Chapter 34

Pahlavi Morphology
Dieter Weber
Freie Universitäte, Berlin

0. Introduction
0.1. Language
Pahlavi was the Middle Persian language of the Sasanian Empire and of Zo-
roastrianism and even later on of its holy scriptures. The language reached
its standard probably in the 5th century thus being paralleled by the de-
velopment of the “classical” Pahlavi script. For further details of the back-
ground, the various sources, and other evidence of the language, and for
specimens of the script of various writings, see Weber 1997: 601–5, 607–
10. A general overview over the Western Middle Iranian languages is of-
fered in Sundermann 1989a; useful descriptions of the morphology of
Pahlavi can be found in Salemann 1895–1901, Rastorgueva 1966, Molca-
nova 1978, Rastorgueva/Molcanova 1981, Sundermann 1989c. For Pahlavi
(Zoroastrian) literature one may consult Tavadia 1956 and more recently
Cereti 2001.
0.2. Sources
Examples are given in phonemic transcription. Unless otherwise specified,
words are from the CPD. Cited phrases and sentences are mainly taken
from original documents of the 7th century a.d. because of their nearness
to the origin of “standard” Pahlavi in Sasanian times. The papyri are
quoted by their editional number as edited or to be edited except for those
from the Vienna collection which are quoted by their inventory number. 1
Reference to other documents will be given in the footnotes. 2

1. Nouns and Adjectives. Nominal inflexion

1.1. Nouns versus Adjectives
Nouns and adjectives can be distinguished from each other on morpho-
logical grounds in a very restricted sense only. 3 They are mainly lexicalized
lemmata or they may be distinguished by syntactical rules: nouns in their
basic sentence functions occur as subject, object(s) and predicate but ad-
jectives mainly as attributives (modifiers) or predicate. 4 But as, in general,
the attributive—be it a noun or an adjective—is linked to the preceding
Supplemental abbreviations unique to this essay are found on p. 968.
1. Nos. 1–124, according to Weber 1992; nos. 125–343, according to Weber 2003a.
2. For the documents of the Berlin collection, see n. 5.
3. See particularly the suffixes -ag 6.2.2.1.1. and -ig 6.2.2.1.15.
4. On nouns, see Rastorgueva 1966: 47–51, 133–35; on adjectives, see Rastorgueva
1966: 51–52. On adjectives used as adverbs, see 5.1.

- 941 -
942 Dieter Weber

substantive by the relative “particle” i (virtually a relative pronoun, see

2.3.), the so-called I˛afe, even this syntactical feature is, in many cases, by
no means dicisive: cf., e.g., pad gugay-muhran i Mahperoz ‘by the witnesses’
seals of Mahperoz’ (Doc. 23, lines 9–10, dated 677/678 a.d.; 5 for a substan-
tive) vs. pad gugay-muhran i jud ‘by different witnesses’ seals’ (Doc. 38, lines
16–17, dated 668/669 a.d.; for an adjective). In some cases the modifier
may precede the noun and will then show even plural endings if the noun
stands in the plural. 6
1.2. Gender
There are no gender or case distinctions as a result of the dropping of the
last syllable of words in their development from Old Iranian to Western
Middle Iranian. 7 Therefore gender is expressed only lexically, especially
with nouns of relationship, e.g., pid(ar) father : mad(ar) mother, pus(ar)
son : duxt(ar) daughter.
1.3. Number
The singular is unmarked, and there is no dual. The general plural mor-
pheme is -an (from gen. pl. *-ana fim of a-stems). There are relics of other
plurals, e.g., har(w) all : harwin (from the gen. pl. of i-stems), or dusmen en-
emy : dusmenun (from the gen. pl. of u-stems). 8 In younger Pahlavi texts
-iha is also used (NP -ha); formally it is identical with the adverbial suffix
discussed in 5.1 though the origin of this development remains obscure;
see also 6.2.2.1.18. Nouns as well as adjectives may take the plural ending,
sometimes even numerals, e.g., haftan the seven planets.
1.4. Case
As already remarked above there are no (morphological) cases. Syntactical
relations (“cases”) are expressed either (1) by the position of the part of the
sentence and/or (2) by use of pre- and postpositions (Sundermann 1989c:
156). The sentence ud pa fidiray madar i Xusroyan awist ‘and the mother of
Xusroyan 9 sealed the receipt’ (Doc. 5, 8–9, dated 668/669 a.d.) very clearly
shows the first possibility:
ud pa fidiray madar i Xusroyan awist
conjunc- grammatical agent (logical attributive predicate
tion subject subject) (linked by (past stem
(logical object) the I˛afe) of tr. verb)
With regard to the second possibility it has to be noted that the direct
object is usually unmarked whereas the indirect object is marked, in most
cases by a prepositional phrase using the preposition o, e.g., may 15 dolag
o Gusnasp man dad ‘I gave 15 pails (a measurement for liquids in Persia) of
wine to Gusnasp’ (Doc. Berkeley no. 30, ed. Gignoux No. 4, 3–4, dated 679/
5. For these documents from Iran proper, see Weber 2003b.
6. E.g., azarmigtom xwah ‘(most) beloved sister’ (Doc. 18, line 2; late 7th cent. a.d.); for
the suffix of the adjective, see 6.2.2.1.26.
7. There is a different and more complicated development in Eastern (Middle) Iranian.
8. Cf. Man. MP dwsmynwn; Man. Parth. prefers the plural in -in: dwsm(y)nyn.
9. Or: mother of Xusroy; see 6.2.2.1.4.
 Pahlavi Morphology 943

680 a.d.). 10 Here, again the grammatical subject (= logical object) stands
at the beginning of the sentence, the indirect object (which remains un-
changed in present or preterite sentences of transitive verbs) is marked by
the preposition o, and the agent (= logical subject) man historically is an
oblique. This prepositional phrase with o is also used when expressing di-
rection in space or time; prepositional phrases therefore are syntactically
equivalent to adverbial phrases. Further examples: man Aboy i o pid be fi
amad ‘I, Aboy, who came (out?) 11 to (my) father’ (letter of the late 7th cent.
a.d.; 12 for direction in space), or [az ro]z Asman fraz o [roz ]Amurdad i mah
Aban ‘[from the da]y Asman forth to the [day] Amurdad of the month
Aban’ (Doc. 33, lines 4–5, no date preserved, but late 7th cent. a.d.; for di-
rection in time). Further details remain questions of syntax and do not
concern us here.

2. Pronouns
2.1. Personal pronouns
It is possible to establish a paradigm of personal pronouns of three persons
for the singular and three for the plural; as is widespread use in Indoeuro-
pean languages only the first two persons reflect such pronouns whereas
the 3rd person is usually represented by some demonstrative pronoun(s).
It is only the personal pronoun of the 1st sg. that shows, in “classical” Pah-
lavi, the original opposition of casus rectus vs. casus obliquus; in all other
cases this opposition has been abolished in favour of one single form as is
also the case with the substantive. As an inherited feature from OIran.
there are non-enclitic and enclitic forms; the latter are mostly attached to
conjunctions at the beginning of the sentence but affixation to other
words is equally possible.
Non-enclitic Enclitic
sg. 1 *az,a man -am
2 to, to (tau?)b -at
3 oy -as
pl. 1 ama(h), ama(h) -man
2 asma(h), asma(h)c -tan
3 awesan -san
a. This form is to be postulated by Parth. and NP; it is normally writ-
ten by the ideogram ªNH. It is doubtful whether a form *an which is at-
tested through Man. MP ªn was ever used in Pahlavi.
b. This difference between casus rectus and casus obliquus is to be
postulated for an earlier stage of MP.
c. Both pronouns ama(h) and asma(h) are given without the final -h
in the CPD thus corresponding to NP; but considering Man. MP ªmªh4
and ªsmªh4 , the reading with a final -h seems equally acceptable.

10. Differently Gignoux 2001: 292. In a “passive” interpretation of the construction of

this sentence we may translate literally: ‘15 pails of wine to Gusnasp by me were given’.
11. For the function of be fi, see 6.4.3.
12. Differently Gignoux 1996: 66 (Los Angeles doc. no. 4, lines 1–2).
944 Dieter Weber

2.2. Demonstrative pronouns

There is, roughly speaking, a bipartite system of deixis in Pahlavi exhibited
by the demonstrative pronouns ed, en, and im (pl. imin and imesan) ‘this
(one)’ and oy (pl. awesan) and an ‘that (one)’; oy is also used as personal
pronoun for the 3rd sg. (see 2.1). The forms ed and im tend to become re-
stricted to certain phrases (see Sundermann 1989c: 157–58), e.g., ed ray ce
‘because, since’, or im roz ‘today’. The same is expressed by ham.

2.3. Relative and interrogative pronouns

The most common relative “particle” is the so-called I˛afe i which links al-
most every noun and its modifier; it still has, in many cases, a strong rela-
tive meaning as is shown by those cases where the modifier is an adverbial
phrase or a whole sentence (cf. Lazard 1963), e.g., Dadohrmazd i pad Alak-
sandarya ‘Dadohrmazd, who (is) from Alexandria’ (papyrus [Berlin] P. 159,
lines 2–3, early 7th cent. a.d.), pad payman i azabar nibist ‘for the treaty as
written above’ (Doc. 10, line 1, no date given, but certainly 2nd half of 7th
cent. a.d.), kas-iz(?) i mardan i pad kar i pes man abayist ray ‘for anyone of
the men who were necessary for me for the former work’ (Doc. 2, lines 5–
7, dated 661/662 a.d.), or (in apposition) Boxtag i gundsalar ‘Boxtag, the of-
ficer’ (papyrus [Vienna] P. 327, line 4, early 7th cent. a.d.). Besides the I˛afe
there are the following relative and interrogative pronouns: ke ‘who,
which’, e.g., payendan i abar pa fidiray ke en ayadgar awi-s wirayisn nibist estad
‘the guarantor (bail) for the receipt for which this memoir to be arranged/
prepared has been written’ 13 (with awi-s as postposition governing the rel-
ative ke; Doc. 34, lines 2–3, presumably 667/668 a.d.), 1ce ‘what, which’, 14
ku ‘where’, kadam ‘which, what’, generalizing ~-iz-e(w) ‘whichever’, kadar
‘who, which, generalizing’ ~-iz-e(w) whoever (on generalizing -iz see 2.7.).

2.4. Indefinite pronouns

The substantive kas ‘person, somebody’ is used as an indefinite pronoun
for animates (which may also occur as a modifier before nouns), and tis
resp. cis ‘thing, affair; something’ for inanimates. The form any ‘other’ can
be used separately or precede the modified noun (cf. Brunner 1977: 91).

2.5. Reflexive pronouns

The reflexive pronoun xwes (older xwebas < *xwaipaTya-) is mainly used as a
possessive of one’s own (cf. Brunner 1977: 73). The emphatic pronoun
xwad (Avest. xvato) reinforces the subject or the agent of the sentence (cf.
Brunner 1977: 78): ce xwad ested ciyon yazdan ud smah abayed ‘he himself is
(in a state of being) as it is fitting the Gods and you (pl.)’ (P. 157, 3–5); ud
xwadayig xwad o Wahist-Farrox nibi[st] ‘and the lord himself wrote to Wa-
hist-Farrox’ (papyrus [Berlin] P. 190, lines 3–4, early 7th cent. a.d.); xwad
mozag i pah padired ‘he himself receives shoe(s) (made) from sheep’s (skin)’
(Doc. 5, line 4, dated 668/669 a.d.).

