi. In Kanpur revolt was led by
Nana Sahib, whereas in Jhansi, the leader was Rani Lakshmi Bai. Tantia Tope was another leader
of the rebels.
In Punjab, as a precautionary measure the Company disarmed all Indian soldiers. There
were revolts in Gwalior, Indore and Rajasthan. The rebels had initial successes in places like
Saharanpur, Bulandshahi, Delhi, Bareilly, Kanpur, Agra, Mathura, etc. The people everywhere
joined the rebels in large numbers. By the middle of June, 1857, practically the whole of North
India had risen against Company rule. In Punjab, however, Sikh soldiers remained in their
barracks and so did Salar Jang in Hyderabad.
Suppression of the Revolt
Lord Canning, the then Governor I General, lost no time in suppressing the revolt. He collected
forces from South and Central India and even from Sri Lanka, Burma and from all other places
from where he could. He ordered Sikh soldiers to proceed to Delhi. General Neill captured
Banaras and Allahabad. On December 6, 1857, Sir Campbell captured Kanpur where Nana Sahib
had declared himself as Peshwa and killed many Englishmen. Nana Sahib however, fled away.
The English then captured both Delhi and Lucknow. Two sons of Bahadur Shah were killed and
he himself was deported to Rangoon. Sir Hugh Rose captured Jhansi and Rani of Jhansi left the
place and joined Tantia Tope who was leading the rebels at Gwalior. In June was arrested and
executed. Thus by .July 1858, the revolt was practically crushed and British supremacy again
fully established.1858, Gwalior was also captured. The Rani was killed while fighting whereas
Tantia Tope
The Revolt of 1857 had far reaching significance in the history of modern India. The
administrative, constitutional, military, political, religious and social structure of India underwent
radical changes after the Revolt of 1857. The British Government took two important steps to
bring about changes. These were. (i) The Government of lndia Act, 1858 (ii) Proclamation of the
Queen of England.
The psychological environment in India also changed considerably after the Revolt of 1858. ,
Administrative significance
The Company's administration and control over India came to an end (ii) Now Indian affairs came
under the Crown of England (iii) The designation of the Governor-General of India was changed
into the Viceroy of India (iv) The control of the Secretary of State for India-a newly created post
(a Cabinet Minister of England) over the Viceroy of Indian was greater than the control of the
President of the Board of Control over the Governor - General of India.
Constitutional significance
(i) All territories in India under the control of the East India Company came under the Crown of
England (ii) The Biritish Parliament could exercise more control over Indian affairs (iii) All the
treaties and agreements made by the Company with the Indian rulers were to be honoured by the
Company.
Educational significance
The Universities were established at Calcutta, Madras and Bombay in 1857.
Judicial significance
(i) The Penal Code on which Lord Macaulay's Commission had begun work so many years
before became the law of the land (ii) Crown's Supermen Court and Company's Sadar Courts were
amalgamated in the High courts which were now established at each Presidency.
Military significance
(i) Increase in the number of European troops. It was laid down that at least one third of the army
in India and must consist of Europeans (ii) Placing artillery exclusively under the Europeans. (iii)
Increase in military expenditure on account of higher emoluments to Europeans (iv) Distinction
between Kings, troops and Company's troops was abolished.
In the pre-colonial period, Indian economy was predominantly an agrarian economy. The system
of land revenue administration devised by Akbar and the great Mughal Emperors had broken
down in the early eighteenth century. Within half a century of British rule, the pattern of
landownership and the methods of assessment and collection of land revenue introduced by the
British in India, destroyed the pre-British agrarian system and self-sufficiency of the Indian
village society. The British introduced different revenue systems at different places but their aim
remained not the betterment of the conditions of the peasants but to draw maximum revenue.
Clive introduced the Dual government in Bengal for his purpose. Warren Hastings abolished it
and adopted five years or yearly settlement with the collectors of revenue. Cornwallis introduced
the 'Permanent Settlement in the provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. After wards in the rest of
the provinces either Mahalwari or Ryotwari system was introduced.
LAND REVENUE SETTLEMENTS
Shortly after the Battle of Plassey, the British secured the Diwani (the right to collect revenues) of
Bengal. The earliest land revenue settlement introduced by Warren Hastings in Bengal was made
on the assumption that all land belonged to the sovereign. He started the system of auctioning the
land to the highest bidders. Thus many of the old Zamindar families were shunted out of their
hereditary rights and the centuries-old links between them and the government, on the one hand,
and cultivators, on the other, were severed. When Robert Clive obtained the Diwani of Bengal,
there used to be an annual settlement (of land revenue). Warren Hastings changed it from annual
to quinquennial (five-yearly) and back to annual again. During the time of Comwallis, a 10 years'
(decennial) settlement was introduced and it was made Permanent Settlement in 1793 in Bengal,
Bihar and Orissa. Since Permanent Settlement was made with the Zamindars, who were
recognised as the absolute owners of lands for which the East India Company gave them
permanent rights to collect land revenue, it is also known as the zamindari system.
The British Government in India did not adopt a uniform land revenue policy. Broadly, it
introduced three major land revenue and tenurial systems in India, namely, the zamindari system
or the Permanent Settlement, the mahalwari system and the ryotwari system.
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT OR THE ZAMINDARI SYSTEM
Before the arrival of Lord Cornwallis in India, no permanent settlement was made in Bengal in
the sphere of revenue administration. Cornwallis was the first Governor General who paid his
attention to the revenue reforms and attained a great success and tremendous fame, It was the
permanent reform of Cornwallis in India. At the time of appointment of Cornwallis as Governor
General, the condition of the farmers of India was very deplorable and the land revenue system of
the East Indian Company was ridden with defects. Hence, Cornwallis resorted to Permanent
Settlement for the good of the farmers. When Cornwallis arrived in India, the land revenue system
was as follows:
The farmers had to pay cultivation tax to the government.
The system of annual settlement was in vogue.
Hastings had introduced the Five-Year Settlement, according to which the right of realisation of
tax was given to the highest bidder for five years on contract basis. But there was a great problem
in this system in as much as that at the time of auction, the contractors used to make such a high
bid, that they failed to deposit the amount of the bid in the royal treasury. Hence this system was
converted into animal system on contract basis but this alternative made the situation all the more
intricate. The new contractors who had no experience of realisation of the tax could not control
the situation. The contract system proved harmful for both the peasants and the Company and the
productivity of the land began to decrease rapidly. Hence the weaknesses of the annual system
were clearly apparent at the time of the appointment of Cornwallis.
In order to improve the deplorable condition of the peasants and the Company; Cornwallis started
this system which came to be known as Permanent Settlement. This permanent settlement
continued in India till India achieved freedom. Its chief aim was to impart stability to the revenue
system. Keeping in view all these advantages, the scheme of Permanent Settlement was
introduced in Bengal for the good of the people.
The East India Company permitted Cornwallis to implement the permanent settlement in Bengal.
It was ordered that first, he should make the revenue settlement with the peasants for ten years and
later on, this system 'should be made permanent. Hence, on 10th February, 1790, ten years'
settlement was introduced. It was also declared on this occasion that it would be made permanent
as soon as the permission of the Board of Directors had been obtained. Cornwallis received the
permission of the British government in 1793 and the permanent settlement was enforced on 23rd
March, 1793. Permanent settlements were made in Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, the Northern Districts of
Madras and Varanasi division of U.P., which roughly covered 19 per cent of the total area of
British India.
Motive behind the introduction of Permanent Settlement
Lord Cornwallis introduced this permanent settlement with great .patience having two important
motives behind it.
The psychological motive was that Cornwallis was greatly impressed by Zamindari system
of England and while solving the social and economic problems of India, he thought it
worthwhile to establish a powerful feudal system in India also in order to keep control
over the peasants and to strengthen the economic position of the country.
The English officers were fed up with the problem of realisation of tax every year. It made
the income of the Company indefinite, so he thought it essential to introduce the
Permanent Settlement.
Basic Features of Permanent Settlement
The basic features of the Permanent Settlement in Bengal were as follows:
The Zamindars (landlords) were made hereditary owners of the land under their
possession. They and their successors could not be dispossessed of their lands till they
paid the revenue to the state.
The Zamindars could sale their lands and also had the right to purchase land.
The state kept no direct contact with the peasants.
The Company's share in the revenue was fixed permanently with the zamindars. It
amounted to nearly Rs. 2,68,00,989 annually which was higher than the highest yield in
the last twenty years.
The Zamindars were to give 10/11th of the rental they derived from the peasantry to the
state keeping only 1/11th themselves. But the sums to be paid by them as land revenue
were fixed in perpetuity.
If the rental of a Zamindar’s estate increased owing to extension of cultivation and
improvement in agriculture or his capacity to extract more from his tenants or any other
reason, he would keep the entire amount of the increase. The State would not make any
further demand upon him. But the Zamindar had to pay his revenue rigidly on the due date
even if the crop had failed for some reason. Otherwise his lands were to be sold.
Advantages and Disadvantages of the Permanent Settlement
Different scholars have expressed divergent opinions regarding the Permanent Settlement. Many
of them regarded it as a bold and wise measure. Mr. Marshman remarked, “It was a bold, brave
and wise measure. Under the influence of this territorial charter which for the first time created
indefeasible rights and interests in the soil, population has increased, cultivation has extended and
a gradual improvement has become visible in the habits and comfort of the people". Mr. Holmes
writes, "The permanent settlement was a sad blunder." In the same way several other historians
hold divergent opinions about its merits and demerits. James Mill also criticised this measure
while Mr Tharnton wrote that the measure was the result of complete ignorance of Cornwallis
concerning Indian affairs.
Advantages of the Permanent Settlement
The scholars, supporting this measure have pointed out certain advantages of it which are given
bellow:
(1) The measure made the landlords the hereditary owners of their lands. It created a class of
people who became permanent supporters of the English rule in India because their
position depended on the British. It thus, strengthened the British empire in India.
(2) It helped in increasing the prosperity of the provinces of Bengal, Bihar -and Orissa. The
landlords took interest in increasing agriculture production because they were the only
beneficiaries of it. They had to pay a fixed amount as revenue to the Company while their
share in the production was not fixed. They could arbitrarily fix it with the peasants. Of
course, they were asked to give pattas (agreement deeds with the peasants) to the peasants,
but the practice was not adhered to. Therefore, they could keep maximum share of
increased production to themselves. Naturally, the zamindars took measures to increase
agricultural production.
(3) Besides, the landlords were made free from the responsibility of dispensing justice and
maintaining peace and order in the land under their jurisdiction. They were not asked to
pay any succession duty either. This made them free to devote their energy towards
agriculture. It also improved their financial position. All this certainly brought out
beneficial results. Agriculture production increased and the area under cultivation also
enhanced. It had a favourable effect on trade and industry in Bengal and helped in bringing
prosperity to the provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
(4) The government, of course, could not increase its share in the revenue but the growth of
trade and industry certainly helped it financially. The government was assured of a fixed
yearly income for which it had neither to exert itself nor to make any expenditure.
(5) The servants of the Company became free from the responsibility of looking after the
revenue administration. It made them free to look after the trade of the Company and rest
of the fields of administration like justice, police etc.
(6) It freed the English government of the problem of fixation of revenue every year.
Moreover, the income of the government was fixed once for all, which enabled it to make
its planning according to its resources of income. In case, the landlords did not make
payment of their tax, the loss was made good by selling a part of the land of the Zamindar
.
(7) The implementation of the Permanent Settlement also benefited the peasants. So far, they
were forced to pay more and more to the landlords but now their revenue was also fixed
through a patta agreement deed which saved them from the harassment from the landlords.
(8) It not only increased the agricultural produce but also enhanced the area under cultivation.
(9) So far, a large number of employees were involved in the revenue administration of the
Company but the implementation of the Permanent Settlement enabled them to devote
their services to the other departments of the Company as there was no work in this
department now.
Disadvantages of the Permanent Settlement
(1) On the contrary, many other scholars have contended that the Permanent Settlement
affected adversely the interests of the Company, the then zamindars and worst of all, the
peasants.
(2) The settlement, of course, strengthened the foundation of the English rule in India but,
from the point of view of Indians, it meant strengthening the bonds of their slavery.
(3) Besides, the Company suffered financial loss in the long run because it could not enhance
the revenue with increased agriculture production.
(4) The zamindars also suffered initially. The Company's demand of revenue was very high.
Dr. Bipin Chandra writes: “In contrast to the British landlord, who paid a small share of
his income as land tax; he had to pay as tax 10/11th of his income from the land."
(5) Therefore, many landlords could not pay the revenue settled with the Company and were
either dispossessed of their lands or became victims of the moneylenders. The result was
that gradually the land was either taken over by traders and profiteers belonging to the city
or by English officers who had no interest in land except that of earning maximum profit.
(6) Dr. Bisheshwar Prasad writes: 'In the nineteenth century much of the land was owned by a
new class of landlords, who had come from the cities and whose main interest in their
holdings was profit. These people ultimately succeeded in growing rich and developing
into the main prop of the foreign government.
(7) The peasants were the worst sufferers of this settlement. They were left entirely at the
mercy of their landlords and, therefore, suffered from rack-renting and extortion. It was a
blunder to dispossess the majority consisting of the cultivators of the right of ownership
with the view to give ownership rights to a minority consisting of the landlords. Sir
Charles Metcalfe wrote: "Cornwallis instead of being the creator of property in India, was
the great destroyer of it."
(8) The cultivators who were reduced to the position of tenants suffered miserably at the
hands of their landlord masters because the government made no law' till 1859 for their
protection. The Company, therefore, did a grave injustice to the peasants. Bevridge writes:
"A very grave blunder as well as gross injustice was committed when settlement was made
with the zamindars alone, and the right of the farmers were completely ignored".
(9) Besides, one more practice developed gradually much against the interest of the peasants
language the Zamindars started living in cities and gave their lands to contractors. These
contractors or intermediaries collected maximum revenue from the cultivators to gain
maximum for themselves while cared least for the development of agriculture as they had
no permanent interest in the land.
(10) The system was opposed to the Zamindari system as well as the English meant it to
be. Therefore, the Company opposed it in the beginning, but, finally recognised it in 1819
A.D. That increased the number of intermediaries leading to further exploitation of the
peasants.
(11) It was really a great mistake on the part of Cornwallis that he deprived the majority
of the cultivators of the right of ownership of land and made the landlords , the owners of
the land. Sir Charles Metcalfe writes about it, "Cornwallis instead of being the creator of
prosperity in India was the great destroyer of it."
Thus, the Permanent Settlement brought no advantage to anybody except the landlords. It
proved more harmful than useful. Besides, whatever advantages it had, those could be
achieved by a settlement for nearly fifteen to twenty years. The Company also realised it and
therefore, did not introduce it in other parts of India except in Northern Sarkars in the South
and district of Banaras in the North. The system was completely abolished after India's
independence.
RYOTWARI SETTLEMENT
In South and South Western India, there were no zamindars with large estates with whom the
settlement could be made by the Company. Many British officials believed that the Permanent
Settlement put the Company to a financial loss as it could not raise the demand of revenue. Some
of them also argued that the Permanent Settlement was oppressive to the cultivators as they were
left at the mercy of the Zamindars. A few held that a direct settlement with cultivators would
mean continuation of the affairs that had existed in the past. Munro said: It is the system which
has always prevailed in the past". The primary consideration to devise a settlement directly with
the cultivators was the motive of financial gain to the company. Thus, the efforts of Thomas
Munro and Captain Read, resulted in the Ryotwari System.
This Ryotwari revenue settlement was first introduced in Tamil Nadu (former Madras) and
then it was gradually extended to Maharashtra (former Bombay Presidency), East Bengal and
portions of Assam and Coorg (part of present Karnataka).
Features of Ryotwari settlement
The main features of this settlement were as follows:
The ryots were given the ownership and occupancy rights in land.
An assessment upon individual cultivators was made.
Measurement of field and an estimate of produce was done.
The government demand at 55 per cent of the produce was fixed
They were directly and individually responsible for the payment of land revenue to the
state.
The revenue was collected with the help of local hereditary village officers which were
recognised by the government.
A system of peasant proprietorship was introduced.
This system was not made permanent. It was revised periodically after 20 to 30 years when the
revenue demand was usually raised.
Estimate of Ryotwari settlement
In this settlement, the measurement was faulty, the estimates of produce were wrong, and the
revenue was excessive. The Ryotwari system protected neither the rights of the cultivators nor put
them to any financial gain. Venkatasubbiah rightly remarks: "The actual working of the system
was a chronicle of frustration."
i. In the ryotwari system, instead of the Zamindar, the peasant became the proprietor, but
this right failed to improve his condition.
ii. In the first instance, the value of the landed property declined to a point where its
purchase in the market became unprofitable.
iii. This was mainly due to the excessive rate of revenue, owing to which agriculture had
become unremunerative.
iv. The methods of collection of revenue were so rigid and harsh that the peasants in the
ryotwari areas landed in the hands of the money-lenders, which again led to perpetual
struggle between the money-lenders and the cultivators.
v. The zamindari system had revolutionised the relations between the landlords (revenue
farmers) and tenants; the ryotwari system revolutionised the relations between the
creditors and debtors and thus introduced another grasping and exploiting element into the
rural society.
vi. Once the farmer was in the money-lender's clutches, the latter used all the chicanery and
cunning that he had at his command, to keep his victim in bondage. Interest rates were so
high that the cultivator at best was able to pay only the interest on the loan.
vii. The main objective of the ryotwari system were the regular collection of revenue and
amelioration of the condition of the ryots.
viii. The first aim was realised, but the second remained unfulfilled.
ix. It was officially stated that the ryot could not be ejected so long as he paid the rent; but
the assessment was so high that its payment was no easy task.
Thomas Munro advocated fixity of rental, so that all improvements made by the ryot might
add to his own profit. After 1855 the assessment was fixed at the discretion of the revenue officers
at each recurring settlement. So the ryot had no fixity of rental, no security against enhancement
of rent and no adequate motive for spending labour and money for improvement of land. The
volume of agricultural output consequently shrank. There was no rise in the wages of labour.
Agricultural indebtedness increased. All these factors led to an agricultural depression and land
became unprofitable, agriculture un-remunerative and unpopular.
Thus, for the ryots, the state stood as a zamindar which was more powerful than the
zamindars under the Permanent Settlement or the Mahalwari system.
MAHALWARI SETTLEMENT
The Permanent Settlement as well as the Ryotwari Settlement failed to come up to the
expectations of the policymakers. The Company could not draw any advantage of increased
production in agriculture in the system introduced in Bengal i.e. the Permanent Settlement. The
system was opposed by members of the village communities. The loyalty of the Zamindars to the
Company could also not be taken for granted. Above all, the British trading interests came in
conflict with the Permanent Settlement. The Company lost its monopoly of trade with India in
1813 and therefore, India was opened to all British traders. The purpose could not be served by
creating a small class of big landholders as was done by the Permanent Settlement. It could be
served if a large section of the people could develop the need of British manufactured goods.
Therefore, the emphasis shifted to the rights of small Zamindars, Pattidars and other inferior
holders of the land. These ideas found expression in the memorandum of Holt Mackenzie which
formed the basis of a new settlement in 1822 called the Mahalwari system.
Features of Mahalwari settlement
The Mahalwari settlement had the following features:
In this settlement, the basis of assessment was the produce of a mahal or estate and all the
proprietors of a mahal were jointly and severally responsible, in their persons and
property, for the sum assessed by the government on the mahal.
If the number of proprietors was large, a few were selected as representatives of the whole
and made responsible for the management of the mahal and payment of the revenue.
Actually, this settlement was made with the whole village community jointly and
severally.
Thus, it was a two-fold settlement:
(1) The ownership and occupancy right was reserved for the individual peasants and
cultivation was to be done individually.
(2) The peasants were jointly responsible for paying the land revenue to the state. The village
as a whole, through its headman or Lambardar, was required to pay the revenue.
The mahalwari system was first adopted in Agra and Awadh, and later extended to other "added
(ceded) and conquered" parts of the United Provinces. This system was eminently a via media
adopted after the failure of the other two systems; it sought to combine the better aspect of both:
(i) the idea was to ensure a stable revenue income, as was expected of the zamindari system, at the
same time maintaining a direct relation between the state and the ryots, as under the ryotwari
settlement; (ii) The intermediaries (viz., Lambardars) were created between the state and the tillers
of the soil, but they were not vested with the perpetual rights of the Bengal Zamindars; (iii) the
state reserved to itself the right of direct management of the agricultural economy, but it did not
worry itself with cultivation and revenue collection as it did under the ryotwari system; and (iv)
although cultivation was to be carried on individually, the villagers had to pay land revenue
collectively. Thus the ideas were once again novel; but as usual they were not realised.
Estimate of the Mahalwari Settlement
However, in actual practice, the rights were made not with all the villagers but with certain
leading groups of big families. This group alone took the advantage of the joint ownership rights,
whereas the ryots in general were driven to the position of tenants, sub-tenants, co-sharers, sub-
proprietors, and so on. Thus the social and economic inequalities increased and the peasants' lot
deteriorated; they were overburdened and rack rented. As a result, there was no progress in
agriculture. Moreover, being a temporary settlement, stable revenue objective was not realised.
