School of Museum

Studies

Student use

Student Name: Silvia Poldaru Student Number: 169038078

Module: Number of words Award (MA/MSc):

Dissertation written: 14 959 MA

Dissertation title: Encounters in My Free Country: Are Estonia’s

national museums on Their Way to a more inclusive discourse?

I declare that all work submitted is my own and that I have followed
the School’s guidelines for correctly referencing all of my work.
 Encounters in My Free Country

Are Estonia’s national museums on their way to a more

inclusive discourse?

Heritage and Interpretation (MA)

2018

Silvia Poldaru

2
Silvia Poldaru Word count: 14 959

Encounters in My Free Country: Are Estonia’s

national museums on their way to a more inclusive

discourse?

ABSTRACT

The debate around the subject matter of national identity and

the process of nation-building is still as polemical and current

today as it was at the height of their conception in the 18th and

19th century. As the theoretical underpinnings of this dissertation

will reveal, there is no consensual definition for the

abovementioned terms. On the contrary, these concepts are fluid

and shaped according to the political, historical and cultural

perspectives of the times.

The intention of this research project is to examine the making

of national identity and historical narrative through the lens of

social inclusion in two major national museums of Estonia. The

two case studies analysed for this dissertation have highlighted

how the presence of the voices of ethnic minorities in the core

exhibitions does not necessarily equate to these marginalised

groups being included in the process of nation-building.

Although the study reveals that Estonia’s master narrative is still

predominantly derived from the perspective of the ethnic

majority, it does, however, imply that Estonia’s national

museums are on their way to a more inclusive discourse.

3
CONTENTS

Abstract 3

Contents 4

List of Figures 5

Introduction 7

Chapter 1: Museums and National Identity 22

Chapter 2: Museums and Master Narratives 44

Chapter 3: Dialogues in Estonia’s National Museums 63

Conclusion 85

Bibliography 88

4
LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Estonian National Museum, Raadi, Tartu.

Figure 2. Estonian History Museum, Maarjamäe, Tallinn.

Figure 3. The first blue-black-white as displayed at ENM.

Figure 4. “Will I risk waving a blue-black-white or not?”

booklet on the wall of EHM.

Figure 5. An example of the language use from EHM’s

previous core exhibition “A Will to Be Free.” Text panels were

written in Estonian, Russian and English.

Figure 6. An example of the digital text panels at the ENM. The

icons at the bottom can be swiped with a card in order to change

the language on the screen.

Figure 7. “The Language Brew” room at the ENM. The TV

screen plays interviews with people who have a different native

language to that of the Estonian.

Figure 8. An interactive screen on the wall at the EHM which

allows visitors to Estonify their family name.

Figure 9. The concrete chat boxes at the ENM displaying quotes

on freedom.

Figure 10. Room 5 at the EHM.

Figure 11. The Bronze Soldier monument in its new location,

the Defence Forces Cemetery in Tallinn.

5
Figure 12. The merchandise of an antique shop that was

vandalised during the Bronze Soldier incident in April 2007.

Figure 13. A video installation of the Singing Revolution of

1988.

Figure 14. “Grey passports.”

Figure 15. The Estonian Swedish community newspaper called

Kustbon.

Figure 16. Old Believers icon at the EHM.

Figure 17. Seto pot at the EHM.

Figure 18. Three video screens at the ENM.

Figure 19. Anastassia Voronina’s dolls at the ENM.

Figure 20. A china set that belonged to Ella Prusova on display

at the ENM.

Figure 21. A soup kettle that belonged to Ella Prusova on

display at the ENM.

6
INTRODUCTION

“[T]he museum is not the site of dead matters, or merely the

storehouse of a ransacked past. The museum provokes a

potential and polemical engagement with present

understandings and perspectives on who we are and what we

might desire to become.”1

The era of museums as merely depositories for our material

culture has far exceeded its viability. Although collections are

still central to these institutions, their importance lies in the

ideas that they convey. Museums have been shaped into active

sites where visitors are encouraged to explore their past and

envision their future. Therefore, curators’ role is to encourage

difficult dialogues that help the visitors to understand the

contentious events of their past, through which they define

themselves whilst understanding others around them.

According to John Breuilly, nationalist history is a way of

gathering time.2 The same term can also be applied to museums.

The time gathered in collections is revealed through exhibitions.

Therefore, the concept of gathering time forms the basis for

national character. Although academics such as Benedict

Anderson and Anthony D. Smith, whose theories help underpin

1
Iain Chambers “The Museum of Migrating Modernities” in Beatrice Ferrara
(ed.) Cultural memory, Migrating Modernities and Museum Practices (Mela
Books: Milano, 2012), p. 19 (pp. 13-32)
2
John Breuilly “Nationalism and the Making of National Pasts” in Susana
Carvalho and François Gemenne Nations and Their Histories: Constructions
and Representations (Palgrave and Macmillan: Basingstoke, 2009), p. 7
7
this dissertation, would argue against such a romantic view of

nationalities, it can be contended that the core of a national

character does not fade.

As contradictory as the above statement sounds, our national

identities are not entirely fixed in time but moulded by our

present circumstances. National museums are one of such

institutions where nation-building happens. Why do humans

need to define themselves in the first place? What purpose does

national character convey?

Potentially, the need of defining oneself reveals a basic human

need – belonging. Instead of belonging to clans, we now belong

to nations. And yet, the everlasting us versus them persists. In

our heavily globalised world, we are still looking for ways to

differentiate ourselves from others, on an individual and a

national level. Therefore, it can be suggested that social

inclusion is a feature of modernity forced upon us by the

authorities.

If social inclusion is an imagined concept, then the

representation or underrepresentation of ethnic minority groups

in Estonia’s national museums can be linked with the political

agenda of such institutions. Although Soviet period has been

covered substantially from the Estonians’ point of view, the

experience of the Russian-speakers is still very fragmented and

widely uncovered.

This dissertation was born out of a desire to look into the

representation of ethnic minorities in Estonia’s national

8
museums. While it may not offer any ground-breaking new

findings, this research project will encourage new dialogues in

the republic’s national museums. These future dialogues should

not be limited exclusively to the representation of ethnic

minorities but be extended to other underrepresented groups and

issues within the museum environment.

Aims and structure

This dissertation is an exploration of the social role of national

museums in correlation to nation-building. Its main focus relies

on ethnic minorities and their representation in the two new core

exhibitions of Estonia’s two major national museums –

“Encounters” at the Estonian National Museum (ENM) and “My

Free Country” at the Estonian History Museum (EHM).

The primary research question on the social inclusion of

Estonia’s national museums was inspired by an article published

online on 7 February 2017.3 In this article, Sirje Karis, a former

director of EHM states that the role of the history museum

consists of telling stories of the Estonian people in a way that

would have an emotional impact on every visitor, regardless of

their nationality, sex or age. The aforesaid statement formed the

basis for this research project - have Estonia’s national

museums become more socially inclusive in the context of

3
Sirje Karis, “Sirje Karis: Muuseumi roll on rääkida riigi ja rahva lugusid - ka
neid, millest pole kerge rääkida!”, FORTE, 7 February 2017
<http://m.forte.delfi.ee/article.php?id=77102400> [accessed 18 March
2017]
9
presenting a wide array of narratives, especially those of the

ethnic minorities? The primary research question will be

answered with the assistance of these secondary research

questions:

1. What is the 21st century master narrative of Estonia’s

national museums?

2. How does the 21st century master narrative compare to the

newly-independent Estonia in the 1990’s?

3. How, if at all, are Estonia’s ethnic minorities represented in

national museums?

4. Are the ethnic minorities included in the master narrative?

The dissertation is divided thematically into three main chapters.

This section has not only presented the main research question,

but will give a short historical overview of the country as well as

introduce the two case studies. The main sections will all follow

a similar structure. The relevant underpinnings of the theoretical

frameworks will be presented at the beginning of each section in

order to define the terms that are leading the discussions. These

will be followed by an analysis of the case studies in the context

of the chapter-specific theme.

The first chapter will highlight the definition of national identity

and present examples on how and whether Estonia’s national

identity is formed in EHM and ENM. It is worth noting at this

point that the data collected points to a cohesive national

identity on an institutional level.

10
Chapter two is an enquiry into the subject matter of master

narratives and the role of national museums in telling these

stories. The aim again is to consider how socially inclusive is

Estonia’s master narrative. The terms master narrative and

historic narrative will be used simultaneously and carrying the

same meaning.

The third and final chapter will discuss the dialogues that

“Encounters” and “My Free Country” engage in. Lastly, all the

findings will be summarised in the conclusion, accompanied by

the main shortcomings and further research suggestions.

Methodology

The following section describes the methods used for the

research purposes of this dissertation: literature review, site

visits and one-to-one interviews with various Estonian

academics and museum professionals. In order to gain a broad

understanding of the subject matter of social inclusion in

Estonia’s national museums, the research approach was very

exploratory focussing on qualitative methods.

Firstly, theoretical frameworks needed underpinning in order to

create a context for each individual chapter. Instead of

summarising the literature review within one section, each

chapter starts with the relevant theory.

Secondly, site visits were necessary for data collection purposes.

Both ENM and EHM have a long and rich history embedded in

11
national consciousness and were therefore considered as

appropriate case studies. It is also worth mentioning that both of

the exhibitions opened recently – ENM’s “Encounters” in

October 2016 and EHM’s “My Free Country” in February 2018.

Thirdly, various one-on-one interviews were conducted with

Estonia’s academics and museum professionals. The interviews

were to serve as an extension on the site visits and the academic

material that is already available. In the case of EHM, the lack

of academic writings made it necessary to conduct one-on-one

interviews in order to get a better understanding on the thought

process behind the new display. The interviews allowed for a

more concise focus on the subject matter of this specific

dissertation.

A Short historical overview of the Republic of Estonia

The Republic of Estonia is still a very young country, having

celebrated their centennial in February this year. On the other

hand, as an ethnic group, the Estonian people have inhabited the

same territory for thousands of years. Estonians as maarahvas

(country people) emerged as a political entity in the late 19th

century which lead to the country’s first independence.

The first Republic of Estonia was short-lived. The power

struggles between the Nazi Germany and the Soviet Army

during the Second World War concluded in Estonia’s

annexation by the Soviet troops – an occupation period that

12
lasted for fifty years. Publicly, Estonian people came to terms

with their new reality whilst privately still holding on to

nationalistic symbols and traditions.

Although a lot is now commonly known about life in the Soviet

Union and consequently its collapse in the late 1980’s, an area

that has remained hidden in a museum context is the topic of

ethnic minorities in post-Soviet Estonia. The subject matter of

polarization between ethnic Estonians and the Russian-speaking

community is constantly being discussed in Estonian media. A

recent study conducted by Auli Niukkanen found that the

“Estonian media should pay more attention to control offensive

context and stop making generalisations” about the Russian-

speaking communities residing in Estonia.4 If that is the case,

museums are undoubtedly more equipped to act as neutral

meeting places.

Although there has been hardly any violent clashes between the

ethnic Estonians and ethnic minorities, apart from the 2007

Bronze Night incident in the city of Tallinn, it is not to say that

polarization does not exist. The migration of labour workers and

the deportation of ethnic Estonians completely changed the

makeup of the Estonian population. Whilst violent clashes are

not everyday occurrences, what is meant by polarization appears

in following forms: Estonian and Russian schools and

kindergartens, Russian-speaking communities of Eastern

4
Auli Niukkanen “Eestis elevate vene noorte riigiidentiteet ja seda
mõjutavad tegurid” (Unpublished Bachelor’s Thesis, Tartu University, 2018),
p. 60 <http://dspace.ut.ee/handle/10062/60380> [Accessed 28 August
2018]
13
Estonia and certain parts of the capital city, the number of

stateless people still residing in Estonia, and the percentage of

residents who do not speak the official state language. All of this

proves that a certain degree of segregation still exists. Therefore,

a conclusion that the re-independent Estonia has not completely

accepted the consequences of the turbulent 20th century, can be

drawn. This topic will be discussed in more depth in the next

chapters.

