The Wisdom of Solomon

and the Byzantine Reception

ofOrigen
This is a critical edition of a newly discovered Greek manuscript: a full com-
mentary fr om Codex 199, Metochi on of the Holy Sepulchre, Constantinople,
entitled 'Wi sdom of Solomon - an interpretation of Solomon's Book of Wis-
dom, by Ori gen , as they sat The book includes critica l apparat us, commen-
tary, an d English translation .

The Intro duction acquaints readers with the tex t, as well as its late Byzantine
context. In th e manu scrip t both the Biblical tex t (quoted lemma aft er lemma)
and the commentary are presented in full, which makes the document a valu-
able one fo r Old Testament scholars, since it contai ns not only the full com-
mentary, but also the entire text of the Book of Wi sdom, which at points has
some interesti ng variations from all extant co dices of the Septuagint.

Intri gui ngly, Origen's name is on the r ubric, but as auth or Panayiotis Tzama-
likos demonstrates, the most likely author is Nikephorus Gregoras. Study of
Gregoras' predecessors, architects of the Palaelogean Enlightenment such as
George Acropolites, Theodore Metochites, and George Pachymeres, as well as
Gregoras' contemporary John Kyparissiotes, sheds furt her light on how Chris-
tian an d Greek thought were received and interpreted in the East.

Thi s book mar ks a majo r contribution to the fi eld of Greek and Byzantine phil-
oso phical exeges is, and will be valuable for postgraduate classes on patristics,
Biblical exegesis, and Byzantine and Greek phil osophy.

Panayiotis Tzamalikos, MSc, MPhil, PhD, is Professor of Philosophy at

the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. He has written 17 books, as well as
numerous articles. These include studies on Origen , ancient G reek ph ilosophy,
the newly discovered Cassian the Sabaite, and four cri tical editions of previ-
ously un known Greek texts.

www.peterlang.com

Cover im age : Paris psa lter (BNF lvIS Gr<'!c 139),

folio 7v David ent re la Sagi'Sse ella Prophetie
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The Wisdom ofSolomon and the
Byzantine Reception of Origen
 Panayiotis Tzamalikos

The Wisdom o/Solomon and

the Byzantine Reception
ofOrigen

PETER LANG
New York· Berlin· Brussels· Lausanne· Oxford
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 For my beloved wift
Eleni
my thirty-year-long escorting angel
Contents

Preface ix
Abbreviations xiii

Introduction 1
Hebrew and Greek 'Wisdom' 1
The Codex 6
The Owner, Demetrius Protocanonarch of the Great Church
(Haghia Sophia) 13
Origen in the Palaeologean Enlightenment 21
The Belated Byzantine Enlightenment: Pachymeres and
Gregoras, Two Antipodal Personalities 46
Nikephorus Gregoras 83
Identification of Authorship 98

Greek Text 137

Translation 371

Appendix: Origen, Maximus Confessor, and Neoplatonism 557

viii I Contents

Bibliography 603
Index ofAncient and Medieval Names 659
Index ofModern Names 675
 Preface

This is a commentary written during the period of the so-called Byzantine

Enlightenment, when a keen interest in the old Hellenic lore made a distinctive
mark - the same heritage which, during Byzantium's period of acme, was exor-
cised as a daemon.
This 'Enlightenment' was the era when a flurry of commentaries on works
of Archaic, Classical and Late Antiquity appeared: scholia on Homer, Hesiod,
Aristotle (but less on Plato), the three great tragedians, Aristophanes, as well as
on Lucian of Samosata, Hermogenes, and others.
The present codex contains the entire text of the Book of Wisdom along
the commentary, without lacunae or missing points at all. The pattern is that of
Origen's having taken his cue from Alexander of Aphrodisias (notably, the latter's
commentaries on Aristotle's Metaphysics) Prior Analytics) Topics) On Sense and
Perceptible Things, Meteorologics, On the Soul, etc.): a short pericope of the prime
treatise is quoted and then a comment follows; a next pericope is likewise copied
and commented upon, and so Oll.

As a matter of fact, there are several points of the present commentary that
can be associated with Origen's pen, since there are distinctive versions of specific
biblical terms that correspond to the scriptural text Origen used, as indeed there
x I Prefoce
are variations of the text of the Book of Wisdom which, to biblical scholars, will
appear novel, and sometimes intriguing.
Nevertheless, the commentary in its extant form is definitely much later: the
vocabulary (especially flowery neologisms) is heavily drawn from that of Pseudo-
Dionysius the Areopagite (therefore, occasionally, from Proclus, too). The author
makes his own contribution to the use of bombastic nouns and epithets, since
it was a characteristic of the later Byzantine period to prefix nouns and epithets
with prepositions, especially in relation to God, which add emphasis but in fact
mean nothing new: to speak of God (8.6,) and styling Him tJ7r.pS.o, adds noth-
ing. Likewise, when the commentator speaks of God and styles Him {)7r~prXTIHpO~
instead of 'infinite' (,"napo,), the addition of the preposition tm<p adds to gran-
diloquence, but otherwise this is redundant. Similar cases of this kind abound
throughout this text.
The author was a man who evidently wrote this commentary not in order to
do theology (although at several points he does not refrain from doing so, too)
as to edify, which becomes evident at specific expressive points, especially by the
end of his commentary.
A study of this betrays the pen of Nikephorus Gregoras writing during
a period of hot combative debate between the proponents of the so-called
Hesychasm and its opponents. Scholars of both sides wrote extensive treatises or
pamphlets, or delivered sermons, most of which naturally were polemical ones.
As it always happens in such cases, so also the Palamist and anti-Palamist
parties used common stock of terminology, which means that philological anal-
ysis alone could not suffice to determine authorship of this commentary. This is
why it took also a study of the historical context and circumstances, and none-
theless critical consideration of some personal remarks by the author, which are
illuminating indeed.
To Gregoras, Solomon was not just a king: he was a wise king, and a prophet
for that matter. The exegesis of the Book of Wisdom not only expounds what
happened to the Egyptians because, due to their unwise king, they tormented
and chased the people of God before and during their Exodus and march
towards the Land of Promise: it also admonishes the man who was king when
Gregoras' wrote this commentary, namely, John VI Cantacuzenus, that the Book
of Wisdom caveats that this ruler could incur severe punishment for persecuting
and incarcerating a man of God such as Gregoras himself, whose only crime was
that he maintained an infallible perception of Christian doctrine against the her-
esy of Gregory Palamas. This is the hub around which almost all of the author's
analyses cluster.
 Prefoce I xi
Once again, my collaboration with Dr. Philip Dunshea, the erudite scholar
and Editor of this series, has been sheer delight to me. Besides, my cooperation
with Production Manager Jackie Pavlovic has resulted in a decent presentation of
the text, for which I am grateful to them both.
 Ab breviations

Origen
eels Contra Ce!sum
commlCor Fragmenta ex Commentariis in Epistulam i ad Corinthios
commEph Fragmenta ex Commentariis in Epistulam ad Ephesios
commGen Fragmenta ex Commentariis in Genesim
comm]ohn Commentarii in Evangelium Joannis
commMatt Commentarium in Evangelium Matthaei
commRom Fragmenta ex Commentariis in Epistulam ad Romanos
commSerMatt Commentariorum Series in Matthaeum
dear De Oratione
excPs Excerpta in Psaimos
exhMar Exhortatio ad Martyrium
expProv Expositio in Proverbia
fr]ohn Fragmenta in Evangelium Joannis
frLam Fragmenta in Lamentationes
frMatt Fragmenta in Matthaeum
frProv Fragmenta in Proverbia
frPs Fragmenta in Psaimos
homier In ]eremiam (homiliae 1-20)
xiv I Abbreviations
homLuc Homiliae in Lucam
homPs Homiliae in Psalmos
Princ De Principiis
schLuc Scholia in Lucam
schMatt Scholia in Matthaeum
selDeut Selecta in Deuteronomium
selEz Selecta in Ezechielem
selGen Selecta in Genesim
selPs Selecta in Psalmos

Other Authors
adnotArist Gennadius Scholarius, Adnotationes in Aristotelis Opera Diversa
commAnalPost John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Analytica Posteriora Commentaria
Eustratius ofNicaea, I nAristotelisAnalyticaPosteriora Commentaria
commAnim John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Libros De Anima Commentaria
Simplicius, In Aristotelis Libros De Anima Commentaria
commCael Simplicius, In Aristotelis Quattuor Libros De Caelo Commentaria
George Pachymeres, In Aristotelis De Caelo Commentarium (Iiberiil)
commCateg Arethas of Caesarea, Scholia in Aristotelis Categorias
Ammonius ofAlexandria, InAristotelis Categorias Commentarium
Dexippus, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium
Simplicius, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium
Elias of Alexandria, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium
John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium
Hermias of Alexandria, In Aristotelis Categorias Commentarium
Porphyry, In Aristotelis Categorias Expositio per Interrogationem et
Responsionem
commEthNicom Eustratius of Nicaea, In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea vi
Commentaria
George Pachymeres, I nAristo telis Eth icaNicomachea Co mmentaria
(Iiber xl)
commEucl Proclus, In Primum Euclidis Elementorum Librum Commentarii
commMetaph Alexander of Aphrodisias, In Aristotelis Metaphysica Commentaria
Syrian us, In Aristotelis Metaphysica Commentaria
Asclepius of Tralles, In Aristotelis Metaphysicorum Libros
Commentaria
 Abbreviations I xv

George Pachymeres, In Aristotelis Metaphysicam Commentarium

(liber x)
commMeteor Alexander of Aphrodisias In Aristotelis Meteorologicorum Libros
Commentaria
John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Meteorologicorum Librum Primum
Commentarium
George Pachymeres, In Aristotelis Meteorologicorum Commentarium
commPhys Michael Psellus, In Aristotelis Physicorum Libros Commentarium
John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Physicorum Libros Commentaria
Simplicius, In Aristotelis Physicorum Libros Commentaria
commRep Proclus, In Platonis Rem Publicam Commentarii
commTim Porphyry, In Platonis Timaeum Commentaria (jragmenta)
Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum Commentaria
Curatio Theodoret, Graecarum Affictionum Curatio
HE Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica
Theodoret, Historia Ecclesiastica
Gelasius of Cyzicus, Historia Ecc/esiastica
Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica
Socrates Scholastic us, Historia Ecc/esiastica
Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, Historia Ecclesiastica
Meletius, bishop of Athens, Historia Ecc/esiastica
Opuscula i Michael Psellus, Opuscula Logica, Physica, Allegorica, Alia
Opuscula ii MichaelPsellus, OpusculaPsychologica, Theologica, Daemonologica
paraphrPhys Themistius, In Aristotelis Physica Paraphrasis
Princ Damascius, De Principiis
vttae Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum
ACO E. Schwartz, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum
GCS Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei
Jahrhunderte
PG J. P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca (volume/page/line)
PL P. Migne, Patrologia Latina (volume/page/line)
ACO Concilia Oecumenica
SVF Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta (volume, page, verse)
COT Panayiotis Tzamalikos, Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time
PHE Panayiotis Tzamalikos, Origen: Philosophy of History and
Eschatology
RCR Panayiotis T zamalikos, The Real Cassian Revisited
xvi I Abbreviations

NDGF Panayiotis Tzamalikos, A Newly Discovered Greek Father

Scholia Panayiotis Tzamalikos, An Ancient Commentary on the Book of
Revelation
Anaxagoras Panayiotis Tzamalikos, Anaxagoras) Origen) and Neoplatonism -
The Legacy ofAnaxagoras to Classical and Late Antiquity

Psalms are numbered after LXX

 Introduction

Hebrew and Creek 'Wisdom'

The Hebrew word :J1JJ1n, which in Greek is rendered 'wisdom', was a polyse-
mous one: it may suggest either dexterous craftsmanship or a political opinion
or ability of fine discrimination. Nonetheless, it may mean cunningness or guile-
fulness or possession of the art of magic. The Hebrew 'wise' men are first and
foremost interested in questions of order and duties to be observed throughout
one's life. Sometimes, they attempt to consider an individual's fate, yet not by
means of philosophical contemplation according to the Hellenic paradigm, but
by mustering and considering sundry instances of experience. The aim is not to
change the world root and branch, but to instruct people how they should behave
amidst the present real situation of the world, so as to effectuate for themselves
a righteous and happy life. Since it is always possible for 'wisdom' to be used to
either virtuous or evil purposes, prophets sometimes spoke of that scornfully.l
Nevertheless, to Hebrew sages, the real wisdom comes from God and true wis-
dom is but piousness. 2

Cf. Isaiah, 5:21; 29:14; J er. 8:9.

2 Exodus, 31:3; 35:31; Job, 28:28; Psalms 36:30; 48:4; 89:12; 110:10; Provo 1:7; 1:29; 2:2; 2:6; 3:5; 3:13;
9:10; et passim; Ecclesiastes, 12:13; Job, 28:20; Ecclesiasticus, 1:4; 1:20; etc.
2 I I ntroductio n
In reality, the only wise one is God, whose ineffable wisdom one can see in
the Creation, yet it is not always possible to decipher this. 3 And when Solomon
promised to bring wisdom to light,4 he meant the manifestation of this into the
world, not God's wisdom per se. 5
In Job, 28, Wisdom is represented as a presence which is distinct from
God, who is the sole one who knows where she is hidden. In Ecclesiasticus, 24,
Wisdom is sent forth down to Israel from the mouth of God. In Solomon's Book
of Wisdom, 7:22-8:1, Wisdom is the breath of the almighty God and pure reflec-
tion of his light.
In the prologue to the book of Proverbs (1-9), as well as in other biblical
texts, the divine Wisdom appears as personified. In such texts, the Wisdom is
a person 6 created by God prior to the world;? she participates in God's creative
act,S and is sent by God down to earth in order to reveal the secrets of the divine
will to men. Nevertheless, similar adumbrations were used also in relation to the
Spirit,' as well as for the Logos ofGod.lO
The difference between the Hebrew and Hellenic mindset is all too obvi-
ous: to Greeks, the meaning of 'wisdom' was clear, and once Xenocrates for-
mulated its definition crisply and sententiously, this came to be proverbialY
Christian authors repeated this definition of wisdom verbatim, tooY

3 Job, 28:38-39; Ecclesiasticus, 1:3; 18:6; Wis. 7:21; 9:16; 24:28.

4 Wis. 6:9-12; 6:22.
5 Wis. 9:13-16.
6 Cf. Provo 1:20-33; 8:1-9 &18; Wis. 7:24-27; 10:4; Ecclesiasticus, 24:1-22.
7 Provo 8:22-25; Ecclesiasticus, 1:4; 24:9.
8 Provo 8:26-31; Wis. 9:2&9; 14:2.
9 Wis. 1:6; 7:2; 9:17; 7:22; Psalms of Solomon, 17:37; Isaiah, 11:2; 63:10-11; Daniel (Greek tr.), 5:12; 6:4.
10 Gen. 1:3 ff; Psalm 32:6; Wis. 9:1; 18:23; Ecclesiasticus, 48:3; 2 Kings, 13:20&32; 3 Kings, 16:1;
21:35; 4 Kings, 9:36; etc.
11 Xenocrates, Fragmenta, fr. 259, apud Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, 2.5.24: wisdom is thorough
knowledge of the primal causes and of the intelligible essence (imcr-r~ft1'] -rCr... 7rpw-rw... ctt-rtw... Kctt -r~;
",o1']-r~; ovcrtct;). Likewise, in Clement, op. cit. 1.5.30.1. So did Arius Didymus, Liber De Philosophorum
Sectis, p. 98, apudStobaeus, Anthologium, 2.7.25: croifltct... ;~ -r~ ... imcr-r~ftYJV -rW... 7rpw-rwv ctt-rtw.... Philo,
De Congressu Eruditionis Gratia, 79: croifltct;~ imcr-r~ft1'] edw... Kctt it... epW7rt... w... Kctt -rW... -rov-rw... ctt-rtw....
This was combination with the Stoic definition of wisdom defined as 'thorough knowledge of divine
and human things'. Chrysippus, frs. 35 &36 & 1017; Posidonius, frs. 25la; 25lc; but the Stoics did not
speak about knowledge ofcauses. Photius reported this as a definition having been quoted by an anon-
ymous author. Bibliotheca, Cod. 249, p. 440b. Alexander of Aphrodisias, commMetaph, p. 8: 7ritn~;
yap -rYJv crOifltct... -rW... itpxw", Kctt -rw... ctt-rtw... iflctcrt... d ... ctt yvwcrt..., Kctt croiflo; b -roV-rw... imcr-r~ftw.... Likewise,
op. cit. pp. 15; 175; 186. Asclepius ofTralles, commMetaph, pp. 3; 141. Anonymous, Commentarium
in Hermogenis Librum IIipi Tra-riwv, p. 696.
12 Basil of Caesarea, Homilia in Principium Proverbiorum, PG.31.389.33-35; but his last phrase is a loan
from Origen. Cf. Basil: '0 oVv im-r~-rctfti... w; e~oAoyW'" lyvw croifltct.... Origen, expProv, PG.17.161.30-
31: Kctt e~oAoyW'" ;i -rt; im-r~-rctfti... w; lyvw cro¥ct .... Sec the same text in Didymus, Commentarii in
 Introduction I3
However, the only author who considered Wisdom in both the sense appear-
ing in Solomon and the Hellenic one was Origen.

We will reply to this that, whether wisdom is thorough knowledge of divine

and human things and of their causes, or (as the divine teaching defines it) 'a
breath of the power of God, and a pure effluence of the glory of the Almighty'
and 'the brightness of the everlasting light and unspotted mirror of the power
of God and image of His goodness',13 no [sc. non-Christian] wise person would
disown what is said by a Christian who is cognisant of the Christian doctrine,
nor would he be led astray or impeded by it. 14

The Greek definition of wisdom that Origen uses (which includes 'knowl-
edge of causes') was not actually the Stoic one, since the latter did not include
'knowledge of causes'.15 In fact, Origen quoted from 4 Mace. 1.16, which had
been used by both Philo!6 and Clement of Alexandria l ? Subsequently, Origen,18
as well as later authors, used this, too. 19
Nevertheless, Origen availed himself also of the definition which did not
include reference to 'knowledge of causes', which doxographers reported as
having been a Stoic one. 20 Stobaeus wrote that this was also a definition by the
Pythagorean Archytas,21 whereas Albinus claimed that this was a Platonic one. 22

Ecclesiasten (7-8.8), Cod. p. 226. John of Damascus, Sacra Parallela, PG.96.360.40-41. Prochorus
Cydones (fourteenth century), De Lumine Thaborico, section 20.
13 Wis. 7:25-26.
14 Origen, Cels, 111.72 (partially, in Philocalia, 18.20).
15 50 Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, 2.2.25.3; Stromateis, 4.26.163.4; 6.16.133.5; 6.16.138.5.
16 Philo, De Congressu Eruditionis Gratia, 79: cr0<flta ;~ i7ncrT"~fl1'] 9dw)! Kat Ct)!9pwm)!w)! Kat T"W)! T"OVT"W)!
atT"tw)!.
17 Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, 1.5.30.1; in op. cit. 2.5.21.1, Clement explicilty cites Xenocrates'
On Prudence (IIip! <J;pov1-r<w~) as the source of this definition.
18 Basil of Caesarea, Homilia in Principium Proverbiorum, PG.31.389.32-33 Pseudo-Basil of Caesarea
(forsan, Cassian the 5abaite), Enarratio in Prophetam /saiam, 5.176. Didymus, Commentarii in
Ecclesiasten (1.1-8), Cod. p. 34; Commentarii in Ecclesiasten (7-8.8), Cod. p. 226. Procopius of
Gaza, Commentarii in /saiam, p. 1924. Olympiodorus, the deacon of Alexandria, Commentarii in
Ecclesiasten, PG.93.492.55-56. John of Damascus, Sacra Parallela, PG.96.360.40-41. Constantine
Porphyrogenitus, De Virtutibus et Vitiis, v. 1, p. 116.
19 Eusebius, De Laudibus Constantini, prologue.2. Gregory of Nazianzus, De Filio (orat. 30), 20;
Apologetica (orat. 2), PG.35.460.11-13. John Chrysostom, Expositiones in Psalmos, PG.55.289.56-58
(ref. to 'the heathen'). Himerius (Greek sophist and rhetorician, c. 315AD - c. 386AD), Declamationes
et Orationes, oration 3, line 141.
20 Origen, homJer, homily 8.2;frProv, PG.13.17.45-46. 50 Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, 2.2.25.3;
Stromateis, 4.26.163.4; 6.16.133.5; 6.16.138.5.
21 5tobaeus, Anthologium, 3.1.113 (Pseudo-Archytas, Fragmenta, p. 11).
22 Albinus, Epitome Doctrinae Platonicae (.JIBMXaAlxJd 1.1.
4 I I ntroductio n
In any event, to Greeks, the definition of 'wisdom' was clear-cut and its
conceptual content was uncontroversial. It is noteworthy, however, that George
Pachymeres embraced a definition of wisdom which was not the traditional (Stoic
or Platonic) one: he defined wisdom as 'the thorough knowledge of the truth
which is inherent in beings' (O"o~(a €O"Tt> €7rlo"T~~~ T~, €> ToI, oVo-" "A~e.(a,). 23
Although he endorsed the ancient thesis that true knowledge applies to immate-
rial entities par excellence (rolIXU'TIX.1~ 'Ta. KUplW~ o-V'TIX, W-V KIX'Ta. [1~'T0X~-V KlXt 'Ta. 'Tfj.1~
O-V'TIX A4)'0-V'TlXl, 'TIXU'TIX U ~[o"l 'Ta. &UAIX' ... Tw-v )'OU-V 'TOLOU'TW-V €~lXlp4'Tw~ €7n0"'T~[1Y]
€0"'Tt-v ~ O"OCPllX, O"u[1~~~Y]K6'Tw~.1~ KlXt 'TW-V [1H~X6-v'Tw-V WJ'TW-V, 0 €O"'Tl O"w[1a'Tw-v), never-
theless, he professed that 'wisdom applies to both species', namely, to immaterial
and material ones alike ('TW-V &plX .1UO ~[.1W-V 'TOU'TW-V €7n0"'T~[1Y]-v -v0[1lO"'T40-v 'T~-V O"OCPllX-V
~1-vlXl).24 It could be argued that this definition is not essentially different from
the traditional Greek one. What is important, however, is that the designation
Pachymeres employed was verbatim the same as that which had been proposed by
the mathematician Nicomachus of Gerasa as being one introduced by Pythagoras
himself25 Naturally, Iamblichus had copied this to the letter. 26
It is noteworthy, nevertheless, that, after Iamblichus, almost the only one
who too up this definition to the letter was George Pachymeres. 'Almost' sim-
ply means that this appears also in an anonymous commentary on Aristotle's
Sophisticos Elenchos, 27 wherefore to surmise that Pachymeres was the writer of that
would be only natural to do.
It was not unexpected that Pachymeres embraced that formula, given the
importance he attached to knowledge of Mathematics in order to grasp truth.
Interestingly, when he expounds his conviction once again, and says that 'without
knowledge of Mathematics it is impossible to make out the kinds of Being; there-
fore, it is impossible also to discover the truth which is inherent in beings, which
is in fact wisdom itself' In order to undergird this, he says that he quotes from
Plotinus having extolled the importance of Mathematics pending study of truth:

23 G eorge Pachymeres, Quadrivium, 1.2; commAfetaph, 1.1.

24 Quadrivium, 1.2.
25 Nicomachus, IntroductioArithmetica, 1.1.2; 1.2.3; 1.3.3.
26 lamblichus, De VIta Pythagorica, 29.159; Protrepticus, p. 115; In Nicomachi Arithmeticam
Introductionem, p. 6.
27 Anonymous, In Aristotelis Sophisticos Elenchos Paraphrasis, section 2. The only other author who
embraced this formula (a good 150 years after Pachymeres) was Gennadius Scholarius. Qjtaestiones et
Responsiones De Divinitate Domini Nostri }esu Christi, p. 460.
 Introduction I5
For it is necessary to teach the youth Mathematics, so that they should get
accustomed to the incorporeal nature CTIctpct60TSOV ya.p TOr~ 'VSOl~ Ta. fLct8~fLctTct',
<f'1ITL'V') TIAWTr'VO~, 'TrpO~ ITtrVS8llTfLo'V T~~ alTwfLaTOU <fUITSW~').28

This is certainly what Plotinus maintained, but the phrase Pachymeres

quoted was but a paraphrase of Plotinus' text, which propounded knowledge of
Mathematics by 'the philosopher, who is by nature fitted out and winged' (a hint
to Plato, Phaedrus, 246cl), not knowledge of Mathematics by the youth 29
This specific paraphrase by memory had been introduced by Ammonius
of Alexandria,30 and thereafter was repeated tralatitiously by John Philoponus,
David of Alexandria, and John Pachymeres,31 plus an anonymous commentator
of Plato, who could have been Pachymeres himself.32 In those authors, the alleged
(inaccurate) quotation from Plotinus is remarkably identicaP3
I should have thought that Pachymeres took this up from Philo po nus (as
indeed he could have availed himself of Philoponus' arguments against the idea
of non-eternity of the world). Besides, a text formerly known as one by Pseudo-
Philoponus, has turned out to be Pachymeres'.34
Contrast to this, in the Bible, the various references to Wisdom/Logos/
Spirit of God are unsystematic and unclear, since it is not always easy to make
out whether particular instances are either philological/poetical illustrations or
echoes of ancient religious beliefs or a new revelation. In any event, pertinent
Biblical instances were taken up by the Christian authors of the New Testament
and applied to the person of Jesus, or were explained as prefigurations of the
Second Trinitarian Person. Particularly, in the gospel ofJohn, the Logos of God

28 George Pachymeres, Quadrivium, 1.1, lines 93--96: Oh &pct -rCrY ftcte1']ftlhw... &... w 6vvct-rO ... -ra -rov
o...-ro; d61'] aKpt~werctt, OU6 &pct -r~ ... h -rot; overt... aA~e~tct... ~Up~t... , ~; i7ner-r~ft1'] ero'fltct. Pachymeres made
references to Plotinus also in his commMetaph, 4.5; and commEthNicom, 5.5.
29 Cf. Plotinus, Enneades, 1.3.3: '0 6~ 'fltAOero'flo; -r~ ... 'floow t-rotfto; ov-ro; Kctt oto... iTr-r~pwfti... o; ... Ta ft~...
6~ ftcte~ftct-rct 60-riav TrpO; erv... ~eterfto... Kct-rct... o~er~w; Kctt Trter-r~w; aerwfta-rov.
30 Ammonius of Alexandria, In Porphyrii Isagogen, p. 12.
31 John Philoponus, commCateg, p. 6; In Nicomachi Arithmeticam Introductionem (lib. 1), sections 1 &
27. David of Alexandria, Prolegomena Philosophiae, p. 59. George Pachymeres, Qytadrivium, 1.1,
lines 93-96.
32 Anonymous, Scholia in Platonem, comm. on Respublica, 498b.
33 I should add two more commentators, who (in the paraphrased text of Plotinus) wrote 60-rio ... instead
of Trctpct60-rio.... Asclcpius ofTralles, commAfetaph, p. 151. Olympiodorus of Alexandria, Prolegomena,
p. 10. Finally, the author of the spurious, Pseudo-Galen, De Partibus Philosophiae, section 8, wrote: Kctt
b ITAWTi... o; 6~ 61']AOt -rov-ro Aiyw... Trctpa60-r~ -rOt; ... iot; -ra ftcte~ftct-rct TrpO; ervv~eterft0'" -r~; aerwfta-rov 'floo~w;.
And the spurious Pseudo-David (or Pseudo-Elias), In Porphyrii Isagogen Commentarium, Praxis 18,
p. 35: Kctt TraAt... ITAwn... o; lA~y~, M-r~ -ra ftcte~ftWfct -rOt; ... iot; TrpO; ervv~et(Tft0'" -r~; aerwfta-rov 'flver~w;.
34 Stefan Alexandru, Aristotle'sMetaphysics Lambda: Annotated Critical Edition, Lciden, 2014, pp. 73-74.
Also, S. Alexandru, 'A new manuscript of Pseudo-Philoponus' Commentary on Aristotle's Metaphysics
containing a hitherto unknown ascription of the work', Phronesis, 44, 1999, pp. 347-352.
6 I I ntroductio n
is described by means of the characteristics of Wisdom, and Paul was based
on expressions of the Old Testament in order to determine that Jesus is 'God's
Wisdom' (1 Cor. 1:24).
No author other than Origen did ever make more of these scriptural refer-
ences: he wrote scores of pages in order to explain the opening of John's gospel,
and identify the Son of God as the personal Logos and Wisdom. Following him,
nearly all of the subsequent Christian authors followed this interpretation suit.

The Codex

Codex 199 was unearthed by A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus in the year 1886 in the

Metochion of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem at Constantinople. However, this
was not actually one codex: it comprised five different and irrelevant documents
written on paper, which had been compounded at some moment by an unknown
hand, and later this unified volume was transferred to the National Library of
Athens.
Given that Gregoras used to write his own name and titles in the header
(sometimes styling himself 'monk', sometimes 'philosopher', sometimes adding
no self-designation), the arising question is this: once he cared to point out the
authorship of his works, why is it that the same does not happen with the present
commentary? To this, the answer is that this should have been the last part of a
larger work by Gregoras (which he himself styled ~(~AO\ at the end of the commen-
tary). This was somehow dislodged as a separate document by someone (probably,
a monk), who cared about Christian commentaries and texts rather than ones on
Classical Greek philosophy. This 'someone' was Demetrius Protocanonarch who
sought to rescue Gregoras' books immediately after the latter's death. It seems
that Demetrius was anxious to collect works written during the Late Byzantine
Enlightenment: I have come upon another manuscript of the same lot (namely,
of the Holy Sepulchre of Constantinople, Codex 354), in which (demonstrably
in the same handwriting, colour of ink, thickness of letters), as that which he
wrote on the present codex 199: Demetrius wrote on the first folio (14r, just above
the header of the work), '[This is a property of] Demetrius, Protocanonarch of
the Great Church', i.e. of the Haghia Sophia' (L'l~~~Tp(OV TIpwToKa>oWtpxOv T~\
M.y"A~\ 'EKKA~(J'(a\). Given Demetrius' intellectual concerns, the title of that
work is hardly surprising: it was one written by Nikephorus Blemmydes, and
entitled N[K~~6pov ~o>axov Kat 7rp.(J'~VT.pOV, TOV BA.~~U()OV\, IJzpi El!rarwrlx~;
'E7(ITO(l~; BI~Alov.
 Introduction I7
The present commentary as a separate 'little book' (~l~A(O-Y) came to be
possessed by Demetrius Protocanonarch shortly after Gregoras' death, pre-
sumably during the riots that surrounded that event. 35 Following the fall of
Constantinople to the Ottomans in 1453 and conversion of the church of Hagia
Sophia to a mosque by Mehmed the Conqueror, the books preserved in that
'Great Church' (M.y"A~ 'EKKA~cr(a) (either all or some of them) were transferred
to the 'territory' of the Patriarchate of Jerusalem in Constantinople, namely, the
Metochion of the Holy Sepulchre. They remained therein for some centuries,
until A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus set out to catalogue them with the help of the
superior of the Metochion, archimandrite Damian of Samos, who moved the
codices from the despicable place and condition in which they were stored by that
time, and moved them to a much larger room, he constructed brand new shelves,
and then asked Papadopoulos-Kerameus to begin with his job. He worked on
that from 1886 to 1892 -since 1883 he had set out to compose an inventory of
Greek manuscripts belonging to schools, churches, and monasteries, at the behest
of the Greek Literary Club of Constantinople (1881). The condition in which
he found those manuscripts was nothing short of decay, some of them were not
numbered at all, and his own description of the situation he was faced with is
distressing, to say the least.
Papadopoulos-Kerameus explained that he catalogued and re-numbered 447
out of 846 codices that he found in the Metochion. Of them, 824 were already
numbered. Codex 199 was formerly Codex 494. The conscientious scholar com-
posed tables providing correspondence of old with new codex-numbers.
Meantime, it seems that some sort of putting those books in order had been
attempted two centuries after the ransack of the imperial capital: concerning the
document of the Commentary on Wisdom, this happened in 1630, as a hand of
that time wrote at the end of that (folio 54v). No matter who did so, that later
'librarian' styled this ~l~A(O-Y, and wrote 'in the year 1630' using Arabic numer-
icals, which are never used throughout this commentary, such as the marginal
citations of the passages of Wisdom that are commented upon. However, the
indication '1630' does not mean that the present manuscript was written in the
seventeenth century, as Papadopoulos-Kerameus took it: instead, this was much
earlier, and '1630' only suggests the date this came to be the possession of its
latest owner.

35 See pp. 127-128; cf. pp. 110; 116-117.

8 I I ntroductio n
Moreover, the same hand deleted the commentator's concluding phrase (in
red ink), crv> 8.0 OJ".
T<p~a .n~~.> ~". ~ ~(~AOI ('with God's help, this is how
this book has been concluded'), by drawing a double deleting line with his black-
ink pen on that.
As odd as it seems on the face of it, this can be explained: the belated 'librar-
ian' of 1630 composed that which thereafter remained as one Codex, and he
numbered it 494 (which Kerameus re-numbered 199). In that conjugation, the
present commentary was not the 'end of the codex': it was only the second leaflet
out of a total of five ones.
Therefore, whereas the commentator made a concluding note characterising
his entire workpiece ~(~AOI' the later librarian, who added his own words, styled
this just a ~l~A(O>.
The difference is significant and all too clear: A ~(~AOI ('bible') is a large
composition comprising several particular 'books' or 'documents' (~[~A(IX). For
example, when Patriarch Dositheus II (who died in Constantinople in 1707) con-
cluded the twelfth (and last) book of his History of the Patriarchate ofJerusalem
(L1W&Xd~I~AO;, published in 1715), he wrote, 'hereby the twelfth out of twelve
books (~l~A(W» is finished, which marks the end of the entire bible (TO T~I ~(~AOV
'T4AO~), i.e. of his entire twelve-volume History. 36
Accordingly, the present commentator wrote that the end of his commentary
marks the end of an entire 'bible' (~(~AO~), whereas, to the later owner of that sin-
gle document, this particular commentary (presumably, part of the initial ~(~AOI)
was simply 'one book' (~[~A(O-Y). Therefore, this was not about the entire Codex
199, which has been preserved as a coalescence of heterogeneous documents, but
about the Commentary on Solomon's Book of Wisdom only.
On the lower margin offirst page of the manuscript (folio 3r), there is the note,
Kat TOVTO crv> &MOlI L'l~~~Tp(OV TOV TIpwToKa>oWtpxOv ('this, beside other ones,
[belongs to] Demetrius the Protocanonarch [first lead singer]'). Furthermore, on
the bottom of the last page of the text (folio 54v), the new owner of that, namely,
Demetrius the Protocanonarch (as if carrying on with the commentator's phrase,
'with God's help, this is how this large book has been concluded') wrote, 'and
now' (>v> ,,<); then, the Genitive L'l~f1~Tp(OV follows with some garnishing draw-
ing. The phrase, 'and now this belongs to Demetrius' is but a continuation of the

36 Dositheus II, L1wBfXdplpAo~, book 12, p. 212 (upon finishing his twelfth and last book, dating this,
April of the year 1689): Eo..1']'fl~ -ripflct ~ ova; TrpO; -rOt; OiKct -rCr... ~t~AtW"', 'flipoW'ct Kctt -ro -r~; ~t~AOV -riAO;,
e~0 o~ M~ct -r0 TptCT1']At'll' Cf. op. cit. book 4, p. 492: dA1']'fl~ -riPflct Kctt -rhctp-ro... ~t~AtO"', i.e. the 'fourth
book' (-rhct[Yfo", ~t~AtO"') was only one of the twelve-volume 'bible' (~t~AO;).
 Introduction I9
deleted phrase, crv,8<0 OJ"< T<p~a <rA~f<' ~,,< ~ ~(~AO'. This ,,< ('and now')
'v,
clearly informs that the present commentary on Wisdom had ended up the prop-
erty of Demetrius the Protocanonarch.
Presumably, Demetrius had a penchant for collecting books written by eru-
dite people, since I have come upon his name in Codex 354 of the same collec-
tion (Metochion of the Holy Sepulchre, Constantinople), which contains extracts
from Aristotle's On Heaven (folia 252-257): on folio 252, this Demetrius con-
firms that this was his own book, which he had written from scratch, and 'it never
belonged to anyone else' (L'.~~~Tp(OV Kat Kat oV"<7ron n,o" folio 252), which is
a phrase he did not write about the manuscript of the present commentary. At
the end of this, he added, 'This also belongs to Demetrius' (L'.~~~Tp(OV Kat TO"<,
folio 256v). This codex is likewise but a commingled one comprising miscella-
neous diverse sections from various manuscripts, since another segment of this
had a different owner, and the indication is, 'This, along with others, belongs to
Dionysius' (L'.lOWcr(OV Kat TO"< crv,
&Mol" folio 157r).
Now, concerning the present Codex 199, between those two points signed
by Demetrius the Protocanonarch, a later' librarian' of the Metochion, presum-
ably during cataloguing and categorising the manuscripts of the library (clum-
sily, to be sure), after having deleted the commentator's concluding phrase, wrote
that this book was so found in the year 1630 (hOVTO TO ~l~A(O' <hal Inl 1630).
However, he made the listing not in Greek numericals, as it happens with all the
references throughout the manuscript, but in Arabic ones.
This interfering addition attests to a hardly literate person, presumably, a
monk. For one thing, he wrote the word with rough breathing on the initial epsi-
lon, which is a flagrant mistake on the grounds of elementary grammar.
Moreover, the foregoing term €'TOU'TO~, -Yj, -0, (instead of olho~, IXtJ'TYj, 'TOU'To)
is an extreme barbarism, which appeared in the later Byzantine uneducated com-
moners (this abounds at hundreds of points in solacing narratives, which circu-
lated in low-classes, such as the fictitious History ofAlexander the Great) Digenes
Acritas) The Trojan War) The Chronicon ofMoreas, etc. as well as in insignificant
later authors seeking to comfort those that had been enslaved to the Ottomans
after the fall of Byzantium). Those were sad times of decay, when Greek language
had collapsed altogether and was replete with all sorts of barbarisms.
Besides, this instance of declined quality oflanguage appeared in some Acts
of the Mount Athos monasteries written by unschooled simpletons, such as the
Acts of the Monastery ofIviron (bis), the Acts of the Monastery of Cutlumusion,
and the Acts of the Monastery of Chilandarion (Document 166, line 23;
Document 169, line 59). I should note particularly the Acts of the Monastery of
10 I I ntroductio n
Chilandarion, since in the present commentary on Wisdom, other instances of
peculiar vocabulary used in that milieu make a conspicuous mark. 3?
A comparison of the additional notes on the bottom of folio 3r by Demetrius
Protocanonarch and that on top of folio 54v by the anonymous monk makes it
clear that these were written by different hands.
For one thing, on folio 3r, Demetrius correctly wrote 'TOU'TO, whereas
on folio 54v the word is the later and barbarous €'TOU'TO. Anyway, Demetrius
Protocanonarch was as erudite a person as to represent the 'Great Church' of
Haghia Sophia (in effect, the Patriarch himself) and sign up for official contracts
that were worth a lot of money. 38
For another, the handwriting of the monk of 1630 and that of Demetrius is
strikingly different: taf (f), omicron (0), lamda (A), eta (~), alpha (a), iota (,), defi-
nitely signify two different hands.
Thirdly, the handwriting on the bottom margin of 3r and that on the bot-
tom of 54r is the same, which is anyway signed by 'Demetrius Protocanonarch'
himself
Beyond that, the commentator's expression 'T4pfliX ~o.i'ypH at the end of a
treatise was not a usual one, since the customary phrase was 'T4p[11X KIX'T~(Ay]cpH,
and normally this referred to one's termination oflife,39 although not always so: it
would mean someone reaching the end of a road (e.g. an athlete) etc. 40
I know of only two cases41 in which an author wrote 'T4p[11X ~o.y]CPH at the end
of a treatise. One, Patriarch Dositheus II, as above.
The other appears in the anonymous commentary on Aristophanes' Plutus
as a concluding note. 42 But it is from the same collection of comments on
Aristophanes' Plutu5 that we procure stunning information: George Pachymeres

37 See p. 200 and pp. 330-331, endnote cxlii, on the term ~U60ft~KO ... -rct (instead of ~~60ft~Konct)
(Acta Monasterii Chilandar [1320 - 1768J, Document 53, line 41), and endnote cclvii, on the
peculiar ethctn... Kct-r~Kp(e1'] (instead of the correct ect... c'm<[l Kct-r~Kp(e1']), (Acta Monasterii Chilandarii,
Document 140).
38 See pp. 20-21.
39 Theodoret, HE, p. 64; 123; Historia Religiosa (= Philotheus), vita 24.3; et passim; Gdasius of Cyzicus,
HE, 3.6.2. Choricius of Gaza (rhetor, sophist, sixth century), Opera, opus 1.2.61. Peter of Argos
(bishop, ninth-tenth century), Encomium ad sanctam Annam, section 2; John Zonaras, Epitome
Historiarum, p. 585.
40 Cf. Theodoret, De Providentia Orationes Decem, PG.83.720.52-53. Peter of Argos, op. cit. section 13.
41 Prior to these, in reference to concluding composition of a treatise, see Neophytus Inclusus,
Commentarius in Psalmos, chapter 4, Psalm 63: 'Hft~i; 6~ XptCTT"OV xc'tpm Kctt nV6~ nv AOYOV -ro -riPftct
Kct-r~tA1']'fl0-r~;.
42 Anonymous, Scholia in Aristophanem, Scholia in Plutum (M. Chantry): TD.o; 6pc'tftctn; A.ptcrn'flc't... ov;
IIAov7ov. EO,1']'fl~ -ripftct mOii70~ A.ptcr-ro'flc't... ov;.
 Introduction I 11

himself was also a commentator of Aristophanes, and had written a commentary

on Plutus, too. 43
The expression rrtrv e~0 recurs in George Pachymeres. 44 Patriarch Dositheus
in his L10&xd~I~J..O; also used this almost at a dozen of points. This would be
not particularly important, were it for Pachymeres not to have been one of
Dositheus' most favourite authors, whom he mentions at no less than thirty-
nine points. Actually, every now and then, he makes accurate references to
Pachymeres' works, he expounds his Trinitarian theological views, he uses exten-
sively Pachymeres' historical books, and defends his orthodoxy.45 Of particular
importance is Dositheus' report that Patriarch Athanasius III of Alexandria
(1276-1316) was the man 'who gave Pachymeres permission to write the para-
phrase (TI]> 7rap"~pa(m) on [Pseudo-Dionysiusl the Areopagite.'46 1he phrase is
illuminating, although it only confirms what is known from Pachymeres' rest
of work: the way for him to compose exegeses on Christian authorities of old
was writing paraphrases of their works. Contrast to this, Gregoras followed the
blueprint of Origen (which was Alexander of Aphrodisias' one) and quoted short
passages from the original followed by his own comments on that. This is the case
with the present commentary, too - which is one of the reasons banning the case
of Pachymeres having been the author of this.
Whereas Pachymeres' commentaries on Aristotle are paraphrases of his own,
Gregoras (as, for example, he did in his commentary on Synesius' treatise On
Dreams) followed the foregoing pattern. Thus, Gregoras' commentaries con-
tained both the original text that was commented upon, as well as his own exe-
geses. This is exactly what happens in the present commentary on the Wisdom
of Solomon. The author's quotations provide a significant version of the biblical
text, which contains some novel philological variants that deserve to be studied
by Old Testament scholars.
Codex 199 is written on paper (dimensions: 19,5 x 14,3 cm) in a single col-
umn. The author is parsimonious with space (i.e. paper), whereby his writing is

43 Anonymous, Scholia in Aristophanem, Scholia in Plutum (M. Chantry) commenting on verse 372,
attributed this to Pachymeres by name (rov ITctxvftipt]), explaining the verb ~p7rctKct; that Aristophanes
used in that verse.
44 Cf. George Pachymeres, Historia (ZvyrpcbplXai '!-r70p!CO), pp. 211; 465; 474; Q}tadrivium (or, ZVv7ayr:a
Tf-r-rdpwv Ma$r;r:d7WV), 1.15 (twice in two consecutive lines); Declamationes XIII, declamatio 1, lines
17; 117; declamatio 2, line 468; declamatio 6, line 71; Historia Brevis, 2.30; 12.2.
45 Cf. Dositheus II, LlwBadpIPlor;, book 4, p. 393; book 5, p. 145; book 8, pp. 446; 451; etc.
46 Dositheus, op. cit. book, 9, pp. 31-32: ov-ro; icrrh b im-rpitct; -r0 r~wpr('ll ITctxvftip~t TrOt~crctt -r~ ...
TrctPc'tiflPctcrt... d; -ro... Ap~o7rctr(-rt] ....
12 I Introduction
extremely 'compressed', which calls for attentive reading in order to point out
terms and expressions that belong either to the Book of Wisdom or to other
books of the Bible -that is why I have used different fonts for either of those kinds
of points.
The first component (folia 1-2) contains a text by Cyril of Alexandria com-
menting on prophet Obadiah. Extracts from the same commentary appear also
in the second issue (folia 56-58). Therefore, it becomes immediately evident that
the Commentary on Solomon's Book of Wisdom (folia 3-54) was inadvertently
inserted between the two sections that contained Cyril of Alexandria's commen-
tary on prophet Obadiah.
The fourth piece (folia 59-66) contains (1) Questions and Answers concern-
ing hieratic activity (it begins with' how should the priest bathe himself pending
celebrating liturgy'); (2) a text by 'the most wise Galen on the four elements of
Time', etc. The fifth issue contains two leaflets: (1) 'Consolation to those that are
in grief' by a certain arch-chanter named Manuel Sabius; (2) An unattributed
alphabet; (3) a narrative by monk Maximus of Mazaris 'on spirit,'; (4) a 'Latin
Liturgy translated by the Cretan Marcus Mousourus'. The sixth issue contains a
'Life of Clement Bishop of Rome, pupil of Peter the Apostle'.
The commentary on Solomon's Wisdom was included therein uncritically,
and my suggestion is that, no matter who did this accumulation, he had no idea
of who the man that had written this text was, namely, Nikephorus Gregoras.
In the first place, and given the philological nature of the text, one would be
tempted to surmise George Pachymeres as the author of the manuscript. Actually,
the text of Wisdom is written as partial rubrics in red ink, whereas the commen-
tary is in black. On this, I should remind that, at least during and after the elev-
enth century, all of the [Byzantine] emperors used to write their edicts and sign
them in red ink, which was a fact several authors cared to mention solemnll7 -
and Solomon was a king, too.

47 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 109. George Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler-
V. Laurent), pp. 79; 415; Historia Brevis, 1.17; 4.29. Gregory Paiamas, Orationes Apologeticae, oration
5.8. John VI Cantacuzenus, Historiae, v. 1, pp. 116; 369; v. 2, p. 516. Ephraem ofAenus (in Thrace,
thirteenth-fourteenth century), Historia Chronica, lines 4791; 8524; 8562. The indication, 'written
in red ink by the King' appears at scores of points in the imperial Novellae and in various royal
chrysobulla signed by Byzantine emperors, as well as in dozens of Acts of monasteries. Earlier, Anna
Comnena, Alexias, 2.8.4; 3.4.6; 6.8.3; 13.12.3. Nicetas Choniates, Historia, pp. 529; 599. George
Acropolites, Historia in Brevius Redacta, section 26.
 Introduction I 13

The Owner, Demetrius Protocanonarch of the Creat

Church (Haghia Sophia)

In anno mundi 6748 (that is, 1239 AD), an hieromonk called Matthew Perdicarios
donated a 'parental monastery' to three monks, whom he regarded as 'genuine
children' of his. The contract was read and signed at the Monastery of Laura, and,
as usual, this was signed by a number of witnesses (in this case, nine). Some of
them had come from Constantinople: one of them was 'the senior presbyter John
of Blachernae'48 self-styled f1FyaAo><itT~\, which designates a man who 'holds a
certain office in the Great Church'.49 Another was a senior chanter 'of the Great
Church' (&PXw> TW> KO>TaKlm).
Among them, there was a certain John Plades, who signed 'the Haghiosophite
and Megalonaites Domesticus' (6 ,"ylOcrO~lT~\ Kat ~.yaAo>ah~\ ()O~.crT[KO\).50 In
short, 'Haghiosophite' was but a title attached to (and proudly used by) those
who were either chanters or held any office whatsoever at the church of Haghia
Sophia. This Haghiosophite John Plades was a chanter of the Haghia Sophia in
Constantinople, and had been granted the title domestikos, which (among the
other senses of this term, as different as meaning either a chief military com-
mander or a humble servant of a household), was one bestowed on singers as well
as on minor officers of the Church.
If one argued that this was about the church of Haghi a Sophia in Thessaloniki,
facts would ban such an interpretation: this contract of 'donation' was signed in
1239. But Thessaloniki had been conquered by the Crusaders (fourth Crusade)
in 1204; it was taken back by the Despotat of Epirus in 1224, and became the
Cathedral only in 1246. Actually, in that city there were other churches that were
more famous. 51

48 Blachernae was the famous suburb in the northwestern section of Constantinople.

49 G eorge Pachymeres spoke oftheM~rc'tA1'] -rov e~ov iKxA1']crta. Cf. LvyypaifllKat 'I-rr0p!Ci/ (from the library
of Michael Palaeologus), pp. 45; 441; 603; 655; Op. cit. (from the books of Andronicus Palaeologus),
pp. 20; 47; 376; 643; Historia Brevis,4.8; 4.14; 5.2; 5.9; 5.18; 6.12; 7.9; 7.31; 10.32; 11.3; 12.21; 13.37.
He used similar yet no less clear designations. History (A. Failler - V. Laurent), p. 413 (-rov 9dov Kat
ft~rc'tAOV -r~fti"ov; -r~; -rov e~ov Abyov LOiflta;); History (I. Bekker), p. 85 (-ro ftira Kat l~po" -rift~"o; -r~;
-rov e~ov LOiflta;); op. cit. p. 254 (-rov ft~rc'tAOV "aov -r~; -rov e~ov Arta; Lo<pia;); Historia Brevis, 3.46
(-r0 -r0 ft~rc'tA'll"~0 -r0 -r~; Arta; -rov e~ov LOiflta;); op. cit. 4.29 (-rov 9dov Kat ft~rc'tAov"aov -r~; -rov e~ov
A6rov LOiflta;); op. cit. 7.30 (-rov ft~raAov "aov -r~; -rov e~ov LOiflta;); op. cit. 9.15 (-rov ft~raAov "aov
-r~; -rov e~ov Arta; LOiflta;); Progymnasmata, chapter 10, p. 578 (-ro -rov e~ov -rift~"o; ~ LOiflta). So did
Nikephorus Gregoras, always meaning the Haghia Sophia. Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 128; v. 2, p. 789.
50 Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Donatio Matthaei Perdicarii Hieromonachi, Document 1, line 66.
51 See infra, pp. 16; 20.
14 I Introduction
Besides, 'Haghiosophite' was a designation exclusive to the chanters of the
Great Church, namely, the Haghia Sophia at Constantinople.
In the tenth century, Constantine Porphyrogenitus told apart the 'Apostolites
and Haghiosophite chanters' (01 Ii. yahal, ot T< anocrTo):[T'" Kat aylOcro~iTal),
meaning those of the famous churches of the Saint Apostles and of the Haghia
Sophia.52
In the twelfth century, George Tornices, a remarkable writer and
Metropolitan of Ephesus (1155-1157), who had taught at the school for chanters
at Constantinople, wrote about 'the insolent behaviour of the Haghiosophites
against' himself (TIl> a>alli~ TOj) ay<»oj)\ nA~80v\ TW> AylOcrO~lTW> Ka8' ~flw>
6Pfl~».53 Quite evidently, they fancied themselves as a sort of noble cast, somehow
men of consequence, and had grown arrogant therefore.
Later, the highly erudite Classicist and bishop, Eustathius of Thessaloniki,
wrote of certain people who, 'at some time, arrived in the great Thessaloniki', and
among the names that he cited he included a certain 'wise citizen of the great city
[Sc. Constantinople], a deacon, namely the Haghiosophite Michael, a protekdikos'
(,npo\ Ii. cro~O\ fl<yaAonoA(T~\, A<V(T~\ aylOcro~(T~\ Mlxa~A npwTiKlilKO\)54
Later still Michael Choniates (or Acominatus, c. 1140-1220) wrote a letter
to four persons that he addressed by their names, yet adding, 'and to the rest of
the Haghiosophites' (Kat Toi\ Aomoi\ AylOcro~(Tal\), in which he was lavish of
commendation for this excellent choir (p.ouo-ono)..cp xop0), comparing them with
the Muses chanting opposite god Apollo, and with the Sphaerus of Empedocles,
but this new 'Sphaerus' was more stable, since, in that, there was always Love and
harmony and never Strife «>t Kocrfl'" €fl0lila ~lA(a\ cr~alpovfli>", TOj) €fln<lioKA«OV
nOAv flo>lflwnpo>,).55
Therefore, the designation 'Haghiosophite' had become legendary and ended
up a sort of nobility in its own right. Consequently, when, in the aforementioned
contract, the 'Haghiosophite' John Plades signed also ~<yaAo>ah~\, there can be
no doubt that he took pride at dignifying himself with his office as a chanter at
the church of Haghia Sophia in Constantinople.

52 See Constantine Porphyrogenitus, making the distinction, ol ;~ tc'thctt, ot T"~ c'trrocnoA:tT"ctt Kctt
c'tytoCTo'fliT"ctt. De Cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae, pp. 577; 583; 585; 589; 591; 597. In all of these cases,
he speaks of the two groups of chanters CHighiosophites and Apostolites'), namely, those of Hag hi a
Sophia and of the church of the Saint Apostles as being the most famous ones.
53 Georges Tornikes, Epistulae, epistle 7, p. 209.
54 Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Exegesis in Canonem Iambicum Pentecostalem, Proem, section 1.
55 Michael Choniates, Epistulae, v. 2, p. 112.
 Introduction I 15
This point is important when discussion comes to Demetrius the
Protocanonarch, who is not much known. From the Acts of Mount Athos mon-
asteries, we know that he was a native of the Greek village of Amorion, a village
now at the border of Greece and Turkey in Thrace, two kilometres from the bank
of the river Evros, which forms the border with Turkey. Amorion is situated seven
kilometres southwest ofDidymoteichon, Greece, and twenty-one kilometres west
of Uzunk6prii, Turkey.
For one thing, we find Protocanonarch Demetrius, also self-styled
[1~)'IXAO-ycif'TY]~, being contemporary with another Demetrius, namely,
Diabasemeres, and there is evidence that both of them sat around the same table
upon confirming and signing official contracts in at least two monasteries of
Mount Athos. We have three such contracts, signed by both of them at the mon-
asteries of Xenophon and Chilandarion at Athos in the years 1308, 1309, and
1313. 56 This makes Diabasemeres' dates important in order to date the present
codex-owner, Demetrius the Protocanonarch.
Diabasemeres signed up to contracts stricken in the years 1303; 1320; 1322,
1324, 1326; 1327; 1331, 1333; 1334; 1338; 1347.57 Whereas in the beginning
(1303) he designated himself simply 'a member of clergy',58 subsequently he
became 'clergyman and taboullarios [registrar]' (until 1317), then, 'oikonomos
[administrator] and taboullarios', later, in 1326, also skevojjlax ('sacristan'), while
during the years 1320-1347, he added the dignifying 'Megalonaites' ('an officer
of the Great Church') to the rest of his other titles.

56 Acta Monasterii Xenophontis, Venditio Domus in Asomatis Thessalonicae (anno 1308), signing along
with Demetrius Diabasemeres, lines 80-91. Likewise, op. cit. (anno 1309), (lines 81-87). In this
contract, the dominant figure was Demetrius the Protocanonarch and Megalonaites (lines 15-16;
44; 81; 90): Trctpow1c.t -rov ~vAct~ov; ft~yctAo"Vcthov Trpw-roxct"Vo"Vc'tpxov xvpov l!..1"]ft1"]-rplov -rov A.ft0ptc't-rov.
Diabasemeres simply signed up to this only at the end of the document. The two D emetrii co-signed
also the contract as in theActa Monasterii Chilandarii, Testamentum Theodori Carabae (anno 1313),
p.219.
57 Acta Monasterii Xenophontis, Donatio Monasterii Theotoci Thessalonicae (anno 1323), p. 166. Id.
Donatio vineae Monodendrii (anno 1347), lines 51-57. Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, documents 84,
85; 94; 106; 112; 117; 123; 125; 126. Also in the Acta Monasterii Vatopedii, Diploma Nicetae Baragii
(anno 1320), lines 28-40. Id. Diploma Constantini Clobae (anno 1322), lines 44-45. Id. Diploma
De Venditione Domus (anno 1328), lines 70-74. Acta Monasterii Dochciarii, Diploma De Donatione
(anno 1312), lines 18-24. Id. Donatio agrorum in Hermeleia (anno 1313), line 13. Acta Monasterii
Iviron, Actum Demetrii Diabasemerae (anno 1323), line 72.
58 Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Donatio Mariae Angelinae (anno 1303), lines 118-119 (simply 'a clergy-
man'): in the Ada of the monastery, Document 29, it is stated that 'Demetrius Diabasimeres, a clergy-
man, wrote this contract with his own hand in the year 1303, at the behest of the great skevofYlax and
taboullarios of the Metropolis ofThessaloniki, John Perdicarios.'
16 I Introduction
In all of the foregoing documents, including those signed by the
Protocanonarch and [1~)'cD\o-ycif'TY]~ Demetrius Amoriates, the dating used was
anno mundi, not anno Domini.
This was natural to happen, but it should be borne to mind since it confirms
that the date 1630 on folio 54v of the present commentary is a much later one,
added by a different hand.
Although Demetrius Diabasemeres is somewhat better known to scholar-
ship 59 compared with Demetrius Amoriates,60 both of them have been recognised
as figures that made their mark in the later Byzantium. Demetrius Diabasemeres
(cleric, taboullarios, scribe) being styled ~.yaAo><it.,.~\ has been associated with
various churches ofThessaloniki (Theotokos-Acheiropoietos, or Saint Demetrius,
or Haghia Sophia, or the Asomaton Church - Rotonda)." However, I have shown
that the term ~.yaAovah~\ simply and clearly suggested the Great Church of
Haghia Sophia in Constantinople." Obviously, both Demetrii and ~.yaAovaha[
(the Protocanonarch Demetrius Amoriates and Demetrius Diabasemeres) used
to travel from Constantinople to Mount Athos whenever necessary in order to
secure the validity of the legal acts that involved various monasteries.
Nevertheless, there can be no comparison between the difference of status
held by either of those persons: Demetrius Diabasemeres retained the lofty office
of oikonomos and tabou!!arios,63 whereas Protocanonarch Demetrius remained in
that office for a lifetime, yet he came to be as pride of this as to sign (in the present

59 SeeMedievalProsopography, vols. 9-10, Medieval Institute Publications, Western Michigan University,

1988, p. 48: "scribes: Demetrius in 1240, George in 1265, and John in 1314-28.121. From the family
of the Diabasemeres, Demetrius is attested in 1304 as scribe of an ecclesiastical taboullarios (he later
became a notary himself)." Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinistik, Verlag der Osterrcichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996, v. 46, p. 430: "Note that the 1324 donation act was not signed
by other witnesses except by the scribe, the skevophylax Demetrius Diabasemeres, himself, although
signatures are announced at the end of the document. Scratches visible on the next two lines after his
signature create suspicions about what really took place."
60 See references to Protocanonarch Demetrius Amoriates Megalonaites and Demetrius Diabasemeres
Megalonaites, in Hilmar Schmuck, Griechischer Biographischer Index [Greek Biographical Index],
Miinchen, 2003, pp. 40; 270.
61 See ChristofRudolfKraus, Kleriker im spaten Byzanz, Wiesbaden, 2007, pp. 127-131.
62 Cf. Donald MacGillivray Nicol, The Byzantine Family oJKantakouzenos (Cantacuzenus), Washington
D.C. 1968, p. 152: 'In the year 1338 John, as Grand Domestic, issued an order (graphe) to the oikono-
mos and taboullarios Demetrius Diabasemeres to investigate a complaint lodged by the monks of
Chilandarii Monastery.'
63 See Demetrius Diabasemeres signing 'Megalonaites oikonomos and taboularios', in the Acta
Monasterii Chilandarii, Document 117 (anno 1341), lines 145-146 & 164; Document 123 (anno
1333), lines 79 & 93; Document 125 (anno 1334), lines 83 & 88; Document 126 (anno 1333), line 48;
Document 129 (anno 1338), line 77. Acta Monasterii Xenophontis, Acta, Document 28 (anno 1347),
lines 51 & 56.
 Introduction I 17

folio 54v) in the pompous and garnished manner of handwriting that was nor-
mally used by dignitaries of the highest rank, such as bishops, even emperors.
'Protocanonarch Demetrius' signed using this title in documents along with
Diabasemeres, at times when the latter was a dignitary of a fairly high rank,64
whereas Protocanonarch Demetrius was simply a chanter holding one of the low-
est offices of the Patriarchate. 65
The office of oikonomos belonged to the first 'group of five' (,,<na,) of the
Byzantine oJficia. That of skevofylax belonged to the same group, but it was ranked
third whereas oikonomos was the first in order. Contrast to this, protocanonarch
was the third office of those in the eighth 'group of five' (,,<na,), after which the
ninth 'group of five' was the last and lowest in order. 66
To put it more accurately, the protocanonarch was not actually a chanter: he
was an assistant of the chanters, and his duty was to read and recite verses of
psalmody, which were immediately sung by the chanters; then, he recited the
next verses, and chanters sang them forthwith, and so on. In this way, chanters
did not have to read the books in front of them, and the congregation could grasp
the poetic content of a troparion, which was difficult to make out when the chant
was long and sung in a very slow rhythm.
This shows that, whereas Demetrius Diabasemeres would have been born in
c. 1285, Protocanonarch Demetrius was presumably younger, possibly born in
c. 1290. In any case, Protocanonarch Demetrius would have been alive upon the
death of Nikephorus Gregoras, in 1360.

64 Study of the Acts of the Athos monasteries shows that, in 1303, Diabasemeres was simply a 'clergy-
man' and held no other office. In 1308, he was 'clergyman' of the Great Church (Haghia Sophia).
Subsequently, Diabasemeres was clergyman and taboullarios in 1313 and 1315. In 1322, 1323, 1324,
1325, 1326, 1332, he signed Megalonaites taboullarios and skevophylax. In 1333, 1334, 1337, 1347, he
signed also as oikonomos. But in contracts of 1337, he signed only clergyman and taboullarios. During
the years 1340-1342, he signed Megalonaites skevophylax and taboullarios. However, in documents of
1333, 1334, 1338, and 1347, he signedMegalonaites oikonomos and taboullarios. That was quite a career
indeed.
65 Acta Monasterii Vatopedii, Acta, Document 30 (anno 1313), line 168 (a document written by a certain
'clergyman George Pyrrhus, at the behest of clergyman and taboullarios Demetrius Diabasemeres', who
signed, too); Acta Monasterii Xenophontis, Aaa, Document 8 (anno 1308, along with clergyman and
taboullarios Demetrius Diabasemeres, who had composed the entire document), line 90; Document 9
(anno 1308, signing along with clergyman and taboullarios Demetrius Diabasemeres, who only super-
vised the two signatories, one of them being 'Protocanonarch D em etrius'), lines 15 &44. Op. cit. line
81 (anno 1308, Protocanonarch Demetrius signing along with clergyman and taboullarios Demetrius
Diabasemeres).
66 Pseudo-Codinus, De Officiis, p. 6. He placed protocanonarch in the eighth m; ...-rc't;, out of a total of
nine. Loc. cit. See also, Officia Ecclesiastica (R.P.J. Goar), 10.2 (p. 226): the office of oikonomos was
the supreme one 'of the rulers of the Church', whereas protocanonarch belonged to the lowly class of
'readers' (awtyvwcr-rctt) and it was the lowest one in the list comprising the seven offices of that group.
18 I Introduction
Moreover, in Codex 303 of the Holy Sepulchre at Constantinople (compris-
ing manuscripts written in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries), a text 'On the
building of Haghia Sophia' (entitled IJzpl T~; oiJ(o(fo(l~; T~; dr"vrdT~; Toii ewii
MzrdA~; EJ(J(A~!Tla;) begins thus: Tairnp TI]v TOV e.OV M.y"A~v'EKKA~criav, TI]v vvv
6vo~ai;o~.v~v Ayiav Lo~iav, 7rPWTOV ~.v "v~yap.v 6 ~.ya\ KwvcrTaVTIVO\, ... etc.
This is why, in another manuscript of the same lot, we come upon another text
written by Demetrius the Protocanonarch, now styling himself 'Protocanonarch
of the Great Church', that is, of Haghia Sophia."
Nevertheless, Diabasemeres, while still a young man and novice clergyman,
could have been a native ofThessaloniki before moving to Constantinople, as the
contract of the year 1303 shows, which he composed as a notary 'at the urging
of the great skevojjlax and taboullarios of the Metropolis of Thessaloniki, [the
deacon] John Perdikarios'.68 It should be recalled that we saw above a hieromonk
called Matthew Perdicarios donating a 'parental monastery' to three monks.
It should be noted that the expression 'the Great Church' (~ f1.y"A~ €KKA~cria)
was just another designation for the church of Haghia Sophia, and it was never
applied to the church of the Holy Apostles, as incorrectly has been sometimes
asserted. To any Byzantine, the meaning of this expression alone as to which
church it pointed to, was taken for granted and needed no further explanation.
Nevertheless, a series of authors speaking of 'the great church' felt it necessary
to flesh out, hence, in addition they also spelled out the name of the particu-
lar sanctuary, namely, the Haghia Sophia69 Pseudo-Codinus relates that it was
Justinian's wife, empress Theodora, that began to build the church of the Holy

67 Codex 354 of the Holy Sepulchre at Constantinople, folio 14r: 1l1']!L1']-rptOV ITpw-roKa... avc'tpxov -r~;
M~yc'tA1']; 'ExxAr]crta;.
68 Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Donatio Mariae Angelinae (anno 1303), lines 118-119. On Perdikarios' being
a deacon, see op. cit. lines 133-134.
69 Novdlae et Chrysobulla imperatorum post Justinianum, Novellae Constitutiones Variae, novdlae
30; cf. 33; 34. Procopius of Caesarea, De Aedificiis, 1.1.21-78; particularly, 1.1.66. Paul Silentiarius,
Descriptio Sanctae Sophiae, in title. John Moschus, Fragmenta e Prato Spirituale (cod. Marcianus.
gr. 11,21), chapter 12. ~vcr~~~;;~ W... imx6crft1']cr~ -ra; iKxA1']crta; -ra; ntcr9dcra; VITO 'Iovcr-rt... taw6, -r~ ...
-r~ ft~yc'tAl'J" iKxA1']crta... [Sc. the Haghia Sophia] Kat -rov; c'tytOV; AITOcr-rOAOV; Kat &Ma; ixxA1']crta; Kat
ft0 ... acr-r~ptct. Ignatius Diaconus (eighth-ninth century), Vita Nicephori, p. 139. George Monachus,
Chronicon, p. 627; Chronicon Breve, PG.llO.776.39-40. Symeon Metaphrastes, Vita Pauli Confessoris,
col. 889 (cf. Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 257, p. 474a). Basilica, Ecloga Basilicorum, 5.2.2; 5.2.6; 5.3.17.
Patria Constantinopoleos, LlI1r'7-rI~ 7«pl 7~~ Arfa~ Z0'ffa~, in title; IIapa-r7d-rfl~ ZVV70f<OI Xpovlxaf,
section 11. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, chapter 13; De Cerimoniis Aulae
Byzantinae, p. 550. Theophanes Continuatus, Chronographia, p. 207. Vitae Andreae Sali, Vita Sancti
AndreaeSali (sub auctore Nicephoro), section 36, lines 3980 &4393; Appendices VttaeSanctiAndreae
Sali, Appendix 6, line 155. George Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum, v. 2, p. 237. John Zonaras,
Epitome Historiarum, p. 573. Eustathius of Thessaloniki, De Capta Thessalonica, p. 22. Acacius the
Sabaite, Commentarius in Andreae Cretensis canonem, 9.253. Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, HE,
 Introduction I 19

Apostles 'four years after that of the Haghia Sophia had began', in the site of
an ancient church that had been built by emperor Constantine and his mother
Helen, as Haghia Sophia was built on the ruins of the church that had been built
by Constantius II (r. 337-361), and was consecrated in 360 by the Arian bishop
Eudoxius of Antioch?O Actually, on this, there was a rivalry between the couple,
and Justinian, who never realised that he was but an ephemeral despot, was eager
to finish his own 'great church' before that of the Holy Apostles was complete 71
The term cqlOo-Ocp('TY]~ was certainly a later coinage, and appears also in a
chrysoboullon ('decree having a golden seal set to it') by emperor Michael VIII
Palaeologus concerning donation of a wide piece of land to the 'great church',
and determining that, henceforth, this should be 'an Haghiosophite estate' (Kat ~
xwpa TWV AylOcrO~lTwv <crTl xwpa)72 Likewise, the term 'Megalonaites' ('an officer
of the Great Church') proudly attached to one's name was coined also during the
later period of the Byzantine times. Diabasemeres' name appears at 49 points,
of which 28 style him 'Megalonaites' ('an officer of the Great Church'), in the
Acts of the Athos monasteries of Chilandarion, Vatopedium, Iviron, Xenophon,
Lavra, Docheiarium, with Chilanadarion outnumbering them all (19 points).
The name, 'Protocanonarch Demetrius Amoriates', appears at five points in three
documents of the monasteries of Chilandarion and Xenophon. Not much later
(yet later still), similar designations were appointed by a few other clerics of the
Haghia Sophia carrying out missions at Athos,?3 but such self-aggrandising titles

9.9 (lines 64-65); 9.46 (line 79); Joseph Bryennius, Epistufae xxx, epistle 30. Ducas of Lesbos (per-
haps, Michael Ducas, fifteenth century), Historia Turcobyzantina, 40.2.
70 Socrates Scholasticus, HE, 2.43. Theodore Anagnostes, Epitome Historiae Tripartitae, 2.65.
George Monachus, Chronicon, p. 627. Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 257, p. 475b. Pseudo-Codinus,
Patria Constantinopoleos, 4.32. John Zonaras, Epitome Historiarum, p. 156. Nikephorus Callistus
Xanthopulus, HE, 9.9. Synodicon Vetus, 41. Chronicon Paschale, p. 544. Cf. Ignatius Diaconus
(eighth-ninth century), VIta Nicephori. He explained in title that Ignatius himself was 'a deacon and
skevofylax of the Great Church, that is, the Haghia Sophia'. So the Acts of synods, styling this 'most
holy Great Church, the Haghia Sophia'. ACQ, Concilium Universale Nicaenum Secundum (787),
Concilii Actiones 1- VII, Document 1, pp. 36; 600; Document 2, pp. 112; 818; Document 3, p. 222;
Document 4, p. 282; Document 5, p. 532.
71 Pseudo-Codinus, Patria Constantinopoleos, 2.96; 4.31-32 (distinguishing the 'great church' from that
of the Holy Apostles).
72 Novellae et Chrysobulla Imperatorum post Justinianum, Novelfae Constitutiones Variae, novella 30,
line 175. Michael VIII Palaeologus (1223-1282) reigned as the co-emperor of the Empire of Nicaea
from 1259 to 1261, and as Byzantine Emperor from 1261 until his death.
73 John Achrades ('protocanonarch and megalonaites'), Acta Monasterii Vatopedii, Diploma De
Venditione Domus (anno 1326), line 14. Theodore Patetas ('megalonaites and bibliophylax' [keeper
of books]), Acta Monasterii Xenophontis, Donatio terrae ab Eudocia Comnenoutzici (anno 1363),
pp. 212; 213. Michael Sarantinus ('megalonaites, oikonomos, and taboullarios'), Acta Monasterii
Iviron, Actum Donationis Joannis Ducae Masgidae (anno 1323), lines 61-62 & 74; Venditio Georgii
Butzini (anno 1325), lines 72 & 80. The chief-priest John Blachernites (i.e. of the church ofBlachernae
20 I Introduction
did not win the day, since, in terms of historical time, the fall of Byzantium was
imminent. In any event, the title 'Protocanonarch' would have been used only
before the fall of Constantinople in 1453, since after that, the conqueror Mehmet
II turned this into a mosque.
In conclusion, we have indisputable facts concerning the owner of the present
codex, Demetrius the Protocanonarch (,first lead chanter').

1. He was from Amorion, a village located closer to Constantinople than to

Thessaloniki. Demetrius was never styled a 'scribe': he always appears under
the titles he used himself, namely, 'Protocanonarch' and 'Megalonaites',
that is, an official of the Great Church, vis. the Haghia Sophia,?4 or indeed
'Demetrius Amoriates, Protocanonarch and Megalonaites'J5
2. He was ~.yaAo><it.,.~\, that is, he held an office in the church of Haghia
Sophia at Constantinople (since ~.yaAovat.,.~\ means ,"ylOcro~(.,.~\), namely,
he was 7rpw",oKavov,"px~\.
3. He was a contemporary with Demetrius Diabasemeres, with whom he
was personally acquainted, and both of them signed as dignitaries official
contracts at Mount Athos.
4. The present codex was found at Constantinople, namely, at the Metochion
of the Holy Sepulchre of Jerusalem, and later was transferred to the
National Library of Athens.
5. Gregoras died in 1360 (born c. 1295, Heraclea ofPontus). The owner of
the present manuscript, Demetrius Protocanonarch, was active76 in the

in Constantinople), Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Donatio Matthaei Perdicarii hieromonachi (anno 1239),
line 60. The 'Haghiosophite and megalonaites John Plades' appears in the same contract, line 66.
74 See also, Hilmark Schmuck, Griechischer Biographischer Index (Greek Biographical Index),
Munchen, 2003, pp. 40; 356-357. Mirjana L:ivojinovic, Vassiliki Kravari, Christophe Giros,
Actes de Chilandar: Des origines a 1313, 998, p. 310. Christof Rudolf Kraus, Kleriker im spdten
Byzanz: Anagnosten, Hypodiakone, Diakone und Priester 1261-1453. Mainzer Veroffent lichungen
zur Byzantinistik. Wiesbaden, 2007, v. 9, p. 127, erroneously associating the title with churches of
Thessaloniki. The same mistake was made by Denise Papachryssamhou, Actes de Xinophon, Mone
Xenophontos (Athos, Greece), edition diplomatique, Mone Xenophontos (Athos, Greece), v. 1,
1986, p. 257. Contrast to this, see Filip Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire
of Constantinople (1204-1228), 2011, p. 126: 'A number of witnesses mentioned in the document
are clerics attached to the Great Church (megalonaites), which in our view refers to the patriarchal
church of Saint-Sophia in the capital, and not to the church of Saint-Demetrius or some other church
in Thessaloniki, as Lemerle suggests. Furthermore, none of the family names of the witnesses men-
tioned in the documents can be linked with certainty and/or exclusively with mid-thirteenth century
Thessaloniki.'
75 Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Acta, Document 30 (anno 1313), line 168. Acta Monasterii X enophontis,
Acta, Document 8 (anno 1308), line 90; Document 9 (anno 1309), lines 16 & 44 & 81.
76 See supra, p. 15 and notes 56, 57.
 Introduction I 21
year 1347, which means he was a slightly older contemporary of Gregoras.
This means that the present unattributed manuscript, entitled 'written by
Origen, as they say', came to be possessed by Demetrius, who added this
to his own collection of manuscripts 'among other ones', as he himself
noted on the first page of that.
6. No doubt, the commentary was written at Constantinople. Along with
entertaining the characteristic vocabulary of Pseudo-Dionysius the
Areopagite (Gregoras appealed to, and quoted from, that obscure figure
abundantly), the commentator uses also characteristic locution which was
typical of Athos Monasteries - and that late Byzantine period was the
heyday of Athos monastic communities. 77

Little wonder that this document was found among the manuscripts of the
Metochion of the Holy Sepulchre at Constantinople, then, a later hand haphazardly
coalesced this with another four irrelevant manuscripts in the year 1630, and the
desultory amalgam was numbered Codex 494, which Kerameus re-numbered 199.

Origen in the Palaeologean Enlightenment

Why was it that the present commentator set out to perpetuate a commentary
supposedly written by Origen?
After centuries of darkness and blind regurgitated obloquy against Origen
without any reading (let alone perusal) of his works, in the Palaeologean times
and shortly before that, there are indications and testimonies that remarkable
intellectuals did read, cited, and quoted Origen's works. This means that the
superstitious trepidation of Justinian's synod, which had anathematised Origen,
had considerably abated. The anemophilous repetition of the list of absurd anath-
ematising clauses against Origen was no longer seen as an indisputable oracle.
Theodore Metochites (1270-1332), the Byzantine statesman, polymath,
author, philosopher, patron of the arts, and personal adviser (~<cn,i;wv) to
emperor Andronikus II Palaeologus from 1305 to 1328, wrote of 'Origen and
Panaetius and Clement [of Alexandria]', styling them 'men of our Christian lot'

77 See for example, the term ;tKcttO'"f~ptct p. 222, and endnote clxxxvii. This was used by monks only.
Likewise, the expression Trpo9qw&p.~"'Ot Trpo9vpw; (folio 34r, p. 242), which is obviously a pleonasm,
but its recurrent usage always appears in texts written in monasteries (see endnote clxxxii). Likewise,
writing pctyxct... dct instead of pct/yct ... dct (p. 274, folio 45r); see endnote cclxxxviii. Also, ~vxctptcr-rdct
(folio 45v, p. 276), which is a rare alternative to ~vxctptcr-r(ct, but this spelling was applied in Acts of
monasteries (see endnote ccxciv).
22 I Introduction
(T~\ ~~.T.pa\ Xp[crna>lK~\ aVA~\) along with Gregory Thaumaturgus and
Eusebius, while mentioning Philo, Claudius Ptolemy, and Theon of Alexandria
in high admiration, toO.?8
The Byzantine astronomer, historian, and theologian Nikephorus Gregoras
(1295-1360) styled Origen 'the wise one'?9 and with no qualms whatsoever he
stood up against the centuries-long obloquy against him. Moreover, he said
what was historically obvious: whereas synods had branded certain intellectuals
'heretics', nevertheless, they made use of their books in order to defend ortho-
doxy: referring to the Novatian Bishop Sisinnius (c. 400), Gregoras wrote that
prelates used his works in order to argue against Arianism, and continues thus:

Even if we set aside most of Origen's books, we do not in the least set aside
Origen himself. And most certainly, unerring witnesses to my assertion are
his battles and refutations against the cursed Celsus, as also are the rest of his
numerous books, which expound exegeses on the holy scriptures that have been
embraced by the industrious holy Fathers. 80

Thus, on the one hand, Gregoras ostensibly conceded taking distances from
'Origen's books', whereby he pretended compliance with the centuries-long
entrenched shameful habit of damning Origen out of hand without having read a
single word of his books, while, on the other, he forthwith declared that Origen's
Contra Celsum was perfectly orthodox, and that 'the industrious holy Fathers'
of old had availed themselves of Origen's 'numerous books'! If numerous books
had been availed of by the holy Fathers, how could it be possible for 'most of
Origen's books' to be set aside? But of course, Gregoras used just one more rhe-
torical scheme in order to say that Origen was simply and plainly orthodox, even
though those who parroted the scum about him being a heretic fell short of one
substantial quality: they were not as 'industrious' as 'the holy Fathers' - since his
detractors had not read a single word of his, and simply anemophilously mim-
icked old froth.
This was a real turning point, given that Nikephorus Blemmydes, the prede-
cessor of enlightened scholars that lived shortly before and during the Palaeologean
era, in his one and only reference to Origen, had made a freakish claim: whereas

78 Theodore M etochites, rvwf-<lXixi Zr;f-<fI@(rfl~, 17.2.

79 Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, p. 13.
80 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2 , p. 925: Ked 'Dptyi...Y]... ;' itTrocr~tOfl~"'Ot -rw... y~ ~(~AW'" -ra;
TrAdcr-rov; ~KtcrT itTrocr~tOfl~9' ctlhov. Metp-rvp~; -rw... A~yofli... w... fletAct -rot ittw;~i; ctl Kct-ra KiAcrov -rov
Kct-rctpet-rov fletXctt Kctt itynpp~cr~t; Kctt -raM' OTrocrct -roi; 9dot; Trct-rPetcrt 'fltAOTrO... ~crctcrt TrpocrdAY]Tr-rctt ~t~A(ct
iKd... ov -rW... -r~; 9dct; ypct'fl~; i~Y]yY]-rtKW"'.
 Introduction I 23
Origen abundantly had spoken of 'the soul of Jesus' (tvx~ ToD ']~(J"OD),8! or of
'soul of Christ'S2 and of 'Jesus Christ the Logos having a soul' (",a ']~(J"oD XP'(J"TOD
ToD €~¥XOv AoyoV),83 he had explained its precise relation to the Logos of God,84 as
well as its generation from the Body of Logos, from which all souls stem. 85 However,
Blemmydes uncritically claimed that 'Origen, along with the Arians, postulated that
the incarnated Lord did not assume any animated soul whatsoever, since his divinity
sufficed instead of having any soul at all'86 He added this phrase to the preceding
one, which (yet Blemmydes did not say so) was but a quotation from the Neo-
Chalcedonian Theodore of Raithus (sixth-seventh century) objurgating Apollinaris
of Laodicea for having said that Jesus had not a human soul 87 Theodore (in title,
expounding the .d6ga A7tolllvaplov) did not mention Origen at all: he only claimed
that the doctrine about Jesus having simply flesh was an Arian one, and Apollinaris
had replaced Jesus' human nature with the Logos.88
The council of Ephesus (431) had indeed convicted Apollinaris of Laodicea89
on that score as a Monophysite,9o and took pains to confirm that Jesus had a
soup! At a single point quoting a text by Theophilus of Alexandria, that synod
treated Origen as a heretic,92 because of Theophilus'93 allegations 'addressed to
those who upheld Origen's views', and concluded with arguing that God the

81 Origen, Cels, 1.60; 1.66; 11.9; 11.11; 111.32; IV.18; Y.39; VII.17; commJohn, XIX.16.101; XXXII.18.223;
XXXII.32.392; frJohn, fro 88; exhMar, 41; commMatt, 13.26; 16.8; 16.21; 16.28; jrPs, & selPs,
PG.12.1189.51-52, on Psalm 9:18; homPs, homilies 2.3; 29.5.
82 frPs, on Psalm 108:19.
83 commMatt, 10.14; cf. commJohn, XIX.8.45; Cels, 11.9; III.81; V.4; V1.17; etc.
84 Origen, Cels, Y.39; V1.47; commJohn, XIX.22.145 & 148; Commentarii in Romanos (III5-V7J (P.
Cairo 88748 + cod. Vat. gr. 762), pp. 158; 160;jrPs, on Psalm 91:1-2; selPs, PG.12.1421.3-5.
85 Origen, commJohn, XX.19.162.
86 Nikephorus Blemmydes, De Theologia, section 10: -rCrv yap apwt... Crv 1bfvxo", Trct... -raTrctCTl A~y&v-rW'" -r~ ...
-rov Kvptov crapKct, wcrctv-rw; Kctt b 'Dptyi... Y]; ft~ lft'fvxo", a... ~tAy]'fli... ctt crapKct -rO... Kvpwv w; -r~; e~o-rY]-ro;
apxowY]; awt 'fvx~;.
87 Theodore of Raith us, Praeparatio, chapter 4, p. 187 (also, quoted by Suda, letter alpha, entry 3398): -rW...
yap Ap~tct... w... &'fvxo", Trct... -raTrctcrt A~y&v-rW'" -r~ ... -rov Kvptov crapKct, ctv-ro; b ATrOMt... aptO; l'flY] on crapKct
ft~... ift'fvxwfti...Y]... 'fvXfi sw-rtKfi a... D.ct~~... b dpto;, ... 00 ;~ -ro... ~fth~po ... ov Trpocr~Kct-rO.
88 Theodore of Raith us, op. cit. chapter 7, p. 190: crctpd;;~ ovX (mAW; (-rov-ro yap ap~tct ... tx6 ...), aMa crctpKO;
ift'fvxwfti... Y];, Kctt ovxt ift'fvxwfti... Y]; fto ... o... (TraAt... yap ATrOMt... ctptOV Kctt -rov-ro), aM' ift'fvxwfti... Y]; 'fvxfi
... o~pi.i Kctt AoytKfi.
89 Apollinaris, bishop of Syrian Laodicea (d. 390), was a younger contemporary of Athanasius and an
early supporter of Athanasius concerning the inclusion of the homoousion at Nicaea.
90 ACO, Concilium Universale Ephesenum anno 431, tome 1.1.6, p. 142 (Apollinaris); so also in general
on pp. 143; 149; 159; tome 1.5.1, p. 231.
91 Op. cit. tome 1.1.1, pp. 15; 22; 26; 28; 38; 45; 52-59; 103; et passim.
92 Cf. ACO, Concilium Universale Ephesenum anno 431, tome 1.1.5, p. 68.
93 Edward Gibbon described Theophilus as 'the perpetual enemy of peace and virtue, a bold, bad man,
whose hands were alternately polluted with gold and with blood.' The Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire, New York, 1983, v. 2, p. 57.
24 I Introduction
Logos 'did not assume a lifeless body; instead, he had a rational soul'.94 Contrast
to these, Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, propounding what was abundantly
obvious in Origen's texts, as well already attested by Socrates Scholasticus,95
reported the plain fact, namely, that 'Origen, throughout his works, proclaims
that the incarnated Logos had a soul'.%
Quite evidently, Blemmydes had never read any of Origen's works. But the
least he should have done (which he did not) was to read the foregoing reports.
Instead, Blemmydes quoted a phrase of Theodore of Raithus, and added out of
himself, 'likewise, Origen claimed that the Lord did not assume an animated
flesh, since his divinity sufficed instead of having a soul'??
On this score, Blemmydes' incredible claim is a case of 'Late Byzantine
Enlightenment' having not dawned yet. As erudite as he was and praised by both
his student Pachymeres and the student of that student, Nikephorus Gregoras,
he lived too early (1197-1272) to adjust himself to reasoning strictly on the basis
of texts he had actually read. The claim he made about Origen was but an echo
of arrant bigotry that had been perpetuated during the darkness of previous
centuries.
The Byzantine Enlightenment had to wait for yet a short while more in order
to grow light. Blemmydes will be only remembered as the teacher who studied
and subsequently taught his pupil George Acropolites (and descendants such as
Pachymeres, and then Gregoras), Medicine, Philosophy, Theology, Mathematics,
Astronomy, Logic, and Rhetoric.
However, pending the age of Palaelogean Enlightenment, Blemmydes
should have attended to a principle not too later crisply formulated by Vincent
of Lerins: although the holy tradition has a dynamic rather than static character,
its typical and fundamental feature is that this is determined by 'everything that

94 The following proposition was ascribed to Cyril of Alexandria, Florilegium Cyrillianum, pp. 117,
178, 179, 184, and then (with insignificant phrasal variations) was quoted in the Doctrina Patrum,
p. 169: wcr7r~p yc'tp iCT'"n... h 9~0-rY]-rt -riA~tO; b ix e~ov ITct-rpo; Aoyo;, ov-rw xctt i ... 1t...9pw7rO-rY]-rt -riA~tO;
xct-rc't y~ -rO... -r~; 1t...9pw7ro-rY]n; AOyO ..., oux 1bfvxo... crwftct Act~W"', hl'vXWfLi...o... ;~ ftUMO>! tvxfi AoytXfi.
This is an excerpt from ACQ, Concilium Universale Ephesenum anno 431, tome 1.1.5, p. 70, quoted
later also by Photius, Bibliotheca, Codex 229, p. 250a, and Theorianus Magister, Disputatio cum
Armeniorum Catholico, PG.133.200.24-29.
95 Socrates Scholasticus, HE, 3.7: 'Dptyi... Y]; ;~ 7rct ...-rctXov fth i ... -ror; 'fl~p0fti... ot; ctunv ~t~A10t; EfttVXO'" -rO...
i... ct... 9pw7n'jcrct...-rct or;~ ....
96 Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, HE, 10.14: '0 ;iy~ -r~ ... cr0'fl1ct... 7rOAV; 'Dptyi... Y]; 7rct ...-rctXov nr; ctu-rov
ypc'tftftctcrt... EfttVXO'" -ro"'It...9pw7r~crctnct Aoyo... xY]pvn6t. ftc'tAtcr-rct;~ -rov-ro crct'flw;7rctplcr-rY]crt... i ... -r0 d; -r~ ...
n ... ~crt... hc't-r'll-r°ft'll·
97 Nikephorus Blemmydes, De Theologia, section 10: wcrctv-rw; xctt b 'Dptyi... Y]; ft~ lfttvxo", 1t...~tAy]'fli...ctt
crc'tpxct -ro... KvptO>! w; -r~; e~o-rY]-ro; apxovcrY]; ant tvx~;.
 Introduction I 25
has been held everywhere, always, and by everyone' (quod ubique, quod semper,
quod ex omnibus creditum est).98
In any event, learned attitude to Origen was a rather rare commodity, since
there were also others who did not care to read his works, or had no access to
them, and were content only with the synodical claims of long past centuries,
such as John VI Cantacuzenus, who embraced them uncritically and saw Origen
as an all-out Arian,99 or Philotheus Coccinus,lOO or Matthew Blastares, who sim-
ply quoted from the acts of that sixth-century synod 1O ! that had been anemoph-
ilouslyand uncritically parroted by theologians who did not give a damn about
what Origen had really written, such as Gregory Palamas. 102
Such attitudes call to mind Thucydides' remark concerning the Athenians.

For people [Sc. Athenians] embrace from each other hearsay on things that
happened in the past (ra.~ c(.)coa.~ TCrv Trpoysys'V'1tdvw'V), without caring to cor-
roborate them (a~ctITC(.'VlITTW~ Trctp'aM~Aw'V 6SX0'VTctL,) even though these pertain
to their own country (Kcd ~'V 6TrlXWPlct IT<pllTl'V rD.

Thucydides continued with adducing specific examples of flagrant distor-

tion of historical truth by 'the hoi polloi of Athenians' (Ae~va(m yoDv TO 7rA~eO\)
concerning the story of tyrant Hipparchus having been slain by Harmodius and
Aristogeiton, and several popular myths that had nothing to do with truth, even
though those were about situations 'still extant and which have not yet been
thrown into oblivion by the flux of time' (nOMCt 6~ KlXt aMIX ~'T[ KlXt )lU)I O)l'T1X KlXt OU

xpav,,? "~V~(rTou~.va). Therefore, Thucydides' conclusion was the following one,

which (as so many of his brilliant remarks) is of eternal value.

98 Commonitorium Primum, cap. 2.2, PL.50.640.

99 John VI Cantacuzenus (c. 1292-1383; reign 1347-1354), Refutationes Duae Prochori Cydonii, 1.20;
1.43; Orationes Qyatuor contra Mahometem, 2.25; 4.2.
100 Philotheus Coccinus, Antirrhetici Duodecim contra Gregoram, oration 5, lines 790-794; oration 7,
lines 335-336 (whereas Origen wrote that 'God is indescribable' [8w6 -rot! itmptypit7rT"Ov], Coccinus
claimed that 'those around Origen dared to say that God is describable concerning his power, though
not concerning his essence'. However, Origen had written that God's power is incomprehensible' [T"~'"
T"~; cro<fltct; it7r~p()..1']7rT"o", 6&vctfm],frLuc,fr. 123; cf. commJohn, xiii.25.152; xix.6.37-38;frJohn,fr. 14;
cels, vi.62-64. But Coccinus wrote having in mind Justinian's' absurd claim, which modern scholars
made a 'fragment from De Principiis' (H. Gorgemanns - H. Karpp, fro 24. See Justinian, Edictum
contra Origenem, p. 70 in his Epistulam adMenam, p. 190, quoted in, and embraced by ACO, Synodus
Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana anno 536, tome 3, p. 190). Anyway, Coccinus declared that he
rdied on the acts of the fifth oecumenical synod (Antirrhetici Duodecim contra Gregoram, oration 8,
lines 175-176; oration 12, lines 1066-1070). See further, infra, p. 67, note 267-
101 Matthew Blastares, Collectio Alphabetica, proem, chapter 15.
102 Gregory Palamas, Orationes Antirrheticae contra Acindynum, 2.12.53.
26 I Introduction
This is how pain-free is search for truth by most men, who rather opt for
embracing reports that are ready to hand (OVTW~ aTctlct(Trwpo~ TOI~ TrOMOI~ ~
~~T'1lTl~ T~~ aA'1edct~, KctL6TrL Ta. hOlfLct fL&MOV TpSTrOvTctl).103

Had Thucydides lived to see and report the state of things that happened
from the sixth to thirteenth century concerning Origen, his expressions could
have been much harsher.
Nevertheless, opposite the innumerable throng of those who simply parroted
Justinian's self-defeating allegations about Origen, there were intellectuals who
had cared to read Origen's works, such as John Kyparissiotes (c. 1310-1379),104
and more so Demetrius Cydones (1324-1398), who quoted extensively from
Origen's commentary on Matthew,105 from De Principiis,106 from other treatises
that he did not cite,107 even from works of which we know nothing, such as the
otherwise never attested Origen's discourse IIzpi Op.iluJv.108 Nikephorus Gregoras
was one of them, too.
Whether there is truth in the proverb 'silence means consent', or not, the fact
is that there were several others who did not mention Origen at all, such as George
Acropolites and his pupil George Pachymeres, Theodore II Dukas Laskaris (1221-
1258, Emperor of Nicaea from 1254 to 1258), Maximus Planudes, Pro chorus
Cydones (Demetrius Cydones' younger brother), George Tornices, et al.
On this, the least that could be said is this: the real intention of those men
and their like was not necessarily to defend Origen; rather, they felt that, despite
their avidity for theology, they could not pass any judgement on Origen once his

103 Thucydides, Historiae, 1.20.1-1.21.1. Galen used Thucydides' phrase verbatim, in order to reprimand
certain frivolous people, 'who not only refuse to be attentive [to the truth], but also objurgate intellec-
tuals of old as being faulty; this is how they search for truth in a pain-free manner' (ov-rw; IhctActmwpw;
lxovcn Tr~Pt -r~ ... -r~; CtAt]9dct; ~~-rt](Tw). DeSectis ad Eos Qjti Introducuntur, p. 97. Later, the phrase was
proverbially used (without mentioning the name of the great Athenian historian) by authors who
censured featherbrained search for the truth. See Michael Psdlus, Opuscula ii, p. 155 (Scholium ad
Tractatum Hermeticum, 1.18), 4. Synesius ofCyrene, Calvitii Encomium, section 10. Isaac Tzetzes, De
Metris Pindaricis, p. 27. Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 132; Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.2,
p.273.
104 John Kyparissiotes, Adversus Cantacuzenum, section 28.
105 Demetrius Cydones, Translatio Qjtestionum Summae Theologicae Thomae Aquinae: De Religione
(secunda secundae lxxx-c), sections 83.17; 90.1; 90.2.
106 Demetrius Cydones, op. cit. 95.2; Translatio Qjtestionum Sum mae Theologicae Thomae Aquinae: De
amoris (secunda secundae xxiii-xxxiii), 24.12; Translatio Qjtestionum Summae Theologicae Thomae
Aquinae: De fide (secunda secundae i-xvi), 14.4;
107 Demetrius Cydones, Paraphrasis ex Romana Lingua Libri Fratris Richardi contra Mahometem,
col. 1045.
108 Demetrius Cydones, Translatio Qjtestionum Sum mae Theologicae Thomae Aquinae: De Religione
(secunda secundae lxxx-c), 95.2.
 Introduction I 27
books were not available to them, whereas others presumably felt that defending
Origen could be only a risk to the convenient social status they enjoyed.
In any case, how could possibly Origen's books have been at hand? Later
testimonies, which, thanks to gloating bigotry, were cautiously suppressed during
the dark Byzantines times, were not altogether lost.
The Council of Florence (1438-1439) vauntingly boasted that 'the fifth oec-
umenical synod, which was mainly convened against the Origenists', decided
that 'Origen's works should be burnt' and this is indeed what happened (rOo>
Dpry<>ov\ KaVe<nw»109
This can be confirmed by Marcus Eugenicus, who took part in that synod
as a delegate for the Patriarch of Alexandria. He was one of the loudest voices
therein and ended up the leader of the Orthodox opposition to the Union of
Florence. He explicitly attested that 'the fifth council denounced his [Sc. Origen'sl
works and threw them to fire' (U7rO TYj\ 7r<~7rTr]\ "7r.aoKl~"cre~ crv>oaov TI< TOUTOV
crv/yp"~~Ta Kat 7rvpt 7rap.ll6e~ ... a[1< ToDT' ,,~a>lcre~>a[ TI< TOUTOV crv/yp,,~~aTa
Kat 7rvpt aoe~>a[), but the Philocalia, 'which was composed by Gregory the
Theologian and Basil the Great, was spared', although 'this contains controversial
propositions [about the universal restoration] that were debatable at that time'Yo
Earlier, the third council of Constantinople (680-681) had confirmed that
the sixth-century Fifth Synod had not only rejected Origen's alleged doctrines,
but also threw his books to total destruction. 111
Even mere reading ofOrigen's works was proclaimed a lethal sin, which could
entail 'ending down to the bottom of Hades and to the utmost darkness'Y2The
bumptious Epiphanius of Salamis had convened a synod of the bishops of Cyprus
in order to enforce banning on reading Origen's works, and tried to impose that

109 Documenta Concilii Florentini, Latinorum Responsio ad Libellum a Graecis Exhibitum circa
Purgatorium Ignem (fifteenth century), p. 85.
110 Marcus Eugenicus, Oratio Altera De Igne Purgatorio, Document 5, pp. 128-129.
111 ACQ, Concilium Universale Constantinopolitanum tertium (680-681), Concilii Actiones I-XVIII
Document 11, p. 470: it... cttp~i 6~ Kctt iKp17rTH 7rpO; 6A~9po ... 7rPWTO-r07rW; ft~... 'Dptyi"'l1'" To... &'flpo... ct Kctt
7rCt...Tct ctVTOV -ra o... ~tPW611 KOftt~0ftct-rct Kctt 7rOAV~t60V; itcr~~dct; 7rA~Pl1 crvIYpc'tftftct-rct.
112 Anonymous, Sancti Pachomii Vita Tertia (cod. Patmensi monasterii S. Ioannis 9), p. 308: 'I60v
6tctftctp-rOpoftctt vfti... hwmo ... -rov e~ov o-rt 7ra; &... 9pw7ro; it ... ctyt... WcrKWV 'Dptyi"'l1'" Kctt 6~X0ft~ ... 0; -ra
crvIYpc'tftftct-rct ctv-rov, d; 7rV9fti... ct &60V ftD)..~t Kct-rct... -ra... · Kctt ~ KAl1po ... ofttct ctv-rov lcr-rctt -ro crxO-ro; -ro
i~w-r~pO>i. Anonymous, VIta Sancti Pachomii (cod. Ath. EN 2560), section 8: l\5)..' it~tW -ra -rov cticrxtcr-rov
'Dptyi... ov; crvIYpc'tftftct-rct Kctt HpctKAdov -rov y~yo ... o-ro; itpXt~mcrx07rov AA~~ct"'6pdct; ft~ iacrctt -rt... ct -rW...
V7rO cr~ it... ctyt... WcrMt... ~ hipw ... it... ctyt... WcrKo...-rW... itKOO~t... · imcr'flctA~ yc'tp dcrt Kctt oAi9ptct Kctt e~ov 7rOpPW
6ttcr-rW...-rct.
28 I Introduction
also on the Patriarch of Constantinople, that is, John Chrysostom, whom the
bellicose Epiphanius persistently denounced as being an Origenist. ll3
Moreover, the second council of Nicaea (in 787) took some steps further: they
had a deacon read a refutation of 'Eusebius' apology for Origen' written by Antipater
of Bostra (without mentioning that, in the first place, 'Eusebius' apology' was
Pamphilus' work). While Antipater acknowledged Eusebius' erudition ('since he had
access to libraries everywhere, because of the emperor's favour'), he determined that
Eusebius was but a heretic as much as Origen was. Consequently, 'the most holy
Patriarch said: "By means of patristic [Sc. Antipater's] voice, the works of Eusebius
have been proven to be alien to the Catholic Church'''114 Qe.d.'
Otherwise, later Byzantine testimonies on Origen should be taken seriously,
all the more so since it appears that some of them availed themselves of informa-
tion from texts that are no longer extant.
For example, Michael Psellus clearly appears informed that Origen was a
convert, not one born to Christian parents. Actually, Psellus knew that 'Origen
joined our theology and accepted the [divine] oikonomia.'115 Of course, this fits
perfectly with the opening phrase of Origen's De Principiis, where he declares
that he belongs to those who became Christian once they 'were convinced and
came to believe' (Ot 7r~7rlaT~UK6'T~~ Ked 7r~7rao-fL4-yol.)116
Likewise, against the modern invention about 'two Origens' advanced by
those who cannot stomach the fact of Origen's conversion, Nikephorus Callistus
Xanthopulus could not have been more clear: in the section recounting Origen's
striking renown among both Christians and pagans, he wrote also that Origen's
pupils included also pagans who 'were trained in both philosophies' (i.e. Christian
and Greek). And whenever Origen saw students who were apt in philosophical
learning, he promoted them to lessons of Geometry and Arithmetic. Moreover,
he passed judgements and resolved questions concerning differences between
sects of heathen philosophy (In Ii. Kat .1, T/<, KaT/< ~[Aocr6~ov, alp<cr<l, Ippue~[I;.),
he gave lectures on them, and wrote apposite commentaries, tooY?

113 Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, HE, 13.12: 'EmiflCt... to; 0' ~K7raAat it7r~X9w; -rot; 'Dptyi...ov; ~XW...
crvY),pCtftfWCTW, Ct7rAOV; -r~ W... Kat &Kp~ ~VAa~d~ crv~w... , pCf,cr-ra -rfi e~Oiflt)'ov cr7rOVOfi 7r~t9~ ... to; ~ .... Kat -rov;
i ... K&7rp'lJ imcrx07rov; ~vev; it9potcra;, itm1Yopw~ -r~ ... -rW... 'Dptyi...ov; AOYW'" it... Ctyvwcrt.... Kat -ra -rfi crtrV06'lJ
iyvwcrfti...a &»'Ot; -r~ lmftm Kat -r0 -r~; Kw... cr-ra... -rt... ov itpXt~p~i. See also my Origen: New Fragments from
the Commentary on Matthew, pp. xlv-Ixxiv.
114 ACQ, Concilium Universale Nicaenum Secundum, Concilii Actiones I-VII, Document 5, p. 564.
115 Michael Psellus, Orationes Forenses et Acta, oration 1, lines 788-790: av-rtxa you... 'Dptyi... Y]; iMt... O; b
crtrVaKftCtcra; IToPiflVpt'lJ -r0 ifltAOCTOifl'lJ Kat -rfi Ka9' ~fta; 9~oAoyt~ 7rpOCT~i~Y]M Kat -r~ ... olxo... oftta... ioi~a-ro.
116 See Eusebius, ContraMarcellum, 1.4.26 (& Marcellus of Ancyra, Fragmenta, fro 88).
117 Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, HE, 5.12: OVK o)'tYOt fti...-rot Kat -rw... i~ alpicr~w; ifltAOCTOiflW"', Kat
&».ot o~ -rw... imifla... w... ft~-ra cr7rOVO~; lpp~o .... Kat &ftiflW -ra; ifltAocroiflta; Ka9apw; i~acrxovft~... ot.
 I ntroductio n I 29
And the philosophers of those times who flourished simultaneously with him
attest to him (Ked futpTvpOVOTV 01 TOn: Terv <plAOO"O<pW'V cttmiJ O"v'VctKfvXO"ct'Vn:~).
And they mention this man several times in their works, sometimes addressing
his theories and sometimes criticising them. 118

When Nikephorus Callistus wrote his Church History, no question had been
raised such as that Porphyry and Proclus spoke about 'another Origen': the flya-
way saga about the 'pagan Origen' is simply a modern invention. Moreover, since
I have written that Origen converted to Christianity when he was nearly fifty
years of age, I should quote Patriarch Dositheus' report:

Origen, although advanced in age (Kct(TOl Trctp~Al; Crv), learned the Hebrew
language, and took up the three translations by Akylas, Theodotion, and
Symmachus, and discovered another one in Jericho within a large jar in the
years of Antoninus, the son of Severus; also, he found another two translations,
as Eusebius and Jerome wrote, and juxtaposed those six translations with the
Hebrew text in order to acquire an accurate knowledge and grasp of the divine
scripture. 119

What did Dositheus mean by the word 7rap~A[S? Usage of this epithet by var-
ious authors makes this all too clear: it means someone who is older than middle-
aged and moves towards old age. 120 In relation to women, this was used of Sarah,
Abraham's wife and half-sister, or Elisabeth the mother of John the Baptist, in
order to indicate a woman who is advanced in age and sterile because menopause
has come about. 121

118 Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, loe. cit. Then, he immediately starts with the subsection 'on
Porphyry and his writings about Origen'.
119 Dositheus II, Patriarch, L1WBfXdf3IPAO~, book 1, p. 145.
120 Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, In Ecclesiasten (homiliae 8), p. 377 (describing all the stages of a man's
life): ftiT-po" -r~; Kct9' tKctcHO" ~Atdct;, ~pi'fl0t);, 7rctt6(0t), ft~tpctdot), 7rcttM;, i'fl~~ot), it"6po;, ft~cr~AtKO;,
-r~Adot), 7rctp~AtKO;, 7rp~cr~v-rot), yipo,,-ro;. So in De Mortuis non esse Dolendum, p. 64: &MW; yap
ftop'flov-rctt -ro "~mo" Kctt -ro ft~tpc'tKtO", &MW; b 7rctt; b itvYjp b ft~cr~At~ b 7rctp~At~ b Y11pcttO; b 7rpicr~t);. John
Zonaras, Epitome Historiarum, v. 2, p. 145: -ro" AOVKWV -ro... KtYict"a-rO", Kctt -rctv-rct 7rctp~AtKct &V-rct·
6y60Y]KO"-rov-rY];yap ~", Anonymous, In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea ii-v Commentaria, p. 127: o-r~ 6~
oil 6~t, oto" yY]pctt0 Kctt 7rctp~AtKt yctft~t'"
121 Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, Oratio in Diem Natalem Christi (Elizabeth, mother of John the Baptist),
PG.46.1136.47-48: -rfi cr-rdp!.t Kctt 7rctp~AtKt -r(n~-rctt 7rctt;. Pseudo-Caesarius (= Cassian the Sabaite),
Qytaestiones et Responsiones, 107 (Sarrah): iK -r~; ityo...ot) Kctt 7rctp~AtKO; crqt~(ot) -r~" iKd"ot) yi""y]crt"
imcrm.Jcrct-ro. John Zonaras, Epitome Historiarum (lib. 1-12), v. 1, p. 26 (Sarrah): 7rctp~AtKt o'6cr11 Kctt ft~
7rpocr60KWcr11-r~Mt'" Op. cit. (lib. 13-18), p. 619 (of a woman after menopause). Philagathus, Homiliae,
homily 25.3 (Sarrah): yvvcttKct 7rctp~AtKct, pt)(1cr~" -ro crwftct, ippvn6wfti"l'J" -ro 7rpocrW7rO", it"ct"9~tcrct,, -r0
yr] p~t, 'flvcr~t cr-r~tP~voWct", i7r(-r~Kct y~"icr9ctt Kctt ftY]-ripct 7rctt60;.
30 I Introduction
Therefore, Dositheus reports that Origen began to learn Hebrew when he
was pretty much advanced in age, and he did so in order to understand the Old
Testament better by composing his Hexapla.
When, at the end of the ninth century, Photius reviewed a book defending
Origen, he realised that this had been written by an author who took heed to
remain anonymous. The reason why that author did so was that he arguably
showed that, in Origen's works, 'there was nothing wrong about his Trinitarian
Theology' (<D~crt Ii. Kat n<pt ToD Dpry<>ov, ~~Ii.> who> KaTa li01;a> €cr~aAea, n<pt
T~, Tp,alio,). Besides, he reminded that, even during his lifetime, Origen stood
up to the adulteration of his books, and he pointed out specific cases of malev-
olent third parties being red-handed upon distorting his texts (Kat npoaYH Kat
1X1rro-v €K~T-vo-v 'TOU'TO ~OW-V'TIX KlXt .1llX'Ta-vo[1Ho-v, cpWp&o"lXl )'a.p who-v cpY]O"l KlXt ~'Tl
SW-V'TIX 'TW1'TY]-v KIX'T' whou 'T~-V p~.1lOUp)'(IX-V). l 22 Actually, his corpus attests to 'a man
of the Church, who was orthodox' (Kat TO Y< €nt Tfi whoD crnovlifi €KKA~cr,acrT'Ko>
KlXt 'TW-V Ope0.10~W-V a7rocplX(-V~'TlXl 'TO-V &-V.1plX).123 To write such things about Origen
in those times was nothing short of dangerous.
After centuries of darkness and bigotry, the intellectuals of the Palaeologean
era, even shortly before that, made claims that otherwise should have been taken
for granted: in order for assertions about Origen to be made, they were seek-
ing solid information, not bygone oracles by frightful or rancorous prelates. And
such information was Origen's writings themselves, most copies of which had
either been burnt or suppressed or anathematised and banned from reading at alL
After Justinian's synod in the sixth century, defending Origen was a very hazard-
ous proposition. All theologians did (and they were happy to do) was parroting
the synod's decision, which was but a precise copy of Justinian's edict against
Origen. The case was far worse than Thucydides' remark about the Athenians,
rhaAa(nwpo, ToI, nOMoI, ~ i;~T~cr" T~, aA~e«a,.

122 It should be recalled that Origen was living in Athens when 'the brethren from Palestine', indignant
at 'the corruption of his books, sent a man to Athens to obtain an authentic copy' from Origen per-
sonally. See Origen's letter to 'Friends at Alexandria', quoted by Rufinus, De Adulteratione Librorum
Origenis (Rufinus's Epilogue to Pamphilus the Martyr's Apology for Origen), PG.I7.615-632 (p. 625).
Both in this text and in his Apology Against jerome, Rufinus expressed suspicion that heretics had
falsified some passages in Origen's works. In the Preface to the Commentary on the Epistle to the
Romans, he wrote that Origen's works had been 'interpolated'. Even during his lifetime, Origen had
been impeached for heresy, but he complained that his writings had been tampered with. Cf. homLuc,
homily 25.6: 'Others, however, criticize our homilies unjustly and censure us for holding positions
that we never knew we held.'
123 Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 117, pp. 91b-92a.
 Introduction I 31
Had it not been for Socrates Scholasticus to set a few things straight, Origen's
defense could have been limited to Athanasius, the Cappadocians, and to a small
handful of other theologians. But all of them (including Socrates) had lived far
long before Justinian's era. This could explain the silence of intellectuals like
Acropolites and his pupil Pachymeres about Origen. Anyway, Pachymeres wrote
that his teacher Acropolites 'was a very wise man, but in most cases, he cared to
conceal his personal views' (O"ocp0 [lh ~[~ 'fet [laAlO"'fIX, aO"U)l~l6~'f~ 6~ w~ 'fet 7rOMa),124
which means a stolid nice guy, indeed pliant, man, who just kept a cool head, or
at most a level-headed person. However, this was a trait that Pachymeres cared to
apply to himself, too.
Unlike them, Nikephorus Gregoras was an antipodean character, and
this pertained not only to his diametrical assessment of Aristotle vis-a-vis
Pachymeres: it was also explicated in his attitude to Origen, when Gregoras not
only styled Origen 'wise', but also unflinchingly declared that he was not pre-
pared to renounce Origen's books. 125
This point of view, along with his lifetime passionate pursuit of 'wisdom'
and pertinent references to Solomon could no less explain also why it was
that Gregoras did not hesitate to take up a commentary, whose title informed,
'Explained by Origen, as they say'. The time when theologians threw Origen's
writings away, lest they should incur the eternal fire in hell, was past. However,
an explicit declaration such as that by Gregoras remained exclusive to him alone.
Nevertheless, in relation to this mood and approach, I should mention the
case of the Byzantine poet Manuel Philes (c. 1275-1345, a pupil of George
Pachymeres, in whose honour he composed a eulogistic epitaphic poem): he
felt free to write an iambus praising Origen as 'an interpreter of mystical truths'
(npry.>~>, ~vcrTlKW> €p~~>.a),
'which Basil adjudged as being most sublime'
(BacrlA«ov Kp(>ano, W, Kp«nov, "aw), but 'the Satan's spite vanquished him'
and managed to pin him down 'among the infamous ones' (which is indeed
'awful to say', ~PlKTO> T0 Aor",), although, 'to those who have been able to assess
him befittingly' (ToD Kp(>ano, as(w,), his words were 'hallowed drops of orphic
sweet smell' (pa>(o<, apal ~vcrnK~, <"wo(a,), provided 'one is able to escape from
the torrents of stink-smelling delusion' (€K p<v~aTw> ~a(~ Tl, 61;0nw> "Aa>~,)l26
Philes did not go as far as Gregoras, yet he went some way nonetheless.

124 George Pachymeres, Historia Brevis, 4.28. See also p. 97.

125 See p. 22.
126 Manuel Philes, Carmina, chapter 5, poem 21.
32 I Introduction
Over the years, I myself have scrutinised this 'stink-smelling delusion' that has
preponderated not only in ancient but also in modern scholarship, which is why, bar
a handful of modern scholars, I have spoken of the 'deplorable state of Origenian
studies'. Philes wrote also a poem in honour of his teacher George Pachymeres,
which he titled Epitaph (i.e. eulogising obituary) comprising 100 verses. His admira-
tion for Pachymeres is evident, but (opposite Pachymeres' unqualified admiration for
Aristotle) Philes' references to Aristotle are waned: actually, he addressed Aristotle
in second person, urging him to 'cease boasting, and to retreat into silence and shut
off his books' in view of the superiority of ideas expounded by Pachymeres, since
the latter's commentaries outdid the original text. To Philes, Pachymeres was a new
'Demosthenes', who persuaded by the force of his intellect, not by bestirring emo-
tions. He was a nonpartisan dikaeophylax) 127 who judiciously resolved all sorts of
dissention. 128
Origen was more than well versed in Greek literature, including not only philos-
ophyand theology, but also poetry, medicine, and all known fields of science. In rare
cases of exception, such as his epistle to Gregory Thaumaturgus and the rebuttal of
Celsus, he did not conceal the vast background that determined his tutelage: study
of philosophy along with Geometry, Astronomy, Music, Grammar, and Rhetoric,
was an indispensable introductory stage to Theology, wherefore he proudly declared
that this was the gist of his methodology as a teacher.129

If you were to show me teachers who give introductory schooling in philoso-

phy (rrp6~ <plAOlToqdct'V TrpOTrctl6cvovrct~) and train people in philosophical study
(Ked h <plAOITO<p(~ YVfL'Va~ovrct~), I will not dissuade young men from being
instructed by those [teachers]. However, once they have received the general
education (h 6yKVK1(Ol~ fLcte~fLctlTl) and the study of philosophical [questions]
(ror~ <pllolTo<povfLk'VOl~), I will try to elevate them to the augustness and sublimity
of the lofty teaching (fLcyctlo<pw'V(ct~)130 of Christians, who peruse systematically
and prove and demonstrate that these [philosophical ideas] have been [already]
taught by the prophets of God and the apostles ofJesus. 131

127 In Byzantium, ;tKctt0'flVAct~ was the title of a secular caste, corresponding to the ecclesiastical ekdikos,
an official whose duty was to defend the Churche's rights before courts. The superior of this class was
calledprotekdikos.
128 Manuel Philes, op. cit. poem 39.
129 Origen, Epistula ad Gregorium Thaumaturgum, 1 (Philocalia, 13.1). Cf. Cels, 111.58; VII.49.
130 On the term ft~yctA0'flW"(ct, see discussion in my Scholia in Apocalypsin, EN XXVk, pp. 310-12; & EN
XXXVlh. p. 396.
131 Cels, 111.58. Cf. op. cit. VII.49: "I have said these things neither because I am disputing those ideas
that Greeks have understood correctly, nor because I am blaming sound doctrines; instead, I wish
to demonstrate that not only these things, but also other ones which are much more profound and
 Introduction I 33
This text could give the impression that Origen had in mind certain 'other
teachers', and perhaps he did. However, in the main he was speaking of himself,
since it was his style to do so by writing in third rather than first person,132 which
was a common oratorial scheme. This could be realised once part of his letter to
Gregory Thaumaturgus is considered, in which not only the style, but also the
ideas, and indeed the vocabulary, are exactly the same as those in the previous
quotation.

Therefore, your shrewdness133 has the potential of making you a perfect Roman
doctor of law and a Greek philosopher in one of the schools that are held in
high repute. However, I have wished to make the most of the power of your
acumen, so as to direct you to Christianism (d~ XPlITTlct'VllTfLo'V). This is why, in
reality, my desire has been to teach you also those tenets of the philosophy of
the Greeks, which could serve as general education and preparatory teaching
(Ked <plAOITO<p(ct~'EM~'VW'V 'fa. olo'Vd d~ XPlITTlct'VllTfLo'V 6trVafLs'Vct YS'VSITSctL 6YKVKAlct
fLctS~fLct'fct ~ TrPOTrctL6SVfLct'fct) towards Christianism (d~ XPlITTlct'VllTfLo'V), such as
those parts of Geometry and Astronomy which will be useful in the interpre-
tation of the holy scriptures, so that, what the pupils of philosophers say about
Geometry and Music, Grammar, Rhetoric and Astronomy (i.e. that they are
aides of philosophy, w~ ITV'VSPlSW'V <plAOITO<plt;(.), we may say of Philosophy itself
which leads to Christianism (Trspl ctlh~~ <plAOITO<plct~ TrpO~ XPlITTlct'VllTfLO'V).l34

divine, have been said by the divinely inspired men [Celsus' words in VII.28&58], namely, the proph-
ets of God and the apostles of Jesus, and they are studied by those who desire to b e more perfect
Christians (ror; -r~AHO-r~pO'" XPtcr-rlCt",ls~t... ieiAovcrt)". On 'perfect Christians', cf. op. cit. 111.19: i7ra... -ra
7r~Pt -rov 'hlcrov Kct-ra -rYrv -rov A6yOV cro'fllct... ;t~~o;d)0ft~... -ror; w; i ... Xptcr-rtct... tcrft0 -r~Adot;. commlCor, fr.
20 (comm. on 1 Cor. 4:9): ocr'll yap -rt; -r~A~tO-r~po ... XPtcr-rtct"'ls~t, -rocrov-r'll ftUMO ... im9ct... aTlo; icr-rt....
132 See my Origen and Hellenism, chapter 5, pp. 382-383.
133 Regarding Origen's reference to 'shrewdness' (-rfi 7racrn -r~; d)'flvtct; ;trVaft~t crov), Eusebius' remark
should be recalled, which is formulated in exactly the same vocabulary. HE, 6.18.3 (quoted also by
Suda, letter omega, entry 182): Origen 'introduced all those whom he saw being shrewd (dcr~yi... -r~
yap ocrov; ~v'flvw; lXav-rct; ~wpct) also to philosophical instruction (i7rt -ra 'fltAocrO'flct ftct9~ftct-rct), by teach-
ing Geometry and Arithmetic, and the rest of introductory education (Kctt -raMct 7rp07rctt;~Vftct-rct) con-
cerning both advanced elaboration on the different sects among [Greek] philosophers and analysing
systematically their writings, commenting on those and perusing their particular propositions, so that
he was acclaimed as a great philosopher by the Greeks themselves.' The similarity of the characteristic
vocabulary is hard not to notice. Eusebius wrote as if following Origen's words in that epistle.
134 Origen, Epistula ad Gregorium Thaumaturgum, 1 (Philocalia, 13.1). Against Origen's own words
pronounced at an advanced age, Eusebius' mythology had it that the young Origen 'considered the
teaching of language and literature as being irreconcilable with training in sacred studies and with-
out hesitation he broke away from the school of language as useless and inimical to divine learning.
Then, on the same grounds, in order not to be in need of help by others [i.e. by Greek literature], he
disposed of ... whatever works he had of ancient literature ... and received four obols a day from him
who bought them.' HE, 6.3.8-9. Besides, although the adolescent Origen 'got rid of all his heathen
books', by the end of his life, when he wrote the Contra Celsum, he was able to quote verbatim from a
34 I Introduction
This is why Origen called for 'scientific' comprehension of the Christian
truth, but those who would strive for this should imbibe the requisite back-
ground. 135 This comprehension could be achieved only once this truth is codified
through a lucid exposition 'by means of scientific demonstration and composition
[built so as to be] understood as an organic whole' (o-vv €7rlo-TI']~OV[Kfi i<noo.a;« Kat
O[~pepw~.vn VO~o-«)l36
After centuries of darkness and unschooled bigotry, scholars such as
Pachymeres and Gregoras boldly employed a syllabus of teaching based on the
Greek scientific reasoning. To this purpose, Pachymeres styled his unparalleled
presentation of the Aristotelian corpus Philosophia, of which the first part alone
was printed in Greek, it was entitled Logic, and was later translated in Latin.
Besides, in the titles of his Aristotelian works, Pachymeres always cared to style
himself dikaeophylax and protekdikos, that is, a servant of a Christian state and
church.137 Moreover, while being a teacher of New Testament and Patristic theol-
ogy at the 'Oecumenical School' (OiKovft<V[KOV O[oaO"KaA8ov) of Constantinople,
he considered as an essential prerequisite teaching Arithmetic, Music, Geometry,
and Astronomy, according to his massive work Quadrivium (based on the lines
of Tetraktys), which ensued following the fundamental courses on Grammar,
Rhetoric, and Dialectics,138 for the sake of which he wrote his Progymnasmata. 139
A good ten centuries after Origen, this syllabus of Pachymeres was but
Origen's one -and no author had done anything remotely similar to that during
the intervening period. This means that Pachymeres was a genuine contributor to
that short-lived, falsified, vilified, and adulterated Enlightenment.
Likewise, Gregoras knew that Origen was the sole Christian teacher who
regarded Mathematics, Geometry, Music, Rhetoric, and Astronomy as fun-
damental prerequisites to Theology, which Origen styled 'philosophy towards
Christianism' (~[AOo-o~(a npo, xp[o-nav[0-~6v). Not incidentally, Gregoras held
such a knowledge in the highest regard; actually, he spoke respectfully of the

stupendously large number ofGrcck and Oriental authors! See also infra, pp. 594-598; and note 826: why
and how was it that Origen was in possession of a vast pagan library when he was still a juvenile?
135 commJohn, XX.33.288; schLuc, PG.I7.344.34-43.
136 Origen,/dohn, fro 7; cf./rLam, fro 20: ~Ct h ~fi imcnl1fwvtKfi tvxfi 9~wp~flcmt. selPs, PG.12.1441.9-
14: T~; yvwfll1; ~~; iKxAl1CTtct(ntK~; CTKOmV~tK~; OVCTl1; ~~; ia'119dct;, Kctt 6tCt nun LtW... KctAotlfli...l1;,
7r~ptArrrr~io ... ctv~~; h 6tct",ol~ ~Ct 66rflct~ct. ·EmCT~l1flo ... tKW; nlw ... Kct~ct... O~CTct... ~~; ~~ ... ~ctv~l1; 6t6ctCTKctAlct...,
6tcttP~~tKW; tKctCT~O>i i~~~a~~~~.
137 Title: IIfpi TNV I; 7~~ 'fIAo-r0'f!a~ 0Pl-rf-<NV xai TNV rriv7f 'fWVNV xai TNV Bixa xan?yopINV. On its publica-
tion details, see pp. 68-69, note 274.
138 See more on pp. 68-69.
139 Published in 1848, in Paris by J. F. Boissonade (Georgii Pachymeris Declamationes XIII), comprising
29 texts with didactic or juridical content (republished in Amsterdam, 1966).
 Introduction I 35
TETpaXTV; (Quadrivium), which, to him, was the laid groundwork and foundation
of all philosophy, and the most precious thing that appeared on earth ever l40 It
was for the sake of this that Gregoras declared that 'willy-nilly' (quoting Homer's
Ilias, IY.44), he had to compose two works, namely, his calendar (which was but
the later Gregorian one) and his Astrolabus. Nevertheless, Gregoras had realised
that knowledge which does not advance to wisdom could turn out dangerous
to human nature ('the most precious of all things'), and explained that this was
the main reason for him to institute a school, which brought about to him a lot
of toil. 141
Nevertheless, and no matter what the affinities or differences vis-a-vis Greek
philosophy, in reality Origen always spoke as a Christian, who felt it incumbent
upon him to form a coherent corpus of doctrine of the new religion.

Many those who profess to believe in Christ hold conflicting opinions not only
on small and trivial points, but also on some ones that are great and important.
... on the nature of God ... it seems necessary first to lay down a definite line
and unmistakable rule. 142
Everyone, therefore, who is desirous of constructing out of the foregoing a
coherent body of doctrine must use points like these as elementary and founda-
tional principles .... Thus, by dear and cogent arguments, he will discover the
truth about each particular point, and so he will produce, as we have said (ut
diximus), a single body (unum corpus) of doctrine. 143

However, not only the particular fields of science, but also the methodology of
learning itself, ipso focto were the vehicles of its inherent Hellenic character, which
could have been impossible for any Christian teacher or pupil to eschew. In my
view, beyond Origen's particular theological accounts, the fact itself that (unlike
many of his ancient followers and the vast majority of his modern students) he
had assimilated that paideia, while stamping his teaching with a Christian char-
acter, is a feat that should be appreciated on its own merits. By doing so, it was
all too natural for him to make occasional use of pertinent Greek terminology or
figures of speech. And a deplorable aspect of how Origen's work has been treated

140 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 114: Ked oV6ctftfi y~ oV6hct -rCr... Kct9' ~fta; Ct'fl~M ... 'EM~ ... w..., o;-ro
KVptW-rct-rav -r~; 'fltAOCTo'fllct;, -rrrv -rw... ftct9YJftCt-rw... 6YJAct6~ -r~-rpctnVv.
141 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 114: Kctt d ... 6vvav h-r~v9~... ftCtAct TrpOX6tpO'" d... ctt SYJfttovcr9ctt
-ro yi... o;, Xp~ftct TrCtnwv XPYJftCt-rw..., OTrocrct y~ TrctpicrX~'" ~Al'll 9~acr9ctt -ro KCtMtcr-ro .... lltCt -rOt -rov-ro Kctt
6t6ctcrKctA~io ... ctv-ro; Ct... i'll~ct Kctt xOTrOt; iK6i6wKct iftctv-ro ....
142 Origen, Prine, I.Preface.2.
143 Origen, op. eit. I.Preface.9.
36 I Introduction
to date is that those who allegedly 'studied' that corpus cheerfully pointed out
words that were loaded with earlier pagan use while ignoring the conceptual new
context in which those terms were used and considered.
Besides, since Origen always had an eye for enthralling and highly accurate
treatment of Greek language, he introduced brilliant alternatives to Greek notions
that took his fancy while building an orthodox doctrine by means of Greek
methods at their finest; he strove to be convincing to heathen philosophers, call-
ing upon them to join in and heralding a new era of philosophyl441he gist of the
method involved 'the systematic classification of problems' (OWdp<"'\ i;~T~~"TWV),
that is, a methodical identification and scrupulous anatomisation of the topics
pending their methodical ratiocination. 145 The method was as old as Plato and
Aristotle,146 as well as the Greek rhetorician Hermogenes of Tarsus, who enjoyed
a special place in the teaching of rhetoric in the late Byzantium: Pachymeres147
had made this a topic of theoretical analysis, and Nikephorus Gregoras men-
tioned in admiration 148 the ancient Greek rhetoric and certainly Hermogenes -
adding that Libanius had been considerably taught by Hermogenes' rhetorical
practice. 149 At one point (addressing his teacher Theodore Metochites), Gregoras
considers rhetoric (along with poetry and astronomy, as well as political philos-
ophy and prudent political activity) as 'one of the species of wisdom' (TWV "O~(IX\
<IOWV)I50 possessed by Metochites (actually it was him that Gregoras styled 'a rhe-
torical man, as well as a poetical, an astronomical one, and moreover, a political,
a practical, a counsellor.').
Gregoras admitted that men such as 'Homer, Plato, and Ptolemy, had made
oO"O[ pi'rrop~uovmx:Y 7rerrAOvr~Krx.O"[ )'AWO"O"rx.-V),151
the language of rhetoric richer' (Ked
and his admiration for 'Demosthenes and other rhetors' was very high, because

144 Cels, 111.57: 'Hft~t; ft~" OVv xct't'"tOv; Ctno -rw... 'fllAOCTO'flW" ooyftlhw" ocr1'] o&vctftt; npoxctAovft~9ct int -r~" xct9'
~fta; 9~OCTi~~tct", -ro i~ct(p~'"tO" xctt -ro dAtXPt"~; ctlh~; nctptcr-rct...-r~;. Op. cit. IV.53.
145 Cels, 111.39; commJohn, VI.46.241; XIII.13.82; selPs, PG.12.1441.11-13.frProv, PG.13.29,48-51.
146 Plato, Cratylus, 425e; 5ophista, 217a; 235c; et passim. Aristotle, Analytica Priora, 46a-h; Analytica
Posteriora, 91h; 97a; De Anima,402a; 41Oa; 417a; etpassim. Hermogenes, Imi.-rfidOnLegalIssues), 1; 4.
147 Pachymeres did not conceal his dues to Hermogenes concerning systematic teaching of the art of
rhetoric, 'which Demosthenes possessed instinctively, i.e. not rariocinativdy'. Cf. Progymnasmata,
chapter 5, p. 555: -rOCTOV-rO>l 0' ctlh0 [Sc. 111']ft0cr9i...~t] -r~; -riX"1']; ft~-rfj"¥, wcr-r~ xctt o~~crct" 'EPftoyi...~t
P1']-roptX~" cr'"tOtX~twcrctt, i~ ctlhw" ixd"w" -rw" AOyw" '"tOV p~-ropo; [Sc. 111']ftOCT9i"ov;] -rov; xct"o"ct;
ix9icr9ctt, xctt -r~" tw; ixd"ov -rPt~~" &AOYO>l A~Y0fti,,1']'" -riX"1']" EMOYO" XWfctcr-r~crctt -rOt; vcr-r~po".
148 Cf. Epistulae, epistles 12; 23; 41; 57; 69; et passim.
149 Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, p. 104.
150 Epistulae, epistles 24a; 24h.
151 Op. cit. v. 1, p. 480.
 I ntroductio n I 37
they made the utmost of 'the Attic language'.152 At another point, he advises that
rhetoric was part of his own education,153 that this art benefited him (~[~ ~[1eT4plX:Y
w~.AHa» under the guidance of men such as Blemmydes 154 At another, he did
not hesitate to declare that he imitated the 'laws of the rhetoricians', and described
his pertinent method, which is exactly the one used in the present commentary.155
After all, eminent earlier Christian theologians had availed themselves of that,l56
and certainly so did Gregoras himself - from his encomium (written in his early
twenties) to emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus, to his funeral oration on his
teacher Theodore Metochites (when Gregoras would have been 37 years old), and
praised the rhetorical skill and use of Attic language by of John XIII Glykys,l57
who later became Patriarch, and was his teacher in rhetoric and logic, and whom
along with his teacher Theodore Metochites, Gregoras styled 'the best of wise
men'158 - both of them had been his own teachers, anyway.
Photius (c. 810/820-893) may have been an industrious encyclopaedist and
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (905-959) a humanist, but there is no sound
ground, no 'connecting line', nor relevance, let alone 'tradition', associating either
Pachymeres or Gregoras with them.
Origen defined also wisdom as 'knowledge of corporeal and incorporeal
things' (pW(J"l\ (J"w~"Tm '«'[ "(J"W~TW», by 'incorporeal' meaning the logoi (gen-
erative, cohesive, and dissolving ones), according to which the world is generated,
it is functioning and incessantly transformed. 159 It is noteworthy that, in perti-
nent references positing true knowledge as knowledge of wisdom, he supported his
propositions by quoting from Solomon. 16o In any case, Origen determined that
all knowledge could be found in Solomon's work:

152 Epistle 76.

153 Op. cit. v. 1, p. 321.
154 Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 46.
155 Astrolabica B, p. 230: "E-rt 0' t... a Kat ~fl~i; -rov; -rGi... PYJ-ropw... inav90i fltflYJcrc'tfl~"'Ot ",oflov; Kat -rp07rOV;
ohw~; i... 7rPOOtfllOt; -ro... -rot! AOYOV 7rpoct... a'flw",oVv-r~; crX07rO ... Kat -ro -riAO; h -r0 -riA~t -rYjv fl"'~flYJ'" aV9t;
aw'tyovcrt 7rpO; apxa; Ot' i7ra... aA~t~w;.
156 Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 1087 (on Justin Martyr); v. 3, p. 283 (on Basil of Caesarea).
157 Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 270; so on p. 194.
158 Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 193.
159 See exposition of Origen's Theory of Logoi, in my Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonism, pp. 750-
781; 867-964; 1298-1307; et passim. This was a seminal theory, though not an innovative one, since
its father was Anaxagoras. Nevertheless, this was a forgotten idea, of which the magnitude was enor-
mous. But no one except Gregory of Nyssa was able to grasp this and its implications.
160 Origen, expProv, PG.I7.161.27; so in op. cit. PG.17: 176.25-26; 192.4-5; 196.35-38; 209.11-13;
249.46-48; and PG.I7.181.1-4 (cro'flla = 9~wpla crwflc't-rw... Kat acrwflc't-rw ...). Moreover (quoting Wisdom,
7:17): commlCor, fro 2; commAiatt, 12.15;jrProv, PG.13.29.6-9;jrMatt, fro 509 (Klostermann). Also
(quoting Wis. 7:18), commlCor, fro 55; schMatt, PG.I7.292.30-32 &frMatt, fro 140 (Klostermann);
schLuc, PG.I7.356.3-5.
38 I Introduction
Anyone who has opened up his own heart will comprehend God's logoi, namely,
the practical and the sophistic and those containing wisdom, and the theolog-
ical ones. For the whole of Scripture is classified in three kinds: the ethical
(~8l1c~'V), the natural (<puo·uc~'V), and the theological one (8coloyl)c~'V). The first
one appears in the Proverbs; the second, in Ecclesiastes; and the third, in the
Song of Songs. 161

The Book of Wisdom plays no role in this fundamental proposition at all.

Moreover, in the text of the commentary, we read this:

For who else other than Wisdom is the artificer ofbeings?162 And definitely pru-
dence is a certain 'being', which has been created by Wisdom, since she is the
creator ofall beings. And anyone who has most aptly trained oneself so as to per-
ceive the Whole, much more shall he be able to comprehend also the individual
things one by one (Ked,) TO KC(.86AOU &pllTTct .bCfL'Sfu:1Hrpcw~ 6l1ryl'VWITKEl'V, 7!OM0
fL&MO'V Ta. fLcpllCa. clITHctL).163

In other words, true knowledge is that of the essence of things, and the
distinction between the KIX8oAOU (meaning 'essence') and the P.~P[KO-y (i.e. the
individual material manifestations of essence) was not anything new: the most
eminent of Greeks had already formulated this notion in various ways - and
those sundry ways are a telling example of how the acclaimed great stars of phi-
losophy used ideas of predecessors while aggrandising themselves as ingenious
inventors of occult truths.
For example, in the too much-acclaimed parable of the 'cave',164 Plato said that
material reality is but a 'shadow' of the fundamental principles, i.e. the Ideas: this
'shadow' is what humans can only see, because the fundamental reality that gen-
erates the visible one is impossible to behold. But this was not anything new, no
matter how celebrated this Platonic axiom has come to be: it was simply Plato's
parroting of the Anaxagorean genius. Stobaeus reported that, to Anaxagoras and
to Democritus, human senses are only a source of falsehood (t~u6~T~ ~1-Y1Xl 'Ta.~
aicre~cra\),'65 and the highly critical Sextus Empiricus, who regarded Anaxagoras

161 Origen, expProv, PG.I7.220.49-56 (comm. on John, 14:6: 'I am the way, the truth, and the life'. See
the same passage in Evagrius of Pont us, Expositio in ProverbiaSalomonis (C, Tischendorf), p. 106, and
Scholia in Proverbia (P. Gchin), scholion 247. This only means that Evagrius (as most frequently he
did) copied from Origen.
162 Wis. 8:6; cf. 7:21; 14:2.
163 See folio 22v, p. 204 (fr. p .447).
164 Plato, Respublica, 414a-516a; cf. 51Oe; 532c.
165 Stobaeus, Anthologium, 1.50.
 Introduction I 39
as 'the most erudite of Physicists', also wrote that the Clazomenian 'disparaged
the human senses, deeming them as being too feeble' to grasp reality (ao-eH~T~
()[a~"Mm Ta, aicre~crH'). Sextus saved a celebrated maxim by the same philoso-
pher, which became proverbial, even though some of those who quoted it failed
to cite its source:

Phenomena are only the external manifestation of what is not manifest (Oifl~
ya.p 'fer\! a6~Aw'V 'fa. <PC(w0[Lc'Vct).166

In this proposition, there is nothing different from the testimonies advising

that the Anaxagorean principles come to light by unconcealment out of conceal-
ment. 167 In both cases, this means that appearances are only a deficient repre-
sentation of the invisible reality, since our senses are inadequate to make out the
truth: perception is dependent on, and proportional to, the kind of a perceiving
animal and its sense organs. Oddly enough, Christian authors cherished this
proverbial phrase,168 whereas Greeks did not pay attention to it. 169 Nevertheless,
Anaxagoras did not maintain that any natural observation is as much authorita-
tive as any other. Sextus explains in admiration that Anaxagoras saw the inability
to behold the real nature of things because he recognised the wanting potential
of the human senses. In that account, Anaxagoras introduced the criterion of
reason. His difference from the Pythagoreans was that he meant all functions of
sound reason, whereas the Pythagoreans meant only the mathematical logic, and
they maintained that God made everything in accordance with Mathematics;
therefore, like is known by the like, according to the old maxim llO Thinking along
this line, and after a huge leap of several centuries, it was Pachymeres alone who

166 Anaxagoras, Fragmenta, fro 2b. Cf. Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Dogmaticos 1 (Adversus Logicos 1),
140, adding that D emocritus praised Anaxagoras for having said this. Cf. op. cit. 3.23; 3.58; 7.374;
Pyrrhoniae Hypotyposes, 1.138. Therefore, when he attributed this to Chrysippus, he knew that the ori-
gin was Anaxagoras. Cf. Chrysippus, fro 56, apudScxtus Empiricus, Adversus Dogmaticos 1 (Adversus
Logicos 1), 372. The Apologist Athenagoras of Athens (Legatio, 5.2) attributed this to Emipides.
167 See analysis of this in my Anaxagoras, pp. 96-99; 326.
168 Cf. Justin Martyr, quoted in the Catena in Marcum (recensio ii), p. 265. Athenagoras of Athens,
Legatio, 5.2. Eusebius, De Laudibus Constantini, 16.11; De Theophania (jragmenta), fro 6. Anonymous,
VItae S. Alypii Stylitae (vita alrera) (sixth century), 11. Macarius Chrysocephalus (Metropolitan of
Philadelphia, paroemiographer, fourteenth century), Paroemiae, 6.84. Also the variorum Appendix
Proverbiorum, 4.50. Theoctistus Studites (fomteenth century), Vita Athanasii Archiepiscopi
Constantinopolitani, p. 50.
169 Pseudo-Plutarch (attributing this to Diodes of Carystus, the physician of fourth century BC), Placita
Philosophorum, 910F (hence, Diodes of Carystus, Fragmenta, fro 56b).
170 Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Dogmaticos 1 (Adversus Logicos 1), 91-92: hie~" b ft~" 'fl'vcTlx(o'n'Ct-ro;
Awt~ctr6pct; w; itcre~"~i; ;lct~itMW>i -ra; cttcre~cr~t; infO d'fctvp07rrrO~ ct07WV, 'fll']cr(", 00 SVVct70! i-rf-hV xp!mv
7£b?3i~. ... wcr-r~ b ft~" A"ct~ctr6pct; KOt"W; -ro... ).&yo" E'fll'] XPt-r~PtO" ~r"ctt.
40 I Introduction
took this up. He defined wisdom as 'the thorough knowledge of the truth, which
is inherent in beings' (O"OCPllX €o"'Thr €7rl0"'T~[1Y] 'T~~ €II 'ToT~ oDO"tll aAY]e~llX~).1711his was
but verbatim Pythagoras' definition,l72 which was all but coincidence, given that
Pachymeres had professed that, of all the fields of Mathematics, Arithmetic is
the superlative one, since 'Pythagoras posits number as ousia) which pre-existed
in the mind of the Creator as a cosmic and paradigmatic logos', out of which all
manifestations of material reality are produced. 173
To Proclus, generation is but unconcealment out of concealment, which
was indeed a profoundly Anaxagorean thesis. 174 1herefore, when the always self-
aggrandising Aristotle made much of it as if this were an ingenious original prop-
osition, his grandiosity was but one more travestyYs
Nikephorus Gregoras was of course fully aware of the relation between the
universal and its particular material manifestations. 176 He also knew that this
knowledge can be procured by means of a deductive process based on painstaking

171 George Pachymeres, Qytadrivium, 1.2; In Aristotelis Metaphysicam Commentarium (liber x), com-
mMetaph, 1.1.
172 Nicomachus of Gerasa, Introductio Arithmetica, 1.1.2; 1.2.3. lamblichus, De VIta Pythagorica, 29.159;
Protrepticus, p. 23; In NicomachiArithmeticam Introductionem, p. 6.
173 G eorge Pachymeres, Q}tadrivium, 1.4. Cf. his numerous references to Pythagoras and Pythagoreans;
op. cit. 1.5; 1.21; 2.2-3; 2.10-11; 2.15; 2.18; 2.20; 3.16; commMeteor, 1.2-3; commMetaph, 4.5; In
Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea Commentaria (liber xi), 1.4; commCael, 1.1.3; 1.2.5; 1.3.1-2; 2.2.1;
2.5.10-11; 2.6.2; 2.6.11.
174 Produs, commTim, v. 3, p. 192: 'Zeus brings those that are hidden to light' ('flct"~pa ;~ i~ Ct'flct"w" b
Z~V; CtTro-r~A~i). Cf. John Philoponus, commPhys, p. 87: ovyi"ww Kpt9w" ov-ro; iTroty]cr~", Ct:0: lK'flct"crt"
flo"o" Kctt EKKptcrt", ov-rw; EX~t Kctt iTrt -rw" 'flVcrtKCrv TrpctYfla-rw". o-rct" yap iK crctpKO; 6cr'"tOVv yt"y]-rctt
~ Tl ~-r~po", OVK ~cr-rt '"tOv-ro yi,,~crt; KVptW;, CtM' ~K'flct"crt; flo"o" Kctt lKKptcrt; -rov Trph KPVTr-r0flhov.
Olympiodorus of Alexandria, In Aristotelis Meteora, p. 114: yh~crt" yap KctA~i -r~" ~K'flct"crt'" It would
appear that Ammonius' lectures were the common source for both commentators. Simplicius, com-
mPhys, p. 740: ;~Ao>! ;~ Kctt o-rt ov flo"o" 'fl90ptt;, CtMa Kctt y~"icr~w; Kctt iK'flaw~w; ctl-rto; [Sc. Xpo"o;].
However, ultimately this came from Hermias (Ammonius' father) sharing the notion with Proclus.
Hermias, In Platonis Phaedrum 5cholia, p. 215: ctv-rY] yap icr-rt" ~ yh~crt; -rw" Mot!CTw" ~ EK'flct"crt; ~ CtTrO
-rov ;y]fltovPyovy~"ofli"Y] d; -ro" ctlcr9y]-r0" x6crflO>!. Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 1, p. 121: -r~" CtTrO -rw"
ctl-rtW" appY]'"tO" EK'flct"crt" imKpVTr-r0fl~"Ot yh~crt" ol flvElot KctAovcrt".
175 Cf. commMetaph, 4.1: [Aristotle] -ro yap -rt~" d"ctt Kct9oAOV 9iA~t ~r"ctt, -ro ;~ i" '"tOi; ctlcr9Y]'"tOi; fl~ptx6"
icr-rt. Likewise, In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea Commentaria (liber xi), 4.1, lines 139-176.
176 Nikephorus Gregoras, IIfp! 70ii ErBov~, section 1 (entitled, IIfp! 70ii xct$OAOV xcti Xct$ 'ctV70 dBov~, 8
r:OV'f! $U<JPfITctl -r0 v<P). As for his Florentius, lines 992-1005, Gregoras appears as the only author who
quoted Aristotle's Ethica Nicomachea, lO96a, who declared that he ought to criticise Plato's theory of
Ideas, since 'friends are dear, yet the truth is the dearest of all'. I have disccused this in Anaxagoras,
pp. 400-401. Moreover, see Gregoras' considerations regarding universals and their particular mate-
rial manifestations. Historia Romana, v. 3, pp. 280; 327; 333; 371; 434; 451; 491-492; Explicatio
in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, pp. 20; 36. Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.4, p. 291; Florentius, lines
989-992). He explained that, in the dialogue Florentius, he replaced 'Byzantium' with 'the city of
Athens', and 'Nicagoras' stood for Nikephorus Gregoras himself. Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 556, and
Florentius, prologue.
 Introduction I 41
cognItiOn of the universal causes that make up and sustain beings in the first
place. This would explain why was it that Gregoras believed that he simply added
to an ancient commentary on Solomon's Wisdom 'Explained by Origen, as they
say', and made this a rubric.
Origen, in his several particular quotations from the Wisdom of Solomon , cited
this book as 'the so-entitled Wisdom of Solomon' (~ €7rry.ypa~~.v~ LOAO~WVTO\
Lo~(a),177 which bespoke his belief that this was an apocryphon not actually writ-
ten by Solomon himself, although he did not make much of this in other works, in
which he quoted unreservedly from that book. 178 No other author did ever use the
expression ~ €7rly.ypa~~.v~ LOAO~WVTO\ (J'o~(ain references to that biblical (or non-
biblical) book; and yet, the book of Wisdom was one of the principal sources for
Origen to make various points of his exegesis. Besides, despite the book's subaltern
rankin the canon of the Church,179 this text was read during various rites and offices
in churches,180 and text from that book was anthologised in the Doctrina Patrum,
toO. 181

177 Origen, commJohn, XX.4.26; homJer, homily 8.1;frPs, on Psalm 77:45 (ref. to 'him who wrote the
so-entitled Wisdom of Solomon', -r0ypcbfct...-rt -rrrv imy~ypctftfti"Vl']'" LOA0ftwno; LOifltct); homPs, homily
24.3; Cels, Y.29 (& Philoealia, 22.7).
178 Origen, Prine, 1.2.9 (Wis. 7:25); 1.2.12 (Wis. 7:25); 1.2.5 & 1.2.9 & 1.2.11 (Wis. 7:25-26); 11.3.5 (Wis.
13:9); 11.3.6 (Wis. 18:24); 11.6.3 (Wis. 11:24); 11.11.1 (Wis. 12:20); III.1.14 (Wis. 7:16); IV.4.1 (Wis.
15:11); IV.4.1 (Wis. 15:11); IV.4.6 (Wis. 7:17); deOr, 31.1; Homilies on Leviticus (Lat.), homilies 5.2.4
(Wis. 1:7); 7.3.3 (Wis. 7:17-19); 5.2.1 (Wis. 7:27); 12.4.1 (Wis. 8:20); Commentary on the Epistle to the
Romans (Lat.), 1.5.2 (Wis. 7.25-26); 2.3.2 (Wis. 11:20); 2.9.3 (Wis. 12:1-2); 2.9.4 (Wis. 12:1); 3.2.14
(Wis. 9:15); 3.7.6 (Wis. 1:1); 3.2.9 (Wis. 1:7); 3.2.13 (Wis. 2:17); 5.1.29 (Wis. 2:24); 5.1.40 (Wis.
5:6); 5.2.8 (Wis. 10:1); 5.3.8 (Wis. 9:6); 8.6.12 (Wis. 1:2); 7.13.9 (Wis. 1:7); 6.6.5 &6.7.4 (Wis. 1:13);
6.6.5 (Wis. 2:24); 9.32.3 &9.38.1 (Wis. 5:6); 6.12.4 (Wis. 7:2); 7.13.9 (Wis. 7:25); 8.5.8 (Wis. 7:26);
9.3.7 (Wis. 9:6); 6.3.8 & 7.4.10 & 8.11.7 (Wis. 9:15); 9.41.10 (Wis. 12:1); Homilies onJoshua, homily
7.7 (Wis. 7:22); HomiliesonJudges, homily 1.5 (Wis. 16:20). commJohn, XX.26.236 &XXXII.2.22 &
XXXII.2.23 & homJer, homily 2.1 (Wis. 2:24); homJer, homily 2.1 (Wis. 3:11); commJohn, XX.4 27
(Wis. 10:7); Cels, IV.28 & IV.37 & VII.51 & homPs, homily 29.1 (Wis. 12:1); homPs, homily 24.3
(Wis. 16:9); deOr, 31.1 (Wis. 16:28); et cetera.
179 See Eusebius reporting Origen's canon of the Old Testament. Origen wrote that the Hebrews accepted
twenty-two books ('that is, as many as the letters of their alphabct'), and he listed them one by one.
Eusebius, HE, 6.25.1-13 & Philoealia, 2.1 & (partially) Suda, letter omega, entry 182 & Nikephorus
Callistus Xanthopulus, HE, 2.45. However, Melito of Sardis posited a canon comprising twenty-six
books, which included the Book of Wisdom, too. Melito of Sardis, Fragmenta, fro 3, apudEusebius,
HE, 4.26.14. Eusebius also reported that Epiphanius of Salamis made much of that Book, too. HE,
5.26.1 (cf. Epiphanius, Panarion, v. 2, p. 445, quoting Wis. 2:24); p. 468 (Wis. 3:1); p. 485 (Wis. 1:4).
This is why Eusebius simply mentioned this as a 'controversial' one (itrro -rW... it... -rtA~Y0fti... w... YPctiflCrv).
HE, 6.13.6. See also Michael Psellus (on Origen's canon), Theologiea, opusculum 106.
180 See portions from the Wisdom of Solomon postulated to be officially read during various rites in
church. Anonymous, Acoluthiae in Sanctum Athanasium Meteoritam, acolouthia 2.4; 2.5; 2.6. Typicon
Magnae Eeelesiae, Typicon Menaeum, Month 1, p. 2. Luce, Archimandrite of Messene (twelfth cen-
tury), Synaxarium Monasterii Christi Salvatoris in Messenae (e cod. Mess. gr. 115), Month 1, day 1;
Month 3, day 13; Month 4, day 6; Month 5, day 29; Acoluthia Sanctae Q!tadragesimae Monasterii
Christi Salvatoris in Messenae (e cod. Mess. gr. 115), section 1.
181 Doctrina Patrum, p. 240 (although considered as dubious, p. 294).
42 I Introduction
There are also implicit references, such as the expressions in Origen's commen-
tary on John, 11.3.27, which in fact are quotes from Wisdom, 13:10. Moreover,
he made an in-depth discussion of Wisdom, 7.25-26 applied to the Son in De
Principiis) 1.2.9-12. Pamphilus182 used Origen's statements (as in the commen-
tary on the Hebrews) drawing on Wis. 7:25-26, in order to undergird Origen's
cardinal doctrine that the Son is homoousios with the Father. Anyway, Pamphilus
made the most of Origen's doctrines expounded in various treatises about of the
Son identified as a hypostatic ally homoousios Person identified with the Wisdom,
and used the book of Wisdom abundantl y183
Once the present author was advised that this commentary 'has been written
by Origen', there is no reason not to assume that he had come upon an unat-
tributed text, which he himself paraphrased garnishing this with the legion of
lofty terminology, which appeared with Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and
Maximus Confessor set out to interpret that novel locution.
It is not possible to determine the extent of Origen's pen in this commentary,
which is tenuous anyway. However, there are points that cannot be overlooked.
In the first place, the pattern is Origen's one, which he took up from the
commentaries of Alexander of Aphrodisias: first, he quoted a portion of the text
he had set out to comment upon; then, he wrote his own scholion. Thus, the com-
mentary preserves the original text, too (as Alexander's commentaries maintained
Aristotle's text, and Origen's commentaries the scriptural ones). Nevertheless,
there are illuminating points, which bring to light an improved version of the text
of Wisdom. For example, on folio 37r, the author quoted Wis. 13:17-18, reading
as follows: 7r~pl 6~ sw~~ 'TO )I~KpO)l ct~lOT, 7r~pl 6~ €7rlKOUp(lX~ 'TO ct7rOPW'TIX'TO)l iK~'T~UR
However, all known versions of the Septuagint have this not ct7rOPW'TIX'TO)l, but
cmapw'TIX'To)l.
Apart from the present commentator, no author other than Origen did ever
quote this passage of Wisdom at alp84 And yet this commentator used this ver-
sion of the biblical text, which is unknown to all editions of the Septuagint - but
it is this which is the correct one. For the text of 'Solomon' deplores those who

182 Apologia, PG.17.580C-581C.

183 Pamphilus quoted the following passages from the Book of Wisdom in order to defend Origen's ortho-
doxy: Wis 7.25-26 (abundantly); 8.2; 9.1-2; 9.15; 10.1; 13.1-5.
184 Origen, eels, VI.14 (partially paraphrasing Wis. 13:17-18): ~fl~i; 6~ itTrctt6Wro-rit-rov; 'flctflh -rov; fl~
cttcrXtrVOfllhiOV; h -r0 -roi; ittvXOt; TrpocrActA~i... Kctt Tr~Pt flh irydct; -ro itcre~... ~; iTIlKctAovfli... ov; Tr~Pt 6~ sw~;
-ro "'~Kpo... it~w6 ...-rct; mpt 6' imxovptct; -ro itTrOpw-rct-ro... lx~-r~vo ... -rct;.
 Introduction I 43
'address inanimate objects, and beseech impotent things to grant them health,
and value them by asking life from dead things, and entreat the most ineffectual
thing (ro i<nopOYfaTov) for help.'
The LXX term rX.napw'TIX'TO-V is absolutely and grossly meaningless, since, in
that context, &napo~ means inexperienced or ignorant, whereas Origen's &nopo~
means helpless, ineffectual, poor. Actually, this Superlative rX.nopw'TIX'TO-V of the
adjective unopo\ had been used ever since Thucydides, Plato, as well as repeatedly
by Michael Psellus, but I should also point out its use by Nikephorus Blemmydes,
18S
toO.

This is but an example of the several points at which the present text of
Solomon's Book of Wisdom contributes to an improved version and better
understanding of the biblical text. Moreover, although the author determined
that Wisdom is the Holy Spirit, at some points, as if overtaken by Origen, he
identified Wisdom with the Son of God. 18G This shows that the commentator
saw Wisdom as the Holy Spirit, whereas he did not eschew the identification of
Wisdom with the Son as in Origen's commentary that he used. He explained this
by pointing out that, since the Trinity is homoousios, the name 'wisdom' may well
apply to any Trinitarian Person. 18 ?
However, propounding or indeed teaching Trinitarian Theology was not the
foremost of the author's aspirations. The main reason why he wrote this com-
mentary was far more personal: his aim was to demonstrate by means of biblical
authority (to which he added the authority of Origen's name itself) that those
who propagated false Christian teaching and caused hardship to men such as
Gregoras himself, were doomed to punishment, which would be analogous to
that which the Egyptians incurred shortly before and during the Exodus. On
that score, the present author did seek to discover some ciphers and construct
elaborate, if somewhat tendentious, exegeses.

185 Nikephorus Blemmydes, Epistulae, epistle 16: -ro... dnropw-ra-ro ... it7ropw-ra-rav ~fU... lO~t~~ Kat 7r~... icr-ra-rav.
186 Folio 19v: Lx67r~t oi, 07rW; cra'flicr-r~po ... a7rit ...-rw..., -rW... -r~ fl~-r·au-ro ... Kat 7rpO au-rov 7rpo'flY]-rw... -ro... mpt -rov
ITa... aytov IT... ~qtct-ro; 7rot~t-rat A6yo .... But then, 1!..oKtflaSoflhY]... o~ -r~ ... ov... aflt..., iAirx~t... -rov; &'flpava;,
Kat fl~ dcrthat d<; xaxonxvov tomv cro'flta... , -ro... tmip9~0 ... au-ro... Kat ofl69po... av Yl6.... See pp. 193-194,
and endnotes el, p. 321.
187 Folio 20v: Lx67r~t oi, 07rW; au-ro -ro ITa... ityto ... ITwlifla -rrrv LO'flta... d ... at KaA~t· XOt... o... yap 6",ofla -rfi
umpovcrt'll Tptitot -ro -r~; cro'flta; 7rapa -rOt; 9~OA6yOt; ~vpY]-rat, wcrmp o~ Kat -ro o&vaflt; Kat itya96-rY]; Kat
~W~ Kat oUcrtct. Ta o~ xot... a Kat ~Kitcr-r'll 7rpocraPfl6~w ouo ~WtaoVv -rfi 7rpO; tKacrn ... (ot6-rY]-rt crV-YXvcrt...
it7r~pyitcr~-rat. Likewise, folio 2lr: Tot; aunt; o~ ~ 9~oAoyta o...6flacrt... Kat -rO ... U7r~pOtXTto ... ~flw'" itwfl... ~t
crw-r~pa, d7ravya-rt-<a nvn ... ~r... at 71<; BO?I?<; -rov ITa-rpo; Kat Xapan~pa 71<; V7rO-r7d-rH<J<; aunv [Heb. 1:3J
Kat dx6 ... a -r~; au-rov itya96-rY]n; 'flacrxotKTa, iK -rov-rw ... ~vev; -ro ofloovcrtav au-r0 crtrV~tcrayovcra wcrmp o~
Kat -r0 ITa... ayt'll IT",~vfla-rt.
44 I Introduction
Pamphilus wrote an entire section in order to demonstrate that Origen
expounded the homoousion of the Father and Son in his commentaries on the
epistles to the Romans and to the Hebrews,188 and emphasised the implications
of the terms 'emuence' (!moppol«) and 'moist vapour' ("T~(\) used of the Wisdom/
Son. 189 However, this was not 'projection' (rrpo~oA~), as it happens with separation
during the birth of animals,190 which was a perception verging on the Gnostic one
that Origen had objurgated 19!
The Apology for Origen by Pamphilus possibly was written c. 309 AD, that
is, a short while before the outbreak of the Arian controversy. This appears as an
authoritative source for Origen's uses of the homoousios in his lost Commentary
on the Epistle to the Hebrews. l92 Moreover, it is clear that Pamphilus himself was
ready to endorse this usage, in noticeable contrast to the reserve shown a little
later by his friend Eusebius. Why was that so? Presumably because the 'simpleton'
Pamphilus had grasped Origen's essential reasoning, whereas the learned Eusebius
saw the hardly tractable implications of speaking about 'God's ousia': since by
definition the most fundamental meaning of ousia indicates that which is prior
to existence proper, the difficulties involved in such usage were all too evident to
him. I believe that Eusebius signed up to the Nicene resolution as a concession to
the emperor, but I also believe that he never rid himself of his reservations - in my
view, rightly so, and little wonder that 'the followers of Origen were not agreed as
to the value of the phrase from God 5 substance.'193
Of course, there is always the handy factotum branding such phrases inter-
polations by Rufinus, which has spared apprehensive 'scholars' from further
research. However, panacea was only a mythical cure-all remedy: for what should

188 Pamphilus, Apologia pro Origene, PG.17.559C-582A.

189 In like a manner 'breath' proceeds from bodily substance, likewise, Wisdom proceeds from the very
substance of God. Cf. Wis. 7:25. The second simile of 'effluence' (it7rOppotct) has the same import: it
bespeaks a substance which is common to both the Father and the Son. In fact, 'effluence' implies that
the Son is of the same substance (ofloOVCTtO;) with the Father. Perhaps, this is the first appearance of the
term 0flOOVCTtO;, which later became the key-word of the Creed ofNicaea.
190 Origen, Fragmenta De Principiis, fr. 31, apud Eusebius, Contra Marcellum, 1.4.19. Cf. Socrates
Scholasticus, HE, 1.8.32 & Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, HE, 8.18.
191 Origen, commJohn, XX.18.157-159. Also, Prine, 1.2.6; IV.4.1; Cels, VII.27. On the Gnostic view, sec
also Epiphanius, Panarion, v. 3, pp. 158-159. Athanasius, De Synodis Arimini in Italia et Seleuciae in
Isauria, 16.3-5. Also, John Grammaticus (presbyter, theologian, grammarian, Palestine, sixth cen-
tury), Disputatio cum Manichaeo, lines 20-31.
192 Karl Heinrich Eduard Lommatzsch (cd.), Origenes Opera Omnia, V, Berlin, 1835, p. 297. One should
wonder why did Jerome not include this work in Origen's list.
193 Christopher Stead, Divine Substance, p. 230; op. cit. p. 231: 'On the other hand Pamphilus, who
quotes the passage from Origen in support of the homoousion, seems to have no hesitation about the
phrase from God's substance.'
 Introduction I 45
be made of Pamphilus' ensuing six quotations demonstrating that he was deter-
mined to defend Origen indubitably opposite the charge of Subordinationism,
since the converse charge had already been rebutted in chapter III (,On the divin-
ity of the Son of God')? Three of those quotations are independently attested
(one from the commentary on Romans, two from the commentary on John).
Hence, there is no room for alleging that these are not authentic, which grants
credibility to the ensuing three ones that are excerpted from the commentary on
the epistle to the Hebrews. In those three portions, Origen criticises 'those who
are loath to confess that the Son of God is God'. Shortly below, he comments
on the phrase splendor glorir1e (i.e. Heb. 1:3, <'<nat"yacr~a .,.~\ 06S~\) and compares
this with the description of Wisdom as 'a breath of the power of God, and a pure
effiuent (<'<noppola) of the glory of Almighty.'l94 Apropos of this, Origen remarks
that Scripture teaches us by means of 'mysteries' and subtle methods: it uses the
notion of'vapour' (ccr[1(~), which is taken from the natural reality, only in order to
illustrate that, in like a manner a vapour proceeds from a physical substance, like-
wise, the Son (who is the Wisdom) proceeds from the actual substance of God.
Then, following his reference to the metaphor corporafis aporrhea, he concludes:

These two metaphors show most plainly that the Son has a community of sub-
stance with the Father. For an emanation appears to be homoousios, that is, of
one substance, with the body from which it is a emanation or vapour (Quae
utraeque similitudines manifostissime ostendun t, communionem substantiae esse
Filio cum Patre. Aporrhea enim of1oovmo; videtur, id est, unius substantiae cum
illo corpore, ex quo est vel aporrhea, vel vapor).

Thus, Origen adumbrated the generation of the Son from the Father by means
of the term OP.OOVITIO;, and he did so in a context designed to demonstrate (1) that
the Son is superior to 'all rule and all authority and power'195 - consequently, the
Son is superior to any created being; (2) that the Son proceeds from the Father
while maintaining a communion of substance - which communion of substance
is illustrated by means of the Son being a vapour or effluence from his source. To
this purpose, his appeal to the Wisdom of Solomon played a critical role.

194 Wis. 7:25.

195 1 Cor. 15:24; Eph. 1:21; 3:10; 6:12; Col. 1:16; 2:10; 2:15.
46 I Introduction
The Belated Byzantine Enlightenment: Pachymeres
and Cregoras, Two Antipodal Personalities

The ancient rule of historiography was that rhetoric cares for 'forcefulness'
«hl>6T~\), poetry for 'invention of fables' (~ve07ro[(a), and historiography for
'truth'. Some later Byzantine historians explicated the terse principle,l% but this
had already been propounded by Gregory of Nyssa!9? in non-historiographical
context, and then was upheld by later historians. 198 Thus, when George Pachymeres
wrote that 'the soul of history, as it were, is truth',199 he simply carried on an old
tradition - but when Nikephorus Gregoras set out to write his own History) his
ideal went far beyond that: 'truth' is not enough: History is composed in order
to teach people not simply the 'truth' as 'knowledge', but to reveal the wisdom
of God, notably, to cast light on God's action which is inherently yet secretly
involved in the peripeteia of human accomplishments, miseries, suffering, and
atrocities. 20o
To Greeks (even to Romans), it was not just the beauty of phrase, but also the
content of the phrase that distinguished Poetry from Philosophy. However, despite
pertinent caveats expressed by the brilliant Gregory of Nyssa, the Byzantine
monasteries extricated their denizens from the vanity of mundane action only to
surrender them to the vanity of orotund words. And yet, never did great poetical
speech make a mark in Byzantium.
196 Leo the deacon (or Leo [perhaps, Metropolitan of] of Caria, tenth century), Historia, p. 5: 'flcwt
yap xcd ol-ro... AOYO'" cro'flOt, pY]-roptXfi fl~'" TrpOCT~Xm 6mo-ry]-rct, TrOtY]-rtXfi 6~ flVeOTrOttct..., -rfi 6~ lcnoptc.t
itA~e~tct .... Anonymous, Scholia in Thucydidem (comm. on Thucydides' word 6~t"'0-rY]-rt, as in Historiae,
3.37.4): 3flVon?7i' -rov-ricnt -rfi pY]-roptXfi 6v... Ctfl~t. Nicetas Choniates (c. 1155-1217), Historia (or,
XpoV1x1 L111rr;(r1~), prologue, p. 3:'~ flh lcnoptct [i.e. historiography] ... -riAO; yap crX07rtflw-rct-ro... -r~ ...
itA~e~tct ... lxovcrct xctt -r~; -r~ pY]-roptX~; 6~t"'0-rY]-ro; xctt -r~; TrOtY]-rtX~; AOYOTrOttct; it'fl~cr-rwcrct xct-ra 6tCtfl6-rpO>!
xctt -ra -rov-rw... ht 6twe~i-rctt xctpctx-rY]ptcr-rtxCt.
197 Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, Contra Eunomium, 3.1.2: bfloAoyoVfl~'" yap it"'~TrcttcrXVv-rw; ~fl~i; fl~-r~ -rt... a AOyO'"
6ta pY]-roptX~; -r~ey]Yfli...o ... iTrt -rov; ityw... ct; Trctp~crxwCtcrectt fl~-r~ 6mo-rY]-rct 6tctA~ntX~; itrxt"'Otct; d;
crvflflctXtct... xct-ra -rw... it... -rt-r~-rctYfli... W>i Trpo~CtM~crectt, ~ xctt -r~ ... itA~e~tct... TrOMCtXt; d; UTrO ... Otct... t~Mov;
iTrt -rw... itmtpw... it... nfl~etcr-rY]crt....
198 Isidore of Pelusium, Epistulae De Interpretatione Divinae Scripturae, book 3, epistle 65 ('to deacon
Nilus'): cDtAOCTO'fltct fl~'" yap ~ Trctp' "EMY]crt -r~ ... itA~e~tct... iTrctYt~MOfli... Y] ~Y]-r~i..., -rctv-rY]; iXTriTr-rWM.
'PY]-roptX~ 6~ 6mo-ry]-ro; xctt it~po-rY]-ro; flo",o", 'flpO>!-rts~t [rhetoric cares only for skill and charm],
rpctflflct-rtX~ 6~ -r~ ... -rw... AOyW'" iflTr~tPtct... 6tMcrxm ctvX~i. Et fl~'" om.. ctv-rctt -rfi itAY]edc.t xctMWTrt~O ... -rctt,
TrOe~t... ctt 6'fldAovcrt... ~r... ctt -roi; iXi'flpocrt... [and although rhetoric and philology pretend to preach truth,
they fall far too short of that]. Procopius of Caesarea believed that skill befits rhetoric, invention of
fables [befits] poetry, but it is truth [that befits] historiography. De Bellis, 1.1.4.
199 G eorge Pachymeres, History, p. 23 & Historia Brevis, 1.1: lcr-roptct;yCtp, w; it... -rt; dTrot, tvx~ ~ itA~e~tct,
xctt -ro -r~; itAY]edct; XP~flct iTrCt... ctyx~; l~po ....
200 Cf. Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 1134; v. 3, p. 325; Vita Constantini, section 57. Cf. Origen, commlCor, fro
2 (comm. on Wis. 7:17): "knowledge means only mere perception (-ro d6i... ctt flwo ...), but a logos (Aoyo;)
interprets that which has been perceived (-ro iyvwcrfli... o... ~PflY]",~V6t)."
 Introduction I 47
Although the proponents of Christian teaching wrote in Greek, they saw the
Hellenic spirit as an evil enticement, and sought to 'push it back like a Satan'201
while plundering and looting the Greek notions and terms of old, in order to for-
mulate novel (and sometimes eldritch) theological propositions. Thus, Byzantium
always remained captive to an excessively guarded linguistic and intellectual
conservatism. Granted, Byzantium elevated religious painting and ecclesiasti-
cal music, and made them pivotal to the spiritual and ethical life of an entire
people (actually, of many peoples). But this attitude concurred with oppression
and strict dogmatism, which allowed no free contemplation outside the official
doctrine, let alone unrestricted expression: the laws decreed by Justinian in the
54 Os against the Greek-minded intellectuals were not too different from those
ruled in the Germany of mid-1930s against the Jews. Inevitably then, the glo-
rious Platonic Academy of Athens was closed down and its great masters were
forced to decamp - their whereabouts are lost into the historical fog of the Persian
land of that period. Actually, ever since the times of Themistocles, the defeated
and humiliated Persian royals were as wise and to welcome and shelter brilliant
Greeks who sought refuge from the rancour of their compatriots.
If any Byzantine had spoken Greek in a way parallel to that which Dante
spoke the vernacular, Byzantium could have converged with the European soul.
But this never happened. The first Spaniard who donated to History his name as
a 'poet' was the monk Gonzalo de Berceo. 202 He lived in the thirteenth century,
during a bleak period for his country. In a verse of his, he wrote that he is going
to speak the language that everyone speaks conversing with one's neighbour.
This marked the inauguration of the great Spanish poetry. No such decision was
ever made by any noticeable Greek Christian until the end of the Byzantine era.
Actually, in the turn of the twelfth to thirteenth century, poetry in Byzantium
degenerated to the point that became characteristic of that world - namely, the
phenomenon of Ptochoprodromism. 203 Besides, once the Greek lore was no lon-
ger seen as a daemon, highly erudite authors (e.g. Pachymeres, Gregoras, et at.)
strove to write in a language as close to the Homeric and Attic dialect as possible.
Byzantium re-discovered and sanctioned the Greek letters, and strove to emulate
the germane style at a period when its decay had been set in inexorable motion
and that process was impossible to reverse.

201 Cf. Matt. 16:23; Mark, 8:33.

202 c. 1197-before 1264, famed for his poems on religious subjects.
203 See Carmina Politica, ed. H. Eidencier, Ptochoprodromos. Neograeca Medii Aevi 5. Cologne, 1991,
pp.99-175.
48 I I ntroductio n
As regrettable as that decay was, the demand to write and speak so as to be
understood by the ordinary man in the street was not a Western invention: a long
time ago, in late second century AD, Hermogenes of Tarsus, who flourished in
the reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-180), had written in a rather indignant dispo-
sition against extravagant expressions that had been used by earlier Greeks.

A dear mode of expression is that which is demotic and reaches everyone and is
not extravagant and not inherently stiff.204

Hermogenes quoted flamboyant expressions that had been used by Greeks,

and although he mentioned no names, those examples can be recognised as
excerpts from Homer,205 but mainly from Demosthenes. 206 Later commentators of
Hermogenes commented on those points, and others used them conveniently. 207
Nevertheless, Hermogenes recognised the style of Isocrates as exemplary accord-
ing to Hermogenes' own criteria. 208
This does not mean that a spiritual creator needs or has to lower himself
to the level of dull or dreary humdrum. Instead, his task (a task that the great

204 Hermogenes, IIipi 'ISiWY AJro(!, 1.3: Ai~t; 6~ Kct9ctpa ~ KOt... ~ Kctt d; ibray-ret; ~KOtKTct Kctt fl~ -r~-rPctflfli... YJ
flYJ6' itf ~ctv-r~; ovcrct crxAYJpc't. Likewise, op. cit. 1.7: Ai~t; 6~ -rpctx~ict ~ -r~-rPctflfli... YJ Kctt it'fl' ~ctv-r~;
crKAYJpc't. Also, op. cit. 2.9. This recurrence of the same remarks betrays how strongly did Hermogenes
fed about this point. See this explained in detail by Syrianus, Commentarium in Hermogenis Librum
IIipi 'ISiNY, p. 50. Also, by John of Sicily, Commentarium in Hermogenis Librum IIipi 'ISiNY, p. 258;
and by the Anonymous, Commentarium in Hermogenis Librum IIipi UiNY, p. 995.
205 E.g. Odyssea, XIY.l: Trpocri~YJ -rPYJX~i... it-rctpTro....
206 Of Hermogenes' quoted examples censuring extravagant or exhibitionist expressions, the phrase
Kct-r~cr9(w... Kct-ri'flctr~'" is from Demosthenes, In Aristogitonem, section 1.62 (actually, this is icr9(w...
Kct-ri'flctr~"'), The iK"'~VPtcrfli... ot is from Demosthenes, Olynthiaca, section 31. The Tr~TrpctKW; ~ctv-ro... is
from Demosthenes, De Falsa Legatione, section 13. And the mpKOTr-rw... Kctt AWTr06V-rW... -r~ ... 'E»'c't6ct
Kctt apTrc'tSw... is from Demosthenes, Philippica 3.22 (actually, this is, Tr~PtKOTr-rW Kctt AWTr06V-r~i... -rW...
'EM~ ... W>i, Kctt Kct-rct6ovAoucr9ctt). D emosthenes' phrase was used by Michael Italicus (Metropolitan of
Philoppopolis, twdfth century), Orationes, oration 43, p. 261.
207 See the phrase icr9(w... Kct-ri'flctr~'" commented on by John of Sicily, op. cit. p. 257, and used by Michael
Choniates, Orationes, v. 1, oration 14, p. 228. Likewise, the participle iK"'Wptcrfli... ot (censured
by H ermogenes in op. cit. 1.3; 1.6; 1.7; 1.12) was commented by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De
Demosthenis Dictione, section 2, and by Pseudo-Adius Aristides, Ars Rhetorica, 1.5.1, and explained
by Julius Pollux, Onomasticon, 2.234. Lexica Segueriana, Glossae Rhetoricae (e cod. Coislin. 345),
entry epsilon, p. 243. John of Sicily, op. cit. pp. 156; 227; 254; 257. Etymologicum Magnum,
p. 323. Joseph Pinarus (thirteenth-fourteenth century), Synopsis Artis Rhetoricae, chapter 1, p. 495.
Anonymous, Scholia in Demosthenem, on Oration 3, section 145. Anonymous, IIipi TNY Ti-r-rdpwv
MipNY 70ii T/l<!o(! AJro(!, pp. 581; 585; 651 (censuring Demosthenes). Anonymous, Commentarium in
Hermogenis Librum IIipi 'IS,NY, pp. 975; 995-996 (censuring Demosthenes). However, Philo used the
term unflinchingly: De Praemiis et Poenis et De Exsecrationibus, 140. As for Demosthenes' mTrpctKw;
~ctv-ro ... , this was explained by Julius Pollux, Onomasticon, 4.36.
208 Hermogenes, op. cit. 1.3: I10Av 6i -ro Kct9ctpo ... -r~; Ai~~w; Trctp' 'IcroKpc't-rn. Approbatory references to
Isocrates abound in Hermogenes' work. See op. cit. 1.3-4; 1.11-12; 2.3; 2.9; 2.11-12.
 Introduction I 49
Classical Greeks fulfilled at their time) is to elevate the trite banal language to
the heights of spirit. This is what Dante later did in Italy, who in fact upraised the
Italian language even higher than the classical Latin one.
Contrast to this, in Byzantium, the country that pretended to versed exegesis
of Plato and Aristotle, and some people cared to write commentaries on Homer,
on the great Classic tragedians and on Aristophanes, the poet had been reduced to
extending his hand in order to solicit alms for a living, a pauper who only asked
to be allowed simply to remain alive. In the person of Petrarch, or Dante, or
Torquato Tasso, or Pierre de Ronsard, the poet was reborn as a spiritual prince, as
indeed he was in the Athens of Pericles and in the Rome of Augustus. Byzantium
reduced him to being a beggar.
During the one thousand years of its life, Byzantium did not produce authors
such as Dante or Shakespeare or Cervantes, not even the likes of Petrarch,
Chaucer, Ariosto, or Rabelais.
During the seventh and eighth centuries, when in Byzantium the Iconoclast
kings had the upper hand, many Byzantine artists took refuge in Italy. The phe-
nomenon that arose during those two centuries is telling: it was the time when
some Greeks were elevated on the throne of St. Peter as popes. Actually, Greeks
that made important marks populated Rome: from 705 to 707 the Pope of Rome
was the Greek John VII. From 741 to 752 Pope Zachary (now, a saint) was Greek.
From 7 August 768 to 772, Pope Stephen III was Greek, too.
Thus, Byzantium set about its cultural itinerary by sequestering itself, not by
synthesis with that bud which was destined to grow to what later became known
as European spirit.
Until the sixth century, the great philosophers and masters of the ancient lore
kept aloof from Christianity, because they thought that this was the only way for
them to remain faithful to Hellenism.
Palladas was an impoverished Greek poet and humble schoolteacher of
Alexandria, who lived around the year 400AD and wrote numerous epigrams. 209
He was a devout yet frustrated Hellene, who, seeing Hellas being moribund,
wondered in a seven-verse poem: 'Are we Hellenes?', to which he replied: 'No we
are no longer so! We are just the ashes of the Greeks; for nowadays things have
turned upside down!'210

209 In the Anthologia Grana there are 151 of them.

210 Anthologia Grana, book 10, part of epigram 90:"EMl']... i; icrfl~'" &"'6p~; icr7r06Wfli... Ol "'~KPW'" lxoyr~;
iA7r(6ct; -n9ctflfli... ct;. itw:r-rpit'fll'] yap 7rit...-rct YVV -ra 7rpitYflct-rct.
50 I Introduction
While that lowly schoolteacher heart and soul focused on the essence, not
on the formality, of the reality surrounding him, he struggled to rescue Hellas
as spirit, not as a feigned imitation. He thought that this was the way for Hellas
to be set free and reanimated. This is why he wrote his verses in a relatively sim-
ple (and yet vivacious) dialect, and set aside all classical linguistic forms, which
most of intellectuals, even Gregory Nazianzen, who was at odds with the spirit
of Greece, engaged in,211 without being concerned about being understood by
the wider circles that any spiritual leader should seek to influence, let alone exert
a steadying afflatus. Such illustrious predecessors never took into account the
fact that fecund creativity is not one-sided action: instead, this has to be supple-
mented with the (re)action of those who embrace and record it as part of their
own memory and history.
In the sixth century BC, Chi Ion of Sparta, one of the seven sages of Greece,
crisply enjoined, 'Of the dead, speak no ill' (ro> ne>~K6Ta ~~ KaKO).oya»212
The impact of this hortatory adage was as strong as to be accentuated by the
Italian Renaissance humanist monk Ambrogio Traversari, who translated this
phrase from Laertius' Lives, and several modern intellectuals (novelists, poets,
playwrights) quoted this on various occasions.
Normally, this aphoristic clarion call had been observed throughout cen-
turies; but in the sixth century, Origen was already a foregone conclusion, and
none of the pusillanimous prelates or the era was ever deterred from speaking
of Origen in an execrating manner. And once it was felt that Justinian's verdict
was ironclad, they vied with each other for championing the most maledicting
of statements upon merely pronouncing the name of the Alexandrian outcast
theologian, who was no less repudiated by Greeks as an apostate who defected
to the Christian 'bold barbaric venture' (npo, TO ~"p~apo> <SWKa)..> T6A~~~a),213
as Porphyry wrote. In fact though, the sixth-century and later Byzantine eccle-
siastical dignitaries strove feverishly to secure their prize, which was but making
themselves the champions of an assumed doctrinal correctness. While enjoying
enchanting places that offered a life of luxury, if the myth about Origen were
shaken to the core, this would end up a terrifying squalor. For anyone to get the
whole thing his own way, it sufficed to spell out a couple of putrescent cliches
as doctrines allegedly maintained by Origen, such as pre-existence of souls or

211 In several of my previous books, I have quoted from Nazianzen's canticles (both the 'dogmatic' and
the 'ethical' ones), which he wrote in a theatrically exhibitionist Homeric language.
212 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae, 1.70.
213 Porphyry, Contra Christianos (fragmenta), fro 39, apudEusebius, HE, 6.19.7; quoted also by Nikephorus
Callistus Xanthopulus, HE, 5.13; and Mdetius, Bishop of Athens (1703-1714), HE, 3.3.10.
 Introduction I 51
transmigration of them, even to animals, a pristine world of self-existent Platonic
Ideas, and the like.
Even if one read just one ofOrigen's works such as the Contra Ce!sum, which
was demonstrably orthodox at all points (as Nikephorus Gregoras wrote much
later) no one was prepared to risk to make one's remaining life a ruin. What
happened, therefore, can be described by a proverbial phrase of Aeschylus about
people who can or ought to tell certain things, but they opt for self-imprisonment
in enforced silence because of either fear or care for mean personal interests: 'a
great ox taken up residence in my tongue' (~ou~ €7r[ )'AWo-o-n [14)'1X~ ~4~i']l(H). 214
This was only one facet of the two castes (the political and clerical one) having
been entwined, which was what the Byzantine caesaropapism in effect was about.
And imparting some political power along with the emperor's favour became part
of the trappings of the ecclesiastical establishment, which secured the imperial
grip on people's minds. The rest was just about how a vocabulary of ostensive
humility and smarmy feigned endearment should be used, which, nevertheless,
was amalgamated with that meretricious boastfulness which came to be known
as 'Byzantinism', in the context of which reneging of promises, volatile alliances,
and plotting machinations, were seen as matters of course. But the veneer of sym-
pathetic or condescending humility was too thin after all. Whatever was taken
as doctrinal anomaly was treated as conspiracy against the State, thought to be
colluded by racketeers having made a pact with the devil, which unleashed hell
here and now, not simply in the afterlife. The brunt was too menacing to ven-
ture any test of that. For ever since Constantine, and much more with Justinian,
the real misgivings were not about doctrine: trepidation was only about securing
ironclad political uniformity. This is why the State did not care about 'details',
even if those were doctrinal ones, indeed precepts sanctioned by oecumenical
councils browbeating anathematisation. Little wonder that those were actually
seen and treated as part of the imperial politics and diplomacy. Prelates were only
asked to conform to the emperor's will and to sanction this as a synodical decree.
In return, there was always the prospect of one being awarded the patriarchal
throne, which could be evacuated to this purpose in the twinkle of an eye once
the emperor willed so.