13. For this tense, see Brunner 1977: 213.

14. There is a 2ce, a conjunction meaning ‘for, because, since, as, that’ (see 5.5.).
 Pahlavi Morphology 945

2.6. Possessive pronouns

There are no possessive pronouns used as adjectives as there are in other
languages, e.g., Lat. meus, tuus etc. Instead, either the reflexive xwes (see
2.5) or the enclitic personal pronouns are used connected after the noun
with the I˛afe: az drustih i man ‘because of my health’ (Doc. 11, line 5; no
date, but certainly 2nd half of 7th cent. a.d.); brad i to ‘your (2nd sg.)
brother’, namag i smah ‘your (2nd pl.) letter’ (papyrus [Vienna] P. 3, line 4,
early 7th cent. a.d.). Thus this feature may be considered a syntactic rule
based on the general use of the I˛afe for the attributive.
2.7. Generalizing pronouns
By the enclitic -iz generalizing forms of various pronouns can be formed,
e.g., cegam-iz, ~-e(w) ‘a little; whatever’, kadam-iz-e(w) ‘whichever’, kadar-iz-
e(w) ‘whoever’, kas-iz ‘anybody’, (with a negative) ‘nobody’, tis-iz (with a
negative) ‘nothing, no . . . at all’; also the adverb hagriz ‘ever’; (with a nega-
tive) ‘never’. This enclitic must not be confounded with the adverbial -iz
(5.1); the generalizing enclitic -iz is certainly not etymologically identical
with the adverbial -iz as the former may be equated with Lat. -quid in
aliquid etc. (Avest. -cit`) but the latter is equivalent to Lat. -que (Avest. -ca fi).

3. Numerals
3.1. Forms of expression
Numerals may be written in three different ways: (1) by figures, (2) by their
Pahlavi form, or (3) by their equivalent ideograms (for the first ten num-
bers). The figures are written with an elaborate system of ones, tens, and
especially twenties which may be transliterated by an equivalent system
using Latin figures:
I, II, III, IIII, III–II, III–III, IIII–III, IIII–IIII, III–III–III
1, 2, 3, . . . 9
X, ó, óóX, I–C, II–C, I–M
10, 20, 50, 100, 200, 1,000 etc.
This transliteration shows that numbers from 5 to 9 are written as combi-
nations of lower numbers and that the form of 20 presupposes a counting
system—at least by writing—of 20s comparable with that in some Ro-
mance languages or in the Caucasus.
3.2. Adjectival
The noun modified by a number appears, as a rule, in the singular, but
may also be plural, e.g., may I-M laginag ‘wine 1,000 lavgunoi’ 15 (papyrus
[Vienna] P. 130, line 2, early 7th cent. a.d.), or pad II mah ud ó-II roz ‘for
(the period of) 2 months and 22 days’ (Doc. 26, line 7, dated 661/662
a.d.), but mardan ó-IIII ‘24 men’ (Doc. 15, line 7; dated 679/680 a.d.). For

15. This was the common measurement for liquids in Egypt during Byzantine rule and
Persian occupation.
946 Dieter Weber

further details, see, for example, Salemann 1895–1901: 288–89 and Brun-
ner 1977: 45–46. 16 The number 1 may be attached after a noun (usually
written with the figure; cf. NP ya-i va˙dat) to denote singularity, sometimes
also indefiniteness (Brunner 1977: 41–45), e.g., kanizag-e(w) ‘one girl, a
girl’ (parchment [Vienna] P. 375, line 3, early 7th cent. a.d.).
3.3. Cardinals
1 ek, ew, 2 do, 3 se fi, 4 cahar, 5 panj, 6 sas, 7 haft, 8 hast, 9 no, 10 dah, 11 yaz-
dah, 12 dwazdah, 13 sezdah (Man. MP syzdh4 ), 14 cahardah, 15 panzdah
(Man. MP pªnzdh4 ), 16 sazdah (Man. MP sªzdh4 ), 17 haftdah, 18 hastdah, 19
nozdah, 20 wist, 30 sih, 40 cehel, 50 panjah, 60 sast, 70 haftad, 80 hastad, 90
nawad, 100 sad, 200 dosad, 300 se fisad, 17 1,000 hazar, 10,000 bewar. For the
combination of higher numbers than 20 wist, the general rule is to put the
coordinate conjunction ud between the tens and the ones but not between
the hundreds and tens: this is neatly shown in Man. MP, e.g., chªr sd sst ªwd
hst 468 = Pahlavi cahar sad sast ud hast; see also Salemann 1895–1901: 288.
3.4. Ordinals
1st fradom, 2nd dudigar, 18 3rd sidig(ar), 19 4th tasum, 5th panjom, 6th sasom,
7th haftom, 8th hastom, 9th nohom, 10th dahom, 30th sihom.
3.5. Fractions
Except for nem(ag) ‘half’, from 1/3 onwards there are, in the Books,
“learned” forms deriving from Avestan forms like sriswadag [= Avest. Tri-
suua-] ‘a third’ (“srisu∂ak,” Salemann 1895–1901: 290), casruswadag [= Av-
est. caTrusuua-] ‘a fourth’ (“caTrusu∂ak,” Salemann 1895–1901: 290), or
panjwadag [~ Avest. pa˜ta˜huua-] ‘a fifth’ (“panju∂ak,” Salemann 1895–
1901: 290). At least equally common are compounded forms, also known
from NP, like se fi-ek ‘a third’ (lit., ‘of three one’), cahar-ek ‘a fourth’, etc.
3.6. Numerical Adverbs
For ‘-times’ the noun 1bar ‘time, occasion’ is used as the second part of a
compounded form, e.g., ewbar ‘once’. As an adjective with the meaning
‘-fold’ the suffix -ganag (see 6.2.2.1.13.) is used, sometimes functioning
also in adverbial position.

4. The Verb
4.1. Stems
The verb in MP is formally characterized by two stems from which all
forms can be built. The present stem derives from some OIran. present stem
and serves as starting point for all synthetical forms; the past stem, on the
16. The example given by Brunner (1977: 46, top) from a Berlin papyrus (P. 136, lines
10–11) as read by Perixanjan (1961: 92), shows the plural gundsalaran but not depending
on the following *haft which must be read azad- instead (see Weber 1991: 230).
17. Hundreds higher than 100 are attested in written Pahlavi form only in Glossaries
(see Salemann 1895–1901: 288).
18. On fradom and didom, see 6.2.2.1.9.
19. In compound numerals, the form -seyom is used.
 Pahlavi Morphology 947

other hand, goes back to the infinite form of the past participle (in *-ta-)
and serves as the base for any analytical form. Thus the two stems do be-
long together by etymology, being derived from the same OIran. verbal
root, but differ extremely in most cases because of the phonetic develop-
ment since OIran. times: 20 e.g., baw- vs. bud ‘be, become’, kun- vs. kard ‘do,
make’, brez- vs. brist ‘roast’, bar- vs. burd ‘carry, bear, take, endure’, dah- vs.
dad ‘1. give; 2. create’, gir- vs. grift ‘take, hold, restrain’, hil- vs. hist ‘let,
leave, abandon’, mal- vs. must ‘rub, sweep’, roy- vs. rust ‘grow’, sumb- vs.
suft ‘pierce, bore’, xwah- vs. xwast ‘seek, want, desire’, zan- vs. zad ‘hit, beat,
strike, smite’. Sometimes “completive” stems are lexicalized like wen- : did
‘see’ (where different roots were used for forming the two stems) or ay- :
amad ‘come’ (where, by etymology, only the preverb *a- is identical).
4.2. Inflection
Verbal inflection in Pahlavi is restricted to only few synthetical forma-
tions: present active, present passive, imperative active, subjunctive active, opta-
tive active (only in some relics).
4.2.1 Personal endings
The personal endings of the present active are (Sundermann 1989c: 149
with discussion; first column is transliteration, second column is [phonemic]
transcription):
sg. 1 -(y)m -em, -am, -om pl. 1 -ym -am, -om, -em
2 -yh -e(h) 2 -yt' -ed
3 -yt' -ed, -ad 3 -(yn)d -end, -and
4.2.1.1. The Verb ‘to be’ (stem h-)
sg. 1 ÓWH-m hem pl. 1 ÓWH-ym hem
2 ÓWH-yh he(h) 2 ÓWH-yt' hed
3 ªYT' ast 3 ÓWH-d hend
4.2.1.2. The Verb ‘to be, become’ (stem baw-)
sg. 1 YÓWWN-m bawem pl. 1 YÓWWN-ym bawem
bym bem (?)
2 YÓWWN-yh bawe(h) 2 YÓWWN-yt' bawed
byt' bed (?)
3 YÓWWN-yt' bawed 3 YÓWWN-d bawend
byt' bed (?) bynd bend (?)
4.2.2. Present passive
A synthetical present passive is formed by the suffix -ih- (written <-yh->) to
which the endings of the present active are added (Sundermann 1989c:
151); for a list of examples, see 4.4. Sometimes a class of verbs, character-
ized by the suffix -s- (following the ablaut of the past stem without -t-/-d-),
is interpreted as being “passive” or at least “inchoative,” e.g., ayasidan,

20. Thus the rules that determine the phonetic relationship between present and past
stems belong to the tasks of a historical grammar and will not concern us here.
948 Dieter Weber

ayas- ‘remember, be mindful of’, nirfs- ‘wane, decrease’ (cf. Avest. n@r@fsa-),
xuftan, xufs- ‘sleep’ (cf. Avest. xvafsa-), but is simply intransitive (see Sun-
dermann 1989c: 151, following Weber 1972: 315).
4.2.3. Imperative active
In “classical” grammatical descriptions the imperative is generally seen as
a form of mood (still Brunner 1977: 200). In fact, the imperative should be
treated as a syntactical feature (like the vocative) since other verbal forms,
finite or infinite, or even other words may be used in imperative construc-
tions. In MP this is illustrated by the “imperative” adverbs, e.g., awar
‘hither! come!’ (see 5.1). 21 Nevertheless, there are “imperative” morphemes
(inherited from OIran. times) which are attached to the present stem:
sg. 2 -Ø, -e pl. 2 -ed
In “imperative” sentences with other persons than 2nd sg. or pl. sub-
junctive or optative forms are used. From the stem baw- ‘to be, become’, a
special form (for the 2nd sg.), bas, of disputed origin is used.
4.2.4. Subjunctive active
In Man. MP there is still attested a full paradigm of the subjunctive char-
acterized by a long -a- preceding the personal endings (see Sundermann
1989c: 150). In Pahlavi only the 3rd persons are used:
sg. 3 -ad pl. 3 -and
The subjunctive is met with especially in greeting formulas in letters,
e.g., Mahperoz hame drod ud ramisn b(aw)ad ‘Mahperoz, may he be in all
health and peace!’ (Doc. 25, lines 1–2; late 7th cent. a.d.).
4.2.5. Optative active
There is one optative form (only in some relics; perhaps for all persons but
mainly used for the 3rd sg.), i.e., -e(h) which is corroborated by Man. MP
(Sundermann 1989c: 150) and written <-yy>, 22 e.g., roƒ ƒn 4 dolag wahag da-
heh ‘he should give to the value of 4 pails of oil’ (Doc. 10, line 6; late 7th
cent. a.d.). Another new paradigm is formed by using the verbal (optative)
particle e preceding the finite verb of the present, e.g., ciyon-am . . . framud
dadan xwastag . . . e dahed ‘as I ordered to give money . . . he should give’
(Doc. 1, lines 5–7, dated 661/662 a.d.).
4.3. Analytical formations
As was indicated above further verbal formations are built analytically
on the basis of the past stem. Its usual formation is that going back to the
OIran. past participle in *-ta- thus showing, in Pahlavi, always -t (e.g., guft)
or -d (after long vowel, r or n, e.g., dad, kard, mand). Usually they differ from
the relevant present stems extremely, see 4.1. Thus the past stem is impor-
tant for building up new paradigms for present perfect, pluperfect, and sec-
ondary analytic passive forms as well as for some nominal derivations.
21. Which can even take the plural morpheme in Man. MP ªwryd.
22. K. Barr studied this palaeographically interesting spelling (1935–37: 392, 398–99,
402-3).
 Pahlavi Morphology 949

4.4. Secondary past stems

From a present stem (which never ends in a vowel) secondary past stems
can be built by means of the suffixes -ad (rare), -id, and -ist, or -adan, -idan-
man, and -istan, respectively, for their infinitives. Their origins are not
quite clear yet; -ad seems to be Parthian in origin, -id is mainly Persian and
regularly met with the suffix -en- forming causative and transitive denom-
inative verbs (CPD 30; Sundermann 1989c: 151), and -ist is confined, on
the whole, to intransitive verbs including secondary passive verbs in -ih-
(ist).
There are only a few formations with disputable origin: awistadan, aw-
ist- (Parth.) ‘stand’, e fistadan, e fist- ‘stand; be, continue’ (as auxiliary of the
perfect continuous tense, here the basis must be *sta- ‘stand’), frestadan/
frestidan, frest- ‘send’ (obviously secondary from the original past part.
*fra-ista-), *oftadan, oft- ‘fall’, padistadan, padist- ‘promise, vow’, windadan,
wind- ‘find, obtain, acquire’.