Thus, the Mahalwari Settlement resulted in the disintegration of the village communities. From
the social point of view, the Mahalwari Settlement was disastrous and economically, it was a
failure.
UNIT – III
SOCIAL AND CULTURAL POLICIES
INTRODUCTION
The socio-religious reform movements of 19th century ushered a new era in the socio-religious life
of the Indian people. At that time, the Indian society and religion were going through a critical
period of religious and social superstition and dogmas. In this critical juncture, a spirit of
renaissance pervaded the whole country. The new scientific outlook, the doctrine of rationalism
and humanism appeared in India due to the British impact. The result was the birth of many socio-
religious reform movements like Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, Ramakrishna Mission, Aligarh
Movement, Theosophical society, etc These Socio-religious reformers took upon themselves the
responsibility of reforming the Indian society and religion.
The socio-religious reform movements in India were a by-product of modern western culture and
ideas. The reform movements can be divided into two categories:
(a) Reform movements like Brahmo Samaj, the Prathana Samaj and the Aligarh Movement
(b) Revivalist movement like the Arya Samaj, the Ram Krishna Mission and the Deoband
movement etc
Both the reformist and revivalist movements depended on a varying degree on an appeal to the
lost purity of the religion they sought to reform. The only difference between one reform
movement and the other is the degree to which it relied on tradition or on reason and conscience.
CHAPTER-2
Growth of Press and Education
INTRODUCTION
A free press plays a vital role in democratic societies, enabling the open exchange of information
and opinions among ordinary citizens, business groups, citizen associations, political parties,
governments, etc. In modern times, the press has become a powerful social institution as it is
considered as the Fourth Pillar of a democratic society. The introduction of the printing press in
India was an event of revolutionary significance in the life of the Indian people. The awakening
and growth of national consciousness among the Indians gave rise to the nationalist press.
GROWTH OF PRESS
The history of the growth of Indian press begins with the advent of the Europeans. The
Portuguese were the first European nation who brought a printing press to India in 1550 and the
first book published in India was by the Jesuits of Goa in 1557. In 1684, the English East India
Company set up a printing press in Bombay. For about a century no newspapers were published in
the Company's territories because the Company's servants in India wished to withhold the news of
their malpractices and abuses of 'private trading' from reaching London.
The first attempts to publish newspapers in India were made by the disgruntled employees of the
East India Company who sought to expose the malpractices of private trade. In 1776 William
Bolt, being censured by the Court of Directors for private trading, resigned his service under the
Company and announced his intention to publish a newspaper. The efforts of William Bolts could
not prove to be successful because of the opposition of the officers of the Company.
In 1780 The 'Bengal Gazette' or 'The Calcutta General Advertiser' was the first newspaper
published by James Augustus Hickey but soon in 1782 its publication was stopped for it started to
criticised Governor General, Supreme Court and the Judges. Later on 'Calcutta Gazette', 'Bengal
Journal', 'The Oriental Magazine of Calcutta' or 'The Calcutta Amusement', 'Calcutta Chronicle'
and 'Madras Courier' were published in 1784, 1785, 1785, 1785, 1786 and 1788 respectively.
These newspapers took a lesson from the incident of Hickey and did not have any conflict-with
the officers of the Company.
The circulation of newspapers during this early period never exceeded a hundred or two hundreds.
These journals usually aimed for the intellectual entertainment of the Europeans and Anglo-
Indians., There was hardly any danger of public opinion being subverted in India. What really
worried the Company's officers in India was the apprehension that these newspapers might reach
London and expose their misdoings to the Home authorities. The Government sometimes
enforced pre-censorship, sometimes deported the offending editor for anti-government policies.
As there was no law for these newspapers, their future, entirely depended on the mercy of the
officers of the Company.
The Censorship of the Press Act, 1799
Lord Wellesley imposed censorship on all newspapers. Apprehending a French attack of India and
engaged in the struggle for supremacy in India, Wellesley could not tolerate the publication of any
matter which might have the effect of weakening his influence through his Indian adversaries or
the French. The Censorship of Press Act, 1799, imposed almost wartime restrictions on the press.
The following regulations were imposed under the Censorship of Press Act, 1799:
The newspaper to clearly print in every issue the name of the printer, the editor and the
proprietor.
The publisher to submit all material for pre-censorship to Secretary to the Government.
The breach of these rules was punishable with immediate deportation.
In 1807 the Censorship Act was extended to cover journals, pamphlets and even books.
Relaxation of press restrictions under Lord Hastings
It was Hastings who gave some relaxations but the government made some general principles for
the guidance of the editors. People of India also paid attention towards the publication of news
papers in the beginning of the 19th century. In 1816 Bengal Gazette weekly was published by
Gangadhar Bhattacharya. 'Digdarshan' daily was published under the guidance of Marshman in
Bengali along with a weekly ‘Samachar Darpan'. The 'Samvad Kaumudi' and 'Mirat-ul- Akhbar'
were published by Raja Ram Mohan Roy and 'Samachar Chandika' was published in J822 by
some persons in order to oppose the view of Raja Ram Mohan Roy. In 1823 the English
government again put restrictions on the publication of the newspapers and the Governor General
was authorised to stop the publication of any paper. Raja Ram Mohan Roy opposed this Act but
there was no fruitful result.
The Licensing Regulations-1823
The appointment of John Adams as acting Governor General in 1823 gave him the opportunity to
give a practical shape to his reactionary views. Press Regulations of 1823 proved more stringent
than earlier. The new regulations were:
Every printer and publisher to obtain a license for starting a press or using it.
The penalty for printing or publishing any literature without the requisite licence was Rs.
400/- for each such publication or imprisonment in default thereof.
The Governor-General had the right to revoke a licence or call for a fresh application.
The Liberation of Indian Press
It was Lord William Bentinck who adopted a liberal view towards the Indian Press but the credit
of the removal of restrictions goes to Charles Metcalfe who remained officiating Governor
General for two years (1835-36). He removed all the restrictions from the Indian press as a result
of his liberal press policy which continued unchanged till 1856, there was the rapid growth of
newspapers all over the country.
The Licensing Act of 1857
The emergency caused by the Rebellion of 1857 led the Government to re-impose restrictions on
the press. The Act No. XV of 1857 reintroduced licensing restrictions in addition to the existing
registration procedure laid down by the Metcalfe Act. The Act prohibited the keeping or using of
printing press without a licence from the Government and the Government reserved discretionary
right to grant licences or revoke them at any time. The Government was also empowered to
prohibit the publication or circulation of any newspaper, book or other printed matter. The
Licensing Act of 1857 was enforced for one year.
The Registration Act, 1867
The Press and Registration of Books Act XXV of I867 replaced Metcalfe's Act of 1835 pertaining
to registration of printing presses and newspapers. The Act was of a regulating nature and not a
restriction on printing press or newspapers. By this Act every book or newspaper was required to
have printed legibly on it the name of printer and publisher and the place of printing. Further,
within one month of the publication of a book a copy of the book had to be supplied free of charge
to the local government. This Act was amended in 1890 and again in 1914, 1952, and 1963.
The Act XXVII of 1870
The Act XXVII of 1870, an Act to amend the Indian Penal Code, was passed which contained a
sedition section. By this act, the English government imposed some more restrictions on the
newspapers and included 'dhara' 124 and 124-A of the Indian Penal Code so that action could be
taken against those papers which published anything contrary to the intentions of the government.
During this period some papers were published by the government. 'Times of India' was published
in 1861 from Bombay and 'Pioneer' from Allahabad in 1865. 'Madras Mail' was published from
Madras, 'Statesmen' from Calcutta in 1868 and 1875 respectively. After the outbreak of the
revolution of 1857 'Hindu Patriot' was published in English by the Indians and 'Amrit Bazar
Patrika', 'Bungwasi' and 'Sanjivani' were famous Bengali newspapers.
The 'Hindu' and 'Tribune' were also famous English newspapers which were published from
Madras and Lahore respectively. One of the main newspapers which was published from Uttar
Pradesh was 'Indian Herald'. Besides this many weekly papers 'Kesari', 'Native', 'Opinion' and
'Hindustan' were quite famous. The establishment of National Congress and partition of Bengal in
1905 also contributed to the rise of the newspapers. Mahatma Gandhi published two papers such
as 'Navjivan' in Gujrati and 'Young India' in English. 'Hindustan Times' was started in 1923.
The Vernacular Press Act, 1878
An unfortunate legacy of the Rebellion of 1857 was the growth of the spirit of racial bitterness
among the rulers and the ruled. Consequently the English newspapers supported the policies of
the government whereas the Hindi newspapers condemned the government. The famine of 1876-
78 caused innumerable deaths for want of money and support of the government On the other
hand the government wasted a huge amount on the organisation of Delhi Darbar. All this created
chaos and confusion in the country but Lord Lytton held the policies of Macaulay and Metcalfe
was responsible for this unrest.
The Vernacular Press Act of 1878 was designed to 'better control' the vernacular press and to
empower the Government with more effective means of punishing and repressing seditious
writings. These papers were warned not to publish any such news as might be against the policies
of -the government and caused discontentment among the people. The Magistrates were
authorised to force the publishers to deposit a security and in case they published any news
against the government and its policies the security would be confiscated and-no appeal could be
made against the order of the Magistrate. This Act was popularly known as the Gagging Act. But
the English newspapers were beyond its purview. Later on this Act was abolished in 1882 by Lord
Ripon,"
The Newspapers Act, 1908
The disaffection created by the unpopular acts of Lord Curzon resulted in the growth of an
Extremist Party in the Indian National Congress and led to acts of violence. The newspapers of
the time often commented adversely on the Government policies. The Government followed a
repressive policy and enacted the Newspapers (Incitement to Offences) Act, 1908. According to
this Act :
The magistrates were empowered to confiscate printing press, property connected. thereto
of newspapers which published objectionable material which served as incitement to
murder or acts of violence ;
The Local Government was empowered to annul any declaration made by the printer and
publisher of an offending a news paper made under the Press and Registration of Books
Act of 1867 ; and
The newspaper editors and printers were given the option to appeal to the High Court
within fifteen days of the order of forfeiture of the press.
Under the Newspapers Act of 1908, the Government launched prosecutions against nine
newspapers and confiscated seven presses.
The Indian Press Act, 1910
The Government further sought 10 strengthen its hands by the Indian Press Act of 1910 which
revived worst features of Lytton. Press Act of 1878. The Act empowered the Local Government
to demand at the time of Registration security of not less than Rs. 500 and not more than Rs.
2,000 from the keeper of a printing or publisher of a newspaper and to forfeit the security and
annul the declaration of Registration of an offending paper.
The Indian Press Act, 1919
The Indian Press Act of 1919 was merely the repetition of the Act of 1878 passed during the
regime of Lord Lytton. The practice of security was started again. Every newspaper was required
to submit at least two copies of its publication and restrictions were also imposed on the
newspapers and books which were published outside the country. Some new newspapers began to
be published in the beginning of the Oth century. The socialists started their paper 'Congress
Socialist' and the communists began 'New Spark', 'National Front' and 'Peoples War' etc.
In 1921 committee was organised under the leadership of Tej Bahadur Sapru in order to
check the position of the newspapers. According to the report of this committee the Press Acts of
1908 and 1910 were repealed.
The Indian Press (Emergency Powers) Act, 1931
With the outbreak of the civil disobedience movement in India, the English government again
imposed some restrictions on the freedom of the newspapers. An ordinance was passed in 1930
and an Indian Press Act was made during this period. According to the provisions of the Act the
English government got extensive rights to check the publication of the newspapers.
In 1932the Press Act of 1931was amplified in the form of the Criminal Amendment Act of
1932. Section 4 was made very comprehensive and expanded to include all possible activities
calculated to undermine the Government's [Link] the Second World War (1939-45), the
executive exercised exhaustive powers under the Defence of India Act. Pre-censorship was
reinforced, the Press Emergency Act and the Official Secrets Act were amended and at one time
the publication of all news relating to the Congresaactivitie8 declared illegal. The special powers
assumed by the Government during the war ended in 1946.
The Press Enquiry Committee
In March 1947 the Government of India appointed a Press Enquiry Committee and charged it
with the duty of examination of the press laws in the light of the fundamental rights formulated by
the Constituent Assembly of India. Among the recommendations of the Committee were the
repeal of the Indian Emergency Powers Act of 1931, amendments in the
Prees and Registration of Books Act, modification in Sections 124·A and 153-Aof the Indian
Penal Code, etc.
The Press (Objectionable Matters) Act, 1951
In 1951, the Press (Objectionable Matters) Act was passed which continued up to 1956. The new
Act was more comprehensive than any earlier legislation affecting the press. It replaced the
Central and State Press Acts which had been in operation till then. The Act empowered the
Government to demand and forfeit security and demand further security from presses and
newspapers for publication of objectionable matter. The Government could also declare certain
publications forfeited, prohibit transmission by post of objectionable documents. to seize and
destroy unauthorised newspapers and to seize and forfeit unauthorised presses. The aggrieved
owners of newspapers and printing presses were allowed the right to demand trial by jury.
Thus, the growth of press proved to be very significant in making the public opinion and
in the achievement of the Independence. These Acts were further strengthened by the 'Newspapers
(Price and Page) Act of 1956 and the Parliamentary Proceedings Protection and Publication Act
1960.
GROWTH OF EDUCATION
Prior to the East India Company’s rule, the Hindu system of education was limited to Pathashalas,
Sanskrit Toles and Chatuspathis, etc. Here the students were taught in the subjects like
Vernacular, alphabet, sentence, construction, elementary mathematics, and stories from fables and
Dharmashastras. The Muslim students learnt Persian from the Koran in ‘Maktabs’ and
‘Madrassas’.
However, during the East India Company rule, the public instruction was not the business
of the State. It was neglected by the East India Company. The commercial interest was the only
aim. Slowly and steadily the Christian missionaries came to the picture. They became the pioneers
of the new educational system. Religious conversion and introduction of Vernacular and English
education proceeded side by side. Government also helped them to some extent to achieve their
educational objectives. With the growth of the administrative machinery, the objectives of the
Government also underwent transformation. The Government realised its duty towards the spread
and the growth of a new system of instruction.
The Character Act of 1813
The Character Act of 1813 included a clause towards spread of education. It earmarked one lakh
rupees annually for the development of oriental learning. Its object was to increase the learned
natives of India and the revival and improvement of literature British never tried to interfere the
existing system of education. The money ear marked in 1813 Act could not be spent in any other
purpose. The Britishers had already realised the importance of Indian thought. They never tried to
introduce English thought. Ignorance of British thought might be a blessing to them. Hence,
earlier attempt to spread Indian education through Pathshalas and Madrasas continued.
Macaulay's Minutes
When Lord William Bentick was appointed as Viceroy during 1828-1835, he found huge unspent
amount objected for the spread of education earmarked by the Character Act 1813. ·He appointed
a Committee under Lord Macaulay as Chairman in 1835 to make recommendations. From 1823-
1835 there was a debate to introduce medium and method of education. It was inconclusive. It
reached a deadlock when Macaulay again entered to it. The Oriental and Occidental debate
continued among European and British learned personalities. Macaulay was the legal member of
Council and Chairman of the Committee of Public Instruction. Before him, in 1825 Elphinstone
opined that only effective path to social reform and the only remedy for social abuse was
education.
Orientalists and Anglicists controversy
The great debate went on among the members of the Committee of public instructions having two
distinct thought mentioned earlier. The Orientalists led by Hayman Wilson and Princep Brothers
and the Occidentalists or Anglicists led by Sir Charles Trevelyan supported by Indian liberals like
Raja Rammohan. Among these controversies it was not clear how much Macaulay knew ancient
Indian tradition of learning being born and brought up in an English society. Surely his knowledge
about India was not impressive. India did not have any pride of his own and Act of 1813 was to
devote the granted funds only for English education. He wrote “a single shelf of a good European
library was worth the whole native literature of India”. He failed to understand the importance of
Sanskrit literature and its valuable contribution in diffusion of human knowledge. In his famous
Minute dated 2 February 1835 he underestimated the depth of lndian literature. He made the
teaching of Indian learning as false history, false astronomy, and false medicine also the false
religion. It was based on disgrace medical doctrines, laughable astronomy, false history
surrounded by kings having 30 feet high and reigning for 30,000 years.
He was of the view that Vernacular languages contained neither literary value nor
scientific information. This criticism of Indian thought, language, literature and view of life was
far from truth. In making recommendations Macaulay had the objective to create a class of
"Indians in blood of colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in moral and intellect" to percolate
Western thought and Committee under Lord Macaulay as Chairman in 1835 to make
recommendations. From 1823-1835 there was a debate to introduce medium and method of
education. It was inconclusive. It reached a deadlock when Macaulay again entered to it. The
oriental and occidental debate continued among European and British learned personalities.
Macaulay was the legal member of Council and Chairman of the Committee of Public Instruction.
Before him, in 1825 Elphinstone opined that only effective path to social reform and the only
remedy for social abuse was education.
His idea was to destroy the core thought of Hinduism. His letter to his father bore the
testimony in this regard. His views were accepted and embodied in a Resolution of March 7,
1835.1t recommended to make English as official language of India in the higher branches of
administration. To our educated youths learning of English became the bread and butter. English
language and literature, English thought and science became the basis of higher education in
India. Promotion of European literature and science in English became the main objectives of the
Government. English taught Indians were given Jobs. The policy of Anglicizing Indians started
from upper classes making them good English scholars. Thus, the Macaulay's objective was
administrative, political, economic as well social.
Wood Despatch
Anglicists won over Orientalist during Bentick. Process went on. It needed slight changes to
proceed further. Sir Charles Wood was the President of the Board of Control in the coalition
Ministry of Earl of Abedean (1852-55). A believer in the superiority of English race and
institutions wanted to make India a model to bring a sweeping change towards Western method.
But he had the larger vision about education in India. Really it formed the basis of our future
education planner. The interest now shifted from the instruction of the upper classes to instruction
of the masses. It objected in the systematic promotion of European knowledge. The summaries of
the main recommendation were the following:
The teaching of Western education was the object of Government's educational policy.
The education that is to be extended in India has its object - the diffusion of the
improvement in science, philosophy and literature of Europe.
For higher education the medium of instruction should be English and for the lower level
the Vernacular language. European thought could infilter to the masses.
In the villages Vernacular Primary schools be provided followed by Angle-Vernacular
high school and affiliated college at the district level.
It proposed a revolutionary concept of introducing grant-in-aid in the field of education.
The institutions employing qualified teachers and maintaining proper standard of teaching
be given grant-in- aid.
Five Directors of Education were created in the Company's territories in the five Province
to head the Department of Public Instruction.
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras Universities were established on the model of London
Universities. Institutions of higher learning provided for a Senate, a Chancellor, a Vice-
Chancellor etc.
It recommended vocational instructions, Teachers Training institutions and support for
women education.
The introduction of grant-in-aid encouraged private sectors to open schools and colleges at
various levels. The department of Public Instruction was created in 1855. In 1857 Calcutta,
Bombay and Madras Universities were established. The girls schools were opened. Woods
Despatch dominated the field for fifty years. Gradually it was replaced by indigenous system.
Almost all recommendations of the Wood's Despatch were implemented.
The Hunter Commission
The Britishers got a wide response to its educational policy. To make it more applicable to rural
masses the Government appointed a Committee under the Chairmanship of W. W. Hunter in 1882
to review the progress of education in the country since 1854 in the year 1882. The main object of
the enquiry of the Commission was to look the present state of elementary education and how it
was to be improved. It was also related to secondary and primary education.
It recommended that the State should take special care for the extension and improvement of
primary education. Primary education was considered to be the instruction of the mass. It should
be provided through Vernacular so that it would best fit them for their position in life. Private
participation was encouraged in the field of education. But primary education was to be provided
without local co-operation. The control of primary education was handed over to
newly setup District and Municipal Board. The secondary education was given a new
transformation. The objectives were highlighted. One was to prepare the students up to Entrance
Examination of the University, other of a practical character for commercial and vocational
careers.
All efforts were made to encourage private participation in the field of education. The extension
and liberalization of the grants-in-aid system was done. Aided schools were given equal status
with Government schools. The Government desired to withdraw soon from the direct
management of secondary and collegiate education. The Commission recommended to make lip
the inadequate facilities for female education outside presidency towns and to take some positive
steps for its spread. The recommendation of the Hunter Commission was followed by the
Government. It resulted in the unprecedented growth and expansion in the field of secondary and
collegiate education. The teaching-cum-examining Universities were set up. The Punjab
University was established in the year 1882 and Allahabad University in 1887.
Lord Curzon's Educational Policy (The Indian Universities Act)
Lord Curzon (1899-1905) sought to reconstruct education in India. He realised the slavish
limitation of English models and Macaulay's prejudice against Indian Vernaculars. He also felt the
poor quality of teachers and defects with the examination system of education. In September
1901, Curzon called a conference of educational officers at Simla. The main objectives were to
reform University education. A Commission under the Presidency of Sir Thomas Raleigh was
appointed on 27 January 1902 to enquire into the problems and prospects of Universities in India.
