Mauro Giorgieri

. Commemorazione di Alessandro Pellegrini, Rendiconti dell Istituto Lombardo

121 (1987).
. Ricordo di Emmanuel Laroche (11.7.1914 - 16.6.1991), SMEA 29 (1992) 9-
11
Voce “Meriggi, Piero”, RIA 8 (1993-1997) 66, Translation of Gods:
. Relazione illustrativa del Seminario Scientifico *Sull"informatizzazione dei te- Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/NisaBa, Halki'
sti cuneiformi e per una catalogazione dei documenti dell'Anatolia antica”
(Pavia, 12.-13. 11. 2001), a cura di O. Carruba, SMEA 44 (2002) 319-320.
Alfonso ARCHI

1) Kumarpi and Enlil

Kumarpi became “father of the gods”, *Ku-mar-bi at-ta-a—nu—un-ni-

ya-as DINGIRMES2, DINGIRM®-a§ attas* (as indicated by the epithet frequent-
ly attributed to this deity), against his wishes. He emasculated Anu with a
bite whilst fighting him for “the kingship in heaven”. On hearing Kumar-
pi's victorious laughter, Anu replies: “Stop rejoicing within yourself! 1
have placed inside you a burden. First, I have impregnated you with the
noble Storm god (TeS8ub) ... Three terrible gods I have placed inside as
burdens.”* In effect, Kumarpi also gives birth to other gods, Ea acting as
obstetrician in these difficult labours (this section of the Song of Kumarpi
is in a very poor condition). At least one other god is born of Kumarpi's
spittle mixed with the seed of Anu. Strictly speaking, therefore, the father
of this new generation of gods was Anu. A Hurrian hymn reasserts the
truth when it states of Tes8ub: “your father Anu”, at-ta-i—wu,-um-ma
44-ni-es, *your mother Kumarpi”, ni-ra—-wu,;—ii—um-ma %Ku-mar-we,ni-
es, KUB 47.78 1 12/-14'5, Kumarpi, instead, played the active role of father
in generating monstrous beings such as Hedammu and Ullikummi, or vin-
dictive spirits such as Silver, to whom he entrusts the task of defeating
Tessub®.

' A. Kammenhuber, “Die hethitische Getreidegottheit Halki/Nisaba", in: M. Mori (ed.),

Near Eastern Studies Dedicated to Prince T. Mikasa (Wiesbaden 1991) 143-160, has shown how
the case of the deities Halki/Nisaba is a good example of the ways in which the Hittites reworked
foreign cultural elements. The topic of the *translation” of a god from one culture into another
has been discussed by J. Assmann, “Translating Gods: Religion as Factor of Cultural
(In)translatability”, in: S. Budick - W. Iser (ed.), Translatability of Culture: Figuration of the
Space Berween (Standford 1996) 25-36.
2 KUB 45.21 Vs. 3; see ChS 1/5-1, no. 1, 24' (1),
” The passages are listed in B. H. L. van Gessel, Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon, |
(Leiden 1998) 259-260; see, e. g., the Song of Ullikummi, in: H. A. Hoffner, Hittire Myths
(Atlanta 1990) 52, $ 6: *Kumarpi, Father of the Gods, is sitting”. The documentation concerning
Kumarpi is presented in an admirable way by H. G. Giiterbock, RI4 6 (1980-1983) 325-330.
* Hoffner, Hittite Myths 40 § 5
5 H.-J. Thiel - . Wegner, “Eine Anrufung an den Gott Tez3ub von Halab”, SMEA 24 (1984)
187-213.
* The Hurrian ritual KUB 27.38 = ChS 1/5-1, no. 87, has in iii 19-21: “[Here] (is) Silver
 Alfonso Archi
Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/isapa, Halki
321
Alalu, the first *king in heaven”, defeated by Anu, *went down
to the god Ea has no Hurrian counterpart. Together with
Dark Earth”, whilst Anu, “Heaven”, *went up to the his wife, Damkina, he
sky and hid himself”, was accepted into the Hurrian cult precisely for those functions
In defining the cosmos in mythical terms, the Hurrian
s used two Sumero- which the
myths attribute to him. Via the Hurrians, Ea reached
Akkadian names. Kumarpi, howewer, continued to belong Hittite Anatolia".
to the world of Other elements were incorporated into the Cycle when
men. His city was Urki8”, capital of one of the first Hurrian kingdom the Hurrians came
s. Vari- into contact with Syrian societics. Te8ub
ous cultic texts mention him after Tesub took on aspects common to the
and Tasmizu, together with the Semitic Hadda
gods of the last generation. In a Hurrian incantation from Mari, such as, for example, the mythologem of the battle with the
he follows Sea”. Consequently, the geographical Picture extends as far as the
his spouse Pidenhi *She of Piten” (that is Salus, who
was originally the Medi-
terranean: it is from Mount Hazzi (Mons Casius) that Tes8ub, together
spouse of Dagan)®. In the Hurrian texts from Hattusa
, Kumarpi appears with his brother Ta$misu and Sawuska, sees Ullikummi's rise from
alone in the itkalzi ritual, ChS 1/1, 5 11 5, and in ChS I/1, the sea
sions of Hattusa date to the predecessors of Suppiluliuma
11 Vs. 31 (the ver-
I). Elsewhere he
(§ 32).
Notwithstanding the direct Akkadian influence, Enlil and Kumarpi
is followed by Ea, KuSuh/smv and Simiki/utu®. In the
hisuwa Festival, he is are
generally perceived as two different gods in the Kumarpi Cycle.
preceded by his spouse Salug, as the Sun god Simiki
is preceded by Aya', The rea-
son for this lies in the central role played by Kumarpi
Cultural links generally tend to make different systems in Hurrian mythical
homogeneous. thought. At the start of the Song of Kumarpi (§ 2), Enlil and Ninlil
The cuneiform writing, using several Sumerograms (in Hittite, are in-
also Ak- vited, along with the Primeval Gods, to *listen” to the story of
kadograms) instead of the phonetic names, favoured this process. “kingship
In sever- in heaven”. Kumarpi then, however, goes to Nippur, the city of
al cases, however, the superimposition of a Sumerian or Akkadi Enlil, to
an name on await the birth of the gods with which he has been impregn
that of a god of different origin did not indicate a true ated ($ 8). In
identification be- the Song of Ullikummi ($$ 18-20), Enlil plays an ambiguous role.
tween gods whose characteristics were created in different He rec-
cultural envi- ognises that *this evil (plot) can only be Kumarpi's. Just as
ronments. Kumarpi
raised Tes3ub, so (now) he has raised against him this Basalt as a
Akkadian tradition had a marked influence on the literary and struc- supplan-
tural form of the Kumarpi cycle. Ea plays a pivotal role ter”. He then, however, does nothing to stop Kumarpi's plan and
in the devel- permits
Ullikummi to be implanted in Upelluri's right shoulder.
opment of the plot in all of the songs since, as god of wisdom,
he took A fragmentary text in Hittite of the Atrahasis epos, KUB 36.74,
those decisions which would determine the course of events. has
The Akkadian Enlil together with his vizier Nusku. Another episode (not preserv
ed in the
Babylonian original), KUB 8.63, uses, however, the name of Kumarpi in-
stead of Enlil”,