Examples:
abaxsayidan, abaxsay- ‘forgive, have hanjidan = hixtan ‘draw (water)’
mercy on’ hosidan, hos- ‘dry up, wither’
afridan, afrin-/afur- ‘praise, bless; create’ hunidan ‘extract, express (juice)’
afuridan, afur- [see afridan] ‘create’ jumbidan, jumb- ‘move’
ahanjidan = ahixtan ‘draw out, pull up, kahidan = kastan ‘diminish, decrease,
extract’ lessen’
amurzidan, amurz- ‘forgive, pity, have kesidan, kes- ‘pull, draw’
mercy on’ ko(x)sidan, ko(x)s- ‘strive, struggle,
anidan, anay- ‘bring, lead’ endeavour’
arzidan, arz- ‘be worth’ larzidan, larz- ‘shiver, tremble’
awenidan, awen- ‘admonish, blame’ malidan = mustan ‘rub, sweep’
axezidan = axistan ‘rise, stand up’ marzidan, marz- ‘copulate’
axramidan, axram- ‘stride, strut’ menidan, men- ‘think, consider’
ayardidan, ayard- ‘be agitated, seethe’ mezidan, 1mez- ‘suck’
ayaridan, ayar- ‘1. help, assist; 2. be able, nibardidan, nibard- ‘fight, do battle’
dare’ nigeridan, niger- ‘look, observe’
ayasidan, ayas- (also ayastan) ‘remember, nihumbidan = nihuftan ‘cover, hide, con-
be mindful of’ ceal, clothe’
1ayozidan = ayoxtan ‘join, yoke’ *nikohidan, nikoh- ‘blame, execrate’
2ayozidan, ayoz- ‘trouble, disturb; strive, niyo(x)sidan, niyo(x)s- ‘hear’
struggle’ paristidan, parist- ‘serve, worship’
besidan = bistan ‘hurt, torment’ passandidan, passand- ‘like, approve’
boyidan, boy- ‘smell (intr.)’ passinjidan, passinj- ‘sprinkle’
brazidan, braz- ‘shine, gleam’ pecidan, pec- ‘twist, entwine’
bridan, brin- ‘cut (off), sever’ pesidan, pes- ‘colour, adorn’
buridan, bur- = bridan posidan, pos- ‘cover, put on, wear’
burzidan, burz- ‘praise, honour’ pursidan, purs- ‘ask’
candidan, cand- ‘tremble, quake’ randidan, rand- ‘scratch, grate, abrade’
casidan = castan ‘teach’ rasidan, ras- ‘arrive, mature’
1cidan, cin- ‘gather, pile up’ residan, res- ‘wound, hurt’
damidan = daftan ‘breathe, blow’ srayidan, 2sray- ‘protect’
darridan, darr- ‘split, tear’ stayidan = studan ‘praise’
950 Dieter Weber

1dawidan, daw- ‘run’ skarwidan, skarw- ‘stumble, stagger’

2dawidan, daw- ‘speak (daevic)’ snayidan, snay- ‘praise, propitiate’
dazidan, daz- ‘burn, scorch’ snazidan, snaz- ‘swim’
desidan, des- ‘build’ tabidan = taftan ‘heat, burn; shine’
didan, wen- ‘see’ tarsidan, tars- ‘fear, be afraid’
1dosidan, dos- ‘like, love’ tasidan, tas- ‘cut, cleave; create’
2dosidan = 1doxtan ‘milk’ tazidan, taz- = taxtan ‘run, flow’
drafsidan, drafs- ‘1. shine; 2. tremble’ tuxsidan, tuxs- ‘strive, endeavour’
dranjidan, dranj- ‘speak’ walidan, wal- ‘grow, increase, prosper’
drayidan/drayistan, dray- ‘speak (daevic), wamidan, wam- ‘vomit’
chatter’ wanidan, wan- ‘conquer, overcome,
drosidan, dros- ‘brand’ destroy’
duzidan, duz- ‘steal’ waridan, war- ‘rain’
dwaridan/dwaristan, dwar- ‘run, move warzidan, warz- ‘work, act, practise; till;
(daevic)’ beget’
ewarzidan, ewarz- ‘move, travel’ 1waxsidan, waxs- ‘burn, blaze, kindle’

framosidan = framustan ‘forget’ 2waxsidan, waxs- ‘grow, wax’

frayadidan, frayad- ‘help, assist’ wayidan, 2way- ‘blow (of wind)’

frestadan/frestidan, frest- ‘send’ wazidan, waz- ‘move, blow (of wind)’
gardidan, gard- ‘turn, revolve’ 1wazidan, waz- ‘move, carry away; fly’

garzidan, garz- ‘complain; confess’ 2wazidan, waz- ‘play’

gazidan, gaz- ‘bite, sting’ widaridan = widardan ‘let pass, transport;

grayidan, gray- ‘lean, incline; intend, endure, suffer’
desire’ winahidan, winah- ‘spoil, damage,
gugar(i)dan, gugar- ‘digest’ destroy’
hambaridan, hambar- ‘fill, collect’ wizandidan, wizand- ‘tremble, quake’
hambusidan, hambus- ‘come into being, wizihidan, wizih- ‘be separated’
be conceived’ xandidan, xand- ‘laugh’
handesidan, handes- ‘think, consider, xwaridan, xwar- ‘drink’
reflect’ hanjidan = hixtan ‘draw (water)’

The following show the secondary stem in -id(an) affixed to the causa-
tive/denominative formation in -en-, e.g.:
abagenidan ‘accompany’ paydagenidan ‘reveal, explain’
abesihenidan ‘destroy’ pazdenidan ‘frighten, chase’
agahenidan ‘inform’ pazzamenidan ‘(cause to) ripen’
agarenidan ‘render powerless’ pemenidan ‘cause to swell up, swell up’
ahogenidan ‘defile’ puhlenidan ‘cause to atone’
astarenidan ‘cause to sin’ ramenidan ‘give peace, pleasure’
askaragenidan ‘reveal, confess’ ranjenidan ‘trouble’
ayardenidan ‘boil, agitate’ rasenidan ‘bring’
azdenidan ‘inform’ rawagenidan ‘set in motion, propagate’
boyenidan ‘scent, perfume’ rawenidan ‘cause to go, extend’
brehenidan ‘1. create, fashion; 2. decree’ rayenidan ‘lead, direct, arrange, organize’
cihrenidan ‘form’ rozenidan ‘lighten, brighten’
fraxenidan ‘enlarge, make prosper’ sarenidan ‘provoke’
frazamenidan ‘finish, complete, perfect’ srawenidan ‘report, broadcast’
guhrayenidan ‘waken, arouse’ stowenidan ‘defeat, overcome’
hamenidan ‘unite, compose’ snayenidan ‘please, propitiate’
handarzenidan ‘advise’ tarazenidan ‘weigh’
hangirdenidan ‘complete, summarize’ tarwenidan ‘overcome, conquer’
 Pahlavi Morphology 951

hosenidan ‘(cause to) wither’ tazenidan = taxtan ‘cause to run, flow;

hunusakenidan ‘bear daevic offspring’ chase; pour’
jumbenidan ‘(cause to) move’ wardenidan ‘cause to turn; change, alter’
kahenidan ‘decrease, lessen (tr.)’ wiyabanenidan ‘lead astray, deceive’
kirrenidan ‘rend; create (daevic)’ xwesenidan ‘appropriate, make one’s own’
mehenidan ‘increase, magnify’ zamenidan ‘lead, send’
murnjenidan ‘destroy’ zenenidan ‘look after, preserve’
*niweyenidan ‘announce, consecrate’ zinenidan ‘damage, harm’
padexenidan ‘make flourish, prosper’ ziwenidan ‘vivify, revive’

There are rare cases where the causative suffix is formed according
Parthian rules, i.e., with -an-, e.g.: gardanidan ‘turn (tr.)’, ƒarranidan ‘roar,
thunder’.
abayistan ‘be necessary, fitting; desire, manistan ‘stay, remain’
want’ pattayistan ‘stay, remain, last, endure’
danistan ‘know’ sahistan ‘seem; seem proper’
dawistan ‘1. run 2. speak (daevic)’ sazistan ‘pass’
drayistan ‘speak (daevic), chatter’ sayistan ‘be able; be worthy’
dwaristan ‘run, move (daevic)’ wurroyistan ‘believe; choose’
griyistan ‘weep, cry’ zi(wi)stan ‘live’
kamistan ‘want, desire’

“Passive” verbs (cf. also Sundermann 1989c: 151 with literature): agari-
histan ‘become powerless’, cerihistan ‘triumph, be victorious’, frogihistan
‘shine’, jumbihistan ‘be moved’, paydagihistan ‘appear, be revealed’, tabahi-
histan ‘be ruined’, widazihistan ‘be melted, dissolved’.
4.5. Secondary analytic past
The abandonment, already beginning in OP, of the finite verbal forms for
the past tenses created new nominal phrases in Middle Iranian in which
the old past participle played a dominant role for building up a secondary
analytic past, the only one existing in MP and Parthian. The formation is
different with transitive and intransitive verbs. Whereas the agent in a
phrase with an intransitive verb is expressed in the same way in the
present as well in the past (originally casus rectus for the subject of the
sentence), it is expressed differently in present and past with transitive
verbs. This feature (see also Cardona 1970; Sundermann 1989c: 152–53) is
known as “passive construction” (Geiger 1893; also Salemann 1895–1901:
314), “possessive construction” (Benveniste 1952) or “ergative construc-
tion” (e.g., Pirejko 1968, 1979; Saxokija 1985; Kalbasi 1988).
4.5.1. Argument structure
In sentences with transitive verbs the object is treated as the grammatical
subject, the agent is expressed by the casus obliquus of the pronoun or by
its enclitical form attached mainly to conjunctions at the beginning of the
sentence (see 2.1):

e.g., sg. man, to, oy kard -am, -at, -as kard

pl. ama(h), sma(h), awesan kard -man, -tan, -san kard
952 Dieter Weber

For the 3rd person a noun may be used (which, of course, cannot show
any difference between casus rectus and casus obliquus), e.g., kanizag guft
‘the girl said’. In complex phrases with a direct object this logical object
(= grammatical subject) usually stands at the beginning of the sentence
and the logical subject (= grammatically oblique) thereafter, e.g., band i en
ayadgar ama(h) . . . awist ‘we sealed . . . the string of this memoir’ (Doc. 13,
lines 8–11, late 7th cent. a.d.).
4.5.2. Past
For the Past of intransitive verbs the past stem is sufficient for the the 3rd
sg., e.g., amad ‘he, she, it came’; other persons are formed by using the past
stem followed by the personal forms of the verb h-, e.g., amad he(h) ‘you
came’.
4.6. Present Perfect and Pluperfect
The Present Perfect and Pluperfect (Brunner 1977: 213–14) may be formed
by the help of the past stem plus finite forms of the verbs estadan (indicat-
ing “that an action . . . is in a completed state with reference to the present
moment” [Brunner 1977: 216]), e.g., ke en ayadgar awi-s ud wirast ud nibist
ested ‘for which this memoir has been arranged and written’ (Doc. 13, lines
3–5, late 7th cent. a.d.), or budan, e.g., kard bud ‘it had been made’, sud bud
‘he had gone’.
4.7. Infinite verbal forms
For the present participles, see the following suffixes: -ag, originally a for-
mation (with the *-aka-suffix) for an actor noun like Skt. kara(ka)- ‘doer’ >
‘hand’ (6.2.2.1.1); -ag, a form that is also common in other Middle Iranian
languages and is certainly not to be derived from a suffix *-aka- but from
some sandhi form of the original present participle in *-ant- (6.2.2.1.2
with n. 34); -an, from the old present participle medium in *-ana-
(6.2.2.1.4); -andag, 23 but mostly -endag, from the old participle in *-ant-
combined with the *-aka-suffix (6.2.2.1.12). From the present stem a ne-
cessitative adjective (“gerund” in -isn, also forming abstract and action
nouns) can be formed, see 6.2.2.1.19. For past participles, see past stem
(4.3), often enlarged by the *-aka-suffix (6.2.2.1.12); from the past stem
are derived (1) infinitives (-tan, var. -dan, see 4.3.1–3) and (2) actor nouns
(-tar, var. -dar, see 6.2.2.1.25).