214 Aeschylus, Agamemnon, verse 36. Cf. Aeschylus, fro 176, 'A key stands guard upon my tongue', attested
by Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, 5.5.27.6: aM' icr-rt xaflOt xA~t; iTrt YAwcrcrl1 'flVAct~. See the telling
remark on this verse by the anonymous commentator, Scholia in Aeschylum (W. Dindorf): poiir; hi
YA@-r"77 f-<iyar;· Trctpolfltct iTIi. -rCr... fl~ 6vvctfllhi w", TrctpP1']crlaS~crectt.
52 I Introduction
Two examples on issues altogether having been and still being ignored to the
present, will convince even those who would appease themselves with being wary
of this truth.
One, the ecclesiastical establishment and administration has always been
selective as to synodical resolutions, which usually appeared as important to men
of the cloth in cases they had bearing on safeguarding episcopal jurisdiction,
eminence over other sees, or arrant mundane power. The rest was subject to adap-
tation, manipulation, even stupor, if necessary. Ban on oath is one of the best-
known explicit statements in scripture,215 but who did ever care about it?
Cassian the Sabaite's studies teach us what despotism, or caesaropapism,
actually meant in the sixth century. By assessing the language he either used or
eschewed, we can infer how an enlightened intellectual felt, acted, and reacted
under the circumstances. The local synods of 536, 543 (if one took place at all), as
well as the oecumenical one of 553, had expressly anathematised those who used
the term Man/God (8«h8pw7ro\) for Christ, and it was decreed that any cleric
who might use this 'should be deposed'.216 However, synodical decisions have
been observed it fa carte. Although the term 8«h8pw7ro\ (Man/God) accorded
Jesus' supposedly a single nature had been rebuked by staunch censors of theo-
logical aberration, such as John Grammaticus (sixth century),217 and later by John
of Damascus,218 this did not deter all theologians until the end of Byzantium,
and indeed until today, from styling Jesus 8«h8pw7ro\ (Man/God), that is,
describing Jesus as a peculiar hybrid being of a nature called 'God-manliness'
(8.av8pw7r0Tr]\).219 The same term is today a hackneyed one in the vocabulary of

215 Matt. 5, 34: iyw 6~ Aiyw ufti... ft~ oftocrat OAW;.

216 ACQ, Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana anno 536, tome 3, p. 17: Kat 6l -rt; ew... epWTrta...
Aiy~t Kat ouXt e~6 ... Kat &... epWTrO ... ftUMO>! Aiy~t, it... ae~ftwrtsicrew. Tome 3, p. 229: Kat d -rt; ew ... epWTrta...
Kat ouXt ftUMO ... e~6 ... Kat &... epWTrO>! Aiy~t, Kaeatpdcrew.
217 John Grammaticus, Capitula xvii contra Monophysitas, lines 10-14: ol-r6 e~c't... epWTro", ~fU'" im... o~cra... -r~;
Aiyw tcrw; t-r~po ... -rt Kat Trapa -rav-rc't 'flacrt -r6... Xptcr-ro..., w; Kat -r6... -rpayiAa'flo", ov-r~ -rpc'tyO>! ov-r~ lAa'flo",
6lTrOt -rt; &..., it"'iA t-r~po ... -rt -r0 yi... ~t.
218 John of Damascus, De Duabus in Christo Voluntatibus, 8, col. 2, lines 86-88: d yap fttU; 'flw~w; b
Xptcr-r6; crvvehov iK e~o-rl1-ro; -r~ Kat it... epWTro-rl1-ro;, lTrae~ 6~ b Xptcr-ro;, 611Ao... o-rt ~ ftla 'flvcrt; au-rov
~ crv ... e~-ro;, ~ ew ... epWTro-rl1;, lTrae~ .... Op. cit. 8, col. 1, lines 139-143: Et ftta 'flvcrt; nv Xptcr-rov ft~-ra
-r~ ... t ... wcrt..., TrW; o"'0ftc'ts~-rat; Xptcr-ro-rl1; 611Aa6~ ~ ew... epWTro-rl1;' ITOtc.t 'flVcrH; Et ftta, 611Ao ... o-rt -rfi ftt(t
aunv 'flvcr~t. OUKOVv ~ ew... epWTro-rl1; aunv, Kat lcr-rat ~ i ... Xptcr-r0 e~o-rl1; Trael1-r~. Kat Trc'tAt... · ·ETrae~...
b Xptcr-ro;; ITc't ...-rw;. 'R e~o-rl1; aunv ~Trae~... ~ ~ it... epWTro-rl1; aunv, Trota 'flvcrt;; However, see John
of Damascus, Oratio in Occursum Domini, section 4: ovn; b e~c't... epWTrO; Aoyo; ~tA~-rO &Tra~ crapK6;
KOt... w... ~crat -r~; ~ft~-ripa;. Likewise, Pseudo-John of Damascus, Samo in Annuntiationem Mariae,
PG.96.656.7: on fto"'l1 Xptcr-ro... -r6... e~c't... epWTro", it ... c't... 6pW; crvviAa~~; Kat itTro",w; idl1cra;.
219 It was John of Damascus alone who used this term in order to dismiss it. De Duabus in Christo
Voluntatibus, section 8, col, 2, lines 87 & 140 & 142. See also my NDGF, Appendix I, particularly,
pp. 380;404; 421-428.
 Introduction I 53
the episcopal orthodoxy. Some apprehension as to this locution appeared only
with Nicolas of Methone. 220 But of course this made no impact on the flurry
of theologians who were overwhelmed by parroting the hedonistic juggernaut
e~(kyepw7ro~. In view of this, it is a question why was it that Peter the Fuller
(known as a non-Chalcedonian Patriarch of Antioch, 465-466 & 474-475), was
so vehemently persecuted for considering the notion of Theanthropos Logos to its
bitter end. The highly erudite and meticulous scholar Patriarch Dositheus II of
Jerusalem reported that this idea was espoused also by 'Themistius, the leader of
the Agnoetae,221 and by the Euthychian Catholic bishop of the Armenians, and
Cantianus, bishop of Herculaneum'. 222
The argument against using this term was that Christ as God united him-
self to a specific man, which was regarded as a heretical statement. Orthodoxy
demanded that the Logos united himself to human nature in general. As John
Grammaticus put it, the term e~(kyepw7ro~ might introduce a sui generis species,
regarded as neither man nor God, which was an idea taken as excluding real sal-
vation out of the Incarnation. Nevertheless, and for all his attack on the term, a
casual use appears in John of Damascus, if indeed the text is his own. 223 Were that
the case, this could suggest that, during his lifetime, a shift of attitude towards
pertinent terms was underway, since Anastasius of Sinai (died after 700) made a
chance use of this, toO.224
Although not attested by extant Greek sources, it would seem that the designa-
tion e~CCVepW7rO~ was Origen's making- but there is no way to lay 'Monophysitism'
at Origen's door whatsoever, and I have explained what exactly Origen meant by
this. 225 In the first place, this appears in the Latin De Principiis,226 and then,
the same expression Deus-homo appears in a translation of Origen's Homilies on
Ezekiel by Jerome (homily 111.3: 'Dei Verbum et Deus homo'). 227 The epithet was
forgotten during the ensuing centuries, and by all appearances this was revived

220 Nicolas of Methone, Orationes Duae contra Haereticos, oration 2, p. 68.

221 The Monophysite sect, also called 'Themistians'. On Peter the Fuller, see my RCR, pp. 26; 29; 71;
NDGF, pp. 359; 419; 423; 465; 515; Anaxagoras, p. 1569.
222 Dositheus II ofJerusalem, L1w5<xdp'pAo~, book 5, p. 31. S ee his report on the 'Themistians' in op. cit.
Book 5, pp. 99 if.
223 John of Damascus, Oratio in Occursum Domini, section 4, quoted supra, note 218.
224 Anastasius of Sinai, Viae Dux, 13.4: OV 'ftAc't... epWTrct dX~ ~2t c't... epWTIl... ct, c't:vJt e~c't... epWTrct, eW",OptKW;.
225 See my Guilty of Genius - Origen and the Theory of Transmigration, p. 414.
226 De Principiis, 11.6.3: 'for this soul ... there is born as we said, the God-man' (Heac ergo substantia
animae ... nascitur, ut diximus, deus-homo).
227 M. Rauer took for granted that a fragment on Luke, which contained the term e~c't... epWTrO;, had been
written by Origen (GCS, VIIP, p. 48). But R. Devreessee was as wise as not to trust a third-hand
fragmentary reference as being a term written by Origen. Revue Biblique, 42, 1933, pp. 144-145.
54 I Introduction
by the community of the Akoimetoi, since this shows in a series of spurious works
that are in all probability the product of that group.228 These hymns evidently
stand in line with the Chalcedonian decree granting two natures in Christ. 229
However, the Akoimetoi did not escape condemnation, and the anathema by the
local synod of 536 on those who entertained the epithet 8«h8pW7ro\ presumably
had, among others, some members of the Akoimetoi in mind. 230
The quarrel about the designation e~(kyepw7ro~ was a result of the
Monophysite controversy. In the turn of the fifth to sixth century, spurious
texts appeared under the names of glorious Christian writers, in which Christ
was so styled. 231 The term smacked of Monophysitism, or so it appeared to the
emperor's obliging bishops, which is why the great inquisitor of the sixth century,
John Grammaticus, took heed to censure it. 232 This was anathematised by the
local synod of Constantinople in 536, where Cassian the Sabaite was himself
present. According to Dositheus II of Jerusalem, a letter by 'Cantian, bishop of
Herculaneum' addressed to Patriarch Peter of Antioch, the Fuller, issued twelve

228 Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones Novembris, 3.7.4 & Canones Martii, 31.36.4: Ked yap -rhoM'"
·Ep.ftct"'OV~A -rO... e~c't... epW7ro.... Canones Maii, 16.18.5: e~o; OtK~crct; 7rpO~lcrl e~c't ... epW7rO; Op. cit.
16.18.8: Kctt h~M; e~c't... epW7ro", xOcrft'll' CanonesJunii, 5.2.5: b cr~ 7rActcr-roVpy~crct; e~c't... epW7rO; dplO;.
Op. cit. 22.15.9: ~ y~w~crctcrct -r0 xOcrft'll e~c't ... epW7ro",. Canones Augusti, 1.1.8: '0 crw-rl1plwol1; Aoyo;
... XPl1ftct-rtcrct; e~c't... epW7rO;. Op. cit. 11.10.1: ft0"'OY~"'~; Abyo; ... 7rpO~AeW'" imopp~-rw; e~c't... epW7rO;
a... ctMotw-ro;.
229 Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones Januarii, 27.34.3: Aoyo... 7rpO 7rc't...-rw... ctiw... w... h tlITocr-rc'tcr~l
ftlc.t, i ... ovo -rctt; 'flWWl ew... epW7ro-rl1-ro;. Canones Julii, 14.19.5: i ... overt... OUcrtctl; imAc'tft'fct...-rct xOcrft'll
e~c't... epW7rO>i.
230 ACO, 5ynodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana anno 536, tome 3, pp. 17 & 229. On the com-
munity of Akoimetoi, see my RCR, pp. 13-45; et passim; NDGF, pp. 218; 297; et passim; An Ancient
Commentary on the Book of Revelation, pp. ix-xvi; 7-8; 19; 22-24; 75; 90; 137; 216; 239; 285; 294;
334; 388; 405.
231 Pseudo-Athanasius, Homilia in Occursum Domini, PG.28.985.53: -ro... e~c't ... epW7ro", ... ~mo .... 5ymbolum
"quicumque", PG.28.1588.21: Kctt yap w; ~ 'fvX~ AOylK~ Kctt ~ crap~ ~t; icr-rl'" &... epW7rO;, ov-rw Kctt b
e~c't... epW7rO; ~t; icrn Xplcr-rO;. Pseudo-Cyril ofAlcxandria, De5ancta Trinitate, PG.77.1157.26-29: ~t; b
ctu-ro;e~c't... epW7rO;' ft~ OlctlpOVft~ ... o; d; e~o ... iOlKW;, Kctt d; &... e PW7rO ... iOlKW;' aM' ~t; aft~ptcr-rw; tlITc'tpxw...,
e~o; Kctt &... epW7rO; 0 ctu-ro;, -rctv-ro... 0' dmi..., e~o; Kctt a... ~p. Op. cit. PG.77.1160.6-9: -rov-ro o~ -ro
o~v-r~pO>i crl1ftctl"'0ft~... o... -r~; i ... ~pydct; 7rpocrctPftocr-rio... -rfi eW",OplKfi. ew... epW7rOV yap V7rc'tpxo ...-ro; -rov
XPlcr-rOV, Kctt 7rucrct 7rpU~l; ctu-rov eW... epwmK~ Kctt eW",OplK~. Collectio Dictorum Veteris Testamenti,
PG.77.1224.42-44: Kctt ola -rov omAov Xplcr-roV -rov ew... epW7rOV -ra crl1ftctl"'0ft~... ct -roi; ~Vct1Y~Alcr-rcti;
i"'l1X~el1crct.... In like manner, Anastasius of Sinai, Viae Dux, 13.4 ou 'flAc't... epW7rct ~rX~ -ra a... epwm... ct,
aMa e~c't... epW7rct, eW",OplKW;. Later still, the term appears in the writings of monk Euthymius
Z egebenus (died after 1118), who claimed quotation from Gregory of Nyssa. Cf. Pseudo-Gregory
of Nyssa, Inventio Imaginis in Camulianis, 5: Kctt ~veiw; a7r~odXel1 -rV7rO; -r~; ew... epW7rOV ft0P'fl~;'
Liber de Cognitione Dei (8ioyvw-r!a) (fragmenta apud Euthymium Zigabenum, Panoplia Dogmatica),
PG.130.269.8: A... epw7ro; fth 7rc't...-rw; ouod;, b e~c't... epW7rO; o~ Xplcr-rO;. PG.130.269.39 & 44.
232 John Grammaticus, Capitula XVII Contra Monophysitas, lines 11-14: ol -ro e~c't... epW7ro", ~ftt...
im... o~crct ... -r~; Aiy~l'" tcrw; t-r~po... -rl Kctt 7rctpa -rctv-rc't 'flctCH -ro... XPlcr-ro..., w; Kctt -ro... -rpctyiAct'flO'" ov-r~ -rpc'tyo...,
ov-r~ lAct'flO'" d7rOl n; &... , aM' t-r~po... -rl -r0yi... ~1.
 Introduction I 55
anathemas, one of which warns against using the term e~lX:yepW7r(IX, instead of
'man and God' (8.0> Kat &>8pwno»233 The addressee was Peter the Fuller, the
Monophysite Patriarch, because he had added to the Trisagion the theopas-
chite phrase, 'Who was crucified for us' at the end of that Trisagion. This letter
attached to the acts of 536 is earlier and actually belongs to the procedure of the
condemnation of Peter by a synod of forty-two Western bishops in Rome, in
485. No wonder then that the designation 8«h8pwno\ appears in Monophysite
writings,234 and still less accidental that Peter was originally a member of the
community of the Akoimetoi at Constantinople.
This point is important because it seems to cast light upon the conflict
between the Akoimetoi and the imperial court in the early 530s. On the one
hand, the term e~(kyepw7ro~ along with the notion involved was anathematised in
536. On the other (presumably, because of this) it was entertained abundantly in
the hymns which are akin to the Antiochene hymnographic tradition cherished
by the Akoimetoi.
As late as early in the tenth century, Arethas of Caesarea (born 860) could,
on the one hand, conveniently support Theodoret against Cyril of Alexandria,
while on the other he defended usage of the term 8«h8pwno\.235 He applied this
as much as no other author ever did, as ifhe were eager to establish it as an ortho-
dox one. 236
The stigma of anathema on this term had been forgotten, and the terms
e~IX-Y6pll(O~ and e~(bepw7ro~ were in effect treated as synonymous, which no text
makes as evident as a (presumably, sixth-century) spurious one ascribed to Cyril

233 Dositheus II ofJerusalem (L1wBfXdplpAo~, book 5, pp. 30-31) wrote that it was 'Cantian, the bishop
of Herculaneum' (Kct"'Tlct... O; 'EPKovAtct... W... iTrtcrKOTrO;) who wrote the anathemas against Peter the
Fuller: d; -rov; it... cte~ftctTlcrft0v; -rov; Kct-ra -rov K... ct'fliw; 'fl1']crt..., d Tl; ew... epWTrtct... Kctt ovXt e~o ... Kctt
&... epWTro... ftcO)..o ... AiY~t, it... cte~ftct-rt~icrew. Cf. ACO, Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana
anno 536, Tome 3, p. 17: Kctt d -rt; ew... epWTrtct... AiY~t Kctt ovXt e~o ... Kctt &... epWTro... ftUMO ... AiY~t,
it... cte~ftct-rtsicrew. Op. cit. p. 229: Kctt d -rt; ew... epWTrtct... Kctt ovXt ftUMO>! e~o... Kctt &... epWTro... AiY~t,
Kctecttpdcrew.
234 For example, a text of clearly Alexandrian and of Monophysite origin: Pseudo-Gregory of Nazianzus,
Liturgia Sancti Gregorii, PG.36.721.34--35: ov-rw; TrpO~Ae~; i~ ctlh~; ew... epwTrwed;.
235 Arethas of Caesarea, ScholiaArethae in Cyrilli ApologiamXII Anathematismorum Contra Theodoretum
et in Theodoreti Impugnationem, p. 116: -ro... e~it... epWTro", itTr0'fl~"'ct;. 'ETr~t -rot...tr\i OVK ~-r0ftwfti... o...
it... D.ct~~ ... &... epWTro..., 'flvcrt... 6~ it... epwTrdct... Kctt ~-r0ftwcr~... i ... ctlh0 tl7ronctcrt... fttct... -r~ ... e~it... epWTro",. Op.
cit. p. 124. Fragmenta in Epistulam ad Romanos (in catenis), p. 656: d 6ta -ro crctpKO; ft~-rctcrX~i... -rO...
e~it... epWTro>! ~ -r~; crctpd; ctV-ro... Kct-ri6pctft~ -rvpct...... t;.
236 Arethas of Caesarea, Scripta Minora, Opus 1, p. 7 (~ e~it... epWTrO; YAwcrcrct); Opus 5, pp. 49; 57 (bis);
Opus 7, p. 79 (~-rov KVptOV e~it... epWTrO; TrctpOWtct); Opus 11, p. 114; Opus 12, p. 118; Opus 14, pp. 138;
144; Opus 15, p. 178 (6 e~it... epWTrO;'I1']crov;); Opus 28, p. 254 (6 e~it... epWTrO;'I1']crov;); Opus 36, p. 286;
Opus 56, pp. 346 (-ro ... e~it... epWTro",'I1']croVv); 358; 359; Opus 60, p. 22; Opus 64, p. 40 (6 e~it... epWTrO;
'I1']crov;); Opus 65, p. 47; Opus 67, p. 60.
56 I Introduction
of Alexandria, since it applies both terms as plain synonyms. 237 Nevertheless,
there is a valuable conclusion to be drawn from this exploration of the two terms.
Pseudo-Caesarius (that is, Cassian the Sabaite) made abundant use of 8«t>OP'KO\,
whereas he eschewed 8.av8pW7ro\ altogether. This only suggests that his work
was written after 536, the year when the term e~(kyepw7ro~ was anathematised.
Once again, it can be argued that Cassian the Sabaite wrote this work after he
had returned to Palestine, indeed during the 540s, while he was the abbot of the
monastery of Souka. The fact of the matter is that both episcopal and political
authorities of Byzantium were no bothered by the use of an unequivocally con-
demned term, nor did they care to set at naught the anathema imposed on that.
A second characteristic point showing that the imperial Byzantium was anx-
ious only about political uniformity is the following one. The twentieth rule of
the Oecumenical Council of Nicaea decreed that no one should kneel during
the fifty days following the Easter, and indeed on the day of Pentecost itself.
Testimony advises that this had been a rule holding 'since the Apostolic years'.
The report comes from Irenaeus' discourse De Pascha, but since this is lost, we are
so advised by a work that different editors have attributed to either Pseudo-Justin
or Theodoret, but in all probability this is Cassian the Sabaite's, as it turns out
from analysis of numerous points of his books. 238
Origen espoused the precept on precisely the same grounds as Irenaeus had
done: since the Pentecost is a prefiguration of the eschatological universal resur-
rection, on this day one should be standing, not bending the knee. 239

237 Pseudo-Cyril of Alexandria, De Sanaa Trinitate, PG.77.1160.7-8: 8w... epw7rOV yap tmc'tpxav-ro; "fOV
XptCT"fOV, Kctt 7ruerct 7rpU~t; ctlhov eW... epwmK~ Kctt eW"'6ptK~ (quoted also by Nikephorus Blemmydes,
AdMonachos De Fide, section 12). Likewise, Anastasius of Sinai, VIae Dux, 13.4: OV 'ftAc't... epW7rct dX~
"fa c't... epwm... ct, c'tMa e~c't ... epW7rct, eW",6ptKW;.
238 Pscudo-Theodoret, QyJaestiones et Responsiones ad Orthodoxos, p. 12: pK{ Et "f6 KAt... ~t... yow h "fcti;
~vXcti; "fW'" ~er"fw"fw'" ftUMO ... 8~0 otMtoi, 6tctn i ... "fcti; KVptctKcti; Kctt "f6 ITc'terXct OAO ... ftiXpt "f~;"" yo...v ov
dt... OVCTt... ol ~vX0ft~"'Ot; Op. cit. pp. 117-118 & Pseudo-Justin, Qyaestiones et Responsiones, p. 468D (but
I have argued that this is Cassian the Sabaite's work): T6 6~ h KVptctKfi ft~ dt... m yo...v, ervft~oAo", ier"ft
"f~; c't... cter"fc'ter~w;, 6t' ~; "ffi -rov Xpter-rov Xc'tptn, "fW'" "f~ c'tftctfY'Y]ftc't"fw"" Kctt -rov i7r' ctV"fW... "f~ect... ct"fwfti... ov
ect... c't-rov ~AWe~pWeY]ft~.... 'EK "fW'" imOCT"fOAtKW'" 6~ Xpo ... w... ~ -rotctV"fY] ertrV~eHct lAct~~ "f~'" CtPX~ ..., Kctew;
'flY]ert... b ftctKc'tptO; EtpY]... ctio;, b ftc'tpnp Kctt i7rterxo7ro; AOVY60VvOV, i ... "f0 IIipi TOO IIdlTxa AOY,!>, h 4>
n
ftift"'Y]"fctt Kctt mpt "f~; IT~nY]xoCT"f~;, i ... ov dt"'0ft~ ... yow, imt6~ ter06trVctft~i "ffi ~ftipc.t "f~; KVptctK~;,
Kct"fa "f~'" pY]e~ierct... mpt ctV"f~; ctt"ftct.... Irenaeus, Fragmenta Deperditorum Operum, fro 7 (he banned
kneeling on all Sundays, hence, also on the Pentecost, because this is always Sunday). Nicodemus of
Mount Athos quoted this as a precept introduced by Nicaea. Scholia in Canones Synodales, Concilium
1, canon 20. He cited 'Justin Martyr' as his source.
239 Pseudo-Hippolytus, frPs, fro 9 (,From Origen's On the 150 Psalms'): "f~; 7rOAVepVM~-roV m"'''fY]Kocr''f~;,
AVert... 7rO... w... Kctt ~v'flpoerv ... Y] ... erY]ftctt... overY];. llt07r~p OV6~ ... Y]er"f~V6t... i ... "fctV"fctt; KiKpt"fctt OV6~ KAt... ~t... yo ... ct"fct.
LVft~oAct yap "fctV"fct ft~yc'tAY]; 7rct... l'j"yVp~w; Ct7roMtfti... y]; i ... "foi; ftiMOVCTt....
 Introduction I 57
For all his anti-Origenism, bishop Peter of Alexandria (c. 300) did embrace
the doctrine, arguing that banning kneeling during the Pentecostal period was
an ecclesiastical doctrine handed over by the fathers of 0ld 240 Subsequently, the
council of Nicaea made this its 'twentieth rule': not only on the Whitsunday, but
also on none of the fifty days following Easter is one allowed to get down on one's
knees. 241 Variations of the precept had it that either no one should do so on any
Sunday of the year, or during the fifty days of the Pentecost-period.
All extant testimonies regard this rule as having been sanctioned by both the
tradition of the early Apostolic Church and by the 'twentieth rule of the council
of Nicaea'. Consequently, it was decreed that one should not genuflect on any
Sunday. Doing so 'during the six days of the week is a symbol of our fall into sin,
whereas not to kneel on Sunday is a symbol of our resurrection through the grace
of Christ'. 242
The decree was observed by several theologians, who invariably warned
against kneeling either on any Sunday during the year, or during the fifty
Pentecost-days.243 Gelasius of Cyzicus (fifth century) records this 'twentieth rule'
of the council of Nicaea, toO.244 So does the constitution of a monastery, which is

240 Peter ofAlcxandria, De Paschatead Tricentium, p. 58 (ref. to allSundays): T~ ... yap xvptctx~ ... XctPftOCT1IVY];
~ftipct... &Y0ft~ ... n
6t2t -rO... it...ctcnc'tnct h ctl)-rfi, i ... OV6~ yo ... ct-rct dt... m 7rctp~lA~'flctft~.... So wrote Alcxius
Aristenus, Scholia in Concilia Oecumenica et Localia, Concilium 1, canon 20: x'. ·E... -rctt; xvptctxctt; xctt
-rctt; -r~; rr~ ... -rY]KOcn~; ~ftipctt; ov 6iav dt... m yow, c't'M 6p9tov; ~vX~cr9ctt -rov; c't... 9p,,'mov;. OV 6~t yow
XAt... ~t... i ... -rctt; xvptctxctt; xctt i ... -rctt; -r~; rr~... -rY]KOcr-r~; ~ftipctt;, c't'M ~cr-rw-rct; -ra; ~vxa; cm06t6o... ctt -r0
e~0. So Nicodemus of Mount Athos, Scholia in Canones Synodales, Concilium 1, canon 20 (Nicaea);
Scholia in Canones Patrum Sanctorum, 3.15.
241 John III Scholasticus (sixth century), Synagoga L Titulorum, 3, p. 151: T~; i ... Ntxcttc.t crvvo60v xct... w ..
x'. 'E7r~t6~ Twi; dcrt... i ... Kvptctxfi yow XAt"'O ... -r~; xctt h -rctt; -r~; 7r~... -rY]xocr-r~; ~ftipctt;, U7r~p -rov 7rc't...-rct i ...
7rc'tcrl1 7rctpotdc.t oftOtW; 7rctpct'flvAc'tnw9ctt, ~cr-rw-rct; l60~~ -rfi aytc.t crv... o6'!>-ra; ~vxa; c't7r06t60... ctt -r0 XVPt'!>'
See this in Acta Conciliorum, Concilium Nicaenum i (anno 325), subsection 20.
242 Pseudo-Theodoret, Qytaestiones et Responsiones, pp. 117-118 & Pseudo-Justin, Qytaestiones et
Responsiones, p. 468C-D: ~ i ... -rctt; ~~ ~ftipctt; ~ftw... yowdtcrtct crVft~OAO'" icr-rt -r~; i ... -rctt; aftctp-rtctt;
7r-rwcr~w; ~ftw..., -ro 6~ i ... -rfi KVptctxfi ft~ dt... m yow crVft~OAO'" icrn -r~; a... ctcr-rc'tcr~w;, 6t' ~; -rfi -rov
Xptcr-rov xc'tpm -rW... -r~ aftctp-rY]ftc't-rw... xctt -rov i7r' ctv-rw... -r~9ct... ct-rwfti... ov 9ct... a-rov ~Aw9~pw9Y]ft~.... 'Ex -rw...
a7rocr-roAtXW... 6~ Xpo...w... ~ -rOtctv-rY] crvv~9~tct lAct~~ -r~ ... apx~ ..., xct9w; 'flY]crt... 0 ftctxc'tptO; EtpY]... cttO;.
243 Hypatius of Ephesus (archbishop, sixth century), Fragmenta in Lucam (e Nicetae catena), p. 151: ov-r~
6~ i ... xvptctxfi ov-r~ a7ro -rov rrc'tcrxct tw; -r~; rr~nY]KOcr-r~; yow XAt"'0ft~... , i7r~t6~ ~ a... ctcr-rc'tcrtft0; ~ftipct
dxw ... icr-rt -rov ftDAono; cttw...o;, xctt 7raAt... ~ rr~... -rY]KOcr-r~ 6y60Y] oWct Kvptctx~ -r~ ... ctv-r~ ... ctt-rtct... ~X~t.
Dorotheus of Gaza (monk, sixth century), Doctrinae Diversae i-xvii, Didaskalia 15.160: rr~... -rY]KOcr-r~
yap icr-rt... a ... c'tcr-rctcrt; tvx~;, w; Aiy~t. -rov-rov yap xctt crVft~OAo... icr-rt -ro ft~ dt... m ~ftu; yow i ... -rfi
iXXAY]crtc.t 7rucrct... -r~ ... aytct ... rr~ ... -rY]xocr-r~ .... Germanus I of Constantinople (Patriarch, seventh-eighth
century), Historia Mystica Ecclesiae Catholicae, 13: To ft~ dt... m -ro yow i ... -rfi a... ctcr-rctcrtft'!> ~ftipc.t .
To 6~ ftiXpt -r~; rr~nY]KOcr-r~; ft~ dt... m -ro yow.
244 Gdasius of Cyzicus, HE, 2.32.20: IIipi 7Wv tv xvplaxfi r6vv xAnov7wv. 'E7r~t6~ dcrt -rm; i ... -rfi Kvptctxfi
yow dt... av-r~; xctt i ... -rctt; -r~; rr~nY]KOcr-r~; ~ftipctt;, U7r~p -rov 7rc'tnct oftOtW; i ... 7rc'tcrl17rctpotdc.t ofto'flpo...w;
'flvHn~cr9ctt ~cr-rw-rct; l60~~ -rfi aytc.t crvvo6'!>-ra; ~vxa; a7r06t6o ... ctt -r0 XVPt'!>'
58 I Introduction
largely a copy of Cas sian the Sabaite's texts 245 Not only does this quote the rule of
Nicaea, but also records Athanasius allegedly having warned accordingly: "Take
heed, lest anyone delude you so as to fast on Sundays, or to kneel during the period
of the Pentecost, which is not sanctioned by the Church".246The unique testi-
monywhich we owe to this constitution is that it quotes a similar, yet more exten-
sive, decree, supposedly recording a similar decision by the Sixth Oecumenical
Council of Constantinople (680-81), being 'the 90,h rule' of it. 247 Since I have
suggested that 'pseudo-Justin' was Cassian the Sabaite himself, banning kneeling
is in fact a token of the spirit of the Akoimetoi, where Cassian spent a crucial and
presumably fruitful period of his life, as I have argued. It was then all too natural
for this precept to have been embraced by the Akoimetoi's daughter-cloister mon-
astery of Studios, which recorded this in its own constitution. 248
Likewise, the polymath Michael Clycas (twelfth century) adds to the record.
Not only does he mention the twentieth rule of Nicaea, as well as the saying by
Athanasius banning both fast and kneeling during the Pentecost, but also adds
one more testimony, this time, by Basil of Caesarea. 249 Finally, as late as during
the fourteenth century, the Thessalonian monk Matthew Blastares quoted the
foregoing rule by Peter of Alexandria banning genuflection. 25o
For all this tradition of an apostolic ethos and the synodical decree handed
down unfailingly, the Church has made Whitsunday the sole day of the year on
which kneeling by the faithful is mandatory. Actually, they have to do so three
times: during each of them they have to get down on their knees and remain so
for as long as the (also kneeling) priest recites an extensive prayer. Otherwise, in

245 See my RCR, p. 39 andAppcndix I.

246 Constitutio Monasterii Prodromi 700 WOPiPOO, chapter 10, p. 21: 'fl1']crt yap b ftiyet; A9et... acrto; ov-rw;.
'M~ n; cr~ TrAet ... ~crl1 i ... KvptctKfi "'1']cr-r~vw OAW; -ro TretpaTret..., ft~-r~ yOWTr~-r~i... h KvptetKfi, ft~-r~ i ... -rfi
rr~... -r1']KOcr-rfi· ov yap icr-rt 9~crft0; iKKA1']crtet( Then, the constitution records the 20 th decree of Nicaea,
which is the same as the rendition by Gelasius ofCyzicus. The same document expands application of
banning kneeling during the twelve days of Christmas, too.
247 Constitutio Monasterii Prodromi 700 Wop,poO, foe. cit. b oi y~ h~"'1']KOcr-rO; Ket... W... -r~; tK-r1']; crvvooov
01)-rWcrt OtctAetft~a ... ~t.
'Teti; KVptetKeti; ft~ yow KAt... ~t... iK -rW... 9~0'fl0pw'" ~ftw ... Tret-ripwv Ket...O... tKW;
Tretp~Aa~0ft~... , -r~ ...
-rov Xptcr-rov -rtftw...-rw... It...acr-retcrt... .' A detailed description follows that point.
248 Acta Monasterii Studii, Descriptio Constitutionis, p. 299 (apud Theodore Studites, Descriptio
Constitutionis Monasterii Studii [cod. Vat. gr. 2029J, col. 1708; the same, in Acta Monasterii Lavrae,
Constitutio Athanasii Athonitae, p. 132): 'Icr-riav o~ o-rt tw; -r~; ... ', d Kett wpet; OV taM0ft~..., ovo~ yow
KAt"'°ft~... ·
249 Michael Glycas (twelfth century), Qyaestiones in Sacram Scripturam (Cap. 41-38), 81, p. 331: b o~
ftiyet; BetcrtA~tO; Kett -rrrv ett-rtet... TrpOCTi9~-ro Ot' ~ ... i... -reti; p1']9dcrett; ~ftipett; yow dt... w OV crvyxwpovft~9et.
250 Matthew Blastares, Collectio Alphabetica, alphabetic letter kappa, 37: -r~ ... ftinot KVptctK~'" XetPftOCTWrj;
n
~ftipet... Yjyovft~9et, i... ovo~yo ... et-ret TretP~tA~'fletft~ ... dt... w. Z~-r~t Tr~Pt KVptctK~; Kett i... -r0 9' K~'fletAett'll-rOV
B cr-rOtXdov Ket... o...et-rW... aytw... ATrocr-rOAW"'VY'. Kett h -r0 t1']' K~'fletA. -rov r cr-rOtXdov Ket... o...et~' -rov Ttft09iov.
Actually, he quoted Peter of Alexandria, De Paschate ad Tricentium, p. 58, as supra, note 240.
 Introduction I 59
theory, the decree of the synod of Nicaea, as well as that of the sixth oecumenical
synod, are still holding.
Certainly, there is nothing dramatic about this, and it appears that hardly
does anyone care about the decree of Nicaea banning kneeling on the occasion.
Besides, prelates have no inkling of this rule whatsoever. This was not the situa-
tion in the sixth century though. There were censors and inquisitors eager to take
action relating to what a certain author said or wrote. This was the sixth century,
the period of Justinian's imperial power dictating the official orthodoxy, who,
ironically, ended up a heretic having espoused Aphthartodocetism. By the way, it
was he who introduced the practice of posthumous anathemas of defunct theolo-
gians despite 'the churches of the East' having taken exception to this novelty,251
yet he was never anathematised himself, even though he died a heretic. It was he
who demanded absolute conformity to the imperial faith, only to alienate the
Monophysite region of the empire, and virtually to prepare this to fall easy prey
to the Arabs in the ensuing century, since the anti-Chalcedonians saw Arabs as
liberators from the Byzantine oppression.
On intellectual grounds, this was all about maintaining an illusion, but
the practical privileges of everyday life that stemmed from that illusion were
all too real, provided one knew who was pulling the strings at each and every
moment - until the Ottomans shattered that 'reality'. By Nikephorus Gregoras'
times, Byzantium was coming apart at the seams and finally collapsed into its
own sins, but no one did ever shed a single tear for that fall. The pompous cere-
monies and the flurry of gaudy titles of 'nobility' turned out sedative hedonistic
lullabies. The grandeur had turned out to be an enormous bluff, and it would be
only a matter of time before this bluff called.
This happened because the whole enterprise was built upon something
fatally fragile: the critical pre-condition was that Origen's work itself should
never be read, let alone mulled over. Everyone should rely on disjointed alleged
'fragments from De Principiis', most of which did not appear even in the flawed
Latin translation of that. What if the Cappadocians Gregory N azianzen and
Basil of Caesarea had cared to anthologise heavily from that work, along with
other ones (such as the Contra Ce!sum - which detractors never cited or quoted
from)? Besides, whereas the Nicene formula was meant and supposed to deter-
mine and embrace the future, Athanasius informed that it also acknowledged the
past theological thought, of which Origen was a milestone, who, nevertheless,

251 Justinian, Epistula Contra Tria Capitula, pp. 70; 71; 73; 77; 78; Edictum Rectae Fidei, pp. 160; 162;
166; 168.
60 I Introduction
had single-handedly transformed it by setting at naught views by authors, such as
Melito of Sardis (who had urged that God is corporeal),252 or Tatian, who 'most
impiously took it' ("cr.~.(rraTa U7r.(A~~.) that God's creative Fiat (r.VV~e~TW) was
just a wish expressed by the Father, not a command given by the Father to the
Son. 253
Athanasius had seen Origen as the future of Christian doctrine, because he
acknowledged rather than denied his own intellectual history upon perusing a
corpus which was a cauldron of creative propositions that remained inspirational
during the many centuries after Origen's demise. It was a weird combination of
fear of the State and lack of erudition that did not allow theologians to come to
terms with the best moment of their own past.
During the sixth century and later, little clerical dwarfs presumed to assess
an entire corpus of theology at will and completely unhinged from its presuppo-
sitions, let alone philosophical premisses. In fact, they hankered after making a
name for themselves on the spoils of an intellectual terra incognita, which they
had never been to. How did such small brains get such a big head is a ques-
tion to be reckoned with, and definitely this cannot be assessed without taking
into account the role imperial power played in theological considerations and
resolutions.
Origen's crime was that he sought to reconcile advanced philosophical termi-
nology with innovative theology - but those ancient as well as modern detractors
loathed Origen only because they were unable to touch upon the ramifications of
a vast philosophical lore put to use by the irrepressible creativity of an ingenious
spirit.
The imperial power was about a mix of enterprise and cunning, brutality
and pomp. The facade was an endless series of resonant (usually, bombastic)
but meaningless titles granted upon loyal dignitaries, all of which served to the
officialdom exerting its magic. However, occasional plottings at dark backside
corridors rendered their joy short-lived, and not rarely was the imperial favour
tantamount to being handed over a ticking time-bomb.
Gaudy yet implicitly eerie ceremonies were designed to offer dazzling specta-
cle and stir wide-eyed amazement, thus cowing subjects into submission. Firing
the public with awe concerning alleged doctrinal aberration was underhandedly

253 Origcn, deOr, 24.5.

 Introduction I 61
tantamount to re-affirmingpoliticalloyalty, and flaunting rituals subconsciously
wedging this in the hearts of everyone were just one of the means to this end.
Doctrinal dissent might spell trouble for the imperial authority and was
treated as nothing short of mutiny. And indeed occasionally trouble had been
brewing in monasteries and religious classes, tensions rose and they came to a
head, which sometimes triggered riots only because opposing parties made their
muddled cases with gelignite, which in turn prompted imperial footwork in
order to quell physical or intellectual insurrection.
This is why the emperor allowed the clergy to imagine they were in charge,
sometimes he let them exercise power behind the throne, although normally they
did not give command but only 'paternal advise', which though had to be taken
at all events. There would be many promises made in order to enrapture the
faithful (normally, promises about the enjoyment in the afterlife), as well as ones
to ecclesiastical dignitaries (mainly, secular offers) - and just as many assurances
were broken.
Any delusions about this fact were dangerous: the fate of Origen in the
sixth century and that of Gregoras in the fourteenth exposed such delusions in
a merciless fashion and demonstrated how any idea that was seen as 'anomaly'
was crashed. Nevertheless, head-on collisions with reality were all but rare, only
because old habits lingered on. Any actual or aspirant dignitary might begin with
his personal ambitions; but (as if one could not quite let go of what one really was)
the impression that this would last forever had all too often turned out an illu-
sion, whereby the bluff of omnipotence was called and the power was instantly
dismantled. Gregoras was treated not merely as a theologian who held different
opinions on certain issues introduced by Gregory Palamas (which were confuted
by the most astute intellectuals of the period): he was treated as a mutineer, and
what was actually called to question was his allegiance to the emperor. When the
mob dragged his dead body through the streets of the capital, they made a great
show of their loyalty to the Emperor, not to the Patriarch. For already during
many centuries, heretics were regarded as insurrectionists against the State. And
that which happened in the sixth century with Origen, it happened also in the
fourteenth with Gregoras: the emperor felt that it was not enough to punish
occasional 'aberration'; what is more, an example had to be made - and Origen
was the ultimate example, and the utmost had been made for the psychological
impact of that to be massive.
It could have been all but difficult to upend the prejudices of Justinian's
era. That this did not happen is only one aspect of religion having become a
matter of politics. For as theocratic as the regime liked to appear, the fact is
62 I Introduction
that a dangerous idea had overruled any possibility of reasonable argument: this
was the implicit postulate that the opinion of the Emperor and the will of God
were one and the same - whereby, ipso focto there were two religions to be ven-
erated: one, Christianity; second, the Emperor. Accordingly, not only had the
protection of the empire begun to feel like a divine mission, but also complying
with the emperor's theological views was seen as a commandment as sacred as
those handed down by Moses at Mount Sinai.
No Byzantine intellectual was a creative philosopher ever. For the Byzantines
took it that 'philosophy' means only knowledge of the ancient philosophy, and
did not grasp that the core of Greek spirit was its ingenious burgeoning, which
is what the pagan Hellene commentators of those times struggled to revive, only
to incur the wrath of the State. For too many Byzantines did seek to parrot the
intellectual style of the ancient Greeks instead of going in quest of and insemi-
nating the soul of their own epoch. Thus, they cared to stand close to the ancient
language within a mindset that treated the ancient spirit as an enemy.
With the single and conspicuous exception of Origen, Christianity and
Hellenism were two worlds repudiating each other, and never did the intellec-
tuals who wrote in Greek overcome the obsession that, to Christians, Hellas
was a contaminating danger. In any case, the Byzantine sage was captive of the
Hellenic letter (while he felt encumbent upon himself to confront the Hellenic
spirit when it came to expounding the Christian doctrine) on the one hand, and
an internee of the preaching by Christian prelates, on the other. This is one of the
reasons why the future of civilisation was not determined at Byzantium - it was
determined in and by the West.
Rome combined the stunning sense of jurisprudence and sense of Law with
the high-class Greek dialectics. This was the foundation of the responsa pruden-
tium - the resolutions of Roman connoisseurs oflegislation to questions posed by
various persons and quarters concerned. I have argued that the Christian philo-
logical genre of 'Questions and Answers' is one that was developed during later
times,254 and the Roman pattern should have played a role in this kind of instruc-
tion, which of course did not measure up in the least to its Roman paradigm.
Byzantium broke ground in the areas of icon painting, ecclesiastical music,
and historiography. However, during the critical era of the sixth century, routes
were closed. Were it for such pathways not to have been banned and turned to cui
de sacs, Byzantium could have been able to contribute to the configuration and

254 See my The Real Cassian Revisited, Lciden, 2012, pp. 280-282.
 I ntroductio n I 63
character of the European civilisation: instead, the horizons of philosophy were
debarred, and so were those of poetic inspiration. During the times when Hellas
as a spirit of historiography was restored into the Christian mindset, Hellas itself
was expelled and polemicised as philosophical spirit. For people such as Michael
Psellus, or his pupil John Italus, were well aware of the ancient texts, and in gen-
eral of the encyclopaedic lore, but actually they were not philosophers. This is why
I am arguing 255 that there is no such phenomenon as 'Byzantine Re-naissance',
since there was no 'naissance' in the first place: there is only a tragically belated
'enlightenment'.
Signs of decline were there, they only needed to be recognised.
In the sixth century, almost simultaneously with the Haghia Sophia, the
magnificent church of the Holy Apostles was built''' along with other monu-
mental masterpieces, such as the Corpus furis Civilis ('Body of Civil Law') issued
from 529 to 534 as per Justinian's order, the novellae (v«<pal o[a-rasa" almost all
of them written in Greek), which paved the way for modern jurisprudence. All of
these could have inspired a historian to relate the Works and Days of his era. Such
a historian appeared indeed - he was Procopius of Caesarea (born in c. 500).
Paradoxically, however, whereas Procopius marvelled at the monumental build-
ings constructed before his own eyes, and yet, as his age grew and the century
moved on, he determined that Justinian's reign was catastrophic. In fact though
there was reason underlying such an assessment. For Procopius' hunch was that
the grandeur of the State as exhibited in the sixth century was but a dramatic
illusion, and the forthcoming years would reveal that nothing was really steadfast
and long-lasting.
As discussed above, it was Greek wisdom that had taught the truth,
'Phenomena are only the external manifestation of what is not manifest'.257
Pro cop ius was one of the exceptional cases of historiographers, who realised that
he should go beyond the phenomena and recount that which 'is not manifest'.
Later, Byzantium experienced the serious ethical adventure of abolishing
and restoration of icons. Leo III the Isaurian (685-741, emperor from 717 to
741), the founder of the Isaurian dynasty, crushed the Arabs who beleaguered
Constantinople, a victory that later assessments deemed decisive for the salvation
of Europe. Leo himself, as well his son Constantine V, began the fight against
the icons, which also made a considerable mark on the history of civilisation.

255 Infra. pp. 65-66.

256 See p. 18-19.
257 Supra, p. 39.
64 I Introduction
However, none of those flurries did ever bestir or whet any mind of the Byzantine
world, so as to react fructiferously in terms of either poetry or historiography
during the 150 years that ensued, until the end of the eighth century. Actually,
John of Damascus was the sole Christian who made some mark during that long
and important period. Had it not been for Damascene to appear on the stage of
History during those eventful years, a bleak void would have made the spiritual
life of that period darker.
The period of Macedonian dynasty (867-1056) was not as dark as the
previous one, and a mark was made by the scholar-emperor Constantine VII
Porphyrogenitus. But to see this, as well as the later so-called 'Palaeologean
Enlightenment', as a predecessor of the Italian Renaissance is complacent self-
aggrandisement rather than historical truth, as explained in a moment.
As a matter of fact, the period of iconomachy was but a spiritual rebellion by
those who sought to pluck education out from the hands of monks, and liberate
Byzantium from their oppression, superstition, and exploitation of superstition.
The iconoclast kings destroyed the icons of the churches and set the ecclesias-
tical things apart from painting. However, they did not obstruct development
of secular art - actually, they encouraged that, especially the art of portrait, or
pictorial representation of historical instances (especially, battles they had won),
or landscapes.
The decline made its depressing mark even after the fall of Constantinople.
In 1453, Mehmed II the Conqueror conferred the church of the Holy Apostles
to the first subjugated Patriarch, Gennadius Scholarius, to serve as seat of the
Oecumenical Patriarch of the Orthodox Church. However, three years later,
Gennadius abandoned that place, because 'he was scared, lest anything hap-
pened to him, because of the wilderness, and asked the sultan to allow him to
move to the monastery ofPammakaristos' [= 'the all-too-blessed Theotokos']'.258
Consequently, in 1461, the church of the Holy Apostles was razed by the
Ottomans, who turned the dilapidated estate to the Fatih Mosque.
This was but the out-and-out decadence of Byzantine Christianity. The Turks
demolished the church of the Holy Apostles (called also Royal TIoAvchop[<]lO>, i.e.
imperial cemetery), 259 which was second only to the Haghia Sophia, and in which
the most important figures of the empire were laid at rest: John Chrysostom,

258 Pseudo-Sphrantzes, Chronicon, p. 456: 'fl0~119~t; ft~ Tl i"vctvno)! crvft~fi 6ta -r~)! ipl1fttct)!.
259 Manuel Chrysoloras, in his Comparatio Veteris et Novae Romae, section 46, says that this was a mar-
velous site: Tt yap b -rov K-rtcr-roV ft~)! Kctt 7rOAtOVXOV ~ctcrtAiw; -rCt'flo; Kctt ol-rw)! aMW)! -rW)! 7r~Pt ctlhbv i7rt
-rov ~ctcrtAtKOV 7rOAvct)!6ptOV, 0 ftO)!O)! 9ctvftct~)! t6~i)!;
 Introduction I 65
Gregory of Nazianzus, about fifty emperors and empresses -Constantine and
his mother Helen, Julian, Theodosius, Justinian and Theodora, Heraclius, Basil
I the Macedonian, Leo the Wise, Nikephorus II Phocas. This was also the place
where the relics of Apostle Andreas, Evangelist Luke, and Timothy were buried,
too. 260 The church of the Holy Apostles was the exact equivalent of the mod-
ern Westminster Abbey, in which the relics of the most illustrious members of
English history are entombed. All of these were relinquished to annihilation only
because that pathetic Patriarch 'was afraid of the wilderness' and lacked the intre-
pidity to stand upright and wide-awake alongside the great dead. 261
Shortly before that event, several Byzantine intellectuals had emerged
(Nikephorus Blemmydes, George Acropolites, Nikephorus Choumnos, Theodore
Metochites, George Pachymeres, Maximus Planudes, Nikephorus Gregoras,
John Kyparissiotes, et al.) over a period of three generations, or so. Some histo-
rians like to regard Michael Psellus (c. lOll-c. 1078) as the predecessor of them
all, although in fact he was a man of vast erudition, indeed a polymath, but he
was not actually a philosopher.
Usually, historians mention them as the intellectuals who mark the 'Byzantine
enlightenment' of the Palaelogean era (so called by convention, although some
of those authors were slightly earlier to that period). However, this term is inac-
curate: for 'renaissance' suggests that a certain 'naissance' of old was there in the
first place. But, as already argued, I am not aware of such a phenomenon having
taken place at all, and I hope it has now become clear why the term 'Palaeologean

260 That the relics of Apostle Andreas, Evangelist Luke, and Timothy were preserved in the church of the
Holy Apostles (actually, under the Holy Altar) was attested by the following authors. John Malalas,
Chronographia, 18.109. Procopius of Caesarea, De Aedificiis, 1.4.18; 1.4.21-22. Eustratius Presbyter
of Constantinople (a pupil ofEutychius), VIta Eutychii, lines 2692-2704. Chronicon Paschale, p. 533.
John of Damascus, Passio Magni Martyris Artemii, section 9. Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia,
p. 227. George Monachus, Chronicon, p. 536; Chronicon Breve, PG.110.657.21-23. Nicetas David,
Acta Andreae Apostoli, section 53. Typicon Magnae Ecdesiae, Typicon Menaeum, Month 3, p. 116;
Month 5, p. 206. Constantine of Rhodes (poet, Ctcn]1cpl-r1']; i.e. 'private secretary', tenth century), Versus,
lines 472-493. This work describes at length the church of the Holy Apostles. Symeon Logothetes,
Chronicon, 88.7. Symeon Metaphrastes, Martyrium Sancti Artemii (cod. Par. gr. 1480), column 1164;
Commentarius in Lucam Apostolum, columns 1137; 1140. Synaxarium Ecdesiae Constantinopoleos,
Synaxarium mensisAprilii, Day 6, section 1. George C edrenus, Compendium Historiarum, v. 1, pp. 518;
659. Nicolas Mesarites, Descriptio EcclesiaeSS. Apostolorum, 38.5. Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus,
HE, 10.11. Dositheus II ofJerusalem (Patriarch), L1w3<xdplpAo~, book 5, p. 192. Analecta Hymnica
Graeca, Canones Novembris, Day 30, canon 44.
261 According to Dositheus II of Jerusalem, L1w3<xdplpAo~, book 10, p. 172, Scholarius had written a
tome 'On loyalty to Sultan Mehmed II, comprising twenty chapters' (rr~pt mcn~w; rrpo; -rO... LOt.;).-ra...
Mwctfth i ... MiflctActlOt; dxocn).
66 I Introduction
Renaissance' (1261-1453) is not accurate, and to style that a period of relative
'enlightenment' would be more fair to facts.
I should explain this appraisal by taking into serious account the golden rule,
'any process of education should begin with pondering names' (itpX~ na[,,<M<w,
o-vop.ccrw-v €7r(o-K~tl~). 262 Long ago, Origen had explained what 'restoration'
(itnoKaTitcrTwn,) means, and by parity of reason this should be applied to 'renais-
sance', too.

No-one is restored to a certain place in which one has never been before.
Instead, restoration refers to an erstwhile familiar state. For example, if my limb
has become dislocated, the doctor tries to restore the dislocated [bone]; once
(no matter whether justly or unjustly) one has been banished from his home-
land, and subsequently is allowed to return lawfully, he has been restored to his
own fatherland. You should understand the same about a soldier who had been
thrown off from his own army and then is restored. 263

Accordingly, any 'renaissance' is but 'rebirth', like the mythological phoenix,

the long-lived bird that arised from its own ashes. Therefore, if we are to speak
about 'renaissance', this should be about a peculiar rebirth of Hellenism, not of
any period of Byzantium whatsoever. Michael Psellus distinguished himself and
his likes from the Greeks - he felt he was part of a different civilisation. This is
why, considering how Deity had been vaguely grasped by the Christian Apostles,
he says, 'well, these are about our own lot' (TaUTa,,~ Tit T~, ~f1n.pa, aVA~,); as for
the children of the Greeks ('EM~VWV ,,< nUt"<,), of whom Proclus became the last
torch-bearer and hierophant' (wv ,,~ T<A<VTUtO, "~"OUXO' Kat l<po~itVT~, TIPOKAO,
€)'4-vero) -and Psellus goes on with expounding Proclus' different ways of 'seeing'
the divine things, referring also to Socrates, Plotinus, Porphyry, and Iamblichus,
and then to Egyptians and Assyrians. 264 By all accounts, to him, the Greeks were
'the others'. And yet (what an irony!) Psellus is supposed to have broached a tradi-
tion of keen interest in Mathematics, Astronomy (and science in general), which
was taken up by subsequent scholars of the Byzantine era of 'enlightenment'.
Following the fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204, and the insti-
tution of the empire ofNicaea, the spiritual life of Byzantium was transferred to

262 Antisthenes of Athens, Fragmenta Varia, fro 38, apud Epictetus, Dissertationes ab Arriano Digestae,
1.17.12. Cf. Plato, Cratylus, 396e: Ked ~a AOlITa Tr~Pt ~Crv 6"'0ftCt~w... i7rtCTXibfctcr9ctt. Sophista, 261d: mpt
~w ... 6"'0ftCt~w ... TrCtAt... wcrctv~w; i7rtcrMtWp.~9ct (quoted also by Stobaeus, Anthologium, 2.4.17, and by
Ammonius, In Aristotelis Librum De Interpretatione Commentarius, p. 48).
263 Origen, homJer, homily 14.18.
264 Michael Psellus, Theologica, opusculum 74, lines 96-149.
 Introduction I 67
Nicaea of Bithynia for a period of about fifty years. Emperor John III of Nicaea
(1225-1254) supported letters in various ways (libraries, lucrative salaries for
teachers), he established the School of Philosophy, and appointed the most import-
ant sage of that period, namely, Nikephorus Blemmydes (1197-1272) as its head,
a man that had studied medicine, theology, and philosophy. He ended up a monk
at Ephesus, and resolutely declined offers to become either Metropolitan or even
Patriarch. The most important pupil of Blemmydes was perhaps the emperor of
Nicaea Theodore Laskaris (1222-1258). Another student of that homo universalis
was the great logothetes George Acropolites (1217-1282): although he is mainly
known as a historian, he also wrote theological treatises, and his lessons included
analyses on Aristotle and Plato.
This takes us to George Pachymeres (1242- c. 1310). He was an offspring of
the legacy that had originated in Nicaea: a pupil of Acropolites, and continuator
of the tradition established by Blemmydes. This, however, did not mean that this
was about uncritical parroting of views. For example, Blemmydes defended the
Latin Fi/ioque concerning the Holy Spirit. 265 Contrast to him, his pupil George
Acropolites argued against that. 266 However, the spiritual progeny of both of
them in effect sided with neither of his predecessors: Pachymeres argued that the
controversy with the Latins was pointless, since the doctrine concerning God's
Trinitarian Being shall always remain a mystery to human mind. 267 This should
have been his mature attitude; for during his early youth, when the monk Job
lasites composed a Tome against the Latins in 1273, Pachymeres himself attests
that he himself had contributed to that work,2GB which would have been a fading
influence by his teacher Acropolites.
Nevertheless, Pachymeres did not refrain from expressing his own views on
this issue, and wrote a treatise entitled L1id: TOiJTO lirE-Tett IIvE-iJpet YloiJ) 3id: TO
0f/OOZ}{T/OV ~ Iflli TO xonr,IIrJul 07(' aVTOV TO'; liglol;, published in Cologne in 1648,
in a Latin translation by Leo Alatius. 269 Not incidentally, this title was similar

265 Nikephorus Blemmydes, Syllogismi De Processione Spiritus Sancti (cod. Mosq. gr. Vlad. 250), sec-
tions 9; 20.
266 G eorgeAcropolites, Contra Latinos, oration 2.7-
267 Cf. Historia (ZvyrpcbplXai '!-r70p!CO), pp. 474-477; Historia Brevis, 5.11. This is what Origen had expli-
cated, too: Cels, V1.62: "Everything we know about God is in fact inferior to God.... and whatever we
may know about God does not really pertain to God's Beingproper" (rrc't... -rct it lcrft~... iAc'tno... c't icr-rt -rov
e~ov· oV6h a-roTro ... Kctt ~fta; Trctpct6i~ctcrectt O-rt ov6i... icr-rt -r0 e~0 w... ~ft~i; lcrft~...).
268 Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 486-487-
269 Leo Alatius (c. 1586-1669) was a Greek scholar, theologian, and bibliothec of the Vatican library.
68 I Introduction
to Photius' treatise On the Mystagogy of the Holy Spirit, since Pachymeres para-
phrased Photius' title 270 only in order to express his dissent from Photius' theses.
Maximus ofMagounion 271 deemed this treatise as important as to be copied,
but for reasons that cannot be determined this copying was cut short: in the same
lot of manuscripts, namely, Codex 105 of the Holy Sepulchre at Constantinople,
there is a part from Pachymeres' treatise autographed by Maximus himself,272 as
indeed the entire codex is.
Pachymeres moved from Nicaea to Constantinople after the capital was
recaptured from the Latins in 1261, and he was ordained deacon. He made a
career both as a teacher (of rhetoric, philosophy, theology, mathematical sciences,
astronomy) and as a church official (he remained a deacon to the end). As a teacher
at the 'Oecumenical School' (OiKOVl'<>lKO> O[01W"KaA<io» of Constantinople
in 1275,273 he gave lectures on the New Testament and Patristic theology, but
mainly on the advanced field of Tetraktys, that is, Arithmetic, Music, Geometry,
and Astronomy, for which Pachymeres composed his monumental Quadrivium
(LvvTarfla TWV Twrrapwv Ma;;~flaTwv, Apl;;fI~TIX~;, MOVITIX~;, Fzwfl£Tpla;, xa!
AITTpovoflla;, (published by P. Tannery in the Vatican City, 1940), which became
the main handbook in classes of science (especially Mathematics) during the
ensuing centuries.
This course was considered as an 'advanced' one, because it followed the
fundamental courses on Grammar, Rhetoric, and Dialectics, and in total (since
the twelfth century) they comprised 'the group of seven seminars' «'ITT«,). He
certainly taught Aristotle, as his 'Philosophy of Pachymeres' (= Aristotle's phi-
losophy) comprising 10 books and 238 chapters evinces. Of this work, only the
first part was printed in Greek, entitled Logic (IIzp! TWV ig T~; rplAolTorpla; 6plITflwV
xcd TC)V JrEvTE rpcuvC)v xcd TC)V !iixct xctTlJYOPIC)V). In that, Pachymeres classified the

270 Photius' title was, Aoyo; Tr~Pt -r~; -rov Aytov nv~qtct-ro; flvcnctywytct;. o-rt Wo'mp 0 Ylo; iK fl&voV -rov
ITct-rpo; l~poAoy~i-rctt y~ ...... acrectt,
ov-rw; Kctt -ro IT... ~qtct -ro Ayto... iK flo",oV Kctt -rov ctlhov ctt-rtOV e~oAoy~i-rctt
iKTrOpd)~crectt. Aiy~-rctt 6~ -rov Ylov ~r... ctt w; ofloovcrto... Kctt itTrocr-r~MOfl~... o... 6t' ctlhov,
271 Maximus of Magounion (1549-1602) was an important scholar and bishop born in Chandax of
Crete (present-day H eraclion), a correspondent of Patriarch Meletius Pegas of Alexandria, and highly
praised as 'a most wise man' by Dositheus ofJerusalem (at no less than 25 points), He wrote on the
Holly Spirit and translated patristic works in Latin (by Gregory of Nyssa, Maximus Confessor, John
of Damascus, et al,), H e was elected bishop of Cythera in Greece, but the Venetians did not allow
him to assume this office, Finally, he settled at Venice and engaged in writing and publishing var-
ious other works (1585), Little wonder that Gabriel, bishop of Philadelphia, accused him as being
'Latin-minded',
272 Folia 65v-66r: r~wpytOv-rov ITctxvflipov;, beginning with the title, ITpo; -rov; Aiyo...-rct; o-rt 6ta -rov-ro ,
etc. However, the ensuing folia (67-71) arc altogether blank,
273 Sec the 'Oecumenical School' reported by Pseudo-Codinus, Patria Constantinopoleos, 3,31.
 Introduction I 69
most important passages of the Aristotelian oeuvre, and explained and correlated
them.274
Although works of his (in part or in whole) are extant in more than 30 man-
uscripts, there are also other ones calling for identification of his pen. 275 Strangely
enough, his paraphrase of Aristotle's IIEpi rtropCtJv ypctppwv was taken as Aristotle's
own original text in the initial editions of that (1497-1557)276
It is noteworthy that Pachymeres paraphrased works of Pseudo-Dionysius
the Areopagite, whereby he took the opportunity to focus on Areopagites' oppo-
sition to the Aristotelian teaching about eternity of the world and to the Platonic
one about self-existence of the Ideas. Of course, his most renowned work is his
History (covering the years 1255-1308), in which, nevertheless, he not only
reports political events but also relates the doctrinal controversies of that period.
As an author, Pachymeres is highly representative of assimilation of the
Classical patterns in terms of not only language and style, but also of content
and ethos. His History demonstrates his profound Classical education, although
his style is abstruse and extravagant. This immediately brings to mind that of
Thucydides: very long periods, complicated (and sometimes tortuous) syntax, sub-
jects placed too far from their corresponding verbs, rhetorical style, etc. Anyway,
it was Pachymeres himself who evinced that he imitated the Athenian historian
consciously. The opening of the first chapter of his History copies precisely the
Attic style of Thucydides in order to make his predilections clear right from the
start. 277 However, unlike Thucydides, Pachymeres cared to inform his readers of
himself, by adding autobiographical information at that point. Moreover, a scien-
tist as he was, he noted that he did not rely on hearsay unsupported by evidence
(ou ).OyOVI ).a~oH I"we.,
,,~apTupovI)' but reported indisputable facts. He had a
lot of respect for demonstration buttressed by sound argument, as it happens with

274 Published in Venice (1532), Paris (1548 and 1581), and Oxford (1666). Nevertheless, in the titles of his
Aristotelian commentaries, Pachymeres styled himself dikaeophylax and protekdikos, not hieromnemon.
275 Another manuscript (cod. Par. Gr. 1810) shows his hand-written scribing ofProclus' commentary on
Plato's Parmenides.
276 But now see Dieter Harlfinger, Die Textgeschichte der pseudo-aristotelischen Schrift IIipi drof-<WY
ypCipf-<Wv. Amsterdam 1971. The same author saw Pachymeres's hand in the codex Parisinus Graecus
2340 of De most henes.
277 G eorge Pachymeres, Historia (ZvrrPCi'fIXcti '!-rrop!CiI), p. 23: r~Wprto; KW"CT-rct"Tl"OV7rO).(T1']; ... TCt6~
~trVirpctt~". Thucydides, Historiae, 1.1.1: 80VKV6(61'];A91']"ctio; ~trVirpctt~" TO" 7r6A~flm rr~A07rO>i"1']CTtW"
Kctt A91']"cttW". This opening phrase of Thucydides impressed some later authors, who cared to copy
that to the letter as an exemplary literary outset. See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Compositione
Verborum, section 22; De Compositione Verborum (epitome), section 22. Likewise, the anonymous
commentator of Hermogenes, who took a fancy to Thucydides' introductory statement. Anonymous,
De Figuris in Libris IIipi Evpi-riWV et IIipi 'I5<iz,v, v. 3, p. 707 (= IIipi -rmf-<dxwy a 'Epf-<oyivIJ~ if-<VIJf-<OVHNi
Iv ro:~ IIipi Evpi-riWV xcti IIipi 'ISuz,v P!PAO/~-rvvotl~).
70 I Introduction
the mathematical one - and explicated that 'without knowledge of Mathematics,
it is impossible to comprehend the true particular manifestations of the True
Being, which is in fact wisdom itself'. 278
This is a principle that causes shiver to modern theologians (to whom scien-
tific knowledge is a hardly accessible terra incognita, therefore, repulsive for that
matter), which is one more reason for many of them to hate Origen and dismiss
him as a damned heretic along with this principle itself.
Generally, in Pachymeres' texts, citations from Homer, Pindar, Plato, and
Sophocles abound. In the Epitaph (actually, an amalgam of iambic poem and
obituary) written in his honour by Manuel Philes, we read this:

o Homer! How is it possible for you to be at rest for so long a time, since it has
turned out incumbent upon you to write a second Ilias, and to weep because the
old one is deficient? For had it not been for him to be an educator (who is now
sleeping within a tomb), who could have been able to resolve on that beclouded
narrative [of yours] and to cast a brilliant light on that story?279

One reference of his is quite characteristic: since Pachymeres (among other

points) had no rival concerning knowledge of correspondence of the Athenian
names of months with the Roman ones,280 he refers to commentators of 'the
poet of Ascris' (01 TO> l\erKp~8.> 7rOl~T~> €1;~yOU~.>Ol) (i.e. Hesiod), who errone-
ously (OUK op8w, oI~al) had identified the Attic month A~>atOH with the Roman
January, although 'the Romans exactly identified January with 'EKaTo~i>atOH'
(itKpli>W, yap A8~>aiOl TO> KaTa 'Pw~a(ov, 'Ia»ovitp'O> 'E KaTo~i>alw>a ).<yoverl). 281
Who could be more trustworthy than an author who conveniently used
both of those different sets of names for months, and sometimes he did so upon

278 George Pachymeres, Q}tadrivium, 1.1, lines 94-96: Oh &pct -rCr... Mctel1ftc't-rw... &... w ovvct-ro... -ra
-rov 6...-ro; dOl1 aKpt~werctt, ouo &pct -rYjv i ... -roi; overt... aA~e~tct ... ~up~i..., ~; i7ner-r~ftl1 eroifltct. Cf. Origen,
Epistula ad Gregorium Thaumaturgum 1.12 (apud Philocalia, 3.1): 7rOtl1-rtKW; o~ ota -roV-r·&... l1u~c'tftl1'"
7rctpctAct~a... er~ ifltAOCTOifltct; 'EMrfyw", -ra olo... ~t d; Xptcr-rtct... terftw ovvc'tft~... ct y~... ierectt iydxAlct ftcte~ftct-rct
~ 7rpo7rcttod)ftct-rct, Kctt -ra a7ro y~wp.~-rptct; Kctt aer-rpo ... ofttct; xp~ertftct ier0ft~... ct d; -r~ ... -rW... l~pw... YPctiflw",
ot~Y11ert.... t... 07r~p iflctert... ifltAOCTOiflw", 7rctio~; mpt y~wp.~-rptct; Kctt ft0vcrtK~; ypctftftct-rtK~; -r~ Kctt ~l1-roPtK~;
Kctt acr-rpo ... ofttct;, w; ervv~ptew... [= helpmates] ifltAOero'fil!.t, -rove' ~ft~i; d7rwft~... Kctt 7r~Pt ctu-r~; ifltAOeroifltct;
d; Xpternct... terftw. See supra, p. 33. Likewise, George Pachymeres, Q}tadrivium, 1.1, lines 96-100
(quoting from the Pythagorean Andokides); 1.2, lines 1-34. His keen interest in Mathematics is
particularly evident in the notes of his manuscript Angelicus Graecus 38 ofDiophantus (D. Harlfinger,
op. cit. p. 357, note 3).
279 Manuel Philes, Carmina, 39, verses 22-28.
280 See infra, pp. 74-78.
281 George Pachymeres, Historia (I. Bekker), p. 306.
 Introduction I 71
determining a certain date by means of Christian feast days while using Attic
names of months?282
Besides, this point is pregnant with information, no matter how concealed.
Ascre (l\crKp~) was a hamlet located in the region of Boeotia on the hill
Helicon, north of Attica. This hamlet had been mentioned by Hesiod,283 who
though did not refer to 'the native .Ao-KPIXTo~' or to the origin 1\o-KpYJ8H, as was
later claimed. 284 However, Hesiod himself was indeed a native of 1\o-KPYJ. 285
In the twelfth century, the grammarian and rhetor John Syropulus paying
tribute to emperor Isaac II Angelos (18 July 1203-27 January 1204) mentioned
'the man from Ascre who was inspired by the Muses' (Kena TO> l\crKp~e.> ,">opa
TO> ~ovcro~6p~TO», meaning Hesiod, from whom Syropulus quoted a couple
of verses. 286 During the same period, another rhetor, namely, George Tornices
addressing Patriarch George II Xiphilinus, quoted Hesiod's verses to a similar
purpose. 287 Just like Syropulus, Tornices did not cite Hesiod by name: he only
called him 'the man from Ascre' (napa T0 l\crKp~e.», as Pachymeres did.
I believe, nevertheless, that Pachymeres took up this term from his teacher
George Acropolites, who had used it in his own correspondence with another
Tornices, namely, the sebastocrator John Tornices, who was the emperor's 'joint
father-in-law' (crv~n.e.pO\). 288 Thus, a number of later Byzantine authors, who
were more or less contemporary, felt they could use the designation 'the man
from Ascre', or 'the poet from Ascre', instead of the name Hesiod itself 289

282 See infra, p. 77, Pachymeres identifying the 16 th of Poseideon with the 8 th of September.
283 Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verse 640.
284 Stephanus Byzantius (grammarian), Ethnica, book 1, lemma 480; Ethnica (epitome), p. 134.
285 See, Aristotle, Fragmenta Varia, 8.44, fro 565 (i.e. Alcidamas, Fragmenta, fro 6), apud Pausanias,
Graeciae Descriptio, 9.48.4 (quoting an elegy for Hesiod, of which the original writer is unknown;
see also Anthologia Graeca, book 7, epigram 54). Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 13.71. Eudoxus (astron-
omer), Fragmenta, fro 353. Theophilus of Alexandria (grammarian, pupil of Zenodotus, third cen-
tury BC), Fragmentum (Montanari). The grammarian and commentator Manuel Moschopulus
(thirteenth-fourteenth century) styled Ascre 'a miserable village' (xwftY] oinpCt). Scholia in Hesiodi
Opera et Dies, scholion on verse 637.
286 Namely, from Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verses 125-126. John Syropulus, Oratio ad Imperatorem Isaacum
II Angelum, lines 225-227.
287 George Tornices, Orationes in honorem Georgii Xiphilini, oration 2.23, line 489; quoting Hesiod,
Opera et Dies, verses 255-257. George Xiphilinus was Patriarch of Constantinople during the reign of
Alexius III Angelos (c. 1153-1211; emperor from March 1195 to 18 July 1203).
288 George Acropolites, Epistula ad }oannem Tornicem, p. 76: xed ov-rw; i~ct('¥"y]; i».. oytftw-rct-ro;, w; ol-r6...
AcrxpY]9~... ol TrCtActt ftv9dlw-rctt.
289 George, Pachymeres, Historia [I. Bekker], p. 306: ol-r6... AcrxpY]9~... TrOtY]-r~ ... i~Y]yovft~... ot. So did Manuel
Holobolus (rhetor, philologist, theologian, whom Pachymeres mentions abundantly in his History).
Orationes in Imperatorem Michaelem Palaeologum, oration 1, p. 59: xct-ra -r6... AcrxpY]9~... TrOtY]-r~ ... (quot-
ing Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verse 198).
72 I Introduction
In any case, it is hardly coincidence that all those that made the aforemen-
tioned references to Hesiod and used the same vocabulary were intellectuals
that made a mark during the enlightened years shortly before and during the
Palaelogean era.
Moreover, I should note that the names for Athenian months are not the same
in all sources: actually, of the twelve months, instead of AYj"YlXlw"Y and Kp6"YLO~,
the names Mnayanw> and eapY~A'w>290 are attested, too. Although the lat-
ter were renowned (and had been used by famous men, such as Demosthenes,
Aeschines, Aristotle, Theophrastus, et at.), Pachymeres himself did not use them
at all. Instead, he used AYjWXlW"Y and Kp6"yLO~,291 as above. Is it mere coincidence
that these two names (instead of MnayaT'w> and eapY~A'w» are included in the
list of Athenian months provided by the anonymous scholia on Hesiod?292 Would
this author have been Pachymeres? Naturally, I leave the question moot.
Even the title Progymnasmata normally ascribed to Pachymeres' pertinent
treatise is not accurate: this is in fact 'Studies on the Progymnasmata' (M~)A'TlXl
.1\ TI< TIpoyv~Wtcr~aTa),293 which means that he did not claim originality: instead,
he felt he carried on the ancient authors who wrote works under this title, par-
ticularly Aelius Theon,294 who had advised that not only the fledgling birds of
rhetoric, but also their teachers, should imitate not just one author, but the best
of the ancient ones.

290 See these in the catalogue of Athenian months by John Laurentius Lydus, De Mensibus, 3.22, and
Herodian, De Prosodia Catholica, v. 3,1, p. 40, as well as partially (eight names of months) in the
Lexica Segueriana, Glossae Rhetoricae (e cod. Coislin. 345), entry mu, p. 281.
291 As a name of month, see this in Plutarch, Theseus, 12.2. The Etymologicum Gudianum informs that
Kpo ... (w... was an earlier name for 'Exa-r0ft~atw..., because, during that, the sacrifice to Cronm used
to take place. Additamenta in Ety mologicum Gudianum, entry epsilon, p. 440. So the Etymologicum
Magnum, p. 321. It was the name Kpo ... (w... that Pachymeres used (at 12 points) while also using
'Exa-r0ft~atw ..., too (at 14 points). No other author after Plutarch and Pachymeres did ever use the name
Kpo ... (w... for an Attic month.
292 Anonymous Scholia in Hesiodum, Scholia in Opera et Dies, scholion on verse 502.
293 Published in 1848, in Paris by J. F. Boissonade (Georgii Pachymeris Declamationes XIII), comprising
29 texts with didactic or juridical content (republished in Amsterdam, 1966).
294 Cf. Adius Theon, Progymnasmata, p. 61 (ref. to Apollonius of Rhodes): n7rovft~"'Ot yap cmo
-r~ ... tvx~'"
xaAw", 7rapa6~tyftc'nw... xCtMtCTT"a xat fttftl1cr6ft~9a. Op. cit. pp. 70-71: 6t67r~p xp~ 7rpO; -rot; dpl1fti... ot; xat
al)-ro... -ro... 6tMcrxaAo... It...acrMvCt; -rt... a; xat xa-racrMvCt; [ftCtAtcr-raJ xCtMtcr-ra 7rOtl1crCtft~... o... 7rpocr-rCt~at -rOt;
... iot; Ct7ra1Y~tAat, 07rW; n7rwei...-r~; xa-ra -rrrv ixd... w... CtywrtJ ... fttft~cracr9at 6vv119wcrt.... Beside Theon of
Alexandria (first-second century AD), some later authors used the title Progymnasmata, too: Libanius
(fourth century AD), Aphthonius of Antioch (rhetor, fourth-fifth century), John of Cyprus (the
Geometres, tenth century), the rhetor and sophist Nicolas (Athens, Constantinople, Myra of Lycia,
fifth century A.D.), and perhaps also Hermogenes of Tarsus (the text is dubious, and perhaps a lit-
tle later to him). Several commentators (usually anonymous) wrote commentaries on some of those
authors.
 Introduction I 73
Pachymeres was aware that interchange of loans between Christians and
Greeks was not anything new: at all events, influence was a two-way process. 295
The philosopher Olympiodorus of Alexandria, in his commentary on Plato's
Gorgias, conveniently copied (actually, slightly paraphrased) a hymn to God
by Gregory of Nazianzus, although he did not cite his source 296 The scholar
and 'lawyer' (crxoAacrTlKO\, so self-styled in title) Zachariah, who later became
bishop of Mytilene, wrote a polemic treatise, which he entitled Ammonius [of
Alexandria], arguing against Platonic theories about the world (beginning-
lessness, etc.). Upon concluding that, he wrote a sort of epilogue, which was a
hymn 29 ? to the Trinitarian God, addressing Him -[2 t:.<crnoTa Kat t:.~~lOVpy<.
Simplicius, who was exactly his contemporary, concluded his own commentary
on Aristotle's On Heaven in the selfsame style, namely, by writing a hymn to his
God, addressing him precisely as Zachariah had done, that is, -[2 t:.<crnoTa Kat
~Y][1lOup)'4. 298 This particular point has been assessed by Pantelis Golitsis, who
cast light on the characteristic similarity of the expressions used by Simplicius
and Pachymeres. 299
The peculiar and labyrinthine language and syntax of Pachymeres' text
(which becomes all the more difficult upon its English translation, which some-
times calls for twice or thrice or four times as many words as the Greek origi-
nal in order to render a phrase), also because of Pachymeres' tendency to apply
ancient designations to Christian dignitaries. For example, he attributes the term
npwTOeUT~\ (sacrificer-in-chief) to the Patriarch.'oo Obviously, Pachymeres fol-
lowed the example of the rhetor Gregory Antiochus, who wrote so about Abel
(Gen. 4:1-8) considered as the first pious person to make an offering to God. 301

295 See my The Real Cassian Revisited, pp. 333-377: 'Christian influence on Neoplatonism'.
296 Gregory of Nazianzus, Carmina Dogmatica, column 507: ~ D Trc't ...-rwv iTrlhc~twt, ... Olympiodorus
the philosopher of Alexandria (not his contemporary namesake Christian deacon and theologian),
In Platonis Gorgiam, 4.3. He simply wrote, 'for instance, someone in his hymn to God, says' (itftiA~t
e~o ... 'fly]CTW). See this hymn more paraphrased in theAnthologia Graeca, book
Aiyw... n; i>p.... av d; -rO...
1, epigram 102 (now entitled, 'Hymn to Christ') without mentioning Gregory either.
297 Zacharias of Mytilene, Ammonius sive De Mundi Opificio Disputatio, section 2, lines 1502-1523.
29S Simplicius, In Aristotelis Qyattuor Libros De Caelo Commentaria, p. 731: Tctv-rc't crOt, WL'l.icrTro-rct -rov-r~
x6crftov Trct... -ro; Kctt -rw... CI.TrAW... h ctlh0 crWfLc't-rw... 6Y]fttovpyi, Kctt -rot; Wro crovy~"'0fti...Ot; vft... o... Trpocr'flipw.
299 Pantelis Golitsis, "A Byzantine philosopher's devoutness toward God: George Pachymeres' poetic
epilogue to his commentary on Aristotle's Physics", in B. Bydcn-K. Ierodiakonou (eds.), The Many
Faces of Byzantine Philosophy, Norwegian Institute at Athens, 2012, pp. 109-127; see p. 125, note
56: Pachymeres: TrA~to ... lxw... ~ crv, vf-<vov ctv~t... Trct-rpt aTrc't... -rw.... Tctv-r'apct -rot. Italics indicate the com-
mon terminology pointed out by the author.
300 Cf. Historia (Zv/ypct'fIXcti 'hTOp!ctl), p. 111: iTr~t Kctt b Trpw-r09v-rY]; -r~ ... TrAdcr-rY] ... pom),. i6t60V -rOt; ump
-rov ITctActtOAOYOV Aiyovcrt.
301 Gregory Antiochus (Constantinople, twelfth century), Epitaphii, oration 4, p. lOS. Later, others did
so, too. Cf. Theodore II Ducas Lascaris, Epistulae ccxvii, epistles 90; 100 (lines 16 and 36); lOS (-rov
74 I Introduction
Sometimes, reference is made to Pachymeres unfalteringly having used the
Attic names for months. I am afraid, however, that this information has been
parroted more or less anemophilously, since I have not seen detailed references to
that telling aspect of this author's work. It is then high time when this aspect of
his word was cast light on, and justice made to him by seeing his Attic style and
tendencies more closely. His use of the Attic months goes as follows:

1. 'EKaTO~~atw>, the first month of the Attic year, answering to the last half
of July and the first half of August, in which €KaTO~~al were offered at
Athens and elsewhere. 302
2. (see above, Hesiod referring to this in the Opera et Dies) line
AYj"YlXlW"Y
504). To some authors, this was the second month in many Greek cal-
endars. George Pachymeres used this name, too. 303 However, this erudite
intellectual remonstrated with the 'mistake' of those who identified this
month with January.304 Instead, he advised that the Roman January coin-
cided 'exactly' with 'EKIX'TO[1~lXlW"Y. 305
3. Kpo>lo\, the third month, ofCronus (Saturn).306
4. BO~()POfuw>, the fourth Attic month, in which the BO~()pO~la (games in
memory of the succour given by Ion, the son of Xuthus, to the Athenians)
were celebrated, answering nearly to our September. 307
5. TIvanlW> (or, TIvat.~lw», the fifth month of the Attic year answering to
our December.308

Trpw-ro9tn'ov Kat Tra-rplc'tpxOV); see also epistle 209; Sermones VIII De Theologia Christiana, oration 7, line
332; Epistula ad GeorgiumAcropolitam, line 90. Also, Theodora Rhaulaena CantacU2ena Palaeologina,
VIta Theophanis et Theodori Grapti (e cod. Metochii S. Sepulcri 244, f. 130-154), p. 223. Ephraem
of Aenus (in Thrace, thirteenth-fourteenth century), Catalogus Patriarcharum Novae Romae, line
10268. Michael Apostolius (paroemiographer, Constantinople, Crete, fifteenth century), Epistulae,
epistle 125.
302 Pachymeres used this name in his Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 115; 137; 395; 493; 511; 667;
(B ekker), pp. 22 & 186 &206 &229 & 306 &359 &405 &408.
303 Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 397; 569; Historia (Bekker), pp. 278; 292; 306.
304 Historia, p. 306.
305 Historia [Bekker], p. 306.
306 G eorge Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 317; 457; 507; 575; Historia (Bekker),
pp. 38;44; 50; 162; 188;270; 330;408;409;421; 514.
307 G eorge Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), p. 335; Historia (Bekker), pp. 49; 423; 524; 636.
308 G eorge Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 353; 515; Historia (Bekker), pp. 54;
195; 423; 529; 541. Anonymous Scholia in Aristophanem, Scholia in Acharnenses, on verse 146b;
Scholia in Equites, on verse 729d (both scholia identify this with December). However, Aristophanes
himself never used those names of months, either in those plays or anywhere else. We know that
Pachymeres was a commentator of Aristophanes. See the anonymous scholia in Aristophanes' Plutus
(M. Chantry), commenting on verse 372d and citing Pachymeres by name (-rot) ITaXtlflipY]) as one of
the commentators.
 Introduction I 75
6. Ma[f1aK"'~p[w> or Matf1"f1K~\, the sixth Attic month, the end of
November and beginning of December [December - January].309
7. .A-ve~aTY]plw-v, the seventh month of the Attic year answering to the end of
February and the beginning of March, in which the Anthesteria (Feast of
Flowers, i.e. three-days festival of Dionysus at Athens) were celebrated. 310
8. TIoaH6~w-v, eighth month of the Athenian and of some Ionic calendars. 311
9. raf1~A[w>, he ninth month of the Attic year (from ya~.w, because it was
the fashionable time for weddings to take place), the last half of January
and first of February. 312
10. 'EAa~~ ~OA[W>, the tenth month of the Attic year, in which the Elaphebolia
were held, answering to the last half of March and first of April. 313
11. MOU-VUXlW-V, the eleventh Attic month. 314
12. LK[PPO~op[pl [00>, the twelfth Attic month, the latter part ofJune and for-
mer part ofJuly, so called because the festival LKlpO~6p[a took place. The
origin of the name is somewhat mysterious. To Clement of Alexandria,
this was celebrated by women along with e<cr~o~6p[a (the festival hon-
ouring goddess Demeter) and App~.,.0~6p[a, all of which commemorated
the abduction of cD~p~cp(krrlX (which was another name for Persephone,
the daughter of Zeus and Demeter) by Hades, the god of the underworld,
with the approval of her father, Zeus. 315 However, Clement's commenta-
tor associated that with LKlpm, the mythical robber, who haunted the
rocks between Attica and Megara and was killed by Theseus. 316 Another
commentator associated this with the festival in honour of Demeter,
during which they commemorated Theseus, who had brought to Athena
chip pings of stone (O'KUpa) or gupsum (y':''+'o» upon his departure in
order to kill the MinotaurY7 However, it was Constantine Acropolites

309 Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 365; 515; 601; 633; Historia (Bekker), pp. 154; 165; 233; 283;
382; 432; 546.
310 Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 203; 373; 589; 611; Historia (Bekker), pp. 233; 237;
283; 327; 341; 387; 608.
311 Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 377; 583; 589; 621; Historia (Bekker), pp. 268; 392;
447; 448.
312 Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 389; 505; 623 (his); 659; Historia (Bekker), pp. 249;
393; 397; 462.
313 Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 505; 659; Historia (B ekker), pp. 146; 177; 302; 485.
314 Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 413; 659; Historia (Bekker), pp. 178; 290.
315 Clement ofAlcxandria, Protrepticus, 2.17.1.
316 Anonymous Scholia in Clementem Alcxandrinum, Scholia in Protrepticum et Paedagogum, p. 302.
317 Etymologicum Magnum, p. 718. Anonymous, Scholia in Pausaniae Periegesin, on Pausanias' Craeciae
Descriptio, 1.1.4. George Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), pp. 395; 667; Historia
(Bekker), pp. 19; 76; 229; 242; 497.
76 I Introduction
(the son of George Acropolites) that gave the solution: Scirophorion was
the Attic month for which Octavius ordered that its name should be
changed after his own name, that is, Augustus. 318

The anonymous commentator of Aristophanes (who could have been

Pachymeres himself) explained that the name LKlPPO~OP[WV [now with two psl
was a cognate of the Athenian festival 'L"dprx., and appealed 'to those who wrote
about the [names of] months and festivals at Athens': they wrote that people used
a crKipov (which means a sunshade or parasol) used by the priestess of Athena and
the priest of Poseidon during marching from Acropolis to a certain site called
'L"dprx.. Those parasols were carried by the 'E'T~O~oU'"ra6rx.[, the genuine sons of the
Butes, that is, one of the families that supplied the hereditary priests of Athena
Polias. This was a symbol of this month being the most suitable for 'erecting shel-
ters', that is, buildings.319 It is all but surprise that the most learned and detailed
explanation of 'Eno~ov.,."oa[ (including etymology) has been afforded by
Nikephorus Gregoras. 320
Determining the precise correspondence between Athenian and Roman
names of months would be a frustrating job to do, since testimonies of this issue
are conflicting, which becomes worse since too many authors blindly copied from
earlier ones without caring for accuracy. In the present exposition, I have more or
less employed the most plausible of such reports, but I suspect that some of them
might fall short of precision. Why? Because Pachymeres is the sole author who
had an absolutely accurate knowledge of that correspondence, which at points is
at odds with the more or less hackneyed ones.
An instructing example would be the month TIOcrHO<WV. To Ptolemy, this
corresponded to Thoth, the ninth month of the Egyptian year. 321 Plutarch wrote
that 'perhaps this was January'.322 But Hesychius of Alexandria reported that the
Dionysict. (festival in honour of Dionysus) used to take place during that month 'in
the fields'.323 On the face of it, this could not have been January, as Photius (and

318 Constantine Acropolites, Epistulae, epistle 24.

319 Anonymous, Scholia in Ecclesiazusas, on verse 18a.
320 Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 68.
321 Ptolemy, Syntaxis Mathematica, v.I.!, p. 342.
322 Plutarch, Caesar, 37.3.
323 Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, letter delta, entry 1887. 50 the Anonymous, Scholia inPlatonem, on
Republic, 475d; and Anonymous, Scholia in Aeschinem, 1.95, comm. on In Timarchum, 43. Also, the
Lexica 5egueriana, Glossae Rhetoricae, entry delta, p. 235.
 Introduction I 77
then, Liddel-Scott) wrote. 324 Likewise, the Lexica Segueriana took this as being
'the sixth month of the Athenian calendar',325 and the Suda followed suit, but its
author identified 'the sixth month of the Athenians' with August. 3261his was a
reasonable assertion indeed. For given that, during the Dionysict, the celebrat-
ing people, who were in a state of frenzy, garnished themselves, particularly
their heads, with fresh fruits, how could it have been possible for such a festival
to take place in January? Conclusion: seeking definitive answers by consulting
different sources would be only an inconclusive and frustrating job to do.
Against such conflicting reports, there is only one author who could supply
us with a way out of this quandary: this was George Pachymeres. For he is the
only one who confidently reports not only months, but also days on which some
events took place, and he relates those with Christian dates that are known and
fixed to date. For one thing, he refers to the 16,h of Poseideon, and forthwith
explains that this was after the birthday of Mary, mother of Jesus, which has
been postulated as an important day of the Church to be celebrated on the 8 th
of September until today. 32?Thus, the 16,h of Poseideon was the 8'h of September.
More generally, in the legion of instances at which Pachymeres reported dates
by means of Attic names of months, he did so also by stating the precise days
of those months on which something had happened during the period 1261-
1308. I know of no other author who was precisely aware of its correspon-
dence with the Attic months, while living in a world which dated, counted,
and recorded events by using the Christian calendar. Otherwise, names of
Attic months have been reported by various authors, but by and large those
were treated as museum-items to be reported and sometimes explained in rela-
tion to other calendars rather than as names of months dating specific events
reported by those authors.
Likewise, Pachymeres relates a heavy rain that fell on the 29 th of Poseideon,
and then elaborates: this was the day of the autumnal equinox, that is, the 22nd
of September. 328 Therefore, the first day of Poseideon was the 24,h of August.
Consequently, the Suda, as above, was rightin identifyingPoseideon with August;
so was Hesychius of Alexandria, who wrote that, during that month, the Dionysia

324 Photius (and then, Liddell-Scott), Lexicon, letter pi, entry 1112. This was copied to the letter by the
rhetor and bishop John of Sardis (ninth century), Commentarium in Aphthonii Progymnasmata, p. 158,
and by Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 3, p. 719.
325 Lexica Segueriana, Glossae Rhetoricae (cod. Coislin. 345), entry pi, p. 297.
326 Suda, letter pi, entry 2104.
327 George Pachymeres, Historia (A. Failler - V. Laurent), p. 621.
328 George Pachymeres, Historia (Bekker), p. 268.
78 I Introduction
took place 'in the fields', whereas the suggestions about this being January turns
out implausible once again. Moreover, John Laurentius Lydus informs that,
whereas the Babylonians and Egyptians marked the beginning of the year on the
spring equinox, to Greeks this was the 2yd ofJune. 329
Besides, it should be pointed out (which, to my knowledge, is never done)
that Pachymeres, along with the Athenian names of months, used also the Roman
ones abundantly, although he did that mostly in his abbreviated History and only
occasionally did he so in his commentary on Aristotle's Parts ofAnimals and in
the Quadrivium. 330
Pachymeres used to put his name on the header of his works that we now
have. Actually, he proudly added his titles npw.,..K()[KO\ and ()[Ka[O~UAaV31 and,
from a certain point onwards, he prefixed those titles with styling himself'dea-
con of the Great Church of God'. 332

329 John Laurentius Lydus, De Mensibus, 3.22.

330 January (once in his History [I. Bekker], and at 28 points on the abbreviated one [A. Failler],
once in the commentary on Aristotle's Parts of Animals, and once in the Qytadrivium). February
(spelling this either cD~~povapto; [once, in the Qytadrivium] or cD~vpovapto; [in the abbrevi-
ated History, and in the commentary on Aristotle's Parts of Animals]). March (in his History [I.
Bekker], in the abbreviated one, in the Qytadrivium, and in the commentary on Aristotle's Parts
of Animals). April (A:rrpOJ..to; -always with two lambdas) (in the Qytadrivium and in the abbrevi-
ated History). May (in the Quadrivium, and in the abbreviated History]. June (in his History [A.
Failler - V. Laurent] and in the abbreviated History]. July (in the abbreviated History and in the
commentary on Aristotle's Parts ofAnimals). August (in the Qytadrivium, the abbreviated History,
and the Progymnasmata). September (in the History [I. Bekker], the abbreviated History, and the
Qytadrivium). October (in the abbreviated History, and the Qytadrivium). November (in his History
[A. Failler - V. Laurent], the Qytadrivium, and in the abbreviated History]. December (once, in the
Qytadrivium).
331 George Pachymeres, Historia (ZvyrpcbplXai 1,rrop/(0), p. 3 (title): r~wpytOV ITctxvftipl1-rov ITpW-r~KOtXOV
Kctt ll..tKcttOiflVAaXO;. Op. cit. p. 23 (proem & Historia Brevis, proem). Progymnasmata (title): r~wpytOV
OtKcttOiflvActxo; Kctt TrPW-r~K6(XOV -rov ITctxvftipov; M~Ahctt d; -ra ITpoyt.lft"Yacrftct-rct.
332 G eorge Pachymeres, Translatio Boethii De Topicis Differentiis, title: r~wpytOV ll..tctx6"Yov ITpW-r~KOlxOV
Kctt ll..tKcttOiflVActxo; -rov ITctxvftipl1' Historia Brevis, pinax preceding the proem: -rov ITctXqtipl1 r~wpytOV
ll..tKcttOiflVActxo; Kctt ITpW-r~K6(XOV ll..tctx6"Yov -r~; aym; -rov e~ov M~yaAl1; iKKAl1crtct;. commMeteor, title.
In Aristoteles De Partibus Animafium Commentarium (liber vi), title: cDtAOCTOifltct: IT6"Yl1ftct r~wpytOV
ll..tctKWOV ITpW-r~KOtXOV Kctt ll..tKcttOiflVActxo; -rov ITctxvftipl1' Bt~AtO"Y "Ex-ro"Y IT~Pt ZrJ;w"Y Moptw"Y. com-
mMetaph, title: cDtAocroifltct: IT6"Yl1ftct r~wpytOV ll..tctx6"Yov ITpW-r~K6(XOV Kctt ll..tKcttOiflVActxo; -rov
ITctxvftipl1' Bt~AtO"Y OiKct-rO"Y, -ro M~-ra -ra cDvcrtKa. In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea Commentaria (fiber
xi), title: cDtAOCTOifltct. IT6"Yl1ftct r~wpytOV ll..tctx6"Yov ITpW-r~K6(XOV Kctt ll..tKcttOiflvActxo; -rov ITctxvftipl1'
Bt~AtO>i ~"YOiKct-ro"Y, -ra HetKa, ~-rot -ra Ntxoftax~tct. commCael, title: IT6"Yl1ftct r~wpytOV ll..tctx6"Yov
ITpW-r~x6lxOV Kctt ll..tKcttOiflvActxo; -rov ITctxvftipl1' Bt~AtO>i -rpt-ro"Y, -ro IT~Pt Ovpct"Yov. commAfeteor,
title: cDtAocro¥ct. IT6"Yl1ftct r~wpytOV ll..tctx6"Yov ITpW-r~K6(XOV Kctt ll..tKcttOiflVActxo; -rov ITctXqtipl1' Bt~AtO>i
TriftTr-ro"Y, -rw"Y M~-r~WPtKW"Y.
 I ntroductio n I 79
To be both a deacon and 7rPW'T4K611CO~ was a usual case,333 and so was being
both 7rPW'T4K6[KO~ and 'T1X~OUMaplO~.334 Sometimes, the office of 7rPW'T4K6[KO~ was
held by a 'priest',335 even by an inferior layman, who at most would have been a
monk (a capacity never declared in the signatory's title).336 This means that the
titles which Pachymeres proudly declared in several titles of his works (including
his commentaries on Aristotle's works) were but lowly ones.
The title 'deacon' appears in Pachymeres' History (in the full version of that,
he styles himself a 'Levite'), as well as in his commentaries on Aristotle's Meteors)
Parts ofAnimals) Metaphysics) Nicomachean Ethics, and On Heaven, -and precedes
those of protekdikos and dikaeophylax, except the abbreviated History, in which
'deacon' follows those titles, and advises that he was deacon of 'the Great Church
of God', which (normally, after Justinian, and exclusively in late Byzantine times)
meant the church of Haghia Sophia. 337

333 Sec Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Joannes Rhabdocanaces Monasterio Campum VnMit (anno 1235);
also, Document 117; Diploma De Donatione (post anna 1265), line 68. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Decisio
Synodi (anno 1249), line 50; Decisio Protosecretae Manuelis Neocaesareitae (anno 1294), p. 137. Acta
Monasterii Vatopedii, Diploma De Donatione Vineae et Agri (anno 1298), line 38. Acta Monasterii
Caracalli, Document 3, version 1, line 96. Acta Monasterii Dionysii, Donatio Annuorum (anno
1414), line 52. Sylvester Syropulus, Historiae, book 11, chapter 18, p. 538. Acta Graecorum Concilii
Florentini Pars II, chapter 12, p. 467. Dositheus II, Patriarch, L1w3hdplpAo~, book 8, p. 394.
334 Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Document 127.
335 Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Documents 98; 99; 105; 107; 108; 140. Acta Monasterii Iviron,
Declaratio Ecclesiarchi (c. anna 1290), line 31. Acta Monasterii Lembiotissae, Acta De Possessione
Praedii Dicti Sphurni (anno 1234-1239), Document 6, line 78; Joannes Rhabdocanaces Monasterio
Campum Vendit (anno 1236), line 70; George Metropolita Smyrnae Donat Monasterio Campum Situm
in Loco Ommata (anno 1236), line 47; Descriptio Duorum Camporum, line 61. Acta Monasterii
Cutlumusii, Diploma De Venditione Vtneae (anno 1304), line 46. Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Venditio
Domus Patrimonialis Theodosinae (anno 1308-1309), line 31. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Actum
Donationis Georgii Contostephani Calameae (anno 1308), line 50. Acta Monasterii Vatopedii, Pactio
inter Manuelem Curticem et Monasterium Vatopedii (anno 1323), line 83.
336 Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Document 146. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Declaratio Ecclesiarchi (c.
anno 1290), line 31. Acta Monasterii Sancti Joannis Prodromi In Monte Menoecio, Epistula Tradita
Monachae Hypomonae (anno 1339), line 58. Acta Monasterii Cutlumusii, Actum Tribunalis Ecclesiastici
Serrarum (anno 1347), line 32. Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Venditio Joannis et Manuelis Dishypati (anno
1365), line 29. Acta Monasterii Esphigmeni,Judicium Tribunalis Serrarum (anno 1365), line 80; Acta
Monasterii Pantocratoris, Acta Diploma Patriarchae Antonii IV (ann 1396), p. 156. Acta Monasterii
Lavrae, Constantini Lascaris Renuntio Bonorum Patrimonialium (anno 1377), line 64.
337 Cf. Chronicon Paschale, p. 687; Acta Conciliorum, Documenta Concilii Constantinopoleos, 3.2. George
Monachus, Chronicon Breve, PG.11O.1132.7-8. Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 257, p. 475b. Basilica,
Ecloga Basilicorum, 5.2.2; 5.2.6; 5.3.17. Patria Constantinopoleos, L111r'7-rI~ 7rfpi 7q~ ;tr!ct~ Z0'f!ct~,
title: L'lt~Y11(n; 7r~Pt -r~; OtKO;0ft~; -rov "aov -r~; ft~raA1']; -rov e~ov iXxA1']crta;, -r~; i7ro"0fta~0fti'V1']; arta;
LO<flta;. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Administrando Imperio, chapter 13. Symeon Logothetes,
Chronicon, 104.6. Symeon Metaphrastes, Vtta Pauli Confessoris, col. 889. Theophanes Continuatus,
Chronographia, p. 207. Anonymous, Vita Sancti Andreae Sali, line 3980. Pseudo-Codinus, Patria
Constantinopoleos, 3.259; 3.270. George Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum, v. 2, p. 237. John
Zonaras, Epitome Historiarum, p. 573.
80 I Introduction
All one needed was having a good command of the existing legislation, so as
to defend the interests of the Church on questions of laws or regulations, which
is why, during pertinent meetings or synods, a protekdikos was always sitting
next to his bishop, along with the rest of officials of his 'group of five' (n<na,),
namely, the ~<ya, OiKov6~o, ('chief administrator'), the ~<ya, craKw-aplO, ('trea-
surer', responsible for all monasteries of both men and women monks), the [14)'1X~
crK<vo~uAas ('sacristan'), the xapTo~uAas ('keeper of archives, judge and legal rep-
resentative of all the ecclesiastical issues concerning marriages and clerics' as 'the
right hand of the bishop'), the 6 ToD craK<Mlov ('keeper of the purse'),338 and the
npwT<KO[KO, ('chief legal judge'). This is how Pseudo-Codinus described what he
called 'group of five' (n<na,), but his list comprised six different offices.
The protekdikoswas not necessarily a clergyman: such a person would have been
either a deacon or a priest or an erudite layman. In the Acts of various monasteries
(which mainly involved either selling or purchasing a property, donations, etc.), we
come upon names of protekdikoi, along with their specific capacities as either dea-
cons (O[aKOvo,),339 or priests (np<cr~unpo,),340 or arch-priests (npwT07rp<cr~unpo,),341
or laymen. 342

338 Pseudo-Codinus, De Officiis (= Officia Magnae Ecclesiae), p. 4: Ou-rot rcr't9Y)"T"at i)! T"fi ity(~ Kat l~p«
cTtrvoo'll ft~T"a -rov itpXt~piw;.
339 Cf. protekdikos being a deacon: ACQ, Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana anno 536, tome
3, pp. 154; 159. Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Acta, documents 117; 127; Diploma De Donatione,
line 67. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Deasio Synodi (anno 1250), line 49; Decisio Protosecretae Manuelis
Neocaesareitae (anno 1295), p. 137. Acta Monasterii Vatopedii, Diploma De Donatione Vtneae et Agri
(anno 1299), line 38. Acta Monasterii Caracalli, document 3, version 1. Eustathius ofThessaloniki,
Exegesis in Canonem Iambicum Pentecostalem, Proem.
340 Cf. protekdikos being a priest; ACQ, Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana anno 536, tome
3, pp. 160; 166-169; 175-176; Concilium Universale Nicaenum Secundum (787), Concilii Actiones
I-VII, document 4, p. 414. George Syceota, Vtta Sancti Theodori Syceotae, sections 157; 161. Acta
Monasterii Chilandarii, documents 98; 99; 101; 107; 108; 140. Acta Monasterii Lembiotissae, Acta De
Possessione Praedii Dicti Sphurni (anni 1234-1233), document 6; }oannes Rhabdocanaces Monasterio
Campum Vendit (anno 1236), line 69; George Metropolita Smyrnae Donat Monasterio Campum Situm
in Loco Ommata (anno 1237), line 47.
341 Cf. protekdikos being an arch-priest: G eorge Syceota, op. cit. section 161.
342 Cf.protekdikos being a layman: Novellae et Chrysobulla Impcratorum postJustinianum, Collatio quinta,
Novellae Constitutiones Annorum 1204-1453, Novella 9. Anonymous, Synodicon Orthodoxiae, line 424.
Acta Monastcrii Chilandarii, documents 142; 143; 146; 147. Nikephorus Basilaces, Orationes, oration B1,
p. 10. George Tornices, Epistulae, epistle 9, p. 124. Michael Choniates, Epistulae, v. 2, epistle 157, p. 313.
Acta Monastcrii Lcmbiotissae, Maximus et Basilius Planetae Monasterio donant campos et arbores in vico
Mantaea (anno 1242), line 101; Constantinus Ceporus et Nicolaus Dermatus Monasterio vendunt campos
(anno 1254), line 28; Monasterio traditur praedium Sancti Georgii (anno 1274), p. 108. Acta Monasterii
Iviron, Deasio Synodi (anno 1250), line 49; Deasio Protosecretae Manuelis Neocaesareitae (anno 1295),
p. 134. Acta Monastcrii Lcmbiotissac, Constantinus Ceporus et Nicolaus Dermatus Monasterio vend-
unt campos (anno 1254), line 28; Miles Michael Petritzes monasterio confirmat possessionem olivarum in
vico Mantaea (anno 1257), p. 72. Acta Monasterii Iviron, Declaratio Ecclesiarchi (c. anna 1290), line
 Introduction I 81
What Pachymeres made clear in the prologue to his History is that protekdikos
was an ecclesiastical office, whereas dikaeophylax was a political one. Otherwise,
the content of both offices was more or less the same, which is why, in ecclesias-
tical documents of the tenth century and later, the term dikaeophylax was used
instead of protekdikos or ekdikos. 343
As for the designation I.po~>~~w> attributed to him in a Latin edition of Ph.
Becchius,344 which was a Latin translation of Pachymeres' presentation of the
Aristotelian corpus in 10 books and 238 chapters,?45 I myself cannot see where
did this editor find that, which anyway indicates a much lower office.
In a document of the year 1277, we come upon George Pachymeres signing as
'teacher of the Apostle' (O[McrKaAO\ ToD i<7rocrToAOV). This was a certificate award-
ing ecclesiastical offices to clerics of the Haghia Sophia, which normally was
also styled 'the Great Church' (M.yi<A~ 'EKKA~cr(a). By that time, he would have
been 35 years old. The editors of that document erroneously wrote 6[6ao"KCD\o~
'TC)"y CCTroO"'To'AW"y, which makes no sense. Instead, 6[6ao"KIXAo~ 'TOU CCTroO"'To'Aou was
a known office meaning teacher of the Epistles that are included in the New
Testament. He was not yet a deacon, neither a 6[KlXlOCPU'AIX~ nor a 7rPW'T4K6[KO~,
which is why he signed beneath those that had these titles.
Of this title we know from Pseudo-Codinus, also reporting that those offices
were arranged in nine groups of five (7rH'Ta6~~), and the office of the 'teacher of
the Apostle' belonged to the fourth one, adding that this was assigned 'with the

32. Demetrius Chomatenus, Ikv1fNaCi LllctpOpCi, ponema 106. Acta Monasterii Vatopcdii, Diploma De
Donatione Vineae etAgri (anno 1299), lines 30; 38. Acta Monasterii Caracalli, document 3, version 1.
343 Cf. clergymen or laymen in the service of monasteries being styled dikaeophylax. Laymen: Acta
Monasterii Iviron, Impositio exactionis possessionum monasterii Iberon ab Andronico judice (anno 1047),
p. 261; Delimitationes Gregorii Xeri (anno 1090-1094), p. 167- Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Chrysobullum
Alexii I Comneni (anno 1094), line 25. Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, document 155. Acta Monasterii
Lavrae, Actum Joannis Belissariotae (anno 1196), line 9. Acta Monasterii Cutlumusii, Testamentum
primum Charitonis hegumeni (anno 1369-1370), p. 119. Documenta Concilii Secundi Lugduno,
Diploma Clericorum Magnae Ecclesiae, p. 471. Registrum Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani (1350-
1363), documents 205; 217; 218; 259; 262. John VI Cantacuzenus, Historiae, v. 1, pp. 215; 226;
229. Theodore Agallianus, Refutatio Joannis Argyropuli libri De Fide Latinorum, title. Gregory
Acindynus, Epistulae, epistles 50; 74. Dositheus II of Jerusalem, Patriarch, LlwBfXdplpAo~, book 1,
p. 234; book 6, p. 401; book 12, p. 109. Deacons: Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, documents 112; 117-
Acta Monasterii Esphigmeni, Actum judicis generalis de terra Sancti Nicolai Scoutarae (anno 1334),
line 38. Registrum Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani (1337-1350), document 111. Acta Monasterii
Docheiarii, Confirmatio Joannis Ducae Protovestiarii (anno 1344), lines 89; 94. Acta Monasterii
Cutlumusii, Actum Tribunalis Ecclesiastici Serrarum (anno 1348), line 34. Acta Monasterii Lavrae,
Judicium Tribunalis Ecclesiastici Thessalonicae (anno 1404), line 49. Documenta Concilii Florentini,
Acta Graecorum Concilii Florentini Pars II, chapter 12, p. 467-
344 Georgii Pachymeris hieromnemonis, in universam Jere Aristotelis philosophiam, epitome, Basel, 1560.
345 Sec pp. 68-69, Ihpt '"fCrv ~~ '"f~; ifllAOCTOiflta; bptCTftW'" Kat '"fW'" 7rin~ iflwvw", Kat '"fW'" oiKa Ka'"fYJyoptCrv.
82 I Introduction
explanation of the Apostle'.346 That 'Great Church' meant the Haghia Sophia
cannot be doubted, since the same author wrote, 'Great Church, that is, the
Haghia Sophia,'347 and several authors always explained likewise. Pachymeres
himself also used this designation for this church abundantly.'48
Later, Meletius Pegas wrote on the same subject, only he classified the office
of the 'teacher of the Apostle' (O[MO'KaAO\ ToD i<7rOO'TOAOV) in the 'third group of
five' Crpf'TY] 7r~Yra~).3491he foregoing document is all the more fascinating since,
far below the 'teacher of the Apostle', George Pachymeres, another person signed,
namely, John Glykys ('Iwi<»~\ 6 rAVKV\, without adding any title to himself),
who later became Patriarch of Constantinople from 1315 to 1320 as John XIII,
and some of his epistles (mostly to the emperor) have survived. 350
More importantly, however, once again it is confirmed that, at the time when
he lived in Constantinople, Pachymeres was an officer at the church of Haghia
Sophia (as, not too much later, Demetrius Protocanonarch was, too), and, as
already noted, from a certain point onwards, Pachymeres prefixed those titles of
his with the designation 'deacon of the great Church of God'. By all accounts,
Pachymeres was ordained deacon after the year 1275. Nevertheless, shortly later,
he was considered as important a person as to receive letters from Patriarch
Gregory II of Constantinople. 351 Four centuries later, Patriarch Dositheus of

346 Pseudo-Codinus, De Officiis (= OfficiaMagnae Ecclesiae), pp. 3-6. The author wrote in title that h e set
out to report the offices in the Palace and in the Great Church.
347 Cf. Pseudo-Codinus, Patria Constantinopoleos, 2.96.
348 Cf. History, pp. 45; 441; 587; 603; 655; op. cit. (I. Bekker), pp. 20; 47; 376; 643; Historia Brevis, 4.8;
4.14; 5.2; 5.9; 5.18; 6.12; 7.9; 7.31; 10.32; 12.21; 13.37.
349 Meletius Pegas (Patriarch of Alexandria between 1590 and 1601), Epistulae (e cod. Patr. Alex. gr. 296),
epistle 179, lines 264-275.
350 See S. Kourouses, ''0 AOyto; OtKOVfl~"tKO; ITct-rptctPXl1; 'IWct""l1; If b rAvd;', 'E7(m7pi~ 'E7al'pf!a~
Bv~av7lvwv Z7(ovSWV, 41 (1974), pp. 387-390, 401-402.
351 Gregory II (1241-1290), Patriarch of Constantinople from 1283 to 1289, Epistulae, epistles 69
(addressing Pachymeres, 'You, 0 most wise master of mine', and admitting to not having been able to
follow Pachymeres' analyses on Plato all the way through, and entreating him 'not to cease teaching
Patriarch Gregory himself, who remained a zealous suppliant and a beloved friend'). Also, epistle 105.
Slow in Latin as Gregory was, he craved understanding Aristotle's Logic, he sought to attend lessons
by Nikephorus Blemmydes, and after he was disappointed in him, he turned to George Acropolites.
Once Constantinople was recaptured by the Nicene army in 1261, he moved there, just as his contem-
porary Pachymeres did. Later, he became a teacher, and his students included Nikephorus Choumnos
(1250-1327), an important sage of the next generation after Pachymeres and of Maximus Planudes
(1260-1332), which included also Theodore Metochites (1260-1332). Gregory (originally named
G eorge) was ordained Patriarch in 1283, that is, shortly after the Western and Eastern churches had
proclaimed their lillion in 1274, in the Second Council of Lyons, but he did so following the emper-
or's politics rather than theological considerations of his own. Contrary to his predecessor, Patriarch
Joseph I Galesiotes (from 1266 to 1275, and from 1282 until 1283), refused to accept the filioque
clause added to the Nicene creed by the Roman Catholics.
 Introduction I 83
Jerusalem wrote his own History by availing himself of Pachymeres' work abun-
dantly and making detailed and precise references to them. 352

Nikephorus Cregoras
Comparative philological analysis of the present commentary evinces telling
turns of vocabulary that obtain in Nikephorus Gregoras (1295-1360). And
once the surrounding historical circumstances along with the peculiar stylistic
instances of this text are perused, it arguably turns out that the author of the
present commentary was indeed Nikephorus Gregoras himself
He was born in Heraclea of Pontus; and when he lost his parents while he
was very young, he continued his studies thanks to his uncle and thereafter
guardian, Metropolitan of Heraclea and scholar John (1250-1328). It was this
man who sent Gregoras to Constantinople in order to study at the Patriarchal
School, in which George Pachymeres was a distinguished teacher. And given that
Gregoras' extensive (and largely unpublished) work betrays impressive knowl-
edge of History, Rhetoric, Grammar, Theology, Philosophy, Astronomy,353 and
Mathematics, who other than Pachymeres could have taught him those disci-
plines -whereby Gregoras imbibed pertinent locution (although he certainly had
learned Astronomy from his teacher Theodore Metochites)? I should remind that
Metochites (who is regarded by some as the greatest predecessor of the Western
Humanist Renaissance of the fifteenth century) spoke of Origen, Panaetius, and
Clement of Alexandria styling them 'ones of our own Christian lot' (-rGn .,.~\
~~n.pa\ xplO..,.[a>lK~\ aVA~\), while (at the same point) expressing no less respect
for Philo and Claudius Ptolemy.354
Besides, once we see Gregoras defending Origen (an attitude unheard of since
the fifth century), who other than Pachymeres could have given him the basic
instructions - since Pachymeres was the academic teacher who had employed
Origen's method of instruction in both content and methodology?
Although Gregoras took over from Pachymeres and wrote the 'Roman
History' from 1284 to 1320 (concisely) and from 1320 to 1359 (extensively),

352 Dositheus ofJerusalem, LlwSadplpAOr;, book4, p. 393; book 5, pp. 245; 145; book 7, p. 275; book 8,
p. 443; book 8, pp. 446; 449; 451; 452; book 9, pp. 9; 11; 13; 15; 17; 18; 20; 25; 26; 32; 33; 34; 38; 39;
42; 43; book 10, pp. 401; 440; 468; 676; book 11, p. 274.
353 The present author exhibits a remarkable knowledge of Astronomy (explaining solstaces, how they
occur, etc.); see folia, 18v-19v.
354 Theodore Metochites, rvwf-<lXixi Z'?f-<fU/;-rflr;, 17.2.
84 I Introduction
in 37 books (sometimes supplementing, sometimes continuing the History of
Pachymeres),355 unlike Pachymeres' strict impartiality, Gregoras' History is full
of digressions expressing personal theological and other views, even entire dis-
courses (such as epitaphs, etc.). As strange as it seems (though not impossible to
explain), the fact is that Gregoras never mentioned the name of either Pachymeres
or the latter's teacher George Acropolites, which neither Gregoras' favour-
ite teacher, Theodore Metochites, did. Theodore Metochites' father, George (a
teacher of Gregoras, too), had mentioned twice George Acropolites respectfully,
but Theodore Metochites held different views from his father, notably, he did not
share his father's attitude favouring union with Rome.
The case of Gregoras maintaining silence about the name of Pachymeres is
highly indicative of the backlash between later Byzantine intellectuals concern-
ing Plato and Aristotle: on the one hand, Palamas' 'Hesychasm' (which even-
tually was sanctioned as 'orthodox' at the behest of imperial will)356 in fact was
motivated by an Eastern chauvinism, and, during the so-called Hesychastic quar-
rel, the two confronted mentalities were the mysticism of the Eastern Church
opposite the Western Scholasticism. The latter had deified Aristotle, and this
(one-sided) Aristotelism inspired the latest Byzantine intellectuals (such as
Pachymeres), to which the (no less one-sided, for that matter) George Plethon
(Gemistus) took a stand. However, all of this was but a swan's dying song, since
the fifteenth-century antithesis between the Greek East and the Latin West
breathed its definitive last. Once Byzantium had already set its own religious
mysticism opposite the Western Rationalism, now it set itself apart by vaunting
the banner of Platonism, which, with Plethon, eventually was formulated as a
hybrid of paganistic Neoplatonism mixed with some desultory mysticism.
Besides, Gregoras engaged in public life since a very young age: in his early
20s he read an encomium to emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus; when he was
29, he presented to the emperor his corrections to the Julian calendar, and his
theory contained all the basics of the Gregorian calendar introduced by Pope
Gregory XIII in 1528. Later, the emperor assigned him with various diplomatic
missions abroad. Above all, he spent most of his energy in order to refute the
Palamite so-called Hesychasm, which cost him a lot of adventures, turns, and
ordeal during his later life. He was a man of sometimes-extreme emotions, who

355 Pachymeres' History covers the periods 1261-1282 (reign of Michael VIII Palaeologus) and 1282-
1328 (reign of Andronicus II Palaeologus) in 13 books.
356 In a council held in 1341, annulled by another one in 1344, which excommunicated Palamas, but later
this was overturned by another one in 1351, which eventually exonerated Palamas and convicted his
opponents.
 Introduction I 85
opted for propounding his personal subjective opinions instead of seeking osten-
sible self-possessed impartiality, which is why, when he died in 1359 (or early
1360), the mob did not show respect for his dead body and perpetrated dese-
crated acts on that.
The 'Hesychasm'-controversy was one of the two main splits that divided
both the political authorities and the intelligentsia of Byzantium, which involved
personal persecution, exiles, and nonetheless shifts of attitude by certain scholars
and political rulers alike, including the emperor. The other one was the schism
between Constantinople and the Church of Rome, particularly on the Filioque.
On this, Byzantine emperors and intellectuals were divided into two parties, and
several (sometimes very interesting) things were written arguing for either side's
theses. What matters at this point is that such controversies inevitably entailed
use of common vocabulary, wherefore authors frequently employed the adver-
sarial one for their own purposes. This is why philological analysis of the present
commentary brings to light characteristic terminology having been used by dis-
senting, rival, and sometimes mutually hostile authors.
Pachymeres spoke of Hellenism in admiration, praising the Greeks, because,
thanks to them, 'freedom has always been a Hellenic and Attic trait' (r~-Y cerro
7raT<pm n.vS.p(av 'XHV, ATT[K~V y. oMav Kat 'EM~V[K~V TO aV<KaS.v).357
Nikephorus Gregoras praised Blemmydes, styling him 'a man adorned with
many virtues and skilled both in that sort of wisdom that the Greeks extol,
and that which the protectors and rhetors of our Church have set before us'.358
Nevertheless, to him, 'not having tasted Hellenism' was commendation: whenever
he set out to praise a virtuous Christian (whether monk or prelate), he emphasised
that one of his virtues was 'that he had no share in the Greek wisdom'.359
When Gregoras wrote a highly approbatory praise for John Beccus,360
although he paid tribute to Beccus' theological skill, nevertheless, he added that
those who surpassed him were able to do so because they were familiar with the

357 George Pachymeres, Declamationes XIII, declamation 10.

358 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 46; likewise, pp. 55; 129.
359 Cf. op. cit. v. 1, p. 107 (on Patriarch Joseph I of Constantinople: CTo<fllct; 6' 'EMl1... tX~; 7rctvrCt7rctCTt...
Ctfthoxo; w... ). Op. cit. v. 1, p. 193 (on a certain clergyman named John: 'EO..l1... tX~; 7rctt6dct; 7rCtft7rct...
Ctfthoxo;). Op. cit. v. 1, p. 292 (on monk Gerasimus of Magana: 'EO..l'J"tX~; ft~... 7rctt6dct; Oil6' axp'll
6ctX-rVA'll yWCTCtft~... O; 7r("mo-r~).
360 John Beccus (c. 1225 - March 1297) was Patriarch of Constantinople from 1275 to 1282 (as John XI).
He argued for the reunion of the Eastern Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches. Although origi-
nally he was convinced by Patriarch Photius' writings which urged that the filioqueis not inconsistent
with the view that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father alone, later he changed his mind following
his readings ofNikephorus Blemmydes' views.
86 I Introduction
Greek paideia,361 but Beccus' sharpness prevailed over them, because of his nat-
ural shrewdness (a>mA~pov Ii' Of1W, TO €K<I8<> €Mm., ~ T~, ~Ucr<W, 61;uT~,)362 and
because he 'had not tested the Greek paideia, except only just'.363 In general, he
believed that indulgence in Greek methods of reflection and argument could only
result in theological heresy.364 At other points, however, he mentioned 'the Greek
paideia' as a praise, namely, as contributing to forming a gentle character. 365
In a rare case of criticising himself (but this was only cajolery paying lip
service to the emperor), he declared that previously he had studied 'the Academy
and the Lyceum and the Stoa, and had been highly impressed by Plato, Socrates,
and Zeno', but later he disowned all of his acclamatory views about them (>v> Ii.
na"DO> T~> n<p\ aim;» li01;a> an<r;aA6f1~»' along with his opinions about Pericles,
Nestor, and Pythagoras, just as those who wake up from dreams that they see
while sleeping. For unlike 'the Greeks who want to exalt their own things,
and some stupid people who were moved by Orpheus' cithara, wherefore they
believed that the inanimate objects Orpheus extolled were animate', he himself
did no longer care to find any truth behind the myths."6 Although such state-
ments would be taken as made by someone of mature age, these were part of the
encomium to emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus, which Gregoras read in front
of him, when he was just 27 years old.
The fact is, however, that this was only a eulogy, which did not reflect
Gregoras' actual spiritual identity from start to finish.

361 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 129: 'EMY]... tK~; )l~'" yap Trctt6dct; ~t...~Kct ~crct... 0'1 -ro-r~
Trpo~ixO>! ctlhov.
362 Nikephorus Gregoras, op. cit. v. 2 , p. 813.
363 Nikephorus Gregoras, foe. cit.: -r~; y~ fl~'" 'EMl'J"tK~; Trctt6dct; ov mt"VV -rOt cr'fl06pct fl~-ricrX~' TrA~'" ~ ocro...
aKp'lJ 6ctK-rVA'lJ y~vcrctcrectt.
364 For example, to Gregoras, heretics ended up so because of giving in to Greek paideia. HistoriaRomana,
v. 2, pp. 649 & 920 (Gregory Palamas); p. 1099 (Julian the Apostate and Palamas). Antirrhetica
Priora, Oration 1.10, pp. 207 & 211(Eunomius), and Palamas was a heretic because he followed along
Eunomius' path concerning the Greek paideia. Op. cit. Oration 1.10, p. 22 (title); Oration 2.2 , p. 251
(-ro ITctActfl... ctio... KCtectPflct nunt).
365 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 649: ov-rw; OV ~Ctp~ctpo ... 0 ~Ctp~ctpo; ~rX~ -rO... -rp0Tro...,
aM' ~fl~po", Kctt Trctt6dct; 'EMY]... tK~; -ro TrctpCtTrct... ixofl~"'o"" Cf. op. cit. v. 3, p. 30: oue' 0; -rt; OV flCtAct
a~v...~n;'EMY] ... tK~; flovcrY]; ~ ..., oue' ocr-rt; Act-rt... tK~; 'fltAocro'fllct; OV flCtAct -rt a6ct~;. Epistulae, Epistle 106
(Constantinople, ante 1341): d; -r~ ... 'EMY]... tK~'" ~Vxocrfllct... fl~e~Pflocr~... ~ctu-ro .... Opuscula, Opusculum
3, p. 759: -r~; 'EMY]... tK~; cr~fl... o-rY]n;. Encomium in Michaefem Syncellum, p. 265: ~6Y] 6~ Kctt TrCtcrY];
'EMY]... tK~; cro'fllct; d; aKpO>! a'fllx~n. VIta Constantini, section 18: (referring to emperor Constantine's
father, Flavius Constantius, and to how he and his wife Helen educated their son by means of the
Greek and Roman paideia): ~ctcrtAtKW; oflw; iK~6~n crv... y~ 'EAi"'n Kctt nv Trctt60; Kw... cr-rctyn... ou Kctt
AOyW'" i~~crMt Trctt6dctt;'EMY]... tKcti; ofloV Kctt 'PWflcttKcti; Kctt CtfllMctt; iyVfl"'cts~ cr-rpct-rtwnKcti;. See infra,
pp. 92-93; 103-104, Gregoras extolling the beauty of the Attic dialect.
366 Historia Romana, v. 1, pp. 332-334.
 Introduction I 87
For despite his rather contemptuous references to the most eminent of Greek
authors and poets, his subsequent work is replete with references, citations, and
full quotations from a vast number of Greek authors, such as Homer, 'Asclepius,
the pupil of Hermes Trismegistus',367 Hesiod, Pindar, Aesopus, Pythagoras him-
self and his followers (Archytas, Andocides, Nicomachus), Thales, Anaxagoras,
Empedocles, Anaximander, Democritus, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides,
Socrates, Plato, Thucydides, Protagoras, Gorgias, Xenocrates, Xenophon,
Hippocrates, Aristotle, 'Stoics' and particularly Zeno, Josephus, Philostratus
of Lemnos, Origen, Galen, Claudius Ptolemy, Alexander of Aphrodisias (roD
T<W, Xpo>ov 7rap<xo>TO, AP'(J"ToT<lcaa Kat T~> AP'(J"TOT<lcov, (J"0~(~»,368 Plutarch,
Phyrro, Sextus Empiricus, Proclus, and other personalities, such as the lawmak-
ers Solon, Lycurgus, Cleisthenes, Charondas of Catania, and legion of figures
that occur in Greek mythology. No doubt, he availed himself of the vast library
that his teacher Theodore Metochites had created in the monastery of Chora,
who also had decorated the church of that on his own expenses, and spent the last
part of his life as monk Theoleptus, until his death in 1332.
All of those ancient Greek names were famous, anyway. But particularly
impressive is a quotation from a not 'celebrated' Greek author, namely, the local
historian of Attica, Philo chorus of Athens (c. 340 BC-c. 261 BC), who was also
a clairvoyant decipherer of signs.
At one point, Gregoras quotes the adage, 'wine has brought a man's mind to
light' (,hopo, yap >00> loas<> 01>0,) citing Philochorus' name,369 and at another,
he quotes the same maxim citing only 'as one of the sages said' (~cpY] 'Tl~ 'TC)"y
(J"o~w». 370

Where did he find this proverb?

F. Jacoby picked this up from Athenaeus,371 whereas D. Young (post E. Diehl)
ascribed this to Theognis of Megara (sixth century BC) without evidence what-
soever. 372 Later, Eustathius of Thessaloniki assured that this was a maxim by
Aeschylus, wherefore H. J. Mette made this a 'fragment by Aeschylus' (allegedly,
from the lost play Athamas)373 while citing Theognis' fragment as evidence and

367 Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, p. 13.

368 Orationes ad Imperatorem Andronicum II Palaeologum, oration 2, p. 511.
369 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 115.
370 Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.2, p. 249.
371 Philochorus, Fragmenta, fro 170.
372 Theognis, Fragmenta Dubia, fro 7, apudAthenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 2.6.
373 Aeschylus, Fragmenta, fro 1h.
88 I I ntroductio n
quoting Eustathius ofThessaloniki, who though, at that point, did not mention
Theognis at all, but simply wrote, 'Aeschylus said'.374
This evidence makes Gregoras the sole author who quoted Philochorus'
maxim twice, and the important point is that, although certainly he would
have read Eustathius of Thessaloniki's commentaries on Homer's poems, unlike
Eustathius (who spoke ofAeschylus), he confidently cited 'Philochorus'. Therefore,
the only conclusion we are left with is that Gregoras had read this in the sophist
Athenaeus of Naucratis (second to third century AD), but Gregoras never men-
tioned him at any point of his work.
The case is not simply a matter of how frequently was a certain author
cited: more importantly, Gregoras offers rare references, such as on Homer's cryp-
tic remark about Zeus having 'urns' beside him,375 wherefrom he sends upon men
both blessed favours and ills. Homer's passage set forth an occult truth, that has
been experienced by some gifted men throughout History, which is why Origen
had been at pains to resolve on whether Homer conduced to virtuous action,
or not. Porphyry reported that 'Origen groaned and screamed and very much
sweated for a good three days, because he believed that it would be a highly cru-
cial question for him to resolve on whether Homer's imageries could suffice to
conduce to virtuous action'.37G
Homer's passage by the end of IliaP7 is ambiguous, and so shall this remain
forever, yet it is philologically interesting, since this could be translated in two
equally viable ways, depending on how the Greek text is punctuated.
One (two urns),

For there are two urns lying stored up on the floor of Zeus' abode,378 one cor-
responding to the ills that he sends, and the other to the blessings (60LOl yap TC

nlSol KctTctKclctTctl h f..l6~ OV6Sl 6WPW'V oTct 6l6WOl, Kc(')cW'V, hspo~ 66 Mw'V).

374 Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii adHomeri Iliadem, v. 2, p. 672. In this vast work, Eustathius
cited Philo chorus only twice, and in both cases his references were irrelevant to the present point. See
Eustathius, op. cit. v. 2, p. 810; v. 4, p. 258.
375 Ilias, XXIV.527-528.
376 Porphyry, In Platonis Timaeum (fragmenta), book 1, fro 8, apud Proclus, In Platonis Timaeum, v. 1,
p. 63 (comm. on Plato, Timaeus, 19d). D espite modern blathering about 'two Origem' (a 'pagan' and a
'Christian', allegedly being two different persons), and as to whether Porphyry referred to the one and
realOrigen, compare Origen's respectful references to Homer, in Cels, 1.16; 1.66; 11.36; 11.76; IY.21;
IV.36 (reprimanding Plato for expelling Homer from the ideal State); IV.91 (& Philocaua, 20.18: 'the
admirable Homer'); IV.94 (&Philocalia, 20.21); VI.42-43; VII: 6; 28; 36; 41; 54; VIII.68.
377 Homer, Ilias, XXIV. 527-528: 60tOl yap -r~ m90t xct-rctxdct-rctt h L'l.tO; Oil6~t 6WPW'" otct ;t6wcn xctxW...,
t-r~po; 6~ ic'twv.
378 Cf. Iuas, Y.734; VII1.385.
 Introduction I 89
Secondly, with different punctuation (which makes it three urns)

For there are two urns lying stored up on the floor of Zeus' abode for bestowing
ills, and another one for sending blessings (60LOl yap n: T(lSOl KctTctKSlctTctl h f'..l6~
OV6Sl 6WPW'V oTct 6l6WO"l KC(.)cW'V· hspo~ 66 Mw'V).

Homer continues, 'wherefrom, Zeus who delights in sending thunders by

mixing them: at one time he strikes with ill, and at another with good'.
Question: how many were the urns at Zeus' disposal after all? Were those two
or three?
On this, the Greek and Christian authors who quoted Homer were split.
Grammarians and paroemiographers 379 quoted Homer while caring for
words rather than ideas (e.g. explaining that Homer's 601O[ stood for 6UO),380 thus
indifferently speaking of two urns,381 and so did a few other intellectuals. 382 Some
philosophers, starting with Plato, determined those as being twO. 383 Otherwise,
no matter whether two or three urns (or jars, or vessels), Plato blamed Homer
for making God an author of evil. 384 In line with Plato, Plutarch (advising 'How
youth should read poems) decided that 'it was absurd to say such things about
Zeus'.385 However, the anonymous author who signed 'Plutarch' took Homer's
statement as a 'most ingenious' one. 386 In a case of extraordinary concurrence
with Plato, this is what Eusebius believed too, on the grounds that God cannot
be an author of evip87 So did Themistius, toO. 388 As surprising as it would appear

379 Arscnius of Moncmbasia, Apophthegmata, 6.25a; 6.32a.

380 Hcrodian, IIip! IIa3wv, p. 368. Gcorgc Chocroboscus, Prolegomena et Scholia in TheodosiiAlexandrini
Canones Isagogicos De Flexione Nominum, p. 398. Scc also, Anonymous, Epimerismi Homerici, lcttcr
cpsilon, gloss 92; and lcttcr kappa, gloss 168. Suda, lcttcr delta cntry 1562. Etymologicum Gudianum,
cntry cpsilon, p. 390. Etymologicum Magnum, p. 308. Pscudo-Zonaras, Lexicon, lcttcr delta, p. 560.
381 Pscudo-Zonaras, Lexicon (in fact, copying from thc Suda), lcttcr delta, p. 560. Anonymous Scholia in
Hcsiodum, Scholia in Opera et Dies, on vcrsc 94a.
382 John Italus of Constantinoplc (elcvcnth ccntury), Qytaestiones Qytodlibetales, scction 71. Nicctas
Choniatcs, Orationes, oration 15, p. 155. Maximus Planudcs, Boethii De Philosophiae Consolatione in
Linguam Graecam Translati, 2.16.13. Anonymous, Scholia in Aelium Aristidem (W. Dindorf), p. 259.
Anonymous, Scholia in Iliadem (H. Erbsc), on Ilias, XXIY.528.
383 Cf. Porphyry, De Antro Nympha rum, scction 29. Michael Psellus, Opuscula i, opusculum 45; Epistulae,
scction 49, cpistlc 194. Anonymous, Scholia in Platonem (W.e. Grccnc), comm. on Republic, 379d.
384 Respublica, 379d. Plato's quotation is a frcc paraphrasc and on no account could this bc takcn as tcsti-
mony to Homcr's tcxt.
385 Plutarch, Qytomodo Adolescens Poetas Audire Debeat, p. 24A-B.
386 Pscudo-Plutarch, ConsolatioadApollonium, p. 105B-C.
387 Euscbius, Praeparatio Evangelica, 13.3.12-13. Likewisc, Thcodorct, Curatio, 5.35.
388 Thcmistius, E!~ Eho$J-rlov, T/~ i; pa-r/AlxwTdn? 7NY dpi7WV, p. 194; Err! tff 'fIAav3pwrr/17oii AV70Xpd70po~
Eho$o-r/o(!, p. 228.
90 I Introduction
to some (although it should not), Proclus saw this as an occult statement express-
ing a mystical truth that makes its mark on human affairs,389 perhaps because
this how the brilliant Porphyry had seen this, too.'90 This is why Proclus, com-
menting on Plato's pertinent reference in the Republic (through Socrates' mouth),
commented pace Plato, toO. 391 Likewise, John of Sardis (rhetor and bishop, ninth
century AD) quoted Homer's dictum as a formulation expressing an incontest-
able truth. 392 He supported this with the same adage written by Euripides,393
which was quoted also by the comic Philippides citing Euripides. 394 This was also
quoted verbatim by Aristophanes,395 as well as by Aristotle. 3% So did Nicostratus,
son of Aristophanes,397 Menander,398 and Chrysippus,399 and here is a Christian
who did so too, namely, Gregory of Nazianzus.4oo By the same token, Synesius
of Cyrene saw Homer's remark as a profoundly wise one that expresses a secret
aspect of human life,401 and understood that as indicating two urns in an occult
manner. 402 So did Dio Chrysostom. 403 Maximus of Tyre rebutted the idea that
Homer spoke of three urns. 404
The Alexandrian grammarian Aristonicus, who lived in the turn of first century
BC to first century AD, resolved that 'Homer referred to two urns, although some
younger ones took this as suggesting one urn of goods and two ones of evils'.405

389 ProcitlS, In Platonis Cratylum, section 101.

390 Porphyry, De Antro Nympharum, section 2, comm. on Ilias, 111.65-66; so did John Tzetzes, Scholia ad
Exegesin in Iliadem, section 36.
391 Produs, In Platonis Rem Publicam, v. 1, p. 96.
392 John of Sardis, Commentarium in Aphthonii Progymnasmata, p. 60.
393 Euripides, Fragmenta, fro 661 (A. Nauck) (which is also fro 16 [D.L. Page], 'there is no man who is
always happy').
394 Philippides, Fragmenta (T. Kock), fro 18, apudStobaeus, Anthologium, 4.44.10;
395 Aristophanes, Ranae, verse 1217.
396 Aristotle, Rhetorica, 1394b.
397 Nicostratus, Fragmenta, fro 28 (T. Kock: the same, fro 1 [A. Meincke]), apud Stobaeus, Anthologium,
4.41.48.
398 Menander, Aspis, verse 407 and Sententiae e codicibus Byzantinis, line 596, and Sententiae, section 1,
line 697 (A. Meincke).
399 Chrysippus, Fragmenta Logica et Physica, fro 180 (citing Euripides).
400 Gregory of Nazianzus, CarminaMoralia, col. 707 (citing no source).
401 Synesius of Cyrene, Aegyptii sive De Providentia, 2.6.
402 Synesius of Cyrene, De Insomniis, section 8.
403 Dio Chrysostom, Orationes, oration 64.
404 Maximus ofTyre, Dissertationes, 34.3: -rpCro... yap 7rt9av oV6ctftOV i ... L'ltO; ~r... ctt Aiy~t.
405 Aristonicus, DeSignis Iliadis, comm. on Ilias, XXIY.527-528.
 Introduction I 91
Later, the erudite Eustathius of Thessaloniki recognised that 'the Homeric
expression ... became a dubious one, since some people understood three urns,
namely, two for evils and one for goods'.406
Nikephorus Gregoras considered Homer's phrase meticulously, and men-
tioned 'the offspring of Greeks' ('EM~>m naTo.,) upon remarking, 'and if the
offspring of Greeks spoke also of a third urn existing in Zeus' palace, which is
by no means unmixed with evil, this is not anything new'.407 In fact, in refer-
ence to Homer's text, Gregoras (granting three urns) wrote pace Eustathius of
Thessaloniki408 (who had opted for two urns) although using the latter's vocab-
ulary. Nevertheless, upon writing a commentary on Synesius of Cyrene's De
Insomniis, Gregoras had to go along with Synesius' understanding of Homer as
suggesting two urns, and so he did. 409 In any case, by reference to 'the offspring
of Greeks' ('EM~>W> naTo.,) Gregoras suggested that the notion of 'three urns'
was one of 01d,410 since there were Greek authors 411 who spoke of a 'third urn' in
reference to Homer's passage. 412
Where did he find this? Presumably, Gregoras had in mind Pindar, who had
propounded this notion of three jars, one for blessings, two for evils. 413
In order to get an idea of all this, we need to visit Pindar's commentators, and
indeed Pindar's verse in Pythia (or, Pythionicae = On the winners of the Pythian
Games), Ode 3, verses 81-82: ,> nap' €cr8AO> n~~aTa cru>ovo oalonal ~poToi,
a8a"YIX'Tol.
In the anonymous scholia on Pindar, one commentator wrote that 'Homer
wrote of two urns at Zeus' court (napa T~> TOU I'llO, aVA~», but he adds, 'I myself,

406 Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 4, p. 948. See his analyses on this also
in op. cit. pp. 943; 947-948; Commentarii adHomeri Odysseam, v. 1, p. 282; v. 2, p. 312; cf. De Capta
Thessalonica, p. 16.
407 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 107: Et 6~ KCtl-rpCro" Trt90" l'flctcrct,,'EM~"W" Trcti6~; d"ctt ftt]6ctftfi
-rw" -rov llto; Ct"ctK-rOPW" KctKw.,. Ctftty~, Kctt"O" ov6i".
408 Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 4, pp. 943-944 (but he spoke of two
jars): El-rct h OAtytcr-r'll ActAw" Kctt -ro 609~" fttyftct -r0 ITptc'tft'll iK -rw" Trctpa -r0 lltt 6VO Trt9w", 6t' w" ~ Kct-r'
Ct,,9p,,'mov; ~v6cttftavtct ctt"tyftct-rW6W; 6t]AOV-rctt, ov Trct"-r~AW; d"ctt KctKW" Ctftty~; Aiy~t.
409 See Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, pp. 50-52.
410 Gregoras' contemporary theologian and philologist Manuel Gabalas (from 1329, Metropolitan of
Ephesus), using the same vocabulary and exegesis as Eustathius ofThessaloniki, took Homer's phrase
as suggesting two urns. Epistulae, epistle B24: Trpo-rpim-rctt iTrt -r~" Kct9ctpa" Kctt Ctfttyil KctKw.,. Kctt -rov;
6t7rAOV; Trt90v; -rw" Trctpo"-rw,, 6t~K'fl~VyOVcrct",
411 Presumably, he had in mind Aristonicus reported by the Anonymous, 5cholia in Iliadem (H. Erbse)
(comm. on Ilias, XXIV.527-528a): TW~; 6~ -rw" "~w-ripw,, ["ct ft~" -rw" Ctyct9w", 6VO 6~ -rw" KctKW"
i6i~ct,,-ro.
412 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 196 (the selfsame phrase, in op. cit. v. 1, p. 322): Kctt
-rpt-ro" ffi90" o{. 'flctcrt" 'EM~"w" Trcti6~; i" llto; ~r"ctt KctKW" Ctftty~.
413 See Pindar, Pythia, Ode 3, verse 81-82: [" Trctp' icr9Ao" m1ftct-rct crv...6VO 6cttav-rctt ~po-roi; Ct9c't"ct-rot.
92 I Introduction
however, believe that even he [sc. Homer] spoke also of three urns', 'although
some who fail to understand [Homer's text] say that he spoke of two ones' (~[ Ked
'l"tV<, "poov>T<, OVO ~acr\ ["Of1~po>l )Jym).414
Another anonymous scholiast of Pin dar dismissed this explanation byadduc-
ing plausible philological arguments, and, opposite Pindar's exegesis, denied that
Homer suggested two urns. 415
Obviously, the anonymous collections that we currently have were not writ-
ten by one commentator, but by different ones. This is why we come upon dif-
ferent resolutions at various points. Nevertheless, I could hardly imagine that
the commentator who saw both Homer and Pindar as being at one concerning a
'third urn' was other than Gregoras. Actually, I believe that he is the author who
determined that Homer and Pindar expressed the same occult truth, all the more
so, since not only did Gregoras himself say this about Homer, but also appealed
to Pindar's wisdom at some points of his own work.416
In Gregoras' works, his admiration for the 'Attic language', or the 'Attic
beauty', and the like, and for those who used that language, recurs. 417 By con-
trast, he saw Latin language as one having 'limited possibilities of expression'
(crv><cr.,.aAf1.>~> yAw.,..,.a»418 and almost 'barbarous' (inro~ap~ap(l;w». On that
account, he declared that the Latins came to know Aristotle through Latin trans-
lations of his works, which could hardly communicate Aristotle's ideas, let alone
the notorious obscurity of the original. Hence, once Gregoras read a certain

414 Anonymous, 5cholia in Pindarum (D. Semitdos), ode Pythia (or Pythionicae = On the winners of the
Pythia contests), Ode P 3, scholion 143. The commentator wrote that, just like Pindar, he himself also
believed that Homer spoke of three jars, because evils are more numerous than goods (ITt"'6ctpo; 6~
-rp<i; Aiy~t. 7rAdw yap -ra KctKa -rW... ~6iW>i).
415 Anonymous, Scholia in Pindarum (A. B. Drachmann), on Pythia. 3, scholion 14la.
416 In his Roman History (v. 1, p. 337), Gregoras uses Pindar's expression (citing the poet), 7rOAVcnp0'fl0'"
yvwftct... KV~~P"'i.i; (see Pindar, Fragmenta, fro 214). Likewise (op. cit. v. 3, p. 391), he cites Pindar and
quotes from the latter's Olympia, Ode 2, verse 87, 7rct/yAwcrtc.t dpctM;. Even the hackneyed epithet
YAVMtct, so frequently used, reminded him of Pin dar too, so as to cite Pindar once more and quote the
latter'syAVK~tct ol KctpMct... a-rc't».otcrct Y11po-rpo'flo; (Pindar, Fragmenta, fro 214, in Gregoras' Explicatio in
Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, p. 76).
417 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 163: -ro... i ... -rctt; ypct'flctt; ~Vy~ ...~ -r~; 'EMa60;
pv9fto... Kctt -r~ ... A-rndSovcrct... yAwnct.... Op. cit. v. 1, p. 477: -rYjv 7raw iftft~AW; anldsovcrct... yAwcrcrct...
Kctt -ro YAVKV ... inctp iKd"Vl'];. Op. cit. v. 2, p. 601: ITAit-rw... o; Kctt llY]ftocr9i... ov; yAwnct... it~pa... Kctt ftaAct
Actft7rpW; antdsovcrct .... Epistulae, epistle 25: -r~; yAwnY]; ctv-r~; ~60"'~'" -rt... ct A-rnK~'" Kctt Xapt-rct 7rct...-ro;
YAVKctcrft0V Kpdnw. Likewise, op. cit. epistle 58: ctl cro'flctt -r~ ~t~AOt Kctt AntKctt. Op. cit. epistle 76
(lines 67-68); epistle 90, line 65: yAwnct... Aaft7rpa ... Kctt Actft7rpW; antdsovcrct.... Op. cit. epistle 115 (line
85): -r~; AntK~; iKd... y]; yAwnY]; -ro ~vy~... i;. Astrolabica B, p. 220: cro'flctt Kctt AntKctt yAwcrcrctt.
418 Nikephorus Gregoras, Florentius, lines 352-359: -r~ ... 6~ cro'fltct...... -r~ ... Aptcr-ro-riAOV; ... Act-rt... ot; Kctt
'hctAtW-rctt; cr7n)Ms~-rctt .... ov Kct-ra -r~ ... Aptcr-ro-riAOV; 'flW>i~'" a».' w; lX~t mtActt ft~-r~"'~X9~tcrct... i; -r~...
iKd... W>i crtrV~cr-rctAfti... l'J" yAW-r-rct....
 Introduction I 93
account of Aristotle's ideas, to him, the clumsy language alone could suffice to
betray those ideas, because the writer was a Latin one. 419 For Greek language,
as used by Homer and Plato, was peerless in expressing the most abstruse and
sublime ideas. 42o
After a thousand years of Byzantium exorcising Hellenism as a daemon, it
belatedly sought to restore Hellenism on a pedestal by honouring scholars who had
a penchant for imitating the Attic dialect and called attention to Greek wisdom. But
this was too little and came too late: the decline of Byzantium had already began,
and, as it happened with the Roman empire, 'fall' was not an event, but a process
caused from within. Byzantium collapsed and fell to the Ottomans, and (worse still)
no one was left to mourn its extinction.
Pachymeres and Gregoras were two diametrical characters and hardly could
their temperaments have been more irreconcilable with each other. Gregoras dis-
sented from Pachymeres and Acropolites - which is why he never mentioned them, as
neither his favourite teacher Theodore Metochites did. In turn, Patriarch Dositheus
in his twelve-volume History mentioned Metochites' father George as having been a
'Papist', and he never mentioned Theodore at all.
Pachymeres saw Aristotle as an authority that expounded the absolute
truth, indeed as the apogee of all philosophy - just as Aristotle saw himself 421
Gregoras was Pachymeres' counterpoint. Actually, he did not even follow his
beloved teacher Metochites' mild attitude towards Aristotle, since Metochites
admired Aristotle, despite some criticism, such as pointing out Aristotle's obscu-
rity,422 or speaking about 'Aristotle pretending to wisdom' (TI<pl T~\ AP'(J"TOTDcov\
()Oso(J"o~(a\),423 and remarking that 'the only reason why Aristotle cared to study
rhetoric was his wish to rebut Plato'.424 Gregoras took many steps further: while
he regularly appealed to Plato as an authority, he mentioned Aristotle mostly in
order to excoriate or ridicule him. He saw Aristotle's methodology as egregious

419 Nikephorus Gregoras, Florentius, lines 441-444: ft... ~ftw... 6'~'" b Ct... ~p Ked ocrct~ ... 7rpoct"'~Y"WKW; m'wrct
Ct7r0-rc't6l'J" iK cr-roftwro; 6l~~r1~l, Kct9cm~p Ct7rO ~l~A(OV, Kctt ftCtAlcr-rct 7rCt... -rw... -rov; -rw ... Aplcr-ro-r~AlKW'"
~PftJ1"ict;. V7rO~ctp~ctp(Sw... 6~ -rfi -rw... Ai~~w... 7rp006'lJ Kct-rCt611Ao;~", O-rl ActTi... o; dl1'
420 Nikephorus Gregoras, Solutiones Qjtestionum, question 4: ITAc't-rw... yap Kctt "0ftl1po;, ~ ft~y(CTT"l1
YAwnct -rW... 'EMl1... (6w....
421 See Anaxagoras, pp. 45-46; 173.
422 Theodore Metochites, rvwf-</XIx! Zr;f-<fI(/.J-rfl~, chapters 1 (table of contents), and 3: IT~Pt -r~; Ctcrct'fl~(a;
-rW ... APlcr-ro-riAOV; LVV-rctyftCt-rw....
423 Theodore Metochites, op. cit. 5.1-3; subsection title: IT~Pt -r~; AplCTT"O-riAOV; 60~ocr0'fl(ct; Kctt mpt -rW...
ft ct911ftct-rlKw....
424 Op. cit. chapter 25: "0-rl 6la -r~ ... 7rpO; ITAc't-rw ... ct ftCtXl1'" cr7rov6ctcrm ~~(wcr~... AplCTT"o-riAl1; mpt Pl1-roPlK~.
94 I I ntroductio n
'sophistry',425 because he was but 'a duplicitous sophist'.426 Sometimes, Gregoras
was sarcastic upon opposing those who saw the Stagirite as an authority.427
Normally, to Gregoras, Aristotle was the one who 'invented certain conceited and
mendacious methods'.428 Normally he 'contradicted himself', and if sometimes
he happened to be consistent, he did so unconsciously.429 Moreover, Aristotle, in
his desire to contradict all of his predecessors, 'invented flawed arguments' (cd"rflX~
~[O"lkya o-lXepa~),430 and 'at many points of his works, he forthright confesses his
own impotence, while, at several other instances, he appears like a drunken one,
who simply writes things while being unable to prove skillfully his own proposi-
tions'.431 Even the heretic Arius composed his crooked formulations only because
'he used Aristotle as a teacher' (Ap[O"TOT<lc<l Xpwfl<vO\ o[oaO"Kctlc",), although 'he
did not realise that, at points, he contravened both himself and his own teacher'
(A<lc~e<v flaxofl<vo\ <auT0 Kat T0 O[OMKctlc",).432
Thus, Gregoras saw the Stagirite as a crooked charlatan - a flamboyant
fraudulent sophist, who pulled the wool over the eyes of his pupils and readers
by means of 'labyrinthine'433 constructions and cui de sac syllogisms. It appears,
therefore, that is was all too easy for Gregoras to point out Aristotle's contradic-
tory statements concerning pursuit of truth. 434

425 Nikephorus Gregoras, Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2,4, p. 287: ~2t ~Crv Apl(nO~~AlKW'" ft~966W'"
cr0'fllcrftct~ct.
426 Epistulae, epistle 134: 'Aristotle is but a specious casuist (cr0'fllcr~~; TrOlKO.O;) and most capable oflead-
ing astray his hearers .... Hence, although I have spent a lot of time studying him and his words,
I opted for not keeping silence all the way through, but I should objurgate him [Sc. Aristotle] as far as
possible, because one should not resolve on things by relying on someone presumed to be an authority
... although I would not dissuade others from thinking highly of his sophistic and deleterious doc-
trines'. Cf. Epistulae, epistle 115 ('Aristotle's propositions are just like enigmas'); Historia Romana, v. 1,
p. 478 (Aristotle's labyrinthine language).
427 Nikephorus Gregoras, Solutiones Qyiestionum, question 5 (referring to allegedly 'wise men' who drew
on Aristotle's words, as if those were 'divine oracles'): Trpocrn9i... ~ct; ot6... ~l 9icrmcrftct [= divine oracle]
Kctt l~p2t... ayxvpct... [= holy anchor] ~2t; Aplno~D.ov; h~ctv9ct ftctpnplct;.
428 Nikephorus Gregoras, Florentius, lines 964-965: Kctt Aplno~D.1']; ft~9660V; i~~vp~ ... i"'66~ov; ~l... 2t; Kctt
imct~1']Ac't;.
429 Op. cit. line 1312: Kctt ctlh6; Aplno~D,1']; olo... ~t TrW; Act9w... ~ctv~6 ... crvp.'flw"'~i.
430 Florentius, lines 1584-1585.
431 Nikephorus Gregoras, Astrolabica B, p. 215 Aplcrn~D.11" TrOMctxfi ft~... ~w... ctlhov crvYtpctftftc't~w... ~~ ...
OlKdct... c'tcr9i... ~tct... yvft... fi ~fi M'flctAfi ~trV0ft0AoyoVv~ct, TrOMctxfi 6~ Kctt ft~9VOvcrl'" iOlx6~ct ~trV~l9ift~... 0... i~
c'tTr0Plct; nv ~iX"'l1 6v...ctcr9ctl mpl'flipm in~A~ ~o... ~~; c'tTr06d~~w; A6yo ....
432 Nikephorus Gregoras, Vita Constantini, section 35.
433 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 478: v. 1, p. 478 (in an necrology oration honour-
ing the dead Theodore Metochites): ov~o; b ~~; Aplcr~O~~AlK~; yAwn1']; ~2t; Act~vpl... 90v; CtTrAW<:rct; (ref.
to Metochites' commentaries on Aristotle's writings on natural philosophy).
434 I have discussed several opinions on Aristotle's obscurity and inconsistency in my Anaxagoras,
chapter 8, subsection 'Who is to blame for obscurity?', pp. 570-579.
 Introduction I 95
However, and despite his numerous deprecatory remarks, Gregoras did draw
on Aristotle. For example, he used Aristotle's notion of KIX7r-YW6Y]~ cblXeu~(lXo-[~
('smoky exhalation'):35 which appears also in the present commentary (folio 20v)
explaining Solomon's designation of Wisdom being an UTf1\, ('vapour') of God's
power,436 - a term that Aristotle himself had used at nearly a hundred points of his
works. The commentator's exegesis is but a repetition of Aristotle's analyses and
terminology, and the passages from Gregoras' work that I quote at that point437
can leave no doubt as to that being a comment by Gregoras himself Moreover, he
unflinchingly cited and quoted Aristotle's works that pertained to natural rather
than spiritual matters (on which Theodore Metochites' pertinent commentaries
could have been a valuable source to him), such as Aristotle's works on animals
(History ofAnimals)438 Generation) ofAnimals)439 Movement ofAnimals440 ) or the
Meteorologics (while criticising Aristotle),441 the Physics,442 etc.
By the times of Gregoras, Byzantium was moribund: in the West, Plato had
been forgotten whereas Aristotle was regarded as the absolute authority that
should determine reception and understanding of the Christian doctrine, all the
more so since Thomas Aquinas had embraced and used that philosophy. The
attempts by Cosimo de Medici to revive Platonism (or Neoplatonism), because
he had been influenced by the lectures of George Gemistus (Plethon, 1355-1452)
through the 'Platonic Academy' that he established in Florence in 1445, was
yet to come.443 Therefore, considering Byzantine attitudes toward either Plato
or Aristotle was not just about philosophical predilections: tacit feelings for the
Latin West were involved, too.
Taking steps beyond Metochites' critical attitude to Aristotle, Gregoras (criti-
cisingAristotle on the same points as his teacher Metochites did) saw the Stagirite
as a conceited man who pretended to possess all Truth while trying to conceal his
ignorance behind high-flown, but in fact frivolous, words and deliberate recon-
diteness, which is why Aristotle contradicted himself every now and then.

435 Cf. Aristotle, De Generatione Animalium, 782b; Meteorologica, 378a; De Sensu et Sensibilibus,
438b; 443a.
436 Wis. 7:25 see p. 198.
437 See endnotes cxxxvii, on p. 329.
438 E.g. Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 14.
439 Florentius, lines 1220; 1586; 1598.
440 Florentius, lines 1399; 1567-
441 Solutiones Qytestionum, questions 4; 8; Florentius, lines 1217; 1256; 1436; Astrolabica B, p. 215.
442 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 111; Florentius, lines 931; 1354-1355.
443 See my Anaxagoras, pp. 965-966.
96 I I ntroductio n
In Gregoras' best of dialogues, namely, Florentius) the main personage
'Florentius' is the type of a superficially educated sophist, whereby Gregoras aimed
to unmask the person of Aristotle. Actually, through Aristotle, Gregoras criticised
the Latin scholastics: for the syllogisms that Aristotle (who is so dear to the Latins)
uses (Gregoras argued) is a means for mediocre minds which are unable to elevate
themselves to true science. Ironically, Gregoras did not realise that, on this point,
he inadvertently agreed with his lifetime adversary, Gregory Palamas.
Gregoras saw himself as a typical Byzantine sage who was proud of his knowl-
edge of Mathematics,444 and appeared determined to lay bare the unlearnedness
of the Latin world and indeed their scientific maladroitness. Nevertheless, as pro-
fessed an enemy of sophistry as he was,445 Gregoras did not parry indulging in
rhetoric, and sometimes he appears to neglect the essence at the expense of form.
But never did he conceal his admiration for great rhetoricians, such as Aelius
Aristides, of whom Gregoras repeatedly availed himself, he cited and quoted from
his works, and went as far as to place him on a par with Cicero. 446
This penchant for convoluted garnished style is a characteristic of the present
commentary, too: the author's constant proclivity to intricate sentences (presum-
ably, aspiring to produce a Thucydidean style) and his predilection for Classical
and pre-Classical vocabulary (admittedly, at its finest), attest to an author who
made the form as important as the content of his analyses, and sometimes more
so. In this commentary, there are points immediately recognised as redolent of
Homer or Pindar (anyway, both of those were studied in Gregoras' Byzantine
times, as well as during the earlier ones), and of Thucydides nonetheless.
After Gregoras, and mainly because of him, contrasting Plato with Aristotle
was in fact setting in opposition Plato with the 'Aristotle' of the Latin scholas-
ticism. This newly constructed 'Aristotle', who was placed on a venerated ped-
estal, played a critical role in the philosophical renaissance of the Latin West,
which resulted in replacing the Aristotelism of the Western scholasticism with the
'Plato' of the Neoplatonic tradition, as propounded since the eleventh century in
Byzantium by Michael Psellus and later scholars.

444 That is, Geometry, Astronomy, Music, and Arithmetic. See this highly valued 'tetrad' described and
extolled by Pseudo-Galen, De Partibus Philosophiae, section 21; Ammonius of Alexandria (the son of
Hermias), In Porphyrii Isagogen sive Qytinque Voces, p. 13; Elias of Alexandria, In Porphyrii Isagogen,
p. 29; David of Alexandria, Prolegomena Philosophiae, pp. 60-61; Theodore Metochites, Orationes,
oration 14.15; Matthew Blastares, Collectio Alphabetica, letter Mu, chapter 1; Gennadius Scholarius,
Commentarium in Aristotelis Logicam et Porphyrii Isagogam, Treatise 1, lines 159-161.
445 His dialogue Philomathes (cDtA0ftcte~; = Lover of Knowledge), as well as his Antilogia (A:V-rlAoytct =
Argued Refutation), are censures of the Sophists.
446 See endnote cclxxxix to Greek text, p. 360; cf. p. 108.
 Introduction I 97
In any case, Gregoras had a strong craving for the notion of wisdom, which is
why his treatise's Florentius alternative title is Concerning Wisdom (IIEfJi Lorplct;),
and certainly for Solomon's Book of Wisdom, which he cited and occasionally
quoted from,447 let alone his laudatory references to Solomon himself448
Contrast to the style of the present commentary putting the emperor on his
guard concerning doctrinal correctness, George Pachymeres, who was not spar-
ing of commendatory references to his teacher George Acropolites, described the
latter as a man who was very wise, yet, by character, a secretive man who used to
conceal his personal views (O"ocp0 [lh ~[~ 'fet [laAlO"'fIX, aO"U)la6~'f~ 6~ w~ 'fet 7rOMa).449
Pachymeres was correct and fair: for in fact Acropolites (a Grand Logothetes)
was a man who used to form his views by considering how the wind blows,
and he acted accordingly. He could write theoretically against the Latins as eas-
ily as doing the opposite, in accordance with his ephemeral personal interests.
In a synod convened by Patriarch Athanasius III at Alexandria, it was agreed
that (for the sake of peace with the Latins) all treatises written both in favour
of and against the Latins should be burned. Those included also monographs
written by Acropolites in support of the Latins,45o although Acropolites was
intermittently an emperor's delegate assigned with confronting the Latins on
the issue of Filioque. 451 Quite simply, Acropolites was a typical Byzantine Grand
Logothetes caring for his career, certainly a very busy man for that matter, trav-
elling wherever he was commanded to do so. We come upon him also in the
Athos monastery of Chilandarion, representing emperor Michael Palaeologus,
and having written an imperial decree with his own hand and singing in place
of the emperor 452 Nevertheless, Pachymeres, a Dikaiophylax ('Guardian of the
Law') and Protekdikos ('chief Legal Advocate') of the imperial court, was a precise

447 Cf. Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 1134; v. 3, p. 325; Vita Constantini, section 57.
448 Cf. Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 336; v. 2, pp. 750; 910; 1027; 1105; 1134; v. 3, pp. 325; 439; Explicatio
in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, pp. 2; 11; Solutiones Qyiestionum, question 1; VIta Constantini, section
57; Passio Sancti Codrati, section 4; Epistulae, epistles 23; 28; 29; 93; 123; Encomium in Michaelem
Syncellum, p. 269.
449 George Pachymeres, Historia Brevis, 4.28. In his full History, he had sought to represent this attitude
as a token of 'philosophical life'. Cf. History, p. 439: 'Emt6~ yap iMi... o;, 'fltAocro'fm 6tctSw... ~(o ..., OAO;
W6~ i~r1p1']-ro Ked Ct7rct9w; dX~ 7rpO; -ra yt",ofl~"'ct, ov-r~ -rt... t 7rpocr7rct9w... ov-r~ fl~'" ifl7rct9w.... However, in the
abbreviated version of that, he was blunt.
450 G eorge Pachymeres, Historia Brevis, 7.8.
451 Documenta Concilii SeClmdi Lugduno, Epistula Fratrum Ordinis Praedicatorum, p. 459. Cf.
Documenta Concilii Secundi Lugduno, Apologia Josephi Patriarchae, p. 293. Dositheus II, Patriarch,
LlWS<xdpIPAOr;, book 8, p. 448: 'Acropolites wrote against the Latins; but when it came to his teacher
Blemmydes [who defended the FiloqueJ, he wrote nothing, although otherwise Acropolites had writ-
ten extensively about Blemmydes.'
452 Acta Monasterii Chilandarii, Chrysobullum Michaelis VIII Palaeologi (anno 1277), line 31.
98 I Introduction
copy of Acropolites: his expressed objectivity concerning report of events was no
less determined by his steady concern to conceal his own views while cajoling the
vanity of ephemeral emperors, such as Michael and Andronicus II Palaeologus.
On that score, he was the counterpoint of the passionate Gregoras - and if, to
some, he was occasionally too ferrid, let this be granted tentatively for the nonce.
Concerning Aristotle, Pachymeres saw the Stagirite as the culmination of
philosophy, the zenith of philosophical acumen and fecundity, whereas Gregoras
(taking his teacher's Metochites criticism to the extreme) relentlessly excoriated
the Stagirite.
As for John Kyparissiotes (in the present commentary, following compar-
ative philological perusal, we come upon him frequently), all of his references
to Hellenism and to anything 'Greek' were disparaging. 453 Not a single word of
admiration for that civilisation whatsoever. Certainly, this stands at odds with
the fact that, in the present commentary, the Greek lore is heavily recurrent and
integral to the entire exposition.

Identification of Authorship

Comparative philological study intermittently reveals terminology used by

authors such as John Kyparissiotes, Nikephorus Gregoras, emperor John VI
Cantacuzenus (a friend of Gregoras, who turned an enemy because of disagree-
ment over Hesychasm), Gregory Palamas, Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Philotheus
Coccinus (an avowed enemy of Gregoras on the so-called 'Hesychastic contro-
versy', i.e. Gregory Palamas' teaching, as well as a fanatic anti-Origenist), Joseph
Calothetus, John Beccus, George Metochites, Theodore Metochites, Nikephorus
Blemmydes, George Acropolites, George Pachymeres, et at. Most of them knew
of, and conversed with, each other, exchanged letters (several of which are extant),
they were mutually affiliated, either as teacher to pupil (George Metochites and
Pachymeres were teachers of Gregoras), or as friends (Kyparissiotes was a close
friend with Gregoras), or as disputing interlocutors. For example, Philotheus
Coccinus (c. 1300-1379, Patriarch Philotheus I of Constantinople, 1353-1354
and 1364-1376), wrote 'twelve confutations against Gregoras' in order to objur-
gate the latter's anti-Palamite views, wherefore sharing characteristic locution it

453 Cf. John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria , sections 3.6; 3.7; 4.6; 8.3; 8.10; 9.6; 9.10; 10.4; 10.8;
Orationes Antirrheticae Qytinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, orations 1.4; 1.5; 2.3; 2.7; 2.8; 3.10; 5.2;
5.9; Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 3.9; 5.19; 6.11; 6.23; 7.29; 8.12; Adversus Cantacuzenum, sections 1;
158; 168; 239; 268; 286.
 Introduction I 99
was all too possible to occur in both of those contemporary adversaries. Besides,
it is telling that, upon confuting Gregoras, Coccinus felt it necessary to assail the
long-deceased Origen at the same time, by parroting the ridiculous allegations on
the basis of which Origen had been anathematised in the sixth century,454 which
is what Gregory Palamas had done, too. 455
Naturally, Coccinus could have been the last scholar to care about repro-
ducing 'a commentary on Solomon's Book of Wisdom, explained by Origen, as
they say.' Of course, feelings were mutual, and Gregoras wrote that 'Coccinus'
was a surname given to Philotheus because of 'his fire-like and wild appearance'
(",a TO nupw,,<, Kat '"YP'O> T~, 6t<w,); and that Coccinus aligned himself with
Palamas' heretical cacophonies and gave over all of his energy in order to support
them, while as a Patriarch he hardly cared about his flock 456
Therefore, coming upon commonly used terms does not mean much, all the
more so since there are Gregoras' works that still remain unpublished. Likewise,
coming upon terminology parallel to the most prolific commentator of Homer,
namely, Eustathius of Thessaloniki, could only mean that Gregoras had read
those commentaries and used them himself when he commented on the wander-
ings of Odysseus, or perhaps he had read also commentaries on Homer by George
Pachymeres - a teacher of his that he never mentioned because of the latter's ado-
ration for Aristotle. Nevertheless, given that Gregoras was a pupil of Pachyme res
at the Patriarchal School of Constantinople, as well as the continuator of his
teacher's History, similarities of their vocabulary and characteristic expressions
would appear as natural to recur.
At any rate, the present vocabulary is characteristically and heavily garnished
with terms from Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, and then from Maximus
Confessor, who had ardently seized on Dionysian terms, and sometimes took

454 Cf. Philotheus Coccinus, Antirrhetici Duodeam contra Gregoram, oration 5 lines 787-790: 'H fthi om..
aytct Kctt OlXOVft~... tK~ niftTr-rY] (11/,,060; -ra 'Dptyi... ov; -r~ Kctt L'lt6Vp.OV Kctt EVctyptov Kctt -r~; Tr~Pt iKd... ov;
crvftftoptct;, ft~-ra TrAdcr-rw... i... tctv-rw... Tr~Pt060V; KctKtcr-rct crvYtpctftftct-rct -r~ Kctt 6oyftct-rct crxoTrovfti... Y]. Op.
cit. oration 7, lines 334-336: IhptypctTr-ro... ft~... yap ol mpt -rO... 'Dptyi...Y]... dTr~i... hOAftY]crct ... -rO... e~o ..., aMa
Kct-ra -rYjv 6V... ctftt.... -r~ ... ovcrtct... 6~ oV6ctftW;. Op. at. oration 8, lines 175 ff; op. cit. oration 12, lines 1066
ff; op. at. oration 13, lines 338 ff. Confessio Fidei, line 194 ff ('Origen introduced into the Chmch pre-
existence and metempsychoses of souls, in accordance with the Greek rubbish; so he did by propound-
ing end of [eternal] punishment and restoration of not only human souls but also of daemons. He also
postulated that God's power is describable and, in general, he advanced Jewish and Arian doctrines',
ap~tct... tKW; -r~ Kctt 10v6cttKW;).
455 Cf. Gregory Palamas repudiating Origen by parroting the ancient false allegations about his
thought. Orationes Asceticae, oration 3.5; Epistulae, epistles 4.6; and 8; Orationes Antirrheticae contra
Acindynum, orations 2.12.53; 6.20.74.
456 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 3, p. 80.
100 I Introduction
them to the extreme by means of either distending them with more than one
exalting prepositional prefixes (e.g. €~IX7rWAWX) or using unnecessary Superlative
degree of epithets or over-composite similar structures (e.g. Gmap06UVIXp-0~
M>ctfll, or tJ7r<Mva~o, O"ov Mva~l, or tJ7r<pS<o, Tplit, or umpww~ov 6vo~a or
im<pa7mpoMva~o, or u7r<pa7rHpoMva~o, Mva~l, or U7r<pS<o, via,), some of
which Gregoras shared with his dear and like-minded friend John Kyparissiotes
or with the unstated teacher Pachymeres. In the endnotes, I have pointed out
numerous parallel usages of characteristic terms (mostly, neologisms) by those
intellectuals, which include also some extravagant coinages produced by means
of prefixing verbs with more than one prepositions (see for example the coin-
age o-uv~7rltl8up[S6v'Twv, on folio 48r, discussed in endnote cccx), or the noun
7rlXvo-8HIXPXllX, which appears in no known author,457 and other ones. This was a
phenomenon characteristic of the latest Byzantine literature, somehow precipi-
tantly encouraged by the extravagance ofPseudo-Dionysius' terminology.
My research is based on published works - but there are so much of them
waiting to come to light. Both Gregoras and Kyparissiotes were leading and vig-
orous anti-Palamite intellectuals. Kyparissiotes was fifteen years younger than
Gregoras and outlived him by almost twenty years. Given their perfervid dedica-
tion to the common cause, similarity of vocabulary is only natural to occur, and
if terms appearing in Kyparissiotes are not found in Gregoras' published works,
this does not mean much, given that we not possess the entire corpus of either of
them, and a lot of editorial work remains to be done. Sometimes, the two authors
use phrases that are exactly identical, but it could be reasonably argued that this
was influence by Gregoras on Kyparissiotes rather than the other way around.
For example, in the polemical orations against a Palamite theologian (indeed
Palamas' successor as Metropolitan of Thessaloniki), namely, Nilus Cabasilas,
Kyparissiotes uses a characteristic phrase, which reads thus: KlXt OUK lXu'T6p-IX'To~
~ ToO"auTI'] O"o~(a Toi, i<7rOT<A<O"S80"l €fl7rp<7rH 458 By this, he argued that God's
Wisdom, makes a mark on all beings, is not a product of blind chance, but it
is the result of deliberate and benevolent divine bestowal. To this purpose, he
uses nearly a dozen of biblical passages (while appealing to Basil of Caesarea), all
of which are taken from Solomon's supposed works. The foregoing conclusion,
however, is his own - and Kyparissiotes evidently took his cue from Gregoras,

457 Folio 32r, p. 236, but see also endnote cclxxi, p. 356.
458 John Kyparissiotes used the selfsame phrase at two points: Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra
Nilum Cabasilam, oration 4.9, and Expositio Materiaria, 5.7.
 Introduction I 101

who made the utmost in order to refute 'TO IXV'TOP.IX'TO"Y and defend the notion of
providential divine activity.459
By Gregoras' times, the philosophy of Epicurus was but one of the numer-
ous long bygone Greek schools. Therefore, his recurrent determination to refute
that particular school comes as a sort of surprise. The numerous points of ani-
madversion are the last thing one could have expected from an intellectual of
the fourteenth century. And yet, he did so by referring to the Epicureans by
name,460 identifying the theory of 'automatism' with the Epicureans, and expli-
cating that Epicureanism was the counter-point of the Christian belief in God's
Providence. 461 In the present commentary, criticism of the 'automatism' and the
'Automatists' recurs at surprisingly numerous points, toO. 462
Why am I arguing that Gregoras was Kyparissiotes' rational motive on this?
Answer: (1) Because, unlike Gregoras, Kyparissiotes otherwise did not engage
particularly in refuting 'TO IXV'TOP.IX'TO"Y. (2) Because Kyparissiotes would have writ-
ten this at a rather later time, when Gregoras was in his last days, or perhaps
deceased. (3) Because Gregoras himself had already used the phrase, which was
indeed Basil of Caesarea's comment on the opening of the Proverbs. 463 However,
the point is that, whereas Basil wrote only this short phrase, Gregoras made a
more extensive analysis (of course, citing Basil, but doing so also with phrases
from Gregory Nazianzen, and mentioning also Chrysostom, Maximus, Cyril in
advance). Kyparissiotes' similar analysis makes it all too clear that he wrote in line
with his dear friend Gregoras.
Actually, there are several points suggesting Gregoras' composition of this
commentary: for example, he uses the expression ),H"YllClXt apHlXt (folio 22v),
meaning 'the most noble of virtues'. The epithet )'H"YllCO~ would appear as a mis-
writing of )'HllCO~ ('general', 'universal'). However, this is a different term, mean-
ing 'most noble', which made an ephemeral mark, yet it did not win the day, but

459 See endnote xxvii (p. 306) to Greek text and texts of Gregoras therein. Also, endnotes xxxi, xxxii.
460 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, pp. 722; 790; 969; Antirrhetica Priora, oration 1.7.161.
461 Nikephorus Gregoras, Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.5, p. 301; Solutiones QyiestioltUm, Question 1,
lines 109-114. Astrolabica B, p. 217; Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 511; v. 2, p. 644.
462 See folio 5r: ol -ro ctthoftct-ro... rrctpwdtyo ... -r~; ftemp d ... ctt TVYXI:t...W -ra m't... -rct hoftterct.... Folio 5v: To
ctthoftct-rav -rot... tr\i h:d... w... Ctm:AiY~ctt ~OVA0ft~...O;. Folio 6v: -rYjv -rW... Av-roftct-rter-rw... ctveCt;~tct.... Folio
8r: Ctrr~Aiyxw;~ -rov; -ro ctv-roftct-rav ~terCtyo ...-rct;. Folio 27r (ref. to the creation of the world): MJvov;~
x7w3ivra, o-rt ~... ct Kctt fto ... o... ctV-rO ... b e~o; ;~;Y]fttoVPYY]M, Kctt OVX w; htot 'flctert... ctv-roftCt-rw;. Likewise,
and in line with Origen, he scolded those who denied the Divine Providence. Folio 8r: 0... 'flY]ert... ~ctv-roi;
ol dlTfpflr; rrpocr~Kct... -rO iK -rov -ra rrCt... -rct 'flCt... ctt w; hvX~'" 'flip~er9ctt, Kctt ft~-r~ -rov KctKOV xOActert... ft~-r' ctv
rrCtAt... -rov Ctyct90v ftter90v; -ro rrctpCtrrct... i ... -roi; overt... ~upterMer9ctt. Cf. Origen denouncing both of those
doctrines in his commentary on Genesis, PG.12.49.8-31 (quoted also by Eusebius, PE, 7.20).
463 Basil of Caesarea, Homilia in Principium Proverbiorum, PG.31.392.1O-15.
102 I Introduction
its use by Gregoras' favourite intellectual Theodore Metochites is illuminating,464 as
indeed several colloquialisms that were used at Constantinople are telling, too. 465
Sometimes the author tacitly corrects the Greek of the biblical text, which
obviously was inaccurate. For example, the LXX has Wis. 13:14 KaTaxpiO"a\ (=
anointed, folio 38r), but the commentator wrote KIX'TlXxpwm:t~ (= 'painted', Aorist
Participle of the verb KaTaxpwvwf!' = colour; later, KaTaxp0i;w), which indisput-
ably fits with the context. In other cases, he uses versions of the text of Wisdom
that were very rare, and yet more natural to use in a correct Greek text. 466
Sometimes, the version of the biblical text is peculiar, but this is what makes pos-
sible to detect the environment in which this was written. For example, quoting
Wis. 4: 15, the author uses a phrase which deviates from the standard LXX, that
is, OTt Xcipt; xcd {AEO; tv TO[; 6o-(O[~467 CU)TOiJ xcd hrtITX07r~ tv TO[; tXAEXTO[('68 CU)TOiJ. 469
This version appears only in the Typicon of the Great Church (that is, of the
Haghia Sophia) and in an anonymous ecclesiastical text. As for the word WCP~AO~
(folio 35v), instead of 6~iAO\, although I emended, it attests to the commentary
having been written in a monastic milieu, while (as rare as this orthography is)
it also had some history in respect of important authors of old (Galen, Cyril
of Alexandria, Procopius of Gaza), unless this is how those authors had been
scribed by monks, as explained in the pertinent endnote lxiv. Likewise, in the
text of Wis. 2:21, TaUTa €AoyiO"av-ro 01 ii.~pov.\ (folio 7v), the adjective 01 ii.~pov.\
was added by the present commentator, but this does not appear in the standard
edition, nor does the Rahlfs-Hanhart editio altera mention such a variation in the
critical apparatus. However, this appears in at least two instances, both of which
are polemic tracts against the Jews. 470 Besides (as, for example, on folio 40v), the

464 Cf. ~e~t y~...... tKw-rip'll in Plato, Phaedrus, 279a. However, the expression y~...... tK~ itp~-r~ appeared with
the obscure commentator H eraclitus (perhaps first century AD), in his explanation of Homer, namely,
theAllegoriae, 78.2: Kctl7rc't... -rct -ra 7rctp' 0ft~P'lly~...... tK~; itp~-r~; yift~t. The same peculiar expression was
not used until the fourteenth century, when Manuel Philes wrote a short iambic poem (Carmina Varia
De Naturali Historia, part 1, verse 818). And then, it was Gregoras' luminary Theodore Metochites
who used this twice. Orationes, orations 17.10; 19.11. Since thereafter this expression vanished, and
appeared only once in an ecclesiastical hymn, it is only plausible to assume that this hymn was written
by either Gregoras or Theodore Metochites. See Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones Septembris, Day
10, canon 14, ode 8: K-r1']crc'tft~"'Ot 'fltA07rO... tc.t ftvcr-rtKfi -ra;y~...... tKa; itp~-rc't;.
465 For example, see endnote lxxxii (p. 318): the author uses the colloquial variation itepift~oAct, instead
of itpepift~oAct, which was used only in the milieu of Constantinople.
466 See Wis. 7:17 on folio 18v: instead of the standard LXX, ;~;0fti... w..., the author wrote A~Y0fti...W"', which
only a few authors did.
467 LXX: ixA~noi;.
468 LXX: ocrtOt;.
469 Wis. 4:15. See folio llr.
470 See endnote xxxv, p. 310.
 I ntroductio n i l 03

author's knowledge of ancient Greek mythology points to a highly erudite and

informed person concerning Greek letters.
Anyhow, the Book of Wisdom has all the characteristics of a text having been
written initially in Hebrew, and then rendered in Greek by a native Hebrew, or
written in Greek by a Hebrew in the first place. Either way, the text is wanting in
many respects. All cases of this or similar ones are discussed in both the critical
apparatus and the endnotes.
However, this manuscript calls for more than comparative philological study,
no matter how important normally this is in such cases: it calls also for study of
attitudes vis a vis the style and the specific spiritual and linguistic predilections
that are manifestly noticeable in this text. For example, the aroma of Hellenism
makes a mark every now and then, not only concerning terminology and parallel
designations which come from the best moments of Greek literature, but also in
terms of style (certainly, an abstruse one, indeed very much Thucydidean), and
how the entire Greek lore has been received and treated, if implicitly.
The commentator dared to inform in title that this manuscript was one
'explained by Origen, as they say'. To bring to light Origen's texts and take them
seriously would have been a bold venture during ten centuries at least. Thus, the
author could have been hardly one who had absolutely no idea about Origen's
thought. On the other hand, as already noted, Pachymeres took heed so as never
to mention Origen at all.
In conclusion, there are characteristics of the present text which point to
Nikephorus Gregoras being the author of this:

1. The abstruse style and complex syntax, which becomes all the more evi-
dent once one has to translate it in English, a language whose possibilities
fall short of those of the ancient Greek (Gregoras styled Latin language
o-u-y~aTcD\p-4-yY]-y,471 that is, primitive) - wherefore all too often does a single
Greek word demand three or four English ones in order for the text to be
rendered.
Given Gregoras' admiration for Homer, whom he mentioned by name
and quoted from his epic poems at no less than a hundred points, and
more so his thoroughgoing admiration for the Attic dialect (to which
his references are numerous, too), it is hardly surprising that he imitated
the Attic style of expression, indeed the most abstruse patterns of that,

471 Florentius, line 358.

104 I Introduction
which are very much like the convoluted text ofThucydides. This happens
with the present commentary, too, and I have to admit that translating
this in English has been not an easy proposition to accomplish. Homeric
terms populate this text, and so does locution from innumerable Greek
authors at their finest. Not only terms, but also peculiar forms of inflexion
of nouns and verbs make a conspicuous recurring mark. For example,
writing the participle !T~£VVz!OVTI (folio 44r), instead of the standard LXX
!T~£VVz!VTI upon quoting Wis. 16:17:72 is a form that had been used by
Plutarch, Galen, Origen, and Plotinus, and then by John of Damascus
and Michael Psellus, whereas IT~EVV';VTI and cognates had been used at far
more instances.
5. Gregoras' predecessor Blemmydes saw Origen as a heretic, who was 'in
line with the Arians in positing that Jesus did not have a soul, because his
divinity sufficed instead of that'473 This was the teaching of Apollinaris of
Laodicea, which numerous Christian authors and some synods unequivo-
cably had condemned. In relation to Origen, this allegation was of course
arrant fatuity, since Origen had spoken about Jesus' soul at numerous
points. 474 As for Blemmydes' proximate teacher, George Acropolites, and
then the latter's pupil George Pachymeres, they did not mention Origen
at all. Contrast to them all, Gregoras unflinchingly declared that he was
not prepared to renounce Origen's books, all the more so since his lumi-
nary Theodore Metochites had written that Origen was 'one of our own'
faith (T~\ ~f1n.pa\ Xp[crT[a>lK~\ aVA~\)475 It was then all too natural for
Gregoras to bring to light a commentary 'explained by Origen, as they
say', although eventually this came to be Gregoras' own work.
6. Nevertheless, the pattern of the commentary is the same as those by
Origen (who had followed Alexander of Aphrodisias on this), and entirely
different from the commentaries by George Pachymeres, who simply
made paraphrases of his own after having read Aristotle's works. Unlike
Pachymeres, the present author clearly quotes some text from Solomon's
Book of Wisdom, and then comments on that. This is exactly the same

472 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 774.

473 Nikephorus Blemmydes, De Theologia, section 10: -rCrv yap itpwt... Crv 1hI'VXO'" 7rct... -ra7rctCTt A~y&v-rW'" -r~ ...
-rov Kvptov crapKct, wcrctv-rw; Kctt b 'Dptyi... 1']; ft~ lft'fvxo", it... ~tA1']'fli... ctt crapKct -r6... Kvpwv w; -r~; e~6-r1']-ro;
itpKOW1']; it...-rt 'fvX~;' Sec also supra, pp. 22-24.
474 Sec Origen, commJohn, XIX.16.101; XIX.22.145&148; XX.19.162; XXXII.18.223; XXXII.32.392;
exhMar, 41; eels, 1.60&66; 11.9&11; 111.32&39; IY.18; V.19; VI.47-48; VII.17; commMatt, 13.26;
16.8; 16.21; et passim.
475 Theodore Metochites, r vwf-<lXixi Zr;f-<W/.J-rfl~, 7.12.
 Introduction I 105

blueprint he had applied in his commentary on Synesius of Cyrene's On

Dreams, and this is the pattern which Origen himself employed in all of
his commentaries.
7. The text is replete with numerous terms, frequently neologisms intro-
duced by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. Gregoras' admiration for that
obscure figure is hard for any other author to match; actually, he quoted
more or less extensively from him at seventy points in his published works
alone - indeed not only in his Roman History) but also in several of his
epistles, as well as in his confutative orations.
8. Finally, there is the style of the epilogue, which is very much that of the
passionate Gregoras, and utterly unlike the benign (indeed cautious)
mode of expression and personal character of George Pachymeres, who
cared to be tight-lipped when it came to expressing personal views on
hotly debated issues.

A passionate personality as Gregoras was, once he was convinced about cer-

tain views, there was no way for any third party to cause him to change his mind.
According to his own report, Irene Asanina, the Empress consort of John VI
Cantacuzenus, had considered banishing him,476 but then she opted for trying
to bribe him with money and various honorary offices if he went along with her
doctrinal views. He wrote extensively on this in a subchapter, noting that he
refused even to hear such proposals, because he 'possessed a not unstable mind;
instead, he opted for maintaining the convictions of his soul uncontaminated)
(oun KAovovfl.v~v olavolav €KTI']O'afl<Sa ... aK~paTov O'VVT~pojjvn\ TO ~p6v~fla
T~\ tvX~\)' Nikephorus Gregoras was well acquainted with numerous Byzantine
men of consequence, clad with gilded gowns and endlessly conspiring against
each other, and perfectly aware of that sort of life, particularly the mundane aspi-
rations and machinations involved therein. This is why he took pride in repeat-
ing the foregoing statement, indeed doing so identically over and over,477 which
shows how strongly did he feel about his views and the attitude he accordingly
had opted for on grounds of spiritual conviction alone.

476 Nikephorus Gregoras, Antirrhetica Priora, 1.7.173.

477 Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 772: 'Although by keeping our tongue silent, it was possible for us to buy
the royal grace, which involved excessive favours, ov-r~ KAO ... ovfti... l'J" 6l1:t...otct... iK-rY]craft~ect ... itK~pct-rO'"
crtrV-rY]poVv-r~; -ro 'flpo...Y]ftct -r~; tvx~;. For we resolved that we should be liked by God, the overseer
of secret things, rather than by humans.' See the same statement in op. cit. v. 2 , p. 594, and in the
Antirrhetica Priora, 1.7.175-176.
106 I Introduction
His uncle John, bishop of Heraclea, had introduced him to emperor
Andronicus II Palaeologus, when Gregoras was in his early twenties, and
Andronicus appointed him chartophylax (keeper of the archives). When this
emperor was dethroned by his grandson Andronicus III Palaeologus in 1328,
Gregoras opted for sharing in that downfall and retired into private life. Actually,
he remained loyal to the elder Andronicus to the last. By the same token (namely,
his being a man tenaciously abiding by his convictions), he did not hesitate to
break off with emperor John VI Cantacuzenus when it came to the question of
Palamas' views, the so-called Hesychasm: he was forced to retire in a hovel at the
monastery of Chora, and although he was given no quarter of his own, he con-
tinued his production. When he was released therefrom, he kept on campaigning
against the Palamites until his last breath. Just for the record: the historian and
Patriarch Dositheus II of Jerusalem knew that Gregoras was a staunch oppo-
nent of Palamas. 478 However, he repeatedly declared that (barring opposition to
Palamas) Gregoras was an orthodox theologian. 479
I should have thought that Gregoras wrote the present commentary on
Solomon's Wisdom during those years of retreat in that monastery (c. 1351-
1354), which is probably why philological analysis demonstrates that occasionally
he used vocabulary that was peculiar to monasteries.
Only a man such as Gregoras, who had the intrepidity to style Origen 'a wise
man',480 and declare expressis verbis that he was 'not prepared to renounce Origen's
books',481 could have published a book having Origen's name as a possible author
in its rubric, no matter how extensively did Gregoras emendate or revamp, indeed

478 Dositheus II ofJerusalem, LlwSadplpAOr;, book 9, pp. 55-56.

479 Dositheus II of Jerusalem, op. cit. book 8, p. 447: -r6... 6p9O;o~av 6...-rct fpl1Yopu",. Op. cit. book 9, p. 39: b
fpl1Yopu;, w; iAiY0ft~... Ct... w-ripw,~ ... 6p9660~0;. Moreover, op. cit. book 8, p. 450: b fpl1Yopu;, d Kctt 6ltX
'fltAO... tKdct ... Kctt 'fl96... 0..., 6... dX~'" Trp6; -r6... i ... &ytOt; fpl1y6pto ... -r6... ITctActftU"', lA~y~ -rctv-r6 ... d ... ctt ovcrtct...
Kctt i ... ipy~tct ... -rov e~ov, Ct:O: i ... -roi; AOlTroi; i'flvActn~ -rYjv 6p9060~tct... CtTrctpc'm-rpm-ro..., w; Aiy~t f~wpyto;
b LXOAc'tptO; i ... -r0 crl1ft~twftct-rt -r0 VTr ' ctv-rov crvYtpct'fli... -ro; d; -r~ ... Kct-ra BiKXOV crv...06av, Mtfti...'lJ i ... -r0
T6ft'lJ-r~; Ayc't7IT]; 'flVMOt; ~Tr-rc't. What was this 'Tome of Love' (comprising twenty-six folios' according
to Dositheus, op. cit. book 10, p. 169)? This is not easy to determine, since nowhere does this appear
in Scholarius' oeuvre, yet this has been cited by other authors. Beside this point, see also Dositheus II
ofJerusalem, LlWSfXdPIPAOr;, book 5, p. 174; book 8, pp. 444; 445; 447; book 9, pp. 39; 44; 55; book
10, pp. 172; 182; 262; 300; book 11, pp. 82; 83; 279. Moreover, Nicodemus ofMountAthos, quoted
from that Tome (Scholia in Canones Apostolorum, canon 7, line 21), and he was an author who made
abundant use of Dosit he us' History (Scholia in Canones Synodales, concilium 1, canons 6; 7; concilium
3, proem; concilium 5, canon 1; Scholia in Concilia Localia, concilium 3, Proem; concilium 5, Proem;
concilium 10, Proem; Scholia in Canones Patrum Sanctorum, chapter 4, section 2).
480 Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 13.
481 Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 925.
 Introduction I 107
he did so to an extent that eventually this turned out to be a commentary by
Gregoras himself rather than by Origen.
Gregoras was all but an easy opponent to confront. Dositheus II of Jerusalem
(clearly disapproving Gregoras' anti-Palamism) reported that 'although Gregoras
had been prohibited from speaking or writing, nevertheless, he did not cease to
write [to people] in Trebizond and in Cyprus, and in other places, and to inveigh
against the emperor (KIX'T4'Tp~X~.1~ KlXt 'TOU ~lXaD'Aw~). And once his opuses came to
be possessed by the emperor [John VI Cantacuzenus]' the latter 'wrote an apol-
ogy for the Church' «nOtH imoAoyta> 6 ~acnA<V\ n<p\ .,.~\ 'EKKA~(J'ta\) in order to
confute Gregoras, and, by the way, to belie also Gregoras' report that the monks
of Mount Athos (a place which was in its heyday during that period) were only
'lascivious drunkards'482 - but one cannot help recalling that Gregoras was an
intellectual who always supported his claims by matters of fact.
Gregoras died in 1360. The fans of his opponent, namely, the Palamists,
committed despicable acts upon his dead body, which they sacked and dragged
around the streets of the capital. The old Greek proverbial exhortation 'of the
dead, speak no ill'· mentioned above, by and large had been observed throughout
the centuries, but to no author did ever occur to urge anything such as, 'to dead
bodies, make no ill'. And yet this is what happened to Gregoras' body through
the hands of a frenzied wild mob.
It is quite evident that Gregoras' personal library could have suffered no less
than his body in the hands of the mob. Presumably, it was amidst those cir-
cumstances that Protocanonarch Demetrius cared to rescue Gregoras' books (in
whole or in part) from the madness of that deranged horde, by sheltering them
in the church in which he was an official, namely, the Haghia Sophia. It would
have been after the sacking of the capital by the Ottomans that this manuscript
found its new (and penultimate) refuge in the Metochion of the Holy Sepulchre
in Constantinople.
Moreover, a man of conviction as Gregoras was, he encountered several
opponents who bitterly resented either his being taken seriously by emperors or
his unflinching theological views. His references to the ~lXo-KIX-Y(1X (and cognates)
of ill-willed men that are impressively numerous,483 by which he meant either
'bewitching evil eye'484 or 'rancour'.485

482 Dositheus II ofJerusalem, L1wSfXdplpAo~, book 9, p. 56.

483 In Gregoras' published works, I have come upon more than sixty points at which he uses these.
484 Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 90; 186; 291; et passim.
485 Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, p. 71.
108 I Introduction
It should be added that, according to his own testimony, enemies that hated
him were not only from the camp of Palamism, which Gregoras opposed until
his last breath: there were other ones, too. In a telling letter (addressed to the
sebastos Michael Kaloeidas),486 he speaks of those who fancied themselves as being
'wise' and 'eloquent', and boasted accordingly: he informs that, several times, he
appeared to them 'onerous' (~OPT[K6\) and 'discordant' ("Su~~WVO\), because he
had read their books carefully and pointed out serious errors of both syntax and
treatment of abstract notions, wherefore they were embittered and saw Gregoras
as an enemy.487
Of particular interest are references informing of instances of his own life
and reporting the feelings of various spiteful dignitaries for him. Likewise, he
noticed how begrudging courtiers felt at him when emperor Andronicus II
Palaeologus appointed him as a chartophylax when he was in his early twenties,488
and recounted the gossip concerning him by green-eyed Byzantine courtiers of the
capital. He was also aware that, whenever such men were unable to confront him
face to face, they stealthily formed cabals and connived machinations. 489 Faced
with those as he was, as a sort of self-consolation, he recalled famous men that
had suffered from the malice of evil-minded slanderers, and mentioned Socrates,
Plato, Demosthenes, Cicero, Aelius Aristides, Synesius, Basil of Caesarea, 'the
Gregories', and all of 'the fighters for truth "90 for that matter.

486 See next note. Gregoras wrote to Michael Kalocidas also the letter 103. The name of Kalocidas
(styled ft~yctAml'flct... icr-rct-ro;) appears also in a document of the monastery ofLembiotissa, by which
a piece of land with olive tress was restored to its legal owner after a man called Cazanes had usurped
it. Acta Monasterii Lembiotissae, Bardas Lebunes, praefectus Smyrnae, et Ioannes Galenus adiudicant
monasterio possessionem oliva rum, quas Cazanes iniusteusurpaverat, line4. A certain Kalocidas was also
an addressee of Michael Gabras (c. 1290-after 1350), a contemporary of Gregoras. Gabras' brother
John had written a treatise against Palamas, whereby he could have been a friend of Gregoras, too.
Epistles, 89; 101; 109; 133; 159; 165; 296; 315; 397. But exploring whether this was the same person
as Michael Kalocidas is beyond my scope.
487 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 114: T0 yap -r~; itKpt~dct; who; 7rpocrc'tyw... Kct... o...t 07rOtct Kctt
ocrctmp iKm7ro",y]-rctt -rov-rot; ~t~A(ct Kctt ft~-ra -r~X ... tK~; -rt... o; -r~; 7r~Pt~py(ct; ctv-ra imw... Kctt 01)-rWcr( 7rW;
7rctpct6v6ft~... 0; d; -ro ... -rov AOYOV crX07ro... Kctt itmAiyxw... 07rocrct -rw... o...oftc't-rw... OVK lXH -r~ ... CtPfto-r-rOtKTct...
CtPft0... (ct... Kctt it7rw90Vp.~ ... 0; 07rocrct -rw... iYKAY]ftc't-rW'" hicr7rctp-rctt -rfi cr1fV-rc't~~t Kctt -rctt; h ... o(ctt;, Kct9c'tmp
AoXdct; u7IT] ... ~ft(ov Kctt it-r~AOV; W6t... O; iK-rOKtct, lAct90... ctv-ro; iftctv-ro... iftctv-r0 Kct-rctcr-r~crct; ctlno... -r~;
itKct(pOV Kctt 7rOM~'" -rrrv it6tdct... imcrvpofti... Y]; v~p~w; -rov-rw... C
488 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 340: [the emperor] -rrrv -rov Xctp-rO'flVActxo; it~(ct... h y~
-r0 7rctpo...-rt ~ ... c'tyKct~~ 6i~ctcr9ct( ft~, ... it'fl0Pft~ 7rpO; -rov; ~ctcrKct("'O ...-rct; Kctt U7r' 6Mnct AOt60POVfti... ov;
ctv-r0 -r~; ~ft~-ripct; ~t"'~Kct -rtft~;.
489 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 148: 4> yap 'fl9o... ov 7n'~vftct-rct Kctt X~tP~; ift'flct... ~t; ~ctcrKc't... W'"
it... 6pW... it... -rt~Ai7rm OVK lXOVCTt, Act9pcttct 6' ctv ftY]xct ... ~ftct-rc't -r~ Kctt ~iAY] ft~ 6v...ctnctt 7rp0'flc'tcr~t; ~Act7r-rovcrct;
~Up(crMt... .

490 Epistulae, epistle 148.

 Introduction I 109
However, his life-long attitude was all but a defeatist one: he avowedly
declared that such bleakness only bestirred him to commit himself all the more
to philosophy. Actually (availing himself of the ancient rhetorical style once
again), he felt' he owed thanks' to the evil-minded ones, because their surround-
ing malevolence 'had set him free from mean things', wherefore he cared 'to seek
glory for himself from philosophy rather' than from confronting his enemies 491
His teacher and protector Theodore Metochites was dead since 1332 (even
before that, Andronicus III Palaeologus had divested him of all offices of impe-
rial administration), and so was his uncle John, Metropolitan of Heraclea, since
1328). Under Andronicus III, the palace's doors had been closed to Gregoras,
although after 1330 his friend John Kantakouzenus mediated his reconciliation
with the emperor, and later Gregoras' influence on public affairs was restored
to a considerable extent. The shifts in his life stemmed from his involvement
with the Hesychastic disputes, and from the concomitant shifts of John VI
Kantakouzenus, who, from favouring Gregoras' anti-Palamite views ended up a
fan of that novelty, therefore, Gregoras' enemy and persecutor.
After the synod of 1351, which sanctioned Palamas' views as orthodox,
Gregoras (who in the meantime had become a monk) was incarcerated initially
in home confinement and then in the monastery of Chora, which he himself had
established (shortly after 1326), an institution to which not only Byzantines but
also youth from other European countries were admitted to study.
He never ceased fighting against the Palamite views, and despite various
attempts by influential people to convince him to concede those novelties, or at
least cease his polemics against Palamas, he remained adamant to the end.
He was released from that monastery once emperor John V Palaeologus
resumed power in 1355 and, a dithering character as the emperor was, he invited
both Palamas and Gregoras to the palace, at which the two theologians carried
out a combative debate at the emperor's presence. Gregoras recorded this debate
in his own work. 492
The present commentary should have been written between 1351 and
1355, that is, during the time when John VI Kantakouzenus was still a pow-
erful emperor (which was from 1341 to 1355). This is why the rubric of the

491 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 114: a:0: OV)! lywy~ Ked Xc'tpl)! (h dod}']',! ctunt;, OTt ft~ -rW)! ov-rw
CTftlKPW)! aTrctMc't~ctn~; - CTftlKpa yap -rctv-rct Kctt -r~; 'fllAOCTO'fllct; a)!c't~tct - ol o~ -r~; 'fllAOCTO'f'1ct; bAocrX~PW;
lX~CTectl ft~ TrpOU~h1']CTct)! KaK -rW)! -rctv-r1']; ftctMO)! ft~pCrv S1']-r~t)! iftctv-r0 -r~)! oo~ct)! TroplSm. Cf. Lysias, Y n:ip
700 ASvvctrov, section 1: OU TrOMOV oiw Xc'tpl)! lX~l)!, W ~OVA~, -r0 Kct-rYJYOp,!» O-rl ft0l Trctp~CTMVctCT~ -rO)!

ayCrvct nv-ro)!l.
492 Historia Romana, v. 3, pp. 266 ff.
110 I Introduction
commentary attributes this text to Origen, and Gregoras' name is not mentioned
at all. However, in 1355, Kantakouzenus became a monk and withdrew to the
monastery of Mangana (~O>~ Ma/y,hw» of Constantinople until his death (in
1383), he assumed the name Joasaph, and wrote the history of years 1320-1356,
which is a self-justifying attempt of his, although it contains some valuable pieces
of historical information. 493 Gregoras, however, did not stop: after 1355, himself
already a monk, too, he wrote a diatribe against Kantakouzenus, now addressing
him not 'John', but 'King Joasaph Kantakouzenus', and adding that this debate
was addressed also 'to his [Sc. Joasaph's like-minded] Palamites', to0 494
The epilogue of the present commentary495 is illuminating concerning not
only its authorship, but also the purpose for Gregoras to have written this in the
first place - which was but a sort of admonition, as well as caveat, to emperor
John Cantacuzenus VI, who had Gregoras detained because of Nikephorus' pas-
sionate opposition to Palamism.
Actually, this is not the only point at which Gregoras alludes to his personal
experience: in Wis. 7:4, the text is pretty clear: the supposed author, Solomon,
wrote that he grew up in an environment that took the best care of him: 'I
was nursed in swaddling clothes and with cares' (€"Y Q"7rlXp)'(hol~ cberpacpY]"Y Ked
CPPO"Y-rlQ"l"Y). However, Gregoras interpreted the term cppo"Y-rl~ ('care', 'attention',
'oversight') so as to fit the circumstances of his own life: thus, he opted for the
alternative interpretation of cppo"Y-rl~ meaning 'anxiety', and translated 'I was
nursed in swaddling clothes and amidst misgivings'. Accordingly, he explained
(folio 17v):

As for amidst misgivings, this suggests first the slaves who used to go with a
boy from home to school and back again, then the teachers, then, treacherous
offenders, and later, plots and envyings.

This is far-fetched, no doubt. For 'plots and envyings' are machinations con-
trived by and among courtiers; and anyway, there is nothing to attest to Solomon
having been besieged by such sorts of machinations. However, Gregoras himself,
had been so; and, a passionate character as he was, he could not help expressing
his personal experience upon explaining the biblical text and projecting this to
Solomon, too.