" A. Archi, *The God Ea in Anatolia”, in: Fs, N. Ozgiig (Ankara 1993)
the Autumn festival was devoted to the rites for Ea and Damkina. 27-33. One day of
abil and NisaBA, KUB 58.45
+ KUB 59.42 (see M. Nakamura, Das hethitische nuntartiyaSha-Fest [Leiden
2002] 282-286;
this tablet cannot be ascribed to a specific day), as well as the 29" day of the Spring festival (see
M. Popko - P. Taracha, *Der 28. and 29. Tag des hethitischen an.tay.5um-Festes”, AoF 15
[1988] 82-113)
" Ph. H. J. Howink ten Cate, in: D. J. W. Meijer(ed.), Natural Phenomena: Their Meaning,
Depiction and Description in the Ancient Near East (Amsterd am 1992) 117, has suggested that
KBo 26.105 preserves a fragment of the myth of a conflict between Testub and the Sea, The text
has been discussed by Schwemer, Wettergotigestalien 451-454. For
a Hurrian text concerning this
mythologem, sce 1. Rutherford, *The Song of the Sea (34 a.aB.8 siR): Thoughts on KUB
45.63”, in: G. Wilhelm (ed.), Akten des IV Internationalen Kongresses
fiir Hethitologie, Witrz-
burg, 4.-8. Oktober 1999 (StBoT 45; Wiesbaden 2001) 598-609.
» For KUB 8.63, sec H. G. Giiterbock, Kumarbi: Mythen vom churritisc
rich/New York 1946) 30-31, 81-82, *29-*30; for KUB 36.74. see J. Siegelova, hen Kronos (Zii-
4rOr 38 (1970)
135-139. For the Atrahasis cpos at Hattusa, see, further, A. M. Polvani, in: Fs. P Fronzaroli
(Wiesbaden 2003) 533-539. The Hittite translation of *Enkidy's Dream” of the
Gilgames poem
has Enlil. KUB §.48 i 4, lists the sequence: Anu, Enlil, Ea, Samas;
see R. Stefanini, JNES 28
(1969) 40.
 Alfonso Archi
Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/NisaBa
, Halki 323
1n north-west Syrian environments from at least the 16" century on, en up again by Naram-Sin,
Kumarpi was equated with *father Enlil™™, that is to who attributes the Success of the Syrian
say “the father of the expe-
dition both to Nergal, who opens up the road
gods”, although another Akkadian tradition held
Anu to be the father of to new conquests, and to Da-
gan, with whose aid he conquers the lands in
the Storm god, as well as of other gods. In the
god-list of Sattiwaza's trea- the area of the Euphrates'®,
ty with Suppiluliuma, Anu and Enlil, both togeth Dagan had the same rank as the great gods of Babyl
er with their spouses, An- onia, each of whom
is
tu and Ninlil, and nin.E.Gar, conclude the list of the lord of an important city: “Astar in Eanna, Enlil
Primeval Gods. The in Nippur, Dagan in Tut-
scribes followed the example of the Akkadian god-lis tul, Ninhursag in Kes, Ea in Eridu...”!9.
ts, in which Antu is For the Syrian peoples of the third mille
merely a name. Enlil and Ninlil meant also Kumarp nnium, as for those of the fol-
i and Salus. This se- lowing millennium, Dagan was the god
quence is to be found in all of the political treatics of the Middle Euphrates. Also
between Suppiluliuma Hammurapi, who was well aware of Hadda
and Mursili I and the Syrian kings. In the Hurria of Halab's supremacy over
nized Syria of the time, northern Syria, considered Dagan to be the god
the identification of Kumarpi and Salus with Enlil of “the towns beside the
and Ninlil was quite Euphrates”, in particular Mari and Tuttul
clear. In treaties between Mursili 11 and the Anatolian (CH, Prologue IV 27-34). The
kings, however, Ku- Ebla archives (second half of the twenty-fou
marpi follows Alalu and precedes Anu and Enlil and rth century) show how origi-
their respective con- nally some of the principal gods exercised
Sort, as occurs also in the treaty between Muwattalli control each over a particular
and Alaksandu where, region. West of Dagan's area lay that of Hadda
however, Anu and Antu are ignored®. The royal courts of Halab, whilst *Adabal
of western Anatolia (%1-da-bal) (not mentioned in later periods)
knew Kumarpi but were not necessarily aware of the dominated the valley of the
identity which had Orontes from Hama to Amuq®. In the Ebla
developed in Syrian theological circles. It is for this documents, Dagan is men-
reason that Kumarpi tioned only in terms of epithets such as *Lord
and Enlil are both found in the same lists. of Tuttul”, *Bap (ba'l) Du-
du-li, or *Lord of the countr ” BAD KALA
M™ / ma-tum/tim; the writ-
ing *Da-gan is, however, used in the name-
giving®. Already at this time,
2) Enlil and Dagan the consort of the *Lord (i.e. Dagan) of Tuttul
(48aD Du-du-lu*®) was Sa-
las, who, however. also formed a couple together with *Wa-da-'d-an
According to the kings of
of Akkad, Dagan was lord of the regions Ga-ra-mu", the god of a town in the Euphrates valley?.
which stretched towards the north-west, includ The kings of the Third Dynasty of Ur, instead of
ing northern Syria, an idea carrying out military
that had existed for some time in Mesopotamia. campaigns in Syria and establishing strongholds
Mesanepada of Ur dedi- in the Habur region, opted
cated a lapislazuli bead (found at Mari) to
the god Lugal-kalam, that is
Sar/Bel matim “the Lord of the country”". It is Dagan who gives Sargon ® Ibid. 132-135, E2.14.26 i 5 - ii 19:
*No king whosoever had destroyed Armanum and
the entire country, as far as the Silver Mountains". Ebla; the god Nergal, by means of (his) weapon
This motif is then tak-
gave him Armanum and Ebla. Further, he gave
s opened the way for Naram.
S the mighty, and
to him the Amanus, the Cedar Mountain, and the
Upper Sea. By means of the weapons of the god Dagan, who magnifies his kingship, Naram-
Sin, the mighty, conquered Armanum and Ebla. Further, from the side of the Euphrates as far as
® On Kumarpi, see in general Ul
gual omen, with Enlil in the AkkadianH. version
G. Giiterbock, RIA 6, 324-330; the references to a bilin-
and Kumarpi in the Hittte one, and to the Ugaritic :
people whom Dagan had given to him
"The god Dagan gave me Armanum and Ebla and I captured for the first time.” jit
vocabulary with the equation Enlil-Kumarpi, are Rid-Adad, king of Arma-
ther of the gods”, 1=/i-1u a-mu dingir-dingir-ding given at p. 325. Enlil receives the tifle of -ty
(D. O, Fdzard, ARET'S, 1 v 2-4, vi 1-3, 10-12), under their,
”
alieady in an Eblaite incantation Tbid. 113-114 (Basetki inscription), E2.1.2.10, 11. 29-33,
*See A. Archi, Or 59 (1990) 121-123, Enlil (that is, Kumarpi influence of the Babylonian religion 2
2
See A. Archi, *Hadda of Halab and his temple in the
Ebla period”, in print.
Gods in ChS 1/5-1, no. 77 (KBo 17.94) iii 29' ) opens the list of the Priny-oul 1 (in
See G. Pettinato, Or 54 (1985) 234-244, who quotes,
the writing system of Ebla, Iugal = ba'lum) in TM.75.
further, the writing ‘Lugal Du-du-
'» E. Sollberger, in: E. Sollberger - J.-R. Kupper, Inscriptions royales sumérie nato, OA 18 (1979) 147. Several passages concerning these two6.2075 obv. ii 14-15; see G. Petti-
diennes (Paris 1971) 90 had already identified ‘Lugal kalam with Daggan. This nnes et aki Ponio - P. Xella, Les dieux d'Ebla (Miinster 1997) epithets are collocted by E Pom-
god appears
in the votive inscription of Saba (Salim) pa,-5es Tugal-kalam: I 5 Gelp” B bir.atas
98-99, 102-106,
Tost, Dle altakkadischen Kinigsinschriftenof Mari,
An unpublished text from Ebla proves the identity
of Dagan of Tuttul with Bel-matim “the
des dritten Jahriau sends v Lord of the country”, TM.75.G.2397 oby. vii 21-31
1990) 17-18 (MP 23). See further votive inseription of [Stup-ilum, . sonChr.of (FAOS 7; Stuttgant 1 udu il 81 é %ap ma-tum Gii-gii-a-nu $u-
du, in ud &-sit $5-in Du-du-1u *1 sheep (for) the lifting
temple he built in Mari for Lugal-mtheatim, Gelb-Ki cnast, ibid.
Iima-Dagan. for a of the country, PN has taken on the occasion of his
of the hands (in) the temple of the Lord
;' ; Frayne, Sargonic and Periods (RIME 2; Toront361o/Buff (MS ) departure to Tuttul”,
14-28 6'-21': "Sargon, the king, Gutian
A hymn to Nisaba in Semitic. ARET V 7, has: I nanna
bowed alo/London 1993) 28-31: mighty lady of the country”; see M. Krebernik, in: P. Fronzaroli BAD.AL, kalam-tim “Aidar, the
down
him (Sargon) the Upper Land: Mari, Jarmuti, andto the god Dagan in Tuttul. He (Dagan) gave (.}, Literature and Literary
Mountains.” Ebla as far as the Cedar Forest asd the Silyerto Language at Ebla (Firenze 1992) 88 (6.3) and 96.
2 A. Archi, *Salas consort of Dagan and Kumarbi”,
in: Fs. P H. .J. Houwink ten Cate (Lei-
den 1995) 1-6.
 Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/NisaBA, Halki 325
324 Alfonso Archi