5. Other Parts of Speech

5.1. Adverbs
By the suffix -iha adverbs are formed from both nouns and adjectives (ac-
cording to Salemann 1895–1901: 282, < *-ya-Twa∂a), e.g., rastiha ‘in the
right way’, dostiha ‘friendly’, taniha ‘alone’ (NP tanha). Sometimes the
simple adjective may be used as an adverb without any formal change. Be-
sides adverbs of place and time (some of them may be used for both as-
pects; see Salemann 1895–1901: 319–20), e.g., abaz ‘back, again’, andaron
23. Cf. bowandag ‘complete, entire, perfect’.
 Pahlavi Morphology 953

‘inside, within’, anoh ‘there’, be ‘out(side)’, edar ‘here’, fraz ‘forth, for-
wards’, 24 pes ‘before’, pas ‘then, afterwards, behind’; ul ‘up(wards)’, hame
‘always’, 25 nun ‘now’ (for fraz, abaz, and be, see 6.4.3), prepositional
phrases can also be used, e.g., pad gugay-muhriha ‘by the seals of the wit-
ness(es)’ (Doc. 4, line 5, dated 670/671 a.d.), or harw roz pad-is ‘every day’
(Doc. 38, line 6, dated 668/669). 26 The adverb a ‘then’ is generally suffixed
by a pronoun, e.g., a-s. There is also an enclitic adverbial particle -iz
(< Oiran. *-ca) ‘also, even’. 27 On the generalizing enclitic -iz which is at-
tested in the adverb hagriz ‘ever; (with a negative) never’, see 2.7. On “im-
perative” adverbs like awar ‘hither! come!’ see Brunner 1977: 178–79.
5.2.1. Prepositions
abag ‘with’, abe ‘without’, o ‘to, at’, pad ‘to, at, in, on’, az ‘from, than’, an-
dar ‘in, among, towards, concerning’. The wide-range use of o is under-
scored by Brunner 1977: 132–41 and Sundermann 1989c: 160.
5.2.2. Postpositions
ray ‘for, for the sake of’ (OP radiy, NP -ra), awis ‘to’ (= o), azis ‘from’ (= az),
padis ‘to’, etc. (= pad). For a “classical” definition of pre- and postpositions
in MP, see Sundermann 1989c: 159–60.
5.3. Verbal Particles
be is of undefinable function according to MacKenzie in CPD 18, but see
especially Brunner 1977: 161–62 with n. 2, where a rather cautious view is
promoted. 28 The e particle gives a present tense optative sense (e.g., e da-
hed ‘he should give’, in documents of early Islamic times; see 4.2.5), hame
(originally adverb; see 5.1, NP mi-).
5.4. Negations
ne ‘no, not’, ma (prohibitive) ‘not’, e.g., ma kahed ‘do not make any delay!’
(Papyrus 110, line 6, parchment from Egypt, early 7th cent. a.d.; cf. Weber
1992: 201).
5.5. Conjunctions
ud ‘and’ 29 (OP uta), with enclitic pronouns u-m, u-t, u-s, u-man, u-tan, u-
san, 30 ayab ‘or’, agar ‘if’, 2ce ‘for, because, since, as, that’, ka ‘when; if,
since’, ta ‘until; so that’.
24. E.g., az roz Ohrmazd fraz ta roz Xwar ‘from day Ohrmazd (1st day) henceforth to day
Xwar (11th day)’ (Doc. 38, lines 5–6, dated 668/669 ad).
25. This tends to become a verbal particle.
26. Adverbial iterativity may also be expressed by repeated nouns or adjectives, e.g.,
Man. MP rwcrwc ‘every day’.
27. Cf. Brunner 1977: 176–78.
28. Against Brunner’s view that “no consistent modification of aspect can be attrib-
uted to be,” some examples from letters (presumably late 7th cent. ad) seem to indicate
the opposite, cf., e.g., man Aboy i o pid be amad ‘me, Aboy, who has come to the father’ (Los
Angeles doc. no. 4, lines 1–2, differently Gignoux 1996: 66); later on in the same letter roz
Gos be bawem ‘on day Gos I’ll be (there)’ (line 11).
29. There are rare cases where ud is used as a subordinate conjunction ‘that’.
30. These readings (without -d- of ud) are corroborated by the non-ideographic spell-
ings in Man. MP.
954 Dieter Weber

6. Word formation
6.1. Nominal prefixes
6.1.1. a-, an- (before vowels)
Salemann (1895–1901: 283): a-bes ‘harmless; unharmed, invulnerable’, a-
payman ‘immoderate’; before vowels: an-azarm ‘without respect, disho-
noured’, an-espas ‘ungrateful’, an-osmar ‘countless, innumerable’, an-
ummed ‘hopeless, despairing’, an-uspurrig ‘imperfect’. It sometimes appears
in connection with the suffix -ag, e.g., a-kanarag ‘unlimited, boundless, a-
marag ‘countless’ (see 6.3). 31
6.1.2. hu-
A laudatory prefix (cf. CPD 44; Salemann 1895–1901: 283–84), e.g., hu-boy
‘sweet-smelling, fragrant’, hu-den ‘of good (i.e., Mazdean) religion’, hu-gow-
isn ‘of good speech’, hu-ramag ‘having good flocks’, hu-sazagih ‘agreement’,
hu-tuxs ‘artisan’, hu-xem ‘of good character, good-natured’.
6.1.3. dus- (var. duj-) 32
A pejorative prefix (cf. CPD 28–29), e.g., dus-agah ‘foolish, stupid, igno-
rant’, dus-arz ‘worthless’, dus-cihr ‘ugly, hideous’, dus-gowisn ‘of evil speech,
ill-spoken’, dusmat ‘evil thought’ (= Av. dusmata-), dus-padixsa(y) ‘evil
ruler’, var. duj-danag ‘ignorant’, duj-den ‘of evil religion’.
6.1.4. abe-
An independant preposition, it also occurs as a prefix (Salemann 1895–
1901: 284; according to him < *apa-it (?); cf. CPD 3); e.g., abe-bahr ‘ex-
cluded’ (lit., ‘without a share’) (Williams 1990), abe-bar ‘fruitless’, abe-boy
‘senseless’, abe-guman ‘without doubt, certain’, abe-niyaz ‘free from want’,
abe-os ‘senseless, unconscious’, abe-sud ‘profitless’, abe-winah ‘innocent’.
6.1.5. ham-, ham-
‘Same’ (cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 284), e.g., ham-basn ‘of the same stature’,
ham-dadestan ‘agreeable, of the same opinion’, ham-gohr ‘of the same sub-
stance or nature, con-substantial’, ham-gonag ‘likewise, so’, ham-pursag
‘consulting, taking counsel’, ham-tohmag ‘relative, relation’.
6.1.6. jud-
‘Separate, different’ (Salemann 1895–1901: 284) < past part. *yuta-, NP
juz; e.g., jud-bes ‘harmless, antidote’, jud-dadestan ‘disagreeable, opposing’,
jud-dadestanih ‘wrong principle’, jud-mad ‘having different mothers’ (Wil-
liams 1990), jud-pid ‘having different fathers’ (Williams 1990), jud-ristagih
‘heresy’.
6.2. Nominal suffixes
6.2.1. Dead Suffixes
6.2.1.1. -an (< *-ana-)
A suffix that forms nouns from present stems (in some cases the present
stem does not exist in MP any longer); e.g., ab-tazan ‘watercourse’ (taxtan,
31. Though in both cases the formations with and without the suffix -ag do occur; cf.
kanar : kanarag, mar : marag.
32. Reading ascertained by the Man. spelling dwj-.
 Pahlavi Morphology 955

taz- ‘to run, flow’), lajan ‘mud, slime’, mehan ‘home’ (< *maiTana-), paymo-
zan ‘garment, dress’ (paymoxtan, paymoz- ‘to don, wear’), rasan ‘rope’, rozan
‘window’ (cf. rozenidan, rozen- ‘to lighten’), sozan ‘needle’, sewan ‘lament’,
walan ‘settlement, community’ (cf. NP barzan), waran ‘desire, lust’, xwaran
‘banquet’ 33 (Man. MP xwrn, xwardan, xwar- ‘to eat, consume’).
6.2.1.2. -og (< *-awa-ka-)
A suffix that forms adjectives and nouns, its origin seems to be in most
cases an -u-stem or the like; e.g., ahog ‘fault, blemish’, arzog ‘desire, lust’,
galog ‘throat’, garmog ‘warm, ardent, fervent’, kirrog ‘artisan, craftsman;
skilled’ (< *kr8 nawaka-), makog ‘boat’, mastog ‘intoxicated, drunk’, menog
‘spiritual, heavenly; spirit’ (*manyu-), sahog ‘hare’ (u-stem: Pre-Iranian
*k& asu-), wenog ‘lentil’.
6.2.1.3. -ug
A suffix mainly going back to *-u-ka- (with secondary lengthening of the
*-u-, but on unknown grounds); e.g., gahug ‘bier’ (< *gaTuka-), hindug ‘In-
dian’ (< *hinduka-), jadug ‘sorcerer, magician’ (< *yatuka-), pahlug ‘side, rib’
(-u-stem). In addition, there are some old -u-stems enlarged by the -k-suffix
which may have influenced this formation: brug ‘(eye)brow’ (<*bru-ka-),
xug ‘pig’ (< *hu-ka-), perhaps also darug ‘drug, medicament’, snug ‘knee’
(< *znufi-ka-), usnug = snug = zanug ‘knee’ (< *z2a finufika-).
6.2.2. Living Suffixes
6.2.2.1. Real Suffixes
6.2.2.1.1. -ag (< *-aka-) Suffix forming (1) adjectives, from nouns and
verbal stems, (2) nouns, from adjectives and present stems.
1. Adjectives, from adjectives, nouns, and verbal stems 34
Adjectives from earlier forms without the suffix:
anosag ‘immortal’ rosnag ‘clear, obvious’
brahnag ‘naked’ wadag ‘evil, vile, wicked’
frazanag ‘wise, intelligent’
Adjectives from nouns:
eranag ‘an Eranian, Aryan’ rosnag ‘clear, obvious’
gandag ‘foul, stinking’ tisnag ‘thirsty’
nibardag ‘tried, experienced’
Adjectives from verbal stems, particularly from the past stem:
aludag ‘defiled, polluted’ 1hambastag ‘formed, composed’

boxtag ‘saved’ 2hambastag ‘collapsed, fallen’

duzidag ‘stolen; intercalary (days)’ handraxtag ‘oppressed’

frahixtag ‘educated, trained, skilled’ hangrudag ‘lamenting’
frestag ‘apostle, angel’34 1kardag ‘division, section, portion’

gazidag ‘poll-tax’ 2kardag ‘action’

gizistag ‘accursed, hateful’ mandag ‘tired; remiss; fault, sin’

gumardag ‘appointee, deputy’ nifridag ‘accursed’