493 See also infra, p. 119.

494 Op. cit., v. 3, pp. 375 ff.
495 See the epilogue discussed infra, pp. 117-119; 132-133, in rdation to its textual context.
 I ntroductio n I 111

The same happens on folio 23r, commenting on Wis. 8:11, 'I will be found
astute in judgement' (6~u~ ~up~e~o-O[1lX[ €"Y Kp(o-~[). Gregoras' comment is, 'that
is, whenever he [Sc. Solomon] acted as a judge to resolve on various disputes, he
could be perspicacious only because he had been granted wisdom by God, and
thereafter he attended to righteousness, and stood up to slanderers and to those
who made false allegations against him.'
Since the commentator took for granted that the author of the Book of
Wisdom was Solomon himself, why should that glorious king be so anxious about
those who could possibly calumniate him? And what was the superior power to
which such detraction could be presented? However, all of these are but echoes
of Gregoras' personal tribulations, probably he felt so upon writing during the
period when he was incarcerated to the monastery ofChora until 1354, following
his last-burst-of-fire persistence on campaigning against Palamas after the synod
of 1351 and refusing to keep in step with the times, although he knew that he hit
a brick wall. This was one more rather distended exegesis of the Book of Wisdom
brought into play, but in fact this had nothing to do with king Solomon and any
feigned 'anxieties' of his adversarial 'slanderers'.
In his epilogue, the author declares that he is neither a royalty nor a noble-
man: he was just familiar with the plottings that took place in and around the
royal court, yet he professes himself 'unable to confront them'. He humbly
declares that he is neither 'wise' nor 'pious', and yet he sought to survive amidst
the notorious complex and dark collusions of the Byzantine court 'in different
ways'. These 'ways' were but his erudition supporting his operation as a hum-
ble intellectual. He was just Nikephorus Gregoras, the self-made offspring of
Heraclea, who made an indelible mark not as a dignitary, but as a distinguished
representative of the developing novel phenomenon, which in retrospect could be
called Byzantine Humanism.
Thus, he concludes his commentary by declaring that, unlike Solomon, he
himself spoke neither as a king (WI ~acnA.uI)' nor as a wise man (WI cro~61)' he is
neither a potentate nor a nobleman nor an ingrained pious one in front of God
(WI "fa npol 8.ov .Ucr.~~I). He advises that he was not a man of the cloth either, by
which he meant some sort of powerful clergyman, not the humble monk he was
during his confinement to the Chora Monastery. Nevertheless, he knew that he
was an intellectual to be seriously reckoned with, a man impossible to manipulate
by means of either persecution or coaxing. Besides, he insinuates that there was
something he felt he had in common with Solomon: 'We can speak only in so far
as we have something common with him'.
What was this?
112 I Introduction
Definitely, it was his lifetime earnest pursuit of 'wisdom', whereby he saw
Solomon as an outstanding exemplar for that matter, as Gregoras' frequent
references to Solomon (whom he styled 'wise'496 and 'wonderful'497) and to his
wisdom498 evince. Solomon's wisdom has never been disputed, although he was
sometimes accused of being prone to women. 499 But to blame an ardent lover of
wisdom such as Gregoras (who was never accused of being 'a lover of women')
would be absurd, since on no account does the notion of 'being wise' mean to be
apathetic or indeed heartless. soo
Nevertheless, since this aspect of Gregoras' intellectual as well as existential
attitude has altogether eluded scholars of the Byzantine world, a few things need
to be said.
Gregoras' immense and versatile and fecund production apart (his enormous
mathematical and astronomical education and achievements could suffice for
him to earn the aversion of modern philologists, to whom such a knowledge is a
repulsive terra incognita), it should be pointed out that he maintained a conscious
personal and peculiar conception of History, and he set forth his fundamental
and ultimate aim for engaging in such an onerous task. To him, History falls
only too little short of the greatest creatures of God. This is like a voice permeat-
ing the centuries of human life and making bygone events familiar to those that

496 Cf. Historia Romana, v. 2, pp. 910; Epistulae, epistles 23; 29; 93; Explicatio in Librum Synesii De
Insomniis, p. 2.
497 Epistulae, epistle 28; 29; Passio Sancti Codrati, section 4.
498 HistoriaRomana, v. 1, p. 336; v. 2, pp. 1027; 1105; 1134; v. 3, pp. 325; 439; Vita Constantini, section
57; Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 11.
499 See for example, Josephus, AntiquitatesJudaicae, 8.193. In 3 Kings, 11:1, Solomon is styledifllAoyvwtlo;
(,fond of women'), of which Christian authors made much. Cf. Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica, 7.3.
Cyril of Alexandria, De Adoratione et Cultu in Spiritu et Veritate, PG.68.904.21. Pseudo-Athanasius,
Synopsis ScripturaeSacrae, PG.28.384.13. Pseudo-John Chrysostom, In Decollationem Sancti Joannis,
PG.59.487.15. Ephraem Syrus, Adversus Improbas Mulieres, p. 200. A few later Christian chroniclers
and theologians also quoted the biblical passage. Apart from those (yet taking his cue from 3 Kings,
11:1), so did Gregory of Nazianzus, DeSeipso etAd Eos Q}ti Ipsum Cathedram De Seipso etAd Eos Q}ti
Ipsum Cathedram Constantinopolitanam Affectare Dicebant (orat. 36), PG.36.272.7.
500 Cf. Donald M. Nicol, The LAst Centuries of Byzantium, 1261-1453, 2 nd ed. Cambridge, 1993,
p. 234: 'It is disappointing that Gregoras the philosopher and historian should have degenerated into
a ranting polemicist in his declining years.' His point was that Gregoras was a p erson that just didn't
know when to quit. But never did this scholar and his like understand that there is another sort of phi-
losophy, namely, a 'philosophy of passion', through which excellent philosophers (S0ren Kierkegaard
is just one pertinent example) have enormously contributed to fathoming human natlUe, and this is
no less valuable - far for the contrary. To be SlUe, the last thing that Gregoras' could have cared about
was the 'disappointment' of scholars who would know a few things about Byzantium, but have no idea
of the great moments of the modern Existentialism. Quite simply, Gregoras cared not about his own
gravitas, but about truth.
 Introduction I 113

subsequently come to life, 501 it reveals mutual relations between events caused
by humans throughout the centuries, it casts light on things that wise men have
philosophised about the nature of beings (n<pl TYj\ TW> onw> ~Ucr<w\), and reveals
which of them have been really understood and which have not been so.502 On
this, he shared Solomon's selfsame ambition, who wrote that God's Wisdom
granted him infallible knowledge of things (TW> onw> pWlm itt<V()~),503 because
She is the artificer of all things (TW> onm nX>iTl\). 504 1he similarity of Gregoras'
vocabulary to that of Solomon's Wisdom is hard to ignore.
On that account, realisation and composition of History is a means for cast-
ing light on the majesty of heaven and the splendour of the earth. The universe
has been created, it functions and evolves in accordance with a harmonious order
and sequence; but it could be impossible for humans to realise this grandeur
unless by means of History. To him, 'the soul of History' is not simply 'the truth',
meaning the truth of events, as Pachymeres proclaimed. 505 For there is more to
History than mere narration of events, no matter how accurate: History is about
discovering the secrets of the divine Providence, the reasons of things, in short,
the Wisdom which is present and yet concealed in the cauldron of the History's
peripeteia.
The aim of History, therefore, is much more than simply recounting events,
no matter how truthfully, let alone dispassionately: it is discovering the revela-
tion that secretly lies hid in the volatile (and sometimes hardly comprehensive)
events. It is exactly this quest for discovering the secret connexion and inscrutable
sequence of events that eventually makes people prophets, since it can make it
possible for them to contemplate the future ('rToxai;o~.>ov\ Tit ~.Mona),506 not
simply to foresee it, but indeed to act so as to shape the future accordingly by
being taught from what has happened in the past. To Gregoras, wisdom is not
simply knowledge (which he considered indispensable, nevertheless). Instead, by

501 Historia Romana, p. 4: ~ 6' lcrnpta, swcra -r~ Kat AaAovcra 'flw... ~, Kat 6nw; lft'fvxo; Kat 6tctTrplXnO;
K~PV~ alh~;, 6tctTr~pi.i -ro... atw... a Ka9aTr~p i ... Trt... aKt Trayxocrftt'lJ 6~tK... vovcra -ra Trpoy~yo ... o-ra -rOt;
imytyvofti... ot; ad.
502 Loc. cit.: ocra Tro-r~ h aM~AOt; Kat 6t' aM~AW'" ol i~ atw... o; iTr~Trpax~cra ... h -r0 ~t'lJ, Kat ocra Tro-r~
Tr~'fltAocr0'fl~Kacrt mpt -r~; -rW... &v-rw... 'flvcr~w; ol cro'flOt, Kat -rt... a Ka-rdAYJTr-rat nvnt;, Kat -rt... a ft~.
503 Wis. 7:17-
504 Wis. 8:6.
505 G eorge Pachymeres, ZvyrpcbplXai 1,rrop/(0, p. 23 & Historia Brevis, 1.1: lcrnpta; yap, w; &... -rt; dTrot,
'fvX~ ~ aA~9~tct, Kat -ro -r~; aAYJ9da; Xp~fta iTra ... ayx~; l~po....
506 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 5: aMa YVV y~ TrpO; -rov-rot; Kat Trp0'fl~-ra; t-r~po ... -rp0Tro...
-rov; ft~-rtowa; TrOt6t, iK -rw... 'fl9acra... -rw... crnxa~0fti...ov; -ra ftiMowa. Cf. Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De
Insomniis, p. 5: -ro -r~ ... yvwcrt... Kat -r~ ... cro'flta... 6v... acr9at TrpOopa... -ra icr0ft~ ... a.
114 I I ntroductio n
appealing to 'the divine Maximus' Confessor, he saw wisdom as 'an incompre-
hensible union with God'.507
This is Gregoras' profound difference from Pachymeres' conception of
History: for when the latter declared that 'the soul of History is truth, as it were,
and truth itself is both necessary and sacrosanct',508 he only meant that any his-
torical narrative should be objective and impartial, thus making justice to the
persons involved therein.
In stark contrast (which conforms perfectly with the spirit of the present
commentary), Gregoras' averment that History makes people prophets means that
the aim of History is not to make people clairvoyant: it is to make them wise.
The task of historian is not simply to report events, but to help people understand
the secret correlations that determine the formation and dynamics and evolu-
tion of things.so9 Origen called this 'knowledge of the logoi of things' ().0YOl TW'
7rpay~<hw,),510 that is, knowledge of the invisible causes, which mystically deter-
mine the consequence of events. To him, all things and events are interconnected,
everything is part of the same subject - and this subject is the Body of Logos.51!
On that account, in the present commentary, Gregoras did not aspire to
expound theological propositions (which is why he diverged from the commen-
tary 'explained by Origen, as they say' that he had discovered, but eventually he
produced one of his own). Instead, he sought to unravel the secret meaning of
historical events while making God's presence and activity a most fundamental
factor that has a critical sharing in the formation of History. This is why he pro-
fessed that, 'of the wise men' that he had studied, what he 'loved most was not

507 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 1122 &AntirrheticaPriora, oration 3.1, p. 353 (taking
his cue from Maximus and citing him): ero'flla; oi, ~ 7rpO; -ro... e~o ... itotityvwer-ro; [... wert;. In fact, this
is only a paraphrase from Maximus Confessor, Ambigua ad joannem, 41.5: ~ -r~; itA1']90v; ero'fltct;
it7r~tp6owpo; xvert; ... 7rctpiX~-rctt -rOt; it~tOt; itotCtyvwer-rav Kctt it7r~tp6owpo ... h ...... otct.... In turn, Maximus
(also in op. cit. 31.5) had taken up Dionysius the Areopagites' expression it7r~tp6owpo; xvert; as in De
Divinis Nominibus, p. 208. Gregory PaJamas had quoted this in order to posit his notion of 'uncre-
ated energies of God'. Orationes Antirrheticae contra Acindynum, orations 4.22.57 & 5.6.21. Gregoras
(loe. cit.) quoted Maximus in order to demonstrate that Maximus meant that this (one 'of the seven
gifts') was 'not uncreated', and that PaJamas' averments was but nonsense. Cf. Historia Romana,
v. 3, pp. 328-329 (again, appealing to Maximus and excoriating PaJamas for that matter). During
Gregoras' lifetime, Philotheus Coccinus quoted the same proposition in order to defend PaJamas and
rebut Gregoras. Antirrhetici Duodecim contra Gregoram, oration 10, line 431.
508 G eorge Pachymeres, Historia (ZvyrpcbplXai '!-r70p!CO), (A. Failler - V. Laurent,), p. 23 &Historia Brevis,
1.1, quoted supra, note 505.
509 See infra, p. 135.
510 Cf. Origen, commEph, fro 8; selPs, PG.12.1480.5-6; expProv, PG.17: 177.30-31; 228.11-13. See my
Anaxagoras, Origen, and Neoplatonsim, chapter 10, subsection 'The Theory of Logoi', pp. 750-781;
chapter 11; chapter 13, subsection 'The 'logos of this world', pp. 1401-1410.
511 See Anaxagoras, pp. 867-963.
 Introduction I 115

the playwrights of comedies and tragedies' (from which he quoted heavily never-
theless!), but 'those who investigated thoroughly the nature of beings as much as
they could' (acrol T~V TWV OVTWV ~t)(J"[v, Ka86crov cr~(crlv €1;~v, aKpl~wcraVn\), as well
as those who saw particular narratives of events as a means to instil upright spirit
and prudence into the soul of their readers. 512 And Gregoras concludes:

It is therefore my yearning after the achievements of such men, and my respect

for them, that has prevailed upon me so as to do the same things, and this is the
cause for me to engage in this undertaking. 513

That he had in mind Thucydides goes without saying, yet not the Athenian
historian alone. His lifetime concern was for the notion and the true content
of wisdom, which he tried to maintain undefiled by sophistry and by casuistry
(which is why he detested Aristotle, as discussed above). In short, he avowedly
aspired to make people 'prophets' as far as possible, by revealing the underlying
causes of events (not simply by recounting past events) and to shepherd them to
wisdom. 514
In this context, he certainly had in mind also Solomon, who had sought to
grasp 'the nature of beings', and it is hardly surprising that, in the present com-
mentary, Solomon is styled not only 'wise' and 'great' and 'king', but mostly he
is denominated 'prophet',515 and the author quoted from him whenever he found
it handy.516
This is why the present commentary is not mainly engaged in theology;
rather, it explains the mystical and underlying causes of History, namely, the his-
tory of the Israelites in Egypt and the events both before and during their exodus

512 Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, pp. 5-6.

513 Nikephorus Gregoras, op. cit., v. 1, p. 6: Ked fth-rot Ked ov-ro; b TrpO; iKd"ov; Tr090; Ked ~~AO; xitft~ ~a
itxOAov9et Trpitn~t" Tret piTr~tCT~, Kett ov~o; etl~to; iftot -rov -rotOV;~ yiyo"~,, iYX~tp~ftet-ro;.
514 Which reminds ofT. S. Eliot's famous adage: 'Where is the Life we have lost in living? Where is the
wisdom we have lost in knowledge? Where is the knowledge we have lost in information?'
515 See folio 6v: b CTO'flO; ov~o; Trp0'fl~~1']; Kett ~etCTtA~V;. Folio 7r: M~~a ~O 'flit"ett ~o" Trp0'fl~~1']'" Folio 7r: ou;
KetAw; b ftiyet; h Trp0'fl~~ett; ov~o;, CTX~M" TrpO ~W" Trp0'fl1']~w... itTrit"~w,,, ~Yrv etlhw" in191']CTt ftet"let",
Folio 9v: N0 ;. it"itTretAt" b AOyO; ~0 Trp0'fl~~n Folio llv: LKOTrO; iCT~t Kett etV9t; ~0 TrP0'fl~~ll Folio
14r: lKet"W; i" ~OV~Ot; ~0 Trp0'fl~~l1 ;tctCT~CTit'fl1']CT~ett. Folio 19v: Ket90AOV ft~" b AOyO; ~0 Trp0'fl~~l1 mpt ~~;
~ov e~ov CTo'fllet;. Folio 20v: llta Trit"~w,, ~ov~w" b Trp0'fl~~1']; i,,;dKw~ett ~O TrpO; ~o" e~o" Kett ITet~ipet
~ov ~wetPXtKOV ITw&ftet-ro; bft0ov,:no". Folio 22r: 'PwCT9~t; b Trp0'fl~~1'];, Kett OlO>! h90v; y~"0ft~"o;, Folio
24v: Tov-ro ;~ Kett b Trp0'fl~~1']; i";~tK"Vft~"O;, Folio 38v: OUK d; -rov~o ~d"~t,, ~o" -rov Trp0'fl~~ov "00
CTVyxWp~i. See also folio 21v: '0 -rol"tr\i ~~" -rov e~ov ityitmr¥ TrpO; ~etv~o" i'fl~AxOft~"O;, '" Ov~w yap
im~tKW; UTrO e~ov ityetTr1']9~CT~~ett Kett 'fllAo; 8<00 Kett Trp0'fl~~1']; it"et'flet;or]CT~~ett.
516 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, pp. 910; 1027; 1105; 1134; v. 3, pp. 325; 439;
Epistulae, epistles 93; 123.
116 I Introduction
from that land. The author focused on the edifying rather than theological analysis
of Solomon's text of Wisdom, which is probably why Origen's pen (if ever, and
if any at all) has faded. Nevertheless, the author speaks ardently of those who
distort a right conception of God, and he takes his cue from the sixth chapter of
Solomon's Wisdom in order to speak about such abberations by kings, and makes
much of Wis. 6:5, which warns that 'the punishment upon the higher-ranking
ones is relentless' (folio 15r).
Besides though, his text is replete with insinuations, which, during the pres-
ent editorial perusal, have called for being pointed out since they denote the
author's identity. More specifically, characteristic remarks made therein are sug-
gestive of his condition of life amidst the specific circumstances he wrote this
commentary, all of which formed not only the surrounding state of things, but
also his overall personal mood. Some of the points he cares to make are pretty
evocative indeed. Although he did not intend to do theology, and the text of
the Book of Wisdom could have hardly been serviceable to such a purpose, the
author insists on the duty for anyone to maintain a pious and correct 'conception
of God' (e<ov /YYOla). This applies also to kings, indeed especially so.517
For example, Gregoras' friend and protector, emperor Andronicus II
Palaeologus, was dethroned in 1328 by his grandson Andronicus III Palaeologus,
but Gregoras remained loyal to his benefactor Andronicus II until the end,
he shared his downfall, and retired into private life. However, after the latter's
death, he gained the favour of his grandson, Andronicus III. His vigorous dis-
missal of Gregory Palamas' novel theories resulted in his being branded heretic
at the synod of 1351 (called Fifth Council of Constantinople), which proclaimed
Gregoras' views orthodox. But the passionate Gregoras did not stop his fight
against Palamism and argued that the synod of 1351 was a robber one, and was

517 Cf. folio 15r (on kings not maintaining a proper conception of God): ITOMOt yap 6lKctlOCTVvl'P" Kctt
Kpten" ~crK1']KO-r~; h &MOl; rrctp1'] ... oftovv. &MOl 6i, Kctt -ra ~ctv-rW... "'Oftlftct 6tct'flvAa~ctn~;, ou KctA~'" lcrxo...
-r~ ... rr~pt 8w6l...... 0lct .... D-rl... l 6~ -rW... ~~~ctcrlAWKO-rW ... rra ... 9· oftov -rctv-r' i~~yi... ~n, ~ctcrlA~lhctn; ov-ro; Kctt
8~0 Kct-ra -ro 6vvct-ro... -r0 rra ... -rw... ~ctcrlA~i, -rtftto; &ftct Kctt irripctcrn;. Ot 6~ mpt -rctv-rct cr'flctAin~;, &9AlOl
-r~; rrpOCTl'JYoptct;. 'f'pIXTWnap xai 7etxiN), ho-r71-rf7etl ctuni; 6A~9po;. Folio 19r (on holding a doctrinally
impeccable conception of divine wisdom): 0 -rocrovn; Kctt -r1']Alxovn; Kctt -rctv-rct rra... -rct 6~6l6ctyfti...0;
rrctpa -r~; cro'florrolov cro'fltct;, d; h ... otct... iA1']ActKW; rr~pt -rctlh1']; dmi.... Folio lOv (on holding the proper
doctrine about the divine powers): Kctt <",0> rrpo; rrucrct ... K1']A<l;'6ct Kctt pvrrctpa... h ... otct... CtKct-rct60VAW-r0>i.
Likewise, folio 36r: 'Ocr'll yap rrpo; 6la... otct... ~p91']crct... t:1\1'1']Ao-ripov -rl... O;, ~h' OUK irriyvwcrct ... CtA1']9w;
i~ ctunv -rO ... -rov-rov 111']ftlovpy&v, -rocr'll ftUMO ... &~tol ftiftt~w;, OTt iK -rW... rrpo 0'fl9ctAftW'" ov-rw Mlfti... w...
(oupct... ov 'fl1']ftl <Kctb y~;, 9icr~w; Kctt ~u-rct~tct; -rov rrct ...-ro;), oux otOt -r~ iyi... o...-ro d; l ...... otct... iA9~i... -rov 6...-rw;
6... n; 8~ov Kctt i~ OVx o...-rw... -rctv-rct rrctpctyctyo ... -ro;. Also, folio 36v: A'fllK"'OVv-rctl yap d; Ctftv6pa... -rl... ct
h·.... otct... Kctt -ro 8<o)'rrpuyftct ftiyct -rl ~r... ctl "'0fttsovCJ'W. This is why this author made much also of Wis.
15:3, -royap bdcr-rctcr9ctt cr~ OAOxA1']pO; 6lKctlOCTVv1'] (,For being cognisant of You is the whole of righteous-
ness'); folia 4lr-v.
 Introduction I 117
placed under house arrest and then confined to the Chora Monastery, from which
he was released in 1354 only to continue his fight against Palamism.
Likewise, emperor John VI Cantacuzenus (from 1347 to 1354), who had
superintended the synod of 1351, was deposed by John V Cantacuzenus. And in
1390, the grandson ofJohn V Palaeologus, namely, John VII, usurped his grand-
father's throne for a while.
That the commentary is replete with terminology which had been used by
Dionysius the Areopagite does not mean much, since both of the two relent-
less opponents, namely, Barlaam of Calabria and Gregory Palamas, claimed
Dionysius the Areopagite as their authority.
Parhaps, it would have been during that period from 1328 until sometime
before 1333, when Gregoras (living in isolation in his home) wrote the present
commentary on Solomon's Book of Wisdom, during which his personal oppo-
sition to the fledgling so-called 'Hesychasm' grew more and more. In 1328,
Gregoras was 33 years old -but by 1333 he had gained the favour of emperor
Andronicus III, who appointed Gregoras to conduct the unsuccessful negotia-
tions with the ambassadors of Pope John XXII. Alternatively, and most proba-
bly, he could have written this twenty years later, in the early 1350s during his
confinement to the Monastery of Chora, after he had fallen out with John VI
Cantacuzenus, from which he was released in 1354.
The fact is that, at the end of his commentary, the present author asserts that
Solomon wrote the Book of Wisdom in order to edify kings on how they should
reign. However, along with criticising the emperor's conduct, he urges that those
faithful who were pious towards the true Biblical God and acted according to the
divine wisdom have always been rewarded for their loyalty, whereas the impious,
who opposed the real faith and stood up against the true God, were destroyed and
always will be. The Book of Wisdom deals extensively with the case of the Exodus
of the Jews from Egypt and their march through the desert. The case of Pharaoh's
conduct is only an example and is not the main theme; instead, this serves to the
author in order to make his points in relation to his contemporary king/emperor,
and to the need to oppose Hesychasm and Palamas' heretical teaching.
The conducts of kings was not central to Solomon's text, which dealt with
juxtaposing in general the pious with the impious regarding God's command-
ments and the germane corresponding rewards and punishments -but it was so
to the present author's text (actually, he explicated this in his own epilogue).
And ifhis insinuations, which at points hardly fell short of being too straight-
forward, would have precipitated the emperor's wrath, the exculpating rejoinder
118 I Introduction
could have always been at hand: those remarks had been reproduced from a com-
mentary 'written by Origen, as they say'. But never did Origen concern himself
with plottings over possession of power or kings and their close relatives (parents,
brothers) conspiring against each other to that purpose. 518
Quite evidently, this commentary was written by a person who was at odds
with the king / emperor and several remarks are allusive to the author's personal
beliefs, ventures, and his predicament because of his anti-Hesychast convictions.
As a matter of fact, there are several points that could have ringed a few bells
with the emperor. Nevertheless, if Gregoras had been more outspoken about all
these, all hell would have broken loose; and yet he remained his own man to the
end, indeed one who was convinced that, by means of this commentary, he had
committed his cause to God.
The text of the Book of Wisdom was, to some extent, serviceable for the
author to make his points against the emperor for (1) being oppressive towards
his disagreeing subjects; (2) being doctrinally aberrant, which destroyed all of
his people. When the commentator adduces the example of a king being the
'centre of a cycle', which, once its moves, it removes the entire cycle along with
it, he warned that, if the emperor subscribed to Palamism, he could drag the
entire people along with himself to destruction and divine punishment. On that
account, the commentator made much of Wis. 6:24, 'wise men are the world's
salvation, and a prudent king secures the stability of his own people' (7rA~8o\ Ii.
cro~wv crwT~p(a Kocrflov, Kat ~acr[A<V\ ~POV[flO\ <MTa8Ha Ii~flov), while doing so
also with Wis. 6:23 (oiln fl~v ~8ov", nT~KOT[ crvvoli<Mw), in order to suggest that
he did not write in a mood of resentfullness against the emperor who had acted
unwisely. As a matter of fact, despite the way he was being treated at the time he
wrote this commentary, his spirit emerges as all too robust and there is no sign
of decrepitude or dilapidation in his undaunted words. And this is certainly why
he made much of some telling apostrophes of the Book of Wisdom, such as Wis.
7:5-6, 'For there is no king that had any other beginning of birth, since all men
have one entrance into life and the same exit' (folio 17v). No matter how exalted
the royal status, the emperor was but a human being after all.
This is why the present author, in his epilogue, averred that 'the great Solomon'
wrote that book not only in order to hail God's sublime reality (li[a~<poVTW\

518 Cf, folio 15r: "OCTOt yap -rotov-rot ITAOV-r'lJ -r~ KCtlITA~9~t CT-rPct-rwflchw... mptp<p>~6fl~"'Ot ctl'¥"1']; -ra X6lptCT-rct
iIT~IT&v9~tCTct... cttCTXPW; ~n1']9i... -r~; Kctt 6~t... W; d; 60VA6lct... ~Ax6fl~"'Ot, ~ Kctt ct1hov -rov sfi ... CT-r~PtCTK6fl~"'Ot,
ITOMctKt; 6~ Kctt VITO -rW... OtK6lW... yo ... iw... ~ it6~A'flW'" 'fll:t...ctt. Folio 40v: OVT< floor; OVT< r¥oor; xa3apovr; /cn
'fvAa-r-roo-rlv. Bloor; fli... , 6ta -ra; h ct1hoi; flv9woflhct; -riK"'WV iITct... ctCT-rctCT~t; Kct-ra ITct-ripw"" Kctt it6~A'flW'"
ITpO; it6~A'fl0V; .. , ~ Kctt -ra; Kct-r' itM~AW'" iflflct... a; CTVflITAOKct;,
 Introduction I 119

Ta npol 8.0> €1;v~>~cr.), but also 'in order to edify us' (.1, naloaywy(a> ~~w>
€>.cr~craTo S.wp(a>, T~> T~I cro~(al 'KS.crt», particularly in order to teach what
kings should do and what they should be like (OlOVI o~ T01), ~acrlA.al .I>al
'TvYXliVHY €V 'TIXU'Tn KlXt 'TlVWV €P~v).
In any case, Gregoras saw History as an exploration of human achievements
that reveal not only the magnificence of human being created according to the
image of God, but also God's glory itself This is why Gregoras' History is full of
digressions concerning Astronomy, Mathematics, Arithmetic, Physics, and other
attainments of human spirit, which happens in the present commentary, too.
This is also what the present commentary on Solomon's Book of Wisdom
is about: the author took historical events for granted and cared not merely to
record them, but he also sought to cast light on them, to reveal God's perpetual
activity for the sake of His own people against the impious and insolent sin-
ners; to reveal what underlied historical adventures, depraved setbacks, hubristic
downfalls, vitiated strayings, and to disclose how did God respond (and always
responds) to all of those.
This is the persistent exegesis that the present author engages in - which
is a sort of analysis that has nothing to do with either Pachymeres' or John
Cantacuzenus' conception of History, their historiography, and their spiritual
consideration of the peripeteia of human being throughout time. This sort of
analysis is uniquely symptomatic of Nikephorus Gregoras: as he did throughout
his Roman History, in the same way, now he seeks to demonstrate that the text of
the Book of Wisdom is but a dazzling substantiation of God's glory being vindi-
cated throughout all History.
Whereas the History by John VI Cantacuzenus (for the years 1320-1356)
had an apologetic character, mainly intending self-justification, and Pachymeres'
one (for the years 1255-1308) was ostensibly 'objective' aiming at 'knowledge' of
past events, the apparent 'subjectivity' of Gregoras' History (for the years 1284-
1359) aimed at wisdom, the yearning of his lifetime-earnest pursuit. However,
this 'subjectivity' and its concomitant insinuations in fact appear overtly only in
the epilogue of this commentary, which (along with philological perusal, com-
parative analyses, and study of contextual implications) constitutes a trace left by
the real author of this text.
Unlike Origen (who heavily appealed to the Book Wisdom, and repeatedly
quoted from that in order to undergird his Trinitarian theology and his theory of
Creation), the reason why Gregoras wrote this commentary was not to do theol-
ogy: it was to edify on grounds of Philosophy of History, notably, to demonstrate
that past events call not simply for narrative, but more so do they for bringing to
120 I Introduction
light God's presence and activity within History. This he did while putting to use
his vast background on the Greek letters, and employing terminology of ancient
Greek authors on all sorts, garnishing his text with the novel (and sometimes
extravagant) locution of his favourite Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. It was
natural for Gregoras to avail himself of the Areopagite, since he styled him 'great'
at scores of points (6 [14{1X~ ~1O-yUo-lO~).519 And whereas, in the synodical acts of the
sixth century and later, Plato was exorcised, Gregoras had no difficulty with styl-
ing Plato 'great' (rnaTwv 6 ~.ya\),520 which is what he did for Claudius Ptolemy
(c. 100 - c. 170 AD), too.52!
In order for this Introduction to be complete, one more point calls for
consideration:
There is a single testimony by a later (i.e. after the fourteenth century) anony-
mous author reporting that Matthew Kantakouzenus (the son of emperor John VI
Kantakouzenus and Irene Asanina) had written 'marvelous exegeses on Solomon's
Song of Song and on the Book of Wisdom'.m This Matthew (c. 1325 - 1383 or
1391) was Byzantine emperor from 1353 to 1357. and later became Despot of
Moreas from 1380 to 1383. For the most part of his life, he was engaged in plottings,
thirst for mundane power, and wars, not only against the Serbs, but also against
the emperor John V Palaeologus, co-emperor with Matthew's own father, John VI
Kantakouzenus.
However, perusal of the present commentary clearly indicates that this could
not have been written by Matthew, and some reasons for this are the following.

1. Matthew always signed his texts as 'the glorious wise King Matthew'
(6 n<p(oosO\ O'o~O\ ~aO'[A<U\), as he did in his commentary on Solomon's
Song. 523 So he did on the headers of his other works, toO. 524 Contrast to

519 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, pp. 1104; 1113; 1116; v. 3, pp. 286; 313; 406; 425;
444; 453; Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.6, pp. 319; 327; 331; oration 3.4, pp. 389; 415; Epistulae,
epistle 3, line 186.
520 Nikephorus Gregoras, Protheoria Explicationis in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 124.
521 Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 367; on Gregoras' own 'correction of the great Ptolemy's Harmonics', see
Epistulae, epistle 114.
522 Anonymous, Vita Sancti Patriarchae Philothei (cods. Athon. Pantel. 759 [6266J et Athon. Paul. 144
[153J), section 22: AMa ;~ Ked 0 9ctvftctCTT"0; Kctt r~ ...... ctio; Mwr9ctio;, 0 vlO; ctunv, Ct~tct Adtct... ct -r~; ctu-rov
itp~-r~; it'fl~M Kctt ftct9~cr~w; it ... aft~cr-rct, -ra o7roict ~r... ctt, ~ 9ctvftctCTT"~ ~PftJ1"dct, 07rOU lKctft~... d; -ro Acrftct -rw...
Acrftit-rw... Kctt d; -r1fy LO'fltct... LOA0ftwno; Kctt d; CtMct 7rOMa. The quality of Greek is evidently decadent
(e.g. 07rOU lKctft~ ...), which makes this text not earlier than the sixteenth century, and the testimony all
the more untrustworthy.
523 Matthew Cantacuzenus, Expositio in Canticum Canticorum Salomonis, col. 1084.
524 Matthew Cantacuzenus, II,p! <1J/).0f-<a3!a~, p. 270: Tov ~ucr~~~crd-rov ~ctcrtAiw; KVpOV Mct-r9cttov -rov
KctnctKOv~1']"'OV, AJro~ II,p! <1J/).0f-<a3!a~, d; -r1fy ctunv 9vyct-ripct Kvpa... e~o;wpct... -r~ ... KctnctKOvs1']"'~'
 Introduction I 121

this, there is absolutely no such sign or any other indication in the present
commentary.
2. Unlike the present author, when Matthew commented on Solomon's
work, he did not style Solomon 'the great' (6 ~<yal)' which he did only for
Solomon's father, David. 525 Instead, there is no approbatory designation
for Solomon whatsoever, although he cites Solomon's name at more than
thirty points.
3. Although Matthew styles himself 'the glorious wise King', never did he
do so for Solomon. Contrast to this, the present author styles Solomon
'wise' and 'great' every now and then.
4. In Matthew Kantakouzenus' texts, there is absolutely nothing of the
Areopagite's vocabulary, especially the extravagant epithets that the
present author employed (e.g. un<pS.oI, etc.),''' which Gregoras himself
did use, and so did his friends, John Kyparissiotes, Pro chorus Cydones,
his admirer Gregory Acindynus, as well as the opposite party, mainly,
Gregory Palamas, Philotheus Coccinus, Joseph Calothetus, and later
ones, such as Gennadius Scholarius.
5. Matthew Kantakouzenus invariably identified Solomon's Wisdom as the
Son Logos,52? whereas the present author interpreted Solomon's similar
references as indicating the Holy Spirit.
6. It is all too evident that the present author is one who does not care for
mundane power, let alone waging wars (even civil ones), for the sake of it.
Contrast to this, Matthew Kantakouzenus was a most belligerent person,
all too frequently being on a rampage, and prone to endless machina-
tions and conspiracies in order to procure power to himself, such as his
intrigues in alliance with his father John VI Kantakouzenus against John
V Palaeologus.
7. The present commentator (folio 54r) declared that, unlike Solomon, he
himself spoke neither as a king (WI ~acnA.uI)' nor as a wise man (WI cro~61)'
nor as a pious one before God (WI TI< npol 8.ov .Ucr.~~I).

De Tribus Virtutibus Animae, p. 278: Tov ctu-rov ~ct(nAiw; KVPOV Mwr9ctlov -rov Kct,,-rctKOVSl'J"0V, d; -r~"
ctu-rov 9vyct-ripct Kvpth e~o;wpct" -rrrv KctWctKOVS1']"~'" IIfpi 7i0v 7plWv 7q~tV:df~ BVV¥fWV.
525 Matthew Cantacuzenus, Expositio in Canticum Canticorum Salomonis, cols. 1029 & 1068.
526 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Antirrhetica Priora, orations 1.8, p. 191; 3.4, pp. 413; 415; 419.
527 Cf. Matthew Kantakouzenus, Expositio in Canticum Canticorum Salomonis, col. 997. Cf. IIfpi
<1J/).0f-<a3!a~, p. 273.
122 I Introduction
8. In all probability, the testimony by the foregoing anonymous author (pre-
sumably, a monk) that 'Matthew wrote also a commentary on Solomon's
Book of Wisdom, and several other ones' is simply wrong.

Gregoras was the author who had courageously declared that he was not pre-
pared 'to renounce Origen's books',528 and it turns out that he had studied them in
detail. For example, concerning the inherent power of names, he quoted an adage
which read, 'You should never change barbaric names' (6v6~a.,.a r;apr;apa ~~7ro",·
itMitsn,), meaning that those names should never be translated, because they pos-
sessed an inherent power, and once translated in Greek their power is lost. This was
a Chaldean oracle,529 and the maxim had been quoted only by Michael Psellus (an
authority on Chaldean thought, as I have discussed elsewhere), who explained this
and adduced as examples the names Seraphim, Cherubim, and [archangels] Michael
and GabrieP30 It is quite remarkable that, at that point, Gregoras quoted extensively
from 'Josephus explaining Solomon' concerning the latter's views about daemons
and how those can be exorcised,531 and then from the Chaldean Oracles positing that
'the barbaric names should never be translated' (6v6~a.,.a ~itpr;apa ~~7ro",' itMsn,),532
and forthwith he mentioned Origen's selfsame theory on the subject.
Of Gregoras' examples of names, only Seraphim and Cherubim coincided
with those ofPsellus', whereas he additionally wrote Sabaoth, Adonai, Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, and proposed that barbaric names had a power of their own,
which is lost once they are translated in Greek. 533 Then, Gregoras forthwith
quotes another phrase, which he attributes to 'the wise Origen' (w~ Ked TIpry4-y~[
OOK<i "'0 cro~0).534 Origen had indeed spoken about this relevant occult belief,s35
but the phrase itself that Gregoras quotes does not exist in Origen's known

528 Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 925: Ked 'Dptyi...l1'" 6' itTrocr~t6fl~"'Ot -rW... y~ ~(~AW'" -ra; TrAdcr-rov; ~Ktcr-r'
itTrocr~t6fl~e' ctlhov.
529 See Oracula Chaldaica CE. des Places), oracle 150.
530 Of this Chaldean doctrine Michael Psellus had made an ad hoc analysis, too. See Opuscula ii, p. 132.
531 Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, pp. 12-13, quoting from Josephus
extolling Solomon's wisdom in Antiquitates Judaicae, 8.45.
532 Nikephorus Gregoras, op. cit. p. 13, using as examples the names Sabaoth, Adonai, Cherubim,
Seraphim, Abraham, Isaac, andJocob.
533 Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 13: ia... d; -r~ ... 'EO..l'J"tK~'" fl~-rctefi;
6tc'tA~KT"0>i, it'flct... (~~t; -r~ ... ctlhw... 6v ... ctflt... Kctt hipy~tct..., w; 'Dptyi... ~t 60Mt -r0 cro'fl0 Cf. Origen, expProv,
PG.17.164.28-31.
534 Nikephorus Gregoras, loe. cit.
535 Cf. Origen, exhMar, section 46. There is a pertinent analysis by Origen about the mystical function of
such names in Cels, Y.45-46 (&Philocalia, 17.4-5). Cf. Cels, 1.24 (&Philocalia, 17.1).
 Introduction I 123

corpus. 536 Nevertheless, there is further pertinent testimony in the Philo calia)
whereby Origen refers to 'a certain secret teaching' (lClX'Ta nvlX ccrropPYJ'TO-V
Aorov) and uses as examples the names Sabaoth, Adonai, Michael, Gabriel, and
Raphael. 537
There should be no doubt that he quoted fastidiously, not only because he
always did so with all ancient authors, but also because the next extensive passage,
which he quotes after those (starting with 'And Asclepius, the pupil of Hermes
Trismegistus, says this in his oration to the Egyptian king'), can be confirmed
as an accurate one by comparing this with existing sources. This also argues that
'the power of Egyptian names is lost once they are translated in Greek'.538
In Origen extant works, the foregoing statement cannot be found either,
which means that Gregoras knew of some treatise of Origen's that we have not.
We know that Origen maintained that 'names' express one's particular quality,539
but he spoke of their inherent power and function in relation to the divine names
and mainly God's name,540 and believed that there is an occult theory concerning
the power of names in general (rit n<p\ ~Ucr<W\ OVOfUkTWV)541 Anyway, he believed
(confronting Aristotle and the Epicureans by name, as well as Celsus himself5 42)
that names are set not by convention' (84oH), and took sides with the Stoics, who
maintained that names express the nature of things (cpuO"~[ €O"'T[ 'Ta O-V0[1IX'TIX).543
It is quite remarkable that the examples of divine names possessing an inherent
power of their own, which Origen used, were the same as those Gregoras himself
used upon referring to Origen's theory (citing, 'as the wise Origen believes'), who
propounded this not only in the Against Celsus, but also in the Exhortation to
Martyrdom. 544

536 The phrase (Gregoras, loe. cit.) goes thus: itt',! d; -r~"'F»..1']wc~,, ft~-rctefi; 6taA~nO>i, it'flct"(S~t; -rfry ctim,)"
6Vvctftt" Kctt hipy~tct" ('if you translate them [Sc. the barbaric names] in the Greek language, you
destroy their power and operation').
537 Origen, Philocalia, 17.2; cf. op. cit. 17.4-5.
538 See this text in the Corpus Hermeticum, ~O'pOI AITXAI?7rIOO 7r'po~)l.u.uwva pa-rIAia, section 2: 15cro" 6vvct-rO"
icrn crOt ~ctcrtA~V ... -r~" h~PY11-rtK~" -rGi" 6"0fta-rw" 'flpacrt'"
539 deO r, 24.2.
540 eels, 1.25 (&Philocalia, 17.2); IV.34; V.45 (&Philocalia, 17.4); cf. (apropos of Mark, 9:38; Luke, 9:49)
1.6; 11.49; commJohn, X.44.3lO; XXXII.1l.124; deOr, 22.3; homJer, homily 1.8. Moreover, commJohn,
1.21.125; XX.lO.72; selGen, PG.12.116.11-18.
541 eels, IV.35; cf. Homiliae In Jesu Nave xxvi (fragmenta e catenis & Philo calia, 12.1), p. 416.
542 eels, 1.68.
543 Origen developed this theory in eels, 1.24-25 (& Philocalia, 17.1-2); op. cit. Y.45-46 (& Philocalia,
17.4-5); VIII.37. See also, exhMar, section 46: ITaAt" -r~ ctv UTroActft~a"O>i-ri; -rm; eicr~t d"ctt -ra &voftct-rct
Kctt OV6~ft(ct" ctv-ra ~X~t" 'floow Trp6; -ra UTroKdft~"ct, w" icr-rt" 6"0ftct-rct .... ft~ ~crTl eicr~t -ra 6"0ftct-rct.
544 Nikephorus Gregoras, Explicatio in Librum SynesiiDe Insomniis, p. 13. Cf. Origen, exhMar, section 46.
124 I Introduction
In that context, Origen urged that magic is a real art, not something alto-
gether non-existent (~ [11X/~(1X ... 01.llC ao-UOTIX'TO-V na-v'Tn),545 as 'the king's per-
sonal fortune' ['TUXY], i.e. the emperor's genius] is indeed something absolutely
non-existent. 546 Once again, in reference to magic, Gregoras was at one with
Origen's theory.54?
The present commentary on Solomon's Wisdom belonged to another col-
lection of treatises by Gregoras, which no doubt had his name written on the
front page, but that accumulation was sequestered into its particular constituent
treatises by someone who did not feel like including in his own library analyses
of other Greek authors by Gregoras and certainly writings allegedly authored by
the' heretic' Origen.
Nevertheless, along with hypotheses, there is the actual handwriting in other
surviving manuscripts.
In Vaticanus Graecus 164, which contains extensive parts of Gregoras' Roman
History) one can see Origen's name written on the margin. This happens on the
margins of folia 4v, 5r, 5v (twice), 12v, 13r, 15v (twice), 20r, 22v, 33r, 40v, 43v,
50v, 54v, 60v, 73v, 81r, 95r, 103r, 103v, and 119r. Exactly the same happens in
Vaticanus Graecus 165, folia 8v, 14v (twice), 19v, 22v, 28v, 35r, 35v, 39v, 41v, 50r,
54r, 61v, 74r, 77r, 77v, 79r, 79v, 85v, 105r, 107v, 122r, 136v, 138v, 143v, 189v.
Since (except for two or three points) no other name appears on the margins,
this intrigued me, and I was curious to see Gregoras' text itself that corresponded
to those points of the folia.
Strange though it appears at first sight, it turned out that he was using
Origen's characteristic expressions, as if saying, 'Now I am using Origen's words'.
These are not really quotations: they only served to Gregoras upon expressing
himself while relating various instances in his History. Nevertheless, this is indic-
ative of the role that Origen played in that author's spiritual life.
Presumably, Gregoras had discovered a commentary without title and (after
asking people here and there) he was told that this 'was written by Origen'. This is
how he composed a title of his own, yet taking heed to advise that this was hear-
say, not his own designation ('explained by Origen, as they say'). Therefore, once
the author had been advised that this commentary 'had been written by Origen,
as they say', it could have been natural for him to refrain from adding his own

545 eels, 1.24 (&Philocalia, 17.1); cf. 11.51; V1.32; VI.41; VI.80;frMatt, fro 417 (Klostermann); 5electa in
Numeros, PG.12.584.16-19.
546 exhMar, section 7.
547 Nikephorus Gregoras followed Origen suit. Explicatio in Librum 5ynesii De Insomniis, pp. 14-15.
 Introduction I 125

name, although he modified the commentary substantially - which though was a

normal habit for scribes to do: while they copied earlier texts, they could not resist
redacting and emending them at their own liking, in accordance with their own
doctrinal beliefs, linguistic predilections, philological background, influences of
style by third parties (both contemporary and ones of old), and personal temper-
ament nonetheless. Nevertheless, Gregoras did so with some good reason, since
Pamphilus had defended Origen repeatedly and adduced the latter's quotations
as proof texts from the Wisdom of Solomon,548 not to mention Gregoras' admi-
ration for Origen.
The final question is about the hand that wrote the present text. I would
be glad to report that this is an autograph by Nikephorus Gregoras himself
However, I cannot do so, since comparison of handwriting does not allow for such
identification 549 Besides, Edmund Fryde determined that Codex Heidelbergensis
Palatinus Graecus 129 is an autograph by Gregoras, too. 550 But once I myself
saw this codex, it turned out that the handwriting is different from that of the
present Codex Holy Sepulchre 199. I have been able to trace a specific handwrit-
ing, which is characteristically similar to the present one, in a manuscript of the
British Library, namely, the Burney ms 114 (supposedly, dated to second quarter
of the fourteenth century). This partly autograph contains religious texts cop-
ied by Matthew, Metropolitan of Ephesus (thirteenth-fourteenth century) (two
works of Matthew himself, and extracts from Apollonius of Tyana, Maximus
Confessor, and other anonymous texts). Of Gregoras, it contains his commentary
'On the wanderings of Odysseus' (En(Toflol (,,~y~cr[1 .1,
Tal KaS' "Ofl~poV nAaval
TOj) 'Oovcrcr<WI, folios 132r-145v). The handwriting is pretty much the same as that
of the autographed works by Matthew himself The same goes for folios 92r-95
(which contain an 'Excerpt from Nikephorus Gregoras' De duce improbo', i.e.
from the 'epistle on the evil-minded leader').

548 See Pam phil us, Apologia pro Origene, 3 & 82 (quoting Wis. 16:21); op. cit. 7 (quoting Wis. 9:1-2); op.
cit. 23 (quoting Wis. 1:14 & 8:2); op. cit. 33 (quoting Wis. 15:11-20); op. cit. 40 (quoting Wis. 13:1-5);
op. cit. 50; 60; 64, 97 (quoting Wis. 7:26); op. cit. 58; 97; 99 (quoting Wis. 7:25); op. cit. 125 (quoting
Wis. 10:1); op. cit. 157 (quoting Wis. 9:15).
549 To the best of my knowledge, this topic (handwriting) has been studied by Ihor Scvcenko, Some
Autographs of Nikephorus Gregoras, in Melanges Georges Ostrogorsky, II, Beograd 1964, pp. 435-450
(including eight illustrations). He provided text (in which he recognised the hand of Gregoras),
with critical apparatus, translation, and a detailed commentary. See also, B. Fonkic, Les nouveaux
autographes de Niciphore Gregoras, in Manuscrits Grecs dans les Collections Europeennes. Etudes
Paliographiques et Codicologiques 1388-1338, Moscow 1999, pp. 62-77.
550 Edmund Fryde, Early Palaeologan Renaissance 1261- c.1360, Leiden, 2000. The author cites also
an article by A. Biedl, 'Der Heidelberger Cod. Pal. gr. 129 - die Notizien-sammlung eines byzan-
tinischen Gdehrten', Wurzburger Jahrbiicher 3, 1948, pp. 100-106.
126 I Introduction
Although Matthew's work remains unpublished, he was a very important
personality nevertheless. For one thing, he was not simply one Metropolitan
among several others. His title in the Patriarchal Records of Constantinople was
'the Supremely Honourable and Primate of all Asia' (i)'rr.pT(~oV Kat €1;apxov 'Tram']1
.Ao-(IX~).551 For another, treatises written by Matthew are mentioned by Patriarch
Dositheus II of Jerusalem (Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem during the
years 1669-1707), who added that tracts by Matthew were already in year 1347
stored at the library ofVienna. 552
As Metropolitan Matthew's text (Two hundred ascetic chapters) on folios
lr-90r shows, he followed the same pattern as that in the present commentary
on Solomon's Wisdom, by using red ink for titles, garnished first letters upon
beginning each section (also in red), etc. Actually, in many respects the layout
and appearance is strikingly similar to that of the present manuscript.
Matthew was born in Philadelphia of Lydia and was distinguished for his
part in the Hesychastic dispute. His works are mainly commentaries on the Old
Testament, as well as rhetorical ones (prayers, orations, monodies). Apart from
the aforementioned manuscript, his works exist in codices Vindobonensis Theol
gr. 174 (Nessel), Bold gr. MiseelL 242, and Parisinus gr. 2001A. In 1342, he was
already bishop in the see of Ephesus. This was a period when the Hesychastic
controversy was still raging, and he was one of the several notable intellectuals
who made his mark. 553
Metropolitan Matthew's care to copy and save Gregoras' pieces of scholar-
ship would have been not fortuitous: for he perfervidly admired the irrepressible
spirit of the uncompromising intellectual of Constantinople. Actually, there are
two epistles of Gregoras to Matthew, in which Gregoras' respect and admiration
for the Metropolitan of Ephesus could not have been expressed in more lauda-
tory terms.
Needless to say that they had personal contact, too: Gregoras' epistle 70 to
Matthew was written while the latter sojourned at Constantinople. In this rather

551 Registrum Patriarchatus Constantinopolitani (years 1315-1331), Documents 100; 101; 102; 103; 106.
552 Dositheus II ofJerusalem, L1WBfXdpIPAO~, book 9, p. 54.
553 Other intellectuals, regardless of involvement with the Hesychastic disputes, or not, w ere Isaac
Argyros (a pupil of Gregoras), and indeed other friends of Gregoras, too, such as Patriarch John
XIII Glykys of Constantinople, George Lapithes, Theodore Dexius, and of course emperor John VI
Cantacuzenus (who in the end turned an enemy of Gregoras). Moreover, John Chortasmenus, John
Catrarios, Manuel Calecas (an admirer of Thomas Aquinas, who eventually became a Catholic),
Andrew and Maximus Chrysoverges, the controversial Patriarch John Beccus, Joseph of Methone,
TheodoreAgallianus, CallistusAngelicudes, Macarius ofAncyra, the brothers Demetrius and Manuel
Chrysoloras, Joseph Bryennius, et al.
 Introduction I 127

extensive epistle (317 words), Gregoras speaks almost as a pupil, and praises
Matthew's rhetorical skill, which was a source of inspiration and a 'spring to
those who imbibed the healthy waters of wisdom' (acrol yap Uyl& '''flaTa TW'
T~\ cro~(a\ n~yw' ~pUcrano). He declares that he is influenced by, and depen-
dent on, Matthew's mellifluous language' (In«Ta ~\ cr~\ oihw OlaKaW\ €s~p~flal
)'Ac;Yrri'J~)' which was like honey reaching his ears as a sweet musical harmony
(oihw ~n" T<>O\ ~<AlTO\ €\ Ta\ €~a\ nop<unat "ma\ ~ T~\ cr~\ YAWTT~\ I~~ovcro\
ap~wY(IX). Finally, after Gregoras had made reference to common adversaries, who
'followed dark and indistinct traces' and were bound 'to be led astray for that
matter' because they were unable to absorb Matthew's wisdom, he concludes
his letter thus: 'But as for you, please do not stop gladdening us in this way and
presenting us with such most ingenious treatises' (a)J.Ct. (J'11 )'~ [1~ A~)'Ol~ OU'TW~
<u~pa('m ~~&\ Kat TOlOUTOl\ owpOU~<'O\ ~<yaAo~v<crl yp"~~acr<».554
As passionately stormy against his enemies as Gregoras was, he was no less
passionately lavish in praise for his real friends. And it goes without saying that
the feelings were mutual, which is why Matthew probably set out to copy some of
Gregoras' works and ideas. Gregoras handed his letter over to Matthew while the
bishop was at the capital, and so he did with the second epistle (76 words only),
which was written at the same city and handed over personally. In this, Gregoras
is no less lavish upon expressing his admiration and respect. He styles Matthew
'a most lofty tongue of high-priestly assembly' (~<yaAo~w,oT"T~ YAwcrcra T~\
"pXl<paTlK~\ 6~~yup<W\), 'a most divine master of mine' (8«oTan ll<crnoTa ~ov),
and beseeches him (croD ... Kat ~~<i\ ... o<0~<8a) to turn his rhetorical skill as
'fire' (Kat ~a,~8l nDp) 'against the opponents', by means of which (,fire') 'the evil
and unlawful tongues are reduced to ashes' (0 'T~CPpOU"V'TlXl ),AW(J'(J'lXl 7rO"Vi'JplXt KlXt
nap",0~ol)555
Whether the aforementioned manuscripts studied by the palaeographers are
actually Gregoras' autographs, or not, I cannot say for sure. If my surmise that the
present Codex 199 was scribed by Metropolitan Matthew is correct, and given
that its handwriting does not fit with those which have been determined as writ-
ten by Gregoras himself, I could also surmise this: during the agitated upheaval
upon Gregoras' death, Matthew went to Constantinople (if he was not there
already) for the funeral, and he gave to Protocanonarch Demetrius the scribed
copy, of which Matthew himself kept the original, and cherished that as his per-
sonal possession. Presumably, this was sequestered from a volume that contained

554 Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 70.

555 Op. cit. epistle 102.
128 I Introduction
also other works by Gregoras, which is one more reason why his name does not
appear in the title, and certainly Matthew respected Gregoras' conjecture that
that this commentary 'had been written by Origen, as they say.'
The present commentator interpreted the biblical text's term 'Wisdom' as
meaning the Holy Spirit. This is a thesis that Origen did not hold, since, when-
ever he read the term pneuma and its properties in the Wisdom of Solomon,5SG he
identified this not with the Holy Spirit, but with the Son Logos.557 On folio 3v,
the present commentator explained that Wisdom is the Holy Spirit, which he did
at other points, too. 558 However, on folio 19v, when he explains Wis. 1:4 ('wis-
dom shall not enter a soul that practices evil'), he identifies the Wisdom with the
Son, indeed he does so by quoting Paul's 1 Cor. 1:24, which is the pericope that
Origen always used in order to support his own unwavering thesis about the Son
being the Wisdom. This means that the present author did not seek to expound
strict biblical exegesis: instead, amidst his personal ordeal, he sought consola-
tion. To this purpose, he used abundantly Origen's allegorical method, that is,
Origen's exegeses concerning the exodus of the Hebrews from Egypt, particularly
the representation of Egyptians as being the power of Evil, from which God's
beloved children need to escape under His guidance and protection. The pres-
ent commentary is an allegorical exegesis from start to finish. This was Origen's
contribution to his posterity, and this is what Gregoras saw as his personal solace
amidst the circumstances of his latest period of life, which was as lonesome and
sequestered as Origen's own life was at Tyre559 amidst the hostility of the local
clergy of that city, who were out for hustling him out of his vocation. He lived the
last twenty-eight years of his life at Tyre, yet, as secluded and sulking this life was
amidst the hostile ambient clerical throng of that town, Origen was not quiescent

556 Wisdom of Solomon, 7:22-24: 'For wisdom, which is the worker of all things, taught me: for in her
is an intellectual spirit which is holy, unique, manifold, subtil, agile, bright, undefiled, plain, not
subject to hurt, good-loving, acute, unhampered, benefactory, man-loving, steadfast, unfailing, free
from care, almighty, permeating all of the intelligible pure and most subtil spirits. For wisdom is more
energetic than any motion, and she passes and goes through all things by reason of her pureness'.
557 seIDeut, PG.12.808.46-51 (quoting and explaining Wisdom of Solomon, 7:22-24): i7r~t6~7r~p b Aoyo;
ov Cn)ft~oAo", ~ ... -ro ftl:t...wt iMt... O, AnrTov i-rTI -rfi av-rov 'flVCM, Kat 6t~XO'" Sid: 7raVTWV 7rVHif-<aTWV VOfPWv,
xa3apwv, Af7rTOTaTwv. ~E-r71 Si Kat i; -rot/a 7rwiif-<a YOfPOV, apov, f-<0vOYfvi~, 7rOA(!f-<fpi~, Af7rTOV, Kat -ra ~~~; .
. . . Totov-ro; 6~ 6t' OAOV b Aoyo;. Notice that, whereas the biblical text reads that these are properties of
the 'spirit which is in the wisdom', Origen explains that this is the Wisdom herself, i.e. theSon/Logos.
558 See supra, p. 43 and note 187.
559 Epiphanius of Salamis, Panarion, v. 2, pp. 406-407: b 6~ [Sc. Origen] ... brH~6~vcr~ Kat i ... -rfi TvP'lJ
-r~; cDOt... lxl'];, w; AOYO; lX~t, dxocn ox-rw hl'] *, 7rOAmtc.t ft~... V7r~p~aMovcrl1 Kat crXOAfi Kat Kafta-r'lJ *, -rov
ft~... Aft~pocrtoV -ra 7rpO; -rp0'fla; av-r0 -r~ Kat -rOt; o~vypa'fl0t; [Kat] -rot; v7IT]p~-rovcrt... av-r0 i7rapxoVv-ro;,
xap-rl']'" -r~ Kat -ra aMa -rW... a... aAwfta-rw ..., Kat -rov 'Dptyi... ov; l... -r~ aypv7nilat; Kat h crXOAfi ft~ytcr-rl1 -ro...
Kafta-ro ... -ro... mpt -r~; ypa'fl~; 6tct...vono;.
 Introduction I 129
for that matter. Actually, he did not feel he should polish his interaction with the
local clergy, so as to make this more sociable.
The present author, although apparently commenting on the biblical text, evi-
dently sought consolation - first and foremost to himself The vocabulary he uses
(especially the high-flown epithets coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite
partially taking his cue from Proclus) makes it immediately plain that the text
in its present form was not Origen's. Nevertheless, the author's disposition would
have been Origen's once the latter's commentary on Matthew is studied, in which
the exigencies of his later life at Tyre are insinuated. Nikephorus Gregoras had
a similar experience at the time when he was a prisoner at the emperor John VI
Cantacuzenus' behest, because he had strongly rebuked Palamas' novelties that
were utterly unacceptable not only to him, but also to other enlightened intellec-
tuals and friends of his, such as John Kyparissiotes. Gregoras was released from
his prison (the monastery ofChora) in 1354. Little wonder then that, also in John
Kyparissiotes, the style and vocabulary ofPseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite make
a distinctive mark, along with that of earlier Christian authors that had been more
or less influenced by Origen (Athanasius, Gregory of Nyssa, Basil of Caesarea,
Gregory of Nazianzus, Maximus Confessor, and then John of Damascus).
For example, coming upon Wisdom, 13:18, we are upon Origen's profound
knowledge and meticulous use of Greek language: when the author of Wisdom
scolds the heathen who pray to lifeless idols, among other things, he wrote that
an idol-worshipper seeks help from things that are but lifeless objects, therefore,
they can provide nothing. Thus, an idolater 'entreats for aid that which is the
most needy' (7r<pt Ii. €7rlKOvpia\ TO a7r0po,TaTO> IK<nua), which though 'is only an
image, and is itself in need of help' (Kat yap €OT" <iKo,> Kat xp<ia> 'Xa ~o~e<ia\).
The standard LXX 'most infinite' (a7rapo,TaTo» simply makes no sense. Along
with the present author, it was Origen alone who wrote 'TO CCTrOPW'TIX'TO-V instead
of the LXX 'TO cCTrapo'Tcno-v. This variant is unknown to the critical edition of
Rahlfs-Hanhart. Evidently, this comes from some version of the biblical text,
which was used by Origen, and the present author copied from Origen's lost
commentary on the Wisdom of Solomon. 56o
Allusions to Gregoras' personal tribulation can be detected through meticu-
lous study of this commentary. When he recalled Matthew, 5:19 ('whoever shall
do and teach them shall be called great in the Kingdom of Heaven'), he para-
phrased (folio 16v), 'Blessed is he who did and taught', and 'blessed is whoever has

560 See also supra, pp. 42-43.

130 I Introduction
done and taught, that is, he who proclaims and does not withhold the mysteries
of wisdom in secrecy and draws his deductive proofs from no source other than
his own calamity.' Moreover, it is certainly all but chance that he felt he should
forthwith add and declare openly that 'personal experience is an unerring teacher,
and its power of persuading the hoi polloi is more compelling'.
Upon commenting on Wisdom, 6:24, 'And a prudent king is stability of
the country' (folia 15v-16r), he had pointed out that Solomon 'now begins to
speak more explicitly and addresses the kings in reprimanding tenor, speaking
as if he wished to cause them to repent.' And as if the commentator wished to
make himself more clear, only a few lines below he added the following words
(folios 16v-llr), incontrovertibly bespeaking his dissent from emperor John VI
Cantacuzenus.

For kingship is an office that calls for a lot of caution and for doing everything
with sound reason and the correctness which is concomitant with it, and [such
kings] allow nothing to go astray from rectitude, which should be applied, as it
were, as a rule determining the manners that are beneficial. And just as, once
one displaces the centre of a cycle, he accordingly removes all of the cycle's
surface which is determined by this centre, in like manner, one who deviates
even in the least from the duties befitting kings, at the same time he drifts also
the entire operation of kingship and causes it to stray from the comportment
which befits it.
Accordingly, therefore, once a king considers everything prudently, and does
the things that are befitting, and takes heed of those that will be beneficial,
he becomes stability ofhis own country, just as when he acts contrariwise, he
becomes a catastrophe and falling off and aberration from everything which
is noble.

The author's simile of 'kingship' being a sort of 'cycle'561 is telling: once the
centre of a cycle is relocated to some different position, then, the entire area cir-
cumscribed by this cycle is consequently removed, too. He knew that, ever since
the first oecumenical synod of Nicaea, the Christian doctrine had been deter-
mined in accordance with the emperor's wishes and aspirations. This is what had
happened with the teaching of Pal am as, too: although several brilliant Byzantine
intellectuals of the era were appalled at this, and they wrote extensive highly
inspired treatises in order to demonstrate that this was but a heretical whim, the

561 Folio 16v.

 Introduction I 131
emperor's iron hand sufficed for this novelty to be vested with the authority of
'orthodoxy'.
On folio 5r, we come upon the expression aK~paTO\ olaoox~ ('unblemished'
or 'untarnished' 'succession'), which is unique in the entire Greek literature of all
time. This is one more point betraying Gregoras' hand having written this com-
mentary. The epithet aK~paTO\ qualifying the noun olaoox~ ('succession') is some-
what peculiar at first glance, since the author does not deal with anything like
accession to royal thrones. Instead, he considers natural elements and pertinent
procedures. 562 As far as Gregoras' extant texts go, he apparently used this in refer-
ence to either genuine handing over of laws to various peoples or unquestionable
bequest of kingship. However, the insinuation is not hard to notice: 'unblemished
succession' to the throne was trampled down when Andronicus II Palaeologus
(who had appointed the young Gregoras chartophylax)563 was dethroned by his
grandson Andronicus III Palaeologus in 1328. However, Gregoras, stirred by an
unfailing sense of gratitude, withdrew to private life and remained loyal to the
elder Andronicus II to the end, and wrote an epitaphius in his honour.
When he commented on Wis. 9:11: 'And she shall guide me prudently in
my actions, and guard me with her glory' (folio 26r), once again he expresses his
unfaltering decision to abide by his principles. Hence, his comment declaring
that 'to be guarded by the Wisdom' means 'not to be snatched away by the deceits
that lay in waiting in life, which are insidious and easy to yield to'.564
Gregoras wrote this commentary while every now and then dropping hints
about his personal hardship, when he was incarcerated by his Palamite opponents
at the emperor's behest, who yearned for deterring him 'from writing and from
seeing or hearing anyone whatsoever' (rou fL~'T~ ),pacpHv, fL~'T~ ~A47rHV, fL~'T' aXOUHV
~~O.VO\ TWV ,,,,ranwv), and they, i.e. the Palamists, 'could have not enough of
harming the Church of God' with their impious teaching (Kat KOpOV ovo<va T~\
€\ Ta Kalp,a ~v ToD 8.oD €KKA~crlav ~Aa5'rToVcr~\ 6p~~\ ~.~v~~<v~v Aa~~vm)565
The aim of his exegesis was to demonstrate that those who chose to go astray
from God's flawless teaching will incur punishment, which would be an augury
omening occurrences analogous to those the Egyptians suffered because of
excruciating and subsequently chasing the people of God. As it happened with
the Israelites, also a king surrounded by servile sycophants, caused Gregoras'

562 See endnote xx, p. 305.

563 See pp. 106;108.
564 See endnote dxxi, demonstrating that Gregoras' pen is there, once this text is considered also on
philological grounds and compared with other texts of his.
565 Historia Romana, v. 2, pp. 1013-1014.
132 I Introduction
predicament, only because Gregoras abided by the unsullied teaching about God.
This is why he wrote this commentary - and he deemed that the first who should
take heed of the lessons given by king Solomon, and they were now retailed by
Gregoras himself, was emperor John VI Cantacuzenus, who had incarcerated
Gregoras because of the latter's antithesis to the teaching of Gregory Palamas,
and the emperor's eventual support of it. Therefore, deep down this was a veiled
censure of the emperor.

The purpose of this great man [Sc. Solomon] has been to demonstrate from all
[historical] instances that those who have been granted the power to be judges
ofthe earth should love righteousness and think ofthe Lord unerringly. And there
is no way for these [properties] to exist in anyone, unless one learns what were
the scourges that had been inflicted on those who opted for a wicked life and
rejected piousness towards God, and what were the benefactions that enjoyed
those who devoted themselves to that [sort of life] and they happened to be
lovers of the wisdom that comes from Him.

This is how, therefore, this great man both magnificently extolled everything
pertaining to God and supplied us with this excellent theory for our edifica-
tion .... A king as he was, on the one hand, he speaks both as one who had a
very good grasp of what kings who behaved otherwise had experienced, and
determines what kings inspired by this [wisdom] should be like, and what are
the things which they ought to desire, if they wish to procure everything, if
they wish to procure all things concurrently.566

Given Gregoras' turbulent life, his being a regular visitor of the imperial
palace and enjoyment of the imperial favour since his youth, this could be hardly
seen as forlorn admission of failure in view of what he was once, far less as an
ignominious end. Once we take into account his inner aspirations, his expressed
assessments of how his environment felt at him during various instances of his
own life, and philological analysis apart, the epilogue of the present commentary
on folio 54r is absolutely like him and particularly illuminating - all the more
so since it was not usual for Christian commentators to speak of their personal
life. But Gregoras was not any commentator: he was a man of passion, who was
not too reticent when he set out to afford an exegesis of the present biblical text.

566 Folio 54r.

 Introduction I 133

As for us, although we have had no involvement with all of those, we can speak
only in so far as we have something in common with him [Sc. Solomon], while
we do not have the time to catch our breath, and seeing that we have suffered
hardship from horrible hostility, and we are bearing up patiently plotting friends,
and we are struggling against both revolting varlets and the other enemies who
surpass us in terms of power of armoury and number of men; and since we are
unable to confront them, we strive to dispense with them in different ways.
Once, therefore, we have perfervidly desired to engage in offering an interpre-
tation of those most sublime things that have been told by him [sc. Solomon],
what could we possibly say, which would be worthy of them, except certain
few things, which anyway we have culled from his wisdom, and on which we
have expounded a certain little exegesis, whereby we satisfied a yearning of ours
rather than fulfilled the need of those who carry out earnest research?
But may all of these appear sufficient to God, who repays each one in accor-
dance with one's power, indeed even those who are able to offer little things
once they have done their utmost, which though may surpass those who have
produced great things, since God requites both one's attitude and [response to]
vocation.

This somber epilogue shows a commentator speaking of himself in a personal

tone, which also contributes to identifying the real author of that commentary.
And we have seen that Gregoras was par excellence a person that had a tendency
to speak of himself in a style befitting his hot temperament.
I have pointed out several instances bespeaking that the present author had
in front of him an earlier exegesis of this biblical apocryphon. Therefore, the
rubric he felt incumbent upon himself to write was both sincere and modest: the
least he would have meant was to profess that he accomplished this project by fol-
lowing Origen's lead. Anyway, ten centuries after Athanasius and nine after the
historian Socrates Scholasticus, Gregoras was the only one who spoke fondly of
Origen, the man who had paid a heavy price for being a genius. But this is always
the case with geniuses: great deeds come at great cost.
In the past, I have written several times that everyone damned Origen by
appealing to (indeed parroting) imaginary allegations made by a churl, such
as Justinian. All of those jibes normally cited Origen's lost De Principiis, which
(except for the Philocalia fragments) was a text existed in a clumsy translation
by Rufinus. This is what happened since the times of Antipater of Bostra and of
Epiphanius of Salamis, but the latter every now and then conceded that he wrote
from hearsay. This practice took a turn for the worse after Origen's condemnation
in the sixth century, and authors thereafter, until today, have kept on making the
134 I Introduction
same allegations on that score. No one did ever care to cite (let alone quote) what
Origen had written in the Contra Ce!sum, which survived as an integral treatise.
The sole exception was Nikephorus Gregoras, who stalwartly declared that it is
impossible to read Contra Ce!sum and to treat Origen as a heretic, all the more
so since 'the holy Fathers' of old had availed themselves of 'numerous books' of
Origen's - but, unlike the subsequent bedaubing detractors, those Fathers were
'industrious' and had in fact read Origen's own words. 56 ?
When Gregoras stoutheartedly proclaimed that he was not prepared to
renounce all ofOrigen's books, a precis of his disposition could run as follows: 'You
can think whatever you like about what is either orthodox or heretical in Origen's
work, and rend your clothes upon suppositious aberrations. After all, there is
no accounting for taste. But even if I granted that, concerning Origen, perhaps
nothing is for sure, nevertheless, this is the only thing sure I know: to industrious
and learned Fathers, numerous books of Origen's have been a blueprint in order
for them to form the orthodox doctrine; hence, his method and analyses are of
perennial value amidst the exigencies of life throughout all History.'
Gregoras did not set out to do Trinitarian Theology, as Origen had done
(among other doctrines) upon using the Book of Wisdom. This is why Gregoras
did not set any great store by the point of whether Wisdom should be either
identified as the Holy Spirit or as the Son - actually, he affirmed both of those
notions, on account of the Trinity being homoousios.
Rather, he availed himself of the anti-Platonic lesson he had learned from
Origen, who had shunned Plato's theory thus:

Our Lord and Saviour indeed alludes to yet another world, which is difficult to
describe and depict in actual truth, beyond this visible one. For he says, I am
not of this world/,68 and the words 'I am not of this world', suggest that he was
of some other world. 1 have already said that it is difficult for us to explain this
other world; and for this reason (that is, if we did so), there would be a risk of
giving some men the impression that we are affirming the existence of certain
imaginary forms, which the Greeks call 'ideas' (qua putent nos imagines quas-
dam, quas Graeci i6kC(.~ nominant). For it is certainly foreign to our mode of
reasoning (quod utique a nostris rationibus alienum est) to speak of an incor-
poreal world that exists solely in the mind's fancy (in sola mentis fantasia) or in
the slippery region of mind (vel cogitationum lubrico consistentem); and how

567 See supra, p. 22.

568 John, 17:14-16.
 Introduction I 135

men could affirm that the Saviour came from thence or that the saints will go
thither 569 I do not see.570

Instead, Origen looked through not just the ruling NousIMind/God: 571 what
is more, he looked into the governing dynamics that this Nous creates by means
of His initial and indestructible creature, namely, the logoilgenerative and cohe-
sive causes. 572 The logoi are not the static and inert Platonic Ideas that exist in an
obscure Beyond. Instead, the totality oflogoi, or the 'kingdom of heavens', or the
Body of Logos, or the 'heavenly Jerusalem', or the 'city of God', or the Pleroma, or
the 'Church of the Firstborn', etc. 573 are ceaselessly active agents within History,
whereby man is capable of perpetrating as much atrocity as he has the ability to
apotheosise himself
This was not just conjectural theory. For only once the operative agents that
give rise to the reality of this world, and are endlessly involved in the function of
this, are clearly determined, can a real Philosophy of History be composed and
make sense. 574 This is the lesson Gregoras had learned from Origen and applied
to this commentary, too - since Gregoras was not one of those who believe that
action is the enemy of thought: the message he was out to impart (actually, to
teach and caveat emperor himself) is that this dynamics would turn against the
ephemeral despot, who had used mundane power in order to inflict and sanction
the heretic doctrine of Palamas as an orthodox one.
Eight centuries after Socrates Scholastic us had dared to defend Origen,
Nikephorus Gregoras was the sole author who had the nerve to proclaim that
Origen was a pioneer of orthodoxy, and urged his readers to study that corpus
of works instead of regurgitating cliches of old. Moreover, Gregoras ran con-
trary to a long-established tradition: instead of encroaching on Origen's work, he
beclouded himself as author and placed Origen's name on the header of a work in
effect written by Gregoras himself, not by Origen. It now turns out that he dared
to write a commentary on Solomon's Book of Wisdom, which in essence was his
own commentary, and yet he attributed this to Origen by name, only because he
was inspired by Origen's Philosophy of History and felt he should pay his dues

569 Cf. John, 17:24.

570 Origen, Prine, 11.3.6.
571 In De Principiis, the term Nous/Mind for God is almost as frequent as the term God itself.
572 See Anaxagoras, pp. 827-964; 1298-130].
573 See the numerous alternative designations that Origen used for the totality of logoilcauses, in
Panayiotis Tzamalikos, 'Origen and Philosophy', pp. 400-401, in Mark Edwards, The Routledge
Handbook ofEarly Christian Philosophy, London, New' York, 2021, pp. 397-425.
574 See my Origen: Philosophy ofHistory and Eschatology.
136 I Introduction
to his creative flare instead of carrying on a centuries-long tradition that sought
to dilute the thought of the most brilliant mastermind of Christian philosophy,
whose 'crime' was exactly his genius itself.
This is how, nearly seven centuries ago, the present author felt about Origen
and availed himself of Origen's unblemished theory. And this is one of the rea-
sons confirming my unflinching conviction that, not only in those late Byzantine
times, but also today, 'Origen matters for us, and always will.'S7S

575 Panayiotis Tzamalikos, 'Origcn and Philosophy', in Mark Edwards' op. cit. p. 416.
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Cod. iPftl'J"w$inct.
2 Wis. 1:1.
3 Cod. ~vo ....
4 Cod. &"'Ot;.
5 Cod. ~$W....
6 Cod. ~vwcrfllct ....
7 Cod. -rctv-rn
8 Cod. &r~AOt.
9 Cod. 7ro$oVv-r~;.
10 Rom. 6:19-22; 1 Cor. 1:30; 1 Thess. 4:3-7; 1 Tim. 2:15.
11 Cf. Rom. 14:7.
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12 This quotation is not exactly scriptural. However, cf. 3 Kings (1 Kings in Masoretic text), 5:12; Psalm
71:2; Psalms of Solomon, 17:26; Ecclesiasticus, 45:26.
13 Michah,6:8.
14 Cf. Isaiah, 2:2.
15 Wis. 1:1.
16 Cod. ~$tX~;.
17 Matt. 7:21.
18 The term itmtpoov...ctfto; ('infinitely powerful') was coined by Alexander of Aphrodisias, who deter-
mined also that this depicts a subject which is incorporeal. commMetaph, p. 800: T"O o~ itrow" Xt... oVv
d ... Y]crw it7r~tpoov...ctft0'" d ... ctt it ... ityxY] . ... itcrwftctT"av apct T"O it7r~tpoov...ctft0'" icrT"t.... Later, this was taken up
by both Christians and Greeks alike.
19 Wis. 1:2. Cf. D eut. 6:16 , quoted in Matt. 4:7 and Luke, 4:12.
20 Cod. ~v~p~X~i.
21 1 Cor. 2:4.
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22 Cf. Deut. 6:16; Matt. 4:7; Luke, 4:12.

23 Exodus, 33:20.
24 Cod. ctv-rbv.
25 Cf. John, 17:3.
26 Mark, 11:23; cf. Matt. 21:21.
27 Matt. 5:8.
28 LXX: ot
29 A known alt. to LXX 7rcttodct;.
30 A known alt. to LXX cr0<fltct.
31 LXX: AoyW....
32 Wis. 1:3-10.
33 Cf. Deut. 32:5 (Odae, 2:5); Proverbs, 16:28; Phil. 2:15.
34 cr. Eph. 2,19.
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35 Cod. bpa....
36 Cod. it7wrr~tp0fti... w....
37 Wis. 1:4.
38 Cod. cr-ro~flct.
39 Cf. Wis. 9:15.
40 Psalm 50:12.
41 Psalm 50:14.
42 Exodus, 31:3; 35:31; Deut. 34:9; Ecclesiasticus, 39:6; Isaiah, 11:2.
43 Cf. Psalms of Solomon, Psalm 18:?
44 Cf. Wis. 1:5; 11:15.
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45 Cf. Psalms ofSoiomon, 4:24; Tobit, 12:10; 14:7-