I8bi-Erra, however, named one of his sons Nur-Dagan, and two kings have
to develop diplomatic relations with the local dynasties®. Inter-dynastic names with Dagan: Iddin-Dagan and Isme-Dagan”.
marriages could have helped spread knowledge of certain Syrian divinities The Amorite dynasties continued to consider Dagan as “the Lord of
in southern Mesopotamia®. Dagan was worshipped at the palace of Ur, and the country”. A god-list dating to Yaggid-Lim (who transferred his capital
would appear to have had a temple at Nippur®. Ishara was associated with from Suprum to Mari), or to the first years of his successor, Yahdun-Lim,
him, not because she was his spouse (her character was similar to that of
has: Tstar, IStar Deritum, Annunitum, Dagan, / Lugal matim (B: Bel ma-
Isar), but because they shared north-western origins®, as did also *the La- tim), Ninhursaga, ... Lugal Terga (B: Bel Terqa)... The list includes Dagan
dy of the Habur”, Habdritum, probably to be identified with “the Lady of in the first group, after three goddesses. The following section opens with
Nagar”, ‘NN Na-gar*?,
the epithet defining Dagan's jurisdiction: *the Lord of the Country”, and
Dagan's cults spread to the dynasty of Isin, possibly because I8bi-
with his spouse Ninhursaga (this Sumerogram in all likelihood corresponds
Erra, *the travelling rubbish salesman of non-Sumerian origins”, was “a
to Salas). There is then a third hypostasis of Dagan: *the Lord of Terqa”
man of Mari”, as Ibbi-Sin of Ur says so scathingly®. I8bi-Erra, in his
(an epithet applied to this god already in the 3 millennium)®.
message demanding the surrender of Kazallu (reported by Puzur-Sulgi/
Yahdun-Lim, *king of Mari, Tuttul, and the land Hana”, claims that
Numuzda, the governor of Kazallu, in a letter to Ibbi-Sin) declares: *I
his kingship derived from Dagan: *Dagan proclaimed my kingship (and)
have sworn by the name of Dagan, my god.” One manuscript has, howev- gave to me a mighty weapon that fells my royal enemies”, while in the
er, the variant: *by the name of Enlil, my god, and Dagan””. The two curse formulae Anum and Enlil are invoked, according to the Babylonian
gods were considered as equal since they played the same roles in their
tradition. The inscription for the foundation of the temple of Samas, by the
original regions. This identity, and that of their spouses, is codified in the same king, follows the Babylonian models in style, with again Sumero-
god-list An = Anum®. The royal inscriptions of Isin always mention Enlil. Akkadian gods in the curse formulae, where Enlil is “lord of the gods”,
using the Amorite (and West Semitic) term $@pitum *who exercises author-
2 D. I. Owen, *Syrians in Sumerian Sources from the Ur III Period”, in: M. W. Chayalas ity, judge™. Scribal tradition demanded certain sequences of gods and cer-
1. L. Hayes (ed.), New Horizons in the Study of Ancient Syria (Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 25;
Malibu 1992) 107-176. tain writings.
* ]. Boese - W. Sallaberger, AoF 23 (1996) 26-27, have suggested that the cult of Dagan
was introduced at the court of Sulgi by his spouse Tarim-uram from Mari. Two sons of this king
had PNs with Dagan; see H. Waetzoldt, Or 54 (1985) 245-256. See, further, W. Sallaberger, Der 3 The documentation concerning the dynasty of Isin has been discussed by Feliu, The God
kultische Kalender der Ur I11-Zeit, 1 (Berlin 1993) 19-20; T. Scharlach, in: D. 1. Owen - G. Wil- Dagan 296-297, who writes: “Later, one of the successors of Isbi-Erra, the king Ur-dukuga, res-
helm, Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians 12 (Bethesda, Maryland tored the temple 6-dtir-ki-gar-ra of Dagan in the same city. In the commemorative inscrip-
2002) 108. tion of the event, Dagan is called en gal kur-kur-ra ‘The august lord of the lands'
5 M. Hilgert, JCS 46 (1994) 29-39; Sallaberger, Kultischer Kalender 222-223. A good eva- [D. R. Frayne, RIME 4 (Toronto 1990) 94, E4.1.13.1, lines 1-2], an epithet that has a clear parallel
Juation of the Ur 111 documents concerning Dagan is given by Feliu, The God Dagan 48-57 with the ‘Enlilian’ title en kur-kur ‘lord of the lands'. In parallel, Gungunum of Larsa,
* For shara, the goddess of Ebla in the 3 and the 2" millennium, see A. Archi, “Divinités through the daughter of Iime-Dagan of Isin, Enannatumma, commemorated the reconstruction
sémitiques et divinités de substrat: Le cas d'IShara et d’Istar 4 Ebla”, MART 7 (1993) 71-78; id., of the temple of Dagan in Ur called 6-63-me-dagal-la; in this inseription Dagan is also
“Formation of the West Hurrian Pantheon: The Case of Ishara™, in: K. A. Yener - H. A. Hotfner called by the very ‘Enlilian’ epithet en dingir gal-gal-c-ne *The lord of the great gods'
Ir. (ed.), Recent Developments in Hittite Archaeology and History (Winona Lake, Indiana 2002) [Frayne, RIME 4, 115, E4.2.5.1].”
21-33, 32 ].-M. Durand, MARI 5 (1987) 611-612, noted that the temple of Ninhursaga in Mari is
7 The Lady of Nagar is attested in the inscription of Ti-atal of Urkis; see D. Frayne, Ur 1 close to that of Bel-matim, that is Dagan, who was assimilated to Enlil. He proposed, therefore,
Period (RIME 3/2; Toronto 1997) 462-464: E3/2.7.3.1. The documentation of the OB period has that Ninhursaga should be identified with Salas, the spouse of Dagan, in: P. Mander - I.-
been studied by M. Guichard, *Au pays de la dame de Nagar”, in: Florilegium marianum 2 (Mé- M. Durand, Mitologia y Religion del Oriente Antiguo, 1/1. Semitas Occidentales (Ebla, Mari)
moires de NABU 3; Paris 1994) 235-272 (Sabadell 1995) 136; see, further, in: MARI 8 [1997] 278). The sound identification of Nin-
* Tabi-Erra's name is, however, Akkadian, This letter of Tbbi-Sin to Puzur-Numuida has hursaga with Salaz weakens J.-M. Durand’s new thesis (Mitologia y Religion 172-178) that BEl-
been translated by W. H. Ph. Romer, in: R. Borger - W. Hinz - W. H. Ph. Rémer, Historisch- mitim should be Hadda of Halab. For the identity of Bel-matim with Dagan already in the 3rd
chronologische Texte 1 (Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments 1/4; Giitersloh 1984) 351- millennium, see above, note 21.
353 3 For this archaic list of gods and its later duplicate (B), see J.-M. Durand, MARI 4 (1985)
2 Rbmer, ibid. 349 (with bibliography). The letter has been published by E A. Ali, Sume- 162-163; id., Mitologia y Religion 165-213. A further list of this period, published by M. Lam-
rian Letters: Two Collections from the Old Babylonian School (Dissertation ſrom the University bert, Syria 47 (1970) 247 (quoted by Durand, Mitologia y Religion 212-213), has: Istar, Anmu
of Pennsylvania 1964) 42-53. For I8bi-Erra acclaimed as the son of Enlil, see, further, A. W. 8j6- tum, Dagan, /Lugal matim, Ninhursaga, Lugal Terqa... The tablets of the 24" century from Mari
berg, “The Ape from the Mountain Who Became the King of Isin”, in: Fs. . W, Hallo (Bethes- already mention Dagan as Lugal Terga: see D. Charpin, MARI 5 (1987) 100.
da, Maryland 1993) 211-220 Frayne, RIME 4, 602-604, E4.6.8.1 lines 3-5, 9-14, 61, and 604-608, E4.6.8.2 line 137. All
3 CT 24.6 11 22-23. See R. L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Baylonian God-List, the documentation concerning Dagan of the OB period has been discussed in detail by Feliu, The
AN:*A-numum and AN Anu 86 ameli (Texts from the Babylonian Collection 3; New Haven God Dagan 62-213
1998) 42-43, nos. 193-195.
 Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/n1SaBa, Halki 327
Alfonso Archi

