(Leipziger Altorientalische Studien, Band 9) Elyze Zomer - Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations-Harrassowitz Verlag (2018)
(Leipziger Altorientalische Studien, Band 9) Elyze Zomer - Corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian Incantations-Harrassowitz Verlag (2018)
Elyze Zomer
Harrassowitz
Leipziger Altorientalistische Studien
Herausgegeben von
Michael P. Streck
Band 9
2018
Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden
Elyze Zomer
2018
Harrassowitz Verlag . Wiesbaden
Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek
Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen
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ISSN 2193-4436
ISBN 978-3-447-11041-9
e-ISBN PDF 978-3-447-19635-2
Table of Contents
Table 43: Texts with Incantations from Nippur–Vicinity Shatt en-Nil ....................................................... 44
Table 44: Texts with Incantations from Nippur– Area WB Unstratified .................................................... 44
Table 45: Texts with Incantations from Nippur–Provenience Unknown .................................................... 44
Table 46: Texts with Incantations from Uruk–Eanna ................................................................................. 45
Table 47: Texts with Incantations from Ur–The Great Nanna Courtyard ................................................... 45
Table 48: Texts with Incantations Provenience Uncertain–Assyria ............................................................ 45
Table 49: Texts with Incantations Provenience Uncertain–Babylonia ........................................................ 46
Table 50: Texts with Incantations Provenience Unclear ............................................................................. 46
Table 51: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Büyükkale A .................................................................. 47
Table 52: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Büyükkale B ................................................................... 48
Table 53: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Büyükkale C................................................................... 49
Table 54: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Büyükkale D .................................................................. 49
Table 55: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Büyükkale E ................................................................... 50
Table 56: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Büyükkale K .................................................................. 50
Table 57: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Büyükkale M .................................................................. 50
Table 58: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Haus am Hang................................................................ 51
Table 59: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Temple I ......................................................................... 52
Table 60: Texts with Incantations from Ḫattuša–Provenience Uncertain ................................................... 52
Table 61: Texts with Incantations from Karkemish .................................................................................... 53
Table 62: Texts with Incantations from Alalaḫ–Small Library in the Palace .............................................. 54
Table 63: Texts with Incantations from Emar–‘Temple’ M1 ...................................................................... 54
Table 64: Tablets from Emar–Provenience Unknown ................................................................................ 55
Table 65: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit–Royal Palace..................................................................... 55
Table 66: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit– The House of Rapʾānu..................................................... 56
Table 67: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit–Archive of the ‘Lettré’...................................................... 56
Table 68: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit–House of Urtenu ............................................................... 57
Table 69: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit–Library of the Lamaštu Tablets ........................................ 57
Table 70: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit– Graeco-Persian Sarcophagus ........................................... 58
Table 71: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit–Vicinity Tomb IV Acropole ............................................. 58
Table 72: Texts with Incantations from Akhetaten ..................................................................................... 59
Table 73: Texts with Incantations from Susa .............................................................................................. 59
Table 74: Texts with Incantations from Dūr-Untaš ..................................................................................... 59
Table 75: MB/MA Incantations concerning Birth and Labor...................................................................... 89
Table 76: MB/MA Incantations concerning Bones ..................................................................................... 90
Table 77: MB/MA Incantations concerning Collapse ................................................................................. 90
Table 78: MB/MA Incantations concerning Depression ............................................................................. 90
Table 79: MB/MA Incantations concerning Diarrhoea ............................................................................... 91
Table 80: MB/MA Incantations concerning Eye-ache ................................................................................ 91
Table 81: MB/MA Incantations concerning Fever: išātu ............................................................................ 91
Table 82: MB/MA Incantations concerning Fever: liʾbu-disease................................................................ 92
Table 83: MB/MA Incantations concerning Gall ........................................................................................ 92
Table 84: MB/MA Incantations concerning Gastrointestinal Disease......................................................... 92
Table 85: MB/MA Incantations concerning Headache ............................................................................... 93
Table 86: MB/MA Incantations concerning Impotence and Sexual Desire ................................................ 93
Table 87: MB/MA Incantations concerning kat-ta-ri-túm (ka-ra-ra-tum) .................................................. 93
Table 88: MB/MA Incantations concerning maškadu ................................................................................. 94
Table 89: MB/MA Incantations concerning sāmānu .................................................................................. 94
Table 90: MB/MA Incantations concerning šimmatu ................................................................................. 94
Table 91: MB/MA Incantations concerning Vomiting................................................................................ 95
Figures IX
The present monograph is a reworked version of my dissertation submitted for the degree of
Doctor Philosophiae at the University of Leipzig in 2016. The research described therein was
conducted under the supervision of Michael Streck (Leipzig) and Nathan Wasserman
(Jerusalem), between September 2012 and November 2016. My sincere gratitude to both.
The International Association of Assyriology (IAA) kindly awarded me the IAA-prize
for Cuneiform Studies in 2016 which enabled me to make further essential collations at the
University Museum of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia) in March 2017. I am also grateful to
Philip Jones and Grant Frame of the University Museum, Markus Hilgert of the Vorder-
asiatisches Museum (Berlin) and Manfred Krebenik of the Hilprecht Collection (Jena) for
their permission to collate and copy their cuneiform collections and publish the results in the
present monograph.
Furthermore, I would like to thank Manfried Dietrich for sharing photos of the Alalả-
material, Jonathan Tenney for making material from the database of the Middle Babylonian
Research Group accessible, Wolfgang Schramm for sending me his unpublished manuscript
on the series Á.sàg.gig and Alan níg.sag.íl.la, Andrew George for providing his concordances
prior to the publication of CUSAS 32, Frans Wiggermann for his notes on Ardat lilî, and
Frank Simons for sharing his insights on the reconstruction of Šurpu and for humoruous
discussions.
I would like to express my particular gratitude to Henry Stadhouders, Annie Attia, Nathan
Wasserman, Michael Streck, Irving Finkel, Nils Heeßel and the Marburger Cuneiforum who
offered constructive and insightful comments during the revision process.
My deepest thanks, and apologies, to Jascha for his loving support and patience during the
last few years, who never failed to remind me of the small magical things in daily life.
Elyze Zomer
Marburg 2017
Abbreviations
Dragons, Monsters and J.G. Westenholz, Dragons, Monsters and Fabulous Beasts, Jerusalem
2004
Fabulous Beasts
DT Museum siglum for British Museum, London (Daily Telegraph)
EA J. A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna-Tafeln, Leipzig 1915
Emar D. Arnaud, Recherches au pays d'Astata: Emar 6/1-4, Textes
sumeriens et accadiens, Paris 1986
Essays Finkelstein M. de Jong Ellis (ed.), Essays on the Ancient Near East in Memory of
J.J. Finkelstein, Hamden 1977
FAOS Freiburger Altorientalische Studien
FM Florilegium Marianum
Fs. Boehmer U. Finkbeiner / R. Dittmann / H. Hauptmann (eds.), Beiträge zur
Kulturgeschichte Vorderasiens: Festschrift für Rainer Michael
Boehmer, Mainz 1995
Fs. Borger S.M. Maul (ed.), Festschift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag
am 24. Mai 1994: tikip santakki mala bašmu ...(= CM 10, 1998)
Fs. De Meyer H. Gasche / M. Tanret / C. Janssen / A. Degraeve (eds.), Cinquante-
deux réflexions sur le Proche-Orient ancien: offertes en hommage à
Léon De Meyer (= MHEO 2, 1994)
Fs. Falkenstein D. O. Edzard (ed.), Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient: Adam
Falkenstein zum 17. September 1966 (= HSAO 1, 1967)
Fs. Groneberg D. Shehata / F. Weiserhäuser / K. Zand (eds.), Von Göttern und
Menschen: Beiträge zu Literatur und Geschichte des Alten Orients:
Festschrift für Brigitte Groneberg (= CM 41, 2010)
Fs. Hilprecht Hilprecht Anniversary Volume: Studies in Assyriology and
Archaeology Dedicated to Hermann V. Hilprecht upon the Twenty-
Fifth Anniversary of his Doctorate and his Fiftieth Birthday (July 28)
by his Colleagues, Friends and Admirers, Leipzig 1909
Fs. Larsen J.G. Dercksen (ed.), Assyria and Beyond: studies presented to Mogens
Trolle Larsen (= PIHANS 100, 2004)
Fs. Limet Ö. Tunca/D. Deheselle (ed.), Tablettes et images aux pays de Sumer et
d’Akkad: mélanges offerts à Monsieur H. Limet (= Mémoires de
l’APHAO 1, 1996)
Fs. Pope J.H. Marks /R.B. Good (eds.), Love & Death in
the Ancient Near East, Guilford 1987
Fs. Röllig B. Pongratz-Leisten / H. Kühne / P. Xella (eds.), Ana šadî Labnāni lū
allik: Beiträge zu altorientalischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen:
Festschrift für Wolfgang Röllig (= AOAT 247, 1997)
Fs. Stol R.J. van der Spek (ed.), Studies in Ancient Near Eastern World View
and Society. Presented to Marten Stol on the occasion of his 65th
birthday, Bethesda 2008
Fs. Szaryńska J. Braun / K. Łyczkowska / M. Popko / P. Steinkeller, Written on Clay
and Stone. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Krystyna
Szaryńska on the Occasion of her 80th Birthday, Warsaw 1998
Fs. Wilcke W. Sallaberger / K. Volk / A. Zgoll, Literatur, Politik und Recht in
Mesopotamien. Festschrift für Claus Wilcke (= OBC 14, 2003)
GAG W. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik (= AnOr 33,
1952)
GMTR Guides to the Mesopotamian Textual Record
H Field number, excavations at Tell-Haddad
HES Heidelberger Emesal Studien
XVIII Abbreviations
Peiser Urkunden F.E. Peiser, Urkunden aus der Zeit der dritten babylonischen
Dynastie, Berlin, 1905
PIHANS Publications de l'Institut historique-archéologique néerlandais de
Stamboul
PRAK H. de Genouillac, Premieres recherches archeologiques a Kich, Paris
1925
Priests and Officials K. Watanabe (ed.), Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East,
Heidelberg, 1999
Proverbs of Ancient Sumer B. Alster, Proverbs of Ancient Sumer: The World Earliest Proverb
Collections, Bethesda, 1997
RA Revue d'Assyriologie et d'Archéologie Orientale
RGTC Répertoire géographique des textes cunéiformes
RlA Reallexikon der Assyriologie (und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie)
Rm Museum siglum of the British Museum
RMO Rijksmuseum van Oudheiden, Leiden
RS Museum siglum of the Louvre and Damascus (Ras Shamra)
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali
SAA State Archives of Assyria
SAACT State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts
SAALT State Archives of Assyria Literary Texts
SAAS State Archives of Assyria Studies
SANE Sources of the Ancient Near East
SANER Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records
SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization
SEL Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici sul Vicino Oriente Antico
SF A. Deimel, Schultexte aus Fara (= WVDOG 43), Berlin, 1923
Si Field numbers of tablets excavated at Sippar in the collections of the
Archaeological Museums
SLTN S. Kramer, Sumerian Literary Texts from Nippur in the Museum of the
Ancient Orient at Istanbul (= AASOR 23, 1944)
Sm. Museum siglum of the British Museum in London
SMEA Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici
SpTU Spätbabylonische Texte aus Uruk
SCCNH Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians
StBoT Studien zu den Bogazköy-Texten
StOr Studia Orientalia
St. Pohl Studia Pohl
STT O. Gurney/J. Finkelstein, The Sultantepe Tablets, I/II, London,
1957/1964
Studies Lambert A.R. George/I.L. Finkel (eds.), Wisdom, Gods and Literature. Studies
in Assyriology in Honour of W.G. Lambert, Winona Lake 2000
Studies Jacobsen T. Abusch (ed.), Riches Hidden in Secret Places. Ancient Near
Eastern Studies in Memory of T. Jacobsen, Winona Lake 2002
Studies Sachs E. Leichty/M. deJ. Ellis/P. Gerardi (eds.), A Scientific Humanist:
Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs (= OPKF 9, 1988)
STVC E. Chiera, Sumerian Texts of Varied Contents (= OlP 16, 1934)
Su Field numbers of tablets excavated at Sultantepe
Sumer Sumer. Journal of Archaeology and History in Iraq
Syria Syria. Revue d'art oriental et d'archéologie
TBC Texts from the Babylonian Collection
TCL Textes cunéiformes, Musées du Louvre
TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources
Abbreviations XXI
Tell el Amarna W.M. Flinders Petrie, Tell el Amarna. With chapters by A.H. Sayce /
F.Ll. Grifftith / F.C.J. Spurrel. Londen, 1894 (reprint 1974)
THeth Texte der Hethiter
TIM Texts in the Iraq Museum
TMH Texte und Materialien der Frau Professor Hilprecht Collection. Jena
Travels and Researches W.K. Loftus, Travels and Researches in Chaldea and Susiana,
in Chaldea and Susiana New York 1857
TSO Texte und Studien zur Orientalistik
TSŠ R. Jestin, Tablettes sumériennes de Šuruppak conservées au Musée de
Stamboul, Paris 1937
TUAT Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments
UHF M.J. Geller, Forerunners to Udug-hul (= FAOS 12 1985)
UE Ur Excavations. Publications of the Joint Expedition of the British
Museum and the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania to
Mesopotamia
UET Ur Excavations. Texts
UF Ugarit-Forschungen
UFBG Untersuchungen zur Formensprache der babylonischen
“Gebetsbeschwörungen” (= St. Pohl 5, 1976)
Ugaritica Ugaritica. Mission de Ras Shamra
UIOM Tablets in the collections of the Univ. of Illinois Oriental Museum
UM Tablet siglum of the University Museum, Philadelphia
UVB Vorläufiger Bericht über die . . . Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka
VA Museum siglum of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
(Vorderasiatische Abteilung, Ass. = Aššur)
VAT Museum siglum of the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
VS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der (Königlichen) Museen zu
Berlin
W Field numbers of tablets excavated at Warka
WAW Writings from the Ancient World
WdO Die Welt des Orients
WOO Wiener Offene Orientalistik
WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-
Gesellschaft
YBC Tablet siglum, Yale Babylonian Collection
YOS Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts
ZA Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und verwandte Gebiete
Conventions
Divisions, i.e. columns, on individual tablets are indicated by lowercase Roman numerals,
e.g. NN: iv 3 designates the third line of the fourth column in a particular text. In case of a
multiple-sided prism, individual sides are designated with capital A, B, etc. When referring
to series of tablets, I use capitalized Roman numerals to indicate a particular tablet of the
series, e.g. Maqlû II indicates the second tablet of the Maqlû-series. When the beginning of
a tablet has not been preserved, I follow the conventional practice of marking the first line
with 1’.
When an incantation is physically separated by horizontal or vertical ruling on the tablet,
it is indicated accordingly in the transliteration. Incantations found among ritual agenda or
medical prescriptions are marked as such, e.g. (ritual instructions) is inserted accordingly
when an incantation is preceeded or followed by ritual instructions.
All individual incantations are named after their primary publication of the tablet (copy
or photo). When a tablet is unpublished, museum or excavation siglum is used instead, e.g.
VAT 13226. When multiple incantations occur on the same tablet, they are indicated by a, b,
c, etc, e.g. KBo 1, 18a, KBo 1, 18b etc. The same system is followed for the Catalogue of
Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian incantations.
If a tablet is published in photo in the CDLI-database only, it is listed under primary
publication after the corresponding CDLI number, e.g. CDLI no. P268915, in the various
tables occurring in this study, but in the main discussion it is referred to by its museum
siglum, i.e. CBS 13905. When there is no separate column for sigla in a table, the museum
siglum is found in parentheses after the CDLI-number, e.g. CDLI no. P268915 (CBS 13905).
This is to prevent confusion for the reader, who may only know the tablet by its sigil. The
same goes when a tablet is published in the present study for the first time, e.g. VAT 13226
is designated as pl. I–III under primary publication, but is referred to as VAT 13226 in the
general discussion.
No difference is made in the present study between <g> and <ĝ> in the transliteration or
transcription of texts in the Sumerian language. The antique rubrics frequently found at the
beginning or end of an incantation are consistently written in capitals, e.g. ÉN and
KA.INIM.MA, and serve as visual markers as well in the modern transliteration and
translation.
XXIV Conventions
Further Conventions
Transliteration:
a-lak-ti li-mad Texts in italics are Akkadian
DUMUmeš Texts in capitals are Sumerograms, while small written syllables in
superscript mark determinatives
me.šè ba.da.ri Texts in lowercase but not in italics are unilingual Sumerian passages
BAR/MAŠ Slash indicates alternative possibilities
šal-bir giš la ki When the exact reading is uncertain in Akkadian passages, signs are
rendered in lowercase separately
kur ḪU ⸢x⌉ When the exact reading is uncertain in Sumerian passages, signs are
rendered in capitals
a-a ‹i›-tur Signs omitted by ancient scribes are indicated by angle brackets
ḫi-li «li» il-pu-ut Signs erroneously inserted by the ancient scribes, i.e. dittography, are
indicated by double angle brackets
{x} Indicates an erasure
// Indicates use of Glossenkeile
ḪUR?.SAG? A question mark in superscript indicates an uncertain reading
aq!(IQ)-qur An exclamation mark in superscript indicates erroneous use of a sign
al-lu-ḫap-p[u] Square brackets are used to indicate damaged signs
⸢x⌉ Indicates that there are some traces of a sign, which cannot be
indentified due to damage
[(x)] Indicates that there is possible place for an extra sign
[…] Ellipsis marks a lacuna of an uncertain number of signs
// Duplicate
~ Partial duplicate
≈ Forerunner to later series
° Only incipit cited
# Cited as external incantation in ritual tablet of later series
Chapter 1: Introduction
1 According to von Soden 1957–1971, the terminus derives originally from Benno Landsberger.
2 For an extended bibliography, s. Lenzi 2011, 24. A discussion of the genre of Sumerian incantation-hymns
coined as širnamšub(ba), s. M.E. Cohen 1975.
3 In the First Millennium a typical feature of incantation-prayers is the use of the terminus ŠU.ÍL.LA(2)
“lifting the hand” in the colophon. Note that in the present corpus this terminus is not attested. For a
discussion of ŠU.ÍL.LA(2), s. Frechette 2012. A study of the Emesal šuʾilla-prayers is forthcoming by D.
Shibata.
4 Oshima 2011, 8.
5 Exceptions being recitanda in rituals which are clearly introduced as prayers, e.g. the Middle Assyrian
ritual in the Bīt ēqi (KAR 139), where recitanda are specifically introduced with i-kar-rab (l. 10) and i-
kar-rab-šu (l. r. 2’).
2 Chapter 1: Introduction
6 Fundamental work on the analysis of Mesopotamian incantations was conducted by Falkenstein in 1931.
He distinguished four types among the Sumerian incantations: I. Legitimationtyp, II. Prophylaktischer
Typ, III. Marduk-Ea-Typ, and IV. Weihungstyp.
7 Further discussion of the sub-genre of Kultmittelbeschwörungen can be found in Jacobsen 1946, 130–
135; Mayer 1976, 432–435 (Kultmittelgebete); Krebernik 1984, 94–104; Michalowski 1993, 152–161;
Abusch 2003, 2–4; Rudik 2015, 63–66. As for a discussion of cultic objects, s. Selz 1997.
8 This study follows the Middle Chronology.
Previous Scholarship 3
ḪattuŠa
Karkemish Nineveh
Alalaḫ
Kalḫu
Emar AŠŠur
Ugarit
Dūr-
Kurigalzu
Sippar
Susa / Dūr-UntaŠ
Babylon
Nippur
Uruk
Ur
Akhetaten
9 Poor excavation results in Babylonia for this period led this corpus of incantations often being
underestimated, e.g. Lambert 1965, 283; idem 2006, 237; Collins 1999, 18; Farber 2014, 9.
10 Nathan Wasserman in the LAOS-series is undertaking a comprehensive study of the corpus of Old
Babylonian and Old Assyrian incantations. Preliminary results of this study can be found in the online-
database Sources of Early Akkadian Literature (SEAL), by M.P. Streck and N. Wasserman.
11 For a discussion of the forerunners to the later series and compendia of the Second Millennium, s. § 6.3.
12 Unpublished PhD-thesis from the University of Birmingham; manuscript was accessed by present author
in NINO-library, Leiden.
4 Chapter 1: Introduction
Lamaštu by Farber (2014); Maqlû by Meier (1967); Abusch (2016) and Schwemer (2017);
Mīs pî by Walker/Dick (2001); Muššuʾu by Böck (2007); Namburbis by Maul (1994); Sag.gig
by Linton (1970); 13 Šà.zi.ga by Biggs (1967); Schramm Compendium by Schramm (2008);
Šurpu by Reiner (1970) and Borger (2000); 14 Udug.ḫul by Geller (2016); 15 zi-pà collections
by Ebeling (1953); 16 Zì.sur.ra (= sag.ba sag.ba) by Schramm (2001); Zú buru5 dab.bé.da by
George (1999) and George/Taniguchi (2010).
Relevant studies on specific thematic groups of incantations in various periods, e.g. Cow-
of-Sîn by Veldhuis (1999); medical incantations by Collins (1999); ghosts by Farber (1977) 17
and Scurlock (2003); incantation-prayers by Mayer (1976); witchcraft by Schwemer (2007a);
Abusch/Schwemer (2011; 2016) and Zomer (2017a).
The most important editions and discussions regarding the present corpus for Aššur are:
Schwemer (2007c) and Maul/Strauß (2011); 18 for Ḫattuša: Cooper (1971; 1972); Schwemer
(1998); Viano (2016); for Ugarit: Nougayrol (1968; 1969); Arnaud (2007) and Rowe (2014).
Introductions on the use and theory of magic in the Mesopotamian culture are offered by
Bottéro (1987–1990), van Binsbergen/Wiggermann (1999); Heeßel (2015) and Schwemer
(2015b).
13 Unpublished M.A.-thesis from the University of Birmingham; manuscript was accessed by present author
in NINO-library, Leiden.
14 A new edition is planned by F. Simons.
15 Note additionally Geller 1985 on the manuscripts before the First Millennium and Geller 2007a, which is
a preliminary work on the series of the First Millennium.
16 Coined by Ebeling Gattung I–IV; note that Gattung IV was later identified by Finkel 1976 as the series
Ḫul.ba.zi.zi.
17 Farber’s edition concentrates solely on the Beschwörungsrituale Ištar und Dumuzi, which are essentially
against the effects of a ghost-induced illness.
18 With contributions by D. Schwemer.
19 The fluent transition between the Late Old Babylonian and Early Middle Babylonian period results in
some texts considered Late Old Babylonian entering the present corpus. Borderline cases between Late
Middle Assyrian and Early Neo-Assyrian are also included in the present corpus.
20 E.g. the Akkadian recitanda in the Hittite Babilili-ritual (CTH 718); in the Hittite ritual to appease an
angry deity (KUB 4, 47//KBo 45, 193 = CTH 432); among Hittite medical prescriptions (KBo 21, 20).
Scope of Research 5
21 A preliminary catalogue has been offered by the author in the online-database Sources of Early Akkadian
Literature (SEAL) under supervision of M.P. Streck and N. Wasserman.
Chapter 2: Physical Properties of Tablets Containing Incantations
22 DÙ.DÙ.BI: VAT 13226; KÌD.KÌD.BI: Emar 735; KAR 297+256(+)127; Unknown rubric: CM 31, 241;
KAR 246.
23 I.e. AlT 453(+)453a; CUSAS 30, 448; Fs. Wilcke, 190f.; KUB 4, 11; LKA 75; MC 17, 443ff; OrAnt 8, pl.
XI/XIII; TCL 16, 79+PBS 12, 25; Ugaritica 5, 19; Ugaritica 7, pl. I; ZA 91, 244.
Classification of Texts 7
Incantation Collectives
Tablets can contain a collection of various incantations, here coined incantation collectives.
Incantations are divided by single ruling and may have individual accompanying ritual
actions/agenda, again introduced by a rubric, 26 which in turn can be separated from its pre-
ceding incantation by a ruling. 27 Incantation collectives can have a shared theme, e.g.
Lamaštu (AuOr Suppl. 23, 18), Udug.ḫul (KUB 4, 16; Emar 729; Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24;
FAOS 12, pl. 5–6), but sometimes it is not clear to the modern reader why certain incantations
are grouped together; most likely for educational purposes, e.g. AS 16, 287f. Collectives
containing forerunners to the later series assume an important position with regard to the
transition of incantations into the later standardized series of the First Millennium, as will be
discussed in § 6.3.
24 Identified by Lutz 1919, 129 as Neo-Babylonian, Ebeling 1953b, 358 renders it Middle Babylonian,
Lambert 2002, 204 and Peterson 2009b, 34 suggest Late Old Babylonian. The ductus of the tablet indicate
a Late OB or Early MB dating, hence it is included in the present corpus.
25 Uncertain whether it contains one or two incantations, s. Lambert 2002, 204.
26 KÌD.KÌD.BI: AS 16, 287f.; KUB 4, 24; ZA 102, 211, s. § 2.4. Note KAR 226 and KUB 4, 13, which have
no preserved rubric introducing the ritual agenda.
27 Note AS 16, 287f. and KUB 4, 24 where ritual agenda are not separated by a ruling.
8 Chapter 2: Physical Properties of Tablets
28 Tablet was previously recognized and identified as Old Babylonian by Peterson 2013, 2 and was later
changed to Middle Babylonian by Peterson 2016, 265, pace Geller 2016, 89 who tentatively dates it to
the First Millennium, but does not offer a copy.
29 Previously Emar 730 (Msk 74102o) join by E. Zomer to Emar 729, concerns specifically the incantation
Emar 729c: 32–35.
30 Geller 1985, 7f. is heavily inclined to date this tablet to the Middle Babylonian period. Note however, that
without reason he coins the manuscript Old Babylonian in Geller 2016, 13.
Classification of Texts 9
31 Rarely, we find an indication of classification by the ancient scribe for an (incantation) ritual tablet, i.e.
[x x] ⌈x⌉ [x (x)] ⌈x⌉ né-pe-še ša ŠU kiš-pi “… ritual actions against the ‘hand’ of witchcraft” (BAM 3,
214). Observe that tablet KBo 36, 29 has a comparable designation: 1 t[u]p-pí né-pé-še NU AL.TIL “one
tablet with ritual actions, not finished”. The terminus nēpešu refers here to the multiple medical rituals
collected in KBo 36, 29. KBo 36, 29 and its duplicates, i.e. (partial) KBo 9, 50; KBo 40, 104 and KUB 37,
96+93, form a sub-group containing collections of various extensive medical rituals that were most likely
used on therapeutic tablets.
32 E.g. ÉN or ÉN.É.NU.RU, s. § 2.4.
33 I.e. BAM 4, 339; KAR 91; LKA 116.
10 Chapter 2: Physical Properties of Tablets
34 Alternatively, a tablet may start with a purpose clause, e.g. ana pišerti kišpī “for undoing witchcraft”; or
with an infinitive clause ana ṣibit liʾbi šadê nasāḫim “to remove the seizure of the liʾbu-(disease) of the
mountain” (KUB 29, 58+).
35 S. Abusch/Schwemer 2011, 8. Note that the incantation ritual BAM 3, 214 has the ideal opening of a
therapeutic tablet, but appears to be a single ritual against the effects of witchcraft, without any
prescriptions or final prognosis.
36 KÌD.KÌD.BI: AuOr Suppl. 23, 16; AuOr Suppl. 23, 25; AuOr Suppl. 23, 26; AuOr Suppl. 23, 27; BAM 4,
398; KBo 36, 29.
Classification of Texts 11
Uncertain
Cuneiform tablets are often broken and partially preserved which makes it difficult to
designate a specific compositional organization. A few fragments have (traces of) accom-
panying ritual instructions with KÌD.KÌD.BI 43 or DÙ.DÙ.BI. 44
45 Similar approaches have been conducted for other genres in cuneiform literature, e.g. Gesche 2001, 44–
53; Robson 2008a, 99f.
14 Chapter 2: Physical Properties of Tablets
Babylonian and Middle Assyrian incantations are found on various other textual formats. The
following formats of texts containing incantations exist for the present corpus, i.e. regular
clay tablets (157), which can be sub-divided into single-column (portrait-oriented, landscape-
oriented, and square) versus multi-column tablets, amulets (15), cylinder seals (10), prisms
(1) and cylinders (1).
Tablets
The format of clay tablets (157) on which incantations are found can be divided into single-
column tablets (36), multi-column tablets (54) and fragmentary (67).
Single-Column Tablets
The single-column tablets (36) can in turn be divided into portrait-oriented (29), landscape-
oriented (6), and square (1) tablets.
Portrait-Oriented
Following Wasserman’s (2014, 52) classification of the shape of Old Babylonian tablets
containing incantations, tablets whose plotted ratio, when complete, falls beween 1 and 2,
can be designated as portrait-oriented tablets as opposed to elongated tablets which have a
ratio of ≥ 2. No convincing examples exist for the latter in the present corpus. Among the
portrait-oriented tablets, we can distinguish large tablets (≥ 100 mm in length) and small
tablets (< 100 mm in length). The large tablets are clearly for reference use, whereas the small
tablets may originally have had a practical function. 46
46 Note that according to Wasserman’s 2014, 56 working hypothesis, such tablets ideally do not contain
accompanying ritual agenda, for further discussion § 4.6. This is the case for Ugaritica 7, pl. I. Note
additionally the ritual agenda in the incantation collective ZA 102, 211 introduced by KÌD.KÌD.BI.
Classification of Text Formats 15
Landscape-Oriented
Tablets having a ratio of < 1 can be regarded as landscape-oriented tablets, which can further
be broken down, when complete, in large tablets (≥ 60 mm in length) and small tablets (< 60
mm in length). Similar to the portrait-oriented tablets, the large tablets can be regarded as
reference works whereas the small ones were most likely excerpts and for practical use. 47
Square
Tablets having a ratio of circa 1 can be designated as square tablets, of which we find only
one certain example within the present corpus. As is the case with small portrait- and
landscape-oriented tablets, small square tablets may have been of practical use. 48
Multi-Column Tablets
The tendency to write incantations on multi-column tablets already existed extensively for
the Old Babylonian period, 49 but apparently only for Sumerian incantations, of which the
textual arrangement is either a single incantation text or an incantation collective. 50 For the
Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian incantations we find an explosive growth of
47 Note that VAT 13226 and CUSAS 30, 448 have accompanying ritual agenda introduced by DÙ.DÙ.BI/
KÌD.KÌD.BI.
48 It should be noted that following Wasserman’s theory Ugaritica 5, 19 does not have accompanying ritual
agenda.
49 Multi-column tablets containing incantations can be traced back as early as the Third Millennium, e.g.
TMH 6, 11 (HS 1600) and YOS 11, 58 (NBC 11289).
50 Examples are CUSAS 32, 6 (MS 3098) collection Kultmittelbeschwörungen; CUSAS 32, 13 (MS 3100)
collection against Namtar; OrAnt 8, pl. II–VIII (CBS 563) incantation-prayer to Utu.
Classification of Text Formats 17
Fragmentary
As is the case with many corpora of cuneiform tablets, the majority of tablets are too damaged
and fragmentary to identify their original tablet format.
Amulets
Amulets are primarily rectangular T-shaped (i.e. with handle) tablets. 51 Amulet-shaped 52
tablets, also known as tabula ansata, can be made out of clay, stone or metal and are not
restricted to containing incantations. 53 Classifying amulets dating to the Middle Babylonian
or Middle Assyrian period is extremely difficult, both for palaeographic reasons and because
most of them derive from the antiquity market. Most MB/MA amulets containing
incantations are concerned with Lamaštu 54 and bear a depiction of the demoness on the
obverse of the amulet, the reverse consistently contains (an abbreviated phrase of) Lamaštu
51 All Lamaštu amulets listed in Table 15 dating to the Late Bronze Age are T-shaped. Note, the Lamaštu
amulets dating to the Bronze Age in general in Table 16, that (12); (15); (16); (17); (18); (22); (25); (35);
(39); (43); (69); (78); (90); (91); (92); (94); (95) can certainly be identified as T-shaped. Both amulets
listed in Table 17 are rectangular, not T-shaped.
52 Heeßel 2014, 57 fn. 13.
53 E.g. the Middle Assyrian juridical text BM 103395, published by Panayotov/Llop 2013. For other
examples, s. Maul 1994, 176 n. 174–175. A very interesting example often neglected by scholars is the
MA Coronation Ritual (VAT 9583+) found on an amulet-shaped tablet, s. Panayotov 2015b with previous
literature. According to Panayotov, VAT 9978 is left intentionally unpierced and was supposedly
displayed during the practice of the ritual itself. Note that this ritual includes recitanda, but none of it can
be identified as an incantation.
54 The Lamaštu amulets are traditionally referred to by their number; note that there is no specific logic
behind the numeration, which is simply followed and continued by all scholars, i.e. Thureau-Dangin 1921
catalogued amulets (1–18); Klengel 1960 and 1963 amulets (1–50); Farber 1980–83 amulets (51–63);
Wiggermann 1992 amulets (64–67); Farber 1989b amulets (68–70); Farber 1997a and 1998 amulets (71–
78); Green 1997 amulet (79), the auction catalogues of Sotheby’s 1997 amulets (80–83) and Christie’s
1995 amulet (84); Beek 1964-5 and Wiggermann 2000 fig. 1 amulet (85); Götting 2011 adds amulets (86–
87); and most recently Farber 2014, 30 amulets (88-96). Note that various amulets are still unnumbered,
e.g. CUSAS 32, 62, Dragons, Monsters and Fabulous Beasts, 93 no. 49, Ḫulbazizi pl. 45, pl. 52 and pl.
53, and “An” in Farber 2014, 49.
Classification of Text Formats 21
II/e: ÉN ddìm.me dumu an.na mu pà.da dingir.re.e.ne.ke4 of the later series. 55 Iconographic
qualification dating the Lamaštu amulets to the Bronze Age (Table 16) or more specifically
to the Late Bronze Age (Table 15) depends heavily on the essay of Wiggermann (2000, 219–
224). 56 The two amulets in Table 17 are not concerned with Lamaštu and are difficult to date
for palaeographic reasons, but are here considered to date to the Late Bronze Age period. 57
Amulets containing incantations served as apotropaic texts and were usually hung in a
domestic context 58; the smaller ones were worn around the neck 59, protecting their owner
from a host of demons, diseases and calamities. For this reason, the amulet-shaped tablets
and cylinder seals (see below) containing incantations give us valuable insight into the social
setting of incantations in the daily life of the Mesopotamians, s. § 4.6.
55 Interestingly, starting in the First Millennium the incantations ša maldi eršīya ētiqu, i.e. (3), (4), (7), (8),
(23), (37), (40), (54), (61), (62), (71), (75); Lamaštu I/a: ÉN DÌM.ME mārat Anim šumša ištēn, i.e. (5),
(6), (61), (89); and Lamaštu II/b: ÉN ezzet mārat Anu muʾammilat laʾûti, i.e. (29) and (77) occur
frequently on Lamaštu amulets. Note that Lamaštu II/e still occurs on (24), (55) and Dragons, Monsters
and Fabulous Beasts, 93 no. 49. Furthermore, the following Ḫul.ba.zi.zi incantations are found on
Lamaštu amulets, i.e. (Second Millennium BCE) no. 2 ÉN sil7.lá lú.érim.ma tu.lu lú.ḫul.gál (15) and
Ḫulbazizi, pl. 45, no. 38 ÉN zi.zi.ig nu.e.de.eš sag.giš nu.ab.de.eš (78)corrupt? with (13) and Ḫulbazizi, pl.
52 (BM 127371); (First Millennium) no. 48 ÉN nīš Irkingi (61), no. 62 ÉN ša Ezida Ešumeša (61), no.
65 ÉN nīš gašri rašbi (61). For a detailed discussion of the relation between the Lamaštu amulets and the
Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-series, s. p. 187 fn. 657.
Noteworthy is the difference in incantations between Table 15 and Table 16; amulets that can be dated
with any certainty to the MB/MA period (Table 15) all contain a version of Lamaštu II/e, with the
exception of (18); (28); (66) and (74) which contain a pseudo-inscription and Iraq 54, pl. XIV from Emar
which contain three unidentified non-canonical Lamaštu incantations. The incantations of Table 16 have
a group of simplistic ‘triangle-square-stripe’ kind of inscriptions, i.e. (22), (25), (43); or a combination
with a pseudo-inscription, i.e. (12), (85) and (92); or solely pseudo-inscription, i.e. (16), (17), (42), (51),
(90) and (91); (18) and (69) contain an (abbreviated) version of Lamaštu II/e; (13), (15) and possibly (78)
contain incantations of the Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-series, see above. Note that (21), (35), (39), (48) and (65) are
known to contain incantations, but remain unpublished. Amulets (88), (94) and (95) contain versions of
Lamaštu II/e and were never dated. They are here added to Table 16, but are in my opinion either OB or
MB. Note that amulet (95) is mistakenly said by Farber 2014, 338 fig. 22 to be Lamaštu II/f instead of
Lamaštu II/e.
56 With the exception of amulets (18) and (67) which seem, because of their refined style, to date to the
(very) late Second Millennium or perhaps even the early First Millennium. Amulets (14), (57), (72), (79),
(83) and (93) are left out here since they do not contain any inscription. Lamaštu amulet (without
depiction) OrNS 66, 61 (kt 94/k 821) is excluded from Table 16 since it derives from a clear Old Assyrian
context. Note that this amulet is also T-shaped.
57 The two Sumerian exorcistic amulets published by Lambert 1976 in Iraq 38 fig. 2 and 3, one of hard
stone, the other of soft stone, having no depiction, could be dated, based on the palaeography, to “any
date from the beginning of the Third Dynasty of Ur to the end of the Second Millennium BCE”. Lambert
1976, 61 hints at his suspicion of dating it to the end of the Second Millennium. Geller 1985, 98 suspects
Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2 to be OB or later. Note that the snake amulet HS 1526 published by Finkel in AMD 1,
246 fig. 9 and by Geller/van Dijk in TMH 6, 12 is definitely Ur III s. Rudik 2015, 298–302.
58 Maul 1994, 175–181. Panayotov 2015, 600 argues that all stone and clay artifacts with pierced projections
are to be considered ‘house-amulets’ and were to be hung in a domestic context.
59 Amulets (57) and (73) were both found in a burial context together with necklaces, s. Wiggermann 2000,
240 fn. 177.
22 Chapter 2: Physical Properties of Tablets
Table 15: Lamaštu Amulets with Incantations Dating the Late Bronze Age
Table 16: Lamaštu Amulets with Incantations Dating the Bronze Age
Table 17: Other Amulets with Incantations Dating the Late Bronze Age
Cylinder Seals
Starting in the Middle Babylonian period, the most common inscriptions found on Kassite
seals are prayers, 60 but interestingly we also find a small group of 10 incantations. Almost all
incantations found on such cylinder seals are exorcistic in function, protecting the wearer
against any possible evil. It is therefore not surprising that the majority of these incantations
are forerunners to the series of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi. The function of these cylinder seals can be
regarded to some extent as the same as those of amulets. 61
60 S. Limet 1971; Lambert 1975. A unique Late Bronze Age example is an Amarna cylinder seal found at
Beth Shean containing a short letter between Tagi and Laba’aya, which could have been hung around the
neck by the courier delivering it, s. Horowitz 1996.
61 The function of the clay cylinder EA 355 has been disputed by various scholars. Borger in HKL 1, 239
takes it as an amulet. This view was disputed by Artzi 1990, 144–146 who interpreted it as a jeu de
profession, i.e. the playful idling of an advanced scribe. The cylinder is inscribed all around with a string
of repeated cuneiform signs.When reading the signs from top to bottom, it reads du-tu-nu-na ša dUTU-
ni-qí SAR.DUB “du-tu-nu-na of Šamaš-niqi (the) scribe”. Assuming that EA 355 has the function of an
amulet, du-tu-nu-na may be a reference to the function of or to the clay cylinder itself. The study by
Goren/Finkelstein/Na’aman 2004, 82 confirms that this cylinder seal was manufactured in Egypt and not
imported from Mesopotamia.
24 Chapter 2: Physical Properties of Tablets
Prisms
There is only one prism, i.e. KBo 1, 18, in the corpus of Middle Babylonian and Middle
Assyrian incantations and it is the only one attested from the vast Mesopotamian scribal
tradition to contain a collection of incantations. KBo 1, 18 is a single column four-sided prism
and is mainly concerned with the effects of dangerous animals, i.e. arachnids, snakes and
insects. Prisms are known for their use as school exercises and it is generally assumed that
they were a student’s final exam. Note that recently Delnero (2013, 146) suggested that
literary prisms may have been votive offerings. 62 Incantations are also known to have been
part of the advanced curriculum, but are generally found on excerpt tablets dating to the First
Millennium. 63 Hence the existence of KBo 1, 18 may be explained as a school product of the
advanced curriculum, unfortunately lacking any further parallels. 64
Cylinders
Only one example is existent for the present corpus, 65 i.e. AoF 10, 218f. which contains a
fragmentary unparallelled incantation-prayer to Ištar. The gray-white cylinder does not
contain a longitudinal hole and has no curved body being most likely entirely geometrically
cylindrical. It is lineated parallel to the vertical axis without columns, initiate and final line
62 Additionally, Chrisostomo 2015, 128 fn. 15 notes that the general idea among scholars of prisms as school
products does not exclude the possibility that they could also have served as votive offerings, s. also
Gesche 2001, 153.
63 Gesche 2001, 174–176.
64 For a general discussion on the KBo 1, 18 prism, s. Zomer (forthcoming/a).
65 Cylinders are quite rare to contain incantations. I only know of one other example which is a five-column
Ur III cylinder, ITT 2/1 1036 (photo: PIHANS 65, 296) which contains five snake incantations, s. Rudik
2015, 21.
Drawings on Tablets 25
are separated by double ruling. As for its function, AoF 10, 218f. is certainly no school or
scholarly text and was likely used as a magical object in daily practice. 66
Representations of Evil
The most common phenomenon is the representation of the particular evil on the obverse of
an amulet, a practice well-known for the demoness Lamaštu. Of the amulets listed in Table
15, the following have a representation of Lamaštu on the obverse: AUWE 6, pl. 1 no. 5a–b;
CUSAS 32, 62; De wereld van de bijbel, no. 18; KAR 85; KAR 86; KAR 87; MDP 33, 51 fig.
19/2; Metropolitan Museum, Notable Acquisitions 1984-85, 4; MIO 7, 339; N.A.B.U.
2016/47; RA 26, 10. For a classification of the iconography of Lamaštu on amulets, s.
Wiggermann (2000, 219–224).
Geometrical Figures
Triangles
Another feature often found on Lamaštu amulets from the Bronze Age is the use of triangles,
which may appear in a square surrounding the representation of Lamaštu on the obverse, or
found accompanying the inscription on the reverse, or as a substitute for zi-pà formulae of
the incantation, s. Wiggermann (2000, 221f.). As for the Lamaštu amulets of the Late Bronze
Age in Table 15, we only find triangles accompanying the incantation: AUWE 6, pl. 1 no.
5a–b; De wereld van de bijbel, no. 18; KAR 85; MIO 7, 339. It remains uncertain what these
triangles represent. Wiggermann made the interesting observation that zi-pà formulae are
Imitation Script/Pseudo-Inscriptions
Another phenomenon mainly attested on Lamaštu amulets of the Old and Middle Babylonian
period is the use of signs which mimic original cuneiform signs, 73 but are not comprehensible
anymore. Such inscriptions are coined by Wiggermann (2000, 220 fn. 14) as pseudo-
inscriptions and are the result of illiterate craftsmen trying to reflect the original inscription
most likely from memory. 74 Although pseudo-inscriptions do not appear to make sense, their
magical importance is just the same as the other incantations. 75 Within the present corpus the
following pseudo-inscriptions exist: AUWE 6, pl. 1 no. 5a–b; De wereld van de bijbel, no.
18; MDP 33, 51 fig. 19/2; RA 26, 10.
Acrostics
The small cylinder seal from Amarna Tell el Amarna, pl. XXXII, IX (= EA 355) contains an
eleven-line inscription, in which each sign is repeated between four and seven times resulting
in the following inscription, read acrostically: du-tu-nu-na ša dUTU-ni-qí SAR.DUB “du-tu-
nu-na of Šamaš-niqi (the) scribe”. One may tentatively suggest that du-tu-nu-na is an
Egyptian? reference to the object of the cylinder seal itself. 76 To my knowledge, this is the
sole example of a magical spell written acrostically in Mesopotamian incantation literature. 77
Rubrics
(TU6).ÉN.É.NU.RU
Rubrics can be found in initial and/or final position denoting the beginning and/or end of the
incantation. The use of rubrics goes back to the Early Dynastic incantations from Fāra and
Ebla, where it appears in various orthographic variations. 78 In the Fāra incantations ÉN.É is
found as one sign, LAK358, which may in turn have derived from the sign LAK397 with the
additional AN. 79 Starting in the Old Babylonian period the rubric is standardized to
(TU6).ÉN.É.NU.RU 80 and is frequently found abbreviated in later periods as ÉN. As for the
original meaning of this rubric, it most likely goes back to the name of a cultic toponym. 81
After the Early Dynastic times, most ancient scribes no longer knew the original meaning of
ÉN.É.NU.RU, 82 but simply used it to communicate to the reader of the text that an incantation
was to begin and/or at an end, not to be pronounced with the incantation, 83 hence the
designation INCANTATION as a visual marker is used in the present study; the ancient
rubric is always designated here in capitals.
As for the Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian corpus, 132 initial and final rubrics
of the type (TU6).ÉN.É.NU.RU and its variations are preserved. The deliberate absence of
rubrics is usually present when incantations are to be recited in a ceremonial ritual or
therapeutic context, where they are usually introduced by phrases such as kīʾam
taqabbi/iqabbi “You/he will speak as follows”.
ÉN.É.NU.RU (with variants) is still found most frequently as an initial rubric, whereas
TU6.ÉN.É.NU.RU (with variants) is most frequently used as the final rubric. Abbreviated ÉN
and to a lesser extent TU6.EN are already found frequently in the present corpus, but are not
yet normative. That the scribes of the Late Bronze Age had difficulties with the rubrics
appears from the many variants and derivations.
Typical is the writing IGI+AN for the Middle Assyrian tablets, i.e. AS 16, 287f.a: ii 11;
AS 16, 287f.b: ii 12; 16; AS 16, 287f.c: ii 19; AS 16, 287f.d: iv 32; or simply IGI on Iraq 31,
pl. V–VI: 50; Iraq 31, pl. V–VI: 62. A rather dyslexic writing AN+ŠÚ for ÉN (ŠÚ+AN) is
found in a Lamaštu amulet from Aššur KAR 86, r. 1. Another curious writing for ÉN from
Aššur is BAR/MAŠ+AN found in the Lamaštu amulets KAR 87: r. 1; N.A.B.U. 2016/47: r. 1,
which is likely the poor result of mimicking ŠÚ engraved in stone by illiterate craftsmen.
TU6.AN.É.NU.RU in the cylinder seal Ḫulbazizi, pl. 59 (Y): 1; 6, could be explained as an
incomplete rendering of ÉN omitting ŠÚ.
The strongest derivations of the rubric (TU6).ÉN.É.NU.RU are found in the peripheral
archives. We find with with some frequency the extended form ÉN.É.NE.NU.RU in Emar
729a: 9; Emar 729b: 23; Emar 729c: 35; Emar 735: 36’ (Emar); AuOr Suppl. 23, 26a: 7’ and
abbreviated E.NÉ.NU.RÙ AuOr Suppl. 23, 13: 1’ (Ugarit). A simple variation on
ÉN.É.NU.RU is IN.É.NU.RU in the tablets written in the Middle Babylonian ductus from
Ḫattuša, i.e. KBo 36, 19b: ii? 5’; KUB 30, 1(+)KUB 37, 109a: i 1; KUB 37, 108+110: i 1. A
stronger deviation ⌈É?⌉.NI.IN.NU.ÚR.RU is found on the prism KBo 1, 18: D 14’ written in
Non-Hittite script. Note that these are the only variants existent in Ḫattuša, which are
normally rendered faithfully according to Mesopotamian tradition. Stronger variants
however exist for Alalaḫ, i.e. ÉN.NU.Ú.RU! in AlT 448a: 1, for Ugarit, i.e. ÉN.NÉ.NU.RU
in AuOr Suppl. 23, 14a: 1; TU6.E.IN.NU.RÙ in AuOr Suppl. 23, 15a: 9; AuOr Suppl. 23, 15b:
15, and for Emar, 84 i.e. TU.E.NE.NU.RA in Emar 737: l.e. 5; TU6.Ú.NI.NU.RU in Iraq 54,
pl. XIVa: 14; Iraq 54, pl. XIVb: 28; Iraq 54, pl. XIVc: 45.
81 Falkenstein 1931, 6; Krebernik 1984, 200; Finkel 1999, 233; Rudik 2015, 28f.
82 This is also reflected in the equations dÉN.É.NU.RU = dÉ-a in An = Anu: II 155, s. Litke 1998, 85, and
[dÉN.É].NU.RU = dÉ-a = šá ⸢lú⸣a-ši-pi in AN = Anu ša amēli: 133, s. Litke 1998, 239; both reflect the
rubric ÉN.É.NU.RU perceived by the ancient scholars to be directly related to Ea and his realm of
exorcism.
83 Lambert 2008, 93.
84 Note the writing for the logogram ÉN in Emar 737: l.e. 4 is written PA+AN.
Paratextual Comments 29
Whereas all variants from the Mesopotamian heartland were the result of illiterate
craftsmen engraving amulets and cylinder seals, the sometimes strong derivations from the
peripheral areas show that the rubrics were not self-explanatory outside Mesopotamia; they
were most likely orally-transmitted and phonetically-rendered by the local scribes and
students.
KÌD.KÌD.BI/DÙ.DÙ.BI
Incantations can be provided with accompanying ritual agenda, which may be introduced
with the rubric KÌD.KÌD.BI or DÙ.DÙ.BI. Maul (2009, 78) reached the conclusion after
checking numeruous examples that there is no apparent difference in use of the two rubrics.
Both have Sumerian loanwords in Akkadian, i.e. KÌD.KÌD.BI = kikkiṭṭašu/kikkittašu and
DÙ.DÙ.BI = dudubû(m), 85 and both could additionally be equated in Akkadian with
epištašu/epuštašu.
In the present corpus, 19 individuals incantations accompanied by ritual agenda are
introduced by a rubric. As can be observed from the table below, the rubric KÌD.KÌD.BI (17)
is far more used than the rubric DÙ.DÙ.BI (2). In ABoT 2, 258 we find the rendering
KI.KI.IB.BI, which may in fact be interpreted as Akkadian ki-ki-ib-bi offering possible
further evidence of Maul’s (2009, 79f.) theory for a third Sumerian loanword in Akkadian
from KÌD.KÌD.BI = kì(d)-kì(d)-bi.
Ritual agenda introduced with a rubric can be separated from the incantation by a ruling.
This is as a rule the case for single incantation tablets, but occasionally also applies to
therapeutic tablets. Ritual agenda introduced by rubric following incantations in a collective
are usually not separated by an extra ruling.
As is the case with the other rubric (TU6).ÉN.É.NU.RU and its variants, the rubrics
KÌD.KÌD.BI/DÙ.DÙ.BI equally serve as visual markers for the ancient scribes. Therefore,
these rubrics and their translations are always rendered here in capitals.
Subscripts
Another self-referential designation of incantations is the use of a subscript, traditionally
introduced by KA.INIM.MA 86 “incantation” (lit. “saying”) followed by a statement
explaining the purpose of the preceding incantation. As can be observed below, the Middle
Babylonian and Middle Assyrian incantations use various other possibilities besides
KA.INIM.MA (32) to reflect a subscript introduced by šiptu(m) ša (4), annûtu(m) ša (1), ša
(3), šipat (2) and the superfluous combination KA.INIM.MA šipat (2).
KA.INIM.MA
As expected, the subscript KA.INIM.MA is most used and always consistently written
without orthographic variation. In a few cases, KA.INIM.MA is simply omitted, i.e. KAL 4,
34; AuOr Suppl. 23, 15a; AuOr Suppl. 23, 15b. Subscripts introduced with KA.INIM.MA are
usually separated from the incantation by a ruling. One unique case is KBo 36, 11+a, where
the subscript is written between parallel columns.
86 For the reading KA.INIM.MA as opposed to INIM.INIM.MA, s. Schramm 1981, 90. Note additionally,
KA.I.NI.MA in BM 79949: 5, s. Finkel 1999, 230.
Paratextual Comments 33
šiptu(m) ša
An alternative possibility for designating a subscript is the introduction with šiptu(m) ša.
Incorrect use of the construct state šipat is found in two examples from KBo 1, 18, s. pp.
160f. Similar examples are known from the Old Babylonian period. 87
annûtu(m) ša
A variation on the previous subscript is annûtu(m) ša also found on KBo 1, 18.
ša
An abbreviation of šiptu(m) ša, is the sole use of the relative-determinative pronoun ša
introducing a subscript. Parallels can be found in the Old Babylonian period, s. van Dijk
(1985, 5); Zomer (forthcoming/a).
šipat
An alternative possibility is to introduce a subscript with the construct state šipat, for the
present corpus only known for KBo 1, 18, but with further parallels in the Old Babylonian
period. 88
87 Zomer (forthcoming/a). Note that similar incorrect use of the construct state šipat is found in the present
corpus in the formula šiptu(m) ul yattu(n) šipat DN1 u DN2, s. fn. 561.
88 Van Dijk (1985, 5); Zomer (forthcoming/a).
Paratextual Comments 35
KA.INIM.MA šipat
A superfluous use of both KA.INIM.MA and the construct state šipat is twice found in the
material from Ḫattuša. To my knowledge, no further parallels exist in other incantation
corpora. One may speculate that such superfluous use was necessary to indicate a (similar)
meaning for KA.INIM.MA by/for the foreign scribe.
Uncertain
Colophons
Editorial References
Catchlines
Tablets can contain catchlines, i.e. the incipit of the sequative tablet. Although this custom is
widely present in the First Millennium, only four examples can be found in the present
corpus, i.e. CBS 13905 89, OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV 90; KBo 1, 18 91; ZA 91, 244 92; ZA
102, 211 93.
89 Geller 2016, 107 l. 79 (jj). Note that the catchline for Udug.ḫul III/c is not indicated as such by Geller.
Collation of the tablet confirms the restoration of this line as a catchline.
90 S. p. 214 fn. 863.
91 Schwemer 2013, 154; Zomer, (forthcoming/a).
92 Krebernik 2001, 246.
93 Schwemer 2012, 213.
36 Chapter 2: Physical Properties of Tablets
Sequence of Tablets
Examples of sequencing tablets can be found on the witchcraft-related tablet KUB 30,
1(+)KUB 37, 109: l.e. 1, i.e. [(…) dub.(x+)] ⸢4⸣.kam.ma; 94 on KBo 36, 29: l.e. 1, which reads
1 t[u]p-pí né-pé-še “the first tablet (containing) ritual instructions” 95; and on KUB 4, 48: l.e.
5, which reads DUB.2?.KAM DIŠ LÚ ŠÀ.ZI.GA “Tablet 2? of ‘If a man’s potency’” 96.
Number of Lines
Only one example can be found within the present corpus, i.e. the lexical list Emar (543A,
544, 545A and) 737 stating that the tablet contains 518 lines. 97
Completion Mark
Few tablets within the corpus bear indications in the colophon whether the text was finished
or not, i.e. not finished Iraq 31, pl. V–VI: 32 (tup-pu ši-it ša-bu-ša-ta la gam-rat) 98; KBo 36,
29: l.e. 1 (NU AL.TIL); KUB 30, 1(+)KUB 37, 109: l.e. 1 (nu.til); and finished Emar (543A,
544, 545A and) 737: x.1 (al.‹til›). The Lamaštu collective AuOr Suppl. 23, 18 contains
completion marks throughout the tablet, i.e. AuOr Suppl. 23, 18: v 14’ (TIL) and 28’ ([TIL]).
Reference to Original
Two tablets from the M1-archive in Aššur, KAR 91: r. 25 and LKA 116: r. 26, have references
that they were copied after an original (GABA.RI) wooden tablet (gišle-ʾi / gišLE.U[5].UM)
from the land of Akkad. Once there is an indication that a tablet was collated, i.e. Emar
(543A, 544, 545A and) 737: x.1 (IGI.KÁR).
Personal References
Scribe
We find self-referential designations in the colophons of six tablets for the identity of the
scribe, generally introduced with ŠU (“hand of”) PN. In several cases the scribe himself is
the magical expert BAM 3, 214: viii 3’ff. (ŠU IdKU.A-iš-ma-ni MAŠ.MAŠ); KAR 91: r. 26
(Iri-ba+a-tu DUMU ri-še-i[a l]úMAŠ.MAŠ MAN IN.SAR); Priests and Officials, 199f.: 98
(ŠU IMa-di-dKUR DUMU a-bi-ka-pí DUB.SAR A.AB.GAL); KUB 4, 17(+)18: r. 14f.’ ([ …
lú
S]ANGA GIŠ-ma lú[…]), for a discussion of the identity and background of these magical
experts, s. § 4.3.
Other tablets were specifically written by students, i.e. Emar (543A, 544, 545A and) 737:
x 5f. (ŠU IRi-bi-dDa-gan Ì.ZU.TUR.TUR); OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV: 6’ (ŠU I⸢La⸣-an-
ni-i [DUMU PN] lúDUGUD.LÁ); due to its format the scribe of the prism KBo 1, 18 is
regarded here as a student as well, although not specificly stated, i.e. KBo 1, 18: D 24f.’ (⸢ŠU⸣
Am-ma-ta-ia IR3/11!? dḪa-ìa ù dNIN.SAḪAR); KUB 4, 53 is regarded here as deriving from
an educational context after Wilhelm (1994, 74), although again its scribe is not specifically
said to be a student, i.e. KUB 4, 53: r. 11’ (UMBIN Ia-gi-dIM). 99 For the identity and
background of the scribes of the aforementioned tablets, s. pp. 82–84.
The colophon of incantation ritual KBo 9, 44 is too fragmentary to make any certain
statements, i.e. KBo 9, 44: iv? 18’ (ŠU I⸢x⸣-[x x (x)] ⸢x x (x) x⸣). 100
In the broken colophon of the Middle Assyrian Udug.ḫul-collective Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR
24: iv 25’ (IdAMAR.UTU-DUGUD-ŠEŠmeš-šú DUMU IAš-šur-it-tu-NE-NE ⸢lú⸣[…]), we find
the scribe Marduk-kabit-aḫḫēšu, the son of Aššur-ittūšunu. The same scribe is known from
the Sa palaeographic list AfO 4, pl. 4: xiii 4ff., where he is called tupšarri ṣeḫri. 101 It cannot
be said with certainty in which phase of his career Marduk-kabit-aḫḫēšu wrote this tablet.
This is not the situation for OrAnt 8, pl. XI/XIII, which contains traces of a colophon, and
is most likely a verbatim copy of its Old Babylonian predecessor OrAnt 8, pl. II–VIII (CBS
563). 102
Not a colophon, but a self-referential designation of the scribe nonetheless is found in the
acrostic writing of Tell el Amarna, pl. XXXII, IX (= EA 355), s. p. 27.
Owner
Ownership is designated on two tablets, i.e. LKA 116: r. 26 indicates that it belongs to the
palace (ša É.GAL-lim); and OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV: iv 5’ to the person of Maḫḫi-
ḫīṭa(ya) (IM Imaḫ-ḫi-ḫi-[ṭa-(a-a)] 103, who is likely to have been the teacher of the apprentice
scribe Lannî.
Further References
Purpose
The specific purpose of a tablet is denoted in the colophons of BAM 3, 214: viii 1f.’ (né-pe-
še ša ŠU kiš-pi); KBo 36, 29: l.e. 1 (1 t[u]p-pí né-pé-še); KUB 4, 48: l.e. 5 (DUB.2?.KAM
DIŠ LÚ ŠÀ.ZI.GA).
Dating
Only once in the present corpus do we find a reference for dating in a colophon, i.e. KBo 1,
18: D 27’ (ITI ša re-ši). 104
Of a total of 184 texts containing 336 incantations from the Middle Babylonian and Middle
Assyrian period, the majority (106) comes from the peripheral areas of Akkadian (i.e.
Hattuša, Karkemish, Alalaḫ, Emar, Ugarit, Akhetaten, Susa and Dūr-Untaš). In connection
with the Mesopotamian heartland, there are 37 texts from Assyrian-influenced areas (Aššur,
Nineveh and Kalḫu) and 36 from Babylonian-influenced areas (Dūr-kurigalzu, Babylon,
Sippar, Nippur, Uruk and Ur). 105 Note that the larger part of texts of unknown provenience
(Table 48–50) derive with certainty from the Mesopotamian heartland. 106
State Archives
105 For a quantative comparison of the present corpus in a contemporary perspective, s. Streck 2010, 43/47.
106 Belonging to the Assyrian area: CUSAS 32, 62; Iraq 31, pl.V–VI; N.A.B.U. 2016/47; Studies Sachs, 20
no. 19; YOS 11, 74. Belonging to the Babylonian area: ASJ 15, 282–285; CBS 15080; CUSAS 30, 446;
CUSAS 30, 447; CUSAS 30, 448; Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (AA); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (BB); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (V);
Ḫulbazizi, 82–83 (W); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (X); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 59 (Y); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (Z). Unclear are
the amulets BSOAS 78, 600, De wereld van de bijbel, no. 18, Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2, Iraq 38, 63 fig. 3 and
Metropolitan Museum, Notable Acquisitions 1984-85, 4.
107 Postgate 2013, 7.
108 Pedersén 1986, 29–31.
109 Maul 2003, 181.
110 Maul 2003, 181.
111 KAR 91: r. 25 GABA.RI gišle-ʾi SAR KUR UR[Ik]i LIBIR.RA; LKA 116: r. 26 GABA.RI gišLE.U[5].UM
KUR! URIki.
Mesopotamian Heartland 39
Private Archives
M14 Private House with Archive from Two Periods, of Adad-zēra-iqīša and Others
A large private house with later extensions was found in the southern end of the city
containing an archive covering two periods, i.e. 14th century BCE (Eriba-Adad I, Aššur-
uballiṭ I) and 13th century (Shalmaneser I, Tukultī-Ninurta I). Most documents in connection
with the later period are written in the interest of one Adad-zēra-iqīša (also found abbreviated
as Zēra-iqīša), who looked after sheep and who owned multiple texts pertaining to loans and
purchase. The three Lamaštu amulets KAR 85, 86, and 87 were found in different rooms and
likely date to the younger phase of this archive. 115
Aššur–Provenience Unknown
It should be noted that the cylinder AoF 10, 218f. (Ass. 18191) was found 4 meters under the
debris of a Neo-Assyrian house (iB11II50) located to the southeast of the ‘Stelenplatz’. 117
Freydank has suggested that the dating of AoF 10, 218f. is at the latest the early 14th century,
which makes it the oldest incantation excavated in Aššur itself.
115 Note that KAR 86 was found above a grave (Ass. 15033), s. Pedersén 1985, 125.
116 Another MA example from the N 4 archive is the Aššur ritual KAR 139 (VAT 15421). For BAM 3, 316
to be Middle Assyrian, s. Köcher 1964, xxvi.
117 Freydank 1983, 217; Andrae 1913, pl. II.
Mesopotamian Heartland 41
Nineveh
The two tablets AJSL 35, 14f. and ZA 102, 211 from Nineveh are said to have been written
in Middle Babylonian script. 119 Both tablets are designated in the online-database of the
British Museum as having been discovered during the same excavation (Th 1905-4-9, 93; Th
1905-4-9, 67) in the area of the building known as the ‘New Palace’ or ‘Sennacherib’s bīt
nakkapti’ 120, but now regarded as the East Gate of Kuyunjik. 121
Tablets found in this area are thought to have originally belonged to the archives of the
nearby Ištar temple, of which a large number of tablets derive from the Middle Assyrian
period. 122 The Middle Babylonian AJSL 35, 141f. and ZA 102, 211 would be further examples
of possibly looted tablets from Babylonia, s. pp. 85f.
Kalḫu
The only tablet to contain incantations found at Kalḫu (Nimrud) AS 16, 287f. (Rm 376) is
recorded as coming from the area of the Kidmuri temple. 123
118 KAR 226 and KAL 4, 27 may belong to the same tablet for paleographic reasons suggested by Schwemer
2011a, 14.
119 AJSL 36, 141–142 was identified as such by Abusch/Schwemer 2016, 146; ZA 102, 211 was identified
by Schwemer 2011d, 209ff.
120 Thomson/Hutchinson 1929, 65f.
121 Reade 2000, 399.
122 Reade 1998–2000, 422f.
123 Reade 1986, 218.
42 Chapter 3: Geographical Setting & Archival Setting
Dūr-Kurigalzu
The only tablet to contain incantations found at Dūr-Kurigalzu (Aqar Quf) Sumer 9, 29 (IM
49981) was found in the middle of road 8, among debris, 1.5 meters above pavement level. 124
Babylon
N13 Babylon
N13 is not an archive, but a collection of 260 tablets scattered in the Merkes area. The group
is generally classified as Neo-Babylonian, but older tablets cannot be ruled out. 126 BAM 4,
385 was identified by Köcher as Middle Babylonian. 127
Babylon–Provenience Unknown
Both MIO 7, 339 (Bab. 1357) as MIO 7, 348 (VAT 3326) are listed as purchased in Babylon
by Klengel (1960, 338; 347).
Sippar
One tablet CM 31, 241 containing an incantation dating to the MB period and coming with
certainty from Sippar (Abu Habbah) was identified by Lambert. Having the consignment 82-
5-22, 1016, it belongs to a group of cases coming from Assyria, Babylon and Abu Habbah. 128
ASJ 15, 282–285, TCL 16, 79+PBS 12, 25, OrAnt 8, pl. XI/XIII, and PBS 1/2, 112 are
registered in the University Museum as belonging to the so-called Khabaza Collection and
therefore originally derive from Sippar. 129 Unfortunately, nothing can be said about their
specific findspots.
Nippur
Tablet Hill
The large triangular mound to the south of the temple of Enlil yielded a huge number of
literary texts. BAM 4, 398 and CBS 10911 are said to come from ‘Tablet Hill’ 130, but it is
suspected that other tablets from Table 45 also derived from there.
Area WB Unstratified
During the 12th season of excavations at Nippur one bilingual Udug.ḫul fragment was
discovered among other objects at a former Pennsylvania dump. 131
Nippur–Provenience Unknown
Uruk
Eanna
The Lamaštu amulet AUWE 6, pl. 1 no. 5a–b was found in the Pb 16-2 at the southside of the
ziqqurrat. 132
Ur
Table 47: Texts with Incantations from Ur–The Great Nanna Courtyard
Provenience Unknown
A group of 23 texts which cannot be attributed to a specific provenience or archive, can be
classified through palaeography to be of Assyrian or Babylonian origin with exception of the
amulets listed in Table 50.
Assyria
The identification of CUSAS 32, 62 as being of Middle Assyrian origin follows George (2016,
52, who recognized the depiction to be similar to the Lamaštu amulets found in the M14-
archive in Aššur. As for the Lamaštu amulet N.A.B.U. 2016/47, the spelling of
BAR/MAŠ+AN for ÉN strongly suggests an Assyrian origin, s. § 2.4.
133 For a critical discussion of the Kassite architecture at Ur, s. Brinkman 1969. Note that Brinkman argues
that the structure was built by Kurigalzu I (1390 BCE) not Kurigalzu II.
134 Woolley 1939, 90; 95f. other cylinder seals are U. 12689, U. 12690, U. 12691, of which the last two
are solely pictorial, U. 12689 contained an additional inscription of most likely one line only. The same
recess may have contained other valuables as well, as implied by a Kassite vessel with strips of gold,
silver and copper found below the plinth, s. Porada 1981–1982, 60f.