46 Cf. Psalms 16:4; 58:13.
47 Cf. Psalm 61:13; Provo 24:12; Ecclesiasticus, 16:14; Rom. 2:6; 1 Peter, 1:17; Rev. 2:23; 20:13.
48 Cod. CtxcttOAoytct;.
49 Cod. ~~~Aacr'fl1']fUKO;. This form of Present Perfect participle ~~~ActcT'fl1']ft1']KW; has been used only in
three cases, all of them by later Byzantine authors. Gregoras used virtually the same phrase as the one
in the present text, which boosts the authorship of this commentary that I have proposed. The spelling
mistake suggests that this manuscript was not written by Gregoras himself, but was transcribed a little
later, as I have discussed in Introduction. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 3, p. 185: d;!ho ...
~~~ActCT'fl1']ft1']KW;' (cf. op. cit. v. 2: p. 1004: ~~~ActCT'fl1'])l1']x6-ro; & p. 1075: ~~~ActCT'fl1'])l1']x6-rct;). John VI
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50 Cod. ctv-r~ ... -rYjv 'fltAO;O~(ct....
51 Cf. Gen. 3:4-5.
52 Cf. Psalm 7:10; Jeremiah, 17:10.
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53 The only parallel to this turn appears in Anonymous, Scholia in Demosthenem, oration 23.1 (On
Demosthenes, ContraAristocratem): lcrTl;' h fticrw TOV 7rpoolftlov TovTP1Tov crvcrTp0'fl~ Tl; i ... $vftl1ftctTlK~.
Op. cit. oration 23.12: lcrTl;~ crVcrTp0'fl~ Tl; i ... $vftl1ftctTlK~ T~'" cttTlct... lxovcrct Tolctthl1....
54 Psalms 13:1 & 52:2.
55 Cf. Matt. 12:35; Luke, 6:45.
56 Cod. wPftl1ftchw....
57 Heb. 4:12. Cod. i ... $Vft~crW'¥Kctl;tctwOlw....
58 Psalm 7:10; cf. Jer. 17:10.
59 Cod. M$ol.
60 Psalm 49 :21.
61 Cod. 7rpocr'fl~p0fti... w....
62 Psalm 5:11.
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63 On God's 'irritation' and 'wrath' at human sins, see Num. 16:30; 20:24; Deut. 9:7-8; 9:19; 29:27;
32:16 (Odae, 2:16); 32:19 (Odae, 2:19); Psalms 9:25; 9:34; 73:18; 77:41; 105:29; 106:11; Psalmi
Salomonis, Psalm 4:21; Hosea, 8:5; Zachariah, 10:3; Malachi, 2:17; Isaiah, 5:24; 37:23; 47:6; 63:10;
Jeremiah, 39:37; Baruch, 4:7-
64 Cod. itpPt;~AW;.
65 Cf. Luke, 8:17-
66 LXX: ITO p~vcr~-rctt.
67 Wis. 1:11.
68 Cf. Matt. 21:28; Luke, 13:6.
69 Cf. Luke, 15:23-32.
70 Cf. Susana, 35a.
71 Cf. Gen. 28:12; 32:2; Job, 1:6; 2:1.
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72 Cod. 60fla-rw.... Luke, 12:3; cf. Matt. 10:27-

73 Psalm 100:5.
74 Cf. Gen. 9:6.
75 Cf. John, 8:44.
76 LXX: oV-r~.
77 Wis. 1:12-15.
78 Matt. 16:25; Mark, 8:35; Luke, 9:24.
79 Cod. nfl~opvX0Vv-r~;.
80 Cf. Jesus Nave, 3:10; Tobit, 13:2; Daniel, 6:27-
81 Cf. Mark, 10:18; Luke, 18:19.
82 Cf. 1 John, 5:20.
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83 Cod .... tKyfM;.

84 Cf. Gen. 1:20-21.
85 G en. 1:11-12; 1:24-25.
86 Cod. ity~pw-rctt;.
87 Wis. 9:3.
88 Cf. Gen. 1:22; 1:28; 8:17; etc. 2 Cor. 9:10.
89 LXX: 6)..tyo; icnt Kctt AVl'rY]p6;.
90 Cod. b it ... ctAVCTct;.
91 Cod. iy~ ... ~$Y]ft~....
92 ~ ~w~ not in LXX, or alt. ~ 7n'Oh
93 LXX: ;tctxV$~CTHctt.
94 LXX: ov$~t;.
95 Wis. 1:16-2:5. Cod. itw:npit'flY].
96 Cod. i ....
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97 Cf. Wis. 2:24: 'fl$&v'lJ;~ ;tct~oAov$a... ct-ro; dcr~A$~ ... d; -ro... xocrflo....
98 Cf. Wis. 1:9. Psalms 5:11; 9:23.
99 Cf. Isaiah, 22:13; Matt. 6:31.
100 Cod. it... aAVCTl;.
101 1 Kings, 2:6 (Odae, 3:6); cf. Tobit, 13:2; Wis. 16:13.
102 A known alt. to the LXX, xct7n'O; ~ 7n'O~ i ... Plcrt... ~flw",.
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103 Cod. KYJPO;.

104 Cod. CtTrWAOnO Kcd.
105 Cf. 1 John, 5:17-
106 Cf. Provo 24:9; 6:16; 6:23; 1 Cor. 15:56; James, 1:15.
107 Cf. Wis. 2:24. Jer. 9:20; Rom. 5:12-14; 7:11-13; 8:2.
108 Cod. TrctArvSwlct;.
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109 A statement against the theory of metempsychosis. Cf. Nikeforous Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1,
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110 LXX: h ..... ~6-r1']-rt.
111 LXX: lctpo;. But !'tipo; in codices Sinaiticus [corr.l and Vaticanus.
112 Wis. 2:6-11.
113 Cod. dcr~ctAovcrw....
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115 Cod. 0ft0YV0ft0... ov...T"wv.
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118 Cf. Wis. 2:18; 4:7; 4:16; 5:1.
119 Cod. iA~Xicr$w.
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121 Ked not in LXX.

122 Wis. 2:12-16.
123 Cod. in~v$~....
124 Tit. 2:13.
125 Wis. 2:13; cf. Psalms of Solomon, Psalm 12:6: -rov Kvptov ~ crWT"l1ptct bd 'Icrpct~A Trcti6ct ctlhov d;
T"O ... ctlW... ct.
126 Wis. 2:16.
127 Wis. 2:18.
128 Col. 3:12; Phil. 2:1. Cod. ointPftw....
129 John, 14:6; cf. 18:38.
130 Cod. d ... crO>i.
131 Matt. 22:17; Mark, 12:14; Luke, 20:22.
132 Matt. 23:5.
133 Matt. 23:16-17.
134 Cod. xVfll1"'O>i.
135 Cod. T"o...lA~O"'.
136 Matt. 23:23; cf. Luke, 11:42.
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137 Luke, 11:39; cf. Matt. 23:25.

138 Cod. uftCrv.
139 John, 8:54-55.
140 John, 10:36.
141 Matt. 9:4.
142 Cod. cr-rpwcrav.
143 John, 19:6.
144 Luke, 6:32-35.
145 Matt. 23:27.
146 Cod. in~A6ft~... o;.
147 Luke, 12:1; cf. Matt. 16:6&11; Mark, 8:15.
148 Matt. 25:46.
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149 Cod. ;o~asw.

150 Cod. vftCrv.
151 Cf. Jesus Nave, 24:18; Isaiah, 30:18. John, 8:54.
152 Wis. 2:17-20.
153 Cf. Psalm 2:1, quoted in Acts, 4:25.
154 Cf. Luke, 5:30; 15:2; 19:7; John, 16:4.
155 John, 19:7-
156 Cod. it7ro7r~tpacro ...-rctt.
157 Cod. ct1hov.
158 Cf. Matt. 27:39; Mark, 15:29; cf. Psalm, 21:8; Isaiah, 37:22; Lam. 2:15.
159 Matt. 27:43, quoting Psalm 21:9 slightly paraphrased.
160 Cod. -ro1h'll.
161 LXX: o-rt.
162 Cf. Psalm 21:8-9.
163 Cod. ot;.
164 John, 10:20; cf. Matt. 11:18; Luke, 7:33; John, 7:20; 8:48-52.
165 Cf. Matt. 9:11; 11:19; Mark, 2:16; Luke, 5:30; 7:34.
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166 Cod'1IT]"lxct.
167 Cod. Ct1IT]Mct-rl1fthol.
168 Cod.-rtftfi·
169 Isaiah, 53:3.
170 Isaiah, 53:7-8.
171 Jer. 11:19.
172 i.e. Solomon.
173 Matt. 11:29.
174 Matt. 27:63.
175 Cf. Matt. 28:1.
176 Cod. i7rlotr\i.
177 Wis. 2:21-24.
178 Cod. A7r6$ctt;.
179 Cod. iXiflopofthl1;'
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180 Wis. 2:12.

181 Wis. 2:14.
182 Wis. 2:16.
183 Wis. 2:16.
184 Wis. 2:17-18.
185 Wis. 2:19.
186 Wis. 2:20.
187 Wis. 2:21.
188 Matt. 22:29; Mark, 12:24.
189 Cod. hct fth
190 Isaiah, 6:10, quoted in Matt. 13:15 & Acts, 28:27.
191 Cod. a... ctxtnfctt.
192 Baruch,3:36.
193 Baruch,3:38.
194 Cod. aft~AvOIT~(J'ctYr~;.
195 Cod. i ... $~vk
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196 Wis. 2:24.

197 Cf. Gen. 1:26-27.
198 Cf. Wis. 1:16.
199 Cf. Wis. 1:13.
200 Cod. fl~T"ctAaxa... ovcn.
201 Psalm 1:5.
202 Cod.T"C
203 Cf. Wis. 1:13.
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204 Wis. 3:1-5.

205 1 Thess. 2:10.
206 Cf. Matt. 10:28.
207 Cod. inpinr].
208 Psalm 115:6.
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209 Wis. 3:5-9. The addition Iv 7();~o-rfO/~(i1hoii, xai honon:1 Iv appears only in Codex Sinaiticus (alias N),
which is an excerpt from Wis. 4:15. See endnote lxiii.
210 John, 19:10.
211 Wis. 3:5.
212 Cod. KCtAtcr-rct.
213 Cod. ~;~AOt.
214 Cod. imtpwso...-rw....
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215 This is a formula introduced by Thucydides (Historiae, 6.55.3), and used also by Nikeforus Gregoras,
Epistulae, epistle 122, line 93: TroM0-r0 mptOWt -rCr... ~pyw....
216 Cod. $wo....
217 Psalm 4:6.
218 Cod. ctl)-rO"'.
219 Psalm 68:32.
220 Matt. 13:43.
221 Tit. 2:13.
222 2 Tim. 2:10.
223 John, 5:29.
224 Cf. Matt. 13:43.
225 Cf. Matt. 12:41-42; Luke, 11:30-32.
226 Cf. Deut. 15:6 &28:12.
227 Cf. John, 17:3.
228 The term ctl)-roctA~$~tct for Christ was coined by Origen (commJohn, VI.6.38; exhMar, sections 10; 47;
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(P. Cair. 88748 + cod. Vat. gr. 762), p. 146), and then employed by his admirers, Gregory of Nyssa,
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Basil of Caesarea, Gregory of Nazianzus, Athanasius, Didymus, John Chrysostom, Theodoret, Cyril
of Alexandria. Also, by the Greek Neoplatonists Syrianus and Proclus. See in my RCR, 'Christian
Influence on Neoplatonism', pp. 333-377. See this term also supra p. 150.
229 John, 14:6.
230 Cf. John, 18:38.
231 1 John, 4:16.
232 Baruch,4:24.
233 Matt. 25:34.
234 LXX: -rov 6tKCtlOtlKCtl-rOV Ktlptotl.
235 yap added by the commentator.
236 Wis. 3:10-19.
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237
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237 LXX: -rov 6tKCtlOVKCtl-rOV Kvptov.

238 Psalm 30:24.
239 Cf. Luke, 6:48-49.
240 Cf. Luke, 14:28-30.
241 Cod. Aa$wCTt....
242 Cod. i ... 6iKct.
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243 Cod. KIit....

244 Cod. Tlfuwdpo; w....
245 Cf. Matt. 7:16-20.
246 Cod. X~tp07rOt1']T"ov;.
247 Cf. 4 Mac. 8:28.
248 Cod. itp7rCty~;.
249 Cod. xA07ti];.
250 Cod. 'flo",ov.
251 Cod. T"W'" aMw....
252 Cf. Psalms 24:3; 30:7-
253 Matt. 19:12.
254 Cf. Matt. 20:21-25; 25:33; Mark, 10:37&40.
255 Cf. Matt. 20:21&23; 25:33; Luke, 10:42; Mark, 10:37; 10:40.
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256 Cf. Gal. 4:26.

257 LXX alts. Kpdnw, Kpdcrcrw....
258 Isaiah, 56:4-5.
259 Cf. Matt. 7:16-18; Luke, 6:43-44.
260 Cod. K-rtcrctt-ro.
261 The expression TrpO; -ro... e~o ... 0010-r1']; comes from Philo. De Abrahamo, 208: ocrto-r1']; flh TrpO; -ro...
e~o .... De Specialibus Legibus, 2.63: TrpO; e~o ... 6t' ~vcr~~dct; Kctt ocrto-r1']-ro;. Qjtaestiones in Exodum, fr.
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Sw~ ... -r0 e~0·
262 Cod. -r~$1']AW-rct;.
263 Cf. Wis. 3:15.
264 Cod. TrOAt-rtct....
265 Isaiah, 33:2; cf. 57:4.
266 Cf. Exodus, 20:5&7; D eut. 5:9.
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267 Cod. Trpocr60KOfti... t];.

268 Cod. Ctt]6dct;.
269 Cf. Esther, 1O:3h; Judith, 16:17; Provo 6:34; Psalms of Solomon, 15:12; Isaiah, 34:8; Matt. 10:15;
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270 ctVT"W'" not in the standard LXX.
271 Wis. 4:1-6.
272 Cod. imKpch~tct.
273 Cod. Ctft~$v~(ct.
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274 Matt. 5:14.

275 Cod. 7rctp$~ ... (ct.
276 Cod. KIit....
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277 Cod'1IT]"txct.
278 1 Cor. 4:5; cf. Rom. 13:12.
279 ~ not in LXX.
280 hct not in LXX.
281 LXX: iXA~X-roi;.
282 LXX: O(1tOl;.
283 Wis. 4:7-15.
284 Cod. W'fl~AO;.
285 Cod. rrp-o.
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286 Cod. W'fl~AO;.

287 Psalm 119:5.
288 Psalm 141:8.
289 Cod. yi]pct.
290 Cod. ~Al'pdct.
291 Cf. Job, 15:34; Ezekiel, 33:11&14.
292 1 Cor. 15:33 (apudEuripides, Fragmenta, fr. 1024).
293 Cf. Susana, 35a.
294 Cod. 6ta -rctV-rct.
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295 Cf. Ezekiel, 33:11; Wis. 1:13.

296 Cf. 2 Tim. 4:8.
297 An acceptable alternative to CTtr... -riAwt....
298 iJ.cfticrot! is a later Byzantine form, meaning 'in the middle of.
299 Isaiah,57:1-2.
300 Cf. Rom. 8:4; 2 Cor. 10:2-3.
301 Cf. Ecclesiasticus, 42:11; Isaiah, 17:12.
302 Wis. 4:15.
303 Wis. 3:10.
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304 LXX: Kctftdrv.

305 LXX: iA~vcro ... -rctt.
306 Wis. 4:16-20.
307 Cod. itfl'flt~ctAonct;.
308 Eph.3'9.
309 An expression coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia, pp. 92; De
Divinis Nominibus, p. 124; et passim. Then, Maximus Confessor, Qytaestiones ad Thalassium, 21;
Ambigua adJoannem, 60.2 (actually quotingAreopagites). Gregory of Agrigentum used this formula
abundantly. Commentarius in Ecclesiasten, 3.18; 3.20; 4.3; 4.4; 10.12; 10.14.
310 Cf. Rom. 8:2; cf. 5:13; 6:7.
311 Cod. -r0-rct'fl'{l.
312 Cf. Matt. 27:64-65.
313 Eph.3'9.
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314 Cod. m1crO>iTW.

315 Psalm 2:4.
316 Cf. Job, 18:12; 20:5; 37:16.
317 Cod. i~6A~t; Kctl7rpo6A~t;.
318 Psalms 9:27; 76:9; 84:6.
319 Cod. 'flptct~afli... w....
320 Cf. 1 Peter, 3:15.
321 Cod. 7rp0'flacr~t;.
322 aUTo... not in LXX.
323 LXX: crwTYJpta;. ipovcrt....
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324 i7rD.ctftt~...
is a known alternative to the LXX O.ctftt~....
325 -r~;6txcttOCTVv1'];, not in LXX.
326 LXX: imY"wft~.... But gY"wft~... was used only by Pseudo-Athanasius, Sermo ad Antiochum Ducem,
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327 -rp67r~w;, instead of -rp6mo;, in Codices Alexandrinus and Sinaiticus (corrector).
328 Wis. 5:1-14.
329 Cf. 4 Mace. 9:9; 10:11.
330 Cod.701"lxct.
331 Matt. 24:30; Mark, 13:26; Luke, 21:27.
332 Matt. 26:64; Mark, 14:62.
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333 Cf. Heb. 12:22.

334 Cf. Psalms 96:7; 137:2; Odae, 2:43; Heb. 1:6.
335 Cod. ~,.
336 Cod. i~0ft0AOr(cr~-rCtl.
337 Psalm 6:6.
338 Cod. ~ it;~A'flh
339 Cod. icr-rt. Cf. Matt. 15:55-56.
340 John, 8:57.
341 John, 9:16.
342 John, 10:20; cf. Luke, 7:33.
343 Cf. Matt. 27:41; Mark, 15:31; Luke, 14:29; 22:63.
344 Matt. 20:19; cf. Matt. 27:41; Mark, 15:31; Luke, 14:29; 22:63.
345 John, 19:25; cf. Mark, 15:25; Luke, 23:33. Cf. Matt. 20:19.
346 Cf. John, 1:18; cf. 11:27.
347 Gen. 1:26.
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348 Odae, 14:25-26; cf. 1 Tim. 6:14-15; Judas, 4.

349 John, 8:12.
350 Cod. ).($Ol;.
351 Cf. John, 8:59.
352 Cod. iplsw$1'].
353 Mark, 4:3-9; Luke, 8:5-8.
354 Cod. 0....
355 Cod. 7rctp~M.
356 Cf. Gen. 9:6.
357 Cod. ;lW;~VW.
358 Cf. Provo 19:23.
359 Cod. ;lW;~VcrctYr~;.
360 Cf. Num. 20:17; 21:22.
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361 Cf. Luke, 11:46.

362 Cf. Job, 42:12.
363 Cf. Gen. 45:13.
364 Cod. Tripct....
365 Cod. t.
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370 Wis. 5:15-23.

371 Cod. T"~;.
372 Cf. Matt. 24:30 (Daniel, 7:13); 26:64.
373 Psalm 109:1 (quoted in Mat. 12:36; 22:44; Luke, 20:42; Acts, 2:34; Heb. 1:13); Odae, 14:23; Matt.
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374 Cod. fl~Aovcrn
375 Cod. flctKctptdn'YJT"t.
376 Cod. UTr0xwpovcrr....
377 Cod. imyt",ofllhiYJ;.
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378 Cf. Acts, 10:34; Rom. 2:11; Eph. 6:9; 1 Peter, 1:17.
379 Cod. b7rA~(J'~W;.
380 Cod. b7rA~(J'~W;.
381 Cod. (J"nA~0fti"'J1-
382 Cf. Eph. 2:2; 5:6; Col. 3:6.
383 cr. Eph. 5,6; Col. 3>6.
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385 Cod. Ctft7ro-rtCTt.
386 Cod. imcnpit~t.
387 Cf. Matt. 21:43.
388 Wis. 6:1-8.
389 Wis. 1:1.
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390 Cod. fliAovcrrv.

391 Cod. KIit... .
392 Cod. KIit... .
393 Cf. Num. 33:53; Psalm 32:14; Hosea, 4:1; Sophonias, 1:18; Zachariah, 11:6; Jeremiah, 1:14; 6:12;
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394 Cod. i;~;6Mt.
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395 Cod. mplp~6ft~ ... ot.

396 Cod. xctAmo-ra-rw....
397 Cod. CtTrOAv...ctt.
398 Cod. crvMOv...-rct.
399 Cf. Luke, 12:48.
400 alt. CtP$pift~oAct. Cf. 4 Mace. 8:13; 10:5.
401 Cod. ;lWpV~~l;.
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402 Cf. Acts, 10:34; Rom. 2:11; Eph. 6:9; Col. 3:25; 1 Peter, 1:17.
403 Cod. -rpt<fl$ctAfwv, which appears only once, in the Ads of the Athos Monastery of LArva, Document 43,
line 56.
404 Supra: tcrxvpa as in LXX.
405 Cf. Psalm 7:12; Psalms of Solomon, 2:18; 9:2; 2 Tim. 4:8.
406 Jer. 28:18.
407 Cod. icct-rWpv~ct;.
408 Cf. Matt. 25:16-30.
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412 LXX: 'flpo... ~cr~w;'"t~A~t6'"t1'];.

413 LXX: apa. CodiccsSinaiticus and Alexandrinus [corr.]yap.
414 LXX: Kat TrW; iyi... ~'"to.
415 LXX: KOt"'W... ~cr~t. Codex Alexandrinus: Kot"'W>i~i.
416 Wis. 6:9-25.
417 Cod. ;~;t;ax·9in~;.
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418 Cod. Ctyct7rW-rwv.

419 Cod. Ct'fllic6ft~$ct.
420 Cod. 7rp0Y"wcr$~ ... ctt. But on folio 15v, the author wrote the biblical portion npo -rovY"wcr$~ ... ctt, too.
421 Supra and LXX: npo;. The present in' appears in codices B [VaticanusJ and S [SinaiticusJ [AJ.
422 Cod. CtnOAt7rofti...Y].
423 That is, ignorance of wisdom.
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424 flOt not in LXX.

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425 Cf. Matt. 5:19.

426 Cod. oVX'
427 Cod.7rAf}!Jo;.
428 Cod. 'flpo"'Y]flo;. This mispclling occurs only in the Acts of the Athos Monastery of Cutlumusion,
Document 73, line 7-
429 See Acto... 8wv in 2 Kings, 14:13. Cf. Wis. 18:3: wfloAoyY]CTct... 8wvvlo ... Acto... ~r... ctt.
430 Cf. Exodus, 15:24; 17:3; Num. 11:1; 14.2.
431 Cf. Num. 12:7-
432 Cf. 1 Esdras, 4:13-41; 5:46-52.
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433 Cod. 7rat;~v~cr$at.

434 Wis. 6:10.
435 Cod. 7rap$~ ... lct.
436 Cf. Luke, 18:10-14.
437 yap not in any known codex.
438 Cod. ncra.
439 LXX: Kat h 'flpwr(crt....
440 w; not in LXX, but in Codex Sinaiticus {corr.}.
441 LXX: Vy(~ta ....
442 ~crTl not in any known codex.
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455 Cf. Wis. 6:15; 8:6-7; 8:18; 8:21.

456 Cod. -r6.
457 Matt. 7:7; cf. Luke, 11:9.
458 Cf. Matt. 21:21; Mark, 11:23.
459 Cod. bft0(w(J'~.
460 Cod. t(yftct-rct.
461 Cod. fthctAct.
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463 Matt. 6:33.

464 Cf. Wis. 7:7; 8:6.
465 Matt. 10:8.
466 Matt. 7:2.
467 Luke, 6:38; cf. Matt. 7:2.
468 Cod. ix$pCrv.
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469 Cod. 0mp.

470 Cod. cro'fllcM.
471 Cf. Wis. 7:27; James, 2:23.
472 LXX: d7r~i... KWtCtyvWftl'J".
473 LXX: ;~;0fti... w.... But A~r0fti... w... appears in codices Sinaiticus andAlexandrinus.
474 LXX: icrTW.
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476 LXX: i6(;ct~i... ft~.
477 Wis. 7:15-21.
478 Cod. h9~lcr0fti"'Ol;.
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480 Acts, 17:28.
481 Cod. cttvrCt.
482 Cod. b7r6-r~po.
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490 Cod. io(octno.

491 Cod. -r~X"'~Tl;. Cf. Wis. 7:21; 8:6; 14:2.
492 Cod. -r~X"'~"l;.
493 Cod. xct$ctpto-rY]-rct.
494 Cod. icm....
495 LXX: &cr-rpw....
496 LXX: XpY]cr-rw;. Wis. 7:22-8:1.
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497 Cod. -r~x"~-rr.... Cf. Wis. 7:21; 8:6; 14:2.

498 Cf. Wis. 1:3.
499 James, 1:17-
500 Cf. Wis. 1:4.
501 Cf. 1 Cor. 1:24.
502 Cf. Wis. 1:5.
503 Cod. 6tct-rpctwV....
504 Cod. m-jCTav-rctt.
505 Cf. Matt. 19:28.
506 Wis. 7:15.
507 Wis. 7:17-
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509 Luke, 12:12.

510 Cod. sic.
511 Cf. Heb. 4:12 (ref. to the Logos of God).
512 Cod. )'(6ct.
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514 Cf. Deut. 4:24; 9:3; quoted in Heb. 12:29.
515 Cf. Psalm 47:11.
516 Cf. Matt. 5:45.
517 Cf. Psalm 103:28.
518 Cf. Isaiah, 26:7; 33:15; 40:3 (quoted in Matt. 3:3; Mark, 1:3; Luke, 3:4); 45:13; Ezekiel, 33:17&20;
Daniel, 3:27 (Odae, 7:27); 2 Kings, 12:23; 2 Esdras, 8:21; Tobit, 4:19; Psalm 106:7; Provo 2:13&16;
20:11; Ecclesiasticus, 39:24; Osee, 14:10; Acts, 13:10; 2 Peter, 2:15.
519 Cf. Wis. 7:27.
520 cr. Eph. 5,)5.
521 Cf. Ecclesiasticus, 48:8.
522 Cod. $~or~"'1']cr(ct....
523 Cod. 'fllir0ft~"'Kctt7r(0ft~.... Cf. Matt. 6:31; cf. 6:25; Luke, 12:22; 12:29.
524 Cod. AD,oX~'
525 Psalm 103:4, quoted in Heb. 1:7.
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526 Heb. 9:5.

527 Isaiah, 6:2; 6:6.
528 Col. 1:16.
529 Col. 1:16; cf. Rom. 8:38; 1 Cor. 15:24; Eph. 1:21; 1 Peter, 3:22.
530 Cod. KYJAt6ct.
531 Rom. 8:38; Col. 1:16; 11:5; Eph. 3:10; Acts, 10:11.
532 Cf. 1 Thess. 4:16; Judas, 9.
533 Cf. Rom. 8:38.
534 Cf. Aristotle, Physica, 258b; cf. De Motu Animalium, 700a.
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535 Cod. xct$ctptOT"YJT"ct.

536 Joel, 3:3; quoted also in Acts, 2:19.
537 Cf. Acts, 2:3.
538 Cod.7rOlflctt... ctpXlct....
539 Sec endnote evii.
540 Cf. John, 14:13.
541 John, 17:4.
542 Cf. Jcr. 23:9.
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543 Deut. 4:24; 9:3.

544 Cod. ctunv.
545 Phil.H.
546 Cf. Gen. 1:26; 9:6.
547 Cf. Gen. 1:26.
548 Gen. 1:27; cf. 5:1.
549 Heb. 1:3.
550 Cf.2 Cor. 1:3; 11:31; Eph. 1:3; 6:4; 1 Peter, 1:3.
551 Cod. oVeTct.
552 Cod. i ... ~pyovv-rct.
553 Cod. crv ... ixo ...-rct.
554 Cod. Trctpayo ...-rct.
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555 Cf. Tit. 2:11.

556 Cf. Wis. 19:22.
557 Wis. 7:27; cf. James, 2:23.
558 Cod. AaA~crJ1-
559 Cf. Exodus, 33:11.
560 Cod. ~u;0ft~KOnct.
561 Cod. ~U;0ft~KOnct.
562 Cf. Num. 11:24-26.
563 Cf. Joel, 3:1; quoted in Acts, 2:17-
564 Cf. Lev. 26:3&43; 3 Kings 8:61; Ecclesiasticus, 6:37; Jer. 39:23; 51:23; Ezekiel, 11:20; 18:9;
20:13&16&19&21; 33:15; 37:24; et passim.
565 Psalms 118:16&23; 118:48&80&117; Luke, 1:6. Cf. Gen. 26:5; Exodus, 15:26; 24:3; Lev. 25:18;
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566 Cf. John, 14:21-23.

567 Provo 1:7; cf. 9:10; Psalm 110:10.
568 Cf. Wis. 7:27-
569 Gen. 1:3.
570 Gen. 1:16 and Psalm 135:9 combined.
571 Cod. oV-rw.
572 Cod. av-rfi.
573 Cod .... at.
574 Cod. 7rawr$~"'fi.
575 LXX: XP1']CT'"tW;. Wis. 8:1.
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576 Cod. a... ~At7r~.

577 Wis. 8:1. LXX: XPl'yTT"W;.
578 Cf. Wis. 9:3; Luke, 1:75 (Odae, 9:75); Eph. 4:24.
579 LXX: lxovcrct.
580 Cod. ~Up~T"~;. LXX: ctlp~T"(;.
581 LXX: n~ftct.
582 LXX: ipyaS~T"ctt.
583 LXX: T"~X./tTl;. The prescnt T"~X"'(T"l1;' in codices Alexandrinus and Vaticanus gr. 1203 {corr.}.
584 LXX: XPl1cTtftdmpo... ov6i....
585 LXX: dxas~t. The present dxasm, in codices Vaticanus gr. 1203 {corr.} and Sinaiticus (lectio prima).
586 LXX: 7rpo;.
587 Wis. 8:2-16.
588 Cod. 6tawotct....
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589 Daniel, 1:19; 3:19-93. Cf. 1 Mace. 2:29; 4 Mace. 16:21; 18:12.
590 Gen. 2:24, quoted in Matt. 19:5; Mark, 10:8; 1 Cor. 6:16; Eph. 5:31.
591 Matt. 19:6; Mark, 10:9.
592 Cf. Gal. 2:20.
593 Psalm 62:4.
594 Cod. Vyl6l... 0....
595 Cod. d)P6-r~;. LXX: ctlp6-rt;.
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596 Cf. John, 5:20; 14:10.

597 Cod. ~up~-r~;.
598 LXX: n~ftct.
599 Cf. Rom. 9:16.
600 Luke, 12:31; cf. Matt. 6:33.
601 -rt not in LXX.
602 Cod. -r~X"'~Tl;. Cf. Wis. 7:21; 8:6; 14:2.
603 See Introduction, pp. 37-40, on Pachymeres' and Origen's definition of wisdom.
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604 Wis. 8:2.

605 LXX: 7rpo;.
606 Wis. 8:2.
607 Wis. 8:9.
608 Cod. 66T"YJpct.
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609 Cod. Kit....

610 Cod. it7r~w$oVp.~",o;,
611 Cod. Kit....
612 Cod. 6tapOlCt.... Cf. Demosthenes, In Midiam, section 68: Ked fl1']6~ 6tctpctt ,,6 cnoflct 7r~Pt ctlhov YVV
lxm ifl6.
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613 LXX: -r~pCctp6(ctqlOV. Wis. 8:17-21.

614 Cf. Ecclesiasticus, 39:3; Joel, 2:2; Isaiah, 34:17; also. Exodus, 3:15; 17:16; Psalms 71:5; 101:15; et
passim in the Bible.
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615 Cod. OftlAdct;.

616 Cod. ot;.
617 Cod. itPft0~wnw....
618 Cod . ... o~pw;.
619 Cf. Matt. 10:28.
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620 Cod. Kpctftct-ro;.

621 Cod. T"onx~i"'roVv.
622 Cf. Wis. 7:28: T"o... CTo'fllc,t CTVVOtKOVvT"ct.
623 Wis. 8:2.
624 Cf. Lev. 26:12, quoted in 2 Cor. 6:16.
625 Cf. Judith, 12:8; Psalms 5:9; 36:23; 118:5; Provo 13:13a; 29:27; Ezekiel, 18:25. Luke, 1:79 (Odae,
9:79); 1 Thess. 3:11.
626 Cf. 1 Thess. 5:17.
627 Cf. Psalms33:19; 84:10; 144:18.
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628 Cod. ~wroAoyCrv. Cf. Matt. 6:7-

629 LXX: iAiov; b TrOt~CTct;. But CTOV in codices Varicanus gr. 1203, Sinaiticus, andAlexandrinus.
630 LXX, n.
631 LXX: $vywdpwv.
632 LXX: CTo<fllct ~ d6vict.
633 LXX: hcd"l'] TraYrct.
634 LXX: flOAt;. But floyt; in codices Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus. See floyt; only in Origen, deOr, 1:1.
635 Cod.6top$W$l']CTct",
636 Wis. 9:1-18.
637 Cf. 1 Thess. 1:2; 5:17-
638 Cf. Matt. 7:7; Luke, 11:9; John, 16:24.
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639 Cf. Matt. 6:7-

640 Cf. Psalm 42:5.
641 Wis. 14:29.
642 Wis. 7:7-
643 Cod. irKctAwmS6ft~ ... o;.
644 Quoted in Mark, 12:26. Cf. Exodus, 3:15-16.
645 Cf.2 Paralipomenon, 20:7; Isaiah, 41:8; Daniel, 3:35 (Odae, 7:35).
646 Cf.2 Mace. 1:2; Daniel, 3:35 (Odae, 7:35).
647 Isaiah, 29:23; cf. Daniel, 3:35.
648 Cf. Exodus, 22:26; 34:6; 2 Paralipomenon, 30:9; 2 Esdras, 19:17&31; Tobit, 3:11; 2 Mace. 1:24;
Psalms, 85:15; 102:8; 110:4; 111:4: 114:5; 144:8; Ecclesiasticus, 2:11; Joel, 2:13; Jonas, 4:2; Jeremiah,
3:12. Cf. Heb. 2:17-
649 2 Cor. 1:3.
650 Eph.H.
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651 Psalms 32:9; 148:5.

652 1 Cor. 8:5.
653 Cf. John, 1:3.
654 Cod. xpctftftct.
655 Cod. n~crct ...-ro;.
656 Cf. Gen. 1:26.
657 Wis. 9:3. Cf. Odae, 9:75. Eph. 4:24.
658 Cf. G en. 2:16-17; 3:1-3.
659 Cod. xpmi.
660 Cod. mptoTIi];.
661 Cod. i7rot~i-ro.
662 Cod. oV6t
663 Cod.1~tw$iYrW>i.
664 Cf. Gen. 14:24.
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665 Gen. 18:17.

666 Psalm 102:15.
667 Cod .... 6ftov.
668 Cf. Psalm 103:24.
669 Cf. Gen. 1:28; 9:1.
670 Cf.2 Paralipomenon, 36:23; 2 Esdras, 1:2.
671 Cf. Matt. 10:30; Luke, 12:7.
672 1 Peter, 2:17.
673 1 Peter, 2:13-14.
674 Isaiah, 4:1. Cf. Psalm 90:14; John, 17:26.
675 Cf. Judith, 13:5; Psalm 105:5; Isaiah, 63:17.
676 Cf. Wis. 17:2. Exodus, 19:6; 23:22 (quoted in 1 Peter, 2.9).
677 Cf. Wis. 3:9; 4:15; Cf. Psalm 88:4; Isaiah, 42:1; 65:15.
678 Gen. 22:18.
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679 Cf. Exodus, 7:28; 8:5&7; 9:14; 22:27; 32:12; 34:10; Lev. 19:18; Psalms 44:11; 67:8; 105:4; Wis. 15:14;
et passim in OT.
680 Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 1, p. 53: o-rt '"t~ Trct'"t~p~" mt"VV 'fltAOTrctt;. The formula
Trct'"t~p 'fltAOTrctt; was coined by Libanius, Declamationes 1-51, declamation 49.2.9.
681 Cod. TrpOdAOV oli.
682 2 Kings, 7:12-13; 1 Paralipomenon, 17:11.
683 Cf. Psalms 2:6; 14:1; 42:3; 98:7; Sophonias, 3:11; Zachariah, 8:3; Isaiah, 27:13; et passim.
684 Cf. Tobit, 1:4; 2 Esdras, 11:9; Num. 35:34; D eut. 33:28; 2 Paralipomenon, 6:2; Psalm 67:17; Joel,
4:21; Zachariah, 2:14; 8:3; 8:8; Ezekiel, 37:27; 43:7; 53:9.
685 Cf. Psalm 42:3.
686 Quoted in Heb. 8:5, apudExodus, 25:40.
687 Cf. Exodus, 31; 35-38 (esp. 37:19-20); 2 Paralipomenon, 1:5.
688 1 Cor. 2:10-11.
689 Gen. 1:2.
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690 G en. 1:26.

691 Cf. 1 Cor. 2:10-11.
692 Psalm 50:12&14.
693 Psalm 142:10.
694 Cf. Psalm 2:4; Job, 16:19; Daniel (translatio Graeca), 3:17; Matt. 5:45; 12: 50; 18: 10; 14; 19; 21;
Eph.6i9.
695 Cod. (TVV~X~i.
696 Gen. 18:21.
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697 Cod. cr0'fl6-r~p6 ....

698 Cod. 'flt;Aa~onctt.
699 Psalm 131:12.
700 Wis. 9:12.
701 Wis. 9:3.
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702 Cod. CtPftoswnw;.

703 Isaiah,40:13.
704 Cf. Acts, 2:3; John, 16:13; Cf. Tobit (Cod. Sinaiticus), 12:11.
705 Cod. OVT"W.
706 Cod. 6tOp$W$l'yTct....
707 Cf. Rom. 8:8; 1 Thess. 2:4; 2:15; cf. 2 Esdras, 7:18; Psalm 68:32; Provo 21:3; Baruch, 4:4.
708 Cf. Wis. 7:14. James, 2:23; 4:4.
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710 Cod. ;tctKv~~p ... 6ft~ ...ot.
711 Cod. d.
712 Wis. 7:2.
713 Cf. Wis. 7:1.
714 Cf. Wis. 9:1-3.
715 Cf. Gen. 2:15.
716 Cf. Gen. 3:23-24; Ezekiel, 28:13; 31:9.
717 Cf. Gen. 2:15.
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725 Cod. Tr~ptorrrp",

726 Cf. Gen. 4:7.
727 Cod.6py(cr$1'].
728 Cf. Gen. 4:23-24.
729 Cod. 0....
730 Gen. 4:5.
731 Cod. TrCt1Y~"'~'
732 Gen. 4:25.
733 Gen. 5:9.
734 1 Paralipomenon, 1:2.
735 Gen. 4:25.
736 Cod. ~V-r~A~.
737 Isaiah, 57:7; cf. 2:12.
738 Cf. Exodus, 15:6; Isaiah, 48:13; Psalms 17:36; 43:4; 44:5; 47:11; 117:15; et passim. Cf. Wis. 5:6.
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739 Gen. 11:1; cf. 11:6.

740 Cod. niipyav.
741 Cod. it7rp~ni].
742 Cod. WKO;0ft~crWft~ ....
743 Cod. niipyav.
744 Gen. 11:4.
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746 Cod. niipyav.
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749 Gen. 11:18.
750 G en. 11:16-12:27.
751 Cod. -rocroV-r'll7rA~$OV;.
752 Cod. ctv91"$~....
753 Rom. 1:3; 4:1; 9:5.
754 Cf. Wis. 5:8; 10:5; 17:7.
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755 Cf. Gen. 18:10-18; 21:12-13. Rom. 9:8-9; Heb. 11:17-18.

756 Wis. 10:6-9.
757 Luke, 17:29. Cf. 3 Kings, 18:38; 4 Kings, 1:10; 1:12; 1:14; 1 Paralipomenon, 21:26; 2 Paraliponenon,
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omo>, TO T~I KaKlal aVTW> a<l~>~crTO> Kat ~~o. T0 XpOW{) AaSa> <Oo~<>o>, aM'
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AwT, TOUI oil, KaT~plS~~cr<>.

758 Cod. yctft~po;.

759 Cod. it7rWMOtft~....
760 G en. 19:13.
761 Gen. 19:14.
762 G en. 19:17; 19:26.
763 Gen. 19:26; Wis. 10:7-
764 Cf. 2 Kings 12:23; 2 Esdras, 8:21; Tobit, 4:19; Psalm 106:7; Provo 2:13; 20:11; Ecclesiasticus, 39:24;
Hosea, 14:10; Isaiah, 26:7; 33:15; 40:3 (& Matt. 3:3; Mark, 1:3; Luke, 3:4); 45:13; Ezekiel, 33:17&20;
Daniel, 3:27; 2 Peter, 2:15.
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765 Ketl not in LXX.

766 ctv-r&V not in LXX.
767 Wis. 10:10-12.
768 G en. 27:36.
769 Gen. 27:41.
770 LXX: TrpO; Aa~ct... -r&v a;~A'fl0'" ft0t!.
771 G en. 27:42-43.
772 Gen. 25:29-34.
773 Cf. Gen. 27:32.
774 Cf. Gen. 27:19.
775 Wis. 10:10. Cf. Gen. 27:21-22.
776 Gen. 28:11-13.
777 Gen. 28:14.
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778 Cf. Num. 24:17; Malachi, 3:20.

779 Cod. TrOAOCT-rlft0PlO>i.
780 Cod. 'flct... ~ ... ctl Ctxov(J'$1'] (del.).
781 Gen. 28:16-17.
782 Gen. 31:40.
783 Gen. 32:6.
784 Cod. xOTrov;.
785 Gen. 31:2-32:6.
786 Cf. Gen. 29:1--29.
787 Cod. T"OV-rO>i.
788 Cod. imA$w....
789 Gen. 30:25. Cod. Ct-rOCT-r~(J'ctt.
790 Cod. Xvta....
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791 Gen. 30:37-31:10.

792 LXX: htK'"fav ~2t Trp6~cmt 6tCtAwKct.
793 Gen. 30:39.
794 Cod'1IT]"tKct.
795 Gen. 31:23.
796 Gen. 31:24.
797 Gen. 32:6.
798 Gen. 32:7-
799 Gen. 32:22.
800 Gen. 32:24-31.
801 LXX: tW6~i; ~~.
802 Wis. 10:13-14.
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803 Gen. 30:22-24.

804 G en. 37:27-28.
805 G en. 39:7-18.
806 G en. 39:13-23.
807 Cf. G en. 37:1-11; 41:1-33.
808 Cod. TrapicrX1']....
809 Cod. iK;~MYrw ... .
810 LXX: ~acrtA~vcrt... .
811 Kat not in LXX.
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812 LXX: -ro avofw -ro &yt6... (Tot!.

813 LXX: fr¥Ot~~.
814 Wis. 10:15-21.
815 Cf. Exodus, 1:11-14.
816 Exodus, 1:11; 5:14; Cf. 2 Paralipomenon, 2:1; 2:16-17.
817 Cf. Gen. 50:24; Exodus, 2:24; 6:3; et passim.
818 Cf. Wis. 10:5; Gen. 17:1; Phil. 2:15; 1 Thess. 3:13.
819 Cod. i~ct7rOAvvctt.
820 Cf. Judices, 8:34.
821 Cf. Acts, 7:22.
822 Cf. Wis. 9:3; Luke, 1:75.
823 Cf. Exodus, 8:2-3; Psalm 104:30; Wis. 19:10.
824 Cf. Exodus, 8:17-27; Psalms 77:45; 104:31.
825 Cf. Exodus, 9:9-11.
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826 Cf. Exodus, 12:35-36.

827 Cf. Exodus, 13:18.
828 Cod. _A:vct$W$. Exodus, 13:20.
829 Exodus, 13:21.
830 Exodus, 14:22.
831 Exodus, 14:22.
832 Exodus, 14:22-23.
833 Exodus, 14:26.
834 Exodus, 14:27-28.
835 Exodus, 14:30.
836 Cf. Wis. 10:17; Exodus, 12:35-36.
837 Cf. Exodus, 12:35-36.
a7rOo"K~'U)~-V838 07rAW-V, l[1IX'TlW-V, o"Ki']"VW-V, 'TO-V aMO-V IX1J'TW-V KOO"[10-V acpWpOU[1HOl' 'TO .1~
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838 Cod. aTro(J'M~~"'.

839 Exodus, 15:1; 15:21 (Odae, 1:1).
840 Exodus, 15:21.
841 Cod. aTr06~tAto...-rW"'.
842 Cf. Exodus, 14:20; 14:24.
843 Exodus, 14:10-11.
844 Exodus, 13:21.
845 Cod. EM6w(J'~. So LXX: EM6w(J'~"" But the grammatically correct Aorist is ~VW6W<J'~.
846 Ked not in LXX.
847 Cod. 6tW6W(J'~""
848 w; not in LXX.
849 LXX: amtov.
850 LXX: -rctpctX·9iwo;. Cod. Vaticanus: -rctpctx$in~;.
851 LXX: 6d~ct; 6ta -rov -r6-r~.
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852 Cod. i~~T"l1(J'ct;.

853 LXX: O.ct~~....
854 Wis. 11:1-14.
855 Now, the erudite commentator (or the scribe) wrote the correct ~vw;w(J'~, not the grammatically erro-
neous ~v6;w(J'~", of the LXX.
856 Cod. ipya~onctt.
857 Exodus, 16:35; cf. Num. 14:33-34 (quoted also in Heb. 3:17); 32:13; Deut. 2:7; 29:4; Psalm 94:10
(quoted also in Heb. 3:10); Amos, 2:10; 5:25 (quoted also in Acts, 7:42); Acts, 7:36; 13:18.
858 Cf. Exodus, 2:11; 11:3; 11:24.
859 Cod. ~VO;OVvT"o.
860 Cf. Exodus, 15:22.
861 This is the AO.'tft of Exodus, 15:27 (a stopover of thcJcws in the desert); 16:1; Num. 33:9-10; Judices,
12:12; Isaiah, 15:8.
862 SecJesus of Nave, 15:26.
863 Cf. Exodus, 16:1.
864 Cf. Exodus, 17:8-11.
865 Cf. Exodus, 3:8; 3:17; 13:5; 23:23; 23:28; 33:2; 34:11.
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866 Cod. BctcTctlov;. Cf. the land of BctcTa... in Num. 21:33-35; Deut. 1:4; 4:43-47; 29:6-7; Jesus of Nave,
9:9-10; 12:4-6; 13:30; et passim; Psalms 134:11; 135:20.
867 Cf. Exodus, 12:40-42.
868 Cf. Exodus, 17:6; Num. 20:11; 21:16; Psalms 77:15-16; 135:16.
869 Cf. Deut, 8:15; 2 Esdras, 19:15.
870 Cod. ;tw;d)O>i"~;.
871 Cod. ~m1rO>i-ro.
872 Cf. xAYJpo",ofltct ... 8w6 in 2 Mace. 2:4; Psalms of Solomon, Psalm 14:5; Jer. 3:19.
873 Cf. Exodus, 7:17-20; Psalms 77:44; 104:29.
874 Cod. "t flh
875 Wis. 16:5.
876 w; not in LXX.
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877 Cod. imtpa$l'yTct....

878 Cod. MXPtflhot;.
879 Cf. Matt. 25:35-46.
880 Cf. Exodus, 7:24.
881 Cod. i'tppVOfl6"'Ol.
882 Cod. opwYn;.
883 Cod. 0pWYf6;.
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884 Cod. OCTet.

885 Cf. Exodus, 11:5; 12:12; 12:29; 13:15; Num. 3:13; 8:17; 33:4.
886 Exodus, 1:16.
887 Exodus, 2:3-5. Cod. $~~1']""
888 Exodus, 4:1-9.
889 LXX: oU.
890 LXX: &pKW....
891 LXX: ... ~oK-r(crrov;. But Codex Alexandrinus: ",~oK-r(cnov.
892 Cod. ~n.
893 LXX: 7n.!p7n!oo.... Codex Sinaiticus: TIiip 7n!io ....
894 Cod. ~pwflm. LXX: ~poflov;. Alt. ~poflo",.
895 LXX: AlKflwfli... ov;.
896 LXX: cTtr"'~K-rpl\l'ctt. But codices Alexandrinus and Sinaiticus {corr.}: iK-rpl\l'ctt.
897 LXX: ~...t 7n!~Vflct-rl m:cr~i....
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898 LXX: iM ... ctno.

899 LXX: iTrt yfj'Y. Codex Sinaiticus {corr.}: liTrt y~;.
900 Wis. 11:15-23.
901 Cf. ~v$~ia 000; or ~v$~ictt 000(, in 2 Esdras, 8:21; Tobit, 4:19; Psalm 106:9; Daniel (translatio Graeca),
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33:20; 2 Peter, 2:15.
902 Cod. xpOXXOOdAOV;.
903 Cod. CtTroAvftfthw.... Cf. Exodus, 1:16.
904 Cod. TrctftTrOAOV.
905 Cf. Rom. 1:24.
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906 Cf. Psalm 2:4.

907 Cod. -rot; cr~~0fthot; au-rot;.
908 Cod. SWAY].
909 Cod. m7raxvfti... ov.
910 Cod. 'flvcrO"'-rw... .
911 Cod. K6 ... ~o;.
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912 Cod. ft~"ctKrvoVv.

913 Cod. fth
914 Cod.7rctpa.
915 Cod. i~ct7rOAVvctt.
916 Cod. yap Tra ..."ct.
9 17 Cod. ~;~AVCT1'].
918 Cod. yap fttCTW....
919 Codices Vaticanus and Alexandrinus: lft~t... ~ ....
920 Tra ..."ct, only in Codex Alexandrinus.
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921 LXX: icr-rrv i .... 7l-ctcrt.....

922 LXX: 6tO.
923 Cod. Kct-rct7rl7r-ro .... -rct;.
924 Wis. 11:24-12:2.
925 Cf. Psalm 102:10.
926 Wis. 11:24.
927 Cod. 6Y]fll.
928 Gen. 1:31.
929 Cod. ~.... tct.
930 Cf. Isaiah, 1:13-14.
931 Cf. Wis. 5:3; 11:23; 12:10; 12:19.
932 Cf. Psalm 51:11; 78:3; 96:10; 115:6; Psalms of Solomon, 9:3; 13:10.
933 Cf. Gen. 17:1; Exodus, 21:8; Psalms 55:14; 114:9; Wis. 4:10; 9:10.
934 Cf.2 Paralipomenon, 2:13.
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935 Cod. KCtlptct....

936 Cf. Matt. 10:30.
937 LXX: TrctActt. But TrctAalOV; in codices Varicanus gr. 1203 and Alexandrinus.
938 Cod. -roo
939 LXX: Trpctcrcrm.
940 Cod. Av$inct;.
941 Cod. imwAicrctt.
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alcJvtov.9 57

942 Cod. io(oo'J.

943 Cod. CtTrWAOAO-rW....
944 Cod. XCtT"tZ cHaCm.
945 LXX: e~o; iCTT"t.
946 LXX: od~l1;'
947 LXX: od~l1; o-rt OVx Ct6txw;.
948 ovx precedes in Codex Alexandrinus.
949 Cod. -rot; ovx doocTt crO'J.
950 crO'J is added in Sinaiticus {corr}
951 LXX: -ro $pacro;. In Sinaiticus {corr'], xpa-ro;.
952 Wis. 12:3-17.
953 Psalm 134:10; cf. 135:19.
954 Cf. Num. 21:21-33; D eut. 1:4; 2:24-32; 3:2-6; 4:46-48; 31:4; Jesus Nave, 2:10; 9:10; 12:2; Judices,
11:19-21; 2 Esdras, 19:22; Psalms 134:10; 135:19.
955 Cf. Num. 21:4; 32:33; Deut. 3:1-6; 4:46-48; 29:6; 31:4; Jesus Nave, 9:10; 12:5; 13:10; 3 Kings, 4:18;
2 Esdras, 19:22; Psalms 134:10; 135:19.
956 Psalm 134:11-12.
957 Gen. 17:8 & 48:4; cf. Gen. 22:18; 24:4; Ecclesiasticus, 44:21; Acts, 3:25.
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958 Cf. Psalm 95:5: 7rch. "t~; ol!hol "Cr... i$"Gi" 6cttftO"w.
959 Cf. Dcut. 32:17 (Odac, 2:17); Baruch, 4:7; 1 Cor. 10:20.
960 Cod. Kit....
961 Cod. Av$inct;.
962 Cod. CtrrwAicrctt.
963 Cod. CtrrwAicrctt.
964 Cf. Exodus, 3:5; Wis. 12:3; Zachariach, 2:16; Acts, 7:33.
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965 Cod. Ct7rwAicrctl.

966 Cod. h'tftw....
967 Cf. Wis. 18:13.
968 Cf. Exodus, 23:28; Jesus Nave, 24:12.
969 Cod. Ct7rwAicrctl.
970 Cf. Exodus, 32:12; Lev. 26:44; Deut. 2:15; 7:22; Jer. 9:15; 25:17; Ezekiel, 20:13.
971 Cod. dAYJ'flW",ctl.
972 Cod. 7rpOXwp~cr~tct....
973 Cod.~.
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974 Cf. Wis. 1:13: be~o; ... oVT"ipTr~T"ctti7r' imwAdc.tsWvT"wv.

975 Cod. KctT"l1pctflfli... av.
976 Cf. Gen. 9:24-25.
977 Cf. Psalm 103:32: b im~AiTrw'" i7d T"~"'rfj"¥ Kctt TrOtW... ctVT"~'" T"piflm.
978 Cf. Exodus, 20:3; Daniel, 3:96.
979 Cf. Exodus, 20:4; Deut. 4:39; 5:8; 30:12; 3 King, 8:23; Psalm 113:11; Jesus Nave, 2:11; 2
Paralipomenon, 6:14; Daniel, 6:28; Matt. 6:10; 18:18.
980 Cod. i~oX0T"chot.
981 Cod. 6tiTrot;.
982 Cf. Matt. 19:29.
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983 Cf.2 Kings, 2:2 (Odae, 3:2); Psalms 7:12; 114:5; Daniel, 9:14.
984 Cf. Wis. 9:3.
985 LXX: Trchrrw... cr~ 6~crTr6Sw.
986 Cf. Gen. 6:4; 14:5; Num. 13:36; Deut. 1:28; Jesus Nave, 12:4; 2 Kings, 21:11&22; et passim (Job,
Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, Isaiah, Ezekiel,); cf. Wis. 14:6.
987 Cf. Gen. 11:4.
988 Cf. Gen. 13:13.
989 Cod. -rov;.
990 LXX: crv 6t
991 LXX: 6t60i;. But see the only other instance of this portion being quoted by John of Damascus writing
6l6W;. Sacra Parallela (fragmenta e cod. Vat. gr. 1236), PG.95.1256.44 & PG.96.109.6.
992 LXX: 6l1icr~w;.
993 LXX: itxpt~dct;.
994 Wis. 12:18-22.
995 Cod. xpmi;.
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999 Cod. Kwraxp~w.
1000 Cf. Isaiah, 6:10 (quoted in Matt. 13:15 and Acts, 28:27); 19:22; Jeremiah, 3:22.
1001 Wis. 10:1.
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1002 The author insists on using the term imwcdct; instead of the LXX itKpt~dct;. This appears in no
other author, as indeed neither was the present LXX version of Wis. 12:21 (ft~-r2t 7[OCT1']; itKpt~dct;)
quoted ever.
1003 Psalm 81:6, partially quoted in John, 10:34.
1004 Gen. 6:2.
1005 G en. 22:16; Jer. 22:5; 30:7.
1006 G en. 22:17; quoted in Heb. 6:14.
1007 Gen. 22:17.
1008 G en. 28:13; cf. Gen. 3:6, quoted in Matt. 22:32.
1009 Cod. O.ctw....
1010 ~0ot; -rCr... iX$pCrv in codices Vaticanus, Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus. LXX: s0ot;-rCr... cttCTxpw""
1011 LXX: e~&v i7ciyvWCTct....
1012 Wis. 12:23-27.
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1014 Cod. O{.;T"~;7rAa... 1'];.
1015 d)JectT"ct'flpO>J1']T"OT"ctT"ct is a Superlative form of the epithet ~vxctT"ct'flpo...1']T"O;. No other author did ever use
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1016 Cod. Swl'fltct.
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1019 Wis. 12:8.
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1020 Cf. Psalm 63:10.

1021 Cod. crtrVXAl6oVfti... w....
1022 Cod. 'fll1crt....
1023 Exodus, 14:23-25.
1024 Cod. a'fltXT"Ol;.
1025 Cf. Exodus, 23:23; 23:28; 34:11; Deut. 7:1; 20:17: Jesus Nave, 16:10; 17:13; Judices, 1:27-30; Osee,
4:18; Zachariah, 11:11.
1026 Cod. lcrXl1crct....
1027 LXX: d6i... ctl.
1028 LXX: oV-r~.
1029 Cod. XVxAW ....
1030 LXX: &cr-rpwv. But acr-ripwv, in CodexSinaiticus {corr}
1031 Cod. w;.
1032 Cod. ~Dmo ....
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1033 LXX: ftift'ft; icr-rh.

1034 LXX:;' oil;'.
1035 Wis. 13:1-9.
1036 Wis. 16:9.
1037 The author (Nikephorus Gregoras) writes confidently, as an expert astronomer.
1038 Cod. ~opa....
1039 Cod. TrpocrYJp6icr$ctt.
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1040 Cod. w;.

1041 Cf. Wis. 7:17: d;~... ctl cr&cT'"rctcTW xOcrp.ovxctt ~... ~py~tct... cr-rOlXdw....
1042 Cod. w;.
1043 Cod. flipo;.
1044 Cod. fl~-riXO>i -ra. See xctACt in Gen. 1:31.
1045 Cod. xct$(cr-rct-rctt.
1046 Cod. d ... ctt.
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1047 Wis. 13:3.

1048 Cod. ;t~p~trV0ft~... ot.
1049 Cod.o-rtKctl.
1050 LXX: 'flv-ro....
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1051 Cod. U7rOA~ftftct-rct. LXX: a7rO~A~ftct-rct. Codex Alexandrinus, U7rOA<~>tftftct-rct.

1052 LXX: ou$h ~vxpl1(no ....
1053 LXX: (nr... icr~w;. But h ift7r~tptc,t a... icr~w; in codices Vaticanus gr. 1203, Sinaiticus {corr'], and
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1054 Cod. dxo ... ct.
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1057 LXX: amtpo-rctn....
1058 Wis. 13:10-19.
1059 Cod. 7rctpct-rt$ift~... o;.
1060 Cod. swliflvct.
1061 Cf. Wis. 11:15; 13:14.
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o-novo~> nOl~o-a~<>o,.

1062 Cod. it7r~tKK6flct-rct.

1063 Cod. -rot;.
1064 LXX: itpytct; (so supra, folio 37r); but ipyctcrtct~ is an LXX alternative (codices Alexandrinus and
Sinaiticus).
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<rp~1'al 1'0 ~<yaA'" [Sc. LoAo~wnl]. Ovx aierxv>onal 1'OV1'Ol, <vXO~<>Ol Kat TYj> nap'
IXV'TW)I olhw~ €X0)l'TW)I €7rlKOUPllX)I €7rlKIXAOU[lHOl.

IIAofiv TI; 7taAIV (J'T£llo(l£vo; xu! drplu (lillwv (51O&""V X"(laTu Tofi rpipovTo;
UVTOV JrAofov ITU3pOTEpOV ;VAOV E7rt~OtiTUt. ExEfvo (lEV yap OpE;t; JroptlT(lCJv EJrEVO'7ITE)1070
TEXV<[>Tt;1071 3E 1T0rpfu XUTEITXEVUITEV· ~ 3E 1T1) JrdTEp) 3tUXV~EPV{j JrPOVOtu) OT! l3wxu;

1065 Cod. -r~X ... tcrctfti... ov.

1066 Cod. ipv$pt... ct;.
1067 LXX: xpoct... ctlhov.
1068 Cod. Xp0ftctcrt....
1069 Wis. 14:29.
1070 LXX: im... o1']cr~....
1071 Cod. -r~X;or]-rt;.
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"vJpW7tWV xu! £I; 7tayf(fU 7tOIT!v "rppovwv. Apx1 yap 7topvda; i7tfvola £I(fwAwv, d!p£ITI; (f£
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€nt'Terv
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1'~, ~, ()lOlK~O'<W"

1072 LXX alt.: ftL

1073 Cod. xcd.
1074 i)! not in LXX.
1075 Cod. X~lp07rOl1']-rO)!.
1076 LXX: 1PyCts~-ro.
1077 LXX: xcd h d6WAOl;.
1078 LXX: n(crftcm.
1079 Cod. iy~)!)!~$1']crct)!.
1080 LXX: crxCt)!6ctAct.
1081 Wis. 14:1-13.
1082 Cod. 6lW6~VW.
1083 Cod. crct$pw-r~PO)!.
1084 Cod. iScrw.
1085 Cod. -r~XYYj-rl;. Cf. Wis. 7:21; 8:6; 14:2.
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itopa,<crnpa,.
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oilTW Tfi un
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nlXplX'TpOn~, nw~ OUK €7rlKIX'TrXPIX'T1X KlXtlXU'Tet KlXt ot nOlOU)I'T~~ IXU'TrX;
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1086 Cod. it6twOdvtw.

1087 Cod. xAv6avct.
1088 Cf. Judith, 6:19; Psalm 73:3.
1089 Cf. Gen. 6-9.
1090 Cf. Gen. 7-8.
1091 Cod. it7riA~t7r~....
1092 Malachi, 3:20. Cf. Wis. 5:6.
1093 Cod. X~tp07rOt1']-r2t.
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'TOU OV'T'W)~1102 e~ou AIX'TP~lIXV KIX'TIXA~AOl7r6'T~~ Kal 'ToT~ atuxol~1103 npoo"~o"XY]K6'T~~

1094 Cod. ~p~-ro.

1095 Cod. ;~.
1096 Cod. fttCTna.
1097 Cod. KctKKtrV6ft~ ... ct.
1098 Cod. lcr~-rctt.
1099 Cf. Wis. 14:21.
1100 Cf. Wis. 13:10; 15:9.
1101 Cod. ir~w~$1']crct ....
1102 Cod. o...-ro;.
1103 Wis. 14:29; cf. 15:15.
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llOS
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1104 Psalm 72:27-

1105 Cf. Jer. 2:13; Isaiah, 1:4.
1106 Cf. Jer. 3:6-9; Psalm 105:39.
1107 Isaiah, 66:24 (quoted in Mark, 9:48); Mark, 9:4; cf. Judith, 16:17; Ecclesiasticus, 7:17-
1108 The scribe repeats the quotation of Wis.14:12-13, although he had written that also above.
1109 $&... ct-ro; not in LXX; however, this is in Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus. Rahlfs-Hanhart,
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1110 Cf. Wis. 2:24: 'fl$o...'ll;~ ;tct~6AOV$&... ct-ro; dCT~A$~ ... d; -r6... X6CTflo....
1111 LXX: 7ro-r~. Codices Vaticanus gr. 1203 andSinaiticus: -r6-r~.
1112 LXX: h(fl1']CT~"'.
1113 LXX: ~r-rct h.
1114 Cod. xpctn$~....
1115 LXX: -rtfla... ol&...$pwTrOl.
1116 LXX: KOActMVWCTt....
1117 Wis. 14:14-21.
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1122 Ked not in LXX.
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1135 LXX: Kctt h iAi~t.

1136 -ro is added only in Codex Sinaiticus {corr.}.
1137 LXX: oil-r~.
1138 Codex Sinaiticus: &<flpo",t. An alternative to the LXX &<flpOCTW.
1139 LXX: &~tot -r~ -rOlOlhw....
1140 Kctt not in LXX.
1141 LXX: h~pov, but ~Kct-ripov in CodexAlexandrinus.
1142 LXX: Kctt KctKOftOX$O;.
1143 LXX: TrActcrCTH.
1144 LXX: iA~ft<fl$1'].

1146 LXX: -ro... ift7n'~vcrctnct ctlh0 tvX~'" h~pyovcrct ....

1147 ctlh0 not in LXXi but so in Codex Sinaiticus {corr.}.
1148 LXX: aM'.
1149 LXX: iAoytcrct... -ro. But iAoytcrct-ro appears in two codices (Vaticanus gr. 1203, lectio prima, andSinaiticus
(corr.]).
1150 LXX: Kh
1151 Cod. d;~....
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1152 Wis. 15:1-13.

1153 Wis. 14:29.
1154 Odae, 12:7.
1155 Cf. Ezekiel, 33:11; Wis. 1:13.
1156 Cod. w; -roo
1157 Cod. (Ttrvctlcr~w;.
1158 Cod. Wft0AoyOtip.~ ....
1159 Cf. Rom. 10:8-10; Ecclesiasticus, 21:26; 39:35; Ecclesiastes, 5:1; Ezekiel, 33:31. Cf. Deut. 30:14;
Psalm 5:10.
1160 Cod. imcr-r1ftJ1'"
1161 John, 17:3.
1162 Cod. 7rpocr~x-rtx6-r~po;.
1163 Cod. iXiflvY].
1164 Cod. a... ctiflvY].
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1165 Cf. Wis. 12:16.

1166 Cod. CtTrOTln6ft~... o;.
1167 Cod. Ctwt$l']MCTctt.
1168 Cf. Wis. 14:21; Deut. 4:28; 28:36; 28:64; 29:16; 4 Kings, 19:18; Isaiah, 37:19; Jeremiah, 3:9; Epistula
Jeremiae, section 38; Ezekiel, 20:32; Daniel (Theodotionis versio), 5:4; 5:23.
1169 Cod. TrAOlov;.
1170 Wis. 13:11.
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1171 Cod. -rctnofux$~i....

1172 Cf. Gen. 3:23.
1173 Cod. cr-r~'flct... wcrl'].
1174 Cf. 1 Peter, 5:4.
1175 Cod. xct-rct6tXacrl']'
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OV3i7rOTE. 1185

1176 Cf. Gen. 2:7; 1 Cor. 15:45.

1177 LXX: iAoylcrctno.
1178 LXX: Tra... -r~;, but Codex Alexandrinus: Tra... -rw....
1179 LXX: '+'vx~ ...... rrrrlov, but Codex Alexandrinus: '+'vxap1']Trlw....
1180 ol in codices Vaticanus gr. 1203, lectio prima and and Sinaiticus {corr.}.
1181 -ra not in LXX.
1182 b in Codex Sinaiticus {corr.}.
1183 LXX: xpdnw.... But xpdcrcrw... in Vaticanus gr. 1203
1184 LXX: ctl)-rOV, w.... But ctl)-rOV, It...$· w..., in Codex Sinaiticus.
1185 Wis. 15:14-17.
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1186 Cod. otCTmocttfwv(ct....

1187 Psalms 113:13; 134:16.
1188 Cod.-r(... ct.
1189 Cod.ov-rw;.
1190 Cod. Xdpo ... ct.
1191 Cod. 7rpo1']roVp.~",o""
1192 Cod. X~tp07rOt1']-rw....
1193 Cod. i7rmo$1']CT~.
1194 LXX: ot
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1195 Cod. ~v~pyhl1(J'ct;.

1196 LXX: -rp0'fl~"" But Codex Sinaiticus: -rp0'fl~;'
1197 Cod. t;iX$~lct.... But Codex Sinaiticus and Codex Alexandrinus: -rp0'fl~;'
1198 Cod. CtTronpi'flonctt.
1199 LXX: ctv-rOl.
1200 Cod. ctt-rlct... CtmA$~i....
1201 Wis. 15:18-16:4.
1202 Wis. 15:15.
1203 Gen. 1:31.
1204 Gen. 1:22; 1:28; 8:17; 9:7-
1205 Cod. -r~ ... VTrctp~t....
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1206 Cod. ~vYJpr~-r~crct;.

1207 Cod. iAYJActxO-rct.
1208 Cod. U7r~p~aAo",.
1209 Cod. crd7rct;. Cf. Exodus, 7:28; 8:12-14; 10:4; cf. Psalm, 104:31; Wis. 19:10.
1210 Cod. ict$wfti... ot;.
1211 Cf. Wis. 16:20.
1212 Cf.2 Kings, 14:13; cf. Wis. 18:13.
1213 Cod.YJ....
1214 Cod. M$YJnctt.
1215 LXX: ;~rftctcr(....
1216 crVft~OAO>i in codices Alexandrinus andSinaiticus. LXX: crVft~OVAO"'.
1217 Cf. Num. 21:8-9; 4 Kings, 18:4.
1218 LXX: ov;.
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1219 Wis. 16:5-12.

1220 Cod. ;tw;~vovcn....
1221 Cf. Deut. 8:15.
1222 Cf. Deut. 32:24.
1223 cr. Exodus, 14,31; Num. 12:7-8; 17:6-14; 21:5-6; Jer. 8:17; Jesus Nave, 1:2; 9:2b&2d; 1
Paralipomenon, 16:40.
1224 Cf. Wis. 18:21.
1225 Cod. ;tct7rpctrflct-r~vcrct-ro.
1226 Cf. Michah, 6:4.
1227 Num. 17:6-15. cf. 14:10.
1228 Cod. iK;~trflct-rw$i...-r~;. Cf. Wis. 17:6.
1229 Cf. Exodus, 14:24; Jesus Nave, 24:7; Isaiah, 19:1.
1230 Cod. it7ro-rtY&... -r~;.
1231 Num. 21:6. Cf. Jeremiah, 8:17.
1232 Cf. Wis. 11:9-10; 18:20-25; Isaiah, 57:16.
1233 LXX: crvfl~ov)m.
1234 Psalms 96:10; 115:6; cf. Wis. 4:15; Psalms 49:5; 84:9; 148:14.
1235 Cod. u,+,ov.
1236 Cf. Exodus, 2:11; 11:3; Heb. 11:24.
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1237 Num. 21:9; cf. 4 Kings, 18:4.

1238 Cf. Num. 21:5-9; John, 3:14.
1239 Cod. i~ct7rOAVvctt.
1240 Cf. D cut. 4:35; 32:39; 2 Kings, 7:22.
1241 Cf. 1 Cor. 12:6; Eph. 1:23; Col. 3:11.
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1242 Psalm 106:20.

1243 Ketl not in LXX.
1244 LXX: (T~~....r&"'Tl.
1245 LXX: i(TTt....
1246 LXX: d6W(Tt.... But t6W(Tt... in codices Sinaiticus and Vaticanus {corr}
1247 LXX: T~'" 7n)po;.
1248 LXX: 6tct'fl$dpll But KctTct'fl$dpl1 in codices Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus.
1249 LXX: 7rpO; 7rct(Tct....
1250 Cod. CtPft06to....
1251 Cod. U7rO(TTct(Tt; (Tot!.
1252 Cod. fl~T~KtPWtTO.
1253 LXX: i ... Tfi XctAaSll
1254 Wis. 16:13-23.
1255 2 Esdras, 12:18; cf. 7:6; 7:9; 7:28; 8:18; 8:22; 8:31; 12:8; D eut. 2:15; Psalm 18:2; Ecclesiastes, 2:24;
Isaiah, 62:3; Wis. 3:1. Heb. 10:31.
1256 Cod. 6tct6pa... ctt.
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1257 Num.25:1-9.
1258 2 Kings, 17:4-54; cf. 21:2; Ecclesiasticus, 47:4.
1259 Cod. im-r~t;dw;.
1260 Cod. (TOt.
1261 Num. 12:8; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.
1262 Cod. (T~~"""Vv-rt.
1263 Cf. Exodus, 9:18-26.
1264 Cf. Wis. 2:16; 3:1; 5:20; 16:17; 18:7; 18:20; 19:16.
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1265 Cod. oftOyvotct.

1266 So in codices Sinaiticus and Alexandrinus. LXX: y~... ~ftWtct.
1267 Cod. i~ct7rOAt!fti...W"'.
1268 Exodus, 16:14-23; Num. 11:6-9.
1269 Psalm 77:25.
1270 Exodus, 16:31.
1271 Cod. im$t!ftw~....
1272 Cod. KctT"ct)YiAW....
1273 Cod. nunt!.
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1274 Cf. Exodus, 16:35; Deut. 2:7; 8:3-4; 29:4-5; 2 Esdras, 19:21; Amos, 2:10; 5:25.
1275 Cf. Exodus, 8:18; 9:1-4; 11:7; Wis. 16:17; 19:5.
1276 Cf. Exodus, 16:31-35.
1277 Cod. -rhctno;.
1278 Cod.7rct)i-rlct)i.
1279 LXX: ft~-rctMw0fti)iJ1-
1280 Cod. u1IT]p~-r~i.
1281 Cf. Deut. 8:3; quoted in Matt. 4:4, and partially in Luke, 4:4.
1282 Exodus, 16:21.
1283 LXX: w;.
1284 Wis. 16:24-29.
1285 Cf. Wis. 16:16.
1286 Cf. Exodus, 17:6; Psalms 49:7; 77:1; 80:9&12&14.
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1287 Cf. Exodus, 14:21.

1288 Cf. Wis. 11:4; D eut. 8:15; 1 Cor. 10:4.
1289 Exodus, 16:1-36; Num. 11:1-9.
1290 Cf. Wis. 16:2; 19:12; Cf. Exodus, 16:13; Num. 11:31-32; Psalm 104:40.
1291 On the notion of God's 'repentance' aporopos of1 Samuel, 15:11, see Origen, Prine, IV.2.1 (Philoealia,
1.8); homJer, homilies 8.6; 20.1; Fragmenta in Librum Primum Regnorum (in catenis), fr. 4; selPs, PG.
12.1612.34-35; adnotGen, PG.17.13.1-4.
1292 Cod. Ct... ctKOx~;.
1293 Deut. 8:3; quoted in Matt. 4:4, and patially in Luke, 4:4.
1294 Wis. 16:27; Exodus, 16:21.
1295 Cod. Ctxctptcr-rdct;.
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1296 Psalm 39:5.

1297 LXX: xpt!'flcttOl;.
1298 So in CodexAlexandrinus. LXX: iCTXOp7rtcr$Y]CTct....
1299 So in codices Varicanus gr. 1203 andAlexandrinus. LXX: 6l~'flVActcrcr~ ....
1300 LXX: inctpctCTCToyr~;.
1301 LXX: xWty]'fl~'
1302 LXX: i"'~'flct ... ts~-ro.
1303 LXX: &cr-rpw... .
1304 So in Codex Alexandrinus. LXX: xct-riMlT"O.
1305 LXX: ~A~rxO; i'flti!2>PlCT-rO;.
1306 Cod. 6lWAtrV-rO.
1307 Wis. 17:1-9.
1308 Psalms 9:2; 74:3: 6lY]yr]CToftctlTrctnct -ra $ctqtctCTlct CTOt!. Cf. Psalm 70:17: itTrct1Y~AW -ra $ctt!ftctCTlct CTOt!.
1309 Cod. im-r~l6dct;.
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1310 Cod. U7rO~~~1']Kviftt.

1311 Cod. ;o~a(J'ftt.
1312 Cf. Num. 11:29; 4 Kings, 9:6; 1 Paralipomenon, 21:3; Psalm 3:9; Amos, 7:15; Isaiah, 2:6; 63:14.
1313 G en. 41:41-46; 45:8-47:12.
1314 Exodus, 10:21-23.
1315 Wis. 17:2&16&20. Cf. Rom. 13:12; Eph. 5:11.
1316 Cod. a7r~-r(wO>i.
1317 Cod. XftAftt7rCt.
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1318 Wis. 16:17.

1319 Cod. im1 ... ~yivrctl.
1320 Cod. X~tpo7rot'1-r2t. Cf. Lev. 26:1&30; Judith, 8:18; Wis. 14:8; Isaiah, 2:18; 10:11; 16:12; 19:1; 21:9;
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1321 Cf. Wis. 5:4.
1322 Wis. 12:24; cf. 1:12; 11:15.
1323 Exodus, 14:31; cf. Num. 12:7-8; Jesus Nave, 9:2b; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.
1324 Wis. 17:2&16&20.
1325 Cf. Deut. 7:18.
1326 Cod. i7rmirx$'1'
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1327 Wis. 11:13.

1328 Cod. Mwcr~.
1329 Cod. iAirx'll. Exodus, 7:1-11:10; 8:3-15; 9:8-12.
1330 Exodus, 10:21-23.
1331 Cod. 6tWAVV-rO.
1332 Wis. 17:2&16&20.
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1342 Wis. 17:10-18.

1343 Exodus, 7:11-22; 8:1-15.
1344 Cf. Matt. 27:5.
1345 Cod. O<flAovcrct....
1346 Cod. xctActmw....
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1348 Exodus, 7:1-11:10; 8:3-15.

1349 Exodus, 9:11; Daniel, 5:8.
1350 Cf. Exodus, 10:21-23.
1351 Cod. ctt,¥,,~6tO;.
1352 Cod. fl~-rctA~VW"'.
1353 Cod. ctt,¥"y]6(W;.
1354 Cod. CTico-ro6t... dct;.
1355 Cod.6vcraAY]KT"o....
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KIXl 7Utp{AVEV €Kcpo~CrY.

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rpCtJv~v (lEv dXOVOVTE;) (loprp~v 3E OVX 0PC)VTE;) OTt (lEV OVV xdxz[vot hrnrov3EtlTctv)
i(laxdpli;ov, OTI IJ' OV ~Ad7tTOVITI 7tpo~lJlx~(livOI, EvxapfITTOVV 1358 xa! TOV IJl£vEx;)~val
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TO drp;)apTOV VO(lOV rpw; Tep afwvllJflJoIT;)al. 1362

1356 Cod. CtTrOppwy&6W....

1357 Cf. Wis. 17:6: iK6~tflctT"OVfl~... ot.
1358 LXX: 1']vXctp(crT"Ovv.
1359 Alt. to the LXX ~~... trdct;.
1360 Alt. to the LXX i ... crK6'"t~t.
1361 LXX: ~fl~M~.
1362 Wis. 17:19-18:4.
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OlaK«~<>oVI ola~;;<ipal, ~<~>~~<>Oll 0." nap' aUTO,> npo~OlK~no. "OTl o<ov>~~<>Ol
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EvXctpflTTOVV AtYU7r'TlOl, aMCt. xed t3iOVTO XdfJlv TOiJ 3IEVEX3~vctt. 'ToU'r40"'Trv a7rOaT~)lIX[

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1363 Cf. Exodus, 10:21-23. Wis. 17:2&16&20.

1364 Wis. 17:4.
1365 Cod. itpct~w....
1366 Cf. John, 12:50; 17:3; Rom. 6:23; 1 John, 5:20; et passim.
1367 Cod. Trpocrx-r(croyrw.
1368 Cod. nun
1369 Cf. Exodus, 10:7.
1370 Wis. 17:2&16&20; cf. Wis. 17:2&16&20; 18:4; 19:7-
1371 Cod. ctlhov;.
1372 Cf. Wis. 9:1; 10:20; 12:2; 16:12; 16:26; 19:9; 19:22.
Af)'V7r'TO)l ~CP~V)'O)l.1373 ijAIOV 3E d~A(fP~) €7rt TEO'O'updxOVTd 7rOV h~a'[)l ~X~l)l tv T,~ tp1(lctJ
6l<O)6~UOVo"l1374 KlXt 'T~)I CPlAO'Tl[10)l €K~l)lY])I ~K 'T~ 'TOU (ldvvu 49r IKlXt 'TW)I aMW)I cqlX;JW)I
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ITOV; vlo";, TOUI 'E~pa(ovI "~).a"~, Kat IJI' WV {(lEUE TO drpJUpTOV rpw; TOV VO(lOV,
aUT~ ~ >o~O'1<cr(a ~> 6 8<01 "<"WK< T0 MWiiUfi <I, na["aywy(a> aUTw>, lJilJoITJul
Tep UiWVI, ~<Xp[ T~I ToD ~<yaAov 8<oD Kat crWT~POI ~~w> <7rl,,~~(al' XUTUXAdITTOV;
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<~W~P78 &)1 'TOU'TW)I ~)'<~;JY])1379 e~o~ <KIXL> €CPUAIX~<~»)I.1380
BOVAEVO'u(livov; 3' UVTOV; Ta TC)V oO'fcuv 0'0V 1381 dJrOXTEfVU! V17rtU XU! ivo;
tXTE3ivTO; Tixvov XU! O'cu3ivTO;) £I; {AEYXOV UVTC)V 1382 drpEfAov 1383 JrA~30; Tixvcuv XU!
o(loJv(lulJov IirrwAElTu; iv I!lJaTI ITrpolJpep, Exdv~ ~ vvg rrpoqvwITJ~ TO/;1384 rruTpdITIV
~(lwv, [va uITrpdw; dIJOTE; of; irriITTWlTaV OpXOI; irrIJv(l~ITWITI,u85 IIpoITEIJiXJ~ 1J£,386 vrro
AUOV O'ov O'cuT"lpfu (lEv 3!xufcuv) tX3pC)v 3E dmJAEtu· CP yap tT!(lcup10'cu TOV; VJrEVUVTfov;)
TO"TIt! ~(la; rrpoITxuA£!Td(lEVO; ilJoguITu;, Kpvrp,~ rap iJvITiu\ov OITIOI rru/&; IiruJwv
XU! TOV T~; 00'!OT"'7TO;1387 vO(lov tv o(lovofq. 3ti3EVTO TC)V UVTC)V o(lofcu; XU! dyu3C)v XU!
XIVIJ"VWV (lETd~tEITJal1388 TOV; ariov; rruTipwv 11J~ rrpoava(liArrovTE; ulvov;, AVT~X£l
IJE 1iIT"(lrpwvo; iXJpwv ~o~, 1389 xu! OiXTpa IJIErpipETO rpWV11390 Jp~vov(livwv rruilJwv, o(loiq
IJE lJix~ 1J0vAo; u(lu &ITrrOTU XOAUITJE!; xu! 1J~(lOT~; ~UITIAE/ Ta UVTa rrdrrxwv, o(loJv(lulJov
IJE rrdvTE; iv tv! Jvo(laTI JUVdTOV VEXpOV; E!;tOV IivapIJ(l~TOV;' OVIJE rap rrpo; TO JdtUI 01
\WVTE; fJITUV Ixuvof, irrE! rrpo; (liuv porr1v ~ iVTI(loTipa riVEITI; UVTWV IJtirpJupTO, IIdvTa

1373 Exodus, 13:21-22; cf. 14:24; 16:35; Num. 14:14; 2 Esdras, 19:12; 19:19.
1374 Cod. ;tw;~vovcn. Cf. Exodus, 13:21-22; 14:24; 16:35; Num. 14:14; Deut. 2:7; 8:3-4; 29:4; 2 Esdras,
19:12; 19:19-21; Amos, 2:10; 5:25.
1375 Exodus, 16:35.
1376 Cod. CtIT~-rtWO>i.
1377 Exodus, 1:14.
1378 Cod. wcr.
1379 Cod. ~y~i-ro.
1380 Cod. i'flVAct~ct... .
1381 LXX: -rW... bcrtw... .
1382 LXX: lA~YXO ... -roo
1383 LXX: Ct'fldAW. But LXX has it Ct'fldAOV in Job, 22:6; Ezekiel, 21:31.
1384 -roi; not in LXX.
1385 LXX: imv$vfl~crwcrt.... Codex Sinaiticus, im$qt~crwcrt.
1386 LXX: ITpocr~;iX$YJ VITO. Codex Sinaiticus, ITpocr~;iX$YJ;~ VITO.
1387 LXX: !hto-rYJ-ro;. Codex Sinaiticus, bcrto-rYJ-ro;.
1388 LXX: fl~-rctA~flt~cr$ctt.
1389 LXX: iX$pw... ~ ~o~.
1390 'flw"'~ is missing in some LXX mss.
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fmTa\oZ}IT~; 6 JravTolJz}val'0; ITOV AOrO; "Jr' ovpavwv Ix Jpovwv ~aITIAEiwv "JrOTOl'o;
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1391 Cod. TrpO-ro-rOKW... .

1392 Cod. i~mtPct~~ ... .
1393 Cod. it... ~'fllhtsO>i. Codex Alexandriuus: i"'~'fllhtso""
1394 Cod. 6tO.
1395 Cod. mtcrxwcm.
1396 Wis. 18:5-19.
1397 Cod. -rolhw.
1398 Wis. 10:19; 11:3; 11:5; 12:20; 12:22; 16:4; 16:8; 16:22; 18:7; 18:10.
1399 Wis. 5:2; 16:17; 19:5.
1400 Wis. 17:2&16&20; 18:4; 19:17.
1401 Cod. &p~ ... ct.
1402 Exodus, 13:15.
1403 Exodus, 2:3-6. Cod. $~~1'].
1404 Cf. Exodus, 15:4 (Odac, 1:4).
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1405 Exodus, 14:20.

1406 Cod. OftWftWMl.
1407 Gen. 22:17; cf. Gen. 1:22; 1:28; 8:17; 9:1; 9:7; 26:3-4. 17; 32:13; Daniel 3:36 (Odae, 7:36).
1408 G en. 22:17; 24:60.
1409 G en. 18:18; 22:18; 26:4. Gal. 3:8.
1410 Cod. oftwftwCTfti... ct. Cf. Exodus, 13:5&11; 33:1. Cf. Gen. 24:7-9; 26:3-4; 50:24; Num. 11:12;
14:16&23; 32:11; Deut. 1:8&35; 4:31; 6:10&18&23; 7:12-13; 8:1&18; Psalm 71:17-18.
1411 Cf. Exodus, 12:12-14.
1412 Cf. Exodus, 29:38; Lev. 23:19; Num. 28:20&29; 29:2-37; 2 Paralipomenon, 29:22; 2 Esdras, 7:17-
1413 Cod. i~ct7rOAVvctl.
1414 Wis. 11:18.
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1415 Cod. i"'Tlftwtipct.

1416 Cf. Exodus, 11:4-10; 12:12-36.
1417 Wis. 18:22.
1418 Wis. 17:6.
1419 Cf. b$~p(t7rw ... MwiXr~;: Exodus, 14:31; Num. 12:8; Joshua, 1:2; 9:2b&d; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.
1420 LXX (var. mss): X6)..o....
1421 Cod. KOft(~wrct.
1422 LXX: ;lIicrXlcr~. Codex Sinaiticus {corr.}: ;lIiKOt~....
1423 Cod. T~TpctcrT(XW"'.
1424 Codices Vaticanus and Sinaiticus (alt.): i'fl0~~$1']crct....
1425 LXX: itcr~~icrl"'.
1426 LXX: Kctt TCt.
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1427 Cod. a7roCTT"pitct"'T"~;. LXX: imT"pitctn~;. Vaticanus and Sinaiticus {corr.}: imCTT"pitct"'T"~;.
1428 Cod. ami... ctt.
1429 Cf. Exodus, 12:33.
1430 Wis. 18:20-19:2.
1431 Cod. a~1']pw.... Cf. Num. 16:1-35; 26:9-10; Ecclesiasticus, 45:18; Psalm 105:16.
1432 Cod. i7rctpwpytcrct....
1433 Psalm 105:16; cf. Num. 15:15.
1434 Num. 16:35; Psalm 105:18; cf. Leviticus, 10:1-3.
1435 Num. 16:30&33; cf. Psalm 54:16; Isaiah, 38:18 (Odae, 11:18); Ecclesiasticus, 14:16; 17:27; 41:4.
1436 Cod. KctT"~t1']'fl~crctT"o. Num. 16:28-35; cf. Psalm 54:16.
1437 Cod. T"W'" oftolw....
1438 Num. 16:21-22.
1439 Num. 17:14.
1440 Num. 16:17-18; cf. 17:12.
1441 Cod. ctlhov;.
1442 Cod. iK'fl~PWfti...'ll'
1443 Num. 16:13.
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1444 Cod. OftWftWMl.

1445 Cf. Gen. 15:18.
1446 Cf. Gen. 15:18-21.
1447 Num. 17:11-15.
1448 Cod. !'toP'll.
1449 Cf. Gen. 13:16-17; 22:17-18.
1450 LXX: 6A~$p~VW"'.
1451 Wis. 18:21; Num. 17:12; cf. Lev. 16:13; 1 Kings, 3:14; Ecclesiasticus, 45:16.
1452 Cf. Wis. 18:13; Judices, 20:2; 1 King, 14:45; Esther, 10:3g.
1453 Wis. 19:1.
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1454 Wis. 18:13; cf. Exodus, 13:15.

1455 Cf. Exodus, 12:31.
1456 Cf. Exodus, 12:33.
1457 Exodus, 14:5-31.
1458 Cod. it"'Ct7rA~w.
1459 Wis. 19:3.
1460 LXX: ~tAx~"',
1461 LXX: 7rpocrctWt7rAl1pwcrwcrt.
1462 LXX: alts. 7r~tpacrl1 and 7r~pacrn
1463 Wis. 19:3-],
1464 Cod. or.
1465 Cod. 7r~PtA~t'fl$~i... ctt.
1466 Exodus, 14:4.
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1467 Cod. 6(t~t.

1468 Cod. i ... i~ctM~",.
1469 LXX: i ... (J'-rVA'll"'~'flD.1'];.
1470 Exodus, 13:21-22; cf. Num. 14:14; 2 Esdras, 19:12; 19:19.
1471 Cod. ctVAct~~i;.
1472 Exodus, 14:20; cf. 10:22.
1473 Cod. ~1']pa.
1474 Cf. Exodus, 14:15-22.
1475 Cod. ~up(xwpo;.
1476 XAW1']'flopo....
1477 Cod. TrctftTrOAct;.
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~(lipuv iJr! XWpU;.1489 Bpaxv Tl Aomo> ~> 1'0 ~nasv, Ka( <> 0 WI 52r I <'IT( S~p&1 O1hOl
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>US ~> oilS' ~~.pa. Ei yoD> <> TocrovT"" 'ITWI OU KaTa cr'ITOVO~> aUToil ~ Ola~aO'll;

1478 Cod. Trct... ~$ ../l.

1479 LXX: ;t~(ndp-rl']CTct....
1480 So in codices Alexandrinus and Sinaiticus {corr.}. LXX: CTx...iTrct.
1481 Cod. O-r~.
1482 Cod. Trctptonct;. Cf. Gen. 19:1-11.
1483 Cf. Exodus, 1:12-14.
1484 LXX: ixaxwCTct ....
1485 Cod. TrO>ioi;.
1486 Wis. 19:8-17.
1487 Exodus, 13:22.
1488 Exodus, 14:21.
1489 Exodus, 14:27.
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1490 Exodus, 14:21-22.

1491 Cod. Trctw!kvl.
1492 Cod. Olctydrvct;.
1493 Psalm 31:9.
1494 Exodus, 15:1; 15:21; Odae, 1:1.
1495 Cod. swlifltct.
1496 Cod. imOAiAvrctt.
1497 Gen. 1:20-24.
1498 Cod. y~...... ~cr~w;.
1499 Cod. &p~ ... o;.
1500 Cod. $~A~W;.
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1501 Num. 11:6-9; Deut. 8:3; 8:16; Psalm 77:24. John, 6:31; 6:49; H eb. 9:4.
1502 Cod. 6p... Y]$(ov.
1503 Cod. ;tw;d)O>i-r~;.
1504 Cod. xctt... 6;-rt;.
1505 Gen. 1:20.
1506 Cf. Exodus, 14:27.
1507 Gen. 19:23-24. Luke, 17:29; 2 Peter, 2:7.
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1508 G en. 19:15-26.

1509 Gen. 1-11.
1510 G en. 46:1-27-
1511 G en. 41:1-33.
1512 Cod. ~v$trV(ct;.
1513 G en. 41:47-49.
1514 G en. 47:12-25.
1515 G en. 42:1-9; 44:18-34; 45:1-8.
1516 Gen. 45:16.
1517 G en. 47:5.
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1518 A known alt. to the LXX AtyVTrT"ov.

1519 LXX: ~~AT"(cnn
1520 G en. 47:11.
1521 G en. 19:11.
1522 LXX: 6tctAacrcrovcrtv.
1523 LXX: iTrt r~;. Codex Sinaiticus: d;yfjv.
1524 imA~A1']crfti... o... not in LXX; but this is so in Codex Alexandrinus.
1525 Wis. 19:18-21; cf. 5:20.
1526 Wis. 19:11.
1527 Cod. AD,oX~""
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1528 Cod. ~r~i-ro.

1529 Cf. Exodus, 7:27-29; 8:1-9; Psalm 77:46; Wis. 19:10.
1530 Cod. ~ct(nAdw".
1531 Psalm 104:30.
1532 Cod. X"t7rct;. Cf. Wis. 19:10; Exodus, 8:12-14; Psalm 104:31; Wis. 19:10.
1533 Cf. Exodus, 8:17-27; Psalms 77:46; 104:31; Wis. 16:9.
1534 Cf. Exodus, 10:4-19; Psalms 77:46; 104:34; Wis. 16:9.
1535 Cod. im7rOMaSwrct.
1536 Wis. 19:13.
1537 Cf. Wis. 16:16&22.
1538 Cod.7rctfl7rOAov.
1539 Cf. Wis. 16:17.
1540 Cf. Wis. 19:20.
1541 Cf. Wis. 5:20; 11:9; 16:5; 18:20; 18:23; 18:25.
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oasal6 Kat TaUTa opaera, Kat na;;w> Kat T~, ~aKapla, €K<l>~, aSlW;;<t, TvX<i> napa
e~OU O"OCPllX~, ~[~ ~VX~-V 'TPIX7r~t~ KlXt €~ IXV'TW-V 'TW-V 7rPIX)'[lrX'TW-V 'Ta. 7rpO'T~pO-V .1l~o"K~UIXKW~,
€-V.1llX'TphVIX~ 'ToT~ 'T~ 'TOU e~OU 3ctvpctlTfOI;1549 €7rt7rOAU, KlXt 'TlO"l [lh ~[lU-VIX'TO .1a-voT~ 'TOU~
im«;;ouna, Kat imav;;aolai;o~<>ov, npo, T~> aUTOU ~OVA~erl>, Olal, 0< Tai, <u<py<erlal,
~[l~hVIX'TO 'TOU~ ~[~ IXV'TO-V 7r~7rOlSO'TIX~, SIXU[llXo"'TlKW~ 'TO-V €7rlAO),O-V 7rpO~ e~O-V €7rrX),a,
Kat nanw, ~~erl, K"PIE iflEraAVVa; TOV .l.a6v ITOV xa! iIJ6galTa;. TovT<erTl, Kat Ol· w>
'TOU~ €XSpOU~ K~KOAIXKIX~ KlXt .1l' W-V .1WpOU[lHO~, OV .1l4Al7r~~ 1550 'ToT~ ,O"~)IX<U)'TOU xctra
lrdvrct 'TIXU'TIX, 'TO-V [lh O"o-v AIXO-V tpEydAvvct; xct{ t3o;ctlTct;) 'TOU~.1~ a.1lKOU~ KlXt a7r~lS~T~
€er~lKpv>a, Kat ~OOS~era,.

1542 Cf. Wis. 16:3.

1543 Deut. 4:24; 9:3; Heb. 12:29.
1544 Wis. 19:22; cf. Isaiah, 41:10. Aft~ ..., not in LXX.
1545 Cf. Wis. 1:1. Psalms2:1O; 148:11; Job 12:17.
1546 Cod. U7rap~ctt.
1547 Cod. i~1']-r1'p'c6'n;.
1548 Cod. ap'.
1549 Exodus, 3:20. Cf. Psalms 9:2; 25:7; 39:6; 70:17; 74:3; 77:32; 87:13; 88:6; 105:7; 118:18&27; 130:1;
144:5; Daniel, 3:43 (Odae, 7:43); Ecclesiasticus, 38:6.
 Ked ovX lnrEjJEf&; 1X1rrou~ €)I 6~l)loT~ oYrlX~ KlXt 'T~~ nlXPet O"OU 6~0[14)1ou~ €7rlKOUpllX~'
aM' tv 7utvrt xrtljJ(J xrtt r07rC[) 7rrtjJIlTrdp_EVo; KlXt 'TOU'TOl~ O"U)lW)I, mb'TlX 'Tet IXU'TW)I €)I
€7rl[1~A~l~ 1X1)~a~ KlXt6LOlK~T~ €nt 'TO ~D.'TLO)I KlXt O"U)l4X~l~, KIX'T' oU6h 6llX[1IXP'TW)I'TlXcccxxix
'TOU np0o"~KO)l'TO~.
Oih-w ~<> oli> 6 ~<ya, OUTO, Kat Ola~<ponw, Ta npo, 8<0> €1;v~>~cr< Kat
KaMfcr~> Tav~> <I, naloaywyfa> ~~W> €><crT~craTo :;<wpfa>, T~> T~, cro~fa, IK:;<crt>,
OUK aMO;JH n(h'Tw~, aM' acp' €o"'TllX~cCCXXX IXUTYj~, w~ ~[n~T)I, 'Tet XP~o"l[11X O"U)I~lo"H~)'KW)I.
KlXt 'TOU'TO [1h w~ ~o"lA~U~ 'TIXU'Tn 'TOl KlXt 'T~)I n~TplX)I 'TW)I aMw~ nw~ €X0)l'TW)I
[1rXAlo"'TlX 6l~)')lWKW~, orou~ 6~ 'TOU~ ~lXo"lA41X~ ~hlXl 'TU)'XrX)I~l)l €)I 'TIXU'T'(] KlXt 'Tl)lW)I €P~)I
<I 7rlh:;' &~a ~ovAolno KT~cracr:;al Tf:;~crt>, D, 0' ali mnt> cro~o" T01), T~; ITorpfa;1551
~UKA~~T~ KlXpnou~1552 KlXt olOU~ &)1 IXU'TOU~ amO»)llXl)l'T0 1553 ot 'TlXunp n~cplAY]KO'T~~ KlXt
Tav~, TvX<i> ~SlW~<>Ol O<fKWcrt>, D, 0< Ta npo, 8<0> <Vcr<~~" onw, n o<i <vx<cr:;al
KlXt 'TlO"l)l €)l6llX'TPl~~l)l Ehou npouYjKO)l ~I)1lXl {monnroL
'H[1~T~ 64, 'TW)I aMW)I anrX)I'Tw)I €K~l)lW)I acp~o"'TY]KO'T~~, €)I oI~ [10)10)1 €7rlKOl)lW)lOU[1H
lXu'T0 [1~ 6' a)llXn)l~T)I €W[1HOlcccxxxi &:'T~ O"'TrXO"a 6~l)lfj 'THpuxw[14)10l KlXt CPlAOl~
€7rl~OUA~UOUo"l 6lIXKIXP'T~pOU)I'T~~ KlXt O"'TIXO"lrXSOUO"l)l 0[K4'TlXl~ a)l'TIX),W)llSO[1HOl KlXt 'ToT~
&Mol, €X:;poi, onAw> vmp~aMovcrt> Icrxv'[ Kat nA~:;a nOM0 anlKa:;fcrTacr:;al ~<> OUX
oIm 'T~ O)l'T~~, aMw~ 6' IXU'TOU~ o[Ko)lo[1~T)I €7rlX~lpOU)I'T~~, 'Tl &)1 a~LO)I KlXt cplXlY][1H ~[~ 'T~)I
TW> €K<fwjl p~:;<>TW> vtr!AoTaTw> npay~aTw> npo:;v~~:;<n<, €~n<cr8> olacra~~crt>,
~[ [1~nou ~p1XX41X 'Tl)let 6~ KlXt 'TIXU'TIX 'T~~ IXU'TOU O"OCPllX~ €PplX)llO"rX[1HOl,cccxxxii ~[~ [1lKPrX)I
Tt>a TOVTW> olaTvnwcrt> €S<:;<~<:;a, no:;o> <hal ~aMo> anonA~pojjn<, ~~<npo> ~
TW> ~<:;' vn<p~oA~,€p<v>wnm T~> xp<fa>;
ErY] 6' &)1 KlXt 'TOU'TOl~ apKOU)I'T1X CPIX)I~)llXl, e~OU 'Tet nrX)I'T1X KIX'Tet 6U)lIX[1l)l
a)l'Tl[1~'TpOU)I'T0~1554 €KrXO"'TCP, KlXt 'ToT~ [1lKPet 6~6U)lY][14)10l~ nlXp!XJTx~T)l1555 O'Tl 'TO nii)l
aUTW> nap<crxo> 54v I vn<p TOU, Ta ~<yaAa nap<crX~KoTa" crTacr<w, 6~ojj Kat
KA~o"~W~ a~LOU)I'TO~. cccxxxiii

Avr(J ~ 36;rt £I; rov; rtlCJvrt; rCJv rtlcJvwv. ctp.1V. 1556

1551 Cf. Wis. 7:15; 14:5; also, 6:20; 7:7; 7:30; 8:5; 8:17; 9:6.
1552 Cf. Wis. 3:15: Ctyct$Crvy2tp 7ro"'W"'Kctp7rO;~Vx).~~;.
1553 Cod. Ct7r(o)... cttYrO.
1554 Cf. Luke, 6:38: Ii... 4> fthp'll ft~'"tp~in CtYrtft~'"tPl1$~(THctt up.... Matt. 7:2; Mark, 4:24.
1555 Cf. Rev. 3:8: o'"tt fttKp2t... lX~t; '"t~ ... 6v...ctftt..., Kctt h~Pl1crct; ft0t! '"to ... ).oyav, Kctt OVK ~P"~crw '"to o"'0ftct ft0t!.
1556 Rom. 11:36; cf. Rev. 1:6.
Notes
A note is called for at this point: given that the present text betrays a highly erudite
author and orthographic errors are not frequent, one would be surprised at him having
written (indeed twice in a single phrase) 6pfLrplClct and 6PfLrrvwSIvTc(', that is, not using
a rough breathing on the initial vowel. To this, the answer is that this orthography
appears in extant texts of various authors of old (evidently, so written by later scribes),
such as Galen, Eusebius, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Isidore of PelUSiUffi, et al. Such
cases are casual and rare, and do not conform with the orthography as in the rest of
their works. However, writing 6pfLrrVSlC(. and cognates instead of 6PfLrrVclc(', appears as a
conscious and persistent one at scores of points in Euthymius Zigabenus, the twelfth-
century monk and commentator on the Bible, who died after 111S. So it does in the
Acts of the Athos Monastery of the Docheiarium, and in authors who lived in the turn
of thirteenth to fourteenth century, such as John Beccus, Constantine Meletiniotes,
Demetrius Cydones (abundantly), and several later authors. This should be borne in
mind in view of my ensuing argument that this manuscript is a fourteenth-century
one, probably scribed at the behest of Bishop Matthew of Ephesus, a close friend of
Nikephorus Gregoras'.
ii Styling Solomon 'wise' (which recurs below) was a designation first used by Origen,
Cels, IIA5; Selecta in }esu Nave, PG.l2.S24.l9, Scholia in Canticum Canticorum,
PG.l7.256.59, quoted by Procopius of Gaza, Catena in Canticum Canticorum,
p. 1560; subsequently, devout admirers followed: Eusebius (Demonstratio Evangelica,
4.16.60); Gregory of Nyssa (Contra Eunomium, 3.1.240); Basil of Caesarea (Epistulae,
epistle S.S); the newly discovered moderate Origenist Cassian the Sabaite (= Pseudo-
Caesarius, Quaestiones et Responsiones, chapters 96 & 166), and others (Amphilochius,
Socrates Scolasticus, Theodoret, Cosmas Indicopleustes, Anastasius of Sinai, and
Photius [but probably Cassian the Sabaite), Epistulae et Amphilochia, epistles 9, line
3S; 149, line 559;). This re-appeared in Nikephorus Gregoras, (Epistulae, epistles 23 &
93) and in a few later Byzantine authors, too (Gregory Palamas, Theodore Dexius,
et al.). Pachymeres' admirer and contemporary of Gregoras, the poet Manuel Philes
(c. 1275-1345), wrote that 'until recently, Solomon has been styled great'. Carmina,
chapter 3, poem 131 line 2S: '0 yoi}y LOAOfL&YV C(')Cpl~W~ Tra.'VTct KPl'VW'V, ,) fLSXPl n'Vo~
fLctpTvpovfLc'Vo~ fLsyct~. The expression fLSXPl n'Vo~ needs to be explained, because all lex-
ica are unaware of a specific mening of this. It certainly means 'up to a certain point'
(Aristotle had used this abundantly in this sense, anyway). However, another (and
hitherto hardly known) sense of this is 'until recently', and this is how Philes used it.
Cf. Manuel Philes, Carmina Varia De Naturali Historia, part 3, line 105: 0 fLSXPl n'Vo~
~yvoctTo Act'VSa.'VO'V.
Carmina, chapter 2, poem 43, line 31: KctL fLSXPl n'Vo~ TOr~ KC(,)COr~
6'VHPV<pW'V. Carmina, chapter 2, poem 215, line 200: ci~ TOUTO'V Tropw6fLc'Vo~ fLSXPl n'Vo~
TO'V ~lO'V.
 It was only one person, who happened to be an accomplished philologist, namely,
Eustathius of Thessaloniki, who cared to explain this (largely ignored) particular
sense of the expression apropos of Homer's clW~ fLE-v (Ilias, XII.I41): 'at that point
of Ilias, as it happened in the previous rhapsody [meaning, XI.342], this has been
used not the usual sense, but it is used instead of TSW~ and fLSXPl nvo( Eustathius of
Thessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 3, p. 454. Note that TSW~ means
'the previous one', or 'previously', unlike 1!pw'1'V (or 1!pwct'V, or 1!pw'V, or 1!p&.'V), which
means 'at some moment of the past'.
The particle sTo~, so written repeatedly by Odyssea's editor P. von der Miihll (1962),
and by Ilias's one T. W. Allen (1931), is wrong. Different regions of Greece had this
either clW~ or ~o~ or &~ or &~ or &w~ -but cTo~ is not a Greek word, and naturally none
of Homer's commentators (or indeed any other Greek author whatsoever) did ever
write this in that wrong spelling.
See the corect clW~ in Porphyry commenting on Homer's same verse: Quaestionum
Homericarum ad Iliadem Pertinentium Reliquiae, comm. on Ilias, XII.127, lines
21 & 33 & 37 & 54. Also, Hymni Homerici, In Venerem, verse 225; Apollonius
of Rhodes, Argonautica, book 3, line 1326; Eudocia Augusta, Homerocentones, sec-
tion I, line 578; section 2, line 463. And of course, Eustathius of Thessaloniki,
Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 3, pp. 451; 454 (as above); 729; Commentarii ad
Homeri Odysseam, v. 1, p. 117.
Also, see the Anonymous commentator on Rhetorics, [lEpt TcdvToiJ16yov OX1JI''(iTCtJV,
v. 3, p. 158; and always the anonymous commentators of Homer: Scholia in Iliadem
(H. Erbse), comm. on 1.193b, scholion 3; comm. on 11.812, scholion 3; comm. on
VIII.92, scholion 5; comm. on XII.141, scholion 1; comm. on XIII.143a, scholion
1; comm. on XIII.143b, scholion 1; comm. on XV.277-278, scholion 1; comm. on
XV.277a, scholion 1; comm. on XV.390, scholion 1; comm. on XVII. 727bl, scho-
lion I. Scholia in Odysseam (W Dindorf), comm on on 11.148; 111.126.
iii Cf. Homer, Odyssea, XII.79: 1!hp'1 yap l(~ 6ITTl 1!Spl;SlTrn sbcvlct (,for the rock
is smooth, as if this were polished round about'). The phrase became pro-
verbial, especially among grammarians and lexicographers. Herodian, [lEpt
'OP'J-oYPct9fct;, p. 546. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, letter lambda, entry 1114.
Etymologicum Genuinum, letter lambda, entry 119. Etymologicum Magnum, p. 567.
Also, Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii adHomeri Odysseam, v. 2, pp. 8; 13.
Cf. Origen's favourite author, Galen, De Usu Partium, p. 330: &rr6 TW'V 6'1fLlOUpyW'V
... 1!Spl;SO'VTW'V d~ K&MO~.
iv The verb SVITK'1'VOW [= to dwell in a propitious camp] does not appear in any pub-
lished work.
v Cf. the idea of angels administering God's providence expressed by means of
the formula 6lct'VsfLsl'V 1!PO'VOlctv, in Proclus, commTim, v. 3, p. 219; De Decem
Dubitationibus Circa Providentiam, 32; 35. Cf. Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 214,
p. 172b. Gennadius Scholarius, Quaestiones Theologicae De Praedestinatione Divina
 et De Anima, 1.1.24. Earlier (fourth century), Constitutiones Apostolorum, 3.3. Julian
the Arian, Commentarius in Job, p. 229.
vi The expression is very rare: cv SlAw means a well-meant action or prospect. See
Aeschylus, Choephoroe, verse 852. However, no one else did use this, which makes
the present point interesting.
vii The present participle ITO<pOTrOlOiJlTct, as well as the epithet lTo<poTrol6~ (,wise-making')
is a neologism introduced by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite: De Cae/esti
Hierarchia, p. 28 (& Catena in Epistulam ad Romanos [typus MonacensisJ); p. 50;
De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia, pp. 104; 131; De Divinis Nominibus, p. 129. Gregory
Palamas, Orationes Dogmaticae, orations 1: 2; 6; 11; 13-16; 28; 2.3; Pro Hesychastis,
3.2.23; Orationes Antirrheticae contra Acindynum, oration 5.13.48; et passim. John
VI Cantacuzenus, Refutationes Duae Prochori Cydonii, 1.34; 1.60; 2.19. Gregory
Acindynus, Refutatio Magna (quoting Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagire, De Divinis
Nominibus, p. 129); 3.28; 4.28. John Kyparissiotes, Contra Tomum Palamiticum,
5.7; 5.9; Expositio Materiaria, 3.9. Et al. Quite evidently, Palamas took up the term
from Gregory Acindynus, who in turn had copied this from Pseudo- Dionysius the
Areopagite - on whom George Pachymeres had written the Paraphrasis ofthe Saint
Hieromartyr Dionysius the Areopagite, and Gregoras translated some of his work. The
present commentator used this at three points in all. See infra folios 3r; 19r.
viii Cf. Nicander of Colophon, Alexipharmaca, line 338: cl6HctL6fL~pVXVScrlTct ~ctpUTr'Voo~.
The anonymous commentator explained that 6fL~pvxvSctlTct means 'eaten up' (Past
Participle of the verb 6fL~PUKW = bite). See the anonymous Scholia in Nicandrum,
Scholia et Glossae in NicandriAlexipharmaca, scholion 338b: 6fL~pVXVScrlTct. ~pwSctlTct.
ix Cf. the turn cvSv~ 6Tr&yn ('he forthwith says this') in Origen, selGen, PG.12.109.3.
Gregory of Nazianzus, Ad Cives Nazianzenos (orat. 17), PG.35.969.5. Pseudo-
Didymus (= Cassian the Sabaite), De Trinitate, 19.10. Pseudo-Basil of Cae sa rea (for-
san Cassian the Sabaite), Enarratio in Prophetam Isaiam, 1.22. John Chrysostom, De
Lazaro, PG.48.972.44; et passim. Later, Gregory Palamas, Epistulae ad Acindynum
et Barlaam, epistle 4.23. John Kyparissiotes, Adversus Cantacuzenum, sections 179;
199; 210.
x Origen repeatedly quoted this pericope. frJohn, fr. 76; comm1Cor, fr. 11; Catena
in Epistulam i ad Corinthios (typus Vaticanus) (cod. Paris. gr. 227), p. 47. No
other author did ever quote this, except the newly discovered Cassian the Sabaite,
(Pseudo-Didymus) De Trinitate, PG.39.740.47-741.3.
xi On those 'alien from god' (aMoTplol EhoiJ), see Psalms of Solomon, Psalm 17:13. Cf.
Origen, comm}ohn, X.30.l93; exhMar, 36; dcOr, 25.3; homLuc, homily 35, p. 202;
commEph, frs. 4; 18; commGen, PG.12.144.20; Cels, VIII.5&43.
xii The expression 6pctnK~ S;l~ was coined by Alexander of Aphrodisias, De Fato,
p. 199. So Nemesius of Emesa, De Natura Hominis, chapter 18, p. 78. This was
also styled either 6pctnK~ <pct'VTctlTlct (Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Dogmaticos 1 [=
Adversus Logicos 1J, 7.424 [Chrysippus, fr. 68]), or 6p~m:~ ~i()'S~(),l\ (Alexander of
 Aphrodisias, commMetaph, pp. 1; 323; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Compositione
Verborum, 12; Albinus, Epitome Doctrinae Platonicae, 18.1), or opctTlK~ 6LrvctfLl~
(Alexander of Aphrodisias: commMetaph, pp. 301; 381; 455; In Librum De
Sensu, pp. 25; 36; 44; but Alexander pointed out that opctTlKYj 66vctfLl~ means T~'V
<pVlTlK~'V E;l'V. commMetaph, p. 381. See also Plutarch, De Defoctu Oraculorum,
p. 433D&E; Epictetus, Dissertationes ab Arriano Digestae, 1.6.5; 1.8.16; 1.12.30;
2.23.2&7&9&19; Aspasius, In Ethica Nichomachea, p. 147; Pseudo-Galen, An
Animal Sit Quod est in Utero, p. 168; Introductio, p. 701; Origen, comm}ohn,
XX.43.405;ftJohn, fr. 93; Plotinus, Enneadcs, Iv'3.23; IV.5.4; Gregory of Nyssa, De
Virginitate, 12.2; De Opificio Hominis, p. 189; Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos,
PG.23.1200.49; PG.24.24.40; Generalis Elementaria Introductio, fr. 471; Maximus
Confessor, Quaestiones et Dubia, 66. Cassian the Sabaite, Ad Castorem, De Septem
Malignis Cogitationibus, in NDGF, p. 114).
Therefore, the sense of vision was normally styled opctTlKYj 66vctfLl~ and the present
designation opctTlKYj E;l~ was rare, although as old as Alexander of Aphrodisias -
wherefore it could have been natural for Origen to have used this, too.
xiii Cf. John Kyparissiotes, Adversus Cantacuzenum, section 1: "OAW~ 6TIW0'1ITO'V fLOl KctL
niJ 'V0 6lctTLrrrWlTo'V 1!OlKlAWTCh'1'V tvX'1~ Kp&'lTl'V 6K tcv60V~ KctL 60AW'V KC(.L61!lOPKlW'V KctL
KC(.KOTeXV lW'V ITVYKClfLE'V'1'V.
xiv The expression <pctpfL&'KW'V ITKwctlTnK6~ ('manufacturer of medicins') appeared not
earlier than the fourteenth century. See Demetrius Cydones, Translatio Summae con-
tra Gentiles capita 1-9, 1.2. Then (fifteenth century), Gennadius Scholarius, Epitome
Summae contra Gentiles Thomae Aquinae, 1.1; Bessarion, Summa Contra Gentiles,
1.1. In all of these cases, this appears as a rendering from Thomas Aquinas' text.
xv This is a very rare word coined and used only once by Cyril of Alexandria,
Commentarius in xii Prophetas Minores, v. 2, p. 290: ~ Sdct Te KC(.L a1!Act'V~~ KctL
6lKC(.lOT&'T'1 KPllTl~, a'Vc;lKctK~lTctlTct 66 V1!CPctfLhpw~. The epithet V1!CP&.fLCTpO~ ('beyond
any measure') did not re-appear until several centuries later and was used only twice.
Michael Psellus, Poemata, poem 57, line 158: TOV~ fLctS'1T&.~ <P'1lTl 'V'1ITTctJlTctL TOTe 6l'
~'V1!Cp &ITX0'V V1!Cp&'fLHpO'V AV1!'1'V. Theophanes of Thrace (Mount Athos, abba and
Metropolitan, fourteenth century: E)Co<p&.'V'1~ 0 ncplScWPlO~, Abbot of Vatopedion
monastery), Vita Sancti Maximi Causocalybitae, chapter 11, line 21: T~'V 'V'1ITTelct'V T~'V
tnrcp&'fLHpO'V. This could have been drawn from a single usage of the cognate adverb
by Cyril of Alexandria, Commentarius in xii Prophetas Minores, v. 2, p. 290 (ref to
the divine judgement): a'Vc;lIC~lTctlTct 66 V1!cPctfLhpw~.
xvi See the verb 6'VITK'1'VOW used by John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 7.2: KctL ctvT'1
[Sc. God's ovofa] 6ITTL'V~ ayl&.~ovlTct ~fL&.~ KC(.L 6'VITKYj'VOUlTct ~fLr'V. Advenus Cantacuzenum,
rn
67: OVTW~ ctlh~ ~ TOU Aoyov ScOT'1~ 6'VITKYj'VWlTctlTct yctlTTpL T~~ 1!ctpSE'VOV. Likewise,
Philotheus Coccinus (c. 1300-1379, Patriarch of Constantinople, 1353-1354
and 1364-1376), Antirrhetici Duodecim contra Gregoram, oration 6, lines 1265;
1576; 1581.
xvii See the expression d~ OAllTSOV tux~~ used by Theodore Studites, Sermones
Catecheseos Magnae, catechesis 10, p. 27, and Mqdl1J KctT1X1Jm;, catechesis 62,
p.656.
xviii The expression U'lTCpctTrClp066vcqw~ 6&vctfLl~ in reference to God 's power appears
only in John Kyparissiotes, the close friend of Nikephorus Gregoras', of whom
Kyparissiotes spoke in utter respect and shared the same anti- Palamite ideas with
him. Kyparissiotes was one of the few regular visitors of Gregoras' house and the
only one who informed posterity that, when Gregoras died, the Palamites dragged
his dead body through the streets. See Kyparissiotes, Palamitarum Transgressionum
('On the Transgressions of the Palamites'), 4.10 (PG.152.733-736). See the
expression uTrspctm:lpoM'VctfLo~ M'VctfLl~ of God in John Kyparissiotes, Orationes
Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, 4.10 & 5.3.
xix The expression TrpO yS'V6ITSW~ is one that Origen found in Sussana, 35a [transla-
tio GraecaJ, 35a; [Theodotionis versioJ, 42: ,) eso~ ,) ctiW'VlO~') d6W~ Ta TrCtvTct TrpL'V
yS'V6ITSW~ ctlJTW'V (God 'knows all things before they were made'). He quoted this at
some points. See Prine, II I. 1.12 (apudPhiloealia, 21.11); eommGen, PG.12.57.J5-
19 (apudPhiloealia, 23.4); deOr, 5.2; eommRom (II-XII21), fr. I (Philoealia, 25.2).
xx This is one more point betraying Gregoras' hand having written this commen-
tary. The epithet aK~pctTo~ (meaning 'unblemished' or 'untarnished') qualifying
the noun 6lct60xYl ('succession') is somewhat idiosyncratic on the face of it, since
the context is not about succession of kings and the like, but about natural ele-
ments and processes. In extant texts ofNikephorus Gregoras, this has been used in
relation to either genuine succession of laws to various peoples or undisputed suc-
cession of kingship. Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. I, p. 116: 'V0fLO~
yap 61TTl'V OUTO~ tX'VwSS'V 6K 6lct60X'1~ ad KctTlW'V 6~ TOU~ aTroyo'Vou~ aK~pctTo~, OU fLo'Vo'V
'PWfUtLOl~ KctL eSTTctAor~, aAAa KctL 'nAUplOr~ KctL Tpl~ctAAor~ KctL BouAyapOl~. Op.
cit. v. 1, pp. 440-441: d 66 KC(.L TO'V uio'V KC(.L ~C(.(jlA6ct TCS'VCtvctlITUfL~ctL'1' 'lTCpmOlcllTSctL
KC(.L <pUAaTTCl'V niJ TCXS'1ITOfL6'V1{.l TrctL6L T~'V T~~ ~ctlTlAclct~ 6lct60xYl'V aITTctITLctITTO'V TC KctL
aK~pctTov. In the present context, the commentator speaks about natural laws that
unfailingly hold throughout all time and their operation can be annulled or mod-
ified by no one. No author did ever use the turn ax:t1pctTo~ 6lct60xYl whatsoever.
xxi An implicit reference to the Epicureans. See Epicurus, Epistula ad Menoeceum,
128: KctL6la TOUTO T~'V ~60'V~'V apxYl'V KC(.L TnO~ AkyofLs'V cl'VctL TOU fLctKC(.P(w~ ~~'V. Cf. op.
cit. 131. This thesis was condemned by several other schools, such as Stoicism, and
of course by all Christians.
xxii The ensuing analysis makes it evident that, to this author, AOyo~ means 'the vital-
ising spirit' (~wTl;c6'V Tr'VsufLct) and ultimately the soul. Nevertheless, I translated
'speech ', synecdochically meaning a manifestation of the soul.
xxiii Cf. Wis. 2:24: <pSo'Vl{.l 66 6lct~oAOU S&-vctTo~ yap TO'V ;cOlTfLo'V dlT~ASS'V, 'lTClp&~OUlTl 66
ctUTO'V oi T~~ 6Kd'Vou fLSp(60~ O'VTC~.
xxiv The text of Wis. 2:3 has it that 'the spirit shall vanish like the loose air.' The author
at this point evidently identifies the spirit with soul.
xxv The author definitly had in mind Plato, Timaeus, 49c (quoted also by Stobaeus,
Anthologium, 1.20.S): Ked Tr&Al'V ctSpet (J'UVlO'VTet KC(.L TrViCVoufLs'Vo'V 'Vs<po~ KC(.LOfLlXA'1'V,
6K 66 TOUTW'V &n fLetMo'V (J'VfLTrlAOvfLs'Vw'V pso'V V6Wp. Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, De VIta
Mosis, 1.30: Ns<pkA'1~ 66 TOU Actou Sdlf. 6v'V&fLsl KetS'1yovfLs'V'1~' OU KetTa T~'V KOl'V~'V
<pU(J'l'V' OU66 yap 6; aTfLw'V n'Vw'V ~ a'VetSvfLl&(J'sw'V ~ (J'U(J'Tet(J'l~ etuT~~ ~'V, Tretxv'VofLs'VOV
TOr~ aTfLor~ TOU aspo~ 6la T~~ 0fLlXAW60V~ (J'V(J'T&(J'SW~ KC(.L TrpO~ 6etvTO'V (J'VfLTrlAOvfLs'VOV
TOr~ Tr'VSUfLet(J'l'V, aMa KPSLTTO'V n KetL vin1Aonpo'V T~~ a'VSpWTrl'V'1~ KetTetA~tsW~.
xxvi This is the Attic version of the Present Perfect tense of the verb aydpw. See
Herodian, [lE.pt Ila'JcJV, p. 224; Schematismi Homerici, 21. Also, Anonymous,
EpimerismiHomerici, letter taf, gloss 53. Suda, letter alpha, entry213. Etymologicum
Magnum, p. 9. Etymologicum Symeonis, v. 1, p. 34. Pseudo-Zonaras, Lexicon, letter
alpha, p. 35. Stoics employed the idea, but the vocabulary at this point of the manu-
script is Platonic. C£ Chrysippus, fr. 701 (apudStobaeus,Anthologium, 1.31.7, apud
Arius Didymus, Physica, fr. 35): XpU01TrTrO~ &<p'1(J's T~'V OfLlXA'1'V 'Vs<po~ 6letKSxvfLs'V0'V ~
as pet Tr&Xo~ &XO'VTet. 6P0(J'0'V 66 6; 0fLlXA'1~ KC(.Tet<pS po fLS'VO'V byp0'V.
xxvii TO etuTofLetTO'V means spontaneous consequentiality functioning without external
agency: this was supposed to be only a blind and purposeless sort of natural
causality, wherefore the notion of divine Providence was dismissed. The idea was
laid at the door of the Atomists. Cf. Aristotle, Metaphysica, 1065b: he argued that
if spontaneity is a function indirectly produced by Nature, one should be alert
to the fact that indirect presupposes the direct, i.e. the (Anaxagorean) Nous. Cf.
Physica, 195b-198a; Alexander of Aphrodisias, commPhys, pp. 32; 676; De Fato,
p. 174; commAnalPr, p. 163; Simplicius, commPhys, pp. 6-7; 327-329; 345-353.
Plotinus, Enneades, VI.S.S.&IS. The present author's vocabulary (i.e. etuTofLetTO'V
and fL&T'1'V) shows that he was aware of Aristotle's analysis in Physica, 197b-19Sa,
in which Aristotle also explains the difference between etuTofLetTO'V and TU)7} See
perinent analyses by Aristotle's commentators. Pseudo-Alexander of Aphrodisias,
De Anima Libri Mantissa, p. 17S. Themistius, paraphrPhys, p. 55. Julian, emperor,
[hp! ErtITtJ.drt(, 22. Simplicius, commPhys, pp. 348-350; 357. John PhUoponus,
commAnalPost, p. 3S1; commPhys, pp. 290-292. Eustratius ofNicaea, commAnal-
Post, p. 155. Also, Eustathius of Thessalonki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem,
v. 1, p. 377; Sermones, oration 7, lines 317 ff. Gennadius Scholarius, Adnotationes
in Aristotelis Opera Diversa, lines 207-212, comm. on Aristotle's Physics, as above.
Translatio Thomae Aquinae Commentarii in Aristotelis De Physico Audito, Book 2,
pp. 245-246. Of Christians, see Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23.lSS.l-
3. Gregoras made refutation of TO etuTofLetTO'V a heavily recurrent theme in several
works of his and associated this with Epicurus, too. Antirrhetica Priora, oration
2.5, p. 301: TO Tret'V, aKv~sp'V'1TO'V TC KetL aTrp0'V0'1TO'V KC(.TetASl<pSS'V, etuTOfL&TW~ n KetL
aT&KTW~, KetTa T~'V TW'V 'EmKovpdw'V <PspofLS'VO'V etlPS(J'l'V. Astrolabica B, p. 217.
 Also, op. cit. oration 1.7, p. 159; oration 2.2, p. 249; Historia Romana, v. 2,
p. 644: Kcd fL'16C(f-ll KctTa. TO ctlhofLctTOV <pSpcITSctL, fL'16' a:ITO TVX'1~ nvo~. Op. cit. v. 2,
p. 1092: olTn~ 6' OiHctL Ta. O-VTct TVX11 KctL niJ ctvTofL&TI{.l 6l0lKclITSctL KC(.LlTwfLctnKctr~
ITVVSXclTSctL ctiTlctL~, OVTO~ noppw aTrCA~ActTctL Ehoi) KC(.L h'VOlct~ ho~. Likewise, op.
cit. v. 2, pp. 645; 799; 1042; 1103; v. 3, pp. 96; 206; 209; 259; Epistulae, epistles
34; 42 (almost entirely dealing with refutation of the ctvTofLctTO'V); 109.
The authors who explicitly lumped together Epicurus (or Epicureanism) with
the notion of 'automaton' were Plutarch, De Pythiae Oraculis, p. 399E; De Animae
Procreatione in Timaeo, p. 1015B. Pseudo-Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum,
p. 885C. Pseudo-Galen, De Historia Philosophica, section 46. Julian emperor, Ei;
T~V M1JTipct T0v B£0v, section 3. Of Christians, Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis,
5.14.90.2 (excerpted and quoted by Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica, 13.13.4).
GregoryofNyssa, Dialogus DeAnima etResurrectione, PG.46.21.15-20; De Deitate
Filii et Spiritus Sancti, PG.46.560.22-25. Gregory of Nazianzus, In Laudem
Heronis Philosophi (orat. 25), PG.35.1205.5. Athanasius, De Incarnatione Verbi,
2.1. Didymus, Commentarii in Ecclesiasten (7-8.8), codex p. 209. Adamantius,
De Recta in Deum Fide, p. 100. John Chrysostom, In Acta Apostolorum (homiliae
1-55), PG.60.270.24-26 (quoted also in the Catena in Acta [catena Andreae,
cod. Oxon. coIL nov. 58]), p. 286. Also, Maximus Confessor, John Philoponus,
John Malalas, Michael Psellus, as well as later Byzantine intellectuals, such as
Gregoras' spiritual predecessor George Acropolites.
xxviii See the only parallel to this in Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae, 15.39: KC(.L ~ ITTctKT~ 66
6TrlT~6ClO~ npo~ nOTO'V. See a charming definition of ITTctKT~ (derived from the verb
ITT&~W = fall or shed drop by drop) by the first-century AD physician and bota-
nist Dioscorides Pedanius (of Anazarbus in Cilicia), De Materia Medica, 1.60.1;
he explains in detail how was this produced, and points out that this was a very
luxurius perfume.
xxix ncpl~oActlW'V 6;ctMcty&~. The expression was used once in order to indicate the
counterpoint of humility. Cf. Typicon Monasterii Theotoci Bebaias Elpidos (1327-
1342), chapter 19, pp. 74-75: lllTTrCp 66 ctl <plA060;Ol TW'VyV'VctLKW'V KC(.L ano T~~ TW'V
ncpl~oActlW'V KC(.LlfLctTlw'V 6;ctMcty~~ TO KC'VO~ ctVTctr~ 6TrlT'16cVOVlTlS'1P&ITSctL 60;&plO'V.
xxx nOAvfLoxSo~ ('toilsome') is a term coined by the great tragedians but never used
by either Plato or Aristotle. It is interesting then that, save some Greek poems
connected with mystic rites (such as the Sibylline Oracles) or grammarians and
lexicographers, this was taken up almost exclusively by Christians, particularly
Origen's admirers. See Euripides, Hecuba, verse 95; Electra, verse 1330; Hercules,
verse 1197; Phoenissae, verses 784 & 800; Iphigenia Aulidensis, verse 1330 (bis);
Fragmenta, frs. 916; 645a. Sophocles, Oedipus Coloneus, verse 165 & 1231. Gregory
of Nyssa, In Ecclesiasten, p. 387; Adversus Eos Qui Castigationes Aegre Ferunt,
PG.46.316.30. Eusebius used it quoting from Clement of Alexandria, who in
turn used this in a quotation from an Orphic hymn. Clement of Alexandria,
 Stromateis, 5.14.125.3, then, Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica, 13.13.52. This
Orphic hymn has eluded the editors of Orphic texts, such as H. Diels and
W. Kranz, or W Quandt, or R. Halleux and J. Schamp. See GregoryofNazianzus,
Carmina De Se Ipso, p. 1433; Epigrammata, 8.33; 8.142; Carmina Dogmatica,
column 455, line 12; column 513, line 4; Carmina Moralia, column 577, line
8; column 755, line 5. John Chrysostom, De Sacerdotio, 6.10; In Epistulam i ad
Corinthios, PG.61.360.28. Also, Basil of Aneyra, De Virginitate, PG.30.709.11.
Epiphanius of Salamis, Ancoratus, 103.3.
xxxi The expression 'ungrateful Jews' (ayvwfL0'Vc~ 'Iov6cdol) appears in texts ascribed to
Origen (frJohn, fro 47; Scholia in Apocalypsin, scholion 14). This was used later by
his devout students or admirers, such as Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory ofN azianzus,
Basil of Caesarea, John Chrysostom (at scores of points), et al. Also, in Cassian
the Sabaite; see my Scholia in Apocalypsin, Scholion XlV.
xxxii AVTofLctTlITTW'V. John Malalas (a Syrian from Antioch, c. 491 - 578) used this
designation in reference to those who dismissed Providence, such as 'the so-called
Epicureans' (TW'V AcyofLE'VW'V 'ETIucovpdw'V). Chronographia, 10.30: TOU 60YfLctTo~
TW'V AcyofLE'VW'V 'ETrlKovpclw'V, 0 6ITTl TW'V ctvTofLctTlITTW'V TW'V AcY0'VTW'V anpO'V0'1Tct cl'VctL
Ta. na.'VTct.
Theophanes Confessor (monk and chronicler, c. 758- c. 818) wrote exactly
the same in reference to the sect of AVTofLctTlITTctl, who were 'Epicureans' and
inhabited Harran. Chronographia, p. 426 ('the Epicureans were the heretic
Automatists, who had taken up this impiety from the Greeks that dwelled in
Harran'). Evidently, he copied from John Malalas.
Arethas of Caesarea reprimanded Aristotle for not having posited the first
Immovable Mover as a Creator, only because Aristotle was 'an Automatist' (aM'
cl'VctL ctvTofLctTlITT~'V). Scholia in Aristotelis Categorias, scholion 237.
Gennadius Scholarius wrote against this heresy, lumping it together with
atheism and polytheism. Tractatus De Uno Deo et Contra Quos Qui Deum Esse
Negant et Multos Deos Colunt, p. 172; Epistulae Georgii Scholarii, epistle 2, p. 482.
Theodore Agallianus (Metropolitan of Medea, fifteenth century), mentioned 'the
disease of Automatists', in his De Providentia, pp. 431 & 432.
Although the term 'Automatist' itself appears at no more than seven points in
Greek literature, it was George Pachymeres, who used several cognates in order
to describe something happening out of blind chance. For example, he declares
himself surprised at Aristotle who posited 'that each and every animal comes to
be according to the Nature', while the same philosopher argued that 'the heaven
came to be out of mere chance and automatically' (ano Tt)X'1~ KctL TOU ctvTofLa.TOV)-
which is an idea that Pachymeres dismissed, 'since that which is perfectly ordered
and determined appears far more in the heaven rather than in earthly things'. In
Aristoteles De Partibus Animalium Commentarium (liber vi), chapter 1, lines 81-
85. In Aristotelis Metaphysicam Commentarium (liber x), 1.3: TOUya.p cV KctL KC(.AW~
Ta fLE-v el'VctL Ta dE Yl'VSITSctl TW'V O'VTW'V ctuTofLan-:,l Ked TVX116TrlTpstctl TOITOUTO'V Trp&YfLct
ou KctAW~ elXS IT<pllTl (and then he appeals to Anaxagoras who, concerning both
Being and Becoming, dismissed blind chance). commCael, 1.9.4: OUdE-v yap aTrO
TOU ctuTofLaTou OUT' &<pSctpTOV OUT' aYSV'lTO'V Olo'V T' el'Vctl· TO fLE-v yap ctuTofLctTO'V KctL
TO aTrO TVXYJ~ 61TTl. Op. cit. 2.5.5: TO dE Tra'VS' 0fLOlW~ 6; ctuTofLaTou, TrAalTfLctn gOlKS'V
[the ctuTofLctTO'V is like a figment]. l\fLct dE KctL OUK glTn'V h TOI~ <pVITSl TO w~ huxs'V,
OUdE TO Trct'VTctXOU KctL Tr&lTl'V VTrapx0'V aTrO TVXYJ~. Besides, Pachymeres used the term
ctuTofLctTO'V and pertinent cognates in this sense at scores of other points, too.
Cf. Arethas of Caesarea, commCateg, scholion 23 ('A.ristotle was an autom-
atist'). Gennadius Scholarius, Tractatus De Uno Deo et contra Quos Qui Deum
Esse Negant et Multos Deos Colunt, p. 172; Epistulae Georgii Scholarii, epistle 2,
p. 482. Theodore Agallianus, De Providentia, pp. 431; 432. On the controversy
about 'automaton', see discussion in myAnaxagoras, Index, p. 1778. Nevertheless,
the reference by John Malalas to the 'A.utomatists', who 'like the Epicureans,
denied that everything falls under God's Providence', suggests that this heresy
was already known at the end of the fifth century. Dismissing Providence meant
that everything was and is being created by mere chance (TVXYJ). Cf. Dionysius
of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae, 1.4.2; De Demosthenis Dictione, 19; De
Compositione Verborum, 22; 25. Josephus, Antiquitates }udaicae, 10.281. Plutarch,
De Alexandri Magni Fortuna aut Virtute, p. 332C. Phlegon, De Mirabilibus,
1.6. Theophilus of Antioch, Ad Autolycum, 2.4; 2.19; 3.3; 3.7; 3.26. Porphyry,
De Antro Nympharum, 32. Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, 1.22.3.
Eusebius, Commentarius in Isaiam, 2.18. Epiphanius of Salamis, Panarion,
v. I, p. 186; v. 3, pp. 359; 406. Didymus, Commentarii in Ecclesiasten (3-4.12),
Cod. p. 88. Evagrius of Pontus, Scholia in Ecclesiasten, scholion 36. Likewise,
Cyril of Alexandria, Maximus Confessor, John of Damascus, Photius, Psellus,
George Cedrenus, and Gregory Palamas. John Kyparissiotes was particularly
keen on refuting the notion of 'automatic' creation of humanity. See Orationes
Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, 4.9, lines 235-238: KctL OAW~
TO KVPlO; bCTlOOi I"E apX~v 60'0v aVTOV, TrCpL TrSpL T~~ 6fL<Pctl'V0fLSV'l~ 1T0<plct~ niJ KOlTfLW
<pYjlTl, fLO'VO'VOUXL <pW'V~'V a<pldITYj~ dla TW'V 0pwfLs'Vw'V on Trctpa Ehou ySY0'Vs, KctL OUK
ctuTofLctTo~ ~ TOlctvTYj 1T0<plct TOI~ aTrOnASITSSIlTl'V 6fLTrPSTrCl. See Kyparissiotes explain-
ing this pericope also in his Expositio Materiaria, 5.7. In fact, this is a quotation
from Basil of Cae sa rea's Homilia in Principium Proverbiorum, PG.31.392.10-15.
John cited Basil by name and his work in the second quotation of his. The
only other author who quoted this passage of Basil and argued accordingly was
Kyparissiotes' dose friend Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. I, p. 164
(there is no ctuTofLctTO'V. there is only God's Providence). Op. cit. v. I, p. 511: on
Trctpa 8couysyo'Vs KctL oUKctuTofLaTw~ ~ TOlTctvTYj 1T0<plct. Op. cit. v. 2, p. 644: SSlOTSp~
TrpO'VOl~ dlOlKcllTSctL Ta Tra'VTct KctL fLYjdctfLl1 KctTa TO ctuTofLctTO'V. So in v. 2, pp. 645;
799 (citing a certain sage called John Asan); 1042; 1076; v. 3, pp. 96; 206; 209;
 259; 360; Epistulae, epistles 34; 42; 109; Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.5, p. 301;
Solutiones Questionum, question 1; Astrolabica B, p. 217.
xxxiii The rare verb TrpOITOVcl6l~W was introduced by Josephus (De Bello }udaico, 2.29)
and the first to take this up was Origen (expProv, PG.17.225.1). None of his
known aficionados (Cappadocians, Athanasius, et al.) did ever use this at all.
Actually, this was not used until the ninth century, when the verb started to
make a recurrent mark with Michael Psellus (Chronographia, 6.100&132; 7.17;
Orationes, oration 1b, line 254; oration 3a, line 713; 3b, line 148; Encomium in
Matrem, line 772; Epistulae, 2.10; 39.167; 48.192; 50.202). Some subsequent-
Byzantine scholars did so too; but what is probably telling is its use by George
Pachymeres, from whom Nikephorus Gregoras could have taken this up (George
Pachymeres, LVIYpctcptxctt 'IooTopfctt, pp. 145; 259; 261; 338; Historia Brevis, 2.8;
6.11). In any case, use of this did not win the day.
xxxiv As it happened with the adjective TrolUfLOXSo~ above, so the epithet TrCt'VTolfLo~
(,all-daring', 'audacious') is also a poetic one coined by the great tragedians of
Athens and never used by either Plato or Aristotle. Aeschylus, Septem contra
Thebas, verse 671; Choephoroe, verses 430; 597; Euripides, Supplices, verse 1075;
IphigeniaAulidensis, verse 913. Also, Pindar, Fragmenta, fro 29.
xxxv The designation 01 &<ppo'Vc~ was added by the present commentator at Wis. 2:21.
This does not appear in the standard edition, nor does the Rahlfs- Hanhart editio
altera mention such a variation in the critical apparatus. However, this appears
in at least two instances, both of which are polemic ones against the Jews.
(1) Anonymous, Dialogus Timothei et Aquilae, 10.39; (2) Nicolas-Nectarius
Hydruntinus of Otranto (Ancient Greek: T6pOU~, in Apulia, Italy; 1155/56-
1235, grammarian, abott of the nearby monastery ofSt Nicolas of Cas ole, Mo'V~
KctITOUAW'V, from 1219 to 1235), Disputatio contra }udaeos, p. 253. However,
the standard LXX version was quoted by fairly known texts, such as the fol-
lowing ones: Constitutiones Apostolorum, 3.7. Nikephorus I of Constantinople,
Apologeticus Maior pro Sacris Imaginibus, column 752. George Monachus,
Chronicon (lib. 1-4), p. 391. Chronicon Breve (lib. 1-6), PG.ll0.461.16-18.
George Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum, v. 1, p. 386.
xxxvi T~'V O'VTW~ OUlTct'V aA~Sclct'V. This is an expression of Proclus repeated by
Damascius, which Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite took up. Produs, De
Providentia et Fato et Eo Quod in Nobis ad Theodorum Mechanicum, 51 (the
entire passage was copied by Isaac Comnenus, De Providentia et Fato, p. 74): ,)
6£ ctlh~'V T~'V OVlTlct'V TOU O'VTO~ afLklTw~ d6W~ KctL ctvT~'V T~'V O'VTW~ OUlTct'V aA~SClct'V.
Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Divinis Nominibus, p. 199: OVTO~') 16yo~
6ITTL'V ~ c(.Trl~ KctL O'VTW~ OUlTct aA~Sclct. Damascius, In Philebum, 244: aA~Sclct 6£ ~
afLkplITTO~, ~ O'VTW~ OUlTct.
xxxvii The term VTrkpSco~ ('more than God') ascribed to Jesus or to the Trinitarian God is
one more of the designations coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite (De Divinis
 Nominibus, p. 135; 222; 223; et passim). Subsequently, John of Damascus wrote of
the UTrkpSco~ vlo~ (Epistula De Hymno Trisagio, 26) and then, this was used mainly
in liturgical hymns and by Byzantine intellectuals, of whom it is worth mentioning
John Kyparissiotes. Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 8.18: 6 tnrkpSco~ A6yo~. Expositio
Materiaria, 7.4: 6 UTrkpSco~ LW'r~p. Also, Nikephorus Gregoras, Antirrhetica Priora,
oration 1.8, p. 191; oration 3.4, pp. 413 &415 &419. Subsequently, this was taken
by John Kyparissiotes, Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 5.5; 5.7 (6 UTrkpSco~ Aoyo~);
5.18; 5.23 (6 tnrkpSso~ Ylo~); etpassim, (as well in his the Expositio Materiaria), speak-
ing of UTrkpSco~ Deity, or UTrkpSco~ Monad, or tnrkpSco~ OVa'llX, or tnrkpSco~ Trinitiy,
or TO UTrkpScov nVSVfLlX. Gregory Palamas used the term UTrkpSco~ simply in reference
to God, and noted that he took this up from Pseudo-Dionysius theAreopagite, who
spoke of UTrkpSco~ SSOT'1~ (De Divinis Nominibus, p. 126), and indeed at one point
he spoke of the 'man' (i.e. Jesus) who assumed the human nature although he was
tnrkpSco~ (op. cit. p. 135). Also, Nikephorus Gregoras, Antirrhetica Priora, oration
1.8, p. 191; oration 3.4, pp. 413 & 415 & 419.
xxxviii &Ssa'fLOl AIXTpsl1Xl ('unlawful worships') is an expression coined during the
seventh century. See Pseudo-John of Damascus, VIta Barlaam et Joasaph,
p. 90: Tr&.a''1~ aSka'fLov AIXTpdlX~ KC(.L Trp&.;sw~. Anonymous, Metaphrasis Martyrii
Sanctae Tatianae, chapter 1: Tr&a'1X ~ UTr' IXVTO'V apxY1 T~~ fLllXp&~ KC(.L aSka'fLov
TW'V 6IXlfLo'Vw'V 6TrSTrA~PWTO AIXTpdlX~. Likewise, Neophytus Inclusus, 'Epf11Jvdct
KctvovCtJv j£O'7roTtx0v EOpT0v, oration 7.45. John VI Cantacuzenus, Orationes
contra Judaeos, oration 4, lines 298-299.
xxxix Basil of Caesarea, Adversus Eunomium, PG.29.705.36-38; Marcellus of
Ancyra, De Incarnatione et Contra Arianos, p. 1024; Didymus, Commentarii
in Zacchariam, 1.145; John Chrysostom, In illud: Pater, si possibile est, tran-
seat, PG.51.37.31-37; Theodoret, Ad Eos Qui in Euphratesia et Osrhoena
Regione, Syria, Phoenicia et Cilicia VItam Monasticam Degunt (ex epistula 151),
PG.83.1421.12-171; Basil of Seleucia, Sermones, col. 440; et al. Also, in sev-
eral pseudepigrapha. Pseudo-Gregory of Nyssa, e£OrvCtJ~fct, PG.30.268.5-1O;
Pseudo-Epiphanius of Salamis, Testimonia ex Divinis et Sacris Scripturis, 6.1;
Pseudo-Athanasius, Disputatio contra Arium, PG.28.464.4-6; De Sancta
Trinitate, PG.28.1213.19-21; Pseudo-Didymus (~ Cassian the Sabaite), De
Trinitate, PG.39.792.23-26; Pseudo-John Chrysostom, De Sancta Trinitate,
PG.48.1090.55-57; et passim; Pseudo-Theodoret, Libellus contra Nestorium
ad Sporacium, PG.83.1161.52-55; Pseudo-Eustathius of Antioch, fr. 88, apud
ACO, Concilium Universale Ephesenum an no 431, tome 1.1.1, p. 102.
xl See the expression 6llXlWVl~OVa'1X x:6AIXa'l~ (coined during the seventh century) in
Pseudo-Gregory of Nyssa (Gregory of Agrigentum), Commentarius in Ecclesiasten,
2.3. John of Damascus, Passio Magni Martyris Artemii, 59. Nicetas Stethatus,
Orationes, oration 8.13. Michael Glycas, Quaestiones in Sacram Scripturam, chapter 9,
p. 123. Gregory Palamas, Homiliae, homily 24.16; Orationes Asceticae, oration 3.11.
 Joseph Calothetus, Epistulae, epistle 7, lines 335-336. Symeon of Thessaloniki,
Epistulae, epistle 2, line 729. Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones Novembris, Day 18,
canon 38, ode 9, line 37. Anonymous, Acta Philippi (epitome), section 79.
xli This is allusion to Plato's conception of Time as a 'moving image of eternity'.
Timaeus, 37d; cf. Aetius, De Placitis Re/iquiae, p. 318, apud Stobaeus, Anthologium,
1.8.45. Pseudo-Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum, p. 884B. Plotinus, Enneades,
III.7.13. Porphyry, commTim, Book 2, fro 8, apud Produs, commTim, v. 3, p. 8;
also Proclus, op. cit, v. 3, pp. 18: 29: 31-33: Simplicius, commCateg, pp. 343: 356:
commPhys, pp. 394: 704: 793: 1155: John Philoponus, De Aeternitate Mundi, p. 553.
This shows that this point could have never been written by Origen, whose theory
of Time was entirely different. See my Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time.
xlii See supra, endnote xxxii.
xliii The term a:rrct'V&ITTctln~ [= migration] was as old as Dionysius of Halicarnassus
(Antiquitates Romanae, 9.6.4), Josephus (Antiquitates judaicae, 14.461; De Bello
judaico, 4.531), and Philostratus, Epistulae et Dialexeis, 1.11). Cyril of Alexandria
used this noun once (Commentarii in joannem, v. 2, p. 5), but it fell into obliv-
ion until the twelfth century, when it resurged by scholars such as Eustathius of
Thessaloniki (Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 1, p. 560; Orationes, oration
16.17) and later by a couple of others. The present usage definitely falls into this
later Byzantine period. George Pachymeres used this and cognates more than any-
one else did: see his History (I. Bekker), pp. 7: 391: 436: 449: 523: 605: Historia
Brevis, 10.21: 11.9: 11.10: 11.29: 12.22: 13.11: 13.34.
xliv ~lwnK~~ 'J'!CplITT&ITSW~ is a rhetorical turn introduced by the Alexandrian sophist
Aelius Theon (Progymnasmata, p. 79; end of first century AD). This was taken
up no sooner than John Chrysostom, probably from Theon's manual of rheto-
ric. In Sanctum Ignatium Martyrem, PG.50.595.24; In joannem (homiliae 1-88),
PG.59.28.31-32.
xlv Styling God 'that which truly deserves to be loved' (O'VTW~ 6pctITTO'V) was an expres-
sion introduced by Clement of Alexandria (Stromateis, 4.22.145.2) dearly inspired
by Aristotle, Physica, 192aI6-19; (Clement styled this also O'VTW~ )(.(j,J,JJ'V )(.(j,L ctlPHo'V).
After Clement, this fascinated later theologians, such as Pseudo-John Chrysostom,
In Psalmum 118, PG.55.690.18 (more close to Aristotle, the author wrote, O'VTW~
6pct1TTO'V KctL 6<pHO'V); Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, Epistulae, 10.1 (O'VTW~
6pctITT0 KctL6<pH0); cf. De Cae/esti Hierarchia, p. 14; John of Damascus, Laudatio
Sanctae Martyris Barbarae, 19; Theodore Studites, Sermones Catecheseos Magnae,
catechesis 74, p. 209; somehow Gregory Palamas, Orationes Asceticae, 4.16 (Toi)
O'VTW~ 6<pHoi) 6pctITT~'V ITS KctTctITT~lTctL); cf. Pro Hesychastis, 2.2.23; In Captivitate,
epistle 1.33. John VI Cantacuzenus, Refotationes Duae Prochori Cydonii, 2.34; and
the unknown authors of the Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones junii, Day 22,
canon 15, ode 6; Canones Augusti, Day 6, canon 5.2, ode 3; c£ Canones Novembris,
Day 20, canon 40, ode 9; Canones januarii, Day 17, canon 26, ode 1; Canones
Martii, Day 14, canon 17, ode 6; CanonesAprilis, Day 20, canon 25, ode 8.
 xlvi The nous 60KlfLctol~ ('trial') was used only once by Elias of Alexandria, commCateg,
p. 125: ~ 6oKlfLcbn:w~ Ter\! ETrlT'16dw'V KctL a'VSTrlT'16dw'V. An Aristotelian commenta-
tor as George Pachymeres was, it would have been natural for him to have read
Elias' commentaries.
xlvii C£ the only parallel to T~~ <pVITSW~ a6a.Trct'Vo'V in Macarius of Magnesia, Apocriticus,
Book 3, p. 107: ETrCl6~ T~~ a6ctTrct'V~TOV <pVITSW~ ITVyyS'V6~ VTra.PXSl Kcd aXWplITTO'V,
referring to the Body of Christ being eaten during the Holy Eucharist.
xlviii Democritus, Fragmenta, fro 302 (apudSententiae Pythagoreorum, sententia 142): Ta.~
66 Trpa.;Sl~ ActfLTrPOTspct~. Cf. Diodore of Sicily, Bibliotheca Historica, 2.16.1 &
13.71.2: Trpa.;ctl n ActfLTrpo'V. Op. cit. 16.66.3: SrJ60;lct'V KctLActfLTrPOT'1Tct TW'V Trpa.;sw'V.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae, 1.2.1: KctL Trpa.;Cl~ aTrC6d;ctTo
ActfLTrPOTa.Tct~. Op. cit. 8.26.4: KctL T~'V ActfLTrPOT'1Tct TW'V h TrOASfLOl~ Trpa.;sw'V. Op.
cit. 11.3.14: TW'V ITsctVTOU ActfLTrPOTa.TW'V AOYW'V Kcd Trpa.;sw'V. De Thucydide, 18: OUTOl
ActfLTrpo'V n Trpa.;ct'VTe~ gpyo'V. Josephus, Antiquitates Judaicae, 7.307: ActfLTrPOL Ta.~
Trpa.;Sl~. Likewise, Plutarch (abundantly); John Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria,
Photius. Later, Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Sermones, oration 7, p. Ill: TOTe TOU
AOYOV ActfLTrPO'V iCCtL TO TW'V Trpa.;SW'V ITTlA~OV iCCtL ~AlW6S~. Monodia in Nikephorum
Comnenum, lines 274-275: 6 iCCtL Trp&.;ctl lctfLTrPO~ KctL siTrsr'V ~6lITTO~. Later still,
George Gemistus and Bessarion.
xlix C£ John Chrysostom (the only one who quoted this), In Epistulam ii ad Timotheum,
PG.62.653.50-51.
C£ the unique parallel in Hermas, Pastor, 12:2: ITVVTeASITS~ITCTctl oVv ~ ObC060fL~
TOU TrVpyov. Op. cit. 16:9: Ea.'V OVv ITVVTeASITSi16 TrVpyo~ ObC060fLovfLs'Vo~.
li C£ Plato, Leges, 841d: fL'16S'Vct TOAfL&''V &TrTeITSctl TW'V YS'V'VctlW'V &fLct iCCtL nwsspw'V
TrA~'V yctfLCT~~ EctVTOU yv'Vctl;c6~, &SvTct 66 TrctMctK.ISJ'V ITTrSPfLctTct KctL 'VoSct fL~ ITTrClPSl'V
('no one should dare touch any of the noble and freeborn save his own wedded
wife, nor sow any unholy and bastard seed in fornication'); quoted partially by
Clement of Alexandria, Paedagogus, 2.10.91.2; and fully by Bessarion repeatedly,
In Calumniatorem Platonis, 4.1.11 & 4.2.29 & 4.6.3.
Iii The expression Tr&'lTct'V [6sct'V apCT~~ was one of old. Cyril ofJ erusalem, Catecheses ad
Illuminandos, catecheses 4.5; 8.23. C£ Gregory of Nazianzus, In Machabaeorum
Laudem, PG.35.913.20: TrCpL TOU ctlJTOKpa.Topct cl'Vctl TW'V TrctSw'V TO'V AOYllTfLo'V.
Cyril of Alexandria, Commentarii in Joannem, v. 2, p. 485. Theodoret, Curatio,
5.50: TOVTW'V fLS'V ctlJTOKpa.Topct TW'V TrctSw'V iCCtAOVvTW'V TO'V AOYllTfLo'V. Pseudo-Cyril
of Scythopolis, VIta Gerasimi, p. 177: aKT~fL0'Vs~ KctL TctTrCl'VO<ppO'Vs~ KctL TW'V TrctSw'V
T~~ ITctpKO~ ctlJTOKpa.TOpS~. Gregory of Agrigentium, Commentarius in Ecclesiasten,
9.15: TO'V ctlJTOKpa.Topct TO'V TrctSw'V iCCtL ~ctlTlAsct hs<p'1'Vs 'VOVv. Hesychius of Sinai, De
Temperantia et VIrtute, 18: TO'V ctlJTOKpa.Topct TO'V TrctSw'V 'VoU'V. John of Damascus,
Laudatio Sanctae Martyris Anastasiae, 26: a6ovAwTO'V <pVAa.TTel'V TO'V AOYllTfLo'V KctL
TW'V TrctSw'V ctlJTOKpa.Topct. Pseudo-John of Damascus, VIta Barlaam et Joasaph,
pp. 344; 580; Oratio De His Qui in Fide Dormierunt, PG.95.257.39: C(.I.hOKpa.TOpS~
 TCrv TrctSCrv ySYOVOTC~. George Monachus, Chronicon, p. 90 & Chronicon Breve,
PG.1l0.136.26: TO'V ctlhoKpchopct 'VOU'V TW'V TrctSw'V. Eustathius of Thessaloniki,
Orationes, oration 6.17: WTrctSw'V ctlhoKpchop. Gregory Palamas, Homiliae, homily
29.8: ctlhoKpctToPlKO'V a;lwfLct KCtTa TW'V TrctSw'V Act~O'VTC~. Op. cit. 43.10: 'EA&.~ofLs'V
'VOU'V Kct.SYJYS fLo'Vct KCtL ctlhoKp&'TO pct, KCtL60UAO'V ctlho'V TW'V aAoyw'V TrctSw'V aTrS6Sl;ctfLs'V,
Op. cit. 43.l6: KctL6 ~fLhspo~ 'Vou~, a6sA<pol, ~ctlTlASV~ yap KCtL ct/J'fOKp&.TWP imo 8wu
6S6YJfLlOVPYYJfLs'V0~. Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones Aprilis, Day 26, canon 31,
ode 4: <pspw'VvfLs BctlTlASU, TrctSw'V ctlhoKp&'TOp. Loc. cit. ode 5: lspofL&.PTv~ BctlTlASU,
ctlhoKp&'TOpl yap 'V0 ~ctlTlASVlTct~ TW'V TrctSw'V. Canones Novembris, Day I, canon
1.1.synaxarium; Canones Januarii, Day 17, canon 27.1, ode 8. Nicetas David,
Encomium in Sanctum Joannem Chrysostomum, p. 65. Gregory Palamas, Homiliae,
homily 53.49. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 3, p. 152. John VI
Cantacuzenus, Historiae, v. 1, p. 213. Philotheus Coccinus, VIta Sabae Junioris,
43; VIta Isidori Patriarchae, 21.
liii C£ Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23.92.35: KctL fL~ 6lc(')CC'V~~ fLSAH&'V.
Michael Psellus, Oratoria Minora, oration 15: 6lctKS'V~~ KctT' ctlhou fLsfLsAhYJKS.
Joseph Calothetus, Laudatio Sancti Andreae Archiepiscopi Cretensis, line
125: KCtL fLSAHW'VTct~ 6lctKS'V~~. VIta Sancti Gregorii Ascetae Nicomediensis, line
385: 01 fLSAH~lTct'VTC~ 6lctKS'V~~.
liv C£ John of Damascus, Passio Magni Martyris Artemii, 59: ~ 6lctlW'Vl~OVlTct KOActlTl~.
George Pachymeres, Declamationes, declamatio 6, line 559: d~ 6o;ct'V 6lctlW'Vl~OVlTct'V.
Nikephorus Gregoras, Antirrhetica Priora, oration 3.5, p. 431: 6lctLW'Vl~OVlTct'V
SVKAYJPlct'V. John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 6.8: T~'V 6lctLW'Vl~OVlTct'V ctVTOU
~ctlTlAdct'V. Analecta Hymnica Graeca, Canones Septembris, Day 4, canon 6, ode
3: TrpO~ ~w~'V fLHHSSYJ~ T~'V 6lctlW'Vl~OVlTct'V fL&.pTV~ TrOAvctSAc.
Iv C£ Anonymous, Scholia in Aelium Aristidem, on the Ilava'J.1Jvabcoc epigram
163.5: ~ Aomo'V ASYSl OU~ gfLsMO'V T0 TrOASfLl{.l KT~lTctITSctL Tro'Vov~.
lvi 0fL<Pctd~ dlTl'V. An expression from Aesopus' proverbial fable. See Fabulae, 15a.
lvii C£ George Pachymeres, Progymnasmata, chapter 9, p. 574: apTvsl TrSTrctl'VO'V KctL
~pwfLctTct nctlO'V.
lviii C£ Judith, 16:17. See the only parallel to this in Cyril ofAlexandria, DeExituAnimi,
PG. 77.1 072 .26-27: <po~OUfLctL TO'V ITKWAYJKct TO'V aTCAsvTYJTO'V, OTl aTCAsvTYJTO~ 61TTl.
lix TlfLWlTl'V is a known variation of the LXX fLlfLou'VTctL of the standard edition. See this
only in Methodius of Olympus, Symposium, oration 1.3.
Ix C£ George Pachymeres, In Aristotelis Ethica Nicomachea Commentaria (liber xi),
1.1: apH~ 6S 'VOU TO T~~ VAYJ~ afLsSSKTW~ gXSl'V KctL TOI~ 'VOYJTOI~ w~ ObCClOl~ fL&MO'V SSASl'V
KctTC'VTPV<p&'V 6; w'V 6Kd'Vl{.l TrpOa-yl'VHctL TO KctTa TO 6V'VctTO'V TCAdWlTl~.
lxi C£ Herodian, [lEf! iCAfIT£W( 6vopiTWV, p. 744: &(0; &(oyO\ (6 ~6,0\), 8((0; 8((vyo\,
6~6M 6~6(oyo\, (TuM (T6\vyO\.
 lxii Cf. Eusebius, Generalis Elementaria Introductio (Eclogae Propheticae), p. 105: E'TrCld~
1T-rc'V~ Ked -rcSAlfLfLsvY] ~ 6dO~ ~ a:ITaYOVlTct ci~ T~'V ~w~'V, KctLOAlYOl clITL'V 01 dll6'V-rc~ ctlh~'V.
John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 10.1: T~'V dl' EIT67!TPW'V KctL rtlvfYflrtTt
dll6'V-rc~ ~w~'V.
lxiii In Wis. 3:9 (see supra, folio 8v), the addition §V TO[; colot; rtVTOV, )Crt{ &7({07(07dJ §V is
added only in Codex Sinaiticus (alias N), which is an excerpt from Wis. 4:15. This
version appears only in a couple of Late Byzantine documents of monasteries.
What makes this point interesting is that this version was used in the Typicon of
the Great Church (i.e. of the Haghia Sophia) determining the texts that should be
read in church on aspecific day, and quoting this from Solomon's Wisdom. Typicon
Magnae Ecclesiae, Typicon Menaeum, Month 1, p. 2. Otherwise, Wisdom was so
quoted in the Vitae Sancti Christoduli Conditoris Monasterii Sancti Ioannis In
Insula Patmo, Acoluthiae Sancti Christoduli conditoris, section I, pp. 3 & 5. Vita
Athanasii Meteorita, Acoluthiae in sanctum Athanasium, acolouthia 2, sections
4 & 6. The standard version of the biblical text was quoted only by Ephraem
Syrus, In illud: Attende tibi ipsi (capita xii), chapter 8; Quod non oporteat ridere et
extollli, sed plangere potius et nos ipsos et nos ipsos deflere, p. 204, and by John of
Damascus, Sacra Parallela (fragmenta e cod. Vat. gr. 1236), PG.95.1383.12-14.
Nevertheless, below (f. llv) the commentator quotes the standard LXX text.
lxiv The misspelling w<pclo~ (also a few lines below) appears in the Acts of the Athos
monastery of Cudumusion. See Regula Scetae Sancti Panteleemonis (AD 1799),
chapter 21, line 131.
lxv A unique but acceptable verb, namely, dlctY'1paITKw. Later Byzantine authors were
prone to prefix prepositions to verbs, intending flowery prose.
lxvi Cf. Origen, comm}ohn, 1I.37.224: T~'V dllXXPlITToi) a:ITO Sct'VaTov nwScplct'V. Cf. exh-
Mar, section 22. So Gregory of Nyssa, Contra Eunomium, 3.4.35.
lxvii In the second century, Theodotus of Byzantium (or Theodotus the Tanner,
Theodotus the Shoemaker, Theodotus the Fuller) had claimed that Jesus was a
'bare man' (tllo~ &.'VSpW'lTO~), who was 'adopted' by God, when he received the
Holy Spirit upon baptism in river Jordan (whereby Jesus 'became Christ') and
Jesus himself was not God until after his resurrection. This heresy was far too
old to be gainsaid by a later Byzantine theologian - which means that Gregoras
copied from the original text that was available to him, namely, Origen's com-
mentary on the Wisdom of Solomon. Origen repeatedly oppugned this primitive
heresy: ftJohn, fr. 33: homLuc, homily 19, p. 115; ftLuc, fr. 56: ftPs, on Psalm
109:1-6; frMatt, fro 223 (Klostermann); New Fragments on the Commentary on
Matthew (Tzamalikos), fro 36 (folio 102v). However, amidst the darkness of the
sixth century, Justinian accused Origen of having propounded the doctrine that
Jesus 'was a bare man', an allegation which was embraced not only by Justinian's
timorous synod, but also by modern compilers, who posed as 'Origen schol-
ars'. See Justinian, Edictum contra Origenem, p. 110, copied and sanctioned by
 ACO, Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana anno 536, tome 3, p. 210.
H. Gorgemanns and H. Karpp cheerfully employed and made this text, Origen,
Fragmenta De Principiis, fro 20. Presumably, those scholars were too 'busy' to care
to read Origen's works themselves.
lxviii The expression 6;WA'1~ iCed TrpOWA'1~ had been introduced by Demosthenes (De
Falsa Legatione, 172), it was noticed only on technical grammatical grounds
by grammarians such as Aelius Herodian of Alexandria and Julius Pollux, and
used by the Roman sophist Claudius Aelian in a context of his own (late sec-
ond century, Fragmenta, fro 325; copied by Suda, letter sigma, entry 759), and
Hermogenes of Tarsus, [lEp{ lliECJv 16yov, 2.7. Otherwise, this was used by Michael
Psellus (Orationes Forenses et Acta, oration I, line 1391), the eleventh-century
John of Sicily, Commentarium in Hermogenis librum JIEP{ 11iECJv, p. 424, and
two anonymous commentators: Scholia in Demosthenem (M. R. Dilts), oration
19, section 358, and Scholia in Lucianum (H. Rabe), commenting on Pseudo-
Lucian of Samosata, Amores. Just for the record, 6;WA'1~ means one who is ban-
ished from one's own country; and TrpOWA'1~ means one who dies prematurely.
The interesting point is that this had been used by Gregoras' spiritual ancestors,
George Pachymeres, Historia Brevis, 5.20; and Theodore Metochites, 'H'J.ocO; ~
JIEP{ JIcttliEfct;, section 9. This is all authors did of this idiosyncratic expression.
lxix This Present Perfect form of the verb 6iCpl~6w ('uproot') had been used by one
author only - namely, Origen, homJer, homily 1.16:~EITTW yap 6iCpcpl~Wf!Ivct aTr'
6fwU Ta <pctuAct.
lxx The only parallel to this variant text (i66vTC~ ctlJ-rcrv TctpctXS~ITOVTctL) appears in
Ephraem Syrus, In illud: Attende Tibi Ipsi, chapter 8.
lxxi TctpITO~ is the flat of the foot, between the toes and the heel. Cf. Homer, Ilias,
XI.377: TctPITO'V 6c;lTCpolo Tro66~. Op. cit. XI.388: TctPITO'V Tro66~. Likewise,
Herodotus, Historiae, 9.37. Diogenes ofApollonia, Fragmenta, fro 6 (apudAristode,
HistoriaAnimalium, 512aI7). Hippocrates, Prorrheticon, 2.41; De Ossium Natura,
17. Et al. See also, Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem,
v. 3, pp. 214-215: TctplTo~ 66 Tr060~ TO iCchw TrActTv, aTrO TOU TipO"CtJ . ... KC(.L 6TrL
TrTSpvyo~ 6p'Vsw'V ~ AS;l~ ctih'1 iCcLTctL KC(.L 6TrL fLspov~ TPl~pcW'V. Cf. op. cit. pp. 219;
336; Commentarium in Dionysii Periegetae Orbis Descriptionem, section 867, lines
38-42. None of the authors whose vocabulary appears similar to the present
commentary (e.g. Gregory Palamas, Philotheus Coccinus, or John Kyparissiotes,
et al.) did ever use this Homeric term. The exception is George Pachymeres.
Progymnasmata, chapter 5, p. 558: aM' ~ Sco~ d~ tXfLvvct'V a'7'rcV60VlTct TrpOIT~&Mcl
niJ p661{.l TrCPlXVSS'V, iCctL Tctl~ fLS'V aiC&'VSctL~ TO'V TctPITO'V TOU Tr060~ TrctpctlTTrClpHctl. After
him, it was Nikephorus Gregoras who did so, too. Cf. Historia Romana, v. 2,
p. 724; Antirrhetica Priora, oration 1.7, p. 167.
 lxxii C£ the peculiar expression cUOAllTSOV fLOplOV ('unstable constituent of an
organic or natural system') only in Theodoret, referring to the human tongue,
which is prone to lapsing into impious expressions. Interpretatio in Psalmos,
PG.80.1105.43: T~> ylwnw, WI ,U6AlO'SO> ~6plO>. Op. cit. PG.80.1145.20-
22: nOM~'V yap <PYjlTl TrPOfL~Swt'V yAwTTYj~ 6TrOl~lTctTo TOUTO 6lct<pcpO'VTW~ TO fLOPlO'V
6mITTafLc'Vo~. A later Byzantine monk of Constantinople in effect paraphrased
Theodoret. See Euthymius Zigabenus, Commentarius in Psalterium, column
388, line 9.
lxxiii The noun a'VVTrOITTctlTlct ('nonexistence') appears only in Hesychius of Alexandria,
Lexicon, letter alpha, entry 8112. A scholiast of Euripides' Hecuba used the term
a'VVTrOITTctlTl~, which is a later and unique neologism, too. Anonymous, Scholia in
Euripidis Hecubam, comm. on verse 702.
lxxiv C£ Didymus, Commentarii in Ecclesiasten, Cod. p. 195: TOTC a'VctpT~ITOfLc'V £ctvToU~
niJ0c0·
lxxv VTrcpaTrClpo~ 6U'VctfLl~ ('more-than-infinite power) is one more grandiloquent
expression introduced by Pseudo- Dionysius the Areopagite (De Divinis
Nominibus, p. 201), subsequently taken up by Maximus Confessor (Ambigua ad
Thomam, sections 2 & 3 & 5), and later authors, including John Kyparissiotes
(Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, orations 4.10 & 5.3;
Expositio Materiaria, 3.4 & 5.6) and Nikephorus Gregoras' ardent admirer,
Gregory Akindynus (Refutatio Magna, oration 3.30).
lxxvi C£ Isaiah, 59: 17: KC(.L 6'Vc6UlTctTo 6lKctlOITV'VYj'V w~ SWpctKct KC(.L TrcPlSSHO TrCpncc<pctActlct'V
ITWTYjPlOV 6TrL T~~ Kc<pctA~~. Cf. 11:5: KctL &ITTctl 6lKC(.lOITVvYj'V 6~WlTfLs'Vo~ T~'V OIT<PVv

cttJ-rOU. Eph. 6:14: KctL 6'V6vlTafLc'Vol TO'V SWpctKct T~~ 6lKctlOITVvYj~.

lxxvii The notion of God causing His weapon against the impious 'to shine' appears
in Psalm 7:3, the expression being, T~'V POfL<pctlct'V cttJ-rOU ITnA~WITH, and in essence
T~'V POfL<pctlct'V is not too different from T~'V fLaXctlPct'V (Cf. Nahum, 3:2: ITnA~OVITYj~
pOfL<pctlct~). Origen quoted and explained this Psalm in comm}ohn, XXXII.2.21
and excPs, comm. on Psalm 7:13. Nevertheless, the variant ITnA~ovfLs'VYj fLaXctlPct
was employed by Gregory of Nazianzus, Carmina Moralia, column 839, line
3 (KctL fLaXctlPct'V TOr~ KctKor~ ITnA~ovfLs'VYj'V) and Evagrius of Pontus, De Malignis
Cogitationibus, chapter 34 (MaAlITTct 6£ 'VYjITTdctl~ KctL aypVTr'Vlctl~ ITnA~WlTctTC T~'V
fLaXctlPct'V). See also John Chrysostom, Expositiones in Psalmos, PG.55.97.10-
11. Pseudo-John Chrysostom, In illud' Pater si possibile est, PG.61.754.22.
Procopius ofGaza, Commentarii in Isaiam, p. 1877. Maximus Confessor, Scholia
in Ecclesiasten, fr.l0, line 136. The only other author to do so was Eustathius
of Thessaloniki, Orationes, oration 17, section 17, lines 7-8: oT~ a'VcmITTpo<pw~
&XOVlTl'V ~ 'VoovfLs'VYj ITnA~OUTctl fLaxctlpct.
lxxviii However, &fLTrwn~ and a'VaTrOlTl~ (or a'VaTrwn~) are synonymous terms. See
Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, letter alpha, entry 3821. Pseudo-Nonnus,
ScholiaMythologica, oration 4, historia 53; oration 5, historia 7. Lexica Segueriana,
 Glossae Rhetoricae, entry alpha, p. 215. Etymologicum Gudianum, Additamenta
in Etymologicum Gudianum, entry alpha, p. 118, quoted infra. C£ Eustathius
of Thessaloniki, Commentarium in Dionysii Periegetae Orbis Descriptionem,
198: J\fLTrWTl~ 6S 6ITTl ;"lpctlTlct KctL a'V&.TrOlTl~ V6ctTo~ TrCpl06liCtl, a'V&.TrwTl~ OUIT&' Tl~. See
also the anonymous Scholia in Pindarum, Ode 09, scholion 78e: &fLTrOTl'V: a'V&'TrOlTl'V.
Also from the Scholia in Pindarum, see the Scholia et Glossae in Olympia et Pythia,
Ode 09, scholion, 78g: a'V&'TrOlTl'V· a'V&'TrWlTl'V. I would have thought that these works
belong to Eustathius ofThessaloniki. Besides, see his Prooemium Commentarii in
Pindari Opera, ed.A. Kambylis, Scholia vetera in Pindari cannina, vol. 3, Gottingen,
1991. On &fLTrWTl~ being the opposite of a'V&60ITl~, see Etymologicum Gudianum,
Additamenta in Etymologicum Gudianum, entry alpha, p. 118: J\fLTrWTl~.
afLTrwn:w~. a'V&.TrOlTl~ IOXL Tr&'Al'V av&.60ITl~. C£ Olympiodorus of Alexandria, In
Aristotelis Meteora, pp. 99; 106; 114; 121.
lxxix The term OAeSpO~ (not in LXX) appears in John of Damascus quoting Wis.
5:23-6:6. He culled this from some earlier author, but he does not cite his
source. See Sacra Parallela (ftagmenta e cod. Vat. gr. 1236), PG.95.1292.20, &
PG.95.1552.22. Also, in a collection of proverbial phrases by both Christian and
heathen authors (probably tenth or eleventh century) entitled Melissa, Book 2,
col. 1009, lines 45 ff.
lxxx <plAWSpWTrOT"l~ (instead of <plM'VSpWTrlct) is a later Byzantine coinage, which
did not win the day. Cf. George Tornices (Constantinople, Ephesus, twelfth
century), Epistulae, epistle 24, p. 166. Marcus of Constantinople (monk,
twelfth-thirteenth century), Florilegium, 35.9. John VI Cantacuzenus (four-
teenth century), Historiae, v. 3, p. 18. This means that the Anonymous, Scholia
ad Hermogenis Librum JIEPf LTM"Ef.tJV, v. 4, p. 511 (T~'V <plAct'VSPWTrOT"lTct KctL T~'V
Trp~OT"lTct T~'V ~fLHspct'V) is perhaps a later Byzantine work.
lxxxi This is an Homeric word: Ilias, IX.69; so Hesiod, Fragmenta (R. Merkelbach-
M. L. West), fr. 144, apud Pseudo-Plato, Minos, 320d.
lxxxii This is a rare term appearing in the Synaxarium Ecdeasiae Constantinopoleos
(twice), Synaxarium mensis Decembris, Day 12, section 2; Synaxarium mensis
Augusti, Day I, section 1. Then, only in Pseudo-Zonaras, Lexicon, letter alpha,
p. 61 (both explaining the term and correcting orthography): J\SpSfL~oAct.
opyct'Vct TlfLWP"lTlK&', &pSpOl~, w~ gOlKe'V, 6fL~ctMOfLe'Vct, KctL6lctITTrW'VTct KctL TrAtlTTO'VTct.
OI~~l 81, on i<pSpl~~ol~ yp&~o'ml. Op. cit. letter alpha, p. 304: l\.pSpl~~ol~
KctL aSpsfL~oAct. 6pyctActct. opYWct TlfLWP"lTlKCt TOr~ &pSpOl~ 6fL~ctMOfLe'Vct. Pseudo-
Zonaras was correct, since apSpsfL~oAct (not aSpsfL~oAct) appears in 4 Mace. 8:13;
10:5; Origen, exhMar, section 15; and in some lexica (Etymologicum Parvum,
letter alpha, entry 99; Suda, letter alpha, entry 3944; Etymologicum Gudianum,
entry alpha, p. 193; Etymologicum Magnum, p. 141). What matters, however, is
that the author uses the colloquial variation aspsfL~oAct, which was used only in
the milieu of Constantinople.
 lxxxiii Liddell and Scott's explanation of the lemma TrpOITWTrOA~TrT'1~ as 'respect of per-
sons' is a gross mistake. The correct is 'bias for particular persons'. The same goes
for the lemma aTrpOITWTrOA'1TrTO~ explained 'not respecting persons', although
this means 'impartial' or 'unbiased' or 'unprejudiced'. Lampe's explanation
TrpOITWTrOA~TrT'1~ as 'partisan' is correct, but on the lemma aTrpOITWTrOA'1TrTO~ he
followed Liddell and Scott.
lxxxiv C£ the only parallel to this by John of Damascus, using the characteristic termi-
nology of this commentary. John of Damascus, Oratio Secunda in Dormitionem
Sanctae Dei Genitricis Mariae, 7: T fL'V~lTctL yap 6XP~'V Ked 6TrL TOlhl{) TOU Eh:ou T~'V
tmSpaTrClpo'V ayctSoT'1Tct iO:tL TO tmSPfLsysSs~ fLSYSSo~ iO:tL T~'V aTrSlp06VvctfLO'V 6VvctfLl'V
KctL T~'V Trct'VTO~ utou~ iO:tL fLSYSSou~ 6TrSKCl'Vct.
lxxxv On folio 16r, the present author wrote 6TrlSUfLou'VTct~ TrpoyvWITS~'VctL, which only
Clement of Alexandria supposedly did, too (Stromatas, 6.15.120.3). The only
other author who used a similar version of Wis. 6:13 was the Cypriot monk
and historian Neophytus Inclusus of Cyprus (1134-1214) (but not exactly
the same; anyway, he wrote 7(PO TOt) yVCU<TS~vctt)). Liber Catechesium, Book 2,
catechesis 48, lines 71-73: 6lon cpScivEt, <P'1ol, TOl;; §7({SVli0t)VTct; ctVT~V 7(PO TOt)
yVCU<TS~vctt )Cct{ EVxctIpCU; SECUPElTctt V7(O TCJV dyctm);VTCUV ctvT1v.
lxxxvi The turn h iO:tlP0 aTrOAoylct~ appears in an author that Gregoras definitely could
have read, namely, Cassius Dio (c. 155 - c. 235 AD). For once Gregoras set out
to write his own Roman History, it could have been natural for him in the first
place to study Cassius Dio's Roman History, too. See Cassius Dio, Historiae
Romanae, 40.54.4: 6~ TO'V KlicEpw'Vct aTrOIT;cWTrTW'V, on fL'16E'V XP'1ITTO'V h T0 T~~
aTrOAoylct~ Kctlp0 dTrw'V, gTrClTct aKapTrOU~ AOyou~ KctL 6fLsAhct iO:tL gTrCfLTrC'V ctlh0,
WITTrCp n W<pSA~lTctL TOTe ctlho'V 6u'VctfLs'Vou~.
lxxxvii The late Byzantine habit to prefix prepositions on nouns, epithets, and verbs
reaches its extreme: no author did ever prefix the verb Y'1paITKW with the preso-
pisition 6la.
lxxxviii C£ Eustratius of Nicaea, commEthNicom, p. 406: aM' OU6S ~ <ppO'V'1lTl~ KUplct
1T0<plct~, on 6TrlTaTTel TrCpL ctuT~~, iO:tL TnO~ KctL OU &'VSKct T~~ <ppo'V~ITSW~ 1T0<plct, ou
1T0<plct~ ~ <ppO'V'1lTl~, iO:tL KpdTTW'V &'pct iO:tL KUPlWTspctITO<plct <ppo'V~lTsw~.
lxxxix By a;lspctITTO'V ctuT~~ gpwTct the author means the divine eros. The notion is well-
known, but the expression is extremely rare and appears as follows. Theodoret,
Interpretatio in Psalmos, PG. 80.1160.47-49: Ou yap TOr~ C(.TrAW~ ayctTrWlTl'V l1T'1lTs
T~'V SUfL'16lct'V, aMa TOr~ aSL KctL6l'1'VSKW~ gXOUlTl TO'V a;lspctITTO'V gpwTct. Eustathius
of Thessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 3, p. 650: 6K oT~ 6 Zcl)~
6WCYV~ 6ctuTO'V a;lspctITTO'V TrctpctTlSHctL TrOMOV~ gpwTct~ 6ctuToU, TOV~ fLE'V 6fLoys'Vsr~,
TOV~ 6S KctL6TrL S'V'1Tctr~ yU'Vctl;l. C£ Chrysippus, Fragmenta Moralia, fr. 717 (apud
Arius Didymus, apud Stobaeus, Anthologium, 2.7.5b9): TO'V T' a;lspctITTO'V 6fLolW~
ASYSITSctl T0 a;LO<plA~TI{) KctL ou T0 a;lctTrOActVITTI{)' TO'V yap &.;lO'V ITTrOu6ctlOU gpwTo~,
TOUTO'V cl'Vctl a;lspctITTO'V.
 xc The verb ITv[L7retpncul'Vw (-O[Letl) is a term very characteristic of Origen. See COT,
pp. 218; 262-265; 309; Anaxagoras, pp. 12; 299; 305; 885; 992.
xci 6lctLW'Vl~OVlTet ~etlTlAslet is an expression that was used by Gregoras' environment (by
friends and opponents alike). See Gregory Palamas, Orationes Asceticae, oration
3.11; Orationes Antirrheticae contra Acindynum, orations 5.15.56; 4.22.57; John
VI Cantacuzenus, Orationes contra }udaeos, oration 9, lines 239 & 324. John
Cyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 6.8. What matters, however, is its origin: this
had appeared much earlier with Arethas of Caesarea using a characteristically
Origenian language. Commentarius in Apocalypsin, column 672: h 0 KetL ~ ~etlTlAdet
6lctLW'Vl~OVIT& TC KetL a.6l&60XO~. See my
Scholia in Apocalypsin, pp. 122; 262.
xcii The expression <l'Vet) [LeT' aKpl~slet~ Ta. KetTa. T~'V ITO<plet'V 67rEASW means 'so that
I would set forth a scrupulous exposition about the wisdom'. Cf. John Chrysostom,
Ad Populum Antiochenum, PG.49.131.23-25: l'V' OU'V &7retlTct:\i TOU a'VSpw7rOV KC(.Ta.
aKpl~slet'V T~'V 6l&7rAetlTl'V 67rEASW[LS'V KetL T~'V h 6K&ITTI{.l [LEASl ITO<plet'V sVpw[Ls'V. It is
quite evident that the present author employs Chrysostom's unique rhetorical
scheme.
xciii On the term 7retPetTp07r~ see endnote ccxxxi.
xciv NetV&TO~ is an alternative name for Novatian (c. 200-258), a scholar, priest, theo-
logian and antipope between 251 and 258.
xcv Although comprising two hackneyed terms, the combined expression 6l ' Cl)~SSlet'V
was coined during the late Byzantine period: Cl)~SSlet indicates
KetL a7retAoT'1Tet
mental simplicity (i.e. to be a simpleton -even naive); a7retAoT'1~ suggests physical
softness of a certain material. However, the compound expression could point to
either mental or physical underdevelopment. The present author entertained this
in a physical sense. Theodore II Ducas Lascaris (1221/1222 - 1258, emperor of
Nicaea from 1254 to 1258) used it in a mental sense, i.e. suggesting simpletons.
Sermones VIII De Theologia Christiana, oration 6, lines 36-39.
xcvi Doxographers reported that, according to Plato, the function of vision takes place
following meeting of the rays of sight from the eye with the rays of light from
the object seen, and Plato called this phenomenon ITV'VetVyClet. Aetius, De Placitis
Reliquiae, p. 404, apud Stobaeus, Anthologium, 1.52.7 & Nemesius of Emesa, De
Natura Hominis, chapter 7, p. 58. The same report, in Pseudo-Plutarch, Placita
Philosophorum, p. 90lB. In reality, this is the same text copied by intellectuals one
after another. However, there is nothing like this in Plato's work. Nevertheless,
subsequent scholars invariably copied the same explanation to the letter. Michael
Psellus, De Omnifaria Doctrina, 108. Nikephorus Blemmydes, Epitome Physicae,
col. 1196 (cf. his Epistulae, epistle 32, not reporting Plato, but taking this theory
for granted). Sophonias (ignoring 'Plato' altogether on this, and ascribing the the-
ory to 'the Physicists'), In Aristotelis Libros De Anima Paraphrasis, pp. 75; 75.
xcvii Il11v);cat 6J&rjJ cpllov TO Xadl lJvva/f,{v is a phrase of Gregory of Nazianzus, which
became proverbial after the sixth century. Gregory of Nazianzus, Funebris Oratio
in Laudem Basilii Magni Caesareae in Cappadocia Episeopi (orat. 43), 82.2. John
of Damascus, Saera Parallela, PG.96.448.10. Meletius of Tiberio polis, De Natura
Hominis, p. 139. Theodore Studites, Mqdl1J KaT1X1JO"tc catechesis 16, p. 103.
Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia, p. 4. Also, several later Byzantine authors,
such as Joseph Calothetus, Laudatio Saneti Andreae Arehiepiseopi Cretensis) line
450. Et al. Cf. John Chrysostom, In Epistulam ii ad Corinthios (homiliae 1-30),
(appealing to 2 Cor. 8:12: 'For if the desire is there, it is acceptable accord-
ing to what you have, not according to what you do not have.'), PG.61.519.6-
12: M~ <po~'1SB~, <P'1lTl'V, 6ml6~ b::ct'Vct ciP'1Kct. T~~ yap bCEl'VW'V <plAOTlfLlct~ 6YKWfLlO'V TO
dP'1fLE'Vo'V.') 66 eso~ Ta KctTa dV'VctfLl'V aTrctLnl, KC(.L KC(.S' 8 &XCl Tl~, OU KctS' 80UK&XSl.
xcviii As his ensuing exegesis makes clear, the author uses the term Tpct'VO~ not in the
sense of 'clear, distinct, bright', but meaning 'immense'.
xcix See supra, endnote xxxvii.
c The term ,)fLoSpo'Vo~ is as old as Pindar (Nemea, ode 11) and was taken up by
Christian authors (Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of N azianzus, Didymus, Cyril of
Alexandria, and Basil of Seleucia). Later authors took this up, too.
ci At several points, the author explains that Wisdom is the Holy Spirit. See folio
3v: LKOTrSl 6E, OTrW~ KC(.L <TO) 1\YlO'V TI'VsufLct 1T0<plW KC(.ASl. 20v: L1u:t 7rdVTCUV OUKOUv
TOVTW'V, TO TI'VsufLct TO 1\YlO'V, TO f'V KC(.L fLO'VWTctTO'V, xcupoiJv KctL 6'VSpyoUv KctL nAClOUv .
. . . "Omp OU'V &'VW &<PctITKS'V iv aVTB, 6'1Act6~ TillTo<plct, TI'VsufLct 1\YlO'V sl'VctL, TOUTO
'VU'V ctuT~'V cl'Vctl KctAct, w~ OUK &MO T~~ 1T0<plct~ OUIT'1~ Trctpa TO TI'VsufLct TO 1\YlO'V.
2lr: M&'AlITTct 66 TO TIct'V&'YlO'V TI'VsufLct EOOO7rTPOV 61TTl'V rix1JlflJcuTov T~C; TOiJ 6J&oiJ
ivEpydac;. 25v: ~ TOVTOU 1T0<plct, TO VTrSPOVlTlO'V 6'1Act6~ KctL VTrEpSSlO'V ~WctPXlKO'V ctUTOU
TI'VsufLct. However, now he identifies Wisdom with the Son. This is an authen-
tic echo of Origen's theology. Nevertheless, in the ensuing analysis (on Wis.
7:22-27), the author abides by identifying Wisdom with the Holy Spirit. See
Introduction, p. 128.
cii The expression VTrEpSCO~ Tpla~ was introduced and used just once by Pseudo-
Dionysius the Areopagite (De Mystiea Theologia, p. 141), then, it was taken by
John of Damascus (Contra Jaeobitas, section 2), and later Byzantine authors used
it abubdantly.
ciii This is the expression of the Creed of Ephesus. ACO, Coneilium Universale
Ephesenum anno 431, tome 1.1.7, p. 66; then, Coneilium Universale Chaleedonense
an no 451, tome 2.1.2, pp. 80; 128; Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana
an no 536, tome 3, p. 5. Naturally, this was quoted by later synods, too, as well as
by several later authors. Cf. 2 Paralipomenon, 18:22.
civ The formula 'apprehensible by the intellect alone' ('Vt;) fLO'VI{.lA'1TrTO'V) referring to
superior incorporeal realities, or beings, is Neoplatonic, and was mainly used by
philosophers once Albinus coined this. See Albinus, Epitome Doetrinae Platonieae,
 10.4: the One is apprl'ro~ Kcd 'V0 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrTO~. Gregory ofN azianzus, In Theophania
(orat. 38), PG.36.321.24-25 & In Sanctum Pascha (orat. 45), PG.36.629.41-
42: cd 'VOtp:tL <pvO"n~ iOXL T0 'V0 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrTctl. Hermias of Alexandria, In Platonis
Phaedrum Scholia, section I, p. 44: x:&MO~ TO 'VOY]TO'V KctL iOXL T0 'V0 [LOvI{.lAY]TrTO'V.
Op. cit. TO 'VOY]TOv KctL a<pct\!6~ K&.MO~ iOXL T0 \10 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrTO'V. John Philoponus, In
Nicomachi Arithmeticam Introductionem, 18: 'VoY]Ta 66 KVPlW~ Ta'V0 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrT&'.
Likewise, commCateg, p. 133. John of Damascus, Expositio Fidei, 26: OlKSlct yap
es0 ~ AOylK~ <pVOl~ iOXL 'V0 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrT~. Photius, Epistulae et Amphilochia, epistle
138 (ref. to Aristotle's 'form' and 'formless matter', both of which Aristotle pos-
ited as incorporeal): ~ 66 vAY] iOXL TO S160~ w~ 'V0 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrT&'. Likewise, op. cit. epistle
139, lines 13-14. Michael Psellus, Chronographia, 3.13: mpLTw'V ~ctSvTkpw'VKcth0
[LO'VI{.lAY]TrTW'V (So Bessarion, In Calumniatorem Platonis, 4.2.1: iOXL'V0 [Lo'Vw AY]TrT&').
Eustratius of Nicaea, commEthNicom, p. 294: gO"Tl'V apct Ta 'VoY]Ta KctL SlAlKPl'VW~
ayctSa iOXL TOVTW'V apXSTVTrct KctL'V0 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrTa UTr&'PX0'VTct. Op. cit. p. 324: KctL
cti apxctL Tr&''VTW'V TW'V yS'VY]TW'V, w~ O'VTW~ O'VTW'V KctL T0 'V0 [LO'VI{.lAY]TrTW'V (cf. Nicetas
Choniates, Orationes, 17, p. 179: iOXL'V0 [LOvw AY]TrTW'V). Gregory Palamas simply
drew on, and quoted from, Gregory of N azianzus.
cv O"wO"nK~ TrpOvOlct is an expression coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De
Divinis Nominibus, p. 178.
cvi Once Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite introduced this term (and used it at
twenty-six points), subsequent authors used it abundantly.
cvii The notion of the Holy Spirit originating from the Father as homoousios by virtue
of 'projection' (TrpO~OA~) was condemned by Epiphanius of Salamis (Panarion,
v. 3, p. 159) on the grounds that this could make the Father 'composite', indeed
'a body'. Athanasius advanced exactly the same argument. De Synodis Arimini
in Italia et Seleuciae in Isauria, 16.5. However, Gregory Nazianzen had postu-
lated that the Father is 'begetter' (yS'V'V~TWp) of the Son and 'projector' or 'emitter'
(TrpO~OASV~). Thus, he interpreted the scriptural term ~:)cTrOpWo"l~ of the Spirit (as
in John, 15:26) as being synonymous with TrpO~OA~ (processsion) of the Spirit.
De Filio (orat. 29), section 2: 6la TOUTO p.o'Va~ aTr' apX'1~ d~ 6va6ct Kl'VY]Scto"ct, P.kXPl
Tpla60~ go"TY]. KctL TOUTO kO"Tl'V ~p.r'V ,) TrctT~p, iOXL ,) vio~, KctL TO &ylO'V Tr'VSUp.ct. ,) p.h
yS'V'V~TWP iOXL TrpO~OASV~, Akyw 66 aTrctSw~ KctL axp0'Vw~ iOXL aO"wp.aTw~ . TW'V 6k, TO p.h
y6'V'VY]p.ct, TO 66 TrpO~AY]p.ct, ~ OUK 016' OTrW~ &.)! n~ TctUTct KctAkO"ClS'V, a<psAw'V Tra'VTy] TW'V
0pwf1'>w>. Likewise, De Pace 3 (orat. 23), PG.35.1160.14 (ref. to the Father): WI
66 iOXL Trpo~oAkct n'VSV[LctTO~. In the sixth century, Zachariah of Mytilene quoted
and made much of Gregory's statement (Ammonius sive De Mundi Opificio
Disputatio, section 2, lines 1110-1119). Following that, John of Damascus posited
this as a cardinal doctrine of orthodoxy. Expositio Fidei, section 12b: '0 TrctT~p
TrY]y~ KctL ctlTLct viou iOXL Tr'VSVP.ctTo~, TrctT~p 66 f-1o'Vov viou iOXL TrpO~OASU~ Tr'VSVP.ctTO~. So
in Laudatio Sanctae Martyris Anastasiae, section 4: TrctT~p p.h viou, TrpO~OASU~ 66
Tr'VSVP.ctTO~. In his Epistula De Hymno Trisagio, section 28, John quoted Gregory's
 foregoing statement to the letter. After that, to style the Father TrpO~OASV~ TOU
nvsvp-ctTo~ became a commonplace repeated abundantly by almost all of the sub-
sequent theologians.
cviii See the notion of VTrSpOVOlO~ uio~ in Pseudo- Dionysius the Areopagite, De Divinis
Nominibus, p. 125: Ta 66 6lctKCfCPlfLs'Vct TO nctTpo~ rYrrSPOVOlO'V O'VOfLct KctL XP~fLct,
)(C(.L Tiou KctL n'VSvfLctTO~. This was quoted by several later authors (Antiochus
Monachus, Nilus Cabasilas, Gregory Palamas, John Kyparissiotes, Joseph
Calothetus, Gennadius Scholarius, Theodore Agallianus).
cix This point suggests the finger of a late Byzantine author. As a matter of fact, since
the term 'Only-Begotten' comes from yS'VVY]lTl~ ('birth') not from yS'VSlTl~ ('creation),
several theologians opted for writing the term with double 'n', that is, Mo'Voys'V'V*.
This happened with the following authors from the thirteenth to fifteenth cen-
tury. Meletius Confessor (monk, hymnographer, theologian, Constantinople,
Ephesus, Nicomedia), A19ct~1JTa19a~1JTov, letter sigma, chapter 143. Demetrius
Cydones, Paraphrasis Fulgentii De Fide ad Petrum, sections 7; 8; 9; 10; 14; 16;
17; 18; 20; 52; 53; 54; 62. Prochorus Cydones (the father of Demetrius Cydones,
Constantinople, Thessaloniki), Translatio Augustini De Libero Arbitrio 1, sec-
tion 13. Nicolas Cabasilas (the nephew of NUus Cabasilas, Constantinople,
Thessaloniki, fourteenth Century), VIta in Christo, 5.27. Joseph Bryennius (theo-
logian, Constantinople), Orationes, oration 7, lines 73; 118. Gennadius Scholarius,
Tractatus De Processu Spiritus Sancti I, Part 6, p. 221.
cx Wis. 12: 1: Toyap &<pSctpTO'V ITOUTr'VsufLa ElTn'V h Tr&ITl. C£ Gregory of Nyssa, Adversus
Macedonianos De Spiritu Sancto, p. 109: h niJ Tra'VTct h Tr&lTl hspyotrvn Tr'VsvfLctn.
Refutatio Confossionis Eunomii, 51: TO Tr'VsUfLct TO hspyou'V TrWTct h Tr&lTl )(C(.SW~
~OVAHctL. Epistulae, epistle 24.15: KctL6la Tra'VTW'V 6l~iCCl'V T~'V TOU Tr'VsvfLctTo~ 6tWctfLl'V,
Tra'VTct h Tr&lTl KctSw~ ~OVAHctL hspyoulTw, w~ <P'1lTl'V') aTrOITTOAO~. Dialogus De Anima
et Resurrectione, PG.46.l32.l-2: na'VTct h Tr&lTl'V hspyoulTw T~'V TOU Tr'VsvfLctTo~
6tWctfLl'V.
cxi This is a plain Neoplatonic echo. See Produs, In Platonis Timaeum, p. 242: 6la T~'V
aClKl'V'1lTlct'V TW'V 6'1 fLlOUPYOV'VTW'V Ta S'V'1Ta Ssw'V Tra'VTw'V, 0T~ ETrETpS'fS T~'V 6'1 fLlOUpylct'V
,) TrctT~p. Simplicius, commCae/, p. 361: Tl~ 66 ~ TrpOlTsxY1~ d~ ctlho TOU 6'1fLlOUpyOU
hSpyClct, on a·i6loT'1TO~ KctL aClKl'V'1lTlct~ ctlTlct. Naturally, Pseudo-Dionysius the
Areopagite wrote in the same vein, although the present point is parallel to the two
aforementioned N eoplatonists rather than to Pseudo- Dionysius. Cf. De Cae/esti
Hierarchia, pp. 27; 47; 48; 54; De Divinis Nominibus, pp. 190; 191; 202.
cxii In this case, T~'V fLlKT~'V is an adverb meaning 'compounded' of the two kinds of
motion. The whole idea is Aristotelian (c£ De Caelo, 268b14-18; Physica, 261b28-
30; 265a13-15;). See an exact parallel to this in Simplicius alone. commCateg,
p. 428: ~ 66 )(c('Ta TOTrO'V <popa, 6lctLpoufLs'V'1 KctL ctlh~ d~ T~'V KVKAI{.l KctL T~'V ETr' svSdct~
 KC(.L T~'V fLlKT~'V. commPhys, p. 595: h oT~ <P'1lTl, niiv !dv yap TO !PEPOfiEVOV ~ xvxl«-,
!pEpETa! ~ hr' nl'J-da; ~ T~V fi!XT1v. Likewise, op. cit. pp. 1301; 1313. Also, George
Pachymeres, commCae/, 1.3.1.
cxiii KC(.L Tr&lTl'V 6Trl~ctTeVSl is an expression exclusive to Maximus Confessor, Ambigua
ad joannem, 7.31: TW'V oAw'V .6.'1fLlOUpyO~, a'VctAoyw~ 6UX T~~ a'VSpWTrOT'1TO~ ctthou
Tr&lTl'V 6Trl~ctTeVW'V TOr~ OVITl. The fourteenth-century Byzantine author Theophanes
III (Metropolitan of Nicaea) quoted Maximus' phrase to the letter. Sermo in
Sanctissimam Deiparam, section 9, p. 108; De Lumine Thaborio orationes i-v, ora-
tion 2, lines 720-721; op. cit. oration 4, lines 723-724; oration 5, lines 397-398.
cxiv This is an extremely rare term that had been used by Aeschylus (Prometheus Vinctus,
verse 1058: Tr'1fLolTv'VctL~) and Euripides (Fragmenta, from his Antiope, fro 910 [J.
KambitsisJ). Although Aeschylus' and Euripides' verses were quoted by a couple of
authors (Clement of Alexandria, Themistius), the noun Tr'1fLolTv'V'1 (or Tr'1fL0'V~) was
not used otherwise. I should note that Gregoras cited Aeschylus, and indeed he
quoted from Prometheus Vt'nctus in his Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis,
p. 73. He also cited and quoted from Euripides at eight more points. The alterna-
tive (Tr'1fL0'V~)' that had been used by Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Thucydides,
was employed at slightly more cases by other authors, yet scarcely, too.
cxv Trct'VITSS'V6~ 'VsufLct is a phrase coined by Cyril of Alexandria, Homiliae Paschales,
PG.77.965.28 (Trct'VITSs'VsITTChl{.l 'VsvfLctTl); Commentarii in Lucam (homily 51),
PG.77.1012.14 (TrctvITSs'VSITTaTOl~ 'VSVfLctlTl); Contra julianum Imperatorem, 2.29
(TOr~ Trct'VITSs'VSITTaTOl~ TOU 8cou 'VSVfLctlTl); op. cit. 7.42 ('VsvfUtTl 66 TrctvITSs'VSITTaTI{.l
ASTrpOU~ aTrs<p'1'Vs KctSctpOV~). Several centuries later, a couple of authors revis-
ited this formula. Nicetas David, Homiliae Septem, homily 6, p. 321 (p0Trl1 KctL
'VsvfLctTl fLo'Vl{.l T~~ Trct'VITSs'Vou~ 6S;l&~); Pachomius Rhusanus, Syntagma, oration 2,
p. 100: i)T(spayctSo~ W'V KctL fL'16S'V gxw'V a'VTlITT~'Vctl niJ ctlJTOU Trct'VITSS'Vcl 'VsvfUtTl.
cxvi The expression VTrSpctTrClp06tWctfLo~ 6tWctfLl~ appears in John Kyparissiotes alone
(Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, orations 4.10; 5.3). At
two other points, he spoke of VTrCpctTrClp06tWctfLo~ hSpySlct (Expositio Materiaria,
10.5) and &rrSpctTrSlp06tWctfLo~ <plAOTeX'Vlct (Laudationes ix in Verbum Dei [cod.
Florent. Laurent. pluto V 16J, oration 4, p. 26). We know that Kyparissiotes was
one of Gregoras' closest friends and frequented the latter's house. However, so far
as surviving texts go, the epithet VTrSpctTrClp06tWctfLo~ ('more than infinitely power-
ful') itself appears in no other author's extant work at all. Nevertheless, it would
have been natural for his circle to be aware of this grandiloquent adjective.
cxvii The term SCOyS'V'V'1lTlct was used only by John Kyparissiotes, Contra Tomum
Palamiticum, 6.22, line 155. This appears also in the Synodicon Orthodoxiae, line
79 - but the date of this cannot be determined with certainty. Anyway, this trea-
tise was carefully studied by Kyparissiotes' kindred spirit, Nikephorus Gregoras.
cxviii See the expression Trct'VTOKpctToPl;cY] 6V'VcttH~ in John Kyparissiotes, Laudationes
ix in Verbum Dei, oration I, p. 5; oration 2, p. 10; Contra Tomum Palamiticum,
7.22. Probably, he took this up from Maximus Confessor, Capita De Caritate,
3.28. Nevertheless, its appearance and linguistic context in Procopius of Gaza,
Commentarii in Isaiam, line 2040, could suggest original use of this expression
by Origen.
cxix ayycllK~ lcpctpxlct is an expression coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite;
cf. De Cae/esti Hierarchia, pp. 20; 35.
cxx Cf. Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia, p. 104: KctL
T~'V fLS'V C(.Tr&.IT'1~ lcpctpxlct~ TPlct6lK~'V 6lctlpclTl'V h Tctr~ ~6'1 Trctp' ~fLr'V vfL'V'1fLs'VctL~
lcpctpxlctl~ w~ olfLctl K.ct..lW~ 6;cSSfLcSct.
cxxi From that point onwards, the author recalls his reading of Neoplatonists, such
as Damascius, as well as Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Ecclesiastica
Hierarchia.
cxxii TPlct6lK~ 6lct;c6lTfL'1lTl~. Cf. Proclus, Theologia Platonica, v. 5, p. 126; v. 6, p. 74.
Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Cae/esti Hierarchia, p. 26, who was later
abundantly quoted: cf. Catena in Epistulam ad Romanos (typus Monacensis) (e
cod. Monac. gr. 412), p. 292. John of Damascus, Expositio Fidei, 17. George
Monachus, Chronicon, pp. 228; 280. Nicetas Stethatus, Orationes, oration
5.22; 5.31; 5.48; 5.55. Gregory of Sinai, Capita De Quattuor Hierarchiis,
2. Theophanes III ofNicaea, Sermo in Sanctissimam Deiparam, section 6, p. 82.
Michael Psellus (Theologica, opusculum 112) quoted from 'Hierotheus', who
might well have been no other than Pseudo-Dionysius. Also see Damascius, In
Parmenidem, p. 122, abundantly reproduced by Nicetas Stethatus, Orationes,
oration 5.22; 5.31; 5.48; 5.55; later, by Theophanes III, Sermo in Sanctissimam
Deiparam, section 6, p. 82; also Damascius, op. cit. pp. 40; 57; De Principiis,
v. I, p. 181.
cxxiii 6fLTrUplO~ 'Vocp&'. See lamblichus, De Mysteriis, 7.2. Proclus wrote that this
was a Chaldean notion. In Platonis Cratylum, 129; see also, commTim, v. 2,
p. 58. Likewise, Damascius, In Parmenidem, pp. 59; 87; Simplicius, commPhys,
pp.616-617.
cxxiv The participle &rrcp'1TrlWfLs'Vo~ (= transcendent and super simple, yet all-
embracing) is a distinctly Neoplatonic term abundantly used by both John
Kyparissiotes and Nikephorus Gregoras. See lamblichus, De Mysteriis, 7.2
(lines 21 and 33). Syrianus, commMetaph, p. 168. Produs, commRep, v. I,
pp. 73; 77; 88; v. 2, pp. 133; 205; Theologia Platonica, v. I, p. 95; v. 2, p. 67;
v. 4, p. 86; v. 5, pp. 127; 125; v. 6, pp. 11; 73; 89; 94; 110; Institutio Theologica,
154; In Parmenidem, book 4, pp. 881; 890. Damascius, De Principiis, pp. 52;
55; 104; 157; 176. Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Caelesti Hierarchia,
p. 38; De Divinis Nominibus, pp. 147; 189; 199; 226. Eustratius of Nicaea,
commEthNicom, p. 268. Gregory Palamas, Orationes Antirrheticae contra
 Acindynum, orations 3.6.14; 5.24.95. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana
(I. Bekker - L. Schopen), v. 2, p. 942; v. 3, p. 515 (bis); Antirrhetica Priora,
oration 2.5, p. 315; 2.6, p. 329. John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 3.1;
6.1; 7.8; 10.5; 10.8; Adversus Cantacuzenum, 84; Contra Tomum Palamiticum,
7.19; Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, oration 1.10;
orations 2.1; 4.7 (thrice); 4.9; 5.12. Philotheus Coccinus, Antirrhetici Duodecim
contra Gregoram, oration 11, line 1287. Theophanes III, De Lumine Thaborio
orationes i-v, oration 4, line 371. It is worth noticing use by Pseudo-Basil of
Caesarea, Enarratio in Prophetam Isaiam, 4.138, which is a work probably writ-
ten by Cassian the Sabaite, as I have many times suggested.
cxxv appC'rrou~ ITTcbn:w~. C£ Proclus, commEucl, p. 292: d aTrctpsyKAlTO~ ctth~~ ~
ITTalTl~ el1'] KctL appsTr*.
cxxvi Although the notion of 'ever-moving stillness' (aslKl'V1']TO~ ITTMl~) appears to
be self-defeating, this was a meaningful notion, which suggested that eternal
motion is but the manifestation of a fundamentally restful reality. See John
Philoponus, commAnim, p. 75 (copied by Suda, letter alpha, entry 4093): KctL
ya.p Ta. aSlKl'V1']TctITTaITSW~ fLHSXSl, OU fLo'Vo'V niJ T~'V OAOT1']Tct 6ITTa'Vctl, aMa. KC(.L ctUTO
fLS'VCl'V T~~ aSlKl'V1']lTlct~ ITTalTl~ 6ITTl'V. In other words, the reality of 'perpetual
motion' (aClKl'V1']lTlct) itself is a stationary one. Michael Psellus saw this as a plau-
sible notion to maintain. Opuscula ii, p. 39 (perpetual motion in itselfshould
be considered as a higher-ranking condition of stillness, on account of which
the Whole itself should be taken as being still, whereas motility proper is in
itself a phenomenon of fundamental immobility: KctL ya.p KctL h TOr~ aSlKl'V~TOl~
SSWpclTctl ITTalTl~, OU 6la. TO IITTctlTSctL TO OAO'V, aMa. KctL TO aSlKl'V1']TO'V 010'V ITTalTl'V
gXCl'V TOUTO).
The intellectual who embraced this abstruse idea was Maximus Confessor.
Quaestiones ad Thalassium, 59: 6<pSITSW~ 6£ Trl~pwlTl~ 61TTl'V ~ TrSpL TO 6<pHO'V TW'V
6<plSfLS'VW'V aClKl'V1']TO~ ITTalTl~. aSl;c('V1']TO~ 6£ ITTalTl~ 6ITTL'V ~ TOU 6<pHOU 6l1']'VSK* TC
KctL a6lalTTctTo~ aTrOActVlTl~. Op. cit. 65: ITTalTl'V 6£ aSlKl'V1']TO'V S;Sl KC(.LITTalTlfLo'V
TctvTOKl'V1']lTlW, TrCpL TO TctUTO'V KC(.L f'V fLO'VO'V a·i6lw~ Yl'VOfLS'V1']'V, ~'V 016S'V 0 loyo~
tXfLSITO'V cl'Vctl TrSpL TO TrPWTO'V ctLTlO'V TW'V 6; ctuToU TrCTrOl1']fLs'Vw'V fLO'VlfLov 16PVlTl'V.
Ambigua ad joannem, 67.10: J\'VllTct ya.p TOr~ tXKpOl~ Ta. fLslTct Kl'VovfLs'Vct TrpO~ T~'V
TW'V tXKPW'V aSl;c('V1']TO'V ITTalTl'V. Homologously to aSl;c('V1']TO~ ITTalTl~ ('ever moving
stillness'), he used also the expression ITTalTlfLo~ pSUlTl~ ('still flux'). Op. cit. 71.5.
By the expression Tet plort, Maximus meant the events that comprise History,
whereas by Tetdxpct he bespoke the Eschatological reality. Ambigua ad joannem,
71.5: Miort 6£ lsyw T~'V TW'V 0pwfLs'Vw'V KC(.L 'VU'V TrCpL TO'V tX'VSPWTro'V O'VTW'V ~ h ol~
o tX'VSpWTrO~ ITVfLTrl~pwlTl'V, dxpct 6£ T~'V TW'V fL~ <PctL'VofLs'Vw'V KctL TrCpL TO'V &.'VSPWTro'V
atw6w~ glTslTSctL fLsMo'VTw'V iJ7rOO"TctO"tV [cf. Heb. 11:1J, TW'V KVPlW~ TC KctL aA1']Sw~
KctTa. TO'V app1']To'V KC(.L Trpo1']yovfLs'Vo'V ITKOTrO'V TC KctLloyo'V T~~ Sdct~ ayctSoT1']TO~
TrSTrOl1']fLs'Vw'V TC KC(.L ysys'V1']fLs'Vw'V.
 As it happens at several points of the present commentary, the author follows
Maximus.
cxxvii Cf. Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Ecclesiastica Hierachia, p. 104: T~'V fLS'V
a.Tra.IT'1~ lspctxlct~ TPlct6l1C~'V 6lctlPSlTl'V h Tctr~ ~6'1 Trctp ' ~fLw'V ufL'V'1fLs'Vctl~ lspctxlctL~
w~ olfLctl Kctlw~ 6;sSSfLsSct <p~lTct'VTC~. Later, Nicetas Stethatus, Orationes, ora-
tion 5.22: 'I60L! KctL ~ TplT'1 T~~ ihw iSpctPXlct~ TPlct6lK~ 6lctK6ITfL'1lTl~. Op. cit.
5.31: Aih'1 6ITTL'V ~ TrPWT'1 TW'V OUpct'VlW'V OUlTlW'V KctL TW'V 6TrlYSlW'V TctYfLa.TW'V T~~
KctS ' ~fL&~ lspctpxlct~ TPlct6lK~ 6lctx:6lTfL'1lTl~. Op. cit. 5.48: Aih'1 TW'V OUpct'VlW'V KctL
6Trlydw'V ~ fLslT'1 TPlct6lK~ 6lctK6ITfL'1lTl~.
All of this is but an echo from Proclus, commTim, v. I, p. 411: ~KSl'Vya.P&OlKS'V
TO fLS'V ~00'V cmo TOU 'VO'1TOU TOU TrPWTOU, oihw KctL TOU TW'V 'VOSpW'V SSW'V 'VO'1TOU
TrctTp6~, TO 66 &fL'fux0'V cmo T~~ fLslT'1~ ctiTlct~ T~~ TC TPlct6lK~~ KctL T~~ 6~60fLct6lK~~,
TO 66 &'V'VOtrV cmo TOU 'Vospou TrctTp6~.
cxxviii On seeing by means a 'clear-sighted mind' (lbSTrlS6AWTO~ 'Vou~ or IbsTrlS6AWTO~
6la.'VOlct), cf. Proclus, In Platonis Alcibiadem i, 251. Pseudo-Dionysius the
Areopagite, De Divinis Nominibus, pp. 131; 138. Gregory Palamas, Pro
Hesychastis, Triads 1.3.2; 2.1.30; 2.2.20; Epistulae, epistles 6.38; 12.6; Orationes
Antirrheticae contra Acindynum, orations 2.1.4; 6.5.12. Philotheus Coccinus,
Antirrhetici Duodecim contra Gregoram, oration 5, lines 121-122 & 272; VIta
Germani Hagioritae, 22; VIta Isidori Patriarchae, 69. Nevertheless, prior to
these, the formula had been used by Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos
et Grammaticos, 1.303, and perhaps by Cyril of Alexandria, Expositio in Psalmos,
PG.69.816.36. Cf. Gregory of Nyssa, In Diem Luminum, p. 223.
cxxix The peculiar expression alTWfLctTo~ 6lctLTct ('incorporeal mode of living') appears
to be exclusive to Gregoras' older contemporary and impressively erudite poly-
math Maximus Planudes, Bamlt)(o;A6yo;, section 27, line 845.
cxxx Both the expression and the notion 'Vospa. £;l~ was an invention of Proclus. In
Platonis Rem Pub/icam, v. 1, p. 179; In Platonis Timaeum, v. I , pp. 369; 406;
De Providentia et Fato et Eo Quod in Nobis ad Theodorum Mechanicum, section
19. This bespeaks not what an intelligible entity (e.g. the soul) is, but what
it can become by training. This is also the notion Anastasius of Sinai taking
his cue from Proclus entertained, too: Capita vi Adversus Monotheletas, 7.2.
So did Isaac Comnenus, De Providentia et Fato, p. 36; and Gregory Palamas,
Pro Hesychastis, 3.1.25. Michael Psellus was perfectly aware of this, too. See
his Oratoria Minora, oration 8. However, the man who engaged in profound
consideration of the problematique surrounding this notion was Gennadius
Scholarius, who mulled over the pertinent views of Simplicius (with whom
Gennadius himself disagreed on this) while illustrating also the views of
Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus Confessor. Epitome Primae
Secundae Summae Theologicae Thomae Aquinae, chapter 50. It is not possible
to expound this problematique here, but one point is worth mentioning: the
 present author speaks of Tra.IT'1~ 'VosPet~ s;sw~ insinuating that this pertains to all
of the incorporeal powers. Since 'Vospa S;l~ means a certain potentiality devel-
oping to actuality, the argument was that in angels there is nothing which is
potential. Gennadius reveals that this was a view not only of Pseudo- Dionysius
the Areopagite and Maximus Confessor, but also of Simplicius, too. It turns
out then that, on this, the present author thought differently from all those
Christian theologians and stood closer to Proclus instead.
cxxxi Cf. Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia,
p. 119: Lti\!~KTctL TOl'Vti\! ~fLI'V, w~ cd &YUXl 'feAHcd ;c&SctplTl~ dlTl IO:tL <PWTllTfLO~ IO:tL
'feAdwlTl~, Oi66 ASlTOUPYOL KctSctpTl;cY] Ta.;l~.
cxxxii The notion of 'angels' being 'ever-moving' rational creatures made its way into
philosophy more or less simultaneously with Pseudo-Dionysius Areopagite
(De Caelesti Hierarchia, p. 31; De Divinis Nominibus, p. 190) and with the
obscure pupil of philosopher Olympiodorus, namely, David of Alexandria
(Prolegomena Philosophiae, p. 47). Not long after this, John of Damascus
thought it fit to make this an integral part of the orthodox Christian doc-
trine, while maintaining Origen's fundamental idea, namely, that angels also
are corporeal, although their body is made of a finer substance. Expositio Fidei,
17 (quoted also by the Doctrina Patrum, p. 250); Theognostus (monk, thir-
teenth century), Thesaurus, 20.14; Pachomius Rhusanus, Epistulae, epistle 2,
p. 184): i\yysAo~ TOl'VU'V ZITTL'V OUlTlct'VOSpa., IXcl;c('V'1TO~, ctU'fe;OVlTlO~, alTWfLctTo~ . ..
i\ITWfLctTo~ 66 ASYHctL OITO'V TrpO~ ~fLet~. Tret'V yap ITUYKPl'VofLs'Vo'V TrpO~ GSO'V TO'V fLo'Vo'V
aITVyKplTO'V TrctXv 'fe KctL vAlKo'V SVplITKHctL. fLo'Vo'V yap O'VTW~ &vAO'V TO Seto'V ZITTl KctL
aITWfLctTO'V. Cf. John Kyparissiotes, Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 4.2: i\A'1S6~ fLS1!
OU'V ZITTl'V dml'V OTl <pUlTlKW~ ,) &yysAo~ aclKl'V'1TO~ ZITTl'V, aM' ou TOUT' ZITTl'V ctuniJ
TO <pUlTl;cW~ aclKl'V'1TOV, OTrSP h ~fLI'V ~ 6la.'VOlct 6lHVTrWITS'V. Expositio Materiaria,
5.7: KctL you'V ~ TW'V aSct'Va.Tw'V ayykAw'V ~w~ IO:tL aSct'VctlTlct IO:tL TO a'VwAsSpo'V ctUTO T~~
ayysAlK~~ aClKl'V'1lTlct~ z; ctuT~~ KctL 6l' ctuT~'V IO:tL ZITTl KctL V<pSITT'1KS, 610 IO:tL ~w'V'fe~
KctL aSa.'VctTol ASY0'VTctL. But this was the teaching of Gregoras' dear teacher,
Theodore Metochites, Orationes, oration 3.11: ZTl 66 TrpO~ TOVTOl~, SUKl'V'1Tct KctL
ITXS60'V aSlKl'V'1Tct. oT~ 6~ Aomo'V ~ TW'V ayykAw'V alTWfLctTo~ <pVlTl~ zoncS'Vctl60Ket. And
Metochites was the teacher of Gregoras, not of Kyparissiotes. In any case, this
philological turn always remained rare.
cxxxiii Origen was the first to explain this passage of Solomon's Book of Wisdom,
and unambiguously identified Wisdom with the Son. Cels, 111.72; VIII.l2;
cf. fiProv, PG.13.17.45-20.12. So did Origen's admirers, namely, Eusebius
(Demonstratio Evangelica, 4.3.10) and Athanasius, De Sententia Dionysii, 15.5
[quoted also in the Catena in epistulam adHebraeos (catena Nicetae) (cod. Paris.
gr. 238), p. 304]. Michael Psellus endorsed the same exegesis, too (Theologica,
opusculum 3, lines 508-520). Like Origen, all of these provided this reso-
lution upon quoting the passage of Book of Wisdom, 7:25. However, two
 later theologians explained the same passage as meaning the Holy Spirit -
and perhaps these are 'the theologians' that the present commentator refers
to. Neophytus Indusus, Oratio in Spiritum Sanctum et in Pentecosten, section
2, lines 81-128. Philotheus Coccinus, Orationes et Homiliae, oration 3, lines
419-512.
cxxxiv The adverb ayctSO'rrpcTrw~ recurs in Pseudo- Dionysius the Areopagite (21 points),
whom Maximus Confessor followed as usual (Mystagogia, 23, line 93; etpassim),
and so did several subsequent authors, including Palamas; Kyparissiotes; et at.
cxxxv The term TrOlf!£vctPXlct ('pastorship') is one more late Byzantine neologism.
See Theodore Studites, Epistulae, epistle 33. Photius, Homiliae, homily 14,
p. 134. Et at. Gregoras would have taken this up from his spiritual predecessor
Nikephorus Blemmydes, Curriculum VItae, 1.79.
cxxxvi Cf. Aristotle, De Mundo, 395b: '0 fLE-v OVv 6;c(')co'VTllTfL6~ 6ITTl TrVpO~ yE'VclTl~ be
TrctpctTPltcW~ 6'V aEpl <pcpOfLE'VOV TctXEW~. Cf. John Philoponus, commAnim,
p. 332: TrW~ yap ~ TOU fL~ SCPfLoU 6'VEpyclct ScpfLct'Vct; nw~ 66 inro TOU alTwfLchov
Trctpchpltl~ &'V YE'VOlTO; George Pachymeres, commCael, 5.2 (on how stars
have bocome both heated and luminous): 'H 66 ScPfL6T'1~ aTr' ctlJTW'V KctL TO
<PW~ TrctpctTPl~OfLE'VOV TOU aEpo~ aTrO T~~ 6Kd'Vw'V <pop&~. TOUTO yctp <P'1lTl'V ,)
<plA6ITO<pO~ [i.e. Aristotle]. Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 148, lines
283-285: KctS&Trcp Ta TW'V 6'VTctuSctITKA'1PW'V KC(.L a'VTlTl)Trw'V ITWfL&TW'V TrpO~ tXM'1Act
TrctpctTPl~6fLc'Vct TO'V 6'VctTrClA'1fLfLE'Vo'V aEpct fLCTct;v SCPfLo'V aTro6d;cvvlTl'V. Solutiones
Questionum, question 5, lines 32-36: Ei 66 KctS&TrCp KctL TW'V 6'VTctuSct ITKA'1PW'V
KctL a'VTlTVTrW'V ITWfL&TW'V TrpO~ tXM'1Act TrctpctTPl~6fLc'Vct TO'V 6'VctTrClA'1fLfLE'Vo'V IT<pllTl'V
aEpct fLCTct;v SCPfLo'V aTr06cl;CVVlTl, oihw~ ctlno'V KctL TO'V ~AlO'V T~~ 6'VTctuSct AEyOl
ScPfL6T'1TO~, OlJK &v olfLctl p~6lW~') T~~ aA'1Sdct~ 6E;ctlTo A6yo~.
cxxxvii According to Aristotle, there are two kinds of exhalation (a'VctSvfLlctlTl~): the
'smoky' (KC(.Tr'VW6'1~) one, a mixture of air and earth, which is hot and dry; and
the 'vaporous' (aTfLl6w6'1~)' which is cold and moist. Meteorologica, 378a; De
Sensu et Sensibilibus, 438b; 443a; De Generatione Animalium, 782b; 784b. See
Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 148, lines 294-295: KC(.LITTrCPfLctTld~
n'Vct~ J\plITTOTa'1~ 6l6WlTl'V 6K T~~ KctTr'VW60V~ a'VctSvfLl&lTcW~ b('(pAoywlTcl~. Op.
cit. lines 326-328 (drawing on Aristotle, Meteorologica, 340b-341b; cf. 344a-
b; 361b): T~'V cuSv~ TrpOlTcXW~ TrCplTCTctfLE'V'1'V niJ aEpl IT<pctlpct'V T~~ KctTr'VW60V~
a'VctSvfLl&lTcW~, ~'V KC(.L inrEKC(.VfLct dKA'1/CC'V J\plITTOTn'1~ ctuT6~, KctL 6vv&fLCl TrUp.
Solutiones Questionum, question 5 (drawing on Aristotle, Meteorologica,
341 b): T~'V Trcp LctUTO'V TrPOlTcXl1 TOU i)T(cKC(.VfLctTo~ IT<pctlpct'V il KC(.LITTrC PfLctTlK&~ Tl'Vct~
J\plITTOTa'1~ 6l6WlTl'V 6K T~~ KctTr'VW60V~ a'VctSvfLl&lTcW~ b('(pAoywlTcl~, oSc'V KctL TOV~
6l&TTO'VTct~ yl'VcITSctlAEycl.
cxxxviii The expression ~n~TrOT6 ctih'16lTTL in reference to God's essence and Being proper
is characteristic of Gregory of Nyssa. After ten centuries, it was Nikephorus
Gregoras alone who took this up, indeed in the same context. Gregory of Nyssa
 used this schema upon writing against Eunomius (Contra Eunomium, 1.1.208;
also, in his Epistulae, epistle 24.5). Gregoras used this in order to demonstrate
that Gregory Palamas virtually had employed the heresy of Eunomius (the title
was: "Opct T~'V TctuTOT'1Tct T~~ ctlpklTcw~ TOU TC TIctActfL& Ked TOU EirvofLlOU KC(.L &fLct

T~'V inro TW'Vaylw'V KctnO.UlTl'V ctlhw'V). Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.1, p. 235.
Later, so did Gregoras' big admirer, Gregory Acindynus (Refutatio Magna, ora-
tion 4.20), and George of Pelagonia (Adversus Palamam, section 34). In fact,
both of them copied Gregoras' text to the letter upon attacking Palamas.
cxxxix See endnote cxxiv.
cxl The verb ayctSOTrOlW is scriptural (Luke, 6:9; 6:33; et passim) and the adjective
ayctSOTrOlO~ recurs in Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. De Caelesti Hierarchia,
pp. 8; 23; 37; 91; 102; De Ecclesiastica Hierarchia, pp. 91; 102; De Divinis
Nominibus, pp. 110 (bis); 124-137 (abundantly); 178; 225; Epistulae, epistles
8.6; 9.3. This was taken up by later Christian authors. Maximus Confessor,
Mystagogia, 23; Ambigua ad joannem, 7.12; 7.16; 7.20; 8.3; 41.2; 67.10.
Michael Psellus, commPhys, 5.24. Eustratius of Nicaea, Orationes, oration 7,
p. 162. Gregory Palamas, Orationes Dogmaticae, oration 3.6; 3.21; Epistulae ad
Acindynum et Barlaam, epistle 5.12; 5.13; et passim. John Kyparissiotes, Contra
Tomum Palamiticum, 8.20; Expositio Materiaria, 3.1; et passim. Philotheus
Coccinus, Antirrhetici Duodecim contra Gregoram, oration 6, line 450; et
passim.
cxli The phrase f'V KC(.L fLO'VWTctTO'V ('one and utterly unique') was introduced by
Maximus Confessor speaking of God. Ambigua adJoannem, 17.12. Later, this
was used by John Cyparissiotes, who was a dose friend of Gregoras' and had
the utmost respect for him, and continued the anti-Palamite campaign also
after Gregoras' death. John Cyparissiotes, OrationesAntirrheticae Quinque con-
tra Nilum Cabasilam, oration 5.6, line 108. Cyparissiotes is the sole source
who informed posterity that, upon Gregoras' death, the Palamites dragged his
dead body through the streets. Palamitarum Transgressionum (On the Crimes of
the Palamites), IVIO (PG.l52.733D-736A). The same phrase 1, K~\ ~o'wmTo,
was taken up by a couple of other authors, who in fact copied this and its
context from Maximus Confessor to the letter, but did not mention his name.
Euthymius Zigabenus (eleventh-twelfth century), Panoplia Dogmatica ad
Alexium Comnenum, chapter 3, col. 144. Joseph Bryennius (1350 - 1431/38),
Orationes, oration 1, lines 102-111.
cxlii The form CI)60fL~KO'VTct is not correct, but it is noteworthy that this appears
in three manuscripts, two of which relate to the Acts of a certain Mount
Athos monasteries and are dated between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries.
See Acta monasterii Chilandar (a. 1320 - 1768), Document 53, line 41. Acta
 Monasterii Vazelon, Document 137, line 3. Acta Monasterii Docheiarii (Actum
Manuelis Chagera orphanotrophi De Delimitatione, 1354 or 1369), line 40.
cxliii The expression 6TrlWCW~ ayc(:rr&''V ('to love very much') or brlwcw~ ayC(:rr'1To~
('very much beloved') is a later Byzantine formula. Cf. Nilus (bishop, Cyprus,
Palestine, twelfth-thirteenth century), Typicon monasterii Machaerados in
Cypro, section 89: Ei [LS'V IXTpcTrTOl 01 oilCO'V0[L0l [LS'VWlTl Kcd a'Vc:W.olwTOl, T~~ apCT~~
6TrlWC.w~ IOXL T~~ ayaTr'1~ TW'V a6cl<pw'V a'VTex0[Lc'VOl. Prochorus Cydones (monk,
Constantinople, Thessaloniki, fourteenth century), Translationes epistularum
VIII Augustini, epistle 143.1: T0 6;OXW~ KctL Kct.S'1x:6'VTW~ 6TrlIT~[LCf KVplCf KctL
6TrlclKW~ CtyctTr'1T0 v10 [LOV MctpKcMl'VCf AVyOVITTl'VO~ ci~ ITWT'1plct'V h KVplCf.
cxliv Cf. Origen, expProv, PG.17.196.21-23: ~w~ yap 61TTl'V ~ Tra'VTct ~WOUlTct KctU; OUK
O'VTW'V d~ TO cl'VctL TrctpctyctyoulTct T pltX~ aylct.
cxlv This expression was used by Origen alone. Cf. commJohn, 1I.1.9: TrpO yap Trct\!TO~
xp0'Vov KctL ctiw'Vo~ §v ripxB ~V 6 Aoyo; xell 6 Aoyo; ~v 7(pO; TOV B£ov.
cxlvi The term a6la60xo~ ('without successor' = not pervious to being superseded)
was introduced by Origen; see frJohn, frs. 56; 128; see also Cassian the Sabaite
following Origen suit: Scholia in Apocalypsin, scholion XlV. Also, supra, note
xci.
cxlvii Cf. Wis. 8:1: aTro TrSpctTo~ d~ TrSpct~. The expression aTro TrcpaTw'V £W~ mpaTw'V
occurs in the 'apocryphal apocalypse of John', sections 9, 15, and 17. Origen
apparently used this. See In Jesu Nave homiliae xxvi (fragmenta e catenis),
p. 397: IldvTct 66 TrPWTO'V Til tJ.V'lJ, KctSa 60KEl TOl~ TrpO<p~Tctl~, ri7(O 7(£pdTCUV lcu;
7(£pdTCUV T~; oixovf1ivlJ; V7(OTcty1oo£Tctt.
cxlviii Cf. Plato, Phaedrus, 266a: Seto'V 6' ctu Tl'Vct &pwTct 6<pWPW'V. Cf. Leges, 711d.
cxlix TOU Sdov &PWTO~ &<pclTl'V. C£ Theodore Studites, Epistulae, epistle 8, line 54: T~~
ctUTe;OVlTlOV TrpOctlpSlTcW~ 6Alywp'1lTalT'1~ 6K TOU Sdov &PWTO~ IOXL 6TrL Ta TrpolTvlct
ctuT~~ &<pclTl'V bC6c6WKVlct~ IOXL OU66 SclovlT'1~ KctL OU66 ct1pov[Ls'V'1~ TW'V cUKAcw'V. The
expression SclO~ &PW~ is as old as Philo, and the notion itself far older still, indeed
going back to Presocratics and Plato. Cf. Philo, De Plantatione, 39; De Somniis,
2.232; et passim; Plutarch, Pelopidas, 4.4; Amatorius, p. 764F; Platonicae
Quaestiones, p. lOOOD. Origen, commJohn, I.9.55 (also, Gregory of Nyssa,
Gregory of Nazianzus, Eusebius, Didymus, John Chrysostom, Theodoret, et
al). lamblichus, De Mysteriis, 2.9; 4.10. Stobaeus collected portions 'On the
divine eros' from ancient authors, such as Hesiod, Parmenides, Euripides, Plato.
Anthologium, 1.9.1-17 (reviewed by Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 167, pp. 1I2a
ff). Naturally, the notion, and indeed the expression itself, came to be favour-
ite to later philosophers, such as Hermias of Alexandria and Produs, and was
entertained by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite as a matter of course. So did
Maximus Confessor, John of Damascus, Photius, Theodore Studites, Michael
Psellus, and numerous later Byzantine authors.
 el The normal expression was Tra:rrTrw'V Ked Trp0TraTrTrw'V (otherwise, TretTEPW'V KetL
Trp0TraTrTrw'V). Cf. Philo, In Flaccum, 46. Pseudo-Theodoret (forsan, Cassian the
Sabaite), Quaestiones et Responsiones ad Orthodoxos, p. 26. Symeon the New
Theologian, Epistula De Confossione, epistle 3, line 65. Also, the collection of
Byzantine laws, Liber Juridicus Alphabeticus, letter Pi, section 116. Moreover,
Anonymous, Historia Imperatorum, line 1312; and later Byzantine authors,
such as Demetrius Chomatenus, Ilov1f1ctTct LJtricpopct, 151; and Constantine
Harmenopulus, Manuale Legum, 5.2.4. However, the present expres-
sion, TraTrTrw'V KetL 6TrL TraTrTrw'V, was applied by Joseph Calothetus, Orationes
Antirrheticae contra Acindynum et Barlaam, oration 8, line 89: TO'V a'VwSs'V 6K
Trpoyo'Vw'V KC(.L6TrL TraTrTrw'V nKO'VTet T~'V O"npa KetL T~'V dletdOxYl'V T~~ ~eto"lAdet~.
eli Probably, an allusion to Jesus having foretold his passion, death, and resurrection.
clii Cf. a lingual parallel only in Origen, commJohn, XX.34.304: Tr&~ fLS'V
olow'Vn'Vw'Vou'V P'1fLaTw'V a;couw'V TOU 8sou, ~d'160"TL'V SlKW'V 8sou.
eliii Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 29: oihw TOl xp~fLetafL~Xet'Vo'V~ apH~.
eliv TW'V O'VTW'V il O'VTet. Cf. Aristotle, Metaphysica, lO05b; and almost all of his
commentators.
elv The expression ZTSO"l KC(.L Xp&vOl~ appears as a tautology on the face of it.
Nevertheless, this is a rhetorical turn used by Demosthenes, Pro Phormione,
53: aM' ZTSO"l KetL XpO'VOl~ vO"Tepo'V etln0. Later (second century AD), this was
taken up by Aelius Aristides only; l£po} A6yot, p. 291: 'VtiYLd6 TOO"OUTOl~ ZTSO"l KetL
XpO'VOl~ vO"Tepo'V. The usage by the present author is the only other known one.
Once again, the text betrays Nikephorus Gregoras as its author, given his utter
admiration and recurrent references to Aelius Aristides and quotations from
specific works of his, which Gregoras always cited, too. See endnote celxxxix.
elvi The commentator's knowledge of characteristic technical N eoplatonic prop-
ositions, which all other authors paid no attention to, makes a mark once
again. Cf. Proelus, commTim, v. 2, p. 29: dlO KC(.L ,) TlfLctLO~ apfLo'Vlet'V 6KaAsO"s
T~'V TOletuT'1'V O"UvdSO"l'V, w~ O"vfLfLHplet'V hnSctO"et'V TOl~ aKpol~ T~~ TrpO~ aM'1Aet
KOl'VW'Vlet~. KC(.L ~ h TOl~ O"TePWl~ d6 a'VetAoYlet dla dvol'V TrpoayHetl fLEO"w'V. TW'V yap
O"Tepsw'V 660 OvTW'V, 660 fLEO"Ol a'VaAoyo'V 6fLTrlTrTOVO"l. commRep, v. I, p. 62: OVTW
KetL ~ L1WPlO~ apfLo'Vlet TO'V lO"O'V 6~ ' 6KaTepet TOU TO'VOV AOYO'V apfLo~Cl. Damascius,
In Phaedonem (versio 2), section 60: AOyo~ het'VTlO~ ~ apfLo'Vlet, etlh~ fLS'V OVO"et fLlet,
Ta'Vet'VTlet d6 O"v'VayovO"et d~ ,)fLO~W'Vlet'V.... dSLTctL yap 660 TovAaXlO"To'V ~ apfLo'Vlet
TW'V apfLo~ofLE'VW'V.
elvii TOU fLS'V o"WfLetTo~ Cl)~VW~ TrpO~ TOdS ~ TOdS dlctlCClfLE'VOV. Cf. Aristotle, Politica,
132 7a33: 6Trl'VClet KetLAlfLE'Vet~ Cl)~VW~ KS lfLs'Vet TrpO~ T~'V TrOAl'V.
elviii This should be Tretp<S>O"KwaKetfLs'V, but the Present Perfect TretpetO"KSUetKet was
used during the Byzantine period, if rarely. See Photius, De Spiritu Sancti
Mystagogiae, 27. John Beccus, Refutatio Libri Photii De Processione Spiritus
 Sancti, p. 769. Thomas Magister, Laudatios. Gregorii Theologi, col. 272. George
Gemistus, E Diodoro et Plutarcho De Rebus Post Pugnam ad Mantineam Gestis
per capita Tractatio, section 6. C£ Origen, apud Catena in Epistulam i ad
Corinthios, p. 47: 'EmL6s TetUTet shIs'V, (betyKetlW~ 6TWPSPSl, on eLlTl n'Vs~ tXNSPWTrOl
fL~ TretPet6sxofLs'VOl Ta. TOU n'VSvfLetTo~ TOU 0cou, OU 6la. T~'V <}lVlTl'V, w~ OlO'VTctL 01
hSP060;Ol, aMa. 6la. TO fL~ TretpetITKwetd'Vetl6etVTOV~.
clix In fact, this is a combined quotation: 6yyV~ KVPlO~ is from Psalms 33:19; 144:18;
84:10: 6yyV~ TO ITWT~PlO'V etUTOU. On the other hand, TOr~ <}lo~OVfLS'VOl~ etuTO'V is
from Psalms 33:10: 110:S: 146:11: Ecclesiasticus, IS:13: Luke I:S0 (Odae,
9:50). It is very interesting though that the present medley, 6yyV~ KVPlO~ TOr~
<}lo~OVfLS'VOl~ etUTO'V appears only in the newly discovered Cassian the Sabaite
(Pseudo-Didymus), De Trinitate, PG.39.724.4-S.
dx LXX: TOU nsov~. However, the version TOU nsov~ ITOV appears in codices
Vaticanus gr. 1200, Sinaiticus (alias A) and Alexandrinus. So are the quotations
by Basil of Cae sa rea, Adversus Eunomium, PG.29.713.35-36; Hierotheus (hiero-
monk, Heraclea, eleventh century), Orationes, oration 2, p. 135; and Neophytus
Indusus, Liber Quinquaginta Capitulorum, 12.5; Oratio in Spiritum Sanctum et
in Pentecosten, section 2, line 154.
dxi The term TretP~iCW has also the meaning of 'omit something' (usually because
this is already known to an audience), or 'leave aside', or 'bypass'. This meaning
is absent from both L&S and Lampe lexica. Cf. N eophytus Inclusus, Liber
Catechesium, 1.5: Ketl, l'Vet Ta.~ Tretletla.~ TretP~KW 1ITToplet~, TrpO~ T~'V KctL'V~'V KC(.L
T~'V TretPOUlTet'V 60pT~'V 6TrlITVV&.tW TO'V 10yo'V. Isaeus (orator, Athens, fourth-fifth
century BC), De Nicostrato, 19. Demosthenes, In Aristocratem, 85. Polybius,
Historiae, 27.5. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae, 4.12.12.
Philo, Legum Allegoriarum, 3.120. Strabo, Geographica, 12.3.26. Plutarch and
Galen abundantly. Origen, homLuc, homily 31, p. 179: selPs, PG.12.1S32.27.
Plotinus, Enneades, V1.9. Diogenes Laertius, VItae, 8.67 (Empedodes, fr. 1).
clxii 6S61']fLLOVpyctITSctL is a rare (and not correct) spelling that appeared in the Late
Byzantine period. The correct form (Present Pefect infinitve, middle voice) is
8,8~~lOVpy~()'S~l.
dxiii Although the term 6fLoSco~ had been introduced by Gregory of Nazianzus in
reference to the 'flesh' of Jesus (In Sanctum Pascha [orat. 45J, PG.36.641.1-3),
the turn 6fLoSco~ KC(.L6fL060;0~ in the context of Trinitarian theology was intro-
duced by Maximus Confessor (Ambigua ad joannem, 42.32), and was employed
by some later Byzantine theologians.
dxiv Cf. John of Damascus, Laudatio Sanctae Martyris Barbarae, 12: 0 aTC'VllTetl ou
TolfLWlTl'V h oUPet'V0 Ta. Xspov~LfL KC(.L Ta. TrolvofLfLetTet T&'YfLetTet.
dxv Styling Peter ~ iCOpV<}letlet TW'V aTrOITTOAW'V aKpoT'1~ is an expression introduced
by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Divinis Nominibus, p. 141: KetL
nhpo~, ~ iCOpV<}letlet KetL TrpSIT~VT&.T'1 TW'V Scoloyw'V aKpoT'1~' So Germanus I of
 Constantinople, [lEyt 'Vycuv Zcu~;, p. 62. Anastasius of Sinai, In Hexaemeron,
Book 6, line 491. ACO, Concilium Lateranense a. 649 celebratum, Act 4, p. 198.
Concilium Universale Constantinopolitanum Tertium (680-681), Concilii actio-
nes I-XVIII, Document 22, p. 888. Concilium Universale Nicaenum Secundum
(787), Concilii actiones I-VII, Document 6, p. 902. Also, John of Damascus,
Orationes De Imaginibus Tres, 1.21; Contra Nestorianos, 19; Oratio Secunda in
Dormitionem Sanctae Dei Genitricis Mariae, 18 (quoting Pseudo-Dionysius
verbatim). John Zonaras, Epitome Historiarum, v. I, p. 205. Michael Glycas,
Annales, p. 432 (quoting Pseudo-Dionysius verbatim). Gregory Palamas,
Homiliae, homilies 28.3; Orationes Antirrheticae contra Acindynum, oration
5.28.119. Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, HE, 2.22 &15.14 (quoting
Pseudo- Dionysius verbatim). Matthew Blastares, Collectio Alphabetica, letter
alpha, chapter 18. Philotheus Coccinus, Laudatio Sancti Demetrii, 16.
clxvi See the only parallel in John of Damascus, Orationes De Imaginibus Tres, sec-
tion 1.15: ~ ITKY]'V~ ITKlIX KctL TV-TrOU TVTrO~. In different context (Easter being TVTrOU
TVTrO~) see Gregory of Nazianz us, In Sanctum Pascha (orat. 45), PG.36.656.43-
45: yap 'VOfHKO'V TrrXITXct, TOAfLw KctLASYW, TVTrOU TVTrO~ ~'V afLu6pon:po~. This
TO
phrase became proverbial, and was subsequently quoted by the following
authors. Michael Psellus, Theologica, opusculum 78; Leo of Achris, Epistulae
Tres De Azymis, epistle 2; Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 3, p. 455;
Philotheus Coccinus, Vita Sabae funioris, section 45, lines 34-36; Theophanes
III of Nicaea, De Lumine Thaborio, oration 3, lines 275-276. Also, the Lexicon
Vindobonense, letter taf, entry 41. Moreover, Philotheus Coccinus in the same
work (Vita Sabae funioris, section 45, lines 9-13) wrote of TtYrrOU TVTrO~ also in
relation to the two Testaments: the Old one was TVTrOU TVTrO~ in the sense that
this was a prefiguration of the New one, which in turn prefigures the eschato-
logical reality. The analysis of the commentary at this point suggests Philotheus
Coccinus' influence.
dxvii VTrSpSSlO~ means 'more than divine'; this is an extremely rare neologism. Cf.
Damascius, De Principiis, v. 1, p. 304: nA~'V ~fLcl~ ys a'VSpWTrl'VW~ 6lctASyofLs'VOl
TrCpL TW'V VTrSpSSloTrXTW'V apxw'V 01))( gxofLS'V &MW~ oihs 6'V'VOcl'V oun: 6'V0fLrX~Sl'V.
Anonymous, De Scientia Politica Dialogus (cod. Vat. gr. 1298), p. 46: TOr~ fLE'V
VTrSpSdOl~ 'VO~fLctlTl'V. Also, in the typicon of a monastery, which is hard to date.
De Typico Monasterii Messenensis. Prooemium Lucae primi archimandritae, sec-
tion 6: KctL TrrXlTct~ [I correct the editor's TrrX'VTct~J Ta~ fLHct<pprXITSl~ &~ VTrSpSSlOTSpl{.l
Kl'VovfLs'Vo~ Tr'VsvfLctTl') 1T0<pWTctTo~ ~:)Csr'Vo~ LUfLsw'V ,) AoyoSh'1~ ITU'VTSTctXS.
clxviii The phraseology through the end of this paragraph is characteristically the same
one as that Pseudo- Dionysius the Areopagite introduced. De Divinis Nominibus,
pp. 192-193: 'H yap VTrSp~WO~ KctL ~WctpXlK~ ~w~ IOXL TrrXlT'1~ ~w~~ EITTl'V ctlTlct KctL
~woyo'Vo~ ... w~ a'Vs'V6s~~, fL&MO'V 66 VTrCpTrA~P'1~ ~w~~. This re-appeared in a few
 cases (no more than four) only during and after the tenth century. Later, this
made an occasional mark in texts of theologians of both parties involved in
the Palamite controversy. Gregory Palamas, Pro Hesychastis, Triad 3.2.24. John
VI Cantacuzenus, Orationes contra }udaeos, oration 6, lines 234-245. John
Kyparissiotes, Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 4.3. Nevertheless, I should note
that it was Alexander ofAphrodisias alone who had used this phraseology a long
time ago speaking of the First Immovable Mover. commMetaph, p. 107: beet-vo
fLhyap a'Vs'V6d:~ TW'V 6CWTOU KIXAW'V &nkpTrA'1PS~.
clxix Cf. John of Damascus, Laudatio Sanctae Martyris Barbarae, section
23: niJ 0fLOOVlTll{.l KIXL ~WIXPXlK0 TI'VSVfLIXTl. So in the Homilia in Transfigurationem
Salvatoris Nostri }esu Christi, section 18. Several later Byzantine authors
followed. Of them, I point out those who had a bearing on Nikephorus
Gregoras: Nikephorus Blemmydes, Epistula ad Theodorum II Ducam Lascarim
De Nonnullis Dogmaticis Questionibus, section 8; George Metochites, Historiae
Dogmaticae liber I, section 54; Historiae Dogmaticae liber III, section 24; also,
Gregory Palamas, and John Cyparissiotes (abundantly).
clxx The term &nSp&.pXLO~ is one more coinage by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite,
De Cae/esti Hierarchia, pp. 8; 32; 36; 47; De Divinis Nominibus, pp. 112; 155;
222; Epistulae, epistle 2.1. See this used also by Damascius, In Parmenidem,
pp. 9; 213. Then, Anastasius of Sinai, John of Damascus, Photius, Michael
Psellus, and others, including Gregory Palamas (every now and then), and
Nikephorus Gregoras at four points, as well as John Kyparissiotes in his refuta-
tions of Gregory Palamas.
clxxi The verb ITVfLTrlXpSAKCITSlXl is a neologism never used by anyone else. This is one
more token of the Late Byzantine habit to add prepositions to verbs for the sake
of either emphasis or flowery prose (in this case , to the verb TrIXPSAKOfLlXl = to be
snatched away).
clxxii The seal ofNikephorus Gregoras ' hand makes its mark once again, and it is evi-
dent that he wrote this (like numerous other remarks of the same tenor) having
in mind his Palamist opponents, as explained in the Introduction (p. 117). Cf.
his Oratio in sanctos Demetrium, Georgium et Theodorum, section 15: KIXL OITIX

TrPOITSITTl'V 1X1h~~ ITKCV'1 SIX'V&'TOV tvX'1~ KIXL OITIXl TrpO<p&.ITSl~ SVSTrlXSlP'1TOl Trp6~ TrSlS&'>
T~~ KC(.KlIX~. Also, Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 1013: 'EfLoL6' &'XSSITSIXl KIXL6IXKpVSl'V
&'V TrCpl~'V, T~'V 6;ctlX'V 0pw'VTl <popa'V T~~ KIXKlIX~ sV6POfLOUITIX'V ad. Given that the
only parallel to this turn appears in an oration by Theodore Metochites (the
man for whom Gregoras wrote funeral orations), Gregoras' source is obvious
because this is unique. Cf. Theodore Metochites, Orationes, oration 6.36: 6la
T~'V T~~ KIXKllX~ sV6pofLllX'V.
clxxiii The expression <pS&''V0fLs'V aTrOS'VnITKO'VTC~ used by a Late Byzantine author is
nothing short of astounding. Periphrastically, this means 'the time for us to
die apparently comes much sooner than the moment we expected this to come
 about'; hence, no sooner than one realised that one lives, death came about.
Anyway, this points to a death being (or thought to be) untimely. Evidently,
this involves a notion of 'surprise' (I would have recalled Leo Tolstoy's phrase,
'The biggest surprise in a man's life is old age'). See Galen, Synopsis Librorum
Suorum De Pulsibus, p. 499; In Hippocratis Aphorismos, p. 131; In Hippocratis
Prognosticum, p. 222. The great philologist Thomas Magister (or Theodulus,
Constantinople, Thessaloniki, an advisor [magisterJ of emperor Andronicus
II [1282-1328J, a landmark to Palaeologean Enlightenment that revisited the
Greek Classical Paideia and wrote commentaries on Aeschylus, Sophocles,
Euripides, Herodotus, Thucydides, Synesius of Ptolemais, Pindar, and Gregory
Nazianzen nonetheless) in his masterpiece (meant to teach students correct
Classical Greek) 'Exlor~ 6vo!.aiTCtJV xell .P1JI''(iTCtJV ATTlXcdV, explained this. Ecloga
Nominum et Verborum Atticorum, letter phi, p. 382: To cp'J-dvEtv, OTctY fLE-v '11pO~
nvct 6pl~ovTctAkY'1Tctl, TO '11pOKC(.TctActfL~a'Vav 6'1A01. KctSO IT'1fLctl'VofLS'VO'V AkYHctl TO
OUX dv cp'J-dVOl; icbv £I; (}lXctOOT1plOV, ~yOtiV Ot))( &'V KC(.TctActfL~a'VOl~ TOU~ OUCO'VTct~,
oihw ITS n;OUlTllTtiVTOfLW~. 1\'110 fLHct<pOp&~ Tothou AkYHctl KctL6<p ' hkpw'V, OlO'V OUX
dv cp'J-dVOlTE {hro'J-vHooxOVTE;, ~TOl Ibap'11ctlTTOl yS'V~ITSITSc. 1\'110 Tothou ctiJSl~ KC(.Ta
fLHiX<popa'V KC(.L TO 6lctp;cc1'V.
Cf. Anonymous, Scholia in Aristophanis Plutus, on verse 485: KC(.L TO OUX
dv cp'J-dVOlTE {i7ro'J-v.1oxEtV ykAWTct '11OLOVv 6ITTL aITTe10'V· w~ d n~ yap cl'11Ol, OUX dv
cp'J-dVOl; £I; T~V riJv oixfctv xct{ TO(}E rEv1ooETctl, oihw KC(.L 'VU'V ySAola~w'V cl'11S'V· OUX dv
~TT1J'J-ivTE; f1{MiJTE {i7ro'J-v1ooXElV, OUX dv cp'J-dVOlTE TOVTO 7rct'J-6VTE;. oihw yap 6'1A01
TO OUX J.,7rO'J-dVOlTE. Ei 66 fL~ ykAwTo~ S'VSKct ypc0pSl'V ~~OVAHO, Tct?:£CtJ; av J.,7rO'J-dVOlTE
cl'11S'V. See in Anonymous, Scholia in Euripidis Orestem, on verse 936, a
similar remark (more or less, a copy of the foregoing one), to which the author
added (explaining Euripides' phrase OU <pS&.vOlT' h ' &'V S'Vl1ITKO'VTe~), TO OUKh' &'V
<pSa'VOlTe S'Vl1ITKO'VTe~, TOUTClTn'V '11pO~ T~'V TOU Sct'VaTOU ITtiVTOfLlct'V. Oihw~ UfL&~ n;Sl
6'1Ao'Von fLHa TctxuT~TO~.
Probably, both of these comments were written by Thomas Magister, since
his name as commentator is cited in pertinent collections. See Anonymous,
Scholia in Aristophanis Ranas (on verse 3) (8wfL& TOU MctylITTpOU). Anonymous,
Scholia in Aristophanis Plutum (on verse 3) (TOU 1T0<pwTaTou KC(.L AOYlwTaTou
KUpOU 8wfL& TOU MctylITTpOU). Anonymous, Vitae Euripidis, Vita 4 (8wfL& TOU
MctYllTTpOU ITVvOtl~ TOU ~lOU TOU Eupml60u). Anonymous, Scholia in Euripidis
Phoenissas (His praescribere debe bam 8wfL& TOU MctYllTTpOU nomen, periterque
U'110S6ITSl Orestis).
clxxiv Cf. parallels in Proclus, In Platonis Alcibiadem i, section 251: KctL T~'V <pVlTl'V T~'V
P.Lct'V TW'V a'VSpw'11w'V SSWP~lTop.s'V Ctvs'11lS6AWTO'V. Maximus Confessor, Epistulae
xlv, epistle 12, col. 505, lines 49-51: WITTe a'VsmSOAWTI:-:,l tuX'1~ 0fLfLctn 6m~aMsl'V
6VvctITSctl T01~ 'V0'1T01~.
 dxxv This is the old Platonic thesis 'like is known by the like'. Lysis, 2I4a. See Aristotle,
De Anima, 404b-405b; 41Oa. Cf. Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Geometras, 3.46.
John Philoponus, commAnim, pp. 73; 180; 563; commMeteor, p. 4. Eustratius of
Nicaea, commEthNicom, p. 268. Sophonias, In Aristotelis De Anima Paraphrasis,
p. 12. Gennadius Scholarius, Epitome Summae contra Gentiles ThomaeAquinae,
3.49; Translatio Commentarii Thomae Aquinae De Anima Aristotelis, 2.12;
Contra Plethonis Ignorationem De Aristotele, Book 1, p. 62. Michael Psellus dis-
puted this: 'knowledge is like' not the object but the subject of cognition, and
this is how we know of God. Opuscula ii, p. 159.
clxxvi Cf.Aristotle, DeAnima, 418a-422a; 425b; Metaphysica, 1065b (&Physica, 20Ib).
dxxvii This is Platonism rendered through Produs' commenting remarks. Cf. com-
mRep, pp. 189-190 (ref. to Plato's Respublica, 2634c), Proclus explaining the
difference between TO cliCctO"TliCO'V and TO <pct'VTctO"Tl;cO'V. Accordingly, the present
author says that knowing cliCcto"TliCW~ is but a conjectural representation of truth
by the human mind, not knowledge of truth itself.
clxxviii See supra, endnote xxxvii.
dxxix No author other than emperor Julian did ever use this verb and cognates
(IIpo; 'HprixlEtov Kvv{)cov, IIEpf TOY IICJ; KvvtO'Tiov xell E! IIpi7m TrjJ KVVf Mv'Jov;
mdTTEtV, 25: ouya.p 6fLv~~, <pctO"l'V, aMa. iCctL TrpO~ TO'V TrpOTpcTrOfLc'Vo'V 6iCfLv'1S~'VctL).
The verb 6iCfLvSW means 'initiate into mysteries'. Naturally, the lemma does not
exist in Liddell and Scott. Lampe's explanation of 6iCfLvSW as meaning 'exclude,
reject' is wrong and irrelevant. Once again, the present author's usage dearly
reveals the Late Byzantine period, during which two belated echoes from Julian
appeared. Pseudo-Gregentius, Dialexis, chapter 2, line 373: LV Trct\!nAw~ 6iCfLvct~
Ta. TOU 'IO"pct~A aTrO KVplOV. Gregory Antiochus (rhetor, twelfth century), Laudatio
Patriarchae Basilii Camateri, line 625: ActAct'V 6£ KC(.L yAWo"o"ct~ ayykAw'V, ~AliCct~
6~TrOVSc'V Ol'1TSO'V iCctL Tctlhct~, nctuAo~ Tpct'Vonpo'V 6iCfLvct.
dxxx See supra, endnotes xxvii and xxxii.
dxxxi The author dismissed 'the heresy of Automatists' (supra, note xxxii) concerning
creation of men; however, later in this text (folio 52r), he argues that most of
the filthy warms and many other insects and filthy animals, such as all those
that were used as infliction upon Pharaoh, were created out of humid mud: aM'
6iC o"VfLTrTWo"cW~ 'fl'VO~ vypOT'1TO~ a'VwfL&'AoV TrpO~ &'Mo 'fl, ~ ;'1pOT'1TO~, ~ KC(.L6; lAVO~
Ta. TrOM&,.
clxxxii The correct spelling is TrCplWTr~'V. The incorrect TrCplOTr~ has been employed in
modern editions of a few works of the Byzantine era after the fifth century.
However, this is incorrect.
dxxxiii The verb aTr06cO"TrOTSW / Wis a coinage of the Late Byzantine period and appears
only once in a text by Patriarch Michael III of Constantinople (from Anchialos,
twelfth century), Dialogus De Unione Ecclesiarum" p. 40. The present instance
is the second one, whereas there is no other known so far. It means 'to release
oneself from an authority'.
clxxxiv See, endnotes xviii; cxv; ccix; ccxix.
clxxxv This story about Eber, the great-grandson of Shem, allegedly having refused to
help with the building of the Tower of Babel, so his language was not confused
when it was abandoned, is a later hearsay (allegedly the Hebrew nation received
its name from Eber).
On the name 'Hebrew' being derived from 'Eber', see Theophilus of Antioch,
Ad Autolycum, 3.24; Hippolytus, Chronicon, 172; Eusebius, Praeparatio
Evangelica, 7.8.20; 10.14.2; 11.6.40; Theodoret reported this ('some ones say that
.. .'), but he had a different view, namely, that the Hebrews received their name
from Abraham who came from the land of Chaldeans after he 'crossed over'
Euphrates; for in Syriac, s~pct means 6l1X~ctlTl~'. Quaestiones in Octateuchum, pp. 57-
58. However, in the Interpretatio in Ezechielem, PG.81.1252, he endorses the ear-
lier explanation, as above, which was also employed by later authors (Procopius of
Gaza; John Malalas; Hesychius of Alexandria [lexicographer]; et al.).
The proposition that Eber alone maintained his Hebrew language upon
the building of the tower of Babel was advanced by Pro cop ius of Gaza,
Commentarii in Genesim, 11.4 (taken up by the Suda, letter epsilon, entry 38).
So did Pseudo-Eustathius of Antioch, Commentarius in Hexaemeron, p. 757.
Subsequent authors just echoed this; e.g. Pseudo-John Chrysostom, Synopsis
Scripturae Sacrae, PG.56.31S.39-4S. John Malalas, Chronologica, pp. 11-12.
George Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica, p. 43. Later, Euthymius Zigabenus
(monk and commentator on the Bible, died after 1118), Commentaria in
Quattuor Evangelia, Evangelium 1, column 161, lines 33-39. This story has
been attributed by some to Abu Isa (eighth century), who had proclaimed
himself a Jewish prophet in Persia. However, Procopius of Gaza had already
reported this much earlier.
clxxxvi The only parallel to the designation 0fLoylwlTlTo~ KctL 0fLo6lctlTo~ appears in
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae, 1.30.2, referring to the
Tyrrhenians: 6TrLXWPlOV TO gS'Vo~ aTro<pctl'VO'VTS~, 6Trcl6~ apxctt6v TS Tra.'Vv KctL OV6c'VL
&Mf1 YS'Vcl OUTS ofLoylwlTlTo'V OUTS OfL06lctlTO'V cVpllTKHctL.
clxxxvii This word is one more indication that the present text was written in a monastic
milieu, which is the environment in which the spelling 6lKctlOT~Plct for the term
6lKctLWT~Plct was applied. Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Fides Incolarum Adramerii
(anno 1076-1077), line 68; Acta Monasterii Esphigmeni, Judicium Manuelis
Xenophontis Logothetae Serrarum (anno 1387), line 25; Acta Monasterii
Panteleemonis, Assignatio Stationis Navalis et Terrae (anno 1422), lines 19; 56.
Nevertheless, this made a mark also at Constantinople, too. Joasaph of Ephesus
(hieromonk, Metropolitan, Constantinople, Ephesus, died 1437), Homilia in
Hymnum rJjCJ; 'Ilctpov Rogati Nili Monachi Scripta, line 816. I should remind
that Nikephorus Gregoras had been confined to the Chora Monastery, from
which he was released in 1354, only to continue his preaching and denuncia-
tion of Palamas' novel theology.
clxxxviii I do not emend to the normal aTrlO"Tlct, because this appears in some texts writ-
ten during and after the eleventh century. Along with other evidence, this also
suggests that the present manuscript probably was written during that period.
See Orestes ofJ erusalem (Patriarch, eleventh century), Vita et Conversatio Sabae
funioris, section 43. Theophylact of Achris (Archbishop, eleventh-twelfth cen-
tury), A6yo; IlEptEvvovllO"!"ov, p. 307. Anonymous, Historia Imperatorum fiber
ii (after the eleventh century), lines 238; 286; 2333.
clxxxix Cf. Origen, commfohn, X.39.269-270; In Canticum Canticorum, p. 128
(Philocalia, 27.13): cf. selDeut, PG.12.809.32-35. GregoryofNyssa, In Canticum
Canticorum, p. 75; De Vita Mosis, 1.23. Pseudo- Gregory of Nyssa, De Occursu
Domini, PGA6.l160A-1O. Gregory of N azianzus, In Laudem Athanasii (orat.
21), PG.35.1121.18-22: Supremum Vale (orat. 42), PG.36.464.27-28. Pseudo-
Athanasius, Synopsis Scripturae Sacrae, PG.28.317.39-45. Pseudo-Macarius,
Homifiae Spirituafes, homily 47. John Chrysostom, Ad Popufum Antiochenum,
PG.49: 37.9-13: 85.55-60: 120.12-15: In Genesim, PG.53.257.55-58: In
Matthaeum, PG.57.461.47-50: PG.58.645.13-15: In}oannem, PG.59.26.11-12:
et passim. So Cyril of Alexandria abundantly. Et al.
cxc The second plague on Pharaoh.
cxci The fourth plague on Pharaoh.
cxcii 6plo"V~'1 means cloud of dust, which destroys the corn harvest. See Hesychius of
Alexandria, Lexicon, letter epsilon entry 5899. Cf. Neophytus Inclusus, Liber
Catechesium, 2.33: KctL ctvT'1 fLE-v ~ 6C1(aTrA'1Yo~, ~you'V ctIfLct, KtrV0fLulct, ~aTpctxo~,
6plo"V~'1' aKpl~, xaAct~ct, TrUp, TraXV'1, KT'1'VoSa'VctTo~, KctL Sa'VctTo~ TrPWTOTOKW'V.
cxciii The fifth plague on Pharaoh.
cxciv The seventh plague on Pharaoh. Cf. Lev. 11:22; 3 Kings, 8:37; 2 Paralipomenon,
6:28: Psalm 104:34: Amos, 7:1: Joel, 1:4: 2:25: Nahum, 3:15.
cxcv The sixth plague on Pharaoh. However, see Origen,jTPs, on Psalm 77:45: T~'V
TplT'1'V you'V hTctuSct KctL T~'V EKT'1'V KC(.L T~'V haT'1'V aTrCO"lWTr'1O"S fLaO"TlYct, TOUTEO"Tl
TOV~ O"K\ilTrct~, Ta~ <pAUKTctl'Vct~ KctL TO O";c6TO~. a'VTL 6£ TOVTW'V 6pUo"l~'1'V SITrS KC(.L
TraX'V'1'V· a'VS' W'V fLUO"lT'1'V ~ ~pouX0'V KctL O"KWA'1Kct ~ KPVO~ OiAOlTrOL 6PfL~'VwO"ct'V.
EpvO"f~1J 6E 60"Tl, KC(.Ta fLE'V Tl'Vct~, ~ KO'VlOpTW6'1~ <pSopa TOU O"lTOU, ~ TO 6mKctSl~0'V
TOI~ KC(.pTrOI~ Trctxvw6S~ KC(.L6lct<pSslpo'V ctlhov~. KctTa 6E Tl'Vct~, aKpl60~YE'V0~ fLlKpO'V
KC(.L SVTCAE~, a'VS' ou ~povxov .AxvAct~ 6K6E6WKS. Op. cit. on Psalm 104:35: 'OY60'1
ctvT'1 TrA'1Y~ Tra'VTct XOPTO'V AiyvTrTlo'V Ked Tra'VTct TO'V KC(.PTro'V T~~ AiyvTrTOU
KC(.TCO"SlOUO"ct. KctL yap TOlctUTct ~'V, w~ TW'V SVTCASO"TaTW'V ~0w'V SI'Vctl TpO<p~, aKpl6W'V
w~ KctL ~pOVXOU.
Eusebius, Commentaria in Psafmos, PG.23.928.7-22: J\'VTL6£ TOU TB §pvO"f~.1J'
6 fLE-v LVfLfLctXo~ 6fLolW~ TrjJ !"vt1T.1J, 6 6£ J\KvAct~ TrjJ ~povXC[J ~PfL~'VwO"S. KctL TraAl'V,
a'VTL TOU TB 7rdxv.'7, 6 fLE-v LVfLfLctXo~ TrjJ oxcJl1Jxl, 6 6£ J\KvAct~ §V XPVEt h:dS6wKctO"l.
LSO"lWTr'1fLE'Vct 6£ TctUTct Trctpa MWO"cl TO TrctpO'V AOYlO'V 66l6ct;S. ~EolKS 6£ ~ 6pUo"l~'1
KC(.L 6 fLU~~T'1~ ctvTo~ cl'Vctl 6 Trctpa MWO"cl KSKA'1fLE'VO~ K\illV. T~~ yap MWo"EW~
 yPet<p~~ ffV'lfwVWOVITY6 6S,Cet TrA'1YC)'V, ,) TretPW'V AOyO~ TOU etIfLetTo~ 6fL'V'1fLo'VWlTc
KetL TW'V ~etTPa.XW'V Ked T~~ KV'V0fLvlet~ KetL T~~ aKpl60~ KetL T~ xetA&~'1~ iCctL TOU
Set'Va.TOV TW'V KT'1'VW'V KetL TOU Set'Va.TOV TW'V TrPWTOTOKW'V, ITKVlTrW'V TC 01))( 6fL'V~ITS'1'
OU66 TW'V <pAVKTctL'VW'V OU66 TOU ITKOTOV~. a'VTL 66 TOVTW'V §pvO'f~1Jv clTrc KetL
Tra.XV'1'V· a'VS' W'V fLV~~T'1'V ~ ~pouX0'V ~ ITKWA'1Ket ~ KPVO~ 01 AOlTrOL ~PfL~'VWlTctv.
cxcvi As it happened, some authors wrote a6la.A'1TrTO~ instead of a6la.AclTrTO~ (= inces-
sant). The present commentator is one of them.
cxcvii Use of the elegant turn h ~c~etlI{.l6ITTa.'VctL was very rare. See Eusebius ofMyndus,
Fragmenta, fr. 2, apud Stobaeus, Anthologium, 3.4.99. Several centuries later,
George Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum, v. 2, p. 535. Nikephorus Callistus
Xanthopulus, HE, 7.1.
cxcviii 6let'VVCl'V gpyet is a late and rare Byzantine neologism, meaning 'to carry out cer-
tain works or duties'. Cf. Theoleptus of Philadelphia (c. 1250-1322, monk, then
Metropolitan, 1283/4-1322), Epistulae ad Irenem Reginam, epistle 2, lines 458-
460: l'Vet h yetA~VI1 tvXi1~ Ta. ITWT'1PlW6'1 gpyet TrPOSVfLW~ 6let'VV'1TC.
cxdx 'EALfL is an alternative spelling to AlAlfL. See Theodoret, Commentaria in Isaiam,
5 (quoting Isaiah, 15:8); Cosmas of Jerusalem, Commentarii in Gregorii
Nazianzeni Carmina, 34.1. The Doctrina Patrum advised that 'EALfL was the
same place as'Pet"iSw.
cc Cf. Cyril of Alexandria, In Isaiam Prophetam (comm. on Psalm 36:35),
PG.70.88.22-25: iCctL fL~'V iCctL TOr~ 6k'V6pOl~ T~~ ~etAa.'VOV BetlTa.'V, TOUT' glTn, 6pVITL
Tetr~ h Til BetlTet'Vln6l· xwpet 66 etiJT'1 iCctTa. T~'V Iov6etlet'V, ~ 'VU'V iCctAclTetl BetlTet'Vetlet.
See BetlTet'Vrn~ in Jesus of Nave, 13:11-12; 13:30-31; et passim; Amos, 4:1;
Michah, 7:14; Nahum, 1:4; Zachariah, 11:2; Ezekiel, 27:6. See also Neophytus
Inclusus, Commentarius in Psalmos, chapter 5, psalm 67: BetlTa.'V, xwpet h 111
Xet'Veta.'V, h il6~etlTlAWlTc'V ~.Qy.
cd The comparative degree Tretpet60;WTCpO'V appears at a few instances in literature,
as a scribal misspelling.
ccii Despite the LXX cUcpyH~S'1lTet'V, so scribed also above, the scribe could not
resist the grammatically correct cU'1pyH~S'1lTet'V.
cdii 'Experience is a teacher' (~ Trclpet 6l6a.ITKetAO~) is a proverbial maxim, appar-
ently introduced by Origen's favourite author, namely, Galen, De Alimentorum
Facultatibus, pp. 457; 586; JIEp} Alvnlct;, 83. Then, Gregory of Nyssa, VIta sanc-
tae Macrinae, 1; De lis Qui Baptismum Diffirunt, PG.46.417.56; De Infantibus
Praemature Abreptis, p. 69. Basil of Caesarea, Epistulae, epistle 307.1. Severian
of Gabala, In Mundi Creationem, homily 3, col. 456. Amphilochius of !conium,
In Zacchaeum (orat. 8), line 155. John Chrysostom, abundantly: Ad Populum
Antiochenum, PG.49.157.46; De Sancta Pentecoste, PG.50.466.56; In Genesim,
PG.53: 277.45-46; 375.21; et passim. Theodoret, Philotheus, vita 31.1; Curatio,
5.71; Interpretatio in Ezechielem, PG.81.1169.l9; De Incarnatione Domini,
PG.75: 1441.4; 1457.36; Epistulae, epistles 32; 37; et passim. C£ Nikephorus
 Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 815: ~ 6' be Terv TrPctYfLchw'V m:tpct, olo'V
gfLtvxo~ 6l6&.ITKctAo~ KctSllTTctfLsVI'j. Astrolabica A, section 3: ~ mtpct Tr&.'VTW~ glTTctL
6l6&.ITKctAO~.
John of Damascus, Sacra Paralle/a, PG.96.261.46. Also, Cyril of Alexandria,
Basil of Seleucia, Procopius of Gaza, Maximus Confessor, George Monachus,
Photius, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Gregory
Palamas, Philotheus Coccinus, Gennadius Scholarius. Of Greeks, Olympiodorus
of Alexandria, In Platonis Gorgiam, 40.6. The paroemiographer Macarius
Chrysocephalus included this in his collection of proverbs. Paroemiae, 4.52.
cciv Once again, the erudition of this commentator makes a mark. His expression
about men KSXP'1fLs'Vw~ KOfLl~ofLs'VOl~ is an oblique use ofa phrase by Hesiod which
became proverbial, and its meaning was that, once one is in a state of utter
poverty, it is not good for him to be ashamed upon deciding to submit himself
to doing a job considered as a plebeian one. Cf. Hesiod, Opera et Dies, verses
317 & 500: cti6w~ 6' OUK ayctS~ KSXP'1fLs'Vo'V &'V6pct KOfL(~Sl. The phrase is some-
what sibylline, but several subsequent intellectuals were more or less at one as to
its meaning. See Dexippus, commCateg, p. 4. Stobaeus, Anthologium, 3.29.4 &
3.30.10. Suda, letter alpha iota, entry 86. Etymologicum Symeonis, v. 1, p. 274.
Michael Apostolius, Epistulae, epistle 106. Anonymous, Scholia in Hesiodum,
Scholia in Hesiodum (T. Gaisford), on the foregoing verses. Anonymous, Scholia
in Homerum (\V. Dindorf), comm. on Odyssey, XVII.347.
ccv This poetic term, meant to emphasise 'one's destruction', had been used long ago
by Euripides, Troiades, verse 1215 (6;ctTrWASITS'V), and by Sophocles, Electra, verse
588 (6;ctTrWASlTct~); so in his fragments from Erigone, fro 236: 6;ctTrWAHO. See this in
Gregoras' ambiance: George Pachymeres, History (I. Bekker), p. 16 (6;ctTrWAslct'V);
p. 232 (6;ctTrWAslct); p. 402 (6;ctTrWAslct'V); Historia Brevis, 9.14. John Cyparissiotes,
Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 7.29 (6;ctTrWAslct); Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque
contra Nilum Cabasilam, orations 1.6 & 5.5 (6;ctTrWAwtV). Use of this garnished
term has always remained scarce.
ccvi Once again, we are upon an almost unique Late Byzantine idiomatic turn,
which appears in two authors only. Of these, Gennadius Scholarius' context is
the same as that of the present text. Anonymous, Passio sanctorum Galactionis
et Epistemes, 2.18: ,) 6Sl'VO~ fLS'V 6lK&.~ct'V, wfL6TctTo~ 6S KOA&.~Sl'V, T~'V nAwTct(ct'V Tot~
fL&'pTVlTl t~<po'V 6Tr&'yct, TO'V 6UX ;(<pov~ ctuToV~ iCCASVlTct~ vmASct'V S&''VctTO'V. Gennadius
Scholarius, Responsiones Aliquorum Quaestionum in Scripturam Sacram, response
5, p. 337: To'V 6S 6'1fLlOVPY0'V KctL TrctTspct KC(.L TrpofL'1Ssct 6lKctlWITctL KctAw~, w~ OU6S'V
~fLSA'1x:6Tct TrSpL T~~ TW'V TSKVW'V ITWT'1p(ct~, OU6S T~'V fLSMovlTct'V afLol~~'V ~ TrOl'V~'V
ctuTot~ aTrOKpvtct'VTct. w~ yap TSKVOl~ fLS'V dXP'1Tctl T~'V apxYJ'V Tr&lTl'V a'VSpWTrOl~,
OU6S'V TrctTPlK~~ 6TrllTdtsw~ TrctpctAdTrw'V OU6' a'V0xi1~, niJ 6S KC(.pTr0 KctL T0 Tact T~~
6'VTctvSct ~W~~ ctUTW'V, T~'V nAwTct(ct'V AOYl~6fLs'V0~ ti1<p0'V, TOV~ fLS'V gfL<Pp0'Vct~ w~ vlov~
 Ked KA'1povo[Lov~ TrOlcl, aTrOKA'1pOl 66 TOU~ &<ppovct~, KctL w~ TrOAS[LlOl~ Ta~ ctiw'Viov~
aTr06l6wo"l6lKct~.
ccvii See supra, endnote ccv, on 6;ctT((.;)Aslct.
ccviii An Egyptian animal of the weasel-kind, which hunts out crocodile's eggs. See
Aristotle, HistoriaAnimalium, 552b26&30; 580a23; 609a5-6; 612a16.
ccix See endnotes xviii; cxv.
ccx Cf. John Kyparissiotes, Laudationes ix in Verbum Dei, oration 1, p. 9: TctVT'1~ 6yW
T~~ OUSS'Vlct~ [LHctO"XW'V.
ccxi Cf. John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 5.6: ~ &rrSp6Vvct[L0~ TOU Ehou
6V'Vct[LOTrOlO~ 6Vvct[Ll~. Op. cit. 8.3, line 38: OWLOTrOlO~ KctL VTrSpOVOlO~ 6'VTOT'1~' KctL
6V'Vct[LOTrOlO~ KctL VTrCp6Vvct[L0~ r6pVOl~ (these are the words of Maxim us Confessor,
Capita Theologica et Oecumenica, 1.4). Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra
Nilum Cabasilam, oration 4.10, line 230: ~ TOU Ehou VTrSp6Vvct[L0~ 6Vvct[Ll~. This
rare expression was used also by Nicolas of Methone, Nikephorus Gregoras
(Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 1067: 6V'Vct[LOTrOlO~ KctL VTrSp6V'Vct[LO~ Trct'VSS'VSlct). In fact,
this vocabulary was drawn from Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Cae/esti
Hierarchia, p. 33 (6V'Vct[LOTrOlO'V 6Vvct[Ll'V -also quoted in the Catena in Epistulam
ad Romanos [typus MonacensisJ, p. 295); De Divinis Nominibus, p. 201 (T~~
6V'Vct[LOTrOlOU 6tiVa.[LSW~); Cf. John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 3.4 (citing
the name of Pseudo-Dionysius along with his words).
ccxii Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite had used the expression, KctL Ta 6TrL rn
<plAct'VSpWTrl~ TOU '1'1O"ou KctTct<pcto";cO[Ls'Vct, 6V'Vct[Ll'V VTrSpOXlK~~ aTro<pa.O"sw~ gXO'VTct.
This (along with its context) fascinated some authors who quoted it, such as
Maximus Confessor, Ambigua ad Thomam, section 5, lines 169-171; Ambigua
ad joannem, 9.2; John of Damascus, Expositio Fidei, 4; 12b; Laudatio Sanctae
Martyris Anastasiae, 23.
ccxiii Cf. Julian the Arian, Commentarius injob, p. 88: Tra.'VTctyap niJ ~OVA~[LctnctuTou TO
SI'VctL gO"XS'V KctL6lct[LS'VSl KctL clKSl w~ ctUTO~ ~OVAHctl. Op. cit. p. 242: niJyap ~ovA~[Lctn
ctUTOU Tra.'VTct clKCl KctL Ka.[LTrTHctL. John Chrysostom, In Genesim, PG.53.30.22-
23: OTct'V 66 eso~ KEAs6rJ, Tra.'VTct niJ ~ovA~[Lctn ctUTOU clKCl KctL TrctpctxwpSl. Op. cit.
PG.53.122.26-27: niJ ~ovA~[Lctn ctuToU Tra.'VTct clKSl. Pseudo-John Chrysostom,
In Publicanum et Pharisaeum, PG.62.723.68: KctL niJ ~ovA~[Lctn ctUTOU clKSl Ta
O"V[LTrct'VTct. Theodoret, Interpretatio in Psalmos, PG.80.1984.33-34: Tra.'VTct yap
clKSl niJ SSll{) ~ovA~[Lctn.
ccxiv Cf. Origen, schMatt, PG.17.297.43 & ftMatt, fr. 375 (Klostermann): 8C8wow
ctuToI~ KctlPO'V [LHct'VOlct~. Nikephorus Gregoras, HistoriaRomana, v. 2, p. 753: OTron
KctLpO'V 6SkAOl6l60'Vctl [LHctvOlct~. Op. cit. v. 3, p. 194: KctL6l6WO"l [LE'V KctlPO'V [LHct'VOlct~
TOI~ a.[LctpTC~VOVo"l. Op. cit. v. 3, p. 195: tt'V 66 KctL TO'V T~~ [LHct'VOlct~ Xpo'Vo'V KctLpO'V
Kct;c(ct~ SSa.O"'1Tctl TrO lOV[LS'Vov~.
ccxv Considered in context, the expression TO'V ys'V'Vctlo'V a'VTctyw'Vlo"T~'V is pregnant
with information, indeed multifarious one. First, linguistic: the term does not
mean only 'brave', as Liddell and Scott misinform. It has another meaning,
which mainly appeared in rhetoric orations ever since Antiquity: when an ora-
tor addressed an interlocutor he meant to rebut, the expression wys'vvct1s was
an ironic one, suggesting that the opponent was as insolent as to make allega-
tions that were absurd, or they stumbled upon indisputable facts, or were sim-
ply malicious. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae, 7.34; 7.46.
Philo, Quod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat, 150; De Gigantibus, 4; Quis Rerum
Divinarum Heres Sit, 91; De Mutatione Nominum, 177; 187; De Somniis, 2.253;
De Specialibus Legibus, 1.271; et passim. Plutarch, Marcius Coriolanus, 23.7;
Marius, 8.6; Cato Minor, 68.7; et passim. Galen, De Naturalibus Facultatibus,
p. 61; De Purgantium Medicamentorum Facultate, p. 329; et passim. Lucian of
Samosata, Revivescentes, 23; De Parasito, 31; 43. Origen, Cels, III.19. Skipping
the centuries in between, also Photius, Epistulae et Amphilochia, epistle 284,
line 1946. Arethas of Caesarea, Scripta Minora, opus 76, p. 127. Callistus I,
Patriarch, Homiliae adversus Gregoram, homily 4.12: Apct Tl 0"0l60Ks1, wynrvct1s,
TCrv svO"s~Crv 60YfLchw'V 'lTctpctxctpaKTct; In the sixth century, Olympiodorus of
Alexandria knew full well that, in rhetoric, the term ys'V'Vct10~ was used also iron-
ically in the sense of 'fool'. In Platonis Gorgiam, 28.5: OfL'VVO"l 66 KctTa. Z~Sov w~
'lTctl~W'V, 6'ITCl6~ KctMlKl~~ &'VW TO'V J\fL<PlO'Vct iCCtL TO'V Z~So'V <pkpw'V dPW'VSUHO ctVTO'V
lkyw'V on, tvx~v YEvvafav {XEt;.
Likewise, the derivative 0 ys'V'V&6ct~ was used not only in the sense of 'brave'
or 'noble', but also meaning 'insolent', 'ridiculous', and the like. Cf. Origen,
eels, IY.81 (& Phi/ocalia, 20.8); V1.38; VII.lO. Again, skipping a few centuries,
and in relation to authors of interest to the present delving (i.e. the term mean-
ing 'insolent'): Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Orationes, orations 10.90; 13.26 (0
fLkyct~ ys'V'Va6ct~). Gregory Palamas, Epistulae adAcindynum et Barlaam, epistles
4.29; 4.50; 7.9; 8.14. John Kyparissiotes, Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque con-
tra Nilum Cabasilam, orations 1.8; 3.4; 5.2 (a'Vct'ITTu;wfLs'V 6KTCSdO"ct~ T0 yS'V'Vctll{.l
a'VTctyw'VlO"Tll T~~ aAY]Sdct~ p~O"Sl~); Adversus Cantacuzenum, 11; 19; Expositio
Materiaria,6.5.
I hardly need to footnote that this oratorial scheme naturally took its cue
from Demosthenes himself, but I cannot help not quoting a portion in which
Demosthenes (renewing his attack on Aeschines, in the oration On the False
Embassy, delivered in 343 BC) (ironically, of course) styles his opponent
Aeschines 0 ys'V'Vct10~ otnoO"l. De Falsa Legatione, 175.
More to the present point: the author uses the expression TO'V ys'V'Vct10'V
a'VTctyw'Vlo"T~'V (meaning, 'the insolent rival', which involves also the notion that
this 'rival' should be reckoned with) pointing to the Adversary power, that is, the
devil. The suggestion is that the more mighty the adversary power which saints
struggle against are, the more resplendent and meritorious their victory is.
 Dio Chrysostom had already said that 'a brave man considers labours as his
great rivals' (Orationes, 8.15). It was John Chrysostom who made much of this
idea, namely, the value of one's victory is measured by how 'strong' his rivals are.
Ad Stagirium a Daemone Vexatum, PG.47.440.29-33: OU66 yap 01 TrctL60TPl~ctL
Tr&'VTct~ ,)fLOlW~ KctL hL TpOTrI{) YUfL'V&~OUOW, aMa TOr~ fLS'V aITSS'VSITTSpOl~ aITSs'Vsr~,
TOr~ 6S'V yS'V'VctlOl~ TOlOthou~ TrctpSXOUlTl'V a'VTctyW'VlITT&~. ,) yap n&TTW T~~ olKdct~
6l)\!&fLSW~ Act~W'V a'VTctyW'VlITT~'V, KU'V 6l' O).'1~ ctuniJ ITUfLTrASK'1TctL ~fLsPct~, EKct'VO~
i<yV~'MTO\ l~m'. In Matthaeum, PG.57.395.16-22; In}oannem, PG.59.159.32-
34; In Sanctum Ignatium Martyrem, PG.50.594.48-53. In all of these instances,
one can see that the terminology is characteristically similar to that used at this
point of the commentary (namely, terms such as ActfLTrPO~, ys'V'Vctro~, CcvTctyW'VlITT~~,
ActfLTrPOTspct'VlK'1). Cf. Bessarion, 'EYX0lilOV d; Tpct7rEtOf)VTct, p. 105: Tw'V yap
TrOASfLlW'V SU60KlfL0'V SctTspOl~, Tr&'VTW~ 66 TOr~ 'Vlx:.WlTl'V OUK O).lyct TrpO~ SVKAslct'V
ITUMctfL~&'VHctL KctL ~ TW'V a'VTctyw'VlITTW'VyS'V'VctLOT'1~ d~ 6o;ct'V TOr~ KpctT~lTctlTl cpspn.
ccxvi The term VTrSp~WO~ was coined by Proclus (Institutio Theologica, 115) and promptly
was taken up by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite (De Divinis Nominibus,
pp. 125; 192; 193). All in all, this has been used at less than three dozens of
instances. During the Palamite controversy, this appears in texts of both parties
(Palamas himself, Philotheus Coccinus, Joseph Calothetus, Gregory Acindynus
and John Kyparissiotes).
ccxvii I have emended to xctASTrOr~. However, the spelling XctActlTrO~ appeared in some
later Byzantine texts.
ccxviii The expression TrPOSUfLoufLs'VOl TrPOSUfLW~ appears as a pleonasm, and indeed it is.
For to say that someone is 'eagerly eager', or 'willingly willing', or the like, is but
tautological wordiness. However, it is this scheme that provides us with a unique
instance demonstrating that the author wrote this commentary in a monastery
during the Late Byzantine period. Actually, there is only one parallel instance,
which however was reproduced in three different milieux. The phrase is, Oihw~
&'yct'V wCPkAlfLo~ ~ TW'V 16lw'V ITCPctAfL&TW'V cpct'VSpWlTl~. Aomo'V TrpOSUfLOl TrPOSUfLW~
&Trct'VTC~ ETr ' ctuT~'V TpsxwfLs'V. This passage is part of a text concerning guidlines
about 'penalties' associated with confession, and it appears in the 'Rules' of four
monasteries. However, although its proximate context reveals the same text,
the entire chapter is not identical in the four cases. Acta Monasterii Theotoci
Euergetae, Typicon, chapter 7, lines 31-32. Constitutio Monasterii Prodromi
TOi! <!JOPEpOi!, chapter 14, p. 26. Nilus of Cyrpus (monk, Archbishop, twelfth-
thirteenth century), Typicon Monasterii Machaerados in Cypro, section 52, lines
24-25. Isaac Comnenus Porphyrogenitus (son of Alexius I Comnenus, twelfth-
thirteenth century), Typicon Monasterii Theotoci Cosmosoteirae, lines 489-490. It
is evident that all of those instances originated from a common source, of which
the present author was aware.
 ccxix See endnotes xviii; cxvi; cclxx.
ccxx This is a variant ofiaxvp6TctTo~, which appears in some authors. Actually, the
spelling of the comparatives, ia·xvpwn:po~, ia·xvpwTctTo~, is the correct one.
ccxxi The author comments on his own version of Wis. 12:17, although the LXX
has it Ked h TOr~ cl66al TO Sp&ITO~ 6;cI.. kyXCl~.
ccxxii See supra; endonote clxxi.
ccxxiii The term ctlho6V·YctfLl~ was coined by Origen, commjohn, I.33.241; then,
in Gregory of Nyssa, Apologia in Hexaemeron, p. 72; Oratio Catechetica,
chapter 8, line 148. Epiphanius of Salamis, Panarion, v. 3, pp. 262; 447.
ACO, Concilium Universale Ephesenum an no 431, tome 1.1.6; p. 121. Proclus,
Institutio Theologica, 92. Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Divinis
Nominibus, pp. 165; 201; 221. Maximus Confessor, Ambigua ad joannem,
7.9. John of Damascus, Expositio Fidei, 59, line 223; Contra Manichaeos,
58, line 2. However, three late Byzantines authors made the most of it: John
Kyparissiotes, Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 5.16; 5.19; Orationes Antirrheticae
Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, orations 1.10; 5.5; Expositio Materiaria, 3.4;
5.5 (lines 7 & 57, bis): 5.6, lines 13 & 37). PhUotheus Coccinus, Antirrhetici
Duodecim contra Gregoram, oration 3, lines 533; 553; 566; oration 4, lines
18 & 21 & 120 & 274: oration 6, line 1546 & 1551 & 1648: oration 13, line
506. Joseph Calothetus, Orationes Antirrheticae contraAcindynum et Barlaam,
oration 5, lines 619 & 631 & 709 & 769: oration 9, lines 902 & 910. All
three of them used the ensuing Neoplatonic term a:rrclp06tWctfLo~ in reference
to God, but Kyparissiotes used this at 10 points, whereas Coccinus used it at
5, and Calothetus once.
ccxxiv The participle tXYTlfLCTPOVITY6 points to Luke, 6:38, avTlfLCTP'1S~ITHctL. Cf.
Origen, selPs, PG.12.1233.20-22, commenting on Psalm 17:21&25 (K~\
tXYTWlt06WITcl fLOl KVPlO~ KctTa. T~Y 6l10XlOlTtW'1Y fLov) by means of quoting Luke,
6:38: "For with the same measure you measure it will be measured back
to you."
ccxxv Sacrificing and eating one's own progeny is condemned as a custom of the
enemies of Israelites. However, the Hebrews themselves, in instances of weak-
ness, worshipped idols and employed the same rituals and practices. Cf. Deut.
28:53: 4 Kings, 17:7-23. Cf. folio 33r, ref. to Wis. 12:5.
ccxxvi The variant 6lklTwlTct~ to the LXX 6lklTcw~ appears in this text alone. This means
that the author used Kctl6lklTWlTct~ consciously, which now he comments on.
ccxxvii Cf. the rare rhetorical abbreviation (apud Demosthenes,
WITS' OITOY
Galen, Porphyry, Libanius, Photius) in Contra
John Kyparissiotes,
Tomum Palamiticum, 8.10. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2,
p. 734: wO'S' OO'Ol.
ccxxviii The term a:rrclpOTrACbno~ ('infinite times as much') and its cognates
(aTrclpOTrActlTlW'V) was coined by Origen, and then this was taken up by some
of his most devout students. Origen, commMatt, 13.30; 15.25. Gregory of
Nyssa, Contra Eunomium, 2.1.123; 2.1..419; De Opificio Hominis, p. 204; In
Canticum Canticorum, pp. 38; 246; 321; Oratio Catechetica, chapter 35. Basil
of Caesarea, Homiliae in Hexaemeron, 1.2. Pseudo-Caesarius (= Cassian the
Sabaite), Quaestiones et Responsiones, 67. John of Damascus, Sacra Parallela,
PG.96.493.26. Pseudo-John of Damascus, Vita Bar/aam et Joasaph, p. 518.
Michael Psellus, Theologica, opuscula 3; 11; 64; Orationes Panegyricae, ora-
tion 8; Epistulae, epistle 2. Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Commentarii ad
Homeri Iliadem, v. 1, p. 140. John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 6.7
(bis); Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, oration 5.3;
Adversus Cantacuzenum, 187; 192; 219; 239; 281. Nikephorus Gregoras,
Historia Romana, v. 3, p. 411: aTrclpOTrActlTlW~ VTrEpnpOl. No wonder that this
had been used by Gregory Palamas, too: Pro Hesychastis, 1.3.21, and by his
opponent Barlaam of Calabria, Contra Latinos (Tractatus B), oration 6.4.
Nevertheless, prior to them, see this used by George Acropolites, Annales, sec-
tion 10; Historia in Brevius Redacta, section 10; Epitaphius in }oannem Ducam,
section 13.
As it happened, one more term of Christian coinage and usage appears in
a Neoplatonist such as Simplicius, commCael, p. 82, whereas its use by the
Christian John Philoponus could be considered as natural. John Philoponus,
commMeteor, p. 24; commPhys, p. 419. See my ReR, pp. 333-377, 'Christian
Influence on Neoplatonism' (Proclus, Simplicius, Damascius).
ccxxix On God 'mocking' the adverse power, see Job, 40:19; 41:25; cf. Psalm 103:26;
Ecclesiasticus, 27:28; Psalms of Solomon, 27:12; Zachariah, 12:3.
ccxxx Cf. Joel, 2:25, God styling 'the swarming locust, the hopper, the destroyer,
and the cutter' 'God's great power (~6tWctfLl~ fLOU ~ fLcY&A'1)' which God 'sent'
as punishment. Athanasius saw the locusts of Exodus, 10:1-20, as 'God's great
power' by appealing to prophet Joel. De Synodis Arimini in Italia et Seleuciae
in Isauria, 18.7. So did John Scholasticus, Prologus et Scholia in Dionysii
Areopagitae librum De Divinis Nominibus, chapter 8, scholion DN 201,11.
John Kyparissiotes, Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam,
1.2. John VI Cantacuzenus, Orationes Quatuor contra Mahometem, ora-
tion 2.25, line 714. Andreas of Caesarea wrote that 'some people explained
locusts as punishing angels'. Commentarii in Apocalypsin, 9.26.9(7-9): Ta.~
p'1SdlTct~ aKpl6ct~ nfLwp'1nKOv~ ayyaou~ n'Vs~ 6;act~O'V. By contrast, Theodore
Agallianus, explained locusts as being 'daemons'. Epistulae, epistle 7, line 58
(commenting also on Joel, 2:25). The same text also in his De Providentia,
p. 423. Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus (HE, 8.53) reported that Asterius
of Cappadocia expounding Arius' theology, wrote that, to Arius, as Christ
 was the great power of God (cf. 1 Cor. 1:24), so the locusts were the great
power of God, too.
ccxxxi The expression cVO"c~dct~ nctpctTpon~ (,turning away from piousness') is a later
Byzantine one and was used by three authors only: Photius (?), Epistulae et
Amphilochia, epistle 205, line 28. Euthymius Zigabenus (eleventh-twelfth
century), Commentarius in Psalterium, column 652, line 20. Dositheus
II, Patriarch (seventeenth-eighteenth century), .dcu(j£)cd~t~lo;, book 2,
p. 412. I have argued several times that numerous texts from the Epistulae et
Amphilochia are not in fact Photius' ones.
ccxxxii The adjective a<plKTo~ is a very rare one meaning 'impure' or 'filthy' (aKaSctpTo'V)
or 'lewd' (fLlO"Y]TO'V). See Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, letter alpha, entry
8688. The lemma 8690 has it a<plKTo~ and provides a similar explanation
(aKaSctpTo~, fLlctpO~). This is the sole lexicon that contains this lemma, which is
definitely a Byzantine neologism that was hardly used.
ccxxxiii w<pclo~. A rare spelling of o<pclo~, which occurs also in the Acts of the Monastery
of Cutlumusion (Mount Athos): Regula Scetae Sancti Panteleemonis,
chapter 21, line 13l.
ccxxxiv Cf. a unique parallel in Gregory of Nyssa, In Sanctum Pasch a (In Christi
Resurrectionem oratio iii), p. 257: 6 fLkyct~ KctL O"o<po~ TCXV(TY]~ 6 na'VTct Ta.
~AcnofLc'Vct TCxvY]O"afLc'Vo~. Also, Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana,
v. 1, p. 547 & v. 3, p. 432 & Epistulae, epistles, 69, line 111; 133, line 21 &
Solutiones Questionum, question 1, line 70 (6 TCXV(TY]~ E)Co~).
ccxxxv On 6U'VctfLl~ KctL hkpyclct (specifically, 6trVafLCl hcpyc(~), cf. Aristotle, DeAnima,
426a; Metaphysica, 1046a; 1047a; 1050a; et passim. See Nikephorus Gregoras,
Historia Romana, v. 2, pp. 1067; 1089; 1091; v. 3, pp. 290; 293; Antirrhetica
Priora, oration 2.1, p. 233 (confuting Palamas); et passim. John Kyparissiotes,
Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 1.8; 2.8; 3.4; 8.19; Orationes Antirrheticae
Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam, orations 1.4; 4.Prologue; 4.3-5; 4.8-9; 4.11;
5.1; 5.3-4; 5.6; 5.12; Expositio Materiaria, 3.4; 7.1; 8.3; 9.2; 9.5-10; 10.2-4;
Adversus Cantacuzenum, 26; 288. On <pS(o"l~ KctL yk'Vco"l~, or ctV;Y]o"l~ KctL fLdwo"l~,
c£ Aristotle, De Generatione Animalium, 778a; De Generatione et Corruptione,
336b; cf. Physica, 201a; 261a. See John Kyparissiotes, Laudationes ix in Verbum
Dei, oration 3.21 (yk'Vco"l~ KctL <pSopa); oration 5, p. 31 (ctV;Y]o"l~ KC(.L fLc(Wo"l~); ora-
tion 7, p. 51 (ctV;Y]Ol~ KC(.L <pS(o"l~); Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum
Cabasilam, oration 4.7 (ctV;Y]o"l~ KctL <pS(o"l~).
ccxxxvi Once again, we are upon the author's impressive erudition. The expression
ano TOU ctvToU 6nL TO ctVTO anOKC(.S(O"TctTctL was a standard one used by astron-
omers in the first place, referring to the setting of the entire world being
'restored' every twenty-four hours, since it was thought that the rotat-
ing heavenly bodies (mainly, the sun) 'returned' to the same position. See
this formula being used by Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 1.7. Theon of
 Smyrna, De Utilitate Mathematicae, 39. Manetho of Egypt, Fragments, fro
5c, apud George Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica, p. 57. Pseudo-Ocellus, De
Universi Natura, 1.13. Thrasyllus of Alexandria, Fragmenta, p. 100. Sextus
Empiricus, Adversus Astrologos, 5.24. Theon of Alexandria, Commentaria in
Ptolemaei Syntaxin Mathematicam, pp. 813; 828; 972; 974; 980; 987; 1004;
1012; 1013. Ammonius of Alexandria, commCateg, p. 70. Produs (on solar
year), Hypotyposis Astronomicarum Positionum, 3.53; commTim, v. 3, p. 2S.
Simplicius, commCael, p. 45; 150-154; 172; 177-178; 189; 262; 298; 412-413;
433; 446; commPhys, pp. 780; 883; 1280; 1309. John Philoponus, commCateg,
p. 111; commPhys, p. 727. Asdepius of Tralles, Commentaria in Nicomachi
Geraseni Pythagorei Introductionem Arithmeticam, 2.1S. Olympiodorus of
Alexandria, In Platonis Gorgiam, 50.3. Anonymous, Scholia in Euclidis
Phaenomena, scholion 26. Of Christian authors, see Procopius of Gaza,
Commentarii in Genesim, 1.9. Gennadius Scholarius, Epitome Summae con-
tra Gentiles Thomae Aquinae, 3.23. The present author's expression is almost
exactly the same as that by Basil of Caesarea, Homiliae in Hexaemeron, homily
2.S (copied by Michael Glycas, Quaestiones in Sacram Scripturam, chapter 12,
p. 162): ~ TOU oupct'Vou a:ITO TOU ctUTOU IT'1fLdou bTL TO ctUTO TraAl'V aTrOKctTaITTctlTl~
h fLl&' ~fL£P~ yl'VHctl. Also, Michael Glycas, op. cit. chapter 12, pp. 157; 161.
However, Glycas knew that identical 'restoration' of positions in heaven hap-
pen every 'solar year', not every day. See Quaestiones in Sacram Scripturam,
chapter 13, p. 162, appealing to Basil of Caesarea. This is also what Eusebius
wrote. Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23.12S1.lO-11. Glycas strove to explain
Basil's statement. Annales, p. 10; Quaestiones in Sacram Scripturam, chapter 13,
p. 157. Anyway, this is what Basil of Caesarea wrote at another point, too.
Homiliae in Hexaemeron, homily 6.S. So did Pseudo-Eustathius of Antioch,
Commentarius in Hexaemeron, p. 721. According to Simplicius (commPhys,
p. 701), Aristotle knew that 'restoration' of the heavenly bodies to the same
positions happened over a period of several decades, not every twenty-four
hours. Physica, 21Sb. Cf. Themistius, paraphrPhys, p. 142. John Laurentius
Lydus, De Mensibus, 3.16, wrote this too, adding that this was ancient
knowledge.
ccxxxvii See pp. 191; 243; 246; and endnote ccxxviii.
ccxxxviii The author's term Kl'V'1nKWn:po~ alludes to the foregoing passage of Wisdom,
7:24: TralT'1~ ya.p Kl'V~lTcW~ Kl'V'1TlKWTCPO'V ITO<plct (,For wisdom's motility sur-
passes any motion and pervades and outspreads on all things because of her
pureness'). Cf. folio 20v, his comment on this: KctL OUX (xTrlw~ X{V'!T{X0TE.p0V ~

o"Olpfct T~~ h &TrctlTl'V 6pwfL£'V'1~ Kl'V~lTcW~, aMa. KC(.L TrOl'1TlxO'V ctuT~~, KctL TO TrPWTW~
Kl'VOU'V ctVT'1 Tr£<pUKc.
ccxxxix The turn KctAOTrOlO~ M'VcttH~ is a neologism coined by Hermias of Alexandria, In
Platonis Phaedrum, section 1, p. 18. This re-apperead only in texts of Gregory
Palamas. See Homiiiae, homily 28.2; 53.15; Pro Hesychastis, 1.1.12; 3.2.25.
This means that the texts of Palamas were familiar to the present author.
Nevertheless, the accompanying designation vm:PfLsYES'1~ M'VctfLl~ is a turn
belonging to Eusebius, Commentarius in Isaiam, 2.34; Constantini Imperatoris
Oratio ad Coetum Sanetorum, 17.3; Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23.356.5-6.
Therefore, the author of this commentary probably combined vocabularies of
both old and more recent intellectuals.
ccxl See also endnote ccxix.
ccxli The author has in mind writings of astrologers, and uses their characteristic
jargon. C£ Vettius Valens of Antioch (second century AD) (ITVfLTraSslct and
cognates), Anthoiogiarum iibri ix, 1.1; 1.7; 1.19; 3.4; 4.2; 4.4; 4.6; 4.16; 7.16;
et passim; (itnoTE11"'SlI and cognates) op. cit. 1.2-3; 2.15; 2.37; 4.11-12; 4.18;
5.1; Fragmenta, pp. 169. Interestingly, Produs repudiated those 'who taught
the youth such things ' (01 d~ TW'V 'VEW'V Trctl6dct'V ITV\lTCl'VO'VTC~), actually, 'myths'
(fLVSOTrOllct) and, by 'overlooking the rationality which is commonly accepted'
(TO'V ITUfLTrct'VTctAOYO'V dKOTW~ 6~TrOV TW'V TrOMW'V ~fLw'V VTrSpl6&vTC~), they establish
the universal correlation of things and events, they make stars instrumental
agents causing results which obtain on the earth (KctL T~~ h niJ Trct'VTLITVfLTrctSdct~
TW'V aTrOTCASlTfLaTW'V TrpO~ Ta. YS'V'V'1TlKa. ctlhw'V ctlTlct TrOloufLs'VOl). Thus, [astrolo-
gers] contrive various formulations in order to argue that such correlations [of
heavinly bodies] 'indicate the divine things' (XPW'VTctLTrct'VTOlW~ TOr~ o'VofLctlTl'V d~
T~'V TW'V Sdw'V TrpctYfLaTw'V Z'V6Sl;l'V). Proclus, In Platonis Rem Pub/ieam, v. I, p. 84.
ccxlii For example, Theon of Smyrna (De Utilitate Mathematieae, p. 164) wrote that,
when the sun is positioned in the fifth to sixth division of the Twins, it appears
to move most slowly and to be smaller in magnitude. And when the sun is in
the same position in the Sagittarius, it appears to have the maximum of speed
and of magnitude. Likewise, Produs, Hypotyposis Astronomiearum Positionum,
5.42. Cf. Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 1.41. Claudius Ptolemy, Syntaxis
Mathematica, v. 1.1, pp. 255; 341-343. Cleomedes, Caeiestia, 2.5. The author
who wrote extensively on the influence of the sun upon human affairs and phe-
nomena, as well on predictions apropos of the sun's different positions, was
John Laurentius Lydus, De Osten tis, sections 26; 51; 57-58; 69. So did various
astrological documents, such as the L,£t0lio16ytov (cod. Scoria1. I R 14, fo1. 166),
p. 158, and the [hp! E!cAdy£w\ miov ){(t! J:d1V1\ (cod. Ath. Bib!. Pub!. 1275,
fo!' 44v), p. 143.
ccxliii Cf. Origen, se/Ps, PG.12.1441.21-23: ,) eso~ ... ctiW'VlO~ W'V KC(.L aSL WlTctuTw~ zxw'V.
Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23.1257.20-21: lTV 66 KUplS ... aSL KctL
KC(.Ta.Ta.ctlha.wlTctuTw~ zxw'V. Theodoret, Interpretatio in Danie/em, PG.81.1409.10-
12: L1lctpK~~ yap 6ITTl KctL TpOTr~'V OU6sfLlct'V 6SXOfLS'V0~ KctL aSL WlTctUTW~ ZXSl. Cyril of
 Alexandria, Commentarii in joannem, v. 2, p. 68: 60UAO'V net'V 0 fL~ fLS'VSl d~ TO'V
cdCmx, TOVTSITTl'V, 0 fL~ npOITSITTl TO wlTctlhw~ gXCl'V cal. Likewise, op. cit. v. 2, p. 68;
Thesaurus De Sancta Consubstantiali Trinitate, PG.75.212.21-23. Also, the pres-
byter Ammonius of Alexandria, Fragmenta in joannem, fro 285 (apud Catena
in joannem [catena integra], e codd. Paris. Coislin. 23 & Oxon. Bodl. Auct.
rn
T.1A): '0 fL~ fLs'Vw'V Sl~ TO'V ctlW'Vct KctL wlTctlhw~ gxw'V caL60uAo~ 6ITTl <pUITSl.
Proclus used the same locution. In Platonis Parmenidem, p. 907: Toyap fLO'VlfLo'V
iOXL TO WlTctUTw~ gXO'V 16l0'V 6ITTl TW'V ctlW'VlW~ KctL O'VTW'V iOXL 6'VSpyOVvTW'V d6W'V. Cf.
commTim, v. 3, p. 34, which Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite followed suit.
De Divinis Nominibus, p. 216. Likewise, Simplicius, commPhys, p. 317: WITTe
TO fLS'V KVPlWTctTO'V nOl'lTlKO'V TW'V Yl'VOfLS'VW'V ctLTlO'V TO aKl'V'lTO'V &'V el'l KctL ctlW'VlO'V
iOXL ad KctTa Ta ctlJTa KctL WlTctuTw~ gxo'V. TOlOUTO~ 66 ,) nolvTlfL'lTo~ 'Vou~. Op. cit.
p. 1359: 'lups'V OVv TO'V 6'lfLlOVpyO'V TOU KOlTfLov'Vospo'V Sso'V O'VTW~ O'VTct iOXL ad iOXTa
Ta ctlJTa KctL WlTctuTw~ gXO'VTct iOXL 16pvfLs'V0'V ano T~~ fLHct~ollic"i1~ OUIT(ct~ TOU KOlTfLOV
6nL T~'V afLHa.~A'lTO'V ctlTlct'V a'Vct6pctfLw'V,
ccxliv It was Origen alone who wrote TO ri7rOP0TctTOV insted of the LXX TO ri7rEtpOTctTOV.
This variation is unknown to the edition of Rahlfs-Hanhart. Quite evidently,
this comes from some version of the biblical text, which was used by Origen,
and the present author only copied from Origen's lost commentary on the
Wisdom of Solomon.
ccxlv This commentator uses Origen's analysis, who did not see the heathen indis-
criminatelyas a single and homogenous lot; instead, he made nuanced distinc-
tions apropos of their various presumptions. Thus, he classified four different
kinds of heathen believers: (1) those who believe in God as the God of the
universe; (2) those who maintain that God's Anointed one (TO'V XplITTO'V ctuToU,
His Christus) is the only God. (3) Those who deify the sun and the moon and
all the heavenly bodies; they have strayed from God, yet their false belief is far
different from that of the people who call gods 'human artifacts made of gold
or silver, or inventions of art' [he uses the same words as those in the Wisdom
of Solomon, 13:10: OrTl'Vs~ bCa.AslTct'V Scov~ gpyct XSlPW'V a'VSpwnw'V, XPVlTo'V KctL
&pyvpo'V TSXV'l~ 6fLfLslh'lfLct KctL anslKa.lTfLctTct ~0w'V. (4) Those who worshipped
the so-called 'gods', which in fact are not gods at all.
ccxlvi Cf. the author classifying the heathen: pp. 252-253.
ccxlvii a;loxpco~ is a rare but acceptable (mainly, Ionian) variant of the Attic a;loxpsW~,
Cf. Herodian, De Prosodia Catholica, p. 245; Partitiones ['ETrlfLSpllTfLoG, p. 207.
Arcadius of Antioch (grammarian), De Prosodia Catholica Epitome, p. 107.
ccxlviii The Egyptians deified dogs. Cf. Plato, Gorgias, 482b, commented upon by
Olympiodorus of Alexandria, In Platonis Alcibiadem, section 2 (likewise,
Athenagoras of Athens, Legatio, 1.1; Tatian, Oratio ad Graecos, 25.1; Epiphanius
of Salamis, Ancoratus, 103.5; Pseudo-Anastasius of Sinai, Disputatio adver-
sus judaeos, p. 1273; et al.). C£ Aristotle, Rhetorica, 140la, quoting a verse by
 Pin dar (Fragmenta, fr. 96, from Parthenia, songs sung by maidens accompa-
nied by flute): Pan is styled 'the dog of Cybele' (the eastern goddess attend-
ing to Nature: she was identified partially with Gaia and Rhea and Demeter).
Evidently, Pin dar glorified dogs.
ccxlix Once Homer, at dozens of points, styled goddess Athena 'the one with glowing
eyes' (yActUKWTrl~ J\S~'V'1)' Athena was identified with an owl ('Athena noctua')
and owl was associated with Athena. It is hard to come upon any ancient author
who did not make mention of this in one way or another. Consequently, 'owl'
was correlated with the city of Athens, too; and the expression 'to fetch an owl
to Athens' became a widespread proverb, referring to anyone who said or wrote
but trite commonplaces.
eel The noun 6;OUSc'VllTfLO~ ('derision', but also 'destruction' [e.g. of souls]) is an
extremely rare one and has been used at no more than a dozen of instances.
This was introduced to literature by Origen quoting a variation of Psalm 122:4
by Akylas. selPs, PG.l2.l636.l2. The author who used this more than once and
not in passing was Gregoras' admired teacher, George Metochites: Historiae
Dogmaticae fiber I, section 95; op. cit. liber III, sections 61; lOS. After that,
use of this term expired, but it is interesting to note its appearance in a doc-
ument registering the acts of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, which was
written between the years 1350 and 1363, that is, exactly during the period
when Nikephorus Gregoras probably wrote the present commentary. Registrum
Patriarchatus Constantinopofitani, Document 1S3, line 29.
ccli This is a telling distinction, which had been pointed out by at least two earlier
authors. John Philoponus, commPhys, p. 230: (x7rAW~ fLS'V yap T~'V VA'1'V Clhpc7rl~cl
~ 6pUOTOfLlK~ rnTCKTO'VlKi], cucPyo'V 6S'V TctvT'1'V 7rOlcl ~ 7rpllTnK~. Likewise,
Eustratius of Nicaea, commEthNicom, p. 296: 67rcL KC(.L ~ 7rpllTnx:Y] TSXV'1, Achpl~
OUlTct TCKTO'VlK~~, on ctuT~ T~'V VA'1'V cucPyo'V TlS'1lTl'V OUK &'V P'1Sd'1 7rOT£ KpdTTW'V
TCKTO'VlK~~, Wa'7!cp OU6£ fLCTctMlx:Y] xctAKwnld1~ ~ apyuTwnK~~ ~ xpUITWnK~~, on
VA'1'V ctuTctr~ V7rOTlS'1lTl'V.
celii The turn OpSlO'V KctL cucPyo'V appears in John Kyparissiotes. The only one who
took this up was Kyparissiotes' younger contemporary, Matthew Cantacuzenus,
Expositio in Canticum Canticorum Safomonis, column 106S: .6.ct~L6 TOVTI:-:,l TO'V
T~~ TIctpSs'Vou 7rctpclKctlTc TpaX'1Ao'V, 6la TO cUcPYO'V KctL OpSlO'V KctL 7rpO~ &7rct'VTct
KCXctpllTfLs'Vo'V. Matthew was the eldest son of John VI Kantakouzenus (emperor
from 1341 to1354). Matthew reigned as his co-emperor and as a pretender
(i.e. a claimant to the throne, 1353-1357), but eventually he was captured and
forced to resign. Definitely, a relationship can be traced upon repetition of this
rare turn: for Kyparissiotes along with Gregoras were among those enlightened
authors who censured 'the impiety presumptuouslyly introduced by [Gregory]
Palamas', and subsequently wrote against John Cantacuzenus, too. John
Kyparissiotes styled Cantacuzenus 'an offspring of the deceased Palamas, which
 was more evil than Palamas himself (rrov'1poTSpO~ ctVTOU TO ~~'V 6KfLHP~lTct'VTO~
TOiCO~ KctTctAD.clTrTctl). Adversus Cantacuzenum, section 1.
cdiii Characteristically, the present commentator does not care to comment
on this any further, since he implicitly appeals to the sole Christian author
who did so: this was Origen, and the point this commentator has in mind is
Cels, VI.l4 (quoting Wis. 13:17-18, slightly paraphrased at some points). See
Introduction, p. 42.
ccliv OUTS ya.p ~'V a:rr' apx~~, OUTS d~ TO'V ctlW'Vct glTTctl. This is the emblematic phrase
that Origen used quoting Wis. 14:13, in order to suggest his cardinal doc-
trine of eventual abolition of evil. See comm}oh, 1I.13.93: 'E;clA~<pctlTl'V OU'V
n'Vc~ niJ a'VVTrOITTctTO'V clVctL T~'V KctKlct'V (OVT£ yap ~v ri7(' ripx~;, OVT£ £I; TOV ctiCJvct
EO'Tctt - Wis. 14: 13) TctUT' cl'VctL Ta. fiiJlJiv. This portion of Wisdom was later
quoted by Athanasius (Contra Gentes, 11 -indeed quoting more extensively
therefrom, Wis. 14:12-21). Didymus, Commentarii in Job (12.1-16. 8a) (par-
tially in catenae), fr. 404; Commentarii in Psalmos 35-39, Cod. p. 245 (both
quoting Wis. 14: 13). Germanus I of Constantinople, Epistulae Dogmaticae,
epistle 4, line 392 (quoting Wis. 14:12-14). George Monachus, Chronicon,
p. 61 (quoting Wis. 14:12-16). ACO, Concilium Universale Nicaenum
Secundum (AD 787), Concilii actiones I-VII, Document 4, p. 468 (quoting
Wis. 14:12-14).
cclv The expression TrAOU'VITTSMcITSctl ('settings ail for') is an idiomatic one. See Diodore
of Sicily, Bibliotheca Historica, 4.41.3 (quoting the grammarian Dionysius of
Mytilene, or Dionysius Scytobrachion or Scyteus [= leatherworkerJ, second cen-
tury BC, Fragmenta, fr. 14). On this Dionysius, see Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae,
12.11. Suda, letter delta, entry 1175. Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Commentarii
ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 1, p. 600. Anonymous, Scholia in Iliadem (scholia vetera),
on I1ias III.40b, scholion I.
cdvi The present commentator is as erudite as to write this having in mind Philo,
who was the only author who used both this figure and the pertinent expression
(KctSamp OllTTSMofLc'Vol fLctKpo'V TrAoiJv) as a metaphor, speaking of how lawgiv-
ers (by analogy to 'men setting out on a long voyage', who 'equip themselves
with enough of the gear needed for the voyage, while they are still staying on
shore, not when they have embarked') should provide in advance for cities to be
equipped with regulating laws 'and gain practice in all that would surely enable
the communities to steer their course to safety'. De Decalogo, section 14.
cclvii See ~ 6c;la. TOU tnV(ITTOV, in Psalm 76:11; Ecclesiasticus, 47:5. C£ Leo VI
Sapiens (866 -912, Byzantine Emperor from 886 to 912), Homiliae, homily
5, line 137: wAoyc Ehou ... ,) Tra.'VTct Tr'1pw'V w~ eco~ ... ITVfLTrctpw'V ~fLr'V TlllTll
6lctKV~cp'VWITYl6c;l0.
cdviii TO'V Sa.'VctTO'V KC(.TSKp(S'1lTct'V. This should be either d~ Sa.'VctTO'V KctTSKp(S'1lTct'V or
(more correctly) Sct'Va.n-:,l KC(.TSKp(S'1lTct'V. However, I do not emend, because in
 later Byzantine locution the expression TO'V S&''VctTO'V KctTncp(S'1O"ct'V made a mark,
although this is grammatically deficient. Perhaps, once again, the author fol-
lowed Maximus Confessor's expression as scribed in a certain catena, namely,
Scholia in Ecclesiasten (in the catena trium patrum), 12: <pSopa'V KC(.L S&''VctTO'V
KC(.TCxP(S'1fLC'V. The spurious text ascribed to John of Damascus repeats the same
erroneous syntax: 'Vita Barlaam et Joasaph, p. 106: ETrd 66 S&''VctTO'V KctTCXp(S'1fLs'V.
More importantly, however, this sort of somewhat distorted Greek once
again attests to a monastic environment as the place where this manuscript
was written. This text is an exegesis of the selfsame point made in the present
commentary, and used the same teminology, namely, the fall of Adam who
incurred death because of the devil. Cf. Acta monasterii Chilandarii, Document
140: [Adam] .. . TlfL'1Sd~ S[;cO'Vl KC(.L T~~ h Trctpct6S(0"C(J nwSkpct~ 6lctyWy~~ ... <pSo'VC(J
KC(.l ~cto"Kct'V(~ TOU TrctfLTro'V~pou KctL apxctliabcou O"ctT&.'V, ... S&''VctTO'V KctTCKp(S'1.
cclix One more time, the commentator employs the vocabulary of Pseudo- Dionysius
the Areopagite. See De Divinis Nominibus, p. 125: KC(.L OO"ct T~~ UTrCpOXlK~~ EO"Tl'V
a<pctLpkO"sw~. Once again, we come upon two dear friends and kindred spirits
using the same terminology, and indeed both of them quoting the same Pseudo-
Dionysian passage from De Divinis Nominibus, p. 125 (just quoted). Nikephorus
Gregoras, Epistulae, epistle 3, line 27: KC(.L OO"ct T~~ UTrSpOXlK~~ EO"Tl'V a<pctlpkO"sw~.
Again, in his Antirrhetica Priora, oration 1.8, p. 201 KctL OO"ct T~~ UTrCpOXliC~~ EO"Tl'V
a<pctLpkO"sw~. John Kyparissiotes, Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 5.5 201: KC(.L OO"ct
T~~ UTrSpOXlK~~ EO"Tl'V a<pctlpkO"sw~. Also, Gregoras' admirer, Gregory Acindynus,
Refotatio Magna, oration 2.24. So did the anti-Palamite Prochorus Cydones.
Anyway, the formula was used in the Palamite controversy by both parties, and
by Palamas himself and his supporters, such as Philotheus Coccinus and Joseph
Calothetus.
cdx See endnote xc.
cdxi Zeus was regarded as the protector of peace, in contrast to Ares, the god of
war and of all tumult. See Bacchylides, Epinicia, Ode 5, verse 200. Vettius
Valens, Appendices AdAnthologiarum Libros, Appendix 1, chapter 2. Theophilus
of Edessa (astrologer and astronomer, eighth century AD), De Rebus Praesertim
Bellicis, section 13.
cclxii On Zeus being styled <p(AlO~, see Aristotle, De Mundo, 401a. Plutarch, Amatorius,
p. 758D. Dio Chrysostom, Orationes, orations 1.39; lAO; 2.75. Olympiodorus
of Alexandria, In Platonis Alcibiadem, 87; Et al. Emperor Julian accorded both
titles to all gods (ofLoyv(ou~ KctL <pll(ou~ Scov~). See [lEpt T0v TOY AVTOXpdTOpO;
JIpd;£Cuv ~ JIEpt BamAda;, section 28; J1 S1Jvafcuv TB BOVAB xat TrjJ LJ1f1C[J, section 8;
Epistulae, epistle 89b.
cdxiii 0fLOyvLO~ was a surname ascribed to Zeus. See Euripides, Andromacha, verse. 921.
Plato, Leges, 881d. Aristotle, De Mundo, 40la. Cornutus, De Natura Deorum,
p. 9. Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales, p. 679C; Amatorius, p. 758D. Epictetus,
 Dissertationes ab Arriano Digestae, 3.11.6. Olympiodorus of Alexandria, In
Platonis Alcibiadem, 88. Et al.
cclxiv This is one more evidence attesting to the author's Classical erudition includ-
ing philosophy. Cf. Plato, Respublica, 515a: iCed 6clTfLWTct~ Ih6Trov~. lamblichus,
Protrepticus, p. 78: iCctL TOV~ 6clTfLWTct~ TOV~ Ih6Trov~.
cclxv Aphrodite was married to Hephaestus, but she had an affair with Ares, the god
of war. Eventually, Hephaestus discovered Aphrodite's adultery through Helios,
the all-seeing Sun, and devised a trap during one of their trysts. While Aphrodite
and Ares lay together in bed, Hephaestus ensnared them in an infrangible chain-
link net as small as to be invisible. Then, he dragged them to Mount Olympus to
put them to shame in front of the other gods for retribution. The gods laughed at
the sight of these naked lovers, and Poseidon persuaded Hephaestus to free them
in return for a guarantee that Ares would pay the adulterer's fine. In the Odyssey,
Hephaestus states that he would return Aphrodite to her father and demand back
his bride price. See Homer, Odyssea, VIII.266-281. Cf. Plato, Respublica, 390c.
Chrysippus, Fragmenta Moralia, fr. 350. Et al. Also, Clement of Alexandria,
Protrepticus, 4.59.1. Athanasius, Contra Gentes, 12. John Chrysostom, De Babyla
contra }ulianum et Gentiles, 110.
cclxvi One more expression coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, which was
used by both parties during the Palamite controversy. At least, this one has some
relevance to Phil. 2:9. See more infra, endnote cclxxv.
cclxvii The term lTiClctyp&<pO~ was a neologism ascribed to a painter called Apollodorus,
and meant 'scenographer' (ITKY]'VOyp&<po~). This explanation was provided by
Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon (P.A. Hansen, 2005), letter sigma, entry 967,
and was copied by Photius, Lexicon (R. Porson), letter sigma, p. 519. See the
same testimony to Apollodorus by Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Commentarii
ad Homeri Iliadem, v. 3, p. 64. K. Muller mistook this as a reference to the
grammarian and historian Apollodorus of Athens (c. 180 BC - died after 120
BC), a pupil of Diogenes of Babylon, of Panaetius the Stoic, and of the gram-
marian Aristarchus of Samothrace, under whom he possibly studied together
with his contemporary Dionysius ofThrace. K. Muller Fragmenta Historicorum
Graecorum, I, Paris, 1853, fro 228. I believe this ascription is wrong. The inher-
ent component lTiCla. ('shadow') suggests that the painter produced a painted
scenery, which involved also symbolical meanings. Put anachronistically, this
was something analogous to expressionism. The only author who explained this
at several points was Manuel Philes, Carmina, chapter 2, poem 53: h ITVfL~6AOl~
&6cl;c'V ,) lTiClctyp&<pO~. See also, op. cit. chapter 1, poems 240 & 243; chapter 2,
poems 33 & 53; chapter 3, poems 62 & 237. Manuel PhUes (c. 1275-1345) of
Ephesus was a Byzantine poet, who moved to Constantinople when he was still
young. After Philes, use of the term lTiClctyp&<pO~ vanished, and in general, the
term always remained scarce.
cclxviii Surprisingly, the Liddell and Scott lexicon does not include the epithet
Trct'V!TSs'V~~ which was known since Antiquity and has been explained in
lexica, such as those by Pseudo (?)-Herodian, Partitiones (E7(ffiEplO'fiof),
p. 255, and rhetor Eudemus (perhaps, second century AD), [lEp} At;£cuv
P'!TOPlXCJV (excerpts, B. Niese), folio 172. Anyway, this had been used by
Clement of Alexandria (Stromateis, 7.7.44.5), Eusebius (Commentaria in
Psalmos, PG.23.1288.20), Gregory of Nazianzus (De VIta Sua, line 1372;
Carmina Dogmatica, col. 408; Carmina De Se Ipso, p. 1326), et al. includ-
ing Cyril of Alexandria (at scores of points), and naturally Pseudo- Dionysius
the Areopagite (De Divinis Nominibus, p. 192). Later, so did Maximus
Confessor, Quaestiones ad Thalassium, section 59, and numerous others. Also,
ACO, Concilium Universale Ephesenum anno 431, tome 1.1.5, p. 54; tome
1.1.6, p. 101. Hesychius of Alexandria explained this in an ad hoc lemma;
Lexicon, letter pi, entry 386, copied by Photius, Lexicon, letter pi, p. 378.
Lexica Segueriana, Collectio Verborum Utilium e Dijferentibus Rhetoribus et
Sapientibus Multis, entry pi, p. 328. Suda, letter pi, entry 215. Etymologicum
Gudianum, entry pi, p. 450.
cclxix In the Catena in Epistulam ad Hebraeos (catena Nicetae), p. 356, the epithet
TrctvroiCpctTopllc6~ attached to God's 'power' expressed by means of three syn-
onyms (shs Trct'VTOiCpctTopliC~'V 6VvctfLl'V, clTe 6;OU!Tlct'V, shs iCpcho~) is 'tentatively'
ascribed by J .A. Cramer to Cyril of Alexandria addressing presbyter Hermias
(op. cit. p. 359, which though does not obtain anywhere in Cyril's works. In
fact, this was an expression by the hardly known Marcus the Eremite, a monk
who lived in Egypt and Palestine sometime between the fourth and sixth
centuries. Marcus Eremita, De Melchisedech, section 5. The text ascribed to
Cyril is but Marcus' selfsame one.
cclxx The expression UTrSP6VvctfL6~ !TOU 6VvctfLl~ in references to God was used by
John Kyparissiotes (as it happens with the turgid epithet UTrCpctTrClpoM'VctfLo~
discussed below, endnotes ccxl and cclxx). Orationes Antirrheticae Quinque
contra Nilum Cabasilam, oration 4.10, line 230. However, this was not a neol-
ogism; actually, it had been used already by Themistius, JIEp} w/lctv'J-pCtJn'fct;
~ KCtJVO'TdvTlO;, p. 8b. Then, Asclepius of Tralles, commMetaph, p. 439.
Maximus Confessor, Capita Theologica et Oecumenica (Capita Gnostica), 104.
Later, Euthymius Zigabenus, Panoplia Dogmatica ad Alexium Comnenum,
3.129; 3.145. Nicolas of Methone, Refutatio Institutionis Theologicae Procli,
sections 14; 17; 27; 56; 78; 85; 152; 156. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia
Romana, v. 2, p. 1067. Gregory Acindynus, Epistulae, epistle 37; Refutatio
Magna, orations 1.51; 4.19. All in all, usages scarcely amounted to two doz-
ens. Anyway, Gregory Palamas (Epistulae, epistle 2.13) wrote that this was
an expression used by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. This is what John
Kyparissiotes wrote, too: Expositio Materiaria, 5.6 (bis); 8.3.
 cclxxi This is a unique term, which cannot be found in published literature.
Presumably, the author coinded this by combining Areopagites' terms
Trct'VITSc'V~~ (so styling the divine life: De Divinis Nominibus, p. 192) and
ScctPXlct (used at more than 40 points in the Pseudo-Dionysian corpus).
Actually, the expression Trct'VITSc'V~~ ScctPXlct itself appears only in the Analecta
Hymnica Graeca, Canones Decembris, Day 6, canon 9, ode 1.
cclxxii The expression aMoTplo'V XpwfLct was used in reference to things that lacked
inherent beauty, which was pursued through artificial means. The tenor
of pertinent instances was clearly contemptuous. Cf. Plato, to whom the
specific meaning of aMoTplo~ was tantamount to 'being feigned'. Gorgias,
465b: ~ KOfLfLWnK~, KctKOUpyO~ Te KC(.L aTrctTriA~ KC(.L ayc'V'V~~ KctL tXvcAcVScpO~,
lTX'lfLctlTl'V KctL XPWfLctlTl'V KctLAnoT'1n KctL6ITS~lTl'V aTrctTWlTct, WITTe TrOlcl'V mOTplO'V
K&MO~ 6<pcAKOfLk'Vou~ TOU Ol;CclOU dUX T~~ YUfL'VctlTnK"i1~ afLcAcl'V. Phaedrus, 239c-
d: &fLTrClPOV d6 aTrctA~~ KctL a'V&'VdpoU dlctlT'1~' aMoTplol~ XPWfLctITl KctL ;c6lTfLol~
X'lTel Ol;CclW'V KOlTfLovfLc'Vo'V. This phrase became almost proverbial: see this
quoted by the grammarian Pseudo-Didymus, De Dubiis apud Platonem
Lectionibus, entry 32. Plutarch, Quomodo Adulator ab Amico Internoscatur,
p. SID. Stobaeus, Anthologium, 4.20b.78. The following unknown author
wrote in exactly the same spirit and terminology as the present commen-
tator. Pseudo-Basil of Caesarea, Sermo De Contubernalibus, PG.30.820.59-
821.4: Akyc fLOl, wTrOAUfL~Xct'Vo'V S'1plO'V ... Tl TrCplXpdcl~, Tl VTr0XPlcl~ ITcctuT~'V;
Tl XPWfLctlTl'V aMoTplol~ atvxol~ TrPOITActfL~&vcl~ fLoP<P~'V ddWAlK~'V;
cclxxiii The epithet cV6AlITSO~ means not only 'slippery' or 'changeable' and 'unstable',
but also (in reference to materials) labile and easy to elaborate. See Themistius,
paraphrPhys, p. 63 (ref to air as a material): cVSpUTrTO~ yap KC(.L cV6AlITSO~.
cclxxiv The verb TctKTOfLlITScl'V is one of those instances that reveal how fascinating
the evolution of language can be. Liddell and Scott (p. 1753) assure that they
found the term TctKTOfLlITSO~ in several edited and unedited papyri of third
and second centuries BC preserved at London and Leipzig. Their explana-
tion of TctKTOfLlITSO~ is that this 'was a rank in the army of the Ptolemies'.
However, the etymology is all too evident: the term TctKTOfLlITSO~ indicates
'someone who receives a fixed salary'. The equivalent phrase appears in
Diodore of Sicily referring to king Perseus of Macedonia (c. 212 - 166 BC),
who asked Galatians of 'articular excellence' to fight for him, and 'the leader
of the Galatians asked for a regular salary (fLlITSO'V ijTel TctKTO'V of five hun-
dred talants)'. Diodore of Sicily, Bibliotheca Historica, 30.19.1. Constantine
Porphyrogenitus copied this to the letter, as he did with other sections of
Diodore's history. De Virtutibus et Vitiis, v. 1, p. 279. The verb TctKTOfLlITScl'V
did not win the day. However, one more instance of those that make up
the 'fascinating evolution of language' is that, in Modern Greek, a regular
monthly salary is commonly called TctKn;c6~ fLlITSO~.
 cclxxv The expression VTrSpw'VvfwV o'VofLct ('the name which excels any name', therefore,
'unnamable name') is one more peculiar one coined by Pseudo-Dionysius the
Areopagite. Presumably, he took his cue from Paul's epistle to the Philippians,
2:9: KctLEXctPllTctTo ctlJT0 O'VOfLct, TO VTr6p Tret'V O'VOfLct. Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras,
Antirrhetica Priora, oration 2.3, p. 279: 1\SL66 TO 6'VSpyOV'V TW'V 6'VSPYOVfLS'VW'V
VTrSpSXSl. KctL TW'V a'VOVlTlW'V ~ OUlTlct, KC(.L TW'V 6'V0fLct~ofLS'VW'V TO rYrrspw'VvfL0'V.
This is but Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Divinis Nominibus,
p. 229: Til TPlct6lKil KctL hlctl~ SSW'VVfLl~ T~'V VTrSPW'VVfLOV 6'V0fLa,~OfLS'V' TOr~ OVlTl
T~'V VTrCPOVlTlO'V. Cf. op. cit. p. 120: ~ VTrCpw'VvfLo~ ayctSoT'1~ ... KC(.L VTrCpw'VvfL0'V
ayctSoT'1Tct. Also, Gregory Palamas, Orationes Dogmaticae, orations 4.20; 5.9;
5.24; et passim. John Cyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 3.8; 10.10.
cclxxvi ctlITS'1TlKYj tvxYJ ('sentient soul ') is an Aristotelian technical expression, as
indeed the entire tenor of this comment is. De Generatione Animalium, 736b;
74la-b; De Partibus Animalium, 672b; De }uventute et Senectute et De VIta et
Morte, 469a-b. See this used and explained by John Kyparissiotes, Laudationes
ix in Verbum Dei, oration 6, p. 40. The 'sentient soul' is exclusive to, and
characteristic of, animals, whereas plants have only ~VTlK~ KC(.L SpSTrTlK~ tvxYJ
(,vegetative and promoting-growth soul'). See Aetius, De Placitis Reliquiae,
p. 393, apudTheodoret, Curatio, 5.24.
cclxxvii C£ Gregory Palamas, Homiliae, homily 57.2: E; apX'1~ ,) &.'VSpWTrO~ OU KTllTfLct
fLo'Vo'V VTr~P;S Ehov, aMa KC(.L vlo~ 6'V Tr'VsvfLctTl, 0 T'1'VlKctvTct KctL6la TOV ~WctPXlKOV
EfL~VIT~fLctTo~ ctuT0 fLHa tvX'1~ E60S'1. Op. cit. homily 60.3: 6'V 1\6afL T~~ ~VITSW~
~fLw'V TrlctITSsllT'1~' 6la TOVTrpO~ ctUTO'V EfL~VIT~fLctTO~ TO ~WctPXlKO'V TI'VsvfLct EK~ct'VS'V
TC KctL 60Sh ITV'VS;S~'1'VS TO KctS' VTrOITTctlTl'V T~~ 6'1fLlOVpyOV SSOT'1TO~ TPlct6l1cO'V
ETrL TW'V aMw'V KTllTfLa,TW'V.
cclxxviii The rhetorical turn ;S'VO'V 6S Tl'Vct TPOTrO'V (which in effect means, 'paradoxically')
is interesting because this is rare, and its initial usage appears in Eusebius
speaking of Jesus' birth from a virgin. Demonstratio Evangelica, 1.1.2: Kctl Tl'Vct
;s'Vo'V EK TrctpSs'Vov TPOTrO'V ctUTOV T~~ aTrOTS;sW~. Then, the schema was used
by Eunapius of Sardis (historian, sophist, fourth - fifth century AD), VItae
Sophistarum, 7.6.4: ,) ~ctlTllsv~ ;s'Vo'V Tl'Va a'Vct~Sctp~ITHctl TpOTrO'V. Op. cit. 7.6.9: 0
TC yap ~ctlTllsv~ ... ;s'Vo'V Tl'Va ~~ct'VlITS'1 TpOTrO'V. Likewise, after Eusebius (on
Jesus' birth), Pseudo-Athanasius, Sermo in Nativitatem, PG.28.961.19-20: aM'
w~ 6SITTrOT'1~ T~~ ~VITSW~, ;s'Vo'V yS'V'V~lTsw~ dlT~yctys TpOTrO'V. Much later (twelfth
century), Michael Glycas, too. Quaestiones in Sacram Scripturam, chapter 74,
p. 253: OU66 ,)fLOlW~ a'VSpwTr(f hsXS'1, aMa ;s'Vo'V Tl'Va KC(.L Trctpa,60;0'V TpOTrO'V. Also,
op. cit. chapter 74, p. 253. So John Chrysostom, In joannem, PG.59.149.30-
31; In Nata/em Christi Diem, PG.56.389.45-46. Neophytus Prodromenus,
Tetrasticha Iambica, poem 36. Manuel Calecas (grammarian and rhetor, died
in c. 1410), De Principiis Catholicae Fidei, col. 585. In different context, see
the idiom used by John Chrysostom, In Genesim, PG.54: 389.3-4; 391.56;
 De Babyla contra }ulianum et Gentiles, section 85. Sozomenus, HE, Preface,
chapter 1.2. John of Damascus, De Duabus in Christo Voluntatibus, section
44. Gennadius Scholarius, Orationes et Panegyrici, oration 1.42.
cdxxix 6Trl'VOlC)'V aMoKoTw'V. See the only parallels in Photius, Bibliotheca, Cod. 214,
p. 172b; and Gregory Palamas, OrationesAntirrheticaecontraAcindynum, 6.4.9.
cdxxx Origen, commenting on Psalm 77:45, remarks that the similar reference in
Exodus, 8:17, about dog-flies having been sent upon the Egyptians does not
suggest that all of them were killed, as neither were they by the frogs and fleas.
homPs, homily 24.3. Nevertheless, in his ad hoc commentary on this Psalm,
he wrote that, by the word 'dog-flies', the Hebrews meant various beasts.
selPs, PG.l2.1541.39-41; cf. ftPs, comm. on Psalm 77:45. But all the other
authors who commented on that did not care about strict accuracy, and took
the Psalmic verse literally. Theodoret, Interpretatio in Psalmos, PG.80.1493.48-
1496.3. Pseudo-Hesychius of Jerusalem, Commentarius in Psalmos 77-99, col.
717. Euthymius Zigabenus, Commentarius in Psalterium, col. 812.
cclxxxi This portion of the commentary is in fact a seaming from various instances of
Exodus and the Numbers: it does not correspond to a single biblical episode
from start to finish. For example, see Num. 14:10-13; 17:6-10; Exodus, 15:24;
16:2-12; 17:1-7.
cclxxxii C£ the only but philologically stunning parallel. Germanus I of
Constantinople (c. 634 - 733 or 740, Patriarch from 715 to 730), Orationes,
oration I, col. 229: J\'Vs~wwS'1'V 6E brl TOU ITTCWPlKOU ;UAOV'VS'VSKpwfLs'Vl{.l Xpl1TT0,
ou TrpOTtjTrWlTl~') &tvxo~ O<pl~ ~'V,,) XIX).xOU~,,) afLsSsKTO~ SIXVIXT'1<POPOV lOU.
cclxxxiii C£ Origen, commMatt, 11.17: KC(.T&ITTlXlTl~ AOYlICVHSPIX fLHIX~&MSl d~
aAoywTsplX'V 6K TrOM~~ PIXSvfLllX~ KIXL afLSAdlX~ TO TOlOUTO'V Tr&ITXOVITIX.
cclxxxiv One more indication that this text is a late Byzantine one. The verb
a<ppo'VTlITTlXl'VW (instead of a<ppo'VTlITTSW - w, to be heedless) appears at only
a couple of cases of that period. Theodore Agallianus (fifteenth century),
Epistulae, epistle 11: TIXUTIX yap &vTlKPV~ <pIXITL'V 01 TOUTW'V a<ppo'VTlITTlXl'VO'VTC~.
Anonymous, Scholia in Aristophanis Nubes, comm. on verse 877a: afLSAsl'
a<p p O'V TlITTIXl'V c.
cclxxxv The author took his cue from Dionysius the Areopagite, De Divinis Nominibus,
p. 191: T~~ IXtho~w~~ 61TTl'V ~ SSllX ~w~ ~WTlK~ KC(.L VTrOITTIXTlK~ KIXL Tr&1T1X ~w~ KIXL
~WTlK~ Kl'V'1lTl~ 6K T~~ ~w~~ T~~ VTrEP Tr&ITIX'V ~w~'V KIXL Tr&1T1XV apxYJ'V Tr&IT'1~ ~w~~. 'E;
IXth~~ KIXLIX1 tVXIXL TO a'VWASSpO'V &XOVlTl KIXL ~01X Tr&vTIX KC(.L <pVTa KIXT' &ITXIXTO'V
aTr~X'1fLlX T~~ ~W~~ &XOVlTl TO ~~'V. The present point of the commentary is but a
faithful reproduction of Dionysius' analysis (whose normal source oflocution
and ideas was Produs). The only author who commented on this analysis was
John Kyparissiotes (citing Dionysius' name and treatise), and explained the
same notion in parallel terms, which in this commentary is styled aTCAsuT'1TO~
\W~ ('endless life') -and Produs called it ,,>w).sSpo> ('indestructible'). John
 Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 5.7: MEYct~ Ll.lovvolO~ h hcrl{.l JIEPf BdCtJv
'OVO!.aiTCtJV <P'1lTl' ... T~~ ctvTo~W~~ 6ITnv ~ Sclct ~w~ ~wnx:Y] KctL VTrOITTctnK~ ...
KctL 6WpclTctl fLE-v TrpC)'fct rn ctVTO~Wn TO SI'Vctl ~W~'V, KctL Tr&IT11 ~wn, KctL Tn KctS'
SKctlTTct TO cl'Vctl OiKclW~ 6K&ITT'1'V 0 cl'Vctl TrE<pUKC. KctL TO SSlonpo'V, on OAOU~ ~fL&~'
tuX&~ <P'1fLl KC(.L Ta.ITV~uyctITWfLctTct, TrpO~ Trct'VnA~ ~W~'V KctL aSct'VctlTlct'V 6Tr~yySATctl
fLSTctS~ITCl'V' Trp&YfLct Tn Trctlv:tlOT'1n fLS'V lITW~ Trctpa. <pVlTl'V 60KOU'V, 6fLoL 6S KC(.LITOL
KctL Tn aA'1SSl~ KctL Ssro'V KC(.L &rrsp <pVlTl'V.
cclxxxvi This pleonastic epithet was used only by John Kyparissiotes and definitely
this was an unnecessarily orotund one. I have explained that adding one or
more prepositions to verbs for emphasis (or grandiloquence) was characteris-
tic of the later Byzantine period. The present case is exclusive to Kyparissiotes,
anyway: he added the preposition &rrsp to the adjective aTrClpo6V'VctfLo~, which
of course adds nothing to the intended meaning in reference to God. See
Kyparissiotes using this, mainly in reference to the 'power' of God. Expositio
Materiaria, 10.5: 'EK 6~ TOVTW'V yl'VHctl <pct'Vspo'V on 6TrL T~~ VTrCPOUlTlOU fL0'V&60~
Trct'VnAw~ 61Tn'V &TOTrO'V T~'V 6; ctvT~~ 6pctlTnKwT&T'1'V cm&'VTw'V &rrs pctTrS lP06V'VctfLo'V
hEPYSlct'V TO KctS' ctVT~'V a'Vt.nrOITTctTO'V TlSSITSctl KC(.L tXvVTrctPKTO'V KctTa. TO'V 6ctUT~~
16LOV AOy0'V' Laudationes ix in Verbum Dei, oration 4, p. 26 (addressing the
Logos of God): nw~ &'V n~ 6VvctlTO T~'V IT~'V VTrSpctTrClp06VvctfLov 6;lXVl&ITCl KctS'
SKctITTO'V <p lAonXVlct'V; OrationesAntirrheticae Quinque contra Nilum Cabasilam,
oration 4.10, lines 207-208: fL'16' h Tn6ctuTW'V TrllTTCl T~'V VTrCpctTrClP06V'VctfLo'V
6Kcl'V'1'V KctSU~Pl~Sl'V TOAfL&'V a'VEK<ppctITTO'V dV'VctfLl'V, n&TTW TctvT'1'V T~~ TOU Ehou
60YfLctTl~0'Vn~ VTrCpOUlTlOT'1TO~. Op. cit. oration 5.3, lines 15-16: T~~ 6fL<PVTOU
niJ Eh0 6tiV&fLsw~ ... KC(.L TrpO~ T~'V VTrSpctTrClp06VvctfLo'V 6Kcl'V'1'V fLHct~l~&~o'Vn~
6VvctfLl'V. Naturally, this term is absent from both Liddell- Scott's and Lampe's
dictionaries.
cclxxxvii 'IS&.<; ('accustomed', 'familiar') is a distinctly Attic term coined by Thucydides
(Historiae, 2.44.2), which was not used by other Classical authors. It re-appered
later with Philo, Plutarch, it was explained by grammarians such as Herodian,
Julius Pollux, Aelius Dionysius, and Hesychius of Alexandria, as well as by
Photius, George Choeroboscus, and by Suda and other lexica. Origen employed
this (Cels, 1I.57), and naturally so did Porphyry, too (Quaestionum Homericarum
ad Iliadem Pertinentium Reliquiae, on Eias, XXII.466 if). It was Eustathius of
Thessaloniki that used this abundantly; so did Pachymeres' admirer Manuel
Philes, and then Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. I, p. 34; Epistulae,
epistles 32a, line 253; 32b, line 226; Laudatio Sancti Demetrii, section 1. Also,
his teacher Theodore Metochites, yet just once (Cannen xi ad Theodorum
Xanthopulum), verse 122. However, none of the other authors we come upon
every now and then (bar Philotheus Coccinus) did ever use this term at all.
cclxxxviii fLctYKct'Vclct~ instead of fLctyyct'Vclct~ appears only in the Acts of the Athos
Monastery of Esphigmenos. Judicium tribunalis Serrarum, line 30.
cclxxxix 6~' ~fLsP~ meaning 'day in, day out' is an ancient colloquialism, used once
by Josephus (Antiquitates }udaicae, 19.21) and Athenaeus (Deipnosophistae,
8.35), twice by Iamblichus (De Vita Pythagorica, 21.100; 28.149), recurrently
by Galen (six points), and abundantly by rhetor Aelius Aristides, of whom
Gregoras thought highly and mentioned him at some points: See this expres-
sion in Aelius Aristides, Aalta £I; AoxliJ7rtov, p. 36; AoxliJ7rtd&u, p. 46; Ei;
TOV Lripamv, p. 55; Ei; 'Euwvia 'E7rt!C13no;, p. 77; IIava$1vrtiic6;, p. 148;
l,pol A6/01 P', p. 299; l,pol A6/01 3', p. 322; II,pl TOO IIapa?$il//,aTo;, p. 394;
KaTa TCJV 'E;op?:ovf1,{vCtJv, pp. 415; 416. And in Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia
Romana, v. I, pp. 5; 88; 141; 295; v. 2, pp. 609; 695; v. 3, p. 525; Epistulae,
epistle 69; Oratio in sanctos Demetrium, Georgium et Theodorum, section 14,
line 281.
Nikephorus Gregoras mentioned Aelius Aristides repeatedly and in utter
admiration, wherefrom it turns out that he had read all of Aristides' works.
Epistulae, epistles 4 (citing by name and quoting from Aelius Aristides,
PWI'1; 'E/!CWI'IOV, p. 197); epistle 148 (placing Cicero, Aelius Aristides, and
Synesius on a par); Explicatio in Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 26 (quot-
ing from Aelius Aristides, 'Ynlp TCJV TETTdpCtJv, p. 126); p. 97 (attesting to
Aelius Aristides having written a treatise On Dreams); op. cit. p. 97 (quoting
from Philostratus of Lemnos reference to Aristides in the VItae Sophistarum,
chapter 2, p. 581); op. cit. p. 97 (adducing Philostratus ofLemnos' reference
to Aristides' treatise On Dreams); op. cit. p. 104 (citing Aelius Aristides' work
'Ynlp TCJV TETTdpCtJv); Florentius, line 1303 (quoting from Aelius Aristides,
Ei; Liia, p. 3); Astrolabica B, p. 218 (quoting from Aelius Aristides, IIpo;
IIAdTwvaII,pl P1TOPI!C1J;, p. 8).
ccxc TSTcocro is a late and epic version of the grammatically correct hSTctKTO.
ccxci C£ Wis. 4:12: fLHctMcvcl 'VOU'V aKctKO'V. The author quotes this on folio llr, but
subsequently (folio 11v) he quotes fLHctlTctAcvcl, by which he dearly indicated
human mind turning to action of different quality by its own free will. By
contrast, the verb fLHctMcvW means 'get by mining' and hardly makes sense
in both Wis. 4:12 and Wis. 16:25. However, the verb fLHctlTctAcvW means 'alter
something into something different'. This fits perfectly both Wis. 4:12 (which
intends 'anxious turn of mind towards desire alters a guileless mind') and
Wis. 16:25 12 (which intends 'Nature alters into anything that the Creator
wants'). As opposed to both of those points, the scriptural use of the verb
fLHctMcvcl'V is meaningless.
The verb fLHctlTctAcVcl'V is rare, but Origen used this: Cels, 11.2: TctUTct fLs'V
6ITTl Sctct TO 66 fLHctlTctAcVcl'V ctlh& 6ITTL'V alTc~6~ ('these things are divine and to
alter them is imipous'). As it happened, John Chrysostom paid attention to
Origen's texts and used this in his In Epistulam ad Colossenses, PG.62.326.22
(& Catena in Epistulam ad Colossenses, p. 312). Also, George Monachus,
 Chronicon, p. 779. Again, this rare verb recurs in the Acts on Athos monasteries.
See Acta Monasterii Esphigmeni, Actum Palaeologi Sphranzae stratopedarchae
magni (prior to year 1334), line 15; Testamentum secundum Charitonis Hegumeni
(prior to year 1370), p. 119. Acta Monasterii Cutlumusii, Actum Concilii, line 21.
ccxcii The expression Trct'VITSc'V1:~'Vci)fLct ('all too powerful nod') originated with Cyril of
Alexandria, evidently having taken his cue from 2 Macc. 8: 18. Epistulae Paschales,
PG.77.965.28; Commentarii in Lucam (~In Transfigurationem), PG.77.1012.14-
15; ContraJulianum Imperatorem, 2.29; 7.42. This was taken up much later by
Nicetas David, Homiliae Septem, homily 6, p. 321; and later still by Pachomius
Rhusanus, Syntagma (Orationes Dogmaticae), oration 2, p. 100.
ccxciii Once again, the author repeats his recurrent opinion that the manna had as
many tastes as the people that ate it so as to please each and everyone's individual
predilection. See pp. 274-276; 526.
ccxciv cvXctpllTTdct is a rare alternative to cvXctpllTTlct, but interstingly this spelling occurs
in the Acts of Athos monasteries. See Acta Monasterii Iviron, Diploma Thomae
proti, p. 150. Acta Montis Athonis, Epistula Patriarchae adAthonitas, p. 197. Acta
Monasterii Lavrae, Horismos Demetrii Palaeologi Despotae Lemni, line 14.
ccxcv On the rare turn, T~'V Oml6ct nl'Vcl'V or Ta.~ Oml6ct~ nl'Vcl'V ('placing one's hope[sJ
on someone or something'), see Gregory of Nazianzus, Epistulae, epistle 61.3.
John Chrysostom, Homilia Habita postquam Presbyter Gothus Concionatus
fuerat, PG.63.502.48. Gennadius Scholarius, Precationes Diversae, prayer 6,
p. 355. Analecta Hymnica Graeca, CanonesJulii, Day 17, canon 24, ode 3.
ccxcvi The epithets afLcl6Y]TO~ and )CctTY]<P~~ are synonymous. The former is cognate with
afLcl6~~ ('not smiling') and the latter is polysemous: it may mean 'fearful', 'grim',
'sullen', 'dejected', 'of sad or angry countenance', 'gloomy', 'melancholic', and
the like. Depending on the context, it may be synonymous with ITTuyv6~ or
IT)CuSpwTr6~ etc. Notwithstanding its clumsy Greek, the text of Wisdom is pretty
clear that )CctTY]<P~~ qualifies the countenance of ghosts beheld by the Egyptians.
The commentator's version <p&lTfLctTct afLcl6~TOl~ )CctTy]<pSlTl TrpOITWTrOl~ hc<pct'V(~O'VTO
(instead of the LXX, <p&lTfLctTct afLcl6~TOl~ )CctTY]<P~ TrpOITWTrOl~ hc<pct'V(~O'VTO) makes
not too much of difference. Whether the syntax is interpreted as <p&lTfLctTct )CctTY]<P~
or <p&lTfLctTct afLCl6~Tol~ )CctTy]<pSlTl TrpOITWTrOl~ the meaning is the same: it was the
ghosts that appeared with gloomy faces. However, when the commentator comes
to providing his own exegesis (pp. 278-279), he applies the expression )CctTy]<pSlTl
TrpOITWTrOl~ to the Egyptians beholding the ghosts: "The Egyptians, with their
faces being dejected, beheld the horrific ghosts'.
ccxcvii The closest and unique parallel to the turn a'VSpwTrllcy) 6Trl'VOlct appears only
in John Kyparissiotes, Expositio Materiaria, 10.2: d dS TrOV Ked ASYOlTO, fLSXPl
<pw'V~~ KctT' 6Trl'VOlct'V a'VSpWTrlK~'V. Cf. Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana
(i<vSpwn('~l\ 'm,o(~l\) in v. I, p. 242; v. 2, pp. 733; 760.
ccxcviii Normally, the grammatically correct phrase should be TroM0 XctASTrWTSpOV.
However, see the peculiar (and technically defective) TroM0 XctASTrWTctTO'V in
John Chrysostom, Expositiones in Psalmos» PG.55.93.57; TroM0 xctAsTrwnh'1'V,
In Isaiam), 3.9. There are no other parallels to this grammatical deviation.
ccxcix This is a present participle of the extremely rare verb bCdSdlTTOfLctL ('to be terrified
at', not in Liddell and Scott). Cyril of Alexandria, Commentarius in xii Prophetas
Minores, v. 2, pp. 1; 234. Then, Arethas of Caesa rea, Scripta Minora, opus 12,
p. 117. Michael Choniates, Epistulae, epistle 65, p. 106. Nicolas Mesarites,
Epitaphius in }oannem Mesaritem, p. 69. George Pachymeres, Historia,
pp. 299; 433. Historia Brevis, book 3, chapter 44. Lastly, John Kyparissiotes,
Contra Tomum Palamiticum, 6.22, line 173: T0 TW'V O'V0fL&'TW'V iCTtJTrI{.l TrpO~ TO
TOU~ C(.TrAOVITTSpOV~ 6iCdSdlTTCITSctL. The verb did not win the day. Nevertheless,
see dSdlTTCITSctL used in Gregoras' Historia Romana (I. Bekker), v. 2, pp. 833;
966; Explicatio In Librum Synesii De Insomniis, p. 43 (apropos of Synesius' 0
dSdlTTHctL); Opuscula, opusculum 3, p. 761, line 340.
ccc Cf. John Kyparissiotes, Laudationes ix in Verbum Dei, oration 6, p. 41: oUdhyap
diCl1 Tothol~ 6TrS'V~'VSiCTctl.
ccci This is a unique neologism, meaning 'deprived of light', i.e. 'entirely dark'. Cf.
the only possible antithetical parallel to this in the Orphic Hymni, hymn 9,
addressing the Moon as ctUy&'ITTClpct, i.e. a source of light. Nevertheless, the
term a'VctVyctITTO~ itself does not occur anywhere in the known Greek litera-
ture, and in no lexicon for that matter. See this used also infra (folio 47v: TY)'V
a'VctvyctITTO'V 6iCSl'V'1'V IOXL adl&'dox0'V <pWTL Trpw"l'V0 a'VsASct'V 'VViCTct) and endnote
cccvii.
cccii Once again, the author (namely, Nikephorus Gregoras) could not help not
employing brilliant moments from his hero Aelius Aristides. The expression
choTrct <p&'lTfLctTct ('weird phantoms') had been coined by Plutarch (Adversus
Colotem, p. 1123D), but Gregoras would have been fascinated by its use by
Aelius Aristides (Ilava'J-1Jvabcoc;, p. 124: TW'V aTOTrw'V 6iCSl'VW'V <pctlTfL&'TW'V), which
Gregoras uses verbatim at this point (Cf. Anonymous [Gregoras?J, Scholia in
Aelium Aristidem, comm. on Ilava'J-1Jvabcoc;, p. 124, and on the same oration,
p. 128). Gregoras was so fascinated by this as to use it once again on folio 48r.
No other author did ever use this.
ccciii The verb 6TrCiCXSW is very rare and means 'pour out upon'; in Passive voice, 'rush
upon', which is how it obtains in Judith 15:4.
 ccciv On the 'masque(s) of wickedness' (TrOV'1Plct~ TrpolTwm:lov or TrpolTwm:lct), see
Gregory of Nyssa, Orationes viii De Beatitudinibus, PG.44.1276.56; John
Chrysostom, Epistulae ad Olympiadem, epistle 13.2; Expositiones in Psalmos,
PG.55: 419.40-41; 491.1; In Matthaeum, PG.57.309.57-5S; In Epistulam ad
Romanos, PG.60.484.4-5; Theodoret, HE, p. 155; Interpretatio in xiv Epistulas
Sancti Pauli, PG.S2.lS9.15-1S.
cccv Meaning, T~'V bc~ctlTlV TW'V TrpctYfLaTw'V.
cccvi Meaning, suddenly abandoned; Cf. Wis. 17:11: TrP060ITlct TW'V aTrO AOYllTfLOU
~O~e~~&TW'.
cccvii See supra, endnote cclxi. Sometimes, beyond philological analysis, the 'image' of
the codex itself tries to 'speak' for itself, or at least to 'bespeak' some information.
Since this is a unique neologism, this folio (47v) betrays some bafflement
by the person who scribed this: I have surmised that this was reproduced by
Gregoras' close friend, Metropolitan Matthew of Ephesus. Since he was not sure
about this unprecedented word, he was baffled: he wrote this partially, and, upon
the first misspelling of this, he deleted the word and wrote a'VctVyctITTO'V above
this, and then he wrote the selfsame a'VctuYctITTO'V once again on the margin, as if
he wanted to reassure that this was indeed the word written by the author of the
commentary, and that he was only a scribe, although baffled at that unknown
word being used -which was never used again.
To be sure, a'VctVyctITTO~ is an elegant epithet, and this could have been used
even by Homer -yet it was not. Instead, Aeschylus used the term a'VctVy'1To~
(Prometheus Vinctus, verse 1028), which was easily explained by anonymous
commentators. See Scholia in Prometheum Vinctum [cod. Neapol. II.F.31J
(HW. Smyth); Scholia in Aeschylum (on Prometheum Vinctum, verse 1028) (W
Dindorf). However, no author did ever use the term a'VctuYctITTO~ itself at all.
Instead, see the alternative a'Vctvy~~ being used only by the anonymous author of
the Vita Sancti Auxentii (sixth century), section 49, and Leo Allatius (sixteenth-
seventeenth century), Hellas, line 262. This is all literature made of variations of
that epithet, but the present form a'VctVyctITTO~ is exclusive to the present com-
mentaryalone.
cccviii This is a term introduced by Origen. See my Scholia in Apocalypsin, pp. 262-263.
cccix Above, the author wrote the biblical text 6m:;cXUS'1. Now, he writes 6;cXUS'1. The
variants of the text of Wisdom in different codices are 6TrcXUS'1 or 6Tr~ASc'V.
cccx Although the verb 6Trl\VlSVPl~W had been used by the sixth-century historian
Procopius of Caesarea (Historia Arcana, 25.9) and re-appeared in the ninth cen-
tury with Theodore Studites, (Oratio Funebris in Platonem, chapter 7, column
848), then, in the eleventh century with Michael Psellus (Encomium in Matrem,
line 1683 and Epistulae, section 28, epistle 103), and Nicetas Stethatus (Vita
Simeonis Novi Theologici, section 97), the present coinage ITVVcTrltlSVPl~6'VTW'V
 (adding one more prefixed preposition) is unique and characteristic of the later
Byzantine extravagant neologisms.
cccxi See a unique precedent of the term 6VITSfLTrTWTO~ ('not easily falling upon') in
Nicomachus of Gerasa, Harmonicum Enchiridion, 11.1. Like the present com-
mentator, Nicomachus refers also to how a voice is felt by the sense of hearing.
cccxii See supra, endnote cccii.
cccxiii The verb ETrct'VctKA&ITSctL is a later coinage (and naturally absent from Liddell and
Scott). Actually, this appears in a single text, yet under the names of three differ-
ent authors. The text reads, 'Em:l6~ ya.p ~ <pVlTl~ EITTL Tctr~ <PAOYW6SlTl fLctPfLctpvyctr~,
d n'Vl ASll{) TrPOITTrSITOlS'V, Trp6~ 6ctvTa.~ TrCO.l'V ETrct'VctKA&ITSctL. This (along with its
entire context) has been ascribed to (1) Basil of Cae sa rea, Epistulae, epistle, 38.5;
Athanasius, apud Catena in epistulam ad Hebraeos (catena Nicetae) (e cod. Paris.
gr. 238), p. 343; and (3) a twelfth-century monk of Constantinople named
Jacob, in a collection of forty-three epistles addressing a certain noblewoman
(sebastokratorissa) of the Byzantine court, called Irene: Epistulae, epistle, 43.
cccxiv Once again, the author writes as a scientist -and Nikephorus Gregoras was defi-
nitely a scientist.
cccxv Cf. a6pctTo~ TrA'1Y~' meaning various instances of divine punishment: 2 Mace.
9:5. Pseudo-Macarius, Sermones 64 (collectio B), 12.2.5; HomiliaeSpirituales 50
(collectio H), homily 20, line 80-81. Severian of Gabala, In Mundi Creationem,
homily 6, column 495. Pseudo-John Chrysostom, In Sanctum Pasch a (sermo
1), section 5; In Omnes Sanctos, p. 303. Theodoret, Commentaria in Isaiam, sec-
tion 9, lines 340-341; Quaestiones in Octateuchum, p. 112; cf. Interpretatio in
xiv Epistulas Sancti Pauli, PG.82.301.6-7 Also, in the Catena in Epistulam i ad
Corinthios (typus Vaticanus), p. 183. Procopius of Gaza, Commentarii in Isaiam,
p. 2280; Commentarii in Genesim, 3.7. 22. Antiochus of Ancyra, Pandecta
Scripturae Sacrae, homily 77, line 83. Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus,
HE,2.13.
cccxvi Cf. Psalm 7: 13: Ea.'V fL~ ETrlITTPct<p~TC, T~'V POfL<pctlct'V ctlhoi) ITnA~WITSl. Subsequently,
in this context, pOfL<pctlct ('broad sword') was substituted by fLaXctLPct ('carving-
knife' or 'short sword') in the Lord's hands. See Gregory of Nazianz us, In Patrem
Tacentem (orat. 16), PG.35.944.14-15; Carmina Moraiia, col. 839. Basil of
Caesarea (forsan Cassian the Sabaite), Enarratio in Prophetam Isaiam, 2.75. John
Chrysostom, Expositiones in Psalmos, PG.55.97.9-15. Pseudo-John Chrysostom,
In illud: Pater si possibile est, PG.61.754.22 (T~'V ITTlA~OVlTct'V fLaXctLPct'V T~~
SS6T'1TO~). Procopius of Gaza, Commentarii in Isaiam, p. 1877 (T~'V ITTlA~OVlTct'V
Toi) A6yov fLaXctlPct'V).
cccxvii Cf. the very rare idiomatic phrase VTr'1PSlTlct'V aTrOTrA'1pOUv in Gregory of
Nyssa, VIta sanctae Macrinae, 5. Pseudo-Athanasius, Testimonia e Scriptura,
PG.28.68.20. John Chrysostom. In Genesim, PG.54.495.56. Michael Psellus,
Orationes Hagiographicae, oration 3b, line 98. Once again, this obtains in the
 Acts of an Athos monastery. Acta Monasterii Lavrae, Donatio Philothei patriar-
chae (dated prior to 1367), lines 48 & 63.
cccxviii Cf. Psalm 103:30: 6;ct7(OITTCAct~ TO 7('VSVfLctITOU KctL KnITS~ITO'VTctl, KctL a'VctiO:tl'Vlct~
TO 7(POITW7(O'V T~~ y~~.
cccxix Cf. Ex. 1:1: TctvTct Ta. o'V0fLctTct TW'V ulw'V 'IlTpct'1AlTW'V TW'V da'7'rs7(OpwfLE'Vw'V d~
Aiyu7(TO'V &fLct 'IctKW~ niJ 7(ctTPL ctlJTW'V - SKctITTO~ 7(ct'VOlK(~ ctlJTW'V dlT~ASolTct'V.
cccxx Cf. Aristotle, De Generatione Animalium, 762a; Historia Animalium, 569a;
570a; Meteorologica, 389b. Consequently, during later times, the idea about
creatures being produced from putrefaction was attributed to Aristotle. See
Anonymous, Scholia in Odysseam (scholia vetera), on book XVII I. 2 (Aristotle,
Fragmenta Varia, comm. on Aristotle's On Animals, fro 361); op. cit. fro 241 (apud
Alexander of Aphrodisias, In Aristotelis Meteorologicorum Libros Commentaria,
p. 197). Also, Theophrastus of Eresus, De Causis Plantarum, 5.9.3. Philo, De
Vita Mosis, 1.204; De Specialibus Legibus, 1.291. Plotinus, Enneadcs, 111.4.6.
Gregory of Nyssa, De Mortuis non esse Dolendum, p. 30; Contra Eunomium,
2.1.321; Apologia in Hexaemeron, p. 92. Also, almost all of Aristotle's com-
mentators, as well as Christians, such as Maximus Confessor (citing Aristotle),
Quaestiones et Dubia, 126; Photius, Bibliotheca (reviewing Nilus of Ancyra),
Cod. 276, p. 512b; et al. (Psellus, Eustathius of Thessaloniki, Gennadius
Scholarius, etc.).
cccxxi The expression 7(oM0 T0 U7(Sp~&Mo'Vn is a rhetorical one, uniquely character-
istic of George Metochites (Historiae Dogmaticae liber 1, section 14) and of his
pupil, Nikephorus Gregoras (Historia Romana, v. I, p. 491).
cccxxii The story claiming that the pyramids had been built by the Israelites under
the leadership of Joseph appears in Byzantine authors from the sixth cen-
tury onwards. One of them wrote that the source of that story was Gregory
Nazianzen, but this could hardly be sustained. Actually, in the obituary for
Basil of Caesarea, Gregory wrote of 'the seven miracles' of the world (men-
tioning five of them, including the pyramids) only in order to argue that barely
did those who built such grandiose constructions receive credit for their work.
Funebris Oratio in laudem Basilii Magni Caesareae in Cappadocia episcopi (orat.
43),63.2. However, there is nothing apart from the word 'pyramids' mentioned
in passing, no elaboration, and no explicit reference to either the Israelites or
Joseph is made.
Gregory made one more mention of the seven wonders in the Epigrammata,
book 8, epigram 177 (TCrXO~ [substituting the Lighthouse of Alexandria for
the walls of Babylon]; &y~l~~ [~ the Colossus of Rhodes]; K~TIOl [the Hanging
Gardens of Babylon]; 7(UpctfL(6S~ [= the Great Pyramid of Giza]; 'V'10~ [= the
Temple of Artemis]; tXyctAfLct [= the Statue of Zeus at Olympia]; T&<pO~ [= the
Mausoleum at HalicarnassusJ).
 Gregory's name was cited in a pseudepigraphon, allegedly explaining his
account of the seven wonders in considerable detail. Pseudo-N onnus, Scholia
Mythologica, oration 43, historia IS: '0 6E SclO~ rpY]YOplO~ mpLSsetfLchwv ~OVAHctL
d-rrsiv ~fLr'V 6vretuSet .... Ai6E TrVPetfLl6S~ Ked etuTetl SsafLetTo~ &;lctL h Til AiyvTrTI{.l
doh 6KTllTfLs'VctL TrOAVC(.'VaAwTol [= extravagantly costly], &ITTl'Vet~ XPllTTlctvOL fLS'V
ASYOVlTl'V cl'VctL Wpclet TOU 'IWIT~<p, "EMY]'Vs~ 6E Ta<pov~ ~etlTlASW'V Tl'Vw'V, w'V 6ITTl KetL
'Hp060TO~. The author allegedly quotes from Gregory, but he mentions only five
out of the seven wonders (the seven gates at Thebae; the wall of Babylon; the
Mausoleum at Halicarnassus; the pyramids; the Colossus of Rhodes).
Later, the poet Cosmas of Jerusalem (Saint Cosmas of Maiuma, sixth to
seventh century) recalled and quoted the foregoing point from Gregory's epi-
taphius to Basil, but he added the text from Pseudo-Nonnus as above, claiming
that the pyramids built by the Israelites 'to Christians, were Joseph's places
for storing corn' (Ta. Wpclet TOU 'IWIT~<p). Commentarii in Gregorii Nazianzeni
Carmina, chapter SO-S2.l). But in fact the source of this was not Gregory.
Cf. Cosmas of Jerusalem, op. cit. chapter 102-114.u: nVPetfLl6S~ 6E oi Tretp' ~fLw'V
AsyofLs'VOl TOU 'IWIT~<p ITlTO~OAW'VS~, T~~ TrpO~ Til KetT' AiyVTrTO'V Bet~VAW'VO~ fLlKpOU
6lSITTY]K6TC~.
Much later (eleventh century), Nicetas of Heraclea, deacon of St. Sophia,
Constantinople, writing on 'the seven wonders of the world' in a work com-
menting on Gregory of Nazianzus, in reality quoted from Pseudo-Nonnus,
thus adding himself to the list of those who reproduced the same information.
Fragmenta CommentariorumXVI Orationum Gregorii Nazianzeni, fr. 67. It was
natural then, shortly after that, for the author of the Etymologicum Magnum
to reproduce this in the lemma for 'Pyramid' as an alternative explanation of
what those constructions were. Etymologicum Magnum, p. 697: nVPetfLl6S~ 6E
TraAl'V ASYO'VTctL Wpclet ~etlTlAlKa. ITlT060Xet, & KetTCITKSVITS'V 'IWIT~<p. The anonymous
commentator of Aristophanes simply reproduced the same information. Scholia
in Nubes, comm. on verse 59Sb (TrayxpvlTo'V oTx:o'V).
In conclusion, there is no sound basis for the allegation about Joseph and
the Israelites having been the builders of the pyramids. Nevertheless, the pres-
ent commentator took this for granted. I should have thought that his source
was extracts of history by the chronicler and theologian John Zonaras (twelfth
century), who alone claimed that the Egyptians forced the Israelites to build
the pyramids (among other constructions) in order to torment them. Epitome
Historiarum, v. 1, p. 40: AiyvTrTlOl 6E aKfLa~o'VTet~ TOV~ 'IITPetY]AlTet~ ')PW'VTC~ KetL
TOU 'IWIT~<p 6TrlASAy]lTfLs'VOl, TetAetlTrWPlet~ TrOlKlAet~ KetT' ettJTW'V 6TrS'V00VV. TO'V TC ya.p
TrOTetfLo'V d~ 6lWPVXet~ TrAdITTet~ KetTetTCfLcl'V ettJTOr~ 6TrSTet;et'V KetL ObC060fL~lTctL TClXY]
Tetr~ TrOASlTl KC(.L XWfLetTet CtvSYclpctL, l'Vet 6l' ettJTW'V,) TrOTetfLo~ AlfL'Va~sl'V amlpyo'VTO, KetL
a'VlITT&'V TrVPetfLl6et~, KetL TOVTOl~ TOV~ 'E~PetlOV~ 6;hpvxo'V. Xpo'Vo'V fLS'V OVv ITvyyo'V h
ettJTetr~ 6l~'VVlTet'V Tetr~ KC(.KWITSlTl'V. Why did A.-M. Denis include part of this (TO'V
 n: yap TrOTctfLo'V ... TOV~ 'E~pctlOV~ E;hpvxo'V) in his collection of ancient Greek
pseudepigrapha, I cannot account for. See his, Fragmenta pseudepigraphorum
quae supersunt Graeca. Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti Graece 3. Leiden,
1970, pp. 70-101; fr. t. This is one more indication (though not proof on its
own merit) that the present commentary was written after the twelfth century.
On the story about the Israelites having built pyramids at Egypt, particularly,
Joseph's involvement with this, see Jesse Ames Spencer, The East: Sketches of
Travel in Egypt and the Holy Land, New york - London, 1850, pp. 62-65.
Also, C. Piazzi Smyth, Life and Work at the Great Pyramid during the months
ofJanuary, February, March, and April, A.D. 1865, vol. 3, Edinburgh, 1867,
p. 120.
cccxxiii See supra, endnote cclxxxvi.
cccxxiv On VTrctywysv~ of musical instruments, see Nicomachus ofGerasa, Harmonicum
Enchiridion, 10.1: aTrol'1<pSdlT'1~ T~~ XOp6~~ VTrctywySl. Introductio Arithmetica,
2.27.1: 6'V rnXOP611 6l' VTrctyWyEW~. Likewise, Claudius Ptolemy, Harmonica,
1.3; 2.2; 2.12. Porphyry, Ei; TlZ Apl'0vtiaX IlToA£l'rtiov 'Y7r0l'v1{'rt, p. 66; 160.
Then, ten centuries later, Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Sermones, oration 2, p. 38;
and two more centuries later, George Pachymeres, Quadrivium, 2.17 (at three
points).
cccxxv Cf. Plato, Phae?W, 92a (quoted also by Stobaeus, Anthologium, 1.49.13): "har-
mony is (T~'V apfLo'Vlct'V sl'VctL) a compound (ITV'VSHO'V TrP&'YfLct) and the soul is a sort
of harmony made up of the elements that are strung like harpstrings (apfLo'Vlct'V
Tl'Va be TW'V KctTa TO ITwfLct 6'VTHctfLE'Vw'V) in the body." Plotinus, Enneades, IY.7.8d
(quoted also by Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica, 15.22.65): To Pythagoreans,
harmony was something like the tuning of the strings (olo'V KctL ~ TrCpL xop6a~
apfLo'Vlct): when the strings are stretched (6'VTHctfLE'Vw'V TW'V XOP6W'V), they come to
be affected in a particular way (Yl'VHctl Tl OlO'V Tr&S'1fLct ETr' ctlhctr~), and the spe-
cific result is called being in tune (8 lEyHctL apfLo'Vlct). Justinian, Novellae, p. 198
(& Basilica, 6.9.2): KctL T~'V T~~ tvX'1~ apfLo'Vlw KSKp&'ITSctL TrOTS fLS'V 6;VTEpOl~ KctL
ETrlTHctfLE'VOl~, TrOTS 6S Trp~OTEpOl~ KctL a'VClfLE'VOl~ TOr~ <pS6yyOl~.
cccxxvi Once again, the author turns out to be an erudite scientist, not simply a theolo-
gian. The present description of the structure and function of a musical intru-
ment so as to produce various musical effects comes from Nicomachus ofGerasa
(second century AD), IntroductioArithmetica, 2.27.1; HarmonicumEnchiridion,
10.1. Claudius Ptolemy, Harmonica, 1.3 (quoted and commented upon also
by Porphyry, Ei; rrx Apl'0vtm IlToA£l'rtiov 'Y7r0l'v1I'rt, p. 55); 2.2; 2.12-13. Also,
Porphyry, op. cit. pp. 66; 159-160. lamblichus, In Nicomachi Arithmeticam
Introductionem, p. 112. This was part of the lessons given by George Pachymeres
in his class. Cf. Quadrivium vel L,vvTaYfla TCJV TEo"oripcuv MaS'!flriTcuv, 2.17-20.
Presumably, Nikephorus Gregoras was fully aware of Pachymeres' Quadrivium,
that is, his lessons on Arithmetic, Music, Geometry, and Astronomy. In
 relation to the present point, see Gregoras' analyses in his Historia Romana,
v. 1, pp. 67; 316; 336-337; 547 (which echoes Pachymeres' analyses); v. 2,
p. 650; Epistulae, epistle 17, lines 6-7. It should be reminded that Gregoras'
History partially complements and partially carries on Pachymeres' work.
cccxxvii This rare Comparative degree of the adjective aSp6w~ ('immediately',
'quicky', 'suddenly') had been used by astronomers, such as Claudius Ptolemy
(Harmonica, 1.3) and Cleomedes (Caelestia, 1.4), as well as by Athenaeus
(Deipnosophistae [epitome], p. 6), by Porphyry commenting on Ptolemy (Ei;
ret ApfiOV{Xet IlrolEfict!ov Y7rOfiviJfict, pp. 49; 51) and by other commen-
tators and philosophers (Hermias, Proclus, Simplicius). After having been
put to rest for centuries, this re-appeared with Eustathius of Thessaloniki
(Sermones, oration 13, p. 203), George Pachymeres (Quadrivium, 4.12); and
Nikephorus Gregoras (Epistulae, epistle 42; Antirrhetica Priora, oration 1.8,
p. 193).
cccxxviii The only author who specifically used the Homeric epithet &fL~pOTO~ ('divine')
in relation to 'fire' was the Roman-era Greek lyric poet Mesomedes of Crete
(MsITOfL~6Y]~') Kp*), who lived in the early second century AD. Fragmenta, fr.
2: TrOTetfLoL6S ITkSs'V Trup6~ afL~p6ToU. Cf. Orphica, Lithica, verse 173: Trupl<psyyko~
afL~p6ToU et'(yAY]~. Anthologiae Graecae Appendix, Oracula, epigram 267 (apud
Marinus of Neapolis, in Samaria, Neoplatonist, fifth century AD, Vita Procli
[De Felicitate], line 692): &fL~pOTO~ et,(yAY]. Of course, Aristotle had already writ-
ten zsu~ &fL~pOTO~ ... zsu~ aKetfL&ToU Trup6~ ,)PfL~. De Mundo, 40lb. Probably,
this is what the present commentator had in mind. Cf. Aristophanes, Aves,
verse 1749: L1l6~ &fL~pOTO'V gyxo~, Trupo<p6po'V. Anyway, the author of the present
commentary was impressively erudite and informed.
cccxxix The participle 6letfLetpTW'VTet appears in the ninth-century chronographer
George Monachus, Chronicon, p. 321(& Chronicon Breve, PG.1l0.384.6),
and then in two fourteenth-century authors, namely, John Kyparissiotes,
Laudationes ix in Verbum Dei, oration 4, p. 27, and Philotheus Coccinus,
Encomium Gregorii Palamae, section 2.
cccxxx The idiomatic expression a<p' 'EITT(et~ &PXSITSctl, meaning, to begin from the
most fundamental things and considerations, or from the source of some-
thing, or from things that are most familiar. This came to be a proverb, and
according to an anonymous commentator of Aristophanes, this was attested
by the hardly known Aristocritus (Fragmenta, fr. 5, apud Anonymous, com-
menting on Aristophanes': Scholia in Vespas, on verse 846a (\'V. J. W Koster).
Cf. Aristophanes, Vespae, verses 845-846: aM' l'Vet a<p' 'EITT(et~ apx6fLs'Vo~
6TrlTp(tw Tl'V&). I should remind that Pachymeres himself is a known commen-
tator of Aristophanes, and could well have been the anonymous commentator
who mentioned Aristocritus. Nevertheless, Aristocritus could have been either
a pupil of Plato who later dissented from him (Olympiodorus of Alexandria,
 In Platonis Gorgiam, 41.10; copied by Bessarion, In Calumniatorem Platonis,
1.3.3), or Demosthenes' addressee (Demosthenes, Epistulae, epistle 5.1).
Aristocritus would have expounded his dissent from Plato in a treatise entitled
AVTtO'O;OV/iEVct (,Points of Dissension'), addressed to a certain Heradiodorus
(as reported by Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, 5.5.31.3). Alternatively,
he could have been the tragedian mentioned by Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae,
12.54).
Anyhow, Plato also used the expression a<p' 'EITT(ct~ &'pXSITSctL in Euthyphro,
3a (quoted by Stobaeus, Anthologium, 3.4.95): aTCXVw~ yap 60KSr a<p' EITT(ct~
&'PXSITSctl KC(./COvpysrv T~'V TrOAl'V. Also, in Cratylus, 40lb: "AMo n oVv a<p' 'EITT(ct~
apxw fLsSct KC(.Ta TO'V 'Vo fL0'V;
Lexicographers explained that the proverb stemmed from the habit to begin
a sacrifice with presenting the primal offerings to goddess Hestia. Zenobius of
Rome (sophist, second century AD), Epitome collectionum Iucilli Tarrhaei et
Didymi, 1.40. Pausanias of Attica (not the geographer; second century AD),
ATToc0v OVO/idTCtJV L,vvctYCtJy1, alphabetic letter alpha, entry 175. Etymologicum
Genuinum, letter alpha, entry 1457. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, let-
ter alpha, entry 8619. Michael Apostolius, Collectio Paroemiarum, 4.61. Also,
in the Appendix Proverbiorum (F.G. Schneidewin - E.L. von Leutsch), 1.43.
Moreover, Eustathius ofThessaloniki, Commentarii ad Homeri Odysseam, v. 1,
p. 275; v. 2, p. 68; Sermones, oration 13, p. 219; et passim. Several authors
did so, too: from Aristotle and Theophrastus down to Philo, Plutarch (abun-
dantly), Porphyry, lamblichus, Produs, as well as Christians (Eusebius,
Basil of Seleucia, Arethas, Michael Psellus, Nikephorus Gregoras). Of them,
I should particularly note George Pachymeres, Declamationes XIII, declama-
tio 9, line 264; dedamatio II, line 84. Nikephorus Gregoras used simply a<p'
EITT(ct~ meaning 'from the very beginning', which he did recurrently. Historia
Romana, v. 3, pp. 345; 427; 441; 540; Antirrhetica Priora, oration 1.3, p. 143;
Antilogia, line 54; Opuscula, opusculum 3, p. 753, line 57; Epistulae, epistles
65, line 14; 96, line 48; 97, line 59.
cccxxxi The rhetorical turn fL'16' a'VctTr'Vcl'V 6&'V ('not having the time to breath', or 'not
allowing someone else to breath') is one used hyperbolically and suggests
either one being extremely busy or besieged by concerns or dangers imposed
from one's environment. This seems to have been used by the Athenian politi-
cian and author Critias (c. 460 - 403 BC), Fragmenta, fro 37, apud Libanius,
Orationes, oration 25.64. During ancient times, this did not win the day, but
it emerged several centuries later with later Byzantine authors, such as Michael
Psellus, Epistulae, section 54, epistle 245, line 25; Anna Comnena, Alexias,
10.2.1; John Chortasmenus, Relatio De Miraculo Theotoci, p. 114; Gennadius
Scholarius, Epistulae Georgii Scholarii (ante 1450), epistle 21, p. 440.
 The only case of a similar idiom having been used in the interim, was that
by John Chrysostom, De Studio Praesentium, PG.63.486.33-34: nWI 01 ~~8,
a'VctTr'Vcl'V gX0'VTC~ aTro TOU TW'V TrpctYfLaTw'V 0XAOV, aMa KctL 'VUKTct KctL ~fLsPct'V d~
TctUTct 6ctTrct'VwfLs'VOl;
However, all of those used the expression only once and in passing.
Contrast to them, George Pachymeres had a penchant for this. Historia, p. 27
(& Historia Brevis, 1.3): w~ fL'16' nwsspw~ a'VctTr'Vcl'V 6&ITSctL. Op. cit. 215: fL'16 '
a'VctTr'Vcl'V 6wfLs'Vo~ Tctr~ <pPO'VTllTl'V. Historia Brevis, 2.24: w~ fL'16S 6lXct <po~ov KctL
ctlhbv TO'V ITOVATa'V a'VctTr'Vcl'V 6&ITSctl. This was used also by Gregoras' close friend
Theodore Meliteniotes (De Astronomia Libri III, book 2, chapter 25, line 125),
as well by Gregoras' beloved teacher Theodore Metochites. See Gregoras'
Historia Romana, v. I, pp. 130; 171.
cccxxxii I maintain the codex's writing and do not emend 6ppct'VllTafLs'Vol to the cor-
rect 6pct'VllTafLs'Vol, because this appears in a manuscript of Mount Athos. Acta
Montis Athonis, Narratio ex Epistulis Alexii Comneni et Nicholai Patriarchae,
p. 179: 'EKTroMw'V OU'V OAlYct 6ppct'VllTafLs'Vol. I have pointed out that grammar
which seems apposite to this milieu may provide significant information about
the author of this commentary-as indeed it has. See also, Apophthegmata (col-
lectio anonyma) (e cod. Coislin. 126), apophthegm 39: KC(.L bCTCl'Vct~ Ta~ Xsrpct~,
6Assl'Va KctL TrTWxa 6AaAsl6ppct'Vl~ofLs'Vo~ Trctp' ctVTOU 6AS'1fLOlTu'V'1'V'
cccxxxiii The idea of vocation (x:l~lTl~) originates in Paul's Rom. 11:29; 1 Cor. 1:26;
see also 2 Peter, 1:10. Concerning adherence to God's commands, as
well as responding to His vocation, cf. Eusebius, Fragmenta in Lucam,
PG.24.569.49-52: EiTrOl 6' &.)1 n~ KctL hspw~ 6;'1youfLs'Vo~ 6<PctPfLoTTCl'V Ta 6la T~~
Trctpct~oA~~ 6'1AoufLs'Vct TOr~ a'VsKctSs'V 6K TrPWT'1~ TOU ~lOV ITTMSW~ fLSXPlITV'VTCAd~
KC(.Tct;LOUfLs'VOl T~~ hSsov KA~ITSW~. Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, HE,
encomium (prologue), lines 888-892: w~ KctL TW'V lITW'V 6~ yspw'V 6KSl'Vl{.l, 60;'1~ T'
ctu KctL KctLITTC<pa'Vw'V, ITTaITSW~ TC &fLct KctL Ta;sw~, KC(.L T~~ llTctTrOITTOAOV KA~ITSW~,
fLeTa T~~ fLctKp&~ 6Kd'V'1~ KctL a6lct6oxOV ~ctlTlAdct~ TC KC(.L apX'1~' TrpO~ E)couActfLTrPW~
6TrllT'1~ 6KEl'Vl{.l KctLITS KctTct;lWS~'Vctl.
 I 3r Wisdom of Solomon
Exegesis of the Wisdom of Solomon,
Interpreted by Origen, as They Say

~~<'fOtlzabat'0~ffrlzoearthl To us, this teaching is divine

and, as it were, superior to all of creation. For he [sc. Solomon] had knowledge
of the mysteries of the Logos of God, insofar as it is possible for those to be
revealed to humans. Naturally then, upon the proem, the wise Solomon sets
forth the nobility of character, that is, ~ as the most refined virtue
that should be practiced by leaders who speak while they rule. For God's wis-
dom makes a fine dwelling-place within those in whom ~ exists,
since practice of ~ is definitely [righteous] administration of jus-
tice. And while the angels of God, naturally out of good will for us, distribute
this [righteousness] in our affairs and have become the cause for God's wise-
making Providence to make us crave to receive God's wisdom itself, Paul, too,
at a certain point styles ~ both trained practice and sanctification 2
This is also what God commanded Jesus of Nave to do, when He said,
You will judge my people in righteousness and I shall give you wisdom and
power; and they shall obey you, as they did with Moses, my servant,' by

Wis. 1:1.
2 Rom. 6:19-22; 1 Cor. 1:30; 1 Thess. 4:3-7; 1 Tim. 2:15.
3 Cf. 3 Kings (1 Kings in Masoretic text), 5-12. Psalm 71:2; Psalms of Solomon, 17:26;
Ecclesiasticus, 45:26.
372 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
which he plainly taught us this: if we are eager to judge with equity, in the
first place we should earnestly seek to get the wise-making and mighty and
living God dwell within our hearts. And after Him, the renowned Michah said
this in his prophecy: 0 man, what is good? Or what does the Lord require of
thee, but to do justice, and love mercy, and be ready to walk with the Lord
thy God?' It is then possible to be taught from these that we could not receive
[within us] God's beneficent wisdom unless, in the first place, we have meticu-
lously loved ~ which should be invariably demonstrated towards
everyone. For this is how, according to Isaiah, their nations [sc. those of the
aforementioned rulers] will be exalted. 5
:YlUnIv &I" tIzo ~ Yv ~ and Yv ~ &I"karo.weh 1Unv.'
Departing from one moral virtue, namely, ~ he forthrightly ele-
vates us to the more catholic one, namely, judiciousness, and urges to !ovo
~ upon administering judgement. It is obvious that he speaks not
in general, but in reference to the Lord; and [urges] not simply to tIzinh&l"tIzo
~ but also to do so Yv~ For not everyone who says to me, 'Lord,
Lord,' will enter into the kingdom of God; but he who does the will of my
Father, who is in heaven? And just as one will not be able to ascend the entire
ladder by means of one rung only, likewise, it is not possible to make oneself a
receptacle of God's infinitely powerful wisdom by means of one virtue alone.
Instead, he says that, once one has practiced ~ properly, in no way
should one opt for deeming this sufficient, but one should soar aloft to another
and more perfect one, and procure prudent knowledge &l"tIzo~ and search
for Him Yv~&I"1zearb.
[Y(H< Iw wiI160JUund & tIw.= tIzab temf>b IUnv nob and~ ~ltFlW­
tlw.=wlw-do-nob~~ 8 Once he determined the easily imbibed terms
on which one could know God, namely, seeking Him Yv ~ &I"karo
and thinking of Him Yv~ and not by means of either idle curiocity or
persuasive words of human wisdom,' he forthwith raises [the question]: who
are those to whom the Lord manifests Himself?
[Y~~ltFlW-tIw.=wlw-do-nobj>td~to-ted;· that is, to those
who do not inquire for Him either by trying out what He is capable of doing or

4 Michah,6:8.
5 Cf. Isaiah, 2:2.
6 Wis. 1:1.
7 Matt. 7:21.
8 Wis. 1:2. Cf. Deut. 6:16, quoted in Matt. 4:7 and Luke, 4:12.
9 1 Cor. 2:4.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 373
by means of demonstration; for He said, No man shall see my face, and live.1O
Instead, .'Y{Odw=~llFlhtiuMo{ljluNbFWb~.'J'Wn, but they have
corne to know unofficiously that He is the only true God." Which is but the
saying, whoever may tell this mountain, 'Be taken up and cast into the sea,'
and does not doubt in his heart, but believes that what he says is happening,
he shall get whatever he says doneP For those who seek Him iFv~ff
Izearo shall definitely receive no other prize than the praise, Blessed are the
pure in heart, for they shall see God,"
3v I [ft(H<croohed~~Jro=§od; and~IU&~i&;=
wtlzoted; ib~tIzo~w~ [ft(H<~dza/1FWb~iFvt&(bc«/v­
~.wu4 ~dza/1t1zi& dweI1iFvtlzo6mfywlzidvi&~iFvt&.wv. [ft(H<tIzo
~1w{ty~dza/1.duuv~and~Jro=~~
wIzidv dza/160 ~ ~ ~ i& do"o ab kand. 14 [ft(H< wi&-
donv i& (b~~ andwi/1FWb~{b~Jro=IU&
~r§odi&wilF=fflU&~ and{btruo~fflU&lzearoand =
auddorflU& ~ [ft(H<tIzoJ)iribfftlzo~Iuz&Jilledtlzoworfd, and tIzab
wIzidv~aI1~luz&~fftlzo~Juoic& ~ Izo
tIzab~~~ca/lFlObe=af=FWbice; ~dza/1t1zo~
~ /== & IUnv. [ft(H< ~ dud£ 60 nzado iFvt& tIzo ~
.wk fftlzo~· and tIzo.wEHZdfflU&~dza/1 comollFlh tIzo~fo
tIzorefroadv fflU&~· [ft(H<.9[W ~ aftenLiuoe£U<~ aI1
~ andtlzo~noi.= ffcY/'lV~ i& =0 IUd"
Whereas by means of righteous deeds we corne close to God, by commit-
ting their opposites we alienate ourselves from Him and make us associates of
thedevil.Moreover,ifthe~ff~and~~aboutGod
cause finding Him within ourselves and~~llFlhtiuMo{ljkNbFWb
~.'J'Wn, it follows of necessity that, by the same token, ~ acts
~usfionv§od. And in like a manner he taught us of those [deeds] that
cause fellowship with Him,16 now he sets forth those that ~ from Him,
and says, [ft(H<croohed~~Jro=§od. That is, [thoughts] of idle

10 Exodus, 33:20.
11 Cf. John, 17:3.
12 Mark, 11:23; cf. Matt. 21:21.
13 Matt. 5:8.
14 Different renderings have been proposed for this point (Kill n.s'YX8~0".st"Ut fm:)"8oDO"T]C; a8tKiag.
I believe that the text means, 'God intervenes and judges and pays back everyone according to
their works when sin becomes overwhelming.'
15 Wis. 1:3-10.1; Esdras, 8:72; Ecclesiasticus, 23:3.
16 Cf. Eph. 2:19.
374 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
questioning and thoughtlessness that seek to inquire into God, and do so in
order not to be taught but to distort.
hullu&jwwer; ~ibi&;-wtkted; ib~tkllFlWi=wduzme, as it
happens with those who intractably stand up to the sun and gaze at that, as if
attempting to challenge the sun's light by means of their own power of sight.
For not only shall this way of challenging procure them nothing, but also,
in addition to losing their ability to see, they will be found to be contempt-
iblefiob·
E7"or- wi&fo.nv dudt nob enLer in£o. ~.wu4 nor- dudt tIU& dwelt iFv
(b

tk~wlzidvi&~in£o..wv. For concerning perception of God, it is

only necessary to purify the soul and cleanse the mouth from all sins, so as to
gloriously receive the wi&fo.nv ff.l7od. Thus, he styles the soul's wickedness
'cunningness', because of its guilefulness and meddlesomeness and proneness
to inappropriate and presumptuous disputes about God. This is like medicine,
which is a set of rules: so long as this is beneficial to us, this could be called
simply an art; but if it produces deleterious drugs, this could be rightly called
cunningness. As for the body's faultiness, on account of its being grievous and
eartIy and weighing down,17 he styles this ~ in£o..un, as a metaphor
from those who owe debts beyond all measure and are carried off here and
there by money-lenders.
E7"or-tk~lw{ty~dudtduuv~ anddej=roJronv imfrtv-
deFlb ~ wIzidv dudt 60 ~ ~ ~ i& do"o a£
Iumd. He determines the cause, on account of which wi&fo.nv dudt nob enLer
in£o. ~.wu4 nor-dudt tIU& dwelt iFv tk ~ wIzidv i& ~ in£o.
(b

.un, and says this: E7"or-tk~lw{ty~dudtduuv~ That is, the

pure and undefiled and steadfast [spirit] has nothing to do with anything that
conducts itself in a polluted and profane and depraved manner. And behold
that he also calls the Holy Spirit 'wisdom'; which has been proclaimed also by
other prophets as being steadfast spirit18 and authoritative spirit" and spirit
of prudence" and spirit ofjustice. 21
If, therefore, the Spirit both is and entitled through all of these, how could
it be possible for this to encamp within the treacherous ones, given that this
is a steadfast one? And since this is [the Spirit] of prudence, how could this

17 Cf. Wis. 9:15.

18 Psalm 50:12.
19 Psalm 50:14.
20 Exodus, 31:3; 35:31; Deut. 34:9; Ecclesiasticus, 39:6; Isaiah, 11:2.
21 Cf. Psalms of Solomon, Psalm 18:7.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 375
[dwell in] ~~9For he says [that this Spirit] dza/1dej=rbJi'onv
~~ since this is omnipresent and departs from those that are
~ because of their filthiness. And how could this [Spirit] eder-inJo. the
unrighteous, once this is [the Spirit] ofjustice?For [imprudent thoughts] dza/1
60 ~ ~ ~ i& do"o a£ ~ which means that [the
Holy Spirit] will judge and expel those who commit iniquity.22
[Y(H<~i&,,"~~ andwi/1nob~,,"~
Ji'onvlu&wor<k You will be deemed righetous vis-a-vis your words, and you
shall be condemened vis-a-vis your words, too.
For those who blaspheme and think ill of Pod will incur the penalties
of their wickedness from nowhere else than from the ~ uttered by their
own lips.23 And when he styled ~ ~~~which does nob
~""~Ji'onvlu&~ this was tantamount to styling this
[spirit] 'fair minded'. For it is a characteristic of a fair judge to pay back every-
one according to their works,24 4r I wherefore one could say that the penalty
imposed upon offenders is an act of great philanthropy, since this is applied in
order for the multitude of people to be disciplined.
[Y(H< Pod i& wilF= &I"Iu& ~ and "" truo ~ &I"Iu& karb and
= ~ &I"Iu& ~ Once he called the blasphemer to mind, now he
expounds the motives out of which those who blaspheme construct their prat-
tle. First, he says that Podi&wilF=&f1:he blasphemer's rein&25 For any blas-
phemy originates from concern for one's own glory, in like a manner the first
man who was created by God indulged in this, once he heard that he could
become equal to God. 26 And since he blasphemed to the Most High by means
of this assent, namely, by his yen itself to become equal with God, he initiated
the transgression. And the mother of concern for one's own glory is desire, of
which he [sc. Solomon] says that its dwelling-place is the reUw. Thus, Pod
becomes wilF= &l"tIzo blasphemer's ~ since it was through those that he
[sc. the blasphemer] craved the secret things, and through those he went to war
against Him in the beginning .
..And "" truo ~ &I"Iu& karb. For following blasphemy's cropping
up from desire, the blasphemer transmutes this to ratiocination; and, in order
to support this [blasphemy], he constructs twisted reasonings and aberrant

22 Cf. Psalms ofSoiomon, 4:24; Tobit, 12:10; 14:7.

23 Cf. Psalms 16:4; 58:13.
24 Cf. Psalm 61:13; Provo 24:12; Ecclesiasticus, 16:14; Rom. 2:6; 1 Peter, 1:17; Rev. 2:23; 20:13.
25 Cf. Psalm 7:10; Jeremiah, 17:10.
26 Cf. Gen. 3:4-5.
376 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
conceptions, all of which emerge within the heart. For The fool has said in his
heart, There is no God. 27 This is also what the Saviour says in the gospels: The
good man out of the good treasure of his heart brings out good things, and
the evil man out of the evil treasure of his heart brings out evil things.28
hut = ~ e/Ilm ~ This is the last [remark] and the third
instance of blasphemy - which first crops up from rIzo ~ subsequently it
takes shape into the heart, so that, eventually (and having reached evil matu-
rity), this is distributed from the ~and mouth into the air, to the downfall
of the souls of many people. But Pod@ardno=e/all of those, no matter
if they take place in secret and escape notice of everyone, since He is the
rigorous inquirer of the incitements and impulses that are generated thereof.
Moreover, He is truo ~ since He is also able to discern the
(b

thoughts and intentions of the heart,29 and the One who unmasks our reins
and hearts.3D And He is also =~ofwhatever is said, since He exists at
no great distance.
[Y(H<rIzo~ e/rIzo~Iza&JiIIed rIzo world, and tluwwlUdv ~
aI1 ~ Iza& ~ e/rIzo jhunzanj uoico pronounced against Him, that
is, the voice composed by a blasphemer.
~ Izo tIuw ~ ~ ~ caElFlOb ==/= noric& For
how could it be possible to escape the infallible eye, which omnipotently
beholds all things and arranges everything by His almighty command?
vt'~mbIt rIzo~ ~!== & IUnv. For in the Book of
Psalms he says, [will reprove your offences in front ofyour face. 31
[Y(H< ~ mbIt 60 mado inW rIzo ~ e/ rIzo ~ Which
means that punishment will be inflicted not only on account of the words
pronounced through the mouth, but also cross-examining judgement will be
passed for ~ that occur in one's thoughts. This is what God's forefa-
ther, namely, David, dismissing the expedients of wickedness, says, too: let
them fail of their counsels according to the abundance of their iniquities;
cast them out, for they have embittered you, 0 Lord.32
hut rIzo~e/Ilm word&mbIt (X}fllOltFlW rIzo~forlzo refroadv e/
Ilm~ He most clearly fleshes out what that he said above, namely,

27 Psalms 13:1 & 52:2.

28 Cf. Matt. 12:35; Luke, 6:45.
29 Reb. 4:12. Cod . .sv8DJ.1~m::cov mi otaVVotruv.
30 Psalm 7:10; cf. Jer. 17:10.
31 Psalm 49:21.
32 Psalm 5:11.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 377
punishment of the blasphemer, by elaborating on each aspect of those that
he said.
g;-~.9"Q." ~ aUenLiuo ~~ aI1 ~ and tIzo~ noi.=ff
~ i& nob IUd. That is, the ~ of wrath and exasperation33 ~ aI1
~ and there is no sin perpetrated by those who grumble against God that
remains either hid or not heard by the power of God, which infinitely surpasses
any power. Instead, He hears clearly also the ~noi.= (that is, the grumbling
accompanied by disorder and noise) and prepares for them eternal punishment.
This is also what the Saviour said: For there is nothing which is hidden that
will not be revealed; nor anything secret that will not be known. 34
4v I~ ~ff~~ and/wld6adv~
~Ji'o=~~~flO"wordi&=.recreb=to-~noticoand
tIzonwudv tIzab 6eIie& ~ tIzo.wuL 35
In his foregoing statements, he placed the blame specifically on the blas-
phemer alone, adding that he could not escape notice, no matter what kind of
blasphemy he could attempt against God. But now he fleshes out this instruc-
tion to everyone by saying this: ~ ~ff~~
For~ against God procures no profit to the grumbler whatsoever,
since neither could one reverse God's philanthropy towards trespassers, no
matter how much one could possibly grumble, nor, on the other hand, could
it be possible, when God inflicts his burning wrath against the wicked, for
anyone to dissuade Him by means of grumbling, so as to change the sequence
[of events1in the least. Instead, there is a different way for everyone to propi-
tiate His goodness for the sake of sinners, namely, by devoting oneself to God
through humility and more intense prayer and entreaty. For what was the profit
out of~ to those who worked in the vineyard,"' And what did the
elder son [gain out ofhis~l upon the merriments and sacrifice of the
fattened calf, once his brother carne back?37
..And /wid 6adv~ ~Ji'o= ~ dander;fo flO" word i& =
.recreb = to- ~ notice, since all things will be scrutinised, and there is no
fault that appears to us as moderate that shall remain unnoticed by God, who

33 On God's 'irritation' and 'wrath' at human sins, see Num. 16:30; 20:24; Deut. 9:7-8; 9:19; 29:27;
32:16 (Odae, 2:16); 32:19 (Odae, 2:19); Psalms 9:25; 9:34; 73:18; 77:41; 105:29; 106:11; Psalmi
Salomon is, Psalm 4:21; Hosea, 8:5; Zachariah, 10:3; Malachi, 2:17; Isaiah, 5:24; 37:23; 47:6; 63:10;
Jeremiah, 39:37; Baruch, 4:7.
34 Cf. Luke, 8:17.
35 Wis. 1:11.
36 Cf. Matt. 21:28; Luke, 13:6.
37 Cf. Luke, 15:23-32.
378 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
knows exactly everything concerning us before they have come to being.38
Moreover, the angels of God39 that are watching us, and hearken each and
everyone of those [faults], shall not be deprived of freedom of speech or will
maintain silence at the time when we shall be judged over those. This is also
what the Saviour says in the gospels: What you have spoken in the ear in
the inner chambers will be proclaimed on the housetops.40 Therefore, is is
righteous not only to /wid 6adv the ~Ji"o= ~ dam:!er; but also in
the first place not to make allowance for those who induce us to doing so. For
he [sc. David] says, Him that privily speaks against his neighbour, him have
I driven away.41
hzdtlzonwudvrlzab6elie&~tIzo.wuL For once this has been created
and honoured according to the image of the true God,42 how could possibly he
who possesses it, and yet always trains it to bethinking and uttering lies, not
destroy its essence and honourable rank? For anyone rlzab6elie& he pronounces
words from the father of lie. 43
Jeeh nob deadv ~ ~ ~ ff~ f!fo, andjxd1 nob
ujxHv~ ~&=fftlzoworkff~1zamk [Y(H</7od
mado nob dadIz, nor- doe&.9lO tak~ iFv tIzo ~ fftlzo ~
[Y(H<.9lO creared aI1 ~ ~ tIzenv w remaiFv iFv ~ and tIzo~
~fftlzoworfd aro~Ji"o= ~ andtkroi&FUF~ff
~iFvtkm, nor-tIzo~ff~ujxHvtlzoeartlv.· [Y(H<~
~ i& inwno-rtat. 44
This runs parallel to the evangelical, For whosoever desires to save his
soul, he will lose it." For there are many, who, while believing that they love
their souls, they attract death instead. Therefore, he says, .weh nob deadv while
deluding yourselves with the idea that you will live; andjxd1nobujxHv~
~&=fftlzoworkff~lzamk,· that is, by betraying your
country or friends or oppress the poor or breaking graves open or plundering
on such pretexts as procuring resources for making a living or glory or wealth,
and all those things that you will not take with you upon your death, neither will
any ofthern corne down to Hades along with you. For to those that pursue such

38 Cf. Susana, 35a.

39 Cf. Gen. 28:12; 32:2; Job, 1:6; 2:1.
40 Luke, 12:3; cf. Matt. 10:27.
41 Psalm 100:5.
42 Cf. Gen. 9:6.
43 Cf. John, 8:44.
44 Wis. 1:12-15.
45 Matt. 16:25; Mark, 8:35; Luke, 9:24.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 379
things, instead of the life that they expect, they effectuate ~ and
~upon themselves.
g;-~Codmadonobdeadt, ~doe&.9"{Omho~iFvtlzo~e/
tIzo~ For how could the Living One46 and Blessed and Good47 and philan-
thropisthavemado~90rmho~iFvtlzo~e/thosewho
were made by His own hand, given that life" could never cause ~, nor
goodness and philanthropy any ruin or ~9 For it is not possible for
any contrary to be produced from its contrary, in like a manner fever [cannot
be produced] from cold, Sf I or health from disease, provided that they main-
tain their own nature and do not change to another quality that has prevailed
over them. It is true, therefore, that Cod mado nob deadt, ~ doe&.9"{O mho
~ iFv tIzo ~ e/tizo ~ g;-~Izo creared aI1 ~ ~
tlzenvto-remaiFviFv~ because He is a self-sufficient and perfect Existence,
and is willing all of them to be indestructible and enduring. For He created
the world not because He was compelled to do so by any sort of necessity,
which would maintain this until a certain time, and, once this [necessity] were
dissolved, the world should be dissolved along with that, too. Instead, once He
was motivated by goodness and philanthropy, [God] laid the foundations of
this [world] out of nothing, so that it should exist forever .
..Andtlzo~e/tIzoworfdW'0.rf=redfio=~· that is, they
are able to preserve and maintain their own existence. For ever since God, on
the one hand, bid the water to impregnate and generate those animals which
live in the water,49 and, on the other, [He bid] the earth to produce and shoot up
every sort of tree, 50 and [likewise He bid] creation of all the other things, never
did their generation fail to be preserved in accordance with [God's] command .
..And tIzero i& flO" ~ e/ ~ iFv tkm,. which means, these are
always saved from being ruined and are renewed by means of unfailing suc-
cessions, whereby each genus extends its own existence.
JV'~tIzo~e/~ujwFvtlzoearth, which stands for saying, there
is no sort of destruction that could prevail.
g;-~ ~ i& imnwrta1; since indeed everything is being main-
tained ~ to- fXefy and ~51 and God's command, which

46 Cf. Jesus Nave, 3:10; Tobit, 13:2; Daniel, 6:27.

47 Cf. Mark, 10:18; Luke, 18:19.
48 Cf. 1 John, 5:20.
49 Cf. Gen. 1:20-21.
50 Gen. 1:11-12; 1:24-25.
51 Wis. 9:3.
380 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
is ~ and truth, i& imnwrta1. For all things perpetually grow and
multiply, 52 and their generation is being unfailingly maintained.
{j(Jttbibwa&tIzo~tlzabinducedib~tIzeif=lzamkand~
g/"(H<0fiC0 tfucp ~ tIzab tIzi& wa& tlzeifJiYend; tfucp mdred cumy; andnuu:/o{b
coueFlaflbwidvir; 6eca=tfucparowort/y&f"ir&!ob. g/"(H<tfucp~~w­
~ ~f!lii&.dwrband~ andtlzeroi&flO"~1'wnuuv
dea£Iz, ~ Iza& =- 6eav tIzero CUff ~ nuuv wlw-Iza& retzuwedfonv tIzo
~ g/"(H<WO Iuwo 6eav 60rFv ~ and ~ wodza/t 60 =
~wolzad ~ea:ided. g/"(H<~f!Ii i& ~ (b~iFv ~~ and
~~i& 6ttb{b!iu/o~~fonv tIzo~&f"~kam 0fiC0
tIzi& i& ~ ~ ~dza/t 60 reduced w- adz-, and ~~ dza/t
~~tIzolmMoair; and~/lafllOdza/t6o~iFv times and flO" nuuv
dza/t maho~ &f"~work,. and ~ f!lidza/t/== ~ ~ tIzo trac=
&f"(b cloud; anddza/t 6o~ ~mid, wlzidvi& driueFv~ qytlzo 6eanw
&f"tIzo &UV and wef!lIzed ~ qy ir& Izeab. g/"(H< ~ f!Ii i& 6ttb tIzo~ &f"(b
~ andtlzeroi&flO"~~~dea£Iz, &ncotlzi&i&~andflO"
J'JUUl/ conze&6acIv. 53
Having shown that Pod nuu:/o nob deaUv (since He i& imnwrta1 ~
/le8&), and that which is righteous and immortal could never cause dea£Iz, ~
doe&.'J"{OtaIw~iFvtlzo~&f"tIzo~ since He is the provider of
goodness and oflife and a creator entirely alien to any grudging, and.'J"{O creaWd"
aIt~~tknvw-6omaidainaiiFv~ through which deaUvslipped
in among us, he says this: {j(Jttbibwa&tIzo~tlzabinducedib~tIzeif
=lzamkand~ And as those who lead their lives badly bring about dis-
ease to themselves, likewise one could see the same in this case [sc. of human
beings]. For although they were created immortal, they caused upon themselves
deaUv by means of their wickedness, not only ~ tIzo~ of blasphemy
they uttered against God and having behaved to their neighbours like drunken,
but also ~tIzeif~ whereby they committed crimes, following their
engagement in iniquities and robberies and other evil acts.
g/"(H<0fiC0 tfucp ~ tIzab tIzi& wa& tlzeifJiYend, tfucp mdred cumy;. which
is a metaphor, by analogy to those that are made of wax, and yet they presume
to stand up to the sun or to something similar to this. For once the impious,
both by deeds and words, ~ of the sun as one who is thei~ they
were caught in their counsels," and sought to acquire those we need to eat

52 Cf. Gen. 1:22; 1:28; 8:17; etc. 2 Cor. 9:10.

53 Wis. 1:16-2:5.
54 Cf. Wis. 1:9; Psalms 5:11; 9:23.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 381
or drink," only because they thought that everything is procured out of mere
chance, and they resolved that pleasure is the ultimate goal.
:Yhero i& ~ ~fo Iwnuuv dearIt, ~ Iza& eva< 6eav tIzero '"Y
~ nuuv wb Iza& ~fio= tIzo.'Jiade& That is, it is not the Lord
who kills and makes alive; he brings down to Hades and brings up;" instead,
[they think that] it is only by accident 5v I that one dies and another is sick and
another is healthy and another one is wealthy; however, no one did ever relurFv
fio= tIzo~ to tell us what happens there.
[Y(H<woluwo6eav6orFv~ and~wodud160=~
wo!tad ~ eaXded. [Y(H< mw< f!fo i& !iho Cb ~ iFv mw< ~ In other
words, just as it happens with ~ which is produced when matter prevails
for a short while, but it is extinguished soon afterwards once matter is con-
sumed by fire, likewise, mw<f!fois but this specious sense-perception, which is
realised by means of inspirations and exhalations .
.And OUJ<~ i& 6ub Cb!iu/o~~fio= tIzo~ &f"0UJ<
Izearo. Once he made mention of ~ naturally, he does so of ~ in the
kart; too. For, of necessity, wherever ~ exists, fire has to be there, too.
Accordingly, and intending to gainsay the theory about things happening
automatically, he brings up both the most active of materials and those that
are extinguished most quickly. For what is more drastic than fire, and what
vanishes more swiftly than a ~9
CInco rIU& i& ~ OUJ<6mf!pdud160reduced to- ~ Therefore,
once our vitalising ~ departs, the body will not survive. And just as it is
impossible to light up fire anew, likewise, once the vitalising~ which exists
in mw<kart; is quenched, it is impossible for the body to corne to life again .
.And mw< ~ dud1 ~ !iho tIzo h=o aif. That is, the soul is not
immortal either nor does it live forever, but it will be dissipated like the inert
and non-cohesive air.
.Andmw<nanzodud1~iFvtim& On the whole, those who espoused
the theory of things happening automatically, just like the things made of wax
and are destroyed swiftly, nuufo Cb coueElaflb wdIv it, 6eca=o t/ucP aro wortIy
&f"it&!or; that is, they nuufoCbcoueElaflbwitlJ7 deadJ8 towards perpetrating the
works of iniquity, thus having made themselves wortIy&f"it&hb. For the things in

55 Cf. Isaiah, 22:13; Matt. 6:31.

56 1 Kings, 2:6 (Odae, 3:6); cf. Tobit, 13:2; Wis. 16:13.
57 Wis. 1:16.
58 Cf. Wis. 1:12-13; 2:24.
382 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
which one takes pleasure coincide with one's own nature. And how could it
be possible for him who does the works of ~not to make himselfworthy
of~9
And as law is decreed by the law-makers not to the purpose of leading to
death" or to harm the cities, but rather in the interests of each and everyone,
and for the sake of peaceful life of the population, likewise, a wicked man
causes his own death, yet not because it is the nature of the law to cause death,
nor because this is its purpose. Consequently, the man that exults at iniquities
has drawn ~ upon himself, thus becoming wortIy ff it& 104 not because
God puts to ~, nor because did He ever will the ~ of anyone.
[fr(H<t/ucP~~to-~ ~{{Iii&dwrband~
He explicates one by one the thoughts due to which the ungodly and foolish
make themselves akin to ~60 For death carne as a penalty into our race61
not only because of the disobedience of our Forefather, but also because of the
impiety of many people and their evil thoughts concerning both the Creator
and the things that were created by Him to His doxology. For once they were
led astray from truth, they did not pursue those things that are permanent and
everlasting, but, by giving precedence to the fact that the present life is very
short, they say, OUJ< {{Ii i& dwrb and ~ and we should revel in this
immoderately and satisfy all of our desires.
And wishing to establish this, they used these words: [fr(H<woW'06onvfty
cIuuu:e, and we shall die and shall be dispersed like adze&;. they allowed for
themselves no possibility of revival, and since they saw soul as a mortal thing,
they determined that this dudtuanidvlihotizolmMoaif.
Now, in accordance with the widespread opinion, they elaborate accord-
ingly, and say, andour1lamodudt60~iFvtim& However, it is possible
for some people to embrace earlier opinions based on one's renown, and those
of posterity to speak of them favourably and seek to accomplish good things.
However, they appear to diminish this moderate position, since they postulate
that tim& is a destroyer and sinks every /lafllO and all of our deeds into obli-
vion. Moreover, they disparage our present {{Ii as worthless, and ridicule this
by styling it trac= ff ~ 6rl of which it is impossible to maintain any
(b

vestige, once it has passed through.

59 Cf. 1 John, 5:17.

60 Cf. Provo 24:9; 6:16; 6:23; 1 Cor. 15:56; James, 1:15.
61 Cf. Wis. 2:24. Jer. 9:20; Rom. 5:12-14; 7:11-13; 8:2.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 383
hzddud160~!ikmid, wlUdvi&drWavaaxw&tIzo6eanw&l'tIzo
&lFVand~dm-&iWlzeab. For mid, just like a cloud, leaves no trace of
its flow once clear weather is there. Besides, he assumes scattering of nUd in
a twofold manner. For if this is below the average in denseness because of tIzo
6eanw&l'tIzo&lfV, once this has grown, its absolute scattering is effected by the
sun; otherwise, if this is more condensed, warmth turns it either to pure water
or to a cloud, not because this [sc. mist] is scattered, but rather because it has
been compressed and weighed down.
g;-(H<our/!lii&6ubtlzo~&I'''"~ andtkroi&flO"~~
our deatIv. By this statement, again he posits impossibility for &'0 and every-
thing that has been done during this to be remembered. And as it happens with
""~ of which it is impossible to maintain any trace once this has gone
by, likewise, it is impossible for everything that one has done during his life to
be remembered by one's posterity.
hzd tkro i& flO" ~ ~ our deaLIt, &nco tIzi& i& ternWud and flO"
nuuv = 6adv. He supports his foregoing statements by these [words], too.
By the term ~efier; he indicates restitution to a state that had obtained
in a long past time - which is an idea postulated by those who distort the truth.
J'lFlC0 tIzi& i& ternWud, namely, a deceased person that has been shut in,
perchance by either a stone or a mass of soil.
hzd flO" nuuv = 6ach;. which stands for 'no one has been resurrected
from the dead' in order to tell us what happens with the dead.
~ (X}fllOOFVand feb=~tIzo~ ~ tluwaro~U&;
and feb = ~maho= &l'tIzo ~widv~ ufrur; feb=JiI1
~widv~winoand~ andfebflO"~J'loa;-/== &=
.Jd = croaHV ~ widv ca{y= &I'~ ~ t/ucP aro widtered. .Jd
&1'= 60 ea:emfX'Jronv &l'our~· feb =!eavo ~ &l'our~-
/WfiO

~ ~~tIzi& i& our lob and tIzi& i& our cIa=.Jd= offre= tIzo
~~man; feb=FWb~tIzowidow, FlOF"~~to-tIzo~
~~&I'lzairftlzocwed. hzdfebour~60tlzo!aar~
tico~tluwwlUdv~~to-60wortlde=62
Since those who introduced the theory that all things corne about automati-
cally regarded everything as being futile, including the soul, which supposedly
is ~ ~widv tIzo ~ and that flO"~ of anyone endures after
death, and regard all things as being like.wnohoand~ or as a cbudthat
moves by the force of air; and as nUdwhich is ~once tIzo6eanw&l'tIzo

62 Wis. 2:6-11.
384 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
&l/V fall upon this and cause itto be ~~due to the.uuv'",~ and,
moreover, that never does any refztrFvfo=~ take place, they indulged in
malicious pleasures, which they posited as the ultimate goal oflife.
G'0fll0 = ~ and feb "'" ~ tIzo~ ~ tIzab aro ~
=. That is, [let us enjoy] those things that are held in high esteem in this
life, because, apart from these, there is no other good thing to be expected
after death .
..Andfeb"",~=tIzocreaLioFvwdlv~~ In other words,
feb"", enjoy the things of creation inconsiderately and carelessly.
.Jd""'Jif1~wdIv~winoand~ andfeb/W"~
!== & =. Using fine oil of myrrh, feb "'" croaHV ~ wdIv caf!f= &I"
~~t/ucParo~ while they still have and devolve the freshness
of their colours in their prime .
.JdFWflO&I""",60ea:empoJ7o=&I"ouNUYWaFlCej· that is, of our conceit and
the rest of our incontinence .
.Jd"",!eavo~&I"Oft/<~~. that is, various dances
and well-tuned joyful songs and our various jeweled headdresses.
g;-~ tIu& t& Oft/<!or; and tIu& t& Oft/< ~. that is, there is no better thing
beyond these for us to enjoy, nor is there any other good and enduring thing to
be expected in the future; instead (to put it simply), all of these things have been
allotted to people by mere chance and as a fortuitous portion .
.Jd "'" ~ tIzo~ ~ FJZaFv. The foregoing words were said in
order to express both the utter fondness of pleasure and the incontinence of those
who thought in this way. Now, however, he urges on unfeelingness towards other
people, he leads off with maleficent iniquity against those who are of the same
race, and says this:.Jd""'~tIzo~nzan; adding ~ whereby he
apparently excludes the unrighteous, even if these happen to be poor, treating
them as ones who are of one mind with them and join in their impiety.
.Jd "'" nob ~ tIzo toilsome existence 6v I of a widmu,. instead, let us
snatch all of her property, no matter what its worth is.
JV'(HC~ ~ to- tIzo ~~ &I"~ &l"tIzo qrd.
He adds these [words], thus perseveringly augmenting [the impiety]. For he
[sc. Solomon] figures out those who overflow their injury even to those that
not only the Law but also Nature urge to show mercy to, that is, a long-lived
elderly, a widow-, a~FJUlFV. He wrote this in order to expose both the malice
and the impiety of such men .
..AndfebOft/<~60tlzo!aar~· which stands for [saying]: to us,
there should be no criterion o~other than Offf<~ And the more one
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 385
has been able to abuse, the more lawful he should be deemed by us, and it is
he that should be considered as more lawful by us.
g;-(H<rlzabwlUdv~~to-60~· and he who has been unable
to perpetrate these things and has displayed weakness thereupon, he should be
reproved as~, and should be thrust away from any company with us .
~ !eb= U0 iFvwaibfotlzo~ 0fl0~1zo t& lzardfo= to-
~1Um, andlzooj:po=~~·Izo~=fo~~
~&I"tIzo!aarandeapo.-tIzoJ'iudw&l"~~ .'J"{O~to-luwo
tIzo~&I".I7od and~~cIUU&l"tIzo$rd. .'J"{O canlOOfV= iFv
~to- ~ ~~ .'J"{O t& intoIerabIo to-lMj eve/V to-8e0Izinv~1U&
cumkcb &I"f!Ii t& nob kho rIzab &I"~ = and IU& ~ CY0 diuertedfionv
tIw.=&I"OfW'& .'J"{01uz& =certained= = ~ andlzokef=~
fionv~~=fionv~ lzo~tIzo~&I"tIzoJ=b=~
~ and~caIk.l7odlU&~63
This wise prophet and king designates that which normally happened with the
prophets, and his words also string together the prophecy about our Saviour, by
quite openly attributing the insolence of the Automatists to the ungrateful Jews.
That, at this point, the teaching of the prophets about the great God and
our Saviour, Jesus Christ''' happens to be present, is all too evident, both in the
words styling [a righteous man] cIUU&I"tIzo $rd." and when he ~
caIk.l7od1U&~66 by sayinytlzoJ=b FJUlFVt& tIzo8OfV&I".l7od.67
For never did the Jews reproach anything such as this which is declared
hereby, except in the case of the divine Logos who was incarnated because of
tender mercies,68 and he was Truth-in-itself, and once he was asked about this
he did not conceal it." This is why, and as if speaking on behalf of them [sc.
of the Jews], he says: ~ !eb=U0iFvwaibfotlzo~OflO~1zo
l&lzardfo=to-~1Um, which stands for saying 'let us entrap him
by means of argument, when he says, Is it lawful to pay taxes to Caesar, or
not?'70 ..And Izo oj:po= ~ ~ by saying, They make their phylacteries
broad, enlarge the fringes of their garments,"' as well as similar things, and

63 Wis. 2:12-16.
64 Tit. 2:13.
65 Cf. Psalms of Solomon, psalm 12:6: TOD KupioD ~ O"cot"Tlpiabd 'IO"pa~)" 1tu'loauuToD .s-L; TOV ai&vu.
66 Wis. 2:16.
67 Wis. 2:18.
68 Col. 3:12; Phil. 2:1.
69 John, 14:6; cf. 18:38.
70 Matt. 22:17; Mark, 12:14; Luke, 20:22.
71 Matt. 23:5.
386 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
Izo#~=fo~~fftlzo!aar, by saying, Woe to you, you
blind guides, who say, 'Whoever swears by the temple, this is nothing; but
whoever swears by the gold of the temple, he is a debtor.' You fools and blind!
For which is greater, the gold, or the temple that sanctifies the gold?72 Also,
For you tithe mint, dill, and cumin, and have left undone the weightier mat-
ters of the law: justice, mercy, and faith. But you ought to have done these,
and not to have left the other undone?'
hzdeapo=tIzo~ff~~ when he reprimands us thus: Now
you cleanse the outside of the cup and of the platter, but your inward part is
full of extortion and wickedness74
.'Y{O~t&luwotlzo~ff§od, by stoutly asserting, It is my
Father who glorifies me, of whom you say that he is our God, yet you have
not known him; but if [ say, '[ don't know him; [ would be like you, a liar.
However, [ know him, and cherish his teaching?'
hzdlzo~~clUUfftlzo~ by appealing to [the saying] to
him, whom the Father sanctified and sent into the world, you say, 'You blas-
pheme,' because [said, '[ am the Son of God.'"
.'Y{O camo 0fV =
iFv ~ t& ~ ~ ~ thus bringing to light
without disguise the things that we are considering, [according to the saying],
Why do you think evil in your hearts?,7
.'Y{Oi&~t&ll8j eoeFVt&.reoJUnv. For When the chiefpriests and
the servants saw him, they shouted, saying, 'Crucify him!,78
gf'(H< IU& conducb ff !!Ii i& nob !iho tIuw ff ~ = and IU& ~ CY0
diuertedfonvtiuMoffour& For he decrees, Ifyou love those who love you,
what credit is that to you? For even sinners love those who love them. [fyou
do good to those who do good to you, what credit is that to you? For even
sinners do the same. And ifyou lend to those whom you hope 7r I to take
advantage of, what credit is that to you? For sinners also lend to sinners, to
receive back as much. But love your enemies, and do good, and lend, and let
no one fall into despair?'

72 Matt. 23:16-17.
73 Matt. 23:23; cf. Luke, 11:42.
74 Luke, 11:39; cf. Matt. 23:25.
75 John, 8:54-55.
76 John, 10:36.
77 Matt. 9:4.
78 John, 19:6.
79 Luke, 6:32-35.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 387
.'Ji01za&=certained=""'~ since he says, Woe to you, Scribes
and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you are like whitened tombs, which outwardly
appear beautiful, but inwardly are full ofdead men's bones and ofall filthiness. so
hutIzoAer~OfY<~""'fio=~ since he commands
his pupils, Beware of the yeast of the Pharisees, which is hypocrisy.81
.'JiO ~ tIzo ~ ff tIzoJ=b "'" ~ ~ by promising, the
righteous shall depart unto eternallife. 82
hut ~ calk .I7odIlm~ since he replies, If I glorify myself,
my glory is nothing. It is my Father who glorifies me, of whom you say that
he is our God. 83
.:td =8e0fIlm ~ aro truo and feb = /'td IUnv to- tIzo t=b & = ff
tIzo ~ ffIlm!!li g!"(H<flzo i& tIzo ~ 80FV ff .I7od, .'JiO wiI1lzdp IUnv
and ~lUnvfio= tIzolumdffllm enemie& .:td=/'td IUnv to- tIzofroe/widv
uioIenco and torture, 80" tIuw wo nuw ~ oub Ilm ~ and trY Ilm
~.:td= ~lUnvto-=~deadt, and~.reo§ "'"
Izo~ tIzodivino ~wiI16gfo111Unv. 84
Once the prophet put in the mouths of the Jews (who, much later, raged
against the Lord") those words of grumble" and censure, he subsequently
adds these words, supposedly pronounced by them, too:.:td=.reofllm~
arotruo- not because they would believe in them in case those words were true,
but rather either in order to mock at him, or, since he called himselfson of God,87
to tryout his power. For they absolutely disbelieved what he had said, which is
expressed by [their words], g!"(H<flzoi&tIzo~8OFVff§od, .'JiOwiI1lzdp
IUnv and ~ IUnvfio= tIzo Iumd ffIlm enemie& Quite clearly, this was the
blasphemy of the crucifiers. For he says, they wagged their heads, saying,88
He put his trust in God. Let now God deliver him, ifhe wants him;for he said,
'[ am the Son ofGod.'~9 And prior to him [sc. to Solomon], his father, who was
both a king and a prophet [sc. David], inveighing [the acts] of the murderous
Jews, had said the same things: All that saw me mocked me; they spoke with

80 Matt. 23:27.
81 Luke, 12:1; cf. Matt. 16:6&11; Mark, 8:15.
82 Matt. 25:46.
83 John, 8:54.
84 Wis. 2:17-20.
85 Cf. Psalm 2:1 , quoted in Acts, 4:25.
86 Cf. Luke, 5:30; 15:2; 19:7; John, 16:4.
87 John, 19:7.
88 Cf. Matt. 27:39; Mark, 15:29; cf. Psalm, 21:8; Isaiah, 37:22; Lam. 2:15.
89 Matt. 27:43, quoting Psalm 21:9 slightly paraphrased.
 388 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
their lips, they wagged the head, [saying], He hoped in the Lord; let Him save
him, if He loves him. 90
=
-:td j>ub IUnv t& rIzo fro&/'wdIv uioIau:o and torture, 8& tIzab wo nuw
~oublzi&uirtuot=andtrYlzi&~ They [sc. the Jews] are not
expunged from the blasphemies and wanton violence against him, on account
of their insolence to accuse him of having within himself an evil spirit and
being out of his mind91 and a gluttonous man and a drunkard, and eating and
drinking with harlots and tax collectors;92 and later [on account of] having
tortured him, when he willingly surrendered himself to the passion .
..AndtrYlzi&~ For they bore in mind the prophets, since Isaiah
had said, Behold, a wounded man and acquainted with the bearing ofweak-
liness since be became an object of repulsion; he was treated as unworthy
and was considered as naught. 93 Moreover, And despite having been put to
ill plight, he does not open his mouth; upon his humiliation, any fair judge-
ment of him was abated. 94 And Jeremiah [said], But!, as an innocent lamb led
to the slaughter, knew not; for against me they designed an evil ploy, saying,
Come and let us put wood into his bread, and let us utterly destroy him from
off the land of the living, and let his name not be remembered any more."
Accordingly, they ventured all of these against the Saviour in order t& trY Izi&
~ since they were out-and-out deniers of the pronouncements of
the prophets.
And this great prophet [sc. Solomon], who lived almost before all of the
prophets, befittingly expounds their frenzy [sc. of the Jews]: and trY Izi&~
~ For they also heard him [sc. Jesus] saying, For I am meek and hum-
ble in heart,96 which is why they were eager to trYlzi&~
-:td=~IUnvt&=~deadv. That is, to death on a cross,
by way of having him hung up therein along with robbers .
..And~.reoj/," =Izo~ rIzodivino~wi/1~1Unv. For he said,
After three days I will rise again;'7 which, although to the Jews appeared to
be a lie, nevertheless, they treated this [saying] as true by their acts of sealing

90 Cf. Psalm 21:8-9.

91 John, 10:20; cf. Matt. 11:18; Luke, 7:33; John, 7:20; 8:48-52.
92 Cf. Matt. 11:19; 9:11; Mark, 2:16; Luke, 5:30; 7:34.
93 Isaiah,53:3.
94 Isaiah, 53:7-8.
95 Jer. 11:19.
96 Matt. 11:29.
97 Matt. 27:63.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 389
the tomb,98 since those shameless people asked for a guard from the Pilate,
7v I and did all the other things, so that they should be put to shame once the
Saviour was resurrected.
Judv~did/tlwJVolidv!=fle! tlzinhOld; andwerodeceiued. [Y(H<lbwa&
tkifOWFV~tlzab6lindedtlzem, andtfucpdidFWbJerceiuotlw~&f'
Pod, ~didtfucp!oolvJi7rwardbcuyreward&f'~ nm<didtfucp
~CUYfrizofo6lamele=.wuk [Y(H<tbdcrearedFJUlFVb60~
andnzado Izinv = ~&f'~ OWFV ~ .'YCxveuer; tIw deudnzadolli& cmy
inmtlwworfd 6eca=o&f'1li& ~ andrl=owb~blli&!obt=bib.99
Take notice of this part of the prophecy by the wise man [sc. Solomon], which
is pronounced as a censure. What are the things implied therein? .:td=!iot/vwalb
foChris~ho""hardfo=b~H)() ho""intvhabIoblMl euavb.reo
kfiz;JOl hokef=~(}Eif~· ho~tIw~&f'tlwJ=b=~
~02 !eb=.reofrlU&~FJUlFV"" tlw8OfV&f'tbdj03 !eb=j>ublzinv btlw
j>roffwit/vuiolencoandtorturq !eb= comienuvlzinvb=~deaUv.104
Judv ~ did/tlwJVolidv!=fle! tIzinh Old; and wer0 deceiued. lOj As a
matter of fact, they werodeceiued, which accords with the words that the Saviour
said, You are mistaken, not knowing the Scriptures, nor the power of God.lC>6
[Y(H< lb wa& tkif OWFV ~ tIzab 6Iinded tIzem, in accordance with
Isaiah's saying, They have closed their eyes, lest they should understand and
should turn again, and I would heal them.107 For this is what~really
is: it is a certain cloud, as it were, which throws darkness on the soul's eye, and
entirely bans her from rising up and seeing the really existing truth .
..AnddidFWbJerceiuotlw~&f'Pod. For due to being philanthrope
par excellence, the more-than-God (6 ""tpewS) did not condone man to be
harmed by his falling into unlawful worships and his attributing to obscene
creatures the honour which is owed to the Creator. Instead, He benevolently
resolved to assume flesh like that of ours and to live together with men, which
He foretold also through Jeremiah: This is our God, and there shall none other

98 Cf. Matt. 28:1.

99 Wis. 2:21-24. For the translation of 1tztpasODO"t as taste', see the author's exegesis infra.
100 Wis. 2:12.
101 Wis. 2:14.
102 Wis. 2:16.
103 Cf. Wis. 2:17-18.
104 Wis. 2:20.
105 Wis. 2:21.
106 Matt. 22:29; Mark, 12:24.
107 Isaiah, 6:10, quoted in Matt. 13:15 & Acts, 28:27.
390 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
be accounted of in comparison of him; and afterward did he show himself
upon earth, and lived together with men.!OS However, as if they became dim-
sighted toward all these, they did not realise that which to us is the great mys-
tery of the incarnation of Logos.
JV~ did tIucP !ooIv~ w- '"Y reward ('/~. which
means that those who lived righteously and piously will receive the goods that
are stored up for the pious; instead, those who lived wickedly and prodigally
[will receive] the eternal punishment.
JVwc did tIucP ~ '"Yfrizofo 6Iame/e,w.wuk That is, they did not
reckon with the blessedness and incorruptibility of the pure and unblemished
souls, and with what are the prizes that they carry off with themselves after their
departure from here, once they can display most manifestly for themselves that,
during their abode in this dwelling place, they lived only in a godly and pious
and saintly manner.
Efrwc.l7od crea£edFJUlFVw-60~ From this point on, he engages
in teaching us more clearly that man was made by God so as to be immortal,
and explaining in what manner did deadvmalwlzi&axwinw-tIzoworfd"y} He
says, therefore, Efrwc.l7od crea£ed nuuv w- 6o~. that is, He created
man not for any reason other than for man to be incorruptible and immortal
and indestructible .
..AndmadeJlinv=~('/.'J'{WO(ljfVnaLztr0, namely, He made him accord-
ing to His image and likeness.!10 And as in the case of Time we say that this is
a moving image of eternity,111 in like manner [we consider] man as an image of
God's own eternity, and falling short of that as much as an image falls short of
the original model. Even so, nevertheless, man was both eternal and immortal.
.'YCOweuer; tIzo deud nzado Izi& axw inw- tIzo worfd 6eca=o ('/Izi& e/U{'f'
He says this as an epitome, since he knows that these things have been well
worked out by the great Moses. And whereas in the foregoing [analysis] he
says that tIzo ~ induced death to themselves ~ tIzeif f'uuuk and
~ 112 at this point he says that [death] nzado Izi& axw inw- tIzoworfd6eca=o
('/the deuit'." e/U{'f' Therefore, it is possible to say that tIzo ~ induced
to themselves a twofold deadv. On the one hand, the deeds that they keep on
doing demonstrate that they consider all things as being subject to corruption

108 Baruch, 3:38.

109 Wis. 2:24; cf. 14:14.
110 Cf. Gen. 1:26-27.
111 Cf. Plato, Timaeus, 37d.
112 Cf. Wis. 1:16.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 391
and death - hence they themselves become that which they fallaciously took
for granted and transmitted to those that are more naive and prone to wicked-
ness. On the other, [the ungodly] have a share allotted them on account of the
deadv, which has befallen comprehensively all humanity, following the first
transgression by Adam. However, the latter [death] is curable, and can procure
to us the prize of incorruptibility and eternity by means of both a more labori-
ous conduct of life and willingness to do the things that are befitting, as well as
to live a life of vigorous piousness towards God. The former [death], however,
is incurable and can bring about no way 8r lout from evil. This is the deadv of
which he [sc. Solomon] says that tk?~t/u!ucedto themselves, by main-
taining that, in this reality, everything happens haphazard and there is neither
punishment of evil nor rewards of pious action. It is about those people that
David says, the ungodly shall not rise upon judgement.ll3 For how could it be
possible for them not to be condemned, once they are those that t/u!uced deadv
upon themselves and unreservedly desired to make themselves ones ofkWht?
:37w- wIzo. ~ to- kW lob tadD ib. 114 For definitely no one gets a greater
share of the wickedness of ~ than him who has made his own self worthy of
kWio& And that ~nuuiokW""Winto-tk?worU6eca=fftk?devik~ has
been realised by those who peruse everything correctly and accurately. As for the
fact that those who have a share in this are those who made themselves worthy of
Izi&!d; he [sc. Solomon] says bythis:.9ZOweuer; tk?dev;4 andtiw.=wIzo.~
to-lzi&lobtadDitJ'15 which means, they get a taste of it not <as one mightthink) in
the sense of examining this [i.e. death], but engage in energetic experience of it.
!JZJub tk?.wuk ff tk? ~ aro iFv tk? Izand ff Pod, and flO" ~
dud1toudvtlzenv. g;tk?'Cfe&fftk?~ t/ucP~=~d"ed. and
~~Iza&6eavtahav=~ and~~Ji'o===~
~ .9ZOweuer; t/ucP (yO ~ iFv j=u= [Y(H< ~ to- = t/ucP
~~=J4;ued,P~Iwj=fVid1ff~ ..And~
t/ucP1uwo~{b!iu!e, t/ucPdud1~~~116
From that point on, he begins to flesh out what are the prizes of those
who live piously and righteously anlf17 dutifully, and to chastise those who
propound the [theory of] Automatism;'18 or, as if praying for all the things he

113 Psalm 1:5.

114 For translation of m:tpa!:;oDcrt as 'taste', see the author's exegesis infra.
115 Wis. 2:21-24.
116 Wis. 3:1-5.
117 1 Thess. 2:10.
118 See p. 101.
392 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
contemplates to materialise, he says this: {j(Jttbtlzo.wubfftlzo~a/'0
iFv tIzo Iuuui ff Pod, and = tormenb dud1 toudv tIzenv. For even if the body
appears as suffering temporary hardship, in fact, the soul remains immune to
any hardship, because it enjoys God's help and has been created by Him so as
to be incorporeal and impervious to passion 119
9'Fvtlzo~fftlzo~t/ucP~=Juw~died, which stands for
this: to the~, who hold no lofty conception about God, but assess every-
thing in accordance with their fallacious belief, tIzo~ appear as dying.
However, this is not the case .
..Andtkif~luz&6e=tahov=~ For this is the belief of those
who stick to desire for physical life, wherefore they deem departure from here
= ~ This is natural for them to think, since they believe that there is
nothing which is superior to this mortal life .
..Andtkif~Ji'onv=tfHb5'~=ttUer~·thatis,
utter annihilation. [The word mlVTptflflU is used] as a metaphor from things
made of clay: once these are smashed, they are unrepairable. But notice that
he styled the herefrom migration of tIzo~ ~'and ~ on
account of them passing to another (that is, to a more blessed) life, so that, by
means of these words, he should put the opposers to shame .
.'YCOweuer; t/ucParo~ iFvj=u= For precious in the sight of the Lord
is the death of his saints.!20 And [the expression] t/ucP a/'0 ~ iFvj>e=o has
been befittingly added. For the things down here are full of noise, and it is
impossible to find any situation of this life which is without pain or exempt
from tumult. In contrast, the things up there are free from all the predicaments
and any confusion which we could possibly think of.
g;-(H<~to-/ne/Vt/ucP~~=~ptkiflwj=fdid1ff
~ And that which, to our eyes, appears as torment of the righteous,
it may seem torment to us only because we see just this, namely, the fero-
ciousness of those afflictions. To them, however, the horrors of punishments
are deemed as being nothing, because they look forward to ~ and to
that which is truly Beloved.
..And ~ t/ucP1uwo8f#red (b!iu/e, t/ucPdud1 ~~ ~
tion& At this point, he does not even deign to style that which the impious inflict
upon the righteous 'punishment', no matter how ferocious and so invented by
the torturers in order for this to fill the souls of the multitude with terror. Instead,

119 Cf. Matt. 10:28.

120 Psalm 115:6.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 393
he styles it 'paideia',12! indeed not simply 'paideia', but [he says] t/ucPIuwo"{Jl'
cfired aJatb For [the tortured man] did not focus on the torturer's bitter and
inhuman behaviour, but he concentrated on the hope of those who suffered
infliction and on the reward of the good things that are to corne. 8v I
[Y(H<§odj=btknvwtkted; andfiundtknv~e/~~~
iFv tkJiww=o 1za&.9lO tried tknv and received tknv =
(b ~ e/wIwIo

6u/YW ~ ..And at tk timo e/~ ~ t/ucP dud1 dzino and /YlFV

~kho~ ~tkreab. ~dud1J=f!;otk~anddud1
~ 0fHY<~ and tk~dud1 ~ 0fHY< tknv~ ~
tlzabj=b ~ tr=b iFv~dud1 ~ tk trudz, and tkfii#ddud1
aIHdowidv~iFv!ovo~~and~i&wlU&~ and.'J'{W~
~i&~lU&eIecb.!22

For whenever the righteous are handed over to the men that carry out pun-
ishment and torture, they are not turned in completely, nor are they so to the
daemons who have demanded those [inflictions]. This is also what the Saviour
said to the man123 who claimed that he had power over him, so as either to cru-
cify or to release him: You would have no power at all against me, unless this
were given to you from above.!24 But it is exactly because God knows their
earnest desire for Him, and their stable and irreversible disposition, that He
allows those things to happen to them, so that He could prove them more vig-
orous by means of those struggles. This is why he [sc. Solomon] says, [Y(H<§od
j=btknvwtkted;125 since they werej=bwtkwwnot by anyone else, but by
God himself. This is what the story of the blessed Job most befittingly shows .
..AndJVundtlzenvwortlye/~For none of those who carne out victo-
rious of those ordeals fought them out without struggling through them and as
a wicked person. Instead, all of those who gave up everything for His sake, and
suffered everything, and never caved in deviation from their faith in Him, they are
found wortIy by God, such as those whom He lifted up and showed to be great
martyrs, who predominated in struggles because of their love for the Saviour.
~~ iFv tkJiww=o 1za&.9lO tried tknv and received tknv = ( b . u z b -
{'j/icoe/wIwIoiHwwb-~ He expounds these as a sort of elaboration. For

121 Referring to the text's aMra 1tatozu8,sV'[zC;. In Greek, the verb 1Wl0ZDCO means both 'torture' and
'educate', hence, 'cause to be trained by means of disciplining'. The best token of this double
entendre is Psalm 117:18: 1WW.sUCOV Z1WW.sUO",s W 6 KuptoC;.
122 Wis. 3:5-9.
123 I.e. the Pilate.
124 John, 19:10.
125 Wis. 3:5.
394 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
one thing, in order to show their [sc. of the tried saints] patient endurance; for
another, [in order also to show] God's earnest care for them. For this is what
the nature of gold is: whenever this is placed into fire, its material will not
be destroyed in the least; instead, [the fire] will make it brighter. And, as it
happens with gold, by means of their trial, the nobility and purity and endur-
ingness of their nature has corne to the fore, and has turned out superior to the
suffering imposed by insolent oppressors. Moreover, through [the expression]
~ &I" wIwIo fHwwb.~ he bespeaks their love for God, notwith-
standing the overwhelming power of the sacrifice that they took upon them-
selves. For he [sc. David] says, Offer the Lord sacrifice of righteousness,'26
and this shall please God more than a young caifhaving horns and hoofs.127
..And a£ tIzo limo &I"tIzeif ~ tiucP dza/1~. that is, at the time
when the righteous shall shine like the sun.!'8 For tIzolimo&l"tIzeif~
is in fact the advent of the great God and Saviour, Jesus Christ in glory.!" For
during that [time] each one will be rewarded accordingly: those who have
done good, to resurrection of life; and those who have done evil, to resurrec-
tion of judgement. '30
..Anddza/1/'llFV ~!iho~ ~ tIzo ree<k Intending to demon-
strate, on the one hand, the brilliancy of the righteous,l3l and, on the other,
the frailty of the impious, he considers the former as running ~ and the
latter as flammable straw. For while the righteous amidst the wicked are like
~ yet the righteous shall run across like~. For this is how those
who are of the opposite hbwill incur punishment: the more they see with their
own eyes the righteous shining, the more (and even more so) they themselves
suffer dreadfully.
~dza/1J=ifo tIzo ~ anddza/1 donzinaro ~~. which is
equivalent to [saying], they shall deem them guilty and shall corne over in
order to upbraid them, just like the men ofNineveh and the queen of the south
in relation to the Jewish people 132
..And dza/1 donzinaro ~~. that is, they shall prevail over many
peoples by means of their excellence and dignity and their struggle for virtue.

126 Psalm 4:6.

127 Psalm 68:32.
128 Matt. 13:43.
129 Tit. 2:13.
130 John, 5:29.
131 Cf. Matt. 13:43.
132 Cf. Matt. 12:41-42; Luke, 11:30-32.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 395
hut tIw ~ dud1 ~ ~ tlwnvfoever; which stands for saying,
'they shall rule over peoples and exercise authority over nations'. But all of
those will be ruled by no other than God alone,!33 indeed not just for a short
while, bu~ For since they are immortal, naturally they shall be immor-
tally reigned by the sole immortal God, because tiuMo tIzabj>ub tIwif trud I/v
~dud1~tlwtrudv.
For once He is the only true God'34 and Truth per se (uUTOaAlj88W) (which
he says also in the gospels: '1 am the truth,lJj), He alone teaches thoroughly
tiuMotlzabj>ubtiwiftrudl/v.'Jl2nz, 9r I so that they should ~tlwtrudv.
As for those who are unworthy of God's trudvand driven away from this, they
could be unable to learn, even if they asked about this. This is what also the
Pilate incurred, because he was absolutely unworthy of being taught the doc-
trines of trudv136
huttlwJi"ti1Jliddud1a1Hdowidv~I/v!ove,· that is, those who, by means
of their perfect virtues, were found to be excellent 1/v000and kept on accom-
plishing this to the end, they will share in the eternity of the only God and will
encamp by Him. For he [sc. John] said, and he who remains in love remains
in God.137
g!"(H<~ and ~ i& to-IU& ~ On the one hand, there is~,
because no matter how many things one might offer God, he could offer noth-
ing which would be commensurate with those things that he has benefited
from Him. On the other, ~ means that the one who brought about salva-
tion for us as a gift, was neither any angel nor any man, but it was God himself
who sojourned among men. And these things [sc. grace and mercy] have been
granted to those who were worthy to receive upon themselves salvation, and
this has been accomplished in them.
hut ~ ~ ~ i& ~ IU& eIecb. This is the elevation in
great glory and brightness38 of those who have been worthy of listening
devotedly to the pronouncement, Come, blessed of my Father, inherit the
kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world.'"

133 Cf. Deut. 15:6&28:12.

134 Cf. John, 17:3.
135 John, 14:6.
136 Cf. John, 18:38.
137 1 John, 4:16.
138 Baruch, 4:24.
139 Matt. 25:34.
 396 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
!JZJub tIw~ ~1uwo6eov~ &l'tIw~ and ~
Jro=~ dzaltjxy ""~~ b tIzeif= ~
arion& [ft(H<~~~and~ub~ Izoi&~ and
tlzeiflwj=i&~ and tIzeif~~and tlzeifwork~
~wio= aroJVolidvand tIzeif clUldravwichedandtlzeif~ i& cur=d.
[ft(H< 6Ie=ed i& tIw ~~ i& ruuf;IiIed and Iza& nob teded "".u(y'id 6ed. Jho
dzaItreceiuotlwfiuibujxHvtlw~&I'.wuk .And=i&tlwauwclv~did
nob comnUb'"Y ~wirlvlzi&lzam:b~ ~wiched ~ ~
tIw~ [ft(H< Izo dzaIt 6o~ tIw ~~ &l'Jitidv and "" nuJr0
~aIIo&nenbiFvtlwtemp!o&l'tIw~ [ft(H<tlwfiuib&l'uirtz=~i&
~andtlwroob&l'~~ !JZJubtlwclUldrav&l'~dzaIt
renzaUv~ andtlw=ed&l'=~6eddzalt~ !JZJubevav
f~!ivo ~ ~dzalt60treared =~fo~ and tlzeifadvanced
~dzalt60~ .Andf~ckD.won; ~dzaltluwo~lwj=~
~=tlw4Y&I'~ [ft(H<tIw~&I'=~~
ar0~140

In the foregoing analysis, he spoke about the righteous and explained what
are the rewards that they will receive for their suffering. Now, he expounds the
penalties of tIw~and the consequences they shall incur because of their
madness, and says this: !JZJubtlw~dzaltjxy,,"~~b
tIzeif=~
The judgement-debt will be foisted on them from no origin other than
their own ~, out of which those ~ Iuwo 6eov~&l'tIw
~and ~Jro=~ stirred war against God. For being
~&I'God and apostasising from both His glory and worship precedes
dealing His commandments contemptuously. [ft(H<~~~and
~ub~ Izoi&~ For once tIw~made this a priority,
and thrusted aside God's ~ which sets apart things mean and wicked,
and rejected the practice of virtue which, to the prudent, comes about along
with~ they turned out~concerning this task. For whereas they
thought to themselves that they are wise, they only abided by utter foolishness.
For as he [sc. David] says, the Lord pays back those who act excessively with
pride.!41 Therefore, how could possibly those who 8eb~and~ub
~ become partakers of anything good?
.And tlzeiflwj=i&~· [he says so] in case they pinned their hopes
on something, and live in this world not in a state of absolute hopelessness and
stupidity.
140 Wis. 3:10-19.
141 Psalm 30:24.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 397
hut ~~ aro~ since they toil in vain on works that
they carry out sensessly.
hut~work~ For what could thos~people possibly do?
Perhaps build a house in the first place? But on account of their foolishness
will this be built on sand, and once winds 9v I blow or waters flood, this will
collapse142 Perhaps a tower? But they will never see this accomplished. For
they will not calculate in advance even the expenses for laying down the foun-
dations, and naturally those who pass by will mock them. 143 For they started
[building] and spent money, yet turned out unable to finish because of igno-
rance of the total cost. Moreover, when they foregather pending confrontation
with enemies, they shall abscond as if having been already defeated before
the conflict itself takes place. For against those who corne with [an army of]
twenty thousand [men], they had moved towards the combat with eleven thou-
sand. This is the extent to which both their ~ and doings are
thoughtless.
~wtUe&<Y'0~and~~wickd.And what would 'fool-
ishness of a woman' possibly be other than indulging in sexual intercourse
with those that approach her, and foregathering bastard offspring to her own
husband, thus treating him insolently?
But whosoever would raise to him ~~produced from knavish
actions, ~~ i& ~ For neither the circumstances under which
these were conceived nor those of pregnancy deserve blessing; instead, every-
thing pertaining to them sterns from lawlessness and ~FJUlFlFler"&I"6irtlvi&
~ For tho~&I"6irtlvand everything that bears on it, such as nour-
ishment and subsequent time of life, is a synecdochical expression.
[Y(H<6ie=ed i& tho~ tluwi&~ andIla&nobteded ""&iefid 6ed.
During old times, those [women] who managed to become and to be called
mothers of children were laudable. Contrast to them, those who were childless
because of sterility were proscribed and unacceptable to [religious] sacrifices
for life. Now, however, the prophet [sc. Solomon] reverses this precept: he
deems worthy of praise tho~6arren; who havenobteded""&iefid6ed.
Moreover, pay attention to this: he does not commend tho ~ in general,
nor does he object to the decreed law; instead, he speaks of tho~6ar­
Fen; who have nob teded ""&iefid ted, whom he deems much more superior to

those who birth amidst defilement and debauch their beds amidst iniquities.

142 Cf. Luke, 6:48-49.

143 Cf. Luke, 14:28-30.
398 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
For dzo dza/1 receiuo tIzoJiuib ujwFV tIzo~ ff~· which means
that, even if she happens to be 6arren; and under no circumstances did she
bring forth, nevertheless, she shall receiuo tIzoJiuib ff~ that is, [the fruit]
of temperance that befits pious ~ which is far more precious than those
which are brought forth otherwise. For as he [sc. Jesus] says, it is out of those
fruits that the good trees are known 144
hut=- i& tIzo ~w/w.didnob commib my ~wdIv Izi& f'uuubnor-
con&deredwiched~~§od. He refers neither to those who commit-
ted self-castration by their own hands, nor to others who became eunuchs by
some accident, nor indeed to those who ended up to this because of their stu-
pidity, but to those who became [eunuchs] by completely mastering their own
passions, and practiced not only chastity but also every sort of virtue. This is
what [the expression] w/w.didnobcommibmy~wdlvlzi&f'uuubmeans;
that is, [he did not commit] robbery or murder, or the rest of those that stem
from our bodily nature.
JV'or-con&deredwiched~~tIzo~· that is, vainglory, impi-
ety, and all those that originate from the psychological impulses of those who
care for idle considerations 1 " Concerning these, the Saviour said, there are
eunuchs who made themselves eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake.!46
fFor-llo dza/1 60~ tIzo marueIo=~ ffJitidz,· which stands for
saying, he shall be deemed worthy of [being one of those sitting] on the right
hand ofthe Saviour.147 For this is the superlative~ granted upon the elect,
which stands for the child that would be born by him.
hut,,"FJWr0~aIIotm.awiFvtlzotempbfftlzo~is the abode in
the upper Jerusalem,'48 the eternal city, the real metropolis of the elect. This
is what Isaiah also says: This is what the Lord said to the eunuchs: to those
who shall keep my Sabbaths, and choose the things which I will, and abide by
my covenant, I shall give in my house and inside of my wall a distinguished
place, which is superior to sons and daughters. I shall give them an everlast-
ing name, which shall never pass away.149
fFor-tIzoJiuibffuirtz=~i&~andtizoroobff~uefitd-
0!f0. which is also what the Saviour commanded, namely, they do not gather

144 Cf. Matt. 7:16-18.

145 Cf. Psalms 24:3; 30:7.
146 Matt. 19:12.
147 Cf. Matt. 20:21&23; 25:33; Luke, 10:42; Mark, 10:37; 10:40.
148 Cf. Gal. 4:26.
149 Isaiah, 56:4-5.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 399
grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles, but from a good [tree] good fruits
and, likewise, from the corrupt ones evil [fruits].''' For the fruits that one will
receive are homologous to the toils one would assume upon oneself; and the
quality of the [plants] that will grow and that of their fruits is contingent on the
quality of seeds that one sows into the soil, as well on one's pertinent diligence,
and they grow up lOr I and bring forth fruits in good time. Likewise, anyone
who carries out his own duties with prudence and dedication to God, he, as it
were, implants the roots that stern from his exertions deeply [into the ground],
and, as a result, he enjoys fruits that are both magnificent and blooming.
{j(Jttbtlzo~e/~dud1remaUv~ Notice that,
in his reference to men who live in accordance with God, he spoke of~
Jiwit;151 but in reference to the wicked and godless, [he speaks of] =-
~ ~ by which he means that it is not God who persuades those
who opt for this conduct of life to bear children; instead, He approves the
fruits of those people [sc. the pious ones] much more than those of the people
that procure children. For regarding the wicked ones, what else could they
possibly accomplish out of their profligacies other that bear children, some
of them out of fornication, others out of prostitution, and others by means of
other ways? As for tIzo ~e/~ being ~ and tIzo
.reede/= ~ 6ed dud1~ this is also what Isaiah also says: the
seed of the disobedient is destined to be destroyed}" moreover, I am the God,
recompensing the sins of the fathers upon the children to the fourth genera-
tion.!53 But since we see some of those who have been unlawfully born to have
lived until a very advanced age, and in many cases they have enjoyed wealth
and glory, he [sc. Solomon] adds this, as if wishing to confute a possible objec-
tion: {j(JttbeueFVft/ucP!ivo~ t/ucPdud160treared=~fo~ and
~advancedq;;odud160~ For they did not really escape God's
judgement which is brought upon the wicked people; instead, the older they
were when God punished them, the more painful the affliction was.
hulft/ucPdio8OOfV, t/ucPdud1kwo~~of reward and of the bliss
expected therefrom, which is natural: for as it happens with worthless fruits,
no matter whether these are unripe grapes, which are both trashy and harmful
to teeth, or putrid, these are but good-for-nothing entirely rotten food, which

150 Cf. Matt. 7:16-18; Luke, 6:43-44.

151 Cf. Wis. 3:15.
152 Isaiah, 33:2; cf. 57:4.
153 Cf. Exodus, 20:5&7; Deut. 5:9.
400 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
can only cause nausea to those who use it, likewise, one could see this happen-
ing in the case of wicked and adulterous offspring: for if they have reached an
advanced age, they are bootless; and if tiucPdio8OOFlj they are all the more use-
less and hopeless, either to their descendants or to their contemporary ones.
JV'(H<~OfVtIzockw~ That is, on that awful day ofjudge-
ment,'54 when each one shall be given justice for the quality of his own works.
[Y(H<tIzo~&I"tIzo~~W'0~ And what end
would be more~ than that eternal fire and the everlasting worm"j and
those multifarious punishments?
'fJirtu= ~ i&nwro uaIuabb [Y(H<tIzo~ &l"tIu&/= uir-
tuej i& imnwrta4 &nco tIu& i& ~ & 60dv Pod and=. W~ tIu& i&
~ ~iFviW~·and~ibi&~ tiucP~iq~ iFv
tIzoderna1f!fo, tlu&kcuk,,"~~,,"crowFlj 6eca=; ~tIzo
~&I"tIzo~ ibluz&WOFv. ..A",fotlzofro{{lW6rood&l"tIzo~ tIu&
wi/160~ andtlzo~~dza/1tak/lO"root&, ~wi/1ibtw
'"Y.wIid~ [Y(H<eueFVf8OfJlO&I"iW~~fo""dwrbtUne,
tiucP dza/160~ & tIzo ~ and ~ tIzoJVrco &l"wiFu:b tiucPdza/1
6orooredotd; 6eca=&I"~lHl&tabIo~ ~~
~dza/1606rohavdf;" ~fiuib/dza/16ej ~ FWb+fo~
meebfo~ [Y(H<~~JVrtIvfionv~~W'0
witne==&I"~~~=~OfVtIzockw&l"~tria1.1j6
By these words, he extols the superb thing of virginity, and says, 'fJirtu=
~ i&nwroualuabb For it is not ~ owing to barrenness,
but the absolute abstinence along with virtue, and consideration and mastery
over passions is that which is laudable.
[Y(H< tIzo ~ &I"tIu& /= uirtuo.l i& imnwrta1. It is the succession of
children that certain ones called immortality of race. In contrast, this wise
man [sc. Solomon] maintains that immortality par excellence is a conduct in
~ and virginity that has been wonderfully accomplished by men.
J'lFlCOtIu&i&~&6odvPodand=. For a city located on a hill
cannot be hidden."7 In like a manner, virginity is all too manifest in those
who practice it. For in the case of virtues that may be practiced in the open,
if one wishes to do so covertly, lOv I it would be possible for him to keep this

154 Cf. Esther, lO:3h; Judith, 16:17; Provo 6:34; Psalms of Solomon, 15:12; Isaiah, 34:8; Matt. 10:15;
11:22&24; 12:36; 2 Peter, 2:9; 3:7; 1 John, 4:17.
155 Cf. Judith, 16:17.
156 Wis. 4:1-6.
157 Matt. 5:14.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 401
in obscurity and stand alooffrom the multitude, and thus keep this conduct in
secrecy. Contrast to this, no one who practices virginity has ever been able to
escape notice, since this virtue is bound to be concomitant with unwedded life.
Wlzavtlzi& i&~ tIuctfoIIow- iFvir&~· and~ibi&~ tfucp
~fo ib. For this is what those who have practiced virginity are: they are
admired while they are present and live in this life, and they are accounted utterly
happy and longed for when they have attained to the blessed dwelling-place .
..And, iFvtlzoderFudf!fo, tIzi& k=k,,"~~,,"C/YJWfi; ~
~tIzo~&f"tIzo~ ibluz&{lj(/fv. For the prize of chastity is great
and admirable, since the splendour of the crowns triumphs neither for the
time being, nor for just one day, but iFv tIzo derFud f!fo tIzi& k=k ""~
~ "" croaHV bestowed by the blessed angels and while all the splendour
of that place proclaims this.
{j(Je<XUbU!j ~tIzo~&f"tIzo~ ibluz&aH7fv. Meaning that this
[virtue] is triumphantly extolled by those super-celestial choruses .
..A",fotlzofro{flio6rood&f"tIzo~ tlzi&wd160~ Up to this
point, he eulogised the honours stemming from virginity. But now he bears
witness against licentiousness; and right at the outset, he confutes its [appar-
ently] reasonable cause. For whereas one would say that this is serviceable in
order to bring forth a lot of offspring, he demonstrates that, no doubt, this is
useless. He attributes this to the impious, not by reproaching those producing
much offspring (for it is possible also for those who prudently abide by lawful
conduct to generate many children), but the incontinent who fall on numerous
women and try to procure offspring in this way.
..Andtlzo~~dza/1nobtak~ This is a metaphor from
those who had practiced care for plants. For once they happen to have prox-
imate flowing waters available to them, they appear to be excellent curators.
But if they try to irrigate their own one from ~ ~ by having a
share in waters that irrigate other fields, then, along with their toils being to no
avail, they cease to be regarded as trained in gardening. Moreover, he explains
the cause, by reason of which the plants which are irrigated from ~
waters, and not from ones that are naturally proximate to the place but are
caused to be carried over from elsewhere, become feeble and evanescent ones.
He then says, itdza/1tak/W"root&, ~wd1ibtwmy=fid~
g;-(H<eueFVf=nzo&f"d&~~fo""dwrbtime, tfucpdza/160~
& tIzo~ and ~ tIzofirco&f"wiFu:b tfucpdza/160roored oub.
He elaborates until the end on the figure from the example of plants; and think-
ing along this metaphorical line, he explains the causes. First of all, the shortage
 402 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
of water; then, the fact of not having taken roots and being established on a solid
foundation. Hereafter, that certain ~ have flourishe~,,"~tfflze; but,
by reason of their unstable underpinning, they have been shaken &~a0zdupon
its first blow upon the plants, and, after this, once the wind blew more violently,
they have been rooted ottb. Subsequently, [he speaks of] the imperfect ~
that have been broken off well before reaching the apposite growth. Lastly, that
theitfoub has become ~ and unsuitable for eating and meebfo~
[Y(H<~~JVrtIvfionv~~ CY0~e/
~ ~ tkir- = ~ = ~ dew e/tkir- triaL That is, the
children that have been begotten out of unlawfulness and amusement by those
who live prodigally, CY0~e/~~tkir-=~ at
the time when everything will be called to question and the things ofdarkness
will be brought to lightl58 For if He is going to expose all of our acts in so far
as we are just living beings, much more will He do so concerning our [acts]
that are products of fornication, as if these were standing rough and ready
opposite us and they looked fixedly on our filthiness, which [children] shall be
a sort of close at hand witnesses to that [filthiness].
{j(JubeueFVY""#t==die&;plzodud160iFvred. [Y(H<~oIdq;;o
i&~tlzabwlUdv~,,"!obe/timo~tlzabwlUdvlza&6e=~&
~e/~ .'TFldead, to-men;~~i& /tkir/
~andoldq;;oi&
~~{fo llr I [Y(H<OflCOOflOJIe=ed.i7od, 1zo6ecamo6eloved&.'J"I2m,
and Iza& 6e= trandared/to- ~ ~ W ~Izo lived ~~
.9"{Owa&.reized, !e,wtlzab~~IU&~(H<~ckceWolU&
.wu4 6eca=o~~e/~~~~ and~
Jivucp e/~ ~ ""~ mind. [Y(H< wa& madoj>er-
0flC0 0fl0

fico iFv ,,"dwrb tfflze; tIzi& i& Uk ~ livedfo"" ~ tfflze; 6eca=o ~~

!ihed1U&.wuL ~ Izomadoluzdoto-JVr.=ho~ anzidw~.
.'JiOweuer; ~~&Zar6ttbdidFWb~ ~did~kwuFiFv
tkir-FJZiFuk '"Y ~=cIv = tIzab.'J"I:W~and~i&widv.'J"I:W~
and.'J"I:W~ i&unto-IU& elecb. 159
In the foregoing [analysis], he exposed the death of sinners, [and said] that
no matter whether they reach an advanced age or die untimely, either way this
could be no advantage to them. Now, he speaks about [the death] of the righ-
teous, and says, {j(JubeueFVY""#t==die&. That is, if one comes to die sooner
than the apposite age (for 'comes to' ['1'8&"11] should be understood as 'comes

158 1 Cor. 4:5; cf. Rom. 13:12.

159 Wis. 4:7-15.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 403
ahead of' [an advanced age] [npo<p8u"11ll - since normally this [sc. death]
is understood to be determined by the [divine] Providence. For perhaps the
ungodly could say that the ~ died a premature death. It is [as a reply] to
this that he adds, {j(Jttbeue/Vj/"(b~~plzodud160iFvred; and suf-
fers death not in the same way as the ungodly who die before the apposite age.
g;-(H<~oId'l:fOi&~tluwwlUdv~(b!ob&l"timo~tIuw
wlUdvlza&6eavnzea=red&~&I"~ For what would be the benefit if
a silly [man] reached oId'l:f09 And what would be the harm if one who really
possessed the true prudence died untimely? For neither did the great David
suffer any damage when he expressed displeasure at the present life and said,
Woe is me, that my sojourn has been prolongedl60 by you! and, Bring my soul
out of prison.'61
g-~ to- /ne/0~ ~ i&/tIteir/~ For this is the definition of
old age; and if one asked you, 'what is old age?', give this answer:~
iFv = Therefore, once one lives among men and has attained prudence, no
matter what his age, he could be befittingly called 'old man'; and one who dies
having already accomplished this [sc. prudence], no matter whether at an old
age or untimely, he dies at a very advanced age .
..Andold'l:fOi&tIzo~f!fo. And if one asked you again as a man of
an advanced age, reply, an ~{ffothatJle=ed§od6ecamo6eloved&
~ He explains the reason why, in some cases, it has happened that righ-
teous men die while they are at a young age, and says this: one who 6ecamo
6eIovedby God, instead of [saying], once one, right from the young age, has
displayed in front of God a behaviour which is wise and accordant with the
rest of virtue and nobleness, he has been 6eIoved & God; and, ~ Izo
lived ~~ and dwelled in the midst of them, Izo Iza& 6eav trandakd
/to- tIzo ~ {fIi:/ He did not sense the bitterness of death, nor did he suffer
the death that the impious suffer and utter destruction. For he was transposed
from a certain place to a much better one, and w=~ !edtluw~
~1u&~(H<~deceWolu&.wu1. [Actually, Solomon] delineates
doctrines about God and intimates a life which is endowed with free will.
And now he [sc. Solomon] forthrightly elaborates for us on that which he
[sc. Paul] said elsewhere, namely, Evil companionships corrupt good mor-
als,'62 and clearly unveils God's care for us, namely, that we should not be

160 Psalm 119:5.

161 Psalm 141:8.
162 1 Cor. 15:33 (apudEuripides, Fragmenta, fro 1024).
404 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
unable to put up with seeing prudent young people snatched away [by death].
For the Lord, who knows perfectly well and forgives the things concerning us
prior to our generation,!63 [knows also] in what way should He give a share
[to our salvation], or what are the means [of salvation] befitting this present life
of ours, or, concerning our endings, [He knows in advance] the reasons why we
have died early, before we alter our~and lest~~ht&.wuL
The way to wickedness is set in front of us in a twofold manner: this is
either that which occurs to many people because of their own free choice, or
that which results from lapse and traits and mode of life which are prone to
fall. Actually, this great man [sc. Solomon] illustrates both of these, llv I and
this is how he explains why is it that premature death is brought about to us.
For once God foresees that either our free choice or lapse would put us at risk,
since He is philanthrope par excellence and does not want the death of the
wicked,!64 out of philanthropy he caused to happen that which the multitude
takes as death.
{j(J=tIzo~&I"~~~~ and~
Ji"vucp&l"~~(b~mind. Now, he explains to us these
things more plainly. First, he reproaches the lapsed way of life and emulation
of the wicked ones because of habitual rapport with them; and by 'obscure-
ness' and extinction,16' he refers to those [characteristics] that have been
accomplished by means of the assiduity of those that have been well trained.
Subsequently, he speaks about free choice and one's sticking to desires and
about abandoning such an attachment, because this is but aberration from the
~nzUutthat has been procured by us .
g;-(H<=OfiOwa&mado~iFv{bdwrbtime, tlzi&i&~~!ivedfo
(b~tim& For God's aim about us is no other than the cause of our salvation.
This is why we have been created in the beginning and are travelling along this
present life. Therefore, no matter whether one who has worked out good things
dies at a very advanced age or one who accomplishes the same things dies during
his youth, either way these [people] have fought out the same struggle, and the
wreathl66 of victory is the same to both of them. Therefore, the case is the same,
no matter whether this is about a man who achieved righteousness during a short
time and accomplished things that could have taken a life lasting for many years

163 Cf. Susana, 35a.

164 Cf. Ezekiel , 33:11 ; Wis. 1:13.
165 Ref. to !.u:rwJ".suGt of Wis. 4:12, which , among its other senses, means j.u:rw,),uO"O"Gt (,alter' or
'pervert').
166 Cf. 2 Tim. 4:8.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 405
in order to achieve, or about another man, for whom it took living until an
advanced age in order the behave in the same virtuous manner.
!JZJetXlEl80t1zo~!ihedIzi&.wuL ~ Izonuuklzado~~
anzidw~· which means, although he died while he was young, neverthe-
less, it was because Izi&.wtdJIe=ed tIzo~that He made haste to take him out
of the wickedness of the present life. This is also what Isaiah says: the righteous
has been removed out of the way of injustice; and his burial shall be in peace.167
~ tIzoj=p!e&=6ubdidFWb~ ~didtfucp~uF
t/v~nzUuk~~.ut<h=this. That is, once those who walk after the
flesH68 and are reckoned up among the hoi polloi,169 = the occurence of death,
6ubdidFWb~this,~didtfucp~uF~~~.ut<h=tIzab
.'J"I:W~andFJZe/'f¥i&wi£Iv.'J"I:W~ and.'J"I:W~i&llFllo-lzi&ekchl70
[These people] dza/t/'<w""~~tv-~oaJfV~171
..Andtlzo~wIw-~~uirtuej dud1~tIzo~
~ one&. ..And tIzo~ tIzab jx=ed ~ ~ /dza/t condemnj tIzo
~ old ~ fftlzo ~ gf"(H< tfucpdud1.wo tIzo deaUv ff""wWo
nuuv anddza/tFWb comfreI=dwlzab tIzo~ ~ derernUned aboub
lUnvand tv-wlzabjxwf=odid.'J"{O~1Unv. ~dza/t.wojIzW~
demMej and wi/18eb IUnv a£~' 6ub Cod dza/t maho qfiot ff tkm, and,
~ tIud; tfucp dza/t 60 "" ~ carc= and cyv derFud refroadv
~ tIzo dead. gf"(H<.'J"{O dza/t 6reah tIzenv and c=b tIzenv ~ ~
and~ and.'J"{Odza/tduzktlzenv tv- ~~. andtfucpdza/t
6o~drieduFandt/vj=U0 and~fftlzenvdza/t~ ~
dud1 comotv- ~uFtizoaccottFlW ff~oaJfV~ and~tfucpdud160
wrdckd, and.'J"{Odza/trefroadv tlzenvJiwo tVi=fo~~ 172
Once again, the prophet intends to proclaim the acts that the unlawful Jews
dared to perpetrate against the saviour Christ. This is how he commended
the death of the righteous that they befall while being still young, so that, by
means of those words, he should put to shame those who dispute that the Lord,
during his youth in terms of human nature, assumed upon himself a marvel-
ous death for our sake. Then, he says this:..And tIzo ~ wIw-~
~uirtuejdza/t ~tIzo~~=. For to those that believe in
Him, the Saviour's life-giving death is freedom from death and incorruption.

167 Isaiah, 57:1-2.

168 Cf. Rom. 8:4; 2 Cor. 10:2-3.
169 Cf. Ecclesiasticus, 42:11; Isaiah, 17:12.
170 Wis. 4:15.
171 Wis. 3:10.
172 Wis. 4:16-20.
406 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
Instead, to those that have not believed in Him, and more so to those who pre-
sumed to commit such things against him, this is an infallible witness of their
destruction and condemnation .
..And tIzo~tluwjx=ed ~ ~/dudt condenznj tIzo~
old 'l:fO ff tIzo ~ For it is the accomplished economy of the mys-
tery,173 which, in terms of human age, took place during the youth of the
divine Logos, that shall altogether condemn 12r I the man who lived until an
advanced age under the sin of the lawp4
gF"(H< t/ucP dudt.wo tIzo deadv ff wi.= nuuv and dudt nob ~
(b

wIzab tIzo~ ~ ~ aboub IUnv and to- wIzab jxwf=o did

.'J"{O~ IUnv. For when the unlawful saw his death, they did not realise
what they actually thought about the Saviour, who is the only wise one. For
they blasphemed against him by considering him as a bare man, and why was
it that God and Father make allowance for his tomb to be sealedP'
~dudt.wo j/zi& ~ denzi.=j andwi/18eb1Unv a£~ In addi-
tion to having not comprehended the economy of the mysteryp' they shall
also ~ fUm, wherefore one should be astounded at his ineffable conde-
scension. But what shall they incur? !7oddudtmaho'l:footfftknv. This is also
what David said: He thatdwells in the heavens shall laugh them to scorn, and
the Lord shall mock themP7
..And, fJI'i- tIud; t/ucP dudt 60 ~ ~ These are the
(b

penalties for the crucifiers after their bold act and they were set in for dishon-
our: some of them were thrown into fighting with wild beasts; others, were
surrendered to slavery; others died amidst the laughter [of their torturers] after
having suffered innumerable torments .
..And = derFud ~ ~ tIzo dead. For not only did they suffer
this ignominious life while still being here, but also after death they shall be
in derFud~~tIzodead.
gF"(H<.'J"{O dudt 6reah tknv and c=b tknv ~ ~ and~­
!e=;. which stands for saying, He will dash them down to earth being left off
from any excuse due to the magnitude of their sins; and ~ because of
their horrendous fall; for it would be possible for those who fall otherwise to
. .
nse agaIn.

173 Eph.3:9.
174 Cf. Rom. 8:2; cf. 5:13; 6:7.
175 Cf. Matt. 27:64-65.
176 Eph.3:9.
177 Psalm 2:4.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 407
hullzodud1dzalwrknvw~~· that is, He shall cause them
to be utterly destroyed and ruined from generation to generation. l78
hult/ucPdud160~driedup.andiFvj=Uv. These have been the end-
ings of those who insolently brutalised Christ: for both their cities ended up
ruins and the entire nation was sold into slavery, and eventually was rooted out
amidst bitterness and groaning, iFvj=Uv of soul.
huI~ofthem8Jblt~ For it is not possible to find any resid-
ual trace of this nation ever since they had the cruelty to perpetrate such things.
~dud1 como w ~ up. tIzo ~ ff~ =~ and tIzav
t/ucPdud160wretclzed. That is, they shall be deprived even from a pretext of
excuse that they would think of. For there are many who reckon up pretext-
syllogisms at the times of their trial. However, these shall be unable to do even
this, because they will be absolutely overwhelmed by cowardice.
huI.'J{Odud1refroadv rknvJiu:o wJiu:ofo ~ ~ In order for
their sins to be judged, there will be no need for any other [proof]; instead, it
will be ~=~ themselves that shall stand stark opposite them and
dud1refroadv tIzenv.
~/= mvtlzo 0'Wff~ tIzo~nuuv8JbltdandiFvjAaUv
~f#mwfftiu-tlzab&lJlicredlzinvandmadono-accotI/lbfflzi&~
Wizav t/ucP.wo/Um.; ~8JbIt 6o~&tefflbIofiar-and8Jblt 6oanza.zed a£
tIzojxv=bxflzi&~ huI~ ~and~~ff
~ 8JbIt.uww~· rlu&wa&ke, wlwnvW0JVob=kldiFv~
and~nwched. W0reclwnedlzi&(fo~andlzi&denzi.=~
iou& .'J'COw.1la&1zo6eav~~tIzo~ff§odandlzi&!obi&~
tIzo~9 ~ W01uwo~Jro= tIzo cmy fftrudz.; and tIzo %M ff
~Ila&FWbdzinedttFllo-U&; andtlzo&lFVff~79 Ila&FWbr&av
ttFllo-=. W0IuwoJilled~Pfftlzo~ff~andff~
W01uwo~~~~ andpW0IuwoFWb~tIzocmy
fftlzo~ Wlzablla&fridofrefoed=9hu1w1zab~Iuworidze&~wiUv
our-~frocured=9~tiu-~ar0/'=bMo(b~and==
= (b# tIzab~ over- tIzo wave& ff tIzo water; wIUcIz.;
euane<ceFlb ~

wlzavibi&~qy, i&imf==ibIo&cfodeirlzer.tIzotrac0tkreffor-tIzo~ff
tIzoke1iFvtlzo~ 12v I Or; rlu&i&Mo{b6irdwlzidvlla&~~tIzoair­
andtlzavtkroi&no-~ffir&cmyw60,fotnd, 6ubtlzo%Mair; wlzidvi& 6eawv
& tIzodrolw ffir& ~ andoplib & tIzo uioIenb noi.= andmorioFv fftkm.; Ila&

178 Psalms 9:27; 76:9; 84:6.

179 'ofrighteollsness), added by the commentator.
408 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
jx=ed~ and~=~ff~tIzi&we/lbca/V~ ~tIzi&
i& Mo = arroar wIzav tIzi& i&dwb <Web tw:!fel; andrIzoaif i&.rp!ib 6ub inzmediateff
reunited, 8&tlzabrlzo~UrlzoarroarJi&~ g;Mo~ OfiCOWO
wero 6orn; wo ~ and wo Iuwo =~ ffuirtuo bdww, 6ub Iuwo 6eov COFV-
=medinmOfU<~ g;-(H<rIzolwj=ff=~i&MoclzelT~~
qyrlzowind; andMotlWvrimotlzabIuz&6eov6/ow,v~qyeb~ andMo
rIzo.wnohowlzidv Iuz& 6eov di.sper=t qy rIzowindJ=bMorlzo~ffeb
~~Iuz&Imf!redJ=bfoOfiOc4y.l80
Having expounded those things that the Jews will suffer in this life follow-
ingtheir murder of the Lord, he goes on with [expounding] whatthey shall incur
upon the future judgement, and says this: ~/= =rIzo q;'Wff~
rIzo~FJUlFVdzaltdandiFvj>/aUv~ [namely], when they will see
the Son of Man coming on the clouds of the sky with power and greatglory.l8l
For he is the only ~Judge ~fftlw"otlzab[JiJlicLedlUnvandmado
= accotiflb ff IU& ~ And the sentence will be brought upon them not
by someone else; instead, in order that all of their acts should remain without
excuse, it will be He himself who has suffered by them thatdzaltdandiFvj>/aUv
~~fftlw"otlzab[JiJlicLed1u'nv. For this is what the Lord himself
also declared when he said, henceforth you will see the Son of Man sitting at
the right hand of Power, and coming on the clouds of the skyYu
hulfftlw"o~mado=accotiflbfflU&~. That is, those who set
the way of the Gospel <W ~l83 For it will not be only the crucifiers that
shall know him, but also those who set his life-giving teaching at ~dzaIt
6o~qyterriblo~~t/ucP.reo1u'nv. For indeed how could it be pos-
sible for them not to be ~ qy most terribIo~ once they see him being
worshippedl84 by myriads of angelsl " and flanked by them as God?
huldzalt60anza.zed<wrIzo~=fflU&~ Not the salvation that
pertained to him, but that which they had fallen from. While ~ t/ucPdzaIt
.uwb~ feeling a useless repentance, through which it is impossible to
obtain any correcting of sins. For who will confess to you in the Hades?86
hult/uch ~and~~ff~ dzaIt.uw btlzenv-
.wive&. For indeed this is what the cause of anguish is to us, namely, ~

180 Wis. 5:1-14.

181 Matt. 24:30; Mark, 13:26; Luke, 21:27.
182 Matt. 26:64; Mark, 14:62.
183 Cf. Wis. 3:11.
184 Cf. Psalms 96:7; 137:2; Odae, 2:43; Reb. 1:6.
185 Cf. Reb. 12:22.
186 Psalm 6:6.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 409
ff~ For once the inward parts are in narrowness of space, wherefore they
inhale more air, the sudden concurrent bursting out of this all turns to groaning.
..And tfucpdud1.uw to-~. tIU& wa& k, wIwnv woJVob =Izdd
iFv~and~nwched. For they laughed scornfully at him who
was the son of Joseph, calling him son of the carpenter, and saying that his
mother and brothers are with them;187 and that he is not yet fifty years old
and he has seen Abraham;!88 and~ nwched him, by saying, This
man is not from God, because he does not keep the Sabbath.'"
W0redwnedlU&f!fo~ by saying, He has a daemon, and isinsane.19o
..AndlU&demMo~ That is, handing him over to the Gentiles to
mock and to scourgtf91 and to crucify.!n
.'J"COw-1za&1zo6e=~~tIzo~ff§od9He says this not
because there are many sons of God by nature. For God's Only-Begotten Son
is one. But this is what Holy Scripture normally does, namely, to use Plural
while referring to a singular thing, as, for example, Let us make man in our
image and our likeness.!93
..And1U& he,;" ~ tIzo~9 This could be understood likewise. For
the Holy one, the one Lord, is Christ.!94
~ woluwo~fio=tIzoaxwfftrudv. For they shall realise
their illusion only when the things concerning them become unrepairable .
..And tIzo f(;Pw ff ~ Iza& FWbdu"ned ltFlfo- =. For even without
intending this, they will concede that he is tIzof(;Pwff~ although
when he was among them and said to them in loud voice, I am the light of the
world,195 13r I none of them paid any attention to what this actually meant;
instead, they held stones'96 in their hands against him .
..Andtlzo&lFVff~Iza&FWb~ltFlfo-=. For indeed when they
should lift their head up and realise [the way to] their own salvation, they were
dim-sighted in a twofold manner. For neither did they in the first place admit
the [teaching] that the Saviour offered them out of philanthropy, nor did they

187 Cf. Matt. 15:55-56.

188 John, 8:57.
189 John, 9:16.
190 John, 10:20; cf. Luke, 7:33.
191 Matt. 20:19; Cf. Matt. 27:41; Mark, 15:31; Luke, 14:29; 22:63.
192 John, 19:25; cf. Mark, 15:25; Luke, 23:33. Cf. Matt. 20:19.
193 Gen. 1:26.
194 Odae, 14:28.
195 John, 8:12.
196 Cod. )"i8otC;.
410 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
(even if they had made allowance for any a modicum [of that teaching]) toler-
ate any deference to that because of their own dues. This is why, although tIzo
&lFVff~rose unto them, and they received it in the first place, this
"=/Wb~lWlW-them. For faith did not take roots, nor has this been made
solid among them. Actually, to most of them who did not admit it in the first
place, [this sun] "=/Wb~at all. The former are those of the parable of the
seed who have been trampled under foot and lie exposed on the passage-route
by means of all of their considerations. The latter are the stony ones and, as it
were, their initial acquiescence is only skin-deep.197
W0IuwoJilled~Pfftlzo~ff~andff~ For
while treading their own ~ in terms of both cogitation and sensibility, they have
been replete with ~and~ since they have lived neither according
to the established laws nor according to those of sense perception, and disregarded
things that oftentimes Nature made comprehensible even to irrational animals.
W01uwo~~~~ andpwoluwo/Wb~
tIzo""Wfftlzo~ [He means] the blasphemous thoughts concerning God,
which befit none of those that have been honoured [with being created] in the
image of God.!98 For indeed these could be also called places overseed 99 by
the Lord: once they marched through them and considered those things irrev-
erently in their souls, they did not corne to know the royal highway,"'" that is,
the piousness towards the Creator.
WIuw"=JridoJr&lited=9 And to believe that we attend to the prophets
and think to ourselves that we know everything while seeking to load men
with burdens that are difficult to carry, but do not even lift one finger to help
carry those burdens. lO!
..Andwlzab~Iuworick&~widv~~~=9 This
is to say not that wealth is a bad thing, but only that [when this is used] widv
~ or prodigality or avarice, or anything of the kind, this becomes
unprofitable to those who have it. In contrast, whenever this is used in any way
which is different from the foregoing ones, this becomes highly profitable to
those that possess it. For neither was Job harmed by his ric/zed- 02 nor Joseph by
the glory of the Egyptians. lO)

197 Mark, 4:3-9; Luke, 8:5-8.

198 Cf. Gen. 9:6.
199 Cf. Provo 19:23.
200 Cf. Num. 20:17; 21:22.
201 Cf. Luke, 11:46.
202 Cf. Job, 42:12.
203 Cf. Gen. 45:13.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 411
./C/tr/w"o~W'0/'=b~,,"duuioarand==~~ The
more these things are said in reference to those who have not found God firmly
within themselves, but have counted on the abundance of their wealth and have
become self-confident on account of the vanity of their own inefficient hope,
the more they become acceptable to those who take heed of them, and irrefut-
able by those who would like somehow to argue to the contrary. For once they
had an immoderate share in this life and in the glory and wantonness of this,
and pushed this till disgust ensued, they could realise more genuinely than oth-
ers the frailty and instability of those things, which in this life are considered
as goods. For what is more unstable than ""~ which is nothing in itself,
and arises only in consequence to bodies once a certain light shines upon them?
And what [is more unstable than] ""~ which exists only for a short while
and as long as this passes over from a mouth to some ears?
..A", ""dziptiuw~ ~rIzoaxwe& &l"rIzowaler; wIUdz, ~ ibi&~
qy, i& ~ m-Jind ~ rIzo traco tIzere&f"(H< rIzo~ &l"rIzo ke1 I/v
rIzo= He befittingly addedaxwe&&I"rIzo~and~l/vrlzo=
For it is possible for a tracoof ,,"dziptiuw~~to be noticed for a short
while when water is waveless. However, in order to lay more stress on the
fading ship, he says, I/vrlzo= For it is impossible to notice anything of the
sort when the water is waving even for a short while. Moreover, he elegantly
added, rIzodUp!",ke1 For [the word] 'path' (UTpanoS) in its literal sense occurs
in relation to a ship's keel (Tpone",s yews).
Or; tk;"i&~,,"Wd~k=~~rIzoaif13v I and~tkro
i& FlO"~&I"iW =w m- 6ofouui. By this, too, he elaborates on the instability
of the riches and indeed of this life.
{j(Jubrizo &/waif. ~i& 6eawv & rIzodroho&l"iW ~ andoplib&rIzo
uioIenbnoi.=andnwtioFv&l"t!zan, k=jx=ed ~ and~ FlO"~
&l"wIzero tk;" WGlb caFV 6ofouui. By these words, he explains to us the nature
of the air, as well as the reason why it is not possible to find any sign of,," Wd
thathasjx=ed~rIzoair; He says this: the air is light and none of its con-
stituent parts is firmly settled; therefore, once this is beaten, it is torn apart by
the stroke of moving wings (nAl]Yi] n]iv mpawv), namely, by the breadth of the
outstretched wings (for mpaQv204 we used to call the flat part of a foot), either
because this [sc. the air] is thin, or because of the width of flight [of wings] and
their motion with a violent noise, whereby the motion of them thrusts its particles

204 See endnote lxxi to Greek text (p. 316).

412 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
away, thus rendering the access and straddling of a passing bird through this
absolutely impossible to notice and indistinguishable. For since the particles [of
the air] are slippery and sparse, and cannot stand firm against the force of the
bird's flight, they fall apart and extinguish the traces of that which flew through it.
Or- tIu& i& ~ cuv arroar wIzav tIu& i&.dwbaF (b twyet; and rIzoair-i&.rpIib 6ub
~~ .w-tluwrlzo~Urlzoarroar.l i&~ By these
words, too, he disparages the worthlessness and instability of this life; and just
as when rIzoair-is torn apart by the rush of cuvarroarwhich i&.dwbaF(btwyet;
i&.wueredbecause it is formlessness, and once its particles are beaten, they are
dispersed because of their looseness of substance, iFv~FJUlFlFl&'; OfiCOWOa;er0
60nvand existed for a short while, wokd"and ended up in complete extinction .
..Andwoluwo/W"~ffuirtuob.dww, 6ub1uwo6eav ~ ~~
=~ For uirtuo endures forever and renders the manifestations of
itself vigorous and plain to everyone, whereas ~, like poison, utterly
consumes those who possess it, and allows for no remnant of it to be found by
the subsequent ones.
g;-w<rIzolwj=ffrlzo~ i& ~ cIzdT.uoef>b~ & rIzo~ and~
rl0vrimotluwlza&6eav6loaHv~&(b~ For ~tself is unnoticeable
by means of touch and hard to trace; and once this is .uoef>b ~ & rIzo ~
what else could happen to it other than nonexistence? The same goes for rl0vrime,
which is much more loose; and in case this is 6IoaHv~&(b~ what is
the place in which [this substance] could possibly maintain its cohesion?
..And~rIzo~wlUdvlza&6eav~&rIzowind. For this hap-
pens to have the same nature as [the materials] mentioned above.
~~ rIzo~ff{b~wIzo.lza& ~J=bfoOfiO 4?
For if years, which frequently we have been habituated to, are erased from our
memory once a long time has passed, how could it be possible for anyone to
obtain recollection of those who once lodged with us just for one day, and then
they departed from us for good?
{j(JaFrIzo~ !ivofoevernwroandtlzeir-rewardi&widvrlzo~ and
rIzocar0fftknvi&widvrlzo~~ ~ tlucPdzaltreceiuorlzo~­
~ff~andrlzoJilfebff~rIzo~""lumdifor-widvlU&~
lumddzaltflo~tkm, andwidvlU&arnvdzaltfloj>rotecbtlzenv. §{odzalttak
IU& aHYdIv <= ~ and maho rIzo creaLioFv IU& ~ ~IU& enemie&
§{O dzaItj>ub = ~ <= (b ~ ~ <= (b Izdmd; flo dzaIt
~~widwub~ §{odzalttak=~<=cuv
~dUeId. ..And1U&~aHYdIvdzaltflo~fo{b.uvord; and rIzo
worfddzaltJ&lwwidvlUnv ~rIzoinAan& ~dzaltrlzowelt-aimeddzfo
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 413
ff~ 601utrfed and =fio= {bwelt-~ 6oardza/1 ~ b tIzo
marlvfio=tIzocloud&. hzd~Pffwradvdza/160lutrfedoub=fio=
(b~~ 6ow, andtlzo~fftlzo=dza/1~~tkm, and
tIzo~dza/1~~ tIzenv. ./t~winddza/1danduj>~
tkm, andkho{b~dza/1.watrertlzenv. 14r I hzd~dza/1 dowIaro
tIzowlwkeartlz, and~dza/1~ tIzo~ffruler& 205
In the foregoing analysis, the prophet [sc. Solomon] has made sufficiently
clear what were the blasphemies of the Jews against the Lord, which they
rejoiced in, and what would they say once they see him in glory206 sitting 207
as a Judge, when they shall be repentant, yet to no avail. Moreover [Solomon
explains], what shall befall them as a result of their heedless life, following
both the things they suffered and those they committed, and what would they
possibly say after their death. Now, once again, he describes the rewards of the
righteous, both in this present abode and in the life to corne, and says this: {j(Jub
tIzo ~ Iivofoevernwro and tIzeir. rea;ard i&widv tIzo~ which they
shall receive because they practiced righteousness and the rest of virtues. And
not simply will they live, but in fact they Iivofoeuernwre, that is, both in this
present life and in that most blessed dwelling-place.
hzdtlzoCil/'0fftknvi&widv~.'J"CbIv. For how could possibly those
who once and for all made themselves dependent on God, and have cared for
nothing other than pleasing Him, not to be endowed with His care?
~ t/ucPdza/1receiuotlzo~ff~ and this is the con-
test laid open to them, which to us is the ultimate object of desire. And that which
they dza/1receWois not just any~· but this is tIzoJillebff~tIzo
~Izand; namely, the truly unfaltering~, which could never be seized
or demolished by any being. Moreover, [this kingdom] will not corne about as a
consequence of any war such as those that befall us, upon which those that are
inferior give in to the violence imposed by the superior ones; but [this kingdom
will corne abou1Jfo=tIzo~1zand; who imparts it to those that deserve it.
g;-(H<widvlu&rf!lIwlzanddza/1Iw~tkm, andwidvlu&arnvdza/1lwr-
tecb tIzenv.
Therefore, what is the sort of glory that those who are sheltered by
tIzo~"'rf!lIwlzandand are guarded by His more-than-infinite (unepaneip'I'l
power could possibly not enjoy?

205 Wis. 5:15-23.

206 Cf. Matt. 24:30 (Daniel, 7:13); 26:64.
207 Psalm 109:1 (quoted in Mat. 12:36; 22:44; Luke, 20:42; Acts, 2:34; Reb. 1:13); Odae, 14:23; Matt.
26:64; Mark, 14:62; Luke, 22:69; Col. 3:1; cf. Matt. 23:22; Eph. 1:20; Reb. 1:3; 8:1; 10:12; 12:2; Rev.
4:2·3; 4:9·10; 5:1; 5:7; 5:13; 6:16; 7:10; 7:15; 19:4; 20:11; 21:5.
414 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
.'Y{Odud1taklzi&aHYdIv=~ From this point onwards, he begins to
rebuke the impious, and by means of the terms [that he uses1and their sound,
he shakes up their soul, daunting them by adumbrating situations that appear
terrifying in this life, ostensibly representing God as being stirred up to wage
war against them. This is why he says that God dud1 tak up Izi& ~ fol-
lowing the aHYdIv that He feels against those who blaspheme Him; that is, He
dud1 tak upon Himself any sort of weapon against them .
..AndmahotizocreaLioFvlzi&~~Izi&enemie& For God shall set
the battle against His enemies not by arming Himself, since it is unbefitting
God to be in need of any arms whatsoever in order to ward off the attack by
his enemies. Instead, Hedud1mahotizocreaLioFvlzi&~ thus using those
that have been created by Him as a substitute for arms.
And the ~ ff ~ is not that which one would sup-
pose: for instead of the breastplate used by humans, it is the ~ ff
~ that is, Righteousness itself, that should be understood. 108
..And, =(bizdmd, 1zodud1~~widwub~ In
place of the literalizdmd, le~widwub~be understood,
that is, judgement which is free from bribery and impervious to any bias for
particular persons .
.'Y{Odud1takOfV~==~dUe/d. Instead of the common-
place shield, it is the invincible ~ the conduct in prudence that shines
in us along with the rest of virtues. This is how the garments of ~would
be understood analogously to our familiar reality.
Moreover, notice the description of ~: putting on a ~ is
the first thing to do; then comes donning (bizdmd,. hereafter, taking hold of a
dUeId, and subsequently of all the means of protection, namely, a knife, a bow,
a spear. And whereas the former are defensive, the latter are suitable for retal-
iation. Therefore, anyone who longs for being granted the divine ~ he
should practice~in place of a ~ an~widwub
~in place of (bizdmd, and ~~ in place of a dUe/d.
For this is how you should understand the means by which God mahe& tIzo
creaLioFvlzi&~~Izi&enemie&
..And1zi&.reuer0aHYd1vdud1lzo~fo{b.uvord,· that is, God's knife
being polished against the impious, which is a metaphor from the arrows
which have been grinded so as to become sharp.

208 Cf. Isaiah, 59:17; 11 :5; Eph. 6:14; all ofthese are quoted in endnote lxxvi to the Greek text (p. 317).
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 415
hut tIw worfddzaltJf!7/zb wi£Iv Izinv ~ tIw~· which is what he
also said above, too. For once He made tIw creaLioFv Izi& ~ ~ Izi&
~ He shall also have tIw worfd fighting with Him ~ tIw in.=n.&
And instead of tIw welt-ainzed dzfo e/~ being Iutrfed =Ji'onv (b

weIt-~ 6ow, 14v I there will be ~Ji'onv tIw dowk against the
sons of disobedience'09 and t/ucPdzaltJ'f!pto-tlwmarA., that is, they shall rush in
directly on the dot and slay those upon whom the wrath of God comes. 210
hut~Jid1e/wraLlvdzalt601utrfed==Ji'onv a stone-throwing
bow. And instead of [being literally hurled] from a stone-throwing instru-
ment, that is, a sling or something similar to that, ~Jid1e/wraLlvdzalt
60 IutrfedJi'onv tIw cloud&; and the magnitude and quantity of them [sc. the
hailstones] shall be apposite to the Lord's wraLIv.
huttlwwmer-e/tIw=dzaItrq;;o~tkm.; throwing them into con-
fusion by means of ebbs and flows, and swallowing up, and tides and billows
and bubblings and earthquakes.
huttlw~dzaIt~ovetf'low-tkm.; when they depart from their
[natural] sites, and overwhelmingly and out of season rush upon and cause
flood tides .
./C ~ dzaIt &tand up. ~ tkm.; and kho ~ dzaIt
wind (b

=after- tIzenv. Having already said that the entire creaLioFv will be made God's
~ and shall join Him in His war against th~ he [sc. Solomon]
does not pass over the blowing winds either. Thus, he says that (b~wind
dzaIt &tand up. ~ tkm.;. that is, a powerful and sturdy one, which can
remove mountains by means of its vehemence; and (b~ just kho~
= tlwJloor; dzaIt=after- tIzenv.
hut ~ dzaIt ~ tIw wIwIo eartIv. This [devastation], which
caused their [sc. of the Jews] land to become desolate, was brought about from
no other source than their own works, which they had wickedly perpetrated.
hut ~ dzaIt ~ tIw ~ e/rtder& The rulers and
powers of them corne to be overthrown by no other than their own misdeeds
and thoughtlessness, as well as by their ingratitude towards God. Alternatively,
the term 'overthrow' is used instead of saying that the kingly office'" of those
who are impious and do not govern according to the precepts of righteousness
shall pass over from one nation to another212

209 Cf. Eph. 2:2; 5:6; Col. 3:6.

210 Cf. Eph. 5:6; Col. 3:6.
211 Cf. Matt. 21:43.
212 Cf. Matt. 21:43.
416 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
~ ~ 0<'fO~ and~ learn, 0<'fO~foand
wido tIw earth; §iuo e£Zr;<'fO tIzab ndo tIw ~ andfrido~ =
tIw croax:b ff mUion& [Y(H< tIw~ Iuz& 6eav~~ & tIw~ and
~&tIw~~ wbdud1~~workand~oub
~~ [Y(H<~~aro6ub~fflU&~~1uwo
nobJ={;;ed ~ ~ oIMerued tIw law, ~ aded iFv ~ widv tIw
~ff§od. ~and~dud1~comoujxHv~~
tIw~ujxHvtlw~~=i&reIende= [Y(H<CYV~i&
~~ 6ubtlwJ=wedid=dud160~dire{y. [Y(H<tIw~
ffal1 ~ dud1 nob draw- 6ach; ~dud11zo taklzeed ff~Jj=wer;
6eca=oibi&lzowbmadotlwMna!1andtlw~0fie&; and~fotknv
aI1a1iJ= ~ ,,"&H'0tria1 i&.reb~tIw~ 213
Having fleshed out everything thoroughly and expounded both those
things that the impious could say against God and those they could suffer,
and having added in between also the prophecy concerning the Saviour, he
[sc. Solomon] revisits his foregoing analyses. And now he repeats that which
he said in the first place, namely, ~ ~<'fO tIzab W'0~ ff
tlwearth;214 by saying,~ ~ 0<'fO~ and~· that is,
learn, 0<'fO~foandwidotiwearth; who happen to possess the power
to pass sentences and stand up to lawfulness, all the things that the righteous
shall enjoy and those that have been ill-disposed against God shall incur.
§iuoe£Zr;<'fOtlzabndotlwnut!Litud& In terms of both notions and words, he
persists in this, so as to hereby stir up the souls of his audience towards per-
forming what has been said. For once he postulated a specific moral teaching,
he dissuades from certain things and urges to certain others. Accordingly, he
says,!i&ten, ~ and~ and kanvand~ayc(that is, to the
things that we said above and to those that we will say in addition to them)
both you that happen to have been endowed with kingship and administration
according to the present rule of law, and you that ar~ of the entire earth;
For this teaching is not meant to call up the attention of just a specific individ-
ual; instead, this is addressed to all of those that dwell the earth,215 whereby
he impels philanthropy towards both those of the same race and those of dif-
ferent origin. In short, all of those [rulers] should administer justice lawfully
and in every virtuous manner, and with full forthrightness.

213 Wis. 6:1-8.

214 Wis.l:1.
215 Cf. Num. 33:53; Psalm 32:14; Hosea, 4:1; Sophonias, 1:18; Zachariah, 11:6; Jeremiah , 1:14; 6:12;
10:18; 13:13.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 417
And~ tIzab ndo tIzo nut!Mudo andfrido~ = tIzo crowd& &I'
naLion& That is, no matter what the dominion you have happened to rule over,
ISr I even if this is the vastest one, and you ndo over an enormous nut!Litude,
and boast for dominating not just over one nation but over all tIzo crowd& &I'
~ and for having enslaved this or that number &I'~ and adver-
tising even almost unknown names of the enslaved naLion& For indeed this
teaching is the same to all of those [rulers].
g;-(H<~I=6e=~~&tIzo~and~&tIzo~
~ and~ have obtained the magnitude of your dominion from no other
source - not even if one were keen to take pride at having inherited this from
one's ancestors, or by means of one's own virtue. Instead, to all of you tIzo
~1=6e=~~&tIzo~and~&tIzo~~
wIw-.dw/1 ~~ work and =arcIv oub~ ~ Actually, not
has He simply ~ [that power] while subsequently having left the things
concerning you to happen by mere chance, but also He will become a strict
scrutiniser of your works. He who is above men [shall scrutinise] not only your
actual works over men, but also He .dw/1 ~ also those of~ work
that you did not actually materialise, but only mulled over in~~
g;-(H<~~a/'06ub~&I'Iu&~. which stands for [say-
ing that] tIzo~&l'a/1 ~ had granted you this service in order to try you
out about doing what is proper to do. However~hauonob~~ ~
~tIzofaw., FlO"/'"adediFv~witlvtlzo~&I'§od. These are
the three demands that God makes of those who have happened to possess king-
ship: righteous judgement accompanied by neither bribery nor biased favour
for persons; attendance to the existing laws; and acting in accordance with the
will of God, which means, piouness to God. For many people who attended to
justice and upright adjudication perpetrate other crimes, whereas others who
attended to the laws [of their state] maintained a faulty conception of God. But
whosoever of those who held the office of kingship adhered to all [of those
virtues], he became (in so far as this is possible to attain) also to God a king
par excellence, as well as both honourable and lovable. And those who failed
to be so, they turned out wretchedly unworthy of the appellation ['king']' For
destruction.dw/1~and~COfilO~them. As for those who had
been flooded with plethora of wealth and armies, they suddenly found them-
selves into the worst of situations, either because they suffered shameful defeats
and were dragged into terrible slavery, or even losing their lives, in some cases
even by their own parents or brothers . There are also cases in which, following
plots by the most inferior of servants or by most ruthless enemies, they saw
418 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
before their own eyes their children being taken to slavery or their wealth and
wives being abused; and having suffered also other ass ailments and beating,
they ended up dead thrown unburied and being shown mercy by no one.
g;-(H<tIzo~ujwFV tIzo~~ i& reIende= Because, con-
cerning commoners, perhaps the dire inflictions that are to corne upon them
[by God] could be put off, and their punishments could be less severe, so that
they should be disciplined little by little. However, in the case of tIzo ~
~ ones, their ~ which is to COfllO ujwFV them, shall como
~ and it will be~. This is what happens in the case of someone
who has arrested two people that attempted to kill him, of which one held an
uncovered knife so as to kill forthwith, and the other was stealing clothes and
things: he did not punish them in the same way; instead, he killed the former
instantly upon their encounter, whereas he punished the latter by either having
him whipped or throwing into prison.
g;-(H<=~i&~~ 6ubtlzoJwwetjid=dza/160~
tioned ~ This is also what the Saviour says: To whoever much is given,
of him will much be required. 216 For concerning little things, in many cases
faults have been made either because of want of means or even due to friv-
olous considerations - but, anyway, in the end those people harmed either
only themselves or also a few others along themselves. However, a king has
compelled entire nations and all of the cities therein to share his own wick-
edness. And if he is a vengeful character, he imposes all kinds of retaliation
far and wide, such as frying pans and instruments of torturing the limbs and
fire-sticks . If he is rapacious, what follows is confiscations of property and
false accusations and imprisonment and searches and crucifixion of bodies
and skin-wounds, or indeed digging [human bodies] through, as if these were
soil to be dug in order for gold to be found. If he is profligate, in his person
every misdeed is perpetrated, such as those by drunkards, adulterers, 15v I
prostituting panderers. And if he is an offender against God, this constitutes
a last example and the most worst case, since he causes all the others to go
along with his ungodliness, either by persuading them or by subjecting them
to punishments and other sorts of most painful torments. Therefore, it would
be unreasonable for someone who is the cause of so many evils to incur pen-
alties by God which would be the same as those imposed upon one who either
has harmed only himself because of minor sins, or even he affected a few
others by inducing them to imitate his wickedness.

216 Cf. Luke, 12:48.

 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 419
g;-(H<tIzo~ffal1~dud1FWbdraar6adv. For He is unbiased with
respect to particular persons.
JV"(H<dud1lzotakkedff~.1jwwer; since He is supremely great and
infinitely powerful.
{j(J=ibi&lzow/w.madotlzoMna!1andtlzo~Ofl€& For He is both
the creator and father of all .
..And1zo~foal1cz1iJ= For neither did He make any specific cubit
so as to excel all the other cubits in terms of length, nor did He make anyone
three-handed or three-legged or three-eyed, but made everyone in like man-
ner and according to the same conformation. Moreover, He spread out the air
uniformly, so that everyone could breath in the same manner, and so did He
with motion in the water and on the earth, seeing the sky, that is, all the things
that are most great and best, and they suffice for our needs, and it is impossible
for anyone to live in any other way in case one of them is absent - all these
have been distributed equally to everyone and [God] has determined that like
things should be used in like manner.
.'YCxveuer; (b80/'0triati&.reb~tIzo~ Although God~foal1
aMoand ibi&lzow/w.madotlzoMna!1andtlzo~OFle8j nevertheless, an indomi-
table triatof conduct oflife is par excellence.rebove/"tIzo~who have received
more things from Hirn.217 For since He is a just judge,218 at the time of His visita-
tiori"9 upon us, He would appear to demand from us as many things as He gave
us, unless one would care to give Him more, following one's own persevering
exertions. What persuades me about this, is the distribution of talents and the fact
that the man who increased those was commended and received more, whereas
this [money] was taken away from the other one, who buried this into the earth and
preserved it so as to give back the same amount, and this man was thrust aside 220
~ (1) ~ nyworcb ar0~lIfiW-~ 80" tlzaby=nuy
IearFvwi&lonv andFWb? ~ g;-(H<tIw.=w/w.1uwo6eov=tIzeir.~fftizo
Iwf!p~~ ~dzaI160~1wfy, and tlw.=tlzabluwo!earned tIz=o
~dzaI160ablot/N{'fod~ ~ de&rony~. crauotlzem,
andy=dzaI160educared. ~i&~and~ anddzoi&~
&6eIteU& tlw.=w/w. Iovolzer; dzoreadze&oubfotlw.=w/w. coveb~~
~~~to-hww-Izer; andfdVand&tIw.=w/w.=eh~k '7£Iw.so.~