to the gods”, who raised Zimri-Lim to royal status (I. 9-11)®. These five
Samsi-Adad I, whose royal cities were AsSur and Subat-Enlil, usually
epithets belong only to Enlil. The scribe of Mari does not fail to mention
defines himself as “appointee (Sakin) of Enlil, vice-regent (758iak) of As-
Enlil at the very start but he then transfers to Dagan those attributes which
Zur”®, In the votive inscription for the building of an extension to the tem-
Sumero-Akkadian theology had assigned to Enlil. In this manner he creates
ple of Dagan in Terqa, he is, however, “appointee of Enlil, worshipper the culmination of a
2 total assimilation between the two gods. This marks
(palih) of Dagan, vice-regent of Assur”*. This is similar to the dedication
lengthy process that began with the comparison of Dagan with Enlil based
of vases for Dagan in Mari: “appointee of Enlil, vice-regent of ASsur, be-
solely on the dominating position enjoyed by each god within his own pan-
loved (naram) of Dagan”. Also his son, Yasmah-Addu, installed by him in In the 3¢ millennium (as shown by the Ebla texts) the Syrian pan-
theon.
Mari, takes the title of *appointee of Enlil”, according to the Akkadian tra-
theons were not organised in line with the model relating to the birth of
dition®. The seal inscription of a servant, instead, follows local tradition:
the gods. Hadda was not considered to be the son of Dagan and there is
Yasmah-Addu is “appointee of Dagan”. According to a votive inscription
of Dagan and Istar”*, two epithets nothing to suggest that the god of a given city was perceived as being the
of another servant, he is “vice-regent
son of the major god of the region.
which are fitting for a king of Mari. Dagan is identified with Enlil in a vo-
Dagan continued to be seen as the principal god of the Middle Eu-
tive inscription of Yasmah-Addu, where he addresses Dagan of Tuttul with
phrates also during the Late Bronze Age, according to the texts from
the name of Mullil, the Emesal form of Enlil: “To Mullil, [the one who
Emar. There are three elements which show how Dagan was equated with
listens to] prayers, who dwells in Tuttul...”*.
Enlil: a) The name Dagan was written, as well as phonetically, also as
Zimri-Lim, having retaken the throne from Yasmah-Addu, cites both
R, a simplified form of Enlil's epithet *Kur-gal *Great Mountain”,
of the gods in his seals: “Zimri-Lim, appointee of Dagan, beloved of Enlil, to Dagan as a result of the assimilation of the two gods (see
transferred
king of Mari and the land of Hana, son of Yahdun-Lim”#®. Here the juxta-
the letter by the scribe of Zimri-Lim quoted above). b) One of the most
position of the two gods emphasises the assimilation of one to the other. In
frequent epithets applied to Dagan/KUR was EN bugari *Lord of the
the “Epic of Zimri-Lim”, Dagan receives the Sumerian epithet Nunamnir,
Offspring”, insofar as he was parent of the gods*, a function which he
which stands for Enlil®. The king enters the temple of Dagan at Terqa af-
originally did not have. c) The name of the city god of Emar is written
ter his military victories: ... he came into the presence of Nunamnir; in
of with the Sumerogram ‘NIN.URTA. It has been noted that *dIN.URTA's seal
the (temple) Ekisiga he offered his sacrifice, within Terqa, the beloved
for life, prosperity and strength.”? A carries city authority on legal documents like Ninurta at Ur III Nippur...
Dagan. Zimrilim asked Dagan
overlooked, writes a bilingual “letter- This similarity, with Ninurta's identity as firstborn of Enlil, might be the
learned scribe of Mari, who felt be identified with the
basis for the Emar rendering”. *NIN.uRTA could
prayer” to Zimri-Lim. The gods he invokes reflect the Sumero-Akkadian The highest point of the city was occupied by a pair of
storm-god Addu®.
theology of Nippur at the time. An(um) and Enlil called Zimri-Lim to roy-
al status (1. 3); Ninhursaga (/Nintur; that is Salas at Mari) raised him to
the rank of prince. Dagan (*Da-gan also in the Sumerian text) is *the 4 D. Charpin, in: M. de Jong Ellis (ed.), CRRAI 35 (Philadelphia 1992) 7-27; see,
further,
great mountain, the father of the great gods, who marshals the Anunnaki, 1.-M. Durand, Documents épistolaires du palais de Mari, 1 (Paris 1997) 103-110.
On the identification of Dagan with Enlil in the Old Babylonian period, see further
the powerful god, creator of heaven and earth, the father who gives birth W. G. Lambert, RHA 36 (1978) 132: *The Old Babylonian edition of the Anzl Epic from
Susa
uses the phrase *Anum and Dagan' meaning Amu and Enlil (J. Nougayrol, R4 46 [1952] 90, line
45 and 94, line 14), and an inscription of Urdukuga of Isin gives theDagan the title ‘great lord of the
lands' (en gal kur.kur.ra; YBT IX 27-30 and duplicate), similarity of which to Enlil's
5 A. K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia BC (to 1115 BC) standard title lord of the lands’ (Iugal kur.kur.ra = bel matati) is hardly a coincidence
.”
(RIMA 1; Toronto/Buffalo/London 1987) 55, A.0.39.2., 11. 2-3; 56, A.0.39.3, 1l. 2-3; 59, “D. E. Fleming, Time at Emar: The Cultic Calendar and the Rituals from the Diviner's
A.0.39.7, 1. 3-4. House (Winona Lake, Indiana 2000) 91 writes as it follows: “Even under the zukru festival's
5 Ibid. 60, A.0.39.8, 11. 3-5. royal sponsorship, Dagan is not celebrated as the king of the gods but as their parent. He is not
that the off-
Frayne, RIME 4, 615, E4.6.11.1, 1. 2. made into a model for the ambitious human institution. The *father” title suggests Off-
3 Tbid. 620, E4.6.11.2003, 1. 2; 619, E4.6.11.2001, 1. 6'. spring indicated by the term bu-ka-yi may simply be the pantheon, also, and as “Lord of the
3 Tbid, 617, E4.6.11.3., 1. 1-3. spring’ Dagan is recognized as the ultimate procreative power”; see p. 90, for the epithet
4 Thid. 626-627, E4.6.12.4 and 5. For the title *beloved (naram) of Dagan” and *appointee abuma *the very father”. The documentation from Emar concerning Dagan, included
his epi-
(sakin) of Dagan”, sec the seals of his servants, respectively ibid. 632-634, F4.6.12.2008-2010, thets, has been discussed by Feliu, The God Dagan 214-263.
and 2011 45 D. E. Fleming, “Baal and Dagan in Ancient Syria”, Z4 83 (1993) 88-98. This explanation
4 On Nunamnir, see A. Cavigneaux - M. Krebernik, RiA 9 (1998-2001) 614, of the Emar rendering of the city god's name was suggested (o Fleming by P. Steinkeller. Against
4 ], M. Durand, Archives épistolaires de Mari, 1/1 (ARM 26/1; Paris 1988) 475.
 328 Alfonso Archi Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/nisapa, Halki 329