46 Chapter 3: Geographical Setting & Archival Setting
Babylonia
The group of small landscape-oriented tablets CUSAS 30, 446–448 come from the same
provenience, which is most likely identified with Dūr-Enlil(le) from central Babylonia. 135 As
for the group of cylinder seals, note that Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (AA), Ḫulbazizi, pl. 59 (Y), and
Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (Z) bear a depiction of the Maltese Cross, a typical Kassite feature. 136 Farber
(2014, 9 fn. 13) notes for MC 17, 443ff. that it probably originates from Sippar or Babylon. 137
Unclear
135 Van Soldt 2015, 29f. For the possibility that Dūr-Enlil(le) was a re-naming of Dūr-Abī-ešuḫ, s. George
2009, 142. Note the criticism pace George, by Dalley 2009, 9 fn. 80. For the possible connection
between the archives of MB Dūr-Enlil(le) and the First Sealand Dynasty, s. Zomer 2016b, 57f.
136 For the use of incantations on cylinder seals as most likely a Kassite invention, s. p. 58 fn. 187.
137 Accessioned by the British Museum (London) as 1928-7-16.
Peripheral Areas 47
State Archives
Büyükkale
The citadel of the Hittite capital commonly known by its Turkish name Büyükkale “Big
Castle” was the main seat of government containing the ruler’s palace, residence and official
quarters located in the Upper City. Together with Temple I and Haus am Hang it is the
primary source of tablets known from Ḫattuša. It was destroyed by a catastrophic fire at the
end of Late Hittite Empire period and resettled and built over in the Phrygian period.
138 For a discussion of specific layout and archaeology, s. Neve 1982, 104–107.
139 For a general discussion of the archives of Büyükkale A, s. Košak 1995.
140 Van den Hout 2007, 401.
141 Naumann 1971, 431.
48 Chapter 3: Geographical Setting & Archival Setting
Büyükkale B: Éḫeštī/ā-house
The identification of the function of Büyükkale B is still under discussion, but recent views
have suggested identifying this building as the Éḫeštī/ā-house known from various Hittite
rituals and festivals and likely related to the veneration of ancestors. 142
142 Haas/Wäfler 1976 and 1977; Neve 1982, 113 leaves it open for debate. For an archeological
description, s. Bittel/Naumann 1952, 57–59. For the possible relation between Hittite Éḫeštī/ā– and
Akkadian ḫaštu ‘pit, grave’, s. Moor 1969, 171 fn. 29.
Peripheral Areas 49
Büyükkale C: Shrine
Büyükkale C concerns a unique building in Hittite architecture. Consisting of six rooms, its
floor lies 1.5 meters below the surrounding rooms and contains an open air basin generally
assumed to have had a ritual purpose. Among the finds there were numeruous small votive
vessels and imported shells. 143 As for the textual evidence, there are inventory lists,
mythological texts, ritual texts, festival texts, omina, Akkadian medical fragments and
letters. 144
halentuwa-residence of the queen and Büyükkale F of the king. 149 Note that KBo 36, 27 was
not found in the archive rooms 4 and 5, but on the north-eastern side of Büyükkale E. In
general, this library with archive contained both literary texts and state documents, i.e. letters,
official documents, and religious texts.
Haus am Hang
Located in the Lower City, the Haus am Hang’s specific function remains uncertain, but it
seems to have served mainly for daily (cult) administrative purposes. 153 A variety of texts
has been found here, i.e. incantations and incantation rituals, omens or oracles, festival texts,
myths and epics, annals and treaties, lexical lists, laws and a catalogue. 154 Texts are mainly
in Hittite, but a few are written in Akkadian, Hurrian, Luwian, and Palaic. Various periods
of Hittite history are covered in Haus am Hang; exceptional is the fact that there are even
texts in this archive referring to the last known king of the Late Hittite Empire, i.e.
Šuppiluliuma II (Šuppiluliyama), which suggests that Haus am Hang remained active during
the very last phases of the Hittite Empire. 155 Recent views have tentatively suggested that
many texts were copied for reasons such as archival purposes, the schooling of scribes, and
the drafting of new compositions in the Haus am Hang and were later stored in Temple I 156,
rendering Haus am Hang a scriptorium. 157
Temple I
Temple I is located in the Lower City only 85 meters from Haus am Hang. Numerous tablets
concerning rituals, festivals, cultic inventories, epics, myths, prayers, incantations, oracles,
liver models, treaties, various historical documents, laws, lexical lists, and (international)
letters were found in rooms 10, 11, and 12, suggesting that Temple I contained a large library
for official purposes 158 and was the main center for economic administration. 159 Almost all
texts are in Hittite, except for several texts such as the international correspondence and
treaties which were in Akkadian and additional the tablets found below: KBo 36, 17 (Sum.–
Akk.) and KBo 36, 28 (Akk.). Among the literary texts mentioned above, there are several in
Hurrian, Luwian, Palaic and Hattic. As said, tablets mainly pertaining to political and cultic
administration were likely copied in Haus am Hang and then stored in Temple I. 160 Datable
texts deriving from Temple I all stem from the reign of Tudḫaliya IV (late 13th century).
Ḫattuša–Provenience Unknown
The findspots of tablets excavated during the earliest excavations in Bogazköy are not
recorded. KBo 36, 24 was found re-used in the Lower City. 161 KBo 9, 50 an KBo 14, 51 are
said to derive from Büyükkale, but their original archival context remain undetermined.
Karkemish
Katuwa’s Palace
The excavations in 2013 in Karkemish yielded a fragmentary cuneiform tablet containing a
passage that can be regarded as a forerunner to Udug.ḫul X/a. It was found in Katuwa’s palace
in the archeological context of the latest phase of Assyrian occupation, i.e. Sargon II. 162
Panayotov in his contribution to Marchesi’s publication (2014, 339) has shown that the
epigraphy and palaeography of this text is to be identified as Late Middle Assyrian or perhaps
Early Neo-Assyrian with an estimated dating of 11th–9th century. Whether this text was
imported from Assyria to Karkemish or was written locally cannot be said with any
certainty. 163
Alalaḫ
Occupation is attested in Alalaḫ (Tell Açana) from Level XVII (Middle Bronze Age) to Level
I (around 1200 BCE.). Of main interest here is Level IV, which dates to the period that Alalaḫ
belonged to the Mittani empire, 164 and is considered to be from the 15th century. 165
State Archives
Table 62: Texts with Incantations from Alalaḫ–Small Library in the Palace
Emar
All tablets containing incantations found during excavations in Emar (Meskene) derive from
Temple M1; another small group is known from the antiquity market. Being part of the Hittite
empire, Emar was ruled by a local king under the authority of the Hittite viceroy located in
Karkemish: all texts are to be dated between 1320 and 1187. 170
Emar–Provenience Unknown
A group of three tablets containing incantations derive from the antiquity market. AOAT 308,
108 is at the moment in the Archäologische Staatssammlung in Münich, Iraq 54, pl. XIV in
a private collection in the United Kingdom, and Priests and Officials, 199f. in a private
collection in Japan.
Ugarit
State Archives
Private Archives
Akkadian and Hurrian-Ugaritic lexical lists. Other texts are (mainly) Akkadian letters,
Akkadian and Ugaritic administrative texts, and Akkadian legal documents. Additionally,
there is one Hurrian and one Cypro-Minoan clay tablet within this archive. Two tablets are
of magical-religious content, that is Ugaritica 5, 19 containing an Akkadian incantation
against eye-ache, and the fragmentary AuOr Suppl. 23, 23. The archive can be dated between
‘Ammiṯtamru II and ‘Ammurapi (late 13th century–early 12th century). 176
Table 66: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit– The House of Rapʾānu
Table 69: Texts with Incantations from Ugarit–Library of the Lamaštu Tablets
Miscellaneous
archaeological context. 186 However, the use and practice of incantations on cylinder seals
seems to be an invention of the Middle Babylonian period (i.e. Kassite) 187 and it has been
known that certain artifacts show up in a later archaeological context. 188
Akhetaten
The small cylinder seal EA 355 discussed above was found in a rubbish-dump in the housing
area of Akhetaten (Tell El-Amarna). Although its exact location is not specifically stated in
the excavation report, 190 the implication is that it might be in the vicinity of the Records
Office (House Q 42 21, previously House 19 by Petrie), the main findspot of tablets in
Amarna.
186 Clemens 2001, 973f.; Finkel 1976, 301; Farber 2014, 34 and 37.
187 This custom is continued in later periods, especially for incantations containing Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-incan-
tations, s. fn. 662. Note, however, that there is a continuity of uninscribed cylinder seals depicting
variations on the ‘Krankenbettszene’ likely to have a similar magical effect, s. Meissner 1934, 14–26;
Meissner 1935–36, 160–162.
188 Wiggermann 2000, 220 fn. 17. The same way of reuse of AuOr Suppl. 23, 69 may have been the case
for AUWE 6, pl. 1 no. 5a–b and AUWE 2, pl. 55 no. 334 both Lamaštu amulets from Uruk found in a
later context.
189 Van Soldt 1991, 225 fn. 350.
190 Petrie 1894, 24. Note that Goren/Finkelstein/Na’aman 2004, 82 confirm that this cylinder seal was
manufactured in Egypt itself and not imported from Mesopotomia as previously assumed by Finkel
1976, 304.
Peripheral Areas 59
Susa–Dūr-Untaš
Two Lamaštu amulets containing incantations were found in present day Iran. Unfortunately
the excavation reports do not give any specifics on their findspot.
Susa
Scheil’s report on the Lamaštu amulet RA 26, 10 is not very helpful. Interestingly,
Mecquenem/Contenau state that it was found in the grave of a child. 191
Dūr-Untaš
One Lamaštu amulet is said to be found at the Ziqqurrat complex of Dūr-Untaš, modern
Chogha Zanbil.
192 Indications for their complementary manipulative tactics are also found within therapeutic tablets in
the present corpus, e.g. KUB 29, 58+ v 28: enūma ṣibtišu ūtašširušu šamma u šipta lā tunakkar “when
his seizure leaves him, do not alter the medicine (lit. herb) and incantation!”.
193 The fact that one of the main responsibilities of the āšipu is to recite incantations is also reflected in the
main term for incantation or spell in Akkadian šiptu both deriving from the same root. For a discussion
of the etymology of āšipu, s. Jean 2006, 19f.
194 For a discussion of both professions and their possible same identity, s. Jean 2006, 22f.
195 Ritter 1965, 299–321; Stol 1991–1992, 42–65; Biggs 1995, 1918; Scurlock 1999, 76; Heeßel 2009, 13–
15.
196 For example the eye-surgeries mentioned in Codex Ḫammurapi §§ 215–220. Geller 2010, 167
expresses his doubts whether the treatment of wounds belongs to the realm of the asû.
197 Scurlock 1999, 70.
198 Scurlock 1999, 74f. pace Ritter 1965, 299.
199 By ‘medical’ incantations are specifically meant those incantations found in a medical context, i.e.
therapeutic tablets (Table 4) or which have parallels on (later) therapeutic tablets.
200 Possible support for this theory is the exceptional Marduk-Ea dialogue found in the later parallels of
Sumer 9, 29a, where it is stated by Enki/Ea that not Asalluḫi/Marduk, the incantation-priest, but the
Magic & Medicine: Two Complementary Strategies 61
Besides the asû and the āšipu, there is a third specialist connected to the field of medicine
which is the bārû, ‘the diviner’, whose specialty was prognostication, i.e. predicting the
duration of the illness, but who could also advise the asû or āšipu not to advance the treatment
of a particular patient. 201
The fact that all three professions āšipu, asû and bārû are aspects of medicine as a whole
may be reflected in the fact that all three professions are attributed to the main healing
goddess Gula on several occasions. 202 On another level, the duality between the main healing
professions, āšipu and asû, is also reflected among the gods, where especially in legitimation
formulae an opposition occurs between the healing duo Damu-Gula and the exorcistic duo
Enki/Ea-Asalluḫi/Marduk. 203
What in fact did belong to the realm of the āšipūtu is difficult to answer. One clear
indication is the so-called Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44 and duplicates) 204, an important
catalogue containing various entries for known incantation series, such as Šurpu, Maqlû,
Muššuʾu, Utukkū lemnūtu (UDUG.ḪUL), Asakkū marṣūtu (Á.SÀG.GIG.GA), Lamaštu, Mīs
pî, and for rituals, such as Bīt rimki, Bīt mēseri, and various Namburbi’s, but lists various
diagnostic works such as, Sakikkû (SA.GIG), Alamdimmû (ALAM.DÍM.MU) and
Kataduggû (KA.TA.DU11.GA), as well. The catalogue commences and concludes with the
statement SAGmeš ÉŠ.GÀR MAŠ.MAŠ-ti “incipits of the series (dealing) with the lore of the
āšipūtu”. The introduction explains furthermore šá a-na NÍG.ZU u IGI.DU8.ÀM kun-nu
“which have been established for knowledge and reading”. The Exorcist’s Manual was
widely copied in the First Millennium (Aššur, Nineveh, Sippar, Babylon and Uruk) and
functioned as a definition of knowledge belonging to the āšipūtu. 205
lú.a.zu (asû) “the physician” should approach the patient, s. Zomer (forthcoming/b). For an alternative
culturally-sensitive approach, s. Robson 2008b.
201 Scurlock 1999, 77.
202 Scurlock 1999, 74 fn. 34.
203 Specifically meant here is the the formula šiptu(m) ul yattu(n) šipat DN1 u DN2 “the incantation is not
mine, it is the incantation of DN1 and DN2”, which can be extended to DN3 and DN4. The denial element
in this formula is a semitic invention already found in the early Akkadian incantations from Ebla and
the Old Akkadian period, e.g. ARET 5, 19: xi 5–8 (Ebla); BiMes 1, 7: iv 5–9 (OAkk.), whereas the
affirmative statement goes back to the earliest Sumerian incantations, where the formula
(KA+)UD.du11.ga DN1 “It is the spell of DN1” is found frequently, s. Rudik 2015, 30f. Whereas in the
Third Millennium all incantations are attributed to Ningirima, starting in the Second Millennium other
deities come into play. For the OB/OA incantations the formula šiptu(m) ul yattu(n) šipat DN1 u DN2
is attested with the following deities in AMD 1 (BM 79125) Damu–Gula; AMD 1 (U. 30503) Ningirima;
AoF 35 (kt 94/k 520) Ea, bēl šipātim; CUSAS 10, 11 Ea–Ištar; Fs. Larsen, 397 (kt 90/k 178) Nikilil,
bēl šipātim u bēl tîm; Fs. Stol, 150 (LB 1000) Asalluḫi, mār Ea ša Eridu; JCS 9a (Spurlock Museum
1913.14.1465); Ningirima–Enki–Asalluḫi; OECT 11, 11 N[inkarrak …]; YOS 11, 3 Enlil–Šamaš; YOS
11, 5a Damu–Gula; YOS 11, 5b Gula. We find less variety in the MB/MA incantations, i.e. AlT
449(+)450a Nin[karrak…]; AuOr Suppl. 23, 18d Ea–[Asalluḫi]–[D]amu–[Ninkarrak (…)] most likely
extended to another pair of deities; BAM 4, 336 Damu–[…]; BAM 4, 398 Ea–Asalluḫi–mašmaš ilī,
Marduk; Emar 737 Damu–Gula, bēlet balāṭi; KBo 1, 18b [Ea]–Asalluḫi; KUB 37, 44(+) Damu–
Ninkarrak–apkal ilī, Marduk; Ugaritica 5, 19 Damu–Ninkarrak. For a study on the functionality of the
šiptu(m) ul yattu(n) šipat DN1 u DN2 formula, s. Lenzi 2010.
204 S. fn. 260.
205 Schwemer 2011c, 421.
62 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
šu-ú li-ir-bi-iṣ-ma ⌈a-na⌉-k[u lu-ut-bi] May he lie down, (so that) I [can stand up!]
KUB 37, 43: 20
As it appears, the use of reversal formulae is limited to anti-witchcraft incantations and
in the Second Millennium it occurs in incantations concerning the effects of dangerous
animals too.
206 For example Róheim 1955, who described magic as a counterphobic attitude and a liberating phycho-
logical force.
207 S. Schwemer 2007a, 114–116.
208 OB examples are: Fs. Pope, 87: 6 ka-al-bu-um li-mu-ut-ma a-wi-lum li-ib-lu-uṭ-⌈ma⌉; YOS 11, 4: 17–
18 a-li-ik ṣu-ḫa-rum li-ib-lu-uṭ-ma zu-qí-qí-pu-um li-mu-ut (note that the formula is here reversed!).
For the First Millennium we find examples in Maqlû I 19: šī limūtma anāku lubluṭ; Maqlû II 94–95:
šunu limūtuma anāku lubluṭ, šunu lītebberūma anāku lūšir, šunu liqtûma anāku lumīd.
The Identity of the Magical Expert 63
Incantations are generally descriptive and address disease and the possibility of the
patient’s death. They do not seek a pragmatic approach to curing a disease, 209 but concentrate
on the supernatural cause. For this reason, incantations on their own are not helpful in
determining the origins of a disease and cannot be regarded as diagnostic in any sense. 210
Some incantations include a historiola, e.g. the ‘Cow-of-Sîn’ narrative in birth incantations
explaining the mythological origin of a disease or medical problem, which responds to the
patient’s imagination and helps him to understand and at least psychologically overcome his
condition. 211 The fact that not only the patient needs protection from evil, but the magical
expert as well - before or after performing an exorcism - is demonstrated in recitanda which
serve specifically to protect the magical expert himself, 212 e.g.
mim-ma lem-nu ar-ki-ia l[a il-l]a-ak mim-ma lem-nu ar-ki-ia l[a ir-ra-a]k-ka-sa
Whatever evil shall not go after me! Whatever evil shall not bind itself to me! KBo
36, 29f: ii 44–45
209 Pragmatic cures can be found in the prescriptions on the therapeutic tablets.
210 Geller 2007b, 392.
211 On the theory and practice of historiola, s. Frankfurter 2001.
212 This phenomenon is mainly known from the Udug.ḫul-material, i.e. Udug.ḫul III 155–162; Udug.ḫul
V 107–108. Alternative examples can be found in the use of the araḫḫi ramānī-formula, s. Cooper
1996; Cavigneaux 1999, 264–271. To safeguard the magical expert himself,we find in other cultures
the public present at the ritual performance. Although we can assume that bystanders were present
during Mesopotamian ritual practice, little is known about their possible participation. Possible
examples can be found for the First Millennium in the healing spell ÉN da.zu kalam.ma dnin.ì.si.na
(BAM 2, 124: iv 9 // BAM 2, 127: 8) and in the maškadu incantation OECT 6, 23: 12’, which finalizes
the recitanda with qibāma ša annanna mār annanna pariktašu līšir “Speak (pl.) and the injustice of
So-and-So, son of So-and-So, may be become right!”. Implying that the aforementioned formula, which
in case of BAM 2, 124 // BAM 2, 127 is ša īnaḫu liddima pašḫu liššima “May the one who is weary cast
it (i.e. the disease) down, may the one at ease take it (i.e. the disease) up” is to be expressed not only
by the incantation priest, but also by the bystanders witnessing the healing process.
213 BAM 3, 214: ŠU IdKU.A-iš-ma-ni MAŠ.MAŠ A IU4.BAR MAŠ.MAŠ KI IŠIB-ME.ME MAŠ.MAŠ-
ma “Hand of Marduk-išmanni the incantation-priest, son of Ubar the incantation-priest, ditto (= son of)
Išip-Gula the incantation-priest”. Note that Hunger 1968, 32 was uncertain how to interpret the last
line. The solution offered here interprets KI as an abbreviated version of KI.MIN and ME-ME.ME as
a personal name IŠIB-ME.ME = išip-Gula “The priest of Gula”. KAR 91: IRi-ba+a-tu DUMU Ri-še-
i[a l]úMAŠ.MAŠ MAN IN.SAR “Rībātu, son of Rīšēya, the incantation-priest of the king, copied it”.
Jakob 2003, 259 identifies Rībātu of KAR 91 with Rībātu, the father of Aššur-šumī-aṣbat (s. Deller
1982). Wiggermann 2008, 209 fn. 20 does not preclude the possibility, but observes that there are
stratigraphical problems with this assumption.
64 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
(Aššur), DUB.SAR AB.GAL 214 “scribe (and) apkallu-priest” (Emar), and (lú)SANGA 215
“šangû-priest” (Ḫattuša) respectively. 216 Interestingly, the formula DN1 restore (his) health,
so that the expert may receive (his) fee!, where an appeal is made to the healing god or
goddess to restore the health of the client is found in incantations, which may be classified
as medical incantations, referring to a DUMU ap!(UM)-kal-lí (BAM 4, 336) and a [DUMU]
UM.MI.A⌈meš?⌉ (Ugaritica 5, 19). 217 Other formulae common for exorcistic incantations
proclaiming legitimation of the speaker such as I am the incantation priest of DN / I am the
man of DN/I am the messenger of DN! refer to (lú)MAŠ.MAŠ, (lú)MU7.MU7, (lú)ŠIM.MÚ,
(lú)
SANGÁ.MAḪ, āšipu, and šangamaḫḫû. Such proclamations, however, refer to the
professional environment of Asalluḫi/Marduk, which is assumed in the legitimation formulae
by the magical expert. 218 Additionally, we find in an unclear incantation (AlT 448b: 8) from
Alalaḫ the cultic profession lúA.TU5 (written luA.TU). In magico-religious texts the gods
Enki/Ea and Asalluḫi/Marduk are said to fulfil the profession of exorcist-priest
(MAŠ.MAŠ/āšipu, ABGAL) among the gods as a divine parallel to the human priest in ritual
214 Priests and Officials, 199f.: 98 ŠU IMa-di-dKUR DUMU a-bi-ka-pí DUB.SAR A.AB.GAL “Hand of
Madi-Dagan, son of Abī-kāpī, the scribe (and) apkallu-priest”. Note that Madi-Dagan has written
another (fragmentary) therapeutic tablet (without incantation, pace Y. Cohen 2009, 193), i.e. SMEA 30,
225ff. no. 27. For Madi-Dagan being a local Emarite, employed by the Hittites, rather than a Hittite or
a Karkemish scribe, s. Y. Cohen 2009, 191.
215 KUB 4, 17(+)18 [… lúS]ANGA GIŠ-ma lú[…] “[… the š]angû-priester wrote it and the […]”.
216 Additionally we find in Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24 a colophon containing the name Marduk-kabit-aḫḫēšu,
son of Aššur-ittūšunu. Note that the incantation collective LKA 26: r. 25’–28’ contains a possible
fragmentary colophon where the identity of the scribe/magical expert cannot be reconstructed. For the
identity of scribes in a curricular context, s. pp. 82–84.
217 Quid-pro-Quo formulae are the Akkadian recitations where the magical expert demands health for his
patient from a healing god or goddess in exchange for a gift. Interestingly, unlike the Roman principle
(s. Rüpke 2001, 149) where the gift is offered prior to the results, in Mesopotamian practice the result
could be demanded first. The earliest examples of the formula DN1 restore (his) health, so that the
expert may receive (his) fee! are the examples from the MB/MA period, i.e. BAM 4, 336: 7’–8’ [(…)]
d
Gu-la li-ba-liṭ […], DUMU ap!(UM)-kal-lí NÍG.BA lim-[ḫur…]; Ugaritica 5, 19: 12–13 ni-ka-rakx
(ZUM) bu-li-ṭ[ì]-ma, [DUMU] UM.MI.A⌈meš?⌉ ⌈NÍG⌉.BA li-im-ḫur. Note that we find a variant of this
formula in AuOr Suppl. 23, 16a: 7’–8’[(…) dG]u-la be-let ba-la-ṭi, [(…) bu]-ul-li-ṭi-ma NÍG.BA mu-
uḫ-ri. Examples from the First Millennium: AMT 93, 3: 11 dGu-la bul-liṭ-ṭi-ma qí-iš-tam le-qé-e; AMT
45, 5: r. 9 […] NÍG.BA-ki TI-i; AMT 10, 1: iii 5 dgu-la TI.LA-ma NÍG.BA-ki TI-i. Böck 2014, 114
proposes the idea that the gift meant for Gula, might be the ex voto offerings found in her temples.
Geller 2010, 93f. suggests that the present to the deity is in fact still the fee for the priest. As can be
observed above, in the examples from the First Millennium the magical expert is omitted entirely from
the formula, a tendency that can already be observed in the MB/MA variant AuOr Suppl. 23, 16a. A
similar dynamic to the Quid-pro-Quo formula can be observed in Kultmittelbeschwörungen, for the
present corpus KBo 36, 29b (lamp) and KUB 37, 98 (potter’s clay), where the statement that the object
has received its gift or price enables its activation (of the material) as a cultic object. In this case we
find evidence that the payment is related to a ritual payment, s. p. 107.
218 Examples can be found in the present corpus in Emar 729a: 3–4; Emar 729b: 10–12; Emar 729c: 28–
30; FAOS 12, pl. 5–6e: v 17’’–19’’; FAOS 12, pl. 5–6g: vii 19’–26’; Ḫulbazizi 82–82 (W): 5; Ḫulbazizi,
pl. 57 (V); KBo 1, 18b: A 13’–14’; KBo 14, 51a: 4’; KBo 36, 11+/b: r. 23; KBo 36, 28: i 6’; KUB 37,
62: 5’; LKA 75: r. 10. Note the occurrence of Ninurta in this formula in the non-canonical forerunner
to the Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-series Sumer 9, 29b. For the prominent position of Ninurta in the Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-
material, s. Finkel 1976, 62ff.
The Identity of the Magical Expert 65
practice. 219 In the same way the healing deities in magico-religious texts may be a divine
parallel to the human physician. 220 Interestingly, we find in anti-witchcraft incantations the
evil female counterpart of the magical expert, i.e. āšiptu (KAR 226c: ii 5’), comparable with
the evil male apkallū known from Maqlû III 62 and VI 86. 221 The negative counterpart of the
magical expert can simply be explained, as Abusch (2002, 85) has stated, as those who have
the (magical) power to help can also have the power to harm.
The ritual instructions found in incantation-rituals and therapeutic tablets refer often to a
second and third person singular, respectively the magical expert or physician and the patient.
Two texts within our corpus from Ḫattuša 222 specify the acting magical expert in the ritual
agenda, i.e.
lú
a-ši-pu ana IGI dMAN ki-a-am i-qab-bi The āšipu-priest will speak in front of Šamaš
as follows KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84: i 30
ana IGI dUTU lúa-ši-pu UR5.GIM ta-qáb-bi-ma You, the āšipu-priest, will speak in
front of Šamaš as follows 223 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84: iv 15
a-ši-pu Ameš ú-ra-am-ma-ak-ši The āšipu-priest will bathe her in water KUB 4,
17(+)18: r. iv? 3
[a-ši]-pu r[a-m]a-an-šú ul-lal The āšipu-priest will cleanse himself KUB 4, 17(+)18:
r. iv? 11
We find a possible attribute of the incantation-priest in a non-canonical incantation
against Lamaštu:
e-ši-e-pí «ù?» ⌈ù⌉ ḫul-tup-pá-a (You are familiar with …) the āšipu-priest and the
whipping rod (of the āšipu-priest)! Iraq 54, pl. XIVc: 32–33
219 AS 16, 287f.d: iv 26; AuOr Suppl. 23, 18c: iii 22’; Emar 729d: 44; Emar 735: 14; Fs. Wilcke, 190–191:
r. 8’–9’; MC 17, 443ff.: 22; Ugaritica 5, 17a: 1–2, 11; Ugaritica 5, 17b: 1–2. Note that we once find
the healing deity Damu as the āšipu rabû in AJSL 35, 141f.: r. 15. The same epithet for Damu is found
in Šurpu VII 71–72, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2016, 150.
220 AS 16, 287f.d: iv 22.
221 Abusch 2002, 202f.; Schwemer 2007a, 112f.
222 Note KBo 9, 50: r. 5’ […] lúa-ši-pu ÌR-k[a …] 6’. […] i-qáb-bi-ma […] “The āšipu-priest your servant
… he will speak …”. The reverse of KBo 9, 50 is very uncertain and fragmentary. The āšipu may be
part of the ritual agenda, but equally possible would be that KBo 9, 50: r. 1’–5’ are the dicenda
accompanying the following iqabbi in l. r. 6’.
223 Note the erroneous use of the 2nd person sg. instead of the 3rd person sg., s. Torri 2007, 678f.; Schwemer
2015c, 224.
66 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
Mesopotamian Heartland
The magical expert is well-attested outside the magico-religious texts especially in Middle
Assyrian documents. Interestingly, the magical expert is only found here as āšipu, sylla-
bically written (lú)a-ši-pu or logographically (lú)MAŠ.MAŠ 224. The syllabic variant (lú)maš-
maš-šú for MAŠ.MAŠ, well-known from the First Millennium, is relatively unattested for
the Second Millennium. 225 It is therefore to be assumed that the common magical expert for
our period was the āšipu ‘incantation-priest’ who practiced magical lore in daily life.
The majority of the Middle Assyrian attestations list the āšipu by name as a recipient of
animals for the purification (tēliltu) 226 or ritual procedures (nēpušu) 227 of palace women 228,
thus connecting the āšipu with the palace cult. 229
Other attestations name the āšipu as an acting witness 230, as a recipient in an account of
oil consumption 231, among lists of numeruous recipients of barley 232, among a list of
recipients of the audience gift (nāmurtu), 233 and once the chief incantation-priest (rab āšipē)
is listed among other chiefs. 234
The āšipu Aššur-išmânni is attested twice as a recipient of medical ingredients for salving
(ana napšalti) 235, which proves once again the close relation between the professions of the
asû (physician) and the āšipu (incantation-priest).
Additionally, it is suspected by Shibata (2015, 147) that the sender of the Middle Assyrian
letter (Tab T05A-134), one Lulāyu, is to be identified as an āšipu-priest. The letter concerns
a request from Lulāyu to the high-placed lady Labeʾtu to send medical ingredients for the
illness of Ilī-padâ. The contents of the letter imply that Lulāyu is a capable medical expert
able to diagnose disease, knows the right remedy and has knowledge of extispicy. The fact
that Lulāyu was connected with and employed as an āšipu at the local court in Ṭābetu (Tell
Taban), may be confirmed by a recently excavated therapeutic tablet. 236
Finally, the āšipu is also mentioned in the Middle Assyrian Laws § 47, which concern
accusations of witchcraft; the āšipu comes into play when a supposed eyewitness revokes an
earlier statement on the basis of hearsay. The eyewitness is to be interrogated by the king and
the āšipu has him swear an oath on his intentions. 237
As for the provenanced Middle Babylonian data, we find an āšipu from Babylon among
the recipients of cloth and textiles in a note from Kassite Nippur. 238 In a kudurru from the
Second Isin Period, the āšipu Sîn-nāṣir is attested as a recipient of land from the king Adad-
apla-iddina (1068–1047). 239 Sassmannshausen (2001, 69 fn. 1111–1113) offers three
attestations from the Nippur material, where we find āšipū as recipients of expenditures. 240
Among the unprovenanced Middle Babylonian material recently published by van Soldt
(2015), we find āšipū among the recipients of expeditures 241 and once as a witness in a
juridical text. 242
Peripheral Areas
In Ḫattuša the terminus āšipu could be used as an Akkadogram and was possibly assimilated
into the Hittite language as apiši–. 243 The Amarna correspondence shows that the āšipū
belonged to the experts sent between the various royal courts; KBo 28, 30, a letter from the
Egyptian pharaoh Ramses II to the Hittite king Ḫattušili III, where Ramses II refers to a
request of Ḫattušili III to send Egyptian specialists 244 to Ḫatti to cure his sister’s
barrenness. 245 The specialists are named asû and āšipu, but are likely according to Edel
(1976, 54–57) and Radner (2009, 225) to correspond to their Egyptian counterparts snjw and
ḥry-tp. Two other Amarna letters refer to Babylonian āšipū. The first is a fragmentary letter
from Kadašman-Turgu to Ḫattušili III, where it is said:
Concerning the āšipu, about which my brother wrote to me as follows – The āšipu
which my brother has sent to me, after he arrived I let him do the ritual procedures 246
KUB 3, 71: 7–9
The second is a letter from Ḫattušili III to Kadašman-Enlil II. The Hittite king states that
despite his good treatment of a Babylonian asû, the poor magical expert died. Furthermore
he refers back to the reign of his brother Muwatalli II when a Babylonian asû and āšipu were
sent to Ḫatti:
When during the reign of my brother Muwatalli they received an āšipu and an asû
and detained them in [Ḫatti], I argued with him saying: “Why are you detaining
them?” Detaining an asû is not correct.” Would I now have detained an asû?
[Concerning the] former [experts] whom they received here: the āšipu is perhaps
dead, [but the asû] is (still) alive. 247 KBo 1, 10+KUB 3, 72: r. 42–46
The letter continues with the statement that the remaining asû named Rabâ-ša-Marduk is
well-treated and free to go as he pleases. 248
We get the impression that the profession of the imported Babylonian āšipu was practiced
in Ḫattuša during the reign of Muwatalli II (1295–1272) and especially Ḫattušili III (1267–
1237). In the same period we find non-canonical forerunners to the later diagnostic omen
series enūma ina bīt marṣi āšipu illiku “When an āšipu goes the patient’s house” in the Hittite
archives. 249 There is no evidence of a presence of Assyrian āšipū, but as Schwemer (2013,
146) has suggested, it is to be assumed that healing experts from Assyria and Syria were
equally present at the Hittite court. 250 Some of these foreign experts eventually settled in
Ḫatti, raising their families and whose descendants would eventually bear Hittite names. 251
The trade of their father’s profession and hence also the knowledge of Akkadian was likely
transferred to the next generation.
Did the vast collection of Sumerian and Akkadian magico-religious texts from the
peripheral archives have any practical ritual purpose? Most likely not. The fact that almost
all these texts were written during the same period in which Amarna flourished implies that
they were created as products of the scribal centra. The fact that they may have not had any
practical ritual function does not mean that they did not have any influence on local ritual
and medical practices. For the corpus from Ḫattuša, Schwemer (2013, 148ff.) has pointed out
that, besides the Sumerian-Akkadian magico-religious texts originating from Babylonia,
other text-groups that need to be taken into consideration are Hittite rituals of Hurro-
Mesopotamian provenience with clear Babylonian motifs or containing Babylonian textual
passages, Hittite translations of Babylonian rituals, and Hittite adaptations of Babylonian
rituals. Schwemer clearly illustrates the influence of knowledge of Babylonian magico-
religious texts in local ritual practice. However, there are no direct duplicates of Sumerian or
Akkadian incantations in magico-religious texts from Ḫattuša attested in Hittite ritual texts,
which makes the practical functionality of our corpus questionable. 252 Yet, as the
abovementioned letter KUB 3, 71 implies, Babylonian magic and therapies were indeed used
at the Hittite court, but probably largely practiced by Babylonian (and Assyrian?) magical
and medical experts, and thus to be interpreted as exceptional cases. 253 Nevertheless, it is not
possible to connect Mesopotamian magico-religious texs from peripheral areas with native
Mesopotamian scribes with any certainty. 254 The only indications we have is the use of Baby-
lonian and Assyrian scripts, orthography, and grammatical features, s. § 5.3. Still, we are then
left with the question as to whether these texts were imported from Mesopotomia or were
written locally in Hattuša by native Mesopotamians.
The situation in Emar is slightly different. Rutz (2013, 319f.) has made clear that the
divination texts from Emar actually had a practical function. The variety of other Mesopota-
mian scholarly tablets in the ‘Temple’ M1 archive, such as incantations and lexical lists, can
be regarded as by-products of the scribal education of the diviners. In fact the majority of the
incantations from the peripheral archives can be explained as school (or school-related)
products, s. pp. 82–84, and subsequently as texts with esteemed scholarly value. A clear
exception is the Lamaštu-amulet deriving from the vicinity of Emar, Iraq 54, pl. XIV, s. p.
79. The unprovenanced therapeutic tablet Priests and Officials, 199f., deriving from the sur-
roundings of Emar as well, was written by Madi-Dagan, who besides a scribe, calls himself
an apkallu-priest in the colophon, 255 may be another example of a local Emarite practising
Babylonian medicine 256, but it cannot be excluded that Madi-Dadan was just an eloquent
scribe boasting about his knowledge. 257
The fact that Babylonian magico-religious and medical texts may have not been widely
adapted into local practices can be explained by the fact that there was already a rich
autonomous magico-medical practice extant in the peripheral areas. 258
37, 36+37c. This may be explained by the fact that Akkadian prayers and their motifs and structure
were often translated and assimilated into Hittite, for examples see Schwemer 2013, 146 n. 6. Wilhelm
1994b, 70 suggests that the motive behind the adaption of these prayers was not a real cultic purpose,
but rather an academic interest reflected in the Hittite prayers. For a recent edition and analysis of the
Hittite prayers to the Sun-god (CTH 372–374) and their relation to Akkadian prayers, s. Schwemer
2015a, 349–393. A detailed study is presently being undertaken by L. van de Peut on the Akkadian
impact on the Hittite prayers.
253 Not included in the present corpus are KUB 4, 47//KBo 45, 193 (CTH 432), which is following
Schwemer 2013, 158, a Babylonian ritual translated into Hittite to appease an angry deity containing
Akkadian recitanda and KBo 21, 20, a Hittite medical text with a fragmentary Akkadian incantation-
prayer, of which Schwemer 2013, 160 argues it is based on a Babylonian model. Both texts may be
seen as examples of Babylonian magical-medical knowledge adapted to Hittite practice. Note that no
Mesopotamian duplicates have been preserved for either of them. Hittite interest in foreign magico-
religious practice was evidently not limited to Mesopotamian material only; ritual-specialists were
collected from various places in Anatolia outside the Hittite heartland and from the regions of
Kizzuwatna and the Mittani, s. Haas 2003, 26.
254 Note the semitic background of the scribe Ammataya named in the colophon of KBo 1, 18 who writes
in the Hittite ductus and makes severe grammatical Akkadian mistakes, s. pp. 160f. and Zomer
(forthcoming/a). Most likely this scribe is a later generation descendant of a Babylonian scholar who
settled in the Hittite capital.
255 S. fn. 214.
256 Note that Madi-Dagan wrote another Akkadian therapeutic tablet, i.e. SMEA 30, 225ff. no. 27.
257 The use of apkallu as a profession in colophons is relatively rare, s. p. 72. Note that the word apkallu
was known in the scribal education from Emar from the Sa Vocabulary, s. Sjöberg 1998, 264 no. 409.
258 For a discussion of the magico-religious material from Ḫattuša, s. Haas 1994, 876–911; from Ugarit, s.
70 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
The terminus āšipu is unattested outside the magico-religious texts from the Late Bronze
Age cities of Ugarit and Emar. 259
Esagil-kīn-apli
One of the best examples of the magical-expert as a scholar is the well-known figure of
Esagil-kīn-apli, the compiler and editor of both the Diagnostic Handbook Sakikkû
(SA.GIG) 265 and the physiognomic omen series Alamdimmû 266 and who is said to be the
systemizer of the Exorcist’s Manual. 267 The manuscripts mainly date to the First
Millennium, 268 but it is stated in the Diagnostic Handbook that he was a descendant of
Asalluḫi-mansum, the apkallu of the Old Babylonian king Hammurapi, and that among his
professional occupations he was the pašīšu-priest of Nabû, the išippu and ramku-priest of
Ninzilzil 269 and the (chief) scholar (ummânu) of Sumer and Akkad, a citizen of Borsippa and
active during the reign of Adad-apla-iddina (1068–1047) 270 suggesting a terminus post quem
for the canonized version of the Diagnostic Handbook Sakikkû, the physiognomic omen
series Alamdimmû and the Exorcist’s Manual. The work of Esagil-kīn-apli exemplifies the
organization and the intention of standardization towards the end of the Second Millennium
of Babylonian literary texts. Specifically, it is said of Esagil-kīn-apli in the colophons of the
Diagnostic Handbook Sakikkû (SA.GIG), that he gathered the numeruous tablets containing
diagnostic omina and formed them into a new authorized edition. 271 The Catalogue of Texts
and Authors omits Esagil-kīn-apli and instead attributes the entire authorship of Sakikkû,
Alamdimmû and the āšipūtu to the god Ea, 272 the List of Kings and Scholars has an entry for
the scholar Esagil-kīn-apli, while the entry for the royal name is lost, but can be safely
restored as Adad-apla-iddina after the Diagnostic Handbook Sakikkû (SA.GIG).
Saggil-kīnam-ubbib
Another incantation-priest known as a scholar is Saggil-kīnam-ubbib who is allegedly the
author of the Babylonian Theodicy. 273 His name appears disguised acrostically in the
poem: 274
a-na-ku sa-ag-gi-il-ki-[na-a]m-ub-bi-ib ma-áš-ma-šu ka-ri-bu ša i-li ú šar-ri
I am Saggil-kīnam-ubbib, incantation-priest, worshipper of god(s) and king!
Saggil-kīnam-ubbib was not only a contemporary of Adad-apla-iddina as stated in the
Catalogue of Texts and Authors, 275 but of Nebuchadnezzar I (1125–1104) as well is reflected
in the Seleucid List of Kings and Scholars 276. His profession is listed in the latter as ummânu
and in the former as both āšipu/mašmaššu and ummânu in Babylon.
Sîn-lēqi-unninni
According to the Catalogue of Texts and Authors, Sîn-lēqi-unninni was the author of the
Gilgamesh-epic as a series, where his profession may be restored as lúM[AŠ.MAŠ]. 277
further confirms the position of Esagil-kīn-apli as an incantation-priest, s. Oshima 2013, xxxvii fn. 120.
270 Finkel 1988, 148f.
271 Finkel 1988, 148f.
272 Lambert 1962, 64–65 (ll.1–4). Note that more works are here attributed to Ea, i.e. [Āšipū]tu, Kalûtu,
Enūma Anu Enlil, [Alamdim]mû, Sag.iti.nu.til.la, Sakikkû, [Katudu]ggû, Lugale, Angim. For a
discussion of the occurrence here of Enūma Anu Enlil, Lugale and Angim and their possible relevance
to Esagil-kīn-apli, s. Geller 1990 and Heeßel 2010, 162 fn. 38.
273 Various scholars have questioned the authorship of Saggil-kīnam-ubbib, s. Oshima 2014, 124.
274 Another example of acrostics in Mesopotamian literary texts containing the name of the author are two
Neo-Babylonian prayers to Nabû and Marduk from Dūr-Šarrukēn by the āšipu-priest Nabû-ušebši
(JAOS 88, 131), s. Oshima 2011, 311ff. For the use of acrostics in the present corpus, s. p. 27.
275 Lambert 1962, 66–67 (v 1–2). Note that the name is completely broken in this entry.
276 Note that the author’s name is written here as Esagil-kīn-ubba. Also the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar I
and Adad-apla-iddina appear in inverse chronological order, s. Brinkman 1968, 115 fn. 641. For the
identification of Esagil-kīn-ubba as Saggil-kīnam-ubbib, s. van Dijk 1962, 51. For a discussion of the
possible relation and identification of Saggil-kīnam-ubbib/Esagil-kīn-ubba and Esagil-kīn-apli, s.
Beaulieu 2007, 14 and Lenzi 2008, 141 fn. 10. For a discussion of Saggil-kīnam-ubbib as a possible
contemporary of both Nebuchadnezzar I and Adad-apla-iddina, s. Heeßel 2010, 160f.
277 Lambert 1962, 66–67 (vi 10). For other restorations of Sîn-lēqi-unninni’s profession, (bārû), s. Dalley
72 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
Unfortunately, we have no specific date for when Sîn-lēqi-unninni may have lived. The List
of Kings and Scholars is not very helpful either, since it claims Sîn-lēqi-unninni is a
contemporary of king Gilgamesh. 278 George (2007, 30) suspects that Sîn-lēqi-unninni may
be dated either to the Old or Middle Babylonian period, but is more inclined towards the
latter given the textual evidence and the general tendency towards standardization as
evidenced in the works of Esagil-kīn-apli. 279
There is only one known example of a Late Bronze Age depiction of an āšipu-priest,
which is found on a kudurru dating to Adad-apla-iddina (1068–1047), s. Paulus (2014, pl.
52). The āšipu Sîn-nāṣir (right) is here depicted together with the king (left) without attribute
wearing an angular cap. 288
“who is seized by the liʾbu-disease” 298, or by his atypical behavior caused by the evil affecting
him, e.g. “he doesn’t eat good food, he doesn’t drink good water” 299 or “like a water snake,
like a muš-sag snake, like a water snake is the patient. At day he doesn’t sleep, at night he
doesn’t sleep” 300
Public Clients
There is no doubt that the office of the incantation-priest was strongly connected with the
palace, but it remains difficult to determine whether some incantation-priests were fully
dependent on the palace or remained partly independent. Already in the Third Millennium
there are indications that the magical expert lúMU13.MU13 was responsible for purifying rites
in the palace environment. 301 The same can be examined for the Middle Assyrian data (s. pp.
66f.) and the attestations from the Amarna correspondence (s. pp. 67f.). The following
statement by Esagil-kīn-apli in the colophon of the Diagnostic Handbook suggests that the
scholarly work was originally commissioned by the the palace. 302
[Let the āšipu] who makes the decisions, and who observes the lives of people, who
comprehensively knows Sakikkû and Alamdimmû, inspect (the patient) and check (the
appropriate series), [let him deliberate], and let him put his diagnosis at the disposal
of the king. 303
Observing the archival context of magico-religious texts containing incantations, the M1
archive from Aššur is of special interest. This small palace archive contains tablets belonging
to Rībatu, son of Rīšēya, who is said in the colophon of KAR 91 to be the incantation-priest
of the king. That this archive was of royal importance is stressed by the colophon of LKA 116
stating that the tablet belongs to the palace. The magico-religious texts in this archive are
concerned with the purification of (royal) stables (KAR 91), to protect a (royal) building from
the evil of fungus (LKA 116), a Kultmittelbeschwörung for a cult image (Fs. Wilcke, 190f.) 304,
an incantation-prayer to Šamaš (KAR 246), 305 and the incantation-ritual against ghosts (BAM
4, 339). Another palace archive is the M2 archive, where of special relevance is a bilingual
incantation-prayer to Šamaš (LKA 75). This incantation is a forerunner to the third house of
Bīt rimki, but where the later series are explicitly meant for the king, LKA 75 neutralizes the
client as lú.u19.lu/LÚ “a (regular) person”, which implies that the incantation could possibly
be used for a variety of clients. 306 The fact that KAR 246 and LKA 75, both forerunners to Bīt
rimki, were found in palace archives strongly suggests that these texts were already adopted
into the palace cult.
One tablet specifically concerned with the king, i.e. ZA 102, 211 contains two sections,
the first incantation and accompanying ritual is to protect the king in the palace, the second
and third incantation are to protect the king on a journey or campaign. 307
One figure by the name of Šubši-mešrê-Šakkan who might have held the public office of
governor (šākin māti) under Kassite kings is the subject of the famous poem Ludlul bēl
nēmeqi. 308 We cannot exclude the possibility that Šubši-mešrê-Šakkan was the original
author of the poem, 309 but the general concensus nowadays is that the author of Ludlul bēl
nēmeqi must have come from the same environment as the Diagnostic Handbook and the
Exorcist’s Manual, i.e. the poem was likely commissioned by Šubši-mešrê-Šakkan, but was
composed by an unidentified incantation-priest (āšipu/mašmaššu) who might have been a
scholar (ummânu) as well. 310
Private Client
As is already stated above, the identity of the client is unknown within the present corpus,
but there are some indications within incantations that denote the domestic environment of
the assumed private client. A good example is KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84d, which is a
Kultmittelbeschwörung to consecrate flour within the ritual agenda and is to be spoken by
the client after the āšipu-priest has made drawings of flour to protect the domestic environ-
ment. In ll. ii 29–31 it is stated “On this day, I impose an oath by the gods on that which
entered this house to me!”. Iraq 54, pl. XIV, a relatively large tabula ansata which must have
been used in a private domestic context, reflects this use within its incantations, i.e.
ap-ti la-a ta-⌈x-x⌉ a-na KÁ-bi-ia la-a ta-tù-ur-ri ⌈la ta-na-ḫi-sí⌉ My window, you will
not […]! To my gate, you will not come back, you will not return! Iraq 54, pl. XIVa:
9
⌈i-na⌉ É-[t]i ša a-na-ku e-ru-ú-bu at-ti la-a te-ru-ú-bi In the house, which I enter, you
must not enter! 311 Iraq 54, pl. XIVb: 25
The archeological context of private magical texts corresponds partly with private houses,
but unlike amulets of the First Millennium there are no examples where the private client is
explicitly named. 312 As discussed above, the small landscape-oriented tablet VAT 13226
307 S. Schwemer 2011d. Additionally we may mention AS 16, 287f.d, where the king and his entourage
are named among the victims of the great evil in this incantation. This is however to depict the full
destruction among various layers of human society and does not denote that the incantation was
specifically intended for the court.
308 For the possibility of Šubši-mešrê-Šakkan as a historical figure, s. Lambert 1995, 33–34.
309 As suggested by Foster 2007, 32.
310 Beaulieu 2007, 13; Lenzi 2012, 38 and fn. 4; Oshima 2014, 19.
311 Other examples of similar phrases within Lamaštu incantations are AuOr Suppl. 23, 18b: iii 11’–12’;
AuOr Suppl. 23, 18e: v 3’–4’; MC 17, 443ff.: r. 11. Comparable phrases such as [mimma lemnu ša i-
n]a ⸢SU⸣-ia ù É-ia GÁ[L-ú] “[Whatever evil that] exist within my body and my house” (KAR 226e: 11)
where the body is equated with the dometic environment should not be regarded as evidence of the
domestic environment of the (private) client per se. Since the tendency exist, especially in incantations
and prayers, to portray the metaphor ‘house’ for the human body, s. Zgoll 2012, 83–106.
312 E.g. Bulālu in KAR 37(+?)282 and Bābu-aḫa-iddina in KAR 120 s. Maul 1994, 178f; Nabû-dūr-ilišu in
JAOS 59, s. Goetze 1939, 12–16 no. 8; note especially Nabû-zēra-iddina in LKA 128, who is very likely
to be identified with the goldsmith Nabû-zēra-iddina, s. Maul 1994, 179f. fn. 221.
76 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
concerning sexual desire comes from the M5 archive attributed to the merchant Sîn-uballiṭ
in Babylon. Interestingly, it is further said in the ritual agenda, VAT 13226: 22–23 a-šar
MUNUS.BI 1 ša KÁ-ša uš-ša-bu ṭi-da ta-ka-ri-iṣ “There where (of) that woman her
gatekeeper sits, you will pinch off clay, which refers directly to the domestic private space
of the client by proxy, i.e. the desired woman.
As for the amulets KAR 85, 86, 87 from the M14 archive in Aššur, they may have
belonged to members of the household of Adad-zēra-iqīša.
313 It is unclear whether the speech that follows hereafter 14’ dASAL.LÚ.ḪI ina EDIN 15’ lu-ú ba-na-ti “(O)
Asalluḫi on the steppes, you (f.!) are truly good!” is spoken by the client (by proxy) or by the magical
expert.
314 E.g. AOAT 308, 108; KBo 36, 29a; KUB 37, 36(+)37; KUB 37, 85a.
315 E.g. BAM 4, 334c; KAL 4, 27a; KAL 4, 27c; KAL 4, 31b; KAL 4, 31d; KAR 189; KUB 37, 43.
316 Abusch 2002, 90.
317 E.g. BAM 3, 214a; BAM 3, 214b; BAM 4, 334d; KUB 4, 99; KUB 37, 55+KBo 36, 32(+)HT 75; KAR
275; KBo 9, 47 (all Šamaš); KAR 240 (Girra).
318 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84b.
319 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84d.
78 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
We find explicit indications within incantation rituals and therapeutic tablets for the
alternation between actors within the ritual and hence for the acting speaker as well. The
priest is usually referred to with the 2nd person sg. and the patient by the 3rd person sg. As
already discussed above, it is rarely explicitly stated that the 2nd person sg. is the magical
expert and that 3rd person sg. is the patient. An exception is found in the accompanying ritual
instructions on the small landscape-oriented tablet VAT 13226, where only the 2nd person sg.
is used for the client, which is a direct indication for the fact that VAT 13226 was used as a
private magical text, s. below.
Verba dicendi to introduce incantations within a ritual or therapeutic context are qabû and
dabābu (Š), found in phrases such as annītu taqabbi, kīʾam iqabbi, kīʾam tušadbabšu.
Burial Context
The inscribed Lamaštu amulets RA 26, 10 (Susa), KAR 86 (Aššur) and the cylinder seal AuOr
Suppl. 23, 69 (Ugarit) and the non-inscribed Lamaštu amulets UE 8, pl. 28 (U. 17223A) (Ur)
and UVB 21, pl. 12i (Uruk) were found in a burial context. It is not suprising that these
amulets were found in graves mostly of children, since the amulets were likely the personal
possessions of the child and may have served as protection in the afterlife. 322
Foundation Deposit
Of the group of cylinder seals containing incantations, UE 8, pl. 35 (BM 122553) from Ur
was found in situ as a foundation deposit among three other cylinder seals in a recess masked
by bitumen in one of the chambers surrounding the great Nanna-courtyard. 323
Domestic Context
As for a possible domestic context, we may consider the amulets KAR 85 and KAR 87 both
from the M14 private house in Aššur. Although we have no specific archeological context
for Iraq 54, pl. XIV from Emar, its measurements suggests that it was to be hung in a do-
mestic context. This view is also confirmed by the content of its incantations. 324 Additio-
nally, Iraq 54, pl. XIV contains cylinder seal impressions and both the obverse as the reverse
are incised by a diagonal cross certainly to have had a magical function. 325 The geometrical
cylinder AoF 10, 218f. without a longitudinal hole was most likely buried in a private
house 326, but its exact practical function remains speculative.
Additionally, Wasserman (2014, 56) has argued for the Old Babylonian Akkadian incan-
tation corpus, that ideally small square or landscape-oriented tablets containing a single
incantation generally without ritual instructions (sometimes with drawing) were incantations
handed over to a private client. Pace Wasserman, I would argue that the omission of ritual
agenda in such texts is not mandatory. On the contrary, would one not expect accompanying
ritual instructions instructing the practical use of a spell in its ritual setting?
In the present corpus there is only one clear small square tablet, i.e. Ugaritica 5, 19 (RS
20.006) against eye-ache. It was found in a residence known as the House of Rapaʾānu,
together with the fragmentary AuOr Suppl. 23, 23 (RS 20.161+20.171A), having the ideal
circumference 75 x 75 mm. Noteworthy is that the language of Ugaritica 5, 19 contains
hybrid forms reflecting the Ugaritic modal systems of verbs (s. p. 167), which may suggest
that this tablet had a realistic ritual purpose instead being a product of the scribal centra.
However, the Rapaʾānu’-archive has yielded a great number of lexical lists which in turn
would suggest that again this archive is related to an educational environment. 327
Another group of potential candidates to fit Wasserman’s theory are the small landscape-
oriented tablets, of which CUSAS 30, 446; CUSAS 30, 447; CUSAS 30, 448 are unfortunately
unprovenanced 328, but VAT 13226, an incantation for sexual desire, comes from the M5 pri-
vate archive generally attributed to the merchant Sîn-uballiṭ in Babylon. A partial exception
to Wasserman’s theory are CUSAS 30, 448 and VAT 13226, which contain by single ruling
separated ritual agenda. Note that VAT 13226 has in its ritual agenda only the 2nd person sg.
for the client, which confirms its use as a private magical text.
324 Iraq 54, pl. XIVa: 9–10 a-na KÁ-bi-ia la-a ta-tù-ur-ri “To my gate you will not return!”; Iraq 54, pl.
XIVb: 25 ⌈i-na⌉ É-[t]i ša a-na-ku e-ru-ú-bu at-ti la-a te-ru-ú-bi “To the house which I enter, you will
not enter!”. I reject the view of Tourtet 2010, 246, who states that all Lamaštu amulets were worn by
individiuals and cannot be linked to architecture (i.e. hung in a domestic context) in any way. In
Tourtet’s vision, the use of Lamaštu-amulets is to protect against the demoness when she is already
present not to prevent her to come in. Tourtet does not consider the possibility of the use of amulets in
its protective function after Lamaštu is expelled from the home.
325 S. p. 26.
326 Freydank 1983, 217.
327 One cannot entirely exclude the possibility of the practical ritual function of the incantations in this
archive. Another example of incantations outside the Mesopotamian heartland possibly having a rather
practical function than an educational purpose are the Old Assyrian incantations with a clear
archeological Provenience all derive from private commercial archives, as argued by Barjamovic 2015,
71f.
328 Van Soldt 2015, 25f. suggests as a possible provenience for the texts in CUSAS 30 Dūr-Enlil(lē), most
likely to be identified with Dūr-Abī-ešuḫ in central Babylonia, s. fn. 135
80 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
329 Take for example BAM 4, 361 which instructs on the fabrication of such necklaces, for a recent edition
Maul 1994, 108-113. The Exorcist Manual (KAR 44) shows that identification and knowledge of the
magical properties of stones (abnu šikinšu) belonged to the lore of the incantation-priest. The necklaces
most likely correspond to the ‘strings’ (ṭurru, takṣīru, kuṣāru, ṣerpu) on which the magical stones were
strung together, s. Stol 1993, 107f. Another known phylactery is the use of the small leather bundles
(mêlu) of medical and magical herbs to be hung around the patient’s neck, s. Reiner 1959–60, 150f.
and Farber 1973, 60–68. For a general study on the use of magical stones and their protective and
healing functions, s. Schuster-Brandis 2008.
330 E.g. Lamaštu I 10 DÙ.DÙ.BI ina muḫḫi kunuk ṭīdi tašaṭṭar šerru ina kišādišu tašakkan “ITS RITUAL:
you write it (i.e. the incantation) on a cylinder seal from clay (and) you will place it around the neck of
the baby”; Farber 1989a,116f. § 41 (BM 134780: 6–7) [ana Lamaštu ana] ṣeḫri lā ṭeḫê kunuk ṭī[di
teppuš šipta Dimme mār]at Anim šumša ištēn ana muḫḫi ta[šaṭṭarma ina kišādišu tašakkan] “[To
prevent Lamaštu] approaching a baby, [you will make] a cylinder seal from cl[ay], you [will write] on
it [the incantation ‘Dimme daug]hter of Anu is her first name’, (and) [you will place it around his neck];
Farber 1989a, 128f. § 46 (K 3628+: 9–12) DÙ.DÙ.BI kunuk ṭīdi kullati [teppušma] šipta annītu ina
muḫḫi ta[šaṭṭarma] ina išāt pê taṣa[rrap] šumma ina kišādišu ta[šakkan] šumma ina rēš eršišu tallalma
mimma lemnu lā iṭeḫḫēš[u] “ITS RITUAL: [you will make] a cylinder seal from potters clay, you [will
write] on it this incantation you will burn it in a fire (made) from chaff, either you [will put] it around
his neck, either you will hang it on the top of his bed. No evil will come close to him!” Note that all the
textual evidence of usage of cylinder seals in ritual practice is from the First Millennium. Additionally,
observe the protective use of the cylinder seal in the myth The Slaying of Labbu (Rm 282) in Lambert
2013, 361–365.
331 Finkel 1976, 290. The loss of the patient’s cylinder seal was considered to be a negative omen, e.g. DIŠ
na4
KIŠIB lúTU.RA iḫ-liq GIG BI BA.ÚŠ in enūma ana bīt marṣi āšipu illaku II 43 (Heeßel 2001–2002,
32).
332 MB/MA amulets (Table 15) made of stone: AUWE 6, pl. 1 no. 5a–b (steatite); CUSAS 32, no. 62 (black
stone); De wereld van de bijbel, no. 18 (black stone); KAR 85 (marble); KAR 86 (black stone); KAR 87
(stone); MDP 33, 51 fig. 19/2 (bitumen); Metropolitan Museum, Notable Acquisitions 1984-85, 4
(yellow alabaster); MIO 7, 339 (black grey serpentine); N.A.B.U. 2016/47 (green black stone); RA 26,
10 (black stone). Of the amulets less certain to date the Late Bronze Age made of stone (Table 17),
Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2 (chalcedony) and Iraq 38, 62 fig. 3 (chlorite). Only Iraq 54, pl. XIV is made of clay.
MB/MA cylinder seals (Table 18) from stone: Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (AA); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (BB); Ḫulbazizi,
pl. 57 (V); Ḫulbazizi, 82f. (W); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (X); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 59 (Y); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (Z). Clay
cylinder seals: AuOr Suppl. 23, 69; Tell el Amarna, pl. XXXII, IX (= EA 355). Note that cylinder seal
UE 8, pl. 35 is of glazed frit.
Practical Function of Incantation Texts 81
cylinder seals 333, but the latter well known from the textual evidence of the First Millennium
has likely evolved from the former. 334 As for the incantations found on amulets and cylinder
seals, a direct relation with a contemporary master-text such as a incantation collective cannot
be proven. 335
The incantations attested on amulets and cylinder seals are often so clumsily written with
multiple dittographies and haplographies or just pseudo-inscriptions that one wonders by
whom they were fabricated? Wasserman (2003, 182) has argued that it is not correct to
assume that all magicians and exorcists were literate, nor that scribal skills were prerequisite
for the performance of magic. The fact that the (in general Early) Bronze Age Lamaštu
amulets simply consist of triangle-square-stripe inscriptions or are pseudo-inscriptions
confirms this view. The relevance of such inscriptions has never been fully studied, but it
should be noted that amulets with proper inscriptions could still be accompanied with initial
and/or final triangles, e.g. KAR 85 and MIO 7, 339. An additional explanation which would
explain the multiple errors especially on amulets is that they were written ad hoc in the
environment of the client and there was no time for collation. 336
As for the duration of use of private magical texts, one can only speculate. Maul (1994,
176) has argued for the Namburbi-amulets, that their use may have been for an extended
period of time. Another phenomenon, typical for amulets and cylinder seals is their reuse in
later times. 337
A unique case found at El-Armana, is the cylinder seal EA 355. It contains an inscription
consisting of eleven lines in which each sign is repeated four to seven times resulting in the
acrostic inscription du-tu-nu-na ša dUTU-ni-qí SAR.DUB, tentatively translated as “du-tu-
nu-na of Šamaš-niqi (the) scribe”. 338 The function of EA 355 as a cylinder seal is still
questionable, due to the uncertainty around the reading du-tu-nu-na 339, most likely being an
Egyptian word or name? Knudtzon (1915, 24f.) has suggested that EA 355 is a scribal
exercise, but as already stated by Finkel (1976, 306) there are no other comparable examples
to confirm this theory. The possibility that EA 355 has an intrinsic magical function seems
more likely 340, especially in view with the practice of iterating signs in Mesopotamian incan-
333 The main difference between stone or clay amulets and cylinder seals may be not in function but is in
price and value, s. Panayotov 2015a, 600.
334 This assumption is solely based on the fact that Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 19 is attested on the (MB) stone cylinder
seal Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (X) as on the (NA) clay cylinder Iraq 14, pl. 22 (ND 1103). Recent material
shows that stone cylinder seals were still in use in the First Millennium, e.g. the NA stone cylinder
CUSAS 32, 67 (MS 3001) = Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 2.
335 Note that all (MB/MA) Lamaštu amulets are either an abbreviated version of Lamaštu II/e of the
Lamaštu-series or pseudo-inscriptions. With the exception of the cylinder seal AuOr Suppl. 23, 69,
which is a parallel of STT 144: 1–4. No version of Lamaštu II/e is preserved on the one (MB) incantation
collective concerning Lamaštu AuOr Suppl. 23, 18. Most cylinder seals contain forerunners related to
the Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-series are unparalled on the one contemporary incantation collective Sumer 9, 29.
336 Maul 1994, 176. There is no evidence to consider any of the amulets within the present corpus as school
products. Noteworthy to mention is the uninscribed amulet from the Middle Assyrian M7 archive Ass.
21101bf (M7: 237 ALCA I) which may confirm the ad hoc inscribement of amulets. The amulet is
depicted in Marzahn 2004, 46 and clearly shows a double ruling on the obverse.
337 S. fn. 188.
338 Another possibility would be “… (O) Šamaš (accept) my offering!”, s. Finkel 1976, 305.
339 Finkel 1976, 305 prefers the sign PAP over NU.
340 Borger 1967b, 239.
82 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
tations. 341 The possible acrostic reading in combination with the use of repetitive signs
however, remains unique, s. p. 27.
simple syllables and later more complicated lexical lists, literary texts and divination
handbooks. 347 The rise of such scribal centra caused a wide-spread of Sumerian and
Akkadian literary texts such as incantations in the peripheral areas. Following the evidence
of the previous chapter the most likely candidates for such scribal centra are Büyükkale A
and Haus am Hang in Ḫattuša, ‘Temple’ M1 in Emar and The House with the Archive of the
‘Lettré’, House of Urtenu and the Library of Lamaštu Tablets in Ugarit. The main difficulty
of identifying such scriptoria is that all evidence is circumstantial and that the same building
could have had other functions such as storage or archival purposes. However, if
Mesopotamian incantations were actually used by local priests to conjure evil in ritual
practice, would we not expect to find Mesopotamian incantations in the houses and archives
of priests for example in Ugarit the House of the Hurrian Priest or the House of the High
Priest? 348 When discussing the Late Bronze Age curriculum, the main focus lies on the lexical
lists and wisdom literature. The role of other scholarly and professional Sumerian/Akkadian
texts such as omina and incantations within the same curriculum remains largely unexposed.
Fincke (2012) has argued that all literary texts from the peripheral areas of Ḫattuša, Emar
and Ugarit come from an educational environment. As for the magico-religious and medical
texts, this statement is generally correct, with the one clear exception of the big amulet-
shaped tablet Iraq 54, pl. XIV coming from the vicinity of Emar, which in turn could be
explained by the fact that the transmission of amulets in the Bronze Age may have been
different than that of other tablet formats, s. p. 173.
As argued by Cohen (2013, 23), the origins of the Late Bronze Age curriculum go back
to the Old Babylonian Edubba, 349 but a direct link of transmission cannot be established.
Subsequently, it appears that incantations both Sumerian as Akkadian did not play a major
role in the Old Babylonian curriculum. 350 It is generally assumed, mainly based on evidence
of the First Millennium, that incantations belonged to the advanced stage of scribal
education. 351 Note however that scribal traditions could vary depending its geographical
setting. As for the present corpus, KBo 1, 18 (prism containing collection of incantations),
Emar 737 (lexical list) and KUB 4, 53 (diagnostic omina) reflect a direct educational context
considering their tablet formats/textual environment. Of special interest is Emar 737 found
among the lexical list ur5-ra = ḫubullu III-Va (Emar 543 A, 544 A, 545 A), of which the
colophon states ŠU IRi-bi-dDa-gan Ì.ZU.TUR.TUR “Hand of Rībi-Dagan, the novice
diviner”. It is believed that the more complicated lexical list ur5-ra = ḫubullu belonged to the
advanced phase of scribal education, which fits the context of incantation Emar 737 against
gastrointestinal disease and the description of Rībi-Dagan’s specialty as novice diviner.
There is no reason to assume that Rībi-Dagan was of a foreign background and he is likely
to be identified as a local student. 352 As for KBo 1, 18, prisms are generally ascribed to the
347 The clear exception being amulets and cylinder seals containing incantations.
348 Van Soldt 1995, 177f.
349 The existence of an Edubba or Edubba’s in the Hittite kingdom is still ambiguous, s. Weeden 2011,
119–22. The Haus am Hang and the institution known as É GIŠ.KIN.TI are main places suspected for
scribal training in Ḫattuša, s. Torri 2008; 2009; Gordin 2010.