Short overview of Estonian National Museums

The origin of national museums in Estonia is strongly linked to

the widespread movement of the national awakenings of the 19th

century. During that period, various cultural societies promoted

the collecting of ethnographic material in order to preserve the

peasant culture of the Estonian people. According to Kristin

Kuutma, who has written extensively about the history of

Estonia’s national museums, these societies “formed a social

arena for the exchange and expression of ideas about an

independent state formation.”5 Ultimately, the founding of the

Republic of Estonia is directly linked with the founding of the

national museums.

The turmoil of Soviet occupation transformed the state just as

much as it changed the museums. Those that did not align with

the new ideological power, were liquidated. Others were given a

5
Kristin Kuutma, “National Museums in Estonia” in Peter Aronsson and
Gabriella Elgenius Building National Museums in Europe 1750-2010.
Conference Proceedings from EuNaMus, Issue 064, 2011, p. 236
14
new purpose and at times a brand new collection. The most

prominent change however was the changing of the narrative.

National museums became tools in spreading Soviet

propaganda.

Re-independence brought yet another change to national

museums. The institutions ravished by Soviet ideology were

once again free to tell the stories of the Estonian people. Just as

they played an imperative part in the forming of the Republic of

Estonia, so did they help restore the national narrative of the

newly re-independent state. The collapse of the union did not

just bring an ideological change, but also the way the museums

were governed and financed.

Estonia’s museum network has been undergoing a structural

change since 2012. A lot of museums have been placed into

foundations and are governed and financed by local authorities.

The effect of having independency in their own decision-making

has according to the Ministry of Culture Indrek Saar increased

their efficiency and their visitor numbers.6 The museums in this

dissertation are both currently run and financed by the state,

however EHM will claim a foundation status in the near future.

How that will affect the narratives will be seen.

6
Kultuuritoimetus ”Eesti kunstimaailmas toimub oluline muudatus”
Postimees, 16 November 2017
<https://kultuur.postimees.ee/4312383/eesti-kunstimaailmas-toimub-
oluline-muudatus> [accessed 30 August 2018]
15
Estonian National Museum

ENM’s origin is strongly interlinked with the constructing of the

Estonian nation. As pointed out by Kristin Kuutma, the museum

was to exclusively represent “the narrative of ethnic Estonians

and their cultural expressions.”7 Its early collections were made

up of ethnographic items related to Estonians’ farming and

country life. Today, ENM researches the cultural-historical

aspects of Estonia whilst depicting the everyday life of the

Estonian people, the Estonian minorities and the Finno-Ugric

people.

Figure 1. Estonian National Museum, Raadi, Tartu. (Source: Photo by

author.)

For a museum that has in concept been around since 1860’s,

ENM did not get a permanent purpose-built home until October

2016. Its former home of Raadi manor was heavily damaged

during the Second World War, and the territory around it was

subsequently turned into a Soviet military air base. Raadi

7
Kristin Kuutma, 2011, p. 242
16
became a restricted area and Tartu a “closed city.”8 Its new

home in Raadi was built with the history of the place and

Estonia in mind. As stated by the museum’s website “by

denying signs from this era the Soviet occupation cannot, nor

must not be erased from the nation’s memory: they should

instead be given a new and hopeful meaning.”9 The bold design

in a controversial location suggests the Estonian nation’s first

real step towards accepting and remembering the country’s

Soviet past in a new and creative way.

As highlighted by Kuutma, “[t]he reinvention of the museum

has been closely connected to the questions of collective

memory and collective identity.”10 These changes have been

affected by Estonia becoming a “normal European country” and

the ever-growing prominence of social inclusivity within the

museum world. 11

“Encounters”

The catalogue for ENM’s new core exhibition “Encounters”

claims it as “an exhibition that brings you face to face with

many people who have lived in Estonia.”12 The curators

acknowledge the limitations of the exhibition by stating that

8
Estonian National Museum, Why this location?, 2016
<http://www.erm.ee/en/content/why-location> [accessed 28 August 2018]
9
Ibid.
10
Kristin Kuutma, 2011, p. 245
11
Marju Lauristin and Peeter Vihalemm with Karl Erik Rosengren and
Lennart Weibull Return to the Western World: Cultural and Political
Perspectives on the Estonian Post-Communist Transition (Tartu University
Press: Tartu, 1997), p. 77
12
Estonian National Museum, Encounters catalogue, (Tartu: 2016), p. 1
17
only “one possible set of interpretations of the lives of people in

Estonia, both the minor everyday events and the great world-

changing processes that affected them” are represented.13 This

implies that visitors are encouraged to reinterpret the displays.

The brand new core exhibition space is divided up into two main

sections. “Journeys in Time” and Thematic exhibitions. The

former runs along the length of the museum building and covers

the entirety of Estonia’s cultural history from the Stone Age up

to modern Estonia. It is divided into seven sections: The Time of

Freedom, Life behind the Iron Curtain, Modern Times, The Era

of Books, The Arrival of Christianity, The Metal Ages, and The

Stone Age. The eleven thematic exhibitions are interwoven but

stand separate to “Journeys in Time.” The more relevant to this

dissertation are The People and the State, Parallel Worlds,

Parallel Lives, Rural Life and Rural Beauty, and The Language

Brew.

Estonian History Museum

The “politically dominant ethnic group” of Baltic Germans

established the Estonian Literature Society in 1842 which

became the Provincial Museum of Estonian Literature Society

in1864.14 Baltic Germans’ purpose was to broaden the

knowledge of the country “by studying its history, art,

13
Ibid. p. 3
14
Kristin Kuutma, 2011, p. 237
18
manufacturing, technology and nature.”15 Due to its connection

to Baltic Germans, the museum did not play an imperative role

in the formation of the national imagery of Estonia’s first

republic.16 That role belonged to ENM.

During the Soviet period, EHM was nationalised and renamed

as the History Museum of the Estonian SSR. Mariann Raisma

has written about these identity changes in more depth.17

According to her findings, Soviet museums were ideologically

strongly interconnected with the views and objectives of the

government.18 Therefore, EHM’s role was to tell the history of

the Soviet Socialist Republic of Estonia from the viewpoint of

the Soviet government.

The palace the museum is located at has a rather colourful

history of its own. It was built on the site of a former sugar

factory. In the past, Maarjamäe palace has belonged to Earl

Anatoli Orlov-Davydov, accommodated a cabaret-style

entertainment establishment in early 1930’s and The Military

Aviation School of the Republic of Estonia in the late 1930’s.

During the Soviet era, the palace became an apartment complex

until it was eventually repurposed as a museum as part of a

redevelopment plan to transform the area of Maarjamäe into a

15
Estonian History Museum Museum’s History, 2018
<https://www.ajaloomuuseum.ee/about-museum/museum-history>
[accessed 30 August 2018]
16
Kristin Kuutma, 2011, p. 237
17
Mariann Raisma “Kujundades Ideaalmaastikku. Murrangulised ajad Eesti
Muuseumipoliitikas” MUUSEUM, 2012, pp. 45-50
18
Mariann Raisma “What made Soviet museology so powerful?
Methodology of permanent exhibitions in the history museums” Art History
Supplement, No 3, 2013, pp. 14-28
19
complex named as Friendship of Nations. The plan never

realised due to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Figure 2. Estonian History Museum, Maarjamäe, Tallinn. (Source: Photo

by author.)

“My Free Country”

The current core exhibition “My Free Country” was opened in

February 2018 as part of the centennial celebrations of the

Republic of Estonia. According to the museum’s website, the

new exposition takes the visitor “on a journey through 100

years, from the birth of the Republic of Estonia to the modern

day.”19 The exhibition is divided into eight rooms, each

displaying a different era of the last 100 years. The rooms are as

follows:

Room 1 – 1905-1918: Before the Birth of the Republic of

Estonia

19
Estonian History Museum, Permanent Exhibitions, 2018
<https://www.ajaloomuuseum.ee/exhibitions/permanent-exhibitions/minu-
vaba-riik> [accessed 30 August 2018]
20
Room 2 – 1918-1920: Building the Republic of Estonia

Room 3 – 1920-1939: Life in the Republic of Estonia

Room 4 – 1939-1945: World War Two and the End of

Independence

Room 5 – 1945-1987: Life in the Soviet Union

Room 6 – 1987-1989: The Rebirth of the Republic of Estonia

Room 7 – 1989-1991: Life and Opportunities in the Young

Republic

Room 8– 1991-2018: Contemporary Estonia

As the title of each room suggests, the narrative is focussed

around the making and the remaking of the Republic of Estonia.

Ultimately, what ties the whole exhibition together is the

crossroad moments that represents the visitor with the choices

that the Estonian people had to once make. The following

chapters will delve into each exhibition in more depth.

21
CHAPTER 1: MUSEUMS AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

“National museums are institutionalised negotiations of

national values that form a basis for national identity and

cultural underpinnings for the operation of the state.”20

Museums have always been reputed as trusted establishments.

Their words carry weight and their bias is considered neutral.

Yet, even what may seem biased, still carries an agenda. As

stated by Elizabeth Crooke, it is just as important what is

excluded from an exhibition display as what is included.21 The

two case studies presented in this dissertation both showcase

Estonia’s Soviet period. As part of becoming more socially

inclusive, it would be expected that the exhibitions in question

engage in difficult discussions such as the polarization of

Estonia’s society. Polarization refers to the division between

ethnic Estonians and the Russian-speakers. Although data

collection indicates that EHM and ENM have become more

socially inclusive, ethnic minorities are widely represented as

the perpetual other. To paraphrase the above quote, the values of

the Estonian state are prohibiting Estonia’s national museums to

become more open and tolerant.

One of Estonia’s contemporary historians, Erkki Bahovski

considers the museum to be a safe place where different

20
Peter Aronsson, Simon Knell, Arne Bugge Amundsen, Bodil Axelsson
National Museums Making Histories in a Diverse Europe (Linköping
University Electronic Press: Linköping, 2012), p. 10
21
Elizabeth Crooke (Re)Visualizing National History: Museums and National
Identities in Europe in the New Millennium (University of Toronto Press:
Toronto, 2008), p. 90
22
ethnicities meet to hold dialogues. 22 The term “contact zones” is

evident in Bahovski’s thought process.23 Mary Louise Pratt has

described contact zones as “social spaces where disparate

cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other.”24 Museums

are spaces where “subjects previously separated by geography

and history are co-present, the point at which their trajectories

now intersect.”25 The term itself is used in reference to post

colonialism, which does not entirely refer to Estonia, but is

helpful when discussing the meeting of ethnic Estonians and the

ethnic minorities in the country’s national museums. An analysis

on how and whether Estonia’s national museums help form the

country’s national identity is to follow. Main focus will be on

whether Estonia’s ethnic minorities are included in the nation-

building process or still marginalised as the “other.”

Whose Authority?

Who is a nation and who has the authority to speak and decide

for that nation?26 Is it the shared ethnicity, shared language,

shared customs, shared territory, shared history or something

else; something that can be felt by thousands, even millions of

members of communities but not put into words? Should the

22
Erkki Bahovski, interview by S. Põldaru, Skype, 26 July 2018
23
James Clifford “Museums as Contact Zones” in Routes: Travel and
Translation in the Late Twentieth Century (Harvard University Press: London,
1997), p. 192
24
Mary Louise Pratt Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation
(Routledge: London, 1992), p. 6
25
Ibid., p. 8
26
Rosa Luxemburg cited in Stephen D. Reicher and Nick Hopkins, Self and
Nation, (SAGE Publications: London, 2001), p. 19
23
decision of what makes a certain community into a nation be

made unanimously by the people or should it be decided by the

institutional elite made up of politicians, academics, historians

and so forth?

It has been argued that “ethnic homogeneity cannot be equated

with nationhood; however it facilitates the process of nation-

building.”27 Even though nations are built on pre-existing ethnic

communities, “this heritage has to be discovered and interpreted

before it is used for nation-building.”28 Therefore, although most

nations are bound by their ethnicity, it is not until their shared

heritage has been interpreted that the nation-building can begin.