It was passed as Universities Act 1904.
The Indian Universities Act made the following recommendations:
It desired Universities to make provision for promotion of study and research,
appointment of teaching staff and set up of infrastructure for laboratories and
libraries and direct instruction of students.
It fixed the strength of Fellows of Universities within 50-100 and time period to
hold office i.e. 6 years instead of for life. Except election of twenty members-in
Calcutta, Bombay and Madras and fifteen members in other Universities, others
were nominated. Government may veto the regulations passed by the Senate, may
bring changes and may frame regulations.
Universities' control over private college increased. Periodical inspection by the
Syndicate to private college was made.
The Government got the absolute control over affiliation or disaffiliation of
Colleges.
Lord Curzon sanctioned Rs. 5 lakhs per annum for the improvement of higher
education and Universities.
The government accepted the recommendations of Raleigh Commission and the Indian
Universities Act was passed in 1904. This Act aimed at tightening the government control over
the educational institution. In fact, this Act reveals fully the policy of centralisation followed by
Lord Curzon and was in a large measure responsible for his unpopularity.
Department of Education and the Resolution of February, 1913
In 1910, Department of Education was established in India. It came to be represented by a
member in Executive Council. Sir Harcourt Butler was the first Education Member in Viceroy's
Council. Resolution of (1913). The government passed the resolution on 21st February A. D, 1913
and clearly showed its inability to resume the responsibility of giving compulsory primary
education to the people but the government agreed to end illiteracy in the country. It also
recommended the setting up of residential and teaching Universities.
The Sadler University Commission
In 1917, the Sadler University Commission was appointed under the Chairmanship of Dr. M. E.
Sadler. Two Indians, Sir Asutosh Mukherjee and Dr. Ziauddin Ahmed were its members. Though
the commission was founded just to conduct an enquiry into the problems of Calcutta University,
it reviewed the whole sphere of education. It recommended a twelve-year school course and It
was also decided that education up to Intermediate standard should remain free from the
government control and separate boards be organised for the High School and Intermediate
examinations. Stress was also laid on female education, scientific and technical education, and the
responsibility for the administration of Calcutta University was to be given to the Bengal
Government. The Government accepted the recommendations of the Sadler Commission and
established Mysore, Patna, Lucknow, Dacca, Banaras, and Aligarh Universities between 1916-
1921. In 1920, the Government of India recommended the Sadler Report to provincial
government.
INTRODUCTION
The caste and gender issue were important issues during the British rule in India. Caste system
and gender issue in India are not only deep rooted but these two have so far foiled all attempts to
root it out completely from our soil. Caste system has defamed our society and is based on the
principal of inequality of human beings. In the system the society denied the people of one caste
to all privileges and facilities, which were enjoyed by others in large measures. Their conditions
were made miserable and they were declared untouchables. Their shadow even polluted other
caste people. They were not allowed entry in the city during day time. Not only this but they could
not settle in the city or run their shop in any shopping area. They were engaged in unrewarding
work and had no social respect. Not only this, but they had to suffer untold miseries. The result
was that socially, economically and politically they remained far behind in race for development
than all others.
On the other hand, the history of gender roles, gender inequality and female oppression in
India is also an important issue to discuss. Traditionally, women have been placed at the margins
of society, history and culture in patriarchal societies. These male dominated societies in India
prevented woman from having opportunities to live peacefully and independently. Gender
oppression and Inequality created negative and often times violent environments for Indian
women. Gender roles, inequality and oppression were traditionally a large part of society in India,
and the introduction of colonial rule and internal colonialism perpetuated the institutions and
practices that caused gender domination.
Anti-Caste Movements
Caste system earned the displeasure of all educated and enlightened persons all over India. They
began to feel that the cruelties to which low caste people were being subjected were really
horrible. The result was that anti-caste movements spread all over India but these were somewhat
vigorous and popular in some states. The movements were directed against high caste people and
aimed at pointing out how high caste people were exploiting the helplessness of low caste people.
Anti-Caste Movement in South India :
In south India anti-caste movement was started by educated Sudras against the high caste people
by challenging the long established varna hierarchy. It was in this part of the country that Self
Respect Movement was started and the authority as well as status of money-lenders and landlords
was challenged. It was this movement which pleaded that the Aryan race was in no way superior
to other races. The low caste people began to argue that they were the real sons of the soil and that
the Aryan had came to India from outside. Thus the former could not be inferior to the latter.
The movement demanded that doors of temples and educational institutions should be
thrown open to them and that they should be allowed to use wells and tanks without any
reservation. They protested against begar and demanded adequate wages for the work which they
did for other caste people. They also demanded share in land ownership of the village in which
they lived and worked.
In 1901 an untouchable community named Sharias claimed the status of Kshatriya and its
members added 'Nadar' with their name. Many other castes followed the suit and superiority of
Brahmins began to be seriously challenged in Tamil Nadu. The low caste people organised
meetings and conferences in which they decided to take measures to relieve themselves from the
miseries from which they were suffering over the centuries. These educated low caste people
found the response tremendous. They found that caste could be a good rallying point for
organising low caste people against the elites of the society, who were mostly Brahmins, landlords
and money-lenders.
In the state artisan castes demanded end of monopoly of Brahmins in public offices and also
demanded that all posts should be filled without caste distinction. In order to promote the interests
of non-Brahmins in 1917 they started a newspaper named 'justice.' These organised educated
persons demanded greater share in the services, which then were being controlled by the
Brahmins and elite of the society. It was in 1910 Nadar Mahajan Sangam was founded. In 1915-
16 C.N. Mudaliar started Justice Movement which was primarily against the Brahmins and their
supremacy, both in services and educational field. The movement had the support of prosperous
landlords and merchants. In order to get favours from the ruling elites, they did not oppose British
rule in India. The movement demanded special representation in the legislatures for scheduled
castes.
In 1917 Madras Residency Association was founded. In the same year in Mysore C.R. Reddi
founded Praja Mitha Mandali, an anti-Brahmin body. In Kerala in 1914 Mannath Padmanabha
Pillai founded Nair Service Society. In 1920 Sri Narayan Guru founded Sri Narayan Dharma
Paripalna Yogam. The member of the society were suggested to disregard all the restrictions
which the Brahmins had imposed upon them. They were also suggested to forcibly enter the
temples. The main aim of all these movements was that the low caste people should be awakened
and organised and also superiority of Brahmins and landed aristocracy which had been fully
established by them should be challenged with all vigour.
The gender issue was another issue during the British rule in India. The basis for gender
oppression in India can be accounted largely by both Hinduism and Islam, the two largest
religious sects during British colonialism. According to Hindu doctrine, women were created by
the Brahman to provide company for the men, and to facilitate procreation, progeny and the
continuation of the family lineage. According to the Vedas, the role of a woman was simply to
support the man, and enable him to continue his family tradition. In Islam, the Quran dictates that
females are secondary to men. Muslim men are allowed to hit their wives, marry multiple wives,
and can even get rid of an undesirable wife by’ Triple Talaq’. The role that religion plays in India
is conspicuous, and thus it is no surprise that the doctrines of gender oppression present in both
Hinduism and Islam have strong influences in society.
Before British colonization, Indian society maintained practices that were entirely gender
oppressive to woman. Such practices included:
Sati System
Female infanticide
Child marriage
Dowry
Opposition to widow marriage, etc
All the above practices caused suffering, pain, and even death to the woman and girls involved.
Sati System
The Sati system, a practice observed through the rituals of Hindu nations, was the act burning
alive the widow of a Hindu man. It was widely practiced by the upper Castes during the
eighteenth century. In some Indian states, how many woman a prince took to the funeral pyre with
him, served as a measurement of how many achievements he had made.
Female infanticide
Female infanticide was the act of killing newly born female infants, or killing a female fetus
through selective abortion. The practice was widely acknowledged in India and was caused by
poverty, dowry system, births to unmarried women, deformed infants, lack of support services
and maternal illnesses.
Before and during the rule of India by the British, India implemented a hierarchal caste system,
which delegated certain groups of people into different levels of status. The caste system was a
patriarchal construct through which males observed overarching power over the female
population, specifically females in a lower caste.
The higher level of status denoted by the specific caste an Indian man was a part of
provided him with the ability to abuse women in lower castes without consequence. The women
in lower classes were subjected to violence, intimidation and public shaming in order to maintain
the gender inequality. In each specific caste, the women associated were considered to be the
bottom of that caste. Woman in the lowest caste, were literally the lowest members of society.
The women were viewed as subservient to men. The women should to be at the feet of the men.
This is symbolic of the subservience which was expected from women in Indian society.
During British rule, the caste system became legally rigid. The British started to enumerate castes
during the ten-year census and meticulously codified the system under their rule. Thus, the British
Raj did not spell reprieve of gender oppression for woman, but rather a stricter sense of it. The
British believed that caste was the key to understand the people of India. Caste was seen as the
essence of Indian society, the system through which it was possible to classify all of the various
groups of indigenous people according to their ability, as reflected by caste, to be of service to the
British. While the caste system was regarded as a Hindu and societal custom, it was formed into
law through British administration. Through the caste system, British rulers where able to
subjugate the Indian peoples based on the caste they belonged to. By this action, men’s superiority
over woman of a lower class was solidified in British colonial law. Where the British Raj
succeeded in destroying institutions of gender oppression, involving female infanticide and sati, it
failed in releasing woman from gender oppression associated with the caste system. The British
influence in the caste system and the association of marriage served as a vehicle for gender
inequality and oppression. Through British rule, male Indians in society were able to continue
open gender oppression and inequality. Thus, Indian females were partitioned into an even lower
role in society than was previously held before colonial rule.
The turn of the 19th century saw an erupt of social reforms ushered in by men, beginning in
Bengal and spreading to other parts of India, including Maharashtra. An important aspect of the
reforms was the upliftment of women. The women’s question and issues, like the untouchability
question or the communal question, emerged during the British period as a political question.
Jyotirao Govindrao Phule popularly Known as Jyotiba Phule was a prominent social reformer and
thinker of the nineteenth century India. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule was also a pioneer for women
issues like women education in India and fought for education of girls throughout his life. He is
believed to be the first Hindu to start an orphanage for the unfortunate children. He had also led
the movement against the prevailing caste-restrictions in India. He revolted against the
domination of the Brahmins and struggled for the rights of peasants and other low-caste people.
Jyotiba Phule was born in Satara district of Maharastra in 1827. His father, Govindrao was a
vegetable-vendor at Poona. Jyotirao's family belonged to 'Mali' caste and their original title was
‘Gorhay’. Malis were considered as an inferior caste by the Brahmins and were shunned socially.
Jyotirao's father and uncles served as florists, so the family came to be known as `Phule'.
Jyotirao's mother passed away when he was just nine months old. Jyotirao was an intelligent boy
but due to the poor financial condition at home, he had to stop his studies at an early age. He
started helping his father by working on the family's farm. Recognising the talent of the child
prodigy, a neighbour persuaded his father to send him to school. In 1841, Jyotirao got admission
in the Scottish Mission's High School, Poona, and completed his education in 1847. There, he met
Sadashiv Ballal Govande, a Brahmin, who remained his close friend throughout his life. At the
age of just thirteen years, Jyotirao was married to Savitribai who had given perfect company to
the social reform movements later.
Social Movements
Jyotiba Phule is called as the father of the social revolution in India but not many know that he is
the original architect of India’s gender revolution as well. The seeds of his feminist sensibilities
were sown in his childhood and adolescence and then there was Savitribai, with whom he lived
and worked for 50 years to contribute immensely to the women’s reform movement of 19 th
century Maharashtra. An event changed the life of Jyotiba Phule in 1848 which encouraged him to
fight against the social injustice of caste discrimination and incited a social revolution in the
Indian society. Jyotirao was invited to attend the wedding of one of his friends who belonged to
an upper cast Brahmin family. But at the wedding the relatives of the bridegroom insulted and
abused Jyotiba when they came to know about his origins. Jyotirao left the ceremony and made up
his mind to challenge the prevailing caste-system and social restrictions. He made it his life’s
mission to fight against the male domination over the female and aimed at emancipation of all
human beings that were subjected to this social deprivation. After reading Thomas Paine's famous
book 'The Rights of Man', Jyotirao was greatly influenced by his ideas. He believed that
enlightenment of the women and lower caste people was the only solution to combat the social
evils in the society.
He had given importance on equality between man and woman. Another oppressed group in the
Indian society was that of women. Phule always mentions women along with men. He did not
assume that when men are mentioned, women are automatically included into that category. He
makes a special reference to women when he discusses human rights. Just as Shudras were
deprived of rights by the Brahmins by keeping them ignorant, Phule thought that selfish men had
prohibited women from taking to education in order to continue male domination. The Hindu
religious texts had given a number of concessions to men but had imposed severe restrictions on
women.
Jyotiba Phule was mainly concerned about the marriage system of those days. He attacked the
customs and practices such as child marriage, marriage between young girl and old man,
polygamy, objection to remarriage of women, prostitution, harassment of widows, etc, He advised
Shudra peasants not to have more than one wife and not to marry their young children. He had
given serious thought to the institution of marriage and had devised a simple and modern contract
type ritual for the marriage ceremony of the members of Satya Shodhak Samaj (Truth Seeking
Society). It is interesting to note that Phule did not stop at visualising equal status to women in
marriage, family education and religion but claimed that woman was superior to man in many
respects.
Child marriage was the norm in society, particularly among the “upper” castes. Female infanticide
was also common occurrence. In the child marriage the children sometimes being married to men
much older. These women often became widows before they even hit puberty and were left
without any family support. Widowhood spelt the death of their social and sexual life but
ironically increased their vulnerability to sexual exploitation by the males in the family. They
faced further disgrace if they happened to become pregnant as a result. This often left them with
no choice but to take their own life, or their infant’s life, or both.
Jyotiba realised the pathetic conditions of widows and established an ashram for young widows
and eventually became advocate of the idea of Widow Remarriage. Moved by this state of affairs,
the Phules also opened their own home to pregnant child widows in 1863. They put up huge
posters at the Brahmanwada, directly appealing to the young widows not to lose heart if they
found themselves pregnant. They were invited to the Phules’ residence to deliver their child after
which they could stay back or walk away. The Phules’ non-judgmental and empathetic approach
made them stand out among their fellow reformers and earned them the ire of the brahmanical
orthodoxy. Savitribai personally helped in delivering babies of more than 35 Brahmin women.
The Phules also extensively wrote about the social evil of child marriages.
Jotirao Phule lashed out at the cruelty meted out to the Brahmin widows while letting the
widowers remarry and traced the roots of this patriarchal discrimination again to the Hindu
religious texts. The Brahmana reformers who discussed and debated enforced widowhood offered
peculiar arguments against it, none of which had anything to do with the victims’ trauma. They
seemed more concerned about the “disastrous” effects that the repressed sexuality of widows
would have on the moral fabric of society if it was randomly vented, or about widows being
deprived of the very purpose of their existence – motherhood – or about the anxiety of the parents
and parents-in-law to keep them “pure”. At best, they felt keenly for the misery of the young
widows. It was only the non-brahmana reformers who could see it for what it was – a blatant
abuse of human rights in a caste- and gender-ridden society. This was probably because the latter
were looking at these hierarchies from the bottom up.
His attack on Sati System of the society
Jotirao took a firm stand against gender atrocities, particularly sati. According to him, “The
woman has to suffer a lot of hardships and pain when her husband dies. She has to carry her
widowhood till her death. Often she used to burn herself in her husband’s funeral pyre. But have
you ever heard of a man doing the same in grief over his wife’s death? Despite having a wife at
home, men marry two to three women, but women once married to a man do not marry other men
and bring them home.” Here again, Jotirao left no words in attacking the patriarchal order that
privileged men over women.
Jyotiba’s quest for providing women and girls with right to education was supported by his wife
Sabitri Phule. One of the few literate women of the time, Savitribai was taught to read and write
by her husband Jyotirao. During this time, he realized that to educate women, to cultivate their
intelligence and to give them respect are against the religious beliefs of Hindu people. He felt that
education was key to the liberation of what he termed as the Shudras, ati-Shudras and women, as
these sections had been deliberately and forcibly kept away from education by the brahmanical
caste order.
The first gender-sensitive act of Jotirao was to encourage his young wife Savitri to read
and write. Jyotuiba started his first school for girls on 15 May 1848 at Bhidewada, Poona. Savitri
Phule was its headmistress. The school brought together girls of all castes under one roof. The
first batch had 25 girls. In the same year they also set up a school for untouchable girls. Savitribai,
along with Sagunabai, Fatima Sheikh and some male colleagues, taught in these schools. Later, he
opened two more schools for the girls and an indigenous school for the lower castes, especially
for the Mahars and Mangs. In the next four years, the Phules set up no less than 18 schools for
women.
He had linked education with respect and dignity and squarely blames the Hindu religion
for suppressing women’s right to education. In a letter dated 5 February 1852 and addressed to the
then governor of Bombay, he says, “We are deeply impressed with the necessity and importance
of ameliorating the condition of the Natives and enlightening minds through the means of female
education and under this conviction have instituted a seminary with a view of promoting this
beneficent object.” Jotirao was convinced that the overall improvement of society hinged on the
education of women. In contrast, other reformers of his time wanted, at best, limited education for
women to enable them to be better wives and mothers. For Jotirao, education was an inalienable
part of women’s human rights. Elsewhere he says, “… If men do not come in the way of basic
human rights of women, a free world would come into being and all men and women would be
contented and happy.”
Jyotirao attacked the orthodox Brahmins and other upper castes and termed them as "hypocrites".
He campaigned against the authoritarianism of the upper caste people and urged the "peasants"
and "proletariat" to defy the restrictions imposed upon them. He opened his home to people from
all castes and backgrounds. He was a believer in gender equality and he exemplified his beliefs by
involving his wife in all his social reform activities. He believed that religious icons like Rama are
implemented by the Brahmin as a means for subjugating the lower caste. The orthodox Brahmins
of the society were furious at the activities of Jyotirao. They blamed him for vitiating the norms
and regulations of the society. Many accused him of acting on behalf of the Christian
Missionaries. But Jyotirao was firm and decided to continue the movement. Interestingly, Jyotirao
was supported by some Brahmin friends who extended their support to make the movement
successful.
The Satyashodhaks supported the struggle of women workers in Mumbai against their oppression
both as workers and as women. On 25 March 1893, 400 women from Jacob Mills agitated against
their male bosses. This was probably the first self-motivated struggle of Indian women workers
for their rights. The Samaj took the lead in breaking the priestly hold over society by conducting
marriages without Brahmin priests or religious rituals. The couple would merely exchange vows.
Jotirao wrote these vows in 1887, replacing the traditional, Hindu religious marriage mantras. The
vows comprise a demand from the bride to be treated with respect, an assurance from the groom
to fulfil his bride’s demand and a joint pledge to dedicate their lives to the cause of the needy and
the oppressed.
The first Satyashodhak marriage took place between Sitaram Jabaji Alhat and Manjubai Gyanoba
Nimbankar and was conducted without pandits on 25 December 1873. The Brahmin priests
approached the court against the Satyashodhak marriage system on the grounds that it deprived
them of their fees and was an encroachment on their religious rights. Every such marriage resulted
in a new legal suit. Jotirao did not lose courage. He fought all the cases with great tenacity.
Though judgments in local and district courts went against him, he won the cases in the high
court. The Satyashodhaks, led by the Phules, firmly believed in inter-caste marriages as one of the
means to break down the caste system. They personally supported people who chose to inter-
marry. They also got several widows remarried, braving terrible opposition.
Jotirao did not use the common word “manus” (human being), but insisted on using “stree-
purush”. He was the first to do so in India. Phule’s use of the phrase “sarva ekandar stree purush”
– all men and women – revealed his gender consciousness and gender sensitivity. He did not
subsume “women” under “men”. He traced the ideological roots of women’s oppression in India
to the Hindu religion and women’s secondary position worldwide to organized religions.
In India, the religion of the wife is assumed to be the same as that of her husband. Jotirao made it
clear in his Sarvajanik Satya Dharma Pustak that women and girls had freedom to choose their
own religion. He treated women as individuals in their own right and not as someone’s
daughter/wife/mother. In fact, he offered arguments as to why women are mentally and morally
superior to men?
For Jotirao, Indian women are deprived of education, human rights and human dignity and the
culprit behind this is the Hindu texts that advocate caste and gender hierarchy, keeping Shudras,
ati-Shudras and women in a state of perpetual backwardness.
Phule was the first person to coin the term ‘Dalits’ to apply to all people considered lower caste
and untouchables by the Brahmins. Membership to the Samaj was open to all irrespective of caste
and class. Some written records suggest that they even welcomed participation of Jews as
members of the Samaj and by 1876 the 'Satya Shodhak Samaj' boasted of 316 members. In 1868,
Jyotirao decided to construct a common bathing tank outside his house to exhibit his embracing
attitude towards all human beings and wished to dine with everyone, regardless of their caste.