350 Michalowski 1992, 318f.; Wasserman 2014, 59.
351 Gesche 2001, 176f.
352 For a discussion on the scribe Rībi-Dagan and his scribal activities, s. Y. Cohen 2009, 126–131.
84 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
advanced stage of the curriculum 353 being a schoolproduct would explain the multiple
erasures and scribal errors on this four-sided prism. 354 No certain examples exist for the
present corpus for incantations as school exercises from the Babylonian heartland. 355
As already stated above, there are no indications that the large majority of the
Sumerian/Akkadian magico-religious and medical texts from the peripheral areas had any
practical function, but there are signs that their scholastic background may have varied, which
is evident from the use of different sets of scripts and orthography, s. § 5.3. Colophons are
rare among the Mesopotamian magico-religious and medical texts from the peripheral areas,
but there are examples which indicate the possible ethnic background of the scribe, i.e.
besides the above discussed Madi-Dagan and Rībi-Dagan being local scribes from Emar, we
find for Ḫattuša KUB 4, 53 written in Assyro-Mittanian script by a scribe named Agi-Teššub
reflecting a clear Hurrian background 356 and the prism KBo 1, 18, of which the script is diffi-
cult to determine and was written by one Ammataya, being another example of a foreigner
in Ḫattuša additional to the evidence listed by Beckman (1983). 357 KBo 9, 44 containing an
incantation-ritual to Šamaš has a colophon as well, but the scribe’s name cannot be restored,
s. Waal (2015, 534). 358
The unique tablet from Karkemish OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV containing a forerunner
to Udug.ḫul X/a is said to belong to one Maḫḫi-ḫīṭa(/āya), but is written by one Lannî, called
a lúDUGUD.LÁ which is likely a misspelling for lúŠÁMAN.LÁ (šamallû) “apprentice”. 359
Marchesi (2014, 333) implies that the scribe might have been from Anatolian origin, which
would make the existence of OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV even more difficult to explain.
Although we may have no further excavated cuneiform texts dating to the Late Bronze Age
from Karkemish, it is reasonable to assume that here as well in view of nearby contemporary
Late Bronze Age sites, such as Emar and Alalaḫ, there must have been a cuneiform scribal
tradition. It appears that OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV was written by a likely non-Assyrian
scribe influenced or educated from the Assyrian school, as the script implies. However,
without further contemporary literary texts from Karkemish itself we can only speculate.
military campaign against the Kassite king Kaštiliaš IV he took various kinds of scholarly
tablets from Babylon to Aššur, among which the āšipūtu is specifically named together with
tupšarrūtu, Eršaḫunga-prayers, bārûtu and malṭarāt asûti nēpeš naṣmadāti. 362
A century earlier, another Assyrian king Aššur-uballiṭ I (1353–1318) marched to Babylon
in a blitz campaign, to avenge his son-in-law Karaḫardaš, son of Burnaburiaš II, against
whom Kassite troops had rebelled and eventually killed. Aššur-uballiṭ I executed the new
king, one Nazi-bugaš, son of a nobody and installed Kurigalzu II, another son of Burnaburiaš
II, as king. 363 It has been proven by Wiggermann (2008) that Aššur-uballiṭ I took at least one
Babylonian scribe by the name of Marduk-nādin-aḫḫē 364 back to Aššur and has concluded
that Tukultī-Ninurta I has brought back Babylonian personnel to Assyria as well. 365 The fact
that Aššur-uballiṭ I brought back a Babylonian scribe, suggests that he too may have taken
various scholarly tablets back to Aššur. 366
Another Middle Assyrian king who might have taken Babylonian scholars and/or tablets
to Assyria is Tiglath-Pileser I (1114–1076), of whom it is said in the Synchronistic Chronicle
that he as well took Babylon among various Babylonian cities. 367
This brings us to the question whether there are Middle Babylonian tablets in the Assyrian
archives and if so, can we identify magico-religious texts among them? A palaeographic
overview of the magico-religious texts listed in § 5.3 has resulted that they are all written in
the Middle Assyrian script 368 with two exceptions from Nineveh, i.e. AJSL 35, 141f. and ZA
102, 211 both recognized as Middle Babylonian. 369 It can be reasonably argued that AJSL 35,
141f. and ZA 102, 211 were first moved to Aššur or written there by a Babylonian scholar
and were later moved presumably for scholarly interests among other tablets to the archives
of the Ištar temple in Nineveh. 370
Concluding, there is ample evidence that magico-religious texts from Babylon were taken
as spoils of war to Assyria, or that Babylonian scholars created magico-religious texts in
Aššur. However, there is such evidence present for other varieties of Middle Babylonian
literary and scholarly texts in Aššur, as is mainly presented by Pedersén (1985) 371 and Heeßel
Aššur. The earliest example that we can identify is the epic of Adad-nīrārī I. Note that be it Assyrian
inventions, they are all written in Standard Babylonian.
362 Machinist 1978, 128f. (ll. 2’–11’).
363 Following the Synchronistic Chronicle, s. Glassner 2004, 178f. (ll. 8–17).
364 It is unlikely that this is the same Marduk-nādin-aḫḫē as the one in fn. 227 (NTA A.2617: 7).
365 Wiggermann 2008, 214f.
366 Heeßel 2012, 11 suggests that for the evidence in his corpus listed here in fn. 371–372, that one may
differentiate between the format of tablets with MB and MA palaeography, which might suggest that
such MB pieces with a different format were imported from Babylonia.
367 Glassner 2004, 180f. (ll. 14–24).
368 Another possibly exception could be cylinder AoF 10, 218f., s. Freydank 1983.
369 AJSL 35, 141f. identified as Middle Babylonian by Abusch/Schwemer 2016, 146; ZA 102, 211
identified as Middle Babylonian by Schwemer 2011d, 210.
370 Reade 1998–2000, 422f.
371 M2-archive: (2) KAR 19 (VAT 9302) hymn; (8) KAV 7 (VAT 10104) Codex Hammurapi; (23) KAR
452 (= KAL 5, 64) (VAT 9492) extispicy; (28) KAL 5, 83 (VAT 9518 (+) A 468); (40) LTBA 1, 75
(VAT 9617) lexical list; (50) KAR 450 (= KAL 5, 28) (VAT 9570) extispicy; (51) KAR 447 (= KAL 5,
50) (VAT 9600) extispicy; (59) MSL 14, 353ff. (A 52) lexical list. N1-archive: (8) KAR 145 (VAT
10102) Tamarisk and Datepalm; (9) MAOG 1/2, 53–56 (A 2) lexical list; (75) MAOG 1/2, 43–52 (A 3)
lexical list; (80) BAM 1, 11 (VAT 10267) prescriptions; (85) KAR 454 (= KAL 5, 86) (VAT 10751)
86 Chapter 4: The Social Setting
(2012) 372. It is to be assumed that such import pieces must have existed for magico-religious
texts as well and that these texts were copied by Assyrian scribes in their own script. 373 In
fact it is reasonable to believe that all tablets listed in Table 171–173; 175 are such deriva-
tions, since they are alle written in the Babylonian dialect showing the occasional Assyriasm,
s. § 5.3. Evidence for this theory can be found in the colophons of KAR 91 and LKA 116,
where it is said that their original was a “wooden tablet from the land of Akkad”. 374 The fact
that their original was a wooden tablet, might additionally explain why we have relatively
little evidence of original import pieces among the Aššur material in general.
The Assyrian adoption of the Babylonian literary tradition is also reflected by the fact that
the Babylonian palaeography was known by Assyrian scribes. Veldhuis (2012, 15f.) points
out that the Sa palaeographic list contains a concordance of Babylonian-Assyrian signs, where
the Babylonian signs are rather archaic. The scribe of this text, Marduk-kabit-aḫḫēšu, the son
of Aššur-ittūšunu, is the same scribe of the forerunner to Udug.ḫul XIII–XV, Iraq 42,
43f.(+)KAR 24 written in a clear Middle Assyrian script. 375
Ḫattuša
In the archives from Ḫattuša, there is group of magico-religious texts written in the Assyro-
Mittanian script. 376 Schwemer (1998, 50f.), later followed by Pongratz-Leisten (2015, 50),
suspected that these tablets were brought to Ḫattuša as spoils of war during one of the Hittite
campaigns during Šuppiluliuma I into Syria originating from the Mittani heartland. 377 There
are however no direct indications (e.g. colophons) which would confirm this theory. In a later
article Schwemer (2013, 158) is silent on this former idea on the Assyro-Mittanian tablets as
spoils of war and rather implies that such texts may have been written by foreign scribes at
the Hittite court following the scribal traditions of Upper Mesopotamia. 378 In any case, it is
noteworthy that within the archives of Ḫattuša besides letters and one treaty, 379 the Assyro-
Mitannian script is solely used for Sumerian and/or Akkadian medical and magico-religious
extispicy; (91) KAR 451 (= KAL 5, 18) (VAT 10788) extispicy; (131) KAL 5, 93 (A 455) omina; (133)
KAV 179 (A 587) godlist.
372 Additionally to Pedersén (all extispicy): KAL 5, 2 (VAT 10156); KAL 5, 3 (VAT 9599); KAL 5, 8 (VAT
9512); KAL 5, 9 (VAT 9569); KAL 5, 22 (VAT 10765); KAL 5, 23 (A 73); KAL 5, 24 (VAT 9993);
KAL 5, 29 (VAT 10914); KAL 5, 36 (VAT 10428); KAL 5, 47 (VAT 10740); KAL 5, 48 (VAT 10206
+ 14320); KAL 5, 49 (A 442); KAL 5, 65 (VAT 9476); KAL 5, 85 (A 463); KAL 5, 87 (VAT 10532);
KAL 5, 89 (VAT 10439); KAL 5, 90 (VAT 12942); KAL 5, 91 (VAT 14321); KAL 5, 92 (VAT 14363).
373 Weidner 1952–1953, 199 states that one could recognize such copies by the fact that they contain a
mixed ductus of Babylonian and Assyrian signs. Heeßel’s study contains the majority of MB tablets
from Aššur and to his knowledge no evidence can be presented for Weidner’s statement, s. Heeßel
2012, 11 fn. 134.
374 S. fn. 111.
375 Wasserman 2016, 203–206 argues that the catalogue KAR 178 written in Middle Assyrian script is
another example of an originally Babylonian import product.
376 The terminus Assyro-Mittanian is followed here after the general concensus. Note however the
observations and criticism of Weeden 2012.
377 Most likely after the Hittite defeat of the Mittani state.
378 A theory first presented by Wilhelm 1992.
379 Letters: KBo 28, 65; KBo 28, 66; IBoT 1, 34; KUB 3, 80. Treaty: KBo 1, 2 (between Šuppiluliuma I and
Šattiwaza from Mittani).
Practical Function of Incantation Texts 87
texts. 380 Whatever the explanation there may be for the presence of these tablets at the Hittite
capital, it depicts a vivid scribal activity originating from Upper Mesopotamia. Their mode
of transmission from Babylonia may have been contemporary with their possible Middle
Assyrian counterparts from Aššur, but it seems more likely that they go back to an earlier
phase of transmission.
380 Based on information from the database of the Hethiterportal Mainz. S. Weeden 2012 for previous
bibliography on the subject with addition of Schwemer 2013. For tablets written in the Assyro-
Mittanian script containing incantations, s. Table 177. Other magico-religious tablets from Ḫattuša with
the Assyro-Mittanian ductus, but without attested incantations are KBo 8, 1 (prescriptions for eye-
ache); KBo 8, 2 (prescriptions for eye-ache); KBo 8, 4 (medical fragment); KBo 36, 37 (prescriptions
against tootache); KBo 36, 63 (ritual fragment); KBo 47, 41 (ritual fragment); KUB 37,
7(+)3(+)2(+)5(+)6(+)4(+)8 (prescriptions for eye-ache); KUB 37, 9 (prescriptions against witchcraft);
KUB 37, 10 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 11 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 14+12(+)15 (prescriptions
for eye-ache); KUB 37, 21 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 23 (prescriptions for eye-ache); KUB 37, 24
(ritual fragment); KUB 37, 25 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 27 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 29
(medical fragment); KUB 37, 32 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 33 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 50
(medical fragment); KUB 37, 52 (ritual fragment); KUB 37, 54 (ritual fragment); KUB 37, 57 (ritual or
medical fragment); KUB 37, 65 (ritual fragment); KUB 37, 66 (ritual fragment); KUB 37, 74 (ritual
fragment); KUB 37, 81 (ritual against impotence); KUB 37, 86 (medical fragment); KUB 37, 91 (ritual
fragment); KUB 37, 94 (fragment related to witchcraft); KUB 37, 97 (ritual fragment); KUB 37, 107
(ritual fragment, not related to Udug.ḫul!); KUB 37, 137 (ritual fragment); KUB 4, 27 (witchcraft related
fragment); KUB 4, 52 (medical fragment); KUB 4, 54 (against the ṣētu-disease); KUB 4, 98 (medical
fragment), classification of all aforementioned tablets mainly follows Schwemer 2013 and the
Hethiterportal Mainz.
Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
381 Older and later duplicates as well as the possible relation with later series and compendia are found in
§ 6.3 and in Chapter 8. Note that a small group of partial duplicates exist in the present corpus, they are
here regarded as individual incantations, see below.
382 Note that with the recent publication of George 2016, a thorough investigation for unica and duplicates
of the Old Babylonian Sumerian incantations is a desideratum.
383 BSOAS 78, 600//CUSAS 30, 62//KAR 85//KAR 86//KAR 87//MIO 7, 339//N.A.B.U. 2016/47//
Metropolitian Museum, Notable Acquisitions 1984–1985, 4 (Lamaštu).
384 Ḫulbazizi, 82f. (W)//Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (V); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (Z)//Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (AA)//Ḫulbazizi, pl.
59 (Y).
385 S. Wasserman 2003, 180f.
386 BAM 3, 214a(//)BAM 4, 334a (To Šamaš); BAM 3, 214b//BAM 4, 334e (To Šamaš); Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR
24a//VAT 10785+/a (eʾru-wood); Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24f//VAT 10785+/b (Fumigation-ingredients).
387 KBo 9, 50//KBo 36, 29n//KBo 40, 104//KUB 37, 96+93c (Ḫayyattu & Rābiṣu); KUB 29, 58+59+KUB
37, 84a//KUB 29, 58+59+ KUB 37, 84g//KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60d (To Šamaš); KUB 29, 58+59+KUB
37, 84c//KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60a (liʾbu-disease); KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84d//KBo 36, 35+KUB
29, 60b (Flour); KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84f//KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60c (To Šamaš); KUB 29,
58+59+KUB 37, 84k//KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60e (liʾbu-disease); KUB 37, 36(+) 37c//KUB 31, 141 (To
Ištar).
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 89
Ugarit 388 reflecting that, as expected, incantations were copied and reproduced in the peri-
pheral scribal centra among other Mesopotamian scholarly and literary works. This is espe-
cially evident from KUB 31, 141, which is a Hittite duplicate from the big incantation-prayer
to Ištar also found in Ḫattuša as KUB 37, 36(+)37c. Furthermore, we find contemporary
duplicates both in the archives from the Mesopotamian heartland as in the peripheral
archives, 389 or solely in various peripheral archives. 390
Bones
For the Second Millennium we find a small group of incantations concerned with
(broken/diseased) bones. For the Old Babylonian period, CUSAS 32, 23a, CUSAS 32, 27b,
CUSAS 32, 30f, YOS 11, 76a, YOS 11, 76b, VS 17, 27 (all Sumerian); and for the present
corpus we have one Akkadian example from Ugarit, i.e. AuOr Suppl. 23, 16b bearing the
subscript KA.INIM.MA GÌR.PAD.DU. As observed by George (2016, 139), the incantations
388 Syria 20, 115 (KTU 1.73)//Syria 20, 118 (KTU 1.70)b (Enemy); Ugaritica 5, 17d//Ugaritica 5, 17ba
(Dog bite); Ugaritica 5, 17e//Ugaritica 5, 17bb (Depression).
389 AuOr Suppl. 23, 18g//MC 17, 443ff. (Lamaštu); CBS 13905/a//Emar 729c (Udug.ḫul); FAOS 12, pl.
5–6a//KUB 37, 143 (Udug.ḫul); KAR 275//KBo 9, 47//KUB 4, 99//KAL 7, 8 (To Šamaš); KUB 37, 58//ZA
106, 52 (To Šamaš); KUB 37, 72//Studies Sachs, 20 no. 19 (To Marduk). Note additionally the partial
duplicates: AS 16, 287f.c~AuOr Suppl. 23, 20~Iraq 31, pl. V–VIb~KUB 4, 13a (Birth: Cow of Sîn);
BAM 2, 141~BAM 4, 398~Emar 735 (šimmatu); LKA 116a~Priests and Officials, 199f.c (Any evil:
me.šè ba.da.ri)
390 KBo 14, 51b//Ugaritica 5, 17i (Headache). Note additionally the partial duplicates: AuOr Suppl. 23,
14a~Priests and Officials, 199f.b~Ugaritica 5, 17h (Fever: išātu).
90 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
CUSAS 32, 23a, CUSAS 32, 27b and YOS 11, 76b share their incipit a.ba (var. ab) dNanše.kam
“it is the sea of Nanše”. The example from Ugarit interestingly starts with 3’ me-e dÍD ḫa
[…] 4’ A.AB.BA.TA RI.A […].
Collapse
Stol (1993, 14) has his doubts whether Ugaritica 5, 17f is truly concerned with epilepsy. I
suggest that this incantation is indeed against a form of epilepsy or simple collapse. The first
line is the standard introduction of how the illness (RI.RI.GA) came about. However, where
normally the actions of the illness/demon are described in the second line, it appears there is
another introduction of how Asalluḫi is assumed to have benevolently helped mankind, i.e.
a patient, to gain control of his feet again. 391
Depression
For the notion of depression or gloominess here derived from eṭû instead ekēlu, s. CAD E 64.
Note additionally for eṭû, Emar 735: 12; 14.
Diarrhoea
The subscript of AuOr Suppl. 23, 25c attributes the incantation “to stop diarrhoea”
(KA.INIM.MA ŠÀ.SUR KU5.RU.DA.KAM), which corresponds with an entry of the
Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 18) and an entry in the medical commentary BAM 4, 401: 13. 392
391 R. 13’ ina ú-ši-šú ú!(LU)-ša-ziz-za lúGURUŠ it-ta-ši “(Back then) he (i.e. Asalluḫi) made him stand on
his foundations, he has lifted the young man up (from his feet)”.
392 No independent manuscripts are preserved for this medical work from the First Millennium, hence this
entry is not discussed in § 6.3. For a recent discussion of BAM 4, 401, s. Bácskay 2014.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 91
Eye-ache
Eye-ache was a well known problem in Ancient Mesopotamia. Multiple medical tablets,
mainly dating to the First Millennium, deal with this topic 393 and the entry IGI.GIG.GA.KE4
is found in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 16). We find two incantations on this subject in
the material from Ugarit, of which AuOr Suppl. 23, 27a bears the subscript [KA.INIM].MA
[igi.g]i[g.g]a.k[am]. Note that although we have no Mesopotamian incantations against eye-
ache from Ḫattuša, various manuscripts containing Akkadian prescriptions for the treatment
of eye-ache are attested, e.g. KBo 8, 1; KBo 8, 2; KUB 4, 50; KUB 37, 7(+)3(+)2(+)5(+)6(+)
4(+)8; KUB 37, 23.
Fever
išātu
All three incantations below, which are partial duplicates, are concerned with fire (išātu),
which is a metaphor for fever in Mesopotamian incantations 394 mainly known from the later
‘Fire’-compendium, s. p. 231.
liʾbu
One therapeutic text known from two tablets from Ḫattuša are concerned with the liʾbu-
disease, more specifically the liʾbu-disease-from-the-mountains as stated in the first line. 395
Whereas išātu is used as a metaphor, liʾbu belongs to the termini technici in medical texts for
fever, s. Stol (2007, 12–15). Not all incantations found in the present therapeutic text are
addressed to liʾbu directly, other techniques are used as well, i.e. activating and manipulating
the cultic objects (Kultmittel) such as flour and a thornbush and the use of beseechments to
Šamaš through incantation-prayers, see below.
Gall
One incantation bears the subscript KA.INIM.MA BE ZÉ GIG “INCANTATION (for) when
a man whose gall is diseased”. Various Sumerian examples exist for the Old Babylonian
period, where salt occurs as a purgative and is addressed as ka.duḫ.a dingir.[re.e.ne] “mouth-
opener of the gods”. 396 Tentatively, the fragment CBS 8857abis contains a passage of a
similar spell.
Gastrointestinal Disease
Emar 737 is found after a lexical list (Emar 6/4, 542, 543, 544) in the empty space left at the
lower left column of the reverse. For the lexical list see Veldhuis,
http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/dcclt/P271301/html. This incantation has been previously
identified by Arnaud (1987, 345f.) and Farber (1990, 310) as being concerned with a heart
disease; Fincke (2000, 180 fn. 1347) suggested that the main theme was an eye-disease.
Recently Collins (1999, 158–160) and Scurlock/Andersen (2005, 116f.) have proven that the
present incantation is against gastrointestinal illness.
Headache
For the relation between the incantations in Table 85 against headache and their relation with
the later Sag.gig-series, s. pp. 207–209.
kat-ta-ri-túm (ka-ra-ra-tum)
For the relation between Priests and Officials, 199f.a and the later Muššuʾu-series, s. pp. 198–
203. Later duplicates found outside the series are BAM 4, 354; KAR 297a (VAT 10783+): iii
12–13//AMT 58, 7 (K 9579): i 4–5//AMT 69, 9 (K 9164+): 7–8.
Maškadu
Note that although the subscript of AuOr Suppl. 23, 25d suggests the incantation is against
šimmatu, its content is directly concerned with maškadu, here addressed as sa.kéš. The fact
that a maškadu-incantation (KBo 1, 18a) is found on a prism containing a collection of
incantations generally concerned with arachnids, snakes and insects can simply be explained
by the attribution of maškadu’s poison being part scorpion and part snake. For the
identification of maškadu as a zoonotic disease, possibly brucellosis, s. Wasserman (2012).
Concerning the relation between the incantations in Table 88 and the later Muššuʾu-series, s.
pp. 198–203.
Sāmānu
The existence for a Sāmānu-series is questionable, s. Finkel (1998, 97). AuOr Suppl. 23, 25e
has several duplicates from the First Millennium, i.e. CM 10, fig. 8 (K 2042+9219): ll. 4’–
17’//KAR 181 (VAT 8886): ll. r. 6–18//KAR 330 (VAT 11545): ll. 1’–11’, s. Finkel (1998,
94–96). Note for YOS 11, 74 the use of NIM.NIM for sāmānu. Contemporary medical texts
containing prescriptions against sāmānu come from Aššur (KADP 1) and Ḫattuša (KUB 4,
49). 398
Šimmatu
The incantations in Table 90 can be regarded as partial duplicates; for their relation with the
later Muššuʾu-series, s. pp. 198–203. For the notion of šimmatu as “paralysis; loss of sen-
sation”, s. Scurlock/Andersen (2005, 289f.); Böck (2007, 49f.).
Vomiting
The subscripts of AuOr Suppl. 23, 25a and AuOr Suppl. 23, 25b both attribute the incantations
“to stop vomiting” (KA.INIM.MA pa-ra-a ana KU5-si). A similar entry is found in the
398 For an extensive overview and discussion of texts on sāmānu, s. Finkel 1998; Beck 2015. Note that the
latter offers an additional study of the occurrence of sāmānu in magico-medical texts from Ancient
Egypt.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 95
Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 18) BURU8.KU5.RU.DA. No medical works with this title are
preserved from the First Millennium. 399
399 Note that a later partial duplicate K 2426 iv 20–22 (CDLI no.P394426) exists for AuOr Suppl. 23, 25b,
s. Rowe 2014, 68.
400 Viano 2016, 320 assumes Emar 730 to be a partial duplicate of the me.šè ba.da.ri-incantation. This is
incorrect, Emar 730 can be joined to Emar 729, specifically Emar 729c, s. fn 29.
96 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Veterinary Medicine
Hippiatry
From the official M1-palace archive from Aššur we have one tablet concerned with “to purify
the horse stable”. As Maul (2013, 19) already observed, veterinary medicine such as hippiatry
belonged to the realm of the magical expert as well. 401 This is also reflected by the entry in
the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 24) TÙR ÁB GU4.ḪI.A u UDU.ḪI.A ANŠE.KUR.RA
SIKIL.E.DÈ “To purify the stall of the bovines and the (stall of the) sheep (and the stall of)
the horses”. 402
401 References to veterinary medicine are known from earlier sources, such as the Codex Hammurapi
§§224–225. Medical veterinary prescriptions are known as early as the texts from Ebla, s. Fronzaroli
2005; Biga 2006. Note that the acting party is consistently the physician (A.ZU/asû) and not the magical
expert (āšipu). Contemporary texts concerned with hippiatry are MA training instructions and taking
care of wagon-horses, s. Ebeling 1951; for the hippiatric text from Ugarit, s. Loretz 2011. A new
interpretation is additionally offered by Loretz 2011, 242–258 on the Ugaritic incantation KTU 1.100,
which he considers to be an example of magic used in a veterinary setting. Note that this would be
another example of veterinary medicine in the realm of the āšipu. For a discussion of hippiatry in
Babylonia, s. Stol 2011.
402 No definitive manuscripts for this veterinary work are extant, although Maul 2013, 19 fn. 26 does not
exclude the possibility that the later duplicate for KAR 91 from Nineveh 82-3-23, 1 may be attributed
to it. For further later duplicates of KAR 91, s. Maul 2013. Due to the uncertainty of the existence of
preserved manuscripts for this entry in the Exorcist’s Manual, TÙR ÁB GU4.ḪI.A u UDU.ḪI.A
ANŠE.KUR.RA SIKIL.E.DÈ is not taken into account in § 6.3.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 97
Dangerous Animals
Compared with other incantation corpora, the number of incantations against the effects of
dangerous animals (9) is low. For example, the Old Babylonian / Old Assyrian Akkadian
incantation corpus already yields 35 incantations, 403 i.e. the following thematic grouping after
Wasserman (2014): OA: dog (1), goat (1); OB: dogs (12), flies (1), goat (1), (field) pest (1),
scorpions (11), snakes and reptiles (5), worms and leeches (2). For the present grouping we
can thematically group the incantations against the effects of dangerous animals accordingly:
dog bite (2); flies (1); insect(s)? (1); scorpions (2); snakes (2); wild animals (1).
Dog bite
In addition to the (12) OB Akkadian incantations against dogs listed by Wasserman (2014),
we can now add (3) other examples, i.e. CUSAS 32, 29a–c, and (3) for OB Sumerian, i.e.
CUSAS 32, 7f // CUSAS 32, 8b; CUSAS 32, 8a. For the present corpus we find the same
incantation twice in Ugarit, i.e. Ugaritica 5, 17d // Ugaritica 5, 17ba which is paralleled by
the OB spell Fs. Pope, 87.
Flies
Although the KBo 1, 18i is unilingual Sumerian and mostly incomprehensible, its Akkadian
subscript attributes it to being against flies (ši-pa-at zu-ub-bi). Other examples for spells
against flies dating to the Second Millennium are OB Akkadian, i.e. YOS 11, 6a–b, both with
the subscript KA.INIM.MA NIM.MA.KAM KA.KÉŠ.RE.DA.KAM. One other tentative
example may exist for the present corpus, i.e. CBS 15080, which seems to be concerned with
flies and/or locusts. 404
403 This number is much higher when taking into account the unilingual OB Sumerian incantations, s.
Cunningham 1997 and George 2016. As for the Early Sumerian incantations, the focus lies primarily
on snakes and scorpions, s. Rudik 2015, 74–77; 80–82.
404 S. fn. 434.
98 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Insects
It is unclear what insect is addressed in the fragmentary spell KBo 1,18h. Noteworthy is that
the entity first occurs on the victim’s foreheard and later at the end of the spell is picked up
from beneath his feet. 405
Scorpions
Both incantations are again found on the prism KBo 1, 18. KBo 1, 18j is to ‘catch’ a scorpion
whereas KBo 1, 18k is to ‘release’ a scorpion. An entry for a medical work concerned with
“to heal (the effects of) a scorpion” (GÍR.TAB TI.LA) is known from the Exorcist’s Manual
(KAR 44: 19), but there is no direct relation. 406 Numerous incantations against scorpions from
earlier periods are delivered to us; for Early Sumerian, s. Rudik (2015, 71f.) with addition of
CUSAS 32, 1b; for OB Sumerian/Akkadian, s. Cunningham (1997, 131–156) with addition
of AMD 1, 247; CUSAS 10, 19; CUSAS 32, 19a/d; CUSAS 32, 21l; CUSAS 32, 24a; CUSAS
32, 27c; CUSAS 32, 30c–d; CUSAS 32, 49; CUSAS 32, 50a.
Snakes
Also on KBo 1, 18, we find two incantations against snakes. An entry for a medical work
concerned with “to heal (the effects of) a tooth (i.e. bite) of a snake” (ZÚ MUŠ TI.LA) is
known from the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 19), but there is no direct relation. 407
Wild Animals
A unique incantation found on a tiny tablet published by Schwemer (2012) is concerned with
the king’s safety at home and on campaigns. As for the campaign section, ZA 102, 211b is
concerned with protecting the client against wild animals in the midst of the wilderness.
Human Agents
To protect the client against the malicious intent or negative effects of human behavior, we
find incantations against anger (1), (to pacify a) baby (1); enemy (3) and of course witchcraft
(25).
Anger
For the present corpus, CUSAS 30, 447 is concerned with winning over angry persons. Three
other Akkadian examples exist for the OB-period, i.e. TIM 9, 72; UET 6/2, 399; ZA 75, 194.
The manipulation of one’s mood towards another reminds us of the Egalkura incantations.
Baby
For a discussion and relation of CUSAS 30, 448, which is a direct parallel of LKA 9: r. 16’–
20’, with the later Lú.tur.ḫun.gá-compendium, s. p. 232.
Enemy
We find three incantations against an enemy in a foreign country. The examples from Ugarit,
Syria 20, 115 (KTU 1.73)//Syria 20, 118 (KTU 1.70)b, find a later parallel in SpTU 1, 12 from
Uruk, s. Prechel (2003). ZA 102, 211c bears the subscript “to pass through the steppe against
an enemy” (KA.INIM.MA LÚ.KÚR.⌈ŠÈ?⌉ E[DIN?.NA? DI]B?.BÉ.DA.KAM). All three in-
cantations may be related to the later entries EDIN.NA DIB.BÉ.DA and GI LÚ.KÚR
NU.TE.GE26.E.DÈ in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 23). 408
Witchcraft
KUB 30, 1(+)KUB 37, 109a–b contains Sumerian incantations against the demonic witch and
was part of a non-standardized series, of which this was the fourth tablet, 409 written in syllabic
orthography. As already noted by Abusch/Schwemer (2016, 112), KUB 30, 2(+?)3(+?)4; KBo
13, 13; KBo 13, 15; KBo 36, 16; KBo 36, 19; KUB 37, 108+110 and KUB 40, 103 may have
belonged to the group of tablets. 410 The incantations KAR 189; KUB 37, 55+KBo 36, 32(+)HT
75a are found among šumma amēlu kašip-prescriptions, whereas KUB 37, 43; KUB 37,
44(+)45(+)46(+)47(+)49(+?)48 and KUB 37, 51(+)53(+)99a are found among ana pišerti
kišpī-prescriptions. 411 As for the relevance of KAL 4, 27a–c; KAR 226a–d and KUB 37, 51
(+)53(+)99a with the later Maqlû-series, s. pp. 193–196.
408 For the relation between the subscript of ZA 102, 211c and the incantation catalogue K 2389+, s.
Schwemer 2012, 218. For related texts from the First Millennium and references to a “series for battles”
(ÈŠ.GÁR MÈ), s. Elat 1982; Prechel 2003. No certain manuscripts for this series have reached us from
the later archives, hence it is not considered in § 6.3.
409 S. p. 36.
410 Excluded from the present corpus is the small fragment KUB 4, 23, which was tentatively identified by
Cooper 1971, 4 fn. 16; 11. Note l. 7, which reads after Cooper nig.ḫul.ak.kà.zu nu.me.a “your witchcraft
will disappear”. The fragment appears at first view to be bilingual in the paired interlinear format. Pace
Viano 2016, 273, I do not believe this fragment contains a collection of incantations, rather one text in
an unidentified genre.
411 Note that although the majority of the aforementioned incantations are actually found on duplicate
tablets, i.e. KAR 189//KUB 37, 55+KBo 36, 32(+)HT 75 and KUB 37, 43//KUB 37, 44(+)
45(+)46(+)47(+)49(+?)48, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2011, 27ff. and 67ff., the incantations listed here are
not preserved on duplicated tablets and hence not listed as duplicates.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 101
Suprahuman Agents
Incantations against suprahuman agents can be divided in Ardat lilî (1); divine wrath (1);
ghosts (4); Ḫayyattu & Rābiṣu (4); Lamaštu (24); evil Šēdu (1); Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related
(33).
Ardat lilî
For a discussion of the relation of Studies Jacobsen, 210 and the later Ardat lilî/Eṭel lilî-
compendium, s. p. 227.
Divine Wrath
It remains questionable whether KAL 4, 34 is actually concerned with divine wrath as implied
by its subscript ana ki-mil-ti DINGIR u diš8-tár D[U8-ri]. Its vocabulary would rather suggest
a birth-related problem. 412
Ghosts
Two therapeutic tablets from the present corpus are concerned with ghosts. From Babylon
we have BAM 4, 385, which is an MB tablet against the “Hand of a Ghost” (ŠU.GEDIM.MA)
found in a later context. Although the second spell is known to be concerned with ghosts
(BAM 4, 385b) 413, the first (BAM 4, 385a) is a spell against evil in general. For Ḫattuša there
is a ritual section on KBo 36, 29 to expel a ghost. Here the ghost is married off to his new
wife (i.e. a clay figurine of woman) including a wedding feast and dowry. 414 Whereas the
incantations listed below for KBo 36, 29 adress the ghost himself, KBo 36, 29d; KBo 36, 29j–
k address the female figurine of his wife-to-be. Although the incantation ritual BAM 4, 339
from Aššur itself is intended against ghosts, the recitanda are incantion-prayers to Dumuzi
and Ištar.
413 Although this spell is mainly known from the First Millennium to be concerned with ŠU.GEDIM.MA
(AMT 97, 1//K 3398+: 8–13; BAM 3, 221//BAM 5, 471: iii 25’–27’ s. Scurlock 2006, 443–446); variants
of it occur in šēp lemutti ina bīt amēli (SpTU 5, 247: v 16–19; DT 186: vi 2–4, s. Wiggermann 1992,
33f.; Von Weiher 1998, 50–57), among šumma amēlu kašip prescriptions (AMT 86, 1(+)AMT 85, 1: iii
5–13, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2011, 83–98), and in Muššuʾu VIII/o (Böck 2007, 294f.) and Maqlû V/k
(Abusch 2016, 143f.).
414 For more details on this ritual, s. Schwemer 1998; Farber 2001; Scurlock 2003, 52f.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 103
Lamaštu
For an elaborate discussion of the position of all incantations regarding the incantations listed
below and the later series, s. pp. 190–193. One additional but tentative example of an
incantation against Lamaštu may be found in AS 16, 287f.d. 415
(Evil) Šēdu
CUSAS 30, 446 adresses the evil Šēdu who is apparently causing flatulence (ll. 8–9 ⌈IM la⌉
ṭa-⌈bu⌉ ip-ta-rik a-na IGI-ia, am-m[i]-ni IM la ṭa-bu ta-ap-ri-ka a-na IGI-ia).
416 Adressed against one utukku-demon, appears to be further unrelated to the traditional Udug.ḫul-
material.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 105
Kultmittelbeschwörungen
The following Kultmittelbeschwörungen exist for the present corpus: cult image (1); dais (2);
date-palm (2); eʾru-wood (2); figurine (4); flour (2); fumigation-ingredients (2); hair of a
virgin lamb and kid (1); kiškanû-tree (1); lamp (1); potter’s clay (1); reed (1); tamarisk,
maštakal, libbi gišimmari (1); thornbush (3); water (1).
Cult Image
For the relation of Fs. Wilcke, 190f. and the later series Mīs pî, s. pp. 196–198.
Dais
Two incantations for consecrating a dais are found on AuOr Suppl. 23, 15 from Ugarit. One
other example from the OB-period can be found in YOS 11, 50a, which is in an unidentified
language but its subscript reads KA.INIM.MA BÁRA.RI.A.KAM. 417
Date Palm
For the relation and position of Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24c–d with the later Udug.ḫul-series, s.
p. 215; for their relation with the ritual-tablet for the Muššuʾu-series, s. p. 202.
eʾru-wood
For the relation and position of Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24a//VAT 10785+/a regarding the later
Udug.ḫul-series, s. p. 215.
Figurine
For studies on the role of the female figurine in the (mock)-wedding with a ghost (KBo 36,
29d, KBo 36, 29j and KBo 36, 29k), s. Schwemer (1998, 64–67); Farber (2001); Scurlock
(2006, 52–54). For the principle how to marry a disease, s. Farber (2004).
Flour
One spell found in two duplicate manuscripts (against the liʾbu-disease) from Ḫattuša is
concerned with consecrating flour, here addressed as a deity, i.e. dŠE.NAGA.
Fumigation-Ingredients
For the relation and position of Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24f//VAT 10785+/b with regard to the
later Udug.ḫul-series, s. p. 215; for the ritual-tablet of the Muššuʾu-series, s. p. 202; for the
Qutāru-series, s. p. 204.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 107
Table 118: MB/MA Kultmittelbeschwörungen for Hair of a Virgin Lamb and Kid
kiškanû-tree
For the relation and position of Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24b with regard to the later Udug.ḫul-
series, s. p. 215.
Lamp
A unique aspect that occurs within KBo 36, 29b is the use of the payment formula to
consecrate a cultic object, qīša(m) maḫrāta aplāta “(your) gift you have received, you are
paid”. This formula is mainly known from Kultmittelbeschwörungen addressing potter’s
clay, see directly below.
Potter’s Clay
This fragmentary incantation addressing potter’s clay was first recognized by Farber (1977,
208). Its contextual setting cannot be determined. Note however, that we find in
contemporary therapeutic šumma amēlu kašip-prescriptions from Ḫattuša KUB 37, 55+KBo
36, 22(+)HT 75: ii 2’–4’: ina kullati tallakma uṭṭet kaspa uṭṭet ḫurāṣa ana kullati tanaddima
ṭīda tašâmma “You go the clay-pit, and you cast one grain of silver (and) one grain of gold
into the claypit. You pay the clay”. 418 The incantation KUB 37, 98 refers directly to this ritual
payment, šīmki maḫrāti “your (f.) price you (f.) have received”. Similar incantations addres-
418 Later parallels are found in BAM 2, 140: 9’–10’//KAL 2, 42(+)43: i 3’–4’, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2011,
67ff.
108 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
sing potter’s clay are known for the First Millennium, i.e. KAR 134: r. 15–19; KAR 227: i
13–22; LKA 89+90: i 11’–19’; CM 1, fig. 2–5: 151–157.
Reed
The incipit of ZA 102, 211a may be related to an entry in the incantation-catalogue K
2389+10664 419, s. Schwemer (2012, 216).
Thornbush
The thornbush (ašāgu) plays an elemental role at the end of the therapeutic ritual against the
liʾbu-disease only known from Ḫattuša. The thornbush sought out outside the city gates is
addressed as ‘the offspring of Enlil’ and is seized by the magical expert (KUB 29,
58+59+KUB 37, 84h). This results in a hostage situation, where the magical expert threatens
the thornbush only to let it go free, when the thornbush releases the liʾbu-disease from the
patient (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84i). A more gentle approach is offered in the final
incantation addressing the thornbush. Now it is addressed as ‘deity’ and its crown is adorned
by the magical expert. Again it is stated that the magical expert will only let the thornbush
go free, when the liʾbu-disease sets the patient free (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84j). Of course
the liʾbu-disease is to leave the patient and enter into the thornbush. This is made clear from
the ritual agenda that follows and from the final incantation addressed to the liʾbu-disease,
now said to be in the thornbush itself, “that what is in the thornbush” (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB
37, 84k//KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60e). The possessed thornbush is finally abandoned outside
the city gates and the patient is ‘freed’ from his disease.
419 Edited by Caplice 1965, 108ff. and 112f.; Maul 1994, 197ff. A new copy is offered by Geller 2000a,
255 (=Text F).
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 109
Water
LKA 116b is a Sumerian Kultmittelbeschwörung for the consecration of holy water found in
a namburbi against fungus from Aššur and its later duplicates. 420 Further examples dating to
the Second Millennium for the consecration of water are OB CUSAS 32, 5f–g; CUSAS 32,
6e; CUSAS 32, 6i 421 and YOS 11, 44. Additionally, multiple incantations exist addressing the
quay as a source of holy water, e.g. OB CUSAS 32, 6c; f–g; CUSAS 32, 9e–f; VS 10, 187b–
c; VS 17, 14. 422
Incantation-Prayers
Incantation-prayers exist in the present corpus for the following deities: Adad (1);
Asalluḫi/Marduk (3); Dumuzi (2); Girra (1); God of the house (1); Gods of the night (2); Ištar
(8); Kūbū (1); Personal deity (5); Ninurta / Sirius (1); Sîn (2); Utu / Šamaš (33); uncertain
(6).
Adad
KUB 4, 26(+)HT 13(+)KUB 37, 112a = Adad 1a in Mayer (1976, 378).
Asalluḫi/Marduk
KBo 36, 29i is addressed to a representation of Asalluḫi/Marduk calling upon DUMU
d
+EN.KI (KBo 36, 29: iii 12’). The fragmentary incantation-prayer KUB 37, 72, which is
420 OrNS 40, pl. III–IV (K 157+2788): 49’–51’//KAR 20 (VAT 9305): i 11’–13’.
421 Further examples for the consecration of river water from the First Millennium are OrNS 40, pl. III–IV
(K 157+2788): 34’–39’; SpTU 2, 5 (W 22642) // TIM 9, 29 (IM 13365). For the dating of TIM 9, 29, s.
fn 495.
422 For the First Millennium such incantations are adapted in Mīs pî, s. pp. 196–198.
110 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
duplicated by Studies Sachs, 20 no. 19, 423 concludes with the name of Marduk (KUB 37, 72:
9’). 424
Dumuzi
BAM 4, 339b = Dumuzi 1 in Mayer (1976, 380); BAM 4, 399c = Dumuzi 2 in Mayer (1976,
380).
Girra
KAR 240 = Girra 1 in Mayer (1976, 385). For the position of KAR 240 with regards to the
later Maqlû-series, s. p. 194.
Ištar
AOAT 308, 108a = Ištar 10 in Mayer (1976, 390); BAM 4, 339a = Ištar 18 in Mayer (1976,
391); BAM 4, 339d = Ištar 20 in Mayer (1976, 391); BAM 4, 339e = Ištar 17 in Mayer (1976,
391); KUB 37, 36(+)37c//KUB 31, 141 = Ištar 2 in Mayer (1976, 389). Syria 20, 124 (KTU
1.67) according to the new edition by van Soldt (1991, 297f.) is addressed to Ištar, i.e. ištr blt
(KTU 1.67: 15). 428 AoF 10, 218f. is found a cylinder and contains an unclassified incantation-
prayer to Ištar. 429 Not included in the present corpus are the Akkadian recitations in the Hittite
Babilili-ritual, which are mainly focused on the Ištar-type deity Pirinkir, s. Beckman (1999;
2014).
426 Note the parallel with the start of Maqlû, s. Dhorme 1940, 84.
427 Belongs to a group of tablets containing Akkadian incantation written in Ugaritic alphabetic script, s.
Table 188.
428 Idem, s. Table 188.
429 Freydank 1983, 219 fn. 3.
112 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Kūbū
KBo 36, 29a is to my knowledge the sole example of an incantation-prayer to the Kūbū
(divine foetuses). 430
Personal Deity
For a discussion of the position of LKA 26a–d with regard to the later Dingir.šà.dib.ba-
compendium and Ilī-ul-īde-cycle, s. pp. 228–230. In a therapeutic context we find BAM 3,
316a, duplicated by KAL 4, 35: iv 14–15 and STT 95+295: ii 91–92 of the First Millennium.
Ninurta
KAR 297+256(+)127 = Ninurta 4 ( = kak.si.sá) in Mayer (1976, 405), here Ninurta is ad-
dressed as his astral appearance Sirius. 431 As for KAL 7, 31, Meinhold (2017, 80) observes
several similarities with Ninurta 1 in Mayer (1976, 404) but cannot be classified as a
duplicate.
430 For a discussion of the Kūbū, s. Römer 1973; Stol 2000, 28–32.
431 For further literature on kak.si.sá/šukūdu “Sirius” for Ninurta, s. Streck 1998–2000, 518f.
Thematic Grouping of Individual Incantations 113
Sîn
BAM 3, 316b = Sîn 6 in Mayer (1976, 408). Syria 20, 118 (KTU 1.70)a can be identified after
the edition presented by van Soldt (1991, 297) as an incantation-prayer to Sîn, i.e. aḏmr sn.aṯb
šmy.aṯb [šm/y] (KTU 1.70a: 4). 432
Utu/Šamaš
BAM 3, 214a(//)BAM 4, 334a = Šamaš 69 in Mayer (1967, 418); BAM 3, 214b//BAM 4, 334e
= Šamaš 70 in Mayer (1976, 419); BAM 4, 334b = Šamaš 84 in Mayer (1976, 420); BAM 4,
334d = Šamaš 75 in Mayer (1976, 419); KAR 246 = Šamaš 44 in Mayer (1976, 415f.); KUB
29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84a//KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84g//KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60d = Šamaš
104 in Mayer (1976, 422); KUB 37, 55+KBo 36, 32(+)HT 75b = Šamaš 105 in Mayer (1976,
422); KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2b = Šamaš 41 in Mayer (1976, 415); LKA 75 =
Šamaš 42 in Mayer (1976, 415); ZA 91, 244 = Šamaš 40 in Mayer (1976, 415).
As for the big incantation-prayer to Utu found in ASJ 15, 282–285//KUB 4, 11//OrAnt 8,
pl. XI/XIII//TCL 16, 79+PBS 12/1, 25, we can to the OB-material presented by Alster (1991),
CUSAS 32, 47, a Sumerian excerpt thereof on a small landscape-oriented tablet consisting of
4 lines closed with the rubric TU6.ÉN denoting its use in daily magical practice.
KBo 9, 44a–c are found in an incantation-ritual to Šamaš; KAR 275 and duplicates are
found among ana pišerti kišpī-prescriptions; KUB 37, 58//ZA 106, 52 are found among
zikurudû-therapies. For the relevance of AlT 453(+)453a; KAR 246; KUB 37, 115+KBo 7,
1(+)KBo 7, 2b; LKA 75; ZA 91, 244 in regard with Bīt rimki, s. pp. 184f. Not included in the
present corpus is the Akkadian lament prayer (šigû) to Šamaš and Aya found among Hittite
ritual agenda in KUB 4, 47//KBo 45, 193 (CTH 432), listed in Mayer (1976, 422) as Šamaš
103, s. Beckman 2007.
432 Belongs to a group of tablets containing Akkadian incantation written in Ugaritic alphabetic script, s.
Table 188.
114 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Uncertain DN
In addition to the incantation-prayers listed in the table below, where the addressed deity
cannot be determined, we can add another fragmentary Akkadian example not included in
the present corpus found among Hittite medical prescriptions, i.e. KBo 21, 20, most likely
addressed to Isḫara, s. Schwemer (2013, 159–162).
Miscellaneous
The incantations found in Table 139 are difficult to determine, but some observations can be
made. AS 16, 287f.b is concerned with various demonic powers, note the syllabic
orthographic spelling for Kamad and Kamadru, s. p. 326. AS 16, 287f.d speaks of a great
female power affecting various layers of society, note the remark that she has been thrown
out of heaven, which reminds us of Lamaštu’s exile. BAM 4, 336 afflicts various professions
in society, which may reflect the effects of the evil eye, note however that the incantation is
closed by a formula commonly known from medical incantations. 433 Peterson (2016, 265)
notes for CBS 15080 that the incantation contains a provision for purifying the body after an
attack by a lion?. 434 For the possible relation of KUB 4, 24b with the Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-series, s. p.
189.
Unilingual Sumerian
Against the 205 unilingual Akkadian incantations, we find 83 unilingual Sumerian
incantations. This proportion is rather surprising when compared with the OB unilingual
Sumerian incantations which significantly outnumber the OB unilingual Akkadian
incantations. 435 The rise of Akkadian incantations during the Late Bronze Age fits well with
the assumption that by the start of the First Millennium, Sumerian incantations became less
prominent and were for a large part translated in bilingual compositions. A typical feature of
the MB/MA Sumerian incantations as well for Sumerian literature in general for this period
is the use of phonetic orthography especially in the peripheral areas, 436 s. Viano (2014; 2016).
435 S. Cunningham 1997, and additionally the incantations published by Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002 and
George 2016. A preliminary estimation yields that for every OB unilingual Akkadian incantation, one
finds four OB unilingual Sumerian incantations, whereas for the MB/MA the rate is 1: < 0,5 in favor
of the unilingual Akkadian incantation.
436 One Sumerian example within the present corpus using phonetic orthography from the Mesopotamian
heartland is AS 16, 287f.b. Earlier examples are known from the literary corpus of Mēturan, s. Viano
2014.
122 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Unilingual Hittite
One Mesopotamian incantation-prayer is found in a Hittite translation, i.e. KUB 31, 141, of
which we find an Akkadian duplicate on an incantation collective also from Ḫattuša, i.e. KUB
37, 36(+)37c. 437
Unidentifed Language
One example is found within the present corpus where the entire incantation is written in
what is sometimes called Abracadabra by Assyriologists. 438 The original language of KBo
36, 29o is difficult to determine, possibly garbled Hurrian or Elamite?
437 For other examples of Akkadian literary works translated by the Hittites, s. Schwemer 2013, 146 fn. 6.
438 For the identification of KBo 36, 29o as Abracadabra, s. Schwemer 1998, 108. For further literature
and discussion of Abracadabra-formulae in Mesopotamian incantations, s. van Dijk 1982; Farber 1989,
144f.; Veldhuis 1999; Prechel/Richter 2001. I would like to make here a distinction between using
mock Sumerian, i.e. the original intentional repetitions of variable phonetic elements enhancing the
magical purpose of an incantation, coined ‘Mumbo-Jumbo’ by Veldhuis, and the unintentional misuse
of the Sumerian caused by the unfamiliarity of the scribe, i.e. passages in phonetic orthographic
Sumerian. A good example is the Sumerian passage in KBo 36, 27: 21’–23’, which was cautiously
attributed by Schwemer 2004, 64; 68 to be Abracadabra-formulae, but can now sensibly be translated,
s. Wasserman 2016, 239f.
124 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Bilingual Incantations
Since there is no real concensus among Assyriologists on what a bilingual text actually is, it
should first be determined what is precisely understood by bilingual here. I follow Cooper
(1971, 11), who states that “the term ‘bilingual’ is restricted here to connected texts which
contain both a Sumerian and an Akkadian version on the same tablet”, in a slightly broader
sense, i.e. combinations of Sumerian or Akkadian with another cuneiform language are here
taken into account as well, and the Schriftträger need not by definition be a clay tablet; statues
for example are also included. This leaves out the group of Komplementärbilinguen defined
by Krecher (1976–1980, 125), where versions of a text are found on separate and independent
tablets in the same place, and I agree with Galter (1995, 31) that it is very doubtful that the
original texts carried bilingual inscriptions. 439 46 individual bilingual incantations are found
within the present corpus against the 7 OB bilingual incantations presented in the literary
catalogue of Wasserman (2003, 197f.) or 8 according to Wasserman (2014, 58 fn. 14). Note
however that according to the above-mentioned criteria, only 5 OB bilingual incantations can
be verified. 440
Since the present corpus displays various formats of bilinguals, an investigation into and
identification of the various formats is necessary in comparison with the bilingual situation
of the literary texts dating to the Second Millennium as a whole, see below.
439 For examples of such complementary bilinguals, s. Krecher 1976–1980; Galter 1995, 31f. (bilingual
royal inscriptions). Additional examples are Ugaritica 5, 15a (RS 17.10) and 15b (RS 17.80) Akkadian–
Hurrian, and possibly in the present corpus KUB 37, 36(+)37c (Akkadian) and KUB 31, 141 (Hittite).
Note however, that the formats of both tablets are different, i.e. KUB 37, 36(+)37c is an incantation
collective and KUB 31, 141 is most likely a single column text containing only the Hittite version of
the incantation-prayer to Ištar. Whereas KUB 37, 36(+)37c comes from Büyükkale A, the find-spot of
KUB 31, 141 is unknown.
440 I.e. CT 4, 8a; PBS 1/2, 122; PRAK 2, C1; RA 36, 3; RA 70, 135/137. Note no. 8 (= BM 58696+65520)
in Wasserman’s 2003 catalogue cannot be proven or validated and is still unpublished. The incantations
RA 36, 4, YOS 11, 35 and YOS 11, 67 listed by Wasserman are here not regarded as bilinguals. RA 36,
4, contains Akkadian on the obverse and Hurrian on the reverse, but the texts are not connected and
hence not regarded as a bilingual. As for YOS 11, 35 and YOS 11, 67, both contain Sumerian phrases,
but are not provided with Akkadian translations or glosses.
Division of Unilingual and Bilingual Incantations 125
441 Cunningham 1997. Additionally, Barjamovic 2015, 53 argues that the early Old Assyrian incantations
must have arisen from a shared Akkadian tradition dating back to the Third Millennium.
126 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
During the Old Babylonian period, the Sumerian language enjoys a prominent position
in literary texts, but gradually we find small inserted Akkadian glosses as reading aids. 442
The next corresponding phase appears to be Akkadian translations inserted in a smaller script
below the Sumerian version evolving in what is generally designated as interlinear bilinguals.
Further bilingual formats are obverse (X)–reverse (Y), not attested for the present corpus, but
known for an MB prayer to Nabû (Peiser Urkunden no. 92) 443 and MB building hymn (VS
24, 86), complete Sumerian followed by complete Akkadian translation, not attested for the
present corpus as well, but is known for an Akkadian-Hurrian wisdom text from Ugarit 444,
and finally parallel columns.
The bilingual situation for the Old Babylonian literary corpus has been described by
Cooper (1969, 16–37), Kämmerer (1998, 21–23) and most recently by Wasserman (2003,
179f.). The latter has presented a literary catalogue of the Old Babylonian Akkadian corpus
yielding an approximate 52 literary bilinguals. However, the corpus of bilingual literary texts
of the Old Babylonian period has grown to a preliminary 71 literary bilinguals presented in
this chapter. 445 As for the Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian bilingual literary corpus,
studies have been undertaken by Cooper (1969; 1971; 1972), Kämmerer (1998, 10f.; 13f.),
Peterson (2016) and Viano (2016, 36f.; 85); data presented in this chapter yield a preliminary
98 bilingual/trilingual Mesopotamian bilingual literary tablets, 446 of which 26 have been
identified to contain incantations. 447
442 Krecher 1957–71, for a typology of glosses in cuneiform texts. One may debate whether Sumerian
literary texts with Akkadian glosses are to be considered bilingual, since they do not offer a full
translation of the Sumerian, for criticism, s. Cooper 1969, 10f. They are here partly taken into
consideration since they may have functioned as a precursor to the bilingual format where an Akkadian
translation is inserted in a smaller script below the Sumerian version.
443 At present in the De Liagre Böhl Collection (LB 806), Leiden. Landscape-oriented tablet, (obv. Akk.–
rev. Sum.) appears to be a school exercise. Further literature, s. De Liagre Böhl 1950, 45 fn. 1.
Examples for the Old Babylonian period are RA 36, 3 (Akk.–Hurr.); RA 24, 34–37 (Sum.–Akk); RA
36, 4 (Akk.–Hurr.). Note VS 17, 86, which may be either OB or MB (obv. Sum.–rev. Akk.), contains a
hymn for a palace?.
444 RS 15.010, published by Nougayrol in Palais royal d’Ugarit III, pl. CVI. This bilingual contains two
“wisdom-texts”, where the Akkadian paragraph is followed after a single ruling by a Hurrian paragraph.
OB examples are Proverbs of Ancient Sumer 2, pl. 117 (YBC 9886); TIM 9, 6; UET 6/2, 380; UET 6/2,
381; UET 6/2, 385; UET 6/2, 386. Note CUSAS 2, 29 (MS 2065), which contains a proverb in phonetic
Sumerian, standard Sumerian and Akkadian, each having an individual paragraph separated by a single
ruling (landscape-format).
445 Note that in the present study all recensions (i.e. duplicates) of one text are reckoned as separate and
individual tablets. The presented number for OB bilingual literary texts includes the material listed in
fn. 443–444 in addition to the material listed below. Sumerian literary texts provided with occasional
Akkadian glosses are excluded, s. fn. 450. The author is well aware that claiming a complete overview
of all published and known bilinguals for the Second Millennium is impossible, but a thorough
overview is offered here nevertheless. A full study on Mesopotamian bilingualism is desperately
needed.
446 Only bilinguals deriving from the Mesopotamian literary tradition are here taken into consideration,
peripheral traditions, e.g. the Hittites had their own bilinguals such as Testament of Hattušili I (Akk.-
Hittite); Hurro-Hittite bilinguals (e.g. Song of Redemption KBo 32, 13+); Hattian-Hittite bilinguals
(e.g. the building ritual KUB 2, 2+).
447 In order to give a fair comparison with the OB material, FAOS 12, pl. 5–6 (Sum.Akk.) is excluded here.
Division of Unilingual and Bilingual Incantations 127
Bilingual Formats
The identification of formats is mainly based on Cooper (1969) and Krecher (1976–1980,
124f.). However, since the corpus of bilingual literary texts of the Second Millenium has
extended over the last decades, a more specific overview and a slightly new identification is
offered. 448 The bilingual formats are here discussed from the perspective of the MB/MA
bilingual tablets containing incantations; for a brief discussion of additional formats, see
above.
448 The presented research excludes technical bilingual literature such astrolabs (e.g. KAV 218),
hemerologies (e.g. Sumer 9, 28), omina (e.g. KUB 29, 11+KBo 36, 48) or the numerous lexical and
grammatical texts, s. Scheucher 2012 for an elaborate study on the MB bilingual lexical texts.
Additionally, mixed formats such as extracts from lexical lists combined with proverbs (e.g. ZA 94,
240) are left out of the discussion.
449 Also classified as MB by Peterson 2016, 266 and Viano 2016, 36.
450 It is beyond the scope of this research to present a full overview of the numerous Old Babylonian
Sumerian literary texts containing (occasional) Akkadian glosses. An extensive study of this matter is
presently being conducted by S. Sövegjártó. Examples of MB/MA Sumerian literary texts containing
Akkadian glosses are: AuOr 15, 53 (MM 478b) –Instructions Ur-Ninurta; CBS 15203 –Hymn
Inanna/Ištar; VS 24, 25 (VAT 17119) –Hymn (Emesal); UF 42, 574f. (CBS 10903) –Hymn to Enlil.
Not taken into account here is the recently published Old Babylonian tablet BM 67111 (Lament on Ur)
by Vacín 2017, where the scribe appears to switch between interlinear, Sum.Akk. and inclusion of
Akkadian portions within the Sumerian sentence.
451 For a Late OB-dating, s. Civil/Gurney/Kennedy 1986, 90.
128 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
(MB) CBS 15080. 452 Two examples exist for this format for the Middle Babylonian period,
i.e. CBS 15080 and the fragmentary BPOA 9, 208 no. 181.
Paired Interlinear
This is without a doubt the best attested format for the bilingual literary texts of the Second
Millennium and has a great visual advantage for both the antique and modern reader, since
one clearly sees the Sumerian and the Akkadian line as one entity separated by a single
horizontal ruling (rarely a consistent double ruling, i.e. Emar 775) from the next paired entity.
Note that mainly for the Old Babylonian bilingual material, the horizontal ruling is frequent
omitted entirely, i.e. CT 58, 28; JCS 26, 174f. 453; TIM 9, 27; UET 6/2, 388(+)UET 6/3 “6”;
UET 6/2, 389; UET 6/3, 918; VS 17, 46; VS 17, 49 and VS 24, 28. This tendency occurs rarely
within MB bilingual literary texts, i.e. CUSAS 2, 59 and Ugaritica 5, 164 (which has partial
horizontal ruling, but omits ruling entirely in r. 1’–17’). Another exceptional example is
(OB?) MDP 57, 2, which appears to be paired bilingual on the obverse and separated paired
452 After collation of the tablet it may be argued that the Akkadian on this tablet is possibly not a (partial)
translation of the Sumerian, but may contain therapeutic instructions to the Sumerian incantation, s. fn.
434.
453 Has occasional horizontal ruling to separate different paragraphs.
Division of Unilingual and Bilingual Incantations 129
bilingual on the reverse. 454 Bilingual literary tablets having the paired interlinear format, still
have occasional or frequent unilingual Sumerian lines, e.g. (OB) AUWE 23, 113; PBS 1/2,
122; VS 24, 29; VS 24, 36 and (MB) AnOr 52, pl. 15; CBS 13990; CT 58, 70; KAR 363; KAR
375 and for the present corpus AlT 453(+)453a and ZA 91, 244. 455 Note that the latter is paired
interlinear on the obverse, but on the reverse the Akkadian translations are incomplete and
occur rather as glosses below the Sumerian version. 456 A different example is (MB) KAR 9,
where the reverse is generally paired interlinear and the obverse contains unilingual Sumerian
with occasional supralinear Sumerian pronunciation glosses.
Table 152: MB/MA Bilingual Tablets with Incantations: Paired Interlinear with
Indentation
Separated Interlinear
The separated interlinear bilingual format is basically identical to the paired interlinear
bilingual format with an additional ruling between the Sumerian and the Akkadian version.
Only one example (KUB 4, 11) is attested within the present corpus and another single
457 It should be stressed that with indentation in the present chapter initial indentation is meant for the
Akkadian translation. Other forms of indentation, e.g. such as final indentation or hanging indentation
are beyond the scope of this research, s. Tinney 1999, 161f.
458 For identification of this small fragment, s. Maul 1991. Its exact dating remains difficult.
459 Note that Böhl in his copy does not reflect the horizontal ruling clearly present in the photo of LB 1530
in BiOr 7, pl. 1. For the unique history of both fragments, s. Frame 1995, 12.
132 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
example among other MB/MA bilingual literary texts, i.e. VS 17, 43, which was previously
identified by Sassmannshausen (2008, 272) and Viano (2016, 36) as an MB incantation. This
is to be corrected. Van Dijk (1971, 12) was right to identify this fragment as a historical-
literary text. Note the reference to a rebellion of four kings which is surpressed, various
troops, and the Emutbalum. 460 The separated interlinear bilingual format is well-attested for
the Old Babylon literary corpus as is shown in Table 157. Occasionally, the Sumerian is
spread over two lines (e.g. TIM 9, 24; VS 2, 89). Sumer 13, pl. 3 (p. 73) appears to be the sole
example where the Akkadian in a separated interlinear format is clearly indented.
Sumerian(//)Akkadian
A new format occurs in the second half of the Second Millennium, which is the use of both
the Sumerian (on the left) and the Akkadian (on the right) on the same line; ideally all lines
are divided by a single horizontal ruling and the Sumerian and Akkadian are separated by
460 VS 17, 43: 5’. á.kal nigin érin.ḫi.a níg 4 lugal.e.ne ⌈x⌉ […] 6’. gi-pí-iš ÉRINmeš ⌈ša⌉ 4 ⌈šar-ra⌉-ni is-ki-
p[u …]; r. 12’. […] ⌈á⌉.daḫ e-mu-ut-ba-lu[m …]. A new edition of the fragment is scheduled by the
present author.
Division of Unilingual and Bilingual Incantations 133
Glossenkeile. 461 A precursor to this format is already attested for the Old Babylonian period,
i.e. the hybrid format: paired interlinear–Sumerian(//)Akkadian.
The use of Glossenkeile is found in BAM 8, pl. 91; Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24; KUB 34, 3;
KUB 34, 4 and is absent in CBS 13905 462; YOS 11, 74 and in KAR 4 463 and Fs. Limet, 18 464.
As with other bilingual formats, unilingual Sumerian lines can still occur, e.g. CBS 13905.
The classification of VAT 10785+10871 to this bilingual format is expected, but remains
uncertain, since no photo or copy is available at the moment.
461 The use of Glossenkeile is additionally found starting in this period in the lexical lists, where it separates
the various entries in different languages, e.g. The Weidner Godlist from Emar, s. Salvini 2015, 252f.
(photo). Note that occasionally a single vertical ruling is used besides the Glossenkeile as well. As for
Mesopotamian bilinguals from the Second Millennium, the Glossenkeile are already rendered
differently depending on their Babylonian (MZL 592) or Assyrian (MZL 576) background.
462 Pace Peterson 2016, 261, who understands two adjacent columns, I rather understand here a partial
vertical aid line which occurs here instead of Glossenkeile.
463 Note the creation myth in KAR 4 is accompanied by the “Silbenalphabet A” on the left side, not
separated by vertical ruling or Glossenkeile, but simply by vacant space, s. Cooper 1969, 83.
464 The horizontal ruling is either lacking or poorly visible, s. Cavigneaux 1996, 18. Note that Civil 1997,
43 dates this tablet as Middle Babylonian, pace Cavigneaux 1996, 19 who assumes a Neo-Babylonian
dating.
134 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Table 160: MB/MA Bilingual Tablets with Incantations: Hybrid: Paired Interlinear–
Sumerian(//)Akkadian
465 The fragment KUB 37, 143 (also Assyro-Mittannian script) is here tentatively identified to have
belonged to a bilingual tablet (Sum. || Akk.). Klinger 2010, 334 fn. 78 joins KUB 37, 143 with KUB
37, 101(+)102, s. p. 307.
466 Abusch/Schwemer 2016, 146.
467 Note Akkadian–Hittite bilingual text.
468 Note Akkadian–Hittite bilingual text.
Division of Unilingual and Bilingual Incantations 135
to multiple columns (mainly for trilinguals 469), e.g. KUB 4, 5+KBo 12, 73 470; KUB 4,
8(+)6(+)KBo 12, 72 471; KUB 4, 2; KUB 4, 97 472; Ugaritica 5, 169 473. Variations on this format
are found, i.e. double vertical ruling + every line has horizontal ruling, e.g. Emar 771–
774+592; Iraq 38, 93; Ugaritica 5, 165; VS 24, 113 474, or single vertical ruling +
paragraphical horizontal ruling, e.g. BE 1/2, 129 475, BWL, pl. 58–59; KAR 97; KAR 113; KUB
4, 4 476, or single vertical ruling + every line has horizontal ruling, e.g. Brockmon Tablets,
124; Emar 767 (A) 477; Emar 767 (B) 478; Emar 768 479; Emar 769 480; Emar 770 481; JCS 31,
225; KAR 128+129; N.A.B.U. 2012, 43(+?)AnOr 52, pl. 14; UM 29-15-399+ISET 2, pl. 26;
ZA 65, 168; ZA 86, 172 482. Uncertain are AuOr Supl. 23, 47 483 and Ugaritica 5, 166 484, which
are most likely bilingual parallel columns, but due to their fragmentary state the vertical
ruling cannot be determined.
As for the Old Babylonian material having the parallel columns format, vertical ruling is
sometimes totally omitted and columns are separated by vacant spacing, e.g. BWL, pl. 71,
columns can be separated by a single vertical ruling, but only with every line having
horizontal ruling, e.g. CUSAS 2, 103–122 485; CT 21, 40–42; PBS 1/1, 11 486; PBS 15, 41; RA
8, 139; RA 60, 5+ 487; UET 1, 146, or can be separated by double vertical ruling with every
line having horizontal ruling, e.g. CT 44, 24; Essays Finkelstein, 200; FM 3, 81f. The
identification of BWL, 274 having the parallel column format follows the edition of Lambert
(1960, 274), the tablet is only known from transliteration and cannot be verified.
Table 163: MB/MA Bilingual Tablets with Incantations: Parallel Columns (Sum. || Akk.)
Table 164: MB/MA Bilingual Literary Texts: Parallel Columns (Sum. || Akk.)
15143 and N 2875+4113. Wagensonner (2011, 678) edited the small Middle Babylonian
literary fragment WOO 6, 678, which may have originally been a part of a bilingual tablet, s.
also Viano (2016, 121f.). 493
493 As for the speculation of both Wagensonner and Viano that this fragment could be related to Udug.ḫul,
further collation and evidence are necessary.