The process of Estonia’s nation-building is a prime example of

the aforementioned concept. Therefore, Estonian nation is made

up of the interpretation of the past generations and their

activities.

In the era of globalisation, shared ethnicity creates a rather one-

dimensional way of defining a nation. This romanticised view of

nationhood, whilst outdated, still creates a solid foundation for a

nation, but shared values and customs lead the modern nation-

building. It is the banal and mundane everyday habits that,

according to Michael Billig, build nations.29 Billig believes that

“through language, media, and national symbols routinely

exhibited in public space, especially the flag, the nation is

27
Ibid., p. 22
28
Ibid., p. 22
29
Michael Billig cited in Emilia Pawlusz “In Search of an Estonian
Identity:(Formal and Informal) mechanisms of identity construction in
Estonia” (Unpublished doctoral thesis, Tallinn University, 2017), p. 21 <
https://www.digar.ee/arhiiv/en/books/77279> [Accessed 12 July 2018]
24
reproduced as a self-evident category of social and political

organization of the world.”30 Consequently, once the foundation

of a nation has been formed, its characteristics change subtly

over time.

One of such institutions that help shape the national identity is

museums. Although they play an integral part in negotiating

shared values, nation-building does not stop there. On the

contrary, these institutions can be classed as the starting point of

nation-building. It is out in the world where these institutional

values are put into practice and morphed into the public life.

This suggests that nation-building is a co-operative project

between the various institutions and the people. To move

forward, how would one define national identity?

Narrating a Nation

The debate on national identity is still as topical today as it was

at the height of the 19th century national awakenings. One of the

more widely used definitions of a nation is that of Benedict

Anderson’s. According to Anderson a nation is “an imagined

political community.”31 The reason why it is imagined,

Anderson explains, is because a member of one specific nation

will never know or meet all of the other members of that

particular nation, yet they all imagine themselves as a

30
Ibid., p. 21
31
Benedict Anderson Imagined Communities (Verso: London, 2006), p. 6
25
community.32 On that score, a nation does not just exist, but is

an invented communion.

According to Herder and Hegel this invented community is

bound together by “Volkgeist” – a shared common spirit that is

manifested in their language, customs, myths and culture.33 The

term “Volkgeist” complements Anderson’s “imagined

communities” perfectly. A shared common spirit is what unifies

a group of people otherwise not familiar with each other. They

are bound together through their shared knowledge of occupying

the same territory, speaking the same language and sharing a

common thread of historic events. As a result, a nation is

narrated into existence.34

Anthony D. Smith defines national identity as “an assemblage of

tales told by all kinds of social groups and individuals.”35

Smith’s idea of a nation is directly linked with the concepts

mentioned in the above-mentioned paragraph. What

differentiates Smith from these concepts is the matter of “an

essence,” which he finds futile. According to him, identities are

constantly transforming and “can be refashioned according to

need.”36 Although all of the above definitions are based on one

common feature – that a nation is a made-up concept rather than

32
Ibid., p. 6
33
Herder and Hegel cited in Reicher and Hopkins, 2001, p. 19
34
Stefan Berger, Linas Eriksonas and Andrew Mycock Narrating the Nation.
Representations in History, Media and the Arts (Berghahn Books: Oxford,
2008), p. 1
35
Anthony Smith Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era, (Polity Press:
Cambridge, 2013), p. 20
36
Ibid. p. 31
26
a naturally occurring phenomenon- it is clear that even similar

concepts disagree on certain aspects.

Throughout all these readings, one thing is certain - national

identities are not fixed. They are fluid and constantly reinvented

depending on the circumstances of the current time period. To

conclude, the definition of national identity as used in this

dissertation is heavily influenced by the aforementioned

concepts. It is a combination of Anderson’s “imagined political

community” and Bhabha’s nation as a narration. Although

nations have been based on shared ethnicity, they no longer rely

on it solely. Rather, this project seeks to define national identity

as a unified group of people who share the same values.

“Estonian People”

The Constitution of the Republic of Estonia states that it “must

guarantee the preservation of the Estonian people, the Estonian

language and the Estonian culture through the ages.”37 It also

states that everyone has the right to preserve his or her own

ethnic identity.38 The National Minorities Cultural Autonomy

Act defines national minority as someone who resides in the

territory of Estonia, has long-term or permanent ties with

Estonia, whose ethnic belonging is different to that of ethnic

Estonians, and wish to maintain ties to their cultural customs,

37
The Constitution of the Republic of Estonia (Tallinn, 1992)
<https://www.riigiteataja.ee/en/eli/530102013003/consolide> [accessed 16
August 2018]
38
Ibid.
27
 39
religion, language and common identity. A conclusion that

Estonia’s constitutions separate the country’s ethnicities is

evident.

The constitutional right of preserving Estonian people, language

and culture connects with Toivo U. Raun’s suggestion on the

strongest components of Estonia’s national identity being

language, culture and a myth of common descent.40 Whilst the

Constitution is rather one-dimensional and prioritizes the

preservation of the ethnic Estonians, it is very lenient in

allowing various national minorities to keep their ties to their

ethnic and cultural belonging. Therefore, there is a clearly

identifiable state identity and ethnic identity. Though interlinked

in everyday life, politically, they are different entities.

The observation of two different identities is also present in the

country’s latest integration policy titled “Integrating Estonia

2020.” It defines national identity as a “shared feeling of

affiliation of members of society towards the state.41 According

to the policy, “a common national identity is based on shared

values, symbols and practices and ensures the feeling of

belonging and security in society.”42 Again, evidence shows a

separate state identity and ethnic identity. This notion of

disconnectedness is also present in the two national museums

presented in this dissertation. Krista Sarv, one of the head

39
National Minorities Cultural Autonomy Act (Tallinn, 1993)
<https://www.riigiteataja.ee/en/eli/519112013004/consolide> [accessed 16
August 2018]
40
Toivo U. Raun “Nineteenth-and early Twentieth-century Estonian
Nationalism Revisited” Nations and nationalism 9(1), 2003, p. 140
41
The Ministry of Culture Lõimuv Eesti 2020 (Tallinn, 2014), p. 40
42
Ibid., p. 40
28
curators of “My Free Country,” has stated that EHM does not

attempt to assert a dominant national identity; rather, its main

aim is to reflect on the political history of the state, which

subsequently means that the narrative remains ethnically

hegemonic. This will be explored next.

Encounters in My Free Country

The titles of the two core exhibitions, ENM’s “Encounters” and

EHM’s “My Free Country” are open to various interpretations.

It could be argued that EHM’s exhibition title is both socially

inclusive and socially excusive. This contradictive aspect is

noticeable in the potential interpretations of the word “my.” The

word can be referred to all of Estonia’s ethnicities, yet it also

creates a social barrier depending on individual visitors’

perspectives. Whose free country is the exhibition title referring

to? Are the contents of the exhibition all-inclusive or divided?

The word “free” instantaneously suggests that “my” refers to

ethnic Estonians - the people who have inhabited on the territory

the longest and their subsequent centuries long struggle for

freedom. Therefore, the ambiguous title can be an invitation to

perceive the exhibition from the viewpoint of the visitor’s self.

“Encounters,” the title for ENM’s core exhibition is a little less

obscure. The word on its own suggests a multifaceted approach.

The title signals for meeting points between visitors and

curators. Curators “take the stuff of the world, and they present

29
it arranged by some principle of order.”43 This order, as

suggested by Bahovski, is the perspective of the present.44

Historical events and the material culture are placed into a new

context, generally rather different to that of the world they

originally existed in. They are laden with possible new

meanings that are conditioned by the present viewpoints. The

following paragraphs will discuss Estonia’s national symbols

and how they are perceived today.

Blue-Black-White

As mentioned earlier, EHM and ENM play two different roles in

Estonia’s society; one is a history museum and the other an

ethnographic museum. Even so there is a cohesion to the themes

and events displayed. These overlapping elements are

potentially Estonia’s national identity markers. On an

institutional level, this implies that the society as a whole does

have a cohesive national image.

One of such national symbols is Estonia’s national flag – the

blue, black and white. The original blue-black-white is now on

display at the ENM. As seen in Figure 3, the flag is laid flat in a

darkened room under a glass cabinet lit by a single spotlight. A

visitor is allowed to move freely around the cabinet and view the

flag from all its angles. It is an unusual and fascinating sight,

considering the flag was forbidden from public sphere a little

43
Jay Rounds “Doing Identity Work in Museums” Curator, Volume 49, Issue
2, 2006, p. 140
44
Erkki Bahovski, interview by S. Põldaru, Skype, 26 July 2018
30
less than thirty years ago. In its new home, the ENM, the flag’s

original purpose of representing the Estonian Student Society,

who consecrated the flag in 1884, is replaced by national

significance. In the dimly lit room, the flag is a symbol of the

first Republic of Estonia.

Figure 3. The first blue-black-white as displayed at ENM. (Source:

Mārtiņš Bruņenieks
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:The_first_flag_of_Estonia,_Est
onian_National_Museum.jpg

The colours have become to signify Estonians’ characteristics,

the country’s natural surroundings and the national costume.45

Each also bears an individual meaning.46 The blue symbolises

the future of the Estonian people. The black represents the dark

and painful past as well as the country’s soil. White signifies the

spiritual and the intellectual efforts of the Estonian people as

well as the snowy winters and the short summer nights. It is

clear that the emotional connection to the national flag is tied to

45
Tõnis Möldre Lipulugu <http://www.eys.ee/lipulugu.htm> [accessed 18
August 2018]
46
Ibid.
31
the romanticised view of nationhood even though its modern

meaning unifies all of the country’s residents.

A recent study conducted by Auli Niukkanen looked at the state

identity of young Russian-speakers residing in Estonia.47

Niukkanen interviewed ten people between the age range of 18-

25, five of them being female and five male respondents. The

study concluded that only two out of the ten respondents

indicated having a weak national identity.48 Out of the eight who

showed a strong connection to Estonia’s national identity, six

considered the national flag to be an important identity

indicator. An eighteen-year old female respondent from Narva

referred to the flag as a symbol of the democratic Estonia.49 One

of the interviewees with weak national identity specified that the

flag is the one symbol that really unites the ethnic Estonians and

the Russian-speaking community.50

Both ENM and EHM highlight the blue-black-white as one of

the key symbols of the Republic of Estonia. The colours have

over years become the signifiers of national pride and freedom.

Displaying the national colours during the Soviet rule carried

consequences. As the Union started to collapse, the Estonian

people grew brave and found opportunities when to proudly

hoist it. One of the crossroad moments at the EHM is the choice

of whether to risk waving a blue-black-white or not.

47
Auli Niukkanen, 2018
48
Ibid., p. 59
49
Ibid., p. 29
50
Ibid., p. 32
32
 Figure 4. “Will I risk waving a blue-black-white or not?”
booklet on the wall of EHM. (Source: Photo by author.)

The booklet on the wall, as seen in Figure 4, refers to the

personal stories of Tarmo Koppel and Olev Tiitson. In 1983

Tarmo decided to raise the blue-black-white flag on top of the

chimney of Avinurme High School on the 65th anniversary of

the declaration of the Republic of Estonia. In order to delay the

red activists from tearing the flag down, Tarmo put up a high

voltage warning sign stating “Warning. Danger of death.” at the

base of the stairs that would lead to the top of the chimney. Olev

who raised a blue-black-white flag in Toomemägi, Tartu for

protesting against the Olympics being held in the Soviet Union.