We find a text of his philosophical statement in Sarvajanik Satyadharma Pustak (A book of True
Religion for All) published in 1891 a year after his death. It was an alternative to the classic
Hindu texts. He emphasized equality between men and women in the rules he laid down for those
who wanted to follow the path of Truth. From his writings we come to know that his thinking on
social and political issues was influenced by Christianity and the ideas of Thomas Paine (1737-
1809). He was known for his religious radicalism in England. Phule himself has recorded that he
was influenced by the ideas of Paine. As recognition of his great work for the lower castes, he was
felicitated and a title of 'Mahatma' was conferred on him by the people in Bombay in 1888. He
wrote mainly in Marathi and that too in a Marathi meant for the masses.
Satsar was a journal that Jotirao first published in 1885. It became a platform for the debates and
discussions among the Satyashodhak members and reflected the ideological stand taken by the
members on a range of caste and gender issues. In the second issue of Satsar, Jotirao publicly
supported Pandita Ramabai’s conversion to Christianity. He did so for two reasons. One, he saw it
as an escape from an oppressive religion. Two, he saw in it an act of rebellion and assertion by a
woman. In the same issue, he criticized the near-hysterical reaction to Tarabai Shinde’s Stree
Purush Tulana, published in 1882, which is a scathing critique of male double standards and
hypocrisy in sexual relations. Not just that, he defended her stand and whole-heartedly endorsed
it. Jotirao was clearly attacking the privileges and immunity enjoyed by men in a patriarchal set-
up.
Mahatma Jyotiba Phule passed away on November 28, 1890, leaving behind a rich legacy
of ideas and action towards women’s emancipation. After his death, Savitribai continued his
social and political work until her death in 1897. Thus, the contribution of Jyotiba for the
betterment of the lower caste and women is commendable. Therefore, he is called as the father of
India’s gender revolution.
DEPRESSED CLASS
The Depressed Classes, presently known as the 'Scheduled Castes' and 'Harijans', constitute a
group of castes of the Hindus in India. These classes have been recognised as the weaker sections
of the Indian society in view of their social, economic and educational backwardness. To remove
the disparities between them and the general population, special provisions for their educational
development have been stipulated in the Constitution of India.
Backwardness of the depressed classes
The causes of the backwardness of the depressed classes had their roots in the social placement of
these classes. The Hindu society in India has been caste based. The Institution of Caste system is
very old in India. It had dominated the social decisions in the ancient and medieval periods to a
very large extent. The Depressed classes were placed at the lowest strata in the caste hierarchy,
and people of other strata were advised to avoid any type of social intercourse with these classes.
The social prejudices against these classes were interpreted to the society as the natural
differences caused by birth in a caste or a clan. The Hindu philosophy of 'Karma' propounded that
the penances of the present life have a relationship with previous or future births, and, therefore,
are a matter of Providence. The grim poverty of these classes, their educational and cultural
backwardness, and the social disabilities faced by them were interpreted as having been a result of
their own doings in previous birth. In such a context, one of the social disabilities imposed upon
the Depressed classes had been the denial of education to them and their progeny.
Denial of education and other facilities
The traditional practices of despising the Depressed classes and abhorring them in matters of
education continued for a very long time up to the end of the Eighteenth century. Even in the
Nineteenth century, the incidence of education in these classes had been negligibly small. For a
very long time, these classes were deprived of availing any benefits of the educational facilities
available in their neighbourhood because of their social stigma. The early attempts to spread
education among them were resisted by other sections of the society. In fact, the admixture of
various social, political, economic and cultural factors causing backwardness among these classes
made it difficult to extricate education from them even though education was considered as a
means for the removal of their backwardness. The conditions of these classes could only be
improved through a multi-dimensional approach i.e., by aiming simultaneously at reforming the
social traditions, de-emphasizing the practice of untouchability, creating healthier climate for the
economic and educational advancement of these classes and such other factors. These classes had,
therefore, to mark time until the emergence of such an opportune period when the Government
and the general public would come forward to lend them a hand for their amelioration.
INDIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT
POLITICS OF MODERATES AND EXTREMISTS (1885-1920)
INTRODUCTION
The British conquest had disrupted the evolution of Indian society through the internal process.
Nationalist movement therefore, arose in India with the growth of nationalism. With the growth of
nationalism, the demands of the Indian people assumed an increasingly nationalist character.
Being with the demand to have a share in political power, it developed into the struggle for
complete independence. Initially, it was started by small sections of the educated people. It
gradually turned into a revolutionary struggle of overwhelming majority of the people of India.
Besides, being a struggle for political independence, it also became a struggle for the
reconstruction of Indian society on the basis of democracy and social equality. The revolt 1857
made the Indian people .more politically conscious than before. The movement of social reform
and modernisation had already started. The most valuable legacy of the revolt was the unity of
Hindus and the Muslims. Soon India was to witness the growth of the nationalist movement
aiming at national independence, democracy, social equality and national development.
INDIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT
Nationalism in India, which appeared in the nineteenth century and culminated in the founding of
Indian National Congress, was largely the product of the British colonialism in India. It essentially
arose as a protest against the British rule and their discriminatory policy which was resented by
the Indians.
Factors responsible for the growth of nationalism
There were some factors which were responsible for the growth of nationalism in India which are
given bellow:
Impact of British Rule
The process of modernisation was started in India during the British rule. The British colonial rule
introduced modem institutions - political, economic, military, judicial in India to suit their
administration. New values and ideals appeared in India as a result of the process of
modernisation. This process of modernisation generated nationalism among the Indians.
Political Unity of India
Imperial Britain conquered the whole of India from the Himalayas in the North to Cape Camorin
in the south and from Assam in the East to the Khyber Pass in the west. They created a larger state
than that of the Mauryas or the great Mughals. While Indian provinces were under 'direct' British
rule, Indian States were under 'indirect' British rule. The' British sword imposed political unity in
India. Common subjection, common institutions, common laws began to shape India in a common
mould. Despite imperial efforts to sow communal, regional and linguistic dissensions, pan-
Indianism grew. The establishment of political unity fostered the spirit of one mindedness.
Establishment of Peace and Administrative Unification of India
After the chaotic conditions of 18th century (partly created by the aggressive wars waged by
European trading companies), the British rulers established peace and orderly Government in
India. British scholars take pride in the, fact that Pax Britannica brought prolonged peace and
order for the first time in India. The British also established a highly centralised administrative
system in India. Percival Griffiths refers to the impersonality of British administration to be its
most important characteristic i.e. the fundamental character of administration did not change with
the changes of top-administrators like Secretaries of State and Viceroys (as had been the case with
all previous empires in India). Further, administrative unification had important effects in many
other fields. A unified judicial setup, codified civil and criminal law enforced throughout the
country imparted a new dimension of political unity to the hitherto cultural unity.
English Language and Western Ideas
The English was made the medium of instruction of education in 1835. It became the language of
the educated people of India irrespective of the differences in religion and region. It prodded the
best means of understanding and developing close contact with one another among them. The
educated Indians came in contact with it, Western ideas and culture through the medium of
English language. The ideas of liberty, equality, democracy, Socialism, etc could infiltrate among
them only because the English language became their medium. Many Indians went abroad and
came in direct contact with the western world. It is these English educated Indians who led the
national movement, developed Indian nationalism and organised it.
The social and Religious reform movements of the nineteenth century
The social and religious reform movements of the nineteenth century contributed most to Indian
nationalism though indirectly. Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Swami Vevekananda, Swami Dayanand
and Mrs. Annie Besant were all patriots. They revived the glory of ancient India, created faith
among the people in their religion and culture and, thus, gave the message of love to their
motherland and to the people of India. Swami Dayanand was the first who used the word Swaraj
and declared Hindi as the national language of India. Many Arya Samajist leaders were in the
forefront of the national movement and were primarily responsible for the rise of Extremism in
the Congress.
Indian Press and Literature
The Indian press and literature played significant role in the development of nationalism in India.
The Indian press focussed attention on the various drawbacks of the British rule and aroused
patriotic feeling among the Indian people. The role played by newspapers like The Amrit Bazar
Patrika, The Indian Mirror, The Kesari, The Bengali, deserves special mention. The writings of
literary fugures like Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Rabindra Nath Tagore, Keshava Chandra Sen
etc. also gave a fillip to the spirit of nationalism.
Economic Exploitation
The policy of economic exploitation persued by the English also greatly agitated the Indian mind.
They geared the Indian economy to meet the needs of British industries and subordinated interests
of Indian people to their own interests. They did not permit those industries to develop which
could compete with the British goods. They adopted the policy of free trade towards India which
proved suicidal for the Indian industries. Viewed in proper perspective this policy was not really a
policy of free trade because the Indian goods were subjected to heavy duties while entering
England. This policy of exploitation persued by the English convinced the Indians that only in a
free country they shall be able to regulate their economy according to their own needs.
Administration of Lord Lytton
The Afghan war during the period of Lord Lytton adversely affected the economic resources
of India. He arranged the Delhi-durbar to declare Queen Victoria as the Empress of India at a time
when larger part of India' was in the grip of famine and epidemic. He passed the Vernacular Press
Act which curbed the liberty of the Indian Press. His Arms Act was a means to prevent the
Indians from keeping arms. All these measures created widespread discontentment among the
Indians.
Ilbert Bill Controversy
By far the most significant influence on the growth of Indian nationalism was exercised by the
Ilbert BiIl controversy. This controversy arose during the time of Lord Rippon when C.P. Ilbert, a
law Member of the Executive Council, presented a Bill which wanted to do away with the
disqualifications imposed on the Indian Magistrates with regard to the trial of the Europeans. The
Bill was strongly opposed by the Europeans and they launched an agitation for its withdrawal.
After some agitation the Bill was withdrawn. This incident greatly stirred the Indians. They were
convinced that they will have to put up with a humiliating treatment so long as they were not free.
The Ilbert Bill controversy also taught the Indians the method of getting their demands conceded
through agitation
Administration of Lord Curzon.
The personal arrogance of Lord Curzon, his haughty language and some administrative measures
like Calcutta University Act and Local Self-Government Act seriously injured the feelings of the
Indians. But above all, the partition of Bengal created a widespread stir among the Indians to
oppose it. The use of 'Swadeshi" (India made) goods and boycott of foreign goods were adopted
as measures to exhibit their resentment by the Indians for the first time. Surendra Nath Banerjee
toured all over India to gain support of the Indians in other provinces against this partition. Thus,
it helped in strengthening Indian nationalism.
Development of Means of Communication and Transport
The introduction of Railways, Telegraph, Wireless. Postal Services, construction of roads and
canals facilitated communication among the people. All these brought them nearer to each other
and provided the facility to organize the national movement on all India basis.
Contact with Foreign Countries
Indians came in contact not only with Britain but with other foreign countries as well. The
movements in other countries, their economic developments, their problems and conflicts and the
First World War affected Indians. The defeat of Russia by Japan revived the faith of the Asians in
their strength. The Russian Revolution of 1917 inspired the national movements of every country
on economic grounds. The first World War prov ided the facility of Industrial Development in
India. The fourteen points of the American President Mr. Wilson. created hope for the
establishment of democratic principles in every part of the world. Thus, the contact with foreign
countries inspired Indian nationalism in several ways.
The abusive behaviour of the British against the Indians
The revolt of 1857 left permanent bitterness between the British and the Indians. The policy to
rule India by sword was upheld by all Britishers. Therefore, the British asserted themselves not
only administratively but disrespect to Indians, beating of Indian servants and cultivators.
disrespect to their women etc. became common events. These happenings were given wide
publicity by Indian newspapers. That inflamed the feelings of the Indians against the British
which helped in growth of national consciousness.
The foundation of the All India Congress
The National consciousness had awakened among the Indians and several associations were
formed even prior to the founding of All-India Congress. Yet, there was no all-I,ndia organisation.
The Indian National Congress was established in 1885 and it prepared the platform for an
organized national movement. The above discussion makes it clear that the growth of nationalism
in India was due to combination of the number of factors. The impact of British colonialism was
certainly one of the important factors of rise and growth of nationalism in India.
Stages of Indian Nationalism
A retrospective examination of the Indian National Movement suggests three broad stages in it’s
development. In the first stage of its existence (1885-1905- Moderate Phase) the vision of the
Indian National Congress was dim, vague and confused. The movement was confined to a handful
of the educated middle class intelligentsia who drew inspiration from Western Liberal and Radical
Thought. During the second stage (1905-1919- Extremist Phase), the Congress came of age, its
aim and scope were considerably extended. It aimed at an all round uplift of the people-social,
cultural, economic and political. Swaraj or self government was the goal on the political front.
Some progressive elements within the Congress adopted Western revolutionary methods to
liquidate Western Imperialism. The final stage (1920-47- Gandhian Phase) was dominated by the
objective of Puma Swaraj or complete independence to be achieved under the leadership of
Mahatma Gandhi by the characteristically Indian method of nonviolence and non-cooperation.
THE POLITICS OF MODERATES (1885-1905)
The early Congressmen who dominated the affairs of the Indian National Congress from 1885 to
1905 were known as the Moderates. They belonged to a class which was Indian in blood and
colour but British in tastes, in opinions, in morals arid in intellect. They were supporter of British
institutions. They believed that what India needed was a balanced and lucid presentation of her
needs before the Englishmen and their Parliament and their demands were bound to be satisfied.
They had faith in the British sense of justice and fair play. India's connection with the West
through England was considered to be a boon and not a curse. The Moderates believed in loyalty
to the British Crown. This fact is clearly brought out by the statements made from time to time by
the Moderate leaders. Dadabhai Naoroji is said to have observed thus: "Let us speak out like men
and proclaim that we are loyal to the backbone; that we understand the benefits the English rule
has conferred upon us."
Methods of Political work of the Moderates
The Moderates relied upon the solemn pledges given by the British Government to the
people of India from time to time and the Queen's Proclamation of 1858 was one of them.
Surendranath Banerjee called this proclamation as "The Magna Carta of our rights and liberties."
The Moderates believed in orderly progress and constitutional agitation. They believed in
patience, steadiness, conciliation and union. Dr. Rash Behari Ghosh is said to have observed:
"You must have patience. You must learn to wait and everything will come to you in time."
The Moderates believed in constitutional agitation within the four corners of law. They
believed that their main task was to educate the people, to arouse national Political consciousness
and to create a united public opinion on political questions. For this purpose they held meetings.
They criticised the Government through the press.
They drafted and submitted memorials and petitions to the Government, to the officials of
the Government of India and also to the British Parliament. They also worked to influence the
British Parliament and British public opinion. The object of the memorials and petitions was to
enlighten the British public and political leaders about the conditions prevailing in India.
Deputations of leading Indian leaders were sent to Britain in 1889.
A British Committee of the Indian National Congress was founded in 1906 and that
Committee started a journal called "India." Dadabhai Naoroji spent a major part of his life and
income in Britain doing propaganda among its people and politicians.
Object before the Moderates
The object before the Moderates was "wider employment of Indians in higher offices in the public
service and the establishment of representative institutions." Surendranath Banerjee pointed out
that "They lay at the root of all other Indian problems. If power were vested in us to legislate and
to control the finances and to carry on the administration through and by our men in accordance
with the principles laid down by our representatives, we- should have self-government in the true
sense". This could be accomplished by the goodwill and cooperation of the British people. With
their firm faith in the values of Western culture and the sense of justice of the Englishmen, no
other attitude was possible. They believed if. slow progress towards democracy which according
to many of them was an exotic plant that would take time to get it.
The Moderates were fully aware of the fact that India was a nation in the making Indian
nationhood was gradually coming into being and could not be taken for granted as an
accomplished fact. They worked constantly for the development and consolidation of the feeling
of national unity irrespective of region, caste or religion. They hoped to make a humble beginning
in this direction by promoting close contacts .and friendly relations among the people from
different parts of the country.
Demands of the Moderates
The economic and political demands of the Moderates were formulated with a view to unify the
Indian people on the basis of a common political programme. They organised a powerful all-India
agitation against the abandonment of tariff-duties in imports and against the imposition of cotton
excise duties. This agitation aroused the feelings of the people and helped them to realise the real
aims and purposes of British rule in India.
The Moderates carried on agitation for the reduction of heavy land revenue payments.
They urged the Government to provide cheap credit to the peasantry through agricultural banks
and to make available irrigation facilities on a large scale. They asked for improvement in the
conditions of work of the plantation labourers. They demanded a radical change in the existing
pattern of taxation and expenditure which put a heavy burden on the poor while leaving the rich
especially the foreigners, with a very light load. They demanded the abolition of salt tax which hit
the poor and lower middle classes hard.
The Moderates complained of India's growing poverty and economic backwardness and
put all the blame on the policies of the British Government. They blamed the government for the
destruction of the indigenous industries in the country. They demanded the rapid development of
the modern industries and wanted the Government to give tariff protection to the Indian
industries. They advocated the use of Swadeshi goods and the boycott of British goods. They
demanded that the economic drain of India by England must stop.
In A. D. 1885 after the formation of the All India National Congress, for twenty years the reins of
the national movement remained in the hands of the liberal leaders. These leaders were
completely influenced by the English education and civilization. They also had full faith in the
honesty and justice of the English government. They did not want to uproot the English rule from
India completely. On the other hand they wanted that some significant reforms be introduced in
the present administrative system of India, so that the Indians could get some posts in the
administration according to their ability. The liberals resorted to constitutional methods in order to
achieve their goal but they failed to attain any success even after working for twenty years. On the
other hand, the British government changed its attitude towards the Congress; as a result of it a
new group of leaders known as Extremists emerged who decided to actively oppose the policies
of the English government which went against the people of India.
This group of the leaders did not want to adopt the nonviolent methods. In fact, this party
had decided to oppose the English government by noncooperation. This thinking came to be
known as the militant one. They condemned and criticised the policies of the liberals vehemently.
The members of the militant group also came to be known as angry young men. They desired that
the aim of congress should be the attainment of Swaraj which should be attained by self-
confidence and self-dependence.
Causes of the Rise of Militant Nationalism
The following reasons contributed to the rise of militant nationalism in India:
Growth of Hinduism:
The early leaders of the Congress were greatly influenced by the western civilization. They
considered the western education to be supreme, but in the last quarter of the 19th century some
great persons emerged in India who re-established the lost glory and honour of Hinduism in the
country. The preaching of Maharishi Dayananda Saraswati, Swami Vivekananda etc. reminded
the people of their ancient culture and religious supremacy and leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak,
Lala Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra Pal, Aurobindo Ghosh, etc. preached that "freedom is the aim of
our life and it could only be achieved through Hinduism." They also emphasized the point that
there could be no development in the country without attaining the political freedom. All this
made the people realize that the policies so far pursued by the liberals were faulted and they
decided to take to militant nationalism or extremism in order to achieve their goal.
Anti-India Attitude of the English Government:
On the one hand the liberal party of the Congress was hoping that the English would grant
freedom to them some day of their own accord, but on the other, the English government had
resorted to an anti-India policy due to their racial arrogance. In A. D. 1892 the government passed
an Indian Council Act, but it could not remove the shortcomings of the administration. The
English government arrested various leaders of the Congress in order to crush its power and
weaken the national awakening among the people from time to time. Seeing the arbitrary acts of
the government some of the leaders of the Congress realized it well in time that they would not be
able to solve their problems by liberal means. Hence, they resorted to the policy of militant
nationalism in order to attain their mission.
Natural Calamity:
In the last decade of the 19th century the people of northern India had to face some natural
calamities. Famine and plague broke out in the country. The famine of A. D. 1896-97 and the
plague in A. D. 1899-1901 seriously hit the people but the government did not make any efforts to
provide succour to the people who had fallen prey to famine and the epidemic. The famine of A.
D. 1907 was so severe that about 7 crore people were badly affected by it. In southern India
during the period of plague the government burnt out various houses and the belongings of the
people in order to check this serious calamity but provided no relief to the stricken people. Dr.
Ram Gopal has also written about the activities of the government during the plague in southern
India, that the army and police followed the Plague Commissioner Mr. Rand. The houses of the
sick were demolished and the beddings and clothing of the sufferers were put to fire. It seemed as
if some enemy was venting his wrath on a vanquished country.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak condemned the stern policies of the government through his newspaper
'Kesari', as a result of which he was awarded 18 months' rigorous imprisonment. Hence the natural
calamities and the stern policies of the British Government also helped in the rise of militant
nationalism in the country. .
Lal-Bal- Pal’s Leadership:
When the people of India were being subjected to the arbitrary and oppressive policies of the
English and the liberal party was not getting any success in its moves against the government, the
youth of India got the leadership of Bal, Pal and Lal. All the three were the most prominent
leaders of the militant national party. Bal Gangadhar Tilak was a great patriot and a staunch
enemy of bureaucracy. Issuing warning to the English he once declared, "Swaraj is
my birthright and I shall have it." Tilak infused a spirit of awakening into the youth of India by his
popular speeches, courage, fearlessness and power of endurance.
In the same way Lala Lajpat Rai once said. “We shall have Swaraj as a right and not as a beggary
because the English hate the beggars the most, and I understand that the beggar is subject of
hatred, so it is our duty to prove that we are not beggars."