temples which included the Storm-god, not Dagan. The city god was, personal name, extremely frequent also in the Old Akkadian onomasti-
therefore, the Storm-god. Dagan was, however, at the head of the regional con®”. Moreover, we have no information suggesting that the Storm-god
pantheon, and he plays the role of the principal deity in the zukru festival. Hadda was considered to be the son of any other god®. Hadda, the lord of
the region of Halab, was already portrayed at Ebla as the warrior who
slays the dragon?. In the second millennium, the enemy of Hadda of Halab
3) Dagan, Kumarpi/Enlil and El is Tiamat; just as Ba'l defeats Yam in the Ugaritic myth®. We have no ele-
ments enabling us to identity the dragon of the Eblaite myth with the Sea.
The texts from Ugarit offer scant evidence of the cult of Dagan. Five The mythologem, however, in all three variants narrates the struggle be-
offering lists, a litany and two incantations place Dagan after El and Ba'l tween the life-giving element and its opposite. Sumero-Akkadian influence
(six times) or between El and Ba‘l (twice). Dagan was clearly a foreign could have suggested organizing the Ugaritic pantheon according to the
deity, as is specified in an incantation and in a literary text (*Marriage of generation model, where the three elements constituting the world of men:
Yarah and Nikkal”) which mention *Dagan of Tuttul”4 Ba'l, Yam, Mot, are sons of El (Ilu). It is a fact that the Akkadian model
The epithet bn dgn “son of Dagan” is frequent for the Storm-god, imposed a cosmological structure on the translator of the list An (Ugaritica
Ba'l, in the literary texts (another epithet is stk dgn “lineage of Dagan”)®. V, 246). For An and Antum the Hurrian column gives, quite simply, the
Dagan, however, plays no role at all in the myths and legends of Ugarit. Sumero-Akkadian name: *Ani (and) the Spouse of Ani”®. The Ugaritic
Head of the assembly of the gods and bearing the title of mlk *king”, is interpretation is, instead: Sa-mu-ma and Ta-a-ma-tum, the primordial di-
El, who is also bny bnwt *creator of living things”. He exercises authority
vine couple *Heaven (and) Sea”. Then comes Enlil who, being father of
over the gods insofar as he is an ancient and wise god. The Ugaritic pan-
the gods, is equated with the Hurrian Kumarpi and the Akkadian common
theon is, therefore, organised on the lines of two generations. Although
noun Ilum *god”, which stands for EI.
there is no mention of a theogony, some scholars have assumed that the
Dagan is quite extraneous to this theological concept. He was, howev-
form of the pantheon as reflected in the myths is the result of a conflict er, known as the great god of the Euphrates region, assimilated to the Ak-
between El and his principal sons, Ba'l, Yam and M6t, who would appear kadian Enlil, *the father of the gods”. For this reason, Ba‘l receives the
to have deposed their father. El does not appear to have a friendly relation-
epithet hn dgn “son of Dagan” in the myths, a literary formula deriving
ship with Ba'l®.
from a different tradition. Not only a number of offering lists, but also
There is, however, good reason to believe that the need to organise several god-lists, cite both El and Dagan®. It was E. Laroche who noted
the gods into generations developed over the millennia. Fl, as the name of that Dagan at Ugarit corresponded to Kumarpi, comparing the “Semitic
a god, is only known in Syrians environments, beginning with the texts
from Ugarit. During the first millennium, the god EI is attested in the Ara-
maic inscriptions of Zincirli (KAI, no. 214 and 215) and Sfire (KAT 222), ® On this topic, see A. Archi, “Il in the Personal Names”, OLZ 91 (1996) 133-151; R. A. Di
Vito, Studies in Third Millennium Sumerian and Akkadian Personal Names: The Designation
Philo of Byblos identified El with Kronos. The Ebla texts of the 24" cen- and Conception of the Personal God (Roma 1993) 235-271,
tury B.c. do not know, however, El, but -i/ *the god” as an element of a ® An Eblaite incantation qualifies Enlil as *father of the gods”, 1-1i-lu/*/-li-lu a-mu
dingir-dingir-dingir, ARET V 1V 2-4, VI 13, 10-12; dupl. 3 16 - 11 2, 8 - 1I] 2, accord-
ing (0 the Sumerian tradition. This incantation has been studied by P. Fronzaroli, YO 7 (1988) 11-
23. P. Steinkeller, in: K. Watanabe (ed.), Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East (Heidelberg
1999) 114, note 36, has suggested that (4)/-li-[u should be explained as Semitic *i/-ilf “god of
this hypothesis is the fact the Emar texts use the Sumerogram *3kun for the storm-god; see (all) the gods”. Contra: D. O. Edzard, in: Fs. P Fronzaroli 173-184. (*)/-li-lu is not mentioned
G. Beckman, *The Pantheon of Emar” in: Fs. M. Popko (Warsaw 2002) 39-54. In the Hurrian in any administrative document, not even in those concerning the cult-offerings. This fact proves
milieux, *NIN.URTA was a writing for the war-god Aitapi, who was identified with the Hittite god
Suwaliyat; see the literature quoted by van Gessel, Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon 11, 741- that a supreme god called *God of (all) the gods” was unknown to the Semitic populations of
742.
northern Syria and Mesopotamia
*' P. Fronzaroli, *Les combats de Hadda dans les textes d’Ebla”, MARI 8 (1997) 283-290
® See Feliu, The God Dagan 266-267, for the quotations and a table with the lists. See, fur- 21.-M. Durand, *Le mythologeme du combat entre le Dieu de 'orage et la Mer en Mesopo-
ther, B. L. Crowell, *The Development of Dagan: a Sketch”, JANER 1 (2001) 32-83, who studies MAR! 7 (1993) 41-61
the different images of Dagan in his several centers of cult (the Ugaritic evidence is discussed es-
pecially on pp. 44-45, 64-65). » E. Laroche, Ugaritica V, 453
* See Feliu, The God Dagan 269-270. The god-list are: RS 20.24 2-3: Ilum / Dagan / (seve-
* The quotations are listed by Feliu, The God Dagan 264 notes 416, 417.
* On EI, see in general, A. Caquot - M. Sznycer - A. Herdner, Textes Ougaritiques, 1. ral hypostases of Haddu), in Ugaritica V, 44; KTU 1.118 2-3 and 1.148 3-4: il / den / (several hy-
postases of Ba'l). These lists give the *Semitic pantheon”. The hymn in Hurrian KTU 1.42 6-8 =
Mythes et Légendes (Paris 1974) $5-68, Laroche, Ugaritica V, 520 (the *Hurrian pantheon”) has el followed by kmrp.

Orientalia - 30
 330 Alfonso Archi Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/NisaBA, Halki