33. The reading xwaran in ostraca edited by Weber 1992, passim, has to be changed
into dolag.
34. Originally an adjective like Germ. ‘der Gesandte’.

table note call in table heading

956 Dieter Weber

nihadag ‘foundation’ truftag ‘stolen; intercalary (days)’

paludag ‘starch jelly, flummery’ 1wardag ‘captive, prisoner’
paywastag ‘continually’ wiftag ‘passive sodomite’
pudag ‘foul, rotten’ winastag ‘spoilt, corrupt’
1ristag ‘corpse’ wisudag ‘abortion, daevic creature’
ristag ‘rope, string, thread’ zadag ‘born; child’

2. Nouns, from nouns, adjectives, and present stems 35

Nouns from earlier forms without the suffix:
aburnayag ‘child’ 2kamag = kam ‘will, desire, purpose’
2ast(ag) ‘bone; (fruit) stone’ kanarag ‘edge, limit, boundary’
askambag = askamb ‘belly, womb’ kofag ‘saddle’
babrag ‘beaver’ kustag = 1kust ‘side, direction; district’
bunag ‘baggage; abode, camp’ manistag ‘sedentary, settled’
bunistag ‘principle’ marag ‘number’
carag ‘means, remedy’ nafag ‘navel’
1castag ‘lunch, meal’ namag ‘book, letter’
2cihr(ag) ‘seed, origin; nature, essence’ nisemag ‘residence, abode’
cobag ‘wand, arrow shaft’ parrag ‘wing’
dan(ag) ‘seed, grain’ payag ‘base, station’
dastag ‘bunch, bundle, group’ paymanag ‘period, measure, proportion’
dasnag ‘1. right hand; 2. dagger’ pustag ‘load (carried on the back)’
daxmag ‘tomb, dakhma (building where rozag ‘fast, fasting’
corpses are exposed for destruction)’ sen(ag) ‘breast, chest’
des(ag) ‘form, appearance’ sprahm(ag) ‘flower, fragrant herb’
1ewenag = ewen ‘manner, custom, form, starag = star ‘star’
propriety’ stun(ag) ‘column, pillar, mast’
gohrag = gohr ‘substance, essence, tarrag ‘vegetable’
nature; jewel; stock, lineage’ tohmag ‘seed; stock, family’
gonag = gon ‘colour, complexion; sort, udrag ‘otter’
kind, form’ warrag ‘lamb, ram’; astr. ‘Aries’
1casmag ‘spring, source’ wastarag = wastar ‘clothing, garment’
gramag ‘possessions, wealth’ xanag = 1xan ‘house’
griwag ‘hill, ridge’ zahrag ‘bile, gall’
1jamag = 2jam ‘vessel, goblet’ zamanag = zaman ‘time, hour’
Nouns from adjectives:
bazag ‘sin, evil’ panjag ‘pentad; hand, paw’
haftag ‘week’35 sorag ‘salt (land)’
hazarag ‘millennium’ spedag ‘white (of egg, etc.)’
nemag ‘half, side, direction’
Nouns from present stems as in the typical example bandag ‘servant’ < *bandaka-
(cf. already OP bandaka-)
apparag ‘robber’ garzag ‘snake, serpent’
barag ‘mount, horse’ gilag ‘complaint, lamentation’
bramag ‘weeping, lamentation’ gumezag ‘mixture’
2castag ‘doctrine’ handazag ‘measure, manner’
cinag ‘grain, bait’ hangarag ‘reckoning’
dosag ‘dear, loving’ harzag ‘loose, free’

35. The numeral that lies behind is treated here like an adjective.

table note call in table heading

 Pahlavi Morphology 957

hezag ‘pail(?)’ stambag ‘oppressive; obstinate’

hosag ‘ear of corn, cluster’; astr. ‘Spica, stezag ‘quarrel, strife’
Virgo’ skarag ‘(bird) of prey’
labag ‘supplication’ skofag ‘flower, blossom’
moyag ‘lamentation’ snasag ‘knowing, knower; sense’
nigarag ‘image, picture, diagram’ snomag ‘satisfaction, contentment’
osmarag ‘calculation, reckoning’ tabag ‘frying-pan’
padirag ‘towards, against, counter-’ uzenag ‘expense, cost; exit’
passazag ‘suitable, fitting’ wazag ‘utterance, saying’
passinjag ‘drop’ widarag ‘path, passage’
payrayag ‘ornament, adornment’ wirozag ‘lightning’
ranjag ‘troubled’ wiskofag ‘blossom’

3. Nouns and adjectives with no or difficult possibility of derivation

abilag ‘blister’ kasawag ‘tortoise’
alag ‘side’ kirbag ‘virtue, good deed’
alalag ‘anemone’ kullag ‘locust’
ambag ‘a preserve, conserve’ kurrag ‘foal, colt’
ambarag ‘hairless (animal)’ merag ‘young man, husband’
astanag ‘need, misfortune’ mesag ‘urine’
astag ‘messenger’ mewag ‘fruit’
badag ‘wine, must’ mozag ‘shoe’
balag ‘wing’ nezag ‘lance’
daxsag ‘mark, sign, characteristic; pambag ‘cotton’
memory’ 1parag ‘piece, part, portion’

dramanag ‘wormwood’ 2parag ‘gift, offering, bribe’

dudag ‘family’ pardag ‘veil, curtain’

ebarag ‘evening’ pasnag ‘heel’
girdag ‘disk, round’ 1pesag ‘trade, craft; guild, caste’

gisnag ‘short, small’ *pesag ‘limb, member, part’

gosag ‘corner’ petyarag ‘evil, misfortune; adversary’;
gurbag ‘cat’ astr. ‘detriment’
gurdag ‘kidney’ pistag ‘pistachio nut’
gursag ‘hungry’ radag ‘line, rank, row’
gusnag ‘hungry’ rastag ‘series, row, progression; element’
halag ‘foolish, imprudent’ resag ‘root, fibre’
halilag ‘myrobalan’ rurag ‘medicinal plant, herb’
hamesag ‘always’ sayag ‘shade, shadow’
hoy(ag) ‘left(-hand)’ snezag ‘snow’
1jadag ‘omen’ sanag ‘1. comb; 2. pitchfork;
2jadag ‘form, property’ 3. shoulder-blade’
jadag ‘share, portion; case’ sisag ‘bottle, flask’
2jamag ‘clothing, garment’ talag ‘snare, trap’
kabarag ‘container, vessel’ taskanag ‘under-shirt’
kadag ‘game, joke’ torag ‘jackal’
kadag ‘house’ tosag ‘provisions’
kafcag ‘spoon’ tumbag ‘drum’
karbunag ‘lizard’ waccag ‘child, baby, cub’
958 Dieter Weber

wanafsag ‘violet’ xindag ‘ill, sick’

wandag ‘rope, cord’ 1zahag ‘child, offspring’
wesag ‘thicket, wood’ zardag ‘(egg) yolk’
wewag ‘widow’ zindag ‘alive, living’ (old pres. part.)
xayag ‘egg’ zuzag ‘hedgehog’

Derived from preposition or adverb are: abarag ‘superior’, andarag ‘in, be-
tween, among’, jawedanag ‘eternal, perpetual’.
6.2.2.1.2. -ag Suffix forming (1) agent nouns from present stems,
(2) nouns and adjectives. It cannot be derived, generally, with Salemann
(1895–1901: 278) “wohl aus -avaka,” but, in case of (1), rather from *-a-
ka- where *-a- may be a sandhi form of *-ah (= nom. sg. of the pres. part.
in *-ant-s); 36 the same explanation applies, cum grano salis, for spenag
holy < *spanya(h)- (originally comparative), nom. sg. *span-ya(h), + -k-suf-
fix. In the second case (2), perhaps more than one possibility must be en-
visaged for the development of this suffix; the derivation is difficult to
determine in some specific nouns as depicted in garmag ‘warmth, heat’,
sarmag ‘coldness’.
1. Suffix forming agent nouns from present stems: 37 asnag ‘known’, burag
‘cutting, sharp’, danag ‘knowing, wise’, gazag ‘biting’, gowag ‘speaking, elo-
quent; speaker’, rawag ‘current’, rayenag ‘arranger’, rozag ‘lightning’, sebag
‘swift, nimble; viper’, skebag ‘patient’, tarsag ‘Christian’, tuxsag ‘diligent’,
warzag ‘ploughing (ox)’, wenag ‘seeing’.
2. Other cases, mostly nouns and adjectives: abestag ‘Avesta, the Mazdean
scriptures’, anag ‘evil’, andag ‘sorrow’, asyag ‘mill(-stone)’, askarag ‘obvious,
evident’, Azdahag ‘a legendary “dragon” king’, Dahag, Dahag = Azdahag,
debag ‘brocade’, fradag ‘tomorrow’, gan(n)ag ‘foul, corrupt’, gubrag ‘awake,
alert, vigilant’, hamag ‘all’, judag ‘separate, different’, kundag ‘magician,
soothsayer’, murwag ‘omen’, niyag ‘grandfather, ancestor’, paydag ‘visible,
obvious, revealed’, tuwanag ‘mighty, able’, wahag ‘trading; value’.
6.2.2.1.3. -ak Diminutive suffix (cf. also -cak and -izag), e.g., andak
‘little, few’, hunusak ‘offspring (daevic)’, karak ‘quail’, *kawadak ‘young;
baby’, kodak ‘young, small; baby’, [kuc(ak) ‘small’], kulafak ‘little cap; ca-
lyx’, namak ‘salt’, ozarak ‘little, small, few’, redak ‘lad, page’, xrohak ‘coral’,
xunak ‘happy; cool’, zardak ‘safflower’, zirak ‘wise, clever’.
6.2.2.1.4. -an Suffix forming (1) present participles, (2) adverbs, (3) plu-
rals (CPD 8); on plurals see 1.3.; cf. also -anag and -anig. The suffix, though
representing OIran. *-ana-, is somewhat problematical because -an can also
be the outcome of other developments, e.g., from the gen. pl. *-ana fim
(> plural morpheme -an); and it must not be confused with old n-stems
which usually show the formation -an from the ablaut variation of oblique
cases. This applies to dandan ‘tooth’ (*dantan-, new formation from *dant-
), juwan ‘young; a youth’ (*yuwan-), karan ‘side, edge, end, limit’ (*karan-),