494 E.g. SpTU 2, 3 (W 22668/1), sag.ba sag.ba incantation.
495 Lambert 1967, 126. E.g. SpTU 2, 5 (W 22642), an incantation-prayer to the Tigris respectively Ea. One
of its duplicates, TIM 9, 29 (IM 13365) was classified by van Dijk 1976 in his catalogue as belonging
to the Neo-Babylonian or Kassite era. Since TIM 9, 29 contains the innovated format where the
Akkadian is set between two halves of Sumerian, I would rather suggest that it belongs to the Neo-
Babylonian period.
496 Cooper 1971, 5–7.
Division of Unilingual and Bilingual Incantations 139
parallel columns. In contrast with the First Millennium, it appears that for the Second
Millennium no fixed bilingual format can be correlated with a specific genre. 497
Table 167: MB/MA Bilingual Literary Texts Out of Estimated No. of Akkadian Literary
Texts in Genre
Epics 60 12
Hymns & Prayers 67 24
Laments 5 2
Love Lyrics 5 -
Incantations 184 26
Wisdom Literature 26 17
Literary Letters – –
When we compare the data in Table 167 with Wasserman’s research, we can observe, as
already stated above, a general rise in bilingualism. The bilingual percentage of the genres
‘hymns & prayers’ and ‘wisdom literature’ is likewise high; while the total in the ‘laments’
genre may be low, percentagewise it is still considerable. Bilingualism for ‘epics’ and
‘incantations’ is higher than in the Old Babylonian period. This may be explained by the fact
that both have found their way more permanently into the Mesopotamian curriculum.
Unfortunately, poor excavation results mean that relatively little is known of the Babylonian
literary tradition during the Kassite and the Second Isin periods and we thus cannot make any
definite statements about the traditional Babylonian curriculum of these periods. 503 However,
the fact that we find a high number of Mesopotamian bilingual literary texts in contemporary
Aššur and the peripheral areas allows us to make some observations.
First of all, we may have relatively little evidence from Babylonia, but as can be observed
in Figure 2 the number of bilinguals from the Babylonian heartland is comparable with the
data from the Assyrian heartland and the archives from Ḫattuša which indicates that the
original number of bilingual compositions from the Babylonian heartland must have been far
higher. 504
As briefly discussed in Chapter 4, Mesopotamian literature spread to the peripheral areas
through a curricular setting. The peripheral curriculum may therefore be seen as a possible
template for an earlier Babylonian curriculum. 505 Fincke (2012, 96) argues that the students
in Ugarit and Emar did not study bilingual incantations, but only unilingual Sumerian and
Akkadian ones. There is no reason to assume that school education in Emar and Ugarit did
not include bilingual incantations. There is in fact one possible bilingual incantation from
Emar (i.e. Emar 757) 506 and given the spread of bilingual literary texts in Emar and Ugarit
plus the recent excavated bilingual forerunner to Udug.ḫul X/a in Karkemish, it is to be
expected that the dependent and independent Syrian cities under the influence of the Hittite
kingdom possibly included bilingual incantations in their curriculum as well. With the
exception of Hattuša, it must be said however that the Syrian curricula appear to favor
unilingual over bilingual texts.
A difficult question to answer is
35 when exactly incantations found their
29
30 27 way into the Mesopotamian curriculum.
25 We have for the Old Babylonian period a
20
20 relatively high number of incantations, 507
but it cannot be proven or validated that
15
10 these incantations belonged to the
10 6 environment of the Old Babylonian
5 3
1 1 Edubba. According to Michalowski
0 (1992, 318f.) magical-religious texts
were not part of elementary education in
Babylonia and were apparently not a
major component in the Southern
curriculum. A direct possible reference to
Figure 2: Geographical Distribution of MB/MA
Bilingual Literary Texts the use of incantations in a curricular
environment may be found in a OB
literary letter (VS 17, 44 iii 9) where the superiority of the curriculum of Nippur over Isin is
cited: “You cannot even recite ten or twenty KA.INIM.MA”. 508 The dramatically low number
of bilingual Old Babylonian incantations may be due to chance, but compared with the
overall number of unilingual OB Sumerian and Akkadian incantations, their ‘learnedness’
and therefore their relation to the Edubba of the OB incantation corpus is questionable.
Wasserman (2010, 344f.) argued that the OB exorcist had to have basic knowledge of both
Akkadian and Sumerian and that bilingual knowledge may have been a prerequisite.
Indications for bilingual exorcists are designations such as (maš.maš) eme.ḫa.mun and a
direct reference is found within an OB incantation from Mēturan, “The (exorcist) mastering
the corresponding languages lays out (the magical devices) in the field.” 509 A clear example
of an OB exorcist mastered in both languages is demonstrated by Wasserman (2010) for the
tablets BM 79022 and BM 79299. 510
Incantations were widely distributed in the Old Babylonian period and we find a relatively
high number of duplicates in various places of both unilingual Sumerian and Akkadian
incantations, which indicates that incantations were already part of a mainstream literary
tradition. 511 The fact that during the second half of the Second Millennium incantations were
507 For a preliminary overview of the entire corpus of OB incantations, s. Cunningham 1997, 131–159.
The group of OB unilingual Akkadian and bilingual incantations has been surveyed and updated by
Wasserman 2003, 187–224 and the SEAL-database (M.P. Streck/N. Wasserman). The OB unilingual
Sumerian material can now mainly be extended by the publications of Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 1993;
1994; 1995; 2002 (Mēturan) and George 2016 (Schøyen Collection). A new study and survey of the
OB unilingual Sumerian incantations is desperately needed.
508 Michalowski 1992, 319.
509 Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002, 24 and 39f.
510 For a different interpretation, s. Foster 2011, 685f.
511 Michalowski 1992, 321.
142 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
found as curricular export products in the peripheral areas, implies that they were at the latest
incorporated into the Mesopotamian curriculum at some point during the Late Old
Babylonian and Early Middle Babylonian period. This may be seen as a precursor to the well-
established setting of incantations in the advanced curriculum of the First Millennium. 512
Observing the data presented in § 5.2, another important examination is warranted. Of the
26 Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian bilingual tablets containing incantations, 19 are
directly or indirectly related to later incantation-series and compendia, s. § 6.3. 513 In
comparison, of the 5 OB bilingual incantations some have later parallels, but only the glossed
FAOS 12, pl. 7–8 is related to a series of the First Millennium, albeit a non-canonical
forerunner to Udug.ḫul.
Babylonian Traditions
Non-suprisingly, all tablets within the present corpus from the Babylonian heartland are
written in Middle Babylonian script. Excluded from the present discussion are the stone
amulets and cylinder seals: AUWE 6, pl. 1 no. 5a–b; CUSAS 32, 62; De wereld van de bijbel,
no. 18; Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (AA); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (BB); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (V); Ḫulbazizi, pp.
82-83 (W); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (X); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 59 (Y); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (Z); Metropolitan
Museum, Notable Acquisitions 1984–85, 4; MIO 7, 339; MIO 7, 348; UE 8, pl. 35.
Archaic Features
We find one example of the OB use of a pronominal suffix assimilated to a dental written
with a /Z/-sign, i.e. ši-in-na-sú (VAT 13226: 13). 515 Classic mimation can be observed in:
ki!-na-ti-⸢im⸣ (VAT 13226: 7). Further older orthographic features are reflected in the use of
<pí> (BI): lu-ta-pí-iṣ (VAT 13226: 8).
Other Features
The use of epenthetic vowels can be observed in a-ku-⸢li⸣ for aklī (VAT 13226: 5).
Nippur
515 For this orthography tendency typical for the Old Babylonian period, s. Streck 2006, 228–230. For the
relative rarity in the Middle Babylonian period, s. Aro 1955, 26; Hess 2012, 93; for Middle Assyrian,
s. de Ridder 2018, § 225.
144 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Archaic Features
The following examples exist denoting OB /št/ instead of MB /lt/: na-piš-ti (BAM 8, pl. 91:
ii 19); maš-ta-ki-šá (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iii 22’); ma-ru-uš-tam (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iii 27’). 516
Orthographic preservation of /w/ against the MB /w/ > /m/ is indicated in a-we-lim (BAM 8,
pl. 91: ii 21); a-wa-ti-ka (BAM 8, pl. 91: ii 19). Examples of classic mimation can be observed
in [sa-ás-qa]-a-am (ZA 91, 244: 6); su-bu-a-am (ZA 91, 244: 8); examples for orthographic
mimation are: ra-ba-tim (BAM 8, pl. 91: i. 5’); ṣi-ru-tim (BAM 8, pl. 91 i 7’); el-lim (BAM 8,
pl. 91: ii 17’); a-we-lim (BAM 8, pl. 91: ii 21); er-⸢ṣe-tim⸣ (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iii 11’); ma-ru-
uš-tam (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iii 27’); qáb-rum (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iv 9’); šub-tum (FAOS 12,
pl. 5–6: iv 9’); tam-tim (PBS 1/2, 115: i 24’); KI-tim (PBS 1/2, 115: i 27’); er-ṣe-tim (N 3731:
5’); el-lu-tim (ZA 91, 244: 2); eb-bu-tim (ZA 91, 244: 2); ad-<di>-na-kum (ZA 91, 244: 2);
el-lam (ZA 91, 244: 3); di-nam (ZA 91, 244: 4); i-mit!-tam (ZA 91, 244: 9); šu-me-lam (ZA
91, 244: 9); di-nim (ZA 91, 244: r. 9’). An example of an uncontracted u+a > â is found in
šu-⸢a⸣-t[ì] (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: ii 7’). 517 The OB orthographic use for /GA/ for /qá/ against the
MB use of /QA/ can be observed in qá-ti-ka (ZA 91, 244: 3); [q]á-bu-šu (ZA 91, 244: 10); as
well the archaic use of /BI/ for /pí/ in: šu-ú-pí (ZA 91, 244: 4); ap-pí-šu-nu (ZA 91, 244: 8);
kiš-⸢pí⸣ (ZA 106, 52: 5’).
516 For the frequency of /št/ against /lt/ in the Middle Babylonian dialect, s. Aro 1955, 38. For other
examples in contemporary literary genres, s. Hess 2012, 95f.
517 Note that this example contradicts the statement by Hess 2012, 272 of uncontracted vowels in MB/MA
incantations.
518 For a discussion of the terminative-adverbial, s. Groneberg 1987, 162–168; Streck 1999, 37; Hess 2012,
153–159.
519 Aro 1955, 32; Hess 2012, 89. Note that this change was orthographic only, /w/ was still pronounced, s.
Streck 2011, 374.
520 Aro 1955, 35f.; Hess 2012, 97f.
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 145
21’); (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iv 4’; v 5’’; 7’’); (CBS 13905: iii 6’); (PBS 1/2, 115: i 12’; 20’); ZA
91, 244: 1); maš-ta-ki-šá (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iii 22’); šá-ḫat (PBS 1/2, 115: i 16’); šá-ḫa-ti
(PBS 1/2, 115: i 22’); šá-di-i (PBS 1/2, 115: i 16’); the use of /ŠÚ/ in [e]d-⸢de-šú-ú⸣ (BAM 8,
pl. 91, ii 8’); šú-nu (CBS 13905: iii 8’); is-sa-ḫáp-šú (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: ii 19’); SU-ri-šú
(FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iii 27’); ši-ma-ti-šú (FAOS 12, pl. 5–6: iv 11’); nap-ḫa-ri-šú-nu (PBS 1/2,
115: i 6’); the use of the /ʾ/-sign in: e-ʾ-e-ra (CBS 13905: iii 10’); zu-ʾu-ti (BAM 4, 398: r.
12’); the use of /pi/ in: pi-i-ka (BAM 8, pl. 91: ii 18’); šu-pi-i (BAM 8, pl. 91: ii 19’).
Archaic Features
Examples of OB /št/ against MB /lt are found in tu-uš-tab-ki (CUSAS 30, 448: 6); tu-uš-ta-
dir (CUSAS 30, 448: 7); ta-aš-tak-⸢na⸣ (CUSAS 30, 448: 9); iš-ta-na-as-si (MC 17, 443ff.:
14); na-maš-ta-a (MC 17, 443ff.: r. 20). 521 Orthographic preservation of /w/ against the MB
/w/ > /m/ is indicated in a-wi-l[u-ti] (CUSAS 30, 448: 2). Orthographic mimation is rendered
in: ri-ba-tim (CUSAS 30, 446: 1); tu-bu-qa-a-tim (CUSAS 30, 446: 2); A.RÁ-tam (CUSAS
30, 446: 3); ze-nu-ú-tim (CUSAS 30, 447: 4); šab-su-tim (CUSAS 30, 447: 6); sa-bu-tim
(CUSAS 30, 447: 10); ṣa-bi-tim (CUSAS 30, 448: 11); ku-ú-rum (CUSAS 30, 448: 13); [q]á-
di-il-tum (MC 17, 443ff.: 9); ra-bu-ú-tim (MC 17, 443ff.: 13); la-a-⸢ú?⸣-⸢tim⸣ (MC 17, 443ff.:
24); li-il-lu-ú-tam (MC 17, 443ff.: 27); ša-a[r-ru]m (MC 17, 443ff.: r. 10) against one
example of classic mimation: ša-di-i-im (MC 17, 443ff.: r. 3; 15). Further we may note the
older orthographic use of <qá> (GA) in [q]á-di-il-tum (MC 17, 443ff.: 9); tu-bu-uq-qá-a-ti
(MC 17, 443ff.: 20); da-am-qá (MC 17, 443ff.: 21); use of <pí> (BI) in: mu-né-pí-lu (CUSAS
30, 446: 5).
521 For further examples in other contemporary literary genres, s. Hess 2012, 95f.
146 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Assyrian Traditions
A relatively high number of incantations is found from the Assyrian heartland. With a few
exceptions, as seen below, all tablets are written in Middle Assyrian script. Excluded here
are the stone amulets from Assyria, i.e. CUSAS 32, 62; KAR 85; KAR 86; KAR 87; N.A.B.U.
2016/47. Although most incantations are primarily written in the Babylonian dialect, various
Assyrian features can be observed as well. Not presented among the MB features below are
the numerous examples of contracted vowels; only examples of uncontracted vowels are
listed under the Assyrian features.
Aššur
522 For examples in contemporary literary genres, s. Hess 2012, 94f. For the development of /št/ > /lt/
explained by a lateral pronunciation of /š/, s. Streck 2006, 233–251.
523 Aro 1955, 98f.; Hess 2012, 195.
524 Aro 1955, 40; Streck 2011, 373. Examples against Hess 2012, 272, who states that in all incantations
the vowel /a/ is preserved in D-stem. For the occurrence of MB /a/ > /e/ before /i/ in other contemporary
genres, s. Hess 2012, 76f.
525 Aro 1955, 35f.; Hess 2012, 97f.
526 Aro 1955, 40.
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 147
Archaic Features
The use of older /št/ instead of contemporary /lt/ is found in: [a-šu]-uš-tu (BAM 4, 335: 3’);
muš-te-ši-rat (BAM 4, 339: 21’); na-piš-ti (BAM 4, 339: 21’); tuš-tam-nu-šu (BAM 4, 339:
32’); liš-ta-mar (BAM 4, 339: 55’); qa-diš-tu (KAR 226: ii 6’); ⸢uš-ta⸣-pu-ú (Fs. Wilcke, 190f.:
4); ra-⸢pa⸣-[á]š-ti (Fs. Wilcke, 190f.: r. 15’); uš-te-pi-lu-ki (KAR 226: ii 15’); uš-ta-b[al-ki-
tu-ki] (KAR 226: ii 15’); munusqa-diš-ti (KAR 240: 7’); iš-te-en (LKA 75: r. 9); tuš-te-šir (LKA
75: r. 9); muš-tap-pi-ik (KAR 297+256(+)127: r. 5). 527
Examples for orthographic mimation are: [b]e-lum (BAM 3, 316: vi 14’); munusUŠ11-tum
(BAM 4, 334: v 15’); ki-nim (BAM 4, 339: 29’); ḪUL-tim (BAM 4, 339: 30’; 60’); an-ni-tam
(BAM 4, 339: 32’); be-lum (BAM 4, 339: 33’); šar-ra-tim (BAM 4, 339: 34’); ga-aš-rum (BAM
4, 339: 35’); kul-lá-tim (BAM 4, 339: 37’); lem-nam ḫa-a-a-ṭam (BAM 4, 339: 38’; 41’); qí-
527 For rare examples outside literary texts in Middle Assyrian, s. de Ridder 2018, § 220. For other contem-
porary examples in literary texts, s. Hess 2012, 95f.
148 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
⸢šam⸣ (BAM 4, 339: 40’); an-ni-tim (BAM 4, 339: 42’): gít-ma-lum (BAM 4, 339: 46’); [qe]r-
b[i]-tam (BAM 4, 339: 52’); bu-lam (BAM 4, 339: 53’); bu-lum (BAM 4, 339: 53’); [ú]-⸢tul⸣-
lim (BAM 4, 339: r. 6’); za-ab-⸢ba⸣-ti[m] (BAM 4, 339: r. 14’); a-la-kam (KAR 226: 12); [be-
l]um (KAR 240: 3’) and one for classic mimation: an-⸢na⸣-am (BAM 4, 334: v 14’).
528 Note that apocopated pronominal suffixes rarely occur within Middle Assyrian, s. de Ridder 2018, §
363. For further examples in other literary genres, s. Hess 2012.
529 For a discussion of the terminative-adverbial and locative-adverbial in Standard-Babylonian, s.
Groneberg 1987, 162–171; Hess 2012, 153–160.
530 de Ridder 2018, § 240.
531 de Ridder 2018, § 140.
532 de Ridder 2018, § 555.
533 de Ridder 2018, § 176.
534 For other examples for the lack of contraction of i+u in MA, s. de Ridder 2018, § 194. For examples in
contemporary literary texts, s. Hess 2012, 68. Note that this is another possible example against the
statement by Hess 2012, 272 for uncontracted vowels in MB/MA incantations.
535 For other examples, s. Hess 2012, 71f.
536 S. de Ridder 2018, § 221.
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 149
Other Features
One example of crasis can be found in the Aššur-material, i.e. la-ma-ri > lā amāri (LKA 75:
11’). Unusual vocalization can be observed in i[t-t]a-⸢na⸣-an-bu-uṭ > ittananbiṭ (Fs. Wilcke,
190f.: 10) as in ap-pa-ra-si-iḫ > apparassaḫ (BAM 4, 339: 59), where the latter may be a
confusion of the preterite apparsiḫ; note here additionally /l/ > /r/ (napalšuḫu), which can be
compared with ammar possibly deriving from ana mala (AHw 43b). /ḫ/ > /g/ can be observed
in [mu]g-⸢rin⸣-ni > muḫrīnni (BAM 4, 339: r. 11’).
537 For the rare occurrence of /w/ > /m/ in MA, s. de Ridder 2018, § 181. For other contemporary examples
in other literary texts, s. Hess 2012, 89.
538 For further examples, s. Hess 2012, 91.
539 For further examples, s. Hess 2012, 97f.
540 For further examples, s. Hess 2012, 90.
541 For examples of the morphographemic spelling with /Z/-signs in OB, s. Streck 2006, 230f.; for the
occurrence in MB with /S/-signs, s. Aro 1955, 26; for MA, s. de Ridder 2018, § 224.
542 Less certain is li-ta5 (KAL 4, 34: 6’), which may simply be read as li-tam.
150 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Uncertain Ductus
Freydank (1983, 217 fn. 2) noted the unique script found on the cylinder AoF 10, 218f. and
recognized it to be closer to Middle Babylonian and to Nuzi manuscripts. It is the oldest
incantation found at Aššur itself with an estimated dating to the 15th–14th century.
Hurrian Loanwords
Signs of a possible Hurrian interference can be observed in ši-re-e-en-ni (AoF 10, 218f.: 2;
5; 7) denoting the common Akkadian template in incantations annanna(NENNI)
mār(DUMU) annanna(NENNI), s. p. 314.
Kalḫu
Archaic Features
The preservation of /št/ instead of /lt/ can be observed in iš-ta-ma-a (AS 16, 287f.: ii 29); iš-
ta-šá (AS 16, 287f.: iv 29).
543 Note that this not an example of a paranomastic infinitive, since the following verb is išrukšu.
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 151
Other Features
Examples of sandhi spellings are found in: ši-ik-na-te~mu-tu-rat < šiknāte utturat (AS 16,
287f.: ii 20); 549 ik-ta-mi-ṣi~i-ḫa-al < iktamiṣ iḫâl (AS 16, 287f.: ii 26).
544 For further examples in contemporary literary texts, s. Hess 2012, 164–166.
545 de Ridder 2018, § 286.
546 Note that this is a further example against the statement by Hess 2012, 272 for the existence of
uncontracted vowels in MB/MA incantations.
547 For further examples, s. Hess 2012, 71f.
548 Example against Hess 2012, 272, who states that in all incantations the vowel /a/ is preserved in D-
stem. For the occurrence of /a/ > /e/ before /i/ in other contemporary genres, s. Hess 2012, 76f.
549 S. Veldhuis 1991, 63. Note that we can additionally observe here the Assyrian change (u)wa– > u–.
152 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Nineveh
Archaic Features
Preservation of classic mimation is attested in: še-ri-im (ZA 102, 211: 13) and i-la-am (ZA
102, 211: 21); examples of orthographic mimation can be found in: a!-wi-lum (AJSL 35,
141f.: r. 2); ⸢el⸣-lu-tim (AJSL 35, 141f.: r. 8); lem-nu-tum (AJSL 35, 141f.: r. 9); im-tum (AJSL
35, 141f.: r. 10); le-mut-tum (AJSL 35, 141f.: r. 10); a-wi-lam (AJSL 35, 141f.: r. 11); ab-nam
(ZA 102, 211: 9); ṣe-rim (ZA 102, 211: 10); ṭi-dam!?(ZA 102, 211: 12); a-wi-lim (ZA 102, 211:
13); šu-ú-tum (ZA 102, 211: 14); pa-da-nam (ZA 102, 211: 20); mu-ut-tál-li-kam (ZA 102,
211: 23). Preservation of /št/ instead of /lt/ can be observed in: i-na-ma-aš-te-e (ZA 102, 211:
10); ik-táš-dam (ZA 102, 211: 17). The orthographic use of /w/ instead of /m/ is found in: a!-
wi-lum (AJSL 35, 141f.: r. 2); a-wi-lam (AJSL 35, 141f.: r. 11); a-wi-lim (ZA 102, 211: 13).
Other Features
A superfluous vowel is found in e-eš-ri-ši > eš(i)riš (Iraq 31, pl. V–VI: 61). Spirantization
/k/ > /ḫ/ may be observed in il-ti-ki-iṭ (šaḫāṭu) (Iraq 31, pl. V–VI: 55). Alternatively, we find
/ḫ/ > /k/ in ta-aḫ-ti-me-iš (kamāsu) (Iraq 31, pl. V–VI: 57). 556
550 Perhaps comparable to ana bu-lu-ṭu DÙ[.A.BI] LÚ.U18meš (AS 16, 287f.: 7–8), s. p. 150.
551 For further examples in contemporary literary texts, s. Hess 2012, 164–166.
552 S. de Ridder 2018, § 234.
553 For further examples in contemporary literary texts, s. Hess 2012, 74.
554 For further examples in contemporary literary texts, s. Hess 2012, 71f.
555 Hess 2012, 163f. notes that no further contemporary examples exist in other literary genres. For a
different reading and interpretation of i ta-ap-rík, s. p. 330.
556 S. de Ridder 2018, § 207.
154 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Peripheral Traditions
Ḫattuša
There is an ongoing debate on the palaeography from Ḫattuša. Recently, Schwemer (2013)
presented a vast overview of the classification of palaeography of magico-religious and
medical tablets from Ḫattuša, which is followed here with minor exceptions. Tablets are
globally divided into: Middle Babylonian script, Assyro-Mittanian script, (New) Hittite script
and Non-Hittite script, reflecting the original scribal tradition. Whereas Middle Babylonian
and Assyro-Mittanian script may denote a direct link with the Mesopotamian heartland, i.e.
either imported or written by Babylonian or Assyrian scholars at the Hittite court, tablets in
Hittite script rather denote secondary or later copies from Mesopotamian originals. Copies in
non-Hittite script reflect a script not belonging to the Anatolian scribal traditions most likely
deriving from the various Syrian stratospheres 557 and possibly written by foreign (Syrian?)
students in the Hittite capital.
Archaic Features
OB plene-writing of the I/voc-verbs is found in: *i-im-mar (KUB 37, 44(+)45(+)46(+)47(+)
49(+?)48: iv 5). Preservation of classic mimation is found in: *šu-ra-a-am (KUB 37, 98: 7’);
and for orthographic mimation in *[ṭi]-⸢iṭ⸣-ṭam (KUB 37, 98: 6’).
Assyro-Mittanian Ductus
As discussed in pp. 86f., the tablets containing the Assyro-Mittanian ductus from Ḫattuša
may date to an earlier 15th–14th century form of transmission deriving directly from the
Mittanian heartland, although it seems more likely in view of the other foreign scripts present
in the Hittite capital that scribes from Upper Mesopotamia were equally active in scribal
activities. As for dating this group of tablets, the more precise dating of 14th (– early 13th)
century by Weeden (2012, 232) is followed here. As expected we find various archaic
features and influences from the Assyrian dialect plus a few Hurrian loanwords. What is
interesting however, is the equal strong presence of the Middle Babylonian dialect, which
confirms Weeden’s theory for a later dating of these tablets.
Archaic Features
OB forms can be observed once in the plene-writing of the I/voc-verbs: *i-ip-pu-uš (KUB 37,
72: iv 3’); once we find an assimilated pronominal suffix with a /Z/-sign: [m]u-us-sà (KBo
36, 29: ii 46); and in the orthographic /w/ instead of /m/ in a-wi-lam (KBo 36, 11+: 27’). One
example can be found for /št/: na-púš-ti (KBo 36, 11+: 21’) against none for /lt/.
558 Note the form e-mil-ti from eʾiltu (KBo 36, 29: iv 4’), which pace Schwemer 1998, 128 cannot derive
from an original form *ewiltu, but stems from the verb eʾēlu (√ jʾ?l, s. AHw 189a). Hence e-mil-ti is not
to be explained as a MB orthographic change of an original /w/ > /m/, but rather as a form where
intervocalic ʾ is replaced by a glide [w] orthographically written as /m/.
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 157
Hurrian Loanwords
Schwemer (1998, 49f.) pointed to two examples of possible Hurrian influences, both found
.
in the ritual agenda, i.e. *nindamakantu (KBo 36, 29: i 4’; 10’) and *túgaššiannu (KBo 36, 29:
ii 3; KBo 36, 34: ii 12’).
Other Features
We may observe an alternative nominal pattern PuRuSS, f. PuRuSSat in pu-luḫ-ḫé-tu4 >
pulḫātu (KBo 36, 11+: 18’), a morphographemic spelling in mi-šé-er-ri > mīšāri (KUB 37,
115+KBo 7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2: r.(!) 4), and an unusual /u/ > /a/ in ar-ḫa > urḫa (KUB 37, 115+KBo
7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2: r.(!) 7). Also note pí-ta-an-ši-⸢ša⸣ (pitanšišā) (KBo 36, 29: i 23’) instead of
pitanšašā / pitaššašā. The use of epenthetic vowels can be observed in a-ku-la for aklā (KBo
36, 29: i 22’).
Non-Hittite Ductus
As said above, tablets written in the Non-Hittite ductus were written by a group of scholars
and/or students deriving most probably from the Syrian stratospheres and are equally to be
dated to the 14th–13th century. KUB 37, 58 was first classified by Schwemer (2013, 155) as
Assyro-Mittanian, later changed to Non-Hittite by Abusch/Schwemer (2016, 356).
Archaic Features
The following examples exist denoting OB /št/ instead of MB /lt/: mu-uš-te-mi-du (KUB 29,
58+59+KUB 37, 84: iv 12); na-ma-aš-ti (KUB 37, 85: 6’); Preservation of orthographic
mimation is found in: PEŠ4-tum (KUB 4, 13: 12’); *an-ni-tam (KUB 4, 17(+)18: 2): di-nim
(KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84: i 31; iii 29); mur-tap-pí-dum (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84:
iv 4); DINGIR-lum (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84: ii 27; iv 30); AN.TA-⸢tim⸣ (KUB 29,
58+59+KUB 37, 84: iii 31); KI.TA-tim (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84: iii 32); Orthographic
158 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
use of <pí> (BI) in: pí-ta-a-⸢ki⸣ (KBo 36, 27: 18’); mur-tap-pí-dum (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB
37, 84: iv 4).
še-gi5 (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84: v 9); <gu5> (KU): ⸢e⸣-še-gu5 (KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37,
84: iv 16).
Hittite Ductus
The tablets in Table 179 written in the (New) Hittite ductus 559 are secondary scribal products
copied from the import tablets from Babylonia or Upper Mesopotamia or written by the
visiting scholars at the Hittite court. They betray various archaic features, but relatively litte
influence can be found from the Middle Babylonian and Middle Assyrian dialects. As
expected, we find various indications for the use of peripheral syllabary and incorrect use of
the Akkadian language.
Archaic Features
The following examples exist denoting OB /št/ instead of MB /lt/: iš-te-ka (KBo 9, 44: i 15’):
ša-ga-aš-ta (KUB 4, 20(+)21: 10’); muš-te-še-ra-at (KUB 37, 36(+)37: ii 6’); mu-uš-te-bi-lat
(KUB 37, 36(+)37: ii 9’); muš-tám-ḫi-ṣa-at (KUB 37, 36(+)37: ii 13’); iš-tam-ma-ra (KUB
37, 36(+)37: ii 22’); na-<ma>-aš-tù-u (KUB 37, 36(+)37: ii 23’). Examples of pronominal
suffixes assimilated to a proceeding dental written with /Z/-signs are: si-ib-ba-as-sú (KBo 1,
18: D 18’); a-wa-sú (KBo 1, 18: D 5’). Orthographic use of <pí> (BI) in: pí-i (KBo 1, 18: D
559 Note that KUB 37, 111 and KBo 9, 44 have the sign ŠA written with four horizontals, s. Schwemer
2013, 154.
160 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
6’): še-pí-ia (KBo 1, 18: D 8’); [u]ṭ-ṭá-ap-pí-[ir] (KBo 36, 17: 2’); šu-ri-pí (KUB 4, 26(+)HT
13(+)KUB 37, 112: 5’). Plene-writing of the I/voc-verbs is found in: a-al-la-ku (KBo 9, 44:
iv 7’); a-al-la-⸢ak⸣ (KBo 9, 44: iv 8’). An archaic feature in vocabulary is found in the use of
ba-ma-at (KBo 1, 18: A 2’; 3’) against the later more common mišil. Classic mimation is
preserved in: an-za-a-am (KUB 4, 26(+)HT 13(+)KUB 37, 112: 3’); examples for
orthographic mimation are ṣa-ba-tim (KBo 1, 18: D 20’); be-lum (KBo 9, 44: i 14’); ⸢i-lum⸣
(KUB 4, 11: 1’): DINGIR-lim (KUB 4, 20(+)21: 3’; 11’); er-ṣe-tim (KUB 4, 26(+)HT
13(+)KUB 37, 112: 7’).
repeatedly found on KBo 1, 18: š[i]-pa-at ú-ul i-ia-a-[ti] (KBo 1, 18: A 16’); ši-pa-at ša d[…]
(KBo 1, 18: A 18’); ši-pa-at ša MUŠ (KBo 1, 18: A 21’). 561
Other Features
An example of a sandhi spelling can be found in ṣi-ra~at-ti < ṣīr attima (KUB 37, 36(+)37:
ii 8’).
Uncertain Ductus
If the assumption is correct that KBo 36, 24 was originally a bilingual with the parallel column
format, it is likely to belong to the group of parallel column bilinguals written in the Assyro-
Mittanian ductus, s. Table 177.
Emar
A preliminary palaeographic overview of the Mesopotamian scholarly tablets from Emar has
been provided by Rutz (2013) and is followed here; two scribal traditions can be identified
for tablets relevant to the present study, i.e. Syro-Hittite (free) and Syrian (conventional). 562
Whereas the Syrian tablets indicate one of the earliest phases of the Late Bronze Age in Emar
and are said to most resemble the OB tradition, the Syro-Hittite tablets belong to later
peripheral scribal traditions in Emar resembling contemporary MB influences, s. Rutz (2013,
41). In general, the incantations from Emar appear to be relatively influenced by the Assyrian
dialect, which can be explained through cultural interaction along the Middle Euphrates
region, s. Cancik-Kirschbaum (2008).
Syrian Ductus
Only one certain example of the Syrian ductus can be found within the present corpus, i.e.
Emar 737. It most likely dates to the 14th–early 13th century. Although belonging to the older
phase of Emar, archaic features are scarce, but features of the Assyrian dialect are present as
a few examples of peripheral syllabary.
561 An identical mistake is also found in an incantation (Ugaritica 5, 19, see below) from Ugarit and
possibly in an incantation (AlT 450(+)450: 9–10 šiptu(m): ši-pát la ia!?-[…] ši-pát D[N…] ši-pát DN
š[i-pát DN …]) from Alalaḫ, s. Zomer (forthcoming/a). Note additionally that an-nu-tu4 (KBo 1, 18: D
23’) is most likely a confusion for annâtu (awâtu) “these (words)”, i.e. “this spell”.
562 Further and previous literature on the identification of various scribal traditions in Emar is provided by
Rutz 2013, 41. A general discussion of both scribal traditions is provided by Y. Cohen 2016. Studies
on the orthography and linguistic features on the tablets from Emar have been undertaken by Seminara
1998; Ikeda 1995; Y. Cohen 2009.
162 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Archaic Features
One example of orthographic mimation can be found: dan-nim (Emar 737: v 14).
Other Features
A curious spelling is found in líl-ša-ba-ni > lisābāni (Emar 737: l.e. 1). A mistake in the use
of the 3sg instead of the 1sg can be observed in: li-iš-pur > lušpur (Emar 737: v 20).
Syro-Hittite Ductus
Tablets containing the Syro-Hittite ductus 564 can be roughly dated to the late 13th–early 12th
century. No definite statements can be drawn from the material in the present corpus, though
we do find a few archaic features, and sparce evidence of both the Middle Babylonian and
the Middle Assyrian dialect. As expected, examples of peripheral syllabary are attested.
Archaic Features
Orthographic mimation is preserved: a-nim (Emar 735: 31’). OB use of <pí> (BI) is found
in: tu-šar-pí-du (Emar 735: 16).
Uncertain Ductus
Following Rutz (2013), the tablets listed in Table 183 cannot be attributed with any certainty
to either the Syrian or the Syro-Hittite ductus. Of main importance is here the big amulet
(tabula ansata) Iraq 54, pl. XIV, which shows clear use of peripheral syllabary and is at the
same time heavily influenced by the Assyrian dialect and reflects several archaic features.
Since Iraq 54, pl. XIV is clearly not a product of the peripheral scribal centra, it must derive
from another earlier stream of transmission most likely linked to Assyria. In any case, it
denotes one of the few direct examples of Mesopotamian magic used in daily life outside the
Mesopotamian heartland, s. § 4.6.
Archaic Features
The archaic preservation of /št/ against later /lt/ can be observed in: lu-uš-ta-bi-ka (Iraq 54,
pl. XIV: 30). Use of <pí> (BI) is found in: pí-ti-il-ti (Iraq 54, pl. XIV: 8); e-ši-e-pí (Iraq 54,
pl. XIV: 32); pí-šá-an-ni (Iraq 54, pl. XIV: 34). Orthographic mimation is found in: a-nim
(Iraq 54, pl. XIV: 1); bi-la-⸢a-nim⸣ (Iraq 54, pl. XIV: 3).
566 ti– prefix is known for the 3fs in Ugarit, s. van Soldt 1991, 431f. fn. 68; in Emar, s. Seminara 1998, 15.
567 Another contemporary example can be found in an incantation from Ugarit, i.e. ti-ka-as-su-us-ma
(AuOr Suppl. 23, 14: 4).
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 165
Other Features
One may note the curious rendering of e-ši-e-pí > āšipu (Iraq 54, pl. XIV: 32). GU7-am-ma-
a~GI.BAR must be a corruption of īkulamma~appāra/abbāra (AMBAR) known from
further contemporary parallels from Ugarit.
Ugarit
A thorough study of the palaeography of the Akkadian texts from the archives at Ugarit is
still desired. Van Soldt (2012) made some classifications and identifications based on texts
from the so-called Southern Palace and the Lamaštu Archive which, when applicable, is
followed here. For the present corpus we can identify tablets in Middle Babylonian,
Ugaritian, Mixed and Uncertain script. Additionally, we find a small group of Akkadian
tablets written in the Ugaritic alphabetic script.
Archaic Features
The OB orthographic use of /w/ instead of /m/ is found in: ⸢a-wi-lu⸣-ti (AuOr Suppl. 23, 18:
ii 10’). OB plene-writing of I/w-verbs is found in: ú-ub-ba-al (AuOr Suppl. 23, 18: iv 6’’).
Orthographic mimation is preserved in: AN-nim (AuOr Suppl. 23, 18: ii 18’; iv 3’’; vi 10’);
AN-num (AuOr Suppl. 23, 18: ii 19’; iii 10’); AN-tum (AuOr Suppl. 23, 18: ii 19’); dSar-pa!-
ni-tum (AuOr Suppl. 23, 18: ii 22’).
568 Note that for the present corpus AuOr Suppl. 23, 17 is an exception and written in the Ugaritian script.
569 Van Soldt 1991, 521. Note especially AuOr Suppl. 23, 18, which is written in perfect Babylonian script
and language. Only a few peripheral interferences can be found, betraying that it was written by a local
scholar well-versed in Babylonian, s. Farber 2014, 10.
166 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Other Features
One example can be found of crasis: ú-la-a-pu-UZ-t[am-mu/i?] ulāpu aštammu (AuOr Suppl.
23, 18: iii 28’) 571 and one example of a sandhi spelling: šu-pa-la~URU < šupāl ālim (AuOr
Suppl. 23, 18: iv 9’’).
Ugaritian Ductus
As for the classification of the tablets in Table 185 attributed to the Ugaritian ductus,
Ugaritica 5, 17b contains Ugaritian forms of TAR, TI and DA; Ugaritica 5, 19 contains the
Ugaritian forms of DA, TI and LI; AuOr Suppl. 23, 17 follows van Soldt (2012, 182). 572
570 Note similar examples in AuOr Supl. 23, 14, i.e. akul > a-kal and ē tākul > e ta-kal-la, s. mixed ductus
below.
571 Crasis is followed here according to Farber 2014, 227. Note that in case of crasis the Anlaut is victorious
over the Auslaut, i.e. we expect here /a/ instead of /u/ coloring.
572 Pace Arnaud 2007, 62, who speculates that AuOr Suppl. 23, 17 was an import piece from Ḫattuša.
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 167
Archaic Features
Use of <pí> (BI) found in: a-la-pí (Ugaritica 5, 19: 9).
Other Features
One example can be found of crasis: ú-li-a-ti < ul yattī (Ugaritica 5, 19: 10).
Mixed Ductus
As for the classification of the tablets in Table 186 attributed to the mixed ductus, AuOr
Suppl. 23, 14, contains the following diagnostic signs: TAR = Ug.; LI = Ug.; TI = Bab.;
Ugaritica 5, 17: LI = Ug.; TI = Ug./Bab.; RU = Bab.
573 Note that van Soldt expects a mistake 3.pl.m –ūna for 3pl.f. –āna.
168 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
Archaic Features
The archaic preservation of /št/ against later /lt/ can be observed in: rap-aš-ta (AuOr Suppl.
23, 14: 2); [nap]-la-aš-ta (Ugaritica 5, 17: 27). Use of <pí> (BI) found in: né-ra~⸢ap⸣-pí
(Ugaritica 5, 17: 29). The use of the value <pir6> (NAM) in [d]ú-up-pir6 (Ugaritica 5, 17: 1;
12) may reflect an older point of origin and/or erudite writing. 574 Orthographic mimation is
preserved in: am-mi-nim (AuOr Suppl. 23, 14: 4).
574 S. von Soden 1967, 11. Note additionally the occurrence of <pir6> (NAM) in the Assyro-Mittanian
incantation collective from Ḫattuša KBo 36, 11+: 20’ ši-pir6.
575 Pace van Soldt 1991, 437, hilqā is here correct (imp. 2pl.c. i/i) and not ḫulqā.
Local Scribal Traditions and Influences 169
prefix /ti–/ in: ti-ka-as-su-us (AuOr Suppl. 23, 14: 4); this is another confusion between
masculine and feminine. Incorrect /–ānanni/ instead of /–āninni/ (*–ānimni) is found in: i-
ša-na-an-ni (Ugaritica 5, 17: r. 13’); bi-la-na-an-ni (Ugaritica 5, 17: r. 14’), s. Huehnergard
(1989, 130 fn. 30). Incorrect use of imperatives is reflected in: e-lu-ma (Ugaritica 5, 17: r.
25’); uk-⸢lu⸣ (Ugaritica 5, 17: r. 25’). Huehnergard (1989, 160 fn. 187) suggests we may have
here literary imperative plural with –ū against –ā. In any case, imperative singular is
expected. An aberrant form can be observed in izzazūni > az-za-zi-ni (Ugaritica 5, 17: 19). 576
Von Soden (1969, 190) has suggested for lip-ḫu-dú (Ugaritica 5, 17: r. 7’) a possible
influence from Canaanite pḫd, also AHw 810a. On the incantation collective Ugaritica 5, 17
(//Ugaritica 5, 17b) we find several examples of the sound change /i/e/ > /a/: duppir > dup-
pa-ar (Ugaritica 5, 17: 43); niškiša > na-aš-ki-ša (Ugaritica 5, 17: r. 7’); (Ugaritica 5, 17b:
8’); errebu > ar-ra-bu (Ugaritica 5, 17: r. 8’); 577 (Ugaritica 5, 17b: 9’); and once /a/ > /i/:
izakkar > i-za-kir (Ugaritica 5, 17: 33). The sound change /u/ > /a/ can be observed in: akul
> a-kal (AuOr Suppl. 23, 14: 6; 7); ē tākul > e ta-kal-la (AuOr Suppl. 23, 14: 5) 578 and /a/ >
/u/ in: takassas > ti-ka-as-su-us (AuOr Suppl. 23, 14: 4); akul > uk-⸢lu⸣ (Ugaritica 5, 17: r.
25’).
Other Features
Examples of sandhi spellings are: īkalamma abbāra > GU7-a-la~ma-ab-ba-ra (AuOr Suppl.
23, 14: 2); mi-ri~i[r-ta-ka] < mē/īr irtaka (Ugaritica 5, 17: 2); né-ra~⸢ap⸣-pí < nêr appi
(Ugaritica 5, 17: 29). Note Ugaritica 5, 17: r. 7’ where we find an aberrant use of IMIN,
which is likely a confusion with ṣibittu ‘captivity’ of the OB variant Fs. Pope, 87 (AUAM
73.241).
Uncertain Ductus
576 Note that Dietrich 1988, 98 suspects a Hurro-semitic form azzazinnu ‘starker’.
577 S. von Soden 1969, 190.
578 Note here additionally the morphographemic spelling.
170 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
scholars have identified additional lines in Ugaritic, s. Pitard (1999, 52 fn. 11). It is difficult
to determine what the exact purpose or function of these enigmatic tablets was. One cannot
exclude the possibility that, similar to the Hurrian incantations in Akkadian rituals and the
Akkadian incantations known from the Hittite Babilili-ritual, the Akkadian incantations
occur here in local Ugaritic magical practice. It is more likely, however, that these tablets
were written for educational purposes and functioned as school exercises, s. Del Olmo Lete
(2014, 103).
579 It has to be emphasized that the actual number of OB duplicates may be far higher. A detailed survey
of the OB incantations with the addition of the recently published unilingual Sumerian material is a
necessity.
Concluding Remarks 171
This may again be due to chance, but it fits well with the generally-held assumption that the
previous unilingual Sumerian texts had been transformed into bilingual and unilingual
Akkadian manuscripts by the First Millennium. The fact that we find a marked increase in
bilingual incantations (46) in the present corpus against *5 for the Old Babylonian period
confirms this theory.
However, whereas the bilingual format for incantations in the First Millennium is limited
to versions of the interlinear format i.e. for the Babylonian heartland and Nineveh: indented
paired interlinear without ruling; for Aššur: paired interlinear with standard ruling, and other
formats such as the hybrid: paired interlinear–Sumerian(//)Akkadian and a new variation or
combination thereof, i.e. the Akkadian can be set between two halves of the Sumerian line
delimited by Glossenkeile, still occur in the Late Babylonian archives, this is definitely not
yet the case for the Second Millennium. A wide variety of bilingual formats exist for the
Second Millennium, not only for incantations, but for literary texts in general. A new
invention for the bilingual texts of the Late Bronze Age is the use of the Glossenkeile, of
which a Babylonian (MZL 592) and an Assyrian variant (MZL 576) can be distinguished. As
for the bilingual incantations in a diachronic setting, it is important to observe that a vast
majority of 19 out of 26 tablets are directly or indirectly related to standardized series of the
First Millennium. A more extensive study of canonical and non-canonical forerunners to the
later series is found in the following chapter.
It is difficult to determine with any certainty how incantations circulated during the Late
Bronze Age and which routes of transmission they followed. The material from Assyria is
the result of various Assyrian campaigns into Babylonia as previously discussed in Chapter
4. Only two tablets containing incantations deriving from Nineveh in pure Middle
Babylonian script and language can be singled out as a direct consequence of these Assyrian
efforts. They were either taken as spoils of war from Babylonia or were written by an
imported Babylonian scholar at the Assyrian capital. Eventually, both tablets were later
transported among others to the archives of Nineveh for their scholarly value. As for all other
incantations delivered to us from the Assyrian archives, the majority are written in Middle
Assyrian script and although they are still written mainly in Babylonian, many betray direct
influences and interferences of the Middle Assyrian dialect. Especially noteworthy are AS
16, 287f. and Iraq 31, pl. V–VI, which are both heavily influenced by the Assyrian dialect
and are the most remote from the Babylonian language. Such Assyrian influences can be
explained by the fact that the original Babylonian incantations were copied over and over
again by the Middle Assyrian scholars and lost their Babylonian features over time. As far as
can be ascertained from the data available at the moment, Assyrian magical lore was still
dependent on the Babylonian tradition. 580
One curious exception found at Aššur is the cylinder AoF 10, 218f., which betrays older
palaeographic features similar to the Nuzi-documents and reflects some Hurrian influences,
580 The start of an independent Assyrian magical tradition most likely occurred after the commencement
of the standardization of incantations. Furthermore, it is suspected that there was no uniform Assyrian
magical tradition, but that it varied from time and place as can be observed from the various recensions
of the incantation-series of the First Millennium. It is to be hoped that the forthcoming material from
the Aššur-project (Heidelberg) will provide new insights into the earlier development (i.e. early NA)
of the independent Assyrian magical lore.
172 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
and thus does not derive from the synchronic transmission caused by the Assyrian campaigns,
is to be regarded as a product of an earlier cultural continuum, the same which brought forth
the Alalaḫ IV incantations.
Export of incantations to the peripheral areas of Ḫattuša, Emar and Ugarit took place
through the curricula of the local scribal centra and the travelling international scholars and
experts that came with it. Similar to Assyria, we can identify for the first phase of
transmission the primary scripts of the foreign scholars with accompanying linguistic
features, i.e. Middle Babylonian ductus reflecting the Babylonian dialect etc. Local students
and scholars at the peripheral scribal centra would first imitate the primary script and
linguistic features, but foreign influences are gradually found and indicate non-native
Akkadian scribes. 581 Eventually, the local script was adapted, i.e. Hittite ductus or Ugaritian
ductus. Primary linguistic features can still be found, but are now more heavily influenced
by non-native interference. The case of Emar, where the curriculum was imposed as a result
of the political influence from Ḫattuša, is slightly different. The relatively strong influence
of the Assyrian dialect in the incantations from Emar however, is likely to be explained by
cultural interaction along the Middle Euphrates.
In Ḫattuša we find Mesopotamian incantations written in Middle Babylonian, Assyro-
Mittanian, Non-Hittite and (New) Hittite ductus. This corresponds well with the presence of
Babylonian scholars at the Hittite court and the few foreign names found in the colophons of
our texts. Whereas the Middle Babylonian tablets came directly from the contemporary
stream of traditions of the Babylonian heartland, the Assyro-Mittanian incantations, which
show archaistic and contemporary features as well, must have come from the scribal
traditions from Upper-Mesopotamia and are most likely linked to same earlier cultural
continuum as AoF 10, 218f. and the Alalaḫ IV incantations. The phases of Assyrian import
of Babylonian literary texts took place between the 14th–12th century, which would have made
it chronologically almost impossible to immediately export this knowledge to the 14th–13th
Hittite archives. Consequently, it cannot be ruled out that the Assyro-Mittanian tablets were
in fact spoils of war taken by Suppiluliuma I from the Mittani heartland during his campaigns
into Syria.
The tablets written in Non-Hittite and Hittite ductus were written by non-native
Akkadians, i.e. Syrian? and Hittite students, at the Hittite capital. In both groups various
archaic elements are found as well as features of the Assyrian and Babylonian dialect, but
they are influenced by peripheral elements and corruptions of Akkadian occur. These tablets
can be seen as the secondary result of the contemporary transmission through the visiting
scholars of the peripheral scribal centra.
As for the incantations found at Ugarit, we have identified for the present corpus tablets
in Middle Babylonian, Ugaritian, and in mixed ductus, plus the small group of tablets
containing Akkadian incantations in Ugaritic alphabetic script. Again the texts in Babylonian
script are directly related to the contemporary stream of transmission from Babylonia, i.e.
Babylonian scholars living at Ugarit. Particulary AuOr Suppl. 23, 18 and AuOr Suppl. 23, 25
mimic the Babylonian script and language so well, that it is only obvious through minor
581 A recent article by Weeden 2016 studies the gradual transformation of sign-forms transferred through
the copying process from foreign texts as pictured by the corpus of tablets written in the Assyro-
Mittanian script.
Concluding Remarks 173
peripheral influences that it was written by a non-native Babylonian. Tablets containing the
Ugaritian and mixed ductus are secondary products of the contemporary stream of
transmission. While still reflecting the archaic features, Babylonian or Assyrian influences
occur far less frequently; instead we find a heavy interference from the peripheral dialect.
The group of Akkadian tablets written in Ugarit alphabetic script is unique for Ugarit.
This phenomenon is limited to this group of incantations only. One tablet contains ritual
instructions in Ugaritic in addition to the Akkadian incantation. This may be compared to the
use of Hurrian incantations in Akkadian rituals or the Babilili-ritual from Ḫattuša where
Akkadian incantations occur as foreign elements in a Hittite ritual setting. However, the
purpose and function of this small group of tablets is so far unclear, such that it cannot be
said with any certainty whether these incantations were incorporated in local Ugaritic magic
practice or that they belonged to Mesopotomian rituals altered to Ugaritic script for
educational purposes.
As for the circulation of amulets and cylinder seals containing incantations during the
Late Bronze Age, no certain statements can be made as to how they were exported outside
the Mesopotamian heartland. The Lamaštu amulets from Susa and Dūr-Untaš appear to
mimic the Sumerian script and language and their iconography of Lamaštu (both depicting
her holding snake and dagger) is influenced from earlier Bronze Age Mesopotamian tra-
ditions, where she could be depicted with either dagger or snake, s. Wiggermann (2000,
220f.). The big Lamaštu amulet from the environment of Emar, Iraq 54, pl. XIV, has no
depiction of the demoness, but instead a local seal is used to enhance its magical importance,
s. Farber (2014, 14f.). This amulet is the one conclusive example within the present corpus
denoting practical use of Mesopotamian incantations in local peripheral magical practice.
Even more interesting is the fact that this amulet contains three Lamaštu incantations of
which no Mesopotamian parallels are known. Tentatively, I understand this amulet to be a
product deriving from the earlier, possibly contemporary, cultural vacuum via Assyria, rather
than from transmission via the curriculum imposed by Ḫattuša.
Finally, we should briefly mention the Akkadian incantations found in a Hittite ritual-
setting, which are not included in the present corpus. It is important to determine whether
these Akkadian recitations were the direct result of the import of Mesopotamian magico-
religious texts via the scribal centra of the Late Bronze Age or if they entered the Hittite
corpus through an older stream of transmission. In the first place, there are the Akkadian
recitations in the Babilili-ritual (CTH 718), which Beckman (2010; 2014, 5f.) argued belong
to an earlier stream of transmission and must have entered the Hittite realm through contacts
in Upper-Mesopotamia. In the second place, we find Akkadian recitations in Hittite trans-
lation of a Babylonian ritual to sooth angry gods (CTH 432). Beckman (2007, 80f.)
established a 13th century dating for this composition and argues that this ritual is the result
of a Hittite student and a Babylonian scholar, i.e. the direct educational result of the peripheral
scribal centra. Schwemer (2013, 159) expressed some reservations and sees no reason why
this ritual was not actually performed at the Hittite capital. A third example of Akkadian
recitations is the fragmentary Akkadian incantation-prayer found on the medical fragment
KBo 21, 20 edited by Schwemer (2013, 159–162), which is written in New Hittite script and
may therefore be regarded as another example of import in local practice as a result of the
contemporary stream of transmission. The possible practical function of CTH 432 and KBo
174 Chapter 5: Circulation of Incantations during the Late Bronze Age
21, 20 may be explained by the same Hittite theological interest in copying and assimilating
various Akkadian prayers into its own literary corpus.
Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
582 E.g. Lambert 1957b, 9; Frahm 2011a, 320. Note that according to Hallo 1991, there was not just one
Mesopotamian canon, but four, i.e. an Old Sumerian canon, a Neo-Sumerian canon, an Old Babylonian
canon and one formed somewhere in the second half of the Second Millennium.
583 An extra classification of ‘canonical’ tablets was to refer to texts belonging to an iškāru as “good”
(damqu), s. Rochberg-Halton 1984, 138.
584 On the position of ahû-texts, s. Frahm 2011a, 318f. Note Geller 2016, 42 who interpreted the passage
of the Neo-Assyrian memorandum SAA 11, 156: 8–10 IdMAŠ.ŠU DUMU LÚ.GÚ.EN.NA ÉŠ.GÀR ug-
da-mir si-par-ri AN.BAR šá-kin that the series (Udug.ḫul) and not the scholar Ninurta-gamil was “put
in irons” interpreting a metaphor for the tablets of a series being fixed into a canon, pace Frahm 2011b,
513 who interpreted that Ninurta-gamil was held hostage at Nineveh and forced to copy cuneiform
texts illustrating the Assyrian longing for Babylonian culture. As for Geller’s interpretation, no parallels
exist to my knowledge. In favour of Frahm’s theory, one may draw a parallel from Second Millennium
Emar, where Rībi-Dagan states his dramatic personal circumstances in the colophon of his Sa
Vocabulary (Emar 735C = Msk 731064+) i-na ŠÈR.ŠÈRzabar i-na UD […] sa-ak!-na-ku tup-pa an-na
I[N.SAR?] “I wrote this tablet (when) I was placed in bronze chains during the period of […]”, s. Y.
Cohen 2009, 129. Another example of ‘a scribe in fetters’ is known from the Dialogue between Two
Scribes (Römer 1988, 239) urudušèr.šèr gìr.na ù.ub.šè é.a an.nigin.ma é.dub.ba.a.ta iti.2.àm nu.ub.ta.è
“(as his punishment) I put his feet in fetters, confined him to the house so that he cannot go out for two
months from the school”, s. Vanstiphout 1997, 590.
585 For a summary on the terminology between iškāru, aḫû and other termini technici, s. Böck 2000, 20f.
We should note that although Rochberg-Halton’s identified the termini iškāru and aḫû as designations
for authorative and non-authorative texts, her specific investigation on Enūma Anu Enlil did not yield
a strict categorical separation, s. Rochberg-Halton 1984, 144. For criticism and further observations on
the subject of iškāru and aḫû, s. Lieberman 1990.
586 E.g. Al-Rawi/George 1991–1992, 54.
176 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
of tablets. According to the aforementioned definition of a canon, the latter would not have
a canonical status, s. Civil (1979, 168) 587; Lieberman (1990, 333f.). However, both works are
tradionally referred to by Assyriologists as ‘canonical’. 588
Since the terminus ‘canonization’ 589 is strongly connected and intertwined in the modern
mind with its concept and use in biblical texts, Rochberg-Halton (1984, 127f.) has argued
that the term standardization rather than canonization in be used for cuneiform texts.
Although cuneiform texts from the First Millennium clearly reflect standardization, there is
no evidence that a rigorous scholarly law was applied to a text’s particular form and
content. 590 Furthermore, it should be stressed that multiple official editions of texts existed
and circulated in Antiquity, which makes the matter even more complicated.
Serialization
Whereas standardization concerns the fixed content of a text, the term serialization is
generally used to denote the specific sequence of tablets of a text, hereinafter ‘serialization
of tablets’. The intention of this kind of serialization is expressed by ancient scholars in the
subscript, separated by a ruling, stating which tablet of the series it is, e.g. “16. tablet of
enūma ana bīt marṣi āšipu illaku”. Another distinguishing feature is the addition of a
catchline (i.e. the incipit of the following tablet) also separated by a ruling.
An inferior kind of serialization is the specific sequence of individual textual units on a
tablet, e.g. indivual incantations, hereinafter ‘serialization of indivual textual units’.
Serialization of individual units is not an invention of the First Millennium; the process was
already known for incantations (i.e. thematically-related incantations on an incantation
collective) from the Third Millennium as pointed out by Rudik (2015, 491). 591 Starting in the
Old Babylonian period we have textual designations denoting the thematically grouping of
incantations on a tablet, e.g. VS 17, 10 (VAT 8379) šu.nigin 22 ka.inim.ma gír.tab eme.gi7
“total of 22 incantations concerning scorpion(s); Sumerian”. 592
587 “The criteria by which to define a text as standard or canonical are text stability and a fixed sequence
of tablets within a series”.
588 Frahm 2011a, 318 proposes the hypothesis that textual commentaries came into existence as a reaction
to the first ‘canonical’ texts, as reflected by Esagil-kīn-apli’s editorial statement.
589 The word ‘canon’ comes from Ancient Greek κανων, which in turn is related to καννα or
καννη “pole/reed” and in return to Hebrew qānēh and Akkadian qanû, s. Lieberman 1990, 306; Hallo
1991, 12. Note however that qanû in Akkadian is never used to denote canonicity as such in cuneiform
texts.
590 Rochberg-Halton 1984, 128.
591 The Ur III cylinder, ITT 2/1 1036 (photo: PIHANS 65, 296) = FSB no. 51–55 (all against snakes) in
Rudik 2015.
592 Other examples are YOS 11, 69: 20’ 4 KA.INIM.MA “4 incantations” and possibly FAOS 12, pl.1–2
(Ni 623+), which tentatively reads according to Geller 1985, 5 [šu.nigin? 12? udug.ḫ]ul.a.kam. Note
however CT 4, 8a: 44 MIN IMIN ša lib-bi “two incantations(?) of the insides” of which Nathan
Wasserman in the SEAL-database states that this designation refers to the fact that the text is bilingual.
Origins of Standardization and Serialization 177
593 S. Finkel 1988. Note that we do not have any autographs of Esagil-kīn-apli himself, only later copies.
It is interesting that in Aššur, besides the version of Exorcist’s Manual, no later manuscripts attributed
to Esagil-kīn-apli nor his new versions of the Sakikkû and Alamdimmû-series are found. Heeßel 2010,
150 found a later pejorative reference to Esagil-kīn-apli (VAT 10493+) from Aššur and speaks of a
damnatio memoriae parva on the part of the Aššur scholars regarding the Borsippian scholar. For an
extensive discussion of the apparent negative position of Esagil-kīn-apli in view of the Aššur scholars,
s. Heeßel 2010, 159ff.
594 Von Soden 1953, 22.
595 Heeßel 2011, 172 identified a new duplicate (VAT 11609) from Aššur. Pace Livingstone’s reading
“according to seven sages” read “from seven tablets”, s. Heeßel 2011, 171f. for further literature.
596 The literary interest of scholars in the second half of the Second Millennium is also depicted by the use
178 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
however, be stressed that the possible standardization and serialization of one text or genre
does not automatically mean that as a rule all Mesopotamian scientific and literary texts were
standardized and serialized at the same time and place. An interesting observation is that the
concept and fabrication of such texts is strongly connected with the scholars of the
Babylonian royal court.
We can only speculate why the need for standardization and serialization emerged
towards the end of the second half of the Second Millennium. As Frahm (2011a, 322)
suggests, the decline and the partial abandonment of the southern Mesopotamian cities in the
Late Old Babylonian period may have been an important factor. The compilation of
standardized editions of technical and religious literature could therefore have been a reaction
to the general uncertainty caused by times of crises for the Babylonian scholarly elite. 597
Another important factor is the emergence of larger political entities starting in the middle of
the Second Millennium, which may have stimulated the tendency to standardization through
the central role of the palace trying to establish a collective historical memory and identity. 598
The main problem that remains, however, is the fact that we have a relatively small
number of literary and scholarly texts from the Babylonian heartland due to poor excavations.
It is true that the process and tendency to full standardization and serialization was already
in full swing during the second half of the Second Millennium, but we will have to consider
a different scenario for each individual genre or text when considering long-term devel-
opment. 599
of a more complex syllabary denoting the prestige of knowledge, s. Frahm 2011a, 322; Veldhuis 2015,
240. Also the family names in the genealogies of the colophons of the First Millennium referring back
to scholars of this period can be seen as an indication of the rise of learnedness, Lambert 1957b, 1–4;
Heeßel 2011, 175.
597 This would be the unrest caused by the presence and expansion of the First Sealand Dynasty in Southern
Babylonia, s. Dalley 2009. Frahm 2011a, 323 fn. 1540 reminds us of a similar scenario for the creation
of the Hebrew Bible written in response to the experience of the Babylonian Exile.
598 For the relevance of collective memory in relation to the stream of transmission/standardization, s.
Assmann 1992, 35–37; 91–97. On the influence of the political identity establishing collective memory
in texts, s. Assmann 1992, 92f.
599 Omina: (Alamdimmû) Heeßel 2010, 154–157; (Sakikkû) Heeßel 2000, 105–110; (Šumma tīrānu)
Heeßel 2011, 176–195 and idem 2017, 225–228; Hemerologies: Livingstone 2013, 7; Lexical lists:
Veldhuis 2015, 240f. and 260f.; Scheucher 2012; Gilgamesh-epic: George 2003, 39–47; Ludlul:
Oshima 2014, 25 fn. 10; Emesal prayers: Gabbay 2014, 193–227.
600 For recent editions, s. Geller 2000a, 242–254 and Jean 2006, 62–82, who has added SpTU 5, 231. Note
the existence of A 366 (Istanbul Museum) from Aššur, which remains unpublished en passant
discussed by Jean 2006.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 179
manuals/sections 601 listing the SAGmeš ÉŠ.GÀR MAŠ.MAŠ-ti “entries of the series/collec-
tions belonging to the āšipūtu” enabling us to reconstruct which series or collections may
have existed within the āšipūtu in view of the ancient scholars. As stated above, iškāru
(ÉŠ.GÀR) is rather ambiguous in its interpretation as a ‘series’ or ‘collection’, especially for
the Exorcist’s Manual since it is likely to originate from the late Second Millennium.
Therefore the entries in the Exorcist’s Manual regarding incantations are to be checked
against existing ancient text editions in order to determine which entry may denote a
(standardized) series and which a compendium. Subsequently we have the following prac-
tical caveats.
First, we cannot trust the Exorcist’s Manual, created originally by Esagil-kīn-apli 602, to
be the ultimate and only one. We have to reckon with the fact that other series or compendia
may have existed as well. 603 Furthermore is it to be stressed that the Exorcist’s Manual was
not copied as a library catalogue as such, but rather functioned as an enumeration of which
works of the āšipūtu an āšipu had to master.
Second, almost all our information and knowledge about standardization is based on the
textual evidence from Kuyunjik. We know for a fact that various official standardized
editions of incantation-series existed, e.g. series having a ‘Nineveh-recension’ and a ‘Aššur’-
recension show that official editions may have varied even within one geographical entity.
So when discussing the matter of canonical/standardized incantation series, it should always
be noted which recension is followed.
A final problem is that we can often not state with certainty due to the fragmentary state
of preservation whether a text belonged to a series or was simply a compendium. 604
In conclusion, what is presently understood as a canonical or standardized ritual-series,
is a collection of incantations and rituals containing a fixed serialization of individual units,
but not by definition a fixed number of tablets, since they may vary from time and place. As
for the compendia, they are one tablet compositions only, not necessary with a fixed seria-
lization of individual units.
601 Heeßel 2004, 101 fn. 9. For the correlation between both sections, s. Frahm 2011a, 325f. and fn. 1554
for previous literature on the matter.
602 It seems high unlikely that the person of Esagil-kīn-apli was responsible for all standardized and/or
serialized editions mentioned in the Exorcist’s Manual, I would rather suggest that Esagil-kīn-apli was
perhaps the first to present and collect all the works belonging to the āšipūtu, which had to be learned
and studied by future āšipū. Geller 1990, 212 fn. 25 proposes that Esagil-kīn-apli as the head of a scribal
institution could have been responsible ultimately for new text editions, but this remains however pure
speculation. Frahm 2011a, 332 acknowledges the position of Esagil-kīn-apli, but stresses that there
must have been more scholars like Esagil-kīn-apli who are (apparently) not referred to in the later
traditions of the First Millenium and are therefore unknown to us. Another catalogue (VAT 13723+)
from Aššur with similar entries to the Exorcist’s Manual published by Geller 2000a, 226–234 may
refer to the editorial work of Esagil-kīn-apli, as does the medical catalogue (YBC 7122(+)) published
by Beckman/Foster 1988, 11–14, s. Frahm 2011a, 328f.
603 As is evident from the various catalogues presented by Geller 2000a besides the Exorcist’s Manual.
604 A compendium is here understood as a thematical collection of rituals and incantations on one tablet.
180 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Stock-Incantations
Although the later ritual-series are concerned with a specific evil or purpose and contain a
collection of thematically-related incantations, some incantations can be used in various
605 S. Farber 1993. Also note the criticism by Geller 1985, 3 that using the term ‘forerunner’ is unfair to
the original authors since it suggests “a retrospective arrogance which assumes that the literary pinnacle
was the creation of a bilingual recension”. Farber 2014, 9 prefers to speak of ‘earlier versions’ instead
of ‘forerunners’ and Veldhuis 2014, 17 fn. 17 of ‘Proto’ versions.
606 Also s. Farber 1990, 303f.
607 Farber 1993, 97.
608 The term ‘canonical’, like ‘forerunner’, is a poor choice. The neutral alternatives suggested by Farber
and Veldhuis listed above do not allow us to offer a finer distinction between the two types of
forerunner. ‘Standardized’ and ‘non-standardized’ forerunners are here deliberately not used, since
those incantations reflecting the ones of the later series in content are not yet standardized as such.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 181
settings and are therefore found in multiple series and other contexts. The use and occurrence
of such incantations has never been properly studied and is also not the main objective of the
present discussion. However, when establishing which incantations are canonical and which
non-canonical, one has to give an appellation to this phenomenon. To denote the
interchangeability of incantations between various series, these incantations are here named
‘stock-incantations’. Note that these ‘stock-incantations’ are not to be confused with the
phenomenon of ritual-series and compendia that simply assimilate entire cycles or tablets of
other series, e.g. Sag.gig VII > Muššuʾu IV. Stock-incantations are characterized by their
multifunctional use due to their general prophylactic, exorcistic or practical nature. 609
Incantations occurring as forerunners to multiple series or compendia, for example a non-
canonical forerunner to Udug.ḫul can also be a forerunner to the Schramm Compendium, are
here marked with * in the overview-tables. Likewise, when incantations known from later
series or compendia are only cited by their incipit, they are marked with °.