pantheon” with the *Hurrian pantheon”®. The two gods were considered to holds true for Ea (accompanied by his consort Tapkina/Damkina), who
be the same in Ugaritic society where, in the 14" and 13" centuries, the does not correspond to any Hurrian god. The fact that the names Kumarpi,
Hurrian element was closely integrated into the Semitic ones. The same Kuzuh, Simegi and Aztapi were usually written with the respective Sume-
was the case in Alalah, Halab and Qatna. Today we know from the docu- rograms: NISABA, *EN.ZU, ‘UTU, ‘NIN.URTA must not mislead us. These
ments of Emar and Ekalte/Munbaga that in this period the cult of Dagan gods belonged to the first rank of the Hurrian pantheon thanks to their
was still powerful in the area of the Middle Euphrates*. functions and clearly not as the result of a Sumero-Akkadian model®. It is,
however, true, that the consorts of Kusuh and Simegi, respectively Nikkal/
4) Kumarpi/NisaBa/Halki Ningal and Aya, were taken directly from the Akkadian pantheon, while
Salus was the spouse of Kumarpi in that he was equated with Dagan
A ritual from Kizzuwatna, found in the archives of Hattusa, KBo
(above, § 1). These goddesses had no particular importance within the cult,
39.189 + KBo 34.59 + KBo 38.297”, gives a standard list of Hurrian
with the exception of Nikkal®,
gods: Tessub, Hebat (of the Temple), Te33ub (of the town), Tasmizu
The offering-lists of Hurrian origin, collected in ChS 1/3-2, offer the
(brother of TesSub), Kumarpi, KuSuh (the Moon-god); Simigi (the Sun-
following writings concerning the god Kumarpi®:
god), AStabi (a war-god), Nubadik (a war-god), Heue... The gods Tezzub,
CTH 698 “Cultes de Tezub et Hebat d'Alep”, pp. 273 T 6, 278 I 5, 280
Kumarpi, Kusuh and Simige were well known throughout the Hurrian re-
(no. 150), 6': NISABA.
gions; Hebat *She of Ha(l)ab” and Astabi were of north-Syrian origin, CTH 704 “Listes de divinités”, p. 68 11 S': *Halki; pp. 70 II1 19', 75 1 18', 79
being already attested in the Ebla texts of the 24" century B.C.; it is not 11 1': “NisaBa; pp. 85 r. Kol. 2' = 342, 4': Yalki.
possible to determine the origin of HeSue®. In the circle (kaluti) of Hebat CTH 705 “Fragments de listes”, p. 91 IV 13': Halki.
we find, further, her son Sarruma, from Kizzuwatna, and IShara, who was CTH 706 “Fragments de fetes”, p. 192 1 16' (Hurrian): *Kumarwe; pp. 201, 5',
202 11 9', 204, 7' (sections in Hurrian): *Kumarpt.
the goddess of Ebla already during the 3" millennium 8.c.”. E. Laroche,
CTH 703 “Rituels a Manuzziya”, p. 209 1 12' (Hurrian): *Kumarpi.
who was the first to study the list of the Hurrian gods in the Hittite docu- CTH 786 Tessub of Sapinuwa, pp. 217 1 5, 220 VI 11', 225, 9' (Hurrian):
ments, maintained that “les Hourrites ... vers le milieu du deuxieme millé- *Kumarpi
naire, possédent un panthéon emprunté a la Mesopotamie. Mais ils I'ont CTH 705 Te$sub of Durmitta, pp. 248 III 6", 249 IT? 23" (Hurrian): *Kumarpi,
adapté en donnant au dieu de I'orage una place preponderante. . Il est CTH 628 *Fete hisuwas™, pp. 258 11 17, 260 IV 14, 262 11 9', 267 1V 15'
probable que la présence d’Adad chez les Semites occidentaux a joué ici *Kumarpi.
un role capital”®. Three decades later, in presenting a more in-depth pic- The writing ‘en.LiL for Kumarpi does not appear in these religious
ture, the same author states: *les grandes divinites fonctionelles et cos- texts. The habit of writing NisaBa for Kumarpi is merely a play on the
miques trahissent un emprunt direct au systeme sumero-babylonien”®. This form of writing which originated in West Semitic contexts such as Ugarit,
where dgn *grain” was homophonous with the god Dagan. This is further
# Laroche, Ugaritica V, 524. For the Semitic and the Hurrian pantheons, see the previous proof that, for the Hurrians of north-western Syria, Kumarpi was equated
note.
with Dagan, although possibly only because of the rank which the two
® See the article by Fleming quoted in note 45. The texts from Munbaqa have been
published by W. Mayer, Tull Munbaqa - Ekalte, 11. Die Texte (Saarbriicken 2001) gods enjoyed in their respective pantheons®. It is only in appearance that
” 1. Wegner, Hurritische Opferlisien aus hethitischen Festbeschreibungen 11 (ChS 1/3-2;
Roma 2002) no. 89, 191-195 (the god-list is at pp. 56-57); all the major god-lists from the Hur-
rian texts are collected on pp 53-65.
® For Eblaite *Ha-(1)a-ba-du = Hebat, see A. Archi, Or 63 (1994) 249-252. On Aitabil in %t is possible that the two astral gods Kuzuh and Simegi, like the Hittite Moon- and Sun-
the Ebla texts: A. Archi, “The former History of Some Hurrian Gods”, in: S. Alp - A. Siiel gods, had received some features of their Akkadian counterparts. According to a Hittite hymn,
(ed.), Acts of the 3rd International Congress of Hittitology (Ankara 1998) 39-44; id., Or 66 which follows an unknown Akkadian model, the Sun-god was son of Sin and Ningal; see A. Ar-
(1997) 416-418. chi, in: Fs. H. Otten (Wiesbaden 1988) 30. . =
” A. Archi, *Formation of the West Hurrian Pantheon: The Case of Ehara”, in: Yener- ® On Niggal, see F. Imparati, 11 culto dell dea Ningal presso gli Ittiti”, in: Fs. P Meriggi |
Hoffner, Recent Developments 21-33 N (Pavia 1979) 293-324; V. Haas, Geschichie der hethitischen Religion (Leiden/New York/K6ln
® E. Laroche, “Tessub, Hebat et leur cour”, JCS 2 (1948) 113-136 (quotation from p. 133) 1994) 312 (on Nikkal and *ib in Ugarit, Hurrian and Hittite Umbu: an aspect of the moon), 375-
The study by W. G. Lambert, “The Mesopotamian Background of the Hurrian Pantheon”, RHA 377.
36 (1978) 129-134 is on these lines. = Cfr. also H. G. Giiterbock, RIA 6 (1980-1983) 326-327.
® E. Laroche, *Pantheon national et panthéons locaux chez les Hourrites”, Or 45 (1976) 94- ® According o the Hittite version of the song of the god LAMMA, the town of Kumarpi was
99 (quotation from p. 98) Tuttul; see Hoffner, Hittite Myths 44, § 7
 Alfonso Archi
Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/n15aBA, Halki 333
the Hurrian and Hittite documents appear to ignore Dagan: *NISABA was
the learned way of writing his name. The scribes of Hattusa received this iii 25'-28” (= StBoT 25 no. 113), equates Halki with the Hattian goddess
habit from
Kait (a feminine form), who receives the Hattian epithet hayamma (both
the scribal school of Halab: it is significant that in texts relat-
ing to the centres of castern Anatolia, this Sumerogram is not used. Since the terms are without the determinative for *god”): “When (the crown [?]
‘NisaBA meant *Grain”, the Hittite scribes had the option to use, instead prince) conjures Grain, the GuDU,,-priests says (in Hattian): ‘Hail to thee,
of this Sumerogram, Grain (Kait)! For mankind Grain, and among the gods a hayamma, a
the name of their deity of grain: Halki, disregarding
the fact that Yalki was a goddess and that her functions were different queen, (art thou)!*””?
from those of Kumarpi. This is another play on terms. The hieroglyphic The OH Kk1.LaM festival quotes Halki among deities of the house and
symbol for Kumarpi in the Yazilikaya sanctuary is an ear of wheat, not fertility: KBo 17.21(+) Obv. 40 (= StBoT 25 no. 19, OH; dupl. ABoT 5[+]
IV [1]. OH) (followed by Zilipuri; StBoT 28, 90 and 37); Izmir 1270(+) it
used elsewhere®.
9” (preceded by Telepinu; StBoT 28, 73); KBo 25.66 1I 6' (StBoT 28, 66).
Like Kumarpi, Dagan was not an agrarian god either. This god guar-
anteed the wealth of the land, not specifically agricultural activities”. The goddess had a MYNYSAMA.DINGIR* as a priestess: KBo 27.42 ii 51
Nor (StBoT 28, 58)". KBo 10.24 iv 21 (StBoT 28, 20) mentions the gate
did Dagan have an underworld character, even though he received the title
of bél pagré “Lord of the funerary offerings” at both Mari and Ugarit®. (aska-) of her temple (?)™.
We can rule out his having assumed chthonic characteristics at Ugarit as a The writing *NisaBa for Halki could have already been used in the
result of the equation Dagan Old Hittite period: KBo 17.30 + KBo 25.87 ii 12 (= StBoT 25 nos 72+87;
- grain. Certain male figures are portrayed in
Neo-Hittite funerary stelae bearing ears of wheat in their hands. This was OH ?)*: ...] NiSaBA VIII-SU 04-T4M-MA ir-ha-a[-an—zi. NISABA is men-
not the symbol of rebirth (a concept foreign to Near Eastern cultures), but tioned in the festival celebrated by the MNnin.piNGIR (CTH 649), KUB
means that the deceased acted well during his life, thus ensuring the pros- 51.52 Vs. 7'. Another manuscript about this festival, deriving from the
perity of his family, which is renewed generation after generation, like the Hattian traditions, mentions the temple of the goddess Halki, KUB 56.46 +
annual agricultural cycle®. Nor was Kumarpi merely a god of the Under- KUB 43.48: i 20'-21': Halkiyas E-ri tianzi *(the priests) place (the
world, loaves) in the temple of Halki””*; KBo 11.44 iv 2'-4': man MUNUSNIN.
although he was connected with this sphere. He belonged to the
“Primeval DINGIR-as N4 T *Halkiyas ar
Gods” in the god-lists of the treaties. According to an in-
cantation, a spring pours forth water that flows under the throne of Kumar- According to the Instructions for the g4zannu “the mayor (of Hattu-
pi and reaches sa)”, the temple of Halki was also a storehouse for cereals (undoubtedly
the head of the Sun-goddess of the Earth™.