Bipin Chandra Pal was also known as the commander of Bal Gangadhar Tilak. All the three
leaders successfully converted the National Movement into a Public Movement and Liberal Party
to Militant National Party.
Racial Arrogance :
The English and their government hated the people of India. Their behaviour towards the Indians
was offensive. The English had the opinion that they were far superior to the Indians and the life
of an Englishman was equal to the lives of many Indians. The English were born to rule over the
Indians. Their feelings of superiority and pride made them so callous that they never gave any
respect to an Indian. The contemporary newspapers also highlighted the racial arrogance which
forced the Congress to resort to militant nationalism so that they could fight the English.
Economic Discontentment:
During the British regime, the economic discontentment went on increasing among the people.
All classes, the educated, labour, peasant and business were against the economic exploitation by
the English. Some contemporary writers also fuelled the fires of this discontent through their
writings and vehemently condemned the economic exploitation of Indians by the English. They
made the people realise their deplorable conditions. They understood very well that the English
government wanted to cripple them by economic exploitation. Hence, they swung towards the
militant nationalism so that they could get rid of the tyrannical rule of the English.
Lord Curzon and His Reactionary Rule:
Lord Curzon came to India in A. D. 1898. He was a reactionary Governor-General and a devotee
of Britsh Imperialism. During his Viceroyalty in India he took some such steps as made the
English government completely against the Indians. Actually, Lord Curzon's administrative
measures aggravated the situation and his anti-Indian activities made discontentment of the
Indians reach its climax. Gopal Krishna Gokhale has remarked in this connection, "Lord Curzon
did the same act which Aurangzeb had done for the Mughal Empire." His oppressive policies
helped a lot in the rise of the militant nationalism in the country. All the acts and activities of
Curzon created feelings of hatred among the people of India for Lord Curzon as he destroyed the
honour of the Indians. The piercing attack on the cultural heritage of India annoyed them very
much, hence discontentment prevailed everywhere in the country.
Partition of Bengal
In A. D. 1905 the most foolish act of Partition of Bengal was committed by Lord Curzon.
Through this step he wanted to crush the increasing spirit of nationalism in Bengal. He adopted
the policy of dividing the Hindus and the Muslims in order to weaken the Congress. Although by
way of explaining the reasons for the partition of Bengal Lord Curzon had said that the area of
Bengal was top large to be controlled from one centre, hence partition was necessary for the
smooth running of the administration of Bengal. But the real aim of Curzon was to separate the
Hindus and the Muslims. He also wanted to make friends with the Muslims in order to weaken the
All India National Congress. During his tour of Bengal he had himself declared that in the
partition of Bengal he did not aim at creating facilities foi the smooth running of the
administration but, he wanted to carve out a region of Muslim majority,
Actually, all the acts of Lord Curzon were anti-Indian. The Partition of Bengal was
opposed throughout India but Lord Curzon executed it in A. D. 1905. It clearly proved the failure
of the liberals. The militants started criticising the liberals roundly. Lala Lajpat Rai said, "During
twenty years from A. D. 1885-1905 as the result of the policies of the liberals, the people of India
got stone in place of bread."
In A. D. 1905 the militant nationalists started a public awakening movement against the
English. In A. D. 1907 in the Surat Conference the militant nationalists separated themselves from
the Congress. Hence, it is quite evident that the rise of militant nationalism was not a sudden
event but the twenty years of working of the liberals, negligence-of the Britishers and their
oppressive policies were such elements as contributed to the rise of militant nationalism.
Policies and Methods of the Extremists.
The extremists did not believe that India could progress under the 'benevolent guidance and
control of the English'. These leaders felt that mere demonstration, public meetings and
resolutions were not likely to have much effect on the rulers.
They held mass meetings where Swadeshi or use of Indian goods and boycott of British
goods were pledged and shop" selling foreign cloth were picketed.
In addition to Swadeshi and boycotting they asked people to refuse to cooperate with the
Government and to boycott Government service, the courts and Government schools and
colleges.
They gave the slogan of independence from foreign rule.
They aimed at Swaraj as their goal. They had firm faith in the strength of the masses.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak made excellent use of two leading newspapers 'Maratha and the
'Kesari' to mould public opinion. The Ganesh festival and Sivaji festival were used to
popularise nationalist ideas among the common people. He pleaded for courage, Self-
confidence and spirit of sacrifice. Indians must work out their own salvation.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal. Aurobindo Ghose and Laia Lajpat Rai were the chief
exponents of the militant school of nationalism. Bal Gangadhar Tilak advised the peasants in
Maharashtra to withhold payment of land revenue when crops failed owing to drought. He called
for Swadeshi and boycott of British goods when English imposed an excise duty on all Indian
mill-made cloth.
Evaluation of the work of the Extremists
The militant nationalists added a glorious chapter to the history of the national movement. The
policy of the Extremists yielded good dividends. They had clarified the objectives taught people
self-confidence and self-reliance. They prepared the social base of the movement by including the
lower middle classes, students, youths and women. New methods of political organisation and
new modes of waging political struggles had been introduced. They aroused the people but did not
know how to utilise the newly released energies of the people. They also failed to organise an
effective party, hence the Government succeed to a large extent in suppressing them. After the
arrest of Tilak and the retirement from active politics of Bipin Chandra Pal and Aurobindo Ghose
their movement could not survive. But it is a fact that the aim of Swaraj though denied by Lord
Morley was no longer looked upon as a revolutionary demand and the shock of the FirstWorld
War was required to compel the British Government to proclaim self-governing institutions as the
goal of constitutional development in India.
THE NATIONALIST REVOLUTIONARIES
As a result of the oppressive policies of the British and other circumstances, the wonderful spirit
of awakening was divided into two parts. The first were the militants who wanted to oppose the
English through peaceful means and inactive opposition. As the policy of economic exploitation
by the government went on hurting, the mindset of the revolutionaries also went on changing for
which there were various reasons. Many of them took to the path of violence and intended to gain
the independence of India through terrorist means. Punjab, Maharashtra and Bengal were the
centres of the terrorists and Bhupendra Nath Dutt, Ganesh Savarkar, Sardar Ajit Singh, Lala Har
Dayal, Sardar Bhagat Singh, Raj Guru, Sukh Deo, Chandra Shekhar Azad etc., were the
prominent leaders of the terrorists. They killed various British Officers and organized robberies.
Subhash Chandra Bose who organized the Indian National Army was also a revolutionary. He
also contributed to the independence of the country. No doubt, the people had respect for the
terrorists but had no faith in their methods.
The committee which came to India at the time of partition opines that the nationalist
revolutionary Movement was a reaction of the Brahmins but Naveill is of the opinion that the
secret organizations which were preaching violence, were motivated by religion. Staunch militant
Bal Gangadhar Tilak was the leader of the .stern Hindus. He put before the people an example of
Shivaji, the great and the Marathas and infused a spirit of awakening into the people of India.
Marriate also mentions that the revolutionary movement was not a conspiracy hatched by the
orthodox Brahmins. In Bengal and Punjab the leaders of the revolutionaries were non-Brahmins.
Lala Lajpat Rai opines that this movement was motivated by the feeling of freedom. In fact the
successes of the Congress infused revolutionary spirit into the youth of the country. Hence
feelings of contradiction went on aggravating between the liberals and the militants and after the
split of Surat the militant nationalists separated themselves from the liberals and the government
put their leaders behind bars. In A. D. 1908 Bal Gangadhar Tilak was made prisoner for the
second time andsent to Burma Jail for six years. As a reaction to this event protests broke' out in
Bombay.
But the fact is that the revolutionary movement was the result of the oppressive 'policies of the
British government and their economic exploitation of the people. Mr. Mounttesque, the then
Secretary of State for India, also accepted the view that punishments of the Penal Code
inspired .them for martyrdom and it added to the number of the revolutionaries. Gradually, the
revolutionary movement spread in the country and abroad and rebellions broke out at various
places.
Revolutionary Movement in Bengal
Bengal was the centre of revolutionary movement. The papers which were published here adopted
a militant language. A paper named 'Yugantar' continued to preach revolution independently. In
A. D. 1906 this paper was started by Virendra Kumar Ghosh and Upendra Dutta who were the
younger brothers of Aurobindo Ghosh and Swami Vivekananda respectively. 'Sandhya' and 'Nav
Shakti' were two other nvwspapers that attained prominence during this period. Patriotic and
musical Iiterature also boosted the revolutionary spirit of the people. The It ides of Aurobindo
Ghosh inspired the people of Bengal, especially the ouths and Virendra Ghosh organized all such
youths who always remained ready to sacrifice their lives for the sake of their country. One Ill'
their colleagues, Hem Chandra got training for making bombs in a loreign country. A
revolutionary committee was established and five hundred branches of this organization were
formed in the towns and villages. Dacca and Calcutta were the chief centres of this organization.
In A. D. 1907 with the blasting of the train of the Governor, the revolutionaries started their
activities. On 6th December derailment of a train was done near Mehnapur and on 23rd December
the Magistrate of Dacca was shot dead at Faridpur Railway Station. The revolutionaries ilso tried
to kill king George V. The police seized a factory of the weapons In Maniktola locality of
Calcutta. Many persons were awarded severe punishments for hatching a conspiracy against the
life of the emperor. At the time of trial of this case, while coming out, the deputy superintendent
Ill' police was shot dead. Consequently, the government imprisoned several persons and they were
arraigned for treason. Most of the leaders of eastern Bengal were arrested during Dacca
conspiracy. As a result of the oppressive policy of the English government in A. D. 1911 about 16
bombings took place in Bengal. Although after some time this movement came to an end, minor
events .continued to take place. The discontentment among the peasants increased due to the
colonial Bill of the Punjab government. Its aim was to transfer the consolidation of land within the
constituency. This bill interfered in the right of the partition of property. In A. D. 1907 the English
government exiled Lala Lajpat Rai who was a veteran leader of Punjab, hence angry feeling rose
among the people. The governor of Punjab accused Lala Lajpat Rai of being a revolutionary. His
exile from Punjab created a lot of tension among the people-but the governor took a wise step and
cancelled the colonial bill by which the situation could be controlled. .
Maharashtra
Lokmanya Tilak was arrested in Maharashtra which created excitement among the Hindus,
especially the Brahmins. They used to get inspiration from the newspaper Punjab Kesari
connected with Tilak, Nasik was the prominent centre of the terrorists. All the revolutionary
organizations tried to get rid of the British government through their terrorist activities. Ganesh
Savarkar was the leader of this party. He was banished to Jail in Andaman Nicobar islands in A.
D. 1909. The Judge, Mr. Jackson who had pronounced the punishment on the leader of the party
was shot dead the same year. Several persons were arrested by the police and they were either put
behind bars for a long period or awarded death punishment.
Madras
In A. D. 1907 Bipin Chandra Pal made a tour to Madras. Seeing his influence on the youth of
Bengal, he was sent to six months' rigorous imprisonment by the English. As a result, the Bengali
youth felt much excited and they organized a council to free Bipin Chandra Pal from the Jail. The
government gave added momentum to its oppressive policy and arrested some more youth leaders
of Bengal. Some revolutionary shot a Magistrate dead as a reaction of the repressive policy of the
English.
Punjab
Punjab was also a centre of the revolutionaries. Lala Har Dayal played a prominent role in
spreading the terrorist movement. Although he went to Oxford for further studies on a
government stipend he came back to India in A. D. 1907, and went back abroad in A. D. 1908 in
order to organize the terrorists. Besides Lala Hardayal, J. M. Chatterjee, Amir Chandra, Avadh
Behari also participated in the revolutionary activities. 'Naujawan Sabha' and 'Kirti Kissan Party'
were their revolutionary .organizations. Moreover, 'Hindustan Republican Association' was re-
established in India by Chandra Shekhar Azad, Sachindra Nath Sanyal, J. C. Chatterjee, and Ram
Prasad Bismil. Later on, its name was changed to 'Hindustan Socialist Republican Association'.
Sardar Bhagat Singh was also an active member of this party. All these young leaders of the
terrorist party created havoc and their terrorist activities created chaos and confusion in the
Empire. On 23rd March, A. D. 1931 Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukh Deva were hanged for
taking part in Kakori Train Robbery and on being accused of treason and terrorist activities.
The people of india were shocked at the death of these young leaders. A large number of non-
government members boycotted the proceedings of the Central Legislative Council and in the
Conference of the Congress of A. D. 1931, the acts of these martyrs were highlighted and tributes
were paid to them.
Revolutionary Activities Abroad
During this period some organizations were also working abroad for the freedom of India. Shiam
Ji Krishna Verma who hailed from Kathiawar, first of all, organized a revolutionary party abroad.
In A. D. 1857 after the murder of the District Magistrate Rand, he settled in London. In January,
A. D. 1905 he founded 'Indian Home Rule Society' under his Presidentship. He also edited a paper
named 'India Sociologist' besides running the above society, for the good of the people of India. S.
R. Rana was another person who worked for India in the foreign country. He was from Gujarat
and was into diamond business. He married a French lady and settled in Paris. He fully supported
the scheme of Mr. Shiam Krishna Verma. An organization known as 'India Society' dared
scholarships for those who intended to get training in terrorism abroad. Within a short period the
'India Society' became a prominent rntrc of the revolutionary activities. The younger brother of
Shri Ganesh rvurkar, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar also went to London in A. D.1906 and became a
powerful supporter of the Indian Society Movement. He got education in Ferguson College,
Poona where Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Tilak were teachers. He was a young lad of 22 years.
His book 'A.D. 1857 Ka Bharat Ka Swatantrata Sangram' was the prominent book of his time. He
continued to supply the revolutionary literature and weapons secretly to his Maratha friends in
India. One of the members of this society, Madan Lal Dhingra assassinated Sir William Curzon
Willy who was the A. D. C. of the Secretary of State of India. This event was a reaction of the
Indians against the repressive policies of the French. Hence, the members of the society were
awarded severe punishments and Vinayak Savarkar was also sentenced to imprisonment in
Andaman and Nicobar islands. His courageous action and national pride were the i~nificant
examples of his patriotism.
In A. D. 1911 Lala Har Dayal formed the Gadar Party in California. This party provided a new
direction to the revolutionary movement Har Dayal got education in St. John's College, London.
He returned from abroad as a staunch enemy of foreign rule. He had the firm notion that the
foreign rule on Indian soil was an immoral step of the English and he wanted to uproot it by all
means. Finding it difficult to work in this direction in India, he went to England. He started two
newspapers of Gadar Party, one in Gurmukhi and the other in Urdu and continued to preach
revolution against the English government. His preaching proved to be much effective on the
people living in Canada and America. During the first world war, several representatives of the
Gadar Party worked in ( lcrmany and they tried to bring about a revolt in India with the help of the
foreign powers.
GANDHIAN MASS MOVEMENTS (NON-COOPERATION,
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE AND QUIT INDIA MOVEMENTS), (1920-1940)
INTRODUCTION
The emergence of Mahatma Gandhi as leader witnessed a new epoch in the history of Indian
national movement. After the death of Bal Gangadhar Tilak in 1920 the leadership of the National
Movement passed into the hands of Mahatma Gandhi. Before the advent of Mahatma Gandhi, this
movement was limited to a few educated persons but as soon as Gandhi held the reins of this
movement, he actually transformed it into the form of a mass movement. Gandhiji had no faith in
bloodshed or violence and he led this movement completely on the basis of nonviolence. During
this period the aim of Congress was to attain complete independence by all means. This
declaration was made in 1930 from the platform of the congress, that the Independence must be
attained either from within the empire or from outside the British Empire. Gandhiji was the most
prominent leader of this time. He instilled a new spirit of thinking in the Indian politics and
inspired the people to oppose the injustice. He adopted the policy of Non-cooperation and
Satyagrah in order to achieve his mission through nonviolent means. Gandhiji inspired the people
for following the five fundamental principles through nonviolent means .:
To spin the Charkha
To remove untouchability
To prohibit taking intoxicating drugs
To maintain the unity among the Hindus and the Muslims and
To maintain the principles of equality towards the women.
However, some small incidents of violence went on occurring here and there. The following three
movements which were led by Mahatma Gandhi helped a lot in the emergence of the National
Movement for the good of the people of India. .
NONCOOPERATION MOVEMENT (1920-1922)
During the time of the First World War Mahatma Gandhi entered the political arena of India as a
supporter of the British Government. At the time of the outbreak of the First World War the
British Government had sought the support and cooperation of the Indians and the people of India
supported them wholeheartedly on the call of Mahatma Gandhi, as a result of which the English
Government bestowed the title of Kaiser-i-Hind on Gandhi.
Before taking part in the politics of India, Gandhi had attained tremendous success in South
Africa as a Satyagrahi. In 1915 he founded an Ashram at Sabarmati near Ahmadabad Jail and
afterwards in 1920, Gandhi, the supporter became the opponent of the British government and he
started a noncooperation movement against it.
Causes of Noncooperation Movement
Till the outbreak of the First World War, Gandhi had complete faith in the justice and honesty of
the English Government. Therefore, he made an appeal to the people of India for cooperation
during the First World War but just after the end of this war some such events occurred in the
political sphere of India which made Mahatma Gandhi doubt the integrity of the British
Government and he declared a non-violent movement against it. Really, it was a strange event that
people like Mahatma Gandhi who was a staunch supporter of the British raised his voice against
them. Actually, the following reasons were responsible for launching a movement against the
British Government.
Rowlatt Act:
During the First World War, the British government had passed the India Defence Act in order to
crush the Revolutionary Movement in India. But as they failed to get any success through this
Act, so the Rowlatt Act Committee was formed in 1917 by the British government which
submitted its report in 1918. According to this report the Rowlatt Act was passed. Under this Act
anybody could be arrested on mere suspicion for an uncertain period. The Act was severely
opposed by the Indians. According to, Pandit Motilal Nehru, this Act ended the system of Appeal,
Vakil and Dalil. However, the government 'passed this Bill in 1919. Gandhi arranged an All India
strike against this Act and after attaining success he decided to launch a movement against it.
The Jalianwala Bagh Massacre:
The people of Punjab also opposed the Rowlatt Act vehemently. Consequently, Sir Michael
Odyer arrested Dr. Satya Pal and Saifuddin Kichlu, the two leaders of Punjab without giving the
reason of their arrest and sent them to some unknown place. Seeing the opposition of the people
against this action of Odyer, the defence and security of the town was handed over to General
Dyer. On 13th April, 1919 on the occasion of Baisakhi festival, a function and general meeting
was being organised at Jalianwala Bagh but in order to show his authority General Dyer ordered
the soldiers to shoot at the people who were assembled there. Consequently, a large number of
people were killed. The military rule was also imposed in Amritsar in order to stem the opposition
of the people. However, this massacre of Jalianawala Bagh was vehemently criticised and
condemned throughout the country. Thomas and Garrett have written that the incident of Amritsar
was a massacre event in the relations between the people of India and England. It was similar to
that of the revolt of 1857. As a result of the report of Hunter Commission which declared General
Dyer innocent in spite of the unprovoked massacre he had ordered, the feelings of Gandhi were
extremely hurt and he decided to withdraw his cooperation from the British. Hence his outlook
changed and he began to oppose them.
Khilafat Problem :
During the First World War Turkey supported Germany against England, so the Muslims of India
were afraid of the English who might take a revengeful attitude towards them. Although the
English Government had assured the Muslims of India that it was not going to take .one such step
as could be harmful to the interests of the Muslims, in the treaty of A. D.1920 which was
concluded between Turkey and England, some restrictions were imposed on Turkey. Turkey
being a Muslim country, these restrictions were opposed by the Indian Muslims. Gandhi
endeavoured to establish Hindu-Muslim unity in India on the basis of the Khilafat problem. He
started non-cooperation movement in order to get the support of the Muslims.
Change in the Politics of the Congress:
Gandhi, the earlier supporter of the English government said, presenting the proposal of Non-
cooperation in the Calcutta session, "The English Government is Satan. Cooperation is not
possible with it. The English Government is not sad of his shortcomings, so we have to adopt a
progressive non-violent, noncooperation policy for the fulfilment of our demands." This proposal
was passed by the, majority and it was fully endorsed in the Nagpur session of the Congress.
Pattabhi Sitaramayya has remarked about the Nagpur session that a new era was ushered in the
History of India from Nagpur session of the Congress. Weak and earnest prayers were replaced by
responsible and self-dependent spirit.
Repressive Policies of the British Government:
The attitude of the British government remained quite negligent towards the victims of famine and
epidemics, as a result, the people began to hate the British government and they decided to
overthrow it.
Programme of Noncooperation Movement
This movement was a bit different from the other movements which had so far emerged in India.