Á.sàg.gig
The incantation-series Á.SÀG.GIG.GAmeš (asakkū marsūtu) “the sickening asakku-demons”
is presently mainly known from the Kuyunjik material. 610 The recension remains incomplete,
but existed of at least 13 tablets, 611 of which texts for tablets I, III, IV, IX, XI, XII have been
identified. 612 A typical feature of the Á.sàg.gig-series is that evil and sickness are removed
from the patient by means of substitute animals similar to the use of substitute figurines. 613
The material of the Á.sàg.gig-series has not been published in a comprehensive edition yet. 614
The entry Á.SÀG.GIG is known from the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 8). 615
Only one canonical forerunner can be singled out for the Á.sàg.gig-series, i.e. the Old
Babylonian CT 44, 26, 616 which is a unilingual Sumerian incantation reflecting Á.sàg.gig V
(= Schramm Compendium no. 4): ÉN á.sàg gig.ga su lú.ka mu.un.gál. As remarked by Linton
(1970, 30f.), the manuscript CT 44, 26 has considerable variants compared with its later
609 To exemplify the occurrence of these stock-incantations, take for example from the prophylactic group
the incantation ÉN lú kù.ga me.en, which is not attested anywhere in extenso, but is known to have
been recited for Šurpu, Ilī-ul-īde, Muššuʾu and Udug.ḫul serving to purify the priest before performing
an action.
610 An primary overview was presented by Falkenstein 1931–1932, 14. Schramm 2011 offers new material
and duplicates outside CT 17. Note the one existing duplicate ND 4391 (IM 67625) from Kalḫu, s.
Schramm 2011, 105.
611 Pace Thompson 1903; Röllig 1987–1990, 63. Schramm 201, 62 provides evidence of an extant version
of at least 13 tablets for the series.
612 Schramm 2011, 59 fn. 1.
613 Schramm 2011, 65–68.
614 Wolfgang Schramm planned an edition of the series and kindly provided me (April 2016) with his
unpublished manuscript, which is here ‘Schramm 2011’.
615 Attested with the gloss di-ʾu GIG-tu4, which remains difficult to explain, s. Geller 2000a, 253.
616 Edition can be found in Linton 1970, 161–168 and in Schramm 2008, 113–119. Note that CT 44, 26 is
not recognized by Schramm to be Old Babylonian and hence not listed as ‘Vorläufer’.
182 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
617 A similar drawing can be found in CT 44, 25. For a discussion and more examples of drawings on
tablets, s. Finkel 2011; Wasserman 2014, 54f.
618 Akk. mašḫultuppû. For a general discussion on máš.ḫul.dúb.ba, s. Cavigneaux 1995. Schramm 2011,
67f. explains the close relation between the entries of šu.gur.gurtakpertu and Á.sàg.gig in the Exorcist’s
Manual (KAR 44: 8) by the fact that in both the element of the scapegoat plays a prominent role. Indirect
evidence of the practice of scapegoat rituals related to the Middle Assyrian court can be found in the
various lists of sheep and goats for the tēliltu, nēpušu and takpertu-rites in Middle Assyrian documents,
discussed en passant in § 4.3. The earliest examples of the scapegoat-ritual can be found in the Ur III-
period, for attestations from Puzriš-Dagan, s. Cavigneaux 1995, 53; for two additional Ur III examples,
s. Sallaberger 2002, 614f. For the use of the scapegoat in Hittite rituals, s. Strauß 2006, 119–133.
619 Schramm 2011, 70.
620 George 2016, 43. As for scapegoat rituals from the Ur III-period, we may mention TMH 6, 18a–c (HS
1496) containing three incantations concerned with the scapegoat-motif, but do not name the máš.ḫul
specifically.
621 Note additionally TMH 6, 2, where the Asag-demon is addressed, along with the snake and scorpion,
as the cause of Šulgi’s disease.
622 A similar conclusion was drawn by Rudik 2015, 222.
623 Joins were made by Geller, who subsequently published a new copy in George/Taniguchi 2010, 145f.
624 Colophon is found on xii: 10’–16’ enumerating as follows 7 udug ḫul.a.kam 3 máš.ḫul.dúb.ba.kam 1
á.sàg.kam 1 sag.gig.ga.kam 2 uḫ.gu7.a 1 lugal.amaš.pa.è.a 1 [x] ⸢x⸣.du8.a.kam, s. Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi
2002, 9 fn. 43.
625 George 2016, 43.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 183
Bīt rimki
A satisfactory edition of the series Bīt rimki “House of Ablution” does not exist, but Laessøe
(1955) has provided a preliminary study of the material available at the time. 626 Ritual tablets
for Bīt rimki 627 have come to light over the last decades providing us with more insight into
which incantations and incantation cycles were used within the cultic performance of the
series. It appears that the Bīt rimki-series were strongly entwined with other ritual-series and
compendia of the First Millennium, i.e. incorporating cycles from Maqlû, Uš11.búr.ru.da,
Šurpu, Dingir.šà.dib.ba, and additionally shared stock-incantations with other series as well,
e.g. Udug.ḫul, Muššuʾu. As a ritual, Bīt rimki was closely associated with Bīt mēseri, Bīt salāʾ
mê and Mīs pî, 628 which may explain why they are listed in the same enumeration as Bīt rimki
in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 11). 629 The ritual of Bīt rimki was to be performed by the
king and consisted of seven (reed) ‘houses’ or rather chambers 630 with each having its own
ritual 631 accompanied by a specific pairing of incantations, i.e. a kiʾutu (Sumerian)
incantation-prayer spoken by the priest and a šuʾila (Akkadian) incantation-prayer by the
king. 632
Basic outlines followed here are the materials offered by Laessøe (1955) and the
additional ritual tablet for Bīt rimki, SpTU 2, 12.
The earliest canonical forerunners are found on the Old Babylonian tablets ASJ 17, 125f.
(CBS 1528) 633 and Fs. Wilcke, 103/105 (A 7479) 634. Versions of the ki ʾutu-prayer of the
sixth house, i.e. ÉN dutu an.úr.ra ḫé.ni.bu 635, are ASJ 17, 125f.a and Fs. Wilcke, 103/105b.
The latter is found in a collection of incantations with the purpose to “purify a gudu4-priest”
626 A full edition was scheduled by Rykle Borger, but unfortunately never came to fruition. For partial
editions and studies on Bīt rimki, s. Borger 1967; Idem, 1971; Idem 1975, 86; Cooper 1971, 65–81;
Farber 1987, 245–255; Von Weiher 1983, no. 12; Von Weiher 1988, no. 66 and no. 67.
627 Ritual tablets for Bīt rimki already known to Laessøe 1955 are PBS 1/1, 15 (Kh. 338); BBR 26 (+ K
10131), a later published ritual tablet is SpTU 2, 12. Note that PBS 1/1, 13 (and duplicates) contains a
Bīt rimki-related ritual, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2011, 387–392.
628 S. Laessøe 1955, 20; Walker/Dick 2001, 9ff.; Ambos 2013b.
629 Note the entry is found in KAR 44 as e-piš-tùbit rim-ki, where according to Geller 2000a, 253 epištu refers
to a Bīt rimki incipit. No evidence of such an incipit exists to my knowledge.
630 S. Lambert 1957a, 227; Taracha 2001; Seidl/Sallaberger 2005–2006, 63 fn. 14; Ambos 2013b, 42.
631 For a description on the focus of each ‘house’, s. Ambos 2013b, 42.
632 Most likely to save the king from embarrassment at his lack of Sumerian, s. Lambert 1957a, 227. It
should be noted however that both ki-utu’s as šuʾila’s are frequently found in bilingual editions. An
additional complicating factor one needs to keep in mind is the fact that multiple kiʾutu-prayers could
belong to one ‘house’, as pointed out by Reiner 1958, 205.
633 Edition by Geller 1995, 115–124.
634 Edition by Farber/Farber 2003, 108–114.
635 For the reading ḫé.ni.bu against ḫé.ni.sír, s. Farber/Farber 2003, 111.
184 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
as described in the collective subscript of the tablet. 636 The former contains a forerunner (ASJ
17, 125f.b) to the ki ʾutu-prayer of the third house, i.e. ÉN dutu kur.gal.ta um.ta.è.na.zu.šè.
All Old Babylonian forerunners are unilingual Sumerian and reflect considerable variants to
their later counterparts. 637
Direct forerunners to ki ʾutu-prayers of Bīt rimki from the second half of the Second
Millennium are all bilingual, i.e. paired interlinear: KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2b and
AlT 453(+)453a; hybrid: paired interlinear–Sumerian(//)Akkadian: LKA 75.
As for the Middle Assyrian LKA 75, it contains a forerunner to the kiʾutu-prayer of the
third house, which was already designated by Borger (1967, 2) as a corrupt version from
Aššur and unlike the later Bīt rimki-series LKA 75 was apparently used for the common man,
and not restricted to the king.
As for the peripheral areas, the fragmentary KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2b from
Ḫattuša reflects the kiʾutu-prayer of the second house. Cooper (1972, 79) already observed
that the list of provisions is considerably shorter than its later counterparts, which according
to Cooper may be explained by the Hittite scribes’ lack of knowledge of the Mesopotamian
deities. Note however, that KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2 is written in the Assyro-
Mittanian script implying that the origins of the text or its author trace back to Upper
Mesopotamia and may reflect an older tradition of the incantation-prayer.
AlT 453(+)453a from Alalaḫ is perhaps the most difficult incantation in the present corpus.
Ever since the copy made by Wiseman (1953), 638 no full edition has been presented; scholars
restrict themselves to quoting only occasional lines. 639 Its incipit en gal eš.ša.an.kù.ga.t[a]
e.da.zu.[ne] reflects ÉN en gal an.šà.kù.ga.ta of the fourth house of Bīt rimki; in fact the first
four lines correspond clearly to the later kiʾutu-prayer. 640 The rest of what can be identified
on AlT 453(+)453a are clear idioms and phrases related to Bīt rimki-material, but cannot be
assigned to a specific incantation. 641 Interestingly, we find the same incipit ÉN en gal
an.šà.kù.ga.ta as a catchline of another tablet containing a kiʾutu-prayer from Nippur, i.e. ZA
91, 244. The main kiʾutu-prayer found on this tablet cannot be identified with any available
material of the later series. Krebernik (2001, 242 fn. 189) tentatively suggests that the same
incipit ÉN dutu lugal di.ku5 an.ki.a (i.e. ZA 91, 244) 642 might be restored for the kiʾutu-prayer
of the first house of Bīt rimki, pace the reconstruction of Kunstmann (1932, 77) and Laessøe
(1955, 33) reading ÉN dutu en.gal di.ku5 maḫ an.ki.a in PBS 1/1, 15: 2, which is a ritual tablet
for Bīt rimki. No further textual evidence of the kiʾutu-prayer of the first house of Bīt rimki
636 Iv 12’–13’ KA.INIM.MA gudu4 kù.ge.da.kam. The individual subscript of the forerunner of the ki ʾutu
to the 6th house Fs. Wilcke, 103/105b reads ii 15 dutu igi bar.ra “(Incantation) when Utu is visible”.
637 For ASJ 17, 125f., s. Geller 1995, 115–124; for Fs. Wilcke. 103–105b, s. Farber/Farber 2003, 108–114.
638 Note additionally Wiseman 1962, 187.
639 Cooper 1971, 5 fn. 22; Krebernik 2001, 13.
640 S. Cooper 1971, 5 fn. 22.
641 With one possible exception AlT 453(+)453a: 28, see below. An example of clear use of Bīt rimki-
related idioms in AlT 453(+)453a:
58. ninda sikil.la gu7.a.e a sikil.la nag! (gu7) […]
59. ak-la el-la ak-ku-lu <me?>-e SIKIL.LA ši-[ti ...]
642 ZA 91, 244: Akk. [dUTU š]ar-rum da-a-a-nu šá AN u KI šá nap-ḫar pár-ṣí ḫa-am-mu; Sum. ⌈dutu⌉
lugal di.ku5 an.ki.a me kìlib.ba ur4.ur4. On the reversed order of the bilingual format Akkadian-
Sumerian instead of Sumerian-Akkadian in the incipit of ZA 91, 244, s. p. 82. Note additonally AlT
453(+)453a: 28 [LUGAL DI].KU5 ša AN.KI.A ME […].
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 185
exists, not even in the ritual tablet (BBR 26+K 10131) from Kuyunjik. Therefore, Krebernik’s
argument that the space conditions on PBS 1/1, 15 rather suggest ÉN dutu lugal di.ku5 an.ki.a,
may be valid for a Babylonian tradition, but one needs to keep in mind that it may have
differed from the Kuyunjik-recension. Following Krebernik, ZA 91, 244, a paired interlinear
bilingual is here listed with certain reservations as a potential canonical forerunner to the
kiʾutu-prayer of the first house. As for its purpose, ZA 91, 244 is said in its subscript to be an
“INCANTATION: a kiʾutu for installing the (offer)-assemblage”. 643
We find a canonical forerunnerto only one šuʾila-prayer of the later Bīt rimki-series, , i.e.
the unilingual Akkadian KAR 246. Although it clearly reflects the šuʾila-prayer of the fifth
house, its subscript states its purpose as being concerned with Nam.érim.búr.ru.da, i.e. to
avert the effects of the curse inflicted on someone who has broken his oath. Interestingly,
although KAR 246 appears as an independent composition, its accompanying ritual agenda
are quite similar to those in Bīt rimki V, s. Laessøe (1955, 59).
The ritual tablets for Bīt rimki incorporated various cycles from other series and
compendia, hence we may note that the forerunners to Maqlû V/o and V/j, to the
Dingir.šà.dib.ba-compendium no. 2 and 3, and to Muššuʾu VI 644 are indirectly related to the
external incantations found the ritual tablets for Bīt rimki. 645
to list and discuss all incantation-prayers to Utu/Šamaš from the Second Millennium. 646 Van
Dijk (1973, 107–117) provided an edition of YOS 11, 42 (YBC 4184), which contains an Old
Babylonian incantation to purify the king and his troops, 647 and observed that certain
passages resembled elements known from kiʾutu-prayers.
Textual evidence of the practice of the ritual of Bīt rimki is well-attested for the Sargonid
kings, but the origins of its creation may trace back to the first half of the First Millennium. 648
The act of ritual bathing is deeply embedded in Mesopotamian culture and may date back to
traditions of the Third Millennium. As for the Middle Assyrian period, we may note the ritual
bathing of the king mentioned in KAJ 204 and KAJ 205. Evidence of a rimku-ceremony in
the Middle Babylonian period is fragmentary, s. Sassmannshausen (2001, 170).
Ḫul.ba.zi.zi
Ebeling (1953) made the first serious attempt to reconstruct the incantation-series of
Ḫul.ba.zi.zi “Evil, depart!” 653 coining it “Gattung IV”. Finkel (1976, 32) was the first to
convincingly identify the title of the series as Ḫul.ba.zi.zi, which corresponds to an entry in
the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 7). 654 Finkel’s (1976) unpublished dissertation is until today
still the only extensive study of this series. In his reconstruction the series consisted of 65
incantations. Due to its exorcistic content incantations from the Ḫul.ba.zi.zi-series are fre-
646 For an overview of the most important Utu/Šamaš incantation-prayers, s. Krebernik 2001, 238, to which
we may add the Middle Babylonian bilingual fragment KUB 4, 11 last edited by Schwemer 2007b, 2f.
and the OB CUSAS 32, 47 edited by George 2016, 152.
647 KA.INIM.MA lugal érin.a.ni sikil.a.kam.
648 Lambert 1957a, 228 pace Laessøe 1955. As for the matter whether the background of Bīt rimki is
Babylonian or Assyrian, s. Farber 1997b.
649 A recent edition of all manuscripts is offered by Beckman 2014.
650 S. Taracha 2003–2005, 570f.; Beckman 2014, 3f.
651 Beckman 2014, 73. Although Beckman does not specifically mention Bīt rimki, a similar conclusion
was reached by Strauß 2006, 198.
652 The ritual program of Babilili is rooted in the magico-religious traditions of Kizzuwatna in North-
western Syria, s. Beckman 2014, 5 and fn. 27 for additional studies.
653 For a discussion of the name of the series, s. Finkel 1976, 32–37.
654 Note that the entry is found with the gloss si.la e.ri.ma, which corresponds to sil7.lá lúérim.ma, s. Geller
2000a, 252.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 187
quently found on amulets and cylinder seals. 655 Tablets containing the whole series are found
in Sultantepe, Kuyunjik, Aššur and Uruk. 656 According to Finkel (1976, 69), all these tablets
are consistent in their content, leading him to believe that standardization of this series took
place after the 7th century.
Finkel (1976, 69) stated that no forerunners for Ḫul.ba.zi.zi exist dating before the second
half of the Second Millennium. However, 4 Lamaštu amulets 657 containing versions of
Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 2 (BIN 2, 14) 658 and no. 38 (CdC 2, pl. 10 no. 7 659; Fs. Borger, 69; Ḫulbazizi,
pl. 52 (II) = BM 127371 660) can now rougly be dated according to Wiggermann’s identi-
fication to the Bronze Age. 661 All other forerunners can be safely dated to the Late Bronze
Age, of which the majority is found on (Kassite) cylinder seals. 662 Noteworthy are Ḫulbazizi,
pl. 57 (Z) and Ḫulbazizi, pl. 59 (Y). The former adds three additional lines of Akkadian to
the Sumerian inscription, which is a version of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 38, and the latter is de facto a
combination of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 38 and no. 33 together forming a new incantation, 663
reflecting that the format of these incantations was still variable in the second half of the
Second Millenium. 664 The aforementioned Lamaštu-amulet Fs. Borger, 69 contains a very
corrupt version of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 38, s. Farber (1998, 64). As for other relevant variants,
note that Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (X) omits puṭur lemnu [lā teṭeḫḫâ] of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 19 and reads
mimma lemnu […] instead. 665 The forerunners on amulets and cylinder seals for Ḫul.ba.zi.zi
no. 2 are relatively stable, showing only slight orthographic variations. 666
667 Sumer 9, 29c ⸢sil6⸣.lá.du.a instead of sil7.lá.da.a and in Sumer 9, 29d note the omission in ur-ḫe-‹ti›.
668 CUSAS 32, 69; CUSAS 32, 70; Ḫulbazizi, pl. 42 (B) (BM 134064); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 44 (D); Ḫulbazizi, pl.
44 (E); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 42 (F) (85-4-8,1); Ḫulbazizi, pl. 43 (HH) (BM 103058); Iraq 7, fig. 5 no. 38; Iraq
12, 197 (ND 280).
669 Ḫulbazizi, pl. 36 (g) (BM 47889) ll. 5–8.
670 KAR 76 (VAT 9678) ll. 14–19.
671 Ḫulbazizi, pl. 25–26 (P) (K 3628+) ll. r. 3–7.
672 Šumma qāt eṭemmi ina zumur amēli iltazzazma, BAM 3, 221 (O 195) iii 22’–24’; BAM 5, 471 (K
2477+) iii 23’–24’; AMT 97, 1 (K 2359) 4–7; K 3398+6015+16803+7186+14166 4–7, s. Scurlock
2006, 443–446. Šumma amēlu šer’ān kišādišu ikkalšu qāt eṭemmi, BAM 5, 475 (K 3198) i 4.
673 STT 2, 275 (Su (19)52/74+382) i 24–27, s. Böck 2007, 48.
674 Šumma amēlu aḫ(i) imittišu išammamšu, BE 31, 58+AMT 88, 1 (K 3305+) r. 11’; BPOA 3, pl. XIX (K
7098+) 13’–14’.
675 BPOA 3, pl. XIX (BM 47913) r. 3’–4’, s. Finkel 1991, 97 fn. 9. Note that according to Finkel BM
47755 belongs to the same tablet, but is not copied by Böck, s. Böck 2007, 37 fn. 54.
676 The incantation ÉN ka.kib ka.kib lugal ka.kib lugal ka.na.kib (=Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 20) except for BAM 4,
385 is not further attested in the Second Millennium. It is therefore difficult to determine whether this
incantation started out as an original Ḫul.ba.zi.zi incantation. As for the present available material, it
seems likely that it was secondary, adopted into Ḫul.ba.zi.zi as was equally (later?) the case with its
adaption in Muššuʾu IV/i, which in turn may have originated from Sag.gig VII/i?.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 189
As for the non-canonical forerunners of Sumer 9, 29, it should be noted that Sumer 9, 29a
shows a strong resemblance with the incantation ÉN ur.sag dasal.lú.ḫi igi.bi ḫé.pà found on
tablets 677 of the First Millennium directly after an incorporated version of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 30,
s. Finkel (1976, 252–254). This incantation is not found within the series of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi, but
since it is attested on a Middle Babylonian incantation collective among canonical fore-
runners and in later therapeutic tablets is closely related to Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 30, there is reason
to regard ÉN ur.sag dasal.lú.ḫi igi.bi ḫé.pà as a non-canonical Ḫul.ba.zi.zi -incantation. 678 As
for Sumer 9, 29b, its unparalleled content shows typical characteristics for Ḫul.ba.zi.zi, 679 i.e.
the prominence of Ninurta and the typical legitimation-formula.
Another possible non-canonical forerunner to Ḫul.ba.zi.zi is KUB 4, 24b, which shares its
incipit [É.N]U.RU a-ḫu-uz pa-ag-ri […] with Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 30 ÉN aḫuz pagrī šipat balāṭi.
It should be noted however that its fragmentary content does not appear to correspond with
the later series.
677 BAM 5, 508+489: i 15’’–21’’, LKA 145: 10–15; r. 1, BAM 6, 520(+)AMT 14, 2: ii 12’–18’, K 8211: ii
9’–18’, K 6329: ii 9’–17’, BM 123362: r. 16’–19’. For a discussion and edition of this incantation, s.
Zomer (forthcoming/b)
678 Finkel 1976, 253–255.
679 Finkel 1976, 25.
190 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Lamaštu
The series Lamaštu is found in the Exorcist’s Manual as dDÌM.ME.KÁM (KAR 44: 15) and
existed of two tablets comprising 13 incantations and a ritual tablet. Farber (2014) provided
a full edition of the series 680 and established that different recensions existed throughout
Mesopotamia, i.e. the ‘ṭuppu recension’ from Aššur with Babylonian copies from Uruk,
Sippar and unprovenanced, 681 the ‘pirsu recension’ from Kuyunjik and Sultantepe, and the
recensions ‘Ni/Si’ 682, ‘Ψ’ 683 and ‘Ω’. 684
In the First Millennium Lamaštu I/a is frequently found outside the series on amulets, 685
whereas for the Second Millennium no such examples are extant. Old Babylonian precursors
to Lamaštu I/a are CUSAS 32, 22c; CUSAS 32, 28c; OECT 5, 55 and TIM 9, 63b, which are
all unilingual Sumerian against the Akkadian version of the series. 686 All aforementioned
forerunners to I/a differ considerably from their later counterparts. 687 A rather consistent
variable feature of the forerunners in comparison with the later series is the specification of
Lamaštu’s ‘second name’, which in the First Millennium is “Sister of the Gods of the
Streets”, 688 but appears in the Second Millennium consistently as “Sister of the Divine
Children of Ur”. 689 Lamaštu I/c has a witness for the Old Assyrian period found on the amulet
OrNS 66, 61, 690 for the Old Babylonian period YOS 11, 20, 691 and has a Middle Babylonian
precursor AuOr Suppl. 23, 18f found on a Lamaštu-themed collective (Table 196). Although
all manuscripts clearly reflect Lamaštu I/c, they contain substantial variations, s. Farber
(2014, 148–150). The same collective from Ugarit contains furthermore the only canonical
forerunners to Lamaštu I/e (=AuOr Suppl. 23, 18a) and Lamaštu II/a (=AuOr Suppl. 23, 18c),
both deviating as well from the later series, s. Farber (2014, 83–93; 95–99).
Lamaštu II/e is typically found on amulets against Lamaštu from the Second
Millennium, 692 but no examples are known outside the amulets. 693 Following Wiggermann’s
(2000) iconographic classification of the Lamaštu amulets, the earliest possible examples are
MC 17, pl. 65 (BM 132520); MC 17, pl. 90 (no. 94); MC 17, pl. 91 (no. 95); RA 18, 195 (AO
8184); SAOC 47, pl. 12e–f (NBC 8151) dating to the Bronze Age in general. More
specifically we can date the following amulets to the Late Bronze Age, i.e. BSOAS 78, 600 694;
CUSAS 32, 62 695; KAR 85; KAR 86; KAR 87; Notable Acquisitions 1984-85, 4 696; MIO 7,
339; N.A.B.U. 2016/47. All amulets contain a strongly abbreviated version of the later incan-
tation, frequently with clear variations 697 and many of them contain various scribal errors. 698
Two manuscripts are known for Lamaštu II/g from the Middle Babylonian period, i.e. AuOr
Suppl. 23, 18g and MC 17, 443ff. 699 both reflecting variants among each other and with the
later series. 700
692 Less frequently found on amulets from the First Millennium, i.e. SAOC 47, pl. 12a–b (YBC 13600);
Sumer 17, pl. 17; Westenholz, Dragons, Monsters and Fabulous Beasts, 93 no. 49.
693 Note however the resemblance in the Old Babylonian CUSAS 32, 10g and CUSAS 32, 22d, see below.
694 Dating follows Panayotov 2015a, 599f.
695 Dating follows George 2016, 52.
696 This amulet shows a very elaborate style and is therefore perhaps to be dated to the early First Millen-
nium, s. fn. 56.
697 For a discussion of some typical variations on amulets from the Second Millennium, s. Zomer 2016a,
78.
698 Most likely due to illiterate craftsmen imitating cuneiform script, s. p. 26 fn. 74.
699 Farber 2014, 48 adds the possibility of “a very late Old Babylonian” dating.
700 An example of conflicting contemporary variants among AuOr Suppl. 23, 18g and MC 17, 443ff. even
continued in the First Millennium is the use of tuparrakši vs. tušappaksi, s. Farber 2014, 250. For
further observations on variants with the First Millennium-series, s. Farber 2014, 245–251.
192 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
As for non-canonical incantations concerning Lamaštu, one example is found for the Old
Assyrian period, i.e. BIN 4, 126 against eleven examples from the Old Babylonian period,
i.e. AMD 1, 286; BIN 2, 72; CUSAS 32, 10g; CUSAS 32, 22d; CUSAS 32, 36 701; CUSAS 32,
37a–b; Fs. De Meyer, 88ff.; TIM 9, 63a; TIM 9, 63c; YOS 11, 19. Although CUSAS 32, 10g
and CUSAS 32, 22d both share similarities with Lamaštu II/e, they reflect on the whole a
possibly different incantation with the incipit (ÉN) nin kin.gi4.a da.nun.na.ke4.ne. 702 As noted
by George (2016, 90), CUSAS 32, 37a shares a strong resemblance 703 with another OB
Sumerian incantation from Sippar, i.e. Fs De Meyer, 75 (IM 95317). Note that the latter has
a rubric ši-pa-at dAD6 BA.UG7 “Spell (against) a dead god” and can therefore not be regarded
as a non-canonical Lamaštu incantation, whereas CUSAS 32, 37a specifically mentions
Lamaštu by name. 704
As for the second half of the Second Millennium, all non-canonical Lamaštu incantations
come from the peripheral areas. Three non-canonical Lamaštu incantations are found among
the canonical forerunners on the Lamaštu-themed collective from Ugarit, i.e. AuOr Suppl.
23, 18b; AuOr Suppl. 23, 18d and AuOr Suppl. 23, 18e.
Another example from Ugarit is the small fragment of AuOr Suppl. 23, 17, which comes from
the same archive as AuOr Suppl. 23, 18, but is physically unrelated. 705 As for the cylinder
seal AuOr Suppl. 23, 69 706 found in Ugarit in a Graeco-Persian sarcophagus, its non-
701 Identified by George 2016, 49 as concerned with Lamaštu, an edition is not provided.
702 CUSAS 32, 22d is very fragmentary, but is most likely a duplicate of CUSAS 32, 10g. For a discussion
of both incantations and their similarities with Lamaštu II/e, s. George 2016, 89.
703 Note that CUSAS 32, 73a also shares strong similarities with TIM 9, 63a as recognized by George 2016,
90. For a discussion of the content of TIM 9, 63a and OECT 5, 55 and how it relates to Lamaštu, s.
Tonietti 1979. For similarities between Fs. De Meyer, 75 (IM 95317) and TIM 9, 63a, s. Cavigneaux/Al-
Rawi 1994, 74.
704 George 2016, 90.
705 Arnaud 2007, 63 speculates that AuOr Suppl. 23, 17 is in fact an import from Ḫattuša, pace Nougayrol
1968, 405 fn. 93. For criticism of Arnaud, s. Farber 2014, 13.
706 AuOr Suppl. 23, 69 is here considered Middle Babylonian, s. p. 57f.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 193
canonical Sumerian incantation is duplicated in a later version from Sultantepe. 707 From the
vicinity of Emar, the big clay tabula ansata Iraq 54, pl. XIV contains three Lamaštu
incantations which remain for now unparalleled and is perhaps the only direct example of
practical use of Meso-potamian incantations in the peripheral areas, s. § 4.6. Interestingly, no
Lamaštu incantations are delivered to us from Ḫattuša, but fragments 708 concerning a
Lamaštu(-related?) ritual denote that the concept of Lamaštu existed in the magico-religious
corpus of Ḫattuša. 709
Maqlû
The sole objective of the series Maqlû “Burning” was combatting witchcraft, i.e. to
counteract and dispel evil magic which came forth from witchcraft, to protect the patient, and
to punish those who inflicted witchcraft. The series Maqlû consisted in its standardized
edition of 8 tablets comprising almost 100 incantations and a ritual tablet. 710 A recent
complete edition and study of the series is offered by Abusch (2016) and Schwemer
(2017), 711 a description and discussion of the performance of the ceremony is provided by
707 // NA STT 144 (Su 51/30) ll. 1–4, s. Farber 2014, 273.
708 KUB 37, 66. For a discussion and bibliography of the other possible fragments, s. Farber 2014, 3.
709 Note additionally KBo 21, 20, which is a fragment containing Hittite prescriptions against Lamaštu
(dDÌM.NUN.ME), s. Schwemer 2013, 159f.
710 For the existence of a possible Proto-Maqlû containing a nucleus of the later series, s. Abusch 2002,
163f. and 287.
711 For previous editions, s. Abusch 2016, xiii. Note that the editions of Abusch 2016 and Schwemer 2017
considerably improved the line of layout for the series compared with the edition of Meier 1937. When
citing the series Maqlû, the layout of Abusch 2016 is followed here.
194 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Abusch in various publications. 712 Standardized editions of Maqlû are delivered to us from
Kuyunjik (both NA as NB script), Aššur, Kalḫu, Sultantepe, Sippar, Babylon, Kiš, Nippur,
Uruk, Ur and unprovenanced tablets from Babylonia. 713 It appears that all editions of Maqlû
in the First Millennium follow the same order of incantations, but some manuscripts deviate
from the standard format of 8 incantation tablets and a ritual tablet. 714 The name of the series
is related to the central act of burning various objects within the ceremony, this is (partly) the
reason why Maqlû and Šurpu occur together in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 14). 715
Although anti-witchcraft incantations are attested for earlier periods, concrete Maqlû-
forerunners are first found in the second half of the Second Millennium, most prominently
from the Middle Assyrian archives. 716 Maqlû II/b is found on the fragmentary KAR 240 717;
Schwemer (2010a, 205) listed the significant variants in KAR 240 compared with the
canonical series, later Abusch (2011, 20–28) studied and explained the variants in the
evolution towards the creation of Maqlû as a series.
The incantation collective KAR 226 718 contains various anti-witchcraft incantations of
which KAR 226c can be identified as a forerunner to Maqlû III/c and the Kultmittelbe-
schwörung KAR 226e as a forerunner to Šurpu VIII/h. Of the other anti-witchcraft
incantations on KAR 226, no parallels can be identified and are below listed as potential non-
canonical forerunners. 719 As for KAR 226e containing the incantation ÉN aktabsakka
šaddākka bīna, it may be related to a passage from the ritual tablet for Maqlû, where in the
fragmentary first section a reference is found to the ritual action of the patient treading on
tamarisk (marṣu bīna ikabbas!). 720 If this assumption is correct, this would mean that the
incantation ÉN aktabsakka šaddākka bīna, could be used in various rituals as would be ex-
pected for a Kultmittelbeschwörung and was at some point possibly used in a (proto)-Maqlû
context. 721 Hence KAR 226e is listed here as well as a non-canonical Maqlû forerunner.
712 Abusch 2002; Abusch 2015, 1–40. For a discussion of other texts concerning witchcraft, s.
Abusch/Schwemer 2011.
713 S. Abusch 2016, xv.
714 S. idem.
715 The same thematical relation may explain the occurrence of a Šurpu forerunner on an incantation col-
lective (KAR 226) generally concerned with witchcraft, s. p. 194.
716 Unfortunately the archival context is unknown for the Middle Assyrian witnesses in Table 200.
717 New copy by Schwemer in KAL 4, 25.
718 New copy by Schwemer in KAL 4, 31.
719 Of the non-Maqlû incantations on KAR 226, only KAR 226b has a preserved, but otherwise unknown
incipit, which can be reconstructed as ÉN kaššāptu ša tuḫalliqī kalā/ī šērīya.
720 S. Abusch 2016, 365.
721 One may suggest on the other hand that the occurrence of a Maqlû and a Šurpu forerunner on a
incantation collective can be explained by the view that both later series are strongly related to each
other, sharing a focus on the ritual act of burning. However, the possible relation of ÉN aktabsakka
šaddākka bīna with the Maqlû ritual tablet and the incorporation in the standardized version of Šurpu
can be more easily explained by the fact that this incantation concerns a list of various evils, s. Abusch
1987, 10. For the occurrence of this incantation in the First Millennium outside the series, s.
Abusch/Schwemer 2016, § 8.20.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 195
that this incantation is incorporated from Udug.ḫul VII/g 730 and as such its forerunner FAOS
12, pl. 5–6f derives from a clear Udug.ḫul-context, see below.
Mīs pî
The name of the series commonly known by modern scholars as Mīs pî “Mouthwashing” or
sometimes as Pīt pî “Opening of the mouth” may have varied in ancient times as discussed
by Walker/Dick (2001, 8–10), who postulate the following possibilities: LUḪ KA,
KA.LUḪ.Ù.DA, and ÉN an.na ní.bi.ta tu.ud.da. 731 Both LUḪ KA “Mouthwashing” (var.
LUḪ KA.DINGIR.RA “Washing of the mouth of the god”) 732 as KA.LUḪ.Ù.DA “Mouth-
opening” are found in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 2, 11). It cannot be said with any
certainty whether Mīs pî and Pīt pî belonged to the same composition 733 or were two separate
compositions. 734 For convenience the collective title of Mīs pî is used here. 735
Sources for the ritual-series Mīs pî are found at Aššur, Kuyunjik, Kalḫu, Sultantepe,
Hama, Babylon, Sippar, Nippur and Uruk. 736 It appears that two completely different
recensions existed in the material from Kuyunjik and Babylon. 737 Walker/Dick (2001, 31)
730 Note that Udug.ḫul VII/g was additionally incorporated into the Schramm Compendium no. 21.
731 For a discussion and overview of evidence, s. Walker/Dick 2001, 8–10; Dick 2003–2005, 583f.
732 Variant ms. ‘d’ (Rm 717+), s. Geller 2000a, 242.
733 Bottero 1985, 68.
734 Walker / Dick 2001, 10.
735 An edition of the series is offered by Walker/Dick 2001. For an overview on previous literature, s.
Walker/Dick 2001, 20f. with addition of Shibata 2008. For a comprehensive study of the making of
cult images in Mesopotamia and the reactions thereto by certain groups in ancient Israel, s. Berlejung
1998.
736 Walker/Dick 2001, 27f.
737 S. Walker/Dick 2001, 30f., even within the material of Kuyunjik there may have existed two different
editions.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 197
have calculated that the series existed in Babylonia of at least 5 incantation tablets and in
Kuyunjik of 6 or 8 incantation tablets. For both recensions an accompanying ritual tablet is
attested. 738 The essential purpose of the rites of Mīs pî was to purify the cult image of human
impurities and to consecreate the cult image as such.
The earliest reference to the ritual-series of Mīs pî in its standardized edition dates back
to Nabû-apla-iddina in the ninth century. 739 Certain aspects and parts of the rituals and
incantations of Mīs pî can be traced back to the Third and Second Millennium. In fact,
according to Hallo (1970, 120), possibly all neo-Sumerian hymns to deities were originally
composed to be recited at the induction of the cult image of the particular deity. 740 The oldest
representation of the ritual itself can be found in the Ur III tablet PBS 13, 35 which contains
a ritual and various incipits of incantations to be recited at the consecration of a cult statue. 741
Cunningham (1997, 75f.) identified three incantations on the collective ISET 1, 217 (Ni 4176)
dating to the Ur III-period as likely to be concerned with the consecration of divine statues;
ISET 1, 217a contains the reed-standard as purifier, ISET 1, 217b//PBS 1/2, 123 742 contain
the tamarisk as purifier, and ISET 1, 217c contains the juniper as purifier. 743 Interestingly, of
all three incantations their incipits are reflected in the aforementioned ritual PBS 13, 35. 744
As for the pre-sargonic incantation CIRPL Urn. 49, Cunningham (1997, 41) remarks that
although its primary use is concerned with the foundation of a temple, it could have been
used for the opening of cult statues as well due to the feature of the reeds as divine purifier. 745
A similar observation is made by Cunningham (1997, 141) regarding the Old Babylonian
incantation VS 10, 187c, which features a quay as divine purifier. New examples of similar
incantations to VS 10, 187c are offered by George (2016, 64–66), i.e. CUSAS 32, 6c, 6f and
6g. Other relevant incantations presented by George are CUSAS 32, 5f; CUSAS 32, 6e
(‘drawing’ water); CUSAS 32, 6h (washing a god). 746
All the above-mentioned incantations concerning the consecration of objects in ritual use
could be used in various ceremonies and their primary function may not have been concerned
with the cult images at all 747, but as Cunningham (1997, 75; 112) argued, they could alter-
natively be used for the ‘opening of the mouth’ based on similarities with the series of the
First Millenium.
A direct forerunner to the Mīs pî-ritual series is the Middle Assyrian Fs. Wilcke, 190f.,
not recognized as such by Walker/Dick (2001, 28) who classified it as Neo-Assyrian
reflecting Mīs pî IV. Maul (2003, 183f.; 190–194) offered a new study and copy of the tablet
establishing that it belongs to the small Middle Assyrian M1 archive and instead to Mīs pî IV
it relates to Mīs pî III. Fs. Wilcke, 190f. is a single tablet containing the hybrid paired
interlinear–Sumerian(//)Akkadian bilingual format. As for its content, Fs. Wilcke, 190f.
reflects Mīs pî III/c: ÉN u4 dím.ma alam sikil.la šu du7.a and although it corresponds
meticulously to its later counterpart, alternate lines are inserted at the end of the incantation,
s. Maul (2003, 194 ll. 93a–d).
Sassmannshausen (2001, 169 fn. 2913) accounts for the Middle Babylonian period one
text that may denote practice of a mouth-opening ritual in daily life.
Muššuʾu
The series Muššuʾu “rubbing” recently editied by Böck (2007) 748 existed out of 9 tablets and
a ritual tablet. Textual evidence for tablet I–VIII is present, but for tablet IX clues are only
offered to us by means of catchlines from tablet VIII (i.e. STT 136), incipit catalogues (i.e.
CUSAS 32, 6 may be connected with the rites related to the sacred marriage.
748 For previous bibliography, s. Böck 2007, 9.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 199
VAT 13723+) of the series 749 and cited incipits from the ritual tablet 750 (i.e. BAM 3, 215 751
and K 3996+). 752 Editions of Muššuʾu have been found at Aššur, Kuyunjik, Kalḫu, Sultan-
tepe, Babylon, Borsippa, Sippar, Kiš, Nippur and Uruk. 753 An interesting fact of the series
Muššuʾu is that it incorporated various incantations from other series such as Udug.ḫul,
Sag.gig and Ḫul.ba.zi.zi, 754 from compendia such as Nam.érim.búr.ru.da, and therapeutic
texts concerning ŠU.GEDIM and SA.GAL. 755 Although Muššuʾu cites incantations from
other series and compendia known from the Exorcist’s Manual, Muššuʾu itself is not cited, 756
which may suggest a terminus post quem date for the compilation of the series. 757 Muššuʾu
could be used for various ailments (ad capite, ad calcem) 758 with the central therapy focused
on the act of ‘rubbing’.
The whole tablet of Sag.gig VII was apparently assimilated as the entire tablet Muššuʾu
IV, 759 hence the following forerunners can be attributed to both series, CT 42, 32 and Fs.
Stol, 150 (= Sag.gig VII/a = Muššuʾu IV/a); BAM 4, 335 (= Sag.gig VII/f = Muššuʾu IV/f)
and BAM 4, 385a (= Sag.gig VII/i = Muššuʾu IV/i). Since the reconstruction of Muššuʾu is in
this case more complete than Sag.gig, the above-mentioned forerunners will be discussed
here and not in Sag.gig.
Similarities to and variants of the Old Babylonian forerunners to Muššuʾu IV/a, i.e. CT
42, 32 and Fs. Stol, 150 have been previously discussed by Geller/Wiggermann (2008) and
will therefore not be repeated here. Although no in extenso version is attested in the present
corpus, we do find the cited incipit ÉN ṭa-ri-da-at DÙ.A.BI GIG from the Emar medical text,
Priests and Officials, 199f.: 97, which appears to be an abbreviated version of either Muššuʾu
IV/a or IV/b. 760
The Middle Assyrian fragment BAM 4, 335 761 reflects an almost identical list of diseases
and demons as found in Muššuʾu IV/f. 762 Unfortunately, nothing more of the incantation
remains to enable us to determine similarities and/or variants with the later series. On a
Middle Babylonian therapeutic tablet against ghost-induced illnesses we can identify in BAM
4, 385a a forerunner to Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 20 and Muššuʾu IV/i. In the Old Babylonian
incantation catalogue AfO 24, pl. IIIb: 5 763 we find an incipit reflecting Muššuʾu V/a: ÉN
d
nin.ì.si.in.na ama kalam.ma.ke4, not further attested outside the later series. As for Muššuʾu
V/d, a precursor is found in Ugaritica 5, 17b containing numerous variants with its later
counterpart. 764 The most notable difference is found in the introduction; it appears that the
first lines of Ugaritica 5, 17b were simply repeated from its preceeding incantation Ugaritica
5, 17a, which is in turn a forerunner to Udug.ḫul II/a. 765
series Muššuʾu may have consisted in some recensions such as Kuyunjik of 8 tablets instead, s.
Worthington 2010, 153f.
756 Interestingly, a colophon of tablet VIII (BM 38786+38857) quotes the text as ÉŠ.GÀR
[MAŠ.M]AŠ-ú-ti, s. Böck 2007, 28.
757 Böck 2007, 28.
758 Böck 2003, 12.
759 For an overview, s. Böck 2007, 24.
760 Böck 2007, 45 fn. 45; Geller/Wiggermann 2008, 158.
761 Later copy is presented by Schwemer in KAL 2, 50. Note that Schwemer 2007c, 17 suggests the
possibility that this fragment may belong to the same tablet as BAM 4, 334 (=KAL 2, 22). BAM 4, 335
is not listed by Böck 2007, 25 in her survey of the precursors to Muššuʾu, but is taken into account for
Muššuʾu IV/f: 62. Pace Schwemer 2007c, 115, K 6335 and Rm 595 parallel a different but similar
incantation, i.e. Muššuʾu -series IV/a.
762 For a discussion of the enumeration of diseases and demons, s. Landsberger/Civil 1967, 105f. Note that
Ugaritica 7, pl. I (RS. 34.021) has a similar enumeration, but is on the whole different from its
counterpart from the Muššuʾu-series.
763 Edited by Wilcke 1973, 14f.
764 S. commentary on p. 251.
765 A similar application can be found in Iraq 31, pl. V–VIa and Iraq 31, pl. V–VIb.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 201
As for Muššuʾu VI, its earliest precursor, the Old Babylonian CT 4, 3 766 is unilingual
Sumerian and belonged to the corpus of Nam.érim.búr.ru.da as its colophon states. Another
forerunner from Ḫattuša, the bilingual KBo 36, 11+a, appears to have been collected among
Udug.ḫul material and is here also regarded as a non-canonical Udug.ḫul-forerunner, see
below. Muššuʾu VI: ÉN úš ḫul.gál an.ki.bi.da can be considered a stock-incantation in the
First Millennium, which is not suprising given its flexibility in the Second Millennium, and
is therefore additionally found as an external incantation on the ritual tablet of Bīt rimki, see
above. Muššuʾu VII/d is in fact assimilated from Udug.ḫul VII/b, hence we can add here the
Old Babylonian PBS 1/2, 128a and the Middle Babylonian FAOS 12, pl.5–6d, which are both
found in the specific Udug.ḫul context. The origins of Muššuʾu VIII/a: ÉN šimmatu šimmatu
clearly derive from a therapeutic context, which is confirmed by the two therapeutic tablets
from the second half of the Second Millennium, i.e. BAM 2, 141; BAM 4, 398, and is in the
First Millennium still attested as such outside the Muššuʾu-series. 767 A variant of the
incantation is also found in Emar on a single tablet with ritual agenda, i.e. Emar 735.
Earlier evidence of Muššuʾu VIII/d: ÉN ibaḫ ibaḫ is only found in the cited incipit on the
Middle Assyrian therapeutic tablet against paralysis BAM 2, 194 768: iv 3’; 9’. 769 For Muššuʾu
VIII/k we may identify distant forerunners in the Old Babylonian incantations JCS 9, 9
(UIOM 1059); JCS 9, 10 (HTS 2) and YOS 11, 8 (NBC 6321), which primarily reflect the
enumeration of diseases. 770
Similar to Muššuʾu VIII/a, Muššuʾu VIII/l–m against the maškadu-disease stem from a
therapeutic context as well and is continued as such in the First Millennium to appear outside
the series on therapeutic tablets. 771 Earlier incantations against the maškadu-disease are
known, but they do not seem to correspond directly to Muššuʾu VIII/l–m and are here
therefore not regarded as canonical forerunners. 772 One forerunner to Muššuʾu VIII/l can be
identified, i.e. the Middle Assyrian AS 16, 287f.a, which contains a corrupt precursor to the
later incantation. Muššuʾu VIII/o: ÉN ezzēti šamrāti nadrāti originates from a therapeutic
context as well, to be recited during the preparation and application of a salve against the
‘Hand of a Ghost’. 773 As such we find a Middle Babylonian example in BAM 4, 385b found
on a therapeutic tablet against ghost-induced illnesses. In the First Millennium, variants of
this incantation are found frequently outside the Muššuʾu-series, not only in therapeutic
tablets against the ‘Hand of a Ghost’ 774, but also in manuscripts of the ritual šēp lemutti ina
bīt amēli 775, among šumma amēlu kašip prescriptions 776 and in Maqlû V/k. 777 Also
originating from a therapeutic context is the incantation Muššuʾu VIII/q: ÉN kararatu
kararatu, which has a precursor Priests and Officials, 199f.a 778 found on a therapeutic tablet
from Emar to be recited in relation with the application of magical stones on the hands and
feet of the patient. An incipit for this incantation is also found on Middle Assyrian therapeutic
tablet BAM 2, 194: 9’ in a broken context. 779 For the First Millennium the incantation is
continued outside the Muššuʾu-series and is found in various therapeutic tablets. 780 An
incantation collective from Ugarit containing forerunners to various series and compendia
also reflects the only known precursor to Muššuʾu VIII/r, albeit in an extended form, i.e.
Ugaritica 5, 17g. 781 For the First Millennium Muššuʾu VIII/r is rarely attested outside the
series. 782
The reconstruction of Muššuʾu IX is uncertain, except for the first incantation, s. Böck
(2007, 20f.). Following Böck’s reconstruction of Muššuʾu IX/b: ÉN me.šè ba.da.ri, which is
mainly based on the ritual-tablets for Muššuʾu, we can identify LKA 116 and Priests and
Officials, 199f.c as potential precursors dating to the Second Millennium. The incantation
ÉN me.šè ba.da.ri is found in various settings and contexts in the First Millennium, for
example in the Udug.ḫul-series as well, and is therefore considered a stock-incantation. As
for the external incantations cited in the ritual-tablet of Muššuʾu, we can identify shared
Kultmittelbeschwörungen from Udug.ḫul XIII–XV, of which no. 19, 20 and 23 precursors
are reflected in the Udug.ḫul-collective Iraq 42, 43f.(+), i.e. Iraq 42, 43f.(+)c = Udug.ḫul
XIII–XVc = Muššuʾu rit. no. 19; Iraq 42, 43f.(+)d = Udug.ḫul XIII–XVd = Muššuʾu rit. no.
20; Iraq 42, 43f.(+)f//VAT 10785+/b = Udug.ḫul XIII–XVg = Muššuʾu rit. no. 23.
Additionally, we may note that Muššuʾu rit. no. 25 incorporates a pure Udug.ḫul incantation,
i.e. Udug.ḫul VI/a, for which we have an Old Babylonian precursor PBS 1/2, 128d. Therefore
it cannot be said with any certainty whether the Kultmittelbeschwörungen duplicated in the
ritual tablet of Muššuʾu are stock-incantations or merely assimilated from the Udug.ḫul-
corpus. 783
774 AMT 97, 1//K 3398+: 8–13; BAM 3, 221//BAM 5, 471: iii 25’–27’, s. Scurlock 2006, 443–446.
775 SpTU 5, 247: v 16–19; DT 186: vi 2–4, s. Wiggermann 1992, 33f.; Von Weiher 1998, 50–57.
776 AMT 86, 1(+)AMT 85, 1: iii 5–13, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2011, 87.
777 Abusch 2016, 143f.
778 Mistakenly read and identified by Tsukimoto 1999, later corrected by Finkel 1999b. Note that in Priests
and Officials, 199f.a we find kat-ta-ri-túm against kararatu of its later parallels. kararatu (or kat-ta-ri-
túm) is found in the dictionaries as “magisches Wort” (AHw 447a) and is rendered as uncertain by the
CAD K 207a, implied to be either magical formula or a technical term referring to the type or purpose
of these spells.
779 Note that we do find here the expected kararatu against the contemporary variant kat-ta-ri-túm from
Emar.
780 AMT 58, 7: i 4–5 (K 9579) AMT 69, 9: 7–8 (K 9164+6056); BAM 4, 354: iii 12–13 (VAT 10783+).
781 Latest edition is presented by Rowe 2014, 48–58.
782 Böck 2007, 63.
783 Additonally one should note here the relation between the Kultmittelbeschwörungen of Udug.ḫul XIII–
XV, the ritual tablet for Muššuʾu and the series of Qutāru. As for the ritual tablet for Muššuʾu, no. 23,
24, 25 correspond to Qutāru no. 1, 3 and 5.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 203
Nam.búr.bi
The namburbi-rituals occupy a unique position among the ritual-series . 784 They are found as
a series in the personal collection of Aššurbanipal 785 and existed of over 136 tablets, of which
only 18 have been preserved. 786 Evidence of other namburbi-series comes from Uruk, where
SpTU 2, 18 has the notation pirsu maḫrû “first section”, but given the lack of further tablets,
we cannot make any definitive statement about the series from Uruk. 787 Numerous other
namburbi-tablets found in Aššur and Kuyunjik contain catchlines referring to their
consecutive tablets, but lack a tablet number, e.g. DUB.NN.KÁM, denoting that serialization
784 An edition and study of the Namburbi-material is published by Maul 1994. For previous literature, s.
Maul 1998–2001.
785 Caplice 1974, 7; Maul 1994, 216, pace Farber 1988, 39, who stated that a Namburbi-series has never
existed.
786 A reconstruction of the Aššurbanipal-series can be found in Maul 1994, 216–221.
787 Maul 1994, 204.
204 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Qutāru
The series Qutāru “fumigation” is relatively unknown. No entry for Qutāru exists in the
Exorcist’s Manual, but a structured series existed in the late First Millennium as is proven by
the colophon of TCL 6, 34 (a tablet of Iqīša from Uruk) IM I.KAM KÙ.GI, 791 which may
suggest that Qutāru just like Muššuʾu was created after the Exorcist’s Manual. Finkel (1991)
reconstructed a section (ll. i 24’–28’) in the incantation catalogue (VAT 13723+) 792 as
belonging to the series Qutāru. 793 These four incantations are mainly known from Udug.ḫul
VI and XIII–XV, but are also found in the ritual tablet for Muššuʾu, which suggests that
Qutāru may be regarded as a companion work to Muššuʾu. 794 Just as Muššuʾu, it appears that
Qutāru as well incorporated outside incantations 795 against various ailments, but in this case
the central therapy is focused on the act of fumigation. 796
Since Qutāru is a very late creation and its incantations appear to have been assimilated
from other series, we may duplicate here the following forerunners mainly known from
Udug.ḫul and also found in a specific Udug.ḫul context, i.e. the Middle Assyrian Iraq 42,
43f.(+)f and VAT 10785+/b (= Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/g = Qutāru no. 1) and the Old Babylonian
PBS 1/2, 128d (= Udug.ḫul VI/a = Qutāru no. 5). 797
Šurpu
The series Šurpu “Burning” consisted in its standardized edition at least of nine incantation
tablets in Nineveh, where the sequence of tablet II–IX is successfully reconstructed through
catchlines by Reiner (1958). 798 No ritual tablet for the Šurpu-series is known from the
Kuyunjik material, but we do have a ritual tablet from Aššur (LKA 91), which is tablet I in
Reiner’s edition, but as it appears from LKA 91, the Aššur recension differs significantly from
the one from Nineveh. Lambert (1959–1960) pointed out that Reiner’s reconstruction of
tablet I is invalid, 799 at least for the standardized series from Nineveh. Pace Reiner, Frank
Simons have proposed a new solution for a reconstruction of the canonical Šurpu-series
existing of 10 incantation-tablets. 800
Additionally, a cycle of Šurpu was incorporated in the agenda of Bīt rimki after the Maqlû
cycle, as is shown from ritual tablets for Bīt rimki from Sippar (PBS 1/1, 13), Nineveh (K
15234) and Uruk (SpTU 2, 12). 801 Some of the cited incipits belonging to Šurpu within the
agenda of Bīt rimki, are not known from the standardized Nineveh version and may add some
insights for the existence of other Šurpu-recensions. 802 Besides the material from Kuyunjik,
standardized manuscripts of Šurpu are known from Aššur, Sultantepe, Kalḫu, Kiš and
Uruk. 803 The main purposes of Šurpu are to undo the negative effects of a curse caused by
breaking an oath, to annul an oath or to avert any transgressions against a deity. 804 The
798 Reiner 1958 remains the most recent edition of Šurpu, for new material s. Von Weiher 1998, no. 242;
Borger 2000; Linssen 2008; for later discussions on the series, s. Bottéro 1976–1977; Geller 1980b;
Farber 2011–2013. A related genre to Šurpu are the so-called lipšur-litanies, which were not
standardized, s. Reiner 1956; Wiseman 1969. A new edition of Šurpu is planned by F. Simons.
799 Doubt was already expressed by Reiner herself, s. Reiner 1958, 4.
800 Frank Simons presented a paper during the 61th RAI in Geneva 2015 “Šurpu VIII: The Lost
Incantations” reconstructing tablet VIII. In private communication (April 2016) Simons kindly shared
a preliminary reconstruction of the standardized series based upon new available material. The
following reconstruction presents all tablets with their starting incipits: I ÉN gá.e lú.kù.ga me.en II ÉN
lu-u paṭ-ra DINGIRmeš GALmeš III ÉN ma-mit DÙ.A.BI IV ÉN e-peš ri-is-bi ù ri-sib-ti
V ÉN áš.ḫul gal5.lá.gin7 VI ÉN ki-ma SUM.SAR VII ÉN buru5 šà.abzu.ta im.ta.è.a.na // di-me-tum ul-
tu qé-reb ap-si-i it-ta-ṣa-a VIII ÉN ni-iʾ-šu ni-iḫ-lu IX ÉN ÍL-ši gam-li-ia a-paṭ-ṭa-rak-ka X ÉN
giš.šinig giš.ge15 an.edin.na mú.a.
801 We may assume that this Šurpu-cycle in Bīt rimki was a short version in comparison with the full series,
e.g. SpTU 2, 12: iii 41ff. lists 13 incipits for the performance of Šurpu (šur-pa išakkan(GAR-an)-ma).
Farber’s 2011–2013, 331 suggestion that this cycle could possibly reflect an older version of Šurpu
remains speculation.
802 For example the relation and the position of the Dingiršadibba-incantations ÉN Ea Šamaš u Marduk
mīnu annîya, ÉN ilī ul īde and ÉN ilī bēlī, s. pp. 228f.
803 S. Farber 2011–2013, 330. Note that school-excerpt UET 6/2, 407 from Ur has preserved over 60 lines
of the standardized Šurpu-series.
804 The theme ‘trangression of sin’ is shared by the incantations of the Ilī-ul-īde collection (s. p. 229),
which may explain why some incantations of Ilī-ul-īde were incorporated into Šurpu (e.g. the Š-cycle
within Bīt rimki such as SpTU 2, 12), or were recited beside Šurpu (e.g. the catchline of the ritual tablet
(LKA 91) for Šurpu from Aššur refers to Ilī-ul-īde and the catchline of the ritual tablet (KAR 90) for Ilī-
ul-īde refers to the ritual for Šurpu, s. Lambert 1974a, 269.
206 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
‘burning’ aspect of Šurpu lies in the critical part of the ritual where objects such as peels of
an onion or stripped dates resembling the transgression of the patient are cast into the fire by
the magical-expert cleansing the patient of his ‘sin’. 805 The central act of burning in both the
series Šurpu as Maqlû may explain why they are listed together in the Exorcists’s Manual
(KAR 44: 14).
All forerunners that can be pointed to for Šurpu are Kultmittelbeschwörungen. CUSAS
32, 6t intended for the consecration of a garment is, as George (2016, 71f.) already observed,
a direct parallel with a later incantation known from a bilingual text usually coined as ‘The
consecration of a priest of Enlil’ no. IX. 806 Still, the Old Babylonian precursor CUSAS 32, 6t
can in fact be regarded as a heavily abbreviated version 807 of Šurpu V/i: ÉN gu uttu šu.na
ba.ni.in.gar. 808 KAR 226e can be identified as a Middle Assyrian precursor to Šurpu VIII/h:
ÉN aktabsakka šaddākka 809 and is found among canonical and non-canonical Maqlû
incantations. As argued above, KAR 226e may in fact also be used at some point in a Maqlû
context and is possibly, as expected for Kultmittelbeschwörungen, a stock-incantation. As for
Šurpu X 810, consisting solely of Kultmittelbeschwörungen 811, we may find a remote precursor
in the Ur III incantation ISET 1, 217b 812 for X/a: ÉN giš.šinig giš.AŠ an.edin.na mú.a. 813 For
Šurpu X/b: ÉN ú.in.nu.uš ú.sikil abzu.ta mú.a, there are two Old Babylonian variants, i.e.
CUSAS 32, 5i and MVN 5, 302 (v 12’–18’) both already recognized as such by George (2016,
59) and contain considerable variations compared to their later Šurpu counterpart. Three Ur
III incantations, i.e. 5 NT 48, ASJ 2, 195f.b and ISET 1, 217c were recognized by Sigrist
(1980, 155f.) as distant precursors to Šurpu X/g: ÉN šim.li bùlug.gá sa7 and were studied as
such by Conti (1997), who added a remote Old Babylonian precursor YOS 11, 47 as well.
Additionally, we may mention the Early Dynastic incantation CIRPL urn. 49, whose incipit
reminds us of Šurpu X/c: ÉN gi.kù gi.sikil ‹giš›.gi.šà.ga mú.a, but appears on the whole to be
a different incantation. 814
A close relation appears to exist between the Šurpu-cycle and the first three incantations
of the Dingir.šà.dib.ba-compendium from the ritual tablets for Bīt rimki. Additionally, the
ritual tablet for Šurpu from Aššur (LKA 91) closes after the designation “It is the sixth tablet
805 On the ritual aspects of Šurpu, s. Bottéro 1976–1977, 100–116; Farber 2011–2013, 331f.
806 Löhnert 2010, 186f. For a primary edition of the complete text, s. Borger 1973.
807 Similar lines are denoted by George 2016, 72.
808 Classification as Šurpu V/i follows the reconstruction of F. Simons. Peterson 2009a recognized further
parallels with this incantation is the first incantation of the OB collective UM 29-13-569. Another
related incantation to Šurpu V/i is the OB incantation VS 24, 52 (r.? i’ 1–9’) having the subscript
KA.INIM.MA gu gada lugal kéš.da.kam. Peterson 2009a, 128 fn. 5 recognized that the following in-
cantation on this tablet is also concerned with the ‘thread’ (gu), which could be another related
incantation or possible forerunner to Šurpu V/i.
809 Classification as Šurpu VIII/h follows the reconstruction of F. Simons.
810 Šurpu X = IX of Reiner 1958, after F. Simons.
811 Extensive compendia of Kultmittelbeschwörungen already exist in the Old Babylonian period, for
examples see George 2016, 30. Most likely all these compendia served a central ritual purpose, only
one (A 7479) presented by Farber/Farber 2003 is specified to be concerned with purifying a Gudu-
priest.
812 Identified above as a non-canonical forerunner to Mīs pî.
813 Similarities were recognized by Rudik 2015, 393.
814 Identified above as a non-canonical forerunner to Mīs pî.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 207
of Šurpu” with the statement ÉN ilī ul īde warkišu “the incantation Ilī-ul-īde (you recite)
next”. 815 It is unclear for now whether here the potential Ilī-ul-īde-compendium is meant or
one or both of the two incantations starting with Ilī-ul-īde known from the Dingir.šà.dib.ba-
compendium and the ritual tablet (KAR 90) for Ilī-ul-īde. 816 Consequently, the earlier
precursors to these Ilī-ul-īde incantations listed here under Dingir.šà.dib.ba are indirectly
relevant to the Šurpu-series.
Šurpu appears to be a late creation 817 and since the series is thematically related to other
series and compendia such as Zì.sur.ra and Nam.érim.búr.ru.da, it is difficult to identify non-
canonical forerunners as such. A few side notes can however be made, KAR 246 a Middle
Assyrian forerunner to the šuʾila of the fifth house of Bīt rimki contains a passage,as do its
later counterparts, that appears excerpted and unsystematically related to Šurpu III. A very
fragmentary bilingual incantation from Ḫattuša KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2a possible
related to Šurpu or Nam.érim.búr.ru.da contains a divine dialogue between Enki/Ea and
Asalluḫi/Marduk and mentions that an ‘oath’, a heavy sin, is imposed on the patient. 818
Sag.gig
Until now the only edition on the series SAG.GIG(.GAmeš) (muruṣ qaqqadi) “headache” is
provided by Deirdre Linton (1970) in her unpublished M.A.-thesis. 819 Sag.gig consisted of 9
(short) tablets and is known from the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 9) 820. Linton (1970, 26)
pointed out that in Kuyunjik two recensions of the series may have existed ‘Nineveh A’ and
‘Nineveh B’. Further editions are known from Sultantepe and Uruk 821. Various incantations
of the Sag.gig-series were incorporated in the series of Muššuʾu. 822 As its name suggests, the
purpose of the Sag.gig-series was to counter the effects of headache, i.e. the headache-demon.
Canonical forerunners to the Sag.gig-series are scarce, but we do find two Middle
Babylonian examples of Sag.gig VI/a in the peripheral areas, i.e. KBo 14, 51b 823 from Ḫattuša
and Ugaritica 5, 17i 824 from Ugarit. Although both are clearly canonical forerunners, they
reflect various deviations from the later series. As for Emar, 825 the small fragment Emar 732
is clearly concerned with Sag.gig and its incipit recalls Sag.gig I/a, where it is stated that the
Sag.gig-demon comes from the Ekur, whereas in Emar 732 it is said that the Sag.gig comes
from the Netherworld, what can be further read of Emar 732 does not correspond to
incantations known from the Sag.gig-series, hence Emar 732 is here considered a non-
canonical forerunner.
The earliest non-canonical incantations against the Sag.gig-demon are from the Ur III-
period, i.e. TMH 6, 1//Fs. Hilprecht, 220 826. Both duplicates are specifically concerned with
the headache of Amar-Suen. Interestingly, as already noted by Geller (2003, 13), the same
incipit is found for Sag.gig V. The same may be true for unedited Old Babylonian incantation
YOS 11, 78, whose incipit reads sag.gig.gig lú.ra šu!(KI) mu.un.gá.gá«.gá.». 827 Michalowski
(1981, 17) identified passim another Old Babylonian Sag.gig-incantation on the fragmentary
OIP 16, 11 citing ll. 6’–8’. 828 Although the theme of CT 4, 4a 829 is concerned with Sag.gig,
it is in fact a forerunner to the Schramm Compendium no. 11, but can be regarded for the
Sag.gig-series as a non-canonical forerunner. 830
Since Sag.gig VII was assimilated as Muššuʾu IV and the manuscripts for Muššuʾu are
better preserved, the precursors to the incantations of Sag.gig VII are here discussed in the
section for Muššuʾu, see above.
The Old Babylonian incantation collective VS 24, 45+52+61 originally contained an
incantation against the Sag.gig-demon according to its colophon, 831 but cannot be restored
from its preserved fragments.
822 For a general overview, s. Böck 2007, 24. For catalogues on Muššuʾu citing Sag.gig-incantations, s.
Finkel 1991, 94. A possible relation between Sag.gig III and Mīs pî in BM 91011 is pointed out by
Linton 1970, 27.
823 Linton 1976, 110 lists KBo 14, 26 among the Sag.gig VI manuscripts, this is an error for KBo 14, 51.
The mistake is repeated by Rowe 2014, 57. The incantation preceeding KBo 14, 51b, i.e. KBo 14, 51a
is fragmentary and exorcistic in function and cannot be related to another incantation of the Sag.gig-
series.
824 Already recognized by Nougayrol 1968, 39, not taken into account by Linton 1976.
825 Note the incipit found on Priest and Officials, 199f.: 97 reflects Sag.gig VII/a–b (= Muššuʾu IV/a–b).
826 For a recent edition and previous literature, s. Rudik 2015, 230–236.
827 To my knowledge no edition exists of this incantation. No photo available, collation desired.
Cunningham 1997, 147 offers its subscript KA.INIM.MA sag.gig.ga.kam and mentions its features a
divine dialogue.
828 Peterson 2013, 1 identified OIP 16, 11 (= STVC 11) as a collective tablet containing two additional
incantations on the reverse, of which the first can be identified as a šà gig.ga incantation.
829 New copy is offered by Geller 1985, pl. 19–20.
830 Edition is found in Linton 1970, 216–219 and Schramm 2008, 153–156.
831 S. fn. 624.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 209
Udug.ḫul
The series UDUG.ḪUL, or UDUG.ḪUL.Ameš (utukkū lemnūtu) “Evil utukkū-demons”, is the
most extensive incantation-series existing in its standardized form of 16 tablets, known from
Kuyunjik, Aššur 833, Sultantepe, Kalḫu, Sippar, Babylon and Uruk. A recent edition is
provided by Geller (2016), who reconstructed the sequence of the whole series mainly
following the Kuyunjik manuscripts, noting discrepancies with other editions such as the
version from Aššur reflected in the incipit catalogue VAT 13723+ (= Studies Lambert,
229). 834 An important variation may be the incorporation of Gattung II in an edition from
Aššur, where the catchline of OECT 6, 26 cites the known Gattung II incipit ÉN lugal
nam.tar. 835 Although no ritual tablet is attested for the Udug.ḫul-series, there are numerous
references to the ritual agenda within the Udug.ḫul incantations. 836 Being a well-established
series with forerunners going back to the Third Millennium, it is no surprise that Udug.ḫul is
attested in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 7). Like other incantation series of the First
Millennium (e.g. Šurpu, Bīt rimki), Udug.ḫul makes use of various stock incantations; typical
Udug.ḫul incantations were also incorporated into other series and compendia like Muššuʾu,
Qutāru, and the Schramm Compendium.
Udug.ḫul is the best traceable series having by far the most canonical and non-canonical
forerunners even extending to the Third Millennium. Considering Udug.ḫul I, we find two
832 According to Nathan Wasserman in the SEAL-database CT 42, 32 may be dated late Old Babylonian
or possibly early Middle Babylonian.