The text panel quotes:” We wanted to demonstrate that not

33
everyone agreed with going along with “Oh, how nice, we are

having the Olympic Games and we are occupied!”51

These two examples are a clear indicator of the Estonian people

resisting the Soviet occupation. Even though the majority of

Estonians accepted the situation and adjusted to the new

ideology, most were still privately hoping for an independent

republic to return. Therefore, it is clear that Estonia’s national

flag symbolises the will to be free. It emotively represents

Estonians’ national pride, even at times of hardships. What both

exhibition overlook are the attitudes of the Russian-speaking

community towards the state flag. Studies such as Niukkanen’s

are beginning to tell the story of these communities, but the

museums are still silencing the voices of the ethnic minorities

with regards to nation-building. As suggested by Kirsti Jõesalu,

this act of silencing may not be deliberate but rather connected

to the gap in Estonia’s museums’ collections.52

Estonify Your Name

The second “strongest social glue and the main ethnic marker of

Estonians” is the Estonian language.53 Despite the Estonian

government being internationally criticised for their strict

language laws in the 1990’s, it has still remained one of the

major talking points since the re-independence of the Republic

51
‘Will I risk waving a blue-black-white or not?’ in My Free Country
[Permanent Exhibition] Estonian History Museum, Tallinn. 2018
52
Kirsti Jõesalu interview by S. Põldaru, Skype, 10 August 2018
53
Elo-Hanna Seljamaa “A Home for 121 Nationalities or less” (Unpublished
Doctoral Thesis, Ohio State University, 2012), p. 35
34
of Estonia. This strong institutional connection to language can

be linked with the genuine concern over the preservation of the

Estonian language. During the Soviet period Russian-speaking

communities increased rapidly and most immigrants did not

have the need to learn the local language. There were plenty of

Estonians who refused to learn Russian in return. Thus, the fear

of losing one’s language is in the Estonian context directly

connected to losing one’s identity. This concept does not just

apply to Estonians but also to Russian-speakers who are now

having to learn the official language in order to become

integrated.

What came as a surprise during the data collection, and was also

mentioned by Kirsti Jõesalu, is the absence of Russian as one of

the languages for the text panels at the EHM. Russian is only

utilised in audio guides. The previous core exhibition, “A Will

to Be Free,” as seen in Figure 5, displayed in the same rooms,

used Estonian, Russian and English. The current exhibition uses

Estonian and English. Therefore, space can be eradicated as a

possible reason for the bold decision of not including the

Russian language. The decision was made mutually between the

designers and the curators.54 It could be that the curators were

dedicated to maintaining a strong Estonian aspect to the whole

exhibition, whilst connecting to the Western world by preferring

English text panels over Russian ones.

54
Kirsti Jõesalu, 2018
35
 Figure 5. An example of the language use from EHM’s previous core
exhibition “A Will to Be Free.” Text panels were written in Estonian,
Russian and English. (Source: https://www.esl.ee/aastapreemiad/esl-
aastapreemiad-2008/iseolemise-tahe/

Although space at Maarjamäe Palace is definitely challenging,

what leaving out the Russian text panels ultimately indicates is

the purging of Russian from publicly visible institutions and

creating a state identity that is based on symbols approved by

the state. Since Estonian is the official state language, it is

clearly being prioritised in every aspect of Estonia’s public

image. Considering Bahovski’s statement on using the new

display to appeal to the Russian-speaking community and

introducing them to the history of the Estonian state, EHM’s

methods can be considered socially exclusive.55 Russian can be

heard but not seen.

55
Erkki Bahovski, 2018
36
 Figure 6. An example of the digital text panels at the ENM. The icons at
the bottom can be swiped with a card in order to change the language on
the screen. (Source: Photo by author.)

ENM has used a more innovative approach in dealing with the

multilingual aspect of its visitors. Namely, each visitor receives

a card corresponding to their preferred language which, when

swiped across the various digital screens as seen in Figure 6, the

default language of Estonian is instantaneously swapped with

their chosen language. This method allows a more streamlined

flow through the exhibition space and suggests a more inclusive

approach to the diverse makeup of the Estonian population and

the museum’s audience. The text, still visible in the previous

language for the next reader comes, ultimately creates a meeting

point.

Returning to the topic of the Estonian language, ENM has

dedicated a whole room to it. The room titled “The Language

Brew” is inspired by an old folk tale written by Friedrich Robert

Faehlmann, a 19th century Estonian writer and philologist. The

tale tells the story of an old man, who, after tiring of all the
37
people quarrelling, one day sends them all to a different corner

of the world and brews each of them their own language.

This story exemplifies how language differentiates people but it

does not separate them. It could be argued that during the Soviet

period, language was the main marker that excluded Russians

from ethnic Estonians and vice versa. There are areas in

contemporary Estonia that are still mostly Russian-speaking,

creating a completely different language enclave.

Figure 7. “The Language Brew” room at the ENM. The TV screen

plays interviews with people who have a different native language to
that of the Estonian. (Source: Photo by author.)

In the same room, as seen in Figure 7, there are video

installations of people with different native languages talking

about their relationship with the Estonian language. Jonathan

Roper, a native English speaker, considers Estonian to be very

difficult. He mentions how Estonians are very proud of that and

how Russian-speakers advised against learning it. However,

from his personal experience, Roper has found that Estonian is

easy on a chatting level, whereas learning the grammatical rules

would be a life’s task.

38
A different account is given by a native Russian-speaker Edeli

Viljasoo. She pinpoints to how her move from northern

Caucasus to Estonia was made difficult by people’s

temperament. Viljasoo explains that it took effort to really adapt

to Estonians’ mentality and to find the spirit of the Estonian

people. These two stories exemplify how cultural differences are

experienced through the historical, cultural and social elements

of each individual. Even in an imagined community, it is the

shared everyday components that differentiate one nation from

another.

Stories of Freedom

EHM’s approach to Estonia’s official language is more political.

A screen on the wall, as seen in Figure 8, invites visitors to type

in their name and Estonify it. This screen exemplifies the

nationalistic campaigns run during the first independence

period. A text panel titled “Loud Campaigns in the Era of

Silence” indicates that the government proclaimed the identity

of a free Estonian citizen to be tied to their name and that

Estonian-sounding names offered protection to the people and

ensured their future.56 In hindsight, that was obviously not the

case. This exemplifies that even the independent Estonia of the

early 20th century used authoritative propaganda in order to

create a cohesive society. Therefore, the freedom that the ethnic

Estonians have strived for centuries has always been an illusion.

56
‘Loud Campaigns in the Era of Silence’ in My Free Country, 2018
39
 Figure 8. An interactive screen on the wall at the EHM which allows
visitors to Estonify their family name. (Source: Photo by author.)

Even freedom – a common theme vital to Estonia’s national

identity- holds constraints and calls for sacrifices. The quotes

projected onto concrete chat boxes in ENM, pictured in Figure

9, define freedom as being in the moment, as everyone’s

universal right and as something that is obtainable only when

life is worth living. What is interesting about these quotes is

their language selection. They are all displayed simultaneously

in Estonian, Russian and English. Hypothetically, the language

selection tells the story of Estonia as a political nation. Russian

represents the Soviet period. Estonian signifies the official state

language, whilst English epitomises the West – a place Estonia

strives to be a part of.

40
 Figure 9. The concrete chat boxes at the ENM displaying quotes on
freedom. (Source: Photo by author.)

It is now becoming clear that the Russian-speaking community

is expected to integrate and adopt these Estonian identity

markers. ENM’s video installation titled “Stories of Freedom” is

another indication of ethnic Estonians’ hegemony. The videos

tell the stories of Annabel and Heli, who are both presumed

ethnic Estonians. They do, however, present a different

generational perspective. A nine-year-old Annabel experiences

freedom physically. She resembles it to being guarded by her

parents. Heli, on the other hand, who survived the deportations,

describes freedom as spiritual and intellectual. She reminisces

over conversations about books rather than the trivial things of

being cold or hungry.

These two examples represent a multifaceted character of the

word freedom. It creates a meeting point between different

generations. The idea of freedom cannot be defined; rather,

everyone perceives it differently, depending on their cultural,

41
social and political backgrounds. These voices of freedom,

however, exclude those of the Russian-speakers.

Concluding Notes

National identity is constantly shifting and morphing depending

on the stories told. It is a collaborative project between the elite

and the common people, making the nation into an imagined

communion. The institutionalised national values get adopted by

the wider public and adapted to the needs of the everyday life.

Although EHM and ENM claim to be socially inclusive

museums, and they are in certain regards, the data on the

representation of ethnic minorities has so far suggested

otherwise. The personal narratives included in the exhibitions

are not challenging history in an comprehensive way. As

demonstrated in this chapter, the stories that are defining

Estonia’s national identity, still prefer the ethnic Estonian

perspective over the minority groups’ viewpoints.

The data collected points to a monolithic view of Estonia’s

national identity, which is based on symbols such as the blue-

black-white, the language and the shared values of freedom.

Unfortunately, only one perspective of that freedom has been

given. The first two elements have a direct link to Estonians as

an ethnic nation. Although the latter could potentially open up

difficult dialogues on what it means to be free in Estonia, the

core exhibitions of EHM and ENM have not braved to do so.

42
To create a cohesive society with shared values and traditions

means to seek out hidden stories. These hidden stories are of

Estonians who do not own an Estonian citizenship, who do not

speak the Estonian language, whose native flag is different to

that of the blue-black-white; and yet who still decide to reside in

the Republic of Estonia.

43
CHAPTER 2: MUSEUMS AND MASTER NARRATIVES

“When we remember, we draw on cultural resources that we

have access to as members of particular groups or societies.”57

National historic narratives are “cultural tools” that help define a

nation.58 These narratives create a system that “foster social

cohesion and national identities.”59 As much as these narratives

help define a nation as a unified communion, they can also

divide them. As suggested by Aronsson et al, national museums

were formed to build walls around communities.60 Therefore,

the process of defining one’s own self is principally based on

differentiating that self from the other. That leads to social

exclusion, which, as seen in the previous chapter, is still a

subject matter that Estonia’s museums need to tackle with more

bravery. Ultimately, it can be proposed that the master narrative

the two case studies assert are that of the dominant nation - the

ethnic Estonians.

Michel-Rolph Trouillot has stated that a dominant narrative

often suggests selective remembering.61 If a dominant narrative

in a multicultural society is that of the main ethnic group, then

the country’s past is ultimately one-dimensional. In order to

form a cohesive narrative that aligns with a current political

57
Geoffrey Cubitt History and Memory (Manchester University Press:
Manchester, 2013), p. 118-119
58
Floor van Alphen and Mario Carretero “The Construction of the Relation
Between National Past and Present in the Appropriation of Historical Master
Narratives” Integrative Psychological and Behavioural Science Vol 49, 2015,
p. 514
59
Ibid., p. 514
60
Aronsson et al, 2012 p. 11
61
Michel-Rolph Trouillot Silencing the Past: power and the production of
history (Beacon Press: Boston,1995), p. 15
44
ideology, parts of the past are potentially silenced. For that

reason, history always has an agenda.

That agenda, according to Jonathan Friedman, is produced in

historical textbooks of the present.62 This raises a question on

who actually shapes a nation’s narrative. As pointed out by

Marek Tamm, the leadership of the newly independent Estonia

in the late 1980’s consisted mostly of historians.63 Tamm has

therefore called Estonia the Republic of Historians.64 The

identity of the re-independent country was based on restoration

and restitution where everything new “was only allowed to be

the old regained.”65 Therefore, Estonian historians created the

master narrative of the re-independent Estonia by relying on the

historical perspectives that ruled prior to the Second World War.

Curators are also history makers. As stated by Gaynor

Kavanagh, they “remove objects from their contexts, and record

what can only be part of the memories associated with them.”66

They use objects to convey a certain version of an event. As

“trusted purveyors of national orthodoxies,” museums hold the

power to shape nations’ master narratives.67 Visitors rely on

these institutions as sources of truth.