It had a two-fold programme; first part dealt with the boycott of the foreign goods and the second
part contained the solution of the problems which emanated from the boycott. It had a fourteen-
point programme:
I. Surrender of all titles and government posts.
II. Boycott of all functions organised by the British government.
III. Boycott of Government Schools.
IV. Boycott of Courts of Justice.
V. Giving up of the policy adopted in Mesopotamia in connection with the Indian soldiers. .
VI. Noncooperation with the Act of A. D.1919.
VII. Boycott of all foreign articles.
VIII. Establishment of National schools.
IX. Formation of Nyaya Panchayats.
X. Development of small-scale industry.
XI. Use of Swadeshi articles.
XII. Development of communal amity.
XIII. End of Untouchability and caste system.
XIV. Adoption of nonviolence in the whole country.
Growth of Noncooperation Movement
This started with the surrender of the title of Kaiser-i-Hind by Gandhi. The Advocates,
Government Officers, students and the general masses also followed this policy of Gandhi. The
year 1921 proved to be a headache for the government and beneficial for the people. Persons like
C. R. Das, Motilal Nehru; Jawaharlal Nehru, Lajpat Rai and Rajendra Prasad gave up their legal
practices and joined the movement. The government resorted to repressive measures for the
suppression of this movement and a large number of its workers and leaders were arrested but the
movement could not be suppressed; rather it received an impetus and spread all the more rapidly.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has mentioned in his autobiography that the youths of the country used
to sit down in the vans of the government and refused to get down. The police authorities were
very much confused and perturbed to see this enthusiasm among the people of India.
On 17th November, 1921 when the Prince of Wales visited India, contrary to the hope of the
people of England, the Indians snowed him black flags and a countrywide strike was organised.
By December A. D.1921 after the arrest of about 60 thousand people, Mahatma Gandhi . was
authorised to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement, in Ahemadabad Session of the Congress.
Episode of Chauri Chaura :
An encounter took place at Chauri Chaura in Bihar on 5th February, 1922 before the beginning of
the civil disobedience movement, between the Satyagrahis and the Police. When the police
opened fire, on the mob and killed some persons, the angry mob set the Police Station on fire in
which two constables were burnt to death. This incident was against the nonviolent movement of
Gandhi. Hence he declared the discontinuance of the noncooperation movement on 22nd
February, 1922.
Critical Estimate of the Noncooperation Movement
The people of India did not want that the movement should be suspended at this critical stage,
hence they opposed the suspension. Even Lala Lajpat Rai and Pandit Motilal Nehru who were
under confinement at that time declared this step of Gandhi to be improper and Subhash
Chandra Bose commented that at the time when the enthusiasm and courage of the people of India
was at its zenith, it was an unfortunate step to command them to leave the ground. After the
suspension of the noncooperation movement the confidence of the people of India came to an end
and various shortcomings began to be visible. [Link] has also remarked in this connection
that if the movement of Gandhi had not been suspended at this critical moment when it was
becoming a significant, subject of worry to the government then it was certain, the government
must have taken some steps to satisfy the people of India.
Undoubtedly, the noncooperation movement of Mahatma Gandhi was a turning point in
the direction of getting freedom for the country, which was based on truth, love and nonviolence.
During this movement for the first time a sense of courage and sacrifice was discernible in the
people. Consequently, the spirit of nationalism was strengthened.
CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT
During the First World War Mahatma Gandhi had become quite active in the 'Politics of India and
after the end of this war and the death of BaI Gangadhar Tilak, the leadership of the National
Movement passed into the hands of Mahatma Gandhi. He launched some movements based on
Truth, Love and Non-violence. After the incident of Chauri Chaura and
the suspension of the Non-cooperation movement, he started Civil Disobedience Movement in
1930. According to this movement he adopted the policy of disobedience of the orders of the
British government with mild protest and attitude so that the path to the freedom of India could be
opened up.
Causes of Civil Disobedience Movement
The following reasons contributed to the launching of Civil Disobedience Movement by Gandhi
in A. D.193O. are given bellow:
1. The English government appointed Simon Commission in 1927 to deal with the problems of
India. Lord Irvin declared that after the submission of the report by Simon Commission, the
English government could summon a conference of the representatives of the country in order to
consider the problems of India. Gandhi felt very much disappointed with this declaration of the
Viceroy and decided to begin a movement for the good of the people of India.
2. In the election of A. D.1929 in England the Liberal Party got the majority and assured India the
membership of the Commonwealth of Countries immediately but Churchill, the leader of the
opposition commented that this declaration was a crime. Hence, the government had to take this
declaration back. Gandhi took it very seriously and decided to launch a movement against the
English Government.
3. The people of India did not accept the report of the Simon Commission and put before the
government a scheme after the organisation of the Nehru Committee. On the occasion of Calcutta
Session in 1928 the English Government was given an ultimatum of one year for the recognition
of the scheme. It was clearly said in this ultimatum that in case the English government did not
accept the Nehru Report as it was by 31st December, 1929,the Congress would launch a
nonviolent movement against the government.
4. Before the expiry of the ultimatum period Gandhi had a talk with the Viceroy along with the
leaders like Motilal Nehru, Sardar Pate! etc., on 23rd December 1929 but he did not give any
assurance to the leaders whatsoever by which the movement could be averted.
5. After the expiry of the period of ultimatum the Lahore Session of the Congress proved to be
very significant in the history of the Congress and a proposal of complete Swaraj was passed. It
was also declared on this occasion, "Freedom is our birthright." In case any government snatches
it, we will destroy it forcibly. We declare it by oath that we shall follow all the commands which
are given to us by the Congress. Thus, all the members of the Congress Committee took a firm
decision to oppose the English Government wholeheartedly.
Mahatma Gandhi was authorised to launch the Civil Disobedience Movement in Lahore Session
of the Congress. Before the beginning of this Movement Gandhi once again wrote a letter to the
Viceroy but having failed to receive an appropriate response, he resorted to the Civil
Disobedience Movement.
Growth and Development of the Movement
The workers of this movement were required to follow the following conditions:
The volunteers of this movement would adopt the Swaraj of the Congress through
peaceful means.
They would always remain prepared either to go to jail or to bear any other punishment
during the course of Civil Disobedience Movement.
They were not required to demand any economic assistance from the Congress during the
period of their imprisonment.
Every worker would follow the command of his leaders who were authorised to hold the
leadership of this movement.
Dandl March :
The emergence of this Movement began with the Dandi March of Gandhi who marched from
Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi seashore, a distance of 200 miles and completed this journey within
24 days. He violated the Salt Act on April 6, 1930 and after making the salt there, distributed the
same among the people.
Programme of Civil Disobedience Movement
The programme of this Civil Disobedience Movement was like that of noncooperation movement.
Boycott of, foreign articles, courts, educational institutions was included in it. Two new
conditions were also added in this movement:
The people would not pay any tax to the government.
They would not accept any act which they considered as going against their conscience.
On the call of Mahatma Gandhi, the people of the entire country participated in this movement.
The foreign clothes were burnt publicly and the anti-India laws were opposed and condemned
everywhere. The women of India also participated in this movement with full enthusiasm and
courage and faced innumerable difficulties with pleasure. More than 1700 women were arrested in
Delhi on the charge of Dharna on the wine shops.
Oppressive Policy of the Government:
In the beginning the English government paid no heed to this movement. The English considered
that if Mahatma Gandhi continued to boil the sea water in order to make the salt, it was not going
to affect the government in any way. But later on, The English government was very much
perturbed by the increasing popularity and strength of the movement. A great number of the
Satyagrahis were sent behind the bars and lathi charges took place at several places in order to
suppress the Satyagrahis but the spirit of the revolutionaries could not be subdued. Pattabhi
Sitaramayya has written in this context that the land was covered with the bodies of the people
who were moaning under the strokes of the sticks. The clothes of the people were stained with
blood and even at such a critical juncture the discipline of the volunteers of this movement was
worth seeing. They were full of the spirit of nonviolence and it seemed as if they had swallowed
the nonviolence of Gandhi whole.
Significant Events of the Movement
In spite of the oppressive policy of the English Government the following events took place
during the period of the Civil Disobedience Movement.
1. On the recommendations of Lord Irwin, the English government summoned the Round Table
Conference in London in order to thrash out the problems of India. People from all classes were
invited to participate in this conference but the Congress boycotted it. Coupland, a prominent
scholar has written that although the Round Table Conference was a very significant event as the
representatives of thirty crore people had never been invited before but it had no representative of
the biggest organisation of India, the Congress. This conference lasted for about nine weeks but
its decisions were not according to the wishes of the Congress, hence it was decided by the
Congress that the movement should continue.
2, As a result of the prolonged correspondence and the attempts of some leaders of the country, a
pact was concluded between Lord Irwin, and Mahatma Gandhi in March 1931 which came to be
known as Gandhi- Irwin Pact. According to the terms of this pact it was decided that the English
government would withdraw all oppressive Acts and release all the political prisoners except the
violent culprits. In response to this pact the Congress assured the English Government that they
would suspend the Civil Disobedience Movement and take part in the Second Round Table
Conference
3. On 23rd March 1931 the great revolutionary and patriot, Bhagat Singh and Raj Guru were
hanged to death; consequently people condemned Gandhi in the entire country. Communal riots
broke out in Kanpur in which Ganesh Shankar Vidyarathi, the President of the Provincial
Congress Committee was killed. Under such circumstances in the last week of March 1931 a
session of the Congress was summoned in Karachi in which all the leaders of the Congress
condemned the policies of Gandhi. The angry and excited leaders declared that if there had been
some other leader in place of Gandhi, we would have thrown him into the sea by now. But in spite
of this severe opposition and condemnation of Gandhi, at last his name was proposed for taking
part in the Second Round Table Conference to be held in London. It highlights the significance of
Gandhi in the field of Indian politics.
4. The Second Round Table Conference began in London on 7 th September 1931 in which Gandhi
took part as a representative of the All India National Congress and Pandit Madan Mohan
Malaviya and Shrimati Sarojini Naidu took part individually. Gandhi declared at the beginning of
this conference that he was not taking part in this conference as a slave of the British Government
but on the basis of equality he had come to participate in it. As there had been change in the party
in England before the beginning of this conference and a national government was established in
place of Labour Party government, the decisions taken in this conference went against the wishes
and aspirations of Gandhi. Consequently, this conference failed in toto due to the differences
between different leaders and ultimately it was adjourned on December 1, 1931.
The British Government violating the conditions of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact started
suppression of the people in the country. They arrested some important leaders like Jawaharlal
Nehru, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan etc., before the return of Gandhi from London. The
contemporary Viceroy, Lord Willington paid no attention to the solution of this problem. The
Working Committee of the Congress again decided to carry on the movement and Gandhi was
once more authorised to lead it. He asked the people of the country to prepare themselves for the
final test on 3rd January 1932, but the Government got the communal riots to break out in the
country and thus forced Gandhi to postpone the idea of restarting the movement. Once again,
Mahatma Gandhi was condemned and criticised by the leaders for this decision.
On this occasion Mr. Macdonald, the British Prime Minister announced the so-called
Communal Award on August 16, 1932 in order to provide separate electoral seats to the depressed
classes in India. Gandhi undertook fast unto death to revoke it. Ultimately, Poona Pact was
accepted in place of Communal Award. However, the Congress did not take part in the Third
Round Table Conference, held in London from 17th December to 24th December, 1932
Gradually, being disappointed with the course of this movement, Gandhi suggested the suspension
of Civil Disobedience Movement in June 1933 but it was finally discontinued by the Congress in
April 1934.
Political Significance of Civil Disobedience Movement
Among the movements of the Gandhian Era, the Civil Disobedience Movement proved very
beneficial in bringing about a change in the attitude of the British Government towards the people
of India. It affected the political scene of India in the following ways:
1. Through this movement, Gandhi showed a new path of struggle to the people for getting their
rights. Non-payment of taxes, prohibition and civil disobedience were some such measures as did
not seem to be wry effective theoretically but actually, the government was very much perturbed
by the increasing popularity of this movement.
2. As a result of this movement various significant alterations took place in the politics of India.
First, the Round Table Conference was not summoned on the report of the Simon Commission but
being perturbed by the power of Civil Disobedience Movement, it was organized in the interest of
the British Government. Lord Irwin remarked about it, "The movement which is started by
Gandhi among the Hindus, is a source of worries among the observers. We failed to suppress this
movement. In case the British Government did not summon a Round Table Conference on my
request, I would resign."
3. The Congress boycotted the First Round Table Conference. Even after a prolonged discussion,
this conference failed to attain any significant success. Hence it was proved that the All India
National Congress was the only India wide organization without whose help no reforms could be
implemented in the country effectively. Thus, for the first time the British government realized the
power of the Congress.
4. After being impressed by the Civil Disobedience Movement, the British government became
ready to enter into talks with the representatives of the Congress on the basis of equality.
Although Churchill, the leader of the opposition party strongly opposed this step of the British
government and called Gandhi, the naked Fakir, the Gandhi- Irwin Pact was the tremendous
outcome of this movement. Thatcher remarked in this connection that the agreeing of the Viceroy
to Ihe discussion on this issue was a symbol of the fact that the British government regarded the
Congress as a representative organization. It was a tremendous success of Gandhi.
Although this movement was suspended in the long run like the Noncooperation movement, it is
certain that the British Government was forced to have talks on the constitutional problems of
India as a result of this movement. The Act of 1935 and Provincial Local Self-Government under
it was the great success of this movement. So we can say that the Civil Disobedience Movement
organized by Mahatma Gandhi was a significant step in the direction of the achievement of
Independence.
QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT
The movement which was launched by Gandhiji and Indian National Congress in 1942 to force
the British to Quit India is known as the Quit India Movement. The end of the Civil Disobedience
Movement did not put an end to India’s struggle for freedom. Instead, the urge for freedom gained
momentum as the time advanced. The time also brought about important events which influenced
Gandhiji to give his final call to the British to ‘Quit India’.
Causes of the Quit India Movement
After the failure of Cripps Mission and departure of Sir Cripps for England, disappointment and
dejection prevailed everywhere in India. It is also evident from this fact that the real aim of the
British Government was not to transfer power to the people. So, it was natural that after the failure
of the Cripps Mission, relations between England and India were adversely affected. Maulana
Azad commented in this connection that as the result of the failure of Cripps Mission the relations
between England and India were shaken to the roots. Besides the Cripps Mission the following
factors also contributed to the upsurge of Quit India Movement.
Inhuman Treatment towards Indians in Burma:
After conquest of Japan over Burma, the refugees who came to India related their sad tales and
atrocities inflicted upon them by the English. As a result tension began to mount between the
Indians and the English and the Indians firmly decided to oust the English from their country.
Some members of the Executive Council travelled to Burma to know the real situation and after
making extensive enquiry into the matter, they declared that the Indian refugees were being
treated very rudely and dishonourably. Gandhi was extremely pained at this behaviour of the
English and he wrote in 1942that the difference which was being made out between the English
and the Indian refugees created doubts in the promises and
declarations of the English.
Reign of Terror in Eastern Bengal:
At that time there was reign of fear and terror in Eastern Bengal. The English government had
occupied the land of various farmers there for military purposes and their houses were set afire by
them. Their crops were destroyed and they were given no compensation by the government.
Consequently, a tide of dissatisfaction and disappointment among the peasants was at its height.
Moreover, the repressive policy of the government and their cruelties added to the sorrow of the
people so much that they began to think of the ways and means to get rid of their bondage to the
English Deplorable Economic Condition and Lack of Confidence ill Government: The conditions
of the peasants, labourers and middle-class people were growing from bad to worse as a result of
the spiralling prices of the commodities. The probability of war and the rising prices had led the
people to lose faith in the paper currency and the atmosphere of lack of confidence in the
government prevailed.
Fear of Japanese Invasion:
Japan had already defeated the English at Singapore, in Malaya and Burma and the fear of
Japanese invasion on India was increasing rapidly. Mahatma Gandhi and other Indian leaders had
the opinion that the English government was incompetent to safeguard India. Besides, they also
had the notion that in case, the English decided to leave India, there might be a possibility that the
Japanese would withdraw their forces. On this occasion, Mahatma Gandhi wrote in his paper
'Harijan', that whatever be the consequence of it for the Indians, the real safety of India and
England lay in that they should leave India before time. Besides the above reasons there was a
feeling of chaos, confusion and anarchy in the entire country in 1942 and it was essential from the
point of safety of the country, to control such feelings. Hence the leaders of the Congress decided
to launch a movement in order to create feelings of nationalism and awakening among the people
and to oust the English from India forever.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has also remarked about it that it was essential to change the
disappointment of people to courage and resistance.
Quit India Movement Resolution
Gandhi began to publish his thoughts in his newspaper 'Harijan' in order to create awakening
among the people. Gandhi regarded the presence of the British in India as an invitation to Japan to
invade India. Their withdrawal removes the bait. He was 'of the opinion that it would be harmful
for the country to be inactive under the present circumstances, He did not relish the policy of
bowing down before the English government for, it would create impediments in the way of the
achievement of independence, hence Le was in favour of direct action. Whatever be the effect of
this action on the war, he was not going to bother for it. In order to execute the ideas of Mahatma
Gandhi into action, a meeting of the Congress Working Committee was held at Wardha on 14 th
July 1942, and a resolution was passed which was named 'The Quit India Resolution'. Afterwards
a meeting of the All India National Congress was held on 8th November 1942 in Bombay in
which the resolution of the Working Committee was passed after making some amendments in it,
the gist of which was as follows: "The British rule should come to an end immediately in India. It
is essential for India and countries allied to it. This English rule is leading the country towards the
downfall and the country is , becoming weak in its defence successively. Hence the all India
National Congress repeats its demand in powerful words about the removal of the British rule
from India."
Besides the above it was also mentioned in this resolution that in case the demand was not
accepted, a nonviolent movement would be launched against the English government on a large
scale under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and the people of the country were asked that they
should make the nonviolence the basis of this movement.
Suppression of Quit India Movement .
The resolution passed on 8th August 1942 was not a warning; however, the English Government
took a hasty step and arrested Muhatma Gandhi and other members of the Congress Working
Committee and confined them to some secret place in the night of 9 th August 1942. The people of
India failed to know about the whereabouts of their leaders for a pretty long time. Later on, the
Indians line to know that Mahatma Gandhi was confined in Agha Khan palace, Poona and the
other leaders were sent to Ahmadabad Jail. The Congress was declared an illegal organization
and its offices were seized by the olice. Most of the leaders of the Congress were arrested and the
English government resorted to tortures in order to suppress the movement. When the people
realized the militant attitude of the government their dissatisfaction and sorrow mounted. On the
basis of the instructions the people who were having no leader, they resorted to strikes, organized
public meetings, took to salt making and refused to pay revenue hut the government was not
moved at all. The leaders of the Congress paid attention to the nonviolent movement and violent
activities were condemned all the more.
Different Stages of Quit India Movement
This movement passed through four stages of its development.
First stage
The first stage lasted for about a weak from 9th August 1942 to the date of the arrest of Gandhi to
three or four days more. During this period strikes, processions and functions were held. The role
of the labourers remained quite effective because the government had resorted to the methods of
torture and suppression of the people. On 11th August 1942 the police of Bombay 'had to resort to
firing thirteen times by 2 0' clock in the afternoon in which a great number of persons were killed.
Hence, a feeling of hatred and violence rose among the people against the police and the
movement took a fierce and violent turn.
Second stage
In the second stage of the movement the people attacked the buildings of the Municipal Boards,
government buildings and properties. They also attacked Railway stations, Post Offices and Police
Stations and tried to set them afire. They cut the telegraph and railway lines and temporary
government was established in Ballia and some other districts of eastern Uttar Pradesh. In order to
crush the movement the army and the police inflicted inhuman tortures on the people but the
movement went on becoming fiercer by the day.
Third stage
In the middle of September 1942 the movement reached its climax. Being perturbed and angered
at the atrocities and tortures inflicted by the government, the people carried out armed attacks at
different places in Madras and Bengal, and at some places in Bombay and Uttar Pradesh. People
also threw bombs; however, this movement was crushed by the government.
Fourth stage
In the fourth stage this movement continued up to 4th May 1944 at a slow pace when Gandhi was
released from the imprisonment. In this situation the revolutionaries celebrated the Tilak day and
the Independence Day and Jayaprakash Narayan and Srimati Aruna Asaf Ali performed some
significant acts but the Muslim League remained aloof from this movement. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
mentioned the movement to be irresponsible and an act of madness : The native rulers also
resorted to the policy of isolationism. Consequently, this significant movement collapsed in 1942.
Results of the Movement
The Quit India Movement was the most significant and the greatest attempt so far made by
Mahatma Gandhi to free the country. The main aim of this movement was to oust the English
from the country and to attain independence but this aim could not be achieved immediately.
However, the following were its significant consequences. This Quit India Movement of 1942
made the English realise well that the people of India did not relish their administration. Mr.
Woodrowhite was of the opinion that in case, the English did not find out
a way to hand over the power to the people of India, there must be a revolution in the country to
oust them from the country.
As a result of this movement the English and the Muslim League began to come closer to
each other, because both of them were complementary to each other and were against the All
India National Congress. Jinnah was prepared to help the English government by all possible
means in the Second World War and wanted to keep the Muslims ,away from the Freedom
Movement. The English at such a critical juncture when Japan had conquered Burma and was
prepared to invade India, considered the help of Jinnah to be a boon for them. Hence later on they
offered the gift of Pakistan to Jinnah as a reward for his services and fulfilled their promise.