833 Note additionally the Udug.ḫul-commentary LKA 82 from the ‘Haus des Beschwörungspriester’, s.
Geller 2016, 5.
834 For previous literature, s. Geller 2016, 3–5.
835 S. Geller 2016, 6f. The possible relation between the series Udug.ḫul and Gattung II was already
suspected by Borger 1975, 54. For a possible relation between Udug.ḫul and Gattung III, s. Finkel
1976, 34 fn. 2. For further remarks on the relation between Gattung I–III and Udug.ḫul, see the
discussions on their forerunners.
836 For the ritual content within the Udug.ḫul-series, s. Geller 2016, 21–26.
210 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
The later peripheral incantation collective Emar 729 contains three forerunners (Emar 729a-
c) to Udug.ḫul III, but in a distorted sequence, i.e. Emar 729a = III/g 839, Emar 729b = III/e 840
837 LKA 116 is a namburbi to avert the evil of fungus, Priests and Officials, 199f. is a therapeutic
concerning various diseases. Variations of the me.šè ba.da.ri incantation are found in the First
Millennium outside the later series in BAM 5, 508 (K 239+) ll. iv 11’–17’; KAR 20 (VAT 9305) ll. ii
2’–8’; MC 8, pl. 8 (K 2542+) ll. ii 37’–42’; MC 8, pl. 10 (K 9329+) ll. b 5’–8’; MC 8, pl. 10 (BM
50958) ll. a 3’–11’; MC 8, pl. 10 (BM 17311) ll. ii 6’–13’; MC 8, pl. 10 (Sm. 1802) ll. ii 2’–3’; OrNS
40, pl. III–IV (K 157 +) ll. 2’–5’; SpTU 3, 83 (W 23276) ll. 15–16.
838 Attested outside the later series on the school excerpts MC 16, pl. 7 (BM 36681+) ll. 1’–8’ and BAM 8,
pl. 5; 136 (CBS 8802) ll. r. 1–4.
839 Attested for the First Millennium outside the series on the school excerpts AOAT 275, 624 (BM 76125)
ll. 6’–8’; BAM 8, pl. 27 (BM 36676) ll. 1–10; BAM 8, pl. 27 (BM 37621) ll. 1’–13’.
840 Attested for the First Millennium outside the later series in the school excerpt BAM 8, pl. 28 (CBS
8801) ll. 17’–20’.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 211
and Emar 729c = III/a. 841 Furthermore, the forerunners from Emar deviate considerably from
their standardized counterparts. 842
If we are correct in assuming that CBS 13905, a fragment of a multi-column tablet, is indeed
Middle Babylonian, it would be the sole bilingual witness to Udug.ḫul III in the Second
Millennium. 843 As for Udug.ḫul IV, no forerunners are attested on a Udug.ḫul-related
collective except for the previously mentioned OB FAOS 12, pl. 1–2l (= IV/a). One Middle
Babylonian amulet, Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2a, contains a deviated version of Udug.ḫul IV/a and is
the sole example of an Udug.ḫul incantation used on an amulet in the Second Millennium. 844
Udug.ḫul IV/c has survived on an Old Babylonian collective among various exorcistic
incantations, i.e. CUSAS 32, 11c, 845 on the Old Babylonian tablet FAOS 12, pl. 13–14 846 as
on the Middle Babylonian peripheral fragment Emar 790. 847 For Udug.ḫul V, we find one
Old Babylonian witness to Udug.ḫul V/a (TIM 9, 62) and the Old Babylonian incantation
collective FAOS 12, pl. 3–4 contains in the first two columns a corresponding sequence for
Udug.ḫul V/e–h only interrupted by the non-canonical Udug.ḫul incantation FAOS 12, pl. 3–
4d.
841 An OB forerunner is found in FAOS 12, pl. 1–2e. The incantation is further attested for the First
Millennium outside the series in the school texts UET 6/2, 391 (–) ll. 1–7 and UET 6/2, 392 (–) ll. 1–6.
842 S. commentaries, Emar 729a (p. 288), Emar 729b (p. 290), Emar 729c (p. 292).
843 CBS 13905 shares its bilingual format, Sumerian(//)Akkadian, with two other forerunners to Udug.ḫul,
i.e. BAM 8, pl. 91 and Iraq 42, 43f.(+). Besides Udug.ḫul III/a, the fragment CBS 13905 also contains
Udug.ḫul III/b, of which we find another OB forerunner in FAOS 12, pl. 1–2c (Ni 623+). Udug.ḫul
III/c is further found in the First Millennium outside the series on the extract tablet BAM 8, pl. 16 (CBS
11306) ll. 6’–9’.
844 As far as I am aware this is actually the only known existing amulet containing a version of an Udug.ḫul
incantation. Geller 2016, 538 pointed out that Udug.ḫul XVI/a was used in therapeutic contexts in direct
relation with amulets. Seen the exorcistic nature of Udug.ḫul, it is surprising that not more amulets with
Udug.ḫul-related incantations are found, as is for example the case with the corpus of Ḫul.ba.zi.zi.
845 Found with corresponding Udug.ḫul-subscript, s. George 2016, 40.
846 Geller 1985, ms. ‘G’.
847 As already recognized by Geller 2016, 133. Udug.ḫul IV/c is attested in the First Millennium outside
the later series in the school extract BAM 8, pl. 22 (N 1545+1554) ll. 7–12.
212 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
A version of Udug.ḫul V/g is further attested in the Old Babylonian period among various
other Sumerian incantations, i.e. CUSAS 32, 10i, 848 and for the present corpus on a tiny
fragment from Nippur, i.e. OIP 16, 12a, which furthermore contains Udug.ḫul V/h. 849
One witness to Udug.ḫul V/e comes from the peripheral areas, i.e. KBo 36, 11+d, found
on an Udug.ḫul-collective after three non-canonical Udug.ḫul incantations. KBo 36, 11+ is a
bilingual recension containing the parallel column format making KBo 36, 11+d, although
the Akkadian is not preserved, the only bilingual witness to Udug.ḫul V. 850 The earliest
possible reference to an incantation of Udug.ḫul V may be found in a Ur III ritual for cult
statues, i.e. PBS 12, 35: 23 published by Dick (2005, 273), 851 which cites the incipit for
Udug.ḫul V/g: ÉN imin.na.meš imin.na.meš. 852 Forerunners to Udug.ḫul VI are found on the
incantation collectives PBS 1/2, 128 853 (OB) and KUB 4, 16 (MB/MA). The former
commences interestingly with a version of Udug.ḫul VII/d and contains versions of Udug.ḫul
VI/a 854, b, d and g in a different sequence as the later series together with a non-canonical
Udug.ḫul incantation, i.e. PBS 1/2, 128c.
The fragment KUB 4, 16 855 contains versions of Udug.ḫul VI/d (=KUB 4, 16a) and VI/g (=
KUB 4, 16b).
Similar to the incantation collective KBo 36, 11+, KUB 4, 16 is a bilingual of the parallel
columns format written in the Assyro-Mittanian script, which makes KUB 4, 16 the only
bilingual witness to Udug.ḫul VI in the Second Millennium. 856 Among another Old
Babylonian collective FAOS 12, pl. 3–4 mainly containing forerunners to Udug.ḫul V and
VII, we find a version in FAOS 12, pl. 3–4i a version of Udug.ḫul VI/i, for the sequence on
FAOS 12, pl. 3–4. Udug.ḫul VII is the best attested tablet for the series in the Second
Millennium 857, especially Udug.ḫul VII/a, for which we find for the Old Babylonian period
CUSAS 32, 11k 858; FAOS 12, pl. 3–4k; FAOS 12, pl. 17 859; FAOS 12, pl. 18; PBS 1/2, 127a
and for the Middle Babylonian period FAOS 12, pl. 5–6a and KUB 37, 143 860. The original
sequence of FAOS 12, pl. 5–6 is most likely identical to the entire arrangement of Udug.ḫul
VII with the addition of Udug.ḫul VIII/a (= FAOS 12, pl. 5–6g) and the non-canonical FAOS
12, pl. 5–6h. 861
855 First recognized and identified as such by Fincke 2009a, left out for unknown reasons by Geller 2016.
856 Note that the the Sumerian column is not preserved, but due to traces of vertical rulings, it is possible
to identify the bilingual parallel column format.
857 Geller 2016 adds to the new earlier manuscripts of Udug.ḫul VII the unpublished ‘Amherst Tablet’,
which is only given in citation. From Geller’s edition it is apparent that his unpublished tablet contains
(at least) forerunners to Udug.ḫul VII/b and VII/c, but without a line sequence and copy/photo nothing
sensible can be said on the format of the tablet. Its contents deviate considerably from their later
counterparts, s. Geller 2016, 267.
858 George 2016, 40.
859 Geller 2016, 277 mistakenly attributes lines of Udug.ḫul VII/d to FAOS 12, pl. 17 (ms. ‘oi’), which
only contains a single incantation, i.e. a forerunner to Udug.ḫul VII/a.
860 Identified and edited by Geller 1985, ms. ‘N’. This fragment may belong to the same tablet as KUB 37,
101(+)102, s. p. 307. Udug.ḫul VII/a is attested in the First Millennium outside the later series on the
extract tablet PBS 1/2, 116 (CBS 4507) ll. 45–48.
861 Unfortunately the tablet is damaged between FAOS 12, pl. 5–6e (= VII/e) and FAOS 12, pl. 5–6f (=
VII/g), hence we cannot restore with certainty the possible incantation in the middle. For a visual
overview and schematic sketch of the tablet, s. Geller 1985, 4 ms. ‘C’. Udug.ḫul VII/g is equated with
the Schramm Compendium no. 21 in the First Millennium and is further attested on the school extract
tablet BAM 8, pl. 57 (LB 1822) ll. 16–21.
214 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
As for PBS 1/2, 127, which is fully preserved, we find the sequence of VII/a (= PBS 1/2,
127a), VII/b (= PBS 1/2, 127b) and the non-canonical PBS 1/2, 127c.
Except for FAOS 12, pl. 5–6g, no earlier versions exist for Udug.ḫul VIII in the Second
Millennium. 862 As for Udug.ḫul IX and XI, no forerunners are existent. The recent discovery
of OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV, which can either be dated late Middle Assyrian or early
Neo-Assyrian, is for now the only forerunner for Udug.ḫul X. What makes this even more
interesting and what was missed by previous editor(s) are the traces of a catchline hinting of
at Udug.ḫul XI/a: ÉN duppir lemnu šēdu lemnu alû lemnu. 863 This would be the sole example
among the Udug.ḫul canonical forerunners of a catchline with an incipit corresponding to the
sequence of the later series and it would be the earliest possible reference to Udug.ḫul XI. As
for its content, OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV correlates strongly with Udug.ḫul X on the
whole, but some major deviations are still found. 864 Additionally, it should be mentioned that
the bilingual format of OrNS 83, pl. XXXII–XXXIV is indented paired interlinear with
ruling, which corresponds to the bilingual format of the later series from the Aššur
tradition. 865
BAM 8, pl. 91 (12 N 228), which consisted originally of 3 columns per side, contains a
canonical forerunner to Udug.ḫul XII/a. It cannot be stated with any certainty whether XII/b,
a relative short incantation, was included on the tablet as well, i.e. that the content and
sequence of BAM 8, pl. 91 mirrored the complete Udug.ḫul XII. 866
862 Udug.ḫul VIII/a is further attested outside the later series in the First Millennium in the extract tablet
PBS 1/2, 116 (CBS 4507) ll. 49–53.
863 iv 3’ ⸢ÉN⌉ […] ⸢lem⌉-nu.
864 For example the incipit is abbreviated compared with the later series., which is only known from the
catchline from Udug.ḫul IX, s. Geller 2016, 324. Additionally noteworthy are ll. 9–10, where the
Karkemish significantly deviates from the later series by the inclusion of an additional line.
865 Udug.ḫul is further attested outside the later series on the extract tablets BAM 8, pl. 82 (BM 48228) ll.
3’–7’ and BAM 8, pl. 160 (BM 47069 +) ll. 9’–13’.
866 Geller 2016, 399 obverved that the bilingual layout of BAM 8, pl. 91 differs from the other later
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 215
As for Udug.ḫul XIII–XV, the Middle Assyrian bilingual incantation collective Iraq 42,
43f.(+) 867 samples the sequence of the later series, but its content differs considerably. 868
Another Middle Assyrian bilingual fragment is the unpublished VAT 10785+10871, which
is given in citation only by Geller (2016, 435ff.) and contains versions of XIII–XV/a and
XIII–XV/g. The oldest forerunner to Udug.ḫul is the Old Akkadian MDP 14, 91, 869 which
contains a Sumerian precursor to XIII–XV/b, but as expected with major deviations. 870 The
incantations on Udug.ḫul XIII–XV are Kultmittelbeschwörungen and are specified as such in
the subscripts of their forerunners and in the later series. 871 Several of these Kultmittel-
beschwörungen were later incorporated into the ritual tablet of Muššuʾu and in the series
Qutāru. 872 Since no further precursors are existent, it cannot be said with any certainty
whether these Kultmittelbeschwörungen can be regarded as stock-incantations or if they were
simply adapted from their Udug.ḫul context, like Udug.ḫul VI/a. At present no forerunners
exist for Udug.ḫul XVI. 873
manuscripts for Udug.ḫul XII. As however observed in § 5.2, there is no fixed bilingual format for
literary texts of the Second Millennium. The bilingual format of BAM 8, pl. 91, Sumerian(//)Akkadian,
is also found for another canonical Udug.ḫul forerunner from Aššur, i.e. Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24.
Udug.ḫul XII/a is further found outside the later series on the extract tablet BAM 8, pl. 110 (BM 33889)
ll. 8–10.
867 Was previously recognized by Geller 1980a as a forerunner to tablet XII, altered in Geller 2007, xi as
tablet XIII and in Geller 2016, 435 listed among the manuscripts of tablet XIII–XV. For a discussion
of the composition of Udug.ḫul XIII–XV, s. Geller 2016, 17–20.
868 Geller 1980, 25.
869 Geller 1980a, 24f.; Rudik 2015, 388–391.
870 For discussion of variants, s. Geller 1980a. Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/b is attested in the First Millennium
outside the series on the extract tablets BAM 8, pl. 121 (BM 36296) ll. 1–5 and MC 16, pl. 8 (BM
37969) ll. 1’–6’.
871 Geller 2016, 20.
872 Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/c = Muššuʾu rit. no. 19; Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/d = Muššuʾu rit. no. 20; Udug.ḫul XIII–
XV/e = Muššuʾu rit. no. 21; Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/f = Muššuʾu rit. no. 22; Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/g = Muššuʾu
rit. no. 23 = Qutāru no. 1; Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/h = Muššuʾu rit. no. 24 = Qutāru no. 3. Udug.ḫul XIII–
XV/a is attested outside the later series in extract tablet AOAT 275, 239 (BM 36333) ll. 1’–6’; Udug.ḫul
XIII–XV/f is further found in the extract tablet Iraq 42, 50 (BM 36714) ll. 1–12.
873 Note however the incipit of the non-canonical Udug.ḫul forerunner KBo 36, 11+c, see below.
216 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
As for the non-canonical forerunners to Udug.ḫul, 876 Geller (2016) added two new tablets to
the material of his earlier study (Geller 1985). The first is CT 44, 32(+)33t, which has two
duplicates from the First Millennium, i.e. JCS 31, 218f. (CBS 11304) and CT 51, 142 (BM
38586), both clearly express their relevance to Udug.ḫul in the colophons, s. Geller (2016,
54–58). 877 The second is BAM 8, pl. 156–157 (UM 29-15-236), which according to Geller
(2016, 217) is somehow related to Udug.ḫul VI, but without precise correspondences. 878
875 VAT 10785+10871 is according to Geller’s preliminary edition bilingual, but without copy or photo
the type of bilingual cannot be determined, but most likely Sum.(//)Akk. The tablet is to be published
in full in a publication of the Aššur-project.
876 The Early Dynastic incantation designated by Rudik 2015 as FSB 40, i.e. TM.75.G.2459 viii 1–ix 3 //
TM.75.G.1722 iii 2–v 1, may be the earliest example of an Udug.ḫul incantation in Mesopotamian
incantation literature. Pace Rudik 2015, 26, who suggests that the ‘evil god’ is the specific Udug-
demon in this case, I understand the incantation to be concerned with both demons as is often the case
in later incantations.
877 Geller 2016, 7 suggests that although these fragments are related to Udug.ḫul and have similarities with
Udug.ḫul I, they may belong in fact to another series. As for CT 44, 32(+)33 , this incantation is found
after numerous precursors to Gattung I, see below.
878 Geller 2016 offers besides a copy (pl. 156–157) no edition or specification on this matter. Note Peterson
218 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Another Old Babylonian tablet mentioned by Geller (2016, 249) as related to Udug.ḫul VII
without further specifications is CBS 11933, which is excluded here as a possible non-
canonical forerunner to Udug.ḫul since it is clearly concerned and connected with other anti-
witchcraft incantations. 879 The fragmentary incantation collective on VS 24, 45+52+61 is said
in its colophon to have contained 7 incantations concerning Udug.ḫul, 880 of which none can
be identified with certainty on the preserved fragments.
Among the Old Babylonian forerunners presented by Geller (1985), we find various
incantation collectives containing both canonical and non-canonical forerunners to Udug.ḫul.
FAOS 12, pl. 1–2(a–f) corresponds to Udug.ḫul III/a–f (Table 209), whereas FAOS 12, pl. 1–
2(g–k) are all non-canonical Udug.ḫul incantations without direct parallels from the First
Millennium. 881 Although all incantations on FAOS 12, pl. 1–2(a–k) are clearly Udug.ḫul-
related, none of them are marked as such by their subscripts. FAOS 12, pl. 3–4 contains
various canonical forerunners to Udug.ḫul V, VI and VII 882 among which we find two non-
canonical Udug.ḫul incantations, i.e. FAOS 12, pl. 3–4d and FAOS 12, pl. 3–4h, with
corresponding Udug.ḫul-subscripts. 883 PBS 1/2, 127c 884 is found after two canonical
forerunners to Udug.ḫul VII/a–b (Table 216) and although the subscript for PBS 1/2, 127c is
not preserved, it is likely to be restored after PBS 1/2, 127a–b, which both read KA.INIM.MA
udug ḫul.a.kam. A similar case is PBS 1/2, 128c, which is found among canonical forerunners
to VI and VII (Table 213), without preserved subscript, but can reliably be attributed to the
genre of Udug.ḫul. Geller (1985, 140–149) offers in his appendix an edition 885 of FAOS 12,
pl. 7–8, which lacks a subscript but shows convincing similarities to other Udug.ḫul fore-
runners. Noteworthy is that FAOS 12, pl. 7–8 is the only other example of a tablet containing
Udug.ḫul or Udug.ḫul-related material written in Sumerian with occasional Akkadian glosses
besides the Middle Babylonian FAOS 12, pl. 5–6. The very fragmentary CUSAS 32, 9j is here
considered a non-canonical Udug.ḫul incantation due to its subscript KA.INIM.MA udug
dúb “INCANTATION (for) smiting an Utukku-demon”. CUSAS 32, 11a and 11e 886 are found
on an Old Babylonian incantation collective with clear subscripts attributing them against
Udug.ḫul, both incantations are for now unparalleled.
2013, 2, who identified two incantations on this fragment, i.e. a duplicate to the Namtar incantation in
ZA 83, 176 and an incantation involving a tamarisk.
879 Note Geller’s own edition in Studies Sjöberg 1989, 193–206; Abusch/Schwemer 2016, 112ff.
880 7 dudug ḫul.a.kam, s. fn. 624.
881 Note that the incipit of FAOS 12, pl. 1–2i (mul an.[gin7 …]), reminds of Sag.gig II (// Muššuʾu II/b),
but does not correspond in the overall text.
882 For their sequence, s. Table 211.
883 FAOS 12, pl. 3–4d: ii 26 (= UHF 450); FAOS 12, pl. 3–4h: vi 11 (= UHF 595). Note that incipit of
FAOS 12, pl. 3–4d, which can be restored as ÉN imin.na.meš imin.na.meš, corresponds with the
preceding FAOS 12, pl. 3–4c and Udug.ḫul V/g, but is on the whole a different incantation. The
suggestion made by Geller 2016, 243, that UHF 586–593 (i.e. FAOS 12, pl. 3–4h) could possibly fill
the gap in Udug.ḫul VI/i of the later series seems unlikely. Following the evidence on FAOS 12, pl. 3–
4, the passage UHF 586–593 is concluded with a closing zi-pà formula in UHF 594, which implies that
UHF 586–595 (= FAOS 12 pl. 3–4h) cannot belong to the following incantation FAOS 12, pl. 3–4i,
which in turn is a canonical forerunner to Udug.ḫul VI/i.
884 PBS 1/2, 127 = ms. ‘E’ in Geller 1985.
885 Corrections can be found in Geller 2016, 543f.
886 CUSAS 32, 11e may possibly belong to CUSAS 32, 11d, s. George 2016, 40.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 219
YOS 11, 70d–f are found on an Old Babylonian collective together with three further
incantations against the evil eye 887 and can reliably be attributed to Udug.ḫul by means of
their subscripts. 888 YOS 11, 70d 889 is partially duplicated by CT 4, 4b 890; FAOS 12, pl. 13–
14 891; CUSAS 32, 14 obv. 892; TCL 16, 63 893; VS 24, 46+ (ll. i 1’’–11’’) 894 containing the
incantation ÉN gal5.lá e.ne gal5.lá e.ne. Interestingly, this non-canonical Udug.ḫul incantation
was later incorparated in the Schramm Compendium no. 13. Another such example is YOS
11, 70e 895, which contains the incantation ÉN u4 gal edin.na šu bar.ra.meš that was later
assimilated as Schramm Compendium no. 14. George (2016, 82) identified CUSAS 32, 12g
as a duplicate of YOS 11, 70f 896, which is the incantation ÉN nam.kud.da.ni kin.gi4.a
bí.(in.)gi4 no direct parallels are known for the First Millennium.
As for the Middle Babylonian 897 incantation collective FAOS 12, pl. 5–6, we find the very
fragmentary and unidentified FAOS 12, pl. 5–6h after forerunners to Udug.ḫul VII and VIII,
s. Table 215. PBS 1/2, 112 was classified by Ebeling (1953, 358) as the sole example of
Gattung III containing a large enumeration of unilingual Sumerian zi-pà formulae
comparable to Gattung II. Its subscript reads KA.INIM.MA udug.ḫul.a.kam, which connects
the zi-pà enumarations directly to the genre of Udug.ḫul in the Second Millennium. 898 As for
possible non-canonical forerunners for Udug.ḫul from the peripheral areas, we have a few
examples for Emar and numerous for Ḫattuša. Emar 729d is found on a incantation collective
among canonical forerunners to Udug.ḫul III and is coined by Geller (2016, 90) as n not
entirely bilingual Ninurta incantation. The first lines of the incantation are poorly preserved
and Ninurta is indeed recognizable from the first line. Although written in large sequences
of Sumerian, the Akkadian can in no way be regarded as its translation and hence the
statement that this incantation is (partially) bilingual is incorrect. From what can be restored
of its enigmatic content, the incantation appears to be exorcistic in function, which fits the
context of Udug.ḫul forerunners quite well. The small Sumerian fragment Emar 731
resembles the exorcistic formulae on Emar 729, but cannot be joined. 899 As for all non-
canonical fragments from Ḫattuša, none of them were included or considered by Geller
(1985; 2016). The collective KBo 36, 11+ is by far the most important witness to Udug.ḫul
from the Hittite kingdom. It contains one direct forerunner to V/e, i.e. KBo 36, 11+d 900, and
three non-canonical incantations, of which KBo 36, 11+a actually contains a version of the
incantation ÉN úš ḫul.gál, known from Bīt rimki (ritual tablet) and Muššuʾu VI of the First
Millennium and is likely to be regarded as a stock-incantation.
This view seems to be confirmed by the fact that the subscript of an Old Babylonian (CT 4,
3) precursor to this incantation assigns it to nam.érim.búru.da.kam “for undoing a curse”. 901
As for identifying KBo 36, 11+a as a non-canonical Udug.ḫul incantation, the subscript
[KA.IN]IM.MA ⸢udug⌉.ḫul.a.⸢kam⌉ is found between the two vertical rulings separating the
Sumerian on the left and the Akkadian on the right and above the horizontal ruling separating
KBo 36, 11a+ from KBo 36, 11b+. The vocabulary of KBo 36, 11+b is clearly Udug.ḫul-
related. 902 KBo 36, 11+c shares its incipit ÉN lú ḫul lú.bi [lú ḫul || …] with Udug.ḫul XVI/f,
its content however does not correspond to Udug.ḫul XVI/f, but relates to Udug.ḫul
globally. 903 The collective KBo 36, 11+ is bilingual in a parallel column format (Table 163),
written in the so-called Assyro-Mittanian script. Similar fragments containing Udug.ḫul-
related material are KUB 37, 101(+)102, which is found in the Hethitherportal as KUB 37,
101(+)143(+)102 (= CTH 805.2) after Klinger (2010, 334 fn. 78). For now it cannot be
proven that KUB 37, 143, which is a canonical forerunner to Udug.ḫul VII/a (see above),
belonged to the same tablet as KUB 37, 101(+)102. 904 In any case, it is worth noting that the
fragments KUB 37, 101(+)102 have the same tablet format and ductus as KBo 36, 11+ 905 and
appear from their content to be Udug.ḫul-related as well. 906 As for the fragmentary KUB 37,
111, which is a bilingual of the hybrid paired interlinear–Sumerian(//)Akkadian format. 907
Schramm (1998, 315) already suspected it passim to be a forerunner to Udug.ḫul IV. This
may be true, as KUB 37, 111 contains a similar, but not identical ḫé.me.en-list as Udug.ḫul
IV, closed with various zi-pà formulae. An alternative possibility is that KUB 37, 111 is
related to the later exorcistic incantation ÉN lugal dnam.tar of Gattung II 908, which contains
900 Edited by Geller 1985 as ms. ‘M’, named after fragment KUB 37, 100a.
901 Böck 2007, 233 ms. ‘D’.
902 S. commentary p. 302.
903 S. commentary p. 304.
904 Schwemer 2013, 154 treats both fragments separately as well.
905 As for the archeological context, it should be mentioned that KBo 36, 11+ derives from Büyükkale A,
KUB 37, 101(+)102 from Büyükkale D and KUB 37, 143 from Büyükkale C.
906 Note especially the disease-list in ll. 4’–12’, which is similar to Udug.ḫul III 138–143, but is admittingly
also found in a Bīt rimki-related fragment, s. Borger 1967a, 6: 49ff. ms. C = K 3462.
907 Written in a New Hittite script, s. Schwemer 2013, 154.
908 Geller 2016, 49 connects ÉN lugal dnam.tar directly to Gattung II by stating that it is identical to its
incipit simply referring to Ebeling 1953, 379f. Geller is correct, although he does not clarify that the
incipit is not attested or in any case readable at least according to Ebeling’s edition of K 3179+. Later
publications, i.e. CT 51, 106 and OECT 11, 34, show similarities with K 3179+ (not identical) and have
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 221
a ḫé.me.en-list and zi-pà formulae as well. In any case, the incantation ÉN lugal dnam.tar is
related to Udug.ḫul, as is shown from a second catchline in a Udug.ḫul-recension of XIII–
XV (VAT 13660+14047) 909 from Aššur, which suggests that at least one standardized
version of Udug.ḫul contained this incantation. 910 With respect to KUB 37, 111, one should
note KUB 37, 127, which is a small bilingual fragment 911 containing a hé.me.en enumeration
and may belong to KUB 37, 111 fitting between i and ii, or between ii and iii. Further possible
non-canonical forerunners from Ḫattuša are the bilingual fragments 912 KBo 36, 12; KUB 34,
3 and KUB 34, 4, which show some similarities with passages and vocabulary from
Udug.ḫul. 913
(partially) their incipit preserved, i.e. CT 51, 106: 1 [(ÉN) šar]-⸢ri⌉ nam-ta-⸢ri⌉ DUMU d?[EN.LÍL (…)];
OECT 11, 34: 1 É[N] dnam.ta[r …] 2. šar-ri nam-ta-[ri …], which explains the direct relationship
between ÉN lugal dnam.tar and Gattung II. Even more interesting is the colophon of OECT 11, 34,
which reads [pir-su S]AG-tu-ú šá ÉN LUGAL dNAM.TAR. Does this imply, as suggested by Maul
1991, 854, that there existed a further unattested incantation-series by the name of ÉN lugal dnam.tar
or even more tentative, is ÉN lugal dnam.tar the name for Gattung II? In any case, Ebeling’s edition of
Gattung II seems to be outdated and a new edition with all new material is desperately needed.
909 S. Geller 2016, 486 ms. ‘BB’.
910 S. Geller 2016, 6 and 38, but expresses his doubts on p. 486.
911 Equal to KUB 37, 111 it contains the hybrid paired interlinear – Sumerian(//)Akkadian bilingual format.
912 KBo 36, 12 = paired interlinear; KUB 34, 3 and 4 = Sumerian(//)Akkadian.
913 Note for KBo 36, 12: 4’. [... túg]bar.si sag.an.na u.mi.n[i.kéš] 5’. [...] ⌈ki⌉ túgBAR.SI SAG.DU-sú [ru-ku-
us-ma], which corresponds roughly to Udug.ḫul XII 98; KUB 34, 3 contains a repetition of the verbal
form nam.ba.te.ge26.dè “must not approach” in the line-endings of ll. 2’–6’; KUB 34, 4 contains verbal
forms of the type <ù.me.ni. –> written in phonetic Sumerian orthography u.me.ni.in.e (ll. 3’–5’) and
u.mi.ni.in.šú (l. 6’), which are typical for the Marduk-Ea dialogues well-attested, but not exclusive to
Udug.ḫul.
914 Joined by M. Geller in FAOS 12, previous publications are VS 2, 97 and VS 10, 185; 186.
222 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Uš11.búr.ru.da
Two letters (SAA 10, 247 and 255) from the chief incantation-priest Marduk-šākin-šumī
dating to the reign of Esarhaddon refer to the numerous tablets existing for the Ušburruda-
rituals. Although the designation of ‘good’ (damqu) tablets as opposed to‘strange’ (aḫû)
tablets is used, which normally denotes ‘canonized’ as opposed to ‘non-canonized’, the
number of Ušburruda-tablets is said to be ‘30 to 40’ possibly indicating that the series were
already serialized but did not yet consist of a fixed number of tablets, s. Schwemer (2007,
59f.). Later during Aššurbanipal, the Ušburruda-series had considerably grown to at least 63
tablets 916 and it seems that the series were finalized in this period. 917 An entry for
UŠ11.BÚR.RU.DA (ušburrudû) “for undoing withcraft” is found in the Exorcist’s Manual
(KAR 44: 13).
Although several anti-witchcraft rituals and incantations are already attested before the
First Millennium, 918 only one Old Babylonian incantation VS 17, 31 919 has an explicit
subscript denoting its specific use as Ušburruda. No direct parallels to the later
Uš11.búr.ru.da-texts appear to exist.
915 According to the CDLI-database VS 24, 46 is joined directly with VS 24, 47 (VAT 17231). Note George
1989, 379–381, who joined VS 24, 46+47(+)48+51(+)50. A new copy by Geller can be found in
George/Taniguchi 2010, fig. 14–15.
916 For editions of ‘canonical’ Ušburruda-tablets, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2011, 117–125.
917 Schwemer 2007a, 61. On the statement by Köcher 1953, iii that the ana pišerti kišpī-texts were the
‘non-canonical forerunners’ for the Uš11.búr.ru.da-series, s. Schwemer 2007a, 33 fn. 21.
918 Except for the forerunners to Maqlû, see above, we may point to (OB) AfO 24, pl. IIb//CUSAS 32,
21a//Studies Sjöberg, 204–205//PBS 1/2, 122//(MB) KUB 30, 1 (and related fragments KUB 30, 2–4;
KUB 37, 108+110; KUB 37, 109; KBo 36, 13; KBo 36, 15; KBo 36, 16; KBo 36, 19; KBo 40, 103), s.
Abusch/Schwemer 2016, 112–134; (OB) CT 44, 34//CT 58, 79//UET 6/2, 149//ZA 83, pl. I–IIIc//ZA 83,
pl. IV–Vc, s. Abusch/Schwemer 2016, 135–145; (OB) YOS 11, 15//YOS 11, 29, s. Abusch/Schwemer
2016, 154–156.
919 Edition and previous literature by Abusch/Schwemer 2011, 115f.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 223
Zāqīqu
The series dZāqīqu 920 named after a dream-god contains both dream-omens (II–IX) as rituals
(I, X and XI) and is usually referred to as the ‘Dream-Book’. 921 Oppenheim (1956, 295)
suggested that the rituals and incantations of the series Zāqīqu existed in a separate manual
before they were joined with the dream omens. An indication of this theory may be found in
the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 14), where we find the entry MAŠ.GI6 ḪUL SIG5.GA “to
make a bad dream favorable”, which in turn may be related to the Dream Compendium
known from Aššur. 922
No direct forerunners can be pointed to for this series or the related Dream-Compendium.
We may note however a possible Sumerian precursor from the Old Babylonian period, i.e.
YOS 11, 63. 923
920 For an extensive discussion of Zāqīqu, s. Butler 1998, 78–80; Zgoll 2006, 299–307.
921 Edition by Oppenheim 1956.
922 Published with previous literature by Butler 1992, 249–312. Coined by Oppenheim 1956, 296 as proto-
Zāqīqu.
923 As already observed by Butler 1998, 97. Also note the observations made by van Dijk 1985, 42.
Additionally, we may note the OB incantations VS 17, 28 (VAT 8395)//JANER 9, 126f.b (UM 29-13-
569), of which the former has the subscript KA.INIM.MA nam.tar búr.ru.da.kam meant to counter the
evil fate of the king portended in a predictive dream, s. Peterson 2009a, 130.
924 Usually the deities listed in zi-pà enumerations follow a hierarchical order, sometimes listing the older
ancestral deities first. On the deities in Gattung I–III as a theological framework, s. Lambert 1957–
1971, 478.
925 Ebeling 1953, 357.
224 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
identified in the Exorcist’s Manual. Gattung II and Gattung III are treated here as incantation
compendia, see below.
The large incantation collective CT 44, 32(+)33, which was previously edited by Borger
(1969a) in his edition on the first tablet of Gattung I, 926 was later recognized by Cunningham
(1997, 135) to be Old Babylonian. CT 44, 32(+)33 largely corresponds with the later
sequence of the first tablet of Gattung I (after Borger) as far as the reconstruction of the tablet
can be followed; only a clear omission of § 26 can be observed. 927 After §§ 1–27 we find a
large enumeration of zi-pà formulae corresponding with the zi-pà’s presented by Ebeling
(1953, 361ff.) for Gattung I. 928 Finally, we find on the reverse after a general subscript
KA.INIM.MA [(…)] 929 another incantation here designated as CT 44, 32(+)33t, 930 which can
be regarded as a non-canonical forerunner to Udug.ḫul, see above. This fits well with the fact
that the incipit of the first tablet of Gattung I § 1 ÉN dingir ḫul is found as a catchline on a
recension of Udug.ḫul XVI from the First Millennium, denoting a direct relation between
Gattung I and the Udug.ḫul-series. 931
The small Old Babylonian tablet YOS 11, 93 reflects a precursor to § 23 as already
recognized by van Dijk (1985, 15). As for the variants with the later parallels of Gattung I, s.
Borger (1969a; 1969b). Another Old Babylonian compendium of zi-pà incantations CUSAS
32, 15 was recently published only in photo by George (2016, pl. XLVIII–XLIX). What can
be recognized on the photo is that the structure of the tablet appears to correspond to that of
the first tablet of Gattung I, but none of the formulae seem to be directly related to the
manuscripts of Gattung I, s. George (2016, 42).
Zú buru5 dab.bé.da
George (1999) pointed out that several fragments previously identified as Namburbis against
field pests actually belong to the ritual-series of ZÚ BURU5 DAB.BÉ.DA “To seize the
locust’s tooth” 932 known from the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 22) and a namburbi-
catalogue, s. Maul (1994, 197). An edition of all-known material related to the series was
later presented by George/Taniguchi (2010), who reconstructed three incantation-tablets of
the series. Evidence of the series Zú buru5 dab.bé.da is delivered to us from Kuyunjik (both
NA as NB script), Sultantepe and two Late Babylonian tablets from South Mesopotamia. As
the name of the series implies, the main goal of Zú buru5 dab.bé.da was to counter the evil of
all kinds of field pests destroying the crops.
The reconstruction of George/Taniguchi (2010, 82) shows that the entire series consisted
of various incantation-prayers. No canonical forerunners to these incantation-prayers exist
for the Second Millennium, but we can present an overview of earlier incantations to counter
the danger of field pests.
From Mēturan (Tell Haddad) we find various Old Babylonian manuscripts with an
agricultural objective, i.e. ZA 92, fig. 1–2 (H 103) and ZA 92, fig. 3 (H 74). Noteworthy is
that the incipit of the first incantation ZA, 92, fig.1–2a//ZA 92, fig. 3, maš.maš edin gú i.ni.il.la
reflects the later entry maš.maš edin.na of the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 22). 933 Other
examples of Old Babylonian Sumerian incantations sharing the same incipit were presented
by George (2016) CUSAS 32, 9h and CUSAS 32, 16b. Note that the latter tablet contained
another agricultural incantation CUSAS 32, 16a closing with the subscript KA.INIM.MA zú
buru5mušen zi.zi.da.kam. Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi (2002, 24) included a fragmentary variant from
Nippur with regards to their edition of ZA, 92, fig.1–2a//ZA 92, fig. 3, i.e. ZA 92, fig. 4a (CBS
3926+3931). The same tablet appears to have originally contained a collection of
incantations, of which its obverse preserves the aforementioned agriculture- related spell and
its reverse a possible precursor to Egalkura, i.e. ZA 92, fig. 4b. Wasserman (1999, 348) in his
survey on Old Babylonian sources on pest prevention already designated the agricultural
relevance of YOS 11, 69, 934 containing a Sumerian incantation against rodents, a Sumerian
incantation with Akkadian ritual against crows, an Akkadian incantation against the
maškadu-disease and the fourth and final Akkadian incantation in its subscript is stated to
“INCANTATION: to prevent the enemy and robber from approaching the grain”
932 The name of the series as ZÚ BURU5 DAB.BÉ.DA has been discussed and defended by George 1999.
933 Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002, 36.
934 A recent edition of the tablet is provided by Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002, 10f.
226 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Ardat lilî
Lackenbacher (1971) presented textual evidence for a compendium against the demoness
Ardat lilî, which was extended by Von Weiher (1983, no. 6 and 7), Geller (1988), 941
providing a more precise arrangement of all known fragments, and (2000b), and Gesche
(2000, 638–640). 942 Ardat lilî (KI.SIKIL.LÍL.LÁ) and her male counterpart Eṭel lilî
(GURUŠ.LÍL.LÁ) are found together in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 10). Geller (1988,
21) identified that one tablet (Sm. 5(+)16(+)48+799+1017+1347) most likely contained
incantations against Eṭel lilî on the obverse and against Ardat lilî on the reverse suggesting
that both entries in the Exorcist’s Manual against Ardat lilî and Eṭel lilî (actually refer to one
composition. Provenanced textual evidence for a First Millennium compendium against
Ardat lilî and possibly Eṭel lilî derive from Uruk and Kuyunjik. 943
Only two precursors to a possible compendium 944 concerning Ardat lilî/Eṭel lilî can be
identified for the Second Millennium. The first is the Old Babylonian YOS 11, 91 edited by
Farber (1989c, 14–22), the second is the fragmentary Middle Babylonian Studies Jacobsen,
210 945 previously published by Lambert (2002, 205–209). Neither manuscript can be directly
identified with incantations from the presumed compendium of the First Millennium.
941 Corresponding remarks were made by Farber 1989c. Note that Farber 1989c, 23f. is more confident in
assuming that Ardat lilî was a series, rather than a compendium.
942 F.A.M. Wiggermann has a manuscript with a new evaluation on the textual evidence for the Ardat lilî-
compendium in preparation.
943 For a possible origin of BM 422338 (RA 65, 119) from Babylon, s. Farber 1989, 23 fn. 18.
944 The evidence from the late libraries are very fragmentary and for now it cannot be stated with certainty
that they denote a series rather than a compendium. Note the remarks made by Farber 1989c, 23f. who
is more inclined to assume a series.
945 Note that the reverse of this tablet may contain an additional incantation or is a relatively extensive
enumeration of zi-pà formulae closing the ki.sikil.líl.lá-spell of the obverse. Lambert 2002, 206f. noted
that all the gods in this tablet occur in Gattung II, albeit in a different sequence.
228 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Dingir.šà.dib.ba
The entry DINGIR.ŠÀ.DIB.BA 946 from the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 4) is related to the
subscript KA.INIM.MA dingir.šà.dib.ba gur.ru.da.kam “INCANTATION for appeasing an
angry god”. 947 It cannot be stated with any certainty that a Dingir.šà.dib.ba-series existed, but
as Lambert (1974a) has pointed out, there appeared to have been a collection of
Dingir.šà.dib.ba incantations in the libraries of the First Millennium. The situation of
identifying such a collection is made more complicated by the existence of the ritual tablet
KAR 90 which starts with enūma nēpeši ilī ul īde tēppušu “When you perform the ritual
procedures for Ilī-ul-īde”. 948 KAR 90 enumerates nine incantations to be recited during the
during ritual agenda, of which only three are known from the Dingir.šà.dib.ba material
presented by Lambert (1974a). 949 The question therefore arises, does the cycle of incantations
cited in KAR 90 belong to the Dingir.šà.dib.ba-collection or did a separate cycle of Ilī-ul-īde
exist? If KAR 90 was meant for a Dingir.šà.dib.ba-cycle wouldn’t one expect it to commence
with enūma nēpeši DINGIR.ŠÀ.DIB.BA tēppušu? Concrete evidence for such
Dingir.šà.dib.ba-rituals is attested in a Kassite extispicy report (BE 14, 4) 950, where we find
in l. 2 nēpešam ana DINGIR.ŠÀ.DIB.BA lišēpišūšu. For this reason we have to acknowledge
the possibility of the existence of both a Dingir.šà.dib.ba as a Ilī-ul-īde “My god I don’t
know” compendium. 951 A reconstruction of both compendia is found below.
Incantations of both collections are strongly connected with the series Šurpu,
complementing the theme of one’s transgressions against one’s personal deity. The
Dingir.šà.dib.ba-incantations ÉN Ea Šamaš u Marduk mīnu annîya, ÉN ilī ul īde 952 and ÉN
ilī bēlī bānû šumiya are attested for the Šurpu-cycle within Bīt rimki (e.g. SpTU 2, 12: iii 44;
BBR 26+: v 78). As for the incipits known from KAR 90, both ÉN gá.e lú.kù.ga me.en as ÉN
nūḫ Girra are known from the ritual tablet of Šurpu (LKA 91) 953. It should be noted that ÉN
946 A more correct interpretation and reflection of the Sumerian would be DINGIR.ŠÀ.DAB(5).BA, s.
Jaques 2015, 1 fn. 3. Since the terminus Dingiršadibba is strongly integrated as such in Assyriology, it
is continued here.
947 An early survey on Dingir.šà.dib.ba was offered by Kunstmann 1932, 45–47. Lambert 1974a was the
first to present the material properly and to reconstruct the compendium of the First Millennium. Van
der Toorn 1985, 121–124 added some additional observations on the genre. Jaques 2015 presented an
advanced edition and study of Dingir.šà.dib.ba, adding new material to Lambert 1974a. For a general
overview of previous literature, s. Jaques 2015, 10–13.
948 S. Ebeling 1931, 116–120; Jaques 2015, 261–267. Note that Jaques 2015, 267f. offers a similar (no
duplicate) ritual to KAR 90, i.e. AMT 81, 5+AMT 27, 4.
949 I.e. ÉN ilī ul īde šēretka našâku; ÉN ilī ul īde šēretka dannat; ÉN mīnu annûʾa kīʾam epšāku.
950 S. Jastrow 1912, 278–282; Goetze 1957, 89; Kraus 1985, 145f.; Van der Toorn 1985, 122; Jaques 2015,
282. For other rituals related to Dingir.šà.dib.ba and their use, s. Jaques 2015, 258–296.
951 Note the similar reservations of Lambert 1974a, 269. There is no entry for Ilī-ul-īde in the Exorcist’s
Manual.
952 The incantation is found abbreviated within the agenda of Bīt rimki, so we cannot state whether ÉN ilī
ul īde šēretka dannat or ÉN ilī ul īde šēretka našâku was meant. Additionally, we cannot exclude the
possibility that the entry ilī ul īde in Bīt rimki denoted the recitation of the assumed compendium of
KAR 90.
953 Reiner 1958, 11f., as noted in fn. 800, F. Simons reconstructed this incantation as Šurpu I/a.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 229
gá.e lú.kù.ga me.en is a stock incantation and as such is found in various other contexts such
as, Muššuʾu 954 and Udug.ḫul 955.
954 Only attested in the ritual tablet of Muššuʾu (VAT 13653), s. Köcher 1966, 16: 3; Böck 2007, 71.
955 Found as a catchline on VAT 13660+14047, s. Geller 2016, 486. Further attested in a catalogue among
Udug.ḫul-incantations, i.e. VAT 13723+ (= Studies Lambert, 229) and in a catalogue containing
incipits from the Schramm Compendium, i.e. BM 66565+ (= Studies Lambert, 237).
956 Quoted by Lambert 1974a, 291ff. from an available copy from Edzard.
230 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
OBO 273, pl. 1–2. Cited by Jaques (2015, 24), but later published by Guichard (2015, 357–
370) are the bilingual duplicates OBO 278, 371–372 (A 2789) and OBO 278, 373–374 (A
2788). As for the position of these incantations in relation to the later Dingir.šà.dib.ba-
compendium, s. Jaques (2015, 34–50); Guichard (2015, 351–353). The Middle Assyrian
incantation collective LKA 26 from Aššur reflects quite clearly the later Dingir.šà.dib.ba-
compendium from the First Millennium. Its incantation-sequence can be restored as follows:
LKA 26a = ÉN ilī ul īdē šēretka dannat; LKA 26b = ÉN ilī bēlī bānû šumiya; LKA 26c = ÉN
mannu īdē ilī šubatka; LKA 26d = ÉN anāku ilī mīna ēpuš, mirroring incantations no. 2–4;
no. 6 of the Dingir.šà.dib.ba-compendium restored by Lambert (1974a, 274ff.). It should
however be stressed that although LKA 26 reflects the later compendium, it contains
considerable variants.
As already observed for Bīt rimki, incantations no. 1–3 of the Dingir.šà.dib.ba-
compendium are cited in the ritual tablet for Bīt rimki, hence LKA 26a and LKA 26b are
indirectly related to the Bīt rimki-ritual, see above.
É.gal.ku4.ra
The incantation-collection regarding É.GAL.KU4.RA “to enter the palace” is cited in the
Neo-Assyrian letter CT 22, 1 957, where an unnamed Assyrian king writes to the scholars from
Borsippa requesting various texts which are good for the kingship and the palace. The
requested texts are referred to as iškāru (ÉŠ.GÀR), which has led some scholars to believe
that Egalkura was seen as a standardized series. 958 Although the corpus of Egalkura
incantations has increased considerably in recent years, 959 there is no hard textual evidence
allowing us to identify Egalkura as an independent series, 960 but it seems rather to have
circulated as a compendium. Interestingly, almost all material concerning Egalkura comes
from Aššur and none from Kuyunjik, additionally we have some complementary Neo- or
957 Not a real letter, but rather a student’s copy of a letter, s. Lieberman 1990, 310.
958 E.g. Hallo 1979, 164; Radner 2005, 43; Klan 2007.
959 Stadhouders 2013, 305 has identified 60 incantations, which are related to É.gal.ku4.ra. Stadhouders
mentioned in private communication (April 2016) that this number has grown to 70 incantations.
960 This was confirmed by Stadhouders in the aforementioned private communication.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 231
Late Babylonian material from Babylon or Borsippa. 961 No entry for Egalkura is found in the
Exorcist’s Manual.
As for the sources of the Second Millennium, one may tentatively argue that the
fragmentary OB Sumerian incantation ZA 92, fig. 4b is concerned with Egalkura; its incipit
starts with with é.gal.la ku4.ra.ni […]. 962 In private communication (May 2017) H.
Stadhouders remained hesitant about classifying this incantation as an Egalkura-precursor.
He kindly pointed out the existence of an Old Babylonian incantation collective containing
3 Akkadian precursors, of which the first two have the preserved subscript: KA.INIM.MA
É.GAL.KU4.RA, in a private collection to be published by I.L. Finkel. 963
‘Fire’-compendium
Lambert (1970, 39f.) pointed out the existence for a compendium of incantations in the First
Millennium which is thematically concerned with ‘fire’ (IZI/išātu). Note that ‘fire’ is used in
this compendium as a metaphor for the heat of the fever in contrast to the technical termini
ummu or ḫimiṭ ṣēti found in therapeutic tablets. 964 Evidence of this ‘Fire’-compendium is
delivered to us from Kuyunjik, Aššur and Nippur. No entry is found for this compendium in
the Exorcist Manual.
As already observed by Lambert (1970, 44f.), a precursor to the ‘Fire’-compendium can
be identified in a incantation collective from Ugarit, i.e. Ugaritica 5, 17h. 965 This was later
supplemented by Arnaud (2007, 55–58), with another example from Ugarit, i.e. AuOr Suppl.
23, 14a and one from Emar, i.e. Priests and Officials, 199f.b. Although these three in-
cantations are not identical, they are strongly affiliated with each other and possibly derive
from the same incantation. Unfortunately, no earlier or contemporary version of the
incantation is attested, nor is this incantation reflected in the later compendium or have later
parallels.
961 For an interpretation of É.gal.ku4.ra and related texts, s. Klan 2007. A detailed insight into some aspects
of the É.gal.ku4.ra material is offered by Stadhouders 2013. An edition and study of É.gal.ku4.ra is
scheduled by Henry Stadhouders.
962 A transcription of the text is provided by Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002, 17. Note also the discussion by
Klan 2008, 104f. Pace Klan, I exclude the possibility that the entry é.gal.la ku4.ra.ni is found in an
enumeration of incantations. After the readings of Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 2002, 17, it is clear that it
concerns here an incantation in extenso.
963 The two incipits are preserved: Finkel (forthcoming)/b: zi-it-tum i-la-at ù ša-ar-ra-a-at; Finkel
(forthcoming)/c: ba-a-aš-tum i-la-at ba-a-aš-tum šar-ra-at.
964 Stol 2007, 1.
965 A new edition and study was later provided by Arnaud 1995.
232 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
Lú.tur.ḫun.gá
The entry LÚ.TUR.ḪUN.GÁ “pacifying the baby” from the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 15)
is most likely to be identified with the material presented by Farber (1989), who identified
three versions of a collection of baby-rituals from the Kuyunjik-material allowing him to
reconstruct the Kuyunjik-compendium. 966 Partial duplicates to the Kuyunjik-compendium
are listed by Farber (1989, 15–23), coming from Sippar, Kalḫu, Aššur and Uruk. Other
relevant and related material to corpus of baby-rituals can be found in Farber (1989, 23–28).
Farber (1989) in his study on the corpus of baby incantations and rituals identified for
what he called the Kuyunjik-compendium three possible Old Babylonian precursors, i.e.
OECT 11, 2; YOS 11, 84; ZA 71, 62b. 967 With the publication of George (2016), we can add
CUSAS 32, 31e 968 and CUSAS 32, 42 to the OB-examples. One Middle Babylonian example
exists, recently published by van Soldt (2015, 524f.) as CUSAS 30, 448, which is a direct
parallel to a baby-incantation attested outside the Kuyunjik-compendium found on LKA 9: r.
16’–20’. 969 A study of the variation of motifs between the earlier and later texts is offered by
Farber (1989, 160; 1990, 144). 970
966 Unfortunately no subscript is preserved on any of the three version, hence we cannot confirm that the
designation LÚ.TUR.ḪUN.GÁ was used for this compendium, s. Farber 1989a, 10.
967 We should note YOS 11, 84 written in unintelligible Sumerian, but its subject is clear from the subscript
KA.INIM.MA DI4.DI4.LÁ ḪUN.GÁ.KAM and VS 17, 26 written in unintelligible Elamite only
recognized by their subscripts as baby appeasing incantations. The content of ZA 36, 4 is very
fragmentary, but may reflect another example of a baby-incantation.
968 Although the spell itself is in Sumerian, the ritual instructions and rubric are in Akkadian.
969 For an edition, s. Farber 1989a, 110–112.
970 As for the only Middle Babylonian precursor CUSAS 30, 448, we can identify the following motifs
after Farber’s analysis, ‘The baby in the dark’; ‘Question: “Why?”’; ‘Affecting parents and nurse’;
‘other precatives’.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 233
Munus la.ra.aḫ
Evidence of a compendium for a woman in childbirth comes from Aššur and Kuyunjik 971
and a commentary on this compendium is known from Nippur. 972 The material was first
presented by Ebeling (1923) and later discussed by Veldhuis (1989). The most famous
incantation known from this compendium is the ‘Cow of Sîn’ narrative thoroughly studied
by Veldhuis (1999). The entry MUNUS LA.RA.AḪ “woman (having) a difficult childbirth”
is found in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 15).
The earliest examples of incantations assisting a woman in labor date back as far as the Early
Dynastic period, i.e. SF 54 (vi 1–viii 4); TSŠ 170 (iv 6–vii 3), 973 followed by three
incantations from the Ur III-period, i.e. ASJ 2, 159c (iii 3–iv 14); OrNS 44, 54. 974
Two motifs are relatively common for birth incantations, the first is focussed on the bull
and the cow whereas the second is concentrated on boats instead. The bull and cow motif is
better known from the narrative ‘A Cow-of-Sîn’ 975, where the moongod Nanna (Sîn) in the
appearance of a bull impregnated a young woman symbolized as a cow named Geme-Sîn 976
in the cattle ground. 977 The earliest incantations containing the ‘A Cow-of-Sîn’ narrative are
found for the second half of the Second Millennium, i.e. AS 16, 287f.c; AuOr Suppl. 23, 20;
Iraq 31, pl. V–VIb; KUB 4, 13a. For a synchronic analysis of the ‘A Cow-of-Sîn’ narrative,
s. Veldhuis (1991). Earlier Sumerian incantations already depict the metaphorical
impregnation of a woman/cow by a bull, i.e. (Ur III) OrNS 44, 54 978; (OB) AfO 24, pl. IIIa;
VS 17, 33. 979 This Sumerian metaphorical use of a cow depicting a pregnant woman evolved
into the Akkadian incantation tradition mainly in the ‘A Cow-of-Sîn’ narrative mentioned
above, but is also continued in other Akkadian birth incantations as is shown in (OA) CCT
5, 50e; Fs. Larsen, 397/399; SANER 9, 77 (OB) VS 17, 34 980; (MB/MA) KUB 4, 13b, where
971 Four additionally unpublished fragments to the Kuyunjik-compendium were identified by Lambert and
published in a preliminary edition by Veldhuis 1989, 255–257.
972 An overview is provided by Veldhuis 1989, 239. An edition of the commentary (11N-T3) has been
published by Civil 1974.
973 Note that TSŠ 170 is not published in copy or photo. Rudik 2015, 196–199 identified tentatively two
other Early Dynastic incantations possibly concerned with childbirth, i.e. ARET 5, 8 (ix 1–viii 5)//ARET
5, 17 i’ 1– ii’ 3.
974 The latest edition and previous literature on these incantations is provided by Rudik 2015, 199–202;
276–277. With the exception of OrNS 44, 54 (UM 29-15-367), which is considered by Rudik 2015, 78
fn. 138 as Old Babylonian following CDLI , pace for example Cunningham 1997, 96; Stol 2000, 60
fn. 80.
975 Well-attested in the birth-compendium of the First Millennium, where we find besides the classical ‘A
Cow-of-Sîn’ narrative, two further incantations mentioning the Cow-of-Sîn without the full context, s.
Veldhuis 1991, 8f; 14f.
976 Stol 1983, 30 recognized the name Geme-Sîn to be the name of Šulgi’s wife. The ideology of the ‘A
Cow-of-Sîn’ narrative goes back to the Ur III-period, s. Stol 2000, 61f.
977 A study and previous literature on ‘A Cow-of-Sîn’ narrative is provided by Veldhuis 1991.
978 Van Dijk 1975, 53-61; Cunningham 1997, 69–75. Note that the Early Dynastic birth incantations SF
54 (vi 1–viii 4)//TSŠ 170 (iv 6–vii 3) already mention a bull at the beginning of the spell.
979 Note that a corresponding incipit munus.e é.tùr amaš.kù.ga is found in the Old Babylonian incantation
catalogue AfO 24, pl. IIIb: 19. In another Old Babylonian incantation YOS 11, 85 which mainly depicts
the boat motif the pregnant woman is also mentioned as a cow. Note that the Ur III incantation ASJ 2,
159f.c (iii 3–iv 14) possibly names the pregnant woman as a cow, s. Rudik 2015, 328f.
980 Edition van Dijk 1972, 343–345.
234 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
the image of a pregnate cow giving birth is presented. In CCT 5, 50e; 981 Fs. Larsen, 397/399
and KUB 4, 13b 982 we find an elaborate description of the pregnate cow brushing the ground
with her nose and sweeping her tail, extended in First Millennium incantions 983 by the image
of the cow rooting up the soil with her horns. Note additionally, whereas in KUB 4, 13b the
pregnant cow is traditionally assisted by Sîn, she is helped by Šamaš in the Old Babylonian
incantation VS 17, 34. 984 The second motif depicts the pregnant woman as a fully loaded boat.
The earliest reference may be found in the Ur III incantations ASJ 2, 159f.c (iii 3–iv 14) and
OrNS 44, 54. The latter starts with the bull and cow motif and is later supplemented with the
metaphorical image of pregnant woman as a boat. The motif is strongly continued in the Old
Babylonian period where it is attested in JNES 43, 312 985; RA 70, 135/137 986; VS 17, 33 987;
YOS 11, 85 988. Note that both VS 17, 33 as YOS 11, 85 are additionally related to the bull and
cow motif as well. No examples for the boat motif are attested for the birth incantations of
the second half of the Second Millennium, but is displayed again in the compendium of the
First Millennium from Aššur. 989
Another attested topos for birth incantations is the ‘trapped’ foetus behind ‘bolted doors’,
which is first found in the Old Babylonian YOS 11, 86a 990 and later in both incantations of
the Middle Assyrian therapeutic tablet Iraq 31, pl. V–VI. 991 The concept of the closed doors
in birth incantations is still preserved in the compendium of the First Millennium. 992 The
trapped foetus also occurs in CUSAS 32, 26a and CUSAS 32, 28a, where ‘the arms of the
baby are tied’ 993 and it is stated that he should “struggle with bone and sinew” to make his
way out. Additionally, we should mention Iraq 31, pl. V–VIa containing a unique elaborate
metaphorical description of a woman in labor compared to the hardship of battle.
Excluded in the present discussion are the birth-related incantations concerned with the
dangers of post natal-bleeding, attested as early as the Ur III period stretching into the First
Millennium’s therapeutic tablets concerned with so-called ‘Frauenkrankheiten’. 994 No
Middle Babylonian or Middle Assyrian parallels exist for this group of incantations. The four
Old Babylonian Elamite incantations concerned with childbirth are excluded here as well,
i.e. CUSAS 32, 21b; OECT 11, 5; YOS 11, 5 (20–23); YOS 11, 18, 995 as is YOS 11, 38 written
in an unknown language, but appears to mention Geme-Sîn. 996
Finally we may mention for the present corpus the fragmentary Middle Assyrian
incantation KAL 4, 34 whose subscript states that it is to appease divine wrath, but its content
may refer to a birth-related problem. 997
Nam.érim.búr.ru.da
Although never formed into a series by the ancient scribes, the ritual(s) of
NAM.ÉRIM.BÚR.RU.DA (māmītu ana pašāri) “for undoing a curse” are found in the
curriculum belonging to the magic experts of the First Milllennium. Different versions of
Nam.érim.búr.ru.da-rituals appear to have existed, but a full study and edition of the corpus
Šà.zi.ga
ŠÀ.ZI.GA (nīš libbi) “rising of the heart” is mainly concerned with the ‘sexual desire’ and
‘libido’ of impotent man wanting to have intercourse with a woman. 1002 The Šà.zi.ga-
incantations have never been serialized into a fixed series, but it appears, according to Biggs
(1967, 5f.), that “specific incantations were linked with specific rituals” in various places
such as Kuyunjik, Aššur and Sultantepe. 1003 Additionally, there was a constant tradition
regarding the therapeutic tablets, but again without a fixed sequence. 1004 An entry for
ŠÀ.ZI.GA is found in the Exorcist’s Manual (KAR 44: 14). 1005
An important observation made by Biggs (1967, 2) is that Šà.zi.ga-incantations are never
spoken towards the woman, but are always recited from the perspective of the woman
towards the man enabling him to make love. This characteristic divides, according to Biggs,
Šà.zi.ga-incantations from love incantations. This implication suggests that from the
Mesopotamian perspective only men can suffer impotence or a lack of sexual desire. Indeed,
most Mesopotamian love-incantations are focused on attracting or reconciling a woman
rather than on the specific purpose of sexual intercourse. There are however a few interesting
exceptions, of which one should mention two tablets from the present corpus specifically, i.e.
KBo 36, 27 and VAT 13226. The former is found on a therapeutic tablet against impotence,
998 Maul 2010, 136 fn. 308. A new KAL-volume on Namerimburruda is scheduled by Stefan Maul in 2017
as a result of the Aššur-projekt (Heidelberg).
999 Note that the entry in KAR 44 has the gloss ma-mi-ta a-na pa-šá-ri, which is an Akkadian translation
of the Sumerian NAM.ÉRIM.BÚR.RU.DA.
1000 Edition by Cooper 1971, 12–22.
1001 Note that the incantation ÉN úš ḫul.gál an.ki.bi.da is also cited as an external incantation in the ritual
tablet for Bīt rimki.
1002 Biggs 2003–2005, 604.
1003 Further fragments are known for Late Babylonian Uruk and Sippar, s. Biggs 2003–2005, 604.
1004 Biggs 1967, 5. Note that the we have a Ša.zi.ga-tablet (KUB 4, 48) from Ḫattuša with a tablet number
denoting a sequence of tablets, s. p. 36.
1005 Note additionally the entry of ŠA.ZI.GA in the unpublished catalogue K 10883 (Geers copy), s. Biggs
1967, 6.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 237
spoken from the perspective of the man, and serves mainly to charge the man’s libido by
addressing Nanaya. The latter would classify perfectly as a Šà.zi.ga-incantation, but is spoken
explicitly from the man towards the woman. Its vocabulary, for example the incipit pāširu,
pāširu, pāširu “ Releaser! Releaser! Releaser!”, is strongly affiliated with that of Šà.zi.ga-
incantations. 1006 However, whereas KBo 36, 27 and the collection of Šà.zi.ga-incantations
usually serve to increase the man’s libido or to lift his impotence, VAT 13226 is specifically
concerned with the libido and willingness of the woman and is explicitly focused on getting
the woman to have sexual intercourse with the man. An interesting sidenote is that the woman
in question does not necessarily know that this magic is performed ‘against’ her as becomes
clear from the accompanying ritual agenda of VAT 13226, suggesting a kind of manipulative
‘grey’ magic. 1007 Although not directly related to the Šà.zi.ga-corpus, KBo 36, 27 and VAT
13226 are listed here given their relevance to the subject.
Several therapeutic tablets or fragments thereof from Ḫattuša are specifically concerned
with Šà.zi.ga, i.e. KUB 4, 48; KUB 37, 80; KUB 37, 81; KUB 37, 82 and possibly KUB 37,
89. Only KUB 4, 48 contains an incantation and is therefore listed in the table below. 1008 An
Ur III example of a Ša.zi-ga-ritual (UM 29-13-717) without a clear incantation was published
by Peterson (2008). For examples of Šà.zi.ga-therapeutic tablets from the First Millennium,
s. Biggs (1967). 1009
Schramm Compendium
Schramm (2008) identified an independent compendium 1010, for which unfortunately no
name or possible entry in the Exorcist’s Manual or other catalogues can be recognized, 1011
hence the designation Schramm Compendium. This compendium comprises 21 incantations
and is known to us from Kuyunjik, Sultantepe, Kalḫu, Sippar, Babylon, Kiš and
1012 Schramm 2008, 5–11. Note however that no manuscript is preserved comprising all 21 incantations.
1013 Schramm 2008, 22f.
1014 Schramm 2008, 90f. does not provide a specific date for either fragment. George 1989, 382 states for
VS 24, no. 45–61 “many of these texts are in OB copies”. Note for VS 24, 60 the writing iv 4’ a-me-lu-
ti. VS 24, 62 is listed in the CDLI-database as Old Babylonian, but cannot be solidly confirmed on
palaeographic or orthographic grounds.
1015 George 2016, 40.
1016 Primary edition was provided by Cavigneaux/Al-Rawi 1995, 184–195.
1017 Most likely to be identified as one incantation, s. George 2016, 40.
1018 George 2016, 40.
1019 Note additionally the curious use of IM.DUB instead of KA.INIM.MA, s. Geller 2011, 253. As for the
notion of ‘cultic-song(s)’ as ‘song-cycle’, s. Schramm 2008, 10.
Forerunners to the Ritual-Series and Compendia 239
Compendium did actually belong to Udug.ḫul, but its forerunners are definitely connected
with each other, as can be seen above. 1020
1020 Geller 2011, 253 suggests for the evidence of the First Millennium and in particular the Babylonian
manuscript BM 34223+ that a particular school in Babylon followed a different arrangement of
incantations in comparison with other sites. The clear coherence between the forerunners of the
Schramm Compendium and Udug.ḫul has been left undiscussed by Geller 2011 and 2016 and is only
briefly mentioned by Schramm 2008, 11.
1021 Note that although both Gattung I and II are bilingual, they appear to be written in a different bilingual
format, i.e. parallel columns for Gattung I and paired interlinear for Gattung II, s. Ebeling 1953, 357f.;
Finkel 1976, 34. A thorough investigation of new material for both Gattung I as II is necessary to
confirm this theory.
240 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
pà formulae of which no further parallels are existent. More evidence is known for Gattung
II, for which we have a bilingual (paired interlinear indented) Middle Babylonian precursor
in PBS 1/2, 115 followed by multiple parallels from the First Millennium. 1022 Other
contemporary evidence can be found in the Middle Babylonian amulet Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2,
which contains an extract with some variations from Gattung II on its reverse. 1023 As argued
in fn. 908, Gattung II may possibly be identical to a series commencing with ÉN lugal
d
nam.tar, but a new edition of all the new material related to Gattung II is necessary to confirm
this fact. What remains unclear is whether Gattung III was continued as an independent
composition into the First Millennium or whether it can be regarded as a non-canonical
forerunner to Gattung II. There appears to be a strong connection between Gattung I–III and
the Udug.ḫul-series.As observed above, the Old Babylonian precursor to the first tablet of
Gattung I, i.e. CT 44, 32(+)33 contains an additional non-canonical incantation to Udug.ḫul
on the reverse. 1024 Furthermore there is evidence linking Gattung I to the Udug.ḫul-series in
the First Millennium. 1025
If the presumption is correct that Gattung II is identical to ÉN lugal dnam.tar, a direct
relation is found in the catchline of a Udug.ḫul recension of tablet XIII–XV from Aššur,
which as Geller (2016, 6) already stated would imply that Gattung II was at least incorporated
in some Udug.ḫul recensions. An earlier connection between Gattung II and Udug.ḫul in the
Second Millennium may be found in the aforementioned amulet Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2, which
contains besides an extract of Gattung II an abbreviated canonical forerunner to Udug.ḫul
IV/a on its obverse.
As for the sole Gattung III manuscript PBS 1/2, 112, its subscript indicates it is directly
related to Udug.ḫul. Unfortunately, besides the Old Babylonian precursors to Gattung I, we
lack further forerunners to Gattung II and III from the Second Millennium. It is to be hoped
that in the future more material will come to light providing more insights into the relation
between Gattung I–III and their connection with Udug.ḫul.