36. This will be explicitly shown in a forthcoming article, “Zur Herkunft des Suffixes
-ag im Mitteliranischen.”
37. This form may also be described as a present participle (missing in Sundermann
1989c: 150).
 Pahlavi Morphology 959

ruwan ‘soul’ (*z2r8 wan-), zurwan ‘time; the god Time, Zurvan’ (*r8 wan-), 38 and
even for uzwan ‘tongue, language’, which is a new formation in -n- built on
*hiz2wa- (like Man. Parth. pndªn ‘path’ < *pantan- belonging to the nom. sg.
OIran. *panta-h); cf. also the Parth. LW in Mandaic ªwzwªnªk, Widengren
1960. With proper names -an is used as a patronymic formation, e.g., Mah-
Peroz i Mihran ‘Mah-Peroz, son of Mihr’ (Doc. 2, line 8, dated 661/662 a.d.).
1. Present participles: *afsalan ‘springtime’, 39 arzan ‘valuable, worthy’, 40
hambasan ‘enemy, opponent’, padiran ‘restrained, held back’, waran
‘rain’, 41 wideran ‘transient, dying’.
2. Adverbs: only bastan ‘always, often’, jawedan ‘eternally, always’.
6.2.2.1.5. -anag An adjectival suffix; seems to occur in the following
words: dewanag ‘demonic, mad’, mardanag ‘manly, brave’, mayanag ‘mid-
dling, average’, parwanag ‘guide, leader’.
6.2.2.1.6. -anig An adjectival suffix; seems to be a combination of the
problematical suffix -an (see 6.2.2.1.4) and -ig (see 6.2.2.1.15), attested in
Man. MP and Parth., doubtful in Pahlavi but partly affirmed by NP; cf.
Man. Parth. bgªnyg ‘divine’, MP byªnyg, phlwªnyg ‘Parthian’ (Pahl. pahlawig,
but NP pahlaw[an]i; cf. CPD 64), prystgªnyg ‘pertaining to the messenger(s)’,
psªnyg ‘courtier’ (cf. also Weber 1990). To this group do not belong such
words where it is obvious that the suffix -ig is attached to a word already
ending in -an, e.g., arzanig ‘worthy’ (from arzan), bayaspanig ‘post(-horse)’
(from bayaspan), gahanig ‘relating to the Gathas; spiritual; the five epact
days at the end of the year’ (from gahan), hambasanig ‘inimical, opposing’
(from hambasan), wiyabanig ‘wandering, itinerant’ (from wiyaban); difficult
are frebanig ‘betrügerisch’ (“frewanik,” Salemann 1895–1901: 279; cf. freb)
and pesanig ‘forehead’ (cf. pes).
6.2.2.1.7. -awand Suffix forming adjectives of quality; cf. Man. MP
cyhrªwynd ‘beautiful’; nyrwgªw(y)nd ‘strong, powerful’; pdxsrªw(y)nd ‘hon-
oured’; xysmªwnd ‘angry’; e.g., abaxsawand ‘regretful’, amawand ‘powerful,
strong’, hawand ‘like, similar’ (cf. Man. MP hªw[y]nd), hunarawand ‘skilled,
virtuous’ (cf. Man. MP hwnrªw[y]nd), warzawand ‘having miraculous power,
powerful’ (cf. Man. MP wrcªwynd), xwesawand ‘relative, kinsman’, zenawand
‘alert, vigilant’.
6.2.2.1.8. -cak Diminutive suffix (cf. -ak and -izag), e.g., kucak ‘small’ (cf.
kuk ‘small, short’), sangcak ‘little stone’ (Salemann 1895–1901: 281), xukcak
‘pig(let)’ (Salemann 1895–1901: 281; in P. 140, a papyrus [Berlin] from
Egypt, early 7th cent. a.d.), cf. also kulacag [sic] ‘small, round bun’.
6.2.2.1.9. -dom (cf. also -tom, < *-tama-, cf. also -om) Suffix forming
some superlatives, also known in some other isolated cases, e.g., abardom
38. The words zarman ‘old man; old age, decrepitude’ and zarwan ‘old age’ obviously
belong to the same root *z 2ar- ‘old (age)’ (cf. Gr. gevraÍ) with full grade and the suffixes
*-man- and *-wan-.
39. If it belongs, by etymology, to the verb afsardan, pres. afsar-, ‘cool, freeze, extin-
guish’.
40. Originally pres. part. med. *arjana- of the root *arg- ‘be worthy’ (cf. Weber 1985:
675–81).
41. If it is to be interpreted as ‘raining’, derived from the verb war-.
960 Dieter Weber

‘highest’, abdom ‘last, final(ly)’, bedom ‘furthermost’, didom ‘second’, fra-

dom ‘first’ (P. 189, line 1, parchment from Egypt, early 7th cent. a.d.), ni-
dom ‘least, smallest’.
6.2.2.1.10. -en Suffix forming adjectives of material and quality (CPD
30), e.g., ahanen ‘iron, of iron’, arzizen ‘tin, leaden’, asemen ‘silver(n)’, brin-
jen ‘bronze, brazen’, carugen ‘limy’, homen ‘of Haoma’, pasen ‘final, last’,
pasmen ‘woollen’, sagen ‘stony’, sruwen ‘horny’, siren ‘sweet’, xasen ‘(dark)
blue’ (cf. OP axsainaka-), zarren ‘golden’ (cf. Avest. zar@naena-).
6.2.2.1.11. -enag Suffix forming secondary substantives from adjectives
in -en, 42 e.g., damenag ‘fan’, gilenag bulla, 43 gozenag ‘a walnut sweetmeat’,
siftenag ‘a sweetmeat’, wafrenag ‘a sweetmeat’.
6.2.2.1.12. -endag Suffix forming present participles, also secondary
nouns, e.g., sayendag ‘able, worthy’, waxsendag ‘blazing, burning’, wa-
yendag ‘bird’.
6.2.2.1.13. -ganag Suffix forming numerical adjectives, ‘-fold’, e.g., be-
ganag ‘strange; stranger’, doganag ‘double; twin’.
6.2.2.1.14. -gen Suffix forming adjectives of quality; cf. Man. MP
ªwzmªhgyn ‘lustful’; nªmgyn ‘known, famous’; 44 Man. Parth. zyngyn
‘equipped with arms’; e.g., pimgen ‘sorrowful’.
6.2.2.1.15. -ig Suffix forming adjectives of relation, etc. (< *-(i)yaka-); cf.
Salemann 1895–1901: 279; the suffix seems to have been isolated from ex-
amples like bamig ‘brilliant, glorious’ < *bam-iyaka- or tarig ‘dark’ < *tanTr-
iyaka- where *-iyaka- must have become -ig which then spread and was
used as one of the commonest suffixes for adjectives of relation. Some of
them were also used as secondary nouns like angustarig ‘finger ring’, casnig
‘taste’, darig ‘holder, keeper, owner’, 45 darzig ‘tailor’ (Tafazzoli 1974: 194),
dastig ‘handsel, cash’, 46 getig ‘the material world’, hambadig ‘opponent,
adversary’, karawanig ‘caravaneer, traveller’, kustig ‘sacred girdle’, laskarig
‘soldier’, mahig ‘fish’; astr. ‘Pisces’, rahig ‘child, page’, razig ‘secret’, rodig ‘in-
testine, gut’, rozig ‘daily bread, sustenance’, sabig (Mazdean’s ritual) ‘under-
shirt’, sahrig ‘headman of a sahr(?)’ (papyrus [Berlin] P. 283, line 2), 47
warzig ‘land worker(?)’ (Doc. Teheran F, line 5, dated 671/672 a.d.), wazig
‘game, play’, wenig ‘nose’, xanig = xan ‘spring, source’, xwardig ‘food’, zamig
‘earth’, zarig ‘sorrow, grief’, zendanig ‘prisoner’. However, it must also be
noted that, in this group of words in -ig, there may be some, especially
nouns, of a different origin, e.g., anig (< *anika-; cf. Skt. anika-), kanig ‘girl,
maid’ (may be *kanyaka- or even *kanika-), narig ‘woman, lady, wife’ (per-
haps <*nar-i-ka-), parig ‘witch’ (cf. Avest. pairika- AIW 863–64). Examples:

42. Inaccurately Salemann (1895–1901: 280). Parthian personal names in -ynk like
ªspynk (Nisa), usually transcribed Aspenak, do not belong to this group as ªspynk is to be
read /Asp-in-ak/ and presupposes OIran. *Asp-ina- (not *Aspaina-); cf. Schmitt 1998: 187.
43. In a Pahlavi parchment from Egypt (early 7th cent. a.d.); cf. Weber 2003b.
44. Formally identical with Osset. nomdzyn, D nomgin; cf. Weber 1999: 526.
45. In documents of early Islamic times, cf. -dar suffix, -holder, -keeper (CPD 24).
46. Cf. Macuch 1993: 515, 654.
47. For the term, cf. Macuch 1993: 525.

12 points short
 Pahlavi Morphology 961

abarig ‘other’ (< Avest. apara-; cf. Sale- marig ‘word, spell’
mann 1895–1901: 279) menogig ‘spiritual’
abar-manig ‘noble namig ‘famous, renowned’
abig ‘aquatic, watery’ nezumanig ‘dextrous, skilful’
abzonig ‘increasing, expansive, osmurdig ‘calculated’ (of the solar
bountiful’ calendar)
adehig ‘indigenous, domestic’ pahlawig ‘Parthian; Pahlavi’
andarwayig ‘of the air, atmospheric’ parragig ‘winged’
anodagig ‘foreign’ parsig ‘Persian’ (cf. Salemann 1895–
azarmig ‘honoured, respected’ 1901: 279)
balistig ‘on high, exalted’ paymanig ‘moderate’
barig/k ‘thin, fine, subtle’ pesenig ‘former; foremost, noble’
cihrig ‘natural’ pesig ‘früher’ (Salemann 1895–1901:
cimig ‘purposeful’ 279)
dadig ‘legal, concerned with the Law’ petitig ‘penitent’
darig in darigbed ‘palace superintendent’ ruwanig ‘spiritual’
denig ‘religious’ spihrig ‘heavenly’
dusoxig ‘hellish’ spurrig ‘entire, complete, perfect’
ewazig ‘particular, individual’ srosig ‘obedient’
fras(a)girdig ‘of Eternity (after the sonig ‘customary, ordinary’
Restoration)’ taftig ‘burning, ardent, fervent’
garodmanig ‘(worthy) of paradise’ tagig ‘swift, strong’
gehanig ‘worldly, mortal’ tanig ‘bodily, corporal’
getig ‘worldly’ tanigardig ‘corporeal’
getigig ‘worldly’ (from getig as a noun) tastig ‘certain’
1gohrig ‘natural, essential’ 1tazig ‘swift, fast’

gramig ‘treasured, dear’ 2Tazig ‘Arab’

gumanig ‘doubtful’ tuhig ‘empty, vain’

gurganig ‘of (the province) Gurgan’ tuwanig ‘able’ (cf. Salemann 1895–1901:
gyanig ‘spiritual; vital’ 279)
hameig ‘eternal’ uzdehig ‘exiled; foreign’ (< Avest.
haminig ‘(of) summer’ uzdah˘yu-; cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 279)
hangamig ‘timely’ uzdah˘yu- (cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 279)
hangirdig ‘complete, perfect; summary’ waharig ‘spring, vernal’
hanjamanig ‘(notable) member of the wahistig ‘(worthy) of paradise’
community’ waranig ‘greedy’
homig ‘of Haoma’ waranig ‘rain(y)’
hromayig ‘Greek, Byzantine, Roman’ (cf. waxsig ‘spiritual’
Salemann 1895–1901: 279) wesagig ‘silvan’
jamig in jamig-paz ‘one who bakes por- widimasig ‘wonderful’
celain pots’, i.e., glazier, manufacturer wihezagig ‘movable; intercalary (year)’
of glazed pots (Tafazzoli 1974: 194) wimandig ‘bounded, limited’
kamalig ‘chief (daevic)’ xradig ‘wise’ (cf. Salemann 1895–1901:
karig ‘active; warrior’ 279)
kenig ‘malicious, vengeful’ xwabarig ‘beneficial’
kirbagig ‘virtuous, pious’ xwadayig ‘lordly; lord’
kofig ‘wild, mountain-’ zamigig ‘terrestrial, earthly’
madagig ‘essential’ zangig ‘negro’
manig ‘household member’ zorig ‘powerful, strong’
Abstracts in -ih are often built upon these adjectives; see 6.2.2.1.17.
962 Dieter Weber