217 Cf. Luke, 12:48.

218 Cf. Psalm 7:12; Psalms of Solomon, 2:18; 9:2; 2 Tim. 4:8.
219 Jer. 28:18.
220 Cf. Matt. 25:16-30.
420 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
iFv=arclvff'~earf!piFvtlw~dzaltFWbt0i4 6eca=oIwdzaltJlnd~~
aFlzi&door&; &nco~~i&~ff'frudences and~i&~
ilanbfo~dzalt60~fonvm=idie& [yw<dw~aboub~ottb
tlu=wbarowort/yff'kr; andiFvtlw~Utlzeifta-Jdwi&~
~ tIzenv anddand& &tIzenv iFval1ff'tIzeif~ [YW<CbFJWd~
dedrofo~i&~~jxHnt5 andtlw CCl/'0fo~i&!ove,· and!ovo
i&tIw~ff'~!aaM,· and~kedltFlfo.~~i&tIw~ff'
~. and ~mahe& jFnanj aIWv fo. tbd. ~ dedrofo
wi&Ionv!ead& up. fo. tIw ~ U.9'4 .'YCencesfy= ~ iFv tIzrone& and
~ 0cYOdeop-f~~fo.fumour.wi&Iom.; 8&tlzaby=nuy~fo
~ ~fowlzabwi&lonv M, and fww.dw camoujxHv me, :TwiltfrocIainv
ibandwiltFWbconceat~fonvy= :T~:Twiltty6arotlw~
ff'creafion, andwilt~tIw~ff'~info.~ andwiltFWb&;==tIw
trudz, flO/<dzaIt:Tluwo~wiUv~~ 6eca=otlzi&luw~
0?iFvCOfllflUHVwiUvwi&lonv. ./tnut!Mudoff'wi.sojFnenj i&~ff'tIw~
and Cbfrudenb ~ i& daMiy ff'tIw f=?!e. ~ cb receiuo ~
~nywords, andy=dzaltcbWo~fonvtlzenv.221
Now, he begins to speak more explicitly and addresses them in reprimand-
ing tenor, as if he wished to cause them to repent: ~ 0 ~ ny
~ aro ~ ltFlfo.~ He addresses tIw ~ those who ndo tIw
~and~themselves OFVtlwcroaxkff'naLion& For [he says], I will
make only minor references to those who are minor ones and are pardon-
able, since their faults do not damage the common interest too much. 16r I
Therefore, ny~aro~ltFlfo.~ and so is the present paedagogy
and tutelage, 8&tluwy=nuy!earFv~andFWb~~ For getting
knowledge of wiuiom., to those who practice it and cherish it in their soul,
constitutes both a foundation and a secure bedrock, whereas ignorance of it is
falling ~ from uprightness and falling short of befitting conduct
[Y(H< tIw"o wb Iuwo 6eov OFV tIzeir.~ff' tIw Iw{;p ~ IwIi(y, t/ucP
dud160 a&=&ed /w{;h. and being = tIzeir.~ff'wisdom will show forth
those who are in possession of it
.Andtlw"otluwluwo!earnedtk=~dud160ablofo.dtftnd~
For how could it be possible for an uninstructed person to be held accountable
for things which he was never taught? By contrast, those who have been taught
tIw Iw{;p ~ ho% they shall also be able to defend themselves at the time
of judgement: this will be their holiness itself, or even the blessing bestowed

221 Wis. 6:9-25.

 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 421
upon them, because, once they were ho% taught tIzo Iwf!p ~ they prac-
ticed them in deed.
~ de&ronyWOfi0; C/YWOtkm, and~dza/160educared. In the
first place, he urges them to create within themselves a desire for his teaching;
for the first [sensation] arising within us is a desire for something, which sub-
sequently grows to yearning for that which is desired. For indeed this is how
yearning ensues from inclination. And once these forerun, it is easy for our
education to corne about.
W~i<Ju/n,,#ro=and~ From this point onwards, he begins
to speak of wisdom in more general terms, whereby he impels us to be favour-
ably predisposed towards her. For he says, she i&~and~ as
if he said that she is immortal and never growing old; instead, she is resplen-
dent and adorned with all of the chorus of virtues .
..And dzo i& ~ 6ekId &c t/w"o wIw- !ovo ~ For she is neither one
which is hard to observe, nor is she difficult to attain or altogether impossible
for us to obtain. Instead, once we corne to !ovo kr; she is ~ 6ekId and
imparts her goods .
..And~&et/w"owlw-=eh[J!l-~ For she is philanthrope and does
not let us be distressed for too long when we seek but do not find her; instead,
dzoreadze& ottbfo t/w"owlw- coveblzer.~ ~ ~p to- hnoar~
For as soon as she is sought out and longed for, she is already there in advance,
and we realise her ~wepto-hnoar~
Wfw=.~iFv=zrclvfflzer.~iFvtlzo~dza/1FWbtod. That is, the
case will not be like those in which we seek things through protracted efforts
and by staying sleepless during entire nights and striving during whole days
without attaining anything.
{ j ( J = Izodza/1Jlnd Izer.~ cd Izi& door& For ~ does not exist
far away from us; neither is she in any particular place, so that we could find
her by going there. Instead, she is always close at hand to us by means of our
reasoning power, and she is never absent from our sense-organs, provided we
seek her out assiduously by means of each one of them.
J'lFlCD~Izer.i&~ff~ Because to implant the eros
for wisdom and its initial acceptance into our mind i&~ff~
For ~ is also the ultimate goal of~ in like a manner the roof is
to a house, or safeguarding the citizens is to a city, or watching out for health
is to the medical art.
..Andwfw=.i&wurcfJlidfolzer.dza/160~Jro=anaXdie& In most
of cases, our ~stern from failures; and the cause of them is ignorance and
422 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
not carrying out what is befitting at the right time. Therefore, if ignorance
brings about ~ to us, its opposite, namely, wi&:Iom, will give rise to
freedomfo=~ provided we have kept ourselves awake and watchful
for a short while.
g-(HC~cJW= aboub~ oub tiuMo wIw- aro wortIy &I"Iz-. Therefore,
we should realise that all we need to do is make ourselves wortIy&l"lz-. For
once we are made so, it is not ourselves that would need to strive for her: rather,
it will be her that will seek to take hold of us, which she will accomplish by
~Usoub.
..And iFv tIzoj=dw/if"tIzeir.!ive&.1 ~ i& we/1-di.spo=d ~ tknv. For
whosoever becomes wortIy&l"wisdom, he has her present in all of his actions
and we/1di.spo=din works that are excellent and admirable .
..AnddaFu:b & tknv iFv aI1&I"tIzeir. ~ For she stands close at hand
not only concerning actions, but also in the ~ of an acting man, who
thus becomes favoured through both his words and his appropriate actions.
g-(HC{bnwd~de&rofo~i&~~f=inb. In the preced-
ing analysis, he [sc. Solomon] spoke in general terms of desiring and craving
education with respect to his words; now, he expounds these more systemati-
cally and elaborates to some extent on thenwd~~&1"~
and on how could we use her so as to practice it step by step towards a certain
goal; and he says that tIzo~,boUzbofwisdom i&{bnwd~de&rofo
~ For unless one has longed for paideia in the first place, how could he
end up in philosophy? Therefore, it is necessary to desire~to begin with .
..And tIzo CCl/'0fo~ i& ~ For once we have desired ~ and
have been seeking after her ardently 16v I by means of incessant study, we end
up making the ~for that which we seek an entrenched habit of ourselves .
..And!ovoi&tIzo~&I"~!aw&;· and once we have loved her and
have been in possession of the truly worthy eros for her, we cannot tolerate
any disregard of any of its ~ For this is how lovers are: they are always on
their alert, so as not to leave unfulfilled any of the behests that their loved ones
could enjoin .
..And~ ked ltFlW- ~ ~ i& tIzo ~ &I"~ For
observing the laws of wisdom (who is immortality and renders immortal those
who devote themselves to her) furnishes us with ~&I"~
..And ~ nuzk& jFnanj aIu/v to- Pod. This is the ultimate end of
the most blessed wisdom, who nuzk& those who possess her aIu/v to- Pod and
celebrating in choral dance along with to God, and co-existing with His ~
~ and reveling in His glory.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 423
~ ~fo~k=kupbtlzo~U§odj,thatis, the
truly existing ~ which always grants eternal life.
~fy=~iFv~and~ 0<'fO~ff~ as
indeed you do ~tfi; and you think as very highly of those as either to spend
all of your money or to serve in the army, thus bearing the brunt of those things.
§ebb~wi&fom, =-tlzaby=nuw~fo~ and that which
currently seems to you a temporary treasure you shall obtain forever, which
will be altogether irreversible, and subject to no treachery, because this will be
indeed the prize for him who won it.
..A&fo wIzab ~ u, and Iww- dzo camo uj=v me, .'TwiltfrocIainv ib
and wilt nob ~ ~J'i'o=~ This is a philanthropic statement
brimming over with grace. For he did not rest content with his foregoing con-
siderations about wisdom, but now, as if making a fresh start, he sets out to
consider wIzab~u, andlww- this canzo~ For blessed is whoever has
done and taught,222 that is, he who proclaims and does not withhold the ~
teri= of wisdom in secrecy, and draws his deductive proofs from no source
other than his own hardships. For personal experience is an unerring teacher,
and its power of persuading the hoi polloi is more compelling.
.'T~ .'Twilt tw taro tIzo ~ ff ~ That is, I will not
deduce from any proposition that has been demonstrated by others; instead,
I will expound the teaching about wisdom based on my own postulates about
her. Moreover, I will expound tIzo ~ ff ~ by which I mean
that I will set forth a scrupulous exposition about the wisdom - yet not of tIzo
~ ff creaLioFv of wisdom herself, but rather tIzo ~ from which
I myself was created .
..And ~ tIzo ~ ff ~ inJo. ~. that is, the knowledge that
I have procured for myself about her.
..Andwiltnob&l==tIzotrudz, or overlook and conceal it.
vt'~dud1.'TIuwo my~widv ~ e/U{'fj. which stands
for saying, while, as it were, I am treading a certain road, I will not include
~~in my possessions, so as to conceal wIzab~i&andlww­
dzocanzouj=vnw. He befittingly spoke of ~eFU('f'. for whereas other
trespasses involve both acting and suffering parties, ~ involves only suffer-
ing and consummation of the person that feels it.
{j(J=tIu&lza&~iFvconzFJlOfVwidvwi&ionv. That is, anyone who fails
to look after truth and has fellowship with ~ e/U{'fj he Iza& ~ iFv

222 Cf. Matt. 5:19.

424 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
COfJlFJWfV witIv wiuIom, neither does he have any share in the benefits of that,
nor is he called or indeed is wise .
../tnut!Litudo ffwi.= JFn=.1 i&~ ff tIzo world. For once everything
is administered by prudence and wisdom, how could possibly ~ not
corne to pass in tIzoworfd, once ""nut!Litudoffwi.=/~have existed in this?
..And ""~ ~ i& ~ ff tIzo j>eop!e, since wise people would
contribute a lot to the salvation of their fellow-citizens. This is also what has
been done by Moses, a wise man par excellence: for one thing, by means of his
actions, he preserved his own people through dangers; for another, this is what
he heard from God while his people sinned and grumbled: 'if it were not for
Moses my servant223 to call on Me, I could have utterly obliterated all of them.'
On that account, once kings are~, they will bring about ~ for
their own~. This is also what Zorobabel, the son of Salathiel, did: once
he was questioned and gave prudent answers to his inquisitor, and explained
to him and judiciously fleshed out his counsel, he liberated his kindredj>eop!e,
thus exchanging his prudence for the release [of his people].224 For kingship
is an office that calls for a lot of caution and for doing everything with sound
reason and the faultlessness appertaining to it, allows nothing to go astray
from rectitude, which should be applied, as it were, as a rule determining the
manners that are beneficial. And just as, once one displaces the centre of a
cycle, he accordingly removes all of the cycle's surface which is determined by
this centre, in like manner, one who deviates even in the least from the duties
befitting kings, at the same time he drifts also the entire operation of kingship
and causes it to stray from 17r I the proper operation that befits it.
Accordingly, therefore, once "" ~ considers everything prudently, and
does the things that are befitting, and takes heed of those that will be bene-
ficial, he becomes ~ ffhis own j>eop!e, just as when he acts contrari-
wise, he becomes a catastrophe and falling off and aberration from everything
which is noble.
~ tbreceiuo~~ny~ andyxvdza/t chWo
~fo= rknv. Not only those ~ that I will say, but also those that I have
said above, by being yourselves on your~fftlzo~~~25 and long-
ing for my teaching, since it is not good to do tIzo ~ ~ unholily. For what
was the profit that chastity procured to Navatus or beneficence to the Pharisee?226

223 Cf. Num. 12:7.

224 Cf. 1 Esdras, 4:13-41; 5:46-52.
225 Cf. Wis. 6:10.
226 Cf. Luke, 18:10-14.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 425
Therefore, desire [for good things] could not produce anything useful in the
absence of wisdom either.
.'T=~a£w.a4nortat=J=brlzo=mNwaltrlzo~are; andrlzoff
~ffrlzo~~jfnanj ..AndiFvnynwrlzo4wonz1r.'TWO&~
ionedm-~;=~&=ff6!ood~rIzotimeff£/v~fo=
rIzo.wedff""=ujwFv rIzo~ ~OFV ,,"6ed ..AndujwFv ny 6irtIz,
.'Tdrew- iFv rIzo COfllfllOFV air; andflujwFv rIzo eartlvwlziclv i& rIzo=mefoalt~·
andwlzilo~ .'Tuttered~uotCe; wlziclvWO&rIzo=me=tlzabffalt~
.'TWO&~iFv~cIotIze&andamidw~ g;-~rIzeroi&/lO"~tIzab
Izadmy~~ff6irtlz, &ncoaitmeEVluworlzo=me""ffffedrancoinfv.
giandrlzo=meeaYli ~i&wIy.'T
frtefed, andfrudencoWO&6edowedujwFvm&
.'T~ andrlzo~ff~camollfiW-m&.'Toptedfo~~~
and~ anddeemedriclze&~iFv~wdlvkvY'~M.'Tkhav
~wdIv my~.wmq 6eca=o altcrU comj=red m- ~i& 6ub ,,"1iuIo.umd,
and~=b~~dzalt60counred=c4P .'T!ooed~FJWr0tluuvlzeaUlvand
6eau[y, andclw"om-luwo~indeadff&fw~rIzo~tlzabCOFJZe&fonv~
i&~ ..Andaltrlzo~~~camom-me~wdlvlzer; andrlzo
riclze&iFv~Izam:bwer0~..And.'T~iFvtlzenva14 6eca=o~
freced=tkm, 6ub.'Thnao-FWbtlzabdzoWO&rIzo~fftizem .'Tbuned~
and~~witIwub~.'Tdo-FWbconceat~weaItIv. g;-~m-meEVdzoi&=ine=-
1zaudibIotre=ure, andtiu-tlzab~ib~~wdlvtw, and
werodf!;#ed0::fi'onbffIzinvOFVaccotIfibffrlzo~~frocuredfonvj=ideia.227
Notice the superabundance of wisdom and the greatness of humility. The
man who possessed a kingdom as great as it had never been before under the
kings of the same nation that had anteceded him; [the man] who had so big a
fortune and made this plain in so many ways, [the man] who was as powerful
as no one else prior to him, [this man] says,.'T=~a£w.""nwrtaimaFlj
just tIzo=me = aft tIzo ~ = . On the one hand, he shows his thorough-
going virtuousness; on the other, he sets himself forth as an exemplar to us,
namely, not ever to consider anything but the fact that we are nwrtaimen and
we are besieged by tIzo=mepassions as all those around us alike, no matter
whether we have corne to possess the supreme of all powers, or have acquired
exceedingly great wealth, or have been elevated to the peak of wisdom .
..Andrlzo~fftlzo~~/=.IHe says these words
as if in passing, since he knew that they have been sublimely narrated by Moses.
For indeed all of us are in like manner descendants of Adam, who was formed

227 Wis. 7:1-14.

426 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
by the hand of God, once He received dust from the earth. 228 And although all
of us men naturally could be called ~ yet this applies par excellence
to the first man, since the Creator formed him proximately from the earth.
hut t/v ny nwt/ze,4~.'Twa.5'~ w 6oJledv. He suggests the
formation of each and everyone of us, so as to hereby expose the paltriness
of our nature. For once the seed has entered the womb and keeps moving, it
draws air into itself by means of its motion. Then, once the air is heated, it
incites spreading out of the particular masses [of the embryo]; subsequently,
by dispreading its shape, it assumes a certain form, and, as it were, the flesh
is carved, so as to become what its nature determines to be, so that all of the
parts corne to fruition.
!il'ub ~ & = ff6lood ~ tIzo limo fflav nwntIz&. For once
the air warms the seed, this is transmuted to skin appertaining to its nature;
and once this is developed ~ tIzo limo ff lav nwndz&; a man is brought to
birth, being flesh}ub~&=ff6lood
g7ro=tIzo.reedff""nuuvujwFVtIzo~~=""6ed. Which
is but a parallel to [the saying], For, behold, I was conceived in iniquities, and
in sins did my mother conceive me. 229 Hence, also by this [phrase], 17v I he
depreciates the functions that underlie the human body right from the start.
Subsequently, he sets forth the primary cause of [formation of] the seed; thus,
having started with the last stages of the process, now he concludes with consid-
ering the initial ones. For the seed comes first; then, this is put together by means
of blood; subsequently, this i~w~~tIzolimofflavnwntlz&.
And when he spoke of tIzo.reedff""nuuvujwFVtIzo~~=""
~ he suggested both ofthern, namely, [the male] as cause of the seed and [the
feminine] who receives it within herself. This is also possible to infer from the
foregoing saying, g7(H< ~ ~JVrtIvJiv= ~ ~ ar0
~ff~~rkif=~=tIzo<4Fffrkiftria1.230
hut ujwFV ny 6irtIz, .'Tdrew- t/v tIzo COfllnUJFV air; that is, once I carne out
from the womb, I inhaled this air; which is COfllnUJFV for all people [to breath],
and from which also all of us partake, no matter who we happen to be.
hutp ujwFV tIzo eartIv wIUdv i& tIzo &lFJlOp aI1~. and which is
also entirely and throughout all of its particles changeable and mutable, with
reference to both the things that it [sc. the earth] springs forth and the ways in

228 Gen. 2:7.

229 Psalm 50:7.
230 Wis. 4:6.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 427
which it reacts once something acts upon it, and which also makes provision
for all the components that are necessary for our generation from this to be
on hand .
..AndwIzi/o ~ .'TtdterednyJ'ird uotCe. For right upon this process, in
those that are brought forth, it is not possible to see anything else or an~uotCe.
other than the distress expressed through bewailing aloud, and the grief which
has been imposed on us following our foremother's penalty. [He adds] wlzidvi&
rIzo=foalt~ because, during this procedure, even a king cannot pos-
sess anything more with respect to all the others .
.'TtfXl&~iFv~ cIotk&andanUdw~ He wore =ad-
~ cIotk& when he was a baby rolled up and bound tightly all round, so as
to restrain slithering along, because mental simplicity and physical softness of
the human body could cause breaking of a bone. As for anUdw ~ this
suggests first the slaves who used to go with a boy from horne to school and
back again; then, the teachers; then, treacherous offenders, and later, plots and
envymgs.
[Y(H< tIzero i& flO" ~ rIzab!tad "'Y ~ ~ ('/6irtIv. Therefore, the
engagement of so many people with the conceited astrology and horoscopy,
which construct scrupulous portrayals of this or that movement and configura-
tion [of stars], or their position in this or that domicile, concerning famed kings
or generals or indeed people who are not suchlike, has been to no avail. For in
reality the ~('/6irt/vis common and the selfsame for all people, no mat-
ter whether these are kings and illustrious men or the most impoverished ones,
for whom there is absolutely no way out of their predicament.
J=aIt=IuwoOflDefilraflC0info.!!foandrlzo=eaXti For not only is the
~('/6irt/v the selfsame for all people, and so is the efilraflC0 info. this ge.
but also the death that befalls us is the same, too; and rIzo eaYb hence is both rIzo
= and in like manner. Therefore, aIt= have been allotted a common ~
~and end ofge, it is only the interim circumstances that vary, amid which we
need to have virtue as a copartner along with strenuous circumspection, so as to
go through those [circumstances] in a righteous manner.
:ll7twi&wIy.'T~ andfrudencotfXl&6edowedujwFvnzo. What does
'tJb! mean? [He says so] because he means, I have received both the selfsame
conformation and the same 6irtIz, as well as the same nutriment as those of the
whole lot of other people, and rIzo=nzoeaYb[from this life]. Therefore,.'T~
forfrudenco to be 6edowedujwFvFnej and the things concerning me to be well-
arranged, and not to depart [from this life] in the same way the hoi polloi do,
428 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
namely, bereft of schooling. Thus, he says that, initially, .'T~ andj>rtv-
dencowa& 6edvwed ujwFv n= For~ is the means to approaching wi&-
ckm,J31 and for anyone who has been properly educated to ask for wisdom

there is no other way to ask for this, unless ~ has been granted to him
in the first place .
.'T~ and tIzo~ e/wi&ionv camo ttFdo- n= Subsequent to ~
cknce; he 6e.weckdfor tIzo~e/wi&ionvto be bestowed upon him. Thus,
on the one hand, by means [of the phrasesl.'T~and.'T~ he made
plain the persistency of his unremitting prayer to God, which is also what the
Saviour taught by saying, Ask, and it will be given you. Seek, and you will find.
Knock, and it will be opened for you,'32 whereby he urged us to persevere in
praying. On the other, not to be unprepared upon our prayer whenever we are
about to ask from God things that we are concerned with. As for the expres-
sion ~ e/wi.uIom, this is but a periphrasis for wi&ionv herself, meant to
extol her also by these words. And notice that, while asking for God's gifts,
namely, ~ and wi.uIom, he was in no doubt whatsoever, since he says,
wa&6edvwedujwFvnzoand camottFdo-Fnej· that is, I received these in full. For
indeed he did not say that he simply prays or pleads for them to corne about.
This is exactly what the Saviour said: Any thing which you would pray for
while your heart is in no doubt, this shall be granted yoU.233
.'Toptedfo~~~and~ Once wisdom descended upon
him and carne to be at hand, and he partook of her sweetness and ineffable
pleasure, he exercised his discretion in favour of her. I8r I Thus, he says, .'T
optedfo~~~ and ~ since he was definitely acquainted
with both kingship and wisdom. For anyone who wishes to entertain discre-
tion in the best way, and makes a right choice by opting for salvation rather
than what is utilitarian, should be well in advance familiar with the more pre-
cious things, which he chooses in preference to those that are more utilitarian
ones. Therefore, this wise king is all the more trustworthy, since he prefers
wi&ionvto ~.
..Anddeemedrick&~iFv ~widv~ For he was familiar
with these, too.
JV'~did.'Tlih=~widvmyfrice/e=don& If then he did not liken
wi&ionv with any frice/e=&Wfie; she is herself all the morefriceIe=

231 Cf. Wis. 6:15; 8:6-7; 8:18; 8:21.

232 Matt. 7:7; cf. Luke, 11:9.
233 Paraphrasing Matt. 21:21; Mark, 11:23.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 429
{j(J= aI1~ comjxtred w~ i& 6ub {b!iu/o=nd. For this is what
chips of gold are, and it is not possible to find gold otherwise .
..And~.reb~~dud160 cottFUed= ~ And naturally so: for
miners find pieces of silver by digging down into infinite depth, as if pumping
over mire, whereas chips of gold look like sand.
y !ooed ~ nuJr0 tIuuv IzeaU/v and 6eauy. Moving on, he depicts the
supremacy of wisdom; and whereas above he portrayed her extraordinary char-
acter apropos of things that would happen to us and surround us, now he does
so speaking of things that are constitutive of us. He says then that he!ooed~
FJUH<0tluuvlzeaU/vand6eauy. which are characteristics of our natural make-up .
..Andclw"owluwo~indead&l"f(;JIw. By this, he means both the human
ability to see and the light of the sun, and he considers these as being one
thing, in accordance with the nature of power of sight. For once the light of
our eyes goes forth to external things and is mixed and becomes one with the
light of the sun, it causes the sense of sight.
g;-r»<rIzo~rIzab=Ji'o=~i&~ For indeed the light of
eyes is paused by sleep; and something analogous happens with that of the sun,
once this is positioned under the earth and our territory is shaded quite over. By
contrast, the light of wisdom is debarred by neither sleep nor the shadow of the
earth: instead, this perpetually shines over those who possess her.
..Andal1r1zo~~~camowmo~wi£lv1z-. This is exactly
the same as the evangelical saying, But seek first God's Kingdom, and all these
things shall be given to you in addition.234 For once he asked for~and
~,235 and received them in the first place, aI1r1zo~~~camo
w him. What are these~~9 Upright judgement; righteousness; equity;
patient endurance; magnanimity; actually, not only these, but also rIzo ricIze&
iFv~lzamkwero~ Therefore, these are styled~~justi­
fiedly. Subsequent to them, also those that are concomitant with ricIze& carne to
pass, namely, glory, ~ and that which is supposed to be illustriousness .
..Andy~ iFv tknv aI4 6eca=o~~ tknv. Not only as
paving the way, but also as ruling and accomplishing successfully everything
in which she is present.
{j(JttbYhnao-FWbrlzabdzotfXl&rIzo~&I"tknv. Notice how these concur
with the words of the Gospel: for concerning~and wi&:Iom, he~
and called in for having a sharing in them; as for ricIze& and the benefits that

234 Matt. 6:33.

235 Cf. Wis. 7:7; 8:6.
430 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
are concomitant with it, not only did he not pray for receiving them, but also
he did not even mention them at all, nor indeed did he make any entreaty for
acquiring them. Instead, he avows that he is ignorant of the fact that ~
happens to be tIzo ~ &I"tIzenv. Consequently, this is how also we should
petition, if we are to believe this wise man, which is indeed what we should do.
Ylea/Yl<!<:b~ and duzro ~ witIwub e/U{'f' This is the fruit that
wisdom brought about to him: for as [Jesus] said, You received for free, sogive
for free,236 and the contrary also holds true, namely, For with whatever your
criterion ofjudgement is, by this you will be judged, too;237and with whatever
measure you measure, you will be measured with this in turn.238 For anyone
who receives benefits~and does not allow any of those, for which he
frcefed to God, to take hold of his mind, when he uses them either in order to
ensnare his own enemies or while indulging in indecent desires (such as, for
example, upon avenging enemies or leading a spendthrift life, or making fool
of others on the assumption that he is more wise), but instead he drives away
any thought of this sort, this man will also duzro these [benefits] witlwube/U{'f'
For, put simply, once a man accomplishes a preset goal, he acts in accordance
with the aim he had in mind in the first place.
Y do- nob COFU:eCd ~weaIt/v. [Y(H< tv- mavdto i& = ~ trea&tre.
In the case of a kindled light, no matter how many lights one would light up by
this, this remains undiminished. However, concerning ~ once one who
possesses it makes other people wise, not only does ~ remain undimin-
ished, but also he renders her many times as bountiful and makes her much more
brilliant. How then could its ~not be ~for those who possess
her? And how could it be possible for anyone 18v I to COFU:eCd~weaM9
..And tiuMo tIuw ~ ib ~~ widv .I7od. For people
such as those who completely ~tIzoweaM&I"~paved the way
t~widv§od-39 andwer0~iFvJi'onb&l"lUnvand were deemed
worthy of both the same inheritance and repute.
~accotiflb&l"tIzo~t/ucPj»=uredJi'o=~ That is, by reason of
the good deeds that befall us, which are accordant with the law of the Gospel.
..And nuw .I7od~ tv-mo tv-.rf=h~ and~ ~ &I"
wlwbluz& 6eav~ &nco flo i& tIzo~tv-~ and tIzorec{flier-&I"
tIzowi.= [Y(H<6ot/vwo ~ and ()U4<~ = =
welt aI1~ and

236 Matt. 10:8.

237 Matt. 7:2.
238 Luke, 6:38; cf. Matt. 7:2.
239 Cf. Wis. 7:27; James, 2:23.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 431
~ aroiFvlU&/umd. [Y(H<Ilo~mo=~~('/
aI1 ~ 8& = w Iuww- tIzo ~ ('/tIzoworfd and tIzo~ ('/tizo
~ tIzo~andendandmidd/eftime8, tIzo~('/~
andtlzo ~ ('/~ tIzo ~('/~and~('/tIzo~ tIzo
naLure& ('/anima/& and ~ ('/~ tIzo uioIenbfo= ('/wiFuk and tIzo
~ ('/meFlj tIzouaridi= ('/~ andtlzo~('/root&. hzd:T
6ecamo uer=d iFv aI1 ~ 60rIv tIzo concealed and tIzo ~ = . [Y(H< ib
i&wiuIom, tIzo~('/aI1~ tlzablza&~me240
While mulling over dreadful and most great things, he did not deem him-
self able to venture speak about everything. Instead, a man as great as this,
who excelled in wisdom all of his ancestors, prays to God for supporting him
in the ensuing considerations, and says,hzdnuw§od~wmow~
~and~~('/wlzablza&6eav~ For any consider-
ation of ours that would befit the intended goal stems from both of these, that is,
w~~and~~ofthe things that we chose to explain.
Once both of these are accomplished, the undertaking will give no offence.
J'lFlC01lo i& tIzo~ w ~ and tIzo~ ('/tIzoaff.= For every-
thing hinges on His power and He leaves nothing to fall asunder from his
all-powerful might. Therefore, it is He who guides us wwiulom, provided we
appeal to Him only with attentiveness and contrition [of heart]. And once He
has made some people wise, He never fails hereafter to restore to order the
things concerning us and to steer these more wisely.
[Y(H<6orIvwo~ andOUJ<word&; =we/1=aI1~andworlv­
~ aroiFvlU&lumd,· and none of our affairs, no matter whether small or
great, escapes his all-powerful providence. For indeed, according to the say-
ing, in him we live and move and exist,24! because all things aroiFvlU&luuui
and it is He who created them.
[Y(H<Ilo~mo=~~('/aI1 ~ How great this
feat is and a gift impossible to overstate! For indeed ~ ~
is only the knowledge possessed by God and by those whom He alone has
offered this. And as ~ we understand these to be both the heavenly and
the earthly ones. And whosoever has taken possession of the ~ ('/
~ qua beings, he has also attained a knowledge which is both accurate
and the same as that which their Creator has of them, and such a man lives a
life which is truly happy and blessed.