1022 Lambert 2002, 206f. notes for the Middle Babylonian incantation against Ardat lilî, Studies Jacobsen,
210, that its reverse shows direct resemble with Gattung II albeit in a distorted sequence.
1023 Compare the following Iraq 38, 30 fig. 2b = A and Gattung II (after Ebeling 1953, 388) = B:
A: zi dnè.iri11.g[al] den.líl kur.ra.ka ḫ[é].pà
B: zi dnè.iri11.gal den.líl.(lá).kur.ra.ke4 ur.sag ní.ḫuš.gal.tuku en.urugal.ke4.n[a] ḫé
A: zi dereš.ki.gal ama dnin.a.zu ḫé.pa
B: zi dereš.ki.gal dnin.líl.lá.kur.ra.ke4 dur.ki.gal.la šu du7.a ḫé
B: zi dnin.a.zu kišib.gal.kur.ra.ke4 ḫé
A: zi dnam.tar lú.u.la ḫé.pà
B: zi dnam.tar sukkal.maḫ dereš.ki.gal.(la).ke4 ḫé
A: zi dḫuš.bi.ša6.ga dam.nam.tar.re.ka ḫé.pà
B: zi dḫuš.bi.ša6.ga dam.dnam.tar.ke4 [ḫ]é
1024 Geller 2016 in his edition of the related Udug.ḫul incantation failed to mention the relation to Gattung
I on the same tablet.
1025 I.e. the incipit of Gattung I ÉN dingir ḫul is found as a catchline on a recension of Udug.ḫul XVI, s.
Geller 2016, 6.
Concluding Remarks 241
1026 Heeßel 2017, 227f. comes to the same result for the Middle Babylonian material regarding the bārûtu-
series. Note that the content of tablet VAT 9512 discussed by Heeßel strongly resembles the
standardized series of the First Millennium.
242 Chapter 6: Standardization and Serialization
canonical forerunner is FAOS 12, pl. 5–6 (Nippur), which reflects almost the complete tablet
of Udug.ḫul VII followed by VIII/a. Less certain is BAM 8, pl. 91 (Nippur), which could have
contained a full precursor to Udug.ḫul XII. 1027
Two other Udug.ḫul-collectives from this period still contain multiple non-canonical
forerunners, can be simply explained by the fact that they both come from the peripheral
areas, i.e. Emar 729 and KBo 36, 11+, and therefore derive from an earlier stream of
transmission from the Mesopotamian heartland. 1028 The enigmatic incantation collective
from Ugarit, Ugaritica 5, 17 1029, contains among other incantations forerunners to different
series, i.e. Udug.ḫul, Muššuʾu, and Sag.gig. The reason for grouping all these incantations
together might have been the central role of Asalluḫi/Marduk 1030 or rather a general collection
of incantations regarding diseases and evil. Nonetheless, it is noteworthy to observe that we
find forerunners to three series which are strongly intertwined with each other in the First
Millennium. 1031
As for the present available data on incantations, we cannot confirm the traditional view
on canonization by Assyriologists for the incantations of the Second Millennium.
Standardization regarding the content of incantations may be partially pointed to for the
canonical forerunners of the later series, but they all show distinct variants from their later
counterparts. Hence the standardization of incantations appears not to have been finalized,
neither does the serialization of tablets appear to firmly exist for this period. What we do find
is a preliminary stage where the sequencing of thematically-related incantations on
collectives takes place extensively and ultimately reflects the serialization of individual
textual units of the later series. We simply lack further data of the Babylonian heartland,
especially late Middle Babylonian, i.e. late Kassite and Second Isin period. Additionally, new
early Neo-Assyrian material from Assyria could enhance our understanding of the
standardization process as well.
1027 Other examples of incantation collectives from the Mesopotamian heartland are CBS 13905 (Nippur)
and VAT 10785+10871 (Aššur), which are too fragmentary to indicate serialization of individual
textual units. The tiny fragment OIP 16, 12 (Nippur) reflects the sequence Udug.ḫul V/g + V/h, but is
too small to draw any further conclusions.
1028 Another example of an Udug.ḫul-collective from Ḫattuša is KUB 4, 16, which contains two forerunners
to Udug.ḫul VI, but is too fragmentary to indicate serialization of individual textual units.
1029 Possibly duplicated by Ugaritica 5, 17b.
1030 S. Sommerfeld 1988, 81; 95f.
1031 S. Rowe 2014, 49.
Concluding Remarks 243
1. ⸢TU6.AN.É.NU⌉.[RU]
| depiction |
2. zi.zi.da nu.⸢e⌉.[da.aš]
3. sag.giš lú.ab.[da.aš]
4. zi ḫa.ra zi nu ḫ[a.ra]
5. zi dnin.urta [ha.ra]
6. TU6.AN.É.NU.[RU]
Translation:
1. INCANTATION:
| depiction |
2. Be off! Don’t […!]
3. …
4. May he conjure you! By a statue? ma[y he conjure you!]
5. By Ninurta [may he conjure you!]
6. INCANTATION
Philological Commentary:
2: The later series and other parallels read zi.zi.ig instead of zi.zi.da of Ḫulbazizi, pl.
59 (Y). Note that the second form is found as nu.e.da.aš, nu5(NUMUN).e.da.aš or
Any Evil / Various Diseases 245
Ugaritica 5, 17a
Siglum: RS 17.155
Edition: Nougayrol 1968, 29–40; Dietrich 1988, 79–101; Arnaud 2007, 77–88;
Rowe 2014, 48–58; Geller 2016, 59–66
Copy: Nougayrol 1968, 377 no. 17
Photo: Nougayrol 1968, 631; Del Olmo Lete 2014, pl. XII–XIII
Studies: Viano 2016, 163
Collection: Damascus Museum
Provenience: Ugarit
Notes:
Forerunner to Udug.ḫul II/a: ÉN puṭur lemnu ina igi abgal dingir.meš damar.utu
The same incantation is found outside the Udug.ḫul-series on:
// NA MC 16, pl. 7 BM 36681+ ll. 1’–8’
// NA BAM 8, pl. 5, 136CBS 8802 ll. r. 1–4
Obv.
1. [DU8 Ḫ]UL ina IGI abABGAL DINGIR-lì dAMAR.UTU dú-up-pir6 ḪU[L]
2. ina IGI šá dASAL.LÚ.ḪI ina IGI abABGAL DINGIR-lì dAMAR.UTU
mi-ri~i[r-ta-ka]
3. mim-ma ḪUL tu-ú-⸢ka TI⸣.LA dAMAR.UTU TU6-ka SILIM-m[a dASAL.LÚ.ḪI]
4. EN tu-ú-ka TI.⸢LA⸣ dAMAR.[UTU] ⸢ú⸣-šu-gal AN-e KI-t[i (...)]
5. ‹ina›? DINGIR-lì EŠ.ŠA-ti u KI.TA ⸢TU6?-ka?⸣ šá-i-na ⸢NU TUKU⸣ ḪUL.G[ÁL]
6. ⸢SI⸣.IL.LÁ I.KAT.TA GIM.ME.EN ⸢GIM⸣.ME.EN ⸢LÚ!?⸣.UR5.SAG
d
A[SAL.LÚ.ḪI]
7. DÁ.MU.⸢ZI⸣.IG I.RI.DU.KA.⸢AK.KE⸣ NÍG NU.⸢ḪUL⸣ NÍG NU.SI.G[A]
8. ⸢NÍG NU⸣.TI.IL.LA!(MA).AG.GA ŠU NU.TU.⸢GA⸣ ‹TU›.GA
AN.KÌM.KI.IK.K[I]
9. [A.R]A KA.RAB.GUB ⸢ap⸣-tu li-iš-pur bar-du-ú li-še-ṣi
10. [mim-m]a ḪUL mim-ma NU.DU10 šá ina UZU-ka u SA.A-ka GÁL-ú
11. [e]n-qí [mas-s]ù-ú MAŠ.MAŠ DINGIR-lì abABGAL dASAL.LÚ.ḪI ina SU-ka
li-⸢is⸣-sù!?-[uḫ]
Translation:
1. [Go away e]vil in front of the apkallu-priest of the gods, Marduk! Go away evil
2. in front of the one belonging to Asalluḫi! In front of the apkallu-priest of the
gods, Marduk,
3. 2
turn (text: against) [your breast] 3whatever evil! Your incantation is life, (O)
Marduk! Your incantation is health, [(O) Asalluḫi!]
4. (O) lord your incantation is life, (O) Marduk! (O) lion-dragon of heaven (and)
earth [(…)]
5. among the gods, above and below, your incantation has no rival! Ev[il one]
6. depart before me! I am, (yes) I am the man of the hero Asalluḫi,
7. the foremost son of Eridu! Whatever evil, whatever unpleasant,
Any Evil / Various Diseases 247
8. whatever causing (me) not to live, what is not good for my body, ‹on› the
command of Enki
9. I will make you stand up! May the window send (you) out! May the door-lintel
let (you) go out!
10. Whatever evil, whatever unpleasantness there is in your body and muscles,
11. may, the wise leader, the exorcist of the gods, the apkallu-priest Asalluḫi rip it
out from your body!
Philological Commentary:
9: Later series have the Sumerian root /ZI/ “I will rip you out!” instead of /GUB/ of
the MB forerunner. The Ugarit incantation omits here a line “Marduk has sent me”
(Udug.ḫul II 16). Additionally, the MB version reads lišpur against limḫur of the
later series, which implies some kind of interference regarding the aforementioned
missing line.
9–11: Geller reads pár-du-ú “terrors” and translates the passage as “so that the window
may confront terrors, so that whatever is evil and whatever is not good in your
body, flesh or sinews may get out”. This interpretion disrupts the Akkadian syntax
of these lines. I propose the easier solution reading bar-du-ú from bardû “door-
lintel” which would fit as an appropriate architectural counterpart to aptu
“window”, resulting in the parallelismus A B │A B aptu lišpur │bardû lišēṣī.
Since A.[RA] KA.RAB.GUB adresses the evil directly, I assume that these
precatives are still adressing the malevolent entity. It is evident that in ll.10–11 the
magical expert switches his speech towards the client.
10: Geller (2016, 66) understands sa-a-ka “your date-palm fibers” as a metaphor for
the tendons of the human body. To my knowledge this metaphorical use of sû is
further unattested, I take SA here as a logogram following the later series. Note
that the writing SA.A for SA is also found in KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r.
col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255a: 36’.
Any Evil / Various Diseases 249
Ugaritica 5, 17b
Siglum: RS 17.155
Edition: Nougayrol 1968, 29–40; Dietrich 1988, 79–101; Arnaud 2007, 77–88;
Böck 2007, 191–196; 209–210; 214–220; Rowe 2014, 48–58
Copy: Nougayrol 1968, 377 no. 17
Photo: Nougayrol 1968, 631; Del Olmo Lete 2014, pl. XII–XIII
Studies: Von Soden 1969, 189–195
Collection: Damascus Museum
Provenience: Ugarit
Notes:
Forerunner to Muššuʾu V/d: ÉN ultu šamê DÌM+AŠ.RU urdū
Obv.
12. [d]ú-up-pir6 ḪUL ina IGI abABGAL DINGIR-lì dAMAR.UTU DU8 ḪUL
13. [ina IG]I šá dASAL.LÚ.ḪI ina IGI ⸢abABGAL⸣ DINGIR-lì dAMAR.UTU
d
AMAR.UTU
14. [ina] qí-bit-ka lúMAŠ.MAŠ ⸢TU6⸣ ŠUB-d[i] ⸢NAM⸣.TIL.LA.Ú.GA
15. [mim]-ma SAK.KI.GA.A ku-uš-⸢šid lúGURUŠ⸣ [SI]G5 šá DINGIR-lì
ú-⸢ma-x-x-(x)⸣
16. ma-ʾ-du si-im-mu MUmeš-šú-nu ⸢ul⸣ i-de4 it-ta n[a-al?-ši?]
17. ⸢it-tal⸣-ku-ni KI MURU9 MANni-nu-ú-ni GIN7 ⸢ŠÈG?⸣
18. [ina] ⸢A⸣.ŠÀ A.GÀR ⸢GIN7⸣ MURU9 DIRI EDIN ina qí-bi-it ⸢é⸣-[a]
19. [EN TU]6 ⸢{x}⸣ az-za-zi-ni ina qí-bi šá KI.MIN GU7 […]
20. [ki K]I.⸢MIN⸣ ib-nu-šú-nu-ti ki ú-rab-⸢bi-šú-nu⸣-[ti (...)]
21. [ki nam-r]i-re MI.IR.ME.RI-šú-nu-ti TA AN-[e ur-du-ni]
22. [a-š]ú?-ú? sà-ma-nu a-mur-ri-⸢qa⸣-nu aḫ-ḫa-[…]
23. [um-m]u li-i-bu al-mu al-la-mu di-i-[ú …]
24. [DUMUme]š KIN-ri šá re-eš da-nim ú-qà-mu-[ú …]
25. [ne?]-mì-it da-nim a-lu-ú sa-ḫi-pu ⸢su⸣ […]
26. [a]-lu-⸢ú⸣ ḪUL ⸢KU⸣.RA.AŠ.TI.IM-mu um-mu […]
27. [nap]-la-aš-ta ú-tuk-ku ši-i-qú ša-aš-⸢ša⸣-a-⸢ṭù⸣ [dDÌM.ME]
28. [d]DÌM.ME.MA.LAGAB aḫ-ḫa-zu ḫa-ia-⸢at⸣-ta LÍL.L[Á munusLÍ]L.LÁ
29. ⸢lu⸣-ú munusSIKIL.LÍL.LÁ né-ra~⸢ap⸣-pí ḫa-ma-aṣ-⸢ṣe⸣-ti
30. gal9-lu-ú GAL šá ina URU⸢ki⸣ ša-qu-ú Éḫi.a e-ta-na-ru-ba
31. ú-ra-ti it-ta-na-bal-ki-ta lúGURUŠ SIG5 munusKI.SIKIL SIG5
32. ina ‹É›.SÍR il-ta-na-ʾ-ú il-ta-⸢nam⸣-mu-ú it-ta-⸢na⸣-as-ḫa-ru
33. IGImar-šú-nu-ti-ma dASAL.LÚ.ḪI ina a-bi-ši i-za-kar! (KIR) a-bi 1-en ba-ni
LÚmeš
34. ša-al-um-ma-ta ka-lu-ú SU-šú al-ki DUMU dASAL.LÚ.ḪI
35. ina TU6 gišŠINIG u úIN.NU.UŠ pu-šur SU-šú tu-ú-ka šá TI.⸢LA⸣
36. qí-šá-ma SAK.KI.GA.A ZA.KI.GA.A MUR.KI.GA.A LI.BIŠ.KI.GA.A
37. NÍG.NAM.MA.AK.KE NÍG.ḪUL.DÍM.MA.NAM.LÚ.U19.LU.KE4
A.GA.ḪU.LA.A
38. a-a iṭ-ḫa-šum-ma na-aš-pan!(KAB)-ti tum4-me-šú-nu-ti GIN7 zu-u-ti
250 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Translation:
12. Be gone evil, before the apkallu-priest of the gods, Marduk! Depart evil,
13. before the one belonging to Asalluḫi, before the apkallu-priest of the gods,
Marduk! Marduk
14. [on] your command the exorcist-priest casts an incantation of life and death!
15. Send any head-ache away! (Concerning) the beautiful young man (of) the
gods, …
16. Numerous are the diseases, I don’t know their names! With dew?
17. they have come; with a fog they drizzled down; like dew?
18. on the field(s) (and) meadow(s), like a fog gliding down over the steppe. On the
command of Ea,
19. [lord of the incantation], they are present?; On the command of ditto (= Ea) they
devour […]!
20. When ditto (= Ea) had created them, when? he had raised them,
21. [when?] he covered them with a (terrifying) brilliance, [(then) they descended]
from heaven:
22. The ašû-disease, the samānu-disease, amurriqānu-disease, aḫḫāzu-disease,
23. the ummu-disease, the liʾbu-disease, the almu-disease, the allamu-disease, the
diʾu-disease,
24. the messengers who are in service of Anu […]
25. [st]aff? of Anu, the alû-demon, the overwhelming one, […]
26. the evil alû-demon, the kuraštu?-disease, the ummu-disease, […]
27. the naplaštu-demon, the utukku-demon, the šīqu-disease, the šaššaṭu-disease,
[lamaštu],
28. labāṣu!(text: aḫhāzu), aḫhāzu, the ḫayyattu-demon, the lilû-demon, the lilītu-
demon,
29. verily the ardat lilî-demon, striking of the nose-disease, the ḫimiṭ-ṣēti-disease,
30. the great gallû-demon, who are high/exalted!? in the city, who keep entering the
houses,
31. who keep crossing over the rooftops,32 who are looking for, keep surrounding,
(and) keep attending 31to the beautiful young man (and) the beautiful young
woman
32. on the street.
33. Asalluḫi sees them (i.e. demons/diseases) and speaks to his father: “My father,
one unique beautiful of men,
34. his body is imprisoned by a (terrifying) radiance!” “Come, (my) son Asalluḫi!
Any Evil / Various Diseases 251
35. With an incantation, tamarisk and the soap-plant, release his body! Bestow upon
him your incantation of life!
36. Head-ache, tooth-ache, lung-ache, belly-ache,
37. sorcery, whatever evil of men, (all kinds of) evil doings,
38. they should not come near him (i.e. the patient)! Conjure them by complete
destruction?!” Like sweat
39. from the brow(s), drip away! Like mucus
40. through the nasal passages, slither out! Like a belch (from) the throat, go out!
41. Like wind from the anus! Like a fog floats over the steppe! Through the sorcery
of the exorcist-priest of the gods,
42. Marduk, slither away and be expelled! Like a fog floats over the steppe!
43. […] Leave! Be gone! Get lost! Go away!
44. You (pl.) are […]! You (pl.) are expelled! You (pl.) are chased away!
45. [May you be conjured by heaven. May you be conjured by earth!
INCANTATION.
Philological Commentary:
12–21: The introduction of the present incantation is greatly extended compared with
Muššuʾu V/d, which directly starts with the descent of disease(s) from heaven,
here l. 21. Additionally, the first two lines ll. 12–13 are (partly) duplicated from
the preceding incantation Ugaritica 5, 17a which in turn is a forerunner to
Udug.ḫul II/a.
15: Nougayrol (1968, 31) has the most plausible restoration ú-m[a]-r[a?]-a[r?]-š[ú?],
contra ú-šá-a[m?]-ri?-[ṣ]u? ši-ri-š[ú?] of Dietrich (1988, 83) and ú-⸢kár-rab⸣ ḫul
[…] of Arnaud (2007, 77). Implying that we have here most likely the verb NW-
semitic verb marāru ‘to leave, to depart’. Van Soldt (1991, 440 fn. 102) supports
the reading of Nougayrol and notes the lack of the expected subjunctive and
confirms the idea that the form might here be a plural. The photo however does
not clearly affirm Nougayrol’s or other suggested readings, and is hence left open
here.
19: I follow Nougayrol (1968, 31) reading az-za-zi-ni, against ma-az-za-zi-ni of von
Soden (1969, 190); iz?-az-za-zi-ni of Arnaud (2007, 77); [i]t?-⸢ta-az⸣-za-zi-ni of
Rowe (2014, 50). The traces preceeding suggest an erasure. az-za-zi-ni is here to
be interpreted as an aberrant form of izzazūni. Note that Dietrich (1988, 98)
interprets azzazinnu “starker” as a Hurro-semitic form.
21: Later parallels of Muššuʾu V/d read ú-šal-mi-šú-nu-ti (BM 46276+) and ú-šar-me-
šú-nu-ti (K 8487). Dietrich (1988, 98) proposes namrirrī i(/u?)mermerī-šunūti
interpreting a preterite of √mrmrī, a denominative form of namrirrū (awe-
inspiring radiance) with a transitive meaning. Arnaud (2007, 83) interprets
MI.IR.ME.RI as a phonetic rendering of GIR5/6.GIR5/6 (ḫalāpu D) “to clothe s.o.
with”.
28: The writing DÌM.ME.MA.LAGAB resembles in a way DÌM.ME.LAGAB the
usual logographic writing for the aḫḫāzu-demon. To complete the usual trinity,
one would expect here labāṣu (DÌM.ME.A), since the aḫḫāzu-demon is already
mentioned in its syllabic writing. However in a forerunner of the Udug.ḫul-series
252 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
UE 8, pl. 35
Siglum: BM 122553
Edition: Gadd 1965, 95; Limet 1971, 111f.
Copy: –
Photo: Woolley 1965, pl. 35 (U. 12688); Porada 1981–1982, 61 (fig. r)
Studies: –
Collection: British Museum, London
Provenience: Ur
Notes:
| depiction |
1. […] du lem-nu-u
2. s[a-ni]-ni e-šír-ma
3. ⸢gap-šu gal-lé-e⸣ kit-mu-ru re-di-i
4. i-na qí-bit dUTU DINGIR-ia
5. ⸢x x x⸣ lem-ni sa-ni-ni lí-qal-lil
6. lí-is-sa-pí-iḫ gal-lé-e
7. lí-iṣ-ṣa-bit re-di-i
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
7.2 Birth
Iraq 31, pl. V–VIa
Siglum: –
Edition: Lambert 1969, 28–39; Scurlock 2014, 605–608; 617f.
Copy: Lambert 1969, pl. VI
Photo: Fales 1989, 195
Studies: Albertz 1978, 52 with 230 (notes); Finkel 1980, 45; Fales 1989, 195f.;
Stol 1983, 30; 2000, 130; Foster 2005, 1006
Collection: Ligabue Collection, Venice
Provenience: Assyria
Notes:
This is a unique incantation giving a vivid image of a woman in troublesome childbirth which
fits the prescriptions found on the obverse of the tablet of a woman in childbirth having a
colic.
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
35: ŠU.RA is taken here as logographic writing for the verb maḫāṣum, following
Lambert (1969, 31), pace CAD S 140a, 258b, where it is rendered as a scribal error
for aš-ru “the bolt is thrown (?), the gate is fastened”.
41: Lambert (1969, 31) and Scurlock (2014, 606) read šam-ṭa-a, taken by the CAD Š3
284 as an adjective of maṭû “to be(come) little”, i.e. šumṭû, šamṭû. However, this
is the only known attestation. More likely is the reading here ú-ṭa-a from the verb
eṭû (D) “to become dark” following AHw 1555b.
42: Difficult. ša-pa-a is to be derived from the verb šapû “to be dense, to be thick”, s.
CAD Š1 489 and AHw 1177a. The real problem lies within the interpretation of
ši-mat mu-te u ši-ma-ta. ši-mat is a construct state singular or plural of šimtu
“mark, token”, the form ši-ma-ta is more problematic. IGImeš-ša is taken here as
the subject of ša-pa-a with objects ši-mat mu-te u ši-ma-ta. However, one would
expect šimāti/šīmāti. I would propose to read ši-ma-te! to be taken from šīmtu in
the sense of a synonym for a natural death, s. CAD Š3 18. For a similar but different
interpretation, s. Scurlock (2014, 608 and 618 fn. 60). Fales (1989, 196) takes ši-
mat mu-te u ši-ma-ta as the subject of the ša-pa-a and takes IGImeš-ša with the
next line interpreting u-ia as a conjunction. He unsatisfyingly translates 42–43: “I
segni della morte e dei destini si fanno forti; I suoi occhi, e il suo … vive in
constante paura”. His solution offers new problems in l. 43 where one would then
expect a verb in plural.
43: ik-ta-na-at-tam pace ig-ta-na-[lu]-ut of Lambert (1969, 31) following Albertz
(1978, 230 fn. 260) and Stol (2000, 130 fn. 127).
44: Lambert (1969, 38) states that the root and meaning of sa-qa-at are unknown and
leaves it untranslated, so does Fales (1989, 196) and Stol (2000, 130). CAD S 169
derives it from sâqu “to become narrow, tight” translating this line as “her breast
(or pectoral) is not restrained”. In sa-qa-at we find the Assyrian form PāS instead
of the Babylonian PīS, s. Kouwenberg (2010, 65).
46: The invitation and participation of the acting deity (Marduk) is signified here. We
find a possible parallel in the NA compendium = BAM 3, 248: ii 44 ⸢i⌉-[…]-a
256 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
d
AMAR.UTU. It is suggested that the corrupted text be interpreted according to
KAR 66: 23, which reads: ⸢i⌉-ziz-za-am-ma ši-mi qa-ba-a-a “Stand by me and
listen to my utterance!”.
47: Line of direct speech articulated by the trapped foetus, s. Lambert (1969, 36) and
Finkel (1980, 45). Parallel is found in the Neo-Assyrian compendium BAM 3, 248
ii 46: an-nu-ú me-ḫu-ú ⸢la-ma⌉-ku kul-dan-ni.
Dog bite 257
Rev.
(broken)
1’. […] ⸢x x⸣
2’. […] ⸢x⸣ […] ⸢x⸣ […]
3’. [...d]⸢ASAL⸣.[LÚ].⸢ḪI DUMU?.E?.RI?.DU?⸣.GA DUMU.MUNUS da-nim
4’. [… SI.LA.A].E.LU.UL.LU.RA.DA.KE.KÉŠ.DA
5’. […] rab-ba MUŠ NIG ú-še-el-la
6’. [i-n]a ⸢DAL?. BA?.AN? qu-ti-i⸣ [ù p]a-ra-ṣi-i UR.GI7 ‹i-na› LÚ-lì
li-is-sú-uḫ
7’. ina ÚŠmeš na-aš-ki-ša DÙ-uš NU-šú lip-ḫu-dú-ma IMIN ra-ma-ni-i
8’. UR.GI7 ar-ra-bu BA.ÚŠ-ma ZA BA.TIL ÉN
Translation:
1’. […]
2’. […]
3’. […] Asalluḫi, son of Eridu, the daughter of Anu,
4’. […] he who attaches himself to the man on the street.
5’. [On the street?…] he makes appear the aggressive? […], the snake (and) the bitch!
6’. Between? Gutium and Parašu may he (i.e. Asalluḫi?) expel the dog from the man?.
7’. Create from the blood of his!(text: her) bite its statue and (corrupted)!
8’. The intruded dog will die and the man will live! INCANTATION
258 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Philological Commentary:
3’: The daughter of Anu, is here Asalluḫi, referred to as feminine on this tablet on
several occasions. Note that in the OB spell CUSAS 32, 51: 3 Asalluḫi also occurs
as mārat Ea.
6’: The earlier parallel Fs. Pope, 87: 1 reads [bi-r]i-it ku-di-im-ši-im ù pa-ra-aḫ-ši-im
following Durand/Guichard (1997, 22 fn. 25). In my opinion the OB ku-di-im-ši-
im ù pa-ra-aḫ-ši-im must be a related parallel in some way with the MB qu-ti-i ù
pa-ra-ṣi-i. Note here /ṣ/ instead of /š/ in [p]a-ra-ṣi-i. Another example is found on
the same tablet, i.e. ṣuburru instead of šuburru (Ugaritica 5, 17b: 41). For the
Gutian and Parašian dog, s. MSL 8/2, 13: 84. The reconstruction of [(ina)]
⸢DAL?⸣.⸢BA?⸣.⸢AN?⸣ remains uncertain but is preferred given the OB (partial)
parallel, pace [UR.G]I7 qu-ti-i u pa-ra-ṣi-i of Nougayrol (1968, 32), Arnaud (2007,
78) and Rowe (2014, 51). None of the aforementioned authors considered Fs.
Pope, 87.
The geographical setting must be the Zagros mountains (Gutium) and Elam
(Parašu). Note that māt pa-ra-ši-i is equated with māt marḫaši in MSL 11, 14: 36.
The OB pa-ra-aḫ-ši-im should be identified with Baraḫsum which in turn is
another variant of marḫašu, s. RGTC 3, 38. Concerning the OB ku-di-im-ši-im,
should it be taken as an erroneous form of Gutium? Observe that parallel Fs. Pope,
87: 2 reads ka-al-bu-um a-wi-lam iš-šu-uk, we may have in the MB incantation an
error or variant in transmission.
7’: Reference to ritual instruction.Von Soden (1969, 190) reads here the West Semitic
verb √pḫd ‘to be in terror’. Note na-aš-ki-ša instead of niškiša. The latter part of
this line can be explained as a corruption of the earlier parallel Fs. Pope, 87: 6 šu-
ri-ma ka-al-ba-am a-na ṣí-bi-it-ti-im. ṣibittu ‘captivity’ has been misunderstood
as ‘seven’, hence the writing IMIN.
8’: ar-ra-bu for errebu, s. von Soden (1969, 190). The interpretation of this line
follows parallel Fs. Pope, 87: 6 which reads ka-al-bu-um li-mu-ut-ma a-wi-lum li-
ib-lu-uṭ-⸢ma⸣ “the dog may die and the man may live!” pace Arnaud (2007, 78)
and Rowe (2014, 51) who read BA.BAD as an imperative of nešû following
Ugaritica 5, 17b: 43. For reversal formulae, s. § 4.2.
Fever 259
7.4 Fever
AuOr Suppl. 23, 14a
Siglum: RS 94.2178
Edition: Arnaud 2007, 55–58; Rowe 2014, 59–61
Copy: Arnaud 2007, pl. VI–VII
Photo: –
Studies: –
Collection: Damascus Museum
Provenience: Ugarit
Notes: The following parallels exist:
~ MB/MA Priests and Officials, 199f.b – ll. 27–35
~ MB/MA Ugaritica 5, 17h RS 17.155 ll. r. 20’–27’
Obv.
Translation:
1. INCANTATION: Fire of a violent storm! Fire of battle! It grasped the rope from
above!
2. It devoured the forests, it devoured the reed-thicket, it paralyzed the young man
among his brothers,
3. it paralyzed the young girl between his! (text: her) breasts, it paralyzed the oxen
and the cows, it paralyzed the sheep
4. and the animal stall. –“You have eaten my flesh!”- Why are you gnawing on
5. his bones? ? May you not eat bones! You should not eat rotten flesh and rotten
sinews!
6. (So) go up into the pure mountains! Eat the acorns and the terebinth,
260 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
7. the best fruit among fruit to prepare a meal! (So) go down (into the reed-thickets)
and eat
8. the pure? cumin! Like water from the gutter that does not return,
9. so may the išātu-fever not return to its place! Like a rib of palm-frond does not
return to its date palm,
10. so may the išātu-fever not return to its place! INCANTATION.
Philological Commentary:
2: One could imagine that qiš-šá-ta is a mistaken hearing of qišta or qišāti compared
with gišTIR from the Emar version Priests and Officials, 199f.b: 28.
3: GU7-a-la~ma-ab-ba-ra can be explained as a sandhi spelling for īkalamma abbāra
(var. appāru). Various examples exist for the sound change /u/ > /a/ on this tablet,
e.g. ll. 6–7 where we find the imperative akal instead of akul. The fact that we
expect here a preterite īkul/īkal and not a present ikkal is shown by iksu in ll. 2–3
describing the common actions of the disease in the past.
4–5: am-mi-nim ti-ka-as-su-us-ma GIŠ.BI-ma seems to correspond to the following
parallels:
am-mi-ni tuk-te-si-sí uzuGÌR.P[AD.DU-šú] (Ugaritica 5, 17h: 24’)
am-mi-ni ták-sà-sí uzuGÌR.PAD.DU-šú (Priests and Officials, 199f.b: 32)
GIŠ = eṣemtu is found in lexical lists, i.e. Idu II 183.
5–6: na-aš-ba and na-aš-bu-ti are to be derived from nešbû, s. CAD N2 191. The image
of human rotten flesh is also found in the Lamaštu incantation from Ugarit AuOr
Suppl. 23, 18a.
6: Note that the other contemporary parallels read:
e-lu-ma ḪUR.SAGmeš kaš-šu-ti (Ugaritica 5, 17h: 25’)
e-li-ma ina ḪUR.SAG (Priests and Officials, 199f.b: 33)
Arnaud (2007, 56) proposed the reading uk-taš-šad, but his copy is not convincing
and the signs rather suggest ḪUR?.SAG?. Unfortunately, there is no photograph
presented of this tablet and collation is impossible. One would expect in our text
ḪUR.SAG(meš) el-lu-ti. If this restoration is correct, note the pleonastic use of
ḪUR?.SAG? KUR el-lu-ti4.
8: ka-ma-na is likely to be understood from kamūnu “cumin” after Priests and
Officials, 199f.b: 33.
Gastrointestinal Disease 261
v
1’’. lìb-bu-ú dá-an lìb-bu ⌈qar-ra⌉-ad
2’’. ša lìb-bi dan-nim GÍD.D[A enāšu]
3’’. pur-ši-⌈it⌉ da-mi i+na-a[š-ši]
4’’. ša-am-ka-an i+na ṣe-r[i]
5’’. lìb-bu-šu i-ka4-sí-⌈šu?⌉
6’’. iš-ši e-na-šu ⌈ú-ul⌉ u[m?-mu-šu]
7’’. ú-ul a-ḫa-⌈ta-šu⌉ ma-an-nu
8’’. li-iš-pur a+na DUMU.⌈MUNUSmeš da⌉-[ni]
9’’. ša ka-⌈an-nu-šu⌉-nu K[Ù?.GI?]
10’’. ša ka-ar-pa-⌈tu⌉-šu-nu [uqnû ellu (?)]
l.e.
1. li-ši-a-ni líl-ša-ba-ni me-e ⌈A⌉.‹A›.BA ⌈ra?-pa?⌉-[aš?]-ti
2. šum-ma ša-ru a-na šu-bur-ri šum-ma da-mu a!(ZA)-⌈na⌉ aš? ⌈x⌉-[(x)]
3. ši-ip-tu ú-ul i-ia-tù ši-pa-at dda-mu
4. u dgu-la NIN TI ÉN!(PA+AN) TI [DUM]U.MUNUS a-ni tar a e
5. TU.E.NE.NU.RA
262 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Translation:
l.e.
1. May they lift (them) up, may they draw water from the wide sea!
2. When it is flatus, (let it depart) from the anus; when it is blood (let it depart)
from the […]!
3. The incantation is not mine; it is the incantation of Damu!
4. and Gula, the mistress of life. (It is) an incantation of life, the daughter of Anu …
5. INCANTATION.
Philological Commentary:
13–14: Arnaud (1987, 345) reads ša lìb-bi GURUŠ lìb!-bu e[ṭ-li]. This should be
corrected, since a similar introduction is found in other incantations concerning
the intestines, e.g. BAM 6, 574: iv 17–22//BAM 6, 535 1’–4’+BAM 6, 573: i’ 1’–
7’ reads: ÉN da-an lìb-bu qar-rad lìb-bu; šá lìb-bi ar-ra-qa IGIII-šú. Note that our
text interestingly reads GÍD.DA (arrakā ‘long’) instead of arraqā ‘yellow’, s.
Collins (1999, 160). Another suggestion is offered by Veldhuis in
http://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/dcclt/P271301/html to interpret here gíd-d[a-ga
enāšu] “perturbing eyes”. This is a rare designation of the eye-disease giddagiddû.
It more likely reflects a corruption in tradition and transmission, i.e. a mistake
between arrakā and arraqā. Note however that Scurlock (2005, 701 fn. 4) prefers
to interpret arrakā as correct and arraqā as corrupt.
15: Arnaud (1987, 345) suggests reading: i-na-š[u] ‘his eyes’. Veldhuis, ibid. reads i-
na-⌈aš⌉-[ša?] “They (i.e. the eyes) lift bowl(s) of blood”. The equation of eyes and
bowls of blood can be found in incantations against eye-ache, e.g. Ugaritica 5, 19:
4.
Note that BAM 6, 574: iv 17–22//BAM 6, 535 1’–4’+BAM 6, 573: i’ 1’–7’ reads
pur-si-it ÚŠ na-ši-ma suggesting that the libbu carries here the “bowls of blood”.
16: Note the late incantation AMT 52, 1: 10–14 and its duplicates (s. Collins 1999,
169–171) where the incantation starts with ÉN dGÌR ina EDIN lìb-ba-šú ka-su-šú-
m[a] var. ka-si-šu-ma. Ignore therefore the suggestion of Farber (1990, 310 fn.
53) and Veldhuis, ibid. to read da-am-qà-an i+na-zí-q[á!?].
Gastrointestinal Disease 263
18–19: Restoration follows Collins (1999, 169–171) after AMT 52, 1: 12–13 and
duplicates: [u]l um-mu pe-ta-at pa-ni-šu; [ul a-ḫ]a-tú mu-še-qa-at re-ši-sú. Note
that aḫātašu is more likely a literary form of the construct state sg. than an
unexpected dual aḫātāšu. Collins suggests that Šakkan is bound by his libbu on
the steppe. The parallel of a deity or deities being ill is a known feature deriving
from the Sumerian tradition also seen in later Akkadian incantations, e.g. the heart
grass incantation YOS 11, 11. However, is it not more likely that the actual patient
is meant here? The patient fell ill outside of his community (on the steppe),
deprived of his family support: When one gets sick on the steppe, i.e. the realm of
Šakkan, we might assume that there is a certain relation between the sickness and
this particular deity, i.e. appealing to Šakkan when getting sick in the steppe. CAD
K 252 interprets a similar line found in AMT 52, 1: 10–14 as “O Šakkan, his (i.e.
patient) libbu is paralyzed in the steppe”. The isolation of a patient in need with
no one to comfort him fits well with the element of the daughters of Anu, who
frequently appear within medical incantations to soothe and comfort the troubled
patient, s. Farber (1990, 302).
21–22: Restorations after Farber (1990, 310). Note the incorrect use of pronominal
suffixes.
l.e. 1: líl-ša-ba-ni mistake for lisābani, s. Farber (1990, 310). Ending of this line is
uncertain, other possibilities are ta?-m[a?]-ti and perhaps elluti, s. Farber (1990,
310).
l.e. 2: Note the phrase in a similar context GIN7 IM ina šuburri GIN7 ge-šu-ti ina na-piš-
ti li-ṣa-a “May it come out like flatus from the anus, like a belch from the throat!”
BAM 6, 574: iii 22.
l.e. 4: Arnaud (1987, 345) reads ù dgu-la DAM TI.PA.AN.TI [DU]MU.MUNUS TAR-
a-e suggesting that we have here a corrupt writing of the epithet
DIB.BAM.TI.(LA). Gula’s famous epithet within incantations however, is bēlet
balāṭi, therefore I suggest the reading NIN! TI. What follows could be a
misunderstood rubric, s. Farber (1990, 310). We have seen that the writing of ÉN
might vary, s. § 2.4; ÉN! (PA+AN) would not be exceptional. Farber suggests
ÉN!?-ti [DU]MU.MUNUS a-ni KUD-a-si. One would expect however, the
construct state šipat instead of šipti. Can we assume here the reading ÉN! TI (šipat
balāṭi)? Restoration of the last signs awaits collation.
264 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
7.6 Headache
Emar 732
Siglum: Msk 74107ak
Edition: Arnaud 1987, 341 no. 732
Copy: Arnaud 1985, 276
Photo: –
Studies: Rutz 2014, 265; Viano 2016, 321
Collection: National Museum Aleppo
Provenience: Emar
Notes:
Non-canonical incantation related to Sag.gig I/a: ÉN sag.gig é.kur.ta.
(broken)
Translation:
(broken)
Headache 265
Philological Commentary:
1: The incipit of this incantation may resemble the incipit of the later Sag.gig-series
I/a, where it is stated that headache came forth from the Ekur, e.g. SpTU 2, 2: 163–
164. Note that the Old Babylonian Sumerian incantation CUSAS 32, 12d: iii 25’
sag.gig kur.ta sùḫ?.ta è, cites the Sag.gig demon coming from the Netherworld as
well.
5: Needs collation, but I restore here tentatively ká!(UB).gal.kur.ra “entrance of the
Netherworld”, based upon the similarity of the signs UB and KÁ. in this period.
Also observe that Arnaud has drawn an extra vertical wedge in the sign which
strengthens my restoration. Note a similar occurrence of KÁ.KUR.RA in the
Akkadian incantation AS 16, 287f.d: 24. For ká.gal.kur.ra as a geographical
concept in the Mesopotamian Netherworld, s. Sladek (1974, 59f.).
266 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Ugaritica 5, 17i
Siglum: RS 17.155
Edition: Nougayrol 1968, 29–40; Arnaud 2007, 77–88; Rowe 2014,
48–58
Copy: Nougayrol 1968, no. 17
Photo: Nougayrol 1968, 631–633; Del Olmo Lete 2014, pl. XII–XIII
Studies: Viano 2016, 164f.
Collection: Damascus Museum
Provenience: Ugarit
Notes:
Forerunner to the Sag.gig-series VI/a: ÉN sag.ki.dib.ba ḫur.sag.gá lú nu.ub.da nu.ub.zu
Note however that the incipit differs from the later and is possibly related to CT 17, 20: 52f.),
see commentary.
// MB/MA KBo 14, 51b 192/q ll. 5’–10’
Rev.
28’. sag.ki.dib ḫur.sag.gá ‹gu›.ú.ru.ud.dá ne.zu aš.gàr aš.[ru]
29’. lu.ug.gin7 mu.un.du.du lu.ú.ti.kir8 lu.ú.tu.ku.ra […]
30’. lu.ú.ba.ni mu.ud.dá.ša.a a.lim si.la.si.si an.nu ⌈x⌉ […]
31’. mu.šak.ki mu.šag.gá mu.šak.ki li.ra.àm ‹u4› ‹nu›.ku.ku ‹gi6› nu.ku.ku [dasal.lú.ḫi]
32’. ‹i›.gi.muš.šu a.ia.an.ni.gi.re.a.ab.ba.sig5.ga ku mu.n[a.de]
33’. a.ia.ku sag.ki.dib ḫur.sag.gá.gá a.ra.me.ek.mu.aš.šu [(…)]
34’. in.ki dumu.munus.a.ni dasal.lú.ḫi mu.un.na.na.íb.ge.g[e …]
35’. tu.mu.ga a.na.an na.i.zu an ga.ra.bi.ta.aḫ.⌈ḫe⌉ [(…)]
36’. d
asal.lú.ḫi ki.min ni.ga.e.za i.ga.an.zu ú.⌈za⌉.[e in].⌈ga⌉.[zu]
37’. ka.in.zu in.ki dumu.munus.a.ni dasal.lú.ḫi útar-⌈muš⌉ […]
38’. ú
im-ḫur-li-im.bi.ta úim-ḫur-aš-na úlàl.bi.[ta? …]
39’. ú
ḫar.ḫar úkur.kur numun šakir.ra li.ur-ma ka.an.n[a …]
40’. í[d.lu?.u]r.gu5 pí.ši.kala.ga làlmeš ú.me.na.sig7.sig7 […]
41’. […] ⌈x⌉ ú.me.na.⌈ḫé⌉.ḫé giz.za.na sag.ga.si.[da (…)]
42’. [… s]a?.gá.gú.bi ti.iš.bur sag.ki.bi ú.me.[…]
43’. [… k]e.ed.dá šu.un.ni a.ša.l[i?...]
44’. […] ⌈x⌉.ke za.si.⌈qa⌉ za.al.za.li.b[i …]
45’. […] ⌈zi ki⌉.[i]a ḫé.pàd!(‹igi›.ru) ÉN
Translation:
28’. The sagkidibbû-disease which, like the mountain(s) cannot be thrown down, the
di’u-disease (and) the šuruppû-disease
29’. which, like a tempest envelops, towards the man without (his) god […]
30’. … on the straight street …
31’. Like a water snake, like a muš-sag snake, like a water snake is the patient. At day
he doesn’t sleep, at night he doesn’t sleep. [Asalluḫi]
32’. observed him. He entered the temple of Enki his father (and) he says:
33’. “My father, (it is) the sagkidibbû-disease of the mountains!” Twice he said it.
Headache 267
Philological Commentary:
28’: The incipit of this incantation is rather difficult. It differs from Sag.gig VI/a, i.e.
SpTU 2, 2: 148 ÉN sag.ki.dib ḫur.sag.gin7 lú nu.ub.da nu.ub.zu and CT 17, 23: 192
ÉN sag.ki.dib.ba ḫur.sag.gá lú nu.ub.da nu.ub.zu. In the present incipit we should
interpret ‹gu›.ú.ru.ud.dá for gurud.da, s. Arnaud (2007, 79 and 87). One may
speculate that this incipit is related to another similar incipit of the later series, i.e.
CT 17, 20:52f. ÉN sag.gig ḫur.sag.gin7 tuku4.da nu.ub.zu.a//mu-[ru]-uṣ qaq-qa-di
šá ki-ma KUR-e ana nu-uš-šú la na-ṭu-ú “the headache, which like the mountains
is impossible to move”, gurud.da would then be an alternation for tuku4.da.
Comparing with later parallels of the Sag.gig-series (i.e. CT 17, 20: 52f.; SpTU 2,
2: 148 or 153), we may assume that ḫur.sag.gá (also KBo 14, 51b) reflects
ḫur.sag.gin7. Alternation between the equative suffix –gin7 and the copula (third
person singular) –a(m) is known to happen in Sumerian literary texts, s. Heimpel
(1968, 35f.) and Black (1998, 16).
30’: This line reflects more or less SpTU 2, 2: 149–150, which is in turn also
incomprehensible.
31’: mu.šak.ki > muš.a.gin7; mu.šag.gá > muš.sag.gá or muš.sag.àm, s. SpTU 2, 2: 151.
See MSL 8/2, 9: 43 for the snakes muš.a = ṣer mê and muš.sag perhaps to be under-
stood as muš.sag.kal = ṣar-ṣa-ru.
‹u4› ‹nu›.ku.ku <gi6> nu.ku.ku follows SpTU 2, 2: 151.
32’: ‹i›.gi.muš.šu reflects a mistaken hearing of igi mu.un.sum, which is in turn is an
interpretation mistake of the sign SUM for /sì/.
43’–44’: Translation is here restored after the formula known from Udug.ḫul II 30
d
asar.alim.nun.na dumu.sag abzu.ke4 sa6.ga zíl.zíl.le.bi za.a.kam//dAMAR.UTU
ma-ru reš-tu-ú šá ap-si-i bu-un-nu-ú du-um-mu-qa ku-um-mu. Also attested in
KUB 4, 24c: 11.
45’: ÉN is not shown in the copy of Nougayrol, but is evident from the photo in Del
Olmo Lete 2014.
268 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
7.7 Lamaštu
KAR 85 (A) // KAR 86 (B) // KAR 87 (C)
Siglum: VA Ass. 990 // VA Ass. 991 // VA Ass. 998
Edition: Frank 1941, 6–8
Copy: Ebeling 1919, no. 85–87
Photo: –
Studies: Wiggermann 2000, 222; 224
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
Provenience: Aššur
Notes:
Found on amulets.
Forerunner to Lamaštu II/e: ÉN ddìm.me dumu an.na mu pà.da dingir.re.e.ne.ke4
This spell is abundantly attested for the Second Millennium, s. Table 195; it occurs in the
First Millennium outside the series in:
1
A r.1. É!.NU.RU!
B.r.1. ÉN!(AN+ŠÚ)
C.r.1 ÉN!(BAR/MAŠ+AN)‹É›.NU.‹RU›
2
A r.2. d
dìm.me
B.r.2. d
dim8.me
C.r.2. d
dim10.me
3
B.r.3 dumu an.na
C.r.3 dumu an.‹na›
4
A r.3–4 mu!.pà!.dex dingir.‹e›.né
B.r.4–5 mu pà.da dingir.e.ne
C.r.4–5 ‹m›u.pà!.dè dingir ga‹l›.ga‹l›.«me»
Lamaštu 269
5
A.r.5. nir.gál! nin!.‹e›.‹ne›.‹ke4›
B.r.6. nir.gál nin.e!(nir).‹ne›.‹ke4›
6
B.r.7. á!.sàg! na‹m›.lu.u.ke4!?
7
A.r.6. an.na ḫé.‹pàd›
B.r.8. an ki hé.‹pàd›
C.r.6. ‹z›i an hé.pàd!(me)
8
A.r.7. (triangles)
Translation:
1. INCANTATION:
2. Lamaštu,
3. daughter of An,
4. who was named by the great gods,
5. the authorative one (among) the ladies,
6. the asakku-demon of mankind,
7. Be conjured by Heaven (and Earth)!
Philological Commentary:
1: Note the unusual spellings for ÉN in (B) AN+ŠÚ instead of ŠÚ+AN and in (C)
BAR/MAŠ+AN; the latter is also found on N.A.B.U. 2016/47 (BM 128857) and
may be a palaeographic indication for Middle Assyrian comparable with IGI+AN,
s. § 2.4.
4: The sign NI is used in (A) as an equivalent for the sign NE and its value DÈ. For
further examples of the use of NI for DEx, s. Emar 729b.
5: The later standardized incantations of Lamaštu II/e read din.nin nir.gál
nin.e.ne.ke4, amulets of the Second Millennium either omit din.nin or read nin
instead, s. Zomer (2016a).
7: Note for (C) that the same abbreviation of the sign ZI is also found on N.A.B.U.
2016/47 (BM 128857).
270 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
7.8 Maškadu
AS 16, 287f.a
Siglum: Rm 376
Edition: Lambert 1965, 283–288; Collins 1999, 255f.; Böck 2007, 261–265; 290–
293; 304f.; 311–313
Copy: Lambert 1965, 287f.
Photo: CDLI no. P282433
Studies: –
Collection: British Museum, London
Provenience: Kalḫu
Notes:
Forerunner to Muššuʾu VIII/l: ÉN šû šumšu
The following parallels exist outside the later series:
~ NA BAM 2, 124 VAT 8772+15549 ll. ii 10–28
~ NA BAM 2, 127 VAT 11224+11705 ll. 9–13
~ NA BAM 2, 128 VAT 9955 ll. iv 1’–24’
~ NA BAM 2, 182 O 194 ll. 14’–16’
~ NA CT 23, pl. 5–14 K 2453+ ll. iii 37–38
~ NA OECT 6, pl. 23 K 3209 ll. 4’–8’
ii
1. [šu-ʾ-ú šum-šu maš-ka-du] ki-ni-⌈iš⌉ ki MUL AN-e ⌈ú⌉-[ri-da-am-ma mi-ši-il]
2. [im?]-⌈te? šá? MUŠ il-qe⌉ mi-ši-il im-te šá GÍR.TAB il-qe ⌈x⌉ [...]
3. [i]ṣ-ṣa-bat MÚRU GIŠ.KUN!? ⌈giš⌉-šá iṣ-ṣa-bat uzuSAmeš šu-te-er
im-ta!(TU4?) a-⌈x-x⌉ […]
4. qa-ta-an GIN7 šar-te ul i-⌈na⌉-ad ina pa-ag-⌈ri⌉ iṣ-ṣa-ab-ta ⌈x⌉ […]
5. DÙ.A.BI pa-ag-ri ni ip sud pi ir ka-lu ⌈uz⌉uSAmeš iṣ-ṣa-a[b-ta ...]
6. GIN7 gišGIŠIMMAR ù mi-ši-il giš⌈LI⌉ ME.⌈DÍM?⌉meš uzuSA[meš (...)]
7. u uzura-pal-te TU6 dé-a iš-ru-uk-šu-⌈ma⌉ ana bu-lu-ṭu DÙ[.A.BI]
8. LÚ.U19.LUmeš iš-ru-uk-šu-ma NU ŠUB-di NU pa za ta šap-l[i!?-iš?]
9. e-li-iš li-li ur gi ni lab-bir šal-bir giš la ki ⌈x⌉ […]
10. ŠUB-di TU6 ana ra-ma-ni-ia u su-um-ri-ia lu-ur-⌈ḫi ku x⌉ […]
11. lu-bi-il-ka pa-ag-ri TU6.ÉN!(IGI+AN).⌈É⌉.N[U.RÙ]
Translation:
1. [Šû is its name, Maškadu is its] true [name]; Like a star from the heavens, it
descended.
2. It received [half] the poison of the snake; it received half the poison of the
scorpion […]
3. It has seized the hips, loin(s) (and) the hipbone(s), it has seized the tendons. It is
engorged with poison, […]
Maškadu 271
4. It is thin like a hair; he (i.e. the patient) cannot recognize (it) on (his) body. They
(f.) are seized […]
5. The entire body … all the tendons they (f.) are seized […]
6. like a date palm and the half of a juniper, the limbs, the ten[dons (…)]
7. and the loins. Ea has granted the incantation; in order to heal all
8. mankind, he has granted it. You will not cast it … be[low?]
9. Let it come up above! … Prolong (his life)! Let (him) live to an old age! … […]
10. May I cast an incantation for myself and may I inseminate my body! […]
11. May I carry you, my body, away! INCANTATION.
Philological Commentary:
1: The first line differs slightly from other maškadu incantations. This does not mean
by definition that our text is corrupt on this point, but it might have derived from
a different tradition. Other parallels read, e.g.: šu-u šum-šu maš-ka-du ki-nu-us-su
ul-tu MULmeš šá-ma-mi ur-dam (BAM 2, 127: 9–10), The classical tradition starts
with the statement that Šû is the name of the disease and Maškadu its true name,
thereafter it is said that it descended from the stars of heaven. The reading of Böck
(2007, 290) of the first sign as ⌈ù⌉ is to be discarded as is her reading of the last
sign of this line as u[r]-, this is not supported by the sign traces and has been
corrected here due to collation. The first part of this might be restored to something
like [Šû is its name, Maškadu is its] true [name]. The sign KI (as itti) might be a
logographical error for TA (as ištu). However, following the imagery of
diseases/demons descending from heaven as a (falling) star from heaven in
historiola is widely attested within the Mesopotamian incantation literature, which
suggest reading the sign KI as a preposition. Note that in l. 6 GIN7 is used. Reiner
(1990, 424 n. 18) remarks concerning the NA parallels that there is no word
*kinûtu ‘nickname, common name’, but that the word is to be interpreted as kīnūtu,
and derives it from kīnu ‘true’. This is important in Reiner’s view, since it is
common practice in Hellenistic magic to know the real (secret) name of the evil
which is to be exorcized.
3: Lambert (1965, 285) reads [x i]ṣ-ṣa-bat, however there is no space for an extra
sign. šu-te-er im-ta! (TU4?) a- ⌈x-x⌉ [...] might be a variant of the later parallel ut!-
tur im-ta a-tar mi-šìr-[ti …] (BAM 2, 182: 15’) or ut-tur ⌈im⌉-ta a-tar ṣi-bit […]
of the later Muššuʾu-series (STT 136: iv 6). Note that the later parallels have a (D)
stative (w)uttur, could it be that the scribe erroneously wrote the Babylonian (Š)
imperative šūtir instead of the Babylonian (Š) stative šūtur?
4: The reading i-⌈ʾa⌉-ad by Böck (2007, 291) and CAD N2 133f. is not supported by
the sign traces, which clearly indicate i-⌈na⌉-ad (G) naʾādu 3.sg.pres.
Later parallels have the verb edû:
BAM 2, 124: iv 17 ki-ma šar-ti qa-tan la i-du ina UZUmeš
STT 136: v 10 ki-ma šar-ti qa-tan la e-du [ina] UZUmeš
“Like a hair it is thin, it is unknown (i.e. cannot be seen) on the body”.
6: giš
⌈LI⌉ ME.⌈DÍM?⌉meš is based on collation by photo, pace the copy of Lambert
(1965, 287f.).
272 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
8–9: We have here a corrupt rendering of the formula eliš ay elima šapliš lūṣi “Let it
not come up, but let it go out below!”.
11: Addressing a person’s own body in the second person is also found in versions of
the formula araḫḫika ramānī of which ll. 10–11 seems to be another variation, s.
Cooper (1996); Cavigneaux (1999, 264–271). Note that Cavigneaux (1999, 267f.
viz. fn. 81) considers the possibility in the present example that we can observe an
aetiology for a potion for the magical expert to protect himself.
Maškadu 273
KBo 1, 18a
Siglum: VAT 7425
Edition: Collins 1999, 256–258
Copy: Figulla/Weidner 1916, no. 18
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN01270, BoFN01271, BoFN01272,
BoFN01406b
Studies: –
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: Found on a 4-sided prism
Side A
(broken)
1’. ⌈x x x x x⌉ […]
2’. ba-ma-⌈at⌉ im-ti4 š[a MUŠ il-qé]
3’. ba-ma-at im-ti4 š[a GÍR.TAB il-qé]
4’. iṣ-bat ki-im-ṣa ù k[i-ṣal-la]
5’. iṣ-bat qa-ab-li ù [ra-pa-aš-ta]
6’. a-nu-um-ma a-na d⌈É-a⌉ [qí-bi-ma]
7’. li-id-di-iš-šu ši-p[a-at ba-la-ṭi]
8’. an-ḫu li-id-⌈di⌉-{x}-[ka (…)]
9’. pa-aš-ḫu li-iš!(IL)-š[i-ka (…)]
10’. ši-pa-at nu? […]
Translation:
1’. […]
2’. [It took] half of the poison of [a snake];
3’. [It took] half of the poison of [a scorpion];
4’. It seized the shin and [ankle-bone];
5’. It seized the loins and the lower back;
6’. Now, [speak] to Ea!
7’. May he cast upon him (i.e. the client) an incantation of [life]!
8’. May the weary one cast [you, i.e. the disease] down […]
9’. May the soothed one take [you, i.e. the disease] up […]
10’. INCANTATION (of) […]
274 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Philological Commentary:
7.9 Scorpions
KBo 1, 18j
Siglum: VAT 7425
Edition: –
Copy: Figulla/Weidner 1916, no. 18
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN01270, BoFN01271, BoFN01272,
BoFN01406b
Studies: Ford 2001, 204
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: Found on a 4-sided prism.
Side D
Translation:
14’. INCANTATION: He (i.e. the scorpion) who stands ready (to attack) in the great
reed hut!
15’. (O) foremost Sumuqan and important Bēlet-ṣēri!
16’. I drive in (him) a peg
17’. and I bind its purru! To open its pincers
18’. to curl its tail
19’. I do not allow it! (By) DN1 (and) DN2!
20’. (INCANTATION) to seize a scorpion.
Philological Commentary:
14’: Note the comparable line from another OB scorpion incantation VS 17, 10: 51–53
pirig é.ús.gíd.da sa.ba gub.ba “lion of the store-room, who stands ready to attack”.
17’: pūru (purru) “a shallow bowl or platter”, denoting here possibly the prosoma
(cephalothorax) or mesosoma of the scorpion.
19’: For the deities written dŠÚ.ḪAL dBÁḪAR, s. Zomer (forthcoming/a).
276 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
KBo 1, 18k
Siglum: VAT 7425
Edition: –
Copy: Figulla/Weidner 1916, no. 18
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN01270, BoFN01271, BoFN01272,
BoFN01406b
Studies: –
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: Found on a 4-sided prism
Side D
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
21’–22’: Note that we have instead of a PaRRāS pattern (šarrāqu) a PaRRiS pattern
(šarriqu), s. Kouwenberg (2010, 34).
The image of a scorpion as a thief is also found in the OB incantation CUSAS 10,
19: 6–7 where the scorpion is called muttaḫlilum ‘burglar’.
22’: Note the misuse of the preposition ana instead of ina which might reflect a typical
Hittite mistake not differentiating between dative and locative.
23’: annûtu is here most likely a confusion for annâtu (awâtu) “these words”, i.e. “this
spell”.
Sexual Desire 277
Obv.
1. [É]N.É.NU.RU
2. ⸢pa⸣-ši-ru pa-ši-ru
3. pa-ši-ru mi-šá-ru
4. nap-ši-ri-im-ma ki-ma UDU.NÍTA
5. a-ku-⸢li šam-mi i⸣-na bur-ki-ia
6. [i-n]a up-ni!-ia ši-ti-i me-e ṣ[ú]-⸢ḫur⸣-ti
7. ⸢ki⸣-ma ⸢sa⸣-a-si lu-ku-na ki!-na-ti-⸢im⸣
8. ki-ma zi-iq-ti lu-ta-pí-iṣ i-na K[Á]-⸢bi?-ki⸣
9. lu mút-túr ki-ma ŠE.SA.A
10. tu-šam-⸢li⸣-in-ni ki-ma še-⸢eḫ⸣-ti
11. na4
AN.NA ⸢x⸣-ia na4BABBAR.DILI EME!-ni
Low. Edge
Rev.
Translation:
Obv.
1. INCANTATION:
---
2. Releaser! Releaser!
3. Releaser! Justice!
4. Relent (f.) towards me like a sheep!
5. Eat (f.) the grass from my lap!
6. From my cupped hands drink (f.) the waters of youth!
7. Like the sāsu-stone may I be verily firm!
8. Like a pointy (stick) let me thrust incessantly in your gate!
9. Let it be increased like roasted barley!
10. You intoxicated me like an incense-burner!
11. Tin is of my […], pappardilû is my tongue!
Low. Edge
Rev.
Philological Commentary:
2–3: The terminus pāširu or pāširat is known from the Šà.zi.ga-related incantations,
where it is mainly attributed to Ningirsu, e.g. KAR 70: r. 25–27
7.11 Šimmatu
BAM 4, 398
Siglum: Ni 178
Edition: Langdon 1914, 67–75; Böck 2007, 261–281; 299–301; 308f.; Scurlock
2014, 561–566
Copy: Langdon 1914, pl. 47–48 no. 56; Köcher 1971, no. 398
Photo: –
Studies: –
Collection: Arkeoloji Müzerleri, Istanbul
Provenience: Nippur
Notes:
Forerunner to Muššuʾu VIII/a: ÉN šimmatu šimmatu
The following parallels exist outside the later series:
~ MB/MA BAM 2, 141 VAT 16448 ll. 7’–12’
~ MB/MA Emar 735 Msk 74147b(+) ll. 1’–36’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XI K 5920 ll. 3’–8’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XLV K 10770 ll. 1’–13’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XXXVI–VII BM 40177 ll. 8–15
Rev.
4’. [É]N.É.NU.R[U]
5’. [ši-i]m-ma-tu4 ši-im-ma-tu4
6’. [ši-im]-ma-tu4 šim-mat GÍR.TAB
7’. [ta]-az-qú-ti zu-qá-qí-pa-ni-iš
8’. [tam-ḫ]a-ṣi ina qar-ni-ki tu-šìr-di-i ina si-im-ba-ti-ki
9’. [GURUŠ] ina su-un KI.SIKIL tu-še-li-i
10’. [KI.SIKIL] ina su-un GURUŠ tu-še-li-i
11’. ⸢ṣi-i-im⸣ šim-ma-tu4 ki-ma ši-iz-bi ina tu-li-e
12’. ki-ma zu-ʾu-ti ina ša-ḫa-ti
13’. ki-ma me-e ša-te-e ina na-kap-ti
14’. ki-ma ši-na-a-ti ina bi-ri-it pu-ri-di
15’. ṣi-i-im šim-ma-tu4 ki-ma ši-iz-bi tu-li-e ir-ti-ša
16’. ki-ma ú-pa-ṭi ina na-ḫi-ri ù ḫa-si-si
17’. am-mi-ni šim-ma-tu4 GURUŠ u KI.SIKIL ta-kas-sà-si
18’. ki-ma ina ši-in-ni pu-u la i-bit-tu4
19’. šim-ma-tu4 ia-i-bit ina SU GURUŠ u KI.SIKIL
20’. ši-ip-tu4 ul ia-at-tu-un
21’. ši-pat dé-a ù dASAL.LÚ.ḪI ši-pat maš-maš DINGIRmeš dAMAR.UTU
22’. šu-nu id-du-ú-ma a-na-ku ú-ša-an-ni TU6.ÉN.É.NU.RU
23’. KA.INIM.MA šim-ma-tu4.KAM
Šimmatu 281
Translation:
4’. INCANTATION:
5’. šimmatu (paralysis), šimmatu (paralysis)!
6’. šimmatu (paralysis), šimmatu (paralysis) by a scorpion!
7’. You stung like a scorpion!
8’. You charged with your horns! You sprayed (poison) with your tail!
9’. You drove [the young man] from the lap of the young woman!
10’. You drove [the young woman] from the lap of the young man!
11’. Come out, šimmatu (paralysis)! Like milk from the breast(s)!
12’. Like sweat from the armpit(s)!
13’. Like perspiration? from the temples!
14’. Like urine from between the legs!
15’. Come out, šimmatu (paralysis)! Like milk from the breast(s) of her chest!
16’. Like mucus from the nostrils and ears!
17’. Why šimmatu (paralysis), do you paralyze the young man and woman?
18’. Like chaff does not remain between the teeth,
19’. (so) shall šimmatu (paralysis) not remain in the body of the young man and
woman!
20’. The incantation is not mine;
21’. It is the incantation of Ea and Asalluḫi; It is the incantation of the exorcist-priest
of the gods, Marduk!
22’. They have cast it (i.e. the incantation) and I repeated it. INCANTATION.
---
23’. INCANTATION concerning šimmatu
Philological Commentary:
18’: Note that this expression does not concern human teeth as implied by Scurlock
(2014, 565), who translates “Just as chaff does not remain overnight between the
teeth, so …”, but denotes the teeth of an agricultural instrument in our case most
likely a treshing sledge. For examples and occurrence of teeth as a metaphor of
agricultural instruments in the Akkadian language, for the ploughshares denoted
as teeth, s. Hruška (2003–2005) 512f.; for the ‘tooth of the hoe’, s. Wilcke (1987,
81f.); Suurmeier (2012).
282 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Emar 735
(broken)
Translation:
(broken)
29’. […]
30’. […] may he rip you out? !
31’. […] of Anu.
32’. Go awa[y …]!
33’. Like […] (to) your […]!
34’. May you not […] (in order to?) annihilate him?(!)
35’. May the weary one cast [you, (i.e. the disease) down]! May the soothed one pick
you (i.e. the disease) up!
Philological Commentary:
17: Restoration tu-ša-a[r!?-di ina zi-ib-ba-ti-ki] follows later parallels and Muššuʾu
VIII/a.
20: li-ku-⸢x⸣-ki remains difficult. We might restore li-ku-[na]m-ki or li-ku-[n]a7-ki.
This line is not preserved in other parallels or Muššuʾu VIII/a.
Following Nathan Wasserman (SEAL), it is correct to assume here the goddess
Ningirima pace Ningirsu of Arnaud (1987, 343). Parallel BM 45483+: i 23 of
Muššuʾu VIII/a [... dNI]N.GÌRIM be-[le]t ÉN confirms this interpretation, s. Böck
(2007, 273).
34’: Arnaud’s (1987, 343) reading liš-šeb-ri-šu is not supported by his copy. Pace N.
Wasserman (SEAL) who suggests an epithet gam-me-ri-šu-ma “(Adad) is his
strong one (?)”, I prefer to interpret here an Assyrian D imperative sg.f. perhaps
with the šimmatu-disease as subject. This line might be a parallel of Sm 312: Obv.
12’ […] ⸢x⸣ ana lúTUR d[…] of Muššuʾu VIII/a following Böck (2007, 279) we
might then additionally restore ⸢d⸣IM.
35’: The incantation formula anḫu liddika pašḫu liššika is only found in incantations
addressing or related to the šimmatu or maškadu disease. Another contemporary
example is KBo 1, 18a: 8’–9’.
Snakes 285
7.12 Snakes
KBo 1, 18c
Siglum: VAT 7425
Edition: –
Copy: Figulla/Weidner 1916, no. 18
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN01270, BoFN01271, BoFN01272,
BoFN01406b
Studies: –
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
Provenience: Hattuša
Notes: Found on a 4-sided prism
Side A
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
KBo 1, 18e
Side A
Translation:
25’: Tentative reading. If this incantation is indeed against a snake, I have no idea what
would qualify as GÌR “foot” of a snake; perhaps it indicates the lower body?
26’: Note that one can interpret besides KA.ZU “your mouth”, also ZÚ.ZU “your tooth”.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 287
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
1: The interpretation of this line follows the Akkadian translation of Udug.ḫul III
165, which reads mu-ni-iḫ mim-ma šum-šú mu-pa-áš-šiḫ mim-ma šum-šú šá ina
šip-ti-šú mim-ma šum-šú i-pa-áš-šá-ḫu.