Significance of the Movement
Although the Quit India Movement failed to achieve its chief aim, the independence of India
immediately, it successfully created such a tide of awakening among the people of the country
that it became impossible for the English to rule over India for a long time. A. C. Banerjee writes
that as a result of this movement the old demands came to an end forever and the demand of
Poorna Swaraj took its place. , Dr. Ishwari Prasad has also written about the consequence of this
movement, "The August Revolution was a revolt of the Indians against the tortures and
oppression. It can be compared with the fall of the fortress of Bastille or October revolution of
Soviet Russia." Actually this revolution was a symbol of new uprising, enthusiasm and pride
among the people of this country.
As the result of the awakening the naval revolt of 1946 took place in which the people
administered a fatal blow to the English government. This revolution was also significant from the
point of view that it made the public opinion strong in the foreign countries in favour of India.
China and America were specially influenced by the tide of this revolution, The American
President Roosevelt wrote to the Chinese I'rime Minister that the best policy for the English was
that they granted independence to the people of India.
Really, owing to the outbreak of this revolution and some other elements after the great war, the
public opinion in America and England veered so much in favour of India that the English were
forced to leave India forever. Hence, it is quite evident that the Quit India Movement prepared a
background for the independence of the country.
Causes of the Failure of the Movement
According to Dr. Amba Prasad the following three reasons chiefly contributed to the failure of
this movement.
(i) Shortcomings in the organisation of the revolution.
(ii) Faithfulness of the government officials.
(iii) The strong position of the English government.
Dr. Rajendra Prasad was of the opinion that extensive preparations would have been made for the
success of this movement. The leaders of the revolution should have decided their politics first
and they should have confined themselves to some secret places before the government had
arrested them. But they made no such preparation because the originator of this movement,
Mahatma Gandhi was of the opinion that the English Government would not arrest them.
The Quit India Movement also failed because the rulers of the native states, army, police and high
government officials and officers remained faithful to the English Government and the work of
the government continued unhampered.
Actually, the main reason of the failure of this movement was that the power of the government
heavily outweighed the power of the revolutionaries. The revolutionaries neither had their spy
system nor did they possess any means of communication. Moreover, their economic power was
also quite inferior to that of the English government. Hence the movement failed but its
significance and contributions to the freedom movement of India cannot be denied.
CHAPTER-3
COMMUNAL POLITICS AND PARTITION
INTRODUCTION
Communal politics played a very important part role in India's political and in country's freedom
struggle. The communal problem at its base was more politically motivated than religiously
oriented. Apart from the Hindus and the Muslims there was a third party in the communal
triangle; the British rulers interposed themselves between the Hindus and the Muslims and thus
created a communal triangle of which they remained the base. The strongest arm of the communal
triangle was the British rulers. They were neither the friends nor the enemy of the Hindus and the
Muslims. They were the friends of British Imperialism and acted on the tested and tried on the
dictum “Divide et Impera (Divide and Rule)”
COMMUNAL POLITICS
From religious point of view, India is a country of various communities, but both the Hindus and
the Muslims contributed a lot to the development of Indian nationalism. Some of the scholars are
of the opinion about its development in India that the rise of Muslim communalism took place in
India from its own soil because of the Muslim leaders like Jinnah who had the opinion that
Hindus and Muslims are two separate nations. Their religious beliefs, social customs and
literature are totally separate from each other. They neither establish matrimonial alliances nor
dine with each other and they are attached to such contrary civilisations as never come together
because of their different thinking.
Hence, there was no other alternative to maintain peace in this subcontinent except that the
country should be divided and Pakistan, a separate State for the Muslims should be created. The
English were not only responsible for creating rift among the Hindus and the Muslims but they
also excited the feelings of communalism among the Muslims. A prominent historian has
remarked about it that the English created such a situation among the Hindus and the Muslims by
making themselves stand between the two so that their own existence might continue to be safe
and sound.
Causes of Rise of Muslim Communalism in India
The following reasons mainly contributed to the rise of Muslim communalism in India:
Negligent policy towards the Muslims
The English established their control in India as the successors of the Muslims. Hence the
establishment of the English rule in India had hurt their political, social and economic supremacy
and the English people considering the Muslims to be their enemy neglected 'them altogether. The
Muslims also participated vigorously in the revolt of A. D. 1857, hence the English regarded them
to be their real enemy. The English had the opinion that the revolt of A. D. 1857 was a Muslim
revolt through which they wanted to overthrow the English regime in order to re-establish them in
India. Hence, mostly the Indian Muslims became the chief victims of the atrocities and
suppressions of the English. They were neglected by all possible means. No concessions were
granted to them. As a result, the spirit of communalism emerged among them in order to ensure
their own survival.
Policy of William Hunter:
In the year A. D. 1871 one influential English Officer, Sir William Hunter published a book
entitled 'The Indian Muslims' in which he appealed to the English to bring about a change in their
attitude towards the Muslims of India and sought a patronage for them. Sir William Hunter was of
the opinion that the Hindus had taken the entire advantage of Western education but in case, in
this national awakening the English got the favour and support of the Muslims also, the English
empire would prove to be all the more stable in India. William Hunter has also endeavoured to
prove in this book that the English should have amiable and harmonious relations with the
Muslims in order to suppress the spirit of national awakening of the Indians. Actually, it was
because of the efforts of William Hunter that the age of Anglo-Muslim cooperation and support
flourished
Role of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan:
Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan is counted among the militant leaders of the national movement. He
was considered as the father of Muslim communalism but after a close study of the philosophy
and life of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, it becomes quite evident that he was not a communalist in the
early stage of his career. Like other duly leaders of Congress, he was also loyal to the British
administration and was a national leader. He was a staunch supporter of Hindu-Muslim unity. As
a result of his efforts, Anglo-Muhammadan Oriental College was established in Aligarh which
was later on converted into Aligarh Muslim University. He used to call the Hindus and the
Muslims the two eyes of the mother India. In his speech at Gurdaspur once he said that the Hindus
and the Muslims of the country should be united. They could be very useful and helpful to each
other through unity. In case, it did not happen, both of them would be' destroyed and ruined.
Hence it is quite clear that Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan was completely a national leader in the
beginning of his political career but later on his heart was filled with the spirit of Muslim
communalism and in A. D. 1885 after the establishment of All India National Congress he began
to swim with the tide of communalism and became a tool in the hands of the English. Actually,
the policy of the English Government was responsible in bringing about an all-round change in a
leader like Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan.
He attempted his best to convince the Muslim people of getting English education and
being faithful to the British government. He propagated his ideas through Aligarh Muslim
University and the Aligarh Movement. With the passage of time the Aligarh Movement and Sir
Sayyid Ahmad Khan both became communal and indulged in anti-nationalist and anti-Congress
activities. Actually, his communal thinking contributed a lot to the creation of Pakistan in the long
run.
Role of Mr. Beck:
The role and diplomacy of Mr. Beck, the Principal of Anglo-Muhammadan Oriental College also
contributed to the rise of Muslim communalism. Mr. Beck was the supporter of the policy of
William Hunter. He played a significant and prominent role in bringing about a change in the
views of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan. He made Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan to understand that the
interest of the Muslims was safe in India only when they supported the English and he also
stressed that the Congress was a Hindu organisation and its aim was to establish it Hindu
kingdom. Hence the English and the Muslims should jointly oppose the Congress and the national
movement, if they really wanted to live in India. Thus, Mr. Beck who was the firm devotee of the
English Government succeeded in sowing the seed of Muslim communalism in the heart of Sir
Sayyid Ahmad Khan and other Muslim leaders.
Administration of Lord Curzon:
Lord Curzon played a significant and active role in boosting the spirit of communalism still
further. He openly resorted to anti Hindu and pro Muslim policy. He considered the All India
National Congress as a Hindu organisation and its aim was to bring the Muslims of the country
under the subjugation of the Hindus. In order to gain the favour and support of the Muslims, he
resorted to the partition of Bengal in A. D. 1905 for he wanted to create a Muslim majority
province through the partition of Bengal. Although the Indian leaders of the national level
strongly opposed the step of Lord Curzon, they could not stop him. In fact the English
Government wanted to stem the rising tide of nationalism in Bengal, hence by the Partition of
Bengal Lord Curzon expressed his policy of 'Divide and Rule' in order to continue to rule over
India for a pretty long time.
Beginning of Communal Electorate System:
The event of A. D. 1906 adversely effected the relations between the Hindus and the Muslims. In
A. D. 1906 a Muslim delegation under the leadership of Sir Agha Khan went to Shimla to meet
Lord Minto, the Viceroy of India. He put their demand before the Viceroy that in the ensuing
elections the Muslim minority should be given the right of communal Electorate System. The
Viceroy assured the members of the delegation that in the coming elections if the Principle of
electorate was introduced, the Muslims would be given a separate electorate. It was soon proved
that the Muslim leaders were already blessed by the British government for getting the right of
communal electorate. It was a planned conspiracy which had hurled the six crore 20 lakh people
into the fire of communalism and marred their spirit of nationalism altogether. The Government
accepted their demands and proved that it wanted to separate the Hindus and the Muslims so that
their administration could continue for a pretty long time. Actually, the rise of Muslim
communalism in India was the political conspiracy of the English. The formation of Muslim
League in A. D. 1906 was the height of Muslim communalism.
Muslim League, its formation and policies
Being encouraged by the policies of the British administration and Muslim communalism, the
Muslim leaders also established Muslim League in Dacca in December A. D. 1906. It was the
separate Muslim Organisation of the Indian Muslims which was the rival of the Indian National
Congress and was considered to be the saviour of the Muslim interests but actually it was a trick
of the English, through which they succeeded in implementing the policy of 'Divide and Rule'.
The English implemented the communal Electorate system by the Act of A. D. 1901 order to
divide the Hindus and Muslims.
Aims of the Muslim League
To create a feeling of devotion and confidence among the Indian Muslims towards the
English Empire.
To acquaint the English government with the demands of the Muslims and to
safeguard their interests.
To create harmony among the Muslims.
INTRODUCTION
The constitution is a set of basic rules governing the politics of a nation, and reflecting the
exercise of political power. It lays down the framework and principal organs of the government
together with their functions as well as the modalities of interactions between the state and its
citizens. With the exception of Israel, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, most of the
democratic countries of the world possess a written constitution. No constitution is entirely a new
one. So, the constitution of the Republic of India is not an exception to it. Our constitution is the
product of deliberations of a body of eminent people who sought to improve upon the then
existing systems, both prevailing in India and in other countries. It was the legacy of the British
rule on which the constitution of India was founded by the Indian Constituent Assembly.
The Indian national movement was fully committed to a polity based on the ideals of
representative democracy in free India and this perspective guided the framers of the Indian
Constitution. Our struggle against British colonialism was based on the principles seeking civil
liberties for the individual and this became the very philosophy and goal of our polity. From the
beginning, the national movement sought democratic values for the individual, and these formed
the very foundations of our political system which we established after independence. Throughout
the period of our freedom movement, we fought for our rights, and this is what the framers of our
constitution assured us through the fundamental rights. Our struggle was represented through
people of all faiths and all regions, and this is what is reflected in every article of our constitution.
The liberal-democratic tradition nurtured by the Congress was made the goal of our Constitution
after independence. Hence, the Constitution of India was framed and adopted by the Constituent
Assembly of India.
The Cabinet Mission Plan in 1946 proposed a Constituent Assembly to frame the
Constitution for India. The assembly consisting of 389 members was to be elected to represent the
British India(296 members) and the princely states (93 members). Out of 296 members, 292 were
to be elected by the provincial legislatures while 4 members were to represent the chief
commissioner’s provinces. Ninety three members were to be nominated by the rulers of the
princely states. Following the partition of the country, the Constituent Assembly was bifurcated.
As a result, the membership of the India’s Constituent Assembly was reduced to 299. Out of
which 229 represented the British India provinces and 70 represented the princely states.
The total membership as recommended by the Cabinet Mission was 389. After partition
Indian Constituent Assembly was 229 + 70 = 299.
Almost all sections of the society were represented in the Constituent Assembly like
Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs, Parses, the Scheduled Caste, the Scheduled Tribe, lawyers, doctors, trade
union leaders, men of industries and women. Of course, Mahatma Gandhi was not a member of
the Constituent Assembly.
The Constituent Assembly held its first meeting on 9th December, 1946 under the
temporary chairmanship of the oldest member Dr. Sachidanand Sinha. Because of Muslim
League's decision to boycott the Constituent Assembly only 211 members attended the first
meeting. On 11th December, which elected Dr. Rajendra Prasad as its permanent President. Sh.
V.T. Krishnamachari and Sh. H.C. Mookherjee were elected as two Vice-Presidents. The
membership of the Constituent Assembly included all eminent Indian leaders. The Constituent
Assembly took almost three years (two years, eleven months and eighteen days to be precise) to
complete its historic task of drafting the Constitution for independent India. During this period, it
held eleven sessions covering a total of 165 days. Of these, 114 days were spent on the
consideration of the Draft Constitution. Dr. Sachidananda Sinha was the first President of the
Constituent Assembly when it met on December 9, 1946 while later Dr. Rajendra Prasad elected
as the President of the Assembly.
On 15th August, 1947, India became independent. A day before, i.e. on 14th August,
Pakistan was partitioned out of India. The Constituent Assembly of India then got a sovereign
status and started undertaking the task of formulating the Constitution of India with a new zeal
and enthusiasm. The accession of Indian Princely States to India made this august body more
representative. After independence 28 members belonging to Muslim League (India) also joined
it. It started working as a fully representative, all powerful and a truly national and sovereign
assembly of all the people of India.
For conducting its work in a systematic and efficient manner, the Constituent Assembly
constituted several committees which were to report on the subjects assigned to them. The
Constituent Assembly worked through 22 committees. Of these, 10 committees were on
procedural affairs and 12 on substantive affairs. Some of the principal committees with their
chairman are as follows:
However, the reports of these committees provided the bricks and mortar for the
formulation of the Constitution of India. The Constitution of India is the child of the Constituent
Assembly. The perceptions and ideological orientations of the constitution makers, the reports of
the committees and of the debates held in the Constituent Assembly provided the basic threads for
its formation.
The perceptions and ideological orientations of the members of the Constituent Assembly,
provided the basis for laying down the philosophy and basic structure of the Constitution. The
adoption of Democratic Socialism, provisions for Centralised Planning, the Directive Principles of
State Policy, Secularism, Unitarian Federalism, Welfare State etc , all bear the imprint of the
values and ideas cherished by the Framers of the Constitution. The Objectives Resolution adopted
by the Constituent Assembly on 22nd January, 1947 constituted the sign-post for the Constituent
Assembly. This resolution categorically stated the objectives before the Constituent Assembly as
well as the features that, it was to provide for in the constitution. It specified the objective of
making India a Sovereign Independent Republic based on the principle of Popular Sovereignty
and committed to secure social, economic and political justice for all, making India a secular
polity, securing the interests of the minorities and working for International Peace and Security.
The Constitution of India fully upholds the philosophy and ideals of the Objectives Resolution of
the Constituent Assembly.
The Drafting Committee, under the Chairmanship of Dr. Ambedkar did a commendable
job in preparing the Draft Constitution. On 21st February, 1948, the Constituent Assembly began
a debate over the first draft prepared by the Drafting Committee. On 4th November, 1948 the final
draft was submitted to the Constituent Assembly. After long discussions and debates, the
Assembly finally enacted and adopted the Constitution on 26th November, 1949. The Draft
Constitution as such constitutes a source of the Constitution of India.
In the making of the constitution, a very valuable role was played by the Drafting Committee.
This committee was constituted on 29th August, 1947 with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar as its Chairman.
The members of this committee included its versatile Chairman Dr. Ambedkar; and such legal
luminaries as B.L. Mitter, Gopalaswami Ayyangar, Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar, K. Munshi,
Saiyid Mohd. Saadulla, . Madhav Rao (Nominated by the President on 5 December 1947) and
D.P. Khaitan. After the death of Mr. D.P. Khaitan, T.T. Krishnamachari was made its member. Dr.
B. Rau worked as the Chief Constitutional Advisor attached to this committee.
Adoption of the Constitution
The Drafting Committee submitted its report (draft) to the Constituent Assembly on 21 st
Feb., 1948 and the Constituent Assembly held debates on it. On the basis of these discussions, a
new draft was prepared by the Drafting Committee and submitted to the Assembly on 4th
November, 1948. (The Drafting Committee took less than six months to prepare the Draft and it
sat for 141 days). The first debate on this draft was held from 4th to 9th November, 1948.
Thereafter, from 15th November, 1948 to 17th October, 1949, each clause of the draft was
thoroughly debated upon and passed. In all 7635 amendments were proposed, out of which 2473
amendments were discussed. From 14th November, 1949 to 26th November, 1949 the final
debate was held on the draft. On 26th November, 1949, the constitution was finally adopted and
enacted when the Constitution was signed by the President of the Constituent Assembly. The
adoption of the constitution was indeed an historic event and an occasion of great Constitutional
significance. Some of provisions came into operation immediately while as a whole the
Constitution inaugurated on 26th January, 1950. Thus was fulfilled the pledge for Purna Swaraj
that the people of India had taken on 26th January, 1930. The last meeting or the final session of
the Constituent Assembly was held on 24th January, 1950. It unanimously elected Dr. Rajendra
Prasad as the first President of the Republic of India, under the Constitution of India which was
inaugurated two days after i.e. 26th January, 1950.
The Objectives Resolution was designed to declare the resolve to make India a sovereign,
Independent, Republic and to secure to all its citizens, fundamental rights, justice, secularism and
welfare state as well as to preserve the unity and integrity of the nation. It declared the resolve to
make India a democratic union with an equal level of self-government in all the constituent parts.
It affirmed that all power and authority of the government is derived from the people.
On 26th November,1949, it could proudly declare on behalf of the people of India that “we
do hereby adopt, enact and give to ourselves this Constitution. It embodied all the objectives of
democracy, secularism, economic and social justice.
The above declaration is found in the Preamble of the Constitution of India which we read as
follows:
We the People of India having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a Sovereign, Socialist,
Secular, Democratic, Republic and to secure to all its citizens;
Fraternity, assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the nation;
In our Constituent Assembly, this twenty sixth day of November 1949, do hereby Adopt,
Enact and Give to Ourselves this Constitution.
However, the words ‘Socialist’, ‘Secular’ and ‘integrity’ were initially not there in the Preamble
and were added to it by the 42nd Amendment (1976) of the Constitution.
This is, in brief, an account of the framing of Indian Constitution by the Constituent Assembly.
The Constituent Assembly took 2 years, 11 months and 17 days to accomplish the task of making
the constitution. In all, it held 11 plenary sessions and discussions were held for 114 days. Rs.
6,396,273 was spent in this exercise. Constitution of India is indeed the highest and most valuable
contribution of the Constituent Assembly to the Indian political stem.
Indian Constitution
Among the constitutions of the world, the Constitution of India deserves a unique position
because of its voluminous size, the mixture of federalism, Unitarianism and flexibility and
rigidity. The attempt of the constitution-makers was to give to the nation a workable constitution
capable of securing the unity and stability of the nation and initiating the process of nation-
building and socio-economic reconstruction.
Written Constitution
The Constitution of India is a written document like that of United States of America. It
incorporates constitutional law of India. It was drafted, debated and enacted by the Constitution
Assembly of India. Indian Constitution is a written and detailed constitution. It consists of 395
Articel divided into 22 Parts with 12 Schedules and 94 constitutional amendments. This is much
bigger than the US Constitution with its 7 Articles and 27 Amendments, the Japanese Constitution
103 Articles, the French Constitution with its 89 Articles and the Swiss Constitution 196 Articles.
Indian Constitution has been a constitution made by the people of India through their duly
elected and representative body-the Constituent Assembly. It was organised in December 1946
under the Cabinet Mission Plan. Its first session was held on 9th December, 1946. It passed the
Objectives Resolution on 22uary, 1947. Thereafter, it initiated the process of constitution-making
in the right earnest and was in a position to finally pass and adopt the constitution on 26th
November, 1949. It is a self-made and duly enacted constitution.
The Preamble to the Constitution of India is a well drafted document which states the
philosophy of the constitution. The Preamble is the key to the Constitution. It states in nutshell the
nature of Indian state and the objectives it is committed to secure for the people. Initially, the
Preamble was not regarded as a part of the constitution but since the Supreme Court judgment in
the Kesvananda Bharati case, it stands accepted as a part of the Constitution. It was amended by
the 42nd Amendment (1976) when the words 'Socialist', Secular' and' Integrity' were added to it.
The Preamble proclaims that India is a sovereign state. It testifies to the fact that India is
no longer the dependency or colony or possession of British Crown. It affirms the end of the
dominion status that India technically got after the end of British rule on 15th August, 1947. It
confirms that India is free internally and externally to take her own decisions.