240 Wis. 7:15-21.

241 Acts, 17:28.
432 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
J(F <= W IYww- tIzo ~ &l'tIzo worfd and tIzo~ &l'tIzo eb
~ Now, he expounds the knowledge of ~severally. And by tIzoCOfV-
~&I'tIzoworfd[he means] how this was made and what is the reason for
this to exist and why was this made in the first place. As for tIzo~&l'tIzo
eIemem&; he [implies] the instances of heat acting and being acted upon, and
how this burns and destroys certain animals, whereas it sustains other animals
within itself, and it begets them and causes them to grow and feeds them.
Moreover, [he implies the instances] of water, the springs which in some
cases remain entirely still, in others it is hard to move them, and in others still
they are easily moved; and how is it that these are so different in terms of both
location and movement. As for the aninuzk that are growing in the water, how
it is possible for water to hold up and soar those that are infinitely more heavy
than water itself, whereas it is not possible, even for a single moment, for water
to hold out others, but dips them, as it happens with a small pebble (for what
could be possibly smaller and lighter than a pebble?). And how is it possible
for this [i.e. the water] to feed some animals and makes it possible for their
mode oflife to be sustained only so long as they live within the water, whereas
it makes others have no share to that [mode of life] at all, while it contains
others which are amphibious?
Furthermore, [he implies the instances] of the air's far-reaching diffu-
sions, and how is it possible for an easily affected element to be taken over
by some things while causing others to alter. And although air embraces the
same kind of beings, in sundry cases it safeguards their different complexion.
Thus, every Russian and the animals that live in that country have become
quite white, and every Ethiopian and the animals therein have grown dark,
whereas in other locations it is possible to corne upon complexions of colours
in between or closer to either of those. 19r I Besides, concerning things of
equal size, how it is possible [for the air] to make some of them more discern-
ible but others hardly so, as well as to cause the soil of the earth to be either
lightweight or heavy, thickened or porous, and loose or condensed. And why
is it that the dry land is throughout permeated by water, and how it happens for
some of its parts to be fragile while others are hard to break, and some of them
are altogether unbreakable; and some of its parts surpass others in height,
whereas others are low. And, in general, the rest of the innumerable operations
of each of the four ~ that we see taking place in each one of them.
:3ho~andendandmiddlo&l'time& That is, how is it that a cer-
tain event has gone by and it not possible to take hold of this (for it is bygone),
whereas another is forthcoming but does not exist yet; as for the present, it
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 433
exists, but once one could care to study this, one could realise that this is
already past and is no longer there either. Therefore, one should have thought
that none of the parts of time is standing firm; instead, all of them are unsteady
and in incessant flux and impossible to lay hold of.
:3ho ~ e/~ and tIzo ~ e / = How the sum-
mer [solstice] comes about from northern places to southern ones, and the
winter one from the southern to the northern. And what the explanation in
either case is, including the fact that such an advance has never been acceler-
ated, as indeed the declination has never been tarried; instead, both of these
[procedures] are accomplished in exactly the same way, no matter whether
the sun goes up northwards or appears to move down southwards. Moreover,
in reference to things about the sun, why is it that obliquity [of the ecliptic]'
takes place and the orbital inclination isii what it is. Furthermore, how summer
follows from spring, and from summer autumn, and winter changes ensue,
which sometimes are out of the ordinary, so that there are winter conditions
during summer, and summer heats during winter. It was the causes of all of
these [phenomena] that this great man [sc. Solomon] described, along with the
purpose to which these take place at all.
:3ho ~ e/~. namely, how is it that things turn from one state to
another; and which of these gyrations occur from month to month, which from
year to year, as well as which of them occur under [planet] Mars, which under
Jupiter, and which under Cronus .
..And~e/tIzo~· some of which are high up, others lie lower, and
others are located in the middle; and of them, some are located south, others
north; and some of them appear in the morning while others in the evening.
:3ho naLztre& e/animak; which of those are domesticated, which live for
long, which prognosticate; and which of them have been more akin either
to heat or to dryness or coldness or wetness; and what each one of them is
inclined to .
..And ~ e/6ead&;. and how is it possible for them to be bewitched
and tamed, and their wildness to turn to friendship for men.
:3houiolawfo=e/~· and to be able to determine whether these are
storms 242 or hurricanes243 or the northwest winds, and what their causes could
possibly be.

242 Violent rotating windstorms.

243 Caused by clouds meeting and bursting.
434 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
hut tIzo ~ ff men,. [and determine] whether these are
crooked244 or straight, or deep down they contrive something, which they
conceal under the disguise of honourable appearance; also, whether these are
either fierce or sharp or forbearing.
:3houarieti=ff~andtlzo~ff"oot&; that is, which of them are
cleansing; which cause either drowsiness or garrulity or wailing. And what
each one of them is related to - whether to a certain stone or to an animal or
to a star, or indeed to each other.
hut.'T6ecamo uer=d iFv aI1 ~ 60rIv tIzo concealed and tIzo ~
= . This is an overstatement, too: for he says that no cause of beings, whether
~or unapparent one, has eluded him. But in order for no one to think that
he is presumptuous, or that it was another science (astrology, for example) that
taught him about these, he adds: %or-ibi&wi&:Iom, tIzo~ffal1~
tlzablza&~FJl€j· for she has the perfect knowledge of all things, since she
is the Creator an~ofthem.
Therefore, once such a great and excellent man, who has been instructed
about everything by wisdom herself, comes to speaking about her, he prays for
Podw-~hirn w-~~and~~ffwlzablza&6eavfro­
~ what we ourselves could possibly pray for, once we engaged in throw-
ing light upon of the text [of Solomon's Wisdom] that lies in front of us, and say
things that should be worth saying and attend to the mind of this wise man?
Nevertheless, God loves that which everyone offers to the best of one's ability;
and our ardent willingness could possibly do even better than this, if our own
power hinged upon the power which excels us once God thinks favourably of us.
%or-iFvJler.~i&,,"~wlUdvi&nodic, fw&, onf!p-~ ~
=IH!e, cwde, ~ ~ ~ ~ fover.ff~ ~
~~~Jirnv,~~~aI1-
~ and~ aI1 fftlzo ~ 19v I andfxu'o andnwd
=IH!o~ %or-~~~~'"YnzdioFvand~and
~= aI1 ~ 6ecau- ffJler.J=r&. %or-dzo i& tIzo ~ ff
Pod'", j=wer- and ""fxu'o ~ fftlzo~",~ ~ no-
#Ied~~fnW.1z-. %or-dzoi&tIzo~fftlzo~%Iw
and tIzo~mirror-ffPod'", adio& and tIzo ~fflzW~ hut
~dzoi&OFl€j dzoca/Vdo-aI1~·and~dzoi&~~
able, dzoren=aI1~· and&~tIzo~.wubiFv~~
dzo ~JVrrIv~ ff Pod and~ %or- Pod!ove& ~ nwro

244 Cf. Wis. 1:3.

 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 435
tIuuv IUnv rIzab dwe/k wdIv aMu/onv. [Y(H<dzo i& nwro ~ tIuuv tIzo&Hlj and
~ "1'f"~ fftlzo~· comj=redwdlv~ dzoturn& oub=zior.
to-ib. [Y(H<tIU&/uidbIo~i&.uteeeeded&~ 6ub~kwFWbfre­
uadover-aMu/onv. .Anddzo~~OfiOendUtlzo~
to-cuwt/zer; and~aI1~~245
Now, the prophet sets out to expound his teaching about God's wisdom
and the mysteries pertaining to her - yet not the wisdom that one would think
of, but the Creator and tIzo~&flhe universe. And notice that he teaches
about the All-Holy Spirit more explicitly than all the prophets, both those prior
and subsequent to him.
In the first place, upon proclaiming the mystery of the Trinity which stands
above Being, he postulated that croohed ~~fo-nv .9'od,246 that
is, from the Father o/lights. 247 And [he says that] once [God's]Jower-i&Jubto-
tIzo{ed.; ibj>uWtIzo~to-dzame, and wimIom.; that is, his Son himself, who
is more than God and shares the same throne [with the Father], does FWbenLer-
into- ~.wu1. For Christ is indeed God's power and God's wisdom.248
(b

And by declaring to us right from the proem that the Holy Spirit~~­
~249 he has expressed his intention to inform what his teaching is about.
Following these, and having extensively suggested the Saviour's divine
incarnation for the sake of our salvation, and having censured the rage of the
foolish Jews against him, and [having expounded] what they shall suffer at
the time of regeneration,250 and having brilliantly delineated what those who
will repent will be saying, yet to no avail, now, once more, he returns to his
previous analyses and essays both to exalt and demonstrate the mysteries of
the truly existing wisdom.
Once, in the first place, as it was natural for him to do, he prayed that he
could ~~and~~ffwlzablza&6eav~2jl
and subsequently having given a detailed account of what was the ~
~ ff aI1 ~52 that he had been granted by her, now he goes on
with a brilliant theology of her, and says, [Y(H<t/vlzer.tkroi&{b~wlUdvi&

245 Wis. 7:22-8:1.

246 Cf. Wis. 1:3.
247 James, 1:17.
248 Cf. 1 Cor. 1:24.
249 Cf. Wis. 1:5.
250 Cf. Matt. 19:28.
251 Wis. 7:15.
252 Wis. 7:17.
436 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
nodic; Iw(y, namely, the one which is an essential part of the more-than-God
Trinity. For indeed it was this [Spirit] which spoke through the prophets253
This is nodio because it is graspable only by means of the mind, and exists
beyond any grasp of the senses, and has nothing to do with either the breathed
air of our respirations or the winds that move here and there within the mul-
tifarious constitution of this world. And this is entirely independent [from the
things of this world] and untainted by any stain whatsoever, and it is impos-
sible to grasp its proper nature in this way either. For it is impossible for any
mind to attain this, indeed not only for the human one, but also for that of the
beings that exist above the heavens. One could only say that [the Holy Spirit]
is believed in.
This is also ~, because, due to its salvific providence, it becomes at
the same time everything for the sake of our salvation, yet it remains what
it is and never disowns its own proper identity in the least; or, [this is called
~] because this is the agent that effects all kinds of purity and all kinds of
sanctification. For this is what its distinctive appellation indicates, which was
first granted to the prophets by divine revelation, and subsequently was clearly
articulated by the God-man Logos himself, since he said, The Holy Spirit will
teach you what you must say.254
CIn{tr~ ~ =Me, ~ ~ ~ Of all the
points [of Scripture] at which divine appellations are used of God in theological
considerations, he chose those that acclaim the life-giving Spirit; for it could
be also arguably demonstrated that He is God, and, concerning Deity and
excellence, this is homooWlios by projection25' and sharing the same throne.
Besides, he styles this [spirit] onf!p-~ not because this has anything
in common with the peculiar hypostatic nature of the Son [normally called
'only-begotten'], who transcends every ousia, since the latter [i.e. having been
begotten] is unique, and there is no pious way for this to be understood as
having anything to do with the Spirit's ineffable procession [from the Father].
For coming into being, which suggests one's mere existence, is different from
being begotten: the former applies 20r I in general to everything that exists,
as, for example, 'a house has been made for me', and the like; but the former
applies only to sonship. This is why those [authors] who are accurate make a
distinction between the term Only-Begotten (TO TOil flovoyevvoilsl, which they

253 Cf. Luke, 1:70, and see endnote ciii.

254 Luke, 12:12.
255 See endnote evii.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 437
spell with double n, from the hackneyed writing of this (i,e, flovoyeVJjs),256
Moreover, the term ~6.aw=should be understood as denotingjuxtaposi-
tion with any multitude whatsoever; instead, this bespeaks that the Holy Spirit
exists in terms of a unique individuality of its own, as the Spirit of the unique
God. Likewise, he styles [the Holy Spirit] ~ by which he suggests not
that this comprises parts (for this is simple and one and absolutely unique), but
that it pervades all things and to all of them it becomes everything, so that not
a single thing should fall away from the logos which is akin to it. 257
Moreover, in reference to God, apparently contradictory designations
bespeak the same reality: for it is the same God whom theologians have
acclaimed as being both indivisible and comprising many parts; or as light
and darkness; and life and death.
As for the designation q;rde, this points to [the Spirit] being the cause of
both every motion and indeed of every perpetual motion. For it is by Him that
every kind of motion is caused, and 'motion' means moving in a certain direc-
tion, whether a linear one or cyclical or any combination of these.
This [spirit is] also [called] =IH!e, because it permeates even marrows and
bones,258 it is immaculately established in everything, and is autonomously
present even in things that are as tiny as to be almost indivisible. Moreover,
this is ~ due to its exceeding vastness and to being the maker of every
magnitude and volume, and an agent that keeps these together and causes
them to increase. This is also ~ since it is cathartic of any pollution
and dirt, and allows no defilement to exist and persist; instead, it shines pro-
fusely upon everything and eliminates any stain. It is also ~ because it
stands in front of all eyes, so as to be recognised by all of its creatures, and
cedes nothing which would stand in the way of cognising the magnificence its
works. Furthermore, it is ~ on account of being immune to any sort
of flaw, and allowing neither tribulation to happen to beings, nor to be itself
reckoned among them. It is also ~ff~ because it was out of goodness
that it created all things out of non-being, and because of this selfsame good-
ness it safeguards them against diminution and, to the present, maintains them
stable and indestructible.
This is also ~ because it is there in advance, lending a compas-
sionate ear to those that appeal to it, and being promptly present even before

256 See endnote cix to the Greek text.

257 On Origen's Theory ofLogoi, see my Anaxagoras, pp. 867-918; 1313-1343.
258 Cf. Heb. 4:12 (ref. to the Logos of God).
438 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
they speak out their prayer; indeed this is expeditious towards beneficent act,
being both cwifo and efficacious, on the one hand consuming every malefi-
cence,259 while, on the other, unfolding its righteousness to all the ends of the
earth.260
Furthemore, this is ~ as spreading through bodies and souls
and minds alike, and permeating everything, being withheld by no resistance
or hardness of bodies; instead, everything yields to its all-too-powerful com-
mand, and there is no thing resisting its more-than-infinite power and hinder-
ing its passing through.
Moreover, this is ~ since it spreads out its gifts equally to every-
one, and makes his sun rise also upon the evil and the unjust,26! and fills
the universe with its kindness. 262 And it is ~ because it loves us
par excellence and dwells in us gently and guides us to righteous ways'63
and ~firt/v~264 and produces wise men out of the unwise,26' and
anoints kings,266 and meets our concerns, thus bestowing lavishly upon us its
own generation from God. This is als~ and ~ because it supports
the foundations of all beings, so as to maintain them firm and immovable, and
allows for nothing to fall away or to be removed from the place which is proper
to it. This is also ~ due to granting us living in peace and delivering us
from various disturbances, and allowing for no concern, such as our nurturing
or clothing or what we should eat and drink,267 to get the better of us. And it
is ~ since it is capable of doing everything, and embraces all things by
means of its omnipotent power, and produces and sustains all sorts of power,
in accordance with its own unique power which transcends all essence.
This is also ~ because it leaves nothing out of its visitation;
instead, it visits and administers each and every thing that happens to be in
need of its salvific visitation.

259 Cf. Deut. 4:24; 9:3; quoted in Reb. 12:29.

260 Cf. Psalm 47:11.
261 Cf. Matt. 5:45.
262 Cf. Psalm 103:28.
263 Cf. Isaiah, 26:7; 33:15; 40:3 (quoted in Matt. 3:3; Mark, 1:3; Luke, 3:4); 45:13; Ezekiel, 33:17&20;
Daniel, 3:27 (Odae, 7:27); 2 Kings, 12:23; 2 Esdras, 8:21; Tobit, 4:19; Psalm 106:7; Provo 2:13&16;
20:11; Ecclesiasticus, 39:24; Osee, 14:10; Acts, 13:10; 2 Peter, 2:15.
264 Cf. Wis. 7:27.
265 Cf. Eph. 5:15.
266 Cf. Ecclesiasticus, 48:8.
267 Cf. Matt. 6:31; cf. 6:25; Luke, 12:22; 12:29.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 439
Moreover, the expression, and~aI1e/tIzo~l9v I and
~ and mod =kfo ~ means that he is dominant and master of every
order of angels, whom it perfects by dwelling in them. For indeed it is the
angelic powers that the divine scripture calls ~ which David says, too,
namely, Who makes his angels spirits. 268
And by having posited three orders 20v I of the super-celestial powers, he
clearly insinuates to us the triadic hierarchies of the blessed intellects,269 all
of which are considered in groups of three, yet each one of these comprises a
[particular] triad. As regards the triadic order,270 this is but the cherubim 271
and seraphim 272 and the thrones,'73 and the empyrean intelligible catharsis,
as well their unqualifiedly stretched out abundance of knowledge, and their
constant adhering and ever-moving stillness with regard to their concepts,
which is both steadfast and immovable. As for [the term]~ this denotes
the middle triadic order, namely, the rules, authorities, and powers,'74 and
their unpolluted and clear perception, and their courageous and commanding
standing up to any stain and filthy thought.
And [the term] mod=kfo denotes the third and last rank of the super-
celestial order, namely, principalities,'7' archangelS'76 and angels,'77 and their
mixing up with us, which in the first place has been established for the sake
of worshipping God, and although they are engaged with each one of us and
administer the things concerning us, yet they are absolutely invisible to us,
on account of their subtleness and of their being with us in incorporeal form.
Thus, the Holy Spirit, which is one and utterly unique, although pervading
aI1 of these and being in action and perfecting them, stands peerlessly above
them all nonetheless. For this is superior to any spiritual trait acquired by
training, and to any cathartic perfection, and to the utterly refined perpetual
motion - all of which pertain to the so-called~andmod=kfo~ and
yet this [Spirit] is utterly transcendent to them all.

268 Psalm 103:4, quoted in Reb. 1:7.

269 See endnotes cxx, cxxi to Greek text.
270 See endnote cxxii to Greek text.
271 Reb. 9:5.
272 Isaiah, 6:2; 6:6.
273 Col. 1:16.
274 Col. 1:16; cf. 1 Cor. 15:24; Eph. 1:21; 1 Peter, 3:22.
275 Rom. 8:38; Col. 1:16; 11:5; Eph. 3:10; Acts, 10:11.
276 Cf. 1 Thess. 4:16; Judas, 9.
277 Cf. Rom. 8:38.
440 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
g7(H<wiuiom:'~nwtiIi[y~my~ And not only does ~
~ the nwtioFv that we see in the visible world, but also she is the maker
of that, and she is by nature the First Mover,278 and the creator of the motion
that is akin to us as living beings, and the sole maker of the angelic perpetual
motion, and the originator and cause of every particular motion, howsoever
anything happens to move.
And notice that he calls ~ the Holy Spirit himself. For theologians
have gathered that ~ is a name applying jointly to the Trinity, which is
above Being, in like a manner [the names] 'power' and 'goodness' and 'life' and
'true being' are. For applying [to each Trinitarian Person] severally the equaly
shared designations causes no confusion concerning the specific character of
each one of them. Thus, whereas above he spoke of the Holy Spirit as that which
i&iFv!zer; that is, in the wisdom, now he says that this [sc. the Holy Spirit] is wis-
dom herself, because wisdom is nothing different from the Holy Spirit.
..And~and~=aI1~6eca=o&l"~J=r&. For she
is present everywhere, and fills all things full and purifies and keeps together
and maintains all things, and~aI1~immaculately, and grants the
light of catharsis proportionately.
g7(H<dio i& tIzo ~ &I"§od'~~ This is also usual among theo-
logians, namely, to style the Holy Spirit ~ For in Joel it is written,
blood and fire and exhalation of smoke. 279 This is so because, firstly, they
thought of the philanthropic incarnation of God the Logos by means of the
notion of blood; secondly, because the untouchable fire of His divinity, in a
manner befitting His goodness, condoned being enclosed in the mortal nature;
thirdly, because of the descent of the Holy Spirit and His marvelous sojourn
amongst men, in accordance with which He has also descended upon each of
the theologians, making their minds incisive towards pastorship of the world.
Besides, ~ is a metaphor from the natural reality: this is the smoky
effluence caused by rubbing a thing wet against another which is hot, or some-
thing hot against a wet one; because, by nature, those things that comprise
more transparent and distinctive constituents move upwards, thus expositing
most manifestly their thoroughly pure powers and actions.
Accordingly, he theologises the life-giving Spirit of the power of God and
originator [of this] as a supernatural ~ which accentuates His overall
specific character and His essence and life.

278 Cf. Aristotle, Physica, 258b; cf. De Motu Animalium, 700a.

279 Joel, 3:3; quoted in Acts, 2:19.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 441
hzd""j=ro~fftlzo~,,,~ By means of all of these,
this prophet bespeaks the homooWlion of the life-giving Spirit with God and
Father. For an ~ also retains the essence of those from which it
emerges as ~ which we see in the case of evaporating wines pro-
duced according to the art of medicine, or of vapours collected from flowers.
This is how [the Spirit] happens to be "" j=ro ~ ff tIzo ~'"
~ However, this is not anything different from an ~ from the
same substance, in like a manner water [is of the same substance] as its spring,
and a wave of a river [is of the same substance as the river itself]. Besides, it
is natural [for the Spirit] to be styledj=ro~fftlzo~fftlzoFather.
For just as the Father is glorified in the Son 280 (for he says, [glorified you on
the earth), 281 21r I so the Most Holy Spirit is~ and majesty of God. 282
~FlO"#fed~~in£o.lz-. For how could it be possible
for anything which is #fed and profane and unholy to inLrudo in£o. such a
holiness, which is so pure, as well as the maker of all purity, indeed a taintless
purity, which surpasses every sort of purity and every sort of immaculateness?
For [Wisdom] is a consuming fini283 which eliminates any depravity and any
stain, and washes away all the filth of our sins.
[fr(H< dzo ;." tIzo ~ ff tIzo ~ f(;Pw and tIzo ~ mir-
ror- ff .l7od'", ~ and tIzo ~ ff Iu&~ By these he elaborates
on his previous exegeses, too. For ~ ff ~ no matter whether
one would take this [effulgence] as running forth or as concurrent with this
[light], or even following it, is nothing different from the nature of ~ As
for a mirror; it reflects the things themselves of which this is a mirror, just
because this is ~ And the all-too-Holy Spirit is par excellence a ~
!e= mirror- ff .l7od'", ~ since in no way is His activity different [from
that of God]. Moreover, to be tIzo ~ fflu&~ bespeaks the iden-
tity of his ousia [with that of God]. For it is not possible to apply the notion
of 'image' to the invisible and incomprehensible and formless God: it is
only possible to refer to His essential form, whatever this may be. Besides,
as when we say in the form of God,284 we mean nothing other than 'being
God by essence', the same goes for [speaking of existing as] tIzo ~ ff
[God]. And if we say that man has been created iFv tIzo ~ ff[God],285

280 Cf. John, 14:13.

281 John, 17:4.
282 Cf. Jer. 23:9.
283 Deut. 4:24; 9:3.
284 Phil. 2:6.
285 Cf. Gen. 1:26; 9:6.
442 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
[it should be noticed that] the theologian [sc. Moses] does not say simply this;
for he goes on, and let them rule the beasts of the earth and all the fish of
the sea and the birds of the sky 286 - wherefore it should be assumed that we
are [created] in the image of God287 only in the sense that we are ruling over
those that exist on the earth. By contrast, the Holy Spirit is tk,~&f"God
in an absolute sense, and benefices the entire universe in a manner befitting
his own transcendent and utterly simple goodness, and controls all of this in
goodness and philanthropy. And [our] theology glorifies our Saviour, who is
above Being, by means of the same terms, [styling him] effulgence of the
glory of the Father and the very image of His substance,288 and speaking of
him as ~ &f"1U&~ thus also teaching that he is homoousios [with
the Father], which is the case with the Holy Spirit, too .
..And~dzoi&OFlej dzocaFVdo-aI1~ He seals up the mouth of
any Jew, as well as that of anyone who would presume to raise clamour. For
just as the God and Fath er289 caFV do- aI1 ~ since He is one and utterly
unique, so His Holy Spirit, who is one and unique, caFV do- aI1~, and his
wisdom is unique, too. Likewise, the Son and Logos who exists before all eter-
nity caFV do- aI1~, because he is consubstantial, and does and maintains
and creates aI1 ~ according to the one and same power and action .
..And~dzoi&~~ dzo~aI1~ For upon
bringing about and creating aI1 ~ God's creative wisdom does not depart
from her own nature; instead, ~dzoi&~~ and does
not disown her own identity, she produces and preserves alive and dominates
the infinite substances of beings .
..And&~tk,Iw{ty.wukiFv~~ dzo~JVrtIv~
&f"§odand~ He befittingly added the [expression] iFv~~·
that is, a synecdoche for to all men290 and iFv~tim&291 For the Holy Spirit
does not stand by some people while not standing by others, nor does He some-
times stand by and sometimes does not; instead, He stands by all people and at
all times alike. In like manner, concerning the souls that receive Him within
themselves, there are some who make themselves befitting Him regarding
doing this or that; however, there are other ones who are entirely unworthy of

286 Cf. Gen. 1:26.

287 Gen. 1:27; cf. 5:1.
288 Reb. 1:3.
289 Cf. 2 Cor. 1:3; 11:31; Eph. 1:3; 6:4; 1 Peter, 1:3.
290 Cf. Tit. 2:11.
291 Cf. Wis. 19:22.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 443
participating in Him and in His activity. Therefore, the Holy Spirit stands by
always and in the same manner. As for the souls, whicht/v~~ren­
dered themselves worthy of His activity more righteously, some of those have
been deemed worthy of prophesying, while others received by Him another
kind of gift. And those who procured for themselves such [a quality of] souls
were deemed worthy of being called~and~gf"Cod. This is what
the great Moses was: for [the Scripture] says, The Lord spoke unto Moses as
if one should speak to his own friend. 292 And Moses gathered seventy men of
the elders of the people, and set them round about the tabernacle. And the
Lord came down in a cloud, and spoke to Moses, and took of the Spirit that
was upon him, and put it upon the seventy men that were elders; and when
the Spirit rested upon them, they prophesied in the camp.29)
And after him, Joel said these words supposed to be uttered from the
mouth of God and Father: I will pour out my Spirit on all flesh, and they shall
prophesy.294
[Y(H< Cod!ove&~ nwrotluuv IUnv tIzab ckveIbwidv~ That God
!ove&all [people] and cares about them all alike 21v I since they are all His crea-
tures, is obvious to anyone who has some idea about these things . However, that
He loves par excellence those who attend to his commands"5 and decrees,296
and conduct a life conforming to His code of laws, becomes clear to us from
the following, whereby he says, One who loves me, he will keep my command-
ments, and I and my Father will come to him and make our home with him.297
Therefore, anyone who draws God's love upon himself, let him seek obser-
vance of the commandments, which is but God's wisdom dwelling in him. For
he says,fear of God is the starting pOintofwisdom. 298 This is how he will be
suitably loved by God and will be shown forth friend of God and prophet. 299
[Y(H<dio i& nwro ~ tIuuv tk&tFV, and~ cuy~ gf"tk
da/<& For how could it be possible for wisdom not to benwro~tluuvtk
&lFV and all of its brightness and excellence? And how could she not ~

292 Cf. Exodus, 33:11.

293 Cf. Num. 11:24-26.
294 Cf. Joel, 3:1; quoted in Acts, 2:17.
295 Cf. Lev. 26:3&43; 3 Kings 8:61; Ecclesiasticus, 6:37; Jer. 39:23; 51:23; Ezekiel, 11:20; 18:9;
20:13&16&19&21; 33:15; 37:24; etpassim.
296 Psalms 118:16&23; 118:48&80&117; Luke, 1:6. Cf. Gen. 26:5; Exodus, 15:26; 24:3; Lev. 25:18;
Num. 30:17; 36:13; et passim.
297 Cf. John, 14:21-23.
298 Provo 1:7; cf. 9:10; Psalm 110:10.
299 Cf. Wis. 7:27.
444 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
a1'f/=&tioFvfftlzo~ once it is she who created them in the beginning out
of nothing, and most wisely determined the order of constellations and allotted
each one of them its position and produced all of their splendour?
G'omf=redwitlv~ dzofurFl&oub~t&ili For [she is senior] not only in
terms of time due to her being timeless and eternal and the creator of all time and
of all the aeons, but also in terms of magnitude and rank. For she said, Let there
be light,"'" and this was created; and she has created also the two great luminar-
ies, one of them to administer the day, the other to administer the night.3D!
g!'(H<t/u& [visible light] i&=eded&~ since [these luminaries] are
jointly guardians [of this succession].
{j(Jub ~ doe& nobfrevad ~ wiuionv. For the %Iw of ~
is perpetual and never-setting; but the light, which was created by her to her
glory, is supervened by night, in order for the particular [animate] natures that
have been created by her to be safeguarded and remain healthy. Moreover,
this daily light has darkness as its reverse; by contrast, there is nothing which
stands opposite the divine and good nature; and it is not possible to find any-
thing which could perchance stand up to that omnipotent all-too-infinite
power, even for a short while. Consequently, neither does ~frevad
~~ in the least, nor is this capable of resisting her in the first place .
.Anddzo ~ ~Jro= 0Fl0 end/if'tIzo ~J t& cuwrkr;
and ~ aI1 ~ ~ For all things are deemed worthy of
the Spirit's superintendence; and He ~Jro= 0Fl0 end/if'tIzo llFlioer=/
t&~with unfailing power and always-robust might, and~aI1
~weI4302 Yv~and~303

.'T1oved~and~~oub.uncony~ and.'T1umhered~~
0? ~adfo t& ~ and.'T =
t& 60 enamouredff~ ~ Jho ~
1f/ie& ~ no6Io ~ &~ ~ (fo witIv Cod and tIzo~ ffal1 ~
loved Iz-. g!'~ dzo i&fri& t& tIzo ~ ff Cod and = ~ ff IU&
work. {ff'ridze& aro ~ ~ Yv t/u& (fo wIzab i& ridzer- tIuuv ~
(b

~ work oub aI1 ~9 .Andffrudenco work ~ Old; ~ mor0

tluuvdzo i& tIzo ~ ff~9 .AndfOFlO!ove& ~ tIzo~
ff ~ ~ ar0 uirt=,fo dzo teadze& ~ and frudence, #
~ and ~ and tIzero i& ~ Yv (fo wIUcIv i& nwro ~ t&

300 Gen. 1:3.

301 Gen. 1:16 and Psalm 135:9 combined.
302 Wis. 8:1.
303 Cf. Wis. 9:3; Luke, 1:75 (Odae, 9:75); Eph. 4:24.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 445
mavrluuvrlws& .Andfmw=~~~ dzoi&tIzoOfiO~~
tIzo ~ &l'oU andwork ottb tIzo~ b come. Jho~ tIzo~ &I'
~andtlzo~&I'~dzo~iFvmbanco~and~
andtlzo~&I'cririca1~and&l'time& ~ .'Toptedfo~
0?~ny~ ~tlzabbmodzocould60(b~&I'~~
and ~iFvm=idi=and~ ~bker; .'Twiltfro=ro~anzidw
tIzonut!Mudes and~0:fonb&l'~ aIbeib.'T=~ .'Twilt60JDund
aduW~andadmired0:fonb&l'ru/er& WIz=.'T=&1en4 ~dzaI1
awai4 andwlz=.'T~ ~dzaI1~ardenb e£U<b me; and wIz=.'Twilt60
~a£~~ ~dzaI1tytlzeiff'uuukujxHvtlzeifmoudv. ~
bker; .'Twiltfro=rob~~and.'TdzaI1~bnyf=der&
denud~&I'~.'TdzaI1ru1o~j=p!e&and~dzaI160=ix!ued
ltFlb n= CInco 1wrribIo~ ~&I'me; ~dzaI1 dread&l'me;. b tIzonudn;.
tudo.'TdzaI160~andiFvwar-uaIianb. ~.'TCOfllOin.fo.nylw=e, .'Twilt
,fodrediFvlzerfir-~wirIv~I=/lO"~ 22r Inor-~wirIv
~l=aFff~· indead, ibl=onf!pmefflmenband~304
Once the prophet was heartened, and, as it were, divinely inspired because
of the enshrined theological truths and the [spiritual] exaltation which elevated
him to godlike sublimity, and having been possessed by the eros for God, which
is certainly the ultimate and blessed passion, he lifts up his mind and says this:.'T
!ooed~and~~ottb&ncony~ Who is 'her'? She is the one whom
above he extolled by myriads of theological designations, so far as it was possi-
ble for human beings both to perceive God and speak about Him. It is ker; there-
fore, that he !ooed and chose to cherish within his soul more than anything else.
And not only did he so, but also he ~~ottb by excessively inquiring and
going in quest of her. And [he did so] not only at a certain time, but indeed &nco
his~, and youth did not trammel his desire for the divine eros in the least.
This is what those three blessed boys and the marvelous Daniel and myriads of
others did for the sake of this [eros]: they considered every hardship and every
sort of fire and every suffering inflicted upon them as being nothing; instead,
they endured the various insufferable ordeals of punishments, seeing those as
being alien to their bodies, because this [divine eros] filled them with power. 3D '
.And.'TItanhered&fh~~b~and.'Tcamob60~
&I'~6eauy. He abides by the same thoughts, and dwells upon the [pertinent]
vocabulary, by which he also intends to demonstrate the constancy of study

304 Wis. 8:2-16.

305 Daniel, 1:19; 3:19-93. Cf. Cf. 1 Mace. 2:29; 4 Mace. 16:21; 18:12.
446 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
concerning the things about wisdom. Actually, [he means to point out] that
one should seek her not just in general, but do so with persistent assiduity and
more arduous permanence. Moreover, he seeks w-taho"-~w-himself, by
which he somehow means that he wants her to be inseparable from him and
himself never to keep far from her, but to live together with her day and night.
For indeed this is what a woman is to her husband: for one thing, because they
have been fashioned so as to be one flesh;3C>6 for another, the Saviour obliquely
said the same thing, namely, Those that God has joined together, do not let
man separate.3D7 Moreover, he styles her ~ because eros is a meritorious
and youthful feeling.
As for becoming ~ &1""- 6eaufy, this clearly articulates his
exceeding yearning for God. For this is how Paul was a lover of Christ, since
he says, llive, yet not l; for Christ lives in me.3D8 Actually, prior to him [sc. to
Solomon], the great David and his father, considered God's advent upon him
many times as more superior to the lives in this [human] condition, since says,
Your mercy is better and superior to lives.'09
Jho ~"-nob/o~ &,,-dtaredf!fowidv§od. For the wisdom
of God ~ not the sort of nob/o ~ which is advertised in this low-
lying world, and is much sought after by the multitude. Instead, what should be
really called nob/o ~ is the one which has a dtared f!fowidv §od, namely,
that which we have achieved by means of virtuous deeds, so as to obtain God
as our co-dweller on account of our purity of character.'10
..And tIzo~&l"a/1 ~!ouedlz-. This is not about property that has
been inherited from one's father or mother, or from grand fathers and great
grand fathers. For the qualities of those [ancestors] are in fact irrelevant to
us: if one had a brave father, he can profit nothing from this if he himself
happens to be a coward; likewise, if one had a healthy father, but he is himself
sickly. Instead, tIzo~ &l"a/1 ~ definitely !ouedher [sc. the wisdom],
which is procured from our deeds, and she is illustrious and glorious, and has
chosen to share [with us] her noble life.
g;-(H<dzoi&frUtyw-tIzo~&I"§odand=~&I"lu&work. For
this is what God's wisdom actually is: she is homooWlios and shares the same
throne with Him, and knows accurately His things, because both her activity

306 Gen. 2:24, quoted in Matt. 19:5; Mark, 10:8; 1 Cor. 6:16; Eph. 5:31.
307 Matt. 19:6; Mark, 10:9.
308 Cf. Gal. 2:20.
309 Psalm 62:4.
310 Cf. Wis. 7:28: 'For God loves nothing more than him that dwells with wisdom .'
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 447
and will are the selfsame as those of His, and she does all the things that He
does; and she is by nature the ~e/lU&worh&; since to Him she is His
own inherently, and belongs to His Being by nature and by essence.
{ff"~ aro ~ ~ iFv tIzi& ffi, wIzab i& ridzer. tIuuv ~
(b

wlw-worh&oubal1~9By analogy to things that appear to us as desirable

in this life, he tries to elevate us to the eros of God's wisdom. And since he
knows that the multitude considers wealth as a much desired possession, he
accordingly seeks to demonstrate that wisdom is by far more opulent, because
it is she wIw- worh& oub aI1 ~ For [Scripture] says, It is not of him who
runs, nor of him who seeks after, but of God who favours 311 Therefore, if one
craves wealth, he should practice God's wisdom in the first place, who is the
one that also worh&oubwealth and glory 22v I and all the other sorts of goods.
This what the Saviour said, too: Seek God's kingdom first, and all these things
will be added to yoU.312
..Andf frudenco worh& ~ Old; wIw- nwro tIuuv dzo i& tIzo ar(fIi--
~ e/~9 He expounds piecemeal the things that support us in order to
acquire wealth in a decent manner; and he does so in order to hereby addition-
ally instruct that the eros of wisdom is the first and foremost thing that one
should pursue. For in most of cases, it is judicious considerations that bring
about most of wealth, andfrudencoconduces to increasing it. If, therefore, one
seeks afterfrudencoin order to accumulate wealth, much more should he give
to wisdom precedence over it [sc. prudence]. For who else other than Wisdom
i& tIzo ~e/~9 And definitely frudenco is a certain 'being', which
has been created by Wisdom, since dzois the creator e/all ~ And anyone
who has most aptly trained oneself so as to perceive the Whole, much more
shall he be able to comprehend also the individual things one by one .
..AndfOflOtm-~ tIzo~e/~~arouirtue& As it
happens in the case of someone who cherishes the wealth that he has acquired
out of prudence or collected it righteously, which is but the result of originally
having practiced wisdom, likewise, even in the instance of one vested with
by another virtue, he will not be able to arrive at a successful accomplish-
ment, unless he has loved wisdom warmly in the first place. For the ~
of wisdom aro the uirtu= and the works [befitting it]; and one that has corne
to possess this [sc. wisdom], once dzo carne forward, he has lived with her in
wedlock.

311 Cf. Rom. 9:16.

312 Luke, 12:31; cf. Matt. 6:33.
448 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
g;-(H<dw~~and~ ~and~
He speaks about those four noble virtues, out of which all kinds of propitious
circumstances and excellence and wealth are accomplished; and explains that
all of these [goods] have been brought about to those who carne to be unwav-
eringly in possession of these [virtues]. Once wisdom is procured for oneself,
dw brings in those [virtues] together with herself, namely, dw works out the
happy and blessed life to those who have been found worthy of these. And nat-
urally, tkroi&~iFvf!fowlUdvi&FJWr0=tfidto-=tIuuv~· instead,
all the other things compared with the tenure of those [virtues] are reckoned
as secondary and volatile .
..Andf~ crave&~ ~ dw i& tIzo wIzo. ~ tIzo
(}flO

~&f"oUandworkoubtlzo~to-COfll0. This is also an accomplishment

of wisdom, too; and anyone who has become a hue;l13 of her and made her his
~314 and cares for acquiring~ ~ out of past events, he also
knows how to work oub the eventualities of future ones.
For prophecy or insight is simply knowledge of either things to corne or of
those that one does at present, which though has nothing to do with temporal-
ity and drawing conclusions from events that happened earlier or are currently
happening. Instead, this is about unconditional reckoning of things; and it
happens that, once [a prophet] meets someone whom he has never seen before,
just upon seeing him [for the first time], he immediately knows what he has in
his mind or what he is about to undergo.
By contrast~~is the ability to ~ouband consider things
that are to happen in the future, which is knowledge inferred from events that
are past and happened within a community; or, if a certain individual ~
tIzo~&f"~andtlzo~&f"~ this is accomplished out
o~~ too. For he who has acquired ~ofthings beholds
the reasons why certain people are derelict and others are not so, and how he
should speak of them, and what are the proper times for him to do so; also, [he
knows] whether he should explicate at length his vague perception of current
problems or to bring to light clarification of the secret significance&f"~
Jho~~and~andtlzo~&f"crdicai~
and&f"time& By ~ he means those in the heaven, as, for example, cornets
or conspicuous shooting stars, or instances of darkness existing alongside the
sun and moon; or of things reflecting the sun's rays, such as rods or whatever,

313 Cf. Wis.

314 Wis. 8:2.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 449
or indeed rainbows. For from each one of these ~ a wise man makes out
and foreknows tempestuous winters and heavy rains and mild weathers; and
in some cases [he foreknows] turbulence of nations, and cities set ablaze, and
changes of rulers.
As for ~ he means those on the earth, such as serpents or other
sorts of venomous animals which are exceedingly big, or appearing in any
other form; monsters of nature, such as certain many-headed ones, 23r I or
many-handed, or many-footed, or heterogeneous creatures, such as anthro-
poid ones or horse-like or ox-like or donkey-like, or any of suchlike things.
For from each one of these a wise man gives oracles concerning either certain
awful things that are going to happen, or affluence and glory being stirred up.
~ .'TojXedfo~lz-ny~ ~tlzabto-modzocou/d
6o""~&1"~~ and ~iFv~and~Moreover,
once again he sheds light on the eros for the wisdom of God, and on how he
carne to reflect so as to make her his fellow-inhabitant. Thus, after having
explained in detail that he became her huer;315 and what are the~ ~16
ofwhichdzois the giver, he sets forth his decision to dwell with her and retain
possession of her throughout his life. For he knows that, once he procured Izer;
dzo would be "" ~ to him, so as to comprehend the ~ ~ and
keep away from the evil ones. Besides, dzo should be both consolation and
~ in detrimental instances of life and in the consequent ~ as
well as in the troublesome situations that cause grief.
~to-lzer;.'TwiI1luwo~anzidwtlzo~ and~~
&I"~ aIbeib.'T'"""~ In the first place, and as far as he himself was
concerned, he deemed living with wisdom useful. For it is characteristic of a
righteous man to have her as "" ~ &I"~ ~ and not to boast at
things that are deemed grandiose according to the criteria of the present life,
nor to be overawed by the ~ and~ in case these befell him con-
trary to his wishes. Secondly, he demonstrates that dzo [sc. wisdom] is no less
powerful with respect to the condition of being a citizen, and he expects both
glory and honour in front of tIzonutlLitudo, as well as ~&I"~ albeibhe
is~ and once he wins over them, he will witnesses his own glorification .
.'TwiI160Ji7und adzdo iFv~· that is, he will be so by attending to
righteousness, and by standing up to slanderers and to those who make false
allegations against him.

315 Wis. 8:2.

316 Wis. 8:9.
450 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
hut adnUred t/vJi'onb e/ruler&; who will look forward to my acuteness
and seek proper solution and prompt decipherment of the questions they ask.
WIz=:T'""" &Iem; ~ dza/t awai4 and wIz=:T~ ~ dza/t~
ardenb~t&Fnej· and they shall make no noise both while :Twill be silent and
think to myself, and during the times when :Twill be speaking and putting for-
ward things that will be well-pleasing them. Nevertheless, even if§happen to 60
~a£~~while saying these, ~dza/t~~t&the meaning
of my words, and they will not open their mouth in disapproval; and in case they
start to do so, ~dza/ttwfkir.lzam:bujwFVfkir.nwudz.; so as to shut it up.
~ t& kr; :Twilt~ t& ~~ since :Twill have
bequeathed denla1~of my wisdom to those that will live in subsequent
times. For it is befitting a statesman not to rest content with his virtue being
acknowledged only by his contemporaries, but also to leave behind marks of
it to his posterity. This is what happened with lawgivers, or even with those of
the generals who earned their renown.
:Tdza/trubouer-~andtIzon.aLion&dza/t60.ut6duedttFlLo-Fnej. because
:Twill have practiced loyalty to the law and justice and generalship righteously
on those under my rule, and :Twill have been disposed accordingly towards
external assailers.
CIncofw.rriblo~ka,.e/Fnej ~dza/tdreade/FJl& For this is what
virtue is about: on the one hand, it excites respect to the enemies and terrifies
them once they merely hear of it; on the other, it renders the audacious and the
arrogant and the fw.rribIoones submissive and faint-hearted.
go.tIzonudtitudo:Tdza/tdww-~~andt/vwar-ua1ian4 either
debating in public surrounded by the multitude or acting as a general during
wars. Thus, :Twill show myself to be politically efficient and, concerning all
those activities of mine, :Twill bring about analogous fruits from the wisdom.
WIz=:Tcomot/vt& ny Iw=e, :TwiIt,fodred t/v Iz-. For while :Tarn at lei-
sure, dzo teaches me righteous considerations and unalloyed knowledge of the
things :Tchoose [to learn], whereby dzo lays before me all too beautiful finding.
[ftor- ~ widv Izer.Iza& no- ~ 23v I since dzo sets any
complication in order.
JV'or- ~ widv Izer.Iza& my didre=; since always dzo provides delecta-
ble opportunities and invites to lie down with these, and to rise up from bed
with them, and sleep with them, and to be fully awake accompanied by them;
indead, iblza& on{ty merrimenband ~
CInco:T ~ tIzo= ~ t& ~ andj=ndered t/v ny Izearo tIzab
~ den=Jro= ~ widv wi&:Iom, and~ widv Izer. i& (b
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 451
~~ and tIzo~ weaUIv ue", iFv tIzo work ff~1umds, and
~den=fio=~witIv~iFv~~ and~
ref=IDfio=~ff~~ .'Twenbaboub~w~lw!dff
~~~g;-(H<.'TtfXl&,,"weI1,fome&!7 ~ and,,"~.wu£tfHb5'aIIoued

wme; (H<radzer, ~~ .'Tenkred =~ 6mfy. .Andonco.'Treab-

Uedtlzab.'TcouIdFWb~lw!dfobwlzer; unfe= §od~ tIzi& fmd
~ & wIu=~ could tIzi& 60 adUeued tfXl& "" ~ fffrttdence), .'T
~witlvtlzo~and~lzinvandwitlvnywlwlolzearb.'T=id 3!8
Having thus and par excellence corne to get hold within himself of the eros
for God, and having related in detail what are the rewards for those who have
wholeheartedly loved God's wisdom, now this wise man sums up his arguments,
and says this: CInco.'T~rIzo=~w~and~iFvnylzeart;
that is, both his theological statements paying tribute to the All-Holy Spirit and
all the things that those who have been found worthy of having a share in Him
accomplish in this life and look forward to receiving similar ones in the future.
Therefore, [he says].'T~w~and recalled them to mind anew, and
j=ndered; that is, following the initial reasoning, he held firmly on continuous
and unremitting study, turning all of them over in his mind and meditating them.
:3hab ~den=fio= ~witIv wi&Jom,. for [wisdom], on the
one hand, brings about immortal~ ref=ID among both [contemporary]
men and those who will be born later in time, while, on the other, it procures
eternal blessedness in the endless ages to corne .
.And~witIv~i&,,"~~ And what could possibly be
more sweet, nay ineffable, that could cause the ~ of having knowledge
and accurate science of all beings qua beings, such as every sort of [precious]
stone or herb or animal or star that we corne upon?
.And tIzo ~ weaUIv ue", iFv tIzo work ff ~ Izamk Naturally, any-
one who has been found worthy of God's wisdom enjoys ineffable ~
at knowledge of beings; as for acts and deeds, [he enjoys] ~weaUIz,
which stretches throughout innumerable generations.319
.And~den=fio= ~ witIv ~ iFv ~ traUv-
~. and whosoever is involved with politics and mixes with the multitude, he
attains~which is admired by everyone.

317 See infra: the author explains that, in this case, .sDqlD~C; pertains to the good physical shape of the
body, and explains the text accordingly.
318 LXX: ri1c; Kap8iaC; ).10'0. Wis. 8:17-21.
319 Cf. Ecclesiasticus, 39:3; Joel, 2:2; Isaiah, 34:17; also. Exodus, 3:15; 17:16; Psalms 71:5; 101:15; et
passim in the Bible.
452 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
hzd~~Ji'o=~ff~~ And in so far as any-
one of the generals or the demagogues is sociable by either sharing drinking
with other people, or doing something of the sort, he procures ~ ~
for himself. Once, therefore, this great man ~ tIzo= ~ to- himself
andj=ndered them, he goes on thus: :Ywenb aboub ~ fww. to-P /wid
ff ~ mto- ~ [He did so] by toiling for many years and ages in order
to be granted her [sc. wisdom]; to this purpose, he did every sort of good
deed, while also admiring those who excelled in wisdom and virtue. Of those,
he admired the former while considering the latter as teachers and tutors. In
short, [he went in quest for wisdom] by having trained all of himself in the
study about her.
Efr(H<:YtfHb5' ""~ ckU, and ""~.wu£ wa& allotTed to- me; that
is, I was fit for every respect, namely, in terms of the shapeliness of the body
and care about my soul, so that I should study and toil in order to attain God's
wisdom. For in the case of those who are keen to accomplish something in a
fair way, it is necessary for both of those to concur: that is, a disposition of
the body accompanying its healthy growth, and a certain trained skill of the
soul which is conducive to the positive result. And as it happens in the case of
growth of fruits, when both the soil and the seed should be of good quality so
that they may produce good crops, one could see the selfsame thing happening
with regard to the sciences, practice of which calls for our assiduity. For never
would harmonious music be properly heard, even if its constitutive 24r I notes
are chorded correctly but there is a certain flaw in the matter which relates to
it, such as (as it often happens) some anomaly in the air, or rigidity of strings
in the case of stringed instruments, or in case the instrument is positioned so
as to undermine the melody.
And notice that he uses the term 8D'Imiu320 in reference to the body, while
positing the overall trained habit of the impulse towards the good as a charac-
teristic of the soul. This suggests that the body may have a natural disposition
towards this or that thing, but the soul has been created as superior to it, so
as to rule over it and guide it in whatever way this may operate towards a
good purpose, since [the soul] is cognisant of the logoi that are in this [sc. the
body], which are both intelligible and incorporeal. This is why the soul would
be called to account for its heedlessness of the body, once [the soul] did not
draw [the body] along with her towards the good of which she was cognisant;
instead, she was dragged down to its irrational actions along with it. In like

320 Wis. 8:19: nate; of ~J.1T]v .sDqlD~C;.

 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 453
a manner, the body will incur punishments because it did not give way to the
divine precepts of the soul.321
Besides, he says, ,,"~.wdtfHb5'aIIouedt&mo. This does not mean that
he obtained this [soul] by casting of lots, or that a pre-existent [soul] was allo-
cated to him and subsequently carne to him. Instead, [the verb f)..axov ~ was
allotted to me] simply means 'I carne to possess it', that is, 'this was created
along with me upon my generation'.
That this is the case becomes evident from his immediately following
words, by which he corrects the conflicting explanation; for he says, (H<raUzer;
~~.'Tenkred,""~~ which stands for 'a good soul and '""
~ 60& have been simultaneously created for me' and neither of them
has preceded the other.
This is how God created them from the beginning according to the logos322
of our nature, so thatthe.wdshould be~and the 60&~ although,
in accordance with our free will, we subsequently contrived so as to make
them aberrant from that which is good by nature.
By arguing that the soul is the ruler and leader of the body, he ostensibly
speaks as if this [sc. the soul] were primary by saying, ~~ .'Tenkred
'"" ~ ~ For God's purpose was to restore our compound [exis-
tence] to the angelic majesty and render this medley much more glorious than
the fallen intellects. Once, therefore, this great man elucidated our nature, in
accordance with which we have been formed (namely, that the soul is august),
it was natural for him to add that this [soul] was made so as to rule over the
body, and that he enkred,""~~ which was so fashioned initially.
..And = .'Treaked rIzab .'TcouU nob otIzerwiso IwUfob t& ~ ~
Pod~ ~ How did he corne to realise this? Because he tfHb5' "" weft.
JiHvned ~ and ,,"~.wd tfHb5' allotted t& him. This is what Abraham had
been, too: he carne to know and revere the God of the universe only because of
the fact that he was granted a noble soul and virtuous reasoning, due to which
he recognised and discovered the Creator of the universe by considering His
creatures. Once he [sc. Solomon] took all of these into account, and due to him
having been granted such a state of mind, he arrived at the eros of God's wis-
dom, and we/lb aboub ~ ~ and t&~ IwU&I"~ info. himself, and make
her a co-dweller, while cognising that it is impossible t&~ IwU &I"~ info.
himselfandlwUfobt&~~Pod~~ For indeed God's dwelling

321 Cf. Matt. 10:28.

322 See Origen's Theory ofLogoi in my Anaxagoras, pp. 750-781; 867-963; 1401-1410.
454 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
in US is a gift by God and it stems from his guardianship of us. For He says, I will
dwell in them, and walk in them; and I will be their God, and they will be my
people.323 This suggests, on the one hand, the divine Incarnation which would take
place later, and, on the other, because He dwells in those who are worthy of this and
guides their wayS'24 to every sort of godly deed. Being fully aware of these, and
having submitted himself to God by means of entreaty and unremitting prayer'''
in order fv-~lwUfflzer; he says:.'T~wi£lvtlzo.:tbrdand~1zinv.
How did he converse? Obviously, by means of fasts and sleeplessness and prostra-
tions, and the rest, by means which one could make oneself worthy of God. For
[Scripture] says, The Lord is near those that fear him.326 24v I Subsequently, and
following conversing [with God], he did not beseech haphazard by praying stam-
meringly while his mind was sidetracked during these prayers; instead, he says,.'T
~wi£lvtlzo.:tbrdand~lzinvandwi£lvnywlwlokaro.'T=id.
O§odfftlzo~ and.tbrdff~~ w/w.luz&madoal1~ &
~word, andiFv~~~madonuuvfv- ruk ~tIzo creaLure& tIzab
wer0mado&~and~tIzowor!diFv~and~andfv­
/==~iFv~ff.wu4~motlzo~tIzab&w&~=
~~ anddo-FWb~moJi'onv~~~ [Y(H<.'T=~
.reruaflband8OfVff~~ (bweahanddwrb.!ivednuuvand~iFv
~~and!aw& [YW<eueFVf=nzeoFlOi&~~tIzo
~ffmeFljftlzo~tIzab=Ji'onv~i&~ /wwi/160deemed
=~~ :Z;OfVIuwo~mofv-60tlzo~ff~j=op!oandJ=&o
ff~=and~ :Z;0fV~mofv-6uild(b~=~1wf!p
~and=~iFvtlzoe&ff~~ {b~UarioFlftlzolwf!p
ted; wIUcIv~ Iuwofre!=redJi'onv tIzo ~ ..And wi.uIonz, w/w. ~
~work, Wa&fre<=bwidv~wIz=~madotlzo~ and~
wlzabi&~iFv~~ andwlzabi&~~fv-~~
~ Jend ~JVrtIvJi'onv tIzo Iwf!p Izeaven& andJi'onv tIzo tIzrono ff~~
=zdlzer; =-tIud; ~fre<=bwidvfll€j dzonuw~widvmoandtlzab.'Tnuw
hnoarwlzabi&~ltFlW-~ [Y(H<dzo~and~aI1~ and
dzo~~mo~iFvny~and~mowidv~~ ..And
nywork~60~and.'T~J=&o~j=op!o~ and
~ 6owortly fftlzo tIzrono ff~ [Y(H<w/w. i& tIzo nuuv tIzab CaFV hnoar

323 Cf. Lev. 26:12, quoted in 2 Cor. 6:16.

324 Cf. Judith, 12:8; Psalms 5:9; 36:23; 118:5; Provo 13:13a; 29:27; Ezekiel, 18:25. Luke, 1:79 (Odae,
9:79); 1 Thess. 3:11.
325 Cf. 1 Thess. 5:17.
326 Cf. Psalms 33:19; 84:10; 144:18. See endnote c1ix to the Greek text.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 455
tIzo~e/§od9 Or-~ca/Vconceiuowluwtlzo~wi/k9 [Y(H<tIzo~
e/nwrta£=aromean; and ~~ aro~ [Y(H<tIzo ~
~~~tIzo.wu4 andtizoearrly~~tIzomind; wlzidvi&
~widv~ ./fndltard{ycbwo~aboubtlzo~e/tizoearth; and
widv ~ cb woJ'nd tIzo ~ tIzab aro aF kmd. {j(JaF ~ Iza& trackd oub
tIzo~~9./fnd~Iza&~~~unfe=y=~~
and .reFlb~.'JiO{y ~Ji'o= = f&/v9 WIUcIv i& /war tIzo ~ e/tiu= =
earrlvluwo6eav redored ~ andmavluwo6eav ~tIzo~ tlzabaro
~t&~ andW0'0.uwed~wi&Ionv.327
To be aware of the need to search for God, and [to know] what are the things
one should request, and in what manner, is a token of precise knowledge. For
God acts at [specific] opportune times, which is why one should both pray'28 and
beseech incessantly.329 And it is for men to pay heed to such things, and of all the
moments of time to seek to make out which of them are the opportune ones for
entreaty to be made, and to bear in mind that one should go through prayers suc-
cinctly.'30 This is whatthis prophet shows, too: while praying to God, and perusing
His wonderful things and mulling over the works of His hands,331 he does not
speak prolixly; and lampoons those who place their dependence on~~32
and hope for receiving help from them, which though they are impotent to offer.
That he received wisdom in consequence of his prayer, he made clear by
his foregoing words, since he says,.'T~ andtlzo~e/~canzo
333
t&mo. And once he finished his prayer, he added nothing more, and omit-
334
ted the things for which he beseeched, since he had already spoken of them.
Moreover, notice how we should begin with our prayers: we should not rely
confidently on our deeds and speak boldly putting a brave face on them, but
beseech God in humility and prudent thoughtfulness, considering ourselves
worthless and inferior to those 25r I that showed themselves well-pleasing to
God for our sake. For he says, O§ode/tIzo~and~ that is, [God] of
Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, and of all of those, either prior to or after them,
who conducted a godly life. For he resolved to appeal to God neither simply
as God in general nor as God only of himself; instead, in order to have Him

327 Wis. 9:1-19.

328 Cf. 1 Thess. 1:2; 5:17.
329 Cf. Matt. 7:7; Luke, 11:9; John, 16:24.
330 Cf. Matt. 6:7.
331 Cf. Psalm 42:5.
332 Wis. 14:29.
333 Wis. 7:7.
334 See Greek text, endnote c1xi.
456 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
well disposed concerning his entreaty, he made mention of the forefathers,
somehow making their virtue his ally right from the start. For indeed, at a
certain point, also God Himself as if taking pride at the virtuousness of those
men, and as if He proclaimed only them as being splendiferously worthy of
laurel wreaths, He says, I am the God ofAbraham and of Isaac and ofjacob.335
Likewise, the blessed three boys, having confidence in this, upon quelling
the flame and turning this to coolness, appealed to God through His beloved
Abraham,'36 and His servant Isaac,337 and His holy Jacob. 338
hzd~ff~ That is, the sole merciful,339 the Father ofmercieS'40
and rich in his mercy.34!
W~ha&nzadod1~widv~word. For He spoke and they were
made; he commanded and they were created;342 and every nature, whether
in heaven or on the earth,343 was nzadoout of nothing &cHis wordalone. 344
hzdiFv~~~nzadofil£lFv. For indeed man's structure betokens
a superior ~, since this he understood to be a compound of the intelligi-
ble and the visible nature, and a bond of union between the things of the earth
and the Creator's heavenly magnificent ones.
And d1 ~ were nzado &c His word. Nevertheless, man was made by
the wisdom not simply in this way, but in addition, in order t& rub ~ tIzo
creature& tlzabweronzado&c God. For He said, Let us make man according
to our image and likeness, and let them have dominion over all the things on
the earth and over the fish of the sea and over flying creatures ofheaven345 so
that he [sc. man] should domUudo tIzo worfd iFv ~ and ~ 346
On the one hand, iFv ~ because he [sc. man] was created so as to be
imperviable by passions and by any sort of sin, provided he should opt for
preserving the commandment. 347 On the other, iFv ~ smce man

335 Quoted in Mark, 12:26. Cf. Exodus, 3:15-16.

336 Cf. 2 Paralipomenon, 20:7; Isaiah, 41:8; Daniel, 3:35 (Odae, 7:35).
337 Cf. 2 Mace. 1:2; Daniel, 3:35 (Odae, 7:35).
338 Isaiah, 29:23; cf. Daniel, 3:35.
339 Cf. Exodus, 22:26; 34:6; 2 Paralipomenon, 30:9; 2 Esdras, 19:17&31; Tobit, 3:11; 2 Mace. 1:24;
Psalms, 85:15; 102:8; 110:4; 111:4: 114:5; 144:8; Ecclesiasticus, 2:11; Joel, 2:13; Jonas, 4:2; Jeremiah,
3:12. Cf. Reb. 2:17.
340 2 Cor. 1:3.
341 Eph.2:4.
342 Psalms 32:9; 148:5.
343 1 Cor. 8:5.
344 Cf. John, 1:3.
345 Cf. Gen. 1:26.
346 Wis. 9:3. Cf. Odae, 9:75. Cf. Eph. 4:24.
347 Cf. Gen. 2:16-17; 3:1-3.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 457
had accurate knowledge of the attributes and conditions of all the natures and
concepts, wherefore he could fairly administer all of those .
..And to-I==~ iFv ~ &f".wuL It was natural for him to
make mention of God concerning such things, wherefore he recalled both
man's ancient honourable rank and that his lot has been to- ndo ~ [other]
men, although there is nothing that could restore him to his [primal] serenity
except ruling over them iFv~and~
§/YUlbmotlw~tIzab&wftyy==~~ By way of addition,
this is also to evince that God's ~ heres elf is identically God and has the
same will and is homoousios with God. For there could be no other way for
God to make her .ubftyHis own ~and partner of His own loftiest summit,
nor could have He made her worthy of having a share allotted her, so as to .ub
fty His own ~ which neither the many-eyed Cherubim nor the six-winged
Seraphim are able to stare at.
..And cb nob ~ moJi'onv ~~ ~ That is, give ear to
those servants and cIziIdrav of yours, who have made themselves worthy of
this. Besides, [he prays for himself] to be included in the same lot348 as those,
and to be deemed worthy of hearing [the words] that Abraham heard after
the men that were about to destroy Sodom had departed. For [the Bible] says,
What I am about to do, I shall not hide from my servant Abraham.349
g7(H<:Y=~~and8OfV&f"~1umdmaid. That is, I have pos-
sessed the piousness for you from above and from my ancestors; I am not a
newcomer [to this] nor have I been presented to you from a foreign tribe .
../tweahanddwrt-!iuedFJUlFV- which runs parallel to [the saying], As for
man, his days are as grass; as a flower of the field, so shall he flourish. 350
..And~iFv~~and~ For this is what man
was made after the transgression, who originally was created so as to-ru/o~
tIw~tlzabW€/'0~ftyGod,351 and to administer the world iFv~
and~Jj2

g7(H<eueFVjI"=i&~~tlwclzildrav&f"meFljjl"tIw~tIzab
=Ji'onvy=i&~ 1zowi/160deemed=~~ For if it were said
that someone is found to be~~men, yet he is deemed to be so 25v I
while being removed from God's wiuiom, once this man is detached from God's

348 Cf. Gen. 14:24.

349 Gen. 18:17.
350 Psalm 102:15.
351 Wis. 9:2. Cf. Gen. 1:28; 9:1.
352 Wis. 9:3. Cf. Odae, 9:75; Eph. 4:24.
458 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
wiuIom, Izo wilt 60 deemed <= ~ ~ no matter if he reaches an
advanced age, no matter if he appears to be respectable and admired by the
multitude, no matter if he comes to possess anything of those things that are
considered as tokens of outward prosperity.
:J/mvluwo~moto-60tlzo~ff~~ For any kingship over
people is given by God,353 and He is the one who administers everything
which is related to us, and reckons up thoroughly not only the great things that
pertain to kings, but also the minute ones down to a single hair.354 This is also
what Peter, the highest summit of the Apostles, said: Fear God; honour the
king,J" and Therefore subject yourselves to every ordinance of man for the
Lord's sake: whether to the king, as supreme; or to governors, as sent by him
for vengeance on evil-doers and for praise to those who do well. 356
And he [sc. Solomon] added, ff~~ so that he should make the
tIzo~ffal1~more favourable to his petition. For this is as ifhe said,
:J/mv Iuwo ~ mo to- 60 tIzo ~not of a barbarous and delighting in blood
nation, which does not know your name,357 but of your inheritance''' and of
your holy nation,35' for the sake of which you promised those that are your
elect that in their seed all the nations shall be blessed. 360
..AndJ=f!roff~=and~ Since then this is how You take
care ofyour people,'61 :J/ou, as a father who loves His children, Iuwo ~
mo to- 60 tIzo ~ of their ==
and ~ Therefore, I am asking to be
granted your wiuIom, not so much for the sake of myself, nor so that I alone
should take advantage of its benefits, but in order that the people who venerate
You should not be perished because of, and along with, my own foolishness.
:J/mv~moto-6uildad€mpfoOfV~~~· that is, to my
father through your prophet Nathan, by promising to him, And it shall come to
pass when your days shall have been fulfilled, and you shall sleep with your
fathers, that I will raise up your seed after you, which shall issue from your
belly, and I will prepare his kingdom. He shall build for me a house.362

353 Cf. 2 Paralipomenon, 36:23; 2 Esdras, 1:2.

354 Cf. Matt. 10:30; Luke, 12:7.
355 1 Peter, 2:17.
356 1 Peter, 2:13-14.
357 Isaiah, 4:1. Cf. Psalm 90:14; John, 17:26.
358 Cf. Judith, 13:5; Psalm 105:5; Isaiah, 63:17.
359 Cf. Wis. 17:2. Exodus, 19:6; 23:22 (quoted in 1 Peter, 2.9).
360 Gen. 22:18.
361 Cf. Exodus, 7:28; 8:5&7; 9:14; 22:27; 32:12; 34:10; Lev. 19:18; Psalms44:11; 67:8; 105:4; Wis. 15:14;
et passim in ~T.
362 2 Kings, 7:12-13; 1 Paralipomenon, 17:11.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 459
hut=~Yvtlwcifye/~~ It was Jerusalem that hap-
pened to be both of these: it was a mountain, because this is what its site was;
and it was a gloriously inhabited cify. Besides, it was a holy mountain363 and
city of the Lord's encampment364 since it was in this [city] that the great David
had established the divine fen4 and because of the theophanies that appeared
to him in that [tent] according to the promises given to the forefathers con-
cerning this [city].
./t ~ e/ tIw Iw{;p fen4 wIUdv~ Iuwo fre!=redfonv tIw
~ Notice that he styles the ~which was built for God by him (b

~e/tlwlw{;ptenb. As a matter of fact, this tenewas a pattern of a

pattern. For [scripture] says, you shall make everything according to the pat-
tern that was shown to you on the mountain;365 which means that all of these
were prefigurations of those that will befall us actually [at the end].
WIUdv~Iuwofre!=redfonvtlw~· namely, by prefiguring this
to Moses and instructing Beseleel to build it. 366
hut wi.uIom, wIzo. ~~ work, wa& ~ wiUv~ wIzav~
madotlwworfd. And never did His wisdom (that is, the life-giving Spirit, which
is above any essence and more than divine) intermit co-existing with God. For
indeed this [Spirit] knows everything about God, according to the Apostle who
said, For the Spirit searches all things, yes, the deep things of God. For who
among men knows the things of a man, except the spirit of the man, which is
in him? Likewise, no one knows the things of God, except God's Spirit. 367
Moreover, he says that [the Spirit] wa&~wlzavHemadotlwworfd.
For one thing, this sterns from Moses' words, And the Spirit of God moved
over the water,;368 for another, from the words He said to both this [sc. the
Spirit] and to the Son who is homoousios with them both, namely, Let us
make man according to our image and likeness. 369 For God, who is in want
of naught and utterly self-sufficient, could have taken counsel with not even
His angels so that they should join in with Him concerning creation of man;
but evidently He did so with both the Wisdom who knows His works and wa&
~wIzav He madotlwworfd, and His eternally existing Son.

363 Cf. Psalms 2:6; 14:1; 42:3; 98:7; Sophonias, 3:11; Zacharias, 8:3; Isaiah, 27:13; et passim.
364 Cf. Tobit, 1:4; 2 Esdras, 11:9; Num. 35:34; Deut. 33:28; 2 Paralipomenon, 6:2; Psalm 67:17; Joel,
4:21; Zachariah, 2:14; 8:3; 8:8; Ezekiel, 37:27; 43:7; 53:9.
365 Quoted in Reb. 8:5, apud Exodus, 25:40.
366 Cf. Exodus, 31; 35-38 (esp. 37:19-20); 2 Paralipomenon, 1:5.
367 1 Cor. 2:10-11.
368 Gen. 1:2.
369 Gen. 1:26.
460 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
hzd~wluwi&~Yv~'Cf€&andwluwi&rf!1Iwa=ord­
~w~~ For once the Holy Spirit searches the deep things
of God, and no one knows the things of God, except God's Spirit,370 this [Spirit]
also knows exactly all the things that are ~ Yv God's 'Cfe& And since
this is an upright and leading Spirit,371 this also knows wluwi&rf!1Iw~
w God's ~ This is what David also said: Your good Spirit will
guide me to righteous ground. 372 26r I
Jend~JVrtIvJronvtlzolwf!plzawen&andJronvtlzotlzronoff~~.rend
Iz-. He prays for ~to be senJfirtlvJronvtlzolwf!plzawen&andJronvtlzotlzrono
ff~ not as if she were not present among us, since the Holy Spirit exists
everywhere and fills all things full. Instead, it is the most pure energy of His that
he thought of as being a certain advent, as it were, of the Most-Holy Spirit. And
it is His [sc. the Holy Spirit's] most perfect action according to God's benevolent
will that is called His being sent forth and descent. Besides, it is customary for
us to say that God dwells in heavens. This is the sense in which he prays for ~
[sc. the wisdom] to be sent dowl'fo=tIzolwf!pkaue.n& And it is natural for him
to speak of tIzronoff~' for since~[sc. the wisdom] is sitting beside God's
throne, once ~ is sent forth, it is thence that ~ will depart from.
J(F tIza4 ~fre=nbwd/vme, ~nuw ~wd/vmo and tIuw.'Tnuw
IYww-wluwi&~liflL&~ By saying~nuw~wd/vme, he indi-
cates the unremitting abode of God's Wisdom in all of his [sc. Solomon's]
exertions. For although God becomes all things for the sake of our salvation,
He does not forsake His own identity. This is why, at many points, He speaks
to us about Himself in an anthropomorphic manner. For He says, I will there-
forego down and see, if they are perpetrating according to the outcry which
comes to me, and ifnot, that I may know. 373 By this, He becomes like us, and
instructs us not to rush into retribution based only on what we have heard,
but to establish the truth of facts only by making ourselves witnesses of them.
gf"(H< ~ ~ and ~ aI1 ~ since ~ is the Creator of
them and philanthrope par excellence. And in so far as ~ is the Creator of
all things, ~ knows them all, whereas, as philanthrope, ~ imparts us also
knowledge, by taking notice of those that have been created by her in a more
wise manner, and instructing accordingly.

370 1 Cor. 2:10-11.

371 Psalm 50: 12&14.
372 Psalm 142:10.
373 Gen. 18:21.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 461
huldzodud1~mo~iFvnyadion& For indeed prudence hap-
pens to be a certain victory of Virtue in toto. Therefore, concerning any kind
of action, it could suffice to speak of prudence as a synecdoche for all virtues.
huI~mowidvlzer.~ That is, not to be snatched away by the
deceits that lay in waiting in life, which are insidious and easy to yield to.
hulnyworh&dud160~ By speaking more generally, he refers
to all of his worh& being~ IV- God.
huI.'Tdud1J=&o~j>eopIo~ Now, he speaks severally and
conjoins judgement with righteousness, since the nature of both of them is
almost the same.
huldud160wortly&l"tIzo~&I"~ since God had promised
hi~ and prophet, If your sons keep my covenant and my testimonies
that I shall teach them, also their sons forever shall sit on your throne. 374
Therefore, it was natural for him to pray for being taught by God's wi.uIonz,
so that, on the one hand, he could please God, while, on the other, he should
act prudently an~ the j>eopIo of God ~ For he knew that the
foregoing promise had bearing on himself, too.
g!"(H<wiw-i& tIzoFJUlFVtIzab caFVhww- tIzo~&I".i7od9 While pointing out
the abasement of our nature and that, if God's wisdom departs from us, all of
our ~and acts are futile, he says this: wiw-i&tIzoFJUlFVtlzabcaFVhww-tizo
~&I".i7od unless He himself reveals this? O~ wiw- caFV conceiuo wIzab tIzo
~~unless He teaches this?
g!"(H<tIzo ~ &l"nwrta1= aromaYlj andtheir ~ W'0~
iou& He befittingly added [the words] nwrta1=, so that he should expose
the fact that our thoughts die most quickly. For whenever we are faced with
ambiguous propositions, we most often make false decisions because we are
unable to ponder things correctly. For the time for us to die comes before we
even realise that we have lived,'7' and alteration is inherent in the nature of all
things. For even if we for the moment reflect correctly about them, once facts
will be different tomorrow, their accurate analysis from the observer's point
of view is wiped out.
g!"(H< tIzo ~ ~ wef!1k dow,v tIzo.wuL That is, although [the
soul] in itself is incorruptible and clear-sighted, [the corruptible body weighs
it down]26v I by means of nebulous thoughts.

374 Psalm 131:12.

375 See endnote c1xxiii.
462 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
hzd tIzo eaNIy tabernado ~ tIzo mind, wIUdv i& ~ widv COFV-
C€/Yl&. Beside 'weighs down', he befittingly adds 'is replete'. And tIzo cor-

~ 60& (this wrapper of the soul, which has been interwoven with her
following incitements connected with matter) draws on the soul along with
it, pushing it towards desires that are groveling and profane. For this is what
we would befittingly style eaNIy ~ This is said to be replete and
[the soul] is drawn together with it - which is a metaphor from the scales
of balance, which, instead of swaying to and fro, suddenly slope tIzo mind
wIUdv i& ~ widv ~ because of a certain weight imposed on the
one side of them. This means that [the earthy tabernacle] does not allow tIzo
mind to ponder those things that pertain to itself in a strict sense, but besieges
it by means of numerous ~, which stern from the sundry forms of [the
mind's] entanglement with matter.
hzd ~ cb wo ~ aboub tIzo ~ e/tizo earth, and widv ~
cb wo,find tIzo ~ rIzab aro aF Izam:t. For this is what our earthly nature
demands: the cognisant agent is made like the objects of cognition (which is
how it cognises), in like manner the seeing [object becomes like] the descried
colour, which is how one sees. Even so, these are seen not fully, but only as
a representation and [we do not grasp] their absolute reality. Nay, the things
that are close at hand and, roughly speaking, congenital with us, we uncover
with innumerable ~ by persevering in theories and arts which entail
conception of particular things by means of immensely extensive delineations
that distract our mind towards [considering] multitudinous germane questions
and similarities and differences.
{j(JaF wIzo.lza& trached oub tIzo ~ ~9 Which stands for saying
that no one could give an accurate account of the heavenly things. For once
the earthly ones elude our reasoning power to such an extent, how could we
possibly cognise tIzo~ones?
hzdwlzo.lza&~~~9 At this point, too, this stands for [say-
ing] 'no one', which is similar to [the saying], Who has known the mind of the
Lord and who has been his counsel to instruct him?J 76
~~~~9 The prerequisite is to agnise His Only-Begotten
Logos, who is superior to any essence and deity, and put on man's nature and
dwelt among us, and revealed to us both the will of the Father and how to per-
ceive tIzo~~

376 Isaiah, 40:13.

 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 463
hzd8efib~.'J'CO{yJ)iribfonvOfVI&/zP And after him, He sent His All-
Holy Spirit, who guides us into all truth and proclaims to us the things that
are coming.377
WIUdvi&1ww- tIzo~&l'fI=oOfV eartlvluwo6e= redored~ [That
is,] the faith of those that have been initiated to the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Spirit, which is the truly pious and heavenly worship, and no other
earthly or heavenly one could stand on a par with this.
hzdFJZe/VIuwo6eav~tIzo~tlzabW'0~fa-<'f0'0 and(ljQ'0.uwed
~~ On the one hand, we have been taught the evangelical [truth], as
well as utter lenience and exceeding philanthropy along with the rest of the plain
angelic conduct which alone is pleasing to God.378 On the other, due to the mul-
titude of those that have been saved, and we are seeing countless of them, whose
souls are shown to be friends of God,'7' not only on account of miracles that have
happened, but also because even the dust of their relics expel incurable diseases
and perform innumerable miracles, whereby their own salvation is confirmed.
Jho~tIzo~~JizrIz-&I'tIzoworfd=lzowa&
creared, and delivered IUnvfonv /zi& = ~ and~ IUnv tIzo
~ fa- ru/o ~aI1 ~ !JZJttbar/zov tIzo~
dej=rtedfonv (}flO

/zer. iFv /zi& ~ Izo~ iFvw- /zi&~ ~ W/zov tIzo eartIv wa&
Jlooded6eca=o&l'IUm, ~.uwedIUnv=~~tIzo~
nuuv&=&I'''"~jXe=&I'wood. Jhoa£w, amidwtlzo~&I'fik.
minded~ wlUdvturnedoub ~ ~tIzo~nuuv
and~ IUnv 6IameIe= 6;eforo Pod, and ¥ 1Unv.wand iFv tIzoJiwo &I'
~fo/zi&=~380
Starting from farther back, he reckons up those who excelled in wisdom
both prior to the Law and under this, until his own times; and considering them
one by one, he points out the benefits they enjoyed due to them being ruled by
God's wisdom, and says this: Jho~ tIzo~~JizrIz­
&l'tIzo world, thus delineating the peculiar characteristics of the primordial
man right from the start. 27r I He wa~ because all of us who are
born from a seed ofman38! and the blood of a woman exist in accordance with
the consequence of natural laws. However, in reality we have been formed by
God much earlier, who has created also the consequence itself of natural laws.

377 John, 16:13. Cf. Tobit, 12:11.

378 Cf. Rom. 8:8; 1 Thess. 2:4; 2:15 ; cf. 2 Esdras, 7:18; Psalm 68:32; Provo 21:3; Baruch, 4:4.
379 Cf. James, 2:23; 4:4. Cf. Wis. 7:14.
380 Wis. 10:1-5.
381 Wis. 7:2.
464 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
Therefore, compared with the innumerable people that are born every day, it
was suitable for the man who was fashioned first to be style~ [He
is also called~fftho~ because all of us have received the begin-
ning of our human nature from him. Actually, it is man that par excellence
should be called cosmos: for one thing, because the most conspicuous parts
of the world exist within him; for another, because man is that which fills the
world, since this [world] would be admittedly imperfect if man did not exist at
all; moreover, because the world has been made for the sake of man; nay, if we
are to listen to the creator of Nature, the world is not worthy of man. Besides,
he was tho~~because God created one, that is, him alone; and
the case is not, as some say, that infinite multitudes of men emerged automat-
ically from the earth. It was dzo, therefore, who ~the ~man,
who wa& in this manner creaLed and brought to being out of non-being, and
deliueredlzinvfonvlU&=~
She ~him, because God, after having fashioned him, took him
into the paradise'82 of delight383 and deemed him as worthy as to let him work
and to allow him to guard it,"84 anddeliueredlzinvfonvlU&=~
since in turn He had commanded him to eat from every tree that is in the
paradise, but from [the tree] of knowing good and evil not to eat; and that,
on the day that he should eat from it, he should die by death.385 Although he
suffered those that had been threatened, as far as God's part is concerned, he
[sc. Adam] has been deliueredfonvlU&= ~ which was bound
to be established, once he heard [the command] to be careful and refrain from
eating from that tree, but he transgressed that [command].
For example, this is what happens when one suffers from pleurisy: he
seeks counsel from a medical doctor, who commands that, as long as one
is ill, he should not test wine. If one complies with the medical advise, he
will become healthy; otherwise, if perchance he drank he will end up dead.
This is what one could descry also in the case of the Creator of all things.
Nevertheless, with respect to God and His ineffable philanthropy reaching out
for us, the primordial man was guarded and constitutionally was superior to
IU& =~ But with regard to the rashness that stemmed from his
free will, he hereafter drew upon himself the curse.

382 Cf. Gen. 2:15.

383 Cf. Gen. 3:23-24; Ezekiel, 28:13; 31:9.
384 Cf. Gen. 2:15.
385 Gen. 2:15-17.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 465
hzd~lzinvtlw~t&ndo~aI1~· that is, strength, which is
the commandment itself enjoining him to be self-restrained oppposite every
sort of desire. For what among us could be reasonably understood as the moti-
vating force for containing desires is nothing other than the commandment
prescribed by the laws and the pertinent punishments threatened therby, thus
warding off adultery or murder or any other act of those that are forbidden.
Moreover, this great man [sc. Solomon] treats the events about th~
[man] with reverence, by granting forefathers the rightful respect. For if leg-
islation has stipulated so many punishments for anyone who reviles his prox-
imate father, he who rails furiously at tlwJiZ.tlz-e/tlwworld should be all the
more indictable. Naturally, therefore, he [sc. Solomon] mentioned neither the
events about the curse nor the dire ones that followed the transgression. And
once he recalled the beginnings of the forefather, he did likewise.
And that§odcreakdFJUlFVt&60~ andmadolzinvaFV~e/
.'J'I:W O((HMaLurd 86 he has already declared, thus portraying as best as possible
both God's philanthropy and the honourable rank of the creature. But of the
fact that we have fallen from the goods because of Iu& OWFV ~ he
maintained silence; actually, he switches his account to another cause by say-
ing, tlwdeudmadolu&""Win.W-tlwworld6eca=oe/1u&eFU('f'387 Thus, in the
same breath, he both declares the cause [of the Fall] and indulgently honours
the founder of our race by holding silence about these things.
{j(Jttb~27v I tIw~OfiOdejxtrtedfionvlz-. After Adam, he
points to Cain: since he had dejxtrtedfionv God, once He spoke to him apropos
of the unacceptability of the sacrifices presented to Him, and moreover said
to him, Why have you become griefstricken and why has your countenance
fallen?,388 not only did [Cain] not attend [to God's words], but also he laid his
hand on his brother and did not stand in fear of the divine circumspection that
denounced him. Have you sinned? Go to rest,389 but do so only once you have
freed yourself from the sway [of sin].
£1ko ~ iFv Iu& ~ For he was unjustifiably wrathful against
his own brother.

386 Wis. 2:23.

387 Wis. 2:24.
388 Gen. 4:6.
389 Cf. Gen. 4:7.
 466 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
.'Y{O~~Iu&~~ Once he was submitted to the same
death as that of Lamech,'90 and having been enraged because the Lord did not
regard his sacrifices,39! he unjustly acted against his brother.
W~tlweartlvtfHb5'cflooded6eca=&I"1Unv. For the consequences of pun-
ishment did not stop at him; instead, once his seed partook of the fatherly iniq-
uity, it perished along with all of his lot. Wizen; therefore, tlweartlvtfHb5'cflooded
6eca=&I"lu"nvand his wickedness, ~.uwedIu"nvOFU:O~~tIw
~FJUlFV&=&I",,"~jXeco&l"wood, that is, Noah, who was a
descendant of the sons of Seth. For Enoch was Seth's first son, who hoped to
call on the name of the Lord God;392 from him, Cainan [was born], and after
him Maleleel; then, Jared; then, Enoch; then, Mathusala; then, Lamech; then,
Noah.'93 And once he styled Cain ~ it was natural for him to call
Noah ~FJUlF0 who, as said above, descended from Seth; actually, to be
more accurate, from Abel. For this is the meaning of Seth's name, since [the
Scripture] says, God has raised up to me another seed instead ofAbel, whom
Cain slew. 394 Besides, he spoke of~jXeco&l"woodin order to show God's
power, which is more than infinite. For once God's sweeping force flooded
those fortified and big towns, as well as every lofty and high mountain,39'
definitely God's right hand396 saved only that~jXeco&l"wood, by steering
that upon its wandering in the middle of the night, and protecting it from col-
liding with stones on shore and from being shattered so as to end up shipwreck
from so many exceedingly forceful blows by the winds and the waters.
Jhoatw, amidw tIw~&l"fik.minded~ wIUcIv turned oub COFV-
fouled. He exquisitely spoke of confusion amidw tIw ~ &I"fik.minded
/lLlLion& For to be fik.minded amidw ~ always ends up in confusion.
Contrast to this, he points to [virtuous]like-mindedness by saying, And all the
earth was one lip, and there was one language to all.397 Moreover, [he spoke
of] ~ because they thought that building the town and the tower needed
no security other than their own nonsensical pompous vanity and their crude
disposition to posterity. For [the Bible] says, And they said, Come, let us build
to ourselves a city and tower, whose top shall be to heaven, and let us make to

390 Cf. Gen. 4:23-24.

391 Gen. 4:5.
392 Gen. 4:25.
393 1 Paralipomenon, 1:2.
394 Gen. 4:25.
395 Isaiah, 57:7; cf. 2:12.
396 Cf. Exodus, 15:6; Isaiah, 48:13; Psalms 17:36; 43:4; 44:5; 47:11; 117:15; et passim. Cf. Wis. 5:6.
397 Gen. 11:1; cf. 11:6.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 467
ourselves a name,'98 whereby they presumed to do things that were both impossi-
ble and full of conceit, as well as entirely useless concerning the needs of their life.
Jho ~ tIzo ~ nuuv and~ IUnv 6IameIe= 6;eforo
Pod. That is, Heber,'99 who distanced himself from that wicked unanimity
and from the building of the tower, and was spared from the confusion of
languages.4()() For he abode by his own language and did not deviate from that
a bit. It is from him that the race of the Jews received both their language and
their name itself401 This was a great bestowal of grace upon him, at a time
when all the others had fallen asunder concerning their usual language, and
they did not use this while talking either to servants or to friends or to broth-
ers or to sisters, nor did any of them understand what another said, but he [sc.
Eber] alone ¥ himself.wandconcerning his own [tradition] and retained his
language and his [traditional] kinship .
..And¥IUnv.wandl/vtlzoJiwoe/~folU&otlifV~ For to
Eber were born two sons, Phaleg and Jektan. And from Phaleg (whose [name]
indicates that in his days the earth was divided'Ol) Ragal1'OJ was born, from
whom Abraham proceeded after four generations,'04 and after him the entire
race of the Hebrews. This is what this wise man [sc. Solomon] suggests: on the
one hand, because this nation was a noble one by descent 28r I and increased
greatly in numbers; on the other, because he [sc. Solomon] said that Abraham,
(who was born from this [nation], and from whom according to the flesh 40 ' our
Lord and Saviour was born in terms of his temporal birth) would become.wand
I/vtlzoJiwoe/~folU&otlifV~ This could be taken as apply-
ing to Eber in relation to those who turnedoub~amidwtlzo~
e/fiho.minded naLion& For it was Eber alone who was present amidw those
who contemplated the construction of the tower, and was ~ 6IameIe=
6;eforo Pod and did not share in their ~ in the least406 Nevertheless,
in order to put this more properly, these words were said about Abraham. For
after the earth had been divided into nations and weird languages, and all of
them (including the descendants from Eber down to Abraham) had apostasised

398 Gen. 11:4.

399 Cf. Gen . 11:14-17.
400 Gen. 11:7-9.
401 See endnote c1xxxv.
402 Gen. 10:25-27.
403 Gen. 11:18.
404 Gen. 11:16-12:27.
405 Rom. 1:3; 4:1; 9:5.
406 Cf. Wis. 5:8; 17:7.
 468 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
from piousness towards God, it was he alone [sc. Abraham] that was~
6IameIe= ~ Pod, and he opted for submitting his own son (who had been
born to him following God's promise"7) to sacrifice for the sake of pleasing
God, indeed he offered to carry out that sacrifice with his own hands and main-
tained such a soundness iFv tIzofico of Iu& oaHV~ 408
~tIzo~e/tIzo~ dzodeliveredtlzo#t==man; wIzo.
JledJronv tIzoJirowlUdv de.wendeduj>mv ~ ../t~wade!ande/
tIzeif~ renzain& eve/V to- tIzi& 4fo widv~ ~fiuib a£ tinu=
wlz=t/ucPCY0nob+and{b.ue/oe/=Ib~={bFJWflUfJlfllbe/=~
p~~=t/ucP~~nob~Mt/ucP~tIzo~
e/nob~ tIzo~~ 6uba£w.~ to-tIzi& f!/i(bmenwria1
e/tIzeif~ =-
tIuw t/ucPdwuUnob 60 abb to- eIudo tIzo tohen& e/tizeif
~ !JZJa£~ deliveredJronvj=in& tlw.=tIuw aUended to-~ 409
Following his analysis concerning the righteous men until Abraham, he
comes to Lot, and says this: ~tIzo~e/tIzo~ dzodelivered
tIzo#t==man;· that is, the inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrha; and styles
them 'destructed' on account of the utter devastation of their land.
Wfw.JledJronvtlzoJirowlUdvde.wendeduj>mv~ He explains how
was it that God's ~ upon the punishment of tIzo ~ delivered tIzo
#t==FJUlFV by removing him therefrom as an escapee. And he spoke oV'ifo
wIUdv de.wended not in a manner similar to [the fire] that issues forth from
the craters of Sicily, nor [like the fire] which arises in the ordinary way, that
is, from a flammable material which is distributed at random here and there -
but [a fire] which de.wendedfrom the heavens.410 For this [fire] was a token of
punishment, indeed it was sent from God and not from anywhere else; and the
punishment of wickedness inflicted thereon was that which normally happens
to the impious .
../t ~ wade!ande/tIzeif ~ renzain& eve/V to- tIzi& 4fo He
befittingly spoke of ~wade!and, since he always signalises the natural
consequence of events, namely, the punishing inflictions against the impious.
For what we literally call wade!and is that which is bereft from any wooden
stuff; and were it for any sort of wood to exist in that place, it would appear
that the smoke arose from woods that happened to be burnt. But once it is

407 Cf. Gen. 18:10-18; 21:12-13. Rom. 9:8-9; Heb. 11:17-18.

408 Cf. Reb. 11:17. Gen. 22:1-19.
409 Wis. 10:6-9.
410 Luke, 17:29. Cf. 3 Kings, 18:38; 4 Kings, 1:10; 1:12; 1:14; 1 Paralipomenon, 21:26; 2 Paraiiponenon,
7:1; 2 Mace. 2:10; Job, 1:16; Rev. 13:3; 20:9.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 469
impossible for any sort of wood or pasture or tree to be noticed in that land,
and yet this land is ~ this is all the more a sign from God manifesting
the miracle that happened in that land.
Widv ~ ~Jfflib a£ tinu= ~ t/ucP CY0 FWb +- And if any
tree, or perhaps something else, survived in that land, these were overtaken
by a more marvelous miracle. For it would have been natural for everything
to be set on fire. However, once they appeared as surviving and having fruits
which were not consummate, but ones that stroke one's eyes only because of
their appearance and magnitude and form, and yet, once they were touched,
in reality they were but ashes and dust, this was far more wondrous than their
perishing in the first place .
..And deb e/=Ib ~ <= FJWflUFJleFlb e/ = ~.wuL He
(b (b

speaks of Lot's wife. For she disbelieved what had been told to her husband
about the destruction of the cities, which is what also her sons-in-law had done
before. For it was not only Lot and his wife and his daughters that the angels
enjoined to get out; but also [they said], Ifyou have here sons-in-law, or sons,
or daughters, or If you have anyone else in the city, bring them out from
this place; For we are going to destroy this place.41 ! Once tIzo ~ nuuv
trusted in Lord's command, and summoned all of those, 28v I and in addition
he mentioned also the cause, namely. For the Lord is about to annihilate this
city, he appeared to them not only as suggesting things that were not in their
interests, but also as preposterous, as if proclaiming monstrous absurdities.
For [the Bible] says, he appeared before his sons-in-law to be speaking ludi-
crouSly.412 However, those of whom such an impression got the better perished,
whereby they received the retribution for their disobedience. As for the wife
who got out along with the righteous man against her will, she did not escape
either, so as to get away from the danger entailed by her faithlessness: instead,
at a certain point, and while she was escaping along with her husband, once
she wished to look behind,'13 and perhaps also intending to force her husband
or even her daughters to do the same, she immediately experienced the pun-
ishment and she, who previously was animate and moving, was seen standing
as a still stele of salt.414

411 Gen. 19:12.

412 Gen. 19:14.
413 Gen. 19:17; 19:26.
414 Gen. 19:26; Wis. 10:7.
470 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
[ft"(H< OFU:O t/ucP ~ wi&:Iom, instead of saying, those who overlooked
~and,b==dOV€/"the straight path 415 which leads to this, nobonf!pdid
t/ucP~tIzo~e/nob~tIzo~~which are befitting to
do so as to be saved, 6ub~~t&tIU&f!fo,,"menwria1e/rkir-fiot­
~ namely, [a memorial] of the land of Sodom having been burnt down
because of the wickedness of its inhabitants, which is heretofore ~ and
[a memorial] of the fruits that are planted in that [land] appearing to be blos-
soming, but, should anyone tried to touch them, they turn out to be full of dust
and smoke, [a memorial] of the woman who turned to a &te!o e/&db existing
up to the present time.
Jo·tlzabt/ucPdwu/dnob60ablot&ehuktlzotvhen&e/rkir-~ For this is
more grievous and makes punishment more tormenting, namely, rkir-wiched-
ne&l'remaining in everlasting remembrance and not allowed to fade with time,
so that, to future generations, this should remain as a stern reproach of those
things that were recklessly perpetrated in the past.
{j(Jub ~ deliveredJi'onv j=in& rI=o tIzab aUended t& Izer;. namely,
Abraham and Lot, the men that he recounted above.
W~ tIzo ~ FJUlFVJledJi'onv Izi& ~ wradz, dzo~ IUnv
iFv~~ dwwedlUnv tIzo~ e/§od, andcJUWOlUnv~
e/Iw{;p~. dzo~ IUnv iFvlzi& toif&; and ~ tIzo~ e/Izi&
~ W~iFvrkir-~=triedt&frevad=-1Um, dzodood
qylUnv and madolUnv ridv. Jho~IUnvJi'onvIzi& ~ and IupbIUnv
"efoJi'onv rI=o tIzab!aid iFv wai4 and iFv ,,"drefi= =tJIlicb dzocJUWO IUnv tIzo
~ tlzablzomf!llwluww-tlzabfXeWi&~tIuuv~ 416
Once he considered everything concerning Lot, he now moves on to Jacob,
and says this: W~tIzo~FJUlFVJledJi'onvIzi&6rotIzer!~wradv. Following
Isaac's death, once Esau recalled the feelings of envy caused upon him by his
brother when the latter got the better of the paternal blessings, he decided to
kill him, which is why he said, Let the days of my father's mourning come
near, that I may kill my brother Jacob. 417 But once their mother Rebecca heard
these, and terrified as she was at the prospective loss of her child, she called
him [sc. Jacob] and revealed to him everything. For [the Bible says], she said
to him, Behold, Esau your brother threatens you to kill you. Now then, [my

415 Cf. 2 Kings 12:23; 2 Esdras, 8:21; Tobit, 4:19; Psalm 106:7; Provo 2:13; 20:11; Ecclesiasticus, 39:24;
Hosea, 14:10; Isaiah, 26:7; 33:15; 40:3 (& Matt. 3:3; Mark, 1:3; Luke, 3:4); 45:13; Ezekiel, 33:17&20;
Daniel, 3:27; 2 Peter, 2:15.
416 Wis. 10:10-12.
417 Gen. 27:41.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 471
child], hear my voice, and rise and depart [into Mesopotamia] to my brother
Laban into Charran. 418 Thus, God's wisdom, instructed and nourished him
since the beginning, by reasonably abrogating tk,~",~and guiding
tk, #t== FJUlF0 and rescued him by guiding IUnv t/v ~j>ad= For at
no point does this great patriarch appear to have done anything wrong to his
brother; instead, he received the blessings rightfully, once he bought from him
the honour of the rights ofth~419 Therefore, he did not lieto his father
when the latter asked him, Are you my firstborn son?'lO
Once [Jacob] styled himself firstborn and was touched by him [sc. by
Isaac], he [sc. Isaac] ~1Unv[sc. Jacob] tk,~e/§od; and after he
had treaded one day's walk, he slept in a certain place. For [the Bible] says,
And dreamed, and behold a ladder fixed on the earth, whose top reached to
heaven, and the angels of God ascended [and descended] on it; and the Lord
stood upon it, and said, I am the God ofyour father Abraam, and the God of
Isaac; fear not, the land on which you lie, to you will I give it, and to your
seed.42! This is tk,~U§04thatHe~to-lu"nv.
.And~IUnv~e/Iw{;p~ 29r I since He said to him, And
in you and in your seed shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed. 422 When
shall they be blessed? Once the promises are duly fulfilled and our Lord Jesus
rises out of his seed 423 For at no other time were all the tribes of the earth
blessed in Jacob, since Palestine was a tiny fragment of land, and, in the eyes
of the most peoples, the nation that proceeded from him was small in number
and sometimes enslaved by those who prevailed over it. However, after the
sojourn of the Lord, all of the earth, which the Gospel was preached to, blessed
Jacob's name, because he was deemed as worthy as for the salvation of the
entire world to spring from his seed.
Once, therefore, this #t== /JUUV424 received this promise in a dream
and awaked out of his sleep, he recognised, as [the Bible] says, that The Lord
is in this place, and I knew it not; and he was afraid, and said, How fearful
is this place! this is none other than the house of God, and this is the gate of

418 Gen. 27:42-43.

419 Gen. 25:29-34.
420 Cf. Gen. 27:32.
421 Gen. 28:11-13.
422 Gen. 28:14.
423 Cf. Num. 24:17; Malachi, 3:20.
424 Cf. Wis. 2:18; 5:1.
472 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
heaven.42' This is the ~ e/Iw{ty ~ which was given to him by
the Wisdom.
Jho~lUnvinJlmtoik For he had been subjected to numerous and
ineluctable toik that lasted for twenty years, which is what he himself says,
namely, I was parched with heat by day, and chilled with frost by night, and
my sleep departed from my eyes.426 Therefore, it was amidst those toik that
he acquired a great deal of prosperousness. For he says, And there were born
to me oxen, and asses, and sheep, and men-servants and women-servants.427
..Andnud¥fied tIzo~ e/IU& ~ For the gifts that he received he
did not acquire without fatigue, but the more he laboured the more he procured
abundance of goods for himself.
W~iFvtkif~=triedto-frevad~1u"m, dzo.uoodftylUnv
andmadolUnvridv. What he calls ~is obviously Lavan'sunthank-
fulness.428 For although Jacob worked for him for so long and so much and
procured to him so much of livestock, he was deprived of his befitting salary.
And that he would ever receive his deserved salary he never really hoped 429
However, once W~ carne upon him, dzo prevailed over him; and that
which appeared unlikely to obtain among the livestock, this was exactly
what he demanded to receive as reward. To this purpose, in the first place,
he demanded that he should receive those animals which had varied colours,
so that Laban could not suspect or take issue with anything at a1l 430 Thus, he
should receive as reward those animals among the flock that would perhaps
be born in varied colours. But God's wMdonv stood by him on these, too,
and dzo procured for him abundance of things that could have never been
hoped for and were deemed impossible: dzo lavished upon him such things,
by means of the variety of colours of the rods which were placed in the hol-
lows of the watering-troughs,43! whereby, the cattle conceived at the rods,
and the cattle brought forth young speckled, and streaked and spotted with
ash-coloured spotS.432

425 Gen. 28:16-17.

426 Gen. 31:30-40.
427 Gen. 32:5.
428 Gen. 31:2-32:6.
429 Cf. Gen. 29:1-29.
430 Gen. 30:25-35.
431 Gen. 30:37-38.
432 Gen. 30:39.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 473
Anddzo~lUnvcfto=lzi&enemie& Once Laban returned to his house
and realised that he [sc. Jacob] had escaped, he took his brethren with him
and pursued after him seven days'journey, and overtook him.433 But while he
[sc. Laban] considered slaying him [sc. Jacob], he saw in dream that, in case
he dared to attempt this, this could be impossible to carry out. For [the Bible]
says, And God came to Laban the Syrian in sleep by night, and said to him,
Take heed to yourself that you speak not to jacob evil things at any time.434
..And¥IUnv+cfto=tiuMotizablaidl/vwailj· that is, from Esau, who
carne to meet him, having four hundred men with him. 43 '
..And1/v""~=tJI'licbdzo~lUnvtlzo~ Upon which, since
he dreaded Esau, he took away his wives and his children,436 and once he was
left alone, he saw a man wrestling with him, who, seeing that he was defeated,
touched the broad part of his thigh. And while this great man experienced
this divine encounter throughout all night, and was asked [what his name was
by Him], and having changed this to Israel, he truly received this ~
=tJI'licbas a prize for his wrestling with God, until the sun rose. For [the Bible]
says, The sun rose upon him, when the Face of God passed. 437
:3hab Iw mf7Iw IYww- tIzab JieW i& ~ tIuuv ~ For Jacob
never failed in his piety for God; but neither did God [fail] always to grant him
victorious prizes for his struggles against ~.
JhodidFWbJVr=lwtlzo~nuuv~Iwwa&~ 6ubdeliueredlUnv
cfto=,w". dzowe/lb dow,v 29v I widvlUnv in£o.tIzo~and didFWb~
IUnv ~ Iw wa& I/v cIzain&; untddzo ~ uj=v1Unv ~~ and
~~tiuMotizaboffre=edlUnv. Jhoeapo.redtiuMotlzablzadacc=ed1Unv
=!iar&; and~IUnv~~438
He now turns to the pious joseph, who was the son of jacob and Rachel,439
and says this: JhodidFWbJVr=lwtlzo~nuuv~Iwwa&~· that is,
[sold] by his brothers to the Ismaelites down into Egypt. 440
{j(JubdeliueredlUnvcfto=.wv. Not from a.wv that he himself rushed into, but
from that which the Egyptian woman attempted to involve him in 441

433 Gen. 31:23.

434 Gen. 31:24.
435 Gen. 32:6.
436 Gen. 32:22.
437 Gen. 32:24-31.
438 Wis. 10:13-14.
439 Gen. 30:22-24.
440 Gen. 37:27-28.
441 Gen. 39:7-18.
474 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
JhoweFlbdowFvwidvlUnviFzhtlw~anddidFWb~lUnvwlz=
1lotfXl& t/v cIzain&. He [sc. Joseph] unjustly suffered, because he was slandered
and held indictable, although he had rejected the woman who had been eager
to engage [in the offence].
CZtntiIt dzo ~ ujwFv IUnv ~ ~ That is, dzo heartened IUnv
by instructing IUnv not only by means of the dreams he himself saw,'42 but
also by instructing others to interpret their dreams in the best way, until such
a time when bothdzo~ujwFvlUnv~~and granted him the
glorious and desirable,.oow-
..And~ ~ rI=o tIzab ~ IUnv. That is, he assumed ~
over all those that previously maltreated and whipped and enchained him, and
threw him into long-lasting imprisonment, so as to subject him to hardship.
Jho eajxMed rI=o tIzab!lad acc=ed IUnv "'" Iiar& That is, his brothers that
sold him; those who bought him so as to make him a slave; the woman that
licentiously laid snares for him; those who slandered him in any way; those who
attempted to impute him as blameworthy: he exposed all of them as having told
lies against him, whereby he undoubtedly appeared as the wiser of all, as well as
a saviour and upholder and foster-father of countless people. Besides, not only
did he become admirable among his contemporaries because he was guided and
glorified by God's wi.u!om, but also he left his great renown to posterity.
..And~IUnv~~ namely, both this kingship, which is held
by us in very high regard, and that bliss which is eternal and unremitting.
JhodelWered,,"lw{;pj>eoploand6lamele=.reedfionv =offre=iuo~
Jho enrered iFzh tIw.wu£fftlw~~~ and wirIldood dreaifid ~
widv ~ and ~ ..And dzo j=id tIw Iw{;p j>eopIo "" rewardfo tkif
~~ tknv = ,,"marueIo=axy; and 6ecamofotknv ""~&
4Yand,,"f(;JIwff~&nf!1Iw. Jho!edtknvacro=tlwYledJ=and~
tknv ~mudv~· 6ubdzo drowned tkif ~ and c=b tknv uF
oubfionv tIw 6ottonv ff tIw deej> afty= ~ tIw ~.rj=i/ed tIw
~ andt/ucP~~~~Iw{;p/lafll€j O~ andwidvOfiO
accord t/ucPfrai=d~ Izam:t tIzab dtfoded tknv. [Y(H< ~ opened tIw
nwudvfftlwdeffandmadotlw~ ff~ artiadam 443
Now, he considers the miracles performed by the great Moses. And, accord-
ing to his habit to repeat his exegesis, he says, JhodelWered,,"lw{;pj>eoploand
61ame1e=.reedfionv = offre=iuo ~ This was a Iw{;pj>eop!e, because,

442 Cf. Gen. 37:1-11; 41:1-33.

443 Wis. 10:15-21.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 475
although they suffered myriads of torments while holding out in the clay and
in brick-making444 and were tortured in countless ways by those scourgers
and taskmasters of works,445 they did not deviate in the least from reverence
and piety to God. And [they were] a~.reed, because they descended
from Abraham and Isaac and Jacob,446 who conducted a ~ life ~
.9'od,447 which indeed He testified about their character.
Jho deliueredJi'onv Cb ~ ff ~ That is, from the Egyptians,
who were eager to exterminate them by using every sort of machination.
Jho entered inJo. tIzo.wtdff tIzo ~"'.reruaflb. He indicates the way by
which He delivered them from those that afflicted them. 448 For this happened
not as simply [as it sounds]: instead, ~e.nW<edinJo. tIzo.wtdffa man [sc. Moses]
who had chosen always to please God; and neither the fact that he had been raised
up as a king, nor that he had practiced all the wisdom of the Egyptians,'''' nor the
generalships and the apparent concomitant glory, carried him off from the wor-
ship of God at all and from the conduct oflife according to that iFv~ 450
..And wiUzdood drea#d ~ wiUv ~ and ~ 30r I That is,
Pharaoh and all of the satraps and rulers that kept a lookout for him. And he
wiUzdoodthem not by the force of weapons, nor by wisdom of tongue, but wiUv
~ and~· now, causing the earth to give forth frogs'" above all the
apparent air; now, dog_fly;4l2 at another time, rust, 453 or grasshopper, or locust,
or hail- which was not only unfamiliar to the Egyptians, but also outlandish to
those who were accustomed to it, because of its magnitude and volume [ofhail].
..And ~ j=id to- ~ j=pfo Cb rewardfo tIzeif ~ [That reward
comprised] all those things that they received from the Egyptians, namely,
gems and pearls and gold and luxurious woven robes, which they should use
for a while in their celebrations 454 However, while holding them, they ran
about towards the sea,''' because it was God's just judgement that they should
receive all those as Cbrewardfotlzeifnumerous toils and excessive slavery.

444 Cf. Exodus, 1:11-14.

445 Exodus, 1:11; 5:14; Cf. 2 Paralipomenon, 2:1; 2:16-17.
446 Cf. Gen. 50:24; Exodus, 2:24; 6:3; et passim.
447 Cf. Wis. 10:5; Gen. 17:1; Phil. 2:15; 1 Thess. 3:13.
448 Cf. Judices, 8:34.
449 Cf. Acts, 7:22.
450 Cf. Wis. 9:3; Luke, 1:75.
451 Cf. Exodus, 8:2-3; Psalm 104:30; Wis. 19:10.
452 Cf. Exodus, 8:17-27; Psalms 77:45; 104:31.
453 Cf. Exodus, 9:9-11.
454 Cf. Exodus, 12:35-36.
455 Cf. Exodus, 13:18.
476 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
.l7uidedtlzenvOfV,,"marueIou&""ef' That is, to the wilderness at athom. 456
.And6ecamofotlzenv ""~&ckwand""~ff~ &nf7Iw. As a
matter of fact, this was a truly marueIou&""ef' namely, to be sheltered during
the ckwand to be guided along a path unknown to them, by means of the pillar
of cloud, and in the night likewise by a pillar of fire,457 so that their journey
should be incessant, and, at the same time, both unobscured and unerring.
Jho!edtizenvacro=tIw/7(edJ=and~tIzenv~mudvwaf-. He
says the same things twice, so that one could be more astounded at the magni-
tude of the miracle. Jho!edtizenvacro=tIw/7(edJ=and~tIzenv~
mudv waf-. That is, [the Wisdom did so] because she had planned to make
them walk on the sea; and [this phrase is] as ifhe [sc. Solomon] said: And the
children of Israel went into the midst of the sea on the dry land. 458 As for
the [phrase], and~tIzenv~mudvwalo<; this definitely bespeaks
the manner of their crossing over, as [also the phrase], and the water of it was
a wall on the right hand and a wall on the left'" does, too.
{j(Jttbdzodrownedtlwif~ who had chased them and ran in after
them, and adventitiously fell into the midst of the sea,'60 and the water over-
covered them 461 For [the Bible] says, And Moses stretched forth his hand over
the sea, and the water returned and covered the chariots and the riders, and
the entire force of Pharaoh. 462
.Andc=btlzenvuFottbfftlw6o=fftlwdeej>~· which has a parallel,
since [the Bible] says, and Israel saw the Egyptians dead by the shore of the
sea. 463
~ tIw ~.rjwi/ed tIw ~ For they received rewards
many times as manxfo tIwif b60ur&.464 on the one hand, because, while
being still there [sc. in Egypt], they cunningly managed to take with them
plenty of things,465 which would have been impossible for them to plunder
in case they had waged a war; on the other, by looting them and taking away
for themselves all of the stores of weapons, clothes, tents, and the rest of their

456 Cod. Ava8ru8. Exodus, 13:20.

457 Exodus, 13:21.
458 Exodus, 14:22.
459 Exodus, 14:22.
460 Exodus, 14:23.
461 Exodus, 14:26.
462 Exodus, 14:27-28.
463 Exodus, 14:30.
464 Cf. Wis. 10:17; Exodus, 12:35-36.
465 Cf. Exodus, 12:35-36.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 477
supplies; moreover, which is the most striking of all, they sawall of those who
had treated them unjustly dead and thrown off unburied .
..And~~~~Iw{;pFlaFJlej O~· that is, the ode, Let us
sing this ode to the Lord, for gloriously he has been glorified.466
..And widv accord t/ucP fraMed ~ Iumd tIzab dtfou:!ed tknv.
(}flO

Concerning the dedication of the ode, it was Moses' sister Mariam alone who
initiated this scheme of repetition in an ode;467 as for the rest of the ode, all the
others sang together.
g;-w<~ opened tIzomoudv fftlzo dee/"andmado tIzo ~ ff~
articuIam That is, of those who previously muttered against God and did not set
their hopes on Him, but were very fearful at the camp ofthe Egyptians,468 and con-
tented in shouting to Moses, Because there were no graves in the land of Egypt,
have you brought us forth to slay us in the wilderness?"9 Since then they did not
understand the miraculous events that took place in the beginning, nor grasped
those that carne to pass in front of their own eyes at that time, namely, the guiding
pillar of cloud in the day, and a pillar offire in the night,'70 it was natural for him
[sc. Solomon] to style them dee/"and~ And since they became all the more
dee/"and dumb and ~ because of the preeminence of the miracle and of the
fear out of those events, as well as because of that weird walking through the sea,
and yet they were saved and saw the destruction of their enemies while they them-
selves stood in safety, he says that God's ~ brought them to their senses, and
openedtheir moudv, and granted them splendid ~
30v IJho~tIzeif(ljork+rneaFl&fftizolumdffCbIw{;pfr0#ze4 and
t/ucPnzarcIzed~=~~and~~iFvllflh<od­
tbvj>lac= ~doodup~tIzeif~anddtfou:!ed~
~ tIzeif enemie& ~ tIWwred and called ujxHv~ and ~ wa&
~tknvoubff'l:JlU& roch, and Cb~tlzeiftlu:r.woubfflzarddono.
g;-w<~tIzo~~tlzabtizeifenenzi=wer0~ t/ucP~
wero ~ ujxHv tIzeif ~ .'TFldead ffCb ~ ~ ffCb
~~ fty~ Wood <= Cb mqf/iw refroffff tIzo decreo to- M1 tIzo
~ ~~~tknv ~ffwarer; and ftytlzo tIu:r.w
a£tlzabtime,~dwwedlwar~~tIzeif~ g;-w<~t/ucP
werotried, aIbeib ~oubff~ t/ucP!earned1war tIzo~ ~

466 Exodus, 15:1; 15:21 (Odae, 1:1).

467 Exodus, 15:21.
468 Cf. Exodus, 14:20; 14:24.
469 Exodus, 14:10-11.
470 Exodus, 13:21.
 478 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
J=&ediFv~ werotvrmenkd. :Z;OfVj>ubtknvt&tIzoted=CYV~
Jitdzer; 6ub~~ tIzo ~ (b ~dovv~ ~ nzaUer- =
~akenb(H<~ rI=owero~aIiIw. g;-(H<(bdou6lo~tooIv
IwUe/tkm, and(b~ aFtizomenwri= e/~f=b. hutwlzav tfucp
Izeardtlzabtlzo~wero~~tIzo===rI=otlzabtfucp
~wero~ tfucprealMedtlzabtlzo~/w=~tIzo~J,
6eca=; ujxHvtlzo~e/~ tfucpnuuveledaFlUnvwlwnv~
6;eforotfucplzad~~and c=boubandeapo.red, &ncotfucplzad
tlWw£ediFv{bUXWw/Udvw= ~fio=tlzabe/tIzo~ = 471
He considers separately God's benefactions to the nation of Jews follow-
ing their flight from Egypt, and says this: Jho~tlzeifwork&=
e/tizolumde/{blw{;p~· not the works that men do when they cultivate
the land or go by sea or build houses, or do any of the jobs that men practice
so as to accommodate the necessities of life. For during a period of forty
years'72 such engagements were unknown to them and they did not become
involved with any of those. However, such kinds of works were helped on the
way as concurrent ones with those that they normally carried out, since they
always were dressed in clothes that were undamaged and always new, and so
were their shoes, whereas their food was ready at hand and they could indeed
eat as much as to satisfy their desire. However, all of these could have corne
to no avail to them, unless the great Moses'73 provided for them by propitiat-
ing God. And all of those work that they pursued by labouring together, no
matter whether these pertained to putting jobs off or to their nourishment,
~&= e/tizolumde/{blw{;pfroPlzeb.
huttfucpnzarclzed~=~~ namely, the desert
of SUr,474 and the other ones, ~ which they forced their way while being
under God's guidance.
hut~ _ iFv ~~ that is, in Elim 475 and Sen 476 and
Sinai.477 For these are the deserts that they inhabited and in which they
~tenw.

471 Wis. 11:1-14.

472 Exodus, 16:35; cf. Num. 14:33-34 (quoted also in Reb. 3:17); 32:13; Deut. 2:7; 29:4; Psalm 94:10
(quoted also in Reb. 3:10); Amos, 2:10; 5:25 (quoted also in Acts, 7:42); Acts, 7:36; 13:18.
473 Cf. Exodus, 2:11; 11:3; 11:24.
474 Cf. Exodus, 15:22.
475 This is the AiJ"ij.1 of Exodus, 15:27 (a stopover of the Jews in the desert); 16:1; Num. 33:9-10;
Judices, 12:12; Isaiah, 15:8.
476 See Jesus of Nave, 15:26.
477 Cf. Exodus, 16:1.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 479
~dooduF~tIzeif~anddtfoded~~
tIzeif~ namely, the Arna lekites, [whom they beat] by means of the prophet
having stretched out his hands [in entreaty] to God;478 and the Arnorites/79 and
the Basanites,'80 and every nation that inhabited the land ofChanaan. 481
~ t/Urded, and called ujxHv~ and ~ ~ tknv oub &1'''"
((Xl&

J'lU&roch, and,,"~tlzeiftlUr.woub&l'lzarddon& He befittingly says,

oub &I'~ roch, just in case one who would hear that the water sprang
from a simple stone might think that this could not have been a miraculous
event, because one would consider this [event] in natural terms, since most
of waters spring forth from stones. However, this dono was not a mound, nor
was this fixed firmly in depth as extension of a part of the land; instead, it
was an ordinary dono torn off at a certain point, or indeed broken off, so as
to meet to the necessity of that instance; in any case, this was not a [stone] of
considerable bulk. It was from this dono that the Creator of Nature, contrary
to Nature, caused ~ to spring,'82 which sufficed for myriads of people to
drink. Moreover (which is all the more paradoxical), no matter whither those
who travelled through went, so long as they hurried to prevail upon tlzeifen&-
mi=, [the stone] unremittingly sprang ~ forth. And not only did he style
this rocIvJlinry, but also, in order to emphasise the sublimity of the miracle, he
adds, oub&l'lzarddoFle; which was altogether in readiness to generate water.
%(H< ~ tIzo U€{Y ~ tIzab tIzeif enemi= we/'0~ He says
this for the sake of juxtaposition, so as to demonstrate both God's infinite
philanthropy towards the Jews 31r I and the punishment that was inflicted
upon the Egyptians because of their inhumane brashness against the heritage
of God.483 And since, when Egypt was plagued, all of the Egyptian water and
Nile's stream itself had been transmuted to blood,'84 he naturally juxtaposes
their tIUr.w to that of those, and says, %(H< ~ tIzo U€{Y ~ tIzab tIzeif
enemi=, who were disheartened because of having nothing to drink, since
their waters had been transmuted to blood.
~~wer06enffitedujxHvtlzeif~ For although they
[sc. Egyptians and Jews] had corne to experience the same tIzird; those [sc. the

478 Cf. Exodus, 17:8-11.

479 Cf. Exodus, 3:8; 3:17; 13:5; 23:23; 23:28; 33:2; 34:11.
480 Cod. Bucraiouc;. Cf. the land of BamJv in Num. 21:33-35; Deut. 1:4; 4:43-47; 29:6-7; Jesus of
Nave, 9:9-10; 12:4-6; 13:30; etpassim; Psalms 134:11; 135:20.
481 Cf. Exodus, 12:40-42.
482 Cf. Exodus, 17:6; Num. 20:11; 21:16; Psalm 77:15.
483 Cf. KATJPOVO).1laV ®mu in 2 Mace. 2:4; Psalms of Solomon, Psalm 14:5; Jer. 3:19.
484 Cf. Exodus, 7:17-20; Psalms 77:44; 104:29.
480 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
Egyptians] perished because they were deemed worthy of receiving nothing,
whereas they [sc. the Jews] wer0~ because God resolved to provide a
way out to the privation .
.'TFldeadff{b~~ff{brWer-~fty~Wood={b~
refrofffftizodecreoto-M1t1zo~ ~y=~tlzenvabum:lanco
ff~ This is reference to the Egyptians, who were in a state of distress,
being faced with the unwontedness of the situation and the concomitant trans-
mutation of waters to blood, which they incurred for no reason other than the
inflictions they had imposed on the race of the Jews, when they stained their
own land with the Wood of all of their ~ Once, therefore, they were pun-
ished by means of those penalties, whereby those who craved Woodwere made
replete with ~ God and His Wisdom who is befitting Him, granted that, in
the teeth of any anticipation, indeadff(b~~ff(brWer; abum:Ianco
ff~oub~rochshould bubble up for the sake of his servants .
..Andftytlzot/Wwa£tlzabtime,y=dwwedIww-y=~ tlzeifadver-
~ which is the same as [saying], they [sc. the Jews] realised how was it
that You~the Egyptians, who had nothing to drink since all of the
water had become useless .
[fr(H< ~ t/ucP wero tried, aIbeib ~ oub ff ~ t/ucP learned
Iww- tIzo ~ ~J=&ed iFv wradz, wero ~ Because, as they
say, experience is the teacher of all people, and the time preceding experience
misleads the hoi polloi, no matter what happens to their neighbours. For it
happens very often that, whenever they see other people being naked or starv-
ing or destitute ones forced to do hard work for living, or suffer any similar
plight,485 they feel that they have nothing to do with those people. But when
they experience something of the kind, they forthwith realise the predicament
of the others. Thus, the Egyptians thirsted while waters had been transmuted,
and amid wradv they were subjected to this torment that led them to dev-
astation 486 However, to the non-thirsting Israelites, neither this nor all those
plights that the inflicted impious suffered for their sake was of any concern.
Therefore, in order that they [sc. the Jews] should get also a feeling of this pre-
dicament, t/ucP~while being in the desert - yet not to the point of being
utterly destroyed, but only as much as this was necessary for them to experi-
ence this infliction. For those [sc. the Egyptians] were wrathfully tormented,
whereas t/ucP [sc. the Jews] were ~ oubff~.

485 Cf. Matt. 25:35-46.

486 Exodus, 7:24.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 481
g7(H<~j>ubtknvt&tIzoted==~ that is,~­
~ tknv in a fatherly and compassionate manner, 6ub~~ tIzo ~
=,,"~dovv~· that is, by delivering a final verdict determining
their utter destruction.
JYO.nzatter.~ahenb(H<~ tiucPwer0~czIiJ= For the
nature of WilLer- was not the same to either of them and to those that lived with
them; instead, to the Egyptians, this was 6hod"and mirth and full of every sort
of filth, whereas to the Jews this was transparent and drinkable - and yet both
of them drew this WilLer- from one and the same rio-. Thus, if they [sc. the
Egyptians] stood off from the Hebrews and did not mix with them, they were
no less plagued by thirst; and if they associated themselves with them, they
suffered the same torture. Actually, if they remained far from those waters,
these were not available to them so as to be used; and if they carne upon them,
they fell into the same predicament since they could not drink from that.
g7(H<,,"dou6Io~tvoIvlwldfftlzem., no matter whether they were seeing
[the waters] or they did not see them.
hut ""~ ab tIzo menwri= ff ~ /=4. that is, of [past] evils,
and of all those that they had suffered when they were pestered by frogs, by
rust, by dog-flies, by locusts, by hail, and by the other plagues. Hence, ~
ahenb(H<~upon the scourges, they were tormented in like manner.
hut(lj-~ tiucP 1zeard31v I tIuw tIzo ~ wero ~ ~ tIzo
=mo==rI=orluwtiucP~wer0~ tiucPrealMedrluwtlzo
~/w=~tIzo~J, since the selfsame situations that were punishing
the Egyptians were beneficial to the Jews. Whereas the former suffered the hard-
ship of darkness, a most gentle light shone upon the latter. The former incurred
death of their firstborn childrenj'87 to the latter all [the firstborn children] attained
vigorous puberty. Whereas the former were plagued by frogs'8 8 and the like, the
latter did not even catch sight of any of those. Thus, wIzav tiucP Izeard that the
Israelites did not suffer the things they themselves suffered, they reaked God's
benefactions to the latter and His punishments and abhorrence of them.
g7(H< Izinv wIwnv ~ 6;eforo tiucP!tad ~ ~ and cad oab
and ~. that is, Moses, whom, following the unlawful decree of the
Egyptians prescribing infant-massacre, his own lot cast him off into the river
within a basket. 489 As the story about him has it, once he reached manhood, the

487 Cf. Exodus, 11:5; 12:12; 12:29; 13:15; Num. 3:13; 8:17; 33:4.
488 Cf. Exodus, 8:2-3; Psalm 104:30; Wis. 19:10.
489 Exodus, 2:3-5.
482 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
Egyptians rejected him as unworthy by means of lampoon and reproach; but
when he carne back, t/ucP ~ a£ such a man, especially for his working
wonders 490 and for the other plagues that transpired among them.
J=t/ucP!tad tIUrded iFv {b=WwlUclvwa& #foenbfionv tIzab fftlw #
teo=Ofle& For the laUer tlUrdedonly for a short while, and, apart from experi-
encing this, they suffered no harm at all; by contrast, most of the former perished .
..And iFv refztrFvfo tIw imfrudenb ~ fftlwif~ ~
6ec=ot/ucP!tad6eov!ed~ t/ucP~~~and~
wild creafztre&,y= 8eflb ujxHv tIzenv {b nudrdudo ff ~ animabfo ue/V-
~ iFv~tlzabt/ucP~!earFvtlzab{bnuuvdza/t6o~~tIw
U€{Y==~Iw&n& g;-(H<~~~ wlUclvcreab?dtlw
worM ottb &tform/e= mafter; wa& nob ruuzbIo tv-.rend ottb = tIzenv {b nudrdudo
ff~ (H<Jierco ~ (H<~ 6ead& fffr<rtfo wIUcIv wou/d 60JilledwiUv
nav{trcreab?daHYdh; ~~~6rearIv (H<~ ~~
(H< IwrribIo ~~ ottb ff tIwif 'Cfe&; wIUcIv /'Cf=.1 wou/d 60 abIo nob

onf!p tv-wij= tIzenv/= tIw imfXo=.1 ottb ~ tIw Izarnv t/ucP couU caEMej 6ub
a£w. tv- ~ tIzenv ~& tlwiftefflblo nziav ik# C5ueFVwiUvottb ~
t/ucP/= tIw imfXo=.1 wou/dIuwo coIIaf=ijfnere{yj & {b~ 6reaUz, ~
cIta.red~and=aUered&tlw6rearlvff~~ ~y=1uwo
orderedalt~iFv~and~andwef!1lw. g;-(H<tIw~tv-frevad
~i& ~ ~wiUvy= ..Andwlzo.wou/d6oablotv-
~tIw~ff~ann; &ncotlwwlwloworM~y=i& k/w{b
!iu/owef!1lw=tIw=aloff6alancoandk/w{bdropfftlw~dew- tlzabl=
Jitllavclow,v=tlweartlv9~y=Iuwo~ujxHva14 6ec=oy=ca/V
do-alt ~ andy= overfooIvtlw~ ffme/lj =-tlzabt/ucPnuw ~ 491
The punishment brought upon the Egyptians was a double one, because
they set God's will at naught in a twofold manner: on the one hand, they did
so in thought, once they planned to wipe out the entire race of the Hebrews
by imposing innumerable hardships and pernicious afflictions upon them; on
the other, because they implemented their thoughts against them promptly.
On that account, God inflicted upon them a twofold punishment: in return for
their evil perpetrations, He brought against them those numerous signs sent
by Him; and in return for their evil thought that motivated their concomitant
actions, [He brought upon them] nescience of prudence.
Once therefore [Solomon] explained the former, now he comes to the laUer,
and says,..AndiFvrelurFvfotiwimfrudenb~fftlwif~ (that is,
490 Exodus, 4:1-9.
491 Wis. 11:15-23.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 483
the one they had practiced), ~ 6eca=ot/ucP1zad6eov1ed~ t/ucP
~ For not only did they contrive most unrighteous devises against
those that were close to them, but also, in the first place, they had been made
ignorant from on high, ~ having 6eov led ~ from the straight
way, t/ucP~~~ and~wiId~ He [sc.
Solomon speaks of] ~~, because of the snakes and crocodiles
and ichneumons ['trackers']492 and bulls and the he-goats that they [sc. the
Egyptians] revered, whereas~wiId~suggests the tfhbmade of
wood or stones, which they manufactured and prostrated them.
:Z;OfV.reFlb~tknv {bnutlLitudo &I"~ aninuzkfo~ For
these were~, too, 32r I as were those they worshipped. For what is more
~ than a locust or a flea or a dog-fly or a frog?
g; ord- tIwb t/ucP m(;1/w!eanv tIwb (b nuuvdud160~ ~ tIzo
uqy==~Izo&n& For once they sinned by means of the blood
of babes that were unrighteously murdered,493 they were filled full with abun-
dance of blood when the waters were transmuted to this. This is what they
incurred in relation to the objects of their imprudent veneration: since they
worshipped ~ aninuzk and ~ wild ~ they ended up
inflicted by (b nutILitudo &I" ~ ~ so that they should corne to
their senses. For they indulged in the lusts of their hearts;'94 and they were
overwhelmingly~~tIzouqy===rIuMo~they
sinned to God by offending against Him.
g;-(H<~~1umd, ~can do anything, w=FWbtHUZbloto pro-
duce and create and transform in accordance to its will.
WlUclvcreaLedtlzowor!doub~FJZatter. This is not to say thatnzab.
~preceded creation of the world, nor that it existed beginninglessly; instead, it
means that, upon the creation of the universe, this was created in the first place
out of nothing, as ~ one and shapeless and unquantified and without
qualities and without form, and yet as a substratum susceptible of all [qualities],
so that this would assume a certain form and kind and quantity and quality
and shape. Hence, this overpowering pantocratoric power, which surpasses any
infinite power and created everything from non-being, w=FWbtHUZbloto-=nd
oubOfVtknv(b~&I"~orfierco!ion&; or rather just one, which would
mock at them. 49 ' It was by means of those ~ aninuzk that He punished

492 See endnote elv.

493 Exodus, 1:16.
494 Cf. Rom. 1:24.
495 Cf. Psalm 2:4.
484 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
both those [people] and [the animals] thatthey worshipped alike. For these were
similar in terms of their worthlessness, although He could have sent against
those,," nut!Litudo ff 6ear&; which would be numerically commensurate with
the frogs that were issued forth against them, let alon~~ which would
be able to inflict much more plague than that they had been assigned with.
Or-~ 6ead& ff~ wIUdv wou/d 60Jiffed witIv ~-~
wradv. By speaking of 'newly-created wrath' in reference to God's action,
he used a felicitous expression. For since God is good by nature, wrath is not
a characteristic of Him; instead, this occurs in Him because of our careless-
ness. Naturally, then, the Lord of everything wa& nob unabIo to send upon
the Egyptians those ~ 6ead& ff~ once He carne to be in a~­
~mood, because of our wickedness.
What were those ~ dreadful 6ead& ff~ which nowhere have
we ever met, assigned with doing? C5~~6reatIz, that is, from
their exhalation ~~could go out causing both dread and consterna-
tion. Or- ~ ~~ that is, their exhalations causing the noisiest
bang possible, which could be made more intense once it transpired along with
the reinforced ~ of a thunderstorm, as it happens in other cases, when
blowing winds knead together the smut of fruits.
Or-IwrribIo~~oubfftlzeir-~ so that they should be ter-
rifying to those who looked at them, not only because of their stern and wild
mien, but, just like lightings, also by the unceasing emission of ~ oub ff
tIzeir- ~ which could be able not only to wipe them [sc. the impious] oub
because of their being excessively both destructive and harmful, and destroy
them altogether &tIzeir-~nuOvim#since such was the horror caused
by simply seeing them.
C5ueFV widwub fI=, ~/= tIzo imfXo=.1 wou/d Iuwo coIIaj=:t/merefyj
&""~6reatIz, ~cIuMed~· that is, in case He had not opted for
sending against them ~ He had an alternative manner to punish them.
What was that? Those who were cIuMed & God's punishment wou/d Iuwo
coIIaj=:t & ""~ 6reatIz, that is, by a violent and vigorous one, which can
remove even mountains .
..And~&tIzo~ff~jwwer; scattered as if they were dust,
that is, as it happens with rolling swells.
~~luwoorderedal1~iFv~and~andwef!7k;
so that not only the benefactions should be granted in proper order, but also
the penalties stemming from [God's] wrath on those who have erred should
be sent down commensurably 32v I and not according to the temper of wradv.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 485
ffr(H<tIw~bfrevad~i&~ concomiranbwirlv~
and there are no intervals during which your more-than-powerful might cannot
do anything .
..AndwIzo. would 60 abIo b witktand tIw m(;7Iw&f"~ ~9 Indeed there
is not a single occurrence taking place independently of You, because there is no
other cause outside them.
J'=tlwwlwloworfd~y=i& !iJwCbliukwef!1lw OFV tIw=alo&f"6at.
= For it was a characteristic of the most accurate of scales of balance that,
even if an object of almost no weight were placed on the one side of a scale
pan, then, that side bent. Things are similar concerning the entire worfdvis-a-vis
God: by a mere nod of His, [the world] would be swept away and its course would
be changed to whatever direction He might will, just like the turns of a =aIo
..And!iJwCb drop &f"tIw~ dear tIzab Iza&JitII= doa"v OFV tlweartlv. For
that is not the only way in which everything in the universe is moved easily
and altered by God's will, whatever direction He might lead them to; but if He
wished to destroy them altogether, things opposite Him are as easily-handled =
Cbdrop&f"tIw~deartlzabIza&JitII=doa"vOFVtlweartlz, which is no sooner
destroyed than upon even a little of the sun's rise, or shaken offby someone who
happens to be by, or even being wiped out by the soil. But since He is superla-
tively good, He maintains everything by His sovereign power.
~y=Iuwo~ujwFvall, 6eca=y=caFVdo-aft~ For it is
a characteristic of overwhehning power not to have any grudge against instances
of our inattention, but to bear with them magnanimously.
..Andy=overfooIvtlw~&f"==-tlzabtfucpnuw~ which is to say, in
order for them to repent and return to your mercy.
ffrw<y=!ovo aft tIw ~ tIzab eaY.w and ~ FlOfl0&f"tiu- tlzaby= Iuwo
nzatk, &nceify=lzaredaFff&f"t/zem;y=wouIdFWbluwocrearedib. ..AndlwarcouU
aFff ~ Iuwo emIured, ~y=wiIIed=-9 ~Iwar couU aFff~1uwo 6eov
mainminedfy=IzadFWbcalledibinfv.eaYdenco9{j(Jttby=ar0mer#"dbaft~
6eca=oaft&f"tlzenvW'0~ (1) ~ wIzo.!ovo/ow/.wuI& ffrw<~~
opiribi&iFvaft~· ~y=~Cb!iulocaltinfv.~tiu-wIzo.pinfv.
error; and; uj=Fvtlzeif&n.s,y=admoni.sIvtlzenv&~tIzenv&f"/tlzeiN!u{yj, =-
tIzalj (}fiCO tfucp!awo8IT~ tfucpnuw6elieooiFv~ (1) ~"'6
He elaborates on his previous analyses, and once again, he explains the
reason why He maintains all things while bearing with them magnanimously,

496 Wis. 11:24-12:2.

486 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
and He does not repay us according to our sins,497 and says, %(H<~ !ovo
aI1 tIw ~ tIzab eaXdj and ~ /WfiO ff tIw"o tIzab~ Iuwo nuuk 498 For
how could it be possible for the Creator of aI1 ~ to renounce any of His
creatures, since it was He who, upon completion of their making, also styled
them very good? For [Scripture] says, God sawall those that he created, and
said, Lo and behold, these are very good. 499 Therefore, there is nothing about
them which is either harmful or unbefitting at all. Instead, our own free will
is the cause of things turning out one way or another, and it is natural for their
Creator to ~/WfiOfftlw"o For you, who are transcendently good, would
FWbluwocreaLedmy~f~lzadluuedib. For how wouId~1uwo creaLed
my~which~hated, once there was no need compellin~to produce
my of them, but all of them alike (whether great or small) are definitely subject
to your will, and none of them, even if it lasts for just a short while, can exist
apart from your succour and unless~maintain it? And if, as [the Bible] says,
you abhor our new moons and sabbaths and feasts and you cannot tolerate
any great day,'OO you have abhorred these not because you made them, but
because we abused them by doing things that are inappropriate, since during
those [days] we did service to our belly and held festal assemblies in order to
satisfy improper desires that arise in us from foul licentiousness.
hullwar could my~ Iuwo endured, tude=~wiI/ed&F9 For indeed
it is not possible for anything to remain in existence unless it is all-powerfully
maintained by your will. Nevertheless, You uphold sinners, too, by granting
them 33r I time ~ ~ 501 Even that which appears to be wicked is main-
tained by You, indeed even the nature of daemons, so that your pious5°2 men
should be put to the test and your wise ones503 should please'" You. As a mat-
ter of fact, once such people have prevailed over any of those, they will expect
glorious prizes. For how could the great Job have been shown to be more
rigorous, unless in the first place he had not [opposite him] that demanding
[enemy] and bold opponent, who unremittingly attacked him and, upon every
opportunity, he injured him by means of those innumerable assaults?

497 Cf. Psalm 102:10.

498 Wis. 11:4.
499 Gen. 1:31.
500 Cf. Isaiah, 1:13-14.
501 Cf. Wis. 5:3; 11:23; 12:10; 12:19.
502 Cf. Psalm 51:11; 78:3; 96:10; 115:6; Psalms of Solomon, 9:3; 13:10.
503 Cf. 2 Paralipomenon, 2:13.
504 Cf. Gen. 17:1; Exodus, 21:8; Psalms 55:14; 114:9; Wis. 4:10; 9:10.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 487
Or-Iww- cou/d'"Y~Iuwo6eav~f~lzadnobcal/edib~
eaXdenco9 And [how] that which You have created could have been jointly
maintained ~~wiIIed&F9
!JZJttb~aromar!fid~aI1~ 6eca=oal1&1'tknvaro~ O~
wb !ovo jour!.wuk For to have consideration for those that are under one's
power and not squander them is a token of a most accomplished administration.
If, therefore, with reference to things concerning us (which include the possibility
of leading a spendthrift life), we are able to work out a judicious administration
of them, how could it not be possible for the Guardian and Superintendent of all
things not to be able to enumerate our hairs,Qj and provide for everything con-
cerning not only our mere existence, but also our well-being? And in so far as He
is the fashioner of bodies, the Incorporeal one is par excellence philanthrope and
enamoured with [human] bodies; and with regard to souls, He who is above life is
the one wbhv= otY".wub and is fond of [our] life. Theologians have acclaimed
Him apropos of the instances which betoken His providence and love for us, since
He is both temporal and super-temporal, and He rules temporal things by being
present [in time] while He is also above all time, since He is the creator of all time.
g;-(H<~~~i&iFval1~· which is the same as saying,
You are present in all things and You fill and keep together and maintain all
of them.
~~ onf!p {b!itdo caI1 ~ ~ tIw.= wbfi!1 ~ error;
wherefore, from their little lapsing, You lead them back to the ancient bliss .
..And, uj=v tkir-~~ ~ tknv & ~ tknv &I'jtkir-
duw.l For oftentimes God, out of philanthropy, intermingles His chastise-
ments with our sins for our sake. These [chastisements] are not as austere as to
destroy us completely; instead, they are mild and, as it were, a reminder of our
unlawfulness, so that [out of such reminders] we should corne to our senses
and shrink from evil actions. This is why, whenever we see ourselves being
involved in situations meant to chastise us, we should not disregard them;
instead, we should seek to make out whence is it that these situations befell
us, and seek out emendation of these. For sincere faith in God is not simply
to confess Him, but, along with confession, abiding by His commandments.
g;-(#<~ willed tv- ~ ~ tIzo~ &l'otY"~ eve/V tIzo ancienb
~&I'~Iwf!p~ wIwnv~lzaredfo~tIzonwd~
worh&&I'~ andtmlwff rim<, and~6ei'!!1/merciIe=~&l'c/zit.
~ and~tIzeirj=qj'iciat~ OFV IzunuuvJledvand ~ iFv tIzomidw&l'

505 Cf. Matt. 10:30.

 488 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
~ceremoni=~wirlvtiw-iniriaredandtlzo~tlzabnwrdered~
.wuk - 8& tIzab tIzo kmd, wIzicIv i& tIzo modfrecio= &f'aft iFvfonb &f'~ m&Jw
receiuo{b~~fo§mk~ JV'~y=oparedeve/V
tiw-fro tIw ido!arer.sj =I'wnuuv ~ andy=8efib~ =~ &f'
~~~ b~tIzenv!iulo&!iuIo JV'obtlzaby=werowzablob
kmd~tIzo~~btlzolzam:b&f'tIzo~iFv6aulow<bcrue16ead&
w<bwij=tlzenvottbab(b.urolw&=&f'(b~ora1~aIone. {j(Jab
~~~ujxHvtlzenv!iulo&!iu!e,y=~tlzenvtimob~
~y= wero nob ~ tIzab tIzeir- ~ wa& evil and tIzeir- maIico
~iFvtlzenv andtlzabtlzeir-mind couUnever- ~ 6eca=ot/ucPwerocuv
accur.=d=ed&nco tIw ~ JV'w<wa& ~tIzo~&f'aFff OfiOtlzaby=
~tIzeif&n& EfrW<WIuNUiltteltI'fouJ 'Ultab1uwoy=ckno9 ~wbwiltdand
uFb~~9 O~wbwilt=y=fotlzo~&f'~wIzicIv
y=luwocreared9 ~wbwiltdanduFby=iFv~&f'~=933v
I Efrw<~i& tizeroaFff§od 6eddoy=wb carofoa/4 wb couIdfre=nob
dwar tlzaby=J=&ed~'06 nm<wiltaFff~w<f'p=b60abkb.rebIzi&Jiu:o
~~ ~tiw-tlzaby=luwo~ {j(Jab&ncoy=aroJ=4
y=~aft~J=1y, 6eca=oy=dee=ib~~~b
comienuv ~wb doe&nob ~ b 6o~ Efrw<~~i& tIw
~&f'Judicoand~~~aft~mahe&y=~
btizenvaIL ~y=affl?U~m&Jw~tIzo~&f'~~i&
~ andy=~tIzo~&f'tiw-wbhwar~~507
Now, apropos of another story, he recounts once again God's philanthropy
and His tolerance of those that have erred, and speaks of tlwancienb~
&f'~~!and, that is, the Chananaites, who previously inhabited Palestine.
It is about them that David says, Who smote many nations, and slew mighty
kings,'08 Seon king of the Amorites,'09 and Og king of Basan,'10 and all the
kingdoms of Chana an; and gave their land for an inheritance, an inheritance
to Israel his people.511 Besides, to God, this [land] is Iw{y, since this had been
promised to the forefathers from on high and has been blessed [for them and]

506 The text deviates from the LXX; but this is the text the author quotes also below, and explains it
accordingly.
507 Wis. 12:3-17.
508 Psalm 134:10.
509 Cf. Num. 21:21-33; Deut. 1:4; 2:24-32; 3:2-6; 4:46-48; 31:4; Jesus Nave, 2:10; 9:10; 12:2; Judices,
11:19-21; 2 Esdras, 19:22; Psalms 134:10; 135:19.
510 Cf. Num. 21:4; 32:33; Deut. 3:1-6; 4:46-48; 29:6; 31:4; Jesus Nave, 9:10; 12:5; 13:10; 3 Kings, 4:18;
2 Esdras, 19:22; Psalms 134:10; 135:19.
511 Psalm 134:11-12.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 489
their seed. For He says, And I will give to you and to your seed after you the
land wherein you sojourn, even all the land of Chanaan for an everlasting
possession. 512
~y=lzaredfo~tIzonwd~work&f'~ For
not only were the Chananaites immoderately indulging in carnal obscenity and in
the genuane filthiness along with other unlawful offences, but also they were bound
up with witdu:rg/i and the other kinds of sortilege, whereby they sacrilegiously
offered ~rit= to Cronus and Zeus and l\.1ars, and to the rest of daemons. j1J
~~&f'cIziIdrau For they had reached such an excess of wick-
edness and ungodliness as not to be sparing oftheir own children; but by murdering
them mercilessly by their own hands, they offered them as sacrifice to daemons .
.And~ tIteirj ~~ = I"wnuuvfo/v and 6Iood. This is
a synecdoche for the foregoing [phrase],y= luuedfo~ tIzo mod
~ ~ &f' ~ to which, 'you hated their festal eating
human inward parts, that i~ andWood', should be added. For they were
as inhumane as not to rest content with slaughtering their own children, but, in
addition to that, they cast their own teeth on the fleshes of those, too.
g; tIzo nzidw &f'~ cerenwni= ~ widv tiu= indiared and tIzo
~ tIzab ~ ~.wuk;~ willed t& ~ them ~
tIzo~&f'Oft/<~· that is, those who initiated such a chorus into the
mysteries, and those who carried them out, namely, the murderous sacrifi-
cers and those who perpetrated profane acts and cast off and relinquished
their being~ For how could they possibly be~ of those that they
murdered, once they had forsaken the title 'parent'? Besides, he added, ~­
k=.wuk; in order to scold those who were most miserable, and yet at the
same time both the ~ and murderers of ~.wuk; which does not
happen even with irrational animals. For indeed not even irrational animals
endure killing their own children; instead, all too often do they die while
defending the lives of those. Therefore, once ~ Iuued such people, ~
willedt&~ them ~tIzo~&f'Oft/<~. Following the unlaw-
ful acts by those people, it was God's intention to destroy them altogether
in accordance with His earlier proclamation concerning the possession of
tIzab bnd, which should be allocated to them, so that this mf7Iw receiuo (b

~ ~fo .l7od'", ~ For since this was a holy land,'14

512 Gen. 17:8 & 48:4; cf. Gen. 22:18; 24:4; Ecclesiasticus, 44:21; Acts, 3:25.
513 Cf. Psalm 95:5: 'For all the gods ofthe heathen are daemons.'
514 Cf. Exodus, 3:5; Wis. 12:3; Zachariach, 2:16; Acts, 7:33.
490 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
it was natural for this to receive also the ~ of .l7od'", cIUIdrav. Actually,
not only this, but also he adds the overstatement, tIzo!and; wIUdv;", tIzo mod
freciotwffal1~ff~ on account of the promises and the theophanies
that took place in that land for the sake of the illustrious divine fathers.
JV'~~~eve/VtIuMo/= tIzo~.1 =Iwnuuv~.
Although~ Iuded and willed tv- ~ them, yet, since those people were
just feeble humans tending towards wickedness, you showed mercy to them.
:JIOfV8€Flb~=~ff~~~ For before the
people of God''' were settled, infinite crowds of ~ were sent up, which
destroyed whatever they carne upon.'16
go. ~ tIzenv!iu/o fty!iu/e,. which means that 34r I punishment of them
should not occur straightaway.
JV'obtluw~weroruuzblotv-lumd~tIzo~~tv-tIzo~ ff
tIzo#t==iFv6au/o. For what is that which can be brought about unless God
wills so, who holds the entire universe within the palm of His hand?
Or-tv- crud 6ead& w< tv-wij= tIzenv oub MCbdrohofty = ffCb reIem!e=
orat ~aIon& Instead of [saying] that forthwith or instantly could [God]
destroy all of them completely, by either handing them over to dreadful6ead&
or exterminating them altogetherl17 by a single word out of a decision of His.
{j(JM~~~uj=vtlzenv!iu/oand!iu/e,~~tIzenv
timotv-~ For punishments that corne about !iu/ofty!iu/oto certain people
give those punished the chance to realise their wickedness instead of going on
with that.
~~ wero nob ~ tIuw tkir- ~ wa& eviL This does
not suggest their corning to being; for God created all things intending them
to have the potential to rectitude and salvation, and to be just and righteous.
Instead, [what is meant here] is simply their [quality of] existence that sterns
from their free will .
..And tkir- maIico ~ iFv tknv. That is, instilled into them and never
changing or altered from being maIico
..Andtluwtkir-mind couIdneuer-~· instead, this would remain abso-
lutely immutable and unreceptive to reasoning, which could contribute to real-
isation [of their malice]. How then was it that, although God was aware of these
(namely, that they were unwilling to repent their sins), He~tlzenvtimotv-

515 Cf. Wis. 18:13.

516 Cf. Exodus, 23:28; Jesus Nave, 24:12.
517 Cf. Exodus, 32:12; Lev. 26:44; Deut. 2:15; 7:22; Jer. 9:15; 25:17; Ezekiel, 20:13.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 491
~9 But it is obvious that the case is analogous to that which happens with
the fathers who love their children: once they see their son lying dead, and
being aware that they should escort him to burial into the earth, they postpone
this because of their love; or, in the case of the best of medical doctors: once
they are upon rotten and incurable members that should be mutilated from the
body, very often they postpone this operation and eagerly seek to devise ways
to medicate this. Likewise, the Lord of the universe, although these people are
incurable, by exercising magnanimity and not ~~ iFv tIzo ~
ttMvgf"sinners,518 tolerates the things concerning them for a long time and sees
through things that can possibly happen to them.
{j(J=t/ucPwer0aFVaccur=d.reed&ncotlzo~ For they were
descendants of Ham, who had been cursed by his father Noah'" for his stub-
born hardihood and insolent officiousness.
ffwcaJa& ~tIzo~ gf"my tIzab~fo6oro ~&n& For whom
(}flO

could You possibly be afraid of, once the entire universe shivers out of fear for
You, and your mere looking upon the earth makes it tremble?'lO
fftwcwlw-wilttd11'fouf, WIuzbIuwo~dono9 Or-wlw-wiltdaFlduj>to-~
~ and to whatever You might bring upon according to your verdict?
Or- wIw- wilt accEl8O~fo tIzo ~ gf"~ wIUdv~ Iuwo
creaLed9 Or-wlw-wiltdaFlduj>to-~(instead of saying, 'shall stand up to You
face to face'?) iFv~gf"~=9 For since You punish them
justly, no one wiltdaFlduj>to- You upon their trial.
fftwc~i&tIzeromy§od6e&do~wIw- car0foaIL For who else other
than~ would Cil/'0fo our affairs, since You are the only Creator of these
and You administer them in a way which is both fatherly and philanthropic?
Therefore, there no other"! §od6e&do~ nor anyone else cares more about us.
Wfw. couIdj>re=moto-dwar tIzab~J=&ed~9'22 And not only any
of those in heavens; for He is their Creator, too; but also [no one] from those
on the earth.523
ffwcwilt my ~ wcftfraFlb60 abIoto-.rebIu"&Ji"u:o ~~ ~­
~tIuMotlzab~luwo~ {j(Jttb&nco~a/'0J=4~~aIL

518 Cf.Wis. 1:13: 6 ®,soc; ... 0'0 T.spm:t"at fn' Cmco)".stc;tSruVTCOV.

519 Cf. Gen. 9:24-25.
520 Cf.Psalm 103:32: 6 bttj3A,S1tCOV bd ,[flv yf1v mi 1toliOv aD,[~v TP-S).1.stV.
521 Cf.Exodus, 20:3; Daniel, 3:96.
522 The text deviates from that of LXX.
523 Cf. Exodus, 20:4; Deut. 4:39; 5:8; 30:12; 3 King, 8:23; Psalm 113:11; Jesus Nave, 2:11; 2
Paralipomenon, 6:14; Daniel, 6:28; Matt. 6:10; 18:18.
492 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
~~ 6eca=~deenvib~~f>ow-w~~­
OflOwh&doe&nob~w60~ Instead, the case is that such a
man will receive infinite times as much in relation to that which he hoped
for, and [will inherit] eternal life. 524 For it is definitely a characteristic of a
might [man] to defend himself unrestrainedly against those who maltreated
him. By contrast, it is characteristic of a weak [man] to try to assault those who
did not do him any harm. Therefore, it is ~ God's more-than-infinite
power w~those who doFWb~w60~
g;-(H<~f>ow-i&tIzo~~ This is the first premiss to be
taken for granted, since God is just,525 although He is more mighty than anyone
else. For to be the supreme Ruler and Administrator of all things iFv~
ne=J26 is tIzo~~.