It is noteworthy that some derivatives in -ig seem to be built on verbal

present stems, e.g., darig ‘holder, keeper, owner’ (dastan, dar- ‘have, hold,
keep, preserve’), ewarzig ‘moving’ (ewarzidan ‘move, travel’), sahig ‘worthy’
(sahistan ‘seem; seem proper’), warzig ‘land worker(?)’ (warzidan ‘work, act,
practise; till; beget’), though, of course, a substantival origin could equally
be assumed, e.g., 1warz ‘work, agriculture’. 48
Very common are adjectives in -ig built on abstract nouns in -isn:
abaxsayisnig ‘forgiving, merciful’ ramisnig ‘peaceful, at ease’
abayisnig ‘necessary, fitting, seemly’ sazisnig ‘transient, perishable, mortal’
aroyisnig ‘growing, vegetable’ sohisnig ‘feeling, sensitive mortal’
awenisnig ‘blameworthy’ sozisnig ‘burning, flaming’
brazisnig ‘shining, radiant’ stayisnig ‘praiseworthy’
burzisnig ‘praiseworthy’ wardisnig ‘transient, changeable’
cehisnig ‘mournful’ wazisnig ‘mobile’
frayadisnig ‘helpful’ wenisnig ‘visible’
garzisnig ‘complaining’ widerisnig ‘transient’
girisnig ‘tangible’ windisnig ‘findable’
jadisnig ‘accidental, non-essential’ wisobisnig ‘destructable’
ko(x)sisnig ‘energetic’ wixsayisnig ‘forbearing’
menisnig ‘thoughtful’ wiyufsisnig ‘merry’
nigerisnig ‘evident, manifest’ wizayisnig ‘injurious’
nikohisnig ‘blameworthy, execrable’ wizirisnig ‘avoidable’
passandisnig ‘likeable’ xwarisnig ‘edible’
poyisnig ‘running’ zayisnig ‘born, engendered, animal’
pursisnig ‘responsible’

6.2.2.1.16. -igan Suffix occurring in some isolated and specialized

forms, deriving obviously from *-(i)ya-kana-, e.g., Frawardigan ‘festival of
the frawards’, the last five days of the twelfth month (Spandarmad) and the
following five epacts, mahigan ‘month’, ostigan ‘firm, strong, sure, reliable’,
sahigan ‘palace’ (cf. Sundermann 1984: 177–79), sasabigan ‘satrapal’, wa-
barigan ‘true, trustworthy’.
6.2.2.1.17. -ih Suffix forming abstract nouns from both adjectives and
nouns (< *-iya-Twa-, Arsacidic Parth. *-if, Man. Parth. -yft, Man. MP -yh4 ,
-yy); cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 280–81; Tedesco 1921: 199–200; Henning
1958: 97; very common, e.g.:
abadih ‘prosperity’ husrawih ‘fame, good repute’
abdih ‘wonder’ judagih ‘separation, difference’
adanih ‘ignorance’ madagih ‘femininity’
balistih ‘highness, exaltedness’ nekih ‘goodness’
burdih ‘patience’ paristagih ‘service; worship’
carbih gentleness; fattiness’ paymanigih ‘moderation’
dibirih ‘writing, scribeship’ pudagih ‘rottenness’
farroxih ‘fortune, joy, happiness’ rastih ‘truth’
gandagih ‘stench’ remanih ‘filth’
gugayih ‘testimony’ saxtih ‘strength, severity’

48. This interpretation would also apply to darzig ‘tailor’ : darz ‘seam’.
 Pahlavi Morphology 963

spasdarih ‘gratitude’ waranigih ‘greed, lust’

sadih ‘happiness, joy’ wazaraganih ‘trade’
skeftih ‘hardness; hardship, distress; wiromandih ‘memory’
astonishment’ xindagih ‘illness, sickness’
tandih ‘faintness, langour’ yojdahrih ‘holiness, purity’
tuxsagih ‘diligence, endeavour’ zandikih ‘heresy’, etc.
wadih ‘badness, evil’
For extensions of abstracts in -isn by this suffix, see 6.2.2.1.19.
6.2.2.1.18. -iha Suffix forming adverbs from nouns and adjectives (ac-
cording to Salemann 1895–1901: 282, < *-ya-Twa∂a); in younger Pahlavi it
also formed plurals (cf. NP -ha). On plurals, see 1.3.; on adverbs, see 5.1.
6.2.2.1.19. -isn ( JP -ist, NP -isn and -is, see also Paper 1967) Suffix form-
ing (from the present stem) 49 (i) verbal nouns, (ii) necessitative partici-
ples 50 (CPD 46): Salemann 1895–1901: 281; Horn 1898–1901: 182. For
etymology, cf. Benveniste 1954: 300–1; e.g.: 51 52
abaxsayisn ‘mercy, forgiveness’ padirisn ‘reception, acceptance’
abayisn ‘necessity’ pardazisn ‘freedom; undertaking’
afsarisn ‘cooling’ passazisn ‘preparation, constitution’
barisn ‘bearing, behaviour’ pesisn ‘adornment’
bawisn ‘becoming, genesis’ posisn ‘covering’
baxsisn ‘bestowal, distribution’ pursisn ‘question’
dahisn ‘giving, donation; creation’51 rawisn ‘going, motion
darisn ‘preservation, maintenance’ rayisn ‘order, arrangement’
dosisn ‘liking, pleasure’ royisn ‘growth’
e fistisn ‘permanence, lasting, dwelling’ sahisn ‘satisfaction’
frazamisn ‘completion’ sazisn ‘passing, transience’
gazisn ‘biting’ sebisn ‘confusion’
gowisn ‘speech’ tabisn ‘burning’
hammozisn ‘teaching’ tuxsisn ‘endeavour, striving’
jumbisn ‘motion, movement’ wafisn ‘weaving’
kunisn ‘action, deed’ wenisn ‘sight, seeing’
marisn ‘perception’ windisn ‘acquisition, earnings’
menisn ‘thought, intention, disposition’ xwarisn ‘food’
nazisn ‘1. boasting; 2. kindness’52 yazisn ‘worship’
nigerisn ‘observation’ zanisn ‘blow, smiting’
nixwarisn ‘haste’ zi(w)isn ‘life; livelihood’
osmarisn ‘reckoning; consideration, study’

The abstract sense of the verbal noun is sometimes underscored by the ad-
ditional abstract suffix -ih (cf. MacKenzie 1990), e.g., abesihenisn(ih) ‘de-
struction’, abesihisn(ih) ‘destruction, ruin’, abrozisn(ih) ‘illumination’, etc.

49. There are two examples in Man. MP of a derivation by this suffix from the past
stem: ªmdysn ‘coming, arrival’ and dydysn ‘sight, view, vision’.
50. Its use in forming necessitative participles is not found in Man. MP.
51. The word dasn ‘gift’ does not contain the suffix in question and has nothing to do
with the root *da- ‘give’; it is to be connected with dasn ‘right hand’ as a Vr8 ddhi-form
*dasina fi- (see Schwartz 1974: 401).
52. Here the verbal base is well attested by the pres. stem Man. MP nªz- ‘strut’.

table note call in preceding paragraph

964 Dieter Weber

6.2.2.1.20. -ist (< *-ista-) Suffix forming superlatives from adjectives,

e.g., balist ‘highest; summit’, frahist ‘most’ (superlative of freh), kahist
‘least’, kamist ‘least’, mahist ‘greatest’, nazdist ‘first, next’, xwalist ‘sweetest’,
naxust ‘first’. 53
6.2.2.1.21. -izag Diminutive suffix (cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 281), e.g.,
dosizag ‘maiden, virgin’, giyahizag ‘a straw, blade of grass’ (Salemann 1895–
1901: 281), kanizag = kanig ‘girl, maid’ (Salemann 1895–1901: 281),
maskizag ‘small mussuck, skin “table-cloth”’, murwizag ‘little bird’, nawizag
‘canal’ (“navizak,” Salemann 1895–1901: 281), nayizag ‘small reed, straw’,
pakizag ‘pure’.
6.2.2.1.22. -om (< *-ama-) Suffix forming ordinal numbers from panjom
‘onwards’ (see 3.4).
6.2.2.1.23. -omand Suffix forming adjectives of quality, e.g., akomand
‘evil, harmful’, arzomand ‘valuable, worthy’, bimomand ‘fearful’, gogir-
domand ‘sulphurous’, hunaromand (= hunarawand) ‘skilled, virtuous’, mar-
gomand ‘mortal’, niyazomand ‘needy’, rayomand ‘rich, majestic’, xradomand
‘wise’, zarigomand ‘sad, sorrowful’, ziwisnomand ‘living, alive’.
6.2.2.1.24. -tar (< *-tara-) Suffix forming comparative adjectives, e.g.,
abertar ‘much more’ (comp. of aber ‘very, much’; papyrus [Berlin] P. 245,
line 2, and papyrus [Vienna] P. 41, line 2, both early 7th cent. a.d.), bur-
zenigtar (papyrus [Berlin] P. 184 b 3), farroxtar (often, in papyri of early 7th
cent. a.d.), juttar ‘different, otherwise’, kehtar ‘small(er), less(er),
young(er)’, mehtar ‘elder, senior’, wattar ‘worse, bad, evil’. In some cases
even nouns are enlarged by this suffix, but obviously the adverbial seman-
tics of the phrase raised this particular usage, e.g., pad abzontar ‘(more) in-
creasingly, (more) bountifully’ (papyrus [Berlin] P. 166, line 4), pad ramisn-
tar ‘(more) peacefully’ (papyrus [Berlin] P. 329, line 7, and papyrus [Vi-
enna] P. 561, line 7).
6.2.2.1.25. -tar (var. -dar, 54 < *-tar- ) Suffix forming actor nouns, or
(rare) nouns of action or adjectives (Salemann 1895–1901: 308; Sunder-
mann 1989c: 151), e.g.:

a-menidar ‘unthinking’ gadar ‘husband’

astar ‘sin’ griftar ‘held, taken; captive’
boxtar ‘saviour’ guftar ‘speaker’
burdar ‘bearer; womb’ haftar ‘hyena’
dadar ‘creator’ hammoxtar ‘learner’
dastar ‘keeper, preserver’ handaxtar ‘planner’
didar ‘sight; visible’ handesidar ‘thoughtful’
eraxtar ‘warrior’ kardar ‘active; worker, doer’
framadar ‘commander, ruler, chief’ kastar ‘destroyer, wrongdoer’
freftar ‘deceiver; deceived’ kastar ‘diminisher’