Although, right from the beginning, the Indian Constitution epitomised the spirit of
Socialism which stood writ large on its pages, it was only in 1976 that the Preamble was amended
to include the term 'Socialism'. It is now regarded as a prime feature of the State in India. It
reflects the fact that India is committed to secure justice-social, economic and political, to its
entire people by ending all forms of exploitation and by securing equitable distribution of income,
resources and wealth. The term, India is a socialist State, really means that India is a Democratic
Socialist State. It signifies the commitment to socio-economic justice which is to be secured by
the state through the democratic process and organised planning.
By the 42nd Amendment, the term 'Secular' was incorporated in the Preamble. As a state,
India gives special status to no religion. There is no such thing as a state religion of India which
we find in case of Pakistan where the state religion is Islam. India adopts Secularism by
guaranteeing equal freedom to all religions. Under Articles 25 to 28, the Constitution grants the
Right to Religious Freedom to all the citizens. It provides for equal rights to all the citizens
without any discrimination, rule of law and special protection to minorities. The State does not
interfere in the religious freedom of the citizens and prohibits the levying of taxes for religious
purposes.
India as a Democratic State
Preamble declares India to be a Democratic State and the Constitution of India provides
for a democratic system. The authority of the government rests upon the sovereignty of the
people. The people enjoy equal political rights: universal adult franchise, right to contest
elections, right to hold public offices, right to form associations and right to criticize and oppose
the policies of the government. It is on the basis of these rights that the people participate in the
process of politics. They elect their government. Elections are held after regular intervals or as and
when these are considered essential (Mid term Polls and By- elections). These are free, fair and
impartial, and are based on universal adult franchise, secret ballot, single member constituencies,
and simple majority vote victory system. For all its acts, the government is responsible before the
people. The people can change their government through elections. No government can remain in
power which does not enjoy the confidence of the majority of the representatives of the people.
India as a Republic
The Preamble declares India to be a Republic. This means that India is not ruled by a
monarch or a nominated head of state. Positively, it means that India has an elected head of state
who" exercise power for a fixed term. The Republican status of India is in no way in conflict with
the Indian membership of the Commonwealth. President of India is the sovereign head of the
state who is directly elected by the people for a fixed term of 5 years. Hence India is a Republic.
Union of States
Article I of the Constitution declares, "India that is Bharat shall be a Union of States." It
does not describe India either as a federation or a unitary state. This expression indicates two
important facts: (a) that Indian union is not the result of voluntary agreement among sovereign
states as was the case in USA, (b) that the constituent units of India have no right to secede from
the union." India as such is a union of states. India has now 28 States and 9 Union -Territories.
With the abolish of Article 370 in Jammu & Kashmir by the constitutional amendment, the
Central Government of India has merged Jammu & Kashmir as a Union Territory and Ladakh as
another Union Territory.
The constitution provides for a federal structure with a unitary spirit. Scholars describe
India as a 'Quasi Federation' or a federation with a unitary bias or even as a Unitarian federation.
Like a federation, the Constitution of India provides for (i) a division of powers between the
centre and states, (ii) a written and rigid constitution, (iii) supremacy of ate Constitution, (iv)
independent judiciary with the power to decide Central-State disputes ver division of powers, and
(v) bicameralism. However, by providing a very strong centre, common constitution, single
citizenship, emergency provisions, common Election Commission, common All India Services
etc. the Constitution clearly reflects the unitary spirit. The mixture of federalism-unitarianism has
been done keeping in view both the pluralistic nature of Indian society and presence of regional
diversities, and the need for securing unity and integrity of the nation. The former feature has
compelled a decision in favour of Federalism while the latter has necessitated unitarianism.
Hence, the Constitution of India is neither federal nor unitary but a mixture of the two.
The Constitution of India is both rigid and flexible. Some of its provisions can be amended
in a difficult way while others can be amended very easily. In some cases, the Union Parliament
can amend some parts of the Constitution by passing a law. For example, the formation of new
states, increase or decrease in the territories of the states, rules regarding citizenship, provisions
regarding the creation or abolition of (Vidhan Parishad) Legislative Council in a state and some
others, can be amended by this simple method. These features reflect the flexibility of the
constitution.
Fundamental Rights
The constitutions guarantees the fundamental rights to all its citizens which are justifiable
and inviolable. Under its Part ill, Articles 12-35, the Constitution of India grants and guarantee
Fundamental Rights to its citizens. Initially 7 Fundamental Rights were granted but by the
removal of the Right to Property [Art. 19 (1) (6) and Art. 31] from the category of the
Fundamental Rights (44th Amendment Act 1979) their number has come down to six.
(i) Right to Equality Arts. 14-18) It provides for Equality before Law, End of Discrimination,
Equal Opportunity, Abolition of Untouchability and Abolition of Titles.
(ii) Right to Freedom Arts. 19-22) It incorporates six fundamental freedoms under Art. 19-
freedom of speech and expression, freedom to form associations, freedom to assemble peaceably
arms, freedom to move freely in India, freedom of residence in any part, and freedom adopting
any profession or trade or occupation. Art. 20 deals with personal freedom and protection in
respect of conviction for certain offences. Article 21 lays down that the freedom life and liberty
cannot be deprived except in accordance with procedure established by law. By 86th Amendment,
Article 21A was added which provided for Right to Education children of the age group 6-14. Art.
22 guarantees protection against arbitrary arrest and detention. In January 2004, the Supreme
Court ruled that under Art 19 [1(a)] the citizens of India have the fundamental right to hoist the
national flag. Now Right to Information Act has been passed. It gives to the people the right to get
necessary Information in respect of public matters, policies, programmes, decisions and progress
in respect of their implementation. It is a legal right which has for its basis the fundamental right
to freedom.
(iii) Right against Exploitation (Arts. 23-24). The Fundamental Right prohibits traffic in human
beings, forced labour (begaar) and employment of children in hazardous jobs.
(iv) Right to Freedom of Religion (Arts. 25-28). The grant of this right involves the freedom of
conscience, religion and worship. It gi es to all religious sects freedom to establish and maintain
their religious institutions. Under Art. 27, it holds that no person can be compelled to pay any tax
for the propagation of any religion. The state cannot levy a tax for any religion and it cannot
discriminate on grounds of religion, while giving grants. Article 28 prohibits the imparting of
religious instructions in schools and colleges.
(v) Cultural and Educational Rights (Arts. 29-30). Under this category the Constitution
guarantees the rights of the minorities to maintain and develop their languages and cultures. It also
confers upon them the right to establish, maintain and administer their ucational institutions.
The Right to Property stands deleted from the list of Fundamental Rights. It is now a legal right
under Article 300A (42nd Amendment 1976).
This fundamental right is the soul of the entire Bill of Rights. It provides for the
enforcement and protection of Fundamental rights by the courts. It empowers the Supreme Court
to issue orders, directions and writs (Habeas Corpus, Mandamus, Prohibition, Quo Warranto and
Certiorari) for the enforcement these rights.
These are the Fundamental Rights of the Indian Citizen. While granting and guaranteeing
Fundamental Rights, the constitution also describes several limitations upon these. These
limitations have been imposed in the interest of public order, morality, and decency, security of
state and sovereignty, and territorial integrity of India. Further these rights can be amended in
accordance with the procedure laid down in Article 368.
The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and State Human Rights Commission
With a view to protect the democratic and human rights of the people of India, the
Protection of Human Rights Act. 1993 was passed by the Union Parliament. Under it the National
Human Rights Commission, headed by a retired Chief Justice of India was established. It is now
acting as an independent commission with a status of a civil court for preventing the violations of
human rights of the pie, and in cases of proved violations of human rights for ordering
compensation for the victims. Most of the Indian states have established their own Human Rights
Commissions for this purpose.
Part IV (Articles 36-51), of the Indian Constitution dealing with the 'Directive Principles
of State Policy' provides one of the most striking features of Indian Constitution. In writing this
part the constitution makers were influenced most by the Constitution of the Irish Republic and
the ideologies of Gandhism and Fabian Socialism. The Directive Principles are instructions to the
State for securing socio-economic developmental objectives through its policies. These are both
for the Union as well as the States. The Directive Principles, for example, direct the Indian State
to ensure for the people adequate means of livelihood, fairer distribution of wealth, equal pay for
equal work, protection of children, women, labour and youth, old age pension, social security,
local self government, protection of the interests of the weaker sections of society etc., and work
for the promotion of cottage industries, rural development, international peace friendship and
cooperation with other states etc.
Bi-Cameral Legislature
The Constitution of India provides for a Bicameral Legislature at the Union level and
designates it as the Union Parliament. Its two Houses are: the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha.
(i) The Lok Sabha is the lower, popular, directly elected House of the Parliament. It represents the
people of India. Its present strength is 545. Out of which 543 are elected by the people of India
and 2 nominated members from Anglo-Indian community. The people of each state elect
representatives in proportion to their number. Elections to the Lok Sabha are held on the
principles of (I) direct election (2) secret ballot (3) one voter one vote (4) simple majority vote
victory system (5) universal adult franchise (qualifying voting age for men and women being 18
(Previously it was 21 years). All persons of 25 years of age or above are eligible to contest
elections to the Lok Sabha. The President nominates two members of Anglo-Indian Community to
the Lok Sabha. The tenure of the Lok Sabha is 5 years. But acting under the advice of Prime
Minister, the President can dissolve it earlier also.
(ii) The Rajya Sabha is the upper and indirectly elected House which represents the states. Its
present membership is 245. Out of these 233 members are elected by all the State Legislative
Assemblies through a system of proportional representation and 12 are nominated by the
President from amongst eminent persons from the fields of Arts, Science and Literature. Rajya
Sabha is a quasi-permanent house. It is never dissolved as a whole. Its 1/3rd members retire after
every two years. Each member has a term of six years. The Union Parliament is not a sovereign
legislature. It is constituted under the Constitution and it exercises only those powers which the
constitution vests in it.
Of the two Houses Lok Sabha is the more powerful than the Rajya Sabha. It alone has
financial powers and it alone can remove the union cabinet from office. The Council of Ministers
is collectively responsible before the Lok Sabha. Each state has its own legislature but it can be
either Unicameral or Bicameral in its organization. Now six states (Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, J & K,
Karnataka, Maharashtra and UP) have bi-cameral state legislatures while all others to have
unicameral legislatures. Each bicameral state legislature consists of Legislative Council as the
upper house and Legislative embly as the lower house. Each unicameral state legislature has only
one house i.e. Legislative Assembly. Two Union territories - Delhi and Pudducherry have their
own unicameral legislatures. Recently the BJD Government has purposed to establish bicameral
legislature in Odisha.
The Constitution of India provides for a Parliamentary system of government at the centre
as well as in every state. It is modeled on British pattern of parliamentary form of government.
The President of India is the Constitutional head of state with nominal powers. The Union Council
of Ministers headed by Prime Minister constitutes the real executive. Ministers are essentially the
members of the union Parliament. The Council of Ministers is collectively responsible, for all its
acts before the Lok Sabha. The Lok Sabha can remove the Ministry by passing a vote of no-
confidence and the Ministry (PM) has the power to get the Lok Sabha dissolved by the President.
Like wise, in every state also a parliamentary government, on similar lines is at work.
Universal Adult-Suffrage
Another feature of the constitution is the introduction of universal adult suffrage. Under
the Government of India Act 1935, only 14 per cent of the total population secured franchise and
women constituted just a negligible proportion of the total franchise. Under the new constitution
both men and women enjoy equal right to vote. Now the qualifying voting age stands lowered
from 21 to 18 years. All men and women above the age of 18 years are eligible to vote in
elections. However it is compulsory that their names must figure in the electoral lists, only then
can the voters cast their votes in elections.
The Indian Constitution makes judiciary truly independent. It is clear from the following
facts: (a) Judges are appointed by the President, (b) Only persons with high legal qualifications
and experience are appointed as judges, (c) Judges of the Supreme Court cannot be removed from
office except through an extremely difficult process i.e Impeachment proceedure, (d) The salaries
of the judges and the staff are charged on the Consolidated Fund of India and are not subject to
the vote of the legislature, (e) The Supreme Court is authorised to have its own establishment to
maintain independence, (f) All appointments of the officers, and servants of the Supreme Court
are made by the Chief Justice or by any other judge or officer whom he may direct for the
purpose.
The Constitution is the supreme law of the land. The Supreme Court acts as the guardian
protector and interpreter of the constitution. It is also the guardian of the Fundamental Rights of
the people. For this purpose, it exercises the power of judicial review. By it, the Supreme Court
determines the constitutional validity of all acts of the legislatures and the executive. It can strike
down the laws of the Parliament or the acts of the executive if these are challenged before it, and
are found it to be unconstitutional. For the past five decades the Supreme Court has been using
this power and it has given several historical decisions in various constitutional cases--Golaknath
Case, Kesavnanda Bharati Case, Minerva Mills Case and several others. The High Courts also
exercise this power.
Judicial Activism
At present the Indian judiciary has been becoming more and more active towards the
performance of its social obligations. Through public interest litigation system as well as through
a more active and judicious exercise of its powers, the Indian judiciary is now very actively
getting involved in securing the public interest vis-a-vis the government. Under the Public Interest
Litigation (PIL) system the judges can act suo moto to secure general interest. In 1995, it called
upon the state to work for securing a uniform civil code for the whole of India and for all the
Indians as stands directed under Article 44 of the Constitution. Indian judiciary has been
becoming more and more active for safeguarding the rights and freedom of the people and the
demands of public interest. Judicial Activism is a new feature of the Indian Judicial system. In
2007, a bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the courts should sparingly use activism. However
the Chief Justice of India clarified that it was not a decision of the Supreme Court.
Emergency Provisions
Like the Constitution of the Weimer Republic (Germany), the Constitution of India also
contains provisions for dealing with emergencies. It vests in the President of India the poser to
deal with these. That is why these provisions are usually referred to as the Emergency Powers of
the President. The Constitution stipulates three types of emergencies:
(1) National Emergency (Article 352) i.e. emergency resulting from war or external aggression
or threat of external aggressions against India or from armed rebellion within India or in any of its
part.
(2) Constitutional Emergency in a State or some states (Article 356) i.e. emergency resulting
from the failure of constitutional machinery in any state.
(3) Financial Emergency Article 360) i.e. emergency resulting from a threat to financial stability
of India. The President of India has been empowered to take appropriate steps for dealing with
these emergencies. During an emergency, the powers of the President, actually of the PM and the
Cabinet, increase tremendously. In case of national emergency, the system becomes virtually
unitary and the President can suspend the fundamental freedoms contained in Art. 19 and their
enforcement under Articles 32 and 226 of the Constitution. However, there are certain set rules
for using this power as well as there are several limitations upon the exercise of the emergency
powers. The President can declare an emergency only on the advice of the Prime Minister and the
Council of Ministers. In case of a National Emergency, the President can act only on the written
advice of the Union Cabinet (Incorporated by 44th Amendment). Every emergency proclamation
has to be got approved from the Parliament within a fixed period. since 1952, the President has
exercised the Emergency powers (National Emergency and itutional Emergency) on several
occasions. The aim of the emergency provisions is to protect the people and the state and hence on
account these cannot be opposed. However, these contain the possibility of misuse of powers on
the part of the Union executive for political purposes. In particular, the provisions of Art 356 can
be misused by the Centre. The declaration of emergency due to 'internal causes' in 1975 involved
an authoritarian exercise of power by Mrs. Indira Gandhi and for this act the people punished her
and her Congress party by squarely defeating it in March 1977elections.
Special Provisions Relating to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
With a view to protect the interests of people belonging to Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, the Constitution in its Part XVI specifies certain special provisions. Art 330
provides for reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the Lok Sabha in
portion (as near as possible) to their population. Further, the President can nominate in Lok Sabha
not more than two members of the Anglo-Indian Community in case he is of the opinion that this
community is not adequately represented in the House (Art. 331). Similar provisions for
reservation of the seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and Anglo-Indian Community
in the State legislatures have also been incorporated under Articles 331 and 332 respectively. The
reservation benefits have also been extended to Other Backward Classes OBCs). The Supreme
Court has, however ruled that in no case more then 50 per cent jobs should be reserved for all
categories of the people entitled to the benefits under the reservation policy. Not only in respect of
legislative seats, in respect of jobs in Government service and admission in various universities
and professional institutions, jobs and seats are reserved for the people of Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. Several commissions like National Commission for SCs, National Commission
for STs, National Minorities Commission, National Commission on OBCs and National
Commission for Women have been monitoring the conditions of the weaker sections of society.
Now the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) can also look into the complaints
involving the violation of the rights of the people belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. Some reservation benefits have been also given to people belonging to Other Backward
Classes. Now the system of reservations has been extended for 10 more years i.e. till the
year2020.
Provisions Regarding Language
The Constitution lays down special provisions for defining the Language of the Union,
Regional Languages, and Language of the Supreme Court and High Courts. Art. 343 states that
the official language of the Union shall be Hindi in Devanagri script. But along with this, it also
provides for the continuance of English Language. A state legislature can adopt the language of
the province as its official language. English continues to be the language of the Supreme Court
and the High Courts. Under Article 351, the Constitution gives a directive to the Union to develop
Hindi and popularize its use. In its Eighth Schedule, the Constitution now recognizes 22 major
Indian Languages- Assamese, Bengali, Gujarati, Hindi, Kannada, Kashmiri, Malayalam, Marathi,
Odia, Punjabi, Nepali, Manipuri, Konkani, Sanskrit, Sindhi, Tamil, Telgu Urdu, Bodo, Santali,
Mathli and Dogri (Last 4 languages were included in 8th schedule by the 92nd Amendment Act
2003).
In formulating the Constitution of India, the founding fathers used several sources. The
values and ideals of the National Movement guided their path. The National Movement
influenced them to adopt secularism. Some provisions of Government of India Act 1935 were
used by them and several features of foreign constitutions influenced them and were adopted by
them. In adopting Parliamentary system and Bicameralism, the British Constitution influenced
them. The US Constitution influenced them in favour of Republicanism, Independence of
Judiciary, Judicial Review and Bill of Rights. The progress of the (former) USSR after the 1917
Socialist Revolution influenced them to adopt Socialism as a goal. Likewise while writing several
provisions of the constitution they are all influenced by the constitutions of Canada, Australia,
Weimar Republic (German) and Ire land.
Jyotiba Phule was a pioneer in advocating for gender equality, challenging both the caste system and the subjugation of women by society and the Hindu religion. He emphasized female education not merely for improving domestic roles but as a fundamental human right, linking societal improvement to women's education. Phule's use of the term 'stree-purush' emphasized gender inclusivity, marking a progressive shift from traditional norms .
The British employed the 'divide and rule' strategy to maintain control over India by exacerbating divisions between Hindus and Muslims. This policy included the introduction of separate electorates and communal electorates, which alienated the two communities and cultivated communal tensions, ensuring British dominance by preventing a unified front against their rule .
The Satyashodhak Samaj was revolutionary in challenging the traditional social hierarchy by promoting inter-caste marriage and encouraging awareness against caste oppression. It provided a platform for marginalized groups to question the social supremacy of the Brahmins, engaged in non-brahminical rituals, and pushed for significant social reforms aimed at equality .
Acquiring the Zamindari of 24 Parganas significantly enhanced the East India Company's economic base by increasing revenue through land control, bolstering their political authority and limiting local resistance by imposing direct administrative control. This provided a pivotal resource base for furthering colonial expansion throughout India .
Mir Jafar, along with Rai Durlabh, engaged in treachery by standing at the head of their troops without participating in the battle. This lack of involvement was crucial in the Nawab’s defeat as a part of the Nawab's army still engaged Clive's forces. The treachery ensured that Clive's plot succeeded, leading to the defeat and subsequent murder of Nawab Siraj-ud-daula by Mir Jafar's son, Miran .
The Battle of Plassey allowed the British to gain control over Bengal, the richest province in India, paving the way for immense economic exploitation. The British victory led them to establish a system where they could extract wealth and resources easily, facilitating economic dominance over India, and set a precedent for replacing Nawabs whenever financial needs arose .
The Treaty of Salbai was crucial in realigning the alliance system in India by restoring peace between the Marathas and the East India Company, allowing the Company to focus on other regional threats while maintaining Salsette. It effectively neutralized the threat from the Marathas temporarily and shifted the strategic landscape, enabling British efforts against Hyder Ali without Maratha interference .
The victory in the Battle of Buxar further solidified British economic supremacy in India, granting them control over revenue collection in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. This control enabled the firm entrenchment of the British economic exploitation system, extracting massive resources from these regions and crippling local economies .
The Treaty of Bassein critically altered power dynamics in Deccan India, effectively rendering the Peshwa a subsidiary ally of the British East India Company. By agreeing to the terms, the Peshwa ceded significant autonomy, accepting British supremacy in military and foreign affairs, which facilitated British expansion and control across the region, and diminished Maratha sovereignty .
Strategically, the British success in the Second Mysore War resulted from securing alliances such as with the Nizam of Hyderabad, who signed a subsidiary alliance, and weakening Tipu Sultan's position by isolating him from French and Maratha influences. The dual-front assault on Mysore capitalized on these alliances, weakening Tipu's defenses and leading to his eventual downfall .