62
Jonathan Friedman cited in Taras Kuziv “History, memory and nation
building in post-Soviet colonial space” The Journal of Nationalism and
Ethnicity Volume 30, Issue 2, 2002, p. 246
63
Marek Tamm “Republic of historians: historians as nation-builders in
Estonia (late 1980’s-early 1990’s) The Journal of Theory and Practice Volume
20, Issue 2, 2016, p. 154
64
Ibid., p. 155
65
Tõnu Õnnepalu “1911” SIRP Number 28, 5. August 2011, p. 2
66
Gaynor Kavanagh ”Making Histories, Making Memories” in Gaynor
Kavanagh Making Histories in Museums (Bloomsbury Publishing: London,
2005), p. 6
67
Aronsson et al, 2012, p. 11
45
Nations, as established in the previous chapter, are communities

based on narratives. Essentially, master narratives are stories we

tell ourselves in order to form a sense of belonging and purpose.

These windows to our past create links between different

generations that ultimately shape the collective memory of a

nation. 68 Such historic narratives predominate in wider culture

not only because of what is written in history books or displayed

in museums but also for what is passed down within families.69

It is this predetermined knowledge that museum visitors bring

with them to exhibitions. One of the potential reasons why

people visit museums is to reconfirm their own sense of identity

and belonging.

This relates to what Kirsti Jõesalu talked about with regards to

museums as nation-builders - core exhibitions should display

recognisable narratives.70 EuNaMus report from 2012 found that

not only are national museums important in representing the

origin of a nation, but minority groups use these places to

recognise and confirm that they also belong within that nation.71

This emphasises the importance of social inclusion within a

museum environment as well as the significance of audience

participation.

68
Paul A. Schakel “Changing the Past for the Present and the Future”
Historical Archaeology Volume 47, No 3, 2013, p. 9
69
Monique Scott cited in Pille Runnel, Krista Lepik and Linda Lotina
“Constructing National Identity. A National Museum Visitor’s Perspective”
The International Journal of the Inclusive Museum, Volume 6, Issue 4, 2014,
p. 69
70
Kirsti Jõesalu, 2018
71
Aronsson et al, 2012, p. 27
46
Although contemporary Estonia has been working hard on

establishing a strong European connection and diminishing their

historical ties with Russia, it is also clear that the Soviet period

will not be forgotten any time soon.72 Nor should it be.

However, it is the ethnocentric narratives that the museums have

so far been concentrating on that need realigning to the diverse

makeup of the country’s population. Whilst Estonia’s post-

Soviet master narrative has painted Russia as “the main anti-

hero” and “a brutal aggressor,” ethnic Estonians have on the

other hand been portrayed as the resilient and defiant nation who

despite all hardships are once again free.73,74

History is a “representation of the past in the work of

historians,” which suggests that it is not fixed in time.75 Just as

national identity is influenced by the changes in social, cultural

and political aspects of life, so is history re-interpreted

accordingly. In what is to follow is an exploration of the 21st

century master narrative of Estonia’s national museums. The

aim of this chapter is to point out the historically important

events that theoretically form a cohesive historic narrative of the

Republic of Estonia. How, if at all, are Estonia’s ethnic

minorities included in the country’s master narrative? What role

do they play? Which major events are helping to create a

72
Heiko Pääbo “Estonian Transformation from an Eastern outpost in the
West to a Western Outpost in the East” in Barbara Tornquist-Plewa and
Krzysztof Stala Cultural Transformations after Communism: Central and
Eastern Europe in Focus (Nordic Academic Press: Lund, 2011), p. 256
73
Pääbo, 2011, p. 274-275
74
Ibid., p. 263
75
Kavanagh, 2005, p. 4
47
cohesive society? What has been left out? These are the

questions this chapter seeks to answer.

The Trauma of “Our Generation”

Irene Käosaar, the head of the Estonian Integration Foundation,

recently made an interesting observation during a discussion at

the Opinion Festival in Paide, Estonia.76 Although the statement

was made in conjunction to the Russian language skills among

Estonians, the same attitude could be applied to the relationship

between ethnic Estonians and the Russian-speaking community.

Käosaar stated that the attitudes of the older generations are

induced by the trauma of what she defined as “our generation.”77

It may be necessary to mention that Käosaar was born in 1970

into a generation who grew up during the Soviet period.

Käosaar’s cohort can be considered the last generation that still

remembers the everyday life of the Soviet period whilst having

also experienced the regained freedom and the changes it has

brought.

What exactly is that trauma? Is it associated with the illegal

occupation or the Soviet ideology that was forced upon the

Estonian nation? In correlation to ethnic Estonians, that trauma

can be described as the injustice that the Estonian people feel

they were the victims of. The stories that have remained from

the people who experienced this injustice in first hand are

76
Irene Käosaar in Ühine Keel Opinion Festival [live broadcast] ERR, 11
August 2018
77
Ibid.
48
cultural resources that potentially induce that trauma on

following generations. Therefore, as the quote from the

beginning of the chapter implies, it is the notion of victimhood

reflected in the public arena that creates this false sense of

trauma in the future generations.

Museums can therefore be classed as one of such public

institutions that induce collective trauma. In order to diminish

this sense of victimhood, especially in an ethnically diverse

society, museums “ought to increase understanding within and

between cultural groups.”78 As suggested by Edmund Barry

Gaither, “they should not dodge the controversy that often arises

from the reappraisal of our common and overlapping pasts.”79

Controversial topics need to find their way into Estonia’s

museums in order to nurture social cohesion. One of such

controversial events is the Second World War.

One event, two different perceptions

The perception of Second World War is very different between

Estonians and Russians. In Russian history, the war is called the

Great Patriotic War, which concluded with the victory of the

Soviet troops over Nazi Germany. This became the master

narrative of Soviet Union. The public domain was subjugated

with stories of victory and heroism. These same events are

portrayed very differently in “My Free Country” at the EHM.

78
Edmund Barry Gaither cited in Richard Sandell Museums, Society,
Inequality (Routledge: London, 2002), p. 19
79
Ibid., p. 19
49
Firstly, it is not referred to as Great Patriotic War but Second

World War. Secondly, Estonia is depicted as a battlefield for

two major powers rather than an active participant in the war

itself, instantaneously associating Estonia with victimhood. And

thirdly, the Second World War did not end until Estonia

regained its independence.

According to Ene Kõresaar, the re-interpretation of the Great

Patriotic War as the Second World War indicates the

nationalization process of Estonia’s history after the Soviet

collapse.80 Whilst Vladimir Putin is claimed to have called the

collapse of the Soviet Union “the greatest geopolitical

catastrophe,” EHM describes the Soviet occupation as a burden.

81 82
, This indicates two very different perceptions of the same

historic events. That indicates that history is not a fixed

occurrence but a fluid process.

A video installation in Room 5 at the EHM exemplifies the

ethnocentric narrative of the exhibition. It tells the story of

freedom and the loss of it through a letter correspondence

between three Estonian friends. Whilst one of the friends ends

up fighting for the Germans and the other in a Soviet Army, the

third is portrayed as a passive voice caught in between. The

80
Ene Kõresaar “Märkmeid mälukultuuri muutumisest siirdeajal: Teine
maailmasõda Eesti Ajaloomuuseumi
Püsiekspositsioonis 1980. Aastate lõpul ja 1990. aastate algul” ERMi
aastaraamat 54, 2011, p. 73
81
Andrew Osborne “Putin: Collapse of the Soviet Union was 'catastrophe of
the century'” INDEPENDENT 26 April 2005
<https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/putin-collapse-of-
the-soviet-union-was-catastrophe-of-the-century-521064.html> [accessed
31 August 2018]
82
‘Re-creating a Free Country’ in My Free Country, 2018
50
letters talk about the everyday realities of a life on the

battlefront, their hopes and dreams of one day returning back

home to a free Estonia. The physical setting of the room plays

on visitor’s emotional responses. As seen in the Figure 10, the

room is divided by red ribbons that can be walked amongst. The

visitor is intermittently taken from the battlefield with the

soundscape of exploding bombs and gunfire to the gentle voices

of the three friends and then thrown back into war. As the

accompanying text panel states, such was the tragedy of the

small nation - friends and family members fighting on opposite

sides of the battlefront for a freedom that did not come until late

1980’s.83

Figure 10. Room 5 at the EHM representing the Second World War.
(Source: <https://m.sputnik-news.ee/photo/20180222/9439230/minu-
vaba-riik-eesti-ajaloomuuseumis.html>)

“My Free Country” also suggests that the majority of the

Russian-speaking community who found themselves stateless

after the collapse, genuinely believed that Estonia had

voluntarily joined the Red Union. The text panel immediately

83
‘<1941-1945>’ in My Free Country, 2018
51
clarifies that it did not.84 This defensive stance towards the

supposed perceptions of the Russian minority implies that the

hegemonic analysis of Estonia’s history is the only truthful

interpretation of the Second World War acceptable by the

society.

These subtle politically charged statements will carry on the idea

of victimhood to the country’s new generations. Consequently,

these attitudes will only prolong the process of eliminating the

notion of “them versus us” that so widely still exist in the

country’s museums.

Is it possible that these attitudes are inevitably part of a small

nation complex who have had to constantly struggle for their

survival? As pointed out by Heiko Pääbo, Estonian nation has

undergone a multitude of changes throughout the centuries,

having developed “from a peasant nation to a political nation,

from sovereign nationhood to a subjugated Soviet state, from a

developed periphery of the Soviet Empire to a European

sovereign state.” 85 This troubled past has clearly left a mark on

the self-perception of the Estonian people. However, it needs to

be remembered that the Russian-speaking community does not

necessarily equate to a Soviet supporter. As will be

demonstrated, a lot of the migrant workers who ended up in

various Soviet states did not necessarily relocate voluntarily.

They were merely pawns to be used for their labour, just as

Estonians were used to build one great Soviet nation.

84
‘Issue of Nationality – Still Topical 27 Years Later’ in My Free Country, 2018
85
Pääbo, 2011, p. 251
52
The Bronze Soldier

Historical truth is a fragile concept. Although history is widely

accepted to be based on facts, the events are interpreted from the

viewpoint of each individual nation. To make the matters more

complicated, each member of that nation has their own

perception of certain historical events. As shown, for Estonians,

one of such contentious events is the Second World War. Whilst

most ethnic Estonians perceive the period as traumatic and life

altering, most Russians recognise it as a victorious occurrence

that unified the Soviet nation. The themes of freedom,

deportations and the shifting of identity are all represented in the

core exhibition. The alternative stories of the Russian-speaking

community, whilst present at the ENM to a certain extent, are

not of significance at the EHM at all.

Estonia’s re-independence shifted the roles of the ethnic

Estonians and the Russian-speaking community almost

overnight. Whilst the former gained back the control over their

own territory, the latter lost their dominant political position.

The changing of ideologies created an identity crisis. No longer

was Soviet version of the history valid. The Republic of Estonia

was to restore the country’s historical truth and the Russian-

speaking community was expected to silently abide.

Although Estonia’s society only accepts one official

interpretation of the events of the 20th century, a lot of the

country’s Russian-speaking communities still celebrate 9 May

as a Victory Day in various locations across the country. Roald

53
Johansson, an Estonian journalist, visited eastern Estonia in

2016 to cover the celebrations of the Victory Day among the

local Russian-speakers.86 Expectantly, the reportage can cause

shock and horror among the viewers. The crew is seen filming

crowds placing red flowers on various Soviet-era memorials

whilst wearing Soviet-style military outfits decorated with the

Ribbon of Saint George, a symbol of remembrance for the

Soviet people who fought in the Second World War. The show’s

purpose; however, can be interpreted as an attempt to create a

dialogue about the events of the Second World War. The

interviews with the various participants reveal a more personal

reason to these potentially controversial celebrations – the

commemoration of their forefathers.

Figure 11. The Bronze Soldier monument in its new location, the Defence
Forces Cemetery in Tallinn. (Source: Stanislav Moshkov, ERR News, 5
May 2016.)

86
‘Georgi lindi all’, Roald’i nädal [television programme] Kanal 2, 13 May
2016
54
These diverse historical truths reveal one fundamental difference

between the ethnic Estonians and the Russian-speakers – their

heritage. It can be agreed that the aftermath of the Molotov-

Ribbentrop Pact was devastating all across Europe. If the

Estonian society wants the integration to truly work, a space for

these difficult conversations is required. A certain degree of

humane understanding needs to be adopted in a delicate

situation such as the Victory Day. Museums as contact zones are

perfectly equipped to be the conversation starters.