53. This coming from *naxw-ista-, the -i- having become obsolete because of the labial-
izing character of the preceding consonantal phoneme (see Weber 1997: 619–20 and
1994: 107–18).
54. The forms are distributed according the rules of forming the past stem of a verb;
see 4.3.
 Pahlavi Morphology 965

kistar ‘tillage’ raftar ‘goer’

madar ‘comer’ sastar ‘commander; tyrant’
murdar ‘carrion’ wastar ‘wilful, obstinate; over-confident’
nigastar ‘guard; protective’ xwardar ‘(legally) edible, not murdar’
paristar ‘maidservant’ zadar ‘smiter; destructive’
6.2.2.1.26. -tom (< *-tama-) Suffix forming superlative adjectives; cf.
azarmigtom (in post-Sasanian letters, late 7th cent. a.d.), 55 wattom ‘worst’.
6.2.2.2. Suffix is an old noun
6.2.2.2.1. -ban (< *-pana- or *-pawan- ‘protecting’) Suffix forming nouns
with the general meaning ‘keeper of . . .’; cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 283,
e.g., angustban ‘finger-guard, -stall’, boyestanban ‘gardener’, griwban ‘neck-
guard, gorget’, manban ‘watch-dog’, marzban ‘margrave, warden of the
marches’, mezdban ‘host’, mihrban ‘friendly, kind’, 56 pasban ‘guardian,
watcher’, pilban ‘elephant-driver’, pustiban ‘supporter, bodyguard’, razban
‘wine-dresser, wine-grower’, 57 storban ‘(head) groom’, suban ‘shepherd’,
wadban ‘sail’, zendanban ‘jailer’. Sometimes it appears with the additional
suffix -ag : -banag as in bazabanag ‘arm-guard, brassard’, and roz(b)anag
‘window’, perhaps also in the name Razbanag (cf. n. 53).
6.2.2.2.2. -bed (< *pati-) Suffix, ‘lord, master’ (cf. Salemann 1895–1901:
283), e.g., dahibed ‘ruler, lord of the land’, darigbed ‘palace superintendent’,
gahbed ‘treasurer, banker’, herbed ‘teacher-priest’, manbed ‘master of the
house’, spahbed ‘general, commander’, wisbed village ‘headman’, zandbed
‘headman of a district, tribe’.
6.2.2.2.3. -dan (var. -yan, < *dana-) Suffix, ‘-holder, -container’, e.g., ab-
dan ‘water-holder’, astodan ‘sepulchre, ossuary’, pusyan ‘womb’, zendan
‘prison’.
6.2.2.2.4. -dar (var. -yar, < *dara-) Suffix, ‘-holder, -keeper’, e.g., boydar
‘scented’, kamandar ‘archer, bowman’, kesdar ‘sectary, non-Mazdean’, rah-
dar ‘brigand, highway robber’, spasdar ‘grateful, thankful’, sahryar ‘lord,
sovereign, ruler’.
6.2.2.2.5. -gar (var. -kar, < *kara- ‘doer’) 58 Suffix forming agent nouns
and adjectives; cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 282, e.g., gumangar ‘casting
doubt’, kunisngar ‘doer, performer’, mustgar ‘violent, rebellious’, perozgar
‘victorious’; with var. -kar, 59 e.g., ardikkar ‘warlike, warrior’, bazakkar ‘sin-
ful, sinner’, labakkar ‘suppliant’, zindakkar ‘vivifier, reviver’; particular ex-
pressions for a number of craftsmen, e.g., ahangar ‘ironsmith, blacksmith’
(Tafazzoli 1974: 193), asemgar ‘silversmith’ (Tafazzoli 1974: 193), carugar
‘one who works with mortar’ (Tafazzoli 1974: 193), celangar ‘swordsmith;

55. See e.g., Gignoux 1996: 65 (Los Angeles document no. 3, line 2, not read).
56. This word seems to be a relic from OIran. times as it does not fit into the semantic
pattern of all other examples.
57. This word is also attested through the MP personal name Razbanag (papyri from
Egypt 7th cen. a.d.) and seems to be a relic from Achaemenian, or at least from Parthian
times; cf. Nisa rzpnn (pl.).
58. That the ordinals dudigar ‘second’ and sidigar ‘third’ contain the same suffix is
rather doubtful; see Salemann 1895–1901: 289.
59. Following OIran. *k; cf. Weber 1997: 628.
966 Dieter Weber

one who makes small ironware’ (cf. Tafazzoli 1974: 193–94), dosengar ‘one
who makes glazed earthen vessels’ (Tafazzoli 1974: 194), durgar ‘carpenter’
(Tafazzoli 1974: 194), huniyagar ‘entertainer, musician’, kafsgar ‘shoe-
maker’ (Tafazzoli 1974: 194), kulwargar ‘potter’ (Tafazzoli 1974: 194–95),
paygalgar ‘cup-maker’ (Tafazzoli 1974: 195), rosngar ‘illuminator’, warzigar
‘worker, peasant’, zarr(i)gar ‘goldsmith’.
6.2.2.2.6. -gar (< *kara-) Suffix forming actor nouns, e.g., ayadgar
‘memoir’, hammozgar ‘teacher’, kamgar ‘powerful, absolute’, rozgar ‘day-
time’, winahgar ‘sinner’, zyangar ‘harmful’.
6.2.2.2.7. -ron (cf. ron ‘direction’) Cf. Salemann 1895–1901: 283, 60 e.g.,
abaron ‘contrary, wrong, sinful’, andaron ‘inside, within’, beron ‘outside’,
fraron ‘righteous, honest’, oron ‘hither’, parron ‘hence, away’.
6.2.2.2.8. -stan (< *stana-) Suffix forming nouns of place and time; cf.
Salemann 1895–1901: 283, e.g., boyestan ‘(flower) garden’, dadestan ‘judge-
ment, justice, law; case, process’, frahangestan ‘school’, gostan ‘cattle-stall,
cowshed’, herbedestan ‘priestly school’, nayestan ‘reed-bed, cane-brake’,
sabestan ‘gynaeceum, private apartments’, sahrestan ‘province; capital,
city’, tabestan ‘summer’, zamestan ‘winter’.
6.2.2.2.9. -war (< *-bara-) Suffix, ‘bearing, bearer’, cf. Avest. uuara- (AIW
944), e.g., aznawar ‘noble’, azwar ‘greedy’, bahrwar ‘endowed, provided’,
dadwar ‘judge’, dastwar ‘authority, priest, minister’, gadwar (= Avest.
ga∂auuara-) ‘bearing a club’, ganjwar ‘treasurer’, kenwar ‘vengeful, vindic-
tive’, parrwar ‘winged’, ranjwar ‘troubled, distressed’, sruwar ‘horned’,
waxswar ‘prophet’.
6.2.2.2.10. -war (< *-bara-) Suffix, ‘bearing, bearer’, 61 e.g., awestwar
‘firm, reliable’, 62 duswar ‘difficult, disagreeable’, goswar ‘earring’, gurdwar
‘befitting a hero’, salwar ‘perennial’, sazagwar = sazag ‘fitting, worthy’, sah-
war ‘royal, kingly’, salwar ‘trousers’, ummedwar ‘hopeful’, xwadaywar
‘lordly’.
6.3. Nominal composition
6.3.1. Nominal composition
This is a widespread feature in Pahlavi representing, on the whole, those
possibilities as were already known in OIran. Here only a few examples
will suffice to illustrate it. The old form of a Dvandva is perhaps repre-
sented by roz-saban ‘day and night’. Tatpurußas are very common like raz-
kirrog ‘architect, builder’ or kadag-banug ‘mistress, lady of the house’. Com-
pounds like cang-sray ‘harpist’ or dast-gir ‘1. helper; 2. captive’, with the
present stem as second part of the compound certainly reflect the type of
OP Darayavaus (*Daraya(t)-vahu-), and purr-mah ‘full moon’ seems to be a
simple Karmadharaya-compound. Possessive compounds (Bahuvrihis) play
the most eminent role in Pahlavi nominal composition, being found not
only with appellatives but particularly with proper names.
60. This formation has been re-examined repeatedly in recent times; see Sundermann
1989c: 159 with n. 186.
61. Obviously there is no variant in *-bar.
62. Cf. Sundermann 1982: 57–58, (corrigenda) 296.
 Pahlavi Morphology 967

6.3.2. Bahuvrihis
This form of nominal composition is still very common in Pahlavi, e.g.,
do-pay ‘biped, human being’ (lit., ‘having two feet/legs’). The second part
of the compound is very often extended by the suffix -ag, e.g., sabag ‘1. jet,
obsidian; 2. . . . -nights-long’, in se-sabag ‘three-night-long, trinoctial’; do-
salag ‘two-years-old’, 63 haft-salag ‘seven-years-old’ (Salemann 1895–1901:
289). Sometimes this is also met with in connection with the prefix a-, an-,
e.g., a-kanarag ‘unlimited, boundless’ (lit., ‘having no limit’), a-marag
‘countless’ (lit., ‘having no number/counting’) though in both cases the
formations with and without the suffix -ag do occur; cf. kanar : kanarag,
mar : marag; or dus-, e.g., dus-farrag ‘unfortunate’. For proper names, cf.
Mihr-panah ‘having the protection of Mihr’ (Gignoux 1986: no. 654).
6.4. Verbal composition
6.4.1. Preverb semantics
There are no longer any preverbs that could be freely used. Rather, verbs
that have been formed with old preverbs usually show new semantics; the
following list will illustrate this:
bastan, band- ‘tie, bind’ : 1hambastan, hamband- ‘form, compose; bind
together, intertwine, encircle’
budan, b(aw)- ‘be, become’ : hambudan, hambaw- ‘be united, composed’
burdan, bar- ‘carry, bear, take, endure’ : awurdan, awar- ‘bring’
2doxtan, doz- ‘sew’ : handoxtan, handoz- ‘gain, acquire, amass’

griftan, gir- ‘take, hold, restrain’ : padiriftan, padir- ‘receive, accept’

kaftan, kaf- ‘fall’ : pahikaftan, pahikaf- ‘fall on, touch, hit, attack’
kandan, kan- ‘dig; raze, destroy’ : abgandan, abgan- ‘throw’, agandan,
agan- ‘fill, stuff’, fragandan, fragan- ‘lay foundations’, pargandan, par-
gan- ‘scatter, distribute, disperse’
koftan, kob- ‘beat, pound, crush’ : pahikoftan, pahikob- ‘strike’
nidan, nay- ‘lead’ : anidan, anay- ‘bring, lead’
ray- in rayisn ‘order, arrangement’ (cf. 6.2.2.1.19.), rayenidan, rayen-
‘lead, direct, arrange, organize’ (cf. 4.4.2.) : arastan, aray- ‘prepare, ar-
range, adorn’
taxtan, taz- ‘cause to run, flow; chase; pour’ : widaxtan, widaz- ‘melt,
dissolve’
zam- in zamenidan, zamen- ‘lead, send’ (cf. 4.4.2) : frazaftan, frazam- ‘fin-
ish, complete, perfect’; cf. frazamenidan, frazamen- = frazaftan
6.4.2. Preverb shape
In a case like asixtan, asinj- ‘pour, flow, overflow’ (no simplex), the preverb
is visible (*a-) as it is in arastan; but because the root of the verb is *haik-,
the preverb *a- could not effect the initial *h- (< Indo-Aryan *s-), thus be-
coming s-, which was only possible with a preverb ending in *-i like
*pati-. 64 This is a clear example of the fact that preverbs had been, by
63. In a document on parchment (Doc. [Los Angeles] 1, line 2, early Islamic times); dif-
ferently Gignoux 1996: 64.
64. Cf. passing ‘drop, exudation’, passinjidan, passinj- ‘sprinkle’.
968 Dieter Weber

Middle Iranian times, linked to the verbal stem inseparably, thus producing
new semantics.
6.4.3. “New” preverbs
Brunner (1977: 157) mentions the “preverbs” fraz ‘forth’, abaz ‘back’, and
be ‘out’ (for the latter, cf. perhaps the example given in 1.4) which seem to
attain the status of “new” preverbs in Pahlavi. The difference between
their status as adverb (see 5.1) and preverb becomes obvious from this ex-
ample mentioned by Brunner: Lª LªWÓL nkylyt' = ne abaz nigerid ‘he did
not look back’, in which the negation does not stand just before niger- but
before abaz, thus confirming that abaz belongs to the verb.

Appendix
Because Table 30–1 in “Pahlavi Phonology” (Weber 1997: 611) appeared
with errors, it is given here again. Pahlavi comprises the following pho-
nemes:
Vowels
short: i e (?) a o (?) u
long: i e a o u
Consonants
p t c k
b d j g
f s s x xw
z z ƒ (?) *ƒw
m n
w r l y

In the main this list is in accordance with MacKenzie (CPD: xiv and xv),
except for /xw/.

Abbreviations
AIW = Bartholomae 1904
Avest. Avestan
CPD = MacKenzie 1971
JP Jewish Persian
Lat. Latin
Man. Manichean
MP Middle Persian
NP New Persian
OIran. Old Iranian
OP Old Persian
Osset. (D) Ossetic (Digoron)
Parth. Parthian
 Pahlavi Morphology 969

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