7 E. Laroche, JCS 1 (1947) 192-193, 213, M. Forlanini, Z4 74 (1984) 245-266, has demon-
5) Halki//Kumarpi strated that the group of texts CTH 733 (to which KUB 28.75 belongs) concern rites for the gods
of the land of Zalpa by the Black Sea. B
Hittite halki means generally *grain”, in some cases, specifically ” For other phssages of the Empire period, see Kammenhuber, Studies Mikasa 154-155. For
the %5anca éNisapa, see KUB 58.60 1T 7' . =
“barley”, as its logogram SE”. An OH invocation (malt r), KUB 28.75 7 For the temple of Halki in texts whose original version could go back to the Old Hittite
period, see below, note 77.
7 See D. Groddek, AoF 23 (1996) 304.
% See F. Pecchioli Daddi, Ordn 26 (1987) 38-40.
¢ The sign for the relief Yazilikaya 40 is no 149, in: ” The temple of Halki is mentioned also in KBo 10.27 iv 15" (the text mentions the
(Paris 1960) 83. E. Masson, Le panthéon de Yazilikaya (ParisE. 1981) Laroche, Les hicroglyphes hittites
17, thought he saw the divine 3xm.pG; CTH 649), followed by 'Telepinu, *SUMUGAN and *Parga in I1. 16'-18'. Accor-
determinative above it. Doubts on this are expressed by H. G. Giiterbock, Les hiéroglyphes de ding to I. Singer, The Hittite K.LAM Festival 1 (3tBoT 27; Wiesbaden 1983) 28-29, this text
Yazilikaya: 4 propos d'un travail récent (Paris 1982) 9 and 32 could belong to the K1.LaM festival. The temple of Halki (written ‘NisaBA) at HattuSa is men-
® See the convincing reasoning in Feliu, The God Dagan 281-285, tioned also in ABoT 14(+) iii 21, dupl. VS NF 12.27 iii 8 (CTH 568); sce Singer, The Hittite
® Ibid. 305-306 KILAM Festival 1, 136, who would like to refer this passage to the x1.Lam festival. KUB 25.27
® D. Bonatz, Das syro-hethilische Grabdenkmal (Mainz 2000) 86-88, notes that two in- (CTH 629), which mentions the temple of Halki (\15a84) in ii 28'-29/, seems (o be also related
scriptions *nennen Getreide als reales Sinnbild fiir Wohlstand to the oracle inquiry of CTH 568; see Ph. H. 1. Houwink ten Cate, in: Fs. H. Otten (1988) 191-
Herrscher”. Add the passages quoted by J. D. Hawkins, Corpus ofundHieroglyphi gutes Regime unter einem
c Luwian Insorip- 194. KUB 25.27, as well as KBo 13.257 (in Rs.7 10' £ #usaBA) which concem a similar ceremo-
tions T (Berlin/New York) 59, under karuna- *granary”. ny, have been transliterated by Nakamura, nuntarriyasha-Fest 73-77. The temple of Halki is
” See H. Otten, ZA 54 (1961) 124-125, Il. 36-43. mentioned also in the oracular inquiry KUB 5.7 (CTH 574) Rs. 18: ma-a-an-za-kin NISABA
” See H. A. Hoffner, Alimenta Hethacorum (New Haven, Connecticut, 1974) 60-67, HWb uWHa-at-ti $A £ DINGIRD-S0) O-UL ku-it-ki TUKU.TUKU-u-an-za *If Halki in his temple is in
11 51:62. For the goddess Halki, see the study by A. Kammenhuber quoted above, in note 1 no way angry...”.
£ “Nisana is attested also in KBo 13.257 Rs. 10'
 Translation of Gods: Kumarpi, Enlil, Dagan/NISABA, Halki 335
334 Alfonso Archi

On the 6" day of the spring festival of the an.Tay.SUM, the hunting
not the only one in the capital). It would appear to have been located near
the *gate of the (water) drawing”, possibly the gate which provided access bag is brought into the temple of Halki (the manuscript KUB 30.39 + KBo
to the citadel (Biiyiikkale), KUB 26.9(+) i 17-18: *[Moreover,] two guaſrds 23.80 + KBo 24.112, to be dated to Mursili II or carlier, has in Vs. 25:
will stay] at the haniyas-[gat]e; [two guards] will [stay, further,] at the & "Halki, while the later KBo 10.20 [ 33-34 has: & dnisaBa). On the 11*
temple of Halki.””* day. the “burial of the preceding year” takes place in the *heSta, where
Halki is connected with other deities of fertility and of the house. In Halki receives offerings together with deities of prosperity as ‘Parga, ‘su-
the Telepinu myth (which goes back to the OH period) Halki is preceded MUCAN and *Telepinu, TBoT 3.1, 91-92%. The Hatti-Hittite rite and the se-
by the Parcae and followed by the genius of the growth, KUB 17.10 iii 30- quence of these gods shows that Halki is here the Hittite goddess *Grain”
32: *Papayas Ist wa GulSes MAIME Miyatanzipas "Telepinus ‘KAl According to the later outline of the festival (to be dated to Tuthaliya
*Hapantalliyas]®. An OH text, KUB 43.30 (= StBoT 25 no. 30) iii 5/-11', IV) VS NF 12.1 Rs. 13', the 29* day concerned the celebration for “smv
lists: annas taganzipas (Mother Earth) *Mezzullas *Halkis *IspanzaSepas (xxx) ®uTU *Yalki®. The earlier outline, KUB 30.39 1II 41, lists for the
(the genius of the Night) “Hilassis (the genius of the Gate) *Maliyas (a same day the celebration for Ea. This celebration, as well as that for Tes-
Zub of Halab (21* day), was introduced in Hattusa probably at the time of
goddess of vegetation) DINGIR piSenes (the Male gods)... A very late text
belonging to the same group (CTH 645), KBo 11.32 Vs. 31-36, has: ne- Suppiluliuma 1 and included in the an.Tay.3UM-festival no later than
pi(sſſſſ)aaſſ 4%J-as annas Ki-as (Mother Earth) %uTU-us *Mezzullas *NIN.URTA Mursili 1. The manuscripts of the 29® day use the writing ‘NISABA, by
(= Suwaliyat) ‘Halkis ‘sin-a$ GE;-zaSepa (the genius of the Night) GUNNI which Kumarpi (/Dagan) is meant, because the other gods are of Hurrian
Hilas§is DINGIR.LUMS-a8 *Malias...®. The god Suwaliyat precedes Halki origin. KUB 20.59 I 23'-26': %$—4, 1A.A DAM.KLNA, *£-4 DAM.KLNA %AG,
*i8aBa Mati *Hazzizzi; 28'-30': 54 DAM.KLNA ‘AG ‘NISABA ‘Mati
also in two parallel festivals, whose versions are to be dated to Tucbſiliya
MAH ‘Guisas. KBo 9.140 13, S'-7', 8'-10', 14'-15', 18'-20' has
IV: KBo 19.128 ii 8 and 45: ‘v £ GaL Suwaliyatti, *Halki, Miyatan- YHazzizzi
zipa. A similar festival, KBo 4.13 + KUB 10.82 (both belong to CTH 625) five times the sequence: %-4 DAM.KL.NA ‘AG 9NISABA, followed by other
has in several passages, ii 19”, iii 3', iv 1-2, 21-22, vi 17, 25-26: *Telepinu, gods (the text is fragmentary). KUB 58.43 T 2'-4'; *%-4 ®DAM.KI.NA ‘AG
*YHalki, *$UMUCAN®. Other lists includes Halki among elements of the tem- tsaBa Mati "Hazzizzi) *GulSes MA ("W*NAR VeHurri). KUB 51.79
ple (and of the house), KUB 58.6 + KUB 28.91 15'-20": *HaSammeli . Vs.! Il 15'-17': 1 DAM.KINA *AG *NISABA Mati *Hazzizzi [*lzzummi].
4%D.SIG; ... hassi (the fireplace) ... *Halki ... KAL-ri ... Bhattalwas GIS-i KBo 13.128 (+ KBo 45.25) IV 13'-14': %-4 DAM.KLNA ‘AG INISA[BA .
(the lockwood of the gate) ... has8i?. l
The ritual which “the lord of a house” celebrated for the Storm-god ther, the list: Storm-god of HigaShapa, Storm-god of Ankuwa, Kaitaha “the Queen” of An-
of the town Kuliwisna prescribes the preparation of dough in a vessel, with kuwa, Kar, Halki, Zinkuruwa, in KUB 419 (+) 10 iv 4'-6', at pp.44+76-77. iv 8': LuGAL~Sa hal-ki-as
%, G. Giiterbock, JNES 19 (1960) 81. See, further, KBo 20 wheh belongs (o those
which the bakers had to make breads. On presentation of the vessel, the [pdr-na pa-iz-2i . .] “The King [goes in the temple] of Grain”,in athetextAncient Near East (Wies-
“lord of the house” “drinks” first the goddess Halki; then, he libates to the same days; see D. Yoshida, in: T. Mikasa (ed.), Cult and Ritual
baden 1992) 132
Storm-god and Halki, KBo 15.33 + 35 ii 22/-31'% ® V. Haas - M. Wifler, UF 8 (1976) 94-95.
® Yalki is followed by the Moon-god (‘s7v) and the Genius ofHalki the night IipanzaSepa in a list
of Hittite deities, KBo 11.32 Vs. 31-36 (CTH 645), quoted above. follows the Moon-god in
" H Otten, Or 52 (1983) 136-137 and 141, For the haniyas gate, see HIVE: I11, 156. This a ritual which presents Hurrian elements, CTH 442. Despite the several Hurrian deities, Halki is
could be the West Cate, much changed i the Phrygian period in orderto build a way to well here the Hittite Grain-goddess, not Kumarpi. KUB 9.28 I 3'-9',-mu-us dupl. KBo 27.49, 4'-7'; JuTu-
perkapsexining
perhaps alreadyinth
existing already formerp period; see Þ Neve, Biiyilkkale,
in the former ripikkale, die die Bauwerke:
Bauwerke: Grabungen
Gr. -n us ¢ TuZKu(R-as KUR-aS | 21-1 DINGIR)]MS ne-pi-is te-e-kin [‘Te-
le-pi-miJ-us (2) *ex.2u (OHal-ki-is NN.E.GAL “Sun-deity, Storm-god, Storm-god of Heaven,
" E. Laroche, RHA 23 (1965) 95. the thousand gods of Earth, Heaven (an) Earth, [TelepinJu (?), Moon-god, Grain, the Lady of the
® Cir, Haas, Geschichre der hethitischen Religion 274, and 410-411 for Maliya. palace” l
® KBo 19.128 has been studied by H. Otten, Ein hethirisches Fegrrimual (StBoT 13; Wics- inisana mentioned in the Mitanni treaty of Suppiluliuma together with the Moon-god
baden 1971); see in particular the lists on p, 29. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion 478, should be also the Hittite Grain-goddes s, because of Telepinu and the Genius of the gate, ASka-
remarks that another it of detiesconceming prosperity, KUB 43.23 Rs, 48”-31, ha Telepinu < E. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien (Leipzig 1923) 30Ishara 1. 45-46, 50 L. 17-
ooff the egarden,
gucden,Maliya
Maltsthehe mathe
mother of wine and barleyey (GESTIN-as
(01811N-as halki(as)
halki(as ama-ni); ; see se V. Haas, 18: several Telepinus, Iitar nultarriþu, ASkatepa, N1sABA, Sin bel mamiii, Farrat mamiti
7 These texts have been studied by M. Popko - Þ. Taracha, AoF 15 (1988) $2-113. KUB
1994]*-21\225331\0, Zippalanda: Ein Kultzentrum im hethitischen Kleinasien (TH 21; Heidelberg 20.59 1: pp. $8-89; KBo 9.140 I: p. 96; KUB 58.43 I: p. 101; KUB is51-79 Vs.' IlL: p. 102; KBo
13.128 + KBo 45.25: p. 104. Parallel to these AN.TAB.SUM passages a-Fest KUB 58.45 + KUB 59.42
1. Glocker, Das Ritual fiir den Wettergott von Kuliwisna (Firenze 1997) 66-67; see, fur- i 21”: [#-4 DAm JKLNA ‘AG [‘NlisanA; See Nakamura, nuntarriyash 284.
 336 Alfonso Archi