One of such events that challenged both mutual understanding

and respect was the Bronze Soldier incident in Tallinn in April

2007. Interestingly enough, the event is only briefly mentioned

in EHM’s core exhibition. Due to the international attention, it is

surprising to see how little space is given to this potentially

defining moment. It can be classed as a missed opportunity in

representing an alternative history different to that of ethnic

Estonians. The incident opened up a dialogue opportunity, yet it

seemed to have been ignored.

The Bronze Soldier incident was the first major violent outburst

between the Estonian government and the Russian-speaking

community. It was caused by a nationalist party demanding to

demolish a Soviet era war memorial in central Tallinn.

According to the Pro Patria party, the monument, as seen in

Figure 11, made the Soviet occupation seem heroic, whereas

most Estonians perceived it as a symbol of Soviet annexation

55
and violence.87 The accompanying text panel to the cabinet in

which the antiquities in Figure 12 are displayed, states that it

was mainly the Russian-speakers who took to the streets as a

protest against the removal of the monument.88 The text panel

clearly separates Estonians from Russians.

The eruption was fuelled by the Russians’ fear of losing a

connection to their identity. The statue symbolised loss and

national pride. It is these opposite understandings and views of

history that, when not dealt with delicacy and respect, create

tensions and possible violent outbursts. If not for the history

museum, where should these dialogues be held?

The riots of 2007 demonstrate just how differently the 20th

century history is viewed among the two ethnic majorities. How

important is it to voice this in a national history museum? How

could both sides of the stories be told by the national museums

without aggravating either side? Just as ENM has used personal

stories to reflect on the everyday life of the Soviet period, so can

these personal narratives be used to show alternative stories. It is

these personal experiences that have the power to bond the two

communities, to foster mutual understanding and create a solid

foundation to move forward as one nation.

87
“Estonian Nationalists Want Statue of WWII Soviet Liberator in Tallinn be
Pulled Down” Kommersant 8 May 2006
https://web.archive.org/web/20110606103926/http://www.kommersant.c
om/p-
8583/r_500/Estonian_Nationalists_Want_Statue_of_WWII_Soviet_Liberator
_in_Tallinn_be_Pulled_Down/ [Accessed 3 September 2018]
88
‘Opening Up to the World Brought the World to Estonia’ in My Free
Country, 2018
56
 Figure 12. The merchandise of an antique shop that was vandalised
during the Bronze Soldier incident in April 2007. (Source: Photo by
author.)

As highlighted by Kersti Kaljulaid, the president of the Republic

of Estonia, the country is a shared platform for people who

reside there.89 Regardless of their language, cultural background

or beliefs, mutual respect is expected. When the fear of losing

one’s cultural identity emerges, so appear the cracks in the

society. This is when tensions arise and polarisation becomes

evident. Therefore, the removal of the Bronze Soldier threatened

the Russian-speaking community’s identity. The events are

merely glanced over at EHM, and missing altogether from

ENM. This suggests two things: firstly, Estonia’s museums are

not ready to engage in controversial dialogues; secondly,

Estonia’s museums believe that the society is not ready to tackle

these contentious events in a museum setting.

89
Kersti Kaljulaid in Ühine Keel Opinion Festival [live broadcast] ERR, 11
August 2018
57
Singing and Holding Hands for Freedom

The significance of the Bronze Soldier is represented in the

shifting of the power that was brought on by the collapse of the

Soviet Union. Thousands of Russian-speaking migrant workers,

having been the dominant ethnic group for fifty years,

consequently found themselves as a minority with minimal

rights or claims to Estonian citizenship. The master narrative of

the early 1990’s was purged of everything that glorified the

Soviet image. Monuments were taken down, destroyed or

hidden away in junkyards. Places and institutions were renamed

according to their pre-Soviet names. New laws were enforced.

The country’s history was rewritten. Just as ethnic Estonians had

to adapt to the new order of the 1940’s, so did the Russian-

speakers have to accept the ideological changes taking place in

the re-independent Estonia.

One constant event that remained throughout the power changes

was the traditional Song Festival. The first national Song

Festival took place in the height of national awakening in

Estonia in 1869. The event was attended by people all across the

territory. The first Song Festival, as highlighted by ENM was

the place where the country folks and the schoolmasters came

together to discuss “eesti asju,” simply translated as the Estonian

matters. Although the tradition itself is a loan from Baltic

Germans, the Song Festival is today considered an integral part

of Estonia’s national identity.

58
 Figure 13. A video installation of the Singing Revolution of 1988. The
two figures on either side represent the Baltic Chain of 1989, when the
three nations of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania connected hands and
stood up for their freedom. (Source: Photo by author.)

The festival carried on during the Soviet period but was

exploited by the Soviet government as a way to spread the

Marxist-Leninist ideology. The idea of forbidden traditions and

historians as politicians illustrates why the Singing Revolution

of 1988 has been labelled as one of the most significant events

of Estonia’s fight for freedom. With its nationalistic

connections, such an event emphasises Estonians’ defiance and

resistance. These observations reaffirm the nationalist

hegemony.

The period of 1987-1991 is largely interpreted through the eyes

of ethnic Estonians and their struggle for freedom. The

narratives of ethnic minorities during the aforementioned period

are widely ignored. An email interview with Krista Sarv, one of

59
the head co-curators, revealed that EHM as the narrator of

Estonia’s political past undoubtedly tends to gravitate towards a

monolithic representation of the nation.90 Inge Laurik-Teder, the

second head co-curator, conveyed a similar approach. According

to Laurik-Teder, it was necessary to review the events covered

in the exhibition with regards to the archival material

available.91 The lack of illustrative material lead to unanticipated

readjustments, especially in the sections that illustrated the

crossroad moments of the Estonian history. Therefore, as such

material is absent from the collections, it is only natural that

these narratives are largely missing from the exhibitions.

Concluding Notes

It is clear that the collective memory of the traumatic events of

the twentieth century Estonia still dominate the narratives of the

national museums. The collective memory of Estonians is based

upon historic events that affected ethnic Estonians and their

journey to self-realisation. National Awakening, the first Song

Festival, the Second World War, The Iron Curtain, and the

Singing Revolution – all these events have played a role in

morphing the country people into a unified nation. Younger

generations, coined as Children of Freedom by Marju Lauristin

perceive the deportations, the occupation and the collective

90
Email from Krista Sarv to Silvia Põldaru, 22 August 2018
91
Email from Inge Laurik-Teder to Silvia Põldaru, 30 August 2018
60
farming period with a fairy tale like attitude.92 These

aforementioned realities of the Soviet era are merely stories told

by their parents and grandparents. The historical facts are learnt

from the history textbooks and museum visits.

One of the main aims of “My Free Country” was to reflect the

processes and the often difficult decisions that have influenced

the people of Estonia.93 Although a lot of these events affected

the lives of various ethnic minority groups just as much as it did

ethnic Estonians, the prior are not as widely included as the

latter. Evidence shows that the master narrative of EHM is still

very much centred towards telling the history of the ethnic

Estonians. The concept of dialogue as the theoretical

underpinning for ENM’s “Encounters” instinctively presupposes

a more diverse approach, which will be explored further in the

next chapter.

One has to recognise the unique roles that ENM and EHM fill in

the Estonian society. Whilst both museums emphasise the

importance of social inclusion, their choices ultimately fail to

reach the expectations of it in reality. Overall, the master

narrative of Estonia’s national museums is still monolithic. The

history of ethnic Estonians takes priority over minority groups.

Because of the fragmented representation, it is not entirely clear

92
“Marju Lauristin: Vabaduse lapsed” Eesti Päevaleht 16 August 2003
<http://epl.delfi.ee/news/arvamus/marju-lauristin-vabaduse-
lapsed?id=50961964> [accessed 19 August 2018]
92
Mari Peegel “Ka Ivo Linna kampsun jutustab Maarjamäe lossis saja-
aastase Eesti riigi lugu” Eesti Päevaleht 14 February 2018
<http://epl.delfi.ee/news/eesti/ka-ivo-linna-kampsun-jutustab-maarjamae-
lossis-saja-aastase-eesti-riigi-lugu?id=81105913> [accessed 16 August 2018]

61
whether the various ethnic minority groups play any role at all in

the making of the country’s master narrative.

Erkki Bahovski’s comment on museums showcasing Estonia’s

history to other ethnic groups of the country is dated and

reinforces a hegemonic view of the history.94 This contradicts

van Alphen’s and Carretero’s position on the role of master

narratives as tools for creating a cohesive society. Whilst a

shared history is important to create a unified society, it is just as

imperative to acknowledge the diverse views that a multicultural

society such as Estonia produces. Concentrating on one version

of history only contradicts the whole concept of an inclusive

museum. Rather than forcing one historical truth onto a

culturally diverse nation, would it not be more productive to

include stories that demonstrate the diversity? Is this not the best

method to open up these difficult dialogues that Estonian

museums seem to generally be ignoring? The discussion will

continue in the following chapter.

94
Erkki Bahovski, 2018
62
CHAPTER 3: DIALOGUES IN ESTONIA’S NATIONAL
MUSEUMS

“A dialogical national museum permitting shared authorship

calls not only for the modernisation of the museum’s

communication and consultation apparatus, it may also require

a fundamental shift in the underlying concept of ‘Estonianness’.

Without these changes the museum cannot be reinvented but

rather would continue to perpetuate itself in its own values.”95

The aforementioned quote suggests that Estonian national

museums are changing. It is also evident that through this

process of becoming more socially inclusive, the concept of

Estonia’s national identity is outdated. If the country’s museums

want to remain the purveyors of Estonian values, then they need

to involve various focus groups and adjust to civic

nationalism.96

The first step towards that particular goal is to increase audience

participation, not just during the exhibitions but also during the

preparation period. As pointed out by Pille Runnel and others,

Estonia’s national museums are only now starting to utilise

cultural participation.97 During the Soviet period such a method

was simply unimaginable. Soviet museum displays were

dictated by the government. Although the idea of comparing

Estonia’s museums to Soviet museums is rather extreme, the

95
Pille Runnel, Taavi Tatsi, Pille Pruulmann-Vengerfeldt “Who Authors the
Nation? The Debate Surround the Building of the New Estonian National
Museum” in Simon Knell et al National Museums: new studies from around
the world 2011, p. 668
96
Ibid., p. 668
97
Ibid., p. 661
63
effect of the period is noticeable through the hegemonic

displays. Just as the Estonian state had to reinvent itself, so are

museums having to recalibrate the way they curate their

exhibitions.

The subject matter of this chapter was inspired by one of Erkki

Bahovski’s responses. Bahovski believes that national museums

are venues where different ethnicities meet to hold dialogues

with each other. This indicates that EHM and ENM are safe

places where ethnic Estonians and the Russian-speaking

community come together to hold discussions on cultural, social

and political matters.

Based on the data collected, it is difficult to tell whether EHM

and ENM act as such intermediators. The representation of

ethnic minorities is fragmented and minimal. Considering that

Estonian-Russians make up twenty-five per cent of the Estonian

population, the lack of their voices raises a concern on whether

the museums are still in denial. In the absence of the difficult

dialogues, museums will continue to spread nationalistic views

based on the nineteenth century romanticised notion of the

nation. The following chapter will not only look at the dialogues

that EHM and ERM engage in, but also point out the

conversations that are left out.

64
Does the Issue of Polarization Really Exist?

Nation-building is an ever evolving process. Museums’ role

within that process is to tell stories that help create a shared

feeling of national pride. The more inclusive these stories are,

the more unified the nation will be. These stories help shape our

societies in becoming more open and tolerant towards one

another, both nationally and globally.