.And~~~aI1~nuzk&~~wtknva1t.
This is the second premiss to be taken for granted, 34v I since He is both
the Creator and Lord of all things. Therefore, He who is Just and Lord for that
matter could never punish those wb do nob~w60~
g;-(H<~wieId~mf!1Iwwlz=tIzo~&I'~~i&~
For whosoever is unable to comprehend the greatness of such a power because
of its excess, he doubts its magnitude, not because one thinks of it as nonexistent
(which is but suffering the worst sort of disbelief), but because one is unable to
grasp it, wherefore one is exceedingly astonished and therefore incredulous .
.And~~tIzo~&fiIu-wbhwar~~ Heirnplies
those giants of old,527 those who later considered building a city as towering as
reaching the heaven,513 the Sodomites,529 the Egyptians, and countless others.
~~ar0~~~j=wer;~J=ifowidv~and
~=widv~~ g;-(H<~~wiII,~ca/V
~ ib. !J6cY ac/&.udv <= tIzo=~ ~~j=op!o tIzab 'fi=b nuuv
dwu/d 60~· and~ mado~ = ~ ~ ujxHv
~~~ /timofir/ ~ g;-(H<f~~widv.udv~
caro and~ ~ ~' enenzi= wh& de.rerued deadz, and
~ ~ tknv &~ tknv~ and.rf=ce; ~ t/ucP wou/d
cfoo ~Jro= ~ widv Iwar~ ~ did~
524 Cf. Matt. 19:29.
525 Cf. 2 Kings, 2:2 (Odae, 3:2); Psalms 7:12; 114:5; Daniel, 9:14.
526 Cf. Wis. 9:3.
527 Cf. Gen. 6:4; 14:5; Num. 13:36; Deut. 1:28; Jesus Nave, 12:4; 2 Kings, 21:11&22; et passim (Job,
Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, Isaiah , Ezekiel,); cf. Wis. 14:6.
528 Cf. Gen. 11:4.
529 Cf. Gen. 13:13.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 493
J=&o~=8Ofi&; widvwlw"o~~tooIvoadwam:tmado~
ff~~/~ ~~~U&;~Jl1y~enemi=
(b~ time& =nwdz, iFv orhtlud; ~W0~ W0nuw~iFvmind
~~ am:t~W0~a/'0~ W0nuweap=~j30
Once again, he ponders God's philanthropy further, notably, that although
He is a power surpassing any power, He does not inflict punishment on offend-
ers straightaway, and says this:~~a/'0~~~jwwer;
~J=&o widv ~ and do not retribute each one in accordance with your
might, nor do You measure their offences commensurately with your power.
Instead, You, who have brought instantaneously all things into being out of non-
being, and have the power also, if you will, to transform everything or indeed
even to cause things to perish altogether, judge widv~~
proportionately to human weakness, by granting deferment of chastisements .
..And~~=widv~~· similarly to the case
of someone who preserves diligently a convex lens of crystal, which one hap-
pened to possess, lest out of negligence that fall and perish by banging into
some hard [object or surface]; instead, he handles this by using material which
is more soft, as, for example, a spider-like cloth, or something smoother than
that. Likewise,~ ~= widv a~~which is as
much great and of such a kind.
g;-(H<~~wiII,~ ca/V~it, since You are the One
who can always do any thing, You are youself Power per se and infinitely
omnipotent.
{j(JcYa<!W=cIv=tIzo=~~~~. that is, [acts] which You
manifest day after day, out of your mercy for us.
:3hab'l:J=bFJUlFVdwuU60~ For it is befitting justice to admin-
ister the punishments for the faults that one has committed by forthwith mea-
suring out the pertinent responsibilities. On the other hand, it is characteristic of
philanthropy to tolerate and not to retribute straightaway, and to devise all sorts
of ways for the object of love to arrive at salvation. Thus, God shows to us that
He is both of these, since the same One becomes both Just and Philanthrope .
..And~mado~=1z#d; that is, those who have become your
sons in accordance with the promise given to Abraham.531
{j(Je<XUl8ej ~~~~/timo,fir/repentafiCo; and You tolerate the
transgressors by granting them time in order to be saved.

530 Wis. 12:18-22.

531 Gen. 22:17.
494 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
g7(H<jI'~ jxuUdzed widv =cIv~ caro~ cIzi/drend enenzi=,. that
is, the Chananites rIzab dorerued deadz.; on account of their profligacies and
infantacides and idolatries, whereby they should incur a myriad of deaths,
and~8eFlb~=~532 so that, once they received that minor
instruction by means of those [wasps], they should return to You and You
should heal them.'"
hzd~~tlzenv35r I &~tIzenv~and~ ~
t/ucPwouIdfieo~fo-nvwichedne-. For this was the way for them to
be saved, although they were not aware of this: unless God saved them, they
would have perished. For this is what He did also in the case of Adam: although
at a later stage he transgressed the law, nevertheless, [the Scripture] says, and
delivered lu"nvfo-nv Iu& = ~534 wherefore the commandment
itself that had been given to him could also effectuate this.
Wdlvfww.~~did~J=f!ro~==IFor if you
granted so many things (that is, forbearance) unto the impious, how could You
not judge with thorough lenience and graciousness those who venerate You
and dare call You 'father', whom You care for and indeed call 'sons', [accord-
ing to sayings, such as] I said, you are gods and sons of the Most High,535 or,
Once the sons of God saw that the daughters of men were beautlful?,36
WdIv~~~tooIvoadwandmado~ff~fro=-
1.=&1 That is, with Abraham. For He says to Isaac, By myself I have sworn
said the Lord;537 In blessing, I shall bless you, and in multiplying I shall
multiply your seed. 538 For He says, 'the sworn compact that I have estab-
lished with your father Abraham, this oath will establish with you, too' and
I shall multiply your seed as the stars of the heaven. 539 [Moreover, he says]
to Jacob: I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac your father. Fear
not! For the land whereon you are now sleeping, to you shall I give it, and
to your seed. 540
~ ~~~ll8j that is, as a loving father~chOU/'"
en.enzi=""nwriadtim.e&=nw.cIv. And if this is how He treats those [enemies]

532 Wis. 12:8.

533 Cf. Isaiah , 6:10 (quoted in Matt. 13:15 and Acts, 28:27); 19:22; Jeremiah, 3:22.
534 Wis. 10:1.
535 Psalm 81:6, partially quoted in John, 10:34.
536 Gen. 6:2.
537 Gen. 22:16; Jer. 22:5 ; 30:7.
538 Gen. 22:17; quoted in Reb. 6:14.
539 Gen. 22:17.
540 Gen. 28:13; cf. Gen. 3:6, quoted in Matt. 22:32.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 495
while remaining philanthrope towards them, how much [more] is this philan-
thropy granted upon us, who are chastised far less [than those] for that matter?
.'YFvorhtlud; wIzav=~ =nuw~iFvnWu:t~~ This
is the reason why we have been granted philanthropy, which is infinitely more
than that which the impious have received, namely, in order that, by cease-
lessly reflecting upon~~ we should scrutinise ourselves in light
of all the benefactions that we have been favoured with by You. This is how,
wIzav=~W'0J'«&edand scrutinise our own conduct, =nuwear=
~ that is, the most expeditious help from You.
~ :J/mvtunnenkd~~~tIuMo~
wIw- led (b {fo &I"~ [Y(H< tIucF
WGlb ~fo ~ tIzo j=dz& &I"

~ ~=~eve/VtIzon=b~animd&; tIu=~6eav
deceiued!ikfolidv~ ~ =~~cIUIdren,~8eFlb
oub J'fotw/~ = (b ~ {j(Jub = tIucF Iuwo nob COfllO to- ~
= #-(bf42!id ~ tlucFdza/1 ~ ~ 6;efo-
~ Pod. [Y(H< ujxHv ~~ tIucF
wero ue=d ub tIuMo /~.1 wIzidv
tlucFtooIv=~wMo~~~ {j(Jub=tlucF6ekId~
wIwnv~ tIucF
denied to- ~ ~~ tIucF tIzo =
truoPod. :3hWi&wIy~~wa& cu/nWuued.541

The deviation of reverence from the Creator to the creatures has been mul-
tifariously contrived by the originator and guide and maker of this [aberration,
i.e. the devil ~ the author of falling astray]. Accordingly, he beguiled some peo-
ple so as to revere the nature of the stars; others, [to revere] either the heaven
and fire, or the heaven alone, or [the heaven] along with the moon, or any other
star, e.g. that of the Aphrodite or of Hermes; others still [he beguiled] so as
to [revere] inanimate things, and demoted some others as much as to venerate
things made of stone or of clay. There are also other people whom [the devil]
misled towards [worshipping] animals, and degraded others to [deifying] the
paltriest of those [animals]. Now, this wise man [sc. Solomon], wishing to
inveigh their imposture, argues jointly against them all. Nevertheless, he makes
an additional special reference to those who have been convinced to deify the
most loathsome of animals, and says, ~ tIuMo ~ wIw- led
{fo{b~ and in general have conducted a licentious life which seeks
carnal pleasure alone. And:J/mv tunnenkd ~ ~ ~ tIuMo
who have established =~ the most contemptible 35v I of insects. For what
You brought about as punishment on them was but those [animals] themselves,

541 Wis. 12:23-27.

496 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
which it would have been natural to be most well-disposed towards those peo-
ple, who worshipped them [as gods].
g;-~t/ucPweFlb ~fo ~ tIzojudlw ff~· which stands for
saying that those of the otherwise impious and led astray from the straight
way, who worshipped the sun or any similar massy creature, weFlb ~
~ So much so, that they tooh.=~euen-tIzonzo,W~ofthose
aninuzk, that is, gnats and flies and mosquitos and ~ 542 and other similar
ones, which were far more ~because of their paltriness.
~ ~ 6e= deceived Iihofiolidv~· because that was similar
to what happens with those playing infants, who simulate building houses
or navigations or husbandmen, or even they stage weddings of people sup-
posedly being married, whereby they take pleasure at purportedly procuring
children or marrying women.
~ = ~ w-fioIidv clU/dren;y=.reFlb oubJYourl~
=""~ For You did not bring against them any horrific animals, which
could terrify even men. Instead, by mocking them as if they were cIU/dren;
You frightened them by means of the paltriest of animals, as ones that were
absolutel~ and unable to make out the difference between those which
they revered and those by means of which they were punished.
{j(Jub = t/ucP Iuwo nob como w- tIzeir.= [J/ier- ""J4ttIid ~
Instead, upon those [warnings] they acted more foolishly than children, which
are chastised by fearing even playful apparitions staged to them. But those peo-
pleluwonobcomow-tlzeir.=even byJ4ttlid~ namely, the~
~dud1~~~§od,. which stands for saying
that they shall undergo an experience which will be a sort of punishment by
God, which indeed they suffered when they were utterly destroyed by the Jews.
g;-~ujwFv tIzeir.~ t/ucP wero uea:a4 that is, at the time when they
were cast down by the ~ and the rest of the paltry animals.
htlw=I~J wlUdvt/ucPtook as gods wIU/o~~~
This stands for saying that, atthe time when they were subject to mistreatment by
those who were deified by those people and would have been expected to display
a more favourable comportment to them, it carne about that t/ucP ~=
tIzotruo§od~wIwnv~t/ucPdeniedw-~ This is also what
the Egyptians realised'43 among circumstances that was impossible for them to
escape from. For while they were in the sea, with their encampment thrown

542 Wis. 12:8.

543 Cf. Psalm 63:10.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 497
into confusion and their chariot wheels being clogged and constrained and
hardly being moved and steered, the actualisation of evils caused them to
repent; hence, they said, Let us flee from the face of Israel, for the Lord fights
for them against the Egyptians.'44 However, they did not repent as much as to
enjoy something beneficial that could befall them, because they were already
involved in impure action; neither did the Chananites derive any profit,'" who
were already entrapped in predicament, although t/ucP~tlwtruo.l7od
wIwnv~t/ucPdenied~
:37twi&wIy~~wa&~ at the time when God's
decision against them was implemented. For prior to such a [decision], and
while we are experiencing situations of mild chastisement, it is possible for us
to revert to reverence of God, which is how we would avert [such a decision].
However, if we remain negligent amid those [situations of mild chastisement],
the cu/nWuued implementation of that [decision] will overtake us, and any
subsequent avidity will bring about no profit to us.
[Y(H< aI1 rI=o /ne/V b wIwnv.l7od wa& ~ wer0~ & naLure,
andJro=tlwuMiblo~~t/ucPdidFWb~bJerceiuotlw rYnowb
truftF~ ~didt/ucP~tIw~&~inLof~Jwork.
g~ wluwt/ucPtooIv=~~~tlwwor!dwa&~Jiro(H<wind
(H<=tf/i ,w(H<tIw ~nzotioFv e/~ (H<~~(H< ~

e/tIw~ !JZJttbjl't/ucPtooIvrl=o<l&~6eca=ot/ucPwero~&
~~ 36r I febtknvlYww-/warmudv~btlzo=tIw~u, &nco
ib wa& tIw ~ e/!JZJ~ ik#tIzab ca=ed tknv b eaXd. .AndjI' t/ucP
werodunFled ttb ~mf!1Iw and ufrur; feb tknv afro!x= e/tknv reako /war
mudv~~~i& [Y(H<tIw~e/~~i&j>erceived
iFvduo~btlw~and6eauye/rI=o~ ~
tlw6lamoj>ttb=tIzo=i&!iu/e, &ncot/ucPCY0nudedwlU/o~46 ~
.l7od and ~ bJind~ [Y(H< t/ucP.warcIv & ~ iFv~ ~
andaro~&tlwui=a1~Url=o~J, on&6eca=otlw
~t/ucP8e0aro6eau(flid. ~~ t/ucPCY0~ to&. [Y(H<jI'
t/ucP Iuwo 6e= abIo b ~ tlzabmudz, 8& <1& b maho ottb~&IJ
tIzi& world, /war i& ib tIzab t/ucP didFWb ~tIw~e/rI=o/~J
~p47

544 Exodus, 14:23-25.

545 Cf. Exodus, 23:23; 23:28; 34:11; Deut. 7:1; 20:17: Jesus Nave, 16:10; 17:13; Judices, 1:27-30; Osee,
4:18; Zachariah, 11:11.
546 See the author's analysis infra, p. 500: The term 'perchance)should be understood as associated
with 'seeking God), not to they are misled).
547 Wis. 13:1-9.
498 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
After having set at naught those who deify the paltry things, only to pro-
cure from those but their punishment,548 and naturally so, now, he launches
a more vigorous attack on those who rebuff piety towards God. 549 And in
addition to them, [he set at naught] also those who appeared as having been
deceived by rIzo~ of certain creature& and diverted [their] worship to
them. This is why he says, g;-(H<aI1tiuMo=to-wlwnv§odw=~wer0
~ & ~ That is, aI1 tiuMo = who have ignored God and substi-
tuted reverence to Him for reverence to creatures are ~ & naLur0 and
witless; and even if they posited a certain difference between their objects of
reverence, they may perchance have devised something which is superior,55O
and mulled over that and resolved that this should be venerated .
..Andfionvrlzouidblo~~~didFWb~to-Jerceiuorlzo CIno
wIw- truftF~. Hence, the more they were intellectually elevated to some-
thing which is loftier, and yet subsequently they did not advance to true com-
rehension of its Creator, the more do they deserve censure. For although all
those [creatures] stood in front of their eyes (1 mean the heaven and earth, and
the pattern and orderly arrangement of the universe), they turned out unable to
get a grasp of the truly existing God, who created those ex nihilo.
vt'(H<did~~rIzo~by delving in£o./~.1 worI= That is,
the orderly motions of the elements and the regular rotations of stars (which
appear to us as ostensibly being disorderly motions, but in fact all of them are
set so as to be orderly ones),551 as well as the either mild or bad temperaments
of winds in our environment, and the rest of [phenomena] that take place day
in day out, thus demonstrating the nature of their Artificer, who administered
all of these skillfully.
g-~ wIzab~tooIv=~~rIzoworfdw=~fo(H<wind
(H<=j/iaif. For it is such kinds of things that those who perhaps sought a more
accomplished state of mind venerated: some of them [revered.ifo'e; others, a
~ as, for example, either the north wind or the south one, or some sort of
blast of those which move into the air, or the =j/i aU< itself, which is charac-
terised =j/i because of its perpetual motion.

548 Wis. 16:9.

549 There a shift frtom the Singular oT]).1toUPYTlJ.illTOC; to the Plural 1tpOC; uVea (meaning, 'ret
OT]J.1lODPy!']J.illTU, i.e. different manifestations of Creation that were deified by the heathen).
550 E.g. the Anaxagorean Nous, the Stoic Logos, etc.
551 Once again , one can see that the author writes confidently as a learned astronomer, which
Nikephorus Gregoras also was.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 499
Or-tIzo~nwtioFve/~, which also form the specific signs of the
Zodiac.
O~~waler; such as those which spring forth from the Kastalia.552
Or- ~ e/tizokaven,· that is, the two main ones, namely, the sun
and the moon. Once they chose them, ~toohthose "",~~~tIzo
world, indeed governors and superintendents and the ultimate administrators
of the things that happen among us.
{jZJubf ~ tooh tIw"o "'"~ 6eca=o ~ wero endwd/ed & tkir-
6eauy. Hence, those that engaged in such a sort of worship incurred a twofold
ignorance: of them, the more unreasoning ones who deemed the ~ of the
elemenk!53 alone, tooh tIw"o "'"~ whereas those who had a more inquis-
itive mind and focused their attention to the functions and activities of those
[elements], ended up in the same delusion. 36v I Therefore, the great [Solomon]
disparaging both of them, says,f~W0'0 endwd/ed & tkir-~ and by
the exceedingly bright shining of their light and by everything else concerning
their splendour, and ~toohtlw"o"",~ on that account, and resolves, feb
tknv IYww-Iwar mudv ~ to- tIzo= tIzo ~ u, who embellished them
with such a 6eauy. and endowed them with order and elegance.
J'lFlC0lbw= tIzo~e/{jZJ~ik#tIzab ca=edtknvto-eaXd. That is
to say, the Creator of all {jZJeauftf:; both of the super-celestial one and that which
exists among us, whereby these [things that were taken as gods] are said to be
beautiful on account of their participation in this [beauty], ca=edtknvto-e.xid
and produced them out of non-being. And if those people were~ubtkir­
mf!1Iw and ~ and their apparent administration of our affairs by causing
things to corne about with respect to decays and generations, or growths and
decreases, and at those [sc. heavenly bodies] that [assumably] effectuate this or
that result by means of their motions [in the heaven], febtknv~e/tknv
reakolwarmudv~tkir-~i& For if the entire universe (which
performs infinite times as much movement) returns to the same setting within
the time of one day only, how much more motile should be the One who cre-
ated this movement [of the universe]? And if, by means of one and the selfsame
power, the sun causes some plants to grow and some others to decay, and some
things to melt and others to dry up, and some things to be viviparous and fertile
while it makes others insipid and barren, Iwar mudv ~ should be its [sc.
the sun's] Creator, Who endowed this with such an energy? And if this visible

552 The spring ofthe Muses on Mount Parnassus.

553 Cf. Wis. 7:17.
500 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
magnitude of the universe surpasses our intellectual capacity to such an enor-
mous extent, /war macIv more exceedingly great would He, who brought this
into existence by His word alone, appear to be?
[Y(H< tIzo~ ff tIzeif ea:idenco i& Jerceiued iFv duo~ w tIzo
~and6eauyfftiuMocreaEzw<e& For anyone should be and portrayed
in proportion to the things that one is able to do. Thus, the deeds of those who
can do great and superior things, are great; but the works of those who are pal-
try are paltry. Therefore, it is iFvduo~ that we account for the Creator
of all things, and we are amazed by His exceedingly great and beauty-creating
power out of tIzo~and6eauyofthe visible things. And just as it is
impossible to see with one's eyes either the entire universe at one go, or behold
by one's mind the supramundane one, likewise, it is not possible to contem-
plate the power of the Creator of those. Therefore, we advance from them to
His impenetrableness iFvduo~ Nevertheless, even if it were possible
for us to grasp these things to some degree, it could be impossible to get any-
where or grasp even a modicum of that more-than-infinitely-powerful power.
And notice that he calls Him both ~and Creator.554 Therefore, He is not
only tIzo~&f1:heir ~ but also the Creator of their existence itself.
.'YCOweuer; tIzo 6Iamo j>ub = tIzo= i&!iuk That is, on those who were
deluded whereby they worshipped the most massive of creatures.
J'lFlCO ~ aromided wMo~~ Pod and ~ wJind
~ The term ~ should be understood not as attached to nuded.
Instead, these people are definitely mided while ~ they seek God
among those creatures, which they take as more marvelous and more effec-
tive, and they W'0~~~thence. For they arrive at a vague con-
ception and think that God is a bulky thing.
[Y(H<~=zrcIv&~iFv.'J"{WworI= That is, [they engage] in probe
of the action of heavenly bodies, as well as in tracing out their movements
and certain mutual concords and causative influences by them. Nevertheless,
this could be granted a certain excuse, because they engage iFv probing God's
worh&; not the human things, even though they fancy them [sc. the heavenly
bodies] as being gods themselves .
..Anda/'0overtah=&tIzouMua1~UtiuMoworkJ, onf!p6eca=o
tIzo~~.reoW'06eauf!1id And yet, [when they consider the influence of
the sun on earthly things], they have recourse to such explanations as thatthe sun

554 Wis. 13:3.

 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 501
is not favourable, or not bulky, or not speedy, j j j 37r I [and likewise, the sun
is] not so much this or so much that, with reference to its influence on natural
phenomena.
~ ~ tIucP ( y O ~ and not exempt from censure, even
though, compared with those who acted profanely in different ways, these had
been less impious.
g;-(H<j/"tlucPluwo6e=abIoto-~tlzabmudz, ==to-malwoubfoowt-
e4o&IJtlu&wor!d. Which means, this is as far as their knowledge went from
their delving into those things: for example, about the eternal and immutable
life, or the immortality of soul or of other intelligible things, as well as all
those things that coexist in this world. Therefore,j/"tIucP Iuwo 6e= abIo to-
~tlzabmudz, kw-';"tbtlzabtlucPMnob~~the Ruler of this
world, who eternally governs and influences this [world]?
{i(Jub wreLdzed are, and ~ Iwpe& ( y O .reb OFV dead ~ rI=o wIzo.

enrided~ tIzo ~ ('/I'wnuuv 1uuuI&;~ and~~ widv~

and ~ ('/aninuzI&; (H< (b~ doFlej tIzo worIv ('/aFV ancienb
Iumd. g;-(H<~j/"=wIzo.';"6orIv~and~ #-Izo
Iuz& = - ~ {btreo ~ to- worIv inW; and~df"~ tIzo 6arh
aliround, andluz&~tb~ andfirmed{b~tkreetfofo
tIzo ~ ~ and #-~ con=med tIzo cad-df"jXe= ('/IU& worIv iFv
orhto-fre!=rofiodh~ 'l:foej, lzoaroJidL JV'~ Izotoolv{b
cad-df"jXeco ('/tIw.w, wIzidv =rued to- /W" =e, croohedjXeco ('/wood and
(b

P ('/~ and, ub timo wIz= Izo wa& ~ tdk; Izo ccuved tb widv
(b

tIzo~('/IU&~ andwidvlU&dUI/ed ~Izomadotb

~tIzo~('/{bman;· (H<1zo~=~aninudoub('/tIud;
~tb~widv~and~tbredwidvr{yoand~~
..And wIz= Izo!tad mado (b ~Pfo i4 Izo.reb
daUv tIzereUv. widv itfow
ir=OFV{bwa!1. ~ Izofrooidedfoi4 =tlzabtbmf!llwnobPdown, 6eca=o
Izohneartlzabtlu&/inur!feI wa&unabIoto-.reb~~tIu&,;" 6ttbaFV~
and,;" ik#iFv need('/~ .'JiOweuer; Izo,;" nob adtamed to- ~ = iFv=-
inu:do ofjec4 wlz=1zo~ /to- it/folU&~ andfolU&~
and cIUIdren, andfolzeaUlz, lzo~tlzabwlzidv';"weah~Izo=kfof!li
tlzabwlzidv,;"ku4Izo~foaidtlzabwlzidv';"tIzomod~· andfo{b
/"[Jfo~tlzabwlzidv';"unabIoto-=d&=fo ..And~wIzero.
widudand=iFvlU&~and~ Izo~fo~
tIzab wIzidv,;" tIzo mod imf=tenb to- tb cuy ~ widv ir& Izamk 556

555 See endnote ccxlii to the Greek text.

556 Wis. 13:10-19.
502 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
He contrasts the beliefs of the impious and their grotesque venerations of
the objects they worshipped. He did so in the first place by ridiculing those
who deified~ insects; next, by denouncing those who engaged in some-
what loftier speculations and censuring those who worshipped the bulkiest
of creatures instead of venerating God. Subsequently, now he superlatively
sets at naught those who strayed into deifying artifacts, and says this: {j(Jub
tfH'dcIted are, and ~ Iwpe& CY0.reb = dead~. For as regards other
objects of reverence, some of them, even though they were completely pal-
try,557 nevertheless, they had been animate for a certain while during a pre-
vious time. As for the [people] who were swayed by tho~and power of
creatures, although those were but creatures made by the l\1aker of all things,
nevertheless, this sort of delusion deserved some excuse, since [those who
worshipped them] mostly chewed over God's works. 37v I As for those sunk
into such a foolishness so as to not be ~ for deifying things that they
had produced with their own hands and out of nothing, what could be possibly
said which would befit their wretchedness? For they are tfH'dcIted indeed, and
since their earnest ho,Po for receiving whatever they prayed for relies on those
that are deadand nonexistent, this [hope] is deadand abominable, too.
~ wIzo. eFUitIed~ tho work ff I'wnuuv Iuuui&;. for indeed, some-
times [they entitled gods work made] by their ownluuui&; not ones of old.
§oIdand~~wdlvdUll, which though are but ornate products of
trained craftsmanship from garnished~ or even ~
..And~ff~ (H<,,"wortlde&MWFlej· which is what all of
those that are~ of this sort are. So is any objec!fo0'edwdlvdUll, so as to
be artful, or ~ ffcertain ~ as, for example, men or dogs
or owls, or anything of the sort, all of which though were but~done;·
and that stone was of some value only insofar as this was carved, but other-
wise this was worthless and unprofitable.
g;-(H<~f=wIzo.i& 6otIvwoodnuuvand ~ By means
of additional arguments, he fleshes out his scorn for those who worshipped
idols, by explaining how was it that those were devised in the first place, nota-
bly, that «lob were initially made of some sort of worthless material. And right
form the beginning, he saysJ=wIzo.i&6otIvwoodnuuvand~
since there are some people who are woodmen but they are not carpenters,
such as those who cut trees on the mountains, yet they are unable to construct
skillfully a throne or a bed or a table.

557 Cf. Wis. 11:15; 13:14.

 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 503
~1zo1za&.utWFVdm-,,"treo~wworIvinW;· that is, a tree which is
straight and easy to work.
hut~ff~tIzo6arlval1 ~in a very elaborate manner.
He says all of these in order to reprehend more sharply the foolishness of those
who devoted themselves to those [idols]. First, a ~and~saws
down a well-tilled treoin order to use it to any purpose he wishes; then comes
~ its 6arIv aI1 round,. following these, once he Iza& ~ ib Iumd-
~ he forms ""~tIzereef"ftfotlzof!fo~nea&, namely, a house, or a
drinking-cup, a pestle, or any other thing serving to the needs of our f!fo. As
for tIzo ca&b-ff,bt&= &f"ht& worIv and any leftover from the use of that ~
[J/ter- ~ ~ tIzo ca&b-ff,bt&= &f"ht& worIv I/v order- w fre!xu'o
cflodh~'tfirej, lzoatoJidL That is to say, once he constructed some
[vessels] that were smaller and sold them to those that wished to buy them,
which secured him plenty of food, lzoatoJidi; by which he [Solomon] definitely
means to demonstrate that it was the state of being free from care and idle that
led to ~&f"idob. 558
JV'~ ,,"ca&b-fffXe=&f"~· that is, the leftover of the cast-off
pieces, wIUdv=ruedwFlO"tMej and was but ,,"croohedfXe=&f"woodandJidi
&f"hnot&. For this is what the leftovers from woods usually are.
§{otoolvandcaruedibwd/vtlzo~&f"ht&~ 559 He set out
to do so as a secondary business, as some sort of game.
hut wd/v ht& dUlled ~ ab "" tim.o ~ Izo wa& ~ tdk
For once someone is free from mundane business, he gets himself busy about
dainty occupations; wherefore he [Solomon] said, Izo carved, Izo~ Izo
nuukib~ Izonuukibliho. By keeping on using such terms, he defi-
nitely is engaged in nothing other than demonstrating that, 38r I in the first
place, this [idol] was but a figment of [the craftsman's] imagination, and that it
had been accomplished in accordance with the craftsman's will, and this [idol]
itself was but that which he willed.
~ ib over-wd/v ~ and ~ ibredwd/v ~ That is, by
painting the entire image, which he fashioned with red and white colours, he
rendered the body of that analogously to that which he had imagined.
hut ~ ~ daiFv tkrein.,. which it had because of the wood's
worthlessness, that is.

558 Cf. Wis. 14:12.

559 'with the diligence of his work': The commentary has it fpyucriru; mJ-rou, whereas the foregoing
biblical quotation reads UpyliC; UUTOD. Both versions are known LXX alternatives.
 504 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
hut wIzav Ilo !tad nuuk (b ~Jibfo ilj. which stands for saying,
once he confined this to its own cIuzmber; Ilo&eb ~ = (bwa/1by nailing
this widviron, whereby Ilofrooidedfoibso tkwib~remain standing and
nobfi!1doaHv. Now, what was the motive for him to infix this firmly Yv(bwa/1
widviron, and take every care so tkwib~nobfi!1dm-9 Definitely, it was
nothing other than 6eca=o Ilo hnear tkw tIzi& /~ wa& ruuzb/o to-&eb ik#
~ since this was ~ and bereft of any understanding of either remain-
ing standing or falling down. Therefore, the case was rather that he sought
to position that as it is befitting ~ things, all of which are apt to occupy
positions in accordance with their downward tendency.
:For- tIzi& i& 6ub = ~ and i& ik# Yv need ff~· which is tanta-
mount to saying that this is ~ and unable to master itself. For this is how
these things are made by nature; and this is their inherent impotence, which
is betrayed to be so by no other than those who constructed them, and painted
them and set them fixed in one way or another. And here is the extent of fool-
ishness at which even those who fashioned these [idols] arrived and ipso facto
knew of the worthlessness and weakness of those that they manufactured and
set fixed. As for [the phrase], wIzav they pra.Yfo'- their ~ and mar-
~ and ~ they are nob adtamed to addre= in.an.inzaID objects, this
has been explained evocatively and articulately by means of the arguments of
both those'60 who wrote about this in their treatises, and by the rest of the great
[Solomon's] words: they are nobadtamedwhen they pray to them and entreat
succour by those that are of such a quality.
~ 0fl0~ ~ to- &eb =it and aboub to-/== ~ tIzo
~aHZV0l"j invohe& (bjXe= ffwoodwlzidv i& FJWr0Jlawed tIuuv tIzodUp- tkw
carri= Izinv. :For- wIzab deui.red tkwJiIz# wa& ~ fffrefib and ib wa& tIzo
~ ~tkw6uilbib. .'YCxveuer; ibi&~~ O:FatIzor, tkw
~ ib. :For-~ Iuwo nuuk (b =w Yv tIzo = and (b "&Ii j>adv ~ tIzo
aHZV0l"j ~~ dwwed tkw~ ca/V&woJ'i=v '"Y /~ euenff t ·

dUp-i&6oarded&/=undUI/ed~ hut~wi/ti&tkwtlzoworl.&ff~
~ dwuU nob 60 tdk ~ = tr=b fkir. ~ even widv (b u€{y
&na!1jXe= ffwoocb, and Iuwo=ruiued, euenf~jx=ed ~ (b 6iIIoar.
:For-/evenJa£tIzo~ wIzav~~wer0~andtlzolwj=
fftlzowor!dtoolv~Yv{brg/t; ib/= tIzolwpej~to-tIzowor!d.wedff
fow-J~ w&6eca=/tIzi&F[JIfj!tad6eav~&~1zand. :For-

560 The author has in mind Origen, the sole author who quoted and commented on Wis. 13:17-18
(eels, VI.l4). See endnote cc1iii to Greek text.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 505
6le&wdi&tIzowood~wlzidvJudicoi&don& ~ tlzabwlzidvi&mado
&~/= =ido§'i&cur=d=macIv=lwtlzabmadoir, ~ ~ib
ax=lwtlzabmadoir, tIzo~/~ax=namedcrd. [Yw<6oriv=1mfX-
=andlzi&imlx0tl8Fl=MY'0~Izart/id&hl7od; 38v I and~6orivtlzab
wlzidvluz& 6eavmadodzal160~ ~wdIv tIzoOfiOwbmado ib. ~
i& ~ jZ7od'.sj ~wi/160 ~uj=Fv tIzo idob &f'tIzo~foanzidw
§od~~ t/ucP1uwo6ecomo=~and~wlzunuuv.wuk
and (b~W tIzofo &f'tIzoJVolidv. [yw<tIzo~j=fflb ~ax=
tIzoinuenLionfidol&; andtlzo~&f'tlzenvi& ~&f'f!fo [Y(H<~
did t/ucP e.ridJi'onv tIzo~ fi(H<dzaI1t/ucPI=b~561,562
Again, he says similar things, speaking of ~ ~w.reb
0fi0

=it. For such an expression has been used in reference to those who are about
to be put to the test and tried out
hut aboub W !== ~ tIzo ~ wave&; considering the rough
waters and the consequent tumult that befall those that sail therein,
Ynuohe& (bjXeco &f'wood wIzidv i& FJWr0Jlawed tIuuv tIzo# tIzab caffl=
fum, namely, the wooden carved image, which is far FJWr0Jlawed tIuuv that
which was used for the construction of tIzo#, in so far as that [sc, a ship] was
devised for the ways which have been deemed advantageous to us, of which he
speaks, For, first and foremost, a ship is built out of dedrofo~ and once
tIzo~ WMdonv engaged in this, she elevated it to an artifact by having
devised all those admirable things that make up a ship,
~ ibi&~~ O[Yadzer; tIzab~iqwhichmeans,
You have made this base [sc, the sea] for us, so that it can uphold this corporeal
bulk of ours, which [otherwise would be] impossible to happen, which demon-
strates the immensity of Your administration,
[Y(H<~hauomado{b~t/vtlzo=(which is made so as to be walked
into by human nature) and (b "[Jfo judIv ~ tIzo = (which, by their
nature, are volatile and allow for no trace whatsoever to be left on them),
~He~tkd; since He is mighty everyway (even in ways that it is
impossible for us to think of), we could find Him standing before us, euenj/'
fo#i&6oarded&l aFVundUI/ed~ In other words, You are as power-
ful as to maintain the security of our boardings t/v tIzo.rea, even if we are not
aboard a ship, and to safeguard them by means of some other miracle,

561 Wis. 14:1-13.

562 Origen quoted this suggesting his cardinal doctrine of eventual abolition of evil. See Greek text,
endonte cc1iv.
506 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
hut~wi/1i&tluwtlzowork e/~~dwu/dFWb60idfe,· which
[wisdom] you offered to men, so that, thanks to her, they should devise ways
to earn a living throughout their lives.
~ evav iFv ,,"~Mna!1Jie= e/wood, namely, that of a ship, =
?faco tIzeir. tr=b for their own lives.
hut euavJ'"tfucpjx=ed ~ "" 6iIIoar. That is, even if they fell into a
shipwreck and [sc. the sea] thoroughly went or carne, tfucp=ruiuedOfVM<[J/i; by
having found another means of salvation, which was more stable than the ship.
ffror- /evavJ a£ tIzo ~ ~ ~~ wer0~ For
indeed [this happens] not only now, when they are being steered through by
your right hand, but also a£ tIzo ~ when you brought about the flood
because of the arrogant acts'63 of the~ who deserved destruction.
~ko,boe/tIzoworU(that is, the remnant of the species [which should
afford] the.wede/~) tluwtooh~OfV,,"r[J/i; namely, the ark, which
was constructed at your behest by Noah.'64 And he denominated this ~befit­
tingly, because that ship had no likeness of construction to any [other] ship .
.'Yi/= tIzolwpej~to-tIzoworU.wede/jfiew-J~ namely,
the animals that would corne to pass subsequently, as well as everything that
exists now.
ffror- 6Ie&wd i& tIzo wood ~ wlzidvJ=Lico i& ~ The prophet's
frame of mind does not allow to take as 'wood' a ship. Of course, it is evident
that, in the old times, salvation was accomplished by means of the wood of
the ark. However, the salvation brought about to us is no other than the liber-
ation of [human] race by means of the Holy Cross. It is the saviour Lord who
springs forth this [liberation] to everyone and in the same way, 39r I once he
was incarnated and fixed on that [Holy Cross] because of his philanthropy.
.'YCOweuer; tIuw wIzidv i& nuuk & Iuuuk i& cur.red. For if tIzo wood of the
Cross has been blessed, because it was on this that the sun a/righteousness'"
effected our salvation, how could possibly the woods that arenuuk&/uuuk.;
for the sake of which the perversion of ungodliness was invented, not to be
~themselves, =we&'adhose tluwmake them?
{ j ( J = Iw nuuk ilj. that is, the one who manufactured this and nam.ed
itcrd.
And tIzo =rrul'{ibleI~J, which by its nature is liable to corruption, all
the more so because of the meanness of its manufacturer, wa& nam.edcrd.

563 Cf. Judith , 6:19; Psalm 73:3.

564 Cf. Gen. 7-8.
565 Malachi, 3:20. Cf. Wis. 5:6.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 507
And one would ask this question: whereas the one who deified this would
justly incur the penalties of wickedness, how could it be possible for the object
that was deified to be ~ since it neither has any sensation, no matter
what any action is exercised upon this, nor would it incur any punishment,
such as those that are duly brought upon [sinners]? For he says, 6otIv=imfX-
= and Iu& imfXot= CY0 ~ ~ t& Pod. And as it happens with
those who carry out good things, and they are commended with regard to
the skills wherefrom they take their cue so as to bring about those [things],
as for example, a medical doctor practicing medicine in order to do good, or
a builder practicing the art of building, likewise, those who suffer the sick-
ness of wickedness are reprimanded along with those things themselves, from
which they took their cue in order to lapse to [wickedness]. Accordingly, the
idob shall be duly ~ because these became the causes of destruction
of those men. And whatsoever is the judgement given against a disease which
destroys someone who is ill, the same judgement will receive the nature of
idok; which damaged those who had been favourably disposed towards that
[nature of idols]. It appears, therefore, that just as wickedness is homologous
to those that are corrupt, or disease to those that are sick, and [both of those]
are ~to us for that matter, likewise, both the imfXot= and the agency
and nature of the idob itself are also ~ t& Pod.
..And ~ 60tIv tIuw wIUdv Iza& 6eav mado dud1 60 ~ ~
widvtlzoonowlzo.madoib. That is, murder itself [shall be punished] along with
the murderer, or adultery with the adulterer. For it is not simply a man per se
that the laws punish; instead, by prosecuting adultery and murder, these [laws]
punish also those who fell into [those actions].
:37tw i& wIy jZ7od'.sj ~ wi/160 a£w. uj=v tIzo idob &I"tIzo mUion&
In conclusion, he adds that tIzoidob &l"tIzo~ shall be punished, just like
those that have worshipped them.
gf"(H< anUdw Pod'", ~ t/ucP Iuwo 6ecomo = ~ For
although woods and stones and gold and silver have been made so as to benefit
the creation, the particular things that were made from those [materials]1uwo
6ecomo both = ~ concerning their nature proper, and destruction
of those who devoted themselves to them, and.wam:!ait&Izunuuv.wuk; which
[sc. those idols] they captured by means of the impostrous [faith] in them .
..And""~t&tIzofieb&l"tIzoJVolidz, whom they [sc. those idols] subju-
gated to worshipping them.
gf"(H<tIzo~j=inb~""""tIzodevMo&l"idob. And as it hap-
pens with those who deserttheirwives and couple with ones that belong to others
508 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
they are said to commi~ likewise, those who have abandoned the
worship of the true God and have devoted themselves to inanimate [idols] are
accountable, too. And since impiousness towards God is calle~
[one author] says, You obliterated everyone who committed adultery unto
you;566 and another, My people have forsaken me567 and committed adultery
amidst the wooden [idols].'68
..And tIzo ~ &I" tIzenv i& ~ &I"fffo,. [meaning that such an
invention] causes the eternal punishment and that undying worm and the not
quenched fire. 569
[fr(H<~did tfucp eaXdfonv tIzo ~nor-dza/1 tfucp!ad~
And that the religion &I"ukb did not eaXdfonv tIzo ~ and whence
was it that their ~ began, 39v I has been made clear by those who have
recounted the [relevant] histories. As for [the phrase], nor-dza/1 tfucp!ad~
ever; he [sc. Solomon] pronounced this as a prophecy. For he foreknew that,
once Christ has appeared and assumed all of our nature upon himself, all of
the worship of ukb throughout the earth shall be abolished.
[frw<tIzo~j=inb~wa&tIzodeui.so&l"idots, andtlzo~
&I"tIzenv i& ~ &I"(ffo [jf"c ~ did tfucp eaXdfonv tIzo ~ nor-
dza/t tfucp!asb~570 [fr(H<lbwa& ~~~rIzab ~nuuio
ir&~info.tIzo~571~i&~(b=tYiendfotlzenvlza& tleav.rebuj>. ~
i&wlzablza&lwjf=edwirlzj ~~&~~ wIzo.lza&
nuuio=~&I"Izi&~!o.w ~ and camotv-~rlzabdead==
~ and kmded ~ ~ and cerenwni= tv- 60fradiced & tiu- wIzo.
wer0~Izi&~ J~ rIzi&~~wa&~={b
law, ~6eca=orlzi&lzadtuhav~root&wirlvtime, andcarued/~.1wer0
~cWtIzo6elww&l"~ J==couIdFWb~tiu-~iFv
tIzeif~ 6eca=otfucpdwelbfirpff;" ~=~&I"tIzo~ tfucp
Iwnoured; =-rlzabtfucpmf!1lw6landidv ~tIzoakawOfiO=flzower0~
eM ..Andtlzo~~ amIH£io= ~&I"dU/t ~tv-~&I"
rIzab ~tv-f=#orlzab~didFWbhnoar&l"tIzab. [fr(H<morivared&tIzo
~ tv-;Ae= tIzoruler; /tizo ~'.sjdU/tremodefledtlzo~=­
rlzabrlzi&dwuU 6om0r06eau{f1id; knee, tIzonudritude, aIIured&tIzo ~

566 Psalm 72:27.

567 Cf. Jer. 2:13; Isaiah , 1:4.
568 Cf. Jer. 3:6-9; Psalm 105:39.
569 Isaiah, 66:24 (quoted in Mark, 9:48); Mark, 9:4; cf. Judith, 16:17; Ecclesiasticus, 7:17.
570 The author (or the subsequent scribe) repeats the quotation ofWis.14:12-13, although he had done
so also above.
571 Cf. Wis. 2:24.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 509
ff'tlwarff0c4 camob~=ofjecbff'~tIw=wlwnvCbdwrowlzilo
' l r tIucF Iwnoured/=/ m&fo I'wnuuv 6eiW- ~ tIzi& turned oub Cb
~I'wnuuv(ffofotlw"omavwbW0'0.ut!xluedb~caIamiy(H<fJfr­
Cl/l1'fJ camobaccordtlw~nanzoU§odj bdone&and~ 572
This great man [sc. Solomon] asseverated his rebuke of «lob by means
of more [arguments]. First, he disparages the origination of their existence by
demolishing them in various ways, namely, [explaining] how was it that those
appeared in the first place, and how men invented them. Subsequently, he
goes ahead with recounting the various detriments that ensue from worship-
ping them. To begin with, by means of three additional arguments, he takes
the wraps off [the process] of their appearance and of how they carne to be
worshipped, and says this: [Y(H< ib wa& ~ I'wnuuv ~ tIzab deadv
mado it& ""W in£o. tlwworfd. This is a preamble to the entire construction of
argument: for deadv befell us from no other source than those men who were
fashioned by the Creator in the beginning, namely, Adam and his wife. For
once they were allured by the enemy's pledges that they would become gods573
and were dragged into error by this ~ they were condemned to death.
WIUdvi&w/yCb=ifiendfotknvlza&6eav.rebup; so that, the arrogance
stemming from their ~ should not render them apt to perpetrating
more of shameless acts.
~ i&wlzablza&~wirIzj 'l:foIz-tornzenmd&~nuJU/'lV-
~ Having already recounted the cause wherefore death was brought about
on us, he moves on with building the [relevant] arguments. Hence, in order to
demonstrate more vividly the hardship and the yearning for a deceased ~
which burns out a still livin~ he says that the death which befell the
!o,w cIUId was abrupt, and it was the boy that had died and the mourner was
hi~ For it was amongst such situations that people suffered most. 40r
I Once, therefore, the father mado = ~ ff'IU& ~ and prematurely
!o,w ~ whereby he sought to retain his memory, as well as for his personal
consolation, canzob~the long ago deadFJUl/V=~ This was natural
for him to do: for once deadv became the offspring of ~, no matter
what the circumstances, [this father] did not cease to cherish this [vainglory];
accordingly, he elevated the erstwhile dead FJUl/V to the status of being hon-
oured = ~ perhaps because of paternal love and for the sake of main-
taining a lasting memory of that [son] and because he fantasised some better

572 Wis. 14:14-21.

573 Cf. Gen. 3:5.
 510 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
things. Thus, the father of that son Izam:!ed dm- cerenwni= tv- 60 fradi=d
ftytiuMowlw-we/'0~1U& comnuuui. That is, he bid his subjects to honour
the memory of the departed one on the day he had died, and often do so on the
day he was born.
J~ tIU&~cudo=tfXl&~={V!aar. This is the first
argument fleshed out against the existence of ~ which demonstrated that
the religion of ukb was but an invention of ~.
Following this, he says that the carued/~we/'0~a£rIzo6elwsb
ff ~ By refining this and elaborating as much as necessary, he moved on
with his third argument, by saying,..And rIzo ~~ ~ ~ ff
dUI1~tv-~fftluw~tv-j=opIotluw~didFWb
hnow-fftlmb. For a skillfully overelaborate [artifact] is very instrumental in caus-
ing others to be deceived and astounds them as if this were animate.
Once he formulated his [argument] in its particulars, he moves to the final
point: (j'~ tIU& turned oub (b ~fo I'wnuuv f!fo What does the
word ~ refer to? [He means the phrase], g!"w< tiuMo = wIw- wer0 =Ix!ued
tv- ~ caIami[y w< ~ and the rest that he had said above, namely, rIzo
~ /lafllO U Pod/, which communicates to no one the magnifi-
cent things that are concomitant with it, because this is both transcendent to
all things and the pre-eminent cause of them all. Thus, they canzotv-accordrlzo
~FlaFJlej which surpasses any real or supposed-to-be communica-
tion, tv-done&and~ and to the abominable things that were made of those.
~ rIzoJiwbtluwt/ucPerrediFvrlzohFlO(ljIe1!feffPodtfXl&FWb~
fotkm,· andwlzerea& t/ucP lived iFv rIzo~axl/<f~ t/ucP denomi-
naredtiuMo~~ Jeacd. g!"w<wIziIe~ria«d~
w<ocadb~(H<t/ucP~ode&~fionvali=cuU&; t/ucP
aro ~ tv- FlO ~!ive& ~ tv-~. indead, t/ucP /U/1 eaeh
~fty~(H<fty~~eaeh~iFvtv-~~
aI1 ff tknv a r 0 .uuzh iFvtv- (b nuukIIe ff 6Iood and nutrder; t1efi and treaeh-
o:'fj ~ ~ tunudc; i/£.wi/1~~~~
ff~~ff.wu/&;=='~ ~ff~
~ and ~ g!"(H< rIzo ~ ffrlzo ~ ukb i& rIzo
~ and ca=o and ~ ff~ eviL g!"(H< ~ t/ucP Iuwo
6eavmaddeneduj=v{bdaLoff~ (H<t/ucP~fxc;uiIed~
ci=, (H<!ivo~ (H<~comnUb~ g!"(H<t/ucP6eIievo
tIud; =t/ucP;=tlzeifJUidviFvf!/de=ukbandtoolvJid=oubIz&ftytlw.w; t/ucP
dwu/dfi-FlO~~ ~ t/ucPdud1~J=bjxuv­
~fo6orlvfftiuMo~ ~fo~ emfkfed(bwiched
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 511
~ &I'§od & ~ ~ w idol&; and ~ tahovJid=
oadz&; ~t/ucP~~~ g;-(H<ibi&FWbtlw~
&l'tIw.=&wlwnvt/ucP~/tlzabdud1jxuzidvtknvfi indead, ibi&~
&I'~tIzab~fro=<k~tIw~&I'tlwimfXot=574
Following his foregoing setting at naught the existence of akb, which had been
invented by higher ranks [of society] and were imposed on the multitude, and his
disparagement of the customs because of which these were established as objects
of worship, now he moves to the impieties 40v I that are concomitant with their
veneration, and says this:~ tlwficbtlzab~erredt/vtlw~&I'
§od=FWb~forlzem, when they took as gods those things themselves that
were but inanimate and without senses and artifacts produced by their own hands .
..And wIzerea& t/ucP lived t/v tIw~ aJ£Y<&I'~ For not only did
they err by deifying them in the first place, but also the worship and vener-
ation of them that stretched out during a lifetime was filled with wickedness
and ignorance and confusion. And he says, t/ucP~tIw.=~
~ J6eace!, by acclaiming their gods as 'peaceful' and 'amiable' and 'as
being of the same race'. This, however, has been entirely belied.
g;-(H<wIU/o~rd=d~ such as those which the Chananites
and, along with them, numerous others experienced, too.
Or-ocadb~ such the Eleusinian ones, which were filled full with
plenty of licentiousness and disorder.
O~~ ~ ~fionv aIiav cuU&; such as the Dionysian
ones and the frenzied Bacchae therein, and the thyrsoi and Iacchos,575 who
was invoked by the drunken ones.
~CY0~ w/W"~!ive&~~ And [he spoke
of] live&; because of the mythologised rebellions of children against their own
fathers, and of brothers against brothers, and unnatural affiliations, and other
treacheries. As for ~ because of the chronicled various instances
of licentiousness, and the obscene love affairs, and illegal intercourses with
either their own daughters or mothers or sisters, and even their maniacal con-
flicts with one another.
g-~ t/ucP/U/1eadvotkr-&~ as Ares did to Adonis over his
jealousy for Aphrodite.
Or-~~eadvotkr-t/vW~as in the case ofHephaestus,
whose wife had illicit intercourse with another one, and suffered pain upon
adulterous beds.
574 Wis. 14:22-31.
575 The occult name for Dionysus.
 512 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
~ aI1ffrknvaro.uuzhiFzh,,"nwddfe,· which stands for saying, among
them, all evils and anything that naturally sterns from them, are jumbled.
Then, he reckons up their lot, namely, 6/00dandm.urder; and the rest of them,
and explains that the notorious idolatry i& tIzo ~ and ca=o and COFV-
~ ff~ evil, which turns instances of ~ into frenzy, and
entails false prophecy and unrighteous life and swift perjury.
rFor-t/ucPj>ubtlzeir.JiZidviFv(flde=~ and relied on such deaf and insen-
tient [things], and tooIvJ'id= oadz& & tIw.w, because of either distress or lack
of freedom during a certain time; but once things turned out better, ~
FlO"~~ and care about none of their vows; actually, they
despise those idob as being abominable and ~ although they had placed
their confidence involved in their oaths by those [idols]. However, people of
this kind shall no longer rejoice. For t/ucPdza/1incur-J=b~fo6ot/v
fftlu=~ ~JVr-~emfkfed,,"wiched~ff§od
& ~ ~ w ~ and offered them the worship which is owed
to the only God, and ~ ~J'id= oadz&; ~ t/ucP ~
~~ and the virtuous disposition towards their neighbour, for
the sake of which alone people normally trust one another.
rFor-ibi&FWbtlzojwwer-fftlu=&wlwnvt/ucP~(for what is thejwwer-
that such (fIde= and stupid carved images could possibly demonstrate?) that
would inflict perjurers; instead, it is the~ff~ which in gen-
eral behoves perjurers (because they have been disloyal concerning the oaths
they took) that thabdza/1~ rknv and ~ punishes both their wicked
will and fraud at the same time, namely, their having breached their prom-
ises to those they thought to be powerful and their specific wicked actions.
Consequently, the paltriness of those by whom oaths have been taken could
not succour perjurers in any way; instead, they themselves shall incur the
punishments for their iniquitous acts, which [punishments] will be the same as
those brought upon the people who adjure in the name of God, which is supe-
rior to every name, but they turned out disloyal [in the matter of their promise].
41r I {j(Jub~ our-§od, aromer#dcmd~cmd~
aI1~~ rFor-eueFVfwo&n; .uiI1WOar0~ &n.coWOar0awar0ff
~ n&Iw. {j(Jubwodza/1FWb&n; 6eca=owo hww- rlzabwo/uwo 6eav recIwned
=~~ rFor-~~ff~i&tIzowlwloff~ cmdw
60 ~ ff~ mf!1Iw i& tIzo roob ff fmmo.rtaIiy. rFor- tIzo ~ ff rIzab
maIiciou& W'bffFne/V did FWbckceWotMj nor-didtlzo~ fabour.ff~
~do-=-eirkr; wlUclvi&6ub,,"~j=UenvdainedwiUv~
colour&; wiu- ~kmk 'l:flot wdzame. gw,./= ido!arerj~ over-
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 513
tIzo ~~ &f',,"dead ~ ~ &f'evd~ and wordy &f'=cIv
Iwpe& ar0 60dv tIw"owb~ tIzenv and tIw"o tIzab.reb tIzeif Izeart& uj=Fv tIzenv
andreuerotlzenv. fft(H<,,"~wb~hnem:b"{'/i.witnzou!,;beaclv~
articIofo(}Eif=ruicq 6uboub&f'tIzo.uzmo cIpy Izo~ iFvtlzo.uzmocmy 60dv
tIzo~tIzab.reruo6odvbclauv=andtlzo~0Fl8l'j· 6ubwlzabtlzo~
&f'eirIzer.&f'tlzenvdwu/d 6e, ib i& tIzo~wb ~ ~ OfiOwb ~
~~ Izonzou!,;b =~~oub&f'tIzo.uzmoc4ft tIzo=
wbwa& ~mado&f'.wit ,,"!iu/owlUlo qr:; and onf!p ,,"!iu/owlUlo farer.1zo
reEztrn& wIzazco Izo wa& received, 6eca=o tIzo deIm &f'1zi&.wu1 tIzab!tad 6eav law
Iu"nv wa& demanded 6ach. {j(Jub Izi& COFlCe/YV i& nob tIzab Izo dzaIt 60 eaItauded (H<
tlzablzi&(foimoi&6r(¢ indead; Izocomf>eb=~~and~
andim.irare&~ and~Izi&~~~=~
.9'{M,1zeami&~ 1zi&1wj=i&FJWr0~tIuuv=i4 andlzi&(fIi&f'!e=wortIvtluuv
kedb Izi& otf.ifV...f.taher; wb itJIiMedin.fo.lu"nv=actiuo.wu!,
c4ft fftor-Izoj=id FlO"

and6rearkdiFv,,"~~ {j(Jub/=cIvJeoflel tooIvour-(fIi=,,"~ and

our-~=,,"~~ fftor-~.uwtlzabOfiOdwu/dfr(/ibfo=CYff
~ eueFVfo==evdone. ~=hw=FJWr0t1uuvmwonoe&otlzablzo&n&
wlzavlzo COFldrttct&Jiwdoofjed& and carued~fo=eartlzffmab?riaLj76
Recapitulating his vow to God, the great [Solomon] parenthetically says
this: {j(Jub~ our-§od, ar0~andtrue;· that is, You are not one of the
falsely called gods, and their production is but the making of conceit, and the
results of this are filled with confusion and replete with all sorts of abomination.
fft~and~aI1~~ since your creatures
have been brought to being out of non-being by You, and they are maintained
in the most philanthropic manner.
fft(H<eueFVj/"WO&n, di/1 wo ar0~ &nco wo aro ~ &f'~ mf!lIw.
For the instances of our backsliding from whatever is good corne to pass
not because of contempt, as it happened with those who worshipped (fIi!e=
ido&J77 and broke their oaths with them by way of declaring downright igno-
rance of them. Instead, euavfa.J-0.u/v, diltW0ar0~ &ncoa.J-0ar0awarep/'
~mf!lIW. In other words, we are perfectly awa/'Othat your all-too-powerful
pantocratoric mf!1Iw is immense and your more-than-supreme power has
infinite potential and there is no one acting against your will that could escape
your all-too-omnipotent power. Nevertheless, since we perceive You as being
philanthrope par excellence, wodzaltnob&n, and we shall not fail as regards

576 Wis. 15:1-13.

577 Wis. 14:29.
 514 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
our proper objective, 6eca=o wo IYww- tIzab wo Iuwo 6e= recIwned <= ~
~ who change your mind apropos of human sins,578 and do not want the
death of the wicked,'79 so that You would turn him back and save him.
[Yw<~ ~ff~i& rIw~ff~· that is, professing
You knowledgeably and conscientiously 41v I is to us the absolute ~
For as he [sc. Paul] says, we profess Him through the mouth, but we are sanctified
through the heart.'80 This is also what the Saviour said, when he demanded that
this knowledge would be true knowledge: for he said, This is eternalli[e, that they
should know you, the on!y true God, and him whom you sent, Jesus Christ. 581
.Andto-60~ff~mf!lIwi&rlwroobff~ For he who
knows God's mf!lIu; and how much of punishment this involves against trans-
gressors, he becomes more cautious of himself, and impels himself towards
all sorts of beneficence. For as a roobfirst generates leaves and then similarly
produces trunks, in like manner, from being ~ of God and of how
[immense] His mf!lIwi<, the fear which is generated within us sets the virtues
before our mind as trunks, as it were, springing up from that [cognisance].
And once these [virtues/trunks] are grown and shot up, they bear the fruit of
bliss to those who possess them.
[Y(H<rIw ~fftlzab maIiciou& a4'bff= didnob ckceWo=. He pro-
fesses himself grateful to God, because he himself did not become one of the
idolaters, nor was he deceived by the maIiciou& arts ff meFlj which were but
~and~82 fashioned so as to resemble whosoever's countenance.
JV(H<didrlw~~ff~cb=-edkr; wlzidvi&6ub
CbdecoraLiuo~.uainedwidv~~ That is, the products
of painters which have been dyed with all sorts of colours.
W~ ~!eatk q/Vot to- ~ For once the hoi polloi were
deceived by the harmony of ~ and by the artificer's skillful version of
the representation of the piece of art, by simply looking at those [artifacts] they
foolishly accorded reverence to those ~ [objects].
[Y(H</= idoIaLerj~ =- rIw ~&(;lIw ffCb dead ~ For
concerning animate beings, one would perhaps admire their beauty; but with
reference to insentient ones that are absolutely bereft of breath, who could

578 Odae, 12:7.

579 Cf. Ezekiel, 33:11; Wis. 1:13.
580 Cf. Rom. 10:8-10; Ecclesiasticus, 21:26; 39:35; Ecclesiastes, 5:1; Ezekiel, 33:31. Cf. Deut. 30:14;
Psalm 5:10.
581 John, 17:3.
582 Wis. 14:21.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 515
possibly not feel pity for the madness of those people, once they admire a
beauty composed of feigned ~9 For that which one would rather admire
should not be the painted object, but the colours themselves, which in the first
place conduced to producing that which is said to be beautiful. Naturally then,
such people are ~ ff evil ~ and wortIy ff=clv ~ since they
are satisfied by the appearance alone, placing their dependence on colours,
and not elevating their mind to some more sublime conception. And not only
this: what is more, all of tiuMowlw-~tknvandtiuMorluw8eb~~
ujwFvtknvandreuerotlzem, deserve a myriad of occasions oflaughter.
g;-(#<,,"~wIzo.~hnem:b"{'/i.wiL Above, he spoke of a woodnuuv
and ~g) being the creator of carved images. Now, he brings forward and
mocks the potters who nzottU[sirnilar objects] out of c4h and styles the.wi1"{'/i
and ~ On the one hand, he bespeaks that the soil is in itself
labile and rarefied; for this is what soil is: it is partly soft and partly stiff insofar as
this comprises stones. On the other, [he bespeaks] the potter's nature, who mixes
this [soil] with water, and moulds it again and again. Moreover, he [sc. the potter]
does so until he fashions [the vessel] so as to make it suitable for the usage this is
meant, and forms it so that should receive whatever shape he wishes.
§{O ~ eadv ~ artidofo ~.reruic& He uses the words liter-
ally. For [the verb] 'to mould' is used in reference to certain things made
of clay. As for certain articles made oub ff tIzo &ZfllO ~ for us, of which
some are meant for useful modes of life and some for useless ones, as well
as concerning the particular ~ of each one of them, 42r I ib i& tIzojwC-
f&< wIw- worked them out that knows and ~ And what the quality of
each particular ~ is, it becomes evident from the quotidian use of those
[articles]. Therefore, the case is definitely ridiculous when this nuuv e.xer@
~~and ~ =~~oubfftlzo=e4h from
which even the most paltry of ~ are shaped, and does not use his exer-
tions to beneficial purposes, even if he is an employee and works for a sal-
ary. Instead, he belies God's name which surpasses any name, by means of
constructing ~ gods made of soil - nay, tIzo nuuv wIw- wa& ~
nuuk ffthis [soil] ,,"!iufo wIUb qr:; and onf!p ,,"!iufo wIUb ~ goes back
therein, wIzenco Izo wa& initially made once he was fashioned, and there will
be nothing left for him except for being demanded 6adv tIzo deU ffIu&.wu£
rIuw!tad 6eav law Izinv. For the Lord who created everything as well as the
rational .wu£ that put within us, demands her back as a de6t, as it were, that

583 Wis. 13:11.

516 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
must be paid; so that, along with her upon the time of the universal resurrec-
tion, by paying back good [deeds] with good [things] and bad [deeds] with bad
[things], either He will crown [men] with the never{ading wreath'84 or will
convict to eternal punishment.
{j(JubJU&COfiCe/'fVi&FWbrlwblzodza/160eakutded. That is, he is concerned
neither with those manufactured objects being subject to destruction (for this
is what the articles he fashions are: they could be easily broken by anyone), nor
with rlwbJU&f!Idimoi&6r#For what would be more paltry than a potter? And
neither are the articles he kneads of much worth; instead, their cost is more or
less one obol; nor would he earn any noteworthy prosperousness out of these.
Therefore, since both he himself and the objects fashioned by him are of such a
[small] worth, to one who fares in this way, the COFZCe/'FVi&FWbrlwbthese articles
are by their own nature of no value whatsoever, nor rIwb JU& f!Idimo i& 6r&f"
because of his utmost poverty; instead, Izo comj>eb= ~ and engages in
rivalry, seeking for the nature of the items manufactured by him to be brought
to a level with those made by~and~ whose works are pre-
cious on account of their material, and these endure for much longer time, and
those men [sc. goldsmiths and silversmiths] usually are very wealthy, because
their art is both useful and demands great exertion and carefulness .
...And ~ ~ For also those who sculpt statues are far
superior to potters, because they succeed in producing works made of a more
precious material, and the works forged by them endure for much longer time.
However, he [sc. Solomon] says that the potter ~even those, and COfldd-
~ himself as a glorious one because of JU&~~~ Therefore,
the great [Solomon] prays for those sculpted by him [sc. the potter] to receive
the requital of their imposture, and as these are but adze& and.wd and ckw, so
should become the potter's things, too.
gF"(H< he paid flO" ked rv-JU& =~. that is, [to God], who made him
of soil.
And to Him wIw-~fnW.lUnvaFVadiuo.wu£; namely, the sentient one,
which involves motion and growth, as well as our moving from one place to
another.
...Andfrrea£kdiFv,,"~~· which stands for saying, He who, upon
completion of creation, by means of his life-giving inbreathing, implanted in
us this rational and intellectual.wu£, which both constantly maintains life in us
and is itself immortal. For these words have not been said in a general sense;

584 Cf. 1 Peter, 5:4.

 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 517
instead, they denote our existence proper which was fashioned by God, as
well as this sentient life that was bestowed upon us, by virtue of which we
are different from insentient things, plus the rational and indestructible soul
inbreathed in us. This is the culmination and climax of the benefaction made
to us, due to which alone we are akin to the intelligible realm. 42v I
{j(JtdI=cIvj>eop!o.l tvoIv ~f!fo = (b~- the life considered by God as
important, concerning both the way it was created and its existence proper.
...And ~ eaXdenco =
(b ~~ For the potters who made
~ ~ looked forward to no thing other than this, nor did they take
into account God's retribution against them; instead, by means of the objects
of worship sculpted by them, they mocked the splendid reality of human life,
and saw this as a (b~merchandise, as it happens in festal assemblies;
wherefore they said to themselves tIzab they dwu/d~Ji'o= "1'f" ~
eueFVJi'o==evdon& For they are not as stupid as not to despise those things
of which they themselves are the creators. [ft(H<tiU&FJUlF0 he says, ~FJWr0
tIuuv ~ eko tIzab Izo~ wIzav Izo ~~ ofjed& and =rued
~Ji'o= eartlz&nuderia1. However, the case was rather that it was exactly
because they knew this, that they looked forward to one thing alone, namely,
the 8OU/'C0from which they dwu/d~, even by means of an evdway which
is exceedingly harmful [sc. by constructing idols].
...AndnwdJVolidv,gl"aIt andFJWr0~evavtluuv~.wuk arorlzo
enenzi=,gI"~j=p!owlzo.luwoojpre=edtizenv. [ft(H<~luwotahavaltrlzotfkb
,gI"rIzo~=~ wIzidv~Iuwoflfe&tv-lMOt/v~tv-8eej nm<fiO&?&tv-
Wza/o air; nm< ~ tv-Izear; FlOF"~,gI"1zam:b azfid aboubfo and tlzeiffo
ar0 incaj=bIo,gl"~ [ft(H< tIw"owero manmade, and Izo tIzab Iza& 6orrowed

Izi& OWFV~IJi'o= .t7od.lfoslUoned tIzenv. [ft(H< flO" nuuv Iza& rIzo~ tv-~
~wlzidvcouU60kho.t7od. ...And&ncolzofo nzanji&nwrm4IzoCOFldrttch
(bdead~wiUv j/zi&.1
~1zam:b~1zoi&~tv-tIw"o /of!i=! tlzablzo
&nee, COfllr=b tv- rIzem, Izo!ivedoncq wIzerea& tIw"o
revere&; /idok/neuer-did. 585
He says that, in some weird manner, the Egyptians were nwdfio/idv ,gI"
aI4 because they worshipped even the most contemptible of all objects of
veneration .
...And FJWr0 ~ eueFV tIuuv ~~. which stands for saying,
they had been more babyish even than just born babies; for although those [sc.
babies1 have a rational soul which has been co-created with their existence
itself, yet they are unfit to carry out any rational act, because they are weak

585 Wis. 15:14-17.

518 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
and infantile. Besides, he styles them enenzi= ffGod's j>eop!e, because of the
hardship to which they subjected the Israelites by means of their acts, when
they enslaved them by using extremely crude devices. Now, what was the way
in which they have been more ~ of all those that had worshipped crea-
tures? ;:ft(H<t/ucPluwotahavafttizoidobfftlzo~"",~ since each nation
worshipped particular idob while not doing so with other ones. However, they
[sc. the Egyptians] took aft of those "'"~ thus amplifying the superstition
of all of the other [idolaters]. Following these, and having excoriated the pal-
triness of idols more than his father and prophet had done, since he [sc. David]
had said, they have eyes and yet they shall not see,'86 whereas he himself [sc.
Solomon] makes no allowance for them to have either 'CfOl"j or indeed FUMe&; or
e£Y&; orfieb. Instead, he says,JOr-tk"owe/'0~ to which he adds, and

Izotlzabluz& 60rr0wed1U& oaJfV~IJi'o= .t7od~ tIzenv.

Therefore, the earth has made creatures so that some of them should have
life, because this is how they have been carefully made and fashioned by Him
who truly is alive, which is why flO" nuuv Iuz& tIzo~ b ~ ~
wIUdv couId60!iho.t7od. For this [sc. an idol] is inferior to Him and lesser by
far, in a manner analogous to the way a creature stands to its creator and an
active agent to the action he has exercised . ...And&ncolzo/= nuuv.J;." definitely
nwradand precedes this [piece of his work] more than anyone else, the artifact
made by him wdIv~.J ~ ~ is dead ~ too, because [those (b

hands] tolerate serving such unholy things.

As for man being ~ b the ~/~.J tlzablzo revere&; this
is evident to everyone: for IzotWedfor the stretch of a lifetime, no matter what
the length of that, wIzerea& tk"o /idob.J ~ did. Therefore, the nuuv who
deified those [idols] was superior to those he had deified, as much as a living
[being] is different from an inanimate one, and one who lived once [is superior
to] something that has never been alive.
43r 1...Andt/ucP ~ tIzo mod Iwdi/o ffaninuzk 587 ;:ft(H< tk"o aro (}fiCO

comj=red iFv term& ff ~ t/ucP CY0 wor.= tIuuv aft tIzo ~ one&. JV'(H<

586 Psalms 113:13; 134:16.

587 The expression Tutx8tO"t"Ut;cpameans the animals that are most hostile to man. See this expression
used and made clear by the Greek-speaking Roman sophist Aelian (Claudius Aelianus c. 175 -
c. 235 AD), De Natura Animalium, 9.56; 10.29; also, 10.47: TO£; 'YZ J.1~v 1tO)"q.UCOTCrtotC; uvElpciJ1tC(J
t;cpotC;, acmi8t Kill KPOK08.sUcp .sX8tO"toV 6 iXv.suJ..UOv (copied by the fifteenth century paroemiog-
rapher Michael Apostoiius, Collectio Paroemiarum, 4.14). More to the point, this was explained
in a synopsis of the Wisdom of Solomon in a text that has been ascribed to two stars of theology,
but in fact is much later. Pseudo-Athanasius, Synopsis Scripturae Sacrae, PG.28.373.16-377.48,
particularly, 376.24-25: II.spt "[rov txeto"[(ov t;cpcov, ()(p.scov, aUoupcov, Kat "[rov OJ.101COV. The same
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 519
aro tIucP 6eau{fIid wiUv rorf=b w tIzeif ~ = animal&; 8& tIuw tIucP
wou/d~ indead, tlucPluwo6eave=ladedfio=6orIv§od''''frab=and
.9'Q",~ ~ tIucP/= tIzo~wero~~&
meaFl8p/~ofle.slro. lwdi/oaninzakJandtormenred&""nutUitudo&f'wiId
creafzM<e&. g;;COflh<=bwtlu&~ iFv~w~~=j>eopfe,

iFv ~ w tIzeif ~~ fre!=redfo tlzenvJVod&f'""~ tadej

~ ~8&tIud; wlzavflz=ejio. ~Jde.siredfiod, tlucPdwu/d1=e
eventlzeif~~iFvuiew-&f'tIzo~ &f'tIzo6ead&.reFlb~
tIzenv. :TFldead, tIze.sejio.~=JeofIej, ~"fffired~""dwro
time, mf!1Iw~ even &f'''"~ tad& fFw< lbwa& ~ tIuw fIz=e
wb ru/ed = ~ dwu/d ~ inea:orabIo~ wIzerea& w tIzenv /tizo
:T~J aIonedwu/d 60dwaHv /war tlzeifenenzi=werotornzenLed. 588
For not only did the Egyptians take aI1 tIzo «lob &f'tIzo ~ =~ 589
but also tIucP~tIzonwdlwdi/o&f'anUnak And in what sense does he
style those nwdlwdile, he himself makes clear [forthwith].
fFW<OflCOtlucParocomj=rediFvtern=&f'~ tlucParowor.=tluuval1t1zo
~0Fle8j because every animal which is bereft of reason, it is also daft. And
once those [animals] that were worshipped by the Egyptians, which were so
paltry, are juxtaposed, [it turns out] that they prevailed over the rest of animals
in terms of ignorance and obtuseness. Actually, comj=rediFvtern=&f'~
tlucPwere wor.=tluuval1t1zo~Ofl0S Actually, they were not only inferior
with regard to this, but also unworthy of bein~ wiUv rorf=b w tIzeif
~ = anUnak For there are many animals, which, although paltry,
nevertheless, they have a gratifying demeanour, since some of them are beauti-
fully and multifariously coloured and delightful to see. But of those which are
not of such a kind, some are ugly and distressful to look at; and they happen to
have been made so utterly inferior and, so to speak, certain mishaps of nature
that are produced out of some sort of putrefaction, that tlucPluwo6eene.rcladed
fio=6orIv§od'",~ which He expressed [by the phrase] all things are very
good,590 and.9'Q",~ by which He eulogised them when he said, be fruit-
ful and multiply.591 For a fly and a worm, and all those that have been generated
out of putrefaction and death of other [creatures], were neither produced since
the beginning along with the generation of everything by the Creator of all,

text, in Pseudo-John Chrysostom , Synopsis Scripturae Sacrae, PG.56.368.46-370.l4, and again in

op. cit. PG.56.375.1-11.
588 Wis. 15:18-16:4.
589 Wis. 15:15.
590 Gen. 1:31.
591 Gen. 1:22; 1:28; 8:17; 9:7.
 520 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
nor did they receive the appellation of being good. Morever, neither have they
been blessed, so as to be multiplied generation after generation. Instead, these
are rather infelicitous symptoms of nature, which partake of existence only
out ofloss by death and disease and deformity [of other animals]. Once, tIzere-
firo, the Egyptians worshipped those, he says, t/ucPwer0~~
fty = ff ~ 0fle0 when their land became filled full with flies and
frogs, andwerotvrFnentedfty,,"nwUimdoffwild6ead&; indeed even by paltry
animals, as he spoke of them above .
.9'FvCOFdr=bwtlU&~ You benefacted~=~, by pro-
ducing for them, iFv ~ w rkif ~ a certain odd fade; andj>re-
f=redfotlzenvJUod, namely, quails.
The juxtaposition of the tortures, of which the Egyptians partook because
of their faithlessness, with the benefactions that the Israelites enjoyed due to
their trust in God, betrays a certain pertinence of those instances. Regarding
the former [sc. the Egyptians], it demonstrates their unmitigated punishment;
as for the latter [sc. the Israelites], it attests to the extent of their merriment. On
the one hand, the Egyptians who hankered after food, by reason of the flies
and the locusts and the frogs and the fleas, and the other [plagues] inflicted on
them, which exceedingly sprang up in their chambers and beds and on those
who suffered, were overwhelmed by disgust and repugnance by merely seeing
those 43v I that were set before them a~ hence, they lost eve/V rkif na/zv-
rat ~ On the other, the Israelites, shortly after they had passed through
the Red [Sea] and became desirous of some pleasant food, they found this in
abundance, since God lavished such things upon them from above.'92 This was
natural [to happen]: for those [sc. the Egyptians] who committed so many sins
and imposed myriads of complicated pains on the people of God,'93 should sub-
sequently be inflicted with unremitting punishment. Instead, to the Hebrews
[God gave] just a taste of the plight, so that they should get an inkling of the
torture that rkife.nenue",suffered, whereby they [the Hebrews] were spared.
[Y(H<eve/VwIzav rIzo IwrribIo ~ ff6ea,w camo~ ~ and t/ucPwero
~rIzo~fftwided~~wraUvdidFWb~~
g-~ t/ucP wero ~ inW ~fo""dwrowlzile, 8& tIzab t/ucPdwuU
60 adnwnidzed fty ~ "" ~ ff~ w remind tIzenv ff rIzo COflV-
nzam:Imenbff~!aar. [Y(H<CUW=wIur turned~toward tt'94 wa&.uwai

592 Cf. Wis. 16:20.

593 Cf. 2 Kings, 14:13; cf. Wis. 18:13.
594 Cf. Num. 21:8-9; 4 Kings, 18:4.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 521
nob&tIzo~fo. tIzo~~tlzablw~ 6ub&~ tIzoJ~
ff'aItJ=pIej ./fnd & = ff'tk&,c'f= COFWinced ~ enenzie8j 6ec=oc'f=
ar0t1zo0fi0wb~fonv~aiImaw. [Y(H<tIzo~ ff'!ocud&andJli-
Mledtlw.w, andmF~tfXl&Ji'=ndfotlzeir/!fos 6ec=o~~b60
j=nidzed & =Iv /aninuds/ !JZJub nob eve/V tIzo teetIv ff'~ ~ did
~b ~~.wn&, 6eca=o~~ =ujcandlzef>edand
lzea/edtlzenv. [Y(H</tIzore=oFVwlyJ ~wero~andlzea/ed~tfXl&
brenzindtknvff'~words, 8&tIzab~dwuUnob6ecomo~ff'~
~~~tbp~ [Y(H<ibtfXl&~Izerfrnm<enwIIienb
tlzablzealedrknv.· indead, ibtfXl&~word, (1}.~ wlzidvlzeak aIt~ 595
Wishing to make the same points by means of additional [arguments], and
to probe further into God's miracles related to those [instances], he says also
the following, apropos of a different story: [Y(H<eve/V~tIzofw.rriblorq;;off'
6ead&canzoujwFvtlw.w, that is, upon the Israelites, who marched through the
desert, which is full of horrible beasts.'96
./fnd~wero~tIzo~ff'twided~ For many of
them perished because of such bites, until they carne to their senses in respect
of their condition, and propitiated God 597 through his servant Moses,598 [who
prayed] for their sake. And once the Lord of all things moved to pitying them,
He did nob~ in acting according to His wradv ~ Instead, after
He had allowed for them to be ~ ~ ~ amidst the instances of
admonition for their edificatio~a-~wIztk; He worked out their salva-
tion very expeditiously. For during being in error in the matter of their auda-
cious acts towards God's elect, namely, Moses 599 and Aaron and their sister,";)
they would have killed them, chasing them as far as the tabernacle,60! and
being determined to kill them, had it not been for them to refrain from such an
unlawful murder once they received tokens of [paradoxical signs, such as] cer-
tain extraordinary thunderbolts and hurricanes, whereof the saints along with
the tabernacle were covered with a cloud 602 - for which, as a just retribution,
~ [sc. the chasers] wero~ by means ff'twided~. 603

595 Wis. 16:5-12.

596 Cf. Deut. 8:15.
597 Cf. Exodus, 14:31; Num. 12:7&8; Jesus Nave, 1:2; 9:2b&2d; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.
598 Cf. Wis. 18:21.
599 Psalm 105:23: MCOD0"11C; 6 ,sKA,slCtOC; UUTOD.
600 Cf. Michah, 6:4.
601 Num. 17:6-15. cf. 14:10.
602 Cf. Exodus, 14:24; Jesus Nave, 24:7; Isaiah, 19:1.
603 Num. 21:6. Cf. Jeremiah, 8:17.
 522 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
However, once they entreated God, the consequences of His wra£lvdidFWb
~~.f1J4 instead, ""~ff~was given to them, so that,
on the one hand, by being adnwnidted, they should get a reminder of tIw =-
~ of God's laws and not offend His holy ones;60' on the other, in order
for them not to perish entirely by being subjected to death caused by tIw=r-
~ For the great Moses""" at God's command erected a perpendicular wood,
and after he had fixed firmly an horizontal ~~607 being inspired by
the Spirit, he enjoined that, if one happened to be stung, one should turn oneself
to that elevated antitype,608 whereby one's salvation could be brought about. 609
Therefore, ~wbtunzed~towardib((Xl&.uwedFWb&tIw~
[sc. copper serpent] (for what could be the benefit that one would possibly pro-
cure from that?) 6ub&~ tlwJ~ffal1ff=op/o.J 44r I who commanded
them to act so. At that time, such [things] saved those who turned themselves
towards them; but later, these [things saved] also the people to whom [those
material things, e.g. wood and copper serpent] had been a prefiguration, and
outstandingly carne to pass in order to save the whole of human race. And the
so understood prefiguration of the life-giving Cross saved only those Hebrews
that had been bitten by~· but the Cross, which is prefigured by that, has
snatched all people away from the allegorised serpent, thanks to the saviour
Christ who was nailed on this .
..And&=fftlu&;~~OfY<~ and all those who want
to extinguish your worshippers.
{j(J=~a/'0t1wOflOwb~Ji'o=euqyailment; and there is no
God other than YOU,61O who becomes all in a/l5ll for the sake of the salvation of
all [people], the immutable One, who is beyond everything.
And, as regards the Egyptians, You let them perish perniciously, by being
bitten b~and~ and deemed none of their lives worthy of any ~
6eca=otlucP~to-60~&=cIv/aninuzk.l In contrast, regarding
~=(who were so styled philanthropically, because of the kindness oftheir

604 Cf. Wis. 11:9-10; 18:20-25; Isaiah, 57:16.

605 Psalms 96:10; 115:6; cf. Wis. 4:15; Psalms 49:5; 84:9; 148:14.
606 Cf. Exodus, 2:11; 11:3; Reb. 11:24.
607 Num. 21:9; cf. 4 Kings, 18:4.
608 See pp. 5-6; 334; 600.
609 Cf. Num. 21:5-9; John, 3:14.
610 Cf. Wis. 12:13. Deut. 2:36; 4:35; 32:39 (Odae, 2:39); 2 Kings, 7:22; Psalm 17:32; Ecclesiasticus,
36:4; Joel, 2:27; Isaiah, 44:6&8; 45:5-6&14-15; 45:21; 46:9; Baruch, 3:36; Daniel, 3:96; Bel et
Draco (translatio Graeca), 41.
611 Cf. 1 Cor. 12:6; 15:28; Eph. 1:23; Col. 3:11.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 523
fathers towards You), nobeue/Vtho~ffthose terribly striking and causing
all sorts of death ue/lOFJlOU& ~ Mmanage to slay.
{j(J=~ ~ and your inconceivable philanthropy towards all of
those people, which is, so to speak, a remedy driving away their malice, camo
uj> andIteIfed tIzem, in contrast to the complete destruction of those, who were
drastically attacked [by flies and locusts]. For they [sc. the Jews] were inflicted
through the edification of ~ so that they should be reminded ff~
~ and, as if recovering from sluggishness and recklessness, [into which]
they had lapsed just like plants, tIucP wer0 6iuav in order to recollect them [sc.
your words] and were granted the quickest healing possible, =- tIzab the evils
m>ouUnobpersist among them and lead mw.~~ofyour benefactions
to them, wherefore they would turn henceforth reckless and unmindful of your
benefactions. EWo," tb == neirkr- any ho& which would have been capable of
rescinding a venomous biting, nor any method of physicians, who engaged in
inventing healing ~or applying protruding techniques tlzabka/edtlzenv.
{j(Jub~word; O~ wlUdvlzeakal1~ whereby, at that time, you
commanded Moses to make the prefiguration [of the Cross], so that those who
looked at that were saved;612 and later, You worked out salvation for all [peo-
ple] by means of Him Himself, once you benevolently determined that He [sc.
the Logos] should be incarnated and take on a Cross for the sake of our sins.
And before him [sc. Solomon], David, too, proclaiming the same truth, says,
He sent his Logos and healed them. 613
g7(H<~ru/o~6orIv f!liand deadv, and~ lead ~to-tho~ ff
~ and ~ 6adv uj> ~ ../tnuuv /U/k iFv Izi& maIice,. 6ttb departed (b

~caElnob~{b .wu£tlzablza&6eav~h~.1 ~ tbi&

~to-euado~1umd. g7(H<thoimfXo=tIzab~to-~
~1uzvo6eavwiz#edqytho~ff~ann; ~ cl=edqyind=.
tabIo odd ~ rain& and Izaik and dwwer&; and =uned 60 = ff
fo {j(Jub tho =-jxuudo-=== tIud; iFv tho ~ tIzab ~ aI1 ~
thoJiro == FJWr0firocio=, 6eca=o tho worfd i& (b ~ ff tho rf!1Iv-
teo=. g7(H< ub limo thofomo ahued; =- tIzab tb m>ouU nob COfi&HnO tho
(}flO

animaI&.reFlb ~ tho~ and tIzab tIucP mf!1Iw 6eIwId andreako tIzab

tIucP aro cI=ed qy §od'~. 6ttb ub ~time, tb 6urneduj> eue/V iFv
thomidwffwarer; tIw&~~tho~dfoe, iFvorhto-~
tho~ffaFV~!and. ~tIzow,~fid~=j=opfo

612 Cf. Num. 21:9.

613 Psalm 106:20.
524 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
widv tIzofiod&I'~ and.reFlb tknvfio= Izeavav 6readfre!=red widwub
~!abour; wIUdv cou/d~ ~ rekIv and =~ ~~.
[Y~ib=~OWlv~tluwimjxtrted~~w/rfourl cIzd-
dren, ~tIzo~&I'tIzo~ffiodI = ~8&=
w=li&& tIzo [ado &I'~ OfiOWfw. atoib. /.And tIU& nuYYlaj wIUdv=Jtik
MUJar and ice, endured tIzoJiro and did nob md4 8& tIuw tIucP/= tIzo~J

dwu/dAnow tluwwluzb ~ tIzo~ &I'~~ 44fY I =Jiro

~ iFv tIzolwd and ~anzidw rain&. :JIeb~ tIU&IfiroJ reIUv-
~iW=jwwer; 8&tluwtlzo~ cou/d60~614
Who could possibly be able to escape the hand of God,615 once one has
offended against it? For wheresoever this lies open, it fills full any living being
with the uprightness that flows from it, and this alone caused all of them to live
and exist forever. Once [this hand] brought death upon them because of their fall-
ing away from rectitude, it did not dismiss them altogether, so that they should
subsequently die, but hereafter it summons them back to endless life, which is by
far a fuller life than the present one. Naturally then, this [hand] rules both =-
f!lianddeaLlt, which is why he [sc. Solomon] says, [y~~rub=-bothf!li
and deadv. Nay, on them both, because, in the matter of deaLIt, this is possible
for humans, too. This is why he points out the difference, by adducing the subse-
quent arguments, but prior to them all, he forthwith says, and~!eaddoa"vw
tIzo~&I'~andred0r06advuF~ Therefore, to God, the capacity
to engender life applies twice as much, since this also belongs to God's nature;
but He exercised His power to impose death only once, which happened to us
as a consequence of our FalL Therefore, whereas both of those are possible to
God, in contrast, ,,"FJUlFV /U/k iFv Iu& malice, and sometimes he /U/k out of zeal
for [doing] good, such as Phinees,616 or even David [who killed] Goliath.617
However, this was a rare [phenomenon] and involved people such as Elias, or
those both prior to and after him, who had been zealous for defending God's
laws. Otherwise, almost all of the others [who act] amidst strife and quarrels,
and, in short, indulging iFv their own malice, kill their homogeneous people,
whom they are unable to redor0 6adv to life. Neither are they able to make ""
dej=rted ~ revert to the place whence it dej=rted (namely, this sensorial
life), nor have they the power to ~,,".wu£tluwluz&6eavtahov.

614 Wis. 16:13-23.

615 2 Esdras, 12:18; cf. 7:6; 7:9; 7:28; 8:18; 8:22; 8:31 ; 12:8; Deut. 2:15; Psalm 18:2; Ecclesiastes, 2:24;
Isaiah, 62:3; Wis. 3:1. Reb. 10:31.
616 Num.25:1-9.
617 2 Kings, 17:4-54; cf. 21:2; Ecclesiasticus, 47:4.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 525
For this is what human things are, and so much for the natural [human]
incapability to make anything alive. Moreover, ib i& ~ for anyone
sinning against your [ordinances] and seeking to counteract You, and being
prompt to kill although he is unable to give life, to-euado~1uuui.
The case of Egyptians attests to this, too: for once they ~to-achwwt.
e40 your more-than-infinite power, and believed that your divine signs against
them through your servant'518 [Moses] were art [of magic] rather than acts of
~Iumd, they wer0wiz#ed&tIzo~&I"~~ The same goes for
the odd Izauty rain& and Izaik and dwwer&; which were out of the ordinary
not only to those that inhabited Egypt and saw such [phenomena] as rare ones,
but also to those who dwelled other places of the earth and were familiar with
such ferocious phenomena.
Moreover, the signs sent from God did not stop at that: for a fourth one
along with those [three, namely, rains and hails and showers] wa& tIzo concomi-
tanyife; whereby four [factors] concurrently burned with fire and deluged with
waters.
{j(Jttbtlzo~j=rado-=wa& tIud; iFvtlzo~tIzab~ aI1~ tIzo
fotfXl&FJWr0~ For this sort of God's wrath against them was three-
fold: for one, tIzowaler; violent as this was, overwhelmed everything from the
roots as it moved whirlingly; for another, tIzolzad smashed anything that stood
out; as for tIzospreadingjife; ib6unzedeverything, thus contributing to both of
the foregoing ones [sc. water and hail]. 619
From these it is possible to see tIzoworfd; and indeed the nature of the ele-
ments, being ""~&I"tIzo~620 For although these elements them-
selves are contrary, and when one of them prevails it destroys the other, upon
defending tIzo~ they become cognate and [mutually] friendly and akin.
Actually, this happens not only with respect to each other, but also in relation
t'lfo'o par excellence. g;-~ ttb limo [the fire] was deprived of its natural
(}flO

attribute, hence maintaining unharmed tIzo aninuzk8efib ~ tIzo ~

so that the miracle involvin~ should be made manifest to the those [sc. the
Egyptians] who beheld it, 45r I namely, tlzabt/ucPW'0c1ta.red&§od'~
not by means of [practices of] witchcraft boasting that their power sterns from
thorough knowledge of phenomena. h ~time, when [fire] was mixed
with that ferocious water and the violent hurricane, and poured from heaven

618 Num. 12:8; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.

619 Cf. Exodus, 9:18-26.
620 Cf. Wis. 2:16; 3:1; 5:20; 16:17; 18:7; 18:20; 19:16.
526 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
along with both of those, this [fire] blazed contrary to the nature of the ordi-
narV'ifo, and consumed all of tho~&flhe~!and.
Thus, ~ this punishment and the fruits that paradoxically were
destroyed in this way, Yo'lfid~=electj>eopfowdlvthoJi7ode/~.
By saying so, he does not suggest that angels receive any nutriment; for the
incorporeal and immaterial [beings] are in no need of any food whatsoever.
Instead, as they are fed without labouring with thoughts and sublime concep-
tions of God, by analogy, these [sc. the Jews], being exempted from all the
usual [pertinent] toil, enjoyed the free use offre!>aredcfood, which was poured
from above 621 This is what David also says prior to him [sc. Solomon]: Bread
of angels man ate; provisions he sent them in abundance. 622 For not only was
such a bread causing indescribable ~ once eaten, but also it satisfied
their ~ for [communicating with] God, as well as whatever else they might
have yearned for, as for example, fish or goat or chicken, or any of the kind,
which are considered as worthy by those who seek wantonness and engage in
relevant magical arts - wherefore this [bread] proclaimed the philanthropy of
God who poured this down. And its nature itself was full of~,623 since
this had been prepared from above by an affectionate Father for his ~to
eat; and while it served m-~thota&IDofthose to whom this was offered,
it tfXl&~to whatever they longed for. Therefore, both of these mira-
cles were operated in a supernatural manner, so that they should be confirmed
as [works] by God, who also created ex nihilo the natures of all beings and who
alone transmutes them to whatever He might will.
As regards the Egyptians, their punishment, in addition to being strange
in manner, contained also a weir~t/vthoblazing warer-being poured down
concurrently, each of which, in accordance with its own specific attributes,
consumed their fruits. Instead, the benefaction upon the Israelites was par-
adoxical,624 not only because of the pouring down from above, which took
place daily for approximately forty years,625 and they enjoyed it and were fed
by without any toil, but also (which is more paradoxical than the foregoing
one), a single and the selfsame species [sc. the manna], as if unmindful of its
own mandatory function, manifested itself through all sorts of tastes to those
who enjoyed it.

621 Exodus, 16:14-23; Num. 11:6-9.

622 Psalm 77:25.
623 Exodus, 16:31.
624 Cf. Exodus, 8:18; 9:1-4; 11:7; Wis. 16:17; 19:5.
625 Cf. Exodus, 16:35; Deut. 2:7; 8:3-4; 29:4-5; 2 Esdras, 19:21; Amos, 2:10; 5:25.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 527
%(H<tIzocrearion, ~~wbnuukt4 ~im#'~towar<:b~
idzmaw&l'tIzo~ andi&aF=iFv~b~tiu-~Iuwof=b
tkiftr=b iFvy= ~ aFtizabtimocdw; /tizo crearion/ &~
inm~=rued~aIt-~~~aIt~tlzabwero
~ 8&tIzab~ckUen, wIwnv~~ ~hnow, O~ tlzabibi&
FWbtlzo~&I'~tIzab~man; 6ubibi&~wordtlzab~
tiu-wb6elievoiFvy= %(H<tlzabwlUclvwa&FWb ~&tIzoJiroibmelLed
~wIz=ibwa&warnzeduF~&'lfoinb"'W&I'tIzo&lFlj 8&tlzabiFv~60
nuuk~tlzabOfiOFJUMbr&o~tIzo&UVb~~rlzankandfr<wb~
ujxHvtlzo~&I'tIzo~ %(H<tIzolwj=&I'=~/)er=n/dza/tmdb
~Motlzo~~rime, anddza/tJloar~=~waLer.626
For all things are produced and maintained by God's all too powerful
nod. Andtlzo~ ~~wbnuukt4 ~im#'~~
~&I'tIzo~ who, by means of their desires and impieties,
provoke your Name to anger. Instead, to those who hold this [Name] in high
regard and do not deviate from your decrees, but place all of their trust inJWU;
whereby they train themselves so as to rely on 45v I the vastness of your mercy,
[the creation] i&aFaMej so as to bring about affluent benefaction to them. And
notice that, upon working miracles, God does not give rise to any new creation
which would be FWVei to us; instead, by making use of the one that was ini-
tially created by Him, which is familiar to us, He works out and effects great
miracles. Neither were the means by which He punished the Egyptians certain
alien ones, whereby He brought on transfigured anUnak or ~ ram or Izad
Orfoo627 against those people; but these were the usual ones, yet in abundance
and sufficient to destroy them root and branch by assaulting them beyond the
customary measure. By the same token, the miraculous means by which He
drew His people"8 to His benefaction were not ones belonging to some sort of
novel ~. instead, [He did so] by means of a violent south wind,629 and
[caused] ~to spring from a stone,630 and sent tIzo~31 with morning
drizzles, and from the multitude of birds, [He sent] the <p=i£,632 all of which
[means] are recognisable by us since the beginning [of the world].

626 Wis. 16:24-29.

627 Cf. Wis. 16:16.
628 Cf. Exodus, 17:6; Psalms 49:7; 77:1; 80:9&12&14.
629 Cf. Exodus, 14:20.
630 Cf. Wis. 11:4; Deut. 8:15; 1 Cor. 10:4.
631 Cf. Exodus, 16:1-36; Num. 11:1-9.
632 Cf. Wis. 16:2; 19:12; Cf. Exodus, 16:13; Num. 11:31-32; Psalm 104:40.
 528 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
Naturally then, a£ tIzab limo a£w, tIw entire creaLioFv was in all respects
~ His aIt-~ ~ & ~ inh ~ so that
[God's] will should be realised [and effect] aI1~tlzabwer0needed, and
become whatever each one of them liked, so that, from all of those instances,
this lot of people~hnow- that it is not only tIw~ and auxesis ff'
~and their effectuated offspring tIzab~FJUlFlj· 6ub,0,;"God's word;
by means of tlwcreaLioFvitself, which though is worked out in a different man-
ner tIzab~ rlw=w/w.6eIievo iFv Him.'33 For they were given a share in
an improvised table, eating fill that which satisfied their taste and appetency
in an infinitely more strange way. Contrast to this, the chastised Egyptians
were bereaved from all of their wrought with much toil food, and they beheld
the Izad inflicted against them along with such a ferociou~ which was
preserved unquenched and able to consume anything that was more durable
than this. But once God changed His mind and granted them some time of for-
bearance, this [food] meIced~~,0""""wannedup.&~"'Wff'
tIw&lFlj =tIud; also by these, all of them should be taught that their need was
satisfied not by any produced fruit, but they were fed by God's a.wrd alone, at
the time when Moses said to them, Man shall not live by bread alone, but by
every word that proceeds out a/the mouth a/Gad. 634
And from those [miracles] that they were seeing, namely, that whereas so
muclyifo did not melt Izad in the least, ~ "'W ff'tIw&lfV destroyed all of
that [food, sc. the manna], [they were taught that], ~ any sign of tIw&lFV
and altogether before tIw ~ ff'it, they should turn to God in order to-
~fhank,to Him, andprior to ~ff'any other ~ they should~
to- Him. For the Iwpo that arises to anyone out of ungratefulness (if indeed we
grant that such a person could have any hope at all), just as tIw wiFUer-'", rfm.o
melts~. Likewise, everything that pertains to that [hope] shall accomplish
nothing and shall pass away as if it never existed, in like a manner ~
waters are thrown away, and [people] drain them off because of their odious-
ness. Therefore, we should in every way express thanks to God who is above
all things, and trust in Him alone, and put every hope of ours in Him, and not
hope, as he [sc. David] says, in vanities and deluded madnesses. 635 For we
should give heed to what the penalties paid by the unthankful are.
46r I g;-or-~~aJ'0~andltard~· ~ un.in.-
~.wubIuwo6e=dduded. g;-or-~!awIe=f=o?b~tIzab~

633 Wis. 16:26.

634 Deut. 8:3; quoted in Matt. 4:4 and Luke , 4:4.
635 Psalm 39:5.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 529
could offre= tIzo Iwf!p mUion, tfucp ~ 6ecamo cajXiuo &I'~
~ ~(b~~ dwbiFv~tkifroefi, ea:ifedJronv
tIzoderFud~ [Y(H<wMotfucp ~tlzabtfucp couId~ ~widv
/tIteir/.wcreb ~ 636 tfucp ended uj>.waUered ~ (b darIv oed&I'~­
/lOl'&; ~ dire{y ter#ed and =rfounded & ~ [Y(H< nob eve/V tkif

deef>~tIzab=tJlinedtknv~tknvJronvfiar, 6ub~Jnoi.=
~rmuui akubtknv and~widv~~ ~
~637 .Andno-~&I'~wa&abIobthrow-f(;PwujwFvtkm, ~
could tIzo ~Jla= &I'tIzo ~ i//ummo tIzab IwrribIo ~ CIn{y tkro
~b tknv ~ "'f!I'hindledJire, and ter#ed tfucp wero a£ =
tIzab~~ tfucp~tlzabtluMo6elzddweroaHHWOtluuvtkif
~~ .Andtlzo~arbUtlzo~J!aidcollaj=:t=
{b~doch andtkif~focz%ed~wa& ~
!aid 6ar& [Y(H< tIuMo /~J wbfromMed b eape1~ and trouU=
Jronv (b&dv=u/, wer0&dv~widv(b~~ [Y(H<eve/V
fno-~/~J wero tkro b ~ tkm, &nco tfucp wero.wared &
tIzo~&I'uermiFvandtlzo~ &I'~ tfucpdied iFv~
~ b8eO eve/V tIzoair; wlzidvJronv no-J=fflb could 60 avoided 638
For indeed the miracles that befell us every day surpass fathoming and
exceed any denumerability. And~~ 0 Lord, a/'0~and tran-
scend any human conception (actually, I believe also the angelic and super-
heavenly one), by means of which You, through your providence, administer all
things philanthropically. Besides, they are Izard b~· which means that,
although these [judgements] are~and surpass any comprehension what-
soever, it is not absolutely impossible for us to narrate them. For he [sc. David]
says, [will recount all ofyour wondrous deeds. 639 And, within due limits, we
would somehow marvel at them much more whenever they fall into our reach.
For although these [judgements] are so~, there are certain people who
deluded some .wub that are ~ and not susceptible of admonition
concerning God's greatness, only because they took [those souls] as [irrevo-
cably] fallen ones. For wIzav the ~~ who have attended neither to
God's law, nor to the ordinary law of Nature which lies close at hand in front of
anyone, ~tlzabtfucpcouldoffre=tIzolwf!pmUion, namely, the Israelite

636 Cf. Wis. 1:8-9; 10:8; Ecclesiasticus, 17:19-20; Psalms 64:6-7.

637 Cf. Wis. 18:17.
638 Wis. 17:1-9.
639 Psalms 9:2; 74:3: 8tT]'Y~O"oJ..l.(u1t6:vm Tu8uu)..UlcrulcrOD. Cf. Psalm 70:17: rmarrdw Tu8uuMUcrulcrOD.
530 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
people of God,640 who moved to the Egyptians impelled by no need other than
opting for migrating there because of Joseph, who sat on their throne due to
his virtue,641 who was their ancestor. And [the Egyptians]6ecamo cafXWo&l'
~ that is, of that which compels groping,642 which is more dire than
any gloomy darkness, as if ~ in some sort of prison ~ (b
~~ not [the night] which is familiar to us and appears to last for five or
at the most ten hours, but one that lasts for the entire duration of all days and
nights. Thus, they were lain prisoners of such a dim [night], dwbiFv~r/zeif
roySand indeed being e=kd"and downright despisers of the commands of the
only God, who eternally provides for everything.
[Y(H<wIU/o t/ucP ~ tIzab t/ucP couIdp aaxw wdIv the &= they were
committing, that is, their invention of certain&eC/'ebrituals [worshipping] dae-
mons 46v I and their doing in deep ~ things befitting deep ~
somehow they paid a similar penalty, being blinded and ~ ~ as if
by (bdarhued&l'~ because they had been overtaken by ~
/lOl"& of God, the Maker of all things. Once, therefore, these activities involved

twofold sinning, they tested a twofold punishment by God: whereas they kept
on deifyin~ at that time they led a life ~by countless~ and
spectres. As for the things they hallucinated as being done by those repulsive
creatures in the ~ they were engulfed in a certain ~ which was
far more prolonged than the ~ they were familiar with.
[Y(H< nob eve/V r/zeif clap ~ tIzab =tJIined rkm, nor that deep night
and their feeling that they were living in the Hades, nor the dark quarter they
instantly found themselves in, froteded rknvfio=~ For not only did they
suffer living in darkness during daylight hours, but also they were overwhelmed
by the feeling that something worse was about to be inflicted on them. For weird
~ and gruesome and garbled voices and horrific clatter from all directions
consternated them. But hardships did not stop at that: for also utterly disgusting
and clamorous ~ which were direful to look at, and the mental impact
they made was horrific and ghastly, ~ in front of their dejected faces,
which were ~ daunted because of the overwhelming ~ and of
those~not&& And that which was most~.=CaC43 among these
and apparently manifest for that matter, namely, that all of those were inflicted

640 Cf. Num. 11:29; 4 Kings, 9:6; 1 Paralipomenon, 21:3; Psalm 3:9; Amos, 7:15; Isaiah, 2:6; 63:14.
641 Gen. 41:41-46; 45:8-47:12.
642 Exodus, 10:21-23.
643 Wis. 16:17.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 531
by God himself: they had not been caused by any sort of ~ aFt; as they
thought, nor by any firecraft, such as that which we contrive by means of can-
dles or kindled torches, nor [by the pertinent art], which we practice by means
of igniting sulphur or naphtha or pitch, was as strong as to illumine them. And
not only did such handmadi!'44 lights turned out to be entirely impotent and
deprived of light, but also neither rIzo ~J'lam- &I"rIzo~ could iIIunUno
tIzab~n(;7Iw. For the light of those was diluted by the cause that [normally]
allowed them to exist and illumine. The case was not that those [stars] either
turned nonexistent or they lost their ability to irradiate. Rather, while they were
still there and shed their light, those who experienced that effected punishment
were neither seeing that [light] nor given any share in that.
Moreover, notice the magnitude of the punishment that was inflicted
upon them: for those really existing lights were impotent to emit their natural
brilliance, no matter what the craft used therein. Instead, [to the Egyptians]
another fire of nonexistent foundation became visible. And I believe that this
was brought about so as to cause them more consternation in addition to that
caused by those weird spectres. This is why those [ghosts], being reflected by
such a light, appeared to them both most clearly and more gruesome. For he
says, onf!ptkro~to-tknv~"'f!FhindledJire, which was one
more thing added to those horrific~
..And ter#ed and horror-struck = t/ucP wero em tIud; t/ucP ~ tIzab
t/w,,06elte/dwero~tluuvtlzeifltFl8eeFV~· which stands for [say-
ing], they believed that it would be much better for them if that fire, which
made visible those horrific spectres in such a way, disappeared so that they
could see nothing, rather than [the fire to be there] and terrify them in such a
way. This is how thos~ 645 while being inflicted by such a terrible scourge,
did not cast off their malicious ~ 646
..Andrlzo~W'bUrlzo~.I!aid~ For they thought
highly of such things, seeking to oppose God's servant,647 Moses, 47r I and chal-
lenging him by means of those, and compelling him to work miracles. Anyway,
they were altogether belied by being inflicted with the scourge of that ~­
/lOl"&. 648 For in addition to this, those !aid~=aJaEf51~&toch, since rIzo

644 Cod. xnp01tOtT]TU. Cf. Lev. 26:1&30; Judith, 8:18; Wis. 14:8; Isaiah, 2:18; 10:11; 16:12; 19:1; 21:9;
31:7; 46:6; Daniel, 5:23; 6:28.
645 Cf. Wis. 5:4.
646 Wis. 12:24; cf. 1:12; 11:15.
647 Exodus, 14:31; cf. Num. 12:7-8; Jesus Nave, 9:2b; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.
648 Wis. 17:2&16&20.
532 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
~arb Utizo ~Jhad achieved nothing. Rather, at that time, rkif
~focz%ed ~wa& ~!aid taro in front of them.
And inasmuch as those wIw- fromMed Pharaoh and his magistrates and all
of the Egyptians,649 that they could straightaway eape1fi= and trouble&; as
well as all of the ~650 that had been inflicted on them by God, they
had themselves a &dv.wu4 which could bethink no healthy notion about God
whatsoever, and wero &dv ~ wdIv "" ridicuIo=~. For they
sought to counteract and deter Moses on the pretext of some sort of ostensi-
ble piousness rather than because they were in fact unable to work miracles
themselves 651 g!"(H<eueFVfFlO"~/~Jwer0rkrotv-~tkm, and
not any of such things could affright them, as they boasted, but instead they
were able to gain mastery over those, and ever greater ones, nevertheless, they
turned out false: for once they were .reared & things they hallucinated, both
tIzo~ ffsupposed-to-be uernWv within that deep darkness which com-
pelled groping,6ll andthe sounds resembling tIzo~ff~ as if they
turned maddened by excessive fear, t/ucP died iFv ~fiar; absolutely
~ tv-.ux, even for a short while (which means, altogether not bearing up
to look face to face), tIzo air; wlzidvfio= FlO"j=fflb cou/d 60 avoided, and was
quite full of ~653 and jammed with weird~and clatter and~
as well as superabundantly stuffed with every sort of turmoil.
g!"(H< ~ i& ~ P eax:eIIence, = tIu& i& ~
eajx=4. and~tIu&/~J i& callediFv~&~
iblla& ~ incurred~iii g!"(H<~i&~ ~tIuuv~
ff tIzo ~ ('/fired & ..And wIz= tIzo inward Iwf= i& redaced, ib
rea&JFv.

~{{>IiWJ ~nwrotluuv tIzo ca=owlzidv~ aboub~

{j(Jttb~t/ucP/= tIzo~J, ~tlzabintolerablo~654 wIzidv
camo~/tknv.lfto=tIzo~~fftlzo~~ toer0

~ ~ iFv orhtv-deef> tIzo ~deeA = tIzo 0fi0/zand, t/ucPwero

tornzenred & FJWfldrot= ~ wIUIe, = tIzo orkr; t/ucP wer0 ea:Iuutded
6eca=o rkif.wtd !aid ~ tknv. g!"(H< "" =idav and ~~
drudvtknv. ~ ~p~=tIzo.rf=4Ilowa&6ound=f~
~ iFv ttJad todIwttb 6ar& g!"(H< FlO" nzatTer-~ Ilowa& ,,"Iutdxmd-
nuzn; (H<,,"~ (H<,,"~iFvtlzo~ 0fiC01lowa& ~/iFvto-

649 Cf. Deut. 7:18.

650 Wis. 11:13.
651 Cod. fAin.!f. Exodus, 7:1-11:10; 8:3-15; 9:8-12.
652 Exodus, 10:21-23.
653 Wis. 17:2&16&20.
654 Exodus, 10:21-23.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 533
tIzi&~J, Iwwa&.udx/uedwtlw~~~ [Y(H<a/1
&f'tlzenvwero6oundwidv""~cIzaUv&f'~ W~ibwero,,"~
~ (H<,,"~~ &f'~ iFv~ 6randze&; (H<,,"~
nwrioFv &f'~ ~ ~ (H< "" IuuwIv cradv &f'~ Iwrfed down,
(H<tIw~~&f'~animd&; (H<,,"uoico&f'~nwd~
wi/d6ead&j (H<=ecbre=undedfonvtlwnwdlwllowed&f'~ a/1&f'
rI=o~tlzenvwidv~6jj

Falsehood, due to its own nature, shall never be able to substantiate itself,
even if it has myriads of advocates, as indeed neither its nurturer, namely,
~ will. But this wise man [sc. Solomon] considers things in accor-
dance with their inherent nature, because his intention is to expose the mal-
ice of the Egyptian sages and [demonstrate] how they were discredited when
they assured that they were able to counteract Moses 656 Thus, he says, [Y(H<
~i&cowardicofxv"~ OFU:OtIzi&i&~~. and
~tIzi&/~.1 i& callediFv~& =ience, iblza&~
~~. whereby he suggests that there are also other coward
things, 47v I but ~ becomes so fxv" eaxeIknco by belying the truth.
For one's spirit is formed by the masque of this [wickedness].
CInco ~ i& eapo.red,. for this is discredited by means of vivid facts
themselves, and testimony against it comes from no other source. As for coward-
.0obeing revealed, we thereupon realise that, both from experience and in theory,
it is well known to us that, oftentimes, when the most audacious of the wicked
were overwhehned by ~ they committed suicide. [The case of] Judas
attests to this: onco he was called in question & his ~ for his betrayal,
and having repented Of'7 those things that he had committed in his impiousness,
the only thing he did out of his cowardico was but fastening a noose to himself
As for ~ being cowardice, there are two arguments supporting
this: on the one hand, circumstances themselves and their upshots demon-
strate that [wickedness] results in condemnation, as if incurring the stigma of
vicissitudes; on the other, once the outcome of things is realised, the intensity
of hardships intensifies, because ~ is arrowed from every side. Both
of these generat~
[Y~i&~~tIuuv~&f'tIw~eIfired&rea&JFv.
For a wicked one contemplates myriads of contrivances in his mind, and plans to

655 Wis. 17:10-18.

656 Exodus, 7:11-22; 8:1-15.
657 Cf. Matt. 27:5.
 534 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
perpetrate multitudinous dire things, and weighs up eventualities, such as,
if an aspect of his fails, he will act accordingly so as to accomplish his goal;
but if reality proves to him that he strove indiscriminately and in vain, blows
& his COFlACienco ensue. And once one is left in the lurch by all the ~
he previously contrived and thought he possessed them against other people,
he turns out both very faint-hearted and frightened, thus having procured for
himself ~ which is both strange658 and disproportionate. Besides, once tIzo
inward Iwpo which is concomitant with the plans that a wicked one intrigued
""rea'ked(that is, is has abated, since reality proved this false), ib~uF
/it&.1~as being many times as much as tIzoC£Ul8OwIUdv~abouo
~ For (bcowarddoes not reckon with just as many things as those for
which he has been caught; rather, he cowardly revolves his mind around the
consequences [he believes] he will incur.
Once, therefore, the enchanters'''9 and wizards"'" of the Egyptians suf-
fered this, too, and they had been ~ and called iFv ~ by the cir-
cumstances themselves, which they both beheld and suffered by, and having
been inflicted with many times as many wounds by their ~ and hav-
ing rejected any ~ &!fired & re=on; they grew distressed by a lot of
~ and cowardic& And even if any modicum of Iwpo existed within them-
selves, this was lost, which impelled them to wef!1Iv uF their ~ nwro
tIuuv tIzo ca=o which exposed them as having committed such sins. That is,
whereas they bragged that they could do great things, they were unmasked by
means of those that they suffered, namely, tIzab intoIerabIo [three-day long]
~1 that was impossible to be overtaken by daylight, wIUdv camo ~
/tknv.lJi'o=tIzo~nooh&&I"tIzo~~ to which [Hades] it
had been also impossible ever to be illumined at all.
And while, during that tenebrous ~ which was impossible to be taken
over by a morn light, it was impossible for them to corne up from tIzo~
and by far all too darkest nooh& of this [sc. Hades], they were ~~m-~
indeed to tIzoselfsame and ~~ which is not interrupted by wakeful-
ness, tIwsowerej=ra{tpedwitlv~ for their ~Utlzo~&Ifired
& rea=nj: = tIzo ~ ~ wer0 tvrnzenLed & FJWfldrott& ~ since
(}flO

they were overwhehned by the vividness of the [surrounding] reality, wIzik, =

658 Cf. Wis. 19:8: 8.scop~O"avn:c; 8UUj.illo"TU Tipma.

659 Exodus, 7:1-11:10; 8:3-15.
660 Exodus, 9:11; Daniel, 5:8.
661 Exodus, 10:21-23.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 535
rIzootlzer; ~W0'0ea:ltauded6eca=otlzeif.wtdlzadde.xrtedtlzem, while they
were wrenched and inflicted &ctheir ~itself g-",",,"~48r I and
~~druchtlzem, evidently having befallen them because of the fore-
gomg causes.
~ ~anyonewas,~Ize,tuer0cv~ ~CV#
Izerd; ",",,"~iFvrlzo~ mining gold or iron, or a merchandiser on
a road journey, or collecting certain [goods] of those that are somehow useful
to life, h'1fi&' ~ = rIzo.rjwb, once that unexpected n(;7Iw corne suddenly
upon them. For it was altogether impossible for them to move from one spot to
another, even at a short distance. Instead, once one was thrown at that place and
suffered a state of overwhelming vertigo, and in reality ~~iFv that
place, 1wtfXl&6ound=f~~iFv'fiai4 which was unwalled and
wdIwub 6ar& And in that place Iw tfXl& ~limo- tIu& &tuaLion/ from
(}fiCO

every side, which was impossible for anyone to escape from, 1wtfXl&.ut!x!uedto-
rIzo~~~ g-","wdIv,,"~cIzaUv&l"~ not one
made of either iron or any other sort of matter, aI1&I"rIzenv wer0 6ound, being
possessed by the selfsame bond. And all of this noise, as this was produced by
the air being stricken and fell upon the ears,j=ra{tpedrlzenvwdlv~
For ~ ib wero "" wind ~ and producing a noise, this did not
appear to them as something ~ but it~ rIzenv with a horrifying
weird crash; ",",,"nzeIodiou&.wund&l"fHrd&; which, when stricken up by them
cheerily, it produces unfathomable pleasure to those who hear it, especially
when they sing sitting around~~decorated with leaves from
all sides, while the leaves join [the singing] by whispering quietly as they are
moved by a gentle wind. And yet, even this noise to them appeared dire and
~rlzenvwdlv~
O~""~nwtioFv&l"~~~ That is, the downward
movement of waters of rivers, which produces sound by the resounding rush
of waters. This did not sound pleasantly to their ears either, hence, it juv'-
a{y=d rIzenv widv Iwrror; too. Moreover, if it were,," cradv &I"done& Izurfed
~ from clefts in high ~ which [noise] by its own nature is 1uuwIv,
once it fell on their ears, it made an exceeding impact on them and~
because it frightened tIzenv. Therefore, notice that both nzeIodiou& and eupho-
nious rhythms that are agreeable to hear, as well as harsh and out of tune ones,
were heard similarly. And both of them j=ra{tped all of those people in like
manner, driving some of them thunderstruck and deafened.
O~rIzoltFl.u!eMY{fiF~&I"~cuu"mak Forexceptforthoseweird~
none of the existing things was visible to them. But even those [ghosts] were
536 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
only heard as such. Accordingly, even a simple ~ ('/aninuzk and any
mere chance sound~~~~
O~,,"uoico('/~mod~wi/d~· such as, for example, wolves
or dogs, (H< indeed = ecbJivnv tIzo mod IwIIowed ('/~ ~
back towards the source of the voice. For this is what happens in the cases when
there is no ample space available for beaten air, so that this would spread out.
Instead, once a blown air reaches another solid body and bumps into it, the
sound that comes thence, as if rebounded in like a manner faces are reflected
[by a mirror], is reflected back again more vehemently, thus producing an echo
to ears. Therefore, both of these, namely, tIzouoico('/~6ea,m,and the ecb
~Jivnvtlzomodlwllowed('/~~~~~
48v I g7(H< tIzo wIwIo worfd wa& iIIuminared ~ "" ~ %M and
IJ=pIej ~iFvtlzeifworkwiUwub~ ..And""~n(;1Iwofread
~ tknv/= tIzo~.1 alone, = ~('/tIzo~ tizabwa& aboub
ben=o~tIzem, 6ubrl=ower0b~FJWr0~rIuuv~
g; COflh<ad; tIzo %Mwa& mod~ b~fXo= one&. ..And wIzi/o ~/=
tIzo~.1wer0~tIzeif/= ('/tIzo.'T~ u0ic06ubFWb~
tIzeif~ ~deenzedrl=o~6eca=o~IzadFWb6eav~
and ~/= tIzo~.1 wer0tfuu#id6eca=o~fo. tIzo~.1 did
FWblzu,ctlzem, ~~Izad 6eav~~ and imjAored~ b
~~662 ~tIzo=/= tIzotlzreo.4Y~J,:Z;OfV~
~""~~&tfiro=,,"~b=~~and,,"~
~ tIzeif~ ~ g7(H< rI=o
&UV tIzo~.1 fo.
~b60defriued(,/%Mand~iFv~ 6eca=o~wero
rI=owblzadkU~= cajXiue; ~wlwnvtlzo~%M(,/
~!aarwa& b60 COfJlFJUtFlicatb tIzoenLiroworU 663
Whereas serenity had dawned all over and the entire world was illumi-
nated with a most brilliant ~ and at a time when all men ~ iFv their
work wdIwub ~ he says that "" ~ n(;1Iw had ofread ~ the
Egyptians alone, which was the ~664 that compelledgroping,665 and the
weird dominance of the~666 and the rest of portents that stemmed from

662 The commentator below explains this as meaning they implored them to depart)from the land of
Egypt. Obviously, this author explains this after Exodus, 12:31: 'And Pharaoh called Moses and
Aaron by night, and said to them, Rise and depart from my people, both you and the sons of Israel;
and serve the Lord your God, according as you say.)
663 Wis. 17:19-18:4.
664 Cf. Exodus, 10:21-23. Wis. 17:2&16&20.
665 Exodus, 10:21-23.
666 Wis. 17:4.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 537
that [darkness], which was indeed =~and, one could say, a betrotha/,667
ffrIzo ~ tIuzb~ aboub w eFl&t0 ~ tIzenv at the time of Judgement.
For definitely the sequence of this current life is that eternal life,~68 and the
subsequent state will be commensurate with our conduct in this life. That is,
those who have carried out good things, they will gain that consecutive state
as a good one; but those who committed bad things, they will [receive] this
as one being both heinous and abhorrent. And the Egyptians sank into such a
despair, and such was their reproach of their own conduct, that they felt them-
selves as being both more~ and more distraught by that rampant dar/?-
Fl€88j 669 because they were overwhelmed by disheartenment and hebetude.

§; COfllrad; rIzo &Iw ~ nwd~ W ~jXo= =

This was not a
supernatural one, which would have appeared only if the Jews had any associa-
tion with the Egyptians, so that they should be granted light: for he [sc. Solomon]
says, rIzowlwlowor!d~illuminaLedwitlv""~!f7M Nevertheless, the
exceptional thing about this miracle was this: although both peoples inhabited the
same cities and houses, [the Jews] had a shining!f7M which was the usual light,
whereas [the Egyptians] had that darkness, which was ineluctable and impossible
to make out its nature. In this situation, when the Egyptians (ljQ'0 ~ tIzeif
fo. rIzo~ U0£C06ubFWb~tIzeif~ ~deenzedtlzenv
~ because they surmised that the &Iw which they were granted stemmed
from those things they heard while working in their gatherings, which is why
they were not also overtaken by that deep ~
Besides, ~(ljQ'0~for another reason, since it was possible to them [sc.
the Hebrews], recalling that ~!lad 6eav~ ~ [by the Egyptians], to
obliterate those who were in such a miserable predicament; instead, although they
could do so, they did not harm them, showing a great philanthropy towards those;
naturally then, they received their thanks. Moreover, not only (ljQ'0 the Egyptians
~for this philanthropy, but also they imj>!oredtlzenvw~~
that is, to go away from them, so that they [the Egyptians] should not suffer so many
things because of having confined them. Therefore, it was because the Egyptians
showed so much ungratefulness that they experienced such a deep ~
By contrast, to the Israelites that are devout to You, (1) ~670 instead of
~671 :JIOfV~tknv, on the one hand, ""~~&tfiro=""

667 Cf. Eph. 1:14; 2 Cor. 1:22; 5:5.

668 Cf. John, 12:50; 17:3; Rom. 6:23; 1 John , 5:20; etpassim.
669 Wis. 17:2&16&20; 18:4; 19:7.
670 Cf. Wis. 9:1 ; 10:20; 12:2; 16:12; 16:26; 19:9; 19:22.
671 Wis. 17:2&16&20.
 538 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
~&nIFVwu:Izarted~at the time when they fled from Egypt,672 and, on
the other, ,,"~&lFV, so as to have it during their approximately673 forty years
traveling through the desert:'74 and accomplishing that~~
[being supported] by the manna 49r I and the other benefactions 67' For instead of
wind, under those circumstances, the&lFV was a succour to them, since it brought
about nothing that would have been unpleasant, both during summer and winter.
Instead, the Egyptians suffered the well-deserved punishment, as they
~w-60defriuede/~andimfri=nediFV~ because tfucp[held]
~ = cajXiuo and suffering hardship in the clay and in brick-making,676
and not being allowed to leave till the time when God led and protected them,
that is, the Hebrews ~wlwnvtlzo~~e/~!aar((Xl&w-60
conznutFlicaLedw-tizoenLiroworid, namely, the legislation itself, which God gave
to Moses, so as to edify them until the advent of the great God and our Saviour.
..Am-1w1z=tfucplzadre=lvedw-dwtlzo~ e/tIzo~ widvOfiO cIUId
~6eavimferdedand.uwed, iFV~y=tooIv~""nutUi&tdoe/
tIzeif cIUIdren; and ~ tknv ~ iFVw- uiohw ~ :3hab nf!lIw
((Xl&mado~w-OfY<~[Jfore, =-tlzabtfucp~ F(joicoiFVtIzooark; w-
wlzidvtfucplzad~ credenc& ~ ~e/tIzo~and~
tioFv e/tizo enenzi=((Xl& ~ fty~~ g/"(H<tIzo= ftywlzidv
y=~OfY<~wer0t1zo==rI=oftywlzidvy=~lt8j
= y = caIIed= w-~ g/"(H<iFV.recreb didtlzo~ cIUIdreFVe/jXo=
=~~ andtfucp~adkredw-tIzo~faw., /decree-
0!lI tIzab tIzo.utinW dwu/d dutro aIik tIzo = ~ and ~
wMo~ iFV advanco tIzo~ ~ {j(Jub/wMotfucp='l% tIzo
~wade/tizoenenzi= ((Xl& ~ and tIzowo/fid.wunde/1amen-
tarioFvfotlzeifclUldreFV~foandwid& {j(Jodv tIzomader-and tIzo~
wero=fjecb w- tIzo=~ and tIzo ~~ tIzo=
= tIzo~ ..Am-1a11e/tknvIzadJoin&~dead ~ tIzo=
hinde/dauIz, ~ did tIzo ~"f#co w- ~ tkm, 6eca=o tIzo~
~e/tknvlzad6eav~iFVOfiO~ g/"(H<~/W"~tr=biFV
tIzo~6eca=oe/tizodeadve/tIzo~ tfucp~tIzab
tlzi&j=p!oCYOtIzo=e/.i7od. g/"(H<wMoal1~wer0encomjx=edfty<ptieb

672 Exodus, 13:21-22; cf. 14:24; 16:35; Num. 14:14; 2 Esdras, 19:12; 19:19.
673 The author writes 'approximately' (noD) because, unlike the other biblical books speaking of
'forty years', Jesus Nave, 5:6 has it 'forty-two years'.
674 Cod. otCOO.sUODO"L Exodus, 13:21-22; 14:24; 16:35; cf. Num. 14:14; Deut. 2:7; 8:3-4; 29:4; 2 Esdras,
19:12; 19:19-21; Amos, 2:10; 5:25.
675 Exodus, 16:35.
676 Exodus, 1:14.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 539
~ andtlzabn(;1lwwa&iFvtlzonzidw&l'ir&=tfIi~~~word
Ieaf=d~fonvf'zawavoub&l'~~~ <='l:forco~inbFtIzo
nzidw&l',,"!and&l'~ andwMo~~~~­
meFlb <= ""duup.uvord, ibdood andJilled uF aI1 ~ widv deaUv,. andwMo
ib touckd tIzo kaven; ib dood a£w. = tIzo earrIv. ~ ~ ~ &I'
fw.rribIodrean=trou6Iedtlzenv~and~~canlO~
tIzenv. hzd (}flO ~ Izeroand ~tkre, lu#dead, dwwed tIzo caEMO &I'
~deaLIv. ;:ft(H<tIzodrean=tlzabtrou6ledt/z.o= didftro{Xl&o oivw, && o~o
ofucp ",~td =0~witIwub~wlytfucpwer0~677
Whereas this great man [Solomon] has formulated most of his exposition
after the form of prayer, now, following his wise father and prophet [David], he
hails God apropos of His aforementioned miracles. And honouring these both
prior to and after this point, he demonstrates His greatness, notably, how did it
corne about that, by means of the selfsame and similar circumstances, He pun-
ished the enenzi=678 while rewarding His devout ones by performing the most
jxu=bxicaP' of things in either case. On the one hand, since the Egyptians kid
the Hebrews ~ and did not allow their exodus to God, they were ~
0Fl0d iFv that ~ 680 as a sort of 'fiad witIwub 6ar& 681 On the other, since
tfucpfuujre=fvedfo.dwtlzo~&I'tIzo~ and either they committed this
themselves or assigned to midwives 49v I to carry this out and not allow male
babes to live, they incurred tIzo ~ &l'their ow~ ones 682 And once
(}flOcIUId was imferiIed, namely, Moses, who was enclosed in a basket thrown
off into the river''') but was pulled up from the river by Pharaoh's daughter,
who rescued him and adopted him as her son,684 since she did this because
God had willed so, tIzeir. ~ were put to death iFv~85 through
Moses himself, because they had dared to commit such acts. And not only those
~ but also all of those who perished into the depth of the sea686 and iFv
that~wafer.[were put to death, too). :3hab#4 therefore, during which
the entire sea turned into mainland by means of a violent south wind,687 wa&

677 Wis. 18:5-19.

678 Wis. 10:19; 11:3; 11:5; 12:20; 12:22; 16:4; 16:8; 16:22; 18:7; 18:10.
679 Wis. 5:2; 16:17; 19:5.
680 Wis. 17:2&16&20; 18:4; 19:17.
681 Wis. 17:15.
682 Wis. 18:13, ref. to Exodus, 13:15.
683 Exodus, 2:6.
684 Exodus, 2:5-10.
685 Wis. 11:7; 18:5.
686 Exodus, 15:4 (Odae, 1:4).
687 Cf. Exodus, 14:20.
540 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
nzado ~ b 0fY<~ g!i'>re; through God's words themselves, by way of
which He had avowed to make their offspring as numerously numerous as the
sand that is by the seashore,'88 as well as to enable them to possess the cities
of their adversaries,689 and that, in them, all the nations of the earth shall be
blessed. 690 And notice that he says, :3habnf!llw((Xl&nzado~bOfY<~
g!i'>re; which carne to pass four hundred years later. Actually, not only ((Xl& this
nzado ~ g!i'>re; but once tfucp!tad~ ~ they carne to feel the
utmost of rejoicement, because they overwhelmingly believed iFv tIw oadz& that
had been sworn by God in respect of them. Thus, tIzab~ which ((Xl&nzado
~b them g!i'>re; ((Xl& ~ &~j=opfo both as ~&I'tIw
~ which indeed they received, and as ~&I'tIw~ which
the Egyptians incurred 691 .sw"'"tIw=&~the Lord~the adver-
=ri=wer0t1w==tIw"o&~He~His own people, whom
he calkdbHimself. For tIw~ ~&I',btOtwfathers performed the
sacrifice of the lamb'92 iFv.recrd; and always ~ tfucp adkred b tIw
divino law, which under those circumstances by common consent decreed that
they dwu/d.duzroalihotlw=~and~ For although they
were very close to tIw ~ and the Egyptians were ill-disposed towards
them and believed that God's signs were but a sort of their own ancient magical
acts, wherefore they were eager to utterly perish them out, [the Jews1postulated
a stipulation upon the sacrifice of the lamp, namely, that all of them should both
partake of this and daringly dwu/d.duzroalihotlw=~
And during that night, [the Jews1were ~ their ~hymns,
perhaps ones of suppliance for their own salvation, or even triumphal [songs1
befitting the sacrificed [lamb]. But opposite those hymns, tIw~wad&l'
tlwenemi=((Xl&~' they were crying aloud for the torment that newly
had been brought against them'93 and a ~voice &I'~ carne out
of them bemoaning thei~~ For during that same night and iFv
OflOnzonzenC; each and every one ofthei~was killed.
And since tIw nzader- and tIw.reruaFlb wero =fjecb b and tIw =
0fl0

~ and tIw ~~ t I w = and similar things = tIw

~, all of them had innumerable dead out of the same kind of death, which

688 Gen. 22:17; cf. Gen. 1:22; 1:28; 8:17; 9:1; 9:7; 26:3-4. 17; 32:13; Daniel 3:36 (Odae, 7:36).
689 Gen. 22:17; 24:60.
690 Gen. 18:18; 22:18; 26:4. Gal. 3:8.
691 Cf. Exodus, 12:12-14.
692 Cf. Exodus, 29:38; Lev. 23:19; Num. 28:20&29; 29:2-37; 2 Paralipomenon, 29:22; 2 Esdras, 7:17.
693 Wis. 11:18.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 541
means, they bemoaned to one another, saying '1 have suffered the loss of my
firstborn son or daughter'. And the scourge upon them was as awful as to be
impossible for tIzo~ ones t&~ their dead, 6eca=otlzonobled~
fftkm, namely, their tIzo~ 1zad6eav~iFvOflOc!P
And those who had abided by interpreting the signs of God that had been
previously sent upon them according to their own ~ 50r I and
essayed to stand up against those andlzad/W"~f/'ttdiFvthose, and were at
a loss upon the death of th~ ones, carne to admit that tIu&j>eopIo are
tIzo&OFV ffPod" and worthy of full freedom due to being &on. 694
Nevertheless, this wise man [sc. Solomon] does not stop at recounting tIzo
deatIvUtlzo~ alone: instead, he dwells upon the [story of] the miracle,
and refers to the time of tIzo deatIv and demonstrates both who was the wrecker
and how he carne to be at hand. Thus, by word of God, he means His life-giving
command and His relentless decision against the Egyptians, which was definitely
ministered by an awful angel intending to cause horror, who was intolerable even
to lay eyes on him. Consequently, in the first place, those who died, ~5
as they were696 in the first place by such a horrible [affliction], were thrown into
confusion, as if they were seeing dreanwand experiencing ~~
which was also a condition miraculously caused by God, so that, by realising
tIzocaEbfO&flheir deatlvout of the visible dominion of tIzo~ they should
persuade those who survived that destruction could be brought against them for
no reason other than their unfaithfulness and their ill-treatment of the Hebrews.
Definitely then, this is what the dreanw that troubIedrknvJ6rec=b.
JV'~ tIzo ~ ffdeatlv toucIzed tIzo~ too;. ~ iFv
tIzo de.rert, tIzero wa& {bdroho ff ~ ujxHv (b nutUirudo ff tkm, too; 6ub
tIzo wradv did nob !ad ~ [Y(H< = (b 6IameIe= nuuv moved ~ and
~0:fonoffrknval1qy~(b~~IU&~ ~ qy
~~and~ incen.=·lzodooduj> ~ tIzowradv and
~tIzo~t&=end; tIw&~tlzablzoi&~.reru=b.697..And1zo
frevaiIed=-tIzonwlr~qytlzo~ ffIU&6o&~qylMOffa/'FJbSj
indead, lzo=lx!uedrknvqy=fflU& ~word, ~rknvff
tIzo oadz& ~ and tIzo ~ madoh Pod! widv tIzo~ [Y(H<wiz=
tIzo dead wero ~JitIIav 0fl0 ujxHv ~ iFv ~ qy ~ iFv tIzo

694 Cf. Exodus, 11:4-10; 12:12-36.

695 Wis. 17:6.
696 Wis. 17:6.
697 Cf. 6 8.spemcov MCOD0"11c;, Ex. 14:31; Num. 12:8; Joshua, 1:2; 9:2b&d; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.
 542 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
nWiw&l'tIzem,698 IwIzdd6advtlw~Utlw~and6lockd1zi&=w
towar<:btiuMowbwer0&ti/1~ [Y(H<tlwwlwlo&l'~wa&iFvj/zi&J
Ji'd£~robe, and tIw~ ~ &l'tIzej~ wer0~ iFvJV-
~OfV~Jdone&, and~~ujwFV{b~OfVIzi&kad. ~
/~JtIw~~Jro=, andtlw=lwfored. [Y(H<~tlweapo­
rienco&l'~wa&~ ~fotlw~ mercile=wradvflujwFVtknv
until tIw end. [Y(H< tIw~ hnao- iFv ~ ~~ ack; ~ tIzab
~~/= tIw ~J aIIowedtknv/= tIw~J b~
and8efibtknv~~699 ~wouU~and cIuMotknv. 7OO
He recounts the events that befell the Hebrews in the desert after the earth
had swallowed up those that were with Korah and Dathan and Abiram,701 and
says, tIw~&I'deadvtoudtedtlw~ fvo:; because of the wrath
they caused when they enraged Moses in the camp and Aaron, the holy one
of the Lord?02 For one should be astonished at the paradox of the men having
been swallowed up and the burning of those who offered the incense?03 This
is probably analogous to those who, as if having assumed the stuff of wicked-
ness, they essay to do similar things to saints and impiously vest themselves
with priesthood, like those who could not comprehend the events concerning
Moses and Aaron, who had asked for punishment of only those [sc. of Dathan
and Abiram and all the men ofKorah] who went down to the Hades while still
being alive?04
..Am-1, iFv tIw de.rert, tizerowa& (bdrolw&l'~ujwFV(bnutUirudo&l'tknv.
Probably, all of them would have died at God's behest, when He commanded
Moses and Aaron to segregate themselves from that crowd, so that He might
consume them once and for all,7°5 had it not been for the evil-forbearing Moses
to beseech God SOv I and hold back His anger,706 wherefore only fourteen thou-
sand and seven hundred men died at one stroke. This is why he [sc. Solomon]
says, 6ubtlwwradvdidnob!ad~ Instead, [Moses~iFv~&I'tknv
a&'and somehow he became the one who championed advocacy for them in the
face of God, as (b ~ fiUl/V who mooed ~ and, in order to face the

698 Num.17:13.
699 Cf. Exodus, 12:33.
700 Wis. 18:20-19:2. Cf. Exodus, 14:4-10.
701 Cf. Num. 16:1-35; 26:9-10; Ecclesiasticus, 45:18; Psalm 105:16.
702 Psalm 105:16; cf. Num. 15:15.
703 Num. 16:35; Psalm 105:18; cf. Leviticus, 10:1-3.
704 Num. 16:30&33; cf. Psalm 54:16; Isaiah, 38:18 (Odae, 11:18); Ecclesiasticus, 14:16; 17:27; 41:4.
705 Num.16:21-22.
706 Num.16:21-22.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 543
Invincible One while leading the fight for the sake of his own people, he used
not some [ordinary] weapon; instead, he took up ,,"~~his min-
istry, namely, &~~and~~ This is how, there-
fore, Moses commanded Aaron to take his censer and put incense on it, and
proceed forth in front of the people/07 whereby IzodooduF~tIzowraUv
of God against those people, and ~ tIzo ~ b = ~ as a conse-
quence of which [sc. calamity] they would have died almost forthwith.
:37uw~tlzablzoi&~.reruani!08 and it was You who had elected
him; and he did not rise to leadership by means of tyrannising your people, as
those who were there and stood up against him and those under the earth, who
lately went down [to Hades] while still being alive/'J9 accused him.
hdlzo~=-tIzo~and over the irrational impulse of that crowd
~&tIzo~fflU&6mfy~&ll80ffa/'fJl8j indead, Izo=lx!uedtlzenv
&= ffIU& ~ word, by which also the erudite are instructed and
cherish admonition and do not spurn edification, ~ tIzenv ff tIzo oadz&
~and~mm:lel&§odjwitlvtlzo~ which God had confirmed
to them by oath and gave to their offspring, 710 professing that He should elevate
them to great glory - [oaths], nevertheless, which those people impelled God to
set at naught, because of such a sinning of theirs towards Him.
gf"(H< wIz= tIzo dead wero ~~ 0fi0 ujwFV ~ t/v ~ and
already the slaughter of death had begun vigorously, once Aaron stood keeping
his censer and incense,711lzokld6achtlzo~Utlzo~For once he
went through that part of the crowd from which death's piecing insection had
begun,1zo6loched1U&~~tIw"owlzo.were.ui/talive, which he did very
rapidly indeed. And he managed to spare from death those he carne upon during
that stride; as for those who were at other points, although some of them were
still alive, they were vanquished by the death's invisible plague. And Izonzarclzed
wearing his priestly garment. For he [sc. Solomon] says, gf"w<tIzowlwloff~
~wa&t/v j'hi&ffi!£~robe, andtlzo~~ff~
wero~· that is, the entire Hebrew race and their salvation at that time hinged
on ~~ robe, which Aaron was clad with, functioning as a priest. h d
tIzo~~ff~ whom God had promised to glorify through

707 Num. 16:17--18; cf. 17:12.

708 Cf. 6 8.spemcov MCODO"flc;: Ex. 14:31; Num. 12:8; Joshua, 1:2; 9:2b&d; 1 Paralipomenon, 16:40.
709 Num. 16:30-33; cf. Psalm 54:16. See supra, p. 289: oDe; tv r/.6ov t;&vmc; 6 ®.soC; Ka'[aj3.s~T]n:vat
KUTZ'VTj<p<l)OUTO.
710 Cf. Gen. 15:18.
711 Num.17:11-15.
544 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
their own offspring712 were hung 0:JV-rotfA5'OfV~Jdone&, namely, three
[names] on each offour rows, and the succour that each one of those [fathers] pro-
vided corresponded apiece to the name that was graven, indicating the respective
race of each one of them. Besides, God's ~ and the carving-knife aiming
against the disobedient ones was 0fV Aaraon's head, meaning that this could either
obliterate them all or cause philanthropy to be granted them.
:3ho ~~Ji'o= tIw.= /~.1 The angel who effected the
operation of death was vanquished by the garments of priesthood; and once he
feared them, he withdrew. For he assumed that Moses' payer and the incen.=('/
~13 and the priestly garments and that marching [of Aaron through
the crowd] were [signs] sent by God, and that tkifeaperienco('/~suf­
ficed to edify the people ofGod?14
..A&fo tIzo imfXo= and those that happened to inhabit Egypt, [God's]
wrath b&wdunattlzoendj both because GO~15 their unrepentance
during the time when those people, following the plague concerning the
death of their firstborn 716 and the massive devastation inflicted on them,
and while they experienced those afflictions, allowed the Hebrews to depart
and follow the way that God had instructed them to follow717 But when t/ucP
8eFlbtknv ~~ 718 51r I while being terror-stricken lest they should
suffer something worse, they changed their mind and, being bowled head
over heels into foolishness, they made an attempt to c/uuo tknv. For they
had not corne to their senses, neither because of the previous afflictions nor
following their recent ones, namely, the~and their ~a£tIzo
~ of the dead m
!JZJa£wlzdwt/ucPwerodi/1~ and ~ cb= &tIzo~ ('/
tIzo ckad, t/ucP deui.red FJWr0JVo1idv ~ and cIt=ed =~ tIw.=
(}flO

wlwnvt/ucPlzadimfAoredto-~ g;-~t/ucPweroenricedto-tIzi&~&
=~~ wlUclvdrew-tknvinto-~ =tlzabtlzo~
~~~tkif~dwu/d60~and~j=opfo
mf!1Iwmaho,,"~~ wMotlw.=dwu/dmeebtkif~

712 Cf. Gen. 13:16-17; 22:17-18.

713 Wis. 18:21; Num. 17:12; cf. Lev. 16:13; 1 Kings, 3:14; Ecclesiasticus, 45:16.
714 Cf. Wis. 18:13; Judices, 20:2; 1 King, 14:45; Esther, 1O:3g.
715 Wis. 19:1.
716 Wis. 18:13; cf. Exodus, 13:15.
717 Cf. Exodus, 12:31.
718 Wis. 19:2; cf. Exodus, 12:33.
719 Wis. 19:3.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 545
deadv. [Y(H<tIzoenLiro creaLioFvtfXl&~=fo= =f&Iz, ~t&
it& = jFwuetj~ t/v orht&=ruo~~ 720 8& tIzab~ cIUIdrav
could 60 nzainrained~· tIzo cloud ~ tIzo camf>;.721 and wIzero
warerdood~ ~e/~!andcamot&~ =~=w
oube/tIzoY'CedJ_722 and""~JieId oube/tizo ~water& 723
Thus, while they were in that state of mourning and groaning, as if having
no inkling of the magnitude of the dire calamity they were in, t/ucPdeui.redono
FJWr0fio/idv ~ if indeed one could call this foolishness and not loss of
any sense of reality whatsoever.
For tiw.=wlwnvt/ucPlzadimfloredt&~ and they [sc. the Egyptians]
considered it as a great favour to themselves if those [sc. the Israelites]
decamped away from them (for this is how they thought they could survive
and avoid complete annihilation) t/ucP cIz=ed =~ 724 although they
ought to pray lest those who caused so many afflictions on them should ever
return. However, t/ucPwer0enLicedt&tIzi&~&CYV~~
&f'f' For [the Scripture] says, I will harden Pharaoh's heart, and that of his
servants, and he will chase them: and I will be glorified over Pharaoh and all
of his army, and the Egyptians shall know that I am the Lord?"
This is why this ~ drear tknv int&~ of all those dire
things that had happened to them and of the plights which they had suffered
amid thirst and hunger and by those myriads and ceaseless torments by the
flea, the dog-fly, and the rest [of plights] which carne forth abundantly, 8& tIzab
tIzo~~~~~dwu/d60~·that
is, their total annihilation into the waters [of the Red Sea]. Not that God com-
pelled them towards such a ~ (since He has granted us a life according
to free will). Instead, it was because they had yielded to an evil proclivity and
had been spoiled after the services they had enjoyed, as these were carried
out by the Hebrews, and took pleasure in those, they considered the next day's
affairs as a second priority, provided they put them [sc. the Hebrews] to slav-
ery [again]. Therefore, they were instigated only by their own appetency, not
by any other ~ And since God foreknew this, He led them towards that
which they willed, holding them responsible only for one thing in case they
failed, namely, that He would not turn them back against their will.

720 Cf. Wis. 5:20.

721 Cf. Exodus, 13:21.
722 Cf. Exodus, 14:15-15:21.
723 Wis. 19:3-7.
724 Cf. Exodus, 14:1-15.13.
725 Exodus, 14:4.
546 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
hzd~ j>eopIo mf!1Iw maho (b ~ ~ since it had never
happened before that the sea would withdraw as much as to make a way out to
those who were chased and escaping.
WIzi/o ~ Slv I .dwu/d meeb fkir. ~ dea£Iz, being under the
impression that they were on (b~!and; but being afflicted by rIzo~~
of the sea and by that dire wreckage. For already rIzo creaLioFv wa.5'JiMIUoned
anearJivnv =f&Iz, ~ tv- it& jfiouetj~ iFv~tv-=ruo God's
(/(ljfV

~ 726 by which I mean the pillar oflight, leading them along the way during
the day and illuminating the night with a pillar offire,727 whereby it [sc. the cre-
ation] maintained.l7mk ~m unIzarmed. For indeed this creaLioFv turned out
a nouebone and utterly astonishing compared with this usual and visible one. And
sometimes God made the cloud go before them,729 since there was no one chas-
ing them, so that they should need to make haste; but sometimes, whenever this
happened and the Egyptians were chasing them, [God] moved that, so as to be
~ adversaries by means of utter darkness?30 Besides, one more noueb
thing canzotv-~ namely, ~gf"~bndand =unIUm:!ered~oub
gf"rIzoY'CedJea; 731 which was in no way different from the continentallands732
Actually, this became most stable and spacious, and its breadth was not just as
wide as that of a street, but oubfflhose~~ itturned out (b~~
which sufficed for very numerous thousands [of people] to pass through.
W~ rIzowlwlo~gf"tlzenvjx=edover; ~~&
~Iumd and~ 6e1te1d~~ ~ ~ er!kfed kho
!'wr.= and capered kho !amk; ~:J/ou, (1) ~ wIzo. delivered tknv.
[Y(H<~¥iFvmindwlzab~~fkir.~iFv~!and;
fww., indead gf"~ ~ rIzo eardv ~JVrtIvJla=, and /war
rIzoriuer-c=buj>(b~~indeadgf"/~.I~iFvwar-.
J~ ~.uzara£w.(bnear~~ wizen; ~&af:f=­
teFuzf; ~ ~ deIecmbIoJOOd.
[Y(H< ~ canzo uj> ltFlfv- tlzenvJivnv rIzo
=fofkir.~ hzd~iftcredrlzo~ wlUdvwero
freceded&~~rIzoJVrcogf"tIuuuier& ~"ffifoed~
anUdw fkir. (/(ljfV uic=, &nco ~ fradiced = ~ uicio= ~

726 Cf. Wis. 5:20.

727 Exodus, 13:21-22.
728 Cf. Wis. 12:7; Daniel, 3:93; 9:11.
729 Exodus, 13:21.
730 Exodus, 14:20; cf. 10:22. Cf. the synonymous O"KO,[OC; Kat ,¥V6qlOC; being used also at Deut. 4:11;
5:22; Esther, l:lg; Job, 10:21; Amos, 5:20; Joel, 2:2; Sophonias, 1:15; Isaiah, 60:2.
731 Cf. Exodus, 14:15-15:21.
732 Cf. Exodus, 14:15-22.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 547
~ ~ [fr(H< 8OfllO &l'tknv /=
tIzo J~J did nob ~
tiuMOwbwer0~wtknv~~~ ~~fo. tIzo
~J~tIzo~~w~ huinobonf!p.w; 6ub
JtIzoJDrm-fo. tIzoJ~Jdwu/d60~6eca=o~receivedJVr­
~widv~ tIzo~/= tIzo~J, ~~Izad~
receivedtknv/tIzo~J widv~andmadotknvdzaroiFvtlzo=
law&; ~ maIrreared tknv ~ tefflbIo Izard worIv. ~ ~ wer0
&IJlicredwidv~ liktiuMOP~J wbdood & tIzo ~ &l'tIzo
~FJUlFV/=~ wizen; ~6e=~widv=-~
eadvOfiO&I'tknv~fo(b=Woub~tIzeif=door& 733
For all of these were (bnove1creaLioFv~=fio==lzi1Ivcux:ord-
0!? w iW = /FlOfXd/~. the pillar of cloud and the pillar offire,734 the
~ &l'drY !and wkro waLer-dood 6;efore,. the unIUndered =w oub &I'
tIzo!7Ced Je£l{735 the~Jleh' oub &I' tIzo ~ ~ ~ tIzo
wIwIo n.aLioFv &I'tknv j==ed over; arranged in a phalanx of great breadth,
whereby one could imagine how so many myriads of people j==ed over- in a
disciplined manner. As for them having passed over this sea most swiftly, this
is probably indicated also by the phrase, and the Lord drove the sea back by
a strong wind throughout all night, and made the sea dry land. 736 Therefore,
the sea was subject to wind throughout all night. Following these, he adds
forthwith, and Moses stretched out his hand over the sea, and the water
returned to its normal course when the morning appeared. 737 Consequently,
the time during which they j==ed through the sea 52r I as if this were a drY
!and was a short one. For they j==ed through neither while a strong wind
was blowing, nor during the day, since he says, the water returned to its
normal course when the morning appeared. Of necessity then, this suggests
that theyj==ed through prior to the appearance of the early dawn of the day,
which in fact was neither plain night nor day. Once, therefore, it took such
short a time for them to pass over, how could have this passage not taken place
~9738 Consequently, the point of the sea that turned to drY !and at that
time was as wide as to allow the passage of such a big crowd marhalling in the
same line in a short time.

733 Wis. 19:8-17.

734 Exodus, 13:21-22.
735 Cf. Exodus, 14:15-15:21.
736 Exodus, 14:21.
737 Exodus, 14:27.
738 Wis. 19:2.
548 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
And tIzowlwlonaLioFvfftknvj>=ed~ Because, on the one hand, it
was entire households thatj>=ed ~ while, on the other, this was about all
of the tribes, each of which was as numerous as one nation.
Thus, once tIzowlwlonaLioFvj>=ed~ ~~&~all-too­
powerful kuut, and ~ 6eIteId those ~ and unprecedented WOFb-
~ that had been performed for their sake, tiucP ~ ~ certain accom-
modating ~ which are not curbed with bridle and muzzle?39
..And capered ~ ~ By means [of metaphors] from both of those
animals, he depicts the cheerfulness of them [sc. the Israelites] and their pleas-
antly leapings done with light heart.
~:J/ou, 0 ~ wIw- delivered tknv. He implies the ode, Let us
sing to the Lord, for he has triumphed gloriously/40 thus recollecting both
everything they suffered during tIzeif~ iFv ~!and and the things
they did against those who had trampled upon them, andbw, indeadff~­
~ ~ tIzo eartIv ~firtlvJle=, that is, the most paltry and
deleterious of insects, which were not created since the beginning, when the
command was that the earth and the air and the water should produce indi-
vidual animals,741 but they were produced later, because of a certain putre-
faction, and, following the curse, these turned out causes of both grief and
troublesome life. Therefore, it was natural for this wise man [sc. Solomon]
not to consider these as animals, by saying, indeadff~~ tIzo
eartIv ~firtlvJle=, For these are born neither though the natural birth
from a male and a female; instead, most of them are produced out of a certain
irregular humidity combined with something else, such as dryness or mud .
..Andindeadff/~.1~iFvwaTo<; tIzoriver-c=bup""nutUiatdo
ff~ That is, instead of fishes and all those that by nature water gener-
ates, tIzoriver-c=bup,,"~ ff~. For this is what a frog is: it
is not generated by means of the natural way animals produce offspring, but
it emerges automatically from some moistened garbage. For it has happened
very often that, once even a small amount of rain had fallen, it caused a multi-
tude offrogs to appear straight away. This does not mean that this [sc. the rain]
caused them to fall down from above; instead, it was because this fell appo-
sitely, following its mixing with the soil, it caused them to corne up because
this is the natural way for them to corne forth.

739 Psalm 31:9.

740 Exodus, 15:1; 15:21; Odae, 1:1.
741 Gen. 1:20-24.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 549
J~ t/ucP&UfF~,,"Fl€UF~ffJVwb. It seems, there-
fore, that the animal we are currently calling 'quail' in not the same as that
which at that time was involved in the miracle of feeding the people who had
asked that,742 but it was another one, indeed entirely different from this. For
this what the expression t/ucP.uuv-~,,"Fl€UF~ffJVwbmeans . And
perhaps one could say that this [species of fowl] was produced during that cir-
cumstance and has been preserved up to now. Besides, it is possible to confirm
this from the fact that the fowl's taste at that time was not the same as the one
we currently know of: instead, as the manna 743 cou/d~euqyre/idz?44 of
food of those that ate it, likewise, the meat of those [quails] fitted the relish of
any small bird, so as to satisfy the taste of each and everyone that ate it.
And when was it of which he says, t/ucP&UfF,,"Fl€UF~fffoub9 It was
when they were marching through the desert, wizen, drivav & ~ ~
~ delec£abbJDod; because, having grown satiated with the ordinary provi-
sions, S2v I they grew an ~ for partaking of a certain new delec£abbJDod;
What happened then? He who comes to help promptly and is ready to
support with those that are needed, and satisfies everything for everyone as a
compassionate father and philanthrope par excellence, listened to their prayer,
and commanded and ~camouFttFUo-tknvfionvtlw=fo~~
tiofi/. Thus, he showed that He is the Creator also of the winged fowls since the

beginning, and it is He who produced themfionv tIw= For He said, Let the
waters bring forth reptiles having life, and winged creatures flying above
the earth 7 " It is from those, therefore, that He benevolently willed the Fl€UF
~ gAhostfowb to corne to pass.
However, as He unfolded the benefactions of altering those elements to
more novel manifestations of them for the sake of those that were devout to
Him, likewise, he arranged so that punishments should be inflicted on the
impious through the same means. And not only did He grant that they should
be sunk into the water of the sea,746 but also, in most of incidents that happened
to them prior to that, water was involved, wIzidv WO'0 preceded & ~
~ tlwfirco ff ~ This means that, also in all of the previous
instances (namely, the transformation of water to blood, the frogs, the hail,

742 Cf. Exodus, 16:13; Num. 11:31-32; Psalm 104:40; Wis. 16:2; 19:12: 6:v.s~T] 6P,[D'YoJ.1~Tpa is the
expression of Exodus 16:13.
743 Num. 11:6-9; Deut. 8:3; 8:16; Psalm 77:24. John, 6:31; 6:49; Reb. 9:4.
744 Wis. 16:20.
745 Gen. 1:20.
746 Cf. Exodus, 14:27.
550 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
the thunders), water was involved in their corning to pass, too. And once he
recalled the power of thunders, naturally, he adds the Sodom's burning to ashes,
which had taken place long ago, in the years of LoU47 Besides, he juxtaposes
the vices of the Sodomites and those of the Egyptians; and shows that it was
by reason of the same causes that they ~ experienced punishment by
means of fire. For he says, t/ucP~ ~ anUdw ~ = uic=,
&nco t/uch that is, the Sodomites, and indeed more than exceedingly, ~
ticed=~uicio=~toward~ [Y(H<=nzoe/tknv [sc.
of the Sodomites], when the angels that were sent by God told Lot to depart
from there along with his women and children (for God wants to destroy the
city),748 since they did not know who they were, although t/ucP had ~
and were seen, they did FWbwelcomo them,749 thus doing what usually do those
who drive away people that they do not know. Wkr= ot/zer&; that is, the
Egyptians, ~ tv- davqy tIzo ~ ones, who had arrived from a
foreign land as friends 750 And he calls them ~ of the Egyptians, due
to their ancestor of old, namely, Joseph: for he benefacted the Egyptians in
many ways, such as by deciphering Pharaoh's dreams;751 rebuilding pyramids;
organising myriads of couples of oxen during the period of the seven years of
prosperity in order to plough, wherefore they harvested many and abundant
fruits from all places; and indeed, during the period of famine, rescuing all
of Egypt which was threatened with being deserted and destroyed. And not
only did he rescue them, but also for their sake he gathered the wealth of other
neighbouring nations, so that he secured sustained affluence to them, as well
as an overwhelming number of male and female slaves, who carne over not
because they were forced by any war to do so, but they were established in
willingly because the famine compelled them to do S0752
Once, therefore, he benefacted them is such and so many ways, and
received his own [brothers] amidst such a plenitude,753 how could it be possible
not to style those [Egyptians] most unjust, since they made haste to subject to
slavery those that were benefactors and friends in so many respects?

747 Gen. 19:23-24. Luke, 17:29; 2 Peter, 2:7.

748 Gen. 19:15-26.
749 Gen. 1-11.
750 Gen. 46:1-27.
751 Gen. 41:1-33.
752 Gen. 47:12-25.
753 Gen. 42:1-9; 44:18-34; 45:1-8.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 551
As for the Sodomites, [he says], andFWb=&.=, 6ubftlzoJDrm-fo. tIzo
JodonUte&Jdwu/d 60~ which is to say that, if one should inflict them
with any punishment at all, this should be done because they received the
~ in an offensive manner, and, instead of hospitality, tfucp received

~widv~
Concerning the Egyptians, 53r I tfucplzad~receivedtkm, namely,
Joseph's kin, widv~ whom they accommodated with much kindliness,
as if they celebrated in a festival, and enjoyed a lot of leisure because of their
corning over. For he says that the identification of Joseph's brothers was cele-
brated in Pharaoh's house, and he rejoiced and so did his entire household 7 "
Those, therefore [sc. the Egyptians], who received tknv /tIzo~J widv
~ andmadotknv~iFvtlzo&lFJlO1aw&; indeed not any law&; but in
those that empowered them with the rights of citizens (for he says, Pharaoh
said to Joseph, 'ifyou know any able men among them, put them in charge
of my livestockT" As for possession ofland, he says, And gave them a pos-
session in the land of Egypt, in the best of the land, in the land ofRameses, as
Pharaoh had commanded?" Once, therefore, they granted tknv the right to
~iFvsuch law&; wherefore, on the one hand, they were enrolled as citizens,
and, on the other, concerning possession of land, they were made masters of
the best of that, subsequently, tfucp maItreaLed tknv widv terribIo Izard worh;
because they had been disposed far worse than the Sodomites. Consequently,
they ~experienced tIzofircoe/~ And not only this, but also,
in addition, tfucpwer0&1Jlicredwidv~ wlz=t/uch ~6e==­
j>=edwidv~~ stood blotted out, when eadvOfiOe/tknv~
fo,,"""Woub~~=~ IihotiuMoSodomites, when they dood
& tIzo ~ e/tIzo #t== Lot and sought to take hold of those men who
God had sent to announce the [imminent] conflagration against them, they
were struck with terrible blindness. For he says, And they struck with blind-
ness the men who were at the entrance of the house, both the young and the
old ones, and they became exhausted groping for the door?'7
g;-~tIzo~ar0~e/~re-~iFv~combi-.
~&=e/~J=blihoiFv,,"~"'~wIUdz, wIzdo
~ ~~ tfucp ~ tIzo /lafllO e/tizo fztfl0. ~ nuw weI160

754 Gen. 45:16.

755 Gen. 47:5.
756 Gen. 47:11.
757 Gen. 19:11.
552 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
~~~tIu=euenw. EForI~J&l'drY!and
aUeredinbF~Ofi€&; and~weFlbujxHvtlzo~~~fre­
uailedwidzUvaxder; and~!o,wiW ~f=we'" (j'~~
did nob ~ tIzoJledz- &tfozd animaI& tIzab waIhed aboub tkrein;. /UJr- did
~~tIzom.elmblo~~&I'tIzo~758
For although ~=,,"nea.r~&I'~ 759 nevertheless, God cre-
ated this nea.r~&I'c.flwknot because He produced another creation by
starting from a new beginning; instead, He performed this, as well as the other
miracles, by means of the present one, as this was created since the beginning.
For he [sc. Solomon] says, tIzo~W'0~&I'~re-~
iFv ~ ~ & = &I'~ For His more-than-infinite
power, which brought those [elements] to being out of non-being, restricts each
one of them to remaining in its own place, steady, and keeping an even keel.
However, there are cases in which [the divine power] causes them to be re-
arranged, whereby it gives rise to a certain transformed generation according
to its will, while, amidst such situations, it [sc. God's power] does not cause
them to disown the substantial existence that each one of them has received
from Him. An~Moa musician has in the first place constructed the strings
and the musical instrument and the bridge of that so as to befit the appearance
of a psaltery, 53v I and in these, how harmony itself is produced depends on
how this note prevails over another note, and whenever [the musician] wills so,
transferring the bridges across, he alters tIzo nanzo &I'tIzo~ thus changing
this to an either more sharp or more bass one, while all the fundamental ele-
ments of the instrument remain the same, likewise, there are cases when the
Creator of all things, in the context of His dispensation, treats things in a phil-
anthropic manner, wherefore, while maintaining them [sc. the elements] as He
created them in the beginning, He re-~ them iFv ~ ~
and alters them only a little with respect to their form.
Naturally then, also during those exceedingly paradoxical miracles, tIzo eb
FJlfllf&were ~iFv~ ~ by GodJtdMoiFv~
~ which only ~tIzonanzo&l'tIzo=by changing from a specific sound
to another. And that this is how things functioned nuwwel160 ~~
from the vivid description itself an~~tIu=~ EForonce God
performed miracles, [creatures] that live on drY !and altered inbF wafe(y Ofi€&;.
andmptaLi=we/lbujwFvtlzo~ For one thing, it was the innumerable [rogs760

758 Wis. 19:18-21; cf. 5:20.

759 Wis. 19:11.
760 Cf. Exodus, 7:27-29; 8:1-9; Wis. 19:10.
 Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon I 553
of which he [sc. David] says, Their land crawled with frogs in the chambers of
their kings,761 which probably were produced from water. For another, it was the
fleas762 and the dog{/ies763 and the locusts,764 altered in both size and form, and
like those that live in water, they abounded throughout their land and massively
killed everything in their way.
g;-~~freuaiIed wif/Wv water; namely, that which carne from tIzo
tIuvu:!eri!" and grew enormous amidst violent rain, 766 and burnt completely
everything it carne upon, and was not in the least dispersed by tIzo water;
although, according to its nature, [fire] is quenched once a great amount of
water prevails; or, once an overwhelming [fire] outbreaks, and it prevails when
it is many times as large, it exhausts completely the water it comes upon 767
When, therefore, both of those [elements] were alive and acted simul-
taneously and towards the same purpose, notwithstanding their conflicting
impact of one upon the other, one would say that it was paradoxical tha!fo'o
was oblivious of its own jwwer; which by nature confronts water;. as for the
~ and the ~~ which it naturally has been endowed with,
even the kindle~ did not manage to eliminate either this or tIzofiad
~ &I"tIzo.renb d1"~68 tIuw wa/hed abouo tkrem as a token of [the
divine] wradv. 769 Instead, although [those flames] destroyed everything else,
they refrained from doing so to such impious [creatures], because they main-
tained them in order to carry out the complete destruction of them [sc. of the
Egyptians].
vt'","M~~tIzonzelm6b~[matter], which is easy to melt. For
what is more easy to dissolve than ice and hail and snow, even if the nature of
the all-devouring fire comes about even as heat of the slightest degree? However,
[the fire] survived while it roared and was mingled with that [meltable icy mat-
ter] and intending a greater destruction against those it fell upon undiminished.
Furthermore, it was usual to style ~cflod not only the nectar, but
also any of the presented foods that offered ineffable pleasure and sweetness of
taste. However, more usually this [name] obtains in reference to fire, because
this both devours and spreads out. This is why they [sc. certain poets] call it
761 Psalm 104:30.
762 Cf. Wis. 19:10; Exodus, 8:12-14; Psalm 104:31; Wis. 19:10.
763 Cf. Exodus, 8:17-27; Psalms 77:46; 104:31; Wis. 16:9.
764 Cf. Exodus, 10:4-19; Psalms 77:46; 104:34; Wis. 16:9.
765 Wis. 19:13.
766 Cf. Wis. 16:16&22.
767 Cf. Wis. 19:20.
768 Cf. Wis. 16:3.
769 Cf. Wis. 5:20; 11:9; 16:5; 18:20; 18:23; 18:25.
554 I Exegesis of the Wisdom ofSolomon
iif1~pOT6v (i.e. immortal, divine) fire, even though this is not eatable and by
nature consumes everything.77o
54r I [Y(H< iFv ~ ~ O~~ ~~ j=opIo and
~ tkm, and~ did nob overfooIv tkm, ~ ~ em Izand em d1
tinu=.771 The purpose of this great man [sc. Solomon] has been to demon-
strate from all [historical] instances that those who have been granted the
power to b~e/tkeartlvshould!ovo~ and tlUnhe/tk.:tbrd
unerringly772 And there is no way for these [properties] to exist in anyone,
unless one learns what were the scourges that had been inflicted on those who
opted for a wicked life and rejected piousness towards God, and what were the
benefactions that enjoyed those who devoted themselves to that [sort of life]
and they happened to be lovers of the wisdom that comes from Him. And in
order for his [sc. Solomon's] exposition to be faithful and his trust in God to be
articulated clearly, once he spoke about these and showed that he is indeed the
man who both practiced that [piousness] and enjoyed [the consequent goods]
and had been granted by God that blessed wisdom, [now], having turned his
[exposition] to prayer and having composed this in accordance with the [his-
torical] events themselves, and having abided extensively by God's wonders773
in length, namely, what were the inflictions He brought about to those who
disobeyed and insolently rejected His will, and what were the benefactions by
which He rewarded those who had remained obedient to Him, he adds an epi-
logue addressing God in admiration, and says, iFv~~ O~~
~~j=opIo That is, by using the means through which You either
punished the enemies or benefacted [your people], 8"mvdidnob~those
who are yours iFv~~ofthose instances, whereas You dishonoured
and brought into disrepute the wicked and disobedient ones.
~~didnob~~when they were amidst hardships and in
need of your help. Instead, ~~emkandemd1tinu=and attending to them,
You amplify all of their acts that are done properly, and You administer and
sustain these, so long as they do not draw away from what is meet.
This is how, therefore, this great man both magnificently extolled every-
thing pertaining to God and supplied us with this excellent theory for our
edification, namely, exposition of the [divine] wisdom. Definitely, he adduced

770 Deut. 4:24; 9:3; Reb. 12:29.

771 Wis. 19:22.
772 Cf. Wis. 1:1. Psalms 2:10; 148:11; Job 12:17.
773 Exodus, 3:20. Cf. Psalms 9:2; 25:7; 39:6; 70:17; 74:3; 77:32; 87:13; 88:6; 105:7; 118:18&27; 130:1;
144:5; Daniel, 3:43 (Odae, 7:43); Ecclesiasticus, 38:6.
 Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon I 555
these beneficial thoughts by availing himself not from anywhere else, but, so
to speak, from the horne itself of this [wisdom].
A king as he was, on the one hand, he speaks both as one who had a very
good grasp of what kings who behaved otherwise had experienced, and deter-
mines what kings inspired by this [wisdom] should be like, and explains what
are the things which they ought to desire, if they wish to procure all things
concurrently.
At the same time, as a wise man, he demonstrates the~~ &1"4
wisdom, and how those who have loved her and have been deemed worthy of
being granted her could enjoy those [fruits]. Besides, being one who is pious
opposite God, [he demonstrates] how should one pray, and outlines how should
one mull over God befittingly.
As for us, although we have had no involvement with all ofthose,775 we can
speak only in so far as we have something common with him, while we do not
have the time to catch our breath, and seeing that we have suffered hardship
from horrible hostility, and we are bearing up patiently plotting friends, and
we are struggling against both revolting varlets and the other enemies who
surpass us in terms of power of armoury and number of men; and since we are
unable to confront them, we strive to dispense with them in different ways.
Once, therefore, we have perfervidly desired to engage in offering an
interpretation of those most sublime things that have been told by him [sc.
Solomon], what could we possibly say, which would be worthy of them, except
certain few things, which anyway we have culled from his wisdom, and on
which we have expounded a certain little exegesis, whereby we satisfied a
yearning of ours rather than fulfilled the need of those who carry out earnest
research?
But may all of these appear sufficient to God, who repays776 each one in
accordance with one's power, indeed even those who are able to offer little
things once they have done their utmost, 54v I which though may surpass
those who have produced great things, since God requites both one's attitude
and [response to] vocation.
To him be the glory forever! Amen.777

774 Cf. Wis. 3:15: uyu8wv rap 1tOVCOV Kap1tOC; .sDK)".s~C;.

775 The commentator professes that, unlike Solomon, he himself spoke neither as a king (rue;
~WJ1J".sDc;), nor as a wise man (rue; O"oc.p6c;), nor as a confirmed pious one opposite God (rue; 'ret 1tpOC;
@.sov .sDm:/3~C;). He says that he had no involvement with these, declaring this either as a matter of
fact (he was not a king) or out of modestly (he did not claim that he was either 'wise ' or 'pious').
776 Cf. Luke, 6:38; ~ ).1,s"CpC(J ).1Gtp.stT,s 6:vttWt"pT]8~O"crm D).1tV.
777 Rom. 11:36; cf. Rev. 1:6.
556 I Exegesis ofthe Wisdom ofSolomon
Notes
i In astronomy, axial tilt (or obliquity) is the angle between an object's rotational
axis and its orbital axis, Of, equivalently, the angle between its equatorial plane
and orbital plane. It differs from orbital inclination.
11 The inclination is one of the six orbital elements describing the shape and orien-

tation of a celestial orbit It is the angle between the orbital plane and the plane
of reference, normally expressed in degrees. Nevertheless, inclination can be
measured with respect to another plane, such as the sun's equator or the invari-
able plane (the plane that represents the angular momentum of the Solar System,
approximately the orbital plane of Jupiter). Earth's obliquity may have been rea-
sonably accurately measured as early as 1100 BC in India and China. In c. 350 BC,
Pytheas of Marseilles measured the shadow of a gnomon at the summer solstice.
iii The author has interpreted the text according to his own understanding, which
he explicates in more detail in his ensuing comment. However, on philological
grounds, this portion of Wis. 17:10 would be more accurately rendered thus: "Any
coward is revealed once wickedness is penalised; and whenever this [wicked-
ness] is called in question by conscience, it has always worsened hardships. YY
Nevertheless, I have to translate according to the commentatorYs foregoing grasp
of the biblical text. The author took the form of the adjective OStAOY as being
the Nominative of the neuter, whereas it would be more plausible to treat this as
the Accusative of the masculine, which actually the author does at another point,
treating the same portion, shortly below the present one.
 Appendix

Origen, Maximus Confessor, and Neoplatonism:

Rebuttal of a nescient myth

One ofJustinian's claims (which he copied from an already one-century old belit-
tling and vituperative obloquy by Antipater of Bostra),l which sought (indeed,
commanded) anathematisation of Origen, was that the Alexandrian had posited
that 'the end is the same as the beginning'. This has been seen as evidence that Origen
had succumbed to Neoplatonism. Moreover, unlearned theologians and philolo-
gists, who fancy themselves as 'philosophers', have been claiming that Origen saw
the whole of reality as an endless rest-motion sequence and that Maximus 'rebutted'
Origen's alleged proposition. In that context, the name of Maximus Confessor is
referred to, and the claim is that Maximus 'corrected' Origen's thesis.
Although a barbarian such as Justinian had absolutely no idea of philosophy,
whereby he did not (and could not) mention any philosophical school whatsoever,

1 Sec my NDGF, pp. 385; 407; RCR, pp. 258-260; 267; 278-280; 324-325; Anaxagoras, pp. 860-861;
893-894; 905-906; 967-968; 1130-1131; 1162; 1244; 1341; 1416; 1441; 1451; Origen and Hellenism,
pp. 101-104; 121; 183; 191-192; 267; 294; 352; 437; 484; Guilty of Genius, pp. xix; xxi; 2; 341; 389-394;
412-413.
558 I Appendix
this allegation has been anemophilously parroted by subsequent theologians, who
are sometimes mediocre and usually less than so.
I will, therefore, expound a few thoughts in respect of this issue, only because
suchlike claims are endemic in scholarship and are being parroted in a context of
sheer ignorance of philosophy, yet they give the impression that such statements
promise to introduce serious considerations -indeed on a point that has been an
obsession to those who have dealt with Presocratic philosophers and sought to
determine who were those who 'started from either rest or motion'.
Moreover, I should say a few more things about Maximus, since to appeal to
him in order to argue that Maximus was at one with Origen's detractors is simply
downright nescience.
First and foremost, a point needs to be made: in the text of Justinian's
list recapitulating his accusations against Origen, whereby he 'anathematised'
Origen, nowhere is the doctrine 'the end is the same as the beginning' found. 2
Accordingly, his synod that sanctioned that text as a 'synodical resolution'
(which was but a mere copy of Justinian's text) says nothing about this issue
either,3 which is why modern 'obliging' editors, although normally eager to make
any sort of ridiculous or impossible claim 'part of Origen's De Principiis', did not
include anything of the sort in their publication. 4
Despite this, the allegation popped up in a text published in 1971,5 allegedly
dictated by Justinian to 'The fifteen rules decreed by the 165 fathers,' who com-
prised the holy fifth council of Constantinople', even though its eccentric vocab-
ulary and terminology (such as ~ aywy~ TWV VOWV etc.) could not have passed
unnoticed.
This text of 'fifteen rules' is an expansion of the catalogue composed by
Justinian and his synod, which comprised nine clauses, on account of which
Origen should be anathematised.7 Who and why felt it necessary to compose

2 Justinian, Edictum contra Origenem, p. 116.

3 ACO, Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana anno 536, tome 3, p. 213.
4 Sec (allegedly, Origen's) Fragmenta De Principiis, cds. H. Gorgemanns - H. Karpp, Origenes vier Bucher
von den Prinzipien, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesdlschaft, 1976.
5 Canones xv (contra Origenem sive Origenistas), cds. E. Schwartz - J. Straub, Acta conciliorum oecumenico-
rum (Appendix: versiones Graecae), vol. 4.1, Berlin, 1971, pp. 248-249; p. 249: Et -n; A~y~t, 5-n ~ aywrtJ
-rCr.. "OW" ~ ctv-r~ lcr-rctt -rfi Trpo-r~p~, 5-r~ OVTrW VTrO~~~~Mcrct" ~ Kct-rctmTr-r(ornc~tcrct'" w; -r~" apx~" -rYjv ctv-r~"
~r"ctt -r0 -r~A~t Kctt -ro -rno; -r~; apx~; fthpo" d"ctt, aw'te~ftct lcr-rw.
6 ButtheFifth Ecumenical Council (5 May-2 June 553, also called Second Council of Constantinople), was
reported as having comprised 152 bishops. In Thomas J. Shahan (1913), "Councils of Constantinople",
in Charles Herbermann, (cd.). Catholic Encyclopedia, the number of bishops is supposed to have
been 152.
7 Sec Justinian, Edictum contra Origenem, p. 116 &ACO, Synodus Constantinopolitana et Hierosolymitana
anno 536, tome 3, p. 213.
 Appendix I 559
that text is absolutely unworthy of further investigation, all the more so since
the designation 'Fifth Council of Constantinople' has been claimed by no less
than six councils convened at Constantinople between 1341 and 1351, and their
purpose was not to deal with Origen, but with Gregory Palamas' novel teaching,
which came to be known as 'Hesychasm', and had been staunchly disputed by
Barlaam of Calabria.
However, modern scholars not only have made the utmost of that, as if it
were authoritative evidence, but also added to the Greek text their own allega-
tion, namely, that the alleged claim constitutes 'Neoplatonism'.
As for the usual idle talking about whether a philosopher started from 'rest'
or from 'motion' adduced as ostensibly being philosophically 'scientific' by theo-
logians untrained in philosophy, those who mimic such expressions while being
ignorant of the pertinent ramifications are definitely unaware of seemingly con-
tradictory expressions such as 'ever-moving stillness' (aad-Yi'rro~ aTao-[~), which
I have explained above. s
I am mentioning this issue only because Maximus Confessor learnedly enter-
tained and explained this notion? Unlike modern less than mediocre 'scholars',
Michael Psellus also grasped and explained the inner import of that notion.lO
Moreover, and although beyond my scope, I should note that Proclus was loath
to allow that any 'ever-moving' thing can be regarded as 'still, too, as some people
believe about the sun'Y
In Origen, there is no notion such as 'ever-moving stillness'. I have expounded
Origen's Cosmology and Ontology of Time as well as his Philosophy of History
and Eschatology: Origen maintained an absolute beginning and an ultimate end
of History. His notion of a teleological indeed dramatic Time and of History

8 See supra, p. 326, endnote cxxvi; and p. 439.

9 Maximus Confessor, Qytaestiones ad Thalassium, section 59, line 131; section 65, lines 545-550;
Ambigua adJoannem, 6].10, line 16. This tricky notion had been explained by John Philoponus (c.
490 - c. 570, In Aristotelis Libros De Anima Commentaria, p. 75), who antedated Maximus (c. 580 -
13 August 662). Philoponus' analysis was deemed as perceptive as to be quoted by the Suda (Lexicon,
letter alpha, entry 4093, explaining the lemma ApX~ - Beginning).
10 Michael Psellus, Opuscula ii, p. 39); so did later intellectuals, such as Gregory Acindynus, Refutatio
Magna, oration 3.87.
11 Proclus, commTim, v. 3, p. 346: Kat ov fto ... o... mpt -rav-ro ... Kat t-r~po ..., aMa Kat 7r~Pt xt"'Y]CTW Kat cnaCTW
-rav-ro... 7r~7ro...eaCTt· -ro yap a~td...Y]-rO>i tCHacreat ... oft1Sovcrt... , wcr7r~p ol 7rOMOt -ro... ~AtO>i, Kat -ro ~cr-rw;
Kt... ~icreat, w; -r~ ... yil... -rt... ~;, Kat i7r' aMw... 7rOMW... i",Y]Mayfti... w; -ra 7rpayfta-ra e~wpooot. Cf. Damascius,
In Parmenidem, p. 261 (reflecting on the soul): but he allowed that the soul's motion can be regarded
as 'stillness' in a certain sense, which Damascius explains. Much later, George Pachymeres thought
likewise about the heavenly bodies, granting that they could be regarded as both 'moving and still'.
Quadrivium (or Ziwrayr:a TWV Ti-r-rdpwv Ma3IJr:d7wV), 3.1.
560 I Appendix
moving towards an final end marking restoration to the primal perfectness,12 leave
no room for the nonsense that he maintained any 'endless rest-motion sequence'.
In my Guilty ofGenius: Origen and the Theory of Transmigration, I have argued
that Origen was inspired not by Plato and Platonic ontological principles, espe-
cially Plato's theory of Ideas, but by the Anaxagorean theory of immateriallogoi
posited as the causes being inherent in all things and phenomena of the universe
(unlike the transcendent Ideas) and Origen's supreme ontological principle was
not the fanciful One hypothesised by Plotinus, but the Nous (Intellect) which,
to Plotinus, was an inferior (actually, the second) principle standing immediately
below the One.
Origen, throughout his work, reflected in a manner making all too evident
that he adhered to Anaxagoras' principles and distanced himself from Plato's
metaphysics. Characteristically, at a certain point he wrote about the Greeks
(meaning, the Platonists), who had been granted some enlightenment, even
though they 'fantasised the Ideas' (Kat Ta, [,,€a, q,anacr8€n<,),13 whereby he
implicitly used Zeno of Citium's phraseology dismissing the Ideas as fanciful
constructions of human mind. 14
Use of the verb q,an"i;o~a[ in this case should leave no ambiguities: this
normally means 'fantasise', that is, 'indulge in fantasies', i.e. one's mind creates
and is occupied by non-real or infeasible desires, aspirations, images, prospects,
etc. 15 Even if it means mere creation of an impression by human mind, normally

12 See my PhD Thesis, The Concept of Time in Origen, University of Glasgow, 1983-1987, pub-
lished in 1991 by Peter Lang under the same title. Subsequently, this was expanded in my books
Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time (2006) and Origen: Philosophy of History and Eschatology
(2007).
13 Origen, Cels, VI.4 (& Philocalia, 15.6). Since 1985, in my doctoral thesis, I have written about the
defects of Henry Chadwick's translation of Contra Celsum. At this point, Chadwick did not even
'fantasise' what this formulation was about.
14 Zeno ofCitium, Testimonia et Fragmenta, fro 65, apudStobaeus, Anthologium, 1.12.3 [Arius Didymus,
Physica (fragmenta), fro 40J: Z~"w"o; <Kctt-rW" an' ctl)-roil>. -ra i""o~flct-ra tctcn fl~-r~ -rt"a d"ctt fl~-r~ nota,
werct"~t 6i -rt"ct Kctt werct"~t nota tct,,-raerflct-rct 'fvx~;' -rctv-rct 6~ uno -rw" apxct1w" (6ict; npoerctyopd)~erectt.
... -rctv-rct; 6~ [Sc. -ra; (6ict;J ol L-rWtKOt ttA6erotol tctert" awnapK-rov; d"ctt. Diogenes Laertius, VItae,
7.61 (Zeno): h"o~flct 6i ier-rt ta,,-rcterflct 6tct"olct;, ov-r~ -rt &v ov-r~ not&v, werct"~t 6i -rt 6" Kctt werct"~t
not&v. Pseudo-Plutarch, Placita Philosophorum, p. 882D (apud Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica,
15.45.2): ol ano Z~"w"o; L-rWlKOt i""o~flct-rct ~flh~pct -ra; (6ict; ltaerct", On this meaning, see ACO,
Concilium Universale Ephesenum anno 431, v. 1.1.6, pp. 8 & 54 [Nestorius, Sermones (jragmenta), ser-
mon 5J: Anoer-roAovyap aKOvo"-r~; 6"oflct, -ro" e~o... AOYO" "oovert" anoer-roAO'" apXt~piw; a"ctyt"WerKO"-r~;
xA~ert'" e~o-r1']-rct -ro" apXt~pict ta,,-rCtsav-rctt nctpct60~OV tp~"o~Act~dct; (6ictt.
15 Cf. Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, section 376: a»: OV KVPlw; -rvnwerl; ier-rt" ~ tct,,-rcterlct,
'ftA~ 6~ h~polwert; -r~; 6tct,,01ct; . ... [section 3T71: d ov" h~polwert; -r~; 'fvX~; ier-rt" ~ tctncterlct, ~-rot Kct-ra
nc't9o; 'ftAW; ier-rt" h~polwert; ~ Kct-ra aMcty~" -rov unoMtfli"ov. Produs, commRep, v. 1, pp. 163-164;
179; v. 2, p. 107.
 Appendix I 561
the implication is that this intelligible image is false. 16 Certainly, there are cases
in which this means 'creative imagination', inspired by sublime things or by
mere perception of aspects of realityP This is why, when some authors used the
word in the sense of 'empty fantasy' (K.>~ q,anacria),18 they wrote also of t[A~
cfl lX"Y-rlXo-lrx.. 19
Origen styled unreality (or misconceived reality) which claims reality,
7r~P[AY]7r'T[K~ cflIXYTrx.o-lrx..20 And it is quite impressive that the only intellectual that
took up this formulation was Origen's devout follower Gregory of Nyssa, who
used Origen's selfsame words in the selfsame context. 21 No other author did ever
use this designation at all.

16 Cf. Euripides, Ion, verses 1443-1444: ft"'iA, w ttAl'] ftOt ft~-r~p, i)! X~poi... crie~ ... b xct-r9ct",,'rv -n MV ect... ~YV
tanasoftctt. Thcodorct, Interpretatio in Psalmos, PG.80.1241.17-18: Kcd wnwp o...~tpOTrOAW, Kcd fl~9'
~fl~Pct... tavrc't~oflctt.Accordingly, later, this was explained as meaning 'being attributed acts or thoughts
that I never dreamt of, therefore, 'to be slandered'. Hesychius of Alexandria, Lexicon, letter phi, entry
147 & Photius, Lexicon, letter phi, p. 639 [R. PorsonJ &Lexicon, letter phi, entry 56 (c. Theodoridis)
&Suda, letter phi, entry 82 (A. Adler): tctvrc't~oflctt = crvKOtctvrovflctt (apudAristophanes, Acharnenses,
verse 823). Cf. Anonymous, Scholia in Acharnenses (N.G. Wilson), comm. on verse verse 823. See this
entertained by Epiphanius of Salamis, Panarion, v. 1, p. 459; v. 3, p. 139; Theodoret, Interpretatio in
xiv Epistulas Sancti Pauli, PG.82.696.19-20 (in the Catena in epistulam ad Hebraeos [catena Nicetae,
cod. Paris. gr. 238J, p. 408, this is ascribed to Cyril of Alexandria). John Philoponus, In Aristotelis
Libros De Anima Commentaria, p. 488: o-r~ fl~'" yap -ra 6...-rct w; 6...-rct tctnc'tsoflctt, ou 6&vctflctt d fl~ w;
lxovcrt ta ... -rc'ts~cr9ctt ctu-rc't, oto... -ro... LWKpc't-rJ1" d Trp09wflctt tctnc'ts~cr9ctt, ou 6&vctflctt ctu-ro... tctnctcr9~ ... ctt
itcr-r~to ... Kctt AWKO ... Kctt KOflw... -rct, itMa Trc't ...-rw; tctActKPo... Kctt fl~Act... ct Kctt Trpoyitcr-ropct.
17 Cf. Philostratus, VIta Apollonii, 6.19. Longinus, De Sublimitate, 15.12. Corpus Hermeticum,
..
Fragmenta, fro 2A4, apudStobaeus, Anthologium, 3.11.31: O-rct... 6' c't... we~ -r~ ... imppotct... lXl1 ~ tctnctcrtct,
-r~; itAYJ9dct; ytY"~-rctt fltflYJcrt;. Aristotle contrasted tct... -rctcrtct with indisputable perception of reality,
and saw that as different from imcr-r~flYJ' ... OV;, 6tc't... otct. De Anima, 427b14: tct... -rctcrtct yap t-r~po ... Kctt
cttcr9~cr~w; Kctt 6tct... otct;. Op. cit. 428a.
18 'YtA~ tct... -rctcrtct or M"'~ tct... -rctcrtct means creating an absolutely imaginary mental image of something
that does not exist at all. Cf. Sententiae Pythagoreorum, scntentia 45: ·o...dp'lllotM'" 0 -rW... itTrctt6~V-rW'"
~to;, M ... a; lXW\! ta ...-rctcrtct;. Op. cit. sententia 163: Ot fl~'" 9ctvflct-roTrOtOt -rctt; M ... ctt; tctnctcrtctt;, ~ 6~ -rvXYJ
-rctt; iAmcrt... ~fla; i~ctTrct-ri.i. Produs, commRep, v. 1, p. 121: ou M ... a; tct... -rctcr1ct; OtYJ-r~av d ... ctt Kctt flv9tKa;
-r~pct-rdct;. In Platonis Alcibiadem i, section 288, line 22; 32; In Platonis Cratylum Commentaria, sec-
tion 68, line 5. Damascius, In Parmenidem, p. 311: c'tAOYav -ra; ~fl~-r~Pct; tct... -rctcrtct; M"'~fl~ct-rovcrct;.
Simplicius, commPhys, p. 619: flc't-rcttO;~'" ~ tctnctcrtct Kctt 6...-rw; M"'~.
19 Cf. Philo, Qytod Deterius Potiori Insidiari Soleat, section 97; De Cherubim, section 69; De Somniis,
2.105. Albinus, Epitome Doctrinae Platonicae (L1IBal7XaAlxo<;), 25.5. Origen, commJohn, 1.34.243: Ou
yap i ... i'tActt; tctnctcrtctt; -rov e~OV Kctt ITct-rpo; -rW... OAW... -rYrv tmocr-rctcrt... ~X~t ~ croq:,tct ctu-rov.
20 Origen, Homiliae in Exodum, p. 222: ITa... c'tpct ",oYJflct Kct-ra mptAYJTr-rtKYrv ta ...-rctcrtct... h Tr~Pt... otc.t -r~;
9dct; yt",ofl~"'o", tvcr~w; d6WAO ... TrAc'tn~t e~ov, itM' ou e~o ... Kct-rct1Y~M~t.
21 Gregory of Nyssa, De Vita Mosis, 2.165: ATrctyop~&t yap i ... Trpw-rOt; 0 9~to; AOYO; TrpO; flYJ6~'" -rW...
yt... wcrKOfl~"'w\! OflOtovcr9ctt Trctpa -rW... it... 9pwTrw... -ro e~tav, w; Trct ... -ropo~flct-ro;, -rov Kct-rc't -rt... ct Tr~PtAYJTr-rtK~'"
tct... -rctcrtct... i... Tr~Pt... otc.t -rt... t Kctt cr-r0Xctcrfl0 -r~; 9dct; tvcr~w; yt",ofl~"'ov, d6WAO ... e~OV TrAc'tcrcrO... -rO; Kctt ou
e~o ... Kct-rct1Y~MO ... -rO;.
562 I Appendix
Otherwise, Origen's use of the term cflIXYTrx.o-lrx. could leave no doubt as to how
did he mean the term and its cognates whenever he used them. 22 Actually, he
recalled Plato's pertinent reference to 'shado-wy shapes of souls', which are mere
idols retaining an attenuated capacity of visibility (tuX'"v crKlOH()~ ¢aVT"cr~aTa,
ola 7rIXP€XOYTlXl od 'TOlIXU'TlXl tUXlXt ~r6WAIX). 23 But whenever he meant to make ref-
erence to mental impressions which claim actual authority, and indeed they por-
tray objective truths, he used the generally sanctioned Stoic term KIX'TIXAY]7r'T[K~
cflccrrrxo-lrx. 24
Therefore, in every case the context is crucial. In the case of Origen, this
could not have been more illuminating: for when he wrote of the Platonists who
'fantasised the Ideas' (Ked Ta.~ [UIX~ ¢cCrrlXo-e€-Y'T~~),25 he remained consistent with
his expressis verbis enunciated thesis, which he had already proclaimed much ear-
lier, namely, in De Principiis. This is why, while he wrote at an early period of his
Christian life, but he was already a Greek philosopher of note, he declared that
he did not wish to elaborate on Jesus saying that he was 'not from this world',26
because 'there would be a risk of giving some men the impression that we are

22 Cf. Origen, commJohn, 1.27.187; VI.6.31; X.6.25; XIII.16.98; XIII.25.150;fdohn, fro 106; Dial, sec-
tion 4: Ked ov-rw; OU6~ d; -r~ ... Y"Wp.11'" -rw... aTrocrXtcr9~ ...-rw... aTro -r~; ~KxAl1crta; d; tctnctcrtct... flmctpxtct;
iftmTr-roft~ ..., a ... cttpov...-rw... Ylo ... aTro ITct-rpo; Kctt 6trVaft~t a... cttpov... -rwv Kctt -ro... ITct-r~pct, ov-r~ d; &Ml1'"
acr~~~ 6t6ctcrKctAtct... iftTrtTr-roft~ ... -rYjv ap ... ovft~"'l1'" -rYjv 9~6-r11-rct -rov Xptcr-rov. homJob, PG.17.72.42-44: Ol
-rOtov-rot iW7n'tcts6ft~ ... ot, Kctt a... ctTrAacrcro... -r~; tct... -racrftct-rct, ou -rfi aA119dc.t -rYjv 6ta... Otct... iTr~pd60vcrt...
crtaM6ft~... ot. schLuc, PG.17.312.36-37: -rw... Kct-ra tctnctcrtct... A~y6 ... -rw... -ra 6ta -rov LW-r~pO; y~y~ ... ~cr9ctt.
Op. cit. PG.I7: 312.35-38; 316.46-50; 364.10-12; Cels, 1.48: Kctt wcrTr~p tctnctcrtct... Actft~a"'0ft~... 6... ctp
axovm Kctt TrA~crcr~cr9ctt -r~ ... cttcr911-r~ ... axo~ ... Kctt bpa... 6t' 6t9ctAftw... , ov-r~ -rW... -rov crwftct-ro; 6t9ctAftw...
ov-r~ -r~; axo~; TrAl1crcr0ft~"'l1; aMa -rov ~y~ftO>itXOV -rctv-rct Tracrxono;. Op. cit. 1.81 (ref. to the devil upon
the Fall): tctnctcr9~t; ctu-ro... d ... ctt -rt... ct ft~yct... Kctt lcr~cr9ctt. Likewise, 1.66: tctnctcrtov...-ro; -r~ ... 'fvxfJv.
1.68: ft~XPt ta ...-rctcrtct; tctt... 6ft~... ct -rotctV-rct. 11.49: -rOt; a... ctyop~vovcrt... ~ctv-rov; d ... ctt -ro... Xptcr-ro... -rov
9~ov Kctt mtpwft~"'Ot; 6ta -rt... w... tctnctcrtw... TrpO; ~ctv-rov; imcr-rp~tw -rov; "Il1crov ftct911-ra;. 11.55: 66~11
Tr~TrAct"'l1ft~"'l1 tctnctcrtw9d;. 11.60: A~yw 6~ -rov tctnctcrtct ... -rt... t yt... ~cr9ctt Tr~Pt -rov -r~9"'11x6-ro; w; swno; .
Kct-ra -r~ ... ctu-rov ~ovAl1crt... 66~11 mTrAct"'l1ft~"'l1 ta...-rctcrtw9h-rct -ro -rotov-ro.... IY.60 (&VIII.20): ta...-rctcrtc.t 6'
~ucr~~dct; ~-rOt &AOYct s0ct ~ ayaAftct-rct cr~~on~; ~ Kctt -ra 611fttovPY'lftct-rct. Likewise, 11.30; 111.79; IV.95;
V1.32; VII1.20; VII1.52; commMatt, 10.24: Ou-rot 6~ 6ta -ro xotftacr9ctt h M ... ctt; dcrt tctnctcrtctt; ... VTrO
6~ -rW... i ... -rctt; M ... ctt; tct... -rctcrtctt; aTrct-rwft~"'Ot. 12.33: Trct... -ro; -rov a... -rm~ptcrTrw... -ro; Kctt mptnKO>i-ro; AOyOV
tct... -rctcrtc.t aA119dct;. Op. cit. 13.30; 15.1; 15.3; 15.8; 15.18; 16.8 (aTrct-r119~nt 611Ao... 6-rt Kctt tct ... -rctcr9~nt
... -rov; tctnctcrtc.t 60~OAoytct; -r~; mpt -rov Xptcr-rov crVYx~ctnct;); 17.14 (-rov; -ra 'f~Ml1 tpow6"¥T"ct; Tr~Pt
ctu-rov tct ...-rctcrtc.t -rov 60~asw ctu-r6 ... ... Kctt ol aTro -rW... ctlp~cr~w... ta...-rctcrtc.t -rov ft~yaAct Tr~Pt ctu-rov tpo ... ~t...);
17.26 (tct...-rctcrtc.t nw9~ptct; ... tct... -rctcr1c.t 9~ocr~~dct;).
23 Plato, Phaedo, 81d2-3. Origen, Cels, 11.60 & (implicitly) VII.5.
24 Origen, Cels, 1.42 (&Philocalia, 15.15); VIII.53 (mentioning that this was a Stoic doctrine). Cf. Z eno,
Testimonia et Fragmenta, frs. 12; 56; 57; Chrysippus, Fragmenta Logica et Physica, frs. 53; 56; 65; 69;
90; 91; 97; 105; 276; 850; Sphaerus, Fragmenta, fro 625; Posidonius, Fragmenta, 460.
25 Origen, Cels, VI.4 (& Philocalia, 15.6). It would be better for future translators of Origen's Contra
Celmm to usc the text of M. Marcovich, and consult with his introductory information about the
existing codices which preserve the Greek text.
26 John, 8:23; 17:14; 17:16; 18:36.
 Appendix I 563
affirming the existence of certain imaginary forms which the Greeks call [UIX~.
For it is certainly foreign to our mode of reasoning (nostris rationibus alien urn)
to speak of an incorporeal world (mundum incorporeum) that exists solely in the
mind's fancy (in sola mentis fantasia)27 or the slippery region of thought (cogita-
tionum lubrico).'28
This is why, although Origen used the term cfllX"Y-rlXo-lrx. in its sundry senses (as
almost all Greeks normally did), when he spoke of the Greeks who 'fantasised the
Ideas', there could be no doubt or ambiguity as to what he really meant, namely,
it was Plato who created the 'phantoms' called 'Ideas'.
I will not dignify the just mentioned sort of 'scholars' with references by
name, or pay attention to fanciful allegations made by modern priests or who-
soever, who fancy themselves as being qualified to assess Greek philosophy or
criticise Origen for that matter.
However, I will discuss the claim that the proposition ascribed to Origen,
'the end is like the beginning', is 'Neoplatonism' -which claim is as old as the
sixth-century allegations and anathema against Origen (which ultimately was a
text by Antipater of Bostra)29 But certainly I am not going to deal with absurd
allegations, which come from old times. For, in my books I have argued exten-
sively that A. Harnack's claim that Origen's 'Gnosis ... is in fact the Hellenic one'
is absurd. 30
Let therefore a few words be said about the ideas involved in this ques-
tion: Origen, while employing the Stoic idea of successive world-destructions and

27 Again, he used Zeno of Citium's locution positing the Platonic Ideas as mere products of human
imagination.
28 Origen, Prine, 11.3.6. Thus, through this short passage, he rejects both the existence of the Ideas of
Plato and the explanation of them which Middle Platonism invented in order to circumvent the dead
end of the theory. See my Origen and Hellenism, chapter 1: "The Platonic Ideas as 'thoughts of God' ",
pp.27-100.
29 See my Anaxagoras, pp. 860; 894; 905-906; 967; 968; 1130-1131; 1162; 1341; 1416; 1451; also, see
my NDGF, pp. 7; 9; 385; 407; RCR, pp. 258-260; 267; 278-281; 324-325; OrigenandHellenism, pp.
121; 183; 191-192; 267; 294; 352; 437; 484; Guilty of Genius, pp. xix; 2; 341; 389-394; 412-413.
30 A. Harnack, History of Dogma, v. II, pp. 319f; 340-342. He employs an unqualified consent to
Porphyry's judgement of Origen, of which the culminating point reads thus: "His (Sc. Origen's) out-
ward life was that of a Christian and opposed to the law, but in regard to his view of things and of the
Deity, he thought like the Greeks, in as much as he introduced their ideas into the myths of other peo-
ples" (in op. cit, p. 341). Porphyry's whole statement is preserved by Eusebius in HE, 6.19. Harnack's
erroneous allegation becomes all the more striking since not only did he subscribe to the statement of
Porphyry, but also stressed that this observation can be verified everywhere from Origen's works; op.
cit. v. II, p. 241. Cf. relevant claims by E. de Faye and H. Koch, who were evidently influenced by these
allegations: E. de Faye "De l' influence du Gnosticisme chez Origcne", pp. 181-235. E. de Faye, Origen
and His Work, pp. 121-141 & 146-165. Hal Koch, Pronoia und Paideusis, pp. 14,47, 140; particularly,
on redemption, Eschatology, and History, see pp. 33, 39£ 89f & 158.
564 I Appendix
fe-generations of cosmic settings (however, different ones, contrary to the Stoic
theory), which he did departing from the conviction of creaturely freedom 31 (on
account of which he relentlessly excoriated the selfsame Stoic theory), neverthe-
less, he formed and expounded a coherent teleological concept of Time, which was
naturally interwoven with a pertinent EschatologyY
Contrast to Platonists who maintained that the world is without beginning
and end 33 and it is destined to last for ever, they had no concern about History,
and certainly not any notion of teleological course of that, to Origen, the world
had a beginning and is moving towards an absolute end. The interim destructions
and fe-constructions of different world-settings take place in order for creaturely
freedom to exercise its potential, so as to willingly reach the state of universal
apokatastasis) which marks the absolute end.
His analyses throughout are marked by his reference to the world having
a beginning (i<PX~) and destined to reach an end (r<leo,) through a teleological
historical process. 34
This 'beginning' and 'end' are not vague mythological figments. Instead,
they have a clearly defined specific import: 'beginning' and 'end' are treated in
relation to the initial creation, that is, to the created living Body of Logos in its
impeccable (or, 'unwounded'35) prelapsarian state.

31 See my The Concept of Time in Origen, chapter 2, §2: "Prolongation of Time", pp. 179-209; and COT,
chapter 7: "Prolongation of Time", pp. 272-309.
32 See my The Concept of Time in Origen, PhD Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1983-1987 (now, upoladed
on the web by Glasgow University, https:/ftheses.gla.ac.uk/76635/); then, published under the same
title by Peter Lang, 1991. A more elaborate version of this appeared in two volumes published by
Brill: Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time (2006); Origen: Philosophy of History and Eschatology
(2007). Already since 1984, I had argued that Origen was an anti-Platonist in many respects, which
was tantamount to arguing that the earth is flat and ran contrary to unlearned follies that have been
advanced since the fourth century up to the present.
33 Nevertheless see discussion in my COT, p. 122: a minority ofPlatonists, such as Plutarch and Atticus,
argued that the world had a real beginning, though not precisely a beginning in time as we know it.
See op. cit. chapter 4: "B eginningless world: a myth reconsidered", pp. 120-164; 180-181; 248-252; et
passim. Of course, unlike Plutarch's imaginary circle, in Origen there is a clearly expounded teleology
of Time and an Eschatology.
34 For example, see commJohn, 11.13.93 (ref. to 'evil', comm. on John, 1:3): 'El;~tA~tctcn" oVv Tw~;-r0
a"vrrocTT"ct-ro" ~r"ctt -r~" KctKlct" -ov-r~ yap~" an' apx~; ov-r~ d; -ro" ctlw"ct lCTT"ctt--rctv-r' ~r"ctt -ra «ft1']6~W.
commEph, fro 9: b fth oVv n; it7rAOUCTT"~pO" cttW"ct -rov x6crftov -rou-rov ~y;\cr~-rctt -ro" crvftnctp~K-r~t"0ft~"o"
xpwav -rfi -rou-rov -rov x6crftov an' apx~; ft~XPt -rnov; Kct-rctcrMVfi. selPs, PG.12.1660.42-43 (ref. to
'evil'): ov-r~ i" -rfi apxfi, ov-r~ h -r0 -rn~t umtpxovcrct". frPs, on Psalm 138:5 (ref. to 'evil'): ovyap~"
i" apxfi, OV6~ lcr-rctt mtAt" h -r~A~t. Cels, IY.9: Et 6' imcr-r~cr~-rctt -rt; Xpo"o;, n~ptypatw" -ro" x6crfto"
a"ctyxctlct" n~ptypct¥1" -r0 ctv-ro" apx~" icrX1']K~"ctt, Kctt imcr-r~cr~-rctl n -r~AO; -r0 x6crft'll Kctt ft~-ra -ro -rno;
6tKctlct n~pt nanw" Kplcrt;. commMatt, 14.9: tw; int -ro -rno; lA9n-ra ano -r~; apx~; -rov x6crftov tw; -r~;
crtrV-r~Adct; [-rov] cttW"O; ovx ~"o;, aMa Kctt nA~tWW" cttW"w".
35 Origen explained this in commJohn, XX.12.89-90, by appealing to Heb. 6:4-6. See this discussed in
my Guilty of Genius, p. 72; cf. pp. 166-167; 199; 260; 346; 408-409.
 Appendix I 565
This is why Christ (i.e. the Son/Logos considered in his relation to creation 36)
is 'the Firstborn of all creation, in whom everything has been created, both those in
heaven and on the earth, whether thrones or dominions or principalities or powers;
all things have been created through him, and for him. And he is the head of the
Body of the Church ... and benevolently consented to all of the pleroma37 to dwell
in him'.38
Origen said absolutely nothing which was different from this scriptural state-
ment: the Son as Christ (i.e. the Logos considered in his relation to the world, and
his action, and indeed his presence therein) was the 'beginning', and the 'end' will
be nothing other than His pristine Body, that is, as this was created by God in the
first place prior to the Fall.
Origen explained this with remarkable equanimity, which also explains once
again his doctrine about the end being like the beginning, which was conso-
nant with Paul's words, 'For from him, and through him, and unto him, are all
things'.39

Celsus speaking of God avers that all things are derived from Him (6; IXVTOV -ra.
TrCtvTct), although why was it that he disconnected all things from Him, I cannot
see. But our Paul says 'from him, and through him, and unto him, are all things',
whereby, through the [expression] from him he depicted the beginning of existence
of all things; and their maintenance [by means of the expression] through him; and
their end [by means of the expression] unto him. 40

In this passage, Origen contradicted Celsus' words, 'God created nothing

mortal', and pointed out that these were but 'a paraphrasis a certain words from
Plato's Timaeus'.41 His arguments at that point are very interesting, because he

36 See discussion in OrigenandHellenism, pp. 275-276; and Guilty ofGenius, pp. 88-89; 92-95; 101; 210;
227-228; 268.
37 To Origen, pleroma is just one of the numerous names adumbrating the totality of the created logoi.
See infra, p. 569. On his concept ofpleroma, see Guilty of Genius, pp. 58-59; 145; 237-238; 269-271;
289-295; and Origen and Hellenism, p. 118.
38 Col. 1:15-19. Cf. Origen, commJohn, I: 5.28; 17.104; 18.108; 19.118; 26.175; 27.188; 28.192-195;
II: 2.17; 14.104; 31.187; VI.6.35; X: 39.264; 41.286; XIX: 2.10; 20.128; 22.147; 23.154; 34.303;
39.367; XXVIII.18.159; XXXII.16.193; exhMar, section 35; deOr, 26.4; homJer, homily 1.8;
Commentarii in Romanos (1115- V7) (P. Cairo 88748 + cod. Vat. gr. 762), p. 224; Cels, 11.25 & 31;
V1.47-48 & 63-64 & 69; VII.16 & 27 & 43 & 65 & 70; VIII.17 & 26; commMatt, 14.7; 16.8;
17.2; 17.14.
39 Rom. 11:36: o'n i~ ctu-rov Kctt 6t' ctu-rov Kctt d; ctu-r6" -ra Trlh-rct.
40 Cels, V1.65. Cf. Origen's analysis of this in Commentarii in Romanos (III5- V7) (P. Cairo 88748 + cod.
Vat. gr. 762), p. 170.
41 Cels, IY.52. Origen had in mind Plato, Timaeus, 69c-d: Kctt -rw" flh edwv ctu-r6; ytY;Hctt 6YJfltovpy6;,
-rw" 6~ e"YJ-rw" -rYjv yiw:m -roi; ~ctv-rov y~""~flct(m 6YJfltovpy~i" Trpocrhct~~", ... cttcre~cr~t 6~ CtAOy'lJ Kctt
566 I Appendix
reveals once again that his own theory was close to that of Zeno of Citium,42 and
I have shown that, on this, Zeno was a follower of Anaxagoras, but he diverted
from that Presocratic nonetheless. 43 Definitely, Origen's theory was different from
Plato's, who had made the creative agents of 'mortal things' 'immortal' and had
posited the entire world itself as 'one single Animal, containing all animals, both
the mortal and the immortal ones', and averred that those creative agents (whom
he styled 'gods' and God's 'engendered sons' (roi, €(wrov y<»~~ao-l», whom 'he
commanded to create' «)~~LOvpy<i> npocrhas<», which those agents did by 'imi-
tating' God and by receiving 'the immortal principle of the soul' (napaAa~6n<,
i<PX~> tvx~, i<8i<>aTo» and human soul was but 'a vehicle of the soul' (6x~~a
tvx~')' 44
All of those have nothing to do with Origen's theory of creation and his
anthropology, which 1 have expounded in the past:5 which makes his taking
exception with Celsus' proposition understandable.
Accordingly, Origen adumbrated his concept of Body of Logos being 'the
beginning and the end' by using other scriptural passages, too, as for example,
Proverbs, 8:22, 'God created me as the beginning of his ways towards his works',46
and Apocalypse, 21:6, 'I am the Alpha and the Omega', to which he added the
ensuing portion from Apocalypse, 22:13 (occuring also in 1:17; 2:8), 'the First
and the Last one', 47 which some subsequent authors did, toO. 48
The created nature came into being out of God's creative command r~yyY]e~'TW
CLet there be'), and although it fell out of the 'upper Jerusalem', yet this is still the
'body'49 of Christ in the form of the Church. The creative utterances in the begin-
ning of creation, the logoi of God and then the logoi of Jesus, are ontologically

imX~tpl'rtfi Trct ... -rO; lpw-rt CTVyK~pctCTc'tft~"'Ot -rctv-rct, I't...ctyxctlw; -ro e... Y]-ro ... yi ... o; CTt.r'¥i9~CTct .... Cf. Plato, op. eit.
42d: -ro 6~ ft~-r2t -ro... CTTrOpO'" -roi; ... iot; Trctpi6WM... e~oi; CTWftct-rct TrAc'tnw e... Y]-rc't.
42 J. von Arnim excerpted this as Chrysippus' fragment 1155 (SW, 11.333.10-20); but Origen clearly
cites 'the not undistinguished sect of Zeno of Citium'.
43 See my Anaxagoras, pp. 627-629; 640; 663; 679; et passim.
44 Timaeus, 69c.
45 See my COT and Anaxagoras, passim.
46 Cf. Origen, commJohn, I: 9.55; 17.101-111; 31.222; 34.244; XIX.9.56; XX: 16.134; 39.370; Prine,
1.2.1; De Paseha, p. 100.
47 Cf. Origen, commJohn, 1.4.22; 1.19.116; De Paseha, p. 100. Origen explained the two portions, juxta-
posing them in commJohn, 1.31.209-226.
48 See the combination of the two passages into one phrase, in Pseudo-Athanasius, Oratio Qyarta con-
tra Arianos, section 28. Didymus, Commentarii in Eeclesiasten (11-12), Codex p. 328. Procopius of
Gaza, Commentarii in /saiam, p. 2453. Oecumenius, Commentarius in Apoealypsin, p. 38. Andreas of
Caesarea, Commentarii in Apoealypsin, logos 24, chapter 71, section 22.13.
49 Cels, VI.79.
 Appendix I 567
the same thing. The former constitute a perfect set of reasons / causes; the latter
make up a perfect whole of teaching and conduct of life that leads to restoration,
which however is at present restricted within the Church as a reality which is
both historical and eschatological. 50
Whereas God's initial creative act was a creative 'utterance' to his Wisdom,
an utterance which 'embroidered' his Wisdom (that is, created the Body of
Logos), the actual preceptible world of individual things, persons, and phenom-
ena came into existence after God allowed (indeed bid)" the Logos to bring
the material creation and indeed matter itself into existence. This creation was
made according to 'logoi which were distinctly articulated by God in wisdom',
that is, the 'pre-uttered logoi' (npoTpIXVw8€>TIXI ).OyOUI), which came into being
upon the Providential Creation. 52 This creation (i.e. the active logoi /causes) is
the indispensable prerequisite for the Actual creation to be ceaselessly produced,
sustained, and transmuted into different forms.

If one is able to comprehend an incorporeal hypostasis comprising the various

objects of contemplation (8cwp'1fLaTw'V) which contain the logoi of everything,
a Hypostasis, which is, as it were, living and animate, he will understand the
Wisdom of God who precedes all creation and who appropriately says of her-
self: God made me the beginning ofhis ways towards his works. 53 It is because of
this creation that all creation has also been able to subsist, since it has a share in
the divine wisdom, according to which it has been created. 54

Thus, a distinction is drawn between the 'former', namely, the Providential

creation on the Body of Logos, and the latter, which is the actual world as a tan-
gible spatio-temporal reality.
Moreover, Origen maintained that it is to one's nous) not to the soul nor
to the body, that the final restoration applies. He did not 'disconnect all things
from' God, as his opponent Celsus did - and Origen showed that Celsus did so
because he copied from Plato. Instead, he maintaind the notion of human 'no us
coming from outside' (8uprx.8H -you~), which apparently was an Aristotelian one,55

50 See infra, pp. 600-601.

51 Cels, 11.9&14&31; V1.60; commJohn, XXVIII.3.18.
52 See my COT, chapter 2, "The Providential Creation", pp. 39-64. Also, my The Concept of Time in
Origen, chapter 1, section 2: "The Providential Creation", pp. 27-40.
53 Provo 8:22.
54 commJohn, 1.34.244.
55 Cf. Cels, 111.80. For example, see b evpcte~...... ov; in Aristotle, De Generatione Animaltum, 736b: Adrr~-rctt
;~ -ro... ... 00 flo",o", evpcte~ ... irrwnhctt Kctt e~iO>i ~r... ctt flo ... o.... Op. cit. 744b; De Respiratione, 472a.
568 I Appendix
and, by the same token, he argued for a certain 'blood-relationship' of human
beings 'with God'.

On the other hand, let us consider whether it does not appear almost impious
to say that the mind, which is capable of receiving God, should admit of a
destruction of its substance; as if the very fact that it can perceive and under-
stand God could not be sufficient to secure its perpetual existence .... We see,
therefore, that men have a kind of blood-relationship with God .... even if the
mind through carelessness should fall away from the pure and perfect reception
of God into itself, it nevertheless possesses within itself some seeds, as it were, of
restoration and recall to a better state, which [seeds] become operative whenever
the inner man, who is also termed rational man, is recalled into the image and
likeness of God who created him. 56

The Body of Logos comprises the totality of primal logoi that came into
being out of non-being. Universal Apokatastasis marks the restoration of this
(currently 'wounded') Body in its original glorious ontological state. This is the
meaning of Jesus' words 'My Father is still working, and I am working, too.'57
The living Body of the personal Logos comprises all the generative, sustain-
ing, cognitive logoilcauses, which are the means through which everything came
to be out of nothing. These logoi keep on creating all aspects of Being, be they
Nature itself, phenomena, animate or inanimate creatures, rational or irrational
animals. For example, he saw certain logoi I causes as 'angels' of God (e~To[ 'nY~~
&'YY~AOl e~ou) supervising natural processes concerning cultivation of the soil,
whereas famines, death, and the like, are the result of action by evil daemons. 58
Everything that comes to be originates in the causes that make up this Body.
Even in the case of Jesus, who, like every human being, comprised mind I soul
/ body, it was his mind alone that was the entire Logos / Son in him; but his
soul and body were entirely humans9 having been produced from the logoi that

56 Prine, IY.4.9.
57 John, 5:17. Origcn, eommJohn, VI.4.17; XXXII.3.34.
58 Cels, VII1.31: Ketl ~ft~i; fth yap tctft~... ov XWpt; 7rpocr-rctcrtct; itopa-rw... , t... ' ov-rw; o...oftacrw, y~wpyw... Kctt
CtMW... olxo... oftw... ov fto ... o... -rW... it7rO y~; tv0ft~... w... itMa Kctt 7rct... -ro; ... ctftct-rtcttov v6ct-ro; Kctt it~po; -r~ ... yi]...
t~p~l'" -ra V7rO tvcr~w; A~Y0ft~ ... ct 6l0lMicr9ctl, Kctt -ro V6WP i ... -rcti; 7IT]ycti; Kctt -roi; ctvElty~... ~'n 7ro-rctftoi;
6ft~p~i... Kctt t~p~cr9ctl, Kctt -r0 ... it~pct it6lat90po... -rl1P~icr9ctl Kctt SW-rlKO... -roi; it... ct7ni~oV(JW ctV-rO ... yt... ~cr9ctt.
... 6ctlfto...W'" icr-r't... lpyct ... AlftOt Kctt itq,optctl cr-rcttvA~; Kctt itKp06pVW'" Kctt ctvXft0t itMa Kctt ~ -rov it~po;
6tctt90pa i7rt AVftl1-rw... Kctp7rw...lcr9 ' o-r~ 6~ Kctt -r0 -rw... s0wv 9ct... a-r'll Kctt -r0 Kct-ra -rW... it... 9pw7rw... AOlft0.
59 Cf. Origcn, Cels, 11.9: OV6' ~ft~i; V7rOActft~Ct...0ft~... -ro ~A~7r0ft~... o... -ro-r~ Kctt ct1cr911-ro... -rov 'Il1crov crwftct d ... ctl
9~o .... Kctt -rt A~yw -ro crwftct; l\'J)..' OV6~ -rYjv tvX~""
 Appendix I 569
constitute the Body of Logos, whereby this Body is also called 'upper Jerusalem,6Q
or heavenly Jerusalem',61 which is our mother',62 since she 'begets' all souls, and
Jesus was 'a son of the upper Jerusalem' like all human beings. 63
Besides, Origen used a vast variety of figurative scriptural terms and expres-
sions in order to adumbrate the living Body of Logos, such as 'Paradise',64
'kingdom of heavens', 'multi-embroidered wisdom' (noAvnoiKlAo, croq,ia),65 'holy
mountain' (opo, &'1lOV),66 'Mount Zion',6? 'city of the living God',68 'city of God',69
'city of the Great King',l° precious stones ()'leO[ -rl[1lOl),71 'luxurious stones' ()'18o[
nOAVT<A<i,),72 'holy land' (ti'1ia '1~),73 'fertile and ample land' ('1~v ti'1ae~v Kat
nOM~v),?4 'Church of the firstborn',75 Pleroma,76 'sons of the kingdom','? or simply
Christ) which is a term that Origen understood as a precise and concise depiction
of the Logos/Son's action into the world, that is, his assumption of a relation (cre-
ative, providential, succouring, instructive, etc.) with the creatures.