The writing *NIsaBA stands, therefore, both for the goddess Halki and Ku-
marpi in the texts about the AN.TAH.SUM festival, which lasted, in its latest
version, 38 days.
The cult of Halki was also attested in several regions of Hatti. The
goddess appears in the texts relating to the reorganisation of the cults in 1l rituale di guarigione di Bappi
the region of Hatti, to be dated to Tuthaliya (CTH 431)
IV: KUB 38.12 iii 21 (town of
Karahna)%. An image of NIsaBa (that is: Halki) is described as *a statu-
ette of woman of sil[ver/go[ld”, KUB Giuseppe F. DEL MONTE
38.30 Rs. 3: NISAJBA ALAM MUNUS
KU.[BABBAR/GU[SKIN®. The writing NisaBA for *Halki is also used in two
other “inventory documents”, KUB 38.6 i 7' (“NISABA Panzas
*Par[gas ...); KUB 30.10 iv 21’ (% miyannas NISABA; *Pargas in 1. 19')”. 11 rituale magico qui presentato era stato gia parzialmente reso noto piti
di 40 anni fa con brani della seconda e terza colonna dal compianto Hans
Gustav Giiterbock, il quale fu attirato dai frequenti “luvismi”, all’epoca
Via Montevideo 2/A
spesso di non facile interpretazione, che il testo mostrava. E. Laroche inseri
1-00198 Roma
nel suo CTH (1971) Iunico frammento allora noto sotto il No. 431 «Rituel
de guérison - KUB XVII 21; louvismes», con la quale definizione ne sono
colti gli aspetti essenziali. Frammenti pubblicati successivamente, rivelando-
si duplicati di quello pin antico, hanno permesso di riconoscere il nome
della *autrice” del rituale, Bappi, sacerdotessa della dea Huwassanna, e pre-
cisare le cause e i sintomi della malattia da guarire, oltre che di ampliarne
notevolmente il testo, anche se gran parte del rituale continua ad essere
perduta. I cinque frammenti sino ad oggi a noi noti si distribuiscono in tre
esemplari, due dei quali (parzialmente duplicati, e quindi non parte della
stessa tavoletta) erano conservati negli Archivi del Tempio I, mentre il luo-
go di antica conservazione del terzo, in mancanza di ulteriori joins con pezzi
di provenienza nota, resta indeterminato. Ne diamo qui un catalogo aggior-
nato che si pone alla base della nostra edizione:
A. 748/z = KBo 29 11
Tempio I (K/19). Ro I 1-14 (fr.). // C 1 1-12.
B. Bo 2445 = KUB 17 12
Ro I 6'-28” (segni sull’intercolumnio), II 1-34 (fr.; 1-4 / C1I
11-13), Vo IIT 1'-26' (bd.).
Cf. H. G. Giiterbock, *Ritual fiir die Géttin Huwassana”, Oriens
15 (1962) 345-351.
C. Bo 1587 + Bo 5436 = KUB 54 34 + Bo 77/292 = KBo 29 192
Tempio I (K/20). Ro I 1-12 (fr.; 1-12 // A 1 1-12), IT 1-13 (fr;
11-13 / B II 1-4), Vo LI 1’-10" (bd.).
® See, for othe ges, J. Hazenbos, The Organization of the Anatolian Cults During the
Thirteenth Century B.C. (Leiden/Boston 2033) 331. Desideriamo offrire questa nuova, anche se ancora parziale ¢ sommaria,
® L. Jakob-Rost, MIO 9 (1963) 189 elaborazione di quanto resta del rituale di Bappi ad Onofrio Carruba, che tan-
® See L. Rost, MIO 8 (1962) 186, 196. On Parga, a deity fertility whose festival in the Old
Assyrian period was connected with the harvest time, see H. ofOtten in: Uluslararasi 1. Hititoloji to ha dato in tutta la sua vita alla sempre migliore comprensione della cultura
Kongresi Bildirileri (Ankara 1993) 34-42
anatolica del I e del [ millenio a.C., ed in particolare della sua componente