Dawn Casey has written about the process of the creation of the

National Museum of Australia that opened in 2001.98 It was

written during a time when “Australianness” was a heavily

debated term. Comparisons can be drawn between Estonia and

Australia. Ever since the re-independence, the nation has been

redefining Estonianness. As the country is constantly becoming

more open and accepting, the same old issues still arise in the

time of crisis and political campaigns. The progress is more

often slow and arduous. By generating more controversial

dialogues within the museum environments, the society would

potentially move towards forgiveness and acceptance.

Previous chapters have demonstrated how Estonia still declares

itself as a victim of the dramatic events of the twentieth century.

As long as this mentality remains, alternative histories get

denied or ignored. One of such alternative histories that keeps

getting ignored for the most part is that of the labour workers

who migrated to Estonia during the Soviet period. These people

98
Dawn Casey “The National Museum of Australia: Exploring the past,
illuminating the present and imagining the future” in Darryl McIntyre and
Kirsten Wehner National Museums: Negotiating histories (National
Museums of Australia: Canberra, 2001)
65
altered the make-up of the Estonian population significantly, yet

their role in the country’s history making is still portrayed

through the concept of otherness. This contradicts the

integration policies that have been conducted since 2000. An

overview of the latest policy will be given in the next

subsection.

The issue of polarisation that this dissertation illustrates is that

of the ethnic Estonians and the ethnic minorities. Oxford

dictionary defines polarisation as follows:” division into two

sharply contrasting groups or sets of opinions or beliefs.”99

Cambridge dictionary defines it as separating and dividing.100 In

the context of Estonia, polarisation describes the different

groups of communities that are segregated on the basis of their

ethnic, historic and linguistic background.

On the basis of the aforementioned definitions and the data

collected throughout the site visits, it can be concluded that

Estonia’s society is polarised. A divided society is not

necessarily plagued with constant violent outbursts. Instead,

these divisions appear through different language schools,

kindergartens, towns and cities inhabited by one specific ethnic

group, or even the exclusion from being a part of the master

narrative. As challenged by Erkki Bahovski, there are no bombs

99
“polarization” En.oxforddictionaries.com. 2018
<https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/polarization> [Accessed 5
September 2018]
100
“polarize” Dictionary.Cambridge.org
<https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/polarize> [Accessed 5
September 2018]
66
going off in Estonia as was the case in Northern Ireland.101

However, Estonia’s most easterly city, Narva, situated right on

the border of the Republic of Estonia and the Russian Federation

has a population that is almost entirely made up of Russian-

speakers, and the percentage of Estonian speakers is constantly

diminishing.

In 1993, a referendum on autonomy was held in three cities in

Eastern Estonia: Narva, Kohtla-Järve and Sillamäe, all majorly

populated by Estonian-Russians. Even though the referendum

was unsuccessful, these areas are still enclaves for Russian-

speakers. Considering that EHM included the event into the new

exhibition, a certain degree of social inclusion can be presumed.

The text panel arguably invalidates the above-mentioned. As can

be seen in figure, the tone of the text strengthens the position of

polarisation between the two majority groups of Estonia. A

mutual dislike is still considered an issue whilst integration

remains one of the most topical matters. It is therefore evident

that a certain degree of polarisation exists.

Integrating Estonia 2020

“The paradox of Soviet nation-building is that it attempted to

eradicate ethnic difference through linguistic and cultural

101
Erkki Bahovski, 2018
67
assimilation and at the same time, it boosted self-understandings

grounded in ethnicity.”102

The abovementioned quote by Emilia Pawlusz conveys how

Soviet Union practiced unity. Although the National Minorities

Cultural Autonomy Act protects this from happening in the

Republic of Estonia, it can be argued that a certain amount of

assimilation is forcibly taking place. The 1992 citizenship law

proclaimed that “only those residents who were citizens of

Estonia before Societ occupation” and subsequently their

descendants are legally welcomed.103 The Russian-speaking

community, who had migrated to Estonia during the Soviet

period, had become aliens in their own home. According to

Raivo Vetik, the strict citizenship policies originated from “the

high level of perceived threat and mutual distrust between the

Estonian majority and Russian-speaking minority.”104

The first two integration policies focussed heavily on the

Estonian language skills among Russian speakers. Seljamaa

underlines the contradictory nature of Estonia’s integration

policies.105 Considering that the Minorities Act encourages

ethnic differences, it is clear that the state is attempting to form a

unified civil identity. This civil identity proves to accommodate

mainly the symbols of the identity of the ethnic Estonians.

Language has always been “the strongest social glue and the

102
Emilia Pawlusz, 2017, p. 32
103
Raivo Vetik “The Statelessness issue in Estonia” in Caroline Sawyer, Brad
K. Blitz Statelessness in the European Union. Displaced, Undocumented,
Unwanted (Cambridge university Press: Cambridge, 2011), p. 232
104
Raivo Vetik, 2011, p. 233
105
Elo-Hanna Seljamaa, 2012, p. 35
68
main ethnic marker of Estonians.”106 The initial citizenship laws

of the re-independent Estonian government received harsh

criticism for their social exclusion. These laws contradicted the

social inclusion policies that the Western states promoted.

Figure 14. “Grey passports” issued by the Estonia’s government to

anyone who had not been a citizen of the Republic of Estonia prior to
Soviet occupation. They were now referred to as aliens. (Source:
Photo by author.)

The third and most current integration policy is called

“Integrating Estonia 2020.” The current policy has become more

neutral and generalised. Instead of focusing solely on

assimilating the non-Estonian speakers, one of its main

challenges is to increase the overall openness of the society.

This new approach includes creating a more positive attitude

106
Elo-Hanna Seljamaa, 2012, p. 35
69
towards integration among the Estonian-speaking permanent

residents.107 Such an approach does imply a step towards a

tolerant society. Integration needs to be a two-way street where

all parties are considered equal. Although the main aim of the

policy is to create “a socially cohesive Estonian society,”

maintaining ethnic differences is now encouraged.108 Whilst

contradictive in nature, this option is certainly the most viable.

A culturally diverse republic such as Estonia cannot rely solely

on their ethnic minorities assimilating into the majority. As

asserted in the policy “both Estonians and representatives of

other nationalities living in Estonia create Estonian culture.”109

This allows for a shared and coherent national identity of

Estonia. Ultimately what will help Estonia to create a truly

cohesive society and eliminate the everlasting political battles

on whether to eradicate the Russian-speaking schools and

kindergartens or not, is the appreciation towards common

values, norms and attitudes.110 Successful integration can be

measured with people’s trust in cultural, political and

socioeconomic spheres of the public life. It is this trust that will

help create an open and tolerant Republic of Estonia. Whether

the national museums induce such trust is to be discussed next.

107
The Ministry of Culture, 2014, p. 3
108
Ibid., p. 3
109
Ibid., p. 33
110
Ibid., p. 40
70
Estonia’s Pioneering Smart Solution to Ethnic Issues

According to EHM, the Republic of Estonia preceding the

Second World War boasted about its “pioneering smart solution

to the ethnic issue.”111 Instead of forced assimilation, the

government allowed all ethnic groups cultural autonomy. The

text panel acknowledges that “Estonia was the only country in

the world whose laws allowed cultural autonomy for ethnic

minorities.”112 This illustrates that the first republic was either

open, accepting and tolerant towards the various ethnic

minorities and their cultural background, or not confident

enough as a political community in attempting to create one

unified nation. As a result, these groups had a lot of liberties

when organising their educational and cultural lives. When

ethnic minorities formed the majority of a certain area, they

were entitled to use their native language for everyday business.

Such was the case with the Russian-speakers in the eastern part

of the republic, and the Swedish-speakers on the west coast. It is

therefore puzzling why the issue of Russian-Estonians is still

considered relevant after twenty-seven years of re-

independence. A logical presumption is that these frictions

between ethnic Estonians and the Russian-speaking community

are a direct result of the Soviet occupation.

As established in the previous chapter, Estonia’s master

narrative concentrates mainly on the events that have shaped the

111
‘Estonia’s pioneering Smart Solution to the Ethnic Issue” in My Free
Country, 2018
112
Ibid.
71
ethnic Estonians’ identity. Although the fate of Baltic Germans,

Estonian-Russians and other smaller ethnic minorities are

present in both of the core exhibitions, it is not made clear

whether they are considered as part of the nation. Rather, the

exhibitions indicate a division between ethnic Estonians and the

minority groups. These marginalised groups are represented

through the conventional use of objects as the “other” rather

than as Estonians. Therefore, their ethnicity brands them as an

outsider.

The section titled “Estonia’s Pioneering Smart Solution to the

Ethnic Issue” is filled with objects representing such ethnicities

as Russians, coastal Swedes, and the Seto people. One of such

objects, as seen in Figure 15, is a copy of the Estonian Swedish

community newspaper. Kustbon was the only Swedish language

newspaper in the Republic of Estonia.113 The sticker on the

newspaper indicates that it belonged to Herr Peter Schonberg

with no further information of the person. The visitor learns later

in Room 4, which covers the period of 1939-1945, that a lot of

the coastal Swedes escaped to Sweden during the Second World

War. Whether Schonberg was one of the escapees is not known

but the date stamp on the accompanying text panel indicates that

EHM acquired the newspaper in 1937.

ENM’s display on the coastal Swedes delves into their history.

The visitor learns that this group of people have lived on the

territory of Estonia hundreds of years. According to some

113
‘Estonian Swedish community newspaper Kustbon’, Estonian History
Museum My Free Country, 2018
72
theories, coastal Swedes first came to Estonia during Bronze

Age when they most likely merged into the native group. First

written records indicate that coastal Swedes resided in Estonia in

thirteenth century when they formed their own localised

communities. Although there was never much communication

between Estonians and the coastal Swedes, their influence on

the coastal Estonian culture was apparent, especially in the

handiwork.

Figure 15. The Estonian Swedish community newspaper

called Kustbon. (Source: Photo by author.)

Other objects include an Old Believer’s icon and a Seto ceramic

pot, as seen in Figure 16 and 17 respectively. The icon, as

mentioned on the text panel, was painted by Gavriil Efimovich

73
Frolov, the best-known icon painter in the Baltic States.114 The

panel also indicates that even though the revolution of 1917

prohibited and disgraced the act of icon painting, the cultural

autonomy available in the Republic of Estonia helped retain the

tradition of icon painting.115 The text panel accompanying the

Seto pot does not reveal much information apart from stating

that the Seto people “maintained their old traditions during the

first period of the Republic of Estonia.”116

Figure 16. Old Believers icon at the EHM. (Source: Photo

by author.)

114
‘Kolmainsus, an icon painted by Gavriil Efimovich Frolov, an Old Believer
icon painter’ in My Free Country, 2018
115
Ibid.
116
‘Seto pot’ in My Free Country, 2018
74
 Figure 17. Seto pot at the EHM. (Source: Photo by
author.)

EHM portrays the first republic as a guardian for these

marginalised groups. These fragmented glimpses into ethnic

minorities suggest that they do not entirely belong. Because of

their cultural autonomy, these communities are seen as others,

their narratives restricted to material objects only. Whether this

is an sign of exclusion or lack of access to personal stories is not

known.

This overall disjointed approach of not claiming the ethnic

minorities as one of their own could be linked to the following

statement that was mentioned in a text panel titled “Fear – the

abnormal normality of Soviet society.”117 It states that the

Russian labour immigration produced an existential sense of

threat among the Estonians.118 The visitor learns that most

117
‘Fear – the abnormal normality of Soviet society’ in My Free Country,
2018
118
Ibid.
75
immigrants did not learn the native language and that their

attitude towards the Estonians was very hostile, to which the

Estonians adopted a similar attitude.119

Thereupon, it can be agreed that the national museums such as

ENM and EHM play a crucial role in opening up difficult

conversations but these theoretical accusations and

victimisations will surely prolong the process of acceptance. As

proclaimed in the previous chapter, nations are narrated. This

narration needs to be a two-way dialogue. Ito Kiiseli, an

Estonian sociologist has recently suggested that the two

communities of ethnic Estonians and Russian-speakers will most

likely remain separate, but not “from fear or hostility but on the

basis of whom /--/ you understand better.120 Therefore, it may be

worth imagining that Estonia’s ethnic minorities are happy to

exist in these edge lands – not quite an Estonian but not quite a

foreigner either – which emphasises the importance of their

narratives being more visible in the national museums.