60 Gal. 4:26. Origen, Prine, IY.3.8 (Philoealia, 1.24); commJohn, VI.45.235; X.29.182; homJer, homilies
5.13; 1O.7;frLue, fro 168; Libri x in Canticum Canticorum (fragmenta), p. 131; Seholia in Canticum
Canticorum, PG.17.256.43-45; Cels, IV.44; commMatt, 11.17; 14.17; 16.3; 16.15; VII.29; VII1.30.
61 Heb. 12:22. Cf. Origen, Prine, IY.3.8; homJer, homilies 5.13; 12.3; Cels, VII.29; VIII.5.
62 Gal. 4:26. Origen explained this in Prine, IY.3.8 (Philoealia, 1.24); homJer, homily 5.13; jrPs, on
Psalms 44:9-10; 108:29-31; 118:100; 130:2; selPs, PG.12.1649.15-19; Cels, IY.44; commMatt,
14.13; 16.15.
63 commMatt, 14.17: Ka-raA~AOtm: O~ Kat -r~ ... flY]-r~pa, Kat av-ro; vlO; w... -r~; 1i...W 'hpovcraA~fl'
64 'Paradise' is the totality of principles/logoi, each of which performs a specific function. Cf. Origen,
selGen, PG.12.101.24-26: I';».: d Kat b TrapaOWTO; e~t6 ... -rt XWptW icn(, A~rhwcra... TrW; [Kacr-ro... iMt -rW...
fl~AW'" fl~ fla-rY] ... o~oY]fltovPY11fli... o... -rrrv olKda... i ... ipy~tct ... i ... ~py~t.
65 Eph.3,)0.
66 Psalm 2:6; 3:5; 42:3; Isaiah, 65:9; 11:9; etpassim.
67 Psalms 2:6; 73:2; 124;1; Michah, 4;7; Joel, 3:5; Abdias, 17:1; Isaiah, 4:5; 8:18; 9:10; 16:1; 18:7; 29:8;
38:12; Heb. 12:22; Rev. 14:1.
68 Heb. 12:22.
69 Psalms, 47:3; 45:5; 86:3.
70 Psalm 47:3; quoted in Matt. 5:35.
71 See discussion of those numerous symbolic designations that Origen took up from various biblical
portions, in my Origen and Hellenism, pp. 118; 203; 225-226; Guilty of Genius, pp. 57; 90; 94; also, in
Anaxagoras, pp. 837; 881; 887; 915; 955-956; 960; 1004; 1063-1064; 1067.
72 Isaiah, 28:16; Ecclesiasticus, 45:11; 50:9; 1 Paralipomenon (Chronicon 1), 29:2.
73 Exodus, 3:5; Zachariah, 2:16. Origen, Prine, IY.3.8 (Philoealia, 1:24); eommJohn, VI.19.106;
VI.45.234-236; XXXII.7.82; fdohn, fro 71; homJer, homily 4.2; frLam, fro 93; In Jesu Nave homiliae
xxvi (fragmenta), p. 415 (Philoealia, 12.1); homEz, p. 319; commEph, fro 34; Cels, VII.28 & 30-31;
commMatt, 12.31.
74 Exodus, 3:8; Deut. 8:7. Origen, commJohn, XX.1O.68; selDeut, PG.12.809.9-45; Cels, VII.28-29.
75 Heb. 12:23. Origen, Prine, IV.3.8 (Philoealia, 1.24); commJohn, X.14.84; homJer, homily 12.3; In
Jesu Nave homiliae xxvi (fragmenta), p. 445; Commentarii in Romanos (III5-V7J (P. Cairo 88748 +
cod. Vat. gr. 762), p. 226; Mnotationes in Deuteronomium (fragmenta), PG.17.32.52-55; Cels, V1.23;
V1.25; VIII.5; commMatt, 12.20; 16.15.
76 John, 1:16; Eph. 1:23; 3:19; 4:13; Col. 1:19.
77 Matt. 13:38.
570 I Appendix
To those figurative names, Origen added some of his own, styling this reality
'our ancient fatherland' (apXIX(IX7rIX'Tp(~, which numerous later authors employed)l8
and 'Body of Logos' (crw~a TOj) A6yoV).'9 At various points, Origen's context could
leave no doubt that the 'heavenly Jerusalem' which 'gives birth' to souls is no
other than the Anaxagorean 'Prime Body',SO and his expression Body of Logos is
more meaningful than at face value, since this is pregnant with a rich philosoph-
icallegacy. To him, this 'Prime Body' was the living Body of the personal Logos,
which comprises the all-pervasive generative, sustaining, cognitive logoilcauses,
and all objects of cognition (theoremata).
The analogous expression 'Body of Christ' in essence adumbrates the same
notion, and Origen employed this abundantly, all the more so since this obtains
in the New Testament. 81 Maximus Confessor was the only one who (as he did on
numerous issues) followed Origen suit by employing the critical phrase 'Body of
Logos' and styled Christ 'the essence of virtues' (o-W[11X oiJ-y 'TOU Ao)'ou €o-'Tt-v ~ 'TW-Y
apHw-y OVo-LIX).82

78 Origen, selPs, PG.12.1584.20-40; Homilies on Exodus (Lat.), 2.1. Basil of Caesarea, Homiliae in
Hexaemeron, homily 6.1; De Spiritu Sancto, 27.66; Homilia Dicta in Lacisis, PG.31.1456.11-13.
Pseudo-Athanasius, Qjtaestiones ad Antiochum Ducem, PG.28.620.25-28. Pseudo-Basil of Seleucia,
De Vita et Miraculis Sanctae Theclae, 1.7 (line 75). Cassian the Sabaite (= Pscudo-Didymus), De
Trinitate, PG.39.697.45-47. Pseudo-Caesarius (= Cassian the Sabaite?), Qyaestiones et Responsiones,
121. John Chrysostom, De Cruce et Latrone, PG.49.401.16; 409.38-39; et passim. John of Damascus,
Expositio Fidei, 85. Michael Psellus, Orationes Hagiographicae, la (lines 8 & 65); Orationes Funebres,
oration 10.3; Epistulae, epistle 5. Michael Glycas, Proverbia, section 8, line 163. See this discussed in
PHE, pp. 287-291; also, NDGF, p. 400.
79 commJohn, 1.13.79; X.35. 220 &229; X.36.235 &236 &286; commMatt, 13.21; 11.18; 13.21; 13.24;
14.1; 14.17; 14.23; commSerMatt, pp. 126; 146; Libri x in Canticum Canticorum (fragmenta), p. 175;
commEph, frs. 5; 9; 16; 17; 33.
80 See my Anaxagoras, chapter 11.
81 1 Cor. 12:27; Eph. 4:12; Col. 2:17. Cf. Origen, commJohn, 1.13.79: -r~; Mtct).~; -rov OAOV -rCrv cr~0fti"w"
cr~tct-ro;, Xptcr-rov·h1crov. Op. cit. X.35.220: ov-rw; -ro OAO" -rw" aylwv Xptcr-rov crwftct crv,,~cr-rctvpw-rctt Kctt
OVKiT"t sfi. Op. cit. X.35.229: Wcn~ Kctt -r~" y~"0fti"l1" It...acr-rctcrt" ... Tr~ptixm ftvcr-r~pwv -r~; it"ctcr-ritcr~w;
-rov Trctwo; Xptcr-rov cr~tct-ro;. Op. cit. X.36.235: Tr010t; yap ocr-roi; ih~ ooow OtK'll 'Icrpct~A ~ -r0
Xptcr-rov crwftct-rt. Op. cit. X.36.236: o-r~ 6~ yl"~-rctt ~ it"acr-rctcrt; -rov itA119t"oV Kctt -r~).~to-ripov Xptcr-rov
cr~tct-ro; ... -rov crWp.ct-ro; -rov Xptcr-rov. Likewise, op. cit. X.36.286; XX.l1.81&82; commMatt, 13.21;
11.18; 13.21; 13.24; 14.1; 14.17; 14.23; commSerMatt, pp. 126; 146; Libri x in Canticum Canticorum
(fragmenta), p. 175; commEph, frs. 5; 9; 16; 17; 33.
82 Maximus Confessor, Qyaestiones et Dubia, 191, lines 53-54. Cf. Origen, apud Catena in Matthaeum,
p. 180: Kctt i"6vcraft~"0; -ro vtctcrftct -r~; itp~-r~;, Xptcr-ro". commMatt, 12.14: b Xptcr-ro;yap ~ Trucrct itp~-r~.
commSerMatt, pp. 145-147: ctt itp~-rctt -rfi il7rocr-racr~t b Xptcr-ro;.frMatt, fro 83 (Klostermann): ctv-rl1 you...
icrn" (Kct-ra y~ -ro" ifto" ).oyo,,) ~ itA119~; itp~-r~, -ro itftty~; -rov xdpavo; ityct90", ctv-ro; b e~o;. schMatt,
PG.17.304.15-18: £lcrt yap ctt KOt"Wpoovft~"ctt ... itp~-rctt -r~; uTrocr-racr~w; Xptcr-rov. commEph, fro 33: ~
-r~" itpm)" ~-rt; icr-rt" b Xptcr-ro;. Selecta in Numeros, PG.12.583: b Xptcr-ro;, ~ ovcrtW611; itp~-r~. Cf. Cels,
V1.6; 8; commMatt, 12.14; commEph, fro 33.
 Appendix I 571
By contrast, all streams of (really or allegedly) 'Platonic' schools maintained
that the world is without beginning and without end, it has flowed directly from
God, and its beginningless and endless effiux from God was unquestionably
taken for granted. In fact, this was but Egyptian wisdom, which was sheer dif-
ferent to the Biblical idea, which was exactly the same as Origen's one: the world
was created out of nothing at a certain moment (which marks creation of Time
proper and the beginning of History, too), and there will be a moment at which
this world will perish, too. Origen's theory had nothing to do with any notion
of eternal series of worlds whatsoever. In De Principiis, IIIS8 (entitled, "Quod
mundus ex tempore coeperit"), after having considered various hypothetical ideas
concerning cosmology (and par excellence, creaturely freedom), Origen con-
cludes that the pertinent answers 'are known to God alone and his only begotten
Son and to the Holy Spirit.' This is why, despite drawing heavily on scriptural
passages adumbrating the ultimate end, he refrains from portraying this clearly.83
Nevertheless, his intuitive hunch was that the ultimate end will be similar to the
state of the beginning -and his use of the term 'similar' instead of 'identical'
should be paid particular attention opposite the distortion of Origen's thought. 84
Why? Because in the beginning man was made 'according to the image of God'
(Ken' <iKo>a),85 but to become 'according to God's likeness' (Ka8' 6~oiw(m) will be
a feat that man will accomplish during the process of History until the end of it. 86

83 Cf. Prine, III.6.1, quoting 1 John, 3:2 ('we shall be like Him'), he adds that, although John refers to
the end of all things, he nonetheless professes that the nature of that state 'is still unknown to him'
(finem omnium, quem adhuc sibi dicit ignotum). So Origen does with other scriptural passages which
point to the eschatological reality, such as John, 17:22-24; 1 Cor. 15:28; etc.
84 Origen, Prine, 111.5.4 (italics are mine and indicate the notion of 'similarity' consistently used by
Origen): "We must supose that, from a contemplation of this end, as we have ferequently shown in
former chapters, rational creatures have also a similar beginning" (simile etiam initium rationabiles
creaturas habuisse censendum est). Cf. op. eit. 1.6.2: "for the end is always like the beginning ... to one
end, which is like the beginning" (semper enim similias est finis initiis; ... in unum finem, qui sit initio
similis). Naturally, Jerome (in his Letter, 124.3 [AdAvitum, 3J) distorted this, and represented Origen
as maintaining that beginning and end are interwoven with (ex fine principium et ex principio finem),
wherefore, in subsequent worlds, m en can b ecome either angels or daemons -and the rest of Jerome's
fanciful nonsense laid at Origen's door. Cf. Prine, 1.6.2: "in that beginning, which we have described
as being like the end which is to come" (in ilIo initio ... quod futuro fini simile esse descripsimus).
Op. eit. 11.1.1: "the end in which, as we have argued in the preceding book [Sc. 1.6.2J, all things shall
be restored to their initial state" (ilium finem, per quem omnia restituenda in statum initii). Op. eit.
11.1.3: "the world should have a conclusion similar to its beginning" (similis initio exitus quoque huic
mundo conveniat).
85 Gen. 1:26-27; 5:1; Ecclesiasticus, 17:3.
86 Origen, Cels, IY.40; homLue, homily 39, p. 220; Commentarii in Romanos (III5- V7) (P. Cair. 88748
+ cod. Vat. gr. 762), p. 210.
572 I Appendix
In any event, never did Origen posit infinite cycles of successive perishing and
fe-creation of cosmic settings, since the ultimate end (or, apokatastasis) whereby he
excoriated the Stoic ostensibly similar theory) shall be followed by no new beginning
whatsoever and there will be no new Fall.
Far too much has been made of Plato's notion of 'escape' meaning 'becoming
like God, as much as possible' (qlVY~ Ii. 6~oiwcr[\ 8.0 KaTa TO livvaTov),87 which
has been seen as a parallel to the Christian ideal of' deification' (8wrroi~cr[\)88 But
when, for example, Plotinus claimed that he had tasted that, this was but a subjec-
tive personal mystical experience - it was not the end of any historical process: this
was merely a sort of psychological phenomenology, which could hardly claim any
role within Plotinus' ontological pattern. 89 Moreover, he posited that this experi-
ence is subject to reversal, since the union of the Intellect with the One is eternal,
but the unitive experiences by the soul are sudden and exceptional instances.9° No
room for any sort of discursive thought is left there, even when Porphyry assured
that Plotinus experienced ecstatic union with the One during the period Porphyry
himself was Plotinus' pUpiPl
I have argued that Proclus was a great admirer of the Greek philosopher
Origen, notwithstanding the fact that Proclus criticised Origen'sAnaxagorean exe-
gesis ofPlato,92 and believed that Plato could have never included Origen among
his pupils. However, I have shown Origen's commanding influence on Proclus,93

87 Theaetetus, 176b; cf. Plato, Phaedrus, 253b; Leges, 716d. Philo, De Fuga et Inventione, 63. Plotinus,
Enneades, 1.2.1&5; 1.6.6. Porphyry saw this 'likeness' as pertaining to human intellect. AdMarcellam,
13; 16; 19; cf. De Abstinentia, 3.27. Galen believed that attaining such a goal is at any rate impossible.
De Propriorum Animi Cuiuslibet Affectuum Dignotione et Curatione, p. 11. Albinus brilliantly pointed
out that Plato, in different dialogues of his, meant that ideal in different senses. Epitome Doctrinae
Platonicae sive L113ct(1XctAIXO)" 28.1-6. Theon of Smyrna saw Plato's notion as utter happiness stemming
from full grasp of the beauty of Mathematics. De Utilitate Mathematicae, p. 16. Clement of Alexandria
identified that state with attaining various virtues. Stromateis, 1.1.11.3; 2.9.45.7; 2.19.100.3;
2.22.133.1; et passim. Alexander of Aphrodisias saw that as stemming from accomplishment of real
knowledge, which results in 'prudence' (tpo"l'yn;) and self-control. InAristotelisAnalyticorum Priorum
Librum i Commentarium, pp. 6; In Aristotelis Topicorum Libros Octo Com menta ria, pp. 243; 254.
Subsequent Christian authors made much of that and attributed it various imports, all of which were
of ethical character (Methodius of Olympus; Pseudo-Justin; Didymus the Blind; Eusebius; Gregory
of Nyssa; Epiphanius of Salamis; etal.)
88 See my COT, pp. 93; 309; NDGF, p. 582; RCR, p. 223; Origen and Hellenism, pp. 251; 452; Guilty of
Genius, p. 21.
89 Cf. Enneades, 1.6.9; Y.3.17; Y.5.7; Y.8.11; VI.5.7; VI.7.22&31&34; VI.8.15; VI.9.3-4.
90 Enneades, VI.7.35.
91 Porphyry, VIta Plotini, 23; at that point, Porphyry relates that he had such an experience himself when
he was sixty-eight years old. Cf. Plotinus describing such a personal experience in Enneades, IY.8.1.
92 Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 2, p. 31.
93 See The Real Cassian Revisited, chapter 7, subsection, "Christian Influence on Neoplatonism",
pp. 333-377.
 Appendix I 573
not to mention that Proclus used biblical expressions, such as CdW-YlO~ SW~,94 and
Porphyry also spoke of CdW-YlO~ SW~.95 Damascius entertained this notion, too, yet
he made more subtle analyses by distinguishing between -you~, sw~, and oVo-lrx.,96
and Simplicius followed Damascius' basic idea Likewise, both philosophers suit 97
used the non-biblical synonym !dOlO, i;w~ alike 98 By the same token, the also
non-biblical expression [lIXKlXplrx. SW~99 became a common Christian coin with and
after Clement of Alexandria,loo but naturally was used by Neoplatonists, such as
Plotinus,lOl Porphyry,102 and Simplicius. 103 Origen (who used that, too) insinuated
that this occurred 'in apocryphal writings' (roi!, i<7rOlCpUq,OV, )'OyOV,)l 04
However, such similarities do not mean much: for the expression aT61O~
i;w~ had been introduced by Aristotle,!05 and earlier authors (Philo, Ignatius of
Antioch, Tatian, Clement of Alexandria abundantly, Alexander of Aphrodisias,
Hippolytus) had already put that to use, and later ones, such as Plotinus,
Iamblichus, Themistius, Gregory of Nyssa, Eusebius, Basil of Cae sarea, Didymus,
Ephraem Syrus, John Chrysostom, and others, used it unreservedly - but it would
be interesting to investigate why was it that the Platonising Gregory of Nazianz us
never used this designation at all.

94 Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 3, p. 25: -ro 6~ ft~-r~ hnw; ft~-r~ Kt"'OVft~ ... o... iTriKmct -r~; cttw... tov sw~;
icnt. Op. cit. v. 6, p. 80: 6ta fticrwv &MW... OAtKW-ripw... Kctt a"'~KtOt-r~-rw... -r~; ftOW't60; Kctt cttw... tct ... ix0txTw...
sw~ .... Op. cit. v. 6, p. 81: &... w 6~ ovcrtct Kctt -rctv-ro-r1'];, Trctp' ctt; ~ ctt(,'MO; sw~ Kctt ~ t... wcrt; -rw... 6trVc'tft~W"'.
commTim, v. 1, p. 162: ~ ft~... yap ovcrtW61']; icrn..., ~ 6~ Kct-ra -r~ ... Trctpovcrct... atopts~-rctt fto...w; sw~ ..., Kctt ~
ft~... cttw... to;, ~ 6~ lyxpo ... o;. Op. cit. v. 1, p. 419: d oVv sfi -ro Trctpc't6~tyftct -ro ",01']-r0... w; cttw... to ... - sw~ yap
~ TrUcrct 0 cttw... , w; t1']crt Kctt ITAwTi... O; [Enneades, III.7.4J. Op. cit. v. 2 page 123: h~pw1'];yap i ... ctv-rfi Kctt
-rctv-ro-r1']; sw~ -r~ Kctt cttw... to; i ... ipyHct. Op. cit. v. 2, p. 243: OAo... yap Oftov 9~u-rctt -ro ",o1']-ro..., cttw... to ... sw~ ...
lxw... Tr~Pt -ra ctv-ra Kctt h -r0 ctv-r0 Kctt Kct-ra -rctv-ra h~pyw.... Op. cit. v. 3, p. 217: KvptW; 6~ a9c't ... ct-ro ... -ro i ...
cttw... t Trucrct... lXO>i -r~ ... Sw,y...
95 Porphyry, De Abstinentia, 4.20: '0 fth yap -r~ ... cttw... to ... ~fti... sw~ ... crtrViX~t (ref. to the notion ofbcing
fed by rational spiritual food).
96 Damascius, De Principiis, v. 1, p. 262. Cf. In Parmenidem, pp. 19; 23; 26-30; 235; 262.
97 Simplicius, commPhys, pp. 784-785: oim 6~ ~ ~w~ cttw... tO; icr-rt... (cttw... to ... yap -ro VTrO cttw... o; ft~-rpoVp.~",o",),
aMa ~ ctv-r~ ft~... -r0 cttw... t ovcrtct, Kct-r' &M1']'" 6~ 9~wpovfti... 1'] t6tW1']-rct, oim ~ tvx~ ~yxpo ... o; aM' ctv-roxpo... o;.
Cf.op. at. pp. 791-792.
98 Origen, commJohn, 1.29.204; deOr, 29.13; selPs, PG.12.1560.34. Proclus, commRep, v. 2, pp. 185; 206;
Theologia Platonica, v. 1, p. 117; v. 3, p. 55; v. 5, p. 74; v. 6, p. 49; Institutio Theologica, section 105;
commTim, v. 1, p. 301.
99 Used by Plato, Leges, 713c3. Then, by Aristotle, De Caelo, 284a28-29; Ethica Nicomachea, 1170a28-
29 (ftctKctptW-rc't-r1'] sw~); Politica, 1324a24-25 (Ka... ocr-rtcroVv &ptcr-rct Trpc'tnot Kctt stil1'] ftctKctptW;).
Subsequently, Philo, De Opifiao Mundi, section 172; De Praemiis et Poenis et De Exsecrationibus,
section 122; De Vita Contemplativa, section 13.
100 Stromateis, 7.2.5.3. Cf. op. at. 7.2.10.1; Paedagogus, 1.10.95.2.
101 Enneades, III.8.11; IV.4.8.
102 Porphyry, De Abstinentia, 4.20.
103 Simplicius, commCael, pp. 79; 376.
104 Origen, commMatt, 17.35; cf. 17.33; Cels, 11.48; III.80&81.
105 De Caelo, 286a; Metaphysica, 1072b; Topica, 126b.
574 I Appendix
Likewise Origen styled God 'monad and henad' (~o>a, and £Wt,),'06 which
Rufinus did not translate, perhaps because he could not find any satisfactory
corresponding Latin terms. Nevertheless, Basil of Caesarea (always influenced
by Origen) used that expression in reference to the Trinitarian God, without
any qualms whatsoeve20 7 eventhough the origin of such designations as fL0-Ya.~
being attributed a divine character was clearly Pythagorean. 108 Photius and
later theologians had no doubts about the Trinitarian God being both ~o>a,
and €-va~.109 Moreover, [1o-ya.~ being a divine source was a notion endorsed by
Neoplatonists,ll0 but probably this happened because Proclus had advanced the
bold proposition maintaining that the imparticipable Divine NOlls is a Monad,
which though embraces and holds together a Triad -a statement which could
have been impossible for Proclus to pronounce unless he had been influenced
by the Christian Origen 111 It is hardly chance that, in the sixth century, John
Laurentius Lydus took notice of Proclus' statement as being elaboration of the
Pythagorean Timaeus' idea as well as of the Pythagorean Ocellus' one, which
John Laurentius recognised as being ChaldeanY2

106 Prine, 1.1.6.

107 Basil of Caesarea, Epistulae, epistle 8.2: ~ o~ fwva; Kcd ~... a; -r~; it7rA~; Kcd it7r~PtA~7r-rOV ovcrta; icr-rt
cr1']flantK~. Likewise, Didymus, Commentarii in Psalmos 40-44.4, Codex page 332: ~t; icrn... 6 e~o;, .
flo ... it; icr-rt..., ~... it; icr-rt.... Naturally, Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, De Caelesti Hierarchia, p. 32: o-rt
flo ... it; icr-rt Kat ~... a; -rptcrv7rocr-ra-ro;.
108 See Xenocrates, Testimonia, Doctrina et Fragmenta, fro 120. Timaeus of Locri (the Pythagorean
of Plato's dialogues Timaeus and Critias), apud Stobaeus, Anthologium, Book 1, prologue, section
2; see also prologue, sections 6-10 (on this notion being Pythagorean); cf. op. cit. 1.10.15 (on the
notion originating with Hermes Trismegistus); also, op. cit. 1.48.6; 2.7.5k; 2.7.11s; 2.7.14; 3.1.123;
4.1.96; 4.5.104. Cf. Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus, 9.88.3; Stromateis, 5.14.93.4-5 (ref. to the
Pythagoreans); 6.11.87.2; 7.17.107.6; but in the Paedagogus, 1.8.71.2, Clement avers that 'God tran-
scends even the monad itself' (6 e~o; Kat i7riMt... a -rov ho; Kat tl7r~p av-r~ ... flavitoa). Origen, commJohn,
Y.5.1; in op. cit. XXVIII.I-3, he explains the Pythagorean theories about different sorts of numbers.
Also, commAiatt, 11.3.
109 Photius, Bibliotheca, Codex 230, pp. 277a-278b. So John Italus, Qytaestiones Q!todlibetales, section
63. Euthymius Zigabenus, Panoplia Dogmatica ad Alexium Comnenum, chapter 3, column 141.
Nikephorus Gregoras, Historia Romana, v. 2, p. 1067.
110 Damascius, In Parmenidem, p. 85. Simplicius, commPhys, p. 505. Asclepius of Tralles, commAietaph,
p.216.
111 Proclus, commTim, p. 372: i7r~to~ -rot... vv Kat 6 o1']fltovpyo; e~o; icr-rt Kat itfli9~no; ... ov;, w; fl~'" e~o;
ityaeo-r1']-ra lX~t Kat ~OVA1']crt... Kat Trp&Votct..., w; o~ ",o1']-ro... ovcrta... Kat ovvc'tfl~t; Kat i ... ~pyda;, w; o~ ... ov; ~cr-rt
-r~ Kat Sw~ ... lX~t Kat yvwcrt... -rW... OAW... , Kat ~ flh h av-r0 flo ... a; -r~; -rptc'too; icr-rt crvv~ntK~, ~ o~ app1']-ro;
~. . a; -r~; flo",c'too;.
112 John Laurentius Lydus, De Mensibus, Book 2.8: ~ -rpta; -r~ ... -rW... edw... 7rpoooo", id... 1']cr~ Kat cr-rc'tcrt...
av-roi; -r~ ... aiti.Mo", it7r~tpyc'tcra-ro i ... -r0 av-r0 dO~t, w; t1']crt... 6 ITveayop~to; "DMMo; Hflacrt -rov-rOt;.
... icr-rio... -rot... vv, o-rt -rp~i; -rptc'toa; 6 Ttflato; Trapa6towcrt, Kat flc'tpn; 6 ITpOKAo; i ... tl7ro-rvm,)cr~t -r~;
ITAc't-rwvo; <f>tAocroq,la; tc'tcrKW"', O-rt ~ -rW... ",o1']-rCrv itKpO-r1'];, -rpta; ovcra ",01']-r~, Kat flO"'c't; int....
 Appendix I 575
However, to Origen, the primeval unity from which the world was created
was not God Himself: it was the created Body of Logos, as above, which is cer-
tainly divine, but it points to God's action) not to His ontology. In short, this is
the totality of logoi, also called 'created wisdom' (croq,ia) in distinction from the
Son Himself who is ontologically called Wisdom. 113
This is what Origen meant when he averred that 'God created an incorrupt-
ible nature, which is akin to Him' (&q,8apTo> yap q,Ucrl> 7rmOi~K< T~> >o<pa> Kat
aim" crV"yy<>~)114
By styling God's creation of logoi &q,8apTo> (incorruptible), Origen had in
mind Jesus words, in Matt. 24:35; Mark, 13.31; Luke, 21:33: "For we know that
even if heaven and earth, and the things in them, pass away, yet the logoi about
each thing, being like parts in a whole, or forms in a species, of the Logos who
was in the beginning with God, namely, of God the Logos, will in no wise pass
away."115
The logoi, which gave (and keep on giving) rise to the world, came to be out
of God's untrammelled decision, not out of any sort of necessity, far less of an
ontological one whatsoever; it will last for a certain period of time -at the end
of which!16 the Body of Logos will be restored to its primal 'unwounded' state
as a result of the rational creatures' free action - whereby human nature will
have become not only 'according to the image of God' (KIX'T' ~[K6-YIX),117 but also
'according to God's likeness (Ka8' 6~oiwcrl».
Therefore, Origen's doctrine of creation has nothing to do with Platonism,
and certainly not with Neoplatonism. This means that all those (both
ancient and modern) authors, who saw Origen's statement positing that
the end will be like (which they distorted to 'the same as) the beginning as
'Neoplatonism' were nonplussed fanatics. Quite simply, Origen's propo-
sition was formed in the context of his clear and consistent Philosophy of
History,118 within which the axiom of free creaturely action 119 is fundamentally

113 Origen, expProv, PG.17.181.1-4: A6~Aq,~ ~ftCrv crotlct icr-r(, 6tO-rt b rrot~crct; -r~ ... acrwftct-ro ... q,vcrt... rrct-r~p
Kctt -rctv-r}P rrmol1']M .... crotlct... 6~ h-rctvElct Air~t ov -ro... Yl6... -rov e~ov, aMCt -r~ ... e~wplct ... -rW... crWfLc't-rw... Kctt
acrwftc't-rw..., Kctt -r~; h ctv-rfi KPlcr~w; Kctt rrpo ... olct; iyxdft~... ct.
114 Origen, Prine, III.1.13 (Philocalia, 21.12).
115 Origen, eels, Y.22. See discussion in Anaxagoras, pp. 486; 814; 917-918; 1088; 1329-1330; 1438;
1450; 1486.
116 Cf. Origen, Prine, III.5.1.
117 Gen. 1:26-27; 5:1; Ecclesiasticus, 17:3.
118 See my Origen: Philosophy ofHistory and Eschatology, passim.
119 Origen's eclectic adoption of the Stoic theory of successive worlds only means that Origen sought to
preserve creaturdy freedom. It was on account of this that he excoriated the Stoics for maintaining
576 I Appendix
operative 120 - but of this fact both ancient and modern detractors of Origen have
never had any inkling of.
Moreover, when Proclus spoke of restoration Capokatastasis'), his ideas involved
therein could not be more alien to Origen's theory. Beyond the fact that Proclus
commingles a lot of Pythagorean ism and appeals to Plato's ideas about intermittent
'restorations of souls', in him, this notion has nothing to do with any concept of
historical process or pattern, least of all, with any eschatology whatsoever.
When Proclus spoke of Hercules having been 'restored in companion with
the gods' he certainly had in mind Hercules' personal mythological peripeteia,
not any end of History.121 Besides, he saw 'restoration' not as an ultimate end,
but only as an intermittently recurring one. He styled this phenomenon 'dance'
(xop.ia),122 which is why Proclus coined the far-distended etymology of Time
(XPOVO\) allegedly meaningxopovOV\ ('dancing nous'), he used it just once, but no-
one else did so either before or after him: Time is the manifestation of an imma-
terial dancing intellect (actually a number), and the cause of the world's 'dance'
in a cyclic course, at the end of which 'restoration' of the world takes place, which
restoration is called 'dance' (XOp~[IX) for that matter. 123 Proclus believed that he
descried this idea 'in the Seventh Book of the Republic' (namely, 529dl-5), and
argued that the real 'speed or slowness' (ro aVTOTaxO\ Kat T~V aVTO~pa()VT~Ta)
should be sought for in 'the real number', not by measuring those of the visible
heavenly bodies, as astronomers did. 124 1his 'restoration' (anOKIX'TGWTIXOTV) Proclus
also denominated through its synonymous ncD'['YYH~o-[IX, and argued that this
takes place under the command of 'the one god of all restoration' (uno 'TO"Y hlX'T~~
nGw)l~ 1Xl'T1O"Y nIXA['YYH~o-[lX~ e~6"Y): for every sort of counting hinges on that god /

the idea of identical recurring worlds (Cf. Cels, Iy'67-69; Y.20-21.). In any event, this theory plays no
essential role in his overall theory.
120 This is what Origen's notion of 're-crucifixion of the Body of Logos' (after Heb. 6:6) means. See my
The Concept of Time in Origen (Peter Lang, 1991, text of my PhD Thesis 1983-87), p. 242-243; 299;
PHE, p. 110; Anaxagoras, pp. 947; 1371; Origen: New Fragments from the Commentary on Matthew,
pp. lxxxv; Origen and Hellenism, pp. 30-31; Guilty of Genius, pp. 6; 72; 157; 167; 199-200; 203; 257;
260; 289; 329; 346; 354;408-409;413.
121 ProcitlS, commRep, v. 1, p. 120. He makes his point by quoting Homer, Odyssea, XI.602-603.
122 Cf. Produs, commTim, v. 3, p. 149 (appealing to Phaedrus, 250b; 252d): OVKOVv xopilal ft~... den -rW...
'¥vxw", cd mpt -ro ",o1']-ro... PaxXi/ci/ Ked cd mpt060t Ked itTrOKct-rctcr-rCteM; ctl ... o~pctL
123 Produs, op. cit. v. 2, pp. 17-18: d 6~ itpt9fto; ftwo ... it~t w... ctl-rto; -rot! Kct-r' itpt9fto... Kvdovft~... ov Xpwov,
itpt9fto; w... ctv-ro; ... o~po; Kctt ov-rw XP6 ... 0; w; xopwov; -rt; w..., -rot! xop~vm ctl-rto; -r0 dcrft'll (-r~; Kct-ra
KUdo ... itTrOKct-rctcr-rc'tcr~w; xopdct; A~r[0ft~... 1'];]).
124 Produs, commRep, v. 2, p. 18; commTim, v. 1, p. 41; v. 3, p. 19.
 Appendix I 577
number (ro-v KUpLO"Y -rC)"y a[1a-vo-vw-v Ked X~[p6-yw-y 'TOU a-yepW7r~[ou )'HYj'TOU 7r~p[6.1w-Y
"p[e~6»125
The fact is, nevertheless, that Proclus' analyses about restoration are mainly
referred to the soul, and there is no notion of any teleological process whatso-
ever. 126 Hence, 'asoul's life is counted by means of its intermittent restorations'.127
However, this process is not associated with any historical significance at all,
and certainly, unlike Origen, this does not relate to any teleological concept of
History.
Proclus went some way along with his champion Origen, but he did not
(and could not) go far enough, since to him any notion of Philosophy of History
was absent, and he had no reason to create such a philosophy, given his pre-
suppositions combined with external influence. This point alone could foreto-
ken Origen's abyssal difference from Neoplatonism. Nevertheless, a few more
points can be made, since those who anxiously seek to discover 'Platonism' and
'Neoplatonism' in Origen would perhaps appeal to Proclus, who wrote that 'the
conclusions of divine progressions end up becoming like their that have a divine
origin become like their beginnings', but this 'cycle is both beginningless and
endless'.128 However, when Proclus extolled the One as being the origin and the
ultimate destination of all things,129 he could have hardly written this without

125 Op. cit. v.2, p.20. Cf. Produs, TheologiaPlatonica, v. 4, p. 87 (appealing to Respublica, 546b5: 7rpoi)7rctPX~t
-rov-rw" Ct7rctnw" 0 9~io; itpt9fto; 0 -roi; miem i"otoov; -r~" -r~; Kct-r' itpt9ftov; OtctKocrft~cr~W; itPX1']ytK~"
ctl-rtct". And to Phaedrus, 249a, Socrates speaking about 'three-thousand years-long restorative peri-
ods). commTim, v. 1, pp. 54; 101; 103; v. 2, pp. 264; 289-292; v. 3, pp. 54-57; 75-78; 87-95; 127;
129; 138;
126 Cf. op. cit. v. 2, pp. 20-21: this number it7roKct9tcr-r1']crt -ro" xOcrfto" KWfa -rov; olKdov; opov; ... ~crn" OVv
itpt9fto; SW--rlKO; Kl"OVft~"o; 7r~PtOOtKGi;, <7r~pt6ow,,> itftm6"wv ~ XHp6"w". Also, pp. 23; 45; 66. In v. 2,
p. 130, he quotes and appeals to Timaeus, 42b and Phaedrus, 249a, in order to argue that a 'restored'
soul finds a blissful abode in the 'star befitting it' (d; -ro cr&V"ofto" &cr-rpO>! it7rOKct-rctcr-racrct" ~uOcttfto>!ct
~to" Aiyw" ~~~t" - see the same argument in Theologia Platonica, v. 6, p. 34). Likewise, op. cit. v. 2,
pp. 161; 168-169; 185; 236-237; 267; 328; v. 3, p. 308; Hypotyposis Astronomicarum Positionum, 1.30
(-ra; 7r~ptOOtKa; it7rOKWfctcr-rctcr~t;); 3.53-54; 3.60.
127 Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 3, p. 33: Kctt ~ tvx~ -r0 ft~" it7rOKWfctcr-rctcr~crt Kctt 7r~pt6oot; ft~-rp~i"
-r~" ictv-r~; sw~", Likewise, in op. cit. v. 4, pp. 74; 101; Institutio Theologica, sections 199-200: ITacrct
tvx~ iyx6crftto; 7r~Pto;Ot; Xp~-rctt -r~; olKdct; sw~; Kctt it7roKwfctcrdcr~crt", commTim, v. 1, p. 54; v. 2,
p. 89; v. 3, pp. 149-150 (appealing to Phaedrus, 250b; 252d); 291; 306 (ref. to 'the firmament and any
worldly god').
128 Produs, Institutio Theologica, section 146: ITctcrGi" -rGi" 9dwv 7rp06ow" -ra -riA1'] 7rpO; -ra; ictv-rGi" itpxa;
0ft0tov-rctt, KUdo" &"ctpxo" Kctt it-r~A~V-r1']-rO>! crwso,,-rct ota -r~; 7rpO; -ra; itpxa; imcr-rpo¥J;. Cf. Theologia
Platonica, v. 4, p. 112: Kctt -ro -riA~tO>! ctu-ro -ro -r~; -r~A~t6-r1']-ro; ityct96", itpX~" ~XO>! Kctt fticro" Kctt -riAO; Kctt
crv"ct7r-ro" -ro -riAO; -rfi itpxfi Kct-ra -r~" lot6-r1']-rct -r~; imcr-rpot~;.
129 Produs, In Platonis Parmenidem, book 6, p. 1115: Kctt yctp icr-rt" itpx~ fth 7rct"-rw,,, o-rt it7r' ctu-rov 7rct,,-rct·
-riAo; oi, o-rt i7r' ctu-ro 7rctnct. Op. cit. p. 1092: ctu-ro o~ -ro ,,01']-r0... 7rA~90; -r~Aw-rctio" ittcttp~cr~t -rov
i,,6;, -riAo; itpxfi crVVct7r-rw". On this, Damascius followed Prod us. See Damascius, In Parmenidem,
p. 234: A~yicr9w o~ Kctt YVV -r6 y~ -rocrov-ro" o-rt Kl"OVV~Vo>! -rov-ro -ro ~" -ra &Mct ~r"ctt oOMi", ota -rov-ro
578 I Appendix
influence by his Christian readings,!30 notably, Rom. 11:36. Of course, there is
always the argument that the idea of form being both the origin and the end
of everything could be attributed to Aristotle,131 which is what Basil Bessarion
mentioned believing that he came upon this idea 'at several points of Aristotle's
works', but he cited none of those. 132 1he fact is that Plotinus also embraced the
idea that any principle (perfect as it is by definition) is the same as the effect pro-
duced by that principle l 33
It goes without saying that Plotinus seized on Aristotle's analyses. For when
he says that 'it has been well said that one should not ask for a cause of a principle
(ro ~~ i;~ni> aiTia, "PX~' oi!TW ]((tAW, A€rnal), since any principle is perfect and
it is itself realised in and through its result and it is the same as its end result (Ked
T~, TOlau~, "PX~' T~, nA<ia" ~n, TavTo> T0 T€AH· ~Tl, Ii' "PX~ Kat TnO" ai!T~
'TO 'ITiY.;", 0[10U KlXt aV~Ml7r~~),1.34 he has in mind Aristotle and draws on his analy-
ses.135 Once again, when Porphyry wrote that Plotinus drew surreptitiously on
Peripatetic and Stoic doctrines, he turns out a perceptive reporter. 136

Trp6-r~po ... av-ro Ka9' au-r6, Kat TrpO; ~av-r0 crvv~cr-r~cra-ro, Kat &fta -ro..o; itpxfi crvvcm-rw... · Kat yap
-ro ;l']fttOVpytKO... h TrpO; ~av-ro crVV~Kpt... ~-ro Trp6-r~pO>l. In Philebum, section 11: o-rt Kat -ro itya90 ...
itTr~ptypato... -r~ Kat ft~-r~ itpx~ ... lxo ... ft~-r~ -rno;. av-ro yap 6... itpX~ Kat -rno; -rt... a it... itpx~ ... lxot ~ -rt... a
-r~AW-r,y..; Likewise, Simplicius, commPhys, p. 995: -rotoV-ro... ;~ &v OVK lcr-rt ft~po; Xpo...ov, dTr~p i ... Tra... -rt
iwm'tpX~t XP6"''ll-ro av-ro itpx~ Kat -rno; &V. Op. cit. p. 1281 (discussing Alexander of Aphrodisias): Kat
-ro 1i...W TrpO; fth -ro itTr' av-rov Kt"'OVft~ ... o... itpX~' TrpO; ;~ -ro iTr' av-ro -rno;. See also Prod us, Theologia
Platonica, v. 4, p. 110.
130 Cf. Rom. 11:36: &n i~ av-rov Kat ;t' av-rov Kat d; av-ro ... -ra m't...-ra. See my RCR, chapter 7, subsection
"Christian Influence on Neoplatonism", pp. 333-377, particularly, 'Produs', pp. 333-336.
131 Cf. Metaphysica, 1050a4-1O.
132 Bessarion, De Natura et Arte: Liberadversus Georgium Trapezuntium C retensem, section 9.10: -r~ ... ft~...
VAl']'" Kat -ro ~r;o; cr-rotX~ia, at-rta... ;~ -ro 09~... ~ d"'l']crt;, -r6 y~ ft~ ... -r~AO;, itpX~'" o...0ftc't~0ft~.... Et ;~ Kat -ro
dM; -r~ Kat -rno; crqmtTr-rotKTt Kat -ro av-r6 dcrt..., w; Trapa -r0 Aptcr-ro-rn~t icr-r't... ~up~i... TrOMaxOV, Kat -ro
~r;o; av-ro w; -r~AO; icr-rt... itpX~'
133 Cf. Enneades, 1.4.1: Nature is a principle which accomplishes the end (= full realisation) of every thing
(Kat d -rno; -rt ... ~ i... av-roi; tvcrt; Trucra... Sw~ ... av-roi; ;t~~~A90vcra Kat TrAl']pwcrctcra i~ itpx~; d; -rno;).
Op. cit. 111.9.2: Any logical entity (such as Science) potentially contains the Whole, of which both
the beginning and end are the same (lX~t ;~ lKacr-ro... ;v... c'tft~t -ro OAO>I, OV -ro av-ro itpX~ Kat -rno;). Op.
cit. Y.8.1O: Souls are creative principles, which include the beginnings and ends of things produced
by them (al '¥vXat alTrc't... -ra ... iMi bpwcrat Kat iK -rw... Trc't... -rw... y~... 6ft~... at, wcr-r~ Trc't... -ra mpt~Xw Kat av-rat
i~ itpX~; d; -rno;). Likewise, all virtues that a soul filled by God procures are to her both the begin-
ning and end: Op. cit. VI.9.9: Tav-ra yap d~t ,¥vx~ TrAl']pw9~icra 9~ov, Kat -rov-ro av-rfi itpx~ Kat -r~AO;.
itpX~ ft~..., o-rt iMi9~... , -rno; ;~, o-rt -ro itya90 ... iMt. Kat iMi y~"'0ft~... l'] ytY;Hat av-r~ Kat omp ~ .... Op.
cit. VI.2.11: The One can be considered as being both beginning and end, although this should be
understood differently from the same notion attributed to the Intellect (nY"~-rat OVv -ro h Kat i... av-r0
w; itpx~ Kat -rno;, ovx wcrav-rw; ;~, itMa aMw;, wcr-r~ Kat -ro Trp6-r~po ... Kat -ro vcr-r~po ... Kat i... -r0 ~...).
134 Enneades, Y.8.?
135 Cf. Aristotle, Physica, 188a.
136 Cf. Porphyry, Vita Plotini, 14: ·Ep.ft~fttK-rat ;' h -roi; crvIYpc'tftftacrt Kat -ra L-rWtKa Aa... 9c't... ona ;6yfta-ra
Kat -ra rr~pma-rl']-rtKc't. Ka-raTr~TrVx ... w-rat ;~ Kat ~ «lvh-ra -ra tvcrtKa» -rov Aptcr-ro-rnov; Trpayfta-rda. On
the present point, see Aristotle, Metaphysica, 1050a7-9: &Tra... iTr' itpX~'" ~aMs~t -ro ytY"6ft~... 0... Kat -rno;
 Appendix I 579
Gregory of Nyssa once again remained a faithful pupil of Origen, and argued
that, 'upon the initial creation, its atemporal end appeared, too'Y7 Later theolo-
gians had no inhibitions about granting that 'the beginning is like the end'.138
Nicolas of Met hone severely criticised Proclus' proposition,139 on the grounds
that the notion of 'divine progression' (or, advancement: e~[1X 7rp6o.1o~) (which
Proclus spoke about), could not be applied to Deity, but only to the created real-
ity. Moreover, Nicolas reminded the un-Platonic axiom, namely, that there will
be an end of History,140 at which 'all things will return to God, and their nature
will have been transformed from being corruptible to being incorruptible and
God will be all in all.'!4! Nicolas allowed for an exception only, quoting a state-
ment by Gregory of Nazianzus, who had spoken of 'the Monad' which 'from the
beginning, moved towards becoming a Dyad (Ola TOVTO ~ova, an' apX~' .1, ovaoa
Klv~e.icra), and it stopped once it became a Triad (~€XPl Tplaoo, 'cr~).'!42 Quite
obviously, Origen's pattern of History and Eschatology had nothing to do with
Proclus' statement, since Origen spoke only of what happens in the created realm,
and never did he make allowance for any assumed 'divine progressions'.
Moreover, when Origen said that 'the end is like the beginning', this had
nothing to do with Proclus' ostensibly similar statement, since the latter clearly
meant both 'the beginnings and ends' (both of them, in Plural) as recurring inter-
mittent episodes (Ta T€A~ npc" Ta, <aVTWV apXa, 6~olOvTal), which are beginning-
less and endless cycles, in the sense that there is neither absolute beginning nor end
(KUKAOV &vapxov Kat anA.UT~TOV crW!;OVTa Ola T~, npc" Ta, apXa, €7[[crTpo¢~,)143
This is why Proclus continuously and persistently appealed to Plato's statements
every now and then - which no doubt involved Plato's theory of transmigration - a

(itpx~ yap -ro ov ["'~Kct, '"tOV -rO.ov; 66 ["'~Kct ~ y~w:n;), -ro..o; 6' ~ i ... ~py~tct, Kctt '"tOv-rov xc'tpt... ~ 6&vctflt;
Actfl~c't ... ~-rctt.
137 Gregory of Nyssa, In Canticum Canticorum (homiliae 15), p. 458: -rt yap it... UTr~p-r~po ... ~up~edY] -r~; TrpO;
-r0... e~o ... bflOtwcr~w;;iTrt flh om.. -r~; Trpw-rY]; ntcr~w; it6tctcr-rc't-rw; -rfi itpxfi crvvct... ~tc't"'Y] -ro Tr~pct; Kctt itTrO
-r~; -r~A~tO-rY]-ro; ~ tv.:n; -rov d ... ctt ~p~ct-ro. This was excerpted in the letter by Procopius of Gaza, Catena
in Canticum Canticorum, p. 1716.
138 Cf. Demetrius Cydones, De Contemnenda Morte, section 15: Kctt -r~ ... itpXYrv ~vAoyO'" iOtK~... ctt -r0 -ro..~t.
139 Nicolas of Methone, Refutatio Institutionis Theologicae Proc/i, section 146.
140 See my The Concept of Time in Origen, chapter 5: "The End of Time", pp. 394-474. Also, PHE,
chapter 9: "The End of History", pp. 237-356; chapter 10: "History Without a Body?", pp. 358-380;
and chapter 11: "Is History a Parable ?", pp. 381-421.
141 1 Cor. 15:28. Nicolas of Methone, loe. cit.: Trmctvcr~-rctt 66 Trc't ...-rw; Kctt ~ Kct-ra -rov'"tO Kct-ra -r~ ... KOt... ~ ...
crvv-ro..~tct ... Kctt &MY] -rY] ... tKctV-rct Trp0060; lcr-rctt, Kcte '~ ... lcr-rctt b e~o;-ra Trc't... -rct h micrt Kctt Trc't ...-rct TrpO; ctV-rO ...
imcr-rphl'ov(Jw, ~ -rW... OAW... fl~-rctcr'"tOtXdwcrt; Kctt iK q,eop&; d; ittectpcrtct... fl~-rctTrotY]crt;.
142 Gregory of Nazianzus, De Filio (orat. 29), section 2. I have discussed Gregory's specific statement, as
well as what later theologians made of that. Of them, it was only Michael Psellus who demonstrated
Gregory's statement as being plain heretical. See my Guilty of Genius, pp. 27-32.
143 Produs, Institutio Theologica, section 146.
580 I Appendix
tenet that Origen staunchly denounced and called that 'folly' (~wpia), 'myth'
([1U8lKrtv [lHHo-WfLCtTW01Y or [lu8o-v), the 'moronic transmigration', and 'false teach-
ing' (t<vo~ AO'1ov, t<voooosiav), 'a doctrine which is alien to the Church of God'
(aMoTpLOv T~\ €KKA~cria\ TOj) S<Oj) n<p\ T~\ ~n<vcrw~aTwcr<W\ 06'1~a).!44
Moreover, Proclus' numerous statements, as above, ran sheer contrary to
Origen's ones, who had argued for similarity between the beginning and the end,
meaning the absolute beginning (God's creative act) and the absolute end (God's
final Judgement) - both of which I have canvassed extensively in the past 145
This is why Proclus spoke of some 'perfect [but not definitive] restorations'
(a7rOKIX'TIXO"Tao-~w-y TC)"y 'T~A~WT(krw-Y, in Plural, i.e. intermittent) 'of Pluton ian daemons',
as something recurrently happening. Once again, he appealed to Plato,!46 by which
he meant daemons being no more in need of any mantles, but get rid of them by
means of the force of the divine light. 147 However, quite evidently, such glorious states
are liable to relapsing - once again, this had nothing to do with Origen positing
Restoration of All as the conclusive and permanent end of all History. And if Origen
does not say that the end is the same as the beginning, but it is like the beginning,148
this is so because men will have achieved their restoration also by their own exertions
and free will, whereby they will be not only 'according to the image' (KaT' <iKova) of
God (which is what man was made upon God's creative act), but also 'according to
likeness' (KaS' 6~oiwcrLV), which Origen saw as only an eschatological prospect calling
for man's unfailingly devout toil in order to be finally achieved 149
Therefore, his proposition positing that the end (not ends) is like the beginning
(not beginnings), not the same as the beginning, suggests his conviction that the
eschatological Restoration (not restorations) ofAll marks the full completion of God

144 See my Guilty of Genius: Origen and the Theory of Transmigration, pp. 7-11; 107-108; 120; 137; 180; et
passim.
145 See my doctoral thesis (Glasgow, 1983-1987), The Concept of time in Origen, by which I introduced
for the first time the argument that Origen was an anti-Platonist in many respects. This was published
under the same title by Peter Lang, in 1991. Also, a more elaborated version in my COT and PHE
(both published by Brill, 2006; 2007).
146 That is, to Gorgias, 525b-c; and Laws, 728c.
147 Produs, commRep, v.2, pp. 185:Kaealp6nw... ~aTr~pl~A~fla~a aim,)... ola edovtw~o;Kata... afllfl"'1'](TX6nw...
~~; ai:olov SW~; Kat ~w... aTrOKa~ctcnc'tcr~w... ~Crv ~~A~W~c't~W"'.
148 See infra, p. 599, about Origen explaining this as 'a new creation'.
149 See Cels, IV.30 (rebutting Cclsus' allegation in IY.23, 'We have been made by Him [Sc. God] entirely
like God', ~fl~i; UTr' alhov r~ro ... 6~~; Trc't"'~l1 OflOlOl ~0 e~0): H fl~"'~Ol iyvWMl otcttopa... ~ov «KaT dx6 ... a»
e~OVr~rO>i~... al ~o ... &... epWTrO>i TrpO; ~O «Kae' 0flolwcrlW, Kat O~l a... ar~rpaTr~al dp1']K~... al 0 e~6;, dlol~crwfl~'"
&... epWTro... Ka~' dKwa Kat 0flolwcrl... ~fl~~ipaw, iTrol1']cr~ 0' 0 e~o; ~o... &... epWTro... «KaT dx6wt-> e~ov aM'
ovXt Kat «Kae' 0flolwcrlW ~o1'], OVK &... iTrol~l ~fla; A~rO ... ~a; on Trc't"'~l1 oflolo1 icrfl~'" ~0 e~0. Much earlier,
Origen had written that 'we shall be also according to the likeness of God, once we have foresaken
every passionate desire for matter and bodies, even once we have abandoned desire for some of those
 Appendix I 581
creative work, to which man will have made a critical contribution. To see this as
'Neoplatotism' would be simply a token of nescience.
Therefore, unlearned allegations aside, one thing is for sure: upon composing
my doctoral thesis in the mid-1980s, which was published in 1991, and appeared
in the augmented form of two volumes in 2006 and 2007, whereby I introduced
the disturbing theory that Origen was an anti-Platonist in many respects, and kept
on sustaining this in my subsequent books, my proposition was deeply rooted in
Origen's own texts and crystal-clear considerations. Nevertheless, I can understand
the despair of all those theologians who are unable to stomach this revelation of truth,
by reason of which they see everything that their teachers have taught them lying in
ruins, and themselves being at a loss because of lack of philosophical training.
The points of my books at which I have demonstrated that Maximus was a
humble follower of Origen are legion. 150 But when Maximus asserted that 'the
end is the same as the beginning',151 on this point he was not Origen's counter-
point as uninformed modern theologians keep on claiming.
Moreover, just like Origen, Maximus averred that 'the Lord Jesus Christ is
the essence of all virtues',152 which was just an aspect and corollary of Origen's
notion 'the Body of Logos'153 comprising all the logoi that were created in the
beginning. 154 Furthermore, Maximus took up Origen's notion of evil being in
itself essentially non-existent, whereby he went along with Origen's doctrine

who are according to likeness' (italics are mine). See commjohn, XX.22.183: d;~ crtrV~ ...'n; -ro TrOll']e~...
Ka-r' dxb ... a Kat -ro Al']te~... it7rO -rov xov -r~; yi1;, OAOl TrpocrW&Olft~... i7rt nvn..., ov KaT dxb ... a y~yo ... aft~...,
icr0ft~ea Kat Kae' OftOtWcrl'" e~ov, 7rucra... -r~ ... 7rpO; VAl']'" Kat crwfta-ra 7rpocr7rC'te~l.Ct ... Kat -r~ ... 7rpO; -rl... a -rw...
Kae' OftOtWcrl'" it7roAdta... -r~;. That is, men should devout themesleves and worship God Himself, not
His angels.
150 See my COT, 261-262; PHE, pp. 30; 107; 110; 360; 369; NDGF, pp. 155; 396-397; 438-439; RCR,
pp. 178; 195; Scholia, pp. 218; 230; 254; 256; 332; 404; Anaxagoras, pp. 874-875; 890; 896-897; 1031;
1292; 1460; Origen: New Fragments from the Commentary on Matthew, pp. lxiv; clxxxvi-clxxxvii; 409-
410; 414; 419-420; 423; 427; 466; 484; 491; 499; 516; 518-519; 538; 544; 546. Origen and Hellenism,
pp. 13; 22; 28; 82; 95; 163; 189; 217; 220; 229-230; 233-234; 241-242; 246-247; 249-250; 430; 432-
433. Guilty of Genius, pp. xi; 33; 91; 177; 179; 252; 317; 388; 394.
151 Maximus Confessor, loc. cit. Kat -rav-ro ... ;d~a; -rfi itpxfi -ro -r~AO; Kat -r~ ... itpX~'" -r0 -r~A~l, ftu:0.m ;~
-rav-ro... itpX~'" ovcra... Kat -rno;.
152 Maximus Confessor, Ambigua ad joannem, 7.21: El yap ovcrta -r~; i ... ~Kacr-r'll itp~-r~; 0 ~t; uTrapxw
Aoyo; nv e~ov ft~ itfttl~~~Al']-ral - ovcrta yap Tra... -rw ... -rw... itpm,rv av-ro; icr-rl'" 0 K&plO; ~ftw... 'Il']crov;
Xplcr-rO;.
153 See a succinct exposition of this in my "Origen and Philosophy", in Mark Edwards (ed.), The Routledge
Handbook ofEarly Christian Philosophy, pp. 397-425 (especially, pp. 400-409). For a fuller exposition
see my Anaxagoras, vol. 2, Part III, pp. 827-1095.
154 Maximus Confessor, Qytaestiones et Dubia, section 191: Lwfta oVv -rovAoyot! icr-rt... ~ -rW... itp~-rw... ovcrta.
Origen, Cels, Y.39: K&... ;~v-r~pO>i oVv A~ywp.~ ... e~o..., tcr-rwcra ... O-rl -ro... ;~v-r~po ... e~o ... OVK &:0..0 -rl A~Y0ft~...
~ -r~ ... 7r~Pl~K-rlK~'" Tracrw... itp~-rw... itp~-rYrv Kat -ro... mpl~K-rlKO'" 7ra...-ro; OU-rl... OcrOVv AOyOt! -rw... Ka-ra tVcrl'"
582 I Appendix
positing the final abolition of evil.155 Origen wrote that 'in God, there is none of
the attributes of which we know' (OV6€1r €O"n 'T0 e~0 eIrv ~[1~T~ lrr[1H).156 Maximus
followed this suit. 157 He likewise wrote that notions such as 'beginning, state
between, or end, are inapplicable to God Himself,158 since 'beginning, state

KCtl7rp01']rot)ft~... w; Y~r~"'1']flh. w... Ked d; XP~(Tlfw'" -rov Trct""o; A6yo.... Cf. op. cit., 111.81: Ked Ctwt7rctpa9h'w
-ro Kct9' ~fta; 7rctpa e~0 i" XptCTT"0, -rwricrTl -r0 ).0Y'll Ked -rfi (Tott~ Ked rrCtcrl1 itp~Tfi, "no;. Op. cit.
VIII.17: Ayc'tAftct-rct;~ KctlTrpbrav-rct e~0 it... cte~flct-rct, ovx UITO ~ct... ctV(Tw'" -r~X"'l'rw... Kct-r~(TKwct(Tfli ... ct aM'
UITO AOYOV e~ov Tpct... OVp.~",ct Ked floptoVp.~",ct h ~fli..., ctl itp~Tcd, fltfl~flct-rct -rVYXc't"ovcrctt -rov rrpw-ro-roxov
7(dm7~ xd-r<w~. commMatt, 12.14: b Xplcr-ro; yap, ~ 71-acrct ap~-r~, im6~6~ft1']M Kctt ActA~i. commSerMatt,
p. 146: ctt Kctt a ...-rct... ctxoAov90vcrctl w; ctt ap~-rctt -rfi U7rocr-rCtcr~l -rov Xplcr-rOV (var. lect. b Xplcr-rO;). com-
mEph, fro 19: -ro ftct9~i... -ro... Xplcr-rO'" -rctl)-ro... iCTT"l-r<0> ftct9~i... -r~ ... ap~-rtlv. Op. cit. fro 33: -r~ ... apm)... ~-rl;
icr-r't... b Xplcr-rO;. Selecta in Numeros, PC .12 .584.6-7: "E6nctl ov... ~ftu; b XplCTT"O;, ~ OVCTlW61']; ap~-r~.
155 Maximus Confessor, Qjtaestiones ad Thalassium, epistle, lines 209-219 (on the final abolition of evil,
which is non-substance): To KctKO'" ov-r~~ ... ov-r~ lcr-rl... ov-r~ lcr-rctl Kct-r' otKdct... tVcrl'" ut~cr-rw; - ov-r~ yap
lX~l Kct90-rlOVv ovcrtct... ~ trow ~ U7rOcr-rctcrl... ~ 6V ... ctftl'" ~ i... ipy~lct... i... -roi; OVcrl... - , ov-r~ 7rOlO-r1']; icr-r't... ov-r~
7rocro-r1']; ov-r~ crXicrl; ov-r~ -r07rO; ov-r~ xpo ... o; ov-r~ 9icrl; ov-r~ 7rOt1']crl; ov-r~ Kt"'1']crl; ov-r~ l~l; ov-r~ 7ra90;,
tVcrlKW; -rW... 6... -rw... -rl... t h9~wpoVp.~",0", - ovn ft~ ... i... -rOV-rOl; 7rUcrl... -ro 7rctpa7rct... Kct-r' otKdwcrl'" tVcrlK~'"
Uticr-r1']M'" - , ov-r~ apx~ ov-r~ ft~cro-r1']; ov-r~ -rno; icr-rt..., aM' hct w; i ... 0P'll7r~PlAct~W'" d7rw, -ro KctKO'" -r~;
7rpO; -ro -rno; -rW... iYMlfti... w... -rfi tVcr~l 6vvaft~w... h~pydct; icr-r't...lMWfl;, Kctt &MO Kct9a7rct~ ov6i.... Capita
Theologica et Oecumenica (Capita Gnostica), 1.33: 7rCinIV yap irrdvw 0riWV xai -rxo'p7r/wv MAwcr9~t;
apx~ ... Kctt -rno; -r~; Ctftctp-rtct; i~cttct... ts~l. Ambigua adJoannem, 10.75: TOlOv-ro ... yap Kctt cttcr91']-r~ ntcrl;,
apx~ ... iyvwcrfti...1']'" y~... icr~w; lxovcrct Kctt 6lcttElOPU; wplcrfti ... o... -rno; ihtSot>CTct. Op. cit. 65.2: ITw; yap
-roi; apx~ ... Kct-ra tVcrl'" Kctt -rno; Kct-ra d"'1']crl... lXOVcrl... oto... -r~ i... ~i... ctl -ro a~t 6... Kctt apx~ ... Kctt -rno; OVK
lxo ... ; This was Origen's doctrine identifying 'evil' as 'nil' and positing that 'evil did not exist since the
beginning, nor is this destined to exist eternally'. Origen, commJohn, 11.13.93: 'E~~lA~tctcrl'" OVv -r""~;
-r0 aW7rocr-rct-ro... d ... ctl-r~ ... Kctdct... (ov-r~yap~ ... a7r' apx~; ov-r~ d; -rO... cttw... ct lcr-rctl) -rctv-r' ~r... ctl-ra «ft1']6iw.
See my The Concept of time in Origen, PhD thesis, 1983-1987, chapter 5§1, and the 1991 edition,
chapter 5§1, "The final abolition of Evil", pp. 394-398. Also, PHE, Part III: Eschatology, pp. 237-
250: "The eventual extinction of evil".
156 Cels, V1.62.
157 Cf. Maximus Confessor, Capita Theologica et Oecumenica (Capita Gnostica), 1.2: Et; e~o;, &... ctpxo;,
aKct-raAl'pnO;, OA1']'" lxw... -rov d ... ctl -r~ ... 6&vctftl'" 6l0AOV, -r~ ... 7ro-r~ Kctt 7rW; d ... ctl 7rct... -ra7rctcrl... h·.... olct...
a7rw9ovft~... o;, w; 7rUcrl... &~ct-ro; Kctt ft1']6~... t -rW... 6... -rw... iK tvcrlK~; ifttr'tcr~w; 6l~yvWcrftho;. (1.4): t... ct
Kctt -rno; icr-rt -r~; Kct-ra 6&vctftl'" 7rpo~m... oovfti... 1']; OiKTlW60V; Kl"'~cr~W;, aM' OVcrlO7rOlO; Kctt U7r~pOrolO;
6...-ro-r1']; Kctt 6vvctft07rOlO; Kctt ump6&vctfto; t6pvcrl; Kctt 7racr1']; h~pydct; 6pctcr-rlK~ Kctt a-r~A~v-r1']-ro; [~l; Kctt
crv...-roftw; dmi... 7racr1']; ovcrtct; Kctt 6vvaft~w; Kctt i ... ~pydct; apx~; -r~ Kctt ft~cro-r1']-ro; Kctt -riAOV; 7rOl1']-rlK~.
158 Maximus Confessor, Capita Theologica et Oecumenica (Capita Gnostica), 1.2: '0 e~o; OVK lcrn 6l'
~ctv-ro ... , w; ~ftu; d6i... ctl 6vvct-rO ... , ov-r~ apx~, ov-r~ ft~cro-r1'];, ov-r~ -rno;, ov-r~ -rl -ro cr&vOAO'" [-r~po ... -rW...
-roi; ft~-r' ctv-ro ... tVcrlKW; i... 9~wpovfti ... w.... aoplcr-ro; yap icr-rl Kctt ad"'1']-ro; Kctt &mlpo;, w; 7racr1']; ovcrtct;
Kctt 6vvaft~w; Kctt i... ~pydct; a7rdpw; w... umpiMl"'ct. Mystagogia, chapter 1: ncr7r~p yap b e~o; 7ra... -rct -rfi
amtp'll 6vvaft~l 7rOl~crct; Kctt d; -ro ~r... ctl 7rctpctyctyW... crVViX~l Kctt crv ... ay~l Kctt 7r~plypat~l, Kctt aM~Aol; Kctt
~ctv-r07rpO"'01']-rlKW; i"'6lctcrtt1Y~l -rCt -r~ ",o1']-ra Kctt -ra cttcr91']-rCt, Kctt 7r~Pt ~ctv-ro ... w; ctt-rtct... Kctt apxYrv Kctt -rno;
7ra...-rct mplKpct-rW'" -ra Kct-ra -r~ ... tVcrl'" aM~Aw'" 6lW-r1']xO-rct, Kct-ra fttct... -r~ ... 7rpO; ctv-ro ... w; apx~ ... crXicr~w;
6&vctftl'" aM~Aol; crtrVV~"'WKO-rct 7rOlia .... -ro... e~o ..., w; ctt-rtct... Kctt apx~ ... Kctt -rno; -r~;-rw... OAW... 7rctpctywyi];
Kctt y~... icr~w; Kctt 7rV9fti... ct -r~; 7ra... -rw... 7r~plOX~; a6lacr-rct-ro....... -ra; ovcrtct; -rw... 6...-rw... acrvrxv-rw; ctv-ro;
i... ~py~i... 7rittIK~... b e~o;, -ro 7r~Pt ctv-ra; 6latopo..., w; 6i6~lnctl, -rfi 7rpO; ~ctv-ro ... w; ctt-rtct... Kctt apx~ ... Kctt
-rno; a ... cttop(i -r~ Kctt hWcr~l7rctpctftv90vft~... 0; -r~ Kctt -rctV-ro7rOlOVft~ ... O;.
 Appendix I 583
between, or end' are themselves creatures of God (meaning, Time proper is but
a creature).159
The list of such examples could be very long, but suffice it to note that Maximus
was perfectly and gratefully aware of his dues to his illustrious yet anathematised
predecessor, which is why Maximus (or even, Pseudo-Maximus) never made any
mention of either 'Origen' or the 'Origenists' whatsoever. In my previous books,
I have demonstrated that, when Maximus took up fundamental ideas of Origen, in
doing so he was second only to Gregory of Nyssa. In general though, theologians
such as John Chrysostom,160 Maximus Confessor, or Cassian the Sabaite, did not
mention the name of Origen only because they were bowled head over heels by
Origen's thought amidst an environment that regarded Origen as a damned heretic.
As for the aspect of Origen's Philosophy of History determining that it is the
future that determines the past, not the other way around, let those interested
study analyses that I have made in the past. 161 On this, Maximus Confessor fol-
lowed suit, too: attaining to the end is tantamount to reaching the beginning
anew, since 'when a man seeks to reach his own fulfilment, he ends up to his
beginning, since this beginning is inherently present in his end.'162 But this was
Origen's axiom that the end is like the beginningl63 Why did Maximus say so?

159 Maximus Confessor, Qyaestiones ad Thalassium, sections 22; 38; 60: l!..ta yap -rO... Xptcno..., ~yotr'¥ -ro
Kct-ra Xptcno... ftvcr-r~Ptav, 7rlh-r~; ol cttw... ~; Kctt -ra i... ct1hoi; -roi; cttwcrt... h Xptcr-r0 -rrrv itpX~'" -rov ~r... ctt
Kctt -ro -rno; dA~tacrt.... Ambigua ad joannem, 15.7: ITacrl1; OVv y~... icr~w; -r~ Kctt Kl"'~cr~W; -rW... 6nwv,
itpX~ Kctt -rno; icr-rt... b e~o;, w; i~ ct1hov y~y~"'l1fti... w... Kctt 6t' ct1hov Kt... ovfti... w... Kctt d; ctV-rO ... -r~ ... cr-racrt...
7rOtl1 cr°ft i ... w....
160 On Origen's commanding influence on Chrysostom, see extensive textual evidence and discussion
in my critical edition, Origen: New Fragments from the Commentary on Matthew, Codices Sabaiticus
232 & Holy Cross l04,jerusalem, Ferdinand Schoningh, Paderborn, 2020.
161 PHE, pp. 119,120; 142,143; 256; 303; 345; 385; 424.
162 See Maximus Confessor, Cf. Ambigua adjoannem, 7.21: Kctt -rctV-ro... 6d~ct; -rfi itpxfi -ro -rno; Kctt -r~ ...
itpX~'" -r0 -rnH, ftu:o..o ... 6~ -rctV-ro... itpxrrv ovcrct ... Kctt -rno;, w; it... 69w-ro; e~ov nyxa ... w... crvvtJyopo;, dmp
7rct...-ro; 7rpayftct-ro; itpX~ Kctt -rno; b i7r' ctv-r0 crX07rO; imapxw 7r~7rtcr-rw-rctt. Op. cit. 7.38: Kctt yap 7rucrt
Kct-ra611Ao ... icr-rt..., w; -ro i... Xptcr-r0 y~"'0ft~ ... o... i7rt -rn~t -rov cttw... o; ftw-r~Pto ... it... ctfttt~OAW; -rov i... itpxfi
-rov cttw... o; i... -r0 7rpo7ra-ropt 7rctp~9i... -ro; it7r06~t~t; Kctt it7r07rA~pwcrt; icr-rt.... Mystagogia, chapter 1, lines
132-162: b e~o; 7ra...-rct -rfi it7rdp'll 6tr'¥aft~t 7rOt~crct; Kctt d; -ro d ... ctt 7rctpctyctyw... , crtr'¥iX~t Kctt crtr'¥ay~t Kctt
7r~ptypat~t, Kctt it:o..~AOt; Kctt ictv-r0 7rpo ... ol1-rtKW; i"'6tctcrtt1Y~t -ra -r~ ... ol1-ra Kctt -ra cttcr911-ra, Kctt mpt ictv-ro ...
w; ctt-rtct... Kctt itpX~'" Kctt -rno; 7ra...-rct 7r~PtKpct-rW"', -ra Kct-ra -r~ ... tvcrt... it:o..~AW'" 6t~cr-r11x6-rct Kct-ra fttct ... -r~ ...
7rpO; ctv-ro ..., w; itpX~"" crXicr~w; 6Vvctftt... it:o..~AOt; crtr'¥"'~"'WKO-rct 7rot~i· ... -ro... e~o ..., w; ctt-rtct... Kctt itpxrrv Kctt
-rno; -r~; -rCrY OAW... 7rctpctywy~; Kctt y~... icr~w; Kctt 7W9fti... ct -r~; 7ra...-rw... 7r~PtOX~; it6tacr-rct-rav.
163 Maximus Confessor, Qyaestiones ad Thalassium, section 59: ·ExSl1-rw... OVv -ro ictvtov -riM; b aWpl.omo; d;
-r~ ... itpX~'" Kct-rctnfg, tWtKW; i... -r0 -rn~t -rvyXa... ovcrct.... ... OVK~'" oVv Sl1-r~crctt -r~ ... itpX,y.., w; ltl1"" omcrw
y~y~ ...l1fti... l1 ... , it»: iKSl1-r~crctt -ro -riAO; ift7rpo; imapxo ... , hct yv0 6ta -rov -rnov; -rrrv it7roA~tt9~icrct... itpX~""
i7r~t6~ ft~ lyvw -ro -rno; iK -r~; itpX~;' ... Et7rw... yap b AOYO; ~1n?-rov f!P1vr;v xai B!w?<lY aV71v [Psalm
33:15J i... -r0 -rn~t -r~ ... itpX~'" 6tW~ctt 7rctP~"'~yvl1cr~ Kctt -rrrv ~ctcrtAdct..., itpxrrv ovcrct... 6ta -r~; 6tKcttocrVvl1;,
w; -riAOV; -r~; ~ctcrtAdct;, iKSl1-r~crctt 7rctp6MA~vcrct-ro. Op. cit. section 60: Tov-ro icr-rt -ro ftctKapto ..., 6t' o-ra
7ra...-rct crv... icr-rl1crct..., -riAO;. T ov-ro icr-rt... b -r~; itpX~; -rW... 6...-rw... 7rpo~m... oovft~... o; 9~io; crX07rO;, 0... bptSo... -r~;
~r... ctt tctft~ ... 7rpo~m... oovft~... av -riAO;, ov ["'~Kct fth -ra 7ra... -rct, ctv-ro 66 ow~... o; ["'~M"'.
584 I Appendix
Because, to him, it was a blessing when the 'beginning concurs with the end in
order to accomplish the ideal of goodness'.164
Actually, Maximus did not refrain from indulging in some Pythagoreanism
(which though does not make him a Pythagorean for that matter, as nescient 'schol-
ars' could be prompt to argue): he explained that, as 'a monad occasions a myriad',
likewise, 'the divine and ineffable Monad, namely, God, brings about virtues that
have both a beginning and an end', since 'all things derive from Him, and through
Him, and are destined to Him',165 only because, the End of History is nothing other
than the utterly pure eternal unification of the absolute beginning with the absolute
end, which is what eventually salvation means. 166
Maximus was as modest as to report that such ideas were not his own, but he
has received those from earlier 'wise' theologians, who had grasped 'the secrets'
of Philosophy of History: to wonder about and seek a theory (i;~ni» about 'the
beginning' is one thing; but to envisage (€Ki;~ni» the ultimate end (which is
like the beginning - as Origen had taught) is quite another. More than reflect-
ing on the 'beginning', a theologian's task is to visualise and teach 'the end',
which is like the beginning,167 because, once a human being seeks to under-
stand his own beginning, he ends up in the struggle to grasp his own end, which
is inherently present in his beginning. 16B In fact, anyone who craves grasping
one's beginning, he should strive to understand his own end. 169 After all, it was

164 Maximus Confessor, Scholia in Ecclesiasten (in catenis: catena trium patrum), section 11, lines 75-
77: KCt/..O", yap ia... ~ apx~ -r0 -rn~t KCtt-rO -rno; -rfi apxfi d; -r~ ... -roti ayaeoti ipyacrta... crvvoPc'tflwcrt.
165 Maximus Confessor, Qytaestiones ad Thalassium, section 55, lines 149-158; quoting Rom. 11:36: i~
a1hoti Kat ot' a1hoti Kat d; a1ho... -ra Trc't ...-ra.
166 Maximus Confessor, op. cit. section 59, lines 143-146: mpa; -rw... Xpo ... w... Kat -rW... aiti.moY\i icr-rt Kat
Trc't ...-rw... -rW... i... a1hoi; ~ -r~; aKpato/-'oti; Kat KVptW; apx~; TrpO; -ro KVptW; -rno; Kat aKpatt... ~; i... -roi;
cr'll~Ofli... ot; aotc'tcr-ra-ro; i... o-r1'];'
167 Maximus Confessor, op. cit. lines 255-261: 'Eyw o~ Kat &Mo... oroa Trapc't -rt... o; crototi AOYO'" axovcra;.
'ID.~y~ yap iMi... o;, flvcr-rtKW-r~pO'" -ro... Tr~Pt -r~; apx~; Kat -roti -rnov; -r~; -r~ S1']-r~cr~w; Kat -r~; iK~1']-r~cr~w;
AOyO'" TrOtoVp.~",o;, TrpO; fl~'" -r~ ... apx~ ... -r~-rc'tXeat tvcrtKW; -r1)v S~-r1']crt..., TrpO; o~ -ro -rno; -r~ ... iKS~-r1']crt.... ov
yc'tp -rt; tvcrtKW; iK~1']-r~i -r~ ... apx~ ..., wcrTr~p ovo~ S1']-r~i tvcrtKW; -ro -rno;, aMa -r~ ... fl~'" apx~ ... S1']-r~i, -ro o~
-rno; iK~1']-r~i.
168 Maximus Confessor, Qyaestiones ad Thalassium, section 59, quoted just above, note 163: 'EK~1']-rW'" oVv
-ro iav-roti -rno; b &... epWTrO; d; -r~ ... apx~ ... Ka-ra... -r(i, tVcrtKW; h -r0 -rn~t -rvrxc't... ovcra....
169 Cf. Maximus Confessor, op. cit. section 59, lines 273-280: OVK~'" oVv s1']-r~crat -r~ ... apx~ ..., w; ltYJ...,
6fficrw y~y~"'1']fli... l'J'" aM' iKs1']-r~crat -ro -rno; iflTrp6; tlTrc'tpxo ..., ha yv0 ota -roti -rnov; -r~ ... aTroA~tte~icra...
apx~ ... , imto~ fl~ lyvw -ro -ro..o; iK -r~; apx~;. Kat -roti-ro -rvxo ... b croto; flw-raywyw ... LOAOflw... t1']crt....
-rt -ro y~y~... 1']fli... o..., av-ro -ro y~"'1']crofl~"'W' Kat n -ro Trmot1']fli... w, av-ro -ro TrOt1']e1']crofl~"'w, W<:ra... ~t cratw;
-r~ ... apx1)v iK -roti -rnov; O~tK"'V;. Omdn yap fl~-ra -r~ ... Trapc't~acrt... odKw-rat -ro -rno; iK -r~; apx~;,
aM' ~ apx~ iK -roti -rnov;, ovo~ ~1']-r~i -rt; -rov; -r~; apx~; AOYOV;, a»: iK~1']-r~i -rov; TrpO; -ro -rno; -rov;
Kt",ovfli... ov; aTrc'tyo ... -ra;. Op. cit. section 60, lines 30-40: e~0 yap ov TrittIK~... i... e~wp~icreat -rpOTr~, 4>
fl1']o~flta Kaec'tTra~ Kt"'1']crt; im... o~i-rat, Tr~pt~ ... tlTrc'tPX~t -roi; xt",ovfli... ot; -ro -rpiTr~creat. Toti-ro icr-rt -ro fliya Kat
 Appendix I 585
Solomon who wrote that 'what has happened, this will happen in the future,
toO'.170

Gregory of Nyssa employed Origen's thesis made throughout De Principiis

and in the rest of his work, namely, that rational nature is divided into three
classes - the angelic, the human, and the daemonic one.l7l Maximus Confessor
wrote, 'every rational and intelligible substance is divided into two classes, namely,
the angelic and the human nature' (TIacra ~ AOY[K~ Kat >o<pa oVeria ()'ljp~Ta[ <i,
Mo, TOVT€crTl> <i, T~> a/y<A[K~> Kat T~> i<>epW7ri>~> q>Verl»l72 This is but a copy
from Origen analyses made throughout De Principiis, particularly 11.8.2, defin-
ing the soul as substantia rationabiliter sensibilis et mobilis.

If then the definition, that an existence which is rationally capable of feel-

ing and movement is called a soul, appears to be correct, the same definition
appears to apply to angels also .... and thing which have one definition have also
undoubtedly the same substance (quodsi recta ista videtur esse definitio, quod
substantia rationabiliter sensibilis et mobilis anima dicatur, videtur haec eadem
definitio etiam ad angelos pertinere).173

itTrOKPVtO'" fttKT-r~Pto .... Tov-ro icnt -ro ftaKc'tpto ..., 6t' 0 -ra Trc't ...-ra cTtrvicTT"y]cra..., -ro..o;. Tov-ro icr-rt... b -r~; itpx~;
-rW... o...-rw... Trpo~m... oovft~ ... o; e~io; crXOTrO;, 0... bplSo... -r~; ~r... al taft~... TrpO~Trl... w&ft~ ... o... -ro..o;, ov t"'~Ka ft~... -ra
Trc't ...-ra, av-ro 6~ OV6~"'0; t"'~M"" TrpO; -rov-ro -ro -ro..o; ittopW... -ra; -rW... 6...-rw... b e~o; Trap~yay~... ovcrla;. Tov-ro
Kvplw; icr-rt -ro -r~; Trpo... ola; Kat -rer... Trpo... oovfti... w... Tripa;, Kae' 0 d;-ro ... e~o ... ~ -rW... VTr' av-rov Tr<:7rotY]fti... w...
icr-r't... it... aMtaAalwcrt;. This was quoted only by Theophanes III of Constantinople (Metropolitan of
Nicaea, fourteenth century), Samo in Sanctissimam Deiparam, section 3, page 16 (citing Maximus);
De Lumine Thaborio orationes i-v, oration 4 (again, citing Maximus).
170 Ecclesiastes, 1:9: n -ro y~yo ... o;, av-ro -ro y~... Y]cr0ft~ ... o.... Kat -rl -ro Tr~TrotY]fti... o..., av-ro -ro TrOtY]eY]cr0ft~... av.
Quoted by Maximus Confessor, in Qytaestiones ad Thalassium, section 59, lines 273-280, andAmbigua
ad joannem, section 71.5. Maximus is the sole author ever to quote and consider the specific Biblical
passage. See also, Maximus, Capita Theologiea et Oecumeniea (Capita Gnostiea), 1.10: ApX~ -rW... 6... -rw...
Kat ft~cro-rY]; Kat -ro..o; icr-rt... b e~o;, w; h~pyw... it»: ov Trc'tcrxw... Wcr7Thp Kat -ra &Ma Trc'tna, ot; Trap' ~ftw...
6"'0ftc'ts~-rat. itpX~ yc'tp icr-rt... w; 6Y]fttOvpyo;, Kat ft~cro-rY]; w; Trpo ... oY]-r~; Kat -rO.o; w; Tr~ptypat~· i; cdrroii
yc'tp, ty]crl, xai 31' ct/hoii xcti dr; ctV70V 7d: 'Trunct. Mystagogia, chapter 1: ~ ... txa b ... ov; -r01>; -rW... 6... -rw...
e~WpY]-rtKW; it... aA~Y0ft~... o; AOYOV; d; av-ro ... Ka-raA~~~t -ro... e~o ..., w; a(-rla ... Kat itpx~ ... Kat -ro..o; -r~; -rW...
OAW... Trapaywyi1; Kat y~... icr~w; Kat 7Wefti... a -r~; Trc't...-rwv mptox~; it6tc'tcr-ra-ro....... Tr~Pt -ra; ovcrla; -rw...
6...-rw... itcrvyxv-rw; av-ro; h~py~i... TritVM'" b e~o;, -ro Tr~Pt av-ra; 6tc'ttopav, w; 6i6~tnat, -rfi TrpO; ~av-ro ...
w; a(-rla... Kat itpx~ ... Kat -ro..o; it... atop(i -r~ Kat ~... Wcr~t TrapaftveoVp.~ ...6; -r~ Kat -rav-roTrotovft~... o;.
171 Gregory of Nyssa, Dialogus De Anima et Resurrectione, PG.46.69.43-72.2: OU ftOt 60Mi, tY]cr't... b e~io;
ATrocr-roAO;, -rOTrlKW; -r~...... o~pa... 6taKpl... w... ovcrla..., -ro fth iTrovpc't... to ..., -ro 6~ iTrly~to ..., -ro 6~ Ka-raxeO ... to ...
6"'0ftc'tcrat.l\5)..' iTr~t6~ -rp~i; -r~; AoytK~; tvcr~w; dcrt Ka-racr-rc'tcr~t; ~fU"" i~ itpX~; -r~ ... itcrwfta-ro... AaXOOOat
Sw~ ..., YJv it1Y~AtK~'" o...0ftc'tS0ft~... · ~ 6~ TrpO; -r~ ... crc'tpKa crvp.Tr~TrA~yfti... Y] ... it... epwTrlYl']'" tafth
172 Maximus Confessor, Capita De Caritate, 3.24-26.
173 Prine, 11.8.2. Cf. Eusebius defining soul as a rational incorporeal substance (ovcrla &1>AO; Kat
itcrwfta-ro; ... o~pc't -r~ Kat AoytK~). Praeparatio Evangeliea, 3.10.16; cf. 2.6.11; 6.6.26; 6.6.31; 7.10.9;
7.17.3; 7.18.3; Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23: 564.14-15; 984.2-3; PG.24.556.30-32; Fragmenta in
Lueam, PG.24.556. 52-54; Demonstratio Evangeliea, 1.10.11; De Eeclesiastiea Theologia, 1.8.4; 3.5.17;
Commentarius in /saiam, 2.28; De Laudibus Constantini, 4.2. Didymus, Fragmenta in Psalmos (e
commentario altero), fro 620: -r~ ... -r~; tvx~; ovcrtct...... o~pa... ovcra... Kat AoytK~"'. So Pseudo-Macarius,
586 I Appendix
This was a definition that stood closer to Aristotle, who had defined soul as
'a substance, a sort of natural body which potentially is alive' whereby he meant
'substance' as 'actuality'174 - although Aristotle (not without some wavering) did
not grant that the soul itse/fmoves. 175 1his notwithstanding, quite clearly Origen
took his cue from Aristotle, not from Plato, who did not style ousia the soul itself,
but only dignified it by relating it to the real Essence l76
That Maximus Confessor followed several of Origen's analyses to the letter
is a point that I have made already in my previous books, but some remind-
ers l77 need to be adduced for the sake of uninformed detractors, all the more so
since later Byzantine theologians employed Origen's formulations to the letter. 178
Gennadius Scholarius argued that, according to Plato (so understood by Thomas
Aquinas), the rational soul is the essence of the composite man. 179 However, Plato

Sermones 64 (collectio B), homily 52.1.1: ;ta -r~ ... ~wcra... Kat ... o~pa... ovcrla... -r~; tvx~; -r~; AoytK~; -r~;
Ka-r' dx6 ... a 9~ov 7rotY]9dcrY];. Op. cit. 52.1.2; Sermones 1-22, 24-27, homily 25.3-4. John Philoponus,
De Opificio Mundi, pp. 21; 24. Euthymius Zigabenus followed suit. Panoplia Dogmatica ad Alexium
Comnenum, chapter 6, column 205: IMcra AoytK~ Kat ... o~pa ovcrla ;Q1Py]-rat ~t; -r~ -rYjv it1Y~AtK~'" Kat -r~ ...
it... 9pW7rl... Y] ... tvcrt....
174 Aristotle, De Anima, 412a19-21; C£ op. cit. 406a-b; 412blO-13; 415blO-12; De Generatione Animalium,
738b26-27; Metaphysica, 1035b14-15; 1037a5-6.
175 Aristotle, De Anima, 403b-411a; 415b; 432a; 433a-b; cf. Ethica Eudemia, 1220a; 1248a; De Motu
Animalium, 700b; 702a-703a; Analytica Priora et Posteriora, 9h. However, see Magna Moralia, 2.7.8;
Metaphysica, 1046b; 1068b; 107la; De Partibus Animalium, 641b; 652b; Physica, 223a; 226a; 265b;
Politica, 1337b42; Problemata, 916b-917a; 956b40-95735; Rhetorica, 1369b33-34; 1399a7-8; Topica,
ll1b5-8; 120b; 123a; 127b; 140b; De Virtutibus et Vitiis, 1251b26-28.
176 Cf. Plato, Sophista, 248all; 248d12-13; Phaedrus, 245c2-4; 247c7-8; Leges, 892a4-9.
177 Maximus Confessor, op. cit. 4.13; Epistulae xlv, epistle 7, column 436, lines41-44: M..w; -r~ ;~, ~ tvx~,
~ ;t' ~av-r~ ... icr-rt AoytK~ -r~ Kat ... o~pc't, ~ ;ta -ro crwfla. Kat d flh ;t' ~av-r~ ... , ~-rOt -r~ ... ~av-r~; owla... icr-rt
AoytK~ -r~ Kat ... o~pc't, Kat aV9v7rona-ro;, 7rc'tnw; icr-rl.... Ambigua ad joannem, 15.8: ~ tvx~, ovcrla ... o~pc't
-r~ Kat AoytK~ tmc'tpxovcra, Kat ... o~t Kat Aoyls~-rat, ;&vaflt... lxovcra -ro...... 00, xt... Y]crt... ;~ -r~ ...... oY]crt... , i... ~py~tct...
;~ -ro ",oY]fla. Pseudo-Maximus, Opusculum De Anima, section 8: AoytK~ &pa ~ tvX~' Ovcrla itcrwfla-ro;,
... o~pc't, i ... crwfla-rt 7rOAt-rwofl~"'Y]' sw~; 7rapat-rla.
178 Anastasius of Sinai, Viae Dux, 2.5, lines 57-59: 'YvX~ AoytK~ int... ovcrla ... o~pc't, it",wwflO; Kat
ityvwptcr-ro;, AoytK~, crwfla-ro; SW-rtK~ Kat crvcr-ra-rtK~. Qytestiones et Responsiones, Question 21.6, lines 60-
62: tvx~ ;~ it... 9pw7roV int... ovcrla hovcrto;, AoytK~, it9c't... a-ro;, ... o~pc't, OVK iK notxdwv, itM' iK e~ov -r~ ...
v7rap~t... lxovcra. Anastasii Sinaitae in Hexaemeron Anagogicarum Contemplationum Libros Duodecim,
book 7b: iN'tnw -rov e~ov Aoyov owla... ~ ... o~pa Kat AoytK~ tvx~ t~p~t. Meletius of Tiberio polis, De
Natura Hominis, p. 5: ~ tvx~ Kat o-rt ovcrla int... itcrwfla-ro;, AoytK~, ... o~pa Kat it9c't... a-ro;, micrt -rOt;
d; tpo ... oVcrt yvwcr-ro .... Nicetas Stethatus, Orationes, oration 2.48: K-rlcra; b e~o; -r~ ... tvX~"" ovcrla...
~wcra... , it7rA~"', itcrwfla-rav, AoytK~"', ... o~pc't... , av-r~~ovcrto ..., 9~AY]nK~'" -r~ Kat i... ~pyY]-rtK~'" i7rolY]cr~... av-rYjv.
Nicolas of Methone, Refutatio Institutionis Theologicae Proc/i, section 188: -ro ;~ Kat sw~ ... Ct7rAW; Kat
it;tatopw; 7rucra... A~yW tvX~'" -rov crotov &... dY] -rov-rov Kat -rW... ocrOt Ka-ra -roV-ro... 7rucra... tvX~'" itcrwfla-ro...
ovcrla... d ... at Kat XWPtcr-r~ ... crwfla-ro; -rov-r~cr-rt AoytKYjv -r~ Kat ... o~pa... ;oyfla-rlsovcrt.... Michael Choniates,
Orationes, v. 1, oration 12, p. 190: 'YvX~;~ icr-rt... ovcrla ... o~pa, AoytK~, it9c't... a-ro;, itcrXY]flc't-rtcr-ro;, dKw...
9~ov Kat -rV7rO;, SW-rtK~ -rov crwfla-ro; Kat crw-ra-rtK~. This was copied to the letter by Germanus II of
Constantinople, Orationes et Homiliae, homily 2, pp. 220-221.
179 Gennadius Scholarius, Commentarium Thomae Aquinae De Ente et Essentia, chapter 28 (title): "Orrw; b
rrN't-rwv hte~t -r~ ... tvX~'" oA1']" ~r... at -r~ ... ovcrla... -rov d;ov;.
 Appendix I 587
posited the rational soul as the means through which communication with the
true Essence is possible. 180
In any event, the claim that Origen 'saw the whole of reality as subject to
the circular sequence of rest-precessions turn' is ridiculous -and I have demon-
strated Origen's accurate theory in my Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time
and Origen: Philosophy of History and Eschatology. In view of this, to speak of
'rejection of Origenism' by Maximus is no less ridiculous and deserves not too
much of argued rebuttal.
As for the allegation by minor scholars or clergymen supposedly representing
Maximus Confessor as confuting 'the Origenists' who 'start from rest', whereby
they 'manifest their fundamental affinity with Neoplatonism' - all of this is sheer
nonsense from start to finish.
First, never did Maximus mention either Origen or 'the Origenists', simply
because Maximus was one of the most ardent admirers of Origen and picked up
several ideas from his ingenious predecessor. Secondly, any attempt to represent
Origen as being one of the Presocratics so as to classify him as having began his
cosmology from either 'rest' or 'motion' is absurd - simply because Origen saw
God's creation as having taken place out of God's untrammeled decision and ex
nihilo. 181 Thirdly, and more importantly, Maximus spoke of initial 'rest', as his
authoritative commentator explained: if there is to be an 'end', of necessity there
should be a 'beginning', and this beginning is inexorably 'rest'.182
However, the confusion involved in such statements is all too evi-
dent: Maximus' considerations concerning 'beginning' and 'end' had to do the
nature of the Trinity herself, not with God's creative act.
Quite simply, Maximus was out to explain what was unexplainable in
Christian context, namely, Gregory of Nazianzus' plain Pythagorean statement.
Unfortunately, Maximus saw this 'process' as making sense -actually, he made
much of that. 183

180 See Sophista, 248all: 6ta Aoytcrp.OV 6~ tvxfi TrpO; -r~ ... 6...-rw; ovcrtct.... Op. cit. 248dl-2: -r~ ... fth tvx~'"
ytyvWcrMt..., -r~ ... 6' ovcrtct... ytyvwcrMcr9ctt. Nevertheless, see Phaedrus, 245e: it9ctw'tnv 6~ mtctcrft~ ... ov -rov
ut' ~ctvnv Kt"'OVft~... ov, tvx~; ovcrtct... -r~ Kctt AOyO'" nvn... ctV-rO ... -rt; A~yW'" OVx cttcrXtrV~i-rctt. Op. cit. 247c-
d: ~ yap itXpwftct-ro; -r~ Kctt itcrX1']ftit-rtno; Kctt it ... ctt~; ovcrtct 6...-rw; ovcrct, tvx~; KV~~P"~-rl1 ft0"''!> 9~ct-rfi "'0,
Tr~pt~ ... -ro -r~; itA1']90v; imcr-r~ft1']; y~... o;, nv-rav lX~t -rO ... -rOTro ....
181 See my Origen: Cosmology and Ontology of Time, throughout.
182 Anonymous Scholia in Maximum Confessorem, Scholia (incertum), section 55: -rno; Kt"'1']9dcr1'];
ft0 ... it6o; icr-r't... ~ ftvptit;, Kctt itpX~ ft~ Kt"'1']9dcr1']; ftVptit60; int... ~ fto ... it;. ApX~ yap Trct ...-ro; -rnov; ~ Kct-r'
ctv-ro crctte:.; itKt"11crtct Kct9~cr-r1']M, Kctt -rno; Tritcr1']; itpx~;~ -r~;Kct-r' ctv-r~ ... Kt... ~cr~W;UTritPX~t crVftTrA~pwcrt;.
183 See Maximus Confessor (quoting and 'explaining' Nazianzen), Qjtaestiones et Dubia, section 105;
Epistula Secunda ad Thomam, section 1. Maximus was as fascinated by this sort of ratiocination as
588 I Appendix
If it had been for Origen to make such un-theological and un-philosophical
statements, everyone could have been happy to throw him to the beasts. Instead,
Gregory's statement, which was propounded in a treatise which was theologically
doctrinal par excellence,184 was deemed worthy of being reflected upon. However,
Michael Psellus was the intellectual who overcame his inhibitions and pointed
out Nazianzen's grossly heretical points involved in that statement. 185
Hence, concerning the point made as to who 'started from the rest', this was
in fact Gregory of Nazianzus. Actually, he did so not in reference to creation, but
to God's nature itself Moreover, to contend that Maximus 'rejected Origenism'
was nothing short of preposterous. As for the allegation that Origen saw reality
as 'circular sequence of rest-precessions turn', this is unworthy of any consider-
ation whatsoever, since I have expounded Origen's Philosophy of History and
Eschatology in the clearest terms possible.
Maximus drew extensively on Origen, yet he deliberately chose to remain
reticent. Certainly he was an admirer, who though opted for being tacit, because
he did not want to confront openly the ecclesiastical establishment, which only
recently had branded Origen a damned heretic. However, as a scholar, Maximus
was not prepared to ingratiate baleful fanatics either, or risk meeting with unnec-
essary controversy.
Moreover, in order to see Origen's (non-existent) Neoplatonic rationale per-
sistently alleged by uninformed scholars parroting a sixth-century list of allega-
tions, I should remind a statement quoted by Epiphanius of Salamis, supposedly
made by Origen, in which Origen's Anaxagorean (and subsequently, Stoic'86) con-
ception of generation taking place by means of acting and interacting logoi, could
not have been more clear.187
Obviously, philosophical schools are not distinguished by their terminology,
or even by their tenets alone, but by the principles (itpxai) on which they hold

to use that at other points, too; see Ambigua adJoannem, 10.97; 23.1&4; Qjtaestiones ad Thalassium,
section 55, lines 143-158. Perusing Maximus' Neoplatonism has been out of my scope, since this could
involve analyses of his influence by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, or reverberations from Plotinus
and Proclus.
184 Gregory of Nazianzus, De Filio (orat. 29), section 2.
185 See supra, p. 579, and discussion in my Guilty of Genius, pp. 26-32.
186 The spermatic logoi are not Plato's Ideas, and, in fact, there is no counterpart of the Platonic Ideas in
Stoicism.
187 Epiphanius informed that he quoted from 'an epitome composed by Methodius' [of Olympus].
Panarion (Adversus Haereses)' v. 2, pp. 426-427: Tr~Pt ov tvcrtOAoyoVv-r~;-rampt '"fOV d6ov;Kctt -rOVTrpw-rov
il7rOMtfl~"'oV dp~Kctfl~"" ... d yap KctAw; iAa~ofl~'" -ro Trctpa6~tYflct, -r1']P1']-r~o ... o-rt b crTr~Pflct-rtKO; A&yO; i ...
-r0 xOKK'll'"fOV crt-rov 6 pct~afl~"'o; -r~; TrctPctMtfl~"'1']; vA1']; Kctt 6t' oA1']; ctlh~; xwp~crct;, Tr~pt6pct~afl~"'o; <-r~>
ctlh~; -rOV ctlhov d60V;, w... lX~t 6trVafl~w'" im-rte1']CTt -rfi Tro-r~Yfi Kctt v6ct-rt Kctt idpt Kctt TrVpt, Kctt ... tK~crct; -ra;
iKd... wv TrOto-r1']-rct; fl~-rct~aM~t iTrt -rctv-r1']"'~; icr-rt... ctv-ro; 61']fltovpyo;. Kctt ov-rw; crvflTrA1']pOV-rctt b cr-raxv;,
 Appendix I 589
these tenets. And it goes without saying that one does not automatically become
a Platonist because of using the word 'participation' or by believing in a separa-
ble soul. The point is, however, that Origen dismissed Plato's most fundamental
principles, starting vvith the Ideas. Moreover, he never saw 'generation' as 'participation',
or the soul as a separable entity: instead, he saw the generative principles as act-
ing within any thing or phenomenon, in a Stoic rationale enriched by his own
Christian convictions and vocabulary. Moreover, never did he say that 'reality'
is ontologically a 'shadow' of the imaginary Ideas - instead, the Nature, rational
creatures and all phenomena are all too real.
To praise Plato does not make one a Platonist. Origen did S0188 upon con-
sidering ethics and Plato's idealism. Nevertheless, his devastating criticism of the
Platonic ontology made a strong mark, too. Likewise Eusebius' praising Plato and
treating him as the best of ancient philosopher does not make Eusebius a Platonist
for that matter. Besides, it was Eusebius replying to Marcellus of Ancyra, who
had claimed that that the opening phrase of De Principiis was a loan from Plato's
Gorgias) and Eusebius retorted that 'Origen's fundamental premisses were sheer
different', and exclaimed, 'what has Origen to do with Plato?'189
As for Origen's similarities with Plotinus and Porphyry, I have arguably
shown that Plotinus always held Origen in the highest regard and Porphyry was
an admirer and pupil of Origen, from whom sometimes he copied to the letter. 19o
Origen converted to Christianity when he was about fifty years of age. To
argue that, because Origen placed a high value on philosophy, he 'would not have
known whether to call himself a Christian or a Platonist' is entirely groundless,
once Origen's severe criticism of Plato's ontology is identified in the first place, and
subsequently mulled over. In any case, if one were asked to explain consistently
what 'Platonist' means, there could be no universally acceptable explanation, no

d; U7r~p~OA~'" 6lctt~pW'" -rov ~~ itpx~; xOKKOV fl~yW~l Kctt crX~flctTl Kctt 7rOlKlAlc.t. See my analyses of this in
RCR, pp. 342-345, Guilty of Genius, p. 131, andAnaxagoras, pp. 1375-1376. Migne made this passage
part ofOrigen's commentaries on the Psalms. See selPs, PG.12.1097.13-35. However, there is no indica-
tion as to which was the treatise in which Origen made that analysis. Origen himself says that he made
this in a treatise about 'form and the first substratwn' (mpt -rov d60V; Kctt -rov 7rpw-rov U7rOK~lfl~"'ov),
188 See discussion of this in my "Origen and Philosophy", in Mark Edwards (ed.), The Routledge Handbook
ofEarly Christian Philosophy, pp. 397-425 (pp. 405-407).
189 Eusebius, Contra Marcellum , 1.4.26-27.
190 See for example, Origen,frPs, on Psalm 41:10-11 & selPs, PG.I2.1420.26-27 & excPs, PG.I7.136.55,
& Porphyry, Sententiae ad Intelligibilia Ducentes, sententia 27: 6YK'{l yap crtr\ivt1cr-rct-rctl -r67ro;. Later,
Nemesius of Emesa copied this to the letter, too. De Natura Hominis, chapter 3, p. 41: oyrc'{l yap -r&rro;
crtr\ivq,lcr-rct-rctl.
590 I Appendix
matter what that would be. The designation was more of one that subsequent
scholars who aspired to 'render' Plato's thought wanted to be adorned with, rather
than one that could have ever had any clearly defined import, from the First to
the Fifth Academy - let alone later intellectuals. In any case, Origen was not
one of them, since his disclaiming fundamental Platonic premisses that I have
expounded in several books of mine leaves no room for any claim of the sort.
Stobaeus classified those who maintained that the 'essence of the soul is
a mathematical one', but otherwise they explained that doctrine differently,191
and David of Alexandria (sixth century) reported that, concerning the crit-
ical issue of what Ideas are ontologically, 'the difference of explanations of
the Platonic doctrines was by no means small' (6llXcfl0Pa. 'TC)"y TI'AIX'TW"YlKC)"y
60r[1Ct.'Tw"Y OUK o'A1rY] r€ro"y~).l92 Likewise, Damascius considering the range of
beings whose soul was posited as immortal, reports and assorts the Platonists
who held different views as to that extent, and describes it. 193 Little wonder
that later intellectuals did not lump all of the supposed 'Platonists' together;
instead, normally they spoke of 'some of the Platonists' (m.\ TW> TIAaTW>lKw»
holding a particular tenet. 194

191 Stobaeus, Anthologium, 1.49.32, contrasting the views of'Scverus the Platonist' (second century AD)
and Spcusippus. Syrianus blamed Scverus because, upon explaining Plato, he had overused Aristotle's
analyses. commMetaph, p. 84.
192 David of Alexandria, In Porphyrii Isagogen Commentarium, p. 115.
193 Damascius, In Phaedonem, 177: (1) Numenius; (2) Plotinus; (3) Xenocrates and Spcusippus;
(4) lamblichus and Plutarch; (5) Proclus and Porphyry.
194 Cf. Galen, QytodAnimi Mores Corporis Temperamenta Sequantur, p. 805. Pseudo-Galen, Ad Gaurum
Qytomodo Animetur Fetus, 11.2. Porphyry, commCateg p. 137; De Abstinentia, 2.36 (rCYv ITAa-rw... tKCyV
-rt... ~;, quoted by Cyril of Alexandria, Contra Julianum Imperatorem, 9.28). lamblichus, De Anima,
section 5 (TrOMOt ;~ -rt... ~; -rW... ITAa-rw... tKW... Kat ITv9ayopdw... TrpOKpt... ovow); op. cit. section 24 (:0;
;' iyw -rt... w... itK~xoa ITAa-rw... tKw... , oto... IToptvptov Kat CtMW ... TrOMW...); op. cit. section 46 (WCT7r~p n ... ~;
ITAa-rw... txot); op. cit. section 50 (WCT7r~p -rt... ~; -rW... ITAa-rw... tKW... UTr~tA~tacTw). Proclus, commTim, v. 1,
p. 59 (Ao)Yi... o; ... h;~tKY&fl~"'o; d; -rt... a; ITAa-rw... tXOv;); op. cit. v. 1, p. 162 (ITa... atno; flhKat CtMOt n ... ~;
-rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...); op. cit. v. 1, p. 435 (w; -rm; dWElacrt Aiym -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw ...); op. cit. v. 2, p. 155 (o-rt
-rW... ITAa-rw... tKw... n ... ~;); op. cit. v. 3, p. 33 (w; 0~-ro IToptvpto; Kat -rm; CtMOt ITAa-rw... txot); In Platonis
Parmenidem, Book 3, p. 833 (w; -rt... ~; -rW... IT)..a-rW... tKW...); commRep, v. 1, p. 15 (w; -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...
-rt... ~;). Ammonius of Alexandria, In Aristotelis Analyticorum Priorum Librum i Commentarium, p. 8
(Kat -rt... ~; ;~ -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...); op. cit. p. 10 (-rt... ~; ;~ -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw... dp~Kacrt... o-rt Ka-ra ITAc't-rw... a
... w; ol L-rWlXOt tacrt... Kat -rt... ~; -rW... IT)..a-rW... tKW...). Simplicius, commPhys, p. 618 (w; -rt... ~; tacrt -rW...
ITAa-rw... tKw...); op. cit. p. 618 (otot -rt... ~; ol TrOMOt -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw ... ttAOCTotW'" y~y&vacrt); commCael,
p. 297 (w; -rt... ~; tacn -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw... ). John Philoponus, In Aristotelis Libros De Generatione et
Corruptione Commentaria, p. 27 (n... ~; -rW... it~tOV¥T"w'" ITAa-rw... tKw...); De Aeternitate Mundi, p. 213 (w;
-rt... i; tacrt... -rW... IT)..a-rW... tKW ...). Anonymous, Commentarius in Platonis Theaetetum (P. Berol. inv. 9782),
section 2 (H. Dids - W. Schubart). Also, Justin Martyr, Dialogus cum Tryphone, 5.1. Hippolytus,
Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, 1.19.5 (n... ~; ;~ -rW... ITAa-rw... tKw...). Photius, Bibliotheca, Codex 251,
p. 460b (-rw... ITAa-rWVtKw... -rt... ~;, quoting from Hierocles).
 Appendix I 591
Among other things, Anaxagoras was known as a pupil of Anaximander
(and ultimately of Anaximenes), who decamped to Athens and urged Archelaus
to engage in study of philosophy, and it was from him that Socrates emerged on
the scene of History.195 Subsequently, Plato's successors came one after another
(Speusippus, Xenocrates, and so on). However, although the name 'Academy'
remained the same, this legacy ended up in five Academies, all of which pro-
claimed allegiance to Plato, but in fact those were different schools. Already with
Xenocrates, Pythagoras' premisses (especially on the issue of generation) were
more predominant than Plato's. After that, the school fell under the spell of an
inconclusive scepticism, which was moderated by Philo of Larissa (c. 154 - c. 84
BC), a pupil of Clitomachus, predecessor of Carneades of Cyrene, the Academic
sceptic, scholarch of the Third Academy.
In c. 90 BC, Philo of Larissa's student Antiochus of Ascalon began teaching
his own rival version of Platonism, rejecting Scepticism and advocating Stoicism,
which initiated a new phase known as Middle Platonism. This means that entrap-
ment into Scepticism lasted for more than two centuries and a half Antiochus of
Ascalon (c. 130 - c. 68 BC) was a member of the Academy under Philo of Larissa
(c. 154 - c. 84 BC) at a period when Philo had allowed his Platonism to degen-
erate into an arid Scepticism. He struggled to show that the Stoic doctrines were
present already in Plato. But when he argued that talk of an immaterial substance
(such as the Platonic Ideas) was 'unintelligible',l96 and that he saw 'no possibility
of existence ... of anything immaterial or transcendent or external to the material
universe', he himself actually moved into Stoicism, instead of forcing the Stoa
into the Academy,197 as Sextus Empiricus had claimed somehow mourning the
eviction of Scepticism from the later periods of the Academy.198
Obviously, Greek philosophers cannot be entirely categorised (or indeed
tagged) in accordance with any (real or imagined) division of epochs. Actually, it
is impossible to discern aspects of Greek philosophy being there without more or
phi-
less revision, adjustment, qualification, or refinement. As a formerly Greek
losopher) Origen was an Anaxagorean fascinated by the notion of Nous being the

195 Pseudo-Galen, De Historia Philosophica, section 3.

196 Sextus Empiricus, Pyrrhoniae Hypotyposes, 1.235: Ot 6~ mpt cD1Aw... c't tctcm iSCTO>! ft~... i7d -r0 L-rwtx0
Xpt-rY]pl'lJ, -rOV-r~CT-rt -rfi xct-rctAY]7r-rtXfi tct... -rctCT1~, CtxctdAY]7r-rct 6i... ctt -ra 7rpc'tyftct-rct, iSCTo", 6~ i7rt -rfi tVCT6t -rW...
7rpctyftc't-rw... ctlhw..., xct-rctAY]7r-rc't.
197 Sextus Empiricus, loc. cit.: CtMa xctt b Anloxo; -r~ ... L-roa... ft6-r~ycty6'" d; -rYjv Axct6Y]ftlct... , w; xctt dp~CTectt
i7r' ctlh0 is-rt i ... Axct6Y]ftl~ ttAOCTot6i -ra L-rWtxc't· i7r66dxw6yap is-rt 7rctpa ITAc't-rW... t Mi-rctt -ra -rw... L-rWtXW...
MYftct-rct, w; 7rp66Y]AO>! d ... ctt -r~ ... -r~; CTM7r-rtX~; Ctywy~; 6tcttopa... 7rp6; -r6 -rYjv -r6-rc'tp-rY]... xctt -r~ ... 7Thft7r-rY]...
xctAovfti... Y] ... Axct6Y]ftlct....
198 See more in my Anaxagoras, pp. 202-203; 1216-1217.
592 I Appendix
Supreme Principle, and interpreted Plato accordingly (i.e. he argued that the One
is an invention, and this One is absolutely non-existent (rrlX-Y'T~AW~ a"YVrrlXplcro-v 'TO
g-y Ked a:YUnOOTIX'TO-V). This was the claim that Proclus took exception to, whereby
he argued that 'Plato could have never included Origen among his pupils',
because 'this is a doctrine entirely alien to Plato, and replete with the Peripatetic
novelty'199 In other words, although Proclus styled Origen 'one of Plato's exe-
getes' (roD TIAUTWVO\ €S~Y~T"\), he forthwith determined that on no account
could Origen be considered as a Platonist. 20o
There is nothing strange about this, since during several centuries after Plato's
death those who posed as his genuine interpreters advocated profoundly differ-
ent theories. From Plato's nephew and successor Speusippus, who made Plato's
supreme principle (the Good) a secondary one, and embraced a Pythagorising
mode of reflection, which his successor Xenocrates advanced further, to the
Academic Scepticism of Arcesilaus (c. 266-241 BC), which Carneades (c. 155
BC) followed, too, down to the Stoicism of Antiochus of Ascalon (c. 130-c. 68
Be), who claimed that that the Stoic doctrines were present already in Plato, we
come upon dissenting scholarchs of the Academy, each of whom fancied himself
as the only genuine interpreter of Plato's thought. 201
Therefore, although Proclus spoke of 'Plato's exegetes', he did not hesitate to
discredit some of them at the points he thought that intellectuals, who in fact
interpreted Plato in accordance with their own philosophical convictions, had
misrendered Plato. 202 In any case, he saw 'the disagreement between Plato's exe-
getes' (~ TWV €S~Y~TWV o[aq,wvia) as a fact that he took for granted. 203
Therefore, from the First Academy (which allows us to know only 'the
Platonic Socrates') down to the Fifth Academy, everyone claimed to be Plato's
genuine exponent.
In the end, however, the designation 'Platonist' was attributed rather light-
heartedly and with little care to peruse the extent to which one remained consis-
tent with all of Plato's principles.

199 Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 2, p. 31. Subsequently (up to p. 65), Produs set out to 'remind' that,
'according to Plato, the One is senior to the Intellect and Essence'. Op. cit. p. 37: 'AJ)..' on ft~" Kwra
ITAct-rwwt -ro ~" -rov "ov KCtl-r~; ovcrla; 7rp~cr~v-r~po" 6ta -rov-rw" umft,,~cre1'].
200 Produs, loe. cit.
201 See my Anaxagoras, pp. 196; 2020-203; 1216; 1347-
202 Produs, In Platonis Alcibiadem i, sections 227-228: t"a 6~ -rov ITAc't-rw"o; wft~" i~l')Y11-rat Kat ft~ 7rpO;
lOla; U7r<OA~t~t; Ct7r>wEh/vwft~" -ra; -rov r{>tAocr6r{>0v p~cr~t;. Cf. Theologia Platonica, v. 5, p. 44: 8avftctsw
-rOlVtrV -rGi" ITAc't-rwvo; i~1']Y1']-rGi" ocrOt -r~" 61']fttovpYla" ov ftla" 7rOtOW'W, CtMa 7rOMct;, Kat -rp~i; 61']fttoVPYOV;
-rGi" OAW" Ct7r0tal"otxn.
203 Produs, commTim, v. 2, p. 212; cf. op. cit. v. 3, p. 112.
 Appendix I 593
Origen was perfectly aware of this wide diversity of opinions, which is why
he spoke of the profound differences between the exegetes of Plato. Besides,
it should not elude anyone that he spoke of himself as one who had spent a
lot of time mulling over this phenomenon and indeed Plato's thought (~~8,
01 TOUTOl, €V()laTp"f'an<,),204 and pointed out the different approaches by exe-
getes. 205 There was nothing new about this: Numenius had already recalled
this conflict in his treatise On the Dissent of the Members ofAcademy from Plato
(II£pi T~; TWV 'Axa!f~(laixwv 7(pO; IIAdTwva !ftaITTUIT£W;);206 and later Stobaeus
likewise reported 'the disagreement of Platonists among themselves'.207
Moreover, he mentioned those who held different views about Plato's proems,
the study of which Platonists believed to be essential in order to explain Plato. 208
As for Plotinus, who saw himself also as an authoritative exponent of Plato's
philosophy, his pupil Porphyry wrote that Plotinus' exposition was a mixture of
Platonic, Peripatetic, and Stoic theories - especially, Aristotle's Metaphysics were
heavily condensed therein. 2091herefore, when Plotinus speaks of logoi as a means
of generation,210 and of Nous/God containing them, although he remains a sort
of 'Platonist' in general, he is clearly not inspired by Plato, but by Anaxagoras and
his lapsed heirs, the Stoics.
Likewise, whereas Plato identified 'man' as 'soul',211 Plotinus argued that
'man must be a logos other than the soul alone' (A6-yo-v 'T01-VU-V 6~T 'TO-V a-v8pwno-v
ifMOV napa TI]v tvx~v <lval),212 which is identical with Origen's Anaxagorean
conception, as I have shown in my Anaxagoras. 213

204 Origen, eels, 1.12 (& Philo calia, 18.6).

205 Origen, loe. cit.: OV6~t; ~ftCrv ip~i. 7rc'tnct yap 016ct ~a 'EmKOvpov, ~ ectpp~(M O~t 7rc'tnct 016~ ~a
rrAc't~W"O;, ~ocrov~w" OOOW" 6tcttw"tW" Kctt 7rctpa ni; 6tYJYovfti"ot; ctv~c't.
206 Numenius, Fragmenta, section 3, fro 24, apud Eusebius, PE, 14.4.16; 15.5.1. Cf. Galen, De Libris
Propriis, p. 41 (on the theory of Logic): fttKpa ft~" 6~ mil; icr~t" ~ 7rctpa ni; rr~pt7rct~1']~tKOi; 6tcttw"tct,
ft~yc'tA1'] 6~ 7rctpa ni; L~Wi:KOi; Kctt rrAct~W"tKOi;.
207 Stobaeus, Anthologium, 1.49.37: "H61'] nt"trV Kctt i" ctv~oi; ni; rrAct~W"tKOi; 7rOMOt 6tctcr~ctcrtc'tsovcrt";
op. cit. 1.49.32 (on the disagreement among Platonists regarding treatment of the notion of incorpo-
rea!); op. cit. 49.65 (wcr7r~p ~t"~; rrAct~W"tKOt); op. cit. 49.67 (wcr7r~p ~t"~; ~W" rrAct~W"tKW" UmtA~tctcrt");
208 Produs, In Platonis Parmenidem, p. 658.
209 Porphyry, VIta Plotini, 14: ·Ep.ftifttnctt 6' h ni; crvyypc'tftftctcrt Kctt ~a L~WtKa Act"ec't"O>i~ct ;oyftct~ct Kctt
~a rr~pt7rct~1']~tKc't. Kct~ctm7rVx"w~ctt 6~ Kctt ~ Mid 7d: 'fV-rIXCt ~ovAptcr~o~nov; 7rpctyftct~dct.
210 Enneades, VI.7.5.
211 Cf. Pseudo-Plato, Alcibiades i, 130c: 'Emt6~ 6' olh~ crwftct otm ~O crtrVctftt6~~p&v icr~t" &"epW7rO;,
Adm~ctt olftctt ~ ft1']6h ctih' d"ctt, ~ dmp ~t int, ft1']6h &MO ~&V &"epW7rO" crvft~ctt"m ~ tvx~" .... 'E~t OVv
~(crctticr~~pO>i 6~i im06~tXe~"ctt crOt O~t ~ tvx~ icrTl" &"epW7rO;; This is currently regarded as a spurious
treatise, but all of the ancient commentators treated this as a genuine Plato's work.
212 Enneades, VI.7.5. Cf. op. cit. VI.7.4.
213 See Anaxagoras, pp. 1368-1374. Another example: Plotinus supposedly quotes Plato's 'inner man'
(Plato, Respublica, 589a-b: b h~o; &"epW7rO;) while using the Christian expression of that (Plotinus,
Enneades, y.l.l0: oto" Aiy~t rrAc't~wv ~o" dcrw &"epW7rO"). Cf. Rom. 7:22; Eph. 3:16. But Plato wrote
594 I Appendix
Moreover, as Elias of Alexandria wrote in the sixth century, to set out to
explain a certain philosopher does not mean that the interpreter should identify
himself with that philosopher, nor that the ancient philosopher was always cor-
rect. This is what happened with Iamblichus (Elias continues), who, because of
his sympathy with Plato (rrpoo"7rrW"Xw> T0 rn"TW><), strove to show that Aristotle
did not really dismiss Plato's Theory of Ideas; or Alexander of Aphrodisias, who
took his rejection of immortality of soul to the extreme. 214
This of course included the tradition of exegetes who sought to prove that
Plato and Aristotle were in agreement with one another after all. 215
Origen knew full well who he was and who he had been in the past. He had
been a renowned 'exegete of Plato', as Proclus attested. 216 Nevertheless, it was also
Origen himself who did not seek to conceal his earlier and long-time study of
the pagan philosophy, indeed not only of Plato, but also of Epicurus and of the
Peripatetics. 217 In a homily on Jeremiah he had no difficulty to declare about his
own past, 'we were not servants of God, but of idols and daemons, pagans just
recently come to GOd'. 218 1his is why he could claim that he aspired to convert

b ino; &... epW7rO;. Respublica, 589a-b. I have argued for Plotinus' lifetime-friendship with Origen,
despite the latter's coversion to Christianity. See Anaxagoras, pp. 820-821; 1601. See also the expres-
sion dcrw &... epW7rO; in this context used by Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos, PG.23.649.3: b dcrw
&... epW7rO;. So did Pseudo-Macarius, Opuscula ii-vii, book 4, column 889: i ... -r0 dcrw l't...epW7r'lJ cd
mcr-rctt-rw... ar1w... lxm Ka-ra~wv... -rat '¥vXaL Philagathus of Cerami (twelfth century), Homiliae, homily
29.7: Ka-ra -r6... ftira... ITavAO>! omAov; b &... epW7rO;, is -r~ dcrw Kat b tat"'0ft~ ... o;. The reference is made to
Paul, who saw an unceasing tension between the 'inner' and 'outward' man. Rom. 7:21-23.
214 Elias of Alexandria, commCateg pp. 122-123. On this attitude by Alexander of Aphrodisias, see also
Simplicius, commCael, p. 297; commPhys, p. 702.
215 See comments on this phenomenon by Hippolytus, Refutatio Omnium Haeresium, 1.20.4. Nemesius
of Emesa, De Natura Hominis, chapter 2, p. 30. John Philoponus, De Aeternitate Mundi, p. 32.
David of Alexandria, In Porphyrii Isagogen Commentarium, pp. 193-194. Arethas of Caesarea, Scholia
in Porphyrii Eisagogen, scholia 148 & 150; Michael Psellus, Opuscula Psychologica, Theologica,
Daemonologica, p. 40. George Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum, v. 1, p. 282. Bessarion, In
Calumniatorem Platonis, 2.11.1.
216 Theologia Platonica, v. 2, p. 31.
217 Origen, Cels, 1.17 & Philocalia, 18.6: :0; ouo' ~ft~i; ol-rov-rot; i... otct-rpl,¥an~; d7rotft~ ... &.... 'Truna rap
olBa, riA,! rap i; dA13f1a.
218 Origen, homIer, 4.5: Kat ~ft~i; o~ OVK ~ft~... OOVAOt -rOV e~ov, aMa dOWAw... Kat Oatfto... w..., ie ... tKol, iXe~;
Kat 7rPWl']'" 7rpocr~Al']AMaft~... -r0 e~0. He speaks of himself having been 'a servant of daemons' once he
made much of Psalm 95:5 ('all the gods of the nations are daemons'), which he quoted frequently. See
Cels, III.2; 111.37; IY.29; VIII.3; Homiliae in Exodum, p. 226; frPs, on Psalm 62:2; homPs, homilies
15.5; 28.3. Likewise, he quoted phrases of Paul which pointed to his own pagan past - and I have
argued that Origen saw himself quite similarly to how Paul saw himself as a former non-Christian. For
example, from the epistle to Titus, 3:3, "For we were also once foolish, disobedient, deceived, serving
various lusts and pleasures, living in malice and envy, hateful, and hating one another", quoted by
Origen in Cels, 1.64 (&Philocalia, 18.10); homIer, 5.1; InIesu Nave homiliaexxvi (fragmenta e catenis),
p. 305; selPs, PG.I2.1608.26-30; commMatt, 15.27.
 Appendix I 595
to Christianity not only simple people, but also erudite philosophers,219 while
assuring them that, if there was something well said by the Greeks, he could have
no hesitation to embrace it,no as for example, the idea of the earth being at long
intervals destroyed by either fire or flood. 221
The fact that Origen was a formerly renowned illustrious Greek philosopher
was intolerable to the fundamentalists of his new religion, who cencured him
for 'his profound knowledge of the Greek letters' (Kai n<pi Ta 'EM~YWY flae~flaTa
noAvnHpia,). This is why Origen wrote an epistle 222 in order to explain (or justify)
his unremitting study of the Greek lore to those that begrudged and 'cencured
him' (npo, nYa, fl<fltafl€YOV, aim,,) that activity of his. The fact that Eusebius
saved this for posterity is strange, since (against Eusebius' claims about 'Origen,
who was a Christian by upbringing') Origen himself made it clear that, once he
began to teach as a Christian master, a lot of 'heretics' as well as Greek 'philoso-
phers' forgathered in his classes in order to see why and how was it that a Hellene
genius turned out a defector. In that epistle Origen himself explained that he had
to do so in order to be able to confront the arguments of heretics and those of
philosophers who claimed that they possesses truth.
In order to bolster his argument, Origen wrote that Heraclas (supposedly
Origen's successor as head of the Catechetical School of Alexandria) engaged
in the same activity, and added that Heraclas was already a pupil of Ammonius
5accas for five years before Origen joined the latter's class. 50 Origen said also
about Pantaenus, the Stoic philosopher and teacher of Clement, 'who benefited
many people' and contributed to the establishment of the Catechetical School of
Alexandria. Perhaps, the most important insinuation in Origen's letter is his phrase
about 'his renown, which preceded him' (T~, ¢~fl~' olaTp<xoum'], n<pi T~, ,r;<w,
~p-C)"Y). This means his earlier 'far and wide reputation concerning his entrenched
engagement' in the Greek letters (T~, Dpry€yov, Kai n<pi Ta 'EM~YWY flae~flaTa
nOAvnHpia,), for which Christian censured him (npo, TlYa, fl<fltafl€YOV, aUT0 Ola

219 Cels, III.57: 'Hft~i; fth OV)! Kctt -rov; Ct7rO -rW)! ttAocr6tw)! 6oyftc't-rW)! ocr1'] 6&vctftt; 7rpoKctAOVft~ect i7rt-r~)!
Kcte' ~fta; e~ocri~~tct)!, -ro i~cttp~-rO)! Kctt -ro ~O.tKPt)!~; ct1h~; 7rctptcr-rc'tn~;.
220 Cels, VII.46 (Philocalia, 15.5): ITpo; -rctv-rct 6' ~ft~i; t~cr0ft~)!, ol ft~A~-r~crctn~; ft1']6~)!t Ct7r~Xec't)!~crectt
-rW)! KctAw; A~Y0fti)!w)!, Kth ol ~~w -r~; 7rtcr-r~w; Aiywcrt KctAw;, ft~ 7rpocrttAO)!~tMi)! ct1hoi; ft1']6~ s1']-r~i)!
Ct)!ct-rpi7r~t)! -ra VytW; lxo)!-rct.
221 Plato, Timaeus, 22d, quoted by Origen in Cels, IV.20. Cf. Cels, IV.12-13; 21; V.15; V1.59. All of these
are discussed in my COT, pp. 278; 285-286; 290-291. Also, see my The Concept of Time in Origen,
chapter 2, especially pp. 179-195; and COT, chapter 7, "Prolongation of Time", pp. 272-309.
222 The letter has been preserved Eusebius, HE, 6.19.12; copied by Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus,
HE, 5.13, and Suaa, letter omega, entry 183.
596 I Appendix
'T~-Y 7r~pl €-K~rYIX o-7rOU6~-Y), but this was what intrigued Hellenes to care to listen to,
and perhaps explain, his intellectual metamorphosis. 223
Thus, Eusebius inadvertendly revelead that, concerning Origen, his intention
was not to report facts, but to make up history for the sake of allegedly edifying
posterity. For how could it be possible for Origen to defend his unremitting study
of the Greek letters (for the sake of not only questioning 'the doctrines of the her-
etics', but also 'the tenets proclaimed by philosophers who purported to preach
the truth'),224 in the teeth of Eusebius having assured that Origen 'in order not
to appear as being in need of the help of heathen philosophy (WI '''' f'~ Y<>Ol1"O
1"~17rap' €1"<pw> €7rlKOVpial €>O.~I)' thought it incumbent upon himself (AOYlO"f'0
Kae~KOnl) to sell all of the books of the ancient lore that he posessed and had
studied elaborately (q,lAOKtt\WI €O"7rovoaO"f'<>a), and was content with receiving
the sum of four obols per day by the purchaser of those.' And that Origen did so
because he deemed that the Greek lore was 'worthless' ('hWq,.A~). 225
How could all of this possibly square with (once again) Origen himself, now
of advanced age, defending study of Greek philosophy and science - indeed pro-
fessing that this was an indispensable part of his syllabus? For here is what he
wrote to his devout pupil Gregory Thaumaturgus.

Therefore, your shrewdness has the potential of making you a perfect Roman
doctor of law and a Greek philosopher in one of the schools that are held in
high repute. However, I wished to make the most of the power of your acu-
men, so as to direct you to Christianism (d~ XPlITTlct'VlapO'V). This is why, in
reality, my desire has been to teach you also those tenets of the philosophy of
the Greeks which could serve as general education and preparatory teaching
(Ked ¢lAOlTo¢lct~'EM~'VW'V 'fa. olo'VcL d~ XPlITTlct'VlapO'V 6u'Vap.c'Vct yc'VZITSctl ZYKUKAlct
p.ctS~p.ct'fct ~
TrP0Trctl6cUP.ct'fct) towards Christianism (d~ XPlITTlct'VlapO'V), such as
those parts of geometry and astronomy which will be useful in the interpreta-
tion of the holy scriptures, so that, what the pupils of philosophers say about
geometry and music, grammar, rhetoric and astronomy (i.e. that these are aides

223 That Eusebius cared to (mis)represent Origen as a Christian by birth is perhaps understandable. What
is rather strange is that he strove not only to discredit Porphyry's testimony about Origen 'having
been a Hellene nourished by Hellene parents', but also he was out to convince that (against Porphyry's
testimony) Ammonius Saccas was not a Christian by upbringing who became a Hellene, and that
he remained a faithful Christian to the end. See a Greek translation of Jerome's De Vtris Illustribus
(0. von Gebhardt), 64.
224 Eusebius, foe. cit (quoting Origen): l;o~~... i~~-racrctt -ra -r~ -rW... ctlp~-rtKW'" MY)lct-rct Kctt -ra UITO -rW...
ttAocr6tw... IT~Pt CtAYJ9dct; Aiym iITctyy~M6)l~"'ct.
225 Eusebius, HE, 6.3.8-9.
 Appendix I 597
of philosophy, w~ lTuvspl8w'V ¢lAOlTo¢l~) we may say of philosophy itself in rela-
tion to Christianism (mpl c('VT~~ ¢lAOlTo¢lC(.~ Trp6~ XPlITTlct'Vlo-pO'V).226

It appears, therefore, that against Origen's own words pronounced at an

advanced age, Eusebius' mythology had it that the young Origen 'considered
the teaching of language and literature as being at odds with training in sacred
studies, and without hesitation he broke away from the Greek letters, which he
saw a useless and inimical to divine learning. Then, on the same grounds, in order
not to be in need of help by others [i.e. Greek literature]' he disposed of ... what-
ever works he had of ancient literature ... and received four obols a day from him
who bought them.'227 However, although the adolescent Origen 'got rid of all his
heathen books', nevertheless, by the end of his life, when he wrote the Contra
Ce!sum, he was able to cite and quote verbatim from a stupendously large number
of Greek and Oriental authors!
Although recalling his former pagan identity, Origen wrote as a conscientious
Christian who, first and foremost, sought to establish the unparalleled authority
of the new faith and convince about that both the multitude and the erudite
intellectuals. 228
Prior to his conversion to Christianity, Origen was famously known as an
'exegete of Plato' -not necessarily as a 'Platonist', all the more so since Proclus
averred that 'Plato could have never included Origen among his pupils'.229 But
once Origen joined the new religion, he was tenaciously and proudly aware of his
Christian identity, which he defended every now and then, and, whenever he felt
it necessary, he did not hesitate to find fault with all schools of heathen philoso-
phy, including Platonism, of which he demolished the fundamental ontological
roots (such as the Theory ofIdeas), as well as particular beliefs, such as that about

226 Origen, Epistula Ad Gregorium Thaumaturgum, 1 (Philocalia, 13.1).

227 Eusebius, HE, 6.3.8-9.
228 Cf. the opening words of Contra Celsum: ITpw-rav -r0 KCvT'll MtaACtlo... icnt ~ot;A0ftb. 'll ;tct~ctA~i...
XptCTT"tctW:Tft0.... Op. cit. 1.2: TovT' om.. ~fti... iCTT"t... iK -rw... U7r' ctu-rov A~Y0fti... w... d; Ct7rOAoylct... 7r~Pt -rW...
i ... XptCHtctw:Tft0 Mtfti... w..., &v-rw... CtAYJ9w...... Kct-rctcrKwasw... -r~ ... Xptcr··nct... tcrft0v CtAYJ9o-rYJ-rct. Op. cit.
1.8: -roi; ftctpnpovcrt -r0 Xptcr-rtct... tcrft0 ftiXpt 9ct... a-rov ... Kctt Kct-rctyt... WcrMt y~ -rW... tpo ... ov...-rw... ft~... -ra
Xptcr-rtct... tcrft0v. Likewise, op. cit. I: 9; 16; 22; 26; 46; 49; et passim - at no less than 67 points in that
treatise alone (most of them quoted in the Philo calia, too) he made it all too clear that he fdt and
wrote as a Christian. So he did in commJohn, XXVIII.26.248; commlCor, frs. 20; 21; Commentarii
in Epistulam ad Romanos (II-XII21), fro 11; Homiliae in Job (jragmenta in catenis, typus I) (e codd.
Paris.), PG.I2.1049.4; Homiliae in Job (jragmenta in catenis, typus II) (e codd. Marc. gr. 21, 538),
PG.I7.104.31; homPs, homilies 10.3; 15.1; 15.6; 16.5; commMatt, 12.5; 15.26; commSerMatt, p. 100.
229 Produs, Theologia Platonica, v. 2, p. 31 (on Origen dismissing the notion of the Plotinian One and
having resolved that this was a fanficul invention of something nonexistent): ouT' &... ~ft~i; ctlh0 -rctv-rct
crtrV0ft0AOy;\crcttft~... ou-r' &... 6 ITAa-rw ... Ct7ro;i~ctt-ro Kctt -roi; ~ctv-rov yvwPlft0t; crtrVctpt9ft~crm.
598 I Appendix
transmigration of souls. 230 Particularly, in Contra Ce!sum, his nomenclature is
quite unambiguous, and he appears as absolutely confident that one can be a
philosopher (as the Greeks knew well) without agreeing with Plato - actually,
the main pivot of his argument was that Christianity was the culmination and
perfection of all philosophy.
In Origen's view, the Church is the locus of salvation,231 and is styled 'the
Body of Christ'232 or it is considered as the eschatological 'bride of Christ'. 233
'Salvation' is 'return to God', which is adumbrated as the eschatological wed-
ding of the Logos with his Bride/Church,234 which will be a re-union after the
'schism'235 on the Body of Logos that has been caused by the Fall.
In short, to Origen, the 'likeness' of beginning and end does not suggest any
cosmological cycle;236 instead, this is all about a prospect expected to happen
once and for all upon the eschatologcal end 23? and having the import of 'renewal
of life' or 'revival' or 'rebirth',238 as this term (rrIXA['YYH~o-Lx) appears in Matt.

230 See my Guilty of Genius: Origen and the Theory of Transmigration.

231 Cels, VIII.75 (recommending avoidance of acquiring mundane power): Ketl ou t~VyO".rt~; y~ -ra;
KOt"O-r~Pet; -rov ~lov A~t-rovpylet; Xptcntct"ot -ra -rOtetv-ret 7r~pttcnet"-rett aMa -rl1POV¥T"~; ~etv-rov; e~to-r~p~
Kett a"etyKettO-r~p~ A~t-rovPY1~ iKKAr]crlet; e~ov i7rt crw-rl1Pl~ a"epW7rW". Also, commlCor, fro 24; deOr,
26.3; homJer, homily 5.16; homily 7.3 (the Church being styled 'the earth of God'); homily 13.3 ('it is
only therein that one can be saved'); et passim. selPs, 23. PG.I2.1265.23-25; excPs, PG.I7.113.31-33.
See PHE, pp. 86; 286; 415.
232 Cels, VI.48: A~Y0ft~" 3-rt crwftet Xptcr-rov tetcrt" d"ett ol e~iot AoYOt V7rO -rov Ylov -rov e~ov tvxovft~"o"
-r~" 7rucret" -rov e~ov iKKAl1crlet'" homPs, homily 1.3: '0 6~ crw-r~p ftov Kett dpto; cr&ve~-ro; icr-rt" 6ta -r~"
iKKAl1crlet" OWet" etu-rov crwftet.
233 Origen, commJohn, 1.25.163: -r~" "vfttl1" iKxAl1crlet'" frJohn, fro 45: "vfttrl" A~yw" -r~" OA1')" iKxAl1crlet'"
Scholia in Canticum Canticorum, PG.I7.257.35-36 &Libri x in Canticum Canticorum, p. 154: AMa Kett
<ft~Al1> Xptcr-rov, -r~; <iKxAl1crlet;>Yl¥tl1; 0 ITetvA6; tl1crt'" Scholia in Canticum Canticorum, PG.I7.265.39-
40: crwftet yap ~ Yl¥tl1'EKxAl1crta Xptcr-rov. Op. cit. PG.I7.280.40-41: ~cr-rt 6~ ~ ,,'bp.tl1 -rov AOYOV tvx~,
~ -rov Xptcr-rov ·EKxAl1crlet. frPs, on Psalm 44:9-10: Av-rl1 fth OVv ~ -r~Adet Xptcr-rov "vfttrl, ~; OUK &"
CtftCtp-rOt;, evyet-r~pet" A~yw" -r~" i7rt yi1; ixxAr]crlet", frLuc, fro 186: h 6~ -r0 ~crftet-rt -r~; ,,'bp.tl1;' ~-rOt i7rt
-r~" -rov a"epW7rOV tvx~" a"etY0ft~"l1; YlIfttl'll KOt"W"ovcrl1; -r0 Xptcr-r0 ~ i7rt -r~" iKxAl1crlet'" commMatt,
17.15: ~ a7rOKet-racr-retcrt; -r~; "vfttl1; iKxAl1crlet; Xptcr-rov 7rpO; Xptcr-ro..... -ro" YlIfttlo" etu-r~;.
234 Origen, commMatt, 17.16: Kett i7rA~crel1 y~ 0 Xptcr-rov <Ketb -r~; iKKAl1crlet; YCtfto; Kett a7rOKet-retcr-ra"-rw,,
<-r0 e~0>. Op. cit. 17.34: 7r~Pt w" Kett ~ft~i; 7rpoet7r~t~"etft~" 7retpete~ft~"Ot -ra 7r~Pt -rov YCtftov -rov crw-r~ po;
<Kett -r~; iKKAl1crlet;> icr0ft~"ov i" -r0 ft~MO"V-rt ettW"t.
235 Cf. Origen, selGen, PG.I2.112.9-13: Kat ov-rw -rl1pw" -rYjv fpettYjv ~vp~cr~t;, o-rt 07rOV 7rA~eO; apteftov,
07rOV crX1crftet, 07rOV 6tetlp~crt;, Kett 6tcttW"lilet, Kett ocret -rotctv-ret, Ketdet; icr-rt yvwplcrftet-ret. 07rOV 6~ ho-rl1;, Kett
ofto"otct, Kett 7rOM~ 6&vetftt; i" AoYOt;, ap~-r~; yvwplcrftet-ret.
236 This is why Origen's use of the term 7retAt1Y~,,~crlet has nothing to do with the Stoic periodic destruc-
tions and regenerations of the world-setting, or the Pythegorean using this in connection with trans-
migration of souls (See Pythagoras, Testimonia, fro 8). Origen criticised this doctrine at several points
of Contra Celsum, e.g. IV.59; IY.67-68; Y.20-21.
237 I have called this 'the ultimate end' or 'absolute end' or 'final end'. See PHE, chapter 9: "The end of
History", pp. 237-356.
238 Cf. Origen, De Pascha, p. 92: "For what could 7retAt1Y~,,~crlet possibly mean, other than the beginning
of a new generation?" (H yap 7retAt1Y~,,~crlet -rl t-r~po" ~ h~pet; y~,,~cr~w; apx~" crl1ftetl"~t;).
 Appendix I 599
19:28. This is why Origen wrote that the end is like the beginning, not the same
as the beginning.
Of this unique eschatological soteriological prospect, the 7rIXA['YYH~o-[1X men-
tioned by Paup39 is only the 'proem',240 which will be a sort of 'new creation'
(Ka,,~ Tl, y<><erl,). Whereas' Paul's naAln<><eria means seeing God 'through a
glass darkly', upon 'the other 7rIXA['YYH~o-[lX) or 'new creation', when 'the Son of
Man will sit on the throne of his glory'241 and everyone will have made oneself
absolutely pure, God will be seen 'face to face'.242 He meant restoration of the
Body of Logos, in which the constituents of that Body (i.e. the created logoi) will
exist in their primeval impeccability: in that state of the Body, everything will
exist as a perpetual and ubiquitous presence in a unvarying sempiternal present.
The ontological status of the logoi will be that of nou?.43 - and it is all but coinci-
dence that never did Origen speak of 'restoration of soul', as, for example, Philo
did 244
This is why Origen consciously used the meaningful term apokatastasis. The
end means restoration of the Body of Logos to its 'unwounded' state as it was in
the beginning, yet in the eschatological reality the drama of History will have
been experienced and overcome, hence, the 'new creation'.
In a remarkable philological analysis of the meaning of the verb 'to be
restored' (a7rOKlXefo-'TlXo-elXl), Origen points out what is self-evident: 'restoration'
makes sense only in the case one 'is reinstated to a position in which he had
been before', since 'no one is rehabilitated to a place in which he had never been
before' (oN>'), anoKa8fcrTaTal <1, T"a Tono> ~~()a~w, non y<>o~<>o, €K<i). For
'restoration' means 'reinstatement to one's familiar place' (~ a7rOKIX'TrXo-'TlXo-f~ €o-nv
~[~ 'Ta. o[K~TIX).245 Consequently, once the 'soul' was never a dweller of the pristine
reality, what would be the point of speaking about restoration of the soul to a
state in which it never was?

239 Tit. 3:5: 'the washing of regeneration' (ota Aovrpou TrctAt1Y~... wlct; Kctt It...ctKctt... Wcr~w; 7n'~vflctn; itylov).
240 Origen, commMatt, 15.22-23: ~ TrctAt1Y~... ~crlct Kctt... ~ -rt; y~... ~crt; ovcrct, ... iKd"'l1; o~ -r~; TrctAt1Y~... ~crlct;
Trpoolflto... icr-rt -ro KctAOVp.~",O'" Trctpa -r0 ITctvA'll AOV-rpO'" TrctAt1Y~ ... ~crlct;, Kctt iKd"'l1; -r~; Kctt... 6-rl1n;
<flvcr-r~Pto... icr-rt> -ro imt~p6fl~"'0", -r0 Aov-rp0 -r~; TrctAt1Y~... ~crlct; dwxxalvdJ-r<w~ 7(Wvf-<a7o~ [Tit. 3:5J.
241 Matt. 19:28 &25:31-34, quoted and explaind by Origen in commMatt, 15.23. See Origen discussing
this also in exhMar, section 14; deOr, 25.3; homLue, homily 14, p. 88; commMatt, 14.15.
242 1 Cor. 13:12. Origen, commMatt, 13.23.
243 Cf. Prine, 11.8.3: "It is the mind which receives perfection and salvation".
244 See discussion in Guilty of Genius, pp. 17-18.
245 Origen, homJer, homily 14.18. See the same analysis by Didymus, Commentarii in Psalmos 23-34,
Cod. p. 220 (on Psalm 34:17, 'restore [CtTroKct-racr-rl1cravJ my soul from their ill effect'): nun yap
-ro -r~; CtTroKct-rctcrdcr~w; o",oflct fl"'l1flo",~v6t. OVO~t; tmayw ... d; -rOTro..., hect ovoiTro-r~ yiyo ... ~ ..., Aiy~-rctt
CtTrOKcte(cr-rctcrectt, Ct:0..a 6 new... lK -rt... o; Trct-rp(oo; iTr' &:0..11'" Trct-rp(oct ~ iK -rOTrOV d; ~-r~po ... -rOTro... .
600 I Appendix
The course of History advances towards the 'hoped for' (n7nl;o~€>~» res-
urrection. 246 This is the account on which the Church is regarded as the place
for progressing towards salvation. This is why she is the 'temple',247 and 'body'
of Christ 248 For the body of Jesus was but a 'prefiguration' (npOTtJ71:w(m),49 of
the Church. 250 This is also whi51 the construction of the temple of Solomon is
understood to pertain to the Church.

We shall attempt, however, to refer each of the statements, which have reference
to the temple, anagogically to the Church. 252

Thus, 'Restoration' means both 'restoration of Christ's bride Church with

Body ofChrist. 255
Christ,253 her Bridegroom',254 as well as restoration of the
For the time being, everything is placed and understood within the con-
text of the metamorphotic course within the Church. This is the locus where the
Uncreated and the Created reality encounter each other; it is there that the 'mys-
tery of the Church' (TO ~vcrT~pLO> T~\ €KKA~cria\)'56 takes place as a reality which

246 Origen, commJohn, X.35.232.

247 He refers to the temple of Solomon, as inJohn, 2:19.
248 Origen, commJohn, X.41.286: -ro crwflct Xplcr-roV ~ iKxAl1crtct. Cels, VI.79 (quoting Eph. 5:23): X?I-r70~
Xf'fci).1 icrTl 7~~ iXXAr;-r!Ci~, w; ~r... ctl~'" crwflct XplCTT"O'" Kctt -rYr-' iKxAl1crtct.... commMatt, 14.17 (quoting 1
Cor. 12:27): ov yap icrn n t6t~ crGip.ct XplCTT"OV t-r~pO>i Trctpa -r~ ... iKxAl1crtct... oVcrct... -rWf4Ci ctv-rOV xai f4iAr;
ix f4i?ov~. commEph, fro 9 (on Eph. 1:23): crwflct Xplcr-rOV ~uptcrKO>i-r~; A~yofli... YJV -r~ ... iKxAl1crtct...... ~
iKKAl1crtct ovcrct crwflct Xplcr-roV 7rA1pwf4d icr-rl 700 7d: 7rdV7Ci Iv 7ram 7rAr;povf4ivov. Scholia in Canticum
Canticorum, PG.I7.265.39-40: crGip.ct yap ~ V&fltrl'EKxAl1crtct XplCTT"OV. homPs, homily 1.3: ITanct OVv
ia... TrOlwfl~'" -r0 XplCTT"OV crWflct-rl, -rfi iKxAl1crt~, Kctt -roi; Xplcr-roV fliA~crl, -roi; it6~A<f>0i; ~flw"', Xplcr-r0
TrOlovfl~"" Op. cit. homily 7.6: w; -ro-r~ dTr~i... &... O-rl it... icr-rl1 iKKAl1crtct, -ro cr-roflct -rov Xplcr-rOV Kctt crGip.ct,
Kctt it... iCTT"l1 b Xplcr-rO;.
249 fdohn, fro 140.
250 commJohn, X.35.228: Afl<f>0-r~Pct flinol y~, -ro -r~ l~po ... Kctt -ro crGip.ct -rov'Il1crov, Kct-ra fltct ... -rW... iK60XW'"
-rVTrO; flOl ~r... ctl <f>ctt... ~-rctl -r~; iKKAl1crtct;, -r0 iK AleW'" sw...-rw... OtK060fl~icr9ctl ctv-r~ ....
251 Cf. 3 Kings 6:27.
252 commJohn, X.39.267: "EKctcr-ro... db -rw... Kct-ra -rO... ... ctO ... iTrt -r~ ... iKKAl1crtct... it... ay~l'" Tr~lPctcrofl~9ct.
253 Origen, selEz, PG.13.816.1-3: Kai 7d: XA1f4Ci7Ci CirhoO d7rOXCi7CiIT71-rf7CiI [h. 17:23], ATrOKct-rctCTT"~cronctl
iTrt -r0 Xplcr-r0. Tov-r'!> Kct-rctTrctVcr~l ~ Trpo<f>l1-rdct. commMatt, 17.15: bd -rfi itTrOKct-rctcr-racr~l-r~; iKKAl1crtct;
TrpO; Xplcr-ro.... frMatt, fro 430 (Klostermann): raflov; b Trct-r~p TrOl~i, -r~ ... ~v<f>pocrVvYJV -rfi itTrOKct-rctcr-rc'tcr~l
-r~; iKxAl1crtct; TrpO; Xplcr-rO .... Cf. op. cit. fro 439 & New Fragments from the Commentary on Matthew
(Tzamalikos) fro 56, folio 174r.
254 commMatt, 15.17: ~ itTrOKct-rc'tcr-rctcrl; -r~; ",vfl<f>l1; iKxAl1crtct; Xplcr-roV TrpO; XplCTT"O'" -ro... wfltio", ctv-r~;.
iTrt -rfi itTrOKct-rctcr-racrH -r~; iKKAl1crtct; TrpO; Xplcr-rO"'.frPs, on Psalm 119 (proem) & selPs, PG.12.1629.9-
10: TYr-' 6~ -r~crcrctp~crKctl6~Ka-r11"" mpt itTrOKct-rctcr-racr~w; -r~; iKKAl1crtct;.
255 Origen, frPs, on Psalm 119 (proem) & selPs, PG.I2.1629.8-9: T~ ... 6~ -rPlcrKctl6~Ka-r11'" Tr~Pt
itTrOKct-rctcr-racr~w; ~VXO>i-rctl Xplcr-roV.
256 homJer, homily 18.5: -rO... XPlCTT"O"', -ro flW-r~plO'" -r~; iKxAl1crtct;. commSerMatt, p. 147: -ro Tr~Pt XplCTT"OV
Kctt iKKAl1crtct; flVcr-r~plO"'. commMatt, 16.21: -ro -rl1AlKOv-ro... -r~; iKKAl1crtct; flVcr-r~plO"'. Homiliae in Job,
PG.I2.1036.2-5: [Ha -rov-ro Trpocrixwfl~'" ~ctv-roi;, fl~Tro-r~ i... m9ct",oAoytctl; crvA119wfl~'" itTrO ctlp~-rlK~;
6l6ctcrKctAtct;, Kctt iKmcrwfl~'" -rOV flvcr-rl1ptov -r~;·EKKAl1crtct;.frLuc, fro 58a.
 Appendix I 601
is both historical and eschatological; it is there that everyone can participate in
this encounter through the action of sacraments. 257 When Paul says, 'you are
labourers together with God', he means those people, in whom 'all the mysteries
and ineffable doctrines' are built (€v '" yap OiKO()O~8Ta[ Ta "<pi ToD e<oD ~vcrn1p[a
Kai &pp~Ta 06y~aTa), and this is the 'body' of His people, in whom and by whom
'the temple of God and the holy of holies' is built, to0 258 11e 'bride' / Church is
now 'in betrothal' with the Logos and lives 'in the hope of resurrection'.259
This is the sense in which 'the end' is like the 'beginning'.
At present, this 'end' can be realised as 'resurrection' experienced in the sac-
raments, yet it remains a 'great mystery'260 which is 'hard to speculate'. This is to
be expected, since the notion of resurrection is closely related to the conception
of the Fall: resurrection is 'restoration' from the fallen state. But here is what he
said about the doctrine of Fall.

To understand the generation of evils is hard to grasp even for one who has been
trained in philosophy, and probably this is impossible for such a man to com-
prehend it dearly, unless, by inspiration of God, it is made dear what are evils
and how they came to exist, and it is perceived how they will be abolished. 261

Following this analysis, it turns out that modern claims (parroting the
unlearned ones by Harnack and his like), such as, 'if Origen were asked whether
he is a Christian or a Platonist, he could not answer', are but arrant nonsense.

257 Origen, In Jesu Nave, p. 441: Eup~(m; o~ nvn... Ked iITt Xptcrnv t9et... 6... -ret Kett -ra -r~; 'EXXAY]crtet;
iITt -rw ... crwSofthw... ftvcr-r~Ptet.
258 1 Cor. 3:9. Fragmenta inJeremiam, fr. 58.
259 Origen, Scholia in Canticum Canticorum, PG.I7.280.41-48: ~ nv Xptcr-rov 'EXXAy]crtet, ... YVV ft~... w; i ...
cmetpxn Aetft~c'tWl)(Tct -r~; vi.o9~crtet; -r6... appet~w... et Kett -r~ ... -r~; a... etcr-rc'tcr~w; iAITtOet.
260 commJohn, X.35.225-36.238.
261 Cels, IV.65. Definitely, God is not the author of evils. Op. cit. V1.55: 'Hft~i; oi tetft~ ... o-rt KetKa fti...,
-r~ ... KetKlet... Kett -ra; aIT' etlh~; ITpc't~~t;, 6 e~6; OVK iIToty]cr~.
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v. 52(4),1991, pp. 535-561.
Tzamalikos, Panayiotis, "Origen, The Source of Augustine's Theory of Time", Philosophia,
Yearbook of the Research Centre for Greek Philosophy at the Academy of Athens, v. 17-18,
1989, pp. 396-418.
Tzamalikos, Panayiotis, "The Autonomy of the Stoic View of Time", Philosophia, Yearbook of
the Research Centre for Greek Philosophy at the Academy of Athens, v. 19-20, 1989-90,
pp.352-369.
Tzamalikos, Panayiotis, "The Concept of Accidental Being in Aristotle and Its Significance for
Patristic Thought". Proceedings ofthe International Conference on Aristotle's Metaphysics (held
at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, 9 & 10 October 1997), Thessaloniki, 1999,
pp. 171-185.
Tzamalikos, Panayiotis, "The Concept of Space-Time in Origen", Diotima, Review of Philosophical
R,,,acch, 24,1996, pp. 144-149.
Tzamalikos, Panayiotis, "The Concept of VAl'] ('matter') in Plato's Timaeus". Philosophia, Yearbook
of the Research Centre for Greek Philosophy at the Academy of Athens, v. 27-28, 1997-98,
pp.131-141.
Zivojinovic, Mirjana - Kravari, Vassiliki - Giros, Christophe (eds.), Actes de Chilandar: Des orig-
ines J 1319, Paris, 1995.
 Index of Ancient and
Medieval Names

The name of Origen is not included due to its heavy recurrence.

Abu Isa (eighth century), a self- Akylas of Sinope, in Pontus (translator

proclaimed Jewish prophet in and commentator of the
Persia, 338. Bible), 29, 351.
Acacius the Sabaite, 18. Albinus of Smyrna (philosopher, second
Adamantius, 307. century AD), 304,321, 561, 572.
Aelius Aristides (rhetof, second century Alcidamas (Athenian rhetof, fourth
AD), 96, 108, 332, 360, 362. century BC), 71.
Aelius Dionysius of Halicarnassus Alexander of Aphrodisias, ix, 2, 11, 87,
(grammarian, lexicographer, second 42, 104, 138,303-306,335,365,
century AD), 359. 572, 573, 578, 594.
Aeschines (the Athenian rhetor Alexius Aristenus, (oikonomos and
and statesman, fourth century nomophylax of the Great Church at
BC) 72, 343. Constantinople, fl. c. 1166 AD), 57.
Aeschylus, 51, 87, 88, 303, 310, 324, Alexius III Angelos (c. 1153-1211 ,
336,363. emperor from March 1195 to 18
Aesopus, 87,314. July 1203), 7!.
Aetius (doxographer, first-second century Ambrogio Traversari, Renaissance
AD), 312,320,357. humanist monk, 50.
660 I Index ofAncient and Medieval Names
Ammonius of Alexandria (the son of Apollonius ofTyana (philosopher, first
Hermias), 5,40,66, 96, 348. century AD), 125.
Ammonius Saccas, Origen's Arcadius of Antioch (grammarian),
teacher, 595, 596. 107.
Ammonius, the presbyter of ArcesUaus (c. 266-241 Bq, 592.
Alexandria, 350. Archelaus (Athens, Miletus, philosopher,
AmphUochius of !conium, 301, 301, 340. fifth century Bq, 591.
Anastasius of Sinai (died after 700), 53, Arethas of Caesarea (born 860), 55, 308,
301, 32~ 334, 335, 586. 309, 320, 343, 362, 369, 594.
Anaxagoras, 37-39, 87, 309, 560, Ariosto, Ludovico, 49.
591, 593. Aristarchus of Samothrace (grammarian,
Anaximander, 87, 591. c. 220 - c. 143 Bq, 354.
Anaximenes, 591. Aristocritus of Miletus, 368-369.
Andokides, the Pythagorean, 70, 87. Aristogeiton, the Tyrannicide, 25.
Andreas of Caesarea, 346, 566. Aristonicus of Alexandria, grammarian,
Andrew Chrysoverges, 126. 90.
Andronicus II Palaeologus, emperor, 13, Aristophanes, the comic playwright,
21, 84, 86, 98, 106, 108, 109, ix, 10, 11,49,74,76,90,
116, 131. 368, 561.
Anna Comnena, 12,369. Aristotle, ix, 4, II, 32, 36, 40, 49, 67-
Antiochus of Ancyra (monk at 104, 115, 123, 197,301-316,322-
the Laura of Sabas, seventh 324, 329,332, 33~ 342, 347-353,
century), 323, 364. 365-369,440,561,567,573,578,
Antiochus of Ascalon (c. 130 - c. 68 Bq, 586, 590, 593, 594.
591, 592. Arius Didymus, 2,306,319,560.
Antipater of Bostra, 28, 133, 557, 563. Arius, the heresiarch, 94, 346.
Antisthenes of Athens, 66. Arsenius of Monembasia, 89.
Antoninus, the son of Severus, Asdepius ofTralles, 2,5,348,355.
emperor, 29. Asdepius, the pupil of Hermes
Aphthonius of Antioch (rhetof, fourth- Trismegistus, 87, 123.
fifth century), 72. Aspasius (philosopher, second century
Apollinaris of Laodicea, 23, 104. AD), 304.
Apollodorus of Athens (grammarian and Asterius of Cappadocia (Amasea,
historian, c. 180 Be - died after 120 theologian, fourth-fifth centuries
Bq, 354. AD), 346.
Apollodorus, an ancient painter Athanasius III of Alexandria, Patriarch
(AnoM68wpo\ 6 (),Kl~yp~¢O\, fifth (1276-1316), 11,97.
century Bq, 354. Athanasius of Alexandria, 23,31,44,
Apollonius of Rhodes (third century 58,60, 129, 133, 159,307,322,328,
Bq, 302. 346,352,354,364.
 Index ofAncient and Medieval Names I 661
Athenaeus of N aucratis (sophist, second Choricius of Gaza (rhetor, sophist, sixth
to third century AD), 87,88,352, century), 10.
307, 360, 368, 369. Chrysippus of Soli, 2,39,90,303,306,
Athenagoras of Athens, Apologist, 39,350. 319,354,562,566.
Atticus (philosopher, second century Cicero, 360.
AD), 564. Claudius Aelian, the Roman
sophist, 316.
Bacchylides of Kea (lyric poet, fifth Claudius Ptolemy of Alexandria
century BC), 353. (astronomer, mathematician, c. 100
Barlaam of Calabria, 346, 559. - c. 170 AD), 22,36,76,83,87,
Basil I the Macedonian, emperor, 65. 121, 349, 367, 368.
Basil of Ancyra, 308. Cleisthenes (Athenian lawgiver, sixth
Basil of Caesarea, 2, 3, 27, 37, 58, 59, century BC), 87.
101, 108, 129, 159, 301, 308, 309, Clement of Alexandria, 2,3,21,75,83,
311,333,340,346,348,364-366, 30~ 312, 313, 319, 324, 354, 355,
570, 573, 574. 369,572-574.
Basil ofSeleucia, 311,321, 341, 369. Clement, bishop of Rome, 12.
Beseleel, the chief artisan of the Cleomedes (astronomer, second century
Tabernacle, 459. AD), 349, 368.
Bessarion, Basil, 304, 313, 344, 369, Constantine Acropolites, 75.
578, 594. Constantine Harmenopulus (jurist,
fourteenth century), 332.
Callistus Angelicudes, 126. Constantine I (272-335 AD,
Callistus I, Patriarch, 343. emperor), 19,51, 65.
Cantianus, bishop of Constantine Meletiniotes
Herculaneum', 53, 55. (archdaecon, thirteenth-fourteenth
Carneades (c. 155 BC), 592. century), 301.
Carneades of Cyrene, 591. Constantine of Rhodes (poet, alTrpCplT'1~
Cassian the Sabaite, 3,52,54,55,58, i.e. 'private secretary', tenth
301,303,308,311,326,331-333, century), 65.
346, 364, 570. Constantine V, emperor, son of Leo III
Cassius Dio of Nicaea (historian, c. 155 - the Isaurian, 63.
c. 235 AD), 319. Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (905-
Celsus, 22,32-33, 123, 565-567, 580. 959), scholar-emperor, 3, 14, 18, 37,
Charondas of Catania (lawmaker), 87. 64,79,341, 356.
Cherubim, order of angels, 122, Constantius II, emperor (r. 337-
439,457. 361), 19.
Chilon of Sparta, one of the seven sages Cosimo de Medici, 95.
of Greece (sixth century BC), 50. Cosmas Indicopleustes, 301.
662 I Index ofAncient and Medieval Names
Cosmas of Jerusalem (Saint Cosmas Diodore of Sicily (historian, first century
of Maiuma, poet, sixth to seventh Bq, 313,352,356.
century), 340, 366. Diogenes Laertius (biographer, third
Cyril of Alexandria, 12,24,55, 101, century AD), 50, 333, 560.
102, 112, 159,304,309,312-314, Diogenes of Apollonia (philosopher, fifth
321, 324,32~ 339-341, 340, 341, century Bq, 316.
349-350, 355, 361, 362, 561, 590. Diogenes of Babylon (Stoic philosopher,
Cyril of Jerusalem, 313. second century BC), 354.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus (historian,
Damascius, 310, 325, 332, 334, 335, rhetor, first century BC), 48, 69,
346, 559, 561, 573, 574, 576, 590. 304, 309, 312, 313, 333, 338, 343.
Damian of Sam os, archimandrite, 7. Dionysius of Mytilene (or Dionysius
Dante Alighieri, 47,49. Scytobrachion or Scyteus,
David of Alexandria (sixth century) 5, grammarian, second century
96,328,590,594. Bq, 352.
Demetrius Amoriates, Protocanonarch Dionysius ofThrace (grammarian, c. 170
and M'y~lo,~tq\, 6-20,82, 107, - c. 90 Bq, 354.
127. Diophantus, mathematician born
Demetrius Chomatenus (archbishop c.AD 200 - c. 214, died c.AD 284
of Achris, twelfth-thirteenth - c. 298), 70.
century), 81,332. Dioscorides Pedanius (of Anazarbus in
Demetrius Chrysoloras (theologian, Cilicia, first-century AD physician
Constantinople, twelfth-thirteenth and botanist), 307.
century), 126. Dositheus II of Jerusalem (Dositheus
Demetrius Cydones (philologist, Notaras, 1641 - 1707, Patriarch of
theologian, translator, 1324-1398), Jerusalem during the years 1669-
26, 301, 304, 323, 579. 1707),8,10, 11,29,30,53-55,65,
Demetrius Diabasemeres, 15-20. 68,79,81,93,97, 106, 107, 126.
Democritus of Abdera (the Physicist, Ducas ofLesbos, (historian, fifteenth
fifth-fourth century Bq, 38, 39, century), 19.
87, 313.
Demosthenes, Athenian rhetof, 32) 36, Eber, the great-grandson of Shem, 338.
48,69,72, 108,316,332,333,343, Elias of Alexandria philosopher, sixth
345,369. century AD), 96,313,594.
Dexippus, 341. Elisabeth, the mother of John the
Didymus the Blind, 2,3, 159, 162, 307, Baptist, 29.
309, 311, 31~ 321, 331, 352, 566, Empedodes, 14, 87, 333.
572, 573, 574. Enoch, Seth's first son, 466.
Dio Chrysostom, 90,344, 353. Ephraem of Aenus (in Thrace, thirteenth-
Diodes of Carystus (physician, fourth fourteenth century), 12,74.
century Bq, 39. Ephraem Syrus, 112, 170,315,316,573.
 Index ofAncient and Medieval Names I 663
Epictetus (philosopher, first-second after 1118), 301, 317, 330, 338, 347,
century AD), 66, 304, 353. 355, 358, 574, 586.
Epicureans, 101, 123, 305, 308, 309. Evagrius of Pontus, 38, 309, 317.
Epicurus of Samos (Athens, fourth-third
century Bq, 101, 305-307, 594. Flavius Constantius, emperor,
Epiphanius of Salamis, 27,28,41,44, Constantine's father, 86.
133, 308, 309, 322, 345, 350, 561,
572. 588. Gabriel, bishop of Philadelphia (sixteenth
Eudemus (rhetor, perhaps second century century), 68.
AD), 355. Gabriel, the archangel, 122, 123.
Eudocia Augusta, empress, wife of emperor Gaia ('earth '), Greek primordial
Theodosius II (r. 408-450),302 deity, 351.
Eudoxius of Antioch, Arian bishop, 19. Galen of Pergamum (medical doctor,
Eudoxus of Cnidus (astronomer, c. 408- second century AD), 12,87, 102,
c. 355 Bq, 7!. 104,301,302,333,336,340,343,
Eunapius of Sardis (historian, sophist, 345, 360, 572, 590.
fourth-fifth century AD), 357. Gelasius of Cyzicus (fifth
Eunomius of Cyzicus, Arian century), 10, 57.
bishop, 86, 330. Geminus (probably, of Rhodes,
Euripides, 87,90, 166,307,310,317, astronomer, first century
324,331,336,341, 353, 561. Bq, 347, 349.
Eusebius of Caesa rea, 3,22,28,29,32, Gennadius Scholarius, 64,65,96, 121,
39,41, 44,50,89, 112,301,304- 302, 304, 306, 308, 309, 323, 327,
309,314,315,328,331,338,339, 328, 33~ 341, 348, 358,361, 365,
348, 349, 355, 35~ 36~ 369, 370, 369,586.
560, 572. 573, 585, 589. George Acropolites (historian, rhetor,
Eusebius of Myndus (Neoplatonist thirteenth century, 1217-1282), 12,
philosopher, fourth century 24, 26, 31, 65, 6~ 71, 76, 82, 84, 93,
AD), 340. 97, 98, 104, 307, 346.
Eustathius ofThessaloniki, 14, 18, 77, George Cedrenus (Byzantine monk,
80,87,88,91, 98, 100,302,306, chronographer, eleventh-twelfth
312-319,341,343,346,352,354, century), 18,79,309,310,
359, 365, 367-369. 340,594.
Eustratius of Nicaea (philosopher, George Choeroboscus (daecon,
eleventh-twelfth century AD), 306, grammarian, Constantinople, ninth
319, 322, 325, 330, 337, 351. century), 89, 359.
Eustratius (presbyter of Constantinople, George Gemistus (Plethon, 1355-1452),
sixth-seventh century AD, a pupil of 84,95,313,333.
Eutychius), 65. George II Xiphilinus, Patriarch (end of
Euthymius Zigabenus (monk and twelfth, beginning of thirteenth
commentator of the Bible, died century), 71.
664 I Index ofAncient and Medieval Names
George Lapithes (theologian, Cyprus, Gregory of Agrigentum (bishop, sixth-
fourteenth century), 126. seventh century), 168,313.
George Metochites (rhetof, theologian, Gregory of Nazianzus, 3,27,50,59,65,
archdaecoll, Constantinople, 73,90, 101, 112, 129, 159,303,307,
thirteenth century), 84, 93, 98, 335, 308,313,317,321, 322, 323, 331,
351,365. 333,334,336,339,355,361,364,
George Pachymeres (historian, 365, 366, 573, 579, 58~ 588.
philosopher, theologian, Gregory of Nyssa, 129, 158,29,37,46,
Constantinople, Nicaea, 1242 c. 68,301,304, 306, 30~ 308,315,
1310), 4,5, 10-13,24,26,31,32, 321, 323, 32~ 329, 331, 339, 340,
34, 36, 3~ 39,40,46,4~ 65-72, 345, 346, 347, 363, 364, 365, 561,
71-79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 93, 9~ 98, 572, 573, 579, 583, 585.
100, 103-105, 113, 114,301, 303, Gregory of Sinai (monk, Athos, Sinai,
308,309-316,324,329,341,359, thirteenth-fourteenth century), 325.
362, 367-370, 559. Gregory Palamas, x, 12,25,61, 84, 86,
George Pyrrhus, a Byzantine 96,98,99, 100, 106, 114, 116, 121,
clergyman, 17. 129-135,301,303,309,311,312,
George Syceota (monk, hegumen, 314,316,320,323, 325, 32~ 329,
seventh century), 80. 330,334,335,335,338,341,343,
George Syncellus (chronographer, eighth- 344,346,347,349,351, 352, 353,
ninth century), 338,348. 355, 357, 358, 559.
Georges Tornices (writer and Gregory Thaumaturgus, 22,32,33,596.
Metropolitan of Ephesus, 1155- Gregory XIII, Pope, 84.
1157), 14,26,71, 80, 318.
Gerasimus of Magana, monk, 85. Harmodius, the Tyrannicide 25.
Germanus I of Constantinople Helen, emperor Constantine's
(c. 634-733 or 740, Patriarch from mother, 19, 65, 86.
715 to 730), 57, 333-334, 352, Heraclas (head of the Catechetical
358,586. School of Alexandria), 595.
Germanus I of Constantinople Heracliodorus, 369.
(Patriarch, seventh-eighth century), Heraclitus (Homer's commentator,
Gonzalo de Berceo, monk, 47. perhaps first century AD), 102.
Gorgias, 87. Heraclius, emperor, 65.
Gregory Acindynus, 81, 121, 303, 317, Hercules, the Greek divine hero, 576.
330, 344, 355, 559. Hermas (theologian, second century
Gregory Antiochus (rhetof, AD), 313.
Constantinople, twelfth Hermes Trismegistus, 87, 123, 574.
century), 73, 337. Hermias of Alexandria (Ammonius'
Gregory II (1241-1290, Patriarch father), 40,322,331,349,368.
of Constantinople from 1283 Hermogenes of Tarsus (rhetor, second-third
to 1289), 82. century AD), ix, 36,48,72,316.
 Index ofAncient and Medieval Names I 665
Herodian of Alexandria (grammarian, Isaac II Angelos (emperor, 18 July 1203-
Alexandria, Rome, second century 27 January 1204), 71.
AD) 72, 89. Isaeus (orator, Athens, fourth-fifth
Herodotus, 316,336. century Bq, 333.
Hesychius of Alexandria (lexicographer Isidore of Pelusium, 46, 301.
fifth-sixth century AD), 76, 77, Isocrates, 48.
302, 31~ 338, 34~ 354, 355,359, Isaac Argyros (a pupil of
369, 561. Gregoras), 126.
Hesychius of Sinai (monk, abba, seventh
century), 313. Jacob, a twelfth-century monk of
Hierodes (Platonist, fifth century Constantinople, 364.
AD), 590. Jerome, 29,44, 53, 571, 596.
Hierotheus (hieromonk, Heradea, Joasaph of Ephesus (hieromonk,
eleventh century), 333. Metropolitan, Constantinople,
Himerius (Greek sophist and rhetorician, Ephesus, died 1437), 338.
c. 315 AD - c. 386 AD), 3. Job lasites (a thirteenth-century
Hipparchus, tyrant, 25. Byzantine monk), 67.
Hippocrates, 87,316. John Achrades ('protocanonarch and
Hippolytus, 309, 338, 573, 590, 594. megalonaites'), 19.
Homer, ix, 35, 36, 48, 49, 576, 70, 87, John Asan, a certain sage, 309.
88,89,90,91, 92, 93, 96, 100, 103, John Beccus (c. 1225 - March 1297,
302, 316, 351, 354, 363. Patriarch of Constantinople
Hypatius of Ephesus (archbishop, sixth from 1275 to 1282, as John XI), 85,
century), 57. 86,98, 126,301,332.
John Blachernites (chief-priest of the
Iamblichus, 4,40,66,325,331,360, church of Blachernae), 13, 19.
36~ 369, 573, 590, 594. John Catrarios (Byzantine astrologer
Ignatius Diaconus (eighth-ninth and copyist of Greek mss, fl.
century), 19. c. 1332), 126.
Ignatius of Antioch, 573. John Chortasmenus (monk,
Ignatius, a daecon (eighth-ninth Metropolitan of Sylebria,
century), 18. philosopher, theologian, fourteenth-
Irenaeus of Lugdunum, 56. fifteenth century), 126, 369.
Irene, a noblewoman (sebastokratorissa) of John Chrysostom, 3, 28, 64, 101, 159,
the Byzantine court, 364. 303, 30~ 308, 311, 312,31~ 320,
Irene Asanina, the Empress consort of 321, 331, 339, 340, 342, 344, 354,
John VI Cantacuzenus, 105. 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 370,
Isaac Comnenus Porphyrogenitus 570,573.
(philosopher, son of Alexius I John Glykys \Iw~"~\ 6 rAVKV\, Patriarch
Comnenus, c. 1050-1104),310, of Constantinople from 1315 to
327,344. 1320 as John XIII), 37,82, 126.
666 I Index ofAncient and Medieval Names
John Grammaticus (presbyter, John Plades, a chanter of the
theologian, grammarian, Palestine, church of Haghia Sophia in
sixth century), 44,52,53,54. Constantinople, 13, 14, 20.
John III of Nicaea, emperor John Scholasticus (bishop, Scythopolis,
(1225-1254), 67. sixth century), 346.
John III Scholasticus (Patriarch, John Syropulus (grammarian and rhetor,
Constantinople, sixth century), 57. twelfth century), 71.
John !talus of Constantinople (eleventh John V Palaeologus, (emperor, fourteenth
century), 63, 89, 574. century), 109, 121.
John Kyparissiotes (c. 1310-1379),26, John VI Kantakouzenus (emperor from
121, 129,303,304,305,309,311, 1347 to 1354), x, 12,25,81,98,
314,315, 316, 31~ 320, 323, 324, 106, 107, 109, 110, 119, 121, 126,
325, 325, 326, 328, 329, 330, 335, 129, 130-132, 141, 303, 312, 314,
341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 318,320,335,346,351.
351, 353, 355, 357-359, 362, 368, John VII, a Greek Pope of Rome
65, 98, 100, 101. (705-707),49.
John Laurentius Lydus, 72,78, John Zonaras (chronicler and theologian,
349,574. twelfth century), 10, 18, 19, 29, 79,
John Malalas (a Syrian from Antioch, 334,366.
c. 491-578),65,307-309,338. John, Metropolitan of Heraclea and
John Moschus (monk, Egypt, Antioch, scholar (1250-1328), 83, 106, 109.
Constantinople, sixth-seventh Joseph Bryennius (theologian,
century), 18. Constantinople, 1350, 1431/38) 19,
John of Cyprus (the Geometres, tenth 126, 323, 330.
century), 72. Joseph Calothetus (monk, Athos,
John of Damascus, 3, 52, 53, 64, 65, Constantinople, fourteenth
68,104,129,170,309,311,312, century), 98, 121, 312, 314, 321,
313,314,315,318,319,321,322, 323, 344, 345, 353.
325, 328, 331, 333, 334, 335, Joseph I Galesiotes (Patriarch from
335,341,342,345,346,353, 1266 to 1275, and from 1282 until
358, 570. 1283), 82.
John of Sardis (rhetor and bishop, ninth Joseph I of Constantinople, Patriarch of
century), 77, 90. Constantinople, 85.
John of Sicily (eleventh century), 48, Joseph of Methone, 126.
316. Joseph Pinarus (thirteenth-fourteenth
John Perdicarios, deacon, great skevofylax century), 48.
and taboullarios of the Metropolis of Josephus, Flavius, (historian, Jerusalem,
Thessaloniki, 15, 18. Rome, first century AD), 87, 1112-
John Philoponus, 5,40,306,307,312, 122, 309, 310, 312, 313, 360.
322,326,329,337,346,348,351, Julian the Arian, 303, 342.
559, 561, 586, 590, 594. Julian, emperor, 87, 86, 306, 307, 337, 353.
 Index ofAncient and Medieval Names I 667
Julius Pollux (Julius of Naucratis, or Manuel Chrysoloras (c. 1350-15 April
Polydeuces, grammarian, second 1415), a Byzantine Greek classical
century AD), 48,316,359. scholar, humanist, philosopher,
Justin Martyr, v, 37, 590. teacher, and translator of ancient
Justinian, emperor, 18, 19,21, 25, 26, Greek texts, 64, 126.
30,31,47,50,51,59,79,61,63,65, Manuel Gabalas (theologian and
133, 315, 367, 557, 558. philologist, from 1329, Metropolitan
of Ephesus), 91.
Leo Alatius, a Greek scholar, theologian, Manuel Holobolus (rhetor, philologist,
and bibliothec of the Vatican theologian), 71.
library, (sixteenth-seventeenth Manuel Moschopulus, grammarian and
century), 67, 363. commentator (thirteenth-fourteenth
Leo III the Isaurian (685-741, emperor century), 71.
from 717 to 741),63. Manuel Philes (Byzantine poet, Ephesus,
Leo of Achris (Bulgaria, eleventh Constantinople c. 1275-1345),31,
century), 334. 32,70, 102,354,359.
Leo the deacon (or Leo [perhaps, Manuel Sabius, archchanter, 12.
Metropolitan of] of Caria, tenth Marcellus of Ancyra, 28,311,589.
century), 46. Marcus Aurelius (emperor, 161-
Leo VI Sapiens (86-912, Byzantine 180),48.
Emperor from 886 to 912),65, Marcus Eugenicus (Metropolitan of
352. Ephesus, fourteenth-fifteenth
Libanius (rhetor, fourth century century), 27.
AD), 36,72, 345, 369. Marcus Mousourus (scholar, philosopher,
Longinus, Cassius (philosopher, rhetor, c. 1470-151) 12.
third century AD), 561. Marcus of Constantinople (monk,
Lucian of Samosata, ix, 343. twelfth-thirteenth century), 318.
Lucius Annaeus Cornutus (philosopher, Marcus the Eremite (a monk, Egypt and
Rome, first century AD), 353. Palestine sometime between the
Lycurgus (the lawgiver, c. 820 Bq, 87. fourth and sixth centuries), 355.
Lysias, the Athenian rhetor, 109. Marinus of Neapolis (in Samaria,
N eoplatonist, fifth century
Macarius Chrysocephalus (Metropolitan AD), 368.
of Philadelphia, paroemiographer, Matthew Blastares (Thessalonian
fourteenth century), 39,341. monk), 25, 58, 96, 334.
Macarius of Ancyra, 126. Matthew Kantakouzenus (the son of
Macarius of Magnesia, 313. emperor John VI Kantakouzenus and
Manetho of Egypt (historian, third Irene Asanina, emperor from 1380-
century Bq, 348. 1383), 120, 121, 122,351.
Manuel Calecas (grammarian and rhetor, Matthew Perdicarios (hieromonk,
died in c. 1410), 126,357. thirteenth century), 13.
668 I Index ofAncient and Medieval Names
Matthew, Metropolitan of Ephesus Athens, twelfth-thirteenth cen-
(thirteenth-fourteenth tury), 14,48,80,362,586.
century), 125-128,301, 363. Michael Ducas (historian, fifteenth
Maximus Chrysoverges (monk and century), 19.
scholar, fifteenth century), 126. Michael Gabras (c. 1290-afi:er 1350),
Maximus Confessor, 42,68, 100, 108.
101, 114, 125, 129, 168, 304, 307, Michael Glycas (theologian, astrologer,
309,317,324-336,341,342,345, twelfth century), 58,311,334,348,
353, 355, 365, 557-559, 570, 570, 357,570.
581-589. Michael III of Constantinople (from
Maximus of Magounion (1549-1602, Anchialos, twelfth century),
scholar and bishop, born in Patriarch, 337.
Chandax of Crete (present-day Michaelltalicus (Metropolitan of
Heraclion), 68. PhUoppopolis, twelfth century), 48.
Maximus ofMazaris, monk, 12. Michael Kaloeidas (sebastos, astronomer,
Maximus ofTyre (sophist, second fourteenth century), 108.
century AD), 90. Michael Palaeologus, emperor, 13,
Maximus Planudes (philosopher, 97,98.
polymath, 1260-1332), 26, 65, 82, Michael Psellus (c. 1OJ7-c. 1078), 65,
89,327. 28,41,43,63,66,89,96,104,
Mehmed II the Conqueror, 7,20, 64, 65. 122, 162,26,28,304,307,309,
Meletius Confessor (monk, 314,316,320,322,325-337,346,
hymnographer, theologian, 363-365, 369, 559, 570, 594.
Constantinople, Ephesus, Michael Sarantinus (,megalonaites,
Nicomedia), 323. oikonomos, and taboullarios), 19.
Meletius Pegas (Patriarch of Alexandria Michael VIII Palaeologus (1223-1282,
between 1590 and 1601), 68, 82. emperor), 19, 84.
Meletius, Bishop of Athens Michael, Haghiosophite deacon and
(1703-1714), 50. protekdikos, 14.
Melito of Sardis, 41, 60.
Menander (comic, Athens, fourth-third Nemesius of Emesa, 303,320,589,
century Bq, 90 594.
Mesomedes of Crete (McITOfL~6Y]~ ,) Kp~~) N eophytus Indusus of Cyprus (monk
Roman-era Greek lyric poet, early and historian, 1134-1214), 10,311,
second century AD), 368. 319, 329, 333, 339, 340.
Methodius of Olympus, 314, 572. N eophytus Prodromenus, 357.
Michael Apostolius (paroemiographer, N estorius (Archbishop of
Constantinople, Crete, fifteenth Constantinople, 428-431),560.
century), 74,341,369. Nicander of Colophon (poet, physician,
Michael Choniates (or Michael grammarian, fl. second century
Acominatus, Metropolitan of Bq, 303.
 Index ofAncient and Medieval Names I 669
Nicetas Choniates (historian, c. 1155- Nikephorus Gregoras (1295-1360),
1217), 12,46,89,322. x, 6, 11-26,31-51, 61, 65, 76,
Nicetas David of Paphlagonia (ninth- 85-99,83,84, 100-135, 141, 148,
tenth century), 65, 314, 324, 361. 301-370,574.
Nicetas of Heraclea, deacon of St. Nikephorus I of Constantinople, 310.
Sophia, Constantinople, 366. Nikephorus II Phocas, emperor, 65.
Nicetas Stethatus (mystic and Nilus (bishop, Cyprus, Palestine,
theologian, eleventh century), 311, twelfth-thirteenth century), 331.
325, 327, 363. Nilus Cabasilas (Palamite theologian,
Nicodemus of Mount Athos (monk, fourteenth century), 100, 323.
grammarian), 57, 106. Nilus of Ancyra (Byzantine abbot and
Nicolas Cabasilas (the nephew of scholar, fourth-fifth century), 365.
Nilus Cabasilas, Constantinople, Nilus of Cyrpus (monk, Archbishop,
Thessaloniki, fourteenth twelfth-thirteenth century), 344.
century), 323. Novatian (c. 200-258, a scholar, priest,
Nicolas Mesarites (twelfth-thirteenth theologian and antipope between
century, bishop), 65,362. 251 and 258),320.
Nicolas of Methone (theologian, Numenius of Apamea, 590, 593.
philopher, Metropolitan of
Ephesus), 53, 342, 355, 579, 586. Octavius Augustus, emperor, 76,77.
Nicolas-N ectarius Hydruntinus of Odysseus, 100, 125.
Otranto, 310. Olympiodorus, the philosopher of
Nicolas, rhetor and sophist (Athens, Alexandria, 3,40,73,318,328,
Constantinople, Myra of Lycia, fifth 341,343,348,353,368.
century AD), 72. Orestes of Jerusalem (Patriarch, eleventh
Nicomachus of Gerasa, 4,40, 87, century), 339.
364,367.
Nicostratus, son of Aristophanes, 90. Pachomius Rhusanus (monk,
Nikephorus Basilaces (rhetor, grammarian, sixteenth
Constantinople, twelfth century), 324,328,361.
century), 80. Palladas (c. 400 AD, an impoverished
Nikephorus Blemmydes (author, 1197- Greek poet and humble school
1272), 6, 22-24, 37, 43, 67, 65, 82, teacher of Alexandria), 49.
85,97, 98, 104, 320, 329, 335. Pamphilus the Martyr, 28, 30, 42,
Nikephorus Callistus Xanthopulus 44-45, 125, 126.
(historian, theologian, clergyman, Panaetius the Stoic, 21,83,354.
Constantinople), 18, 19,24,28,29, Pantaenus, Stoic philosopher and teacher
41, 43, 44,50,65,334,340,346, of Clement, 595.
364,370, 595. Parmenides, 331.
Nikephorus Choumnos (monk, Paul Silentiarius (Constantinople, sixth
philosopher, 1250-1327),65,82. century), 18.
670 I Index ofAncient and Medieval Names
Pausanias of Attica (not the geographer, Phyrro (historian, third century
second century AD), 369. Bq, 87.
Pausanias, geographer, 71. Pierre de Ronsard, 49.
Perseus, king of Macedonia (c. 212 - 166 Pindar, 70,87,91,92,96,310,321,
Bq, 356. 336, 351.
Peter of Alexandria (bishop, c. 300), Plato, ix, 5, 36, 38, 40, 43, 49, 66, 67,
57,58. 69,70,73,84, 86, 8~ 88, 89,90,
Peter of Argos (bishop, ninth-tenth 93,96,95, 102, 108, 121, 134,
century), 10. 306,307,310,312,313,320,331,
Peter the Fuller (a non-Chalcedonian 33~ 350, 353, 354, 356, 367-369,
Patriarch of Antioch, 465-466 & 560-56~ 572, 573, 576, 579, 586,
474-475) 53, 54, 55. 589, 590.
Petrarch, Francesco, 49. Plotinus, 5,66, 104,304,306,312,333,
Philagathus of Cerami (twelfth 365, 36~ 560, 572, 573, 578, 590,
century), 29, 594. 593, 594.
Philippides, the comic (fourth-third Plutarch of Chaeronea, 72, 76, 87, 89,
century Bq, 90. 104, 304, 30~ 309, 313, 331, 333,
Philo of Alexandria, 2, 3, 22, 48, 83, 343, 353, 356, 359, 369, 564, 590.
162,331,333,343,359,365,369, Polybius of Megalopolis (historian,
561,572. 573, 599. second century Be), 333.
Philo of Larissa (c. 154 - c. 84 Bq, 591. Porphyry, 29, 50,66, 88, 89, 90, 302,
Philo chorus of Athens (c. 340 BC-c. 309, 312, 345, 359, 36~ 368, 369,
261 Be, the local historian of 563, 572, 573, 578, 589, 590, 593,
Attica), 87, 88. 596,596.
Philostratus ofLemnos, 87,312, Posidonius of Apamea, 2,562.
360, 561. Prochorus Cydones (monk,
Philotheus Coccinus (c. 1300-1379, Constantinople, Thessaloniki,
Patriarch Philotheus I of fourteenth century), 26, 121,323,
Constantinople, 1353-1354 331, 353.
and 1364-1376),25,98,99, 114, Produs, x, 29,40, 66, 69, 87, 88, 90,
121, 141, 304, 314, 316, 326, 327, 129, 159,302,310,312,323,325,
329,330,334,341,344,345,353, 326,327,328,331,332,336,337,
359, 368. 344, 345, 346, 349, 350, 358, 368,
Phlegon ofTralles (Publius Aelius, 369, 559, 560, 561, 572, 573, 574,
second century AD), 309. 576, 57~ 578-580, 580, 590, 592,
Photius (c. 810/820-893) 2, 18, 19,30, 594,597.
37,68,76,77,79,85,301,302,309, Procopius of Caesarea (sixth-century
313, 322, 331, 332, 335, 341, 343, historian), 18,46, 63, 65, 363.
345, 34~ 354, 355, 358, 359, 365, Procopius ofGaza, 3,102,301,317,
561,574,590. 325,338,341, 348, 364, 566, 579.
 Index ofAncient and Medieval Names I 671
Protagoras of Abdera, 87. Stephen III, a Greek Pope of Rome
Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, x, 11, (768-772),49.
21, 42, 69, 100, 105, 114, 120, 121, Stobaeus, 2,3,38,39,66,90,306,312,
129, 129, 168,303,310,311,312, 319,320,331, 340, 341, 356, 367,
31~ 321, 322, 323, 325, 32~ 328, 369, 560, 561, 574, 590, 593.
329,330,331,333,334,335,342, Strabo of Amasea (geographer, c. 64
344, 345, 350, 353, 354, 355, 356, Be - c. 24 AD), 333.
357, 358, 574. Sylvester Syropulus (historian,
Pythagoras, 4,40, 86, 87, 591, 597. Constantinople, fifteenth
century), 79.
Rufinus, 30,44, 133, 574. Symeon Logothetes (or Symeon
Metaphrastes, Constantinople, tenth
Severian of Gabala, 340, 364. century), 65, 79.
Severus the Platonist (second century Symeon Metaphrastes (or Symeon
AD), 590. Logothetes, Constantinople, tenth
Severus, emperor, 29. century), 18,65,79.
Sextus Empiricus, 303, 327, 337, 348, Symeon ofThessaloniki, 312.
38, 39, 39, 560, 591, 87. Symeon the New Theologian, 332.
Simplicius, 40,73,306,312,323,325, Symmachus, translator of the Bible, 29.
327, 346, 348, 350, 368, 561, 573, Synesius of Cyrene (or, of Ptolemais,
590, 594. bishop, fourth-fifth century), 26,
Sisinnius (Novatian Bishop, c. 400),22. 90,91;105,360,336.
Socrates Scholasticus, 19,24,31,44, Syrianus (N eoplatonist, Athens, fifth
133, 135, 301. century), 48, 158,325.
Socrates, the Athenian philosopher, 66,
86, 87, 108, 592. Tatian (Apologist, second
Solomon, 2, 12,31, 37, 97, 104, 105, century), 350, 573.
110-133,371. Thales of Miletus, 87.
Solon (the law giver, seventh-sixth Themistius (philosopher, Constantinople,
century Bq, 87. fourth century), 89, 306, 324, 348,
Sophocles, 70,87,307,324,336,341. 355, 356, 573.
Sophonias (philosopher, thirteenth- Themistius, the Euthychian Catholic
fourteenth century), 320, 337. bishop of the Armenians, 53.
Sozomenus, Salaminius Hermias, 358. Theoctistus Studites (monk,
Speusippus, 590-592. Constantinople, fourteenth
Sphaerus of Borusthenes (Stoic century), 39.
philosopher, third century Theodora Rhaulaena Cantacuzena
Bq, 562. Palaeologina (thirteenth century),
Stephanus Byzantius (grammarian, sixth 74.
century AD), 71. Theodora, empresss, 18, 65.
672 I Index ofAncient and Medieval Names
Theodore Agallianus (Metropolitan of Theognis of Megara (sixth century
Medea, fifteenth century), 81, 126, Bq, 87.
308, 309, 323, 346, 358. Theognostus (monk, thirteenth
Theodore Anagnostes (fifth-sixth century), 328.
century, Constantinople), 19. Theoleptus of Philadelphia (c. 1250-
Theodore Dexius (theologian, 1322, monk, then Metropolitan,
Constantinople, fourteenth 1283/4-1322), 87,340.
century), 126,301. Theon of Alexandria, Aelius (rhetor,
Theodore II Ducas Lascaris (1221/1222- first-second century AD,
1258, emperor of Nicaea from 1254 Alexandria), 22,72,312,348.
to 1258), 26, 67, 73, 320. Theon of Smyrna (philosopher, second
Theodore Meliteniotes (archdaecoll, century AD), 347-349, 572.
astronomer, theologian, Theophanes Confessor (monk and
Constantinople, fourteenth chronicler, c. 758-c. 818) 65,
century), 370. 308,321.
Theodore Metochites (Constantinople, Theophanes Continuatus (= 'Those after
1260-1332), 21, 36, 37, 65, 82-84, Theophanes', tenth century), 18,79.
87, 93-98, 102, 104, 109, 316, 328, Theophanes III (Metropolitan of Nicaea,
335, 359, 370. fourteenth century), 324, 325, 326,
Theodore of Mopsuestia, 301. 334, 585.
Theodore of Raithus (presbyter, Theophanes ofThrace (Mount
bishop, Palestine, sixth-seventh Athos, abba and Metropolitan,
century), 23, 24. fourteenth century: E)co¢a'VY]~ ,)
Theodore Patetas (,megalonaites and ncplecWplO~, Abbot of Vat opedion
bibliophylax' [keeper of books]), 19. monastery), 304.
Theodore Studites (eight-ninth Theophilus of Alexandria (grammarian,
century), 58,305,312,321,329, pupil of Zenodotus, third century
331, 363. Bq, 23,7!.
Theodoret ofCyrrhus, 10,55-57,89, Theophilus of Antioch (Apologist,
159,301, 311, 313, 317, 319, 331, second century), 309, 338.
338,340,342,349,357,358,363, Theophilus of Edessa (astrologer
364, 561. and astronomer, eighth century
Theodosius, emperor, 65. AD), 353.
Theodotioll, translator of the Bible, 29. Theophrastus of Eresus, 72,365,
Theodotus of Byzantium (or Theodotus 369.
the Tanner, Theodotus the Theophylact of Achris (Archbishop,
Shoemaker, Theodotus the eleventh-twelfth century), 339.
Fuller), 315. Theorianus Magister (theologian,
Theognis of Megara (elegiac poet, sixth Constantinople, twelfth
century Bq, 88. century), 24.
 Index ofAncient and Medieval Names I 673
Thomas Aquinas, 95, 126,304,586. Vettius Valens of Antioch (second
Thomas Magister (or Theodulus, century AD), 349, 353.
Constantinople, Thessaloniki, Vincent of Lerins, 24.
an advisor [magister] of emperor
Andronicus II [1282-1328]), 333, Xenocrates ofChalcedoll, 2,87,574,
336. 590-592.
Thrasyllus of Alexandria (astrologer, first
century AD), 348. Zachariah of Mytilene (rhetof,
Thucydides, 25,26, 30,43, 69, 87, 96, theologian, later, bishop of Mytilene,
104, 115, 324, 336, 359. sixth century), 73, 322.
Timaeus of Locri (the Pythagorean Zachary, a Greek Pope of Rome (705-
of Plato's dialogues Timaeus and 707, now, a saint), 49.
Critias), 574. Zeno ofCirium, 86,87,560,562,
Timothy (first-century Christian 563,566.
bishop), 65. Zenobius of Rome (sophist, second
Torquato Tasso, 49. century AD), 369.
 Index of Modern Names

Alexandru, Stefan, 5 Edwards, Mark, 135, 136, 581, 589

Allen, T. W 302 Eideneier, H. 47
Arnim, J. VOll, 566 Eliot, T. S. 115

Becchius, PhUippus, 81 FaUler, A. 12

Bekker, I. 13,74-75,77,78,82,326 FaUler, A. 13,67,74,77,78
Biedl, A. 125 Faye, E. de, 563
Boissonade, F. 34 Fonkic, B. 125
Fryde, Edmund, 125
Cervantes, Miguel de, 49
Chadwick, Henry, 560, 562 Gaisford, T. 341
Chantry, M. 10, 11 Gibbon, Edward, 23
Chaucer, Geoffrey, 49 Giros, Christophe, 20
Cramer, ].A. 355 Goar, R.P.]. 17
Golitsis, Pantelis, 73
Denis, A.-M. 366 Gorgemanns, H. 25,316,558
Devreessee, R. 53 Greene, We. 89
Diehl, E. 87
Dids, H. 308,590 Halleux, R. 308
DUts, M. R. 316 Hanhart, Robert, 102, 129,258,
Dindorf, W 51, 89,341, 363 310, 350
Dunshea, Philip, xi Hansen, P.A. 354
676 I Index ofModern Names
Harlfinger, Dieter, 69, 70 Niese, B. 355
Harnack, A. 563, 601
Herbermann, Charles, 558 Papachryssanthou, Denise, 20
Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A. 6-8,21
Jacoby, F. 87 Pavlovic, Jackie, xi
Places, E. des, 122
Kambitsis, J. 324 Porson, R. 354, 561
Kambylis, A. 318
Karpp, H. 25, 316, 558 Rahlfs, Alfred, 102, 129,258,310,350
Kierkegaard, S0ren, 112 Rauer, M. 53
Klostermann, E. 37, 124, 342,
570, 600 Schamp, J. 308
Koch, Hal, 563 Schmuck, Hilmar, 16, 20
Kock, T. 90 Schneidewin, F.G. 369
Koster, W. J. W 368 Schopen, L. 326
Kourouses, S. 82 Schubart, W 590
Kranz, W. 308 Schwartz, E. 558
Kraus, Christof Rudolf, 16, 20 Scott, Robert, 77, 319, 337, 343, 355,
Kravari, Vassiliki, 20 356,359,362,364
Semitelos, D. 92
Lampe, 319, 337, 359 Sevcenko, Ihor, 125
Laurent, V. 12, 13,67,74,75,77,78, Shahan, Thomas J. 558
114,324,617 Shakespeare,William, 49
Lemerle, Paul, 20 Smyth, HW. 363
Leutsch, E.L. von, 369 Smyth, C. Piazzi, 367
Liddell, Henry George, 77, 319, 337, Spencer, Jesse Ames, 367
343,355,356,359,362,364 Stead, Christopher, 44
Lommatzsch, Karl Heinrich Straub, J. 558
Eduard, 44
Theodoridis, C. 561
MacGillivray Nicol, Donald, 16 Tolstoy, Leo, 336
Marcovich, M. 562 Tricht, Filip Van, 20
Meineke, A. 90 Tzamalikos, Panayiotis, 135, 136, 315, 600
MenanderMerkelbach, R. 318
Mette, H. J. 87 West, M. L. 318
Miihll, P. von der, 302
Miiller, K. 354 Young, D. 87

Nicol, Donald M. 112 ZivojinoviC, Mirjana, 20