Polyphonic Dialogues about Arrivals and Departures

National museums can be considered as tools that help create

“imaginary communities” such as nations.121 Continuing on

from the idea of the edge lands where ethnic minorities exist,

119
Ibid.
120
Paul Goble “Experts: Estonia has successfully integrated nearly 90 % of its
ethnic Russians” Estonian World 1 March 2018 <
http://estonianworld.com/security/experts-estonia-successfully-integrated-
nearly-90-ethnic-russians/> [Accessed 6 September 2018]
121
Kristel Rattus “Dialoogilisus Eesti Rahva Muuseumi püsinäitusel
“Kohtumised” ERMi Aastaraamat 59, 2016, p. 143
76
museums act as polyphonic institutions where opposing

opinions meet.122 Exhibitions do not have to force a certain

identity onto someone. Rather, they can be places where

different ethnicities sharing the same territory come to learn

about each other.

The central focus of the exhibition “Encounters” in ENM is on

different dialogues. Naturally, some will be more difficult than

others. The multi-voiced aspects of the exhibition most relevant

to this discussion are evident in two sections: “Arrivals and

Departures” and “Parallel Worlds, Parallel Lives.” They both

explore The Second World War and the subsequent Soviet

occupation that changed the makeup of Estonia’s population. As

many ethnic Estonians either escaped to the West or were

deported to the East, there were just as many Russian-speakers

who were sent to replace them. The majority of the arrivals to

the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic were the families of the

Soviet Army soldiers and migrant workers. Previous exhibition

displays have focused on the comings and goings of the ethnic

Estonians but the abovementioned includes personal stories

from these new arrivals.

The first section of “Arrivals and Departures” is made up of

three video screens as seen in Figure 18, each one telling a story

of a child who ended up in a foreign environment. The first

screen tells the story of a thirteen-year-old Tarvo who in 1944

left for Sweden with his parents, only to return back to Estonia

122
Ibid., p.146
77
in 1988. Second screen tells the story of Maie and her family’s

deportation to Siberia in 1949. The third and most significant

screen to tells the story of Alla. Its significance relates to the

untold stories of the migrant workers of the Soviet Union.

Alla Sevjolkina was born in Vladimir oblast in Russia in 1950.

After his father graduated from the local university, he was sent

to Estonia’s south eastern city Tartu to work in a factory. The

family was accommodated in a block of flats among different

ethnicities. One of Alla’s first memories of Tartu is of her

childhood playground outside the flats where she would play

with her Estonian neighbour. Neither was able to communicate

with each other. The lack of common language in their

childhood innocence did not ruin their games. It was only during

the school years, as Alla reminisces, that the Russian and the

Estonian children held amongst their own. The segregation was

clearly evident the older the children became. Russian children

could not speak Estonian, and Estonian kids did not know

Russian. As soon as the childhood innocence disappeared,

segregation appeared.

A similar situation, although not in the same scale exists in

today’s Republic of Estonia. The debate around a unified school

system has been a topical since the start of the re-independence

period with no real endpoint in sight. In the recent Opinion

Festival one of the discussions, titled “Common language – will

the Estonian and Russian children ever find it?” contemplated

on the shortcomings of a segregated school system and the

78
potential solutions to the problem.123 One of the participants in

the discussion, former Minister of Education, Jevgeni

Ossinovski presented a valid point – in order for the Estonian

and Russian children to find a common language, certain contact

points need to be created.124 These contact points will help

create common values and cultivate mutual respect.

Figure 18. Three video screens at the ENM, each telling a different
story of the arrivals and the departures during the Soviet period. The
one in the middle follows Alla Sevjolkina’s story. Pictured on the
screen is Alla’s Estonian citizenship certificate obtained in 1994.
(Source: Photo by author.)

To return to the video installation, Alla’s story exemplifies the

thousands of Soviet migrants’ stories, yet Estonian

museumgoers have not previously encountered them in a

museum setting. Rather, they have been so accustomed to

playing the victim of the Soviet occupation, that they forgot to

see the other victims. Just because the Russian migrants do not

share the same cultural and historical background that defines

123
Common language – will the Estonian and Russian children ever find it?
Opinion Festival [live broadcast] ERR, 11 August 2018
124
Ibid.
79
Estonians, does not invalidate their stories. Common ground

where this understanding can flourish needs to be designed. To

re-emphasise Ossinovski’s viewpoint on contact points, national

museums have the capacity to fulfil this part as much as a

unified school system does.

There are numerous objects with similar narratives. As seen in

Figure 19 Anastassia Voronina’s childhood dolls, Tanja and

Zanna, are accompanied with her family’s story of arriving to

Estonia. The family had spent a summer vacation in Estonia and

fallen in love with the country, so much so that in 1979 they

moved from Moscow to Tallinn. The dolls are a family

heirloom, having belonged to Anastassia’s mum and auntie

beforehand.

Figure 19. Anastassia Voronina’s dolls at the ENM. (Source:

Photo by author.)

80
 Figure 20. A china set that belonged to Ella Prusova on
display at the ENM. (Source: Photo by author.)

Figure 21. A soup kettle that belonged to Ella Prusova on

display at the ENM. (Source: Photo by author.)

The cabinets are full of stories of arrivals. A china set, as seen in

Figure 20, belonged to a Belarussian Ella Prusova. It was a

wedding gift from her mother, which was gifted onto her

goddaughter Olga. Ella moved to Estonia in 1991 after marrying

Sergei who was living in Estonia at the time. A soup kettle in

81
Figure 21 belonged to Marie Utrepova. Marie arrived to Estonia

as a war refugee. Her family was kulaks in the 1930’s resulting

to her father being sent to a labour camp where he died. After

Marie moved to Leningrad, she managed to change her family

name and escape to Estonia in 1944. She joined one of the

collective farms as a milkmaid and worked there until her

retirement.

A common theme that connects all these alternative stories is a

search for work and a better life. A similar story can be

recognised among Estonian migrants leaving the country today.

The freedom of movement that joining European Union has

generated can be compared to the labour movement of the

Soviet Union. The personal stories allow the museum visitors to

draw comparisons and practice compassion and understanding.

Just as the Russians’ migration within the Soviet Union created

various cultural and linguistic enclaves, so have Estonians

throughout history migrated elsewhere and found themselves in

a culturally different society with new sets of rules, regulations

and values to follow. Yet, a lot of these Estonian communities

have maintained a connection with their homeland through

forming Estonian societies and keeping the traditions alive.

Rather than concentrating on Soviet occupation and the

deportations, the curators at ENM have started to explore the

various traces the Soviet occupation left, and that includes the

thousands of people from other ethnicities who ended up in a

different country to that of their own. Two different

82
communities sharing the same territory but not their everyday

lives formed a discord. ENM demonstrates that it was not just

the Estonians who had to adapt to their new circumstances and

the new residents, but the new residents had to adjust to a

culturally, historically and socially different society – a society

that due to their traumatic past is not very welcome.

Concluding Notes

This chapter has investigated the various dialogues that

Estonia’s national museums engage in with regards to ethnic

minorities. Based on the data collected, it can be agreed that the

EHM and ENM have adopted a different tonality in representing

ethnic minorities. Although these marginalised groups are

included in EHM’s core exhibition, their role in shaping

Estonia’s national identity and telling the master narrative is

questionable. They are rather represented as the “other,” who

have historical ties to the land but are separated by their cultural

beliefs. ENM, on the other hand, has taken on a more inclusive

approach. By allowing personal stories into the museum space,

the visitor is encouraged to create a humane connection with

these newcomers. Still, whether their cultural traditions are

perceived as part of the Estonian national identity is debatable.

It is not entirely clear whether these ethnic minorities are

expected to abide to the cultural values of Estonia in order to

feel like they belong. By creating a civil society, one can still

keep an ethnic identity. Subsequently, the role of national

83
museum becomes much less complicated. Instead of creating a

unified nation based on the traditional values of nationalism,

museums can be the institutions where the civil nation comes to

familiarise themselves with each other. Museums create a

common ground where shared values can be imagined.

Therefore, it can be concluded that the dialogues the

aforementioned objects introduce are more about fostering

common understanding than creating a shared national identity.

84
CONCLUSION

This project set out to investigate the subject matter of Estonia’s

national museums and their way to a more inclusive discourse.

The main focal point became the representation of ethnic

minorities at the EHM and ENM.

The research process raised some essential questions: how does

one define national identity; what role do museums play in

nation-building; and how, if at all are ethnic minorities involved

in this process? As discovered, there is no one ultimate

definition for the term national identity. How does one define

something that correlates to the changing times and

circumstances, which by nature are not fixed entities? Just as

generations change, so do the perspectives

and the interpretations of the past events. New set of values and

beliefs shape the society accordingly.

The case studies revealed that Estonian museums are still in the

process of adapting to a socially inclusive discourse. They are

only just beginning to unveil the hidden stories of the last

century and embrace Estonia’s multicultural society. It might be

another half a century before Estonia’s museums engage with

ethnic minorities in a way that indicates their rightful

entitlement to Estonia as much as ethnic Estonians have claimed

it in the past twenty-seven years.

As it stands currently, the role of ethnic minorities in Estonia’s

nation-building as presented in the two museums is still

negligible. This is determined by the fragmented representation

85
of these groups as well as the majority of personal narratives

favouring the perspectives of the titular nation.

Chapter 1 and 2 both showcased how the ethnically induced

symbols and stories take priority over the minority groups.

Estonia’s identity indicators such as the flag and the language

are presented through stories told by ethnic Estonians. The re-

independent period is interpreted as Estonia’s rightful return to

Europe. The voices of the various minority groups are mainly

linked to their arrival to Estonia, yet neither of the museums

claim these groups as part of the nation. Rather, they exist in

these edge lands where they are expected to learn the Estonian

language and adopt the civil identity of the Estonian state.

Whilst ENM’s approach of personal narratives creates space and

opportunities for dialogues between the two ethnic majorities,

EHM focuses more on creating a hegemonic national narrative

of the major historic events of the last hundred years. Personal

stories are occasionally weaved in but the focus on ethnic

Estonians creates a rather one-dimensional narrative. ENM, on

the other hand is giving voices to people who have previously

been silenced. The sections of “Life behind the Iron Curtain”

and “Parallel World, Parallel Lives,” as discussed in the

previous chapter, are full of objects depicting personal stories of

the previously ignored migrant workers.

It has to be acknowledged that none of the educational

programmes were included in this research project, even though

their work was highly regarded by various interviewees.

86
Therefore, this research has its limitations. However, by

analysing solely the core exhibitions, both case studies indicate

that collections are limited. Whether that is due to the Soviet

period needs further investigation.

It is only in the recent years that museums have started to focus

on contemporary collecting. Therefore, in order to become more

inclusive it is necessary to prioritise the collecting of material

culture and stories from ethnic minorities. The sections on

contemporary Estonia were specifically deprived of diverse

stories. Consequently, it can be noted that contemporary

collecting is arduous. Whether that is due to shortage of

professional staff or lack of cooperation from the public needs

further research.

One thing is certain – in order for the national museums to help

nurture social cohesion, they need to create a space where

“backward-looking sense of common origins” meets with

“forward-looking sense of common destiny.”125 Only then will

Estonia’s museums move towards a socially inclusive discourse

and help create a strong common core.

125
Jeff Chinn and Robert Kaiser Ethnicity and Nationalism in the Soviet
Successor States. Russians as the new minority (Westview Press: Oxford,
1996), p. 19
87
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Bahovski, Erkki, interview by S. Põldaru, Skype, 26 July 2018

Jõesalu, Kirsti interview by S. Põldaru, Skype, 10 August 2018

Email from Krista Sarv to Silvia Põldaru, 22 August 2018

Email from Inge Laurik-Teder to Silvia Põldaru, 30 August

2018

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