2: Pace Geller (2016, 125f.), who equates this line with Udug.ḫul III 167 and states
that Udug.ḫul III 166 is omitted in the MB incantation. The present line is a
variation on Udug.ḫul III 166, where we find en gal den.ki.ke4 “the great lord
Enki” instead of. šà.gu10 den.‹ki› sír.ra “Enki who brightens my heart”; Udug.ḫul
III 167 is omitted in the MB version.
3: Pace Geller (2016, 126), who suggests that eme.eme is a phonetic variant of
mu7.mu7, I would like to suggest that eme (KAxME) is here an alternative writing
of mu7 (KAxLI).
5: in.na.an.ga ḫa.a is a phonetic rendering of gá.e en.nu.ùg.gá ḫé.a.
mu.un.na.an.[te.k]i (in l. 9 as well) is a phonetic rendering of mu.un.na.an.te.ge26.
6: giš
šur.ra for giùri of the later series.
An alternative interpretation of n[am].⸢išib⸣zi.ib, is n[am].me.zi.ib which would be
a phonetic rendering of nam.išib.
8: ‹a›.gub.ba for a.gúb.ba of the later series.
8–9 Differs from the later series, s. Udug.ḫul III 177. Note that against the later series,
the incantation-priest is here the chief actor and not Marduk/Asalluḫi.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 289
Emar 729b
Siglum: Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l(+)74102o (previously Emar 730: join EZ)
Edition: Arnaud 1987, 337–340; Geller 2016, 114–120
Copy: Arnaud 1985, 247–249; 254; 276; 285
Photo: –
Studies: Rutz 2013, 265; Viano 2016, 158
Collection: National Museum Aleppo
Provenience: Emar
Notes:
Forerunner to the Udug.ḫul-series III/e: ÉN gá.e lú dnamma me.en gá.e lú dnanše me.en
Parallels outside the Udug.ḫul-series:
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 1–2 Ni 623+2320 ll. iii 3’–6’
// NB BAM 8, pl. 28, 128 CBS 8801 ll. 17’–20’
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
14–17: Observe here the particular Sumerian orthography using the sign NI for the
phonetic value /de/, normally rendered as /dè/ with the sign NE. Further attested
in the present corpus in the Lamaštu-amulet KAR 85: r. 4. Other examples are
given by Geller (2016, 116). Can we explain this use of orthography as an
interpretation mistake when reading the text aloud using the phonetic value /ne/
instead of /dè/, and written down on oral command using the phonetic value /ni/?
14ff.: Emar 729b has a different order compared with the later series; omitting Udug.ḫul
III 131–132. Udug.ḫul III 133 “when I frighten the patient” is later inserted in the
MB-version in l. 17. Udug.ḫul III 136 “ when I cast the incantation of Eridu”
follows in the later series “when I slap the cheek of the patient” = Udug.ḫul III 134
and “when I speak out loud over the patient” = Udug.ḫul III 135. Udug.ḫul III 137
is omitted in Emar 729b.
19: Note the particular writing of ddìm.ma.me ddìm.ma.me.a ‹d›dì[m].ma.me.lagab.
Another peripheral incantation Ugaritica 5, 17b: 28 reads dìm.me.ma.lagab.
20: ki.sikil.⸢ú⸣.dam.gàr is a phonetic rendering of ki.sikil.ud.da.kar.ra.
22: Emar 729b differs here from the later series, where the enumeration of evil is said
to sil7.lá igi.gu10.ta “depart before me”, s. Udug.ḫul III 145.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 291
Emar 729c
Siglum: Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l(+)74102o (previously Emar 730: join EZ)
Edition: Arnaud 1987, 337–340; Geller 2016, 90–95
Copy: Arnaud 1985, 247–249; 254; 276; 285
Photo: –
Studies: Rutz 2013, 265; Viano 2016, 158
Collection: National Museum Aleppo
Provenience: Emar
Notes:
Forerunner to the Udug.ḫul-series III/a: ÉN dnam.tar líl.lá an.na mu.un.nigin.e
Parallels outside the Udug.ḫul-series:
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 1–2 Ni 623+2320 ll. i 1’–12’
// MB CDLI no. P268915 CBS 13905 ll. i 1’– ii 5’
// NB UET 6/2, 391 – ll. 1–7
// NB UET 6/2, 392 – ll. 1–6
Translation:
24. The Namtar-demon who goes around in heaven as a ghost, the asakku who won-
ders around as a disease,
25. the evil utukku-demon who seizes the street, the evil […] who envelops like a
tempest,
26. they have troubled the distraught man (i.e. patient), they have struck that man!
27. They observed his whole body, they nestled in a diseased place. I am the man of
Sîn!
28. I am the man of Enki! I am the m[an of Damkina!]
29. I am the man, your servant, of Ninšubur!
30. I am the man of Namma! I am the man of [DN]!
31. The evil utukku-demon […]
32. I […]
33. The evil utukku-demon, the [evil] a[lû-demon, the evi]l [eṭemmu], the evil gallû-
demon, the evil god, […]
292 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
34. the evil tongue [may] stand [aside]! By Heaven you are c[onjured! By Earth
35. you are conjured! [INCANT]ATION
Philological Commentary:
24: Emar 729c differs from the later series. Udug.ḫul III 2 á.sàg mir.gin7 ki.a
mu.un.d[u7].⸢a⸣.
25: Emar 729c differs from the later series. Udug.ḫul III 3 udug ḫul.gál.e sila.a
mu.un.gur10.kur5g[ur10]. Geller (2016, 90) translates Emar 729c “the demon, in his
being evil, seizes the one on the street”. I would like to suggest that the idiom sila
-- dab(5) can be compared with gìri -- dab(5) // girram/ḫarranam ṣabātu.
Note that lú.gin7 is a rendering of u18.lu.gin7 of the later series, s. Ugaritica 5, 17i:
29’.
32–35: The fragment Msk 74102o (Emar 730) was already recognized as Udug.ḫul by
Rutz (2013, 390) and can now certainly be joined to Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l
(Emar 729) for ll. 32–35.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 293
Emar 729d
Siglum: Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l(+)74102o (previously Emar 730: join EZ)
Edition: Arnaud 1987, 337–340
Copy: Arnaud 1985, 247–249; 254; 276; 285
Photo: –
Studies: Rutz 2013, 265; Geller 2016, 90; Viano 2016, 158
Collection: National Museum Aleppo
Provenience: Emar
Notes: Incantation is found on a collective among ‘forerunners’ to Udug.ḫul III.
For this reason Emar 729d is here regarded as a possible non-canonical
Udug.ḫul incantation, pace Geller (2016, 90) who additionally erroneous-
ly states that the incantation “is not entirely bilingual”.
36. d
⸢NIN⸣.UR[TA …]
37. zu ú […]
38. zu ú […]
39. nam ⸢x⸣ […] ⸢x⸣ […]
40. šu […] ⸢gál!?⸣ le HAL.ḪA! še […]
41. [SAG].GIG ⸢ŠU.GIG⸣ ŠÀ.GIG LIPIŠ.GI[G …]
42. [NÍG.Ḫ]UL.DÍM.MA ŠU.BAL.BAL.LA DINGIR Ḫ[UL
Ḫ]U?.MA.RA.⸢AB.ZI.GA⸣
43. šu ú ku da an ni ḪÉ.MA.BÚR.RE
44. d
EN.KI.A DÙ.A ABGAL DINGIR-lì dAMAR.UTU ši-ip-ta i-din
45. d
NIN.GÍRI!.MA a-ši-pu NUN!.GAL PIRIG.GAL tar ma ugu!?
46. PIRIG!.GAL.NUN.NA PIRIG.GAL.AB.ZU! ša UR.SAG dAMAR.UTU šu-ú
47. ⸢x x⸣ nu e!? ta ta ḫa ma? ša dé-a u dASAL.LÚ.ḪI! šu-ú
48. N[AM.TA]G.A-e pu-ṭú-ur a-na EGIR-ka ši-pát dé-a
49. [r]u-at dé-a ru-ú-ti dé-a e-li-iš a-a e-li-ma
50. [ša]p-li-iš li-i[ṣ-ṣi] GIG-su ÉN.É.NE!.NU.RU
Translation:
36. Ninurt[a …]
37. […]
38. […]
39. […]
40. […] divination? […]
41. [May] headache, toothache, bellyache, heartach[e, …]
42. [e]vil rites, that what changes, [the evil] god, [may] they depart from you!
43. … may it be released!
44. Ea, the apkallu-priest of the gods, who created it; Marduk casted the spell.
45. Ningirima, the āšipu-priest, the great prince, the great lion …
46. piriggalnungal, piriggalabzu, the one who belongs to the hero Marduk is he!
47. … the one who belongs to Ea and Asalluḫi is he!
294 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
48. Release (him) of (his) sin! Behind you is the incantation of Ea,
49. spittle of Ea, spittle of Ea! It should not go (out) above,
50. his disease should go out below! INCANTATION.
Philological Commentary:
46. Note the two antediluvian apkallū, i.e. pirig.gal.nun.gal šà Kišiki.ta ù.tu.ud.da and
pirig.gal.abzu šà Eriduki.ga ù.tu.ud.da, s. Reiner (1961, 3).
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 295
KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255a
Siglum: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+226/c+241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+1829/c
357/f+AnAr 9167
Edition: Cooper 1971, 12–22; Böck 2007, 221–240
Copy: Köcher 1953, no. 100a rev.; no. 106; Wilhelm 1991, no. 11 (= KUB 37,
100a obv.+KUB 37, 100b +KUB, 103+KUB 37, 106 l. col.+KUB 37, 144);
Akdoğan/Soysal 2011, no. 255
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, N11458, BoFN03487b, BoFN03760,
BoFN03491a, N11435, N11436, N11437, BoFN03491b, BoFN03492a,
BoFN03763, BoFN03568, BoFN03763, N13585h, BoFN04574a,
N13584b, BoFN04584a, N13526g, BoFN04848a, BoFN04849a,
N13473a, N13477h, BoFN07570b, N13752e, BoFN07943,
BoFN05938b, BoFN05939b
Studies: Römer 1987, 199–201; Klinger 2010, 334–336; Weeden 2012, 231 fn.
17; Viano 2016, 151
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes:
Forerunner to the Muššuʾu VI: ÉN úš ḫul.gál
Parallels outside the Muššuʾu-series:
// OB CT 4, 3 Bu. 88-5-12, 6 ll. 1– r. 36
// NA TIM 9, 56 IM 3225 ll. 1’–14’
// NB UET 6/2, 393 – ll. 9–12
# incipit ÉN úš ḫul.gál is listed in the ritual tablet of Bīt rimki.
Non-canonical Udug.ḫul-incantation, see subscript between columns = KUB 37, 106.
Obv.
1’. […] ⸢x x⸣ [… || …]
2’. d
asal.l[ú.ḫi igi im.ma.an.sum || …]
3’. á.sàg [gi]g[.ga … || …]
4’. a.a.ni d+en.[ki.ra … || …]
5’. inim.⸢zu⸣ mu.u[n?. … || …]
6’. inim.z[u i]b? [… || …]
7’. dumu!?.mun[us] la [… || …]
8’. nam.⸢igi!⸣(še).[ḫú]l!.ḫúl!.[… || …]
9’. nam.⸢gal⸣.gal ⸢x⸣ [… || …]
10’. lú.⸢lipiš⸣.a g[ig? || …]
11’. lú ⸢šag4⸣.dab.ba [… || …] ⸢x⸣ […]
12’. lú [š]ag4 ba.an.š[i.íb.dùg].ge || li-⸢ba-šu⸣ [...]
13’. nam.érim.⸢e⸣ […].a || ma-mi-ta DINGIR a-na aš-ri-⸢ša⸣ [ú-ta-ar]
14’. dingir.r[e].ne šu d[ù. ...].eš || ti-ri-iṣ ú-ba! (QA)-ni ša DINGIR ma-⸢la⸣ i-[…]
15’. nun.lugal!(ME).e.n[e ...].eš || a-na ru-bi-e ša-ra-ni ú-ka-ni-[iš]
296 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
16’. an.na [b]a.te an. […. .e]š || a-na AN iṭ-ḫé-ma AN-ú a-na pá-ti-⸢šú⸣-[nu ú-ṭi-ib]
17’. ki.a [b]a.te k[i ...].ge!(ri) || a-na KI iṭ-ḫé-ma KI ⸢ana⸣ pá!-ti-šú[-nu ú-ṭi-ib]
18’. igi.b[i.š]è ní. […ḫ]u!?(un).luḫ!?(ga).e.dè || a-na pa-ni-šu pu-luḫ-ḫé-tu4 ka-an-sà
a-na ar-[ki-šu]
19’. ig[i.du8.du]8.bi.š[è ...].e.ne || a-na a-mi-ri-šú ka-mi-is šu-luḫ zi!(GI)-kir […]
20’. ⸢kíg!⸣.b[úr].re.ta [... g]ál.la || ši-pir6 piš-ra!(ṢI)-ti el-le-ti ša i+na qá!(ZU)-[ti-šu/ú]
21’. nam.ti zi.šà!(ki).[gál] […] ⸢gál⸣!.a || ⸢ba-la⸣-aṭ na-púš-ti sal šid ki ša ina […]
22’. šag4.t[ù]r šà.l[á.sù za.gìn.n]a [šu.t]a.ga || […] ⸢x⸣ ri-me-nu-ú li-pit qa-ti u[q-ni-i]
23’. ⸢alan sig5⸣.ga.gi[n7 (...) gub.b]u.ta.na || ⸢ALAN⸣ bu-un-na-⸢ni⸣-e dám-⸢qu⸣
li-iz-z[iz]
24’. lú mu.p[à]d.bi.[še ...].gi.gi || a-na ša ⸢šum⸣-šú iz-ku-ru ŠÀ-bu aš-ri!-ša li-[ti-ir]
25’. nam.r[i].ma […].bé || ma-mi-tu4 ⸢a-na⸣ aš-ri-ša li-[ti-ir]
26’. nam.er[ím ... d]ub.dub.bé || ma-mi-tu4 a-na a-mi-lam ša-⸢a⸣-[ti] li-pu-u[ṣ]
27’. níg.ak.a […].dub.dub.bé || kiš-pu ru-ḫu-ú a-wi-lam [...] lu-u[p-pu-tu]
28’. tu.ra […] níg.gig im!(NÍG).gig.ga.a || mur-ṣú ta-di-ru ša a-na m[a-r]u-⸢uš⸣-[ti ...]
29’. dadag za.za […] ⸢in⸣.gub.gu[b.b]é || i+na ša-ḫa-aṭ LÚ i+na ka-ma-[ti li-i]t-ta-ziz
30’. nam.ri.m[a ...] ⸢x.ta⸣.[b]é || mi-qít ma-mi-ti ša a-na it-[…] la ud ⸢x⸣ […]
31’. zà.šè!(sig) in!(lú).[... su di]n.gin7 in.dal.[…] || i+na i-te-e li-it-al-l[ak ki-ma
š]u-ti4-ni [lippariš]
32’. anše.edin.n[a.gin7 ...] ⸢in⸣.du.[…] || ki-ma sìrir-ri-im ⸢x⸣ [...] ⸢x x⸣ [...]
33’ su gú […] ba.an.ši.⸢in⸣.[…] || ri-šu-tu4 ša z[u-um-ri-šu/ú ...]
34’ immà!(ud).alan ⸢x⸣ […] šu im. […] || bu-un-na-ni-[šu/ú ...]
35’. giš.ge.e[n ...] ba.an.ši.in.⸢gi⸣.[gi] || mi-na-ti-šú!(U) […]
36’. sa.a ní.[…] ba.an.ši.in.dub.[dub.e] || še-er-ʾ-a-a[n ...]
37’. sag.še lá!(me).⸢x⸣.[...] in.gub.gub.[b]é || i-ta-ti-š[ú …]
38’. a.ga.bi.š[è …] || a-na ar-k[i-šu/ú …]
39’. á šu.šu […] šu im.[…] ⸢x⸣ || mi-⸢na-ti⸣-[šu/ú …]
40’. ka.a.ni [gál … .i]n.tag4.[tag4.ge] || a-[…]
41’ d
asal.lú.ḫi […] ba.⸢an⸣.[…|| …]
42’. tu6.tu6 abz[u …] nam.m[u. … || …]
Subscript is found between the Sumerian and Akkadian column, previously KUB 37,
106:
[KA.I]NIM.MA ⸢udug⸣.ḫul.a.⸢kám⸣
Translation:
Akk: May he hurl (back) the (malevolent) oath to that man (i.e. the inflictor)!
27’. Sum: [He will] push magic [(and) sorcery back to that man!
Akk: Magic (and) sorcery … are touching the man (i.e. the afflicted patient);
28’. Sum: Sickness […] which cause(s) illness,
Akk: Sickness (and) depression which […] the illness;
29’. Sum: he will set it off […] to a hostile region!
Akk: Let it (i.e. the illness) stand outside, at the side of the man (i.e. the
inflictor)!
30’. Sum: The oath […]
Akk: The affliction of the oath which […]
31’. Sum: He will […] to the side! Like a b[at] it will fly [away!]
Akk: Let it go away over the boundaries! [Let it fly away like] a bat!
32’. Sum: [Like] an onager he […]
Akk: Like an onager […]
33’. Sum: The rišûtu-disease […]
Akk: The rišûtu-disease of [his] body […]
34’. Sum: [His] features […]
Akk: [His] features […]
35’. Sum: [His] lim[bs] he will restore for him.
Akk: [His] limbs […]
36’. Sum: (His) muscles he will relax for him.
Akk: [His] muscles […]
37’. Sum: [His] hangin[g] shoulders he will support.
Akk: His sides […]
38’. Sum: Behind him […]
Akk: Behind [him …]
39’. Sum: To spread (his) arms […]
Akk: [His] limbs […]
40’. Sum: His mouth […] he will op[en]
Akk: […]
41’. Sum: Asalluḫi has [casted the incantation].
Akk: […]
42’. Sum: May no one [dispel] the incantation(s) of the Apsû [of Eridu]!
Akk: […]
Subscript: INCANTATION against Udug.ḫul
Philological Commentary:
3’: Cooper (1971, 18) is followed here in reading á.sàg, collation by photo
BoFN04584a suggests reading [gi]g instead of ⌈x⸣ ḫi, pace giš⌈na⸣ of Böck (2007,
227).
5’ff.: Enki/Ea remains the referred to or acting deity.
7’: If the reading dumu!?.mun[us] is correct after Cooper (1971, 18), we may have
here another interpretation for Marduk/Asalluḫi rendered as feminine. A phenom-
enon known from the contemporary incantation collective Ugaritica 5, 17 from
Ugarit.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 299
KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255b
Siglum: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+226/c+241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+1829/c
357/f+AnAr 9167
Edition: Viano 2016, 241–243
Copy: Köcher 1953, no. 100a rev.; no. 106; Wilhelm 1991, no. 11 (= KUB 37,
100a obv.+KUB 37, 100b +KUB, 103+KUB 37, 106 l. col.+KUB 37, 144);
Akdoğan/Soysal 2011, no. 255
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, N11458, BoFN03487b, BoFN03760,
BoFN03491a, N11435, N11436, N11437, BoFN03491b, BoFN03492a,
BoFN03763, BoFN03568, BoFN03763, N13585h, BoFN04574a,
N13584b, BoFN04584a, N13526g, BoFN04848a, BoFN04849a,
N13473a, N13477h, BoFN07570b, N13752e, BoFN07943,
BoFN05938b, BoFN05939b
Studies: Klinger 2010, 334–336; Johnson in Akdoğan 2010, 128f.; Weeden 2012,
231 fn. 17
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: Collation by photo through the Hethiterportal of ABoT 2, 255 was not
possible. Non-canonical Udug.ḫul-incantation.
Obv.
Rev.
Translation:
Obv.
Rev.
Philological Commentary:
43’: One might tentatively read dim3/8/10.⸢me⸣.a “the labāṣu-demon”, but sign traces on
the photograph are inconclusive.
47’: Note that we have here the ablative –ta instead of the locative –a.
r. 1–4: The coherence with ABoT 2, 255 is uncertain. Johnson’s placement of lines does
not correspond to the copy. He does not take the sign traces of presumably the first
line into consideration. Furthermore, the inserted line (?) / ID ⌈x⸣ is left out by
him.
r. 13–19: Roughly corresponds to Udug.ḫul VII 80–85.
r. 15: Alternative reading might be a pe.el.la “defiled water”, which seems unlikely here
in the ritual instructions of the Marduk-Ea dialogue. Note that in Udug.ḫul VII 82–
84, the liquid(s) used are [a idim ḫ]uš.àm “red spring waters” and a ídidigna a
íd
buranun “water of the Tigris (and) water of the Euphrates”.
r. 20: šu nam. ⌈tar⸣.ga.a.ni > šu nam.tar.ra.ka.na, s. Udug.ḫul VII 39.
r. 22–24: Corresponds to Udug.ḫul III 196–197. Note that the expected verbal form in r. 22
would be a variant of ḫé.en.si.il.lá instead we find a phonetic rendering of
ga.an.si.il.lá; the modal prefix ga– is limited to verbal forms with a subject in the
first person and a rendering of the verbal form ga.an.si.il.lá is only to be expected
in r. 24.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 303
KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255c
Siglum: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+226/c+241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+1829/c
357/f+AnAr 9167
Edition: –
Copy: Köcher 1953, no. 100a rev.; no. 106; Wilhelm 1991, no. 11 (= KUB 37,
100a obv.+KUB 37, 100b +KUB, 103+KUB 37, 106 l. col.+KUB 37, 144);
Akdoğan/Soysal 2011, no. 255
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, N11458, BoFN03487b, BoFN03760,
BoFN03491a, N11435, N11436, N11437, BoFN03491b, BoFN03492a,
BoFN03763, BoFN03568, BoFN03763, N13585h, BoFN04574a,
N13584b, BoFN04584a, N13526g, BoFN04848a, BoFN04849a,
N13473a, N13477h, BoFN07570b, N13752e, BoFN07943,
BoFN05938b, BoFN05939b
Studies: Klinger 2010, 334–336; Weeden 2012, 231 fn. 17; Viano 2016, 243
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: Non-canonical Udug.ḫul-incantation
Rev.
Translation:
34. … […] …
35. The young man [(…)] to that eye, be gone to that side!
36. … […] to that mouth, be gone to that side!
37. … to that [head?], depart!
Philological Commentary:
KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255d
Siglum: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+226/c+241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+1829/c
357/f+AnAr 9167
Edition: Geller 1985, 40–43; 108; Geller 2016, 205–207
Copy: Köcher 1953, no. 100a rev.; no. 106; Wilhelm 1991, no. 11 (= KUB 37,
100a obv.+KUB 37, 100b +KUB, 103+KUB 37, 106 l. col.+KUB 37, 144);
Akdoğan/Soysal 2011, no. 255
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, N
11458, BoFN03487b, BoFN03760, BoFN03491a, N11435, N11436, N11437, BoFN03491b,
BoFN03492a, BoFN03763, BoFN03568, BoFN03763, N13585h,
BoFN04574a, N13584b, BoFN04584a, N13526g, BoFN04848a,
BoFN04849a, N13473a, N13477h, BoFN07570b, N13752e,
BoFN07943, BoFN05938b, BoFN05939b
Studies: Klinger 2010, 334–336; Viano 2016, 152
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes:
Forerunner to Udug.ḫul-series V/e: ÉN níg.è níg.è níg.nam.ma ús.su13
Parallels outside the Udug.ḫul-series:
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 3–4 Ni 631 ll. i 1–11
// NA BAM 5, 489+508 K 239+ ll. iv 18–25
// NB BAM 8, pl. 22 N 1545+1554 ll. 13–19
Rev.
38. níg.⸢è⸣ níg.è níg.nam.mu ús.bé [|| …]
39. ki.a d[í]m.bé ú an.na.ke4 [|| …]
40. za.lim.⸢bé [níg?] an.gin7 šu nu.te.gá [|| …]
41. ḫur.sa[g.gi]n7 gul.gul.l[e || …]
42. sa7.alan.[…] zi.⸢ir.zi⸣.[ir … || …]
43. níg.gi[g … || …]
44. níg.gi[g … || …]
45. níg.⸢ní⸣.[… || …]
(broken)
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
38: For níg.è // ḫayyattu, s. Geller (2016, 205). Note that both the OB as the MB
manuscript have ús.bi against ús.su13 of the later series.
39: The OB version FAOS 12, pl. 3–4 reads a an.na.ke4 “semen of Heaven”, reflected
in the the later series a.ri.a an.na.ke4 // ri-ḫu-ut AN-e.
40: za.lim appears to be a phonetic rendering of sa7.alan, s. Geller (1985, 108).
43–44: The later series and BAM 5, 489+508 read níg udug. The MB version appears to
deviate and consistently writes níg gig, emended by Geller (2016, 206) to níg
udug!. Caution is advised since tablet KBo 36, 11+ appears to be a collective
containing mostly non-canonical Udug.ḫul incantations, perhaps reflecting an
older or different tradition of the incantation, where the Ḫayyattu-demon is now
referred to as ‘illness’.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 307
(broken)
308 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Translation:
1’–3’. (fragmentary)
4’. [The evil] utukku-demon, […], the evil […], the evil rābiṣu-demon,
5’. lamaštu, [labāṣu], aḫḫāzu,
6’. lil[û, lilītu, ardat] lilî,
7’. [the evil] na[mtarru-demon, ill-making asakku-disease, an illn]ess-not-improving,
8’. [magic, evi]l rites,
9’. [he di’u-disease, the šuruppû-disease, stiff]ness, weakness,
10’. [… the e]ʾēlu-disease,
11’. [the evil man, the evil face, the evil mouth,] the evil [tongue],
12’. […] witchcraft,
13’–15’. (fragmentary)
Philological Commentary:
4’: The expected enumeration would be after the Udug.ḫul-series and Bīt rimki: udug
ḫul a.lá ḫul gedim ḫul gal5.lá ḫul dingir ḫul maškim ḫul.
6’: ki.sikil.ud.da.kar5.ra instead of ki.sikil.ud.da.kar.ra.
9’: a.ha.an.tum4 for a.ḫa.an.tùm. In the disease-lists from Udug.ḫul a.ḫa.an.tùm is
equated with the Akkadian mungu “a disease causing cramp / stiffness”. For the
relation with nig.gar and the possibility that a.ḫa.an.tùm is identical to a.ga.an.tùm,
s. Sjöberg (1970, 96).
10’: bar giš.ra is equated in Bīt rimki, s. Borger (1967, 7: 61) with ʾi-i-lu. The entry e-
ʾe-lu MIN (= murṣu) is found in the list Malku IV 61, s. Hrůša (2010, 382).
12’: Note the rendering of uš.ra for uš11.ri.a.
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 309
i
(missing 3-4 lines)
1’. >««««««««পpPHHQ«««««««««at-ta]
2’. >««««««««পpPHHQ«««««««««ᄨat-taᄩ
3’. >««««««««পpPHHQ«««««««««@ at-ta
4’. >««««««««পpPHHQ«««««««««a]t-ta
5’. >««««««««পpPHHQ«««««««««at-t]a
(broken)
ii
(broken)
(broken)
Rev.
iii
(broken)
1’. […] ᄨxᄩ […] ᄨxᄩ […]
2’. [l]ú.ba nam.ba.te.ᄨge26.dèᄩ // a-n[a? DPƝOLãnjҴDWLOƗWHܒHېېe]
3’. [n]a.an.gub.ba na.an.tu.u[š.š]a.a // la-a [ta-az-za-az la-a tu-šab]
4’. nam.ba.ku4.ku4GqQD>PE@DNLNLWL>পDEDUDDQGXXQ@
la-a ta-tù-ra la-a [t]a-sà-ېX-ra [lu-ú ta-at-tal-lak]
5’. zi!(IZI) dingir.gal.gal.e.ne.ke4 e.ᄨriᄩEDপ[a.ba.ra.du.un]
ni-ìš DINGIRmeš GALপLD tá-ma-ta lu-ú DU-a[k]
6’. ]L>D@QQDHULLEEDপDEDUDDQG>XXQ@
ni-ìš ᄨšaᄩ-me-e tá-ma-ta lu-ú DU-[ak]
7’. ]LNLDHULLEEDপDEDUDDQG>XXQ@
ni-ìš er-܈H-ta tá-ma-ta lu-ú GI[N-ak]
8’. zi an.na an.ki.a a.na.me.bi ki nun ᄨxᄩ […]
ni-ìš DINGIR-lim šá AN u KI ta-ma-ta ᄨxᄩ […]
9’. [a.z]a?.a[g]? za.ag.pa Ϝdingir?ᄩ.dingir gal.gal.ᄨeᄩ>QHVDJGXOELপpSj@
[asakku] ma-me-ti šá DINGIRmeš [GALmeš utammika]
10’. […] ᄨx x xᄩ […]
(broken)
iv
no text preserved; the second half to the end is empty
Translation:
i
1’. [whether] you are […]
2’. [whether] you are […]
3’. [whether] you are […]
4’. [whether] you are […]
5’. [whether] you are […]
ii
1’. [whether you] are the one who […]
Udug.ḫul & Udug.ḫul-related 311
2’. [whether] you are [the one who ….] is poor? and died of thirst!
3’. whether you are an accursed one who was thrown into the fire!
4’. whether you are the one who sunk because of a (broken) oath and died!
5’. whether you are the one who drowned in a river!
6’. whether you are the one who sunk with his boat and died!
7’. whether you are the one who sunk with his boat in the middle of the sea!
8’. whether you are the one who has no father!
9’. whether you are the one who has no mother!
10’. whether you are the one who has no sister!
11’. whether you are the one who has no heir!
(broken)
iii
1’. […]
2’. To this man do not come closer!
3’. Do not stand (with him)! Do not sit (with him)!
4’. Do not come back! Do not turn around! Verily go away!
5’, (By) an oath of the great gods you are conjured! Verily go away!
6’. (By) an oath of Heaven you are conjured! Verily go away!
7’. (By) an oath of Earth you are conjured! Verily go away!
8’. (By) an oath of the deity of Heaven and Earth you are conjured! […]
9’. (O) Asakku [I made you swear] an oath of the great gods!
10’. […]
Philological Commentary:
(broken)
Translation:
(too fragmentary)
Incantation-Prayers: Ištar 313
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
Obv.
Edge
Rev.
Translation:
Obv.
1. [INCANTATION]: Šamaš, exalted judge, who keeps the wide ‹earth› in check,
2. [the lord], intelligent one, the beloved one of Enlil,
3. [the exalted judge] whose command cannot be altered,
4. [whose approval no god] can change!
5. [You are the lord], supreme is your word!
6. [Your command is not] forgotten!
Incantation-Prayers: Šamaš 317
Rev.
---
20. [ITS RITUAL: you will make a figurine of the ‘oath’], its inside you will open,
21. […] may? they dissolve! The sick man in front of Šamaš
22. will lift a large [pur]sītu-bowl in his hand,
23. its innards you will pierce [with a dagger of] tamarisk, 24 he will smear 23water
24. […] on it 233 times,
25. […] he will speak […] “My depression,
26. my […] and my exhaustion I smear on you (f.)!”
Philological Commentary:
1: Laessøe (1955, 59) questions the sign KI in this line. It was assumed by Ebeling
(1918, 40), but was later omitted in his copy KAR 246. Collation has proven that
the sign is indeed omitted.
12: In KAR 246 we find kūdanū (GÌR.MEŠ) ‘mules’ in clear context with the chariot
of Šamaš, later parallels of Bīt rimki V 63 have the synonym noun parû.
Contemporary incantation-prayers to Šamaš denote the equids of Šamaš’s chariot
as ‘donkeys’, e.g. ZA 91, 244: 7 [a-na i-me-ri]-⸢i?⌉-ka i-me-er ša-di-i še-am áš-pu-
uk “Before your donkey(s), the donkey(s) of the mountain, I sprinkle wheat!” and
in the fragmentary context of KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+)KBo 7, 2b: r.! 12 […
anše.k]ur.ra.zu […] // […]-ka a-n[a] ⸢ANŠE⌉ […], s. Krebernik (2001, 247) on the
matter of interpretation on ‘donkey’ vs. ‘horse’ in this specific context, for a
discussion of the discrepancy between equids and felines for the Sun-god’s
chariot, s. Bonechi (2011).
22–r. 9: These lines appear to be excerpted and unsystematically related with Šurpu III, s.
Laessøe (1955, 58 fn. 136) and Reiner (1970, 55f.). F. Simons in private
communication (March 2016) updated the concordances of Laessøe, 22= Šurpu
III 3; 23=Šurpu III 5; 24= Šurpu III 8; 25= Šurpu III 150 and 183; 26= Šurpu III
149; 27= Šurpu III 118; r.1= Šurpu III 9 and 181; r. 2= Šurpu III 100?; r. 3= Šurpu
III 120; r. 4= Šurpu III 121; r. 5 = Šurpu III 25; r. 6= Šurpu III 30; r. 7= Šurpu III
140; r.8 = ?; r. 9= Šurpu III 26.
r. 8: This line is not found in the later parallels of Bīt rimki V nor can it be found in
Šurpu III.
r. 20–26: The rendered feminine forms in the ritual agenda grammatically relate with the
māmītu and not with the ṣalmu. Interestingy, although KAR 246 is an independent
composition on Nam.érim.búr.ru.da, it reflects similar ritual agenda known from
Bīt rimki V accompanying the šuʾila, s. Laessøe (1955, 59).
Incantation-Prayers: Šamaš 319
KBo 9, 44a
Siglum: 221/n
Edition: –
Copy: Otten 1957, no. 44
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN14269, BoFN14270
Studies: Mayer 1976, 147
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: –
(ritual instructions)
(ritual instructions)
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
KBo 9, 44b
Siglum: 221/n
Edition: –
Copy: Otten 1957, no. 44
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN14269, BoFN14270
Studies: –
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: –
(ritual instructions)
(ritual instructions)
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
6’: This line is also found among presciptions against sore feet AMT 75, 1: ii 26.
8’: Another possible reading would be ⸢x x⌉ bu-ul-lu-ṭì a-al-la-⸢ak⌉.
Incantation-Prayers: Šamaš 321
KBo 9, 44c
Siglum: 221/n
Edition: –
Copy: Otten 1957, no. 44
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN14269, BoFN14270
Studies: –
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Ḫattuša
Notes: –
(ritual instructions)
(ritual instructions)
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
13’–14’: Interpretation of both lines remains difficult and unparalleled. One might read in
l. 14’. attadin 1) “I have given” or 2) atta dīn “You must judge!” or as is chosen
above 3) atta idin “You must give!”. The photo found on hethiter.net/: PhotArch
BoFN14270, suggests that there might be sign traces directly after atta. The latter
possibility is chosen, since this small incantation-prayer follows shortly after
another incantation-prayer (KBo 9, 44b), which is directly addressed to Šamaš.
The motif of Šamaš decreeing a fate for the (inhabited) earth would fit this picture
quite well. However, one should note that one would expect the idiom šīmtu šiāmu
“to decree a destiny”.
322 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Obv.
(ritual instructions)
---
8’. ⸢d⌉UTU i-na di-ni-ka i-na a-ma-te-ka ⸢x⌉ [...]
9’. i-na GAM-ka ídIDIGNA ù! ídBURAN[UN.ME ...]
10’. [x] ⸢x x x⌉ lu ab ⸢x⌉ [...]
11’. [...]
12’. [...]
13’. [...] ⸢x x x⌉ [...]
(broken)
Rev.
(broken)
Translation:
(broken)
Incantation-Prayers: Šamaš 323
Rev.
(broken)
1’. [...]
2’. May they be loosened! When [you bow?, the Tigris]
3’. and Euphrates [...]
4’. My misery [...]”
Philological Commentary:
r.2’: CAD K 285a mistakenly emends lip(!)-ta-še-ru, presumably for lik!(LUL)-ta-še-ru.
r.4’: After collation by photo (BoFN03252_1a) read UM pace ŠID of Köcher’s copy.
324 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
HT 13
---
4’. […].⸢e⌉ lu.u.gal lu.u.gal za.e […]
5’. [… .g]al za.e lu.u.gal ab.zu.ta […]
6’. […] gu.la kur.gal.ta.a.e […]
7’. [… g]u.la kur.gal.ta.a.e […]
8’. […].me.ta.a.e na.an.na tu.u.ka […]
9’. […] ⸢x x x⌉ [(x)] ⸢ur⌉.sag lu.u.gal.ta.[…]
10’. [… lu.(u).g]al za.e.[…]
11’. […] ⸢za⌉.e la.ra.aḫ ke.eš.t[u …]
12’. [… lu? ].⸢u⌉.tu.ra šu.ḫu.ul ⸢x⌉ […]
13’. […] ⸢x⌉ gal ga.aš.⸢ši⌉ […]
14’. […] ⸢x⌉ lu.u.gal.ta.[…]
15’. [… z]a.e àm […]
16’. […] ⸢x x x⌉ […]
(broken)
Incantation-Prayers: Unknown DN 325
KUB 4, 26 (fragment B)
(broken)
(broken)
(broken)
Translation:
(too fragmentary)
Philological Commentary:
Note the consequent phonetic writing of ti.en.kar and ti.in.kar for dingir and possibly
ti.en.qa.re.ni for dingir.re.ne, s. lu.ú.ti.kir8 > lú.dingir in Ugaritica 5, 17i: 29’. ki.iš.tu.ug for
geštug2/3; lu.gal and lu.u.gal for lugal.
326 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
7.17 Miscellaneous
AS 16, 287f.b
Siglum: Rm 376
Edition: Lambert 1965, 283–288
Copy: Lambert 1965, 287
Photo: CDLI no. P282433
Studies: –
Collection: British Museum, London
Provenience: Kalḫu
Notes:
ii
Translation:
12. INCANTATION: ‘The Great Lady’ is his queen! […‘The Great Lady’]
13. is his queen! ditto (=‘The Great Lady’is his queen!?). Be you a Kamadru! Be you
a Kamad! [(…)]
14. Like evil does not stand on the right side, like evil [does not stand on the left]
side […]
15. at his right side! right and left? ditto (= ?) By Heaven be conjured! By Heaven
[…]
16. INCANTATION.
Philological Commentary:
12–13: In my view, the possessive suffix –(a)ni refers here to the patient stating that he is
under the protection of the “Great Lady” who might be simply the deity dNIN.GAL
the consort of the Moongod. Lambert (1965, 284) however, is convinced that
Ereškigal is meant here.
13: In private communication (October 2015) Andrew George explained that the
Sumerian counterpart for Lamaštu written dDÌM.ME was actually pronounced
kamad.(me). One of the main arguments of George (forthcoming) is the Middle
Babylonian bilingual word-list Ea VII 86 ka-ma-ad DÌM la-m[a-aš-tum]
published by Civil (2010, 10). Another incantation using the spelling ka-ma-ad is
YOS 11, 66: 22–28.
Miscellaneous 327
14: Standard Sumerian would be: ḫul.gin7 á.zi.da nu.gub.ba ḫul.gin7 á.gùb.bu
nu.gub.ba. Note that the scribe once uses instead of the sign <á> (ID) rather <a>.
15: Again the possessive suffix –(a)ni referes here to the patient. The rest of the line
is very garbled Sumerian. Prophylactic action on behalf of the patient seems to be
undertaken here. zi.na ḫe.ba would be zi.an.na ḫe.pà in standard Sumerian.
328 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
AS 16, 287f.d
Siglum: Rm 376
Edition: Lambert 1965, 283–288
Copy: Lambert 1965, 287
Photo: CDLI no. P282433
Studies: –
Collection: British Museum, London
Provenience: Kalḫu
Notes: This incantation concerns a great female evil attacking various layers of
society, which may indicate the ‘evil-eye’. On the other hand, in l. 23 it
is stated that the great evil was “thrown out of heaven”, which reminds
us directly of the infamous Lamaštu being exiled from heaven.
iv
Translation:
1–3. (…)
4. […] their speech […]
5. their profit, their minds became disturbed […]
6. She schemed, she made a breach, ornament/sign and […]
7. It is favorable/build. The (both) upper cheeks are crying.
The šanadû-disease … […]
8. She has softened it (into a liquid) in a kiln, like silver it did not […]
9. She leveled the tents; the weakened troops of the king […]
10. are hungry. The strong king, the princes and his living quarters […]
11. battle and his siege works, she attacked between them […]
12. She casted panic. The b-soldiers became silent, the b-soldiers […]
13. she laid to waste, she smashed their skulls. Judgment (and) death […]
14. The merchants carrying (their) moneybags, the traveler who walks the ro[ads …]
15. are lost.? He has forsaken his course. The sailor […]
16. those who know the center of the sea, she saw them and the eyes? […]
17. Stuck are they, stuck are their rudders! -I restored them back to (their) sight.
18. Let me bring the roaring lions.- Destruction is upon them. -I restored them back
to […].
19. The insatiable pig, which eats everything, … outside? […]
20. To the mountains, (to) the woods, (to) the reed-beds, (to) the gardens … […]
21. The great gods Sin and Nergal, the saviors, Ea, lord of the incantation(s),
Asalluḫi
22. lord of wisdom, Gula, the chief physician of the great gods […].
23. have thrown (her) out of heaven, the heaven of Anu,
24. expel (plural) her, the not good one, to the entrance of Netherworld … […]
25. May Enlil drive her off! May Adad drive her away! May Ea, lord of [wisdom …]
26. expel (her)! May Marduk, apkallu of the gods, let her cross [the river of the
Netherworld]!
27. (O) great gods, Sîn and Nergal, the saviours, […] stand by me!
28. to […] am I; for So-and-So, son of So-and-So I recite […]
29. […] place (plural) with her! May I exceedingly […]
30. […] May I to obtain! The heroism of the gods and [goddesses …]
31. […] Dingirmaḫ and Gula restore my health! […]
32. […] recite to the entu-priestess! INCANTATION.
330 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
Philological Commentary:
6: It is not clear who the main subject is in ll. 1–20. Since this incantation is directed
against a great evil female power (Evil-eye/Lamaštu?), it is presumed that she
should be the subject here.
7: Pace Lambert who reads ša-nu-du-ú-ti ina U[GU …]. Collation by photo suggests
ša-nu-du-ú dingir u be ⸢nu?⌉ ⸢x⌉ […]. This would suggest the known disease
šanadu (šannudû). More speculative remains dingir u, which could be read as dX
for Adad, note however dIŠKUR in l. 2, and be ⸢nu?⌉, which could be read as be-
⸢nu?⌉ representing the bennu-disease.
17–18: The evil deeds are encountered in these lines by a 3rd or 1st person singular. From
the context, I would assume that the āšipu-priest himself is the subject here in 1st
person. The preterite forms might be interpreted here as performative speech.
23: This line has previously been read by Lambert as i-ta-ap-rík (ittaprik) and as i ta-
ap-rík by von Soden in AHw 829a (GN soll eingreifen) and is specifically
mentioned in his GAG ergänzungsheft (1969) §81c, where he interprets the form
as the rare precative 3.f.sg. CAD P 155f. follows von Soden. However, the
feminine subject of von Soden’s solution is suggested to be Gula, but since she is
mentioned in an enumeration of deities this seems to be unlikely. The sign ZUM
has multiple sign values. Instead of reading <rík> I would like to suggest the
common value <ṣu> reading here i-ta-ap-ṣu (ittapṣū) a G perfect of napāṣu with
as subject the enumeration of preceding deities. The verb napāṣu is also known
from the Old Assyrian Lamaštu incantation BIN 4, 126: 10–13 describing
Lamaštu’s exile from heaven: A-nu-um /a-bu-ša iš-tù / ša-ma-e i-pu-ṣa-ší / qá-qá-
ar-šu-um “Anu, her father casted her down from heaven to earth”. The same
image, formulated differently, is also delivered to us in the later canonical series:
I 111–112: Anu abuša Antu ummaša-ma ina epšētīša lā banâti ištu šamê
ušeridūniššim-ma “Anu, her father, and Antu, her mother, in view of her unseemly
deeds, forced her to descend down from heaven”.
26: Restoration here after Lambert (1965, 286), one cannot exclude the possibility of
restoring [ídu-la-a-a] for the Ulâ river.
32: Uncertain. Another possibility would be the feminine form of ēnû “substitute”.
Miscellaneous 331
BAM 4, 336
Siglum: VAT 11076
Edition: –
Copy: Köcher 1971, no. 336
Photo: CDLI no. P281833
Studies: Zomer 2015, 109
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
Provenience: Aššur
Notes: Tentatively, assuming that the addressed evil in this incantation afflicts
various participants of society, one may speculate it might be related to
the ‘evil-eye’.
(broken)
Translation:
(broken)
1’. [of the] […]
2’. [of] the shepherd […]
3’. of the carpenter […]
4’. of the miller […]
5’. The incantation is not mi[ne …]
6’. It is the incantation of Damu [and …]
7’. May Gula restore (his) health […]
8’. So that the apkallu-priest may [receive] (his) gift!
---
INCANTATION: [concerning …]
---
Philological Commentary:
8’. Note that a similar formula in Ugaritica 5, 19: 13 has [DUMU] UM.MI.A. For a
discussion on this formula, s. fn. 217.
332 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
KBo 1, 18b
Siglum: VAT 7425
Edition: –
Copy: Figulla/Weidner 1916, no. 18
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN01270, BoFN01271, BoFN01272,
BoFN01406b
Studies: –
Collection: Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin
Provenience: Hattuša
Notes: Found on a 4-sided prism
Side A
11’. d
EN.KI BA.GEN GU.LA [...]
12’. KALAG dEN.KI BA.GEN ⸢x⌉ […]
13’. lú
KIN.GI4.A ⸢d⌉{x} […]
14’. LÚ dMÙŠ ḪÉ.A.ME.EN ⸢x⌉ […]
15’. lú
⸢TU⌉.‹RA›.NI NU.⸢UM⌉.{x}.[…]
16’. š[i]-pa-at ú-ul i-ia-a-[ti …]
17’. ù dASAL.LÚ.ḪI […]
18’. ši-pa-at ša d[…]
Translation:
Philological Commentary:
16’;18’: Note the incorrect use of the construct state šipat instead of the expected šiptu(m),
s. pp. 160f.
Miscellaneous 333
(broken)
Translation:
(broken)
1’. […]
2’. [Go] away from before me! […]
3’. [Go] away from above […]
4’. I am the incantation-priest and the šanga[maḫḫu? priest… !]
Philological Commentary:
2’–3’: The reconstruction [si]l5?.lá is based on the expression sil7.lá igi.gu10.ta // duppir
ina pānīya known from the later Udug.ḫul-series (e.g. CT 16, 4: 157f.); Also note
sil6.lá igi.gu10.ta from VS 10, 192:12, s. Wiggermann (1992, 82f.); for sil6 (EZEN
x A), s. Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (V) and Sumer 9, 29c. The sign traces suggest not to
suggest sil7 (EZEN x A-LAL), but rather sil5 (EZEN x KASKAL) or perhaps silx
(EZEN x LÁL),
334 Chapter 7: Selection of Texts
KBo 36, 24
Siglum: 395/p
Edition: –
Copy: Wilhelm 1991, no. 24
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch Phb00132d
Studies: –
Collection: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi, Ankara
Provenience: Hattuša
Notes: Small fragment, belongs to a tablet with parallel columns most likely a
bilingual.
(broken)
Translation:
KUB 4, 20(+)21c
Siglum: Bo 1279+9148(+)9125
Edition: –
Copy: Weidner 1922, no. 20 and 21
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch B1845, N13043, N02859, BoFN00101e
Studies: –
Collection: Arkeoloji Müzerleri, Istanbul
Provenience: Hattuša
Notes: Tentatively understood to protect crops against evil dust winds
Translation:
KUB 4, 24a
Siglum: Bo 655
Edition: –
Copy: Weidner 1922, no. 24
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N03851, N03852, N12482, etc
Studies: –
Collection: Arkeoloji Müzerleri, Istanbul
Provenience: Hattuša
Notes: –
Translation:
1. INCANTATION: […]
2. When … the axe […]
3. with the just Asalluḫi, the distraught [man? …]
4. ITS RITUAL: palm fiber, fine date palm, […]
5. you will tie. (Over) every knot […]
Philological Commentary:
KUB 4, 24b
Siglum: Bo 655
Edition: –
Copy: Weidner 1922, no. 24
Photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N03851, N03852, N12482, etc
Studies: –
Collection: Arkeoloji Müzerleri, Istanbul
Provenience: Hattuša
Notes: The incipit of this incantation resembles Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 30, s. Finkel
(1976, 106; 182) reading a-ḫu-zu pag-ri ši-pat ba-lá-ṭi. Note that dupli-
cate K 10371 (Finkel 1976, pl. 24), a fragmentary therapeutic tablet, reads
⸢a⌉-ḫu-uz pag-ri ši-pat ba-la-⸢ṭi⌉ “Seize my body, (O) incantation of
life!”. The following lines of KUB 4, 24b do not show any resemblance
with Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 30. Tablet is badly eroded, collation by photograph
is not possible here.
Edge
Translation:
N 3731
Siglum: N 3731
Edition: –
Copy: –
Photo: CDLI no. 278739
Studies: –
Collection: University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia
Provenience: Nippur
Notes: –
Translation:
All basic data is provided for each incantation; under ‘remarks’ additional information is
provided, i.e. // duplicate, (//) duplicates section of the incantation not preserved in catalogued
text, ~ partial duplicate, ≈ direct forerunner to later series or compendium, (≈) possible
forerunner to later series or compendium, # incipit occurs as external incantation in a ritual
tablet of later series, or other relevant extra information. Tablets found under ‘remarks’ are
listed according to their period, i.e. Ur III, OAkk., OB, OA, MB/MA, NA, NB, LB.
1 ABoT 1, 43
copy: – mus. no.: AnAr 6994(+)6997
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: – provenience: Ḫattuša
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: 14th–13th cent.
classification: – ductus: Hittite
2 ABoT 2, 258
copy: Akdoğan, ABoT 2, no. 258 mus. no.: AnAr 10873
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch AnAr10873 exc. no.: –
edition: Akdoğan, DBH 32, p. 130 provenience: Ḫattuša
subscript: KA.INIM.MA ši-pa-at si […] language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: 14th–13th cent.
classification: – ductus: –
4 AlT 448a
copy: Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, mus. no.: –
no. 448 exc. no.: ATT/8/33-42
photo: hethiter.net/: Alalah-Archiv provenience: Alalaḫ
AlTqxxiix57, AlTqxxiix59 etc. language: Akkadian?
edition: – dating: 15th cent.
subscript: – ductus: –
remarks: –
classification: –
5 AlT 448b
copy: Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, mus. no.: –
no. 448 exc. no.: ATT/8/33-42
photo: hethiter.net/: Alalah-Archiv provenience: Alalaḫ
340 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
6 AlT 449(+?)450a
copy: Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, mus. no.: –
no. 449(+?)450 exc. no.: ATT/8/33-42
photo: hethiter.net/: Alalah-Archiv provenience: Alalaḫ
AlTqxxx15, AlTqxxx17, etc. language: Akkadian
edition: Farber, in JNES 49, pp. 309f. dating: 15th cent.
subscript: – ductus: –
remarks: –
classification: –
7 AlT 449(+?)450b
copy: Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, mus. no.: –
no. 449(+?)450 exc. no.: ATT/8/33-42
photo: hethiter.net/: Alalah-Archiv provenience: Alalaḫ
AlTqxxx15, AlTqxxx17, etc. language: Akkadian?
edition: – dating: 15th cent.
subscript: – ductus: –
remarks: –
classification: –
8 AlT 449(+?)450c
copy: Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, mus. no.: –
no. 449(+?)450 exc. no.: ATT/8/33-42
photo: hethiter.net/: Alalah-Archiv provenience: Alalaḫ
AlTqxxx15, AlTqxxx17, etc. language: Akkadian
edition: – dating: 15th cent.
subscript: – ductus: –
remarks: –
classification: –
9 AlT 453(+)453a
copy: Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets, mus. no.: –
no. no. 453(+)453a exc. no.: ATT/8/33-42
photo: hethiter.net/: Alalah-Archiv provenience: Alalaḫ
AlTqxxix67, AlTqxxix69, etc. language: Sum.–Akk.
edition: Cooper, in ZA 61, p. 5 fn. 22 (partial) dating: 15th cent.
subscript: – ductus: –
remarks: ≈ Bīt rimki IV: ÉN en gal an.šà.kù.ga.ta
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
13 AS 16, 287f.a
copy: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 287f. mus. no.: Rm 376
photo: CDLI no. P282433 exc. no.: –
edition: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 283–288 provenience: Kalḫu
Collins, Natural Illness, pp. 255f. language: Akkadian
Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 261–265, 290–293, dating: –
304f., 311–313 ductus: Middle Assyrian
subscript: –
remarks: ≈ Muššuʾu VIII/l: ÉN šû šumšu
~ NA BAM 2, 124 VAT 8772+ ll. ii 10–28
~ NA BAM 2, 127 VAT 11224+ ll. 9–13
~ NA BAM 2, 128 VAT 9955 ll. iv 1’–24’
~ NA BAM 2, 182 O 194 ll. 14’–16’
~ NA CT 23, 5–14 K 2453+ ll. iii 37–38
~ NA OECT 6, 23 K 3209 ll. 4’–8’
classification: Against maškadu
14 AS 16, 287f.b
copy: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 287f. mus. no.: Rm 376
photo: CDLI no. P282433 exc. no.: –
edition: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 283–288 provenience: Kalḫu
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: –
classification: Against various demonic powers ductus: Middle Assyrian
15 AS 16, 287f.c
copy: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 287f. mus. no.: Rm 376
photo: CDLI no. P282433 exc. no.: –
edition: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 283–288 provenience: Kalḫu
Röllig, in OrNS 54, pp. 260–273 language: Akkadian
Veldhuis, A Cow of Sîn, pp. 10f. dating: –
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: (≈) Munus la.ra.aḫ-compendium
~ MB/MA AuOr Suppl. 23, 20 RS 24.436 ll. 1’–10’
~ MB/MA Iraq 31, pl. V–VIb – ll. 51–62
~ MB/MA KUB 4, 13a Bo 4822 ll. 1’–14’
~ NA BAM 3, 248 VAT 8869 ll. iii 10–35
~ NA AMT 67, 1 K 2413+ ll. iii 4–29
342 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
16 AS 16, 287f.d
copy: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 287f. mus. no.: Rm 376
photo: CDLI no. P282433 exc. no.: –
edition: Lambert, in AS 16, pp. 283–288 provenience: Kalḫu
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: Against a great female evil dating: –
classification: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
48 BAM 2, 141
copy: Köcher, BAM 2, no. 141 mus. no.: VAT 16448
photo: CDLI no. P285237 exc. no.: Ass. 14669
edition: Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 261–279, provenience: Aššur
299–301, 308f. language: Akkadian
subscript: – dating: 13th–11th cent.
ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: ≈ Muššuʾu VIII/a: ÉN šimmatu šimmatu
~ MB/MA BAM 4, 398 Ni 178 ll. r. 4’–23’
~ MB/MA Emar 735 Msk 74147b(+) ll. 1–36’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XI K 5920 ll. 3’–8’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XLV K 10770 ll. 1’–13’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XXXVI–VII BM 40177 ll. 8–15
classification: Against šimmatu
49 BAM 3, 214a
copy: Köcher, BAM 3, no. 214 mus. no.: A 13+393
photo: ph. K. 241/42, 430/31 exc. no.: Ass. 3067
edition: Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, provenience: Aššur
pp. 246–255 language: Akkadian
subscript: – dating: 13th–11th cent.
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 418 Šamaš 69 ductus: Middle Assyrian
(//) MA BAM 4, 334a VAT 10094+ ll. iv 1’–4’
(//) NA AMD 8/1, pl. 51 K 3196+ ll. 1’–4’
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
50 BAM 3, 214b
copy: Köcher, BAM 3, no. 214 mus. no.: A 13+393
photo: ph. K. 241/42, 430/31 exc. no.: Ass. 3067
edition: Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, provenience: Aššur
pp. 246–255 language: Akkadian
subscript: – dating: 13th–11th cent.
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 419 Šamaš 70 ductus: Middle Assyrian
// MB/MA BAM 4, 334e VAT 10094+ ll. v 20’–26’
// NA KAL 2, 23 VAT 13611 ll. r. 24’(catchline)
// NA – K 2481 ll. ? (incipit)
// NA – BM 128037 ll. ? (incipit)
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
51 BAM 3, 316a
copy: Köcher, BAM 3, no. 316 mus. no.: VAT 13608+13759
photo: CDLI no. P281823 exc. no.: Ass 17722b
edition: Mayer, Untersuchungen, p. 160 fn. 53 provenience: Aššur
№ 51–56 349
52 BAM 3, 316b
copy: Köcher, BAM 3, no. 316 mus. no.: VAT 13608+13759
photo: CDLI no. P281823 exc. no.: Ass 17722b
edition: Lambert, in JNES 33, p. 295 provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 408 Sîn 6 dating: 11th–10th cent.
ductus: Middle Assyrian
// NA LKA 25 1.S. VAT 13630 ll. ii 3–10
// NA K 6018+8598+12922(BMS 24)+13296(BMS 25)+14704 ll. 8–13
// NA K 6018+8598+12922(BMS 24)+13296(BMS 25)+14704 ll. r. 7–15
// NA – K 8183 ll. 8–12
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šîn
53 BAM 4, 334a
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 334 mus. no.: VAT 10094+10989
Schwemer, KAL 2, no. 22 exc. no.: –
photo: CDLI no. P281828 provenience: Aššur
edition: Schwemer, KAL 2, pp. 58–60 language: Akkadian
Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, dating: 13th–11th cent.
pp. 246–255 ductus: Middle Assyrian
subscript: –
remarks: (//) MB/MA BAM 3, 214a A 13+393 ll. ii 10–16
(//) NA AMD 8/1, pl. 51 K 3196+3344 ll. 1’–4’
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
54 BAM 4, 334b
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 334 mus. no.: VAT 10094+10989
Schwemer, KAL 2, no. 22 exc. no.: –
photo: CDLI no. P281828 provenience: Aššur
edition: Schwemer, KAL 2, pp. 58–60 language: Akkadian
Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, dating: 13th–11th cent.
pp. 246–255 ductus: Middle Assyrian
subscript: –
remarks: // NA AMD 8/1, pl. 51 K 3196+ ll. 7’–r. 10’
// NA KAL 2, 23 VAT 13611 ll. r. 1’–11’
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
55 BAM 4, 334c
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 334 mus. no.: VAT 10094+10989
Schwemer, KAL 2, no. 22 exc. no.: –
photo: CDLI no. P281828 provenience: Aššur
edition: Schwemer, KAL 2, pp. 58–60 language: Akkadian
Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, dating: 13th–11th cent.
pp. 246–255 ductus: Middle Assyrian
subscript: –
remarks: // NA KAL 2, 23 VAT 13611 ll. r. 15’–17’
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
56 BAM 4, 334d
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 334 mus. no.: VAT 10094+10989
350 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
57 BAM 4, 334e
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 334 mus. no.: VAT 10094+10989
Schwemer, KAL 2, no. 22 exc. no.: –
photo: CDLI no. P281828 provenience: Aššur
edition: Schwemer, KAL 2, pp. 58–60 language: Akkadian
Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, dating: 13th–11th cent.
pp. 246–255 ductus: Middle Assyrian
subscript: –
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 419 Šamaš 70
// MB/MA BAM 3, 214b A 13+393 ll. viii 2’–14’
// NA KAL 2, 23 VAT 13611 ll. r. 24’(catchline)
// NA – K 2481 ll. ? (incipit)
// NA – BM 128037 ll. ? (incipit)
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
58 BAM 4, 335
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 335 mus. no.: VAT 10306
Schwemer, KAL 2, no. 50 exc. no.: –
photo: CDLI no. P285414 provenience: Aššur
edition: Schwemer, KAL 2, pp. 115f. language: Akkadian
Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 147–158, 173 dating: 13th–11th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: ≈ Muššuʾu IV/f // Sag.gig VII/f: ÉN murṣu miqtu liʾbu diʾu
classification: Against various diseases
59 BAM 4, 336
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 336 mus. no.: VAT 11076
photo: CDLI no. P281833 exc. no.: –
edition: – provenience: Aššur
subscript: ⸢KA. INIM.MA⌉ […] language: Akkadian
dating: 13th–11th cent.
remarks: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
classification: –
60 BAM 4, 339a
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 339 mus. no.: VAT 10034+11425
Ebeling, KAR, no. 357 (= VAT 10034) 11571+12115+12216
Ebeling, KAR, no. 227 (= VAT 11571) exc. no.: Ass. 22790c
photo: CDLI no. P281827 provenience: Aššur
edition: Farber, Beschwörungsrituale, language: Akkadian
pp. 185f., 188–191, 201f. dating: 12th–11th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 391 Ištar 18
// NA KAL 2, 36+VAT 13628 VAT 14150+ ll. i 21’–45’
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 7–14 K 2001+ ll. ii 1’–19’
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 15–16 BM 76976 ll. ii 10’–iii 1
// NA KAR 57(+) VAT 8261(+) ll. ii 11’–25’
№ 60–64 351
61 BAM 4, 339b
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 339 mus. no.: VAT 10034+11425
Ebeling, KAR, no. 357 (= VAT 10034) 11571+12115+12216
Ebeling, KAR, no. 227 (= VAT 11571) exc. no.: Ass. 22790c
photo: CDLI no. P281827 provenience: Aššur
edition: Farber, Beschwörungsrituale, language: Akkadian
pp. 185f., 190–193, 203 dating: 12th–11th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 380 Dumuzi 1
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 7–14 K 2001+ ll. iii 2–13
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 15–16 BM 76976 ll. iii 3–9
// NA KAR 57(+) VAT 8261(+) ll. iii 9–23
classification: Incantation-prayer to Dumuzi
62 BAM 4, 339c
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 339 mus. no.: VAT 10034+11425
Ebeling, KAR, no. 357 (= VAT 10034) 11571+12115+12216
Ebeling, KAR, no. 227 (= VAT 11571) exc. no.: Ass. 22790c
photo: CDLI no. P281827 provenience: Aššur
edition: Farber, Beschwörungsrituale, language: Akkadian
pp. 185f., 192f., 203f. dating: 12th–11th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 380 Dumuzi 2
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 7–14 K 2001+ ll. iii 19–iv 10
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 15–16 BM 76976 ll. iv 8–25
// NA LKA 69 A 165 ll. r. 2’ (incipit)
classification: Incantation-prayer to Dumuzi
63 BAM 4, 339d
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 339 mus. no.: VAT 10034+11425
Ebeling, KAR, no. 357 (= VAT 10034) 11571+12115+12216
Ebeling, KAR, no. 227 (= VAT 11571) exc. no.: Ass. 22790c
photo: CDLI no. P281827 provenience: Aššur
edition: Farber, Beschwörungsrituale, language: Akkadian
pp. 186, 192–195, 204 dating: 12th–11th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 391 Ištar 20
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 7–14 K 2001+ ll. iv 20–24
// NA KAR 57(+) VAT 8261(+) ll. iv 8’–12’
// NA LKA 69 A 165 ll. r. 12’–14’
classification: Incantation-prayer to Ištar
64 BAM 4, 339e
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 339 mus. no.: VAT 10034+11425
Ebeling, KAR, no. 357 (= VAT 10034) 11571+12115+12216
Ebeling, KAR, no. 227 (= VAT 11571) exc. no.: Ass. 22790c
Farber, Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 17 provenience: Aššur
photo: CDLI no. P281827 language: Akkadian
edition: Farber, Beschwörungsrituale, dating: 12th–11th cent.
pp. 186f., 194–197, 205f. ductus: Middle Assyrian
subscript: –
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 391 Ištar 17
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 7–14 K 2001+ ll. i 33–ii 12’’
// NA Beschwörungsrituale, pl. 15–16 BM 76976 ll. ii 1’–8’
// NA KAR 57(+) VAT 8261(+) ll. i 1’–ii 9’
352 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
65 BAM 4, 385a
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 385 mus. no.: VAT 17580
photo: CDLI no. P285456 exc. no.: Bab. 33794
edition: Finkel, Ḫulbazizi, pp. 82f., 140 provenience: Babylon
Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 147–149, 167–169, language: Akkadian
174, 179f. dating: –
Scurlock, AMD 3, pp. 443–446 no. 178 ductus: Middle Babylonian
subscript: –
remarks: ≈ Ḫul.ba.zi.zi no. 20 // Muššuʾu IV/i // Sag.gig VII/i : ÉN ka.kib ka.kib lugal ka.kib lugal ka.na.kib
?
66 BAM 4, 385b
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 385 mus. no.: VAT 17580
photo: CDLI no. P285456 exc. no.: Bab. 33794
edition: Scurlock, AMD 3, no. 178 pp. 443–446 provenience: Babylon
Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 261–265, 294f., 305language: Akkadian
subscript: – dating: –
ductus: Middle Babylonian
remarks: ≈ Muššuʾu VIII/o: ÉN ezzēti šamrāti nadrāti
// NA BAM 5, 471 K 2477+ ll. iii 25’–27’
// NA BAM 3, 221 O 195 ll. iii 25’–27’
// NA AMT 97, 1 K 2359 ll. 8–13
// NA – K 3398+ ll. 8–13
classification: Against an angry ghost
67 BAM 4, 398
copy: Köcher, BAM 4, no. 398 mus. no.: Ni 178
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: Langdon, BE 31, pp. 67–75 provenience: Nippur
Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 261–281, 299–301, language: Akkadian
308f. dating: –
Scurlock, WAW 36, pp. 561–566 ductus: Middle Babylonian
subscript: KA.INIM.MA šim-ma-tu4.KAM
remarks: ≈ Muššuʾu VIII/a: ÉN šimmatu šimmatu
~ MB/MA BAM 2, 141 VAT 16448 ll. 7’–12’
~ MB/MA Emar 735 Msk 74147b(+) ll. 1–36’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XI K 5920 ll. 3’–8’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XLV K 10770 ll. 1’–13’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XXXVI–VI BM 40177 ll. 8–15
classification: Against šimmatu
68 BAM 8, pl. 91
copy: Geller, BAM 8, pl. 91 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: 12 N 228
edition: Geller, BAM 8, pp. 399–433 provenience: Nippur
subscript: – language: Sum.(//)Akk.
№ 68–72 353
– dating: –
– ductus: Middle Babylonian
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul XII/a: ÉN udug ḫul edin.na dagal.la ara9 bí.in.gi4.dè amaš.šè bí.in.ḫul
// NB ?
BAM 8, pl. 110 BM 33889 ll. 8–10
classification: Udug.ḫul
70 CBS 8857abis
copy: – mus. no.: CBS 8857abis
photo: CDLI no. P263672 exc. no.: –
edition: – provenience: Nippur
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: –
classification: – ductus: Middle Babylonian
71 CBS 10911
copy: – mus. no.: CBS 10911
photo: CDLI no. P266104 exc. no.: –
edition: – provenience: Nippur
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: –
classification: – ductus: Middle Babylonian
72 CBS 13905/a
copy: – mus. no.: CBS 13905
photo: CDLI no. P268915 exc. no.: –
edition: Geller, BAM 8, pp. 90–95 provenience: Nippur
subscript: – language: Sum.(//)Akk.
dating: –
ductus: Middle Babylonian
354 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
73 CBS 13905/b
copy: – mus. no.: CBS 13905
photo: CDLI no. P268915 exc. no.: –
edition: Geller, BAM 8, pp. 89–132 provenience: Nippur
subscript: – language: Sum.(//)Akk.
dating: –
ductus: Middle Babylonian
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul III/b: ÉN e.ne.ne.ne maškim ḫul.a.meš
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 1–2b Ni 623+2320 ll. i 13’–ii 19’
classification: Udug.ḫul
74 CBS 15080
copy: – mus. no.: CBS 15080
photo: CDLI no. P269644 exc. no.: –
edition: – provenience: (Babylonia)
subscript: – language: Sum.Akk.
remarks: – dating: –
classification: – ductus: Middle Babylonian
75 CM 31, 241
copy: CM 31, 241 mus. no.: BM 54692
photo: – exc. no.: 82-5-22, 1016
edition: Lambert, in CM 31, pp. 237–241 provenience: Sippar
subscript: – language: Sumerian
dating: –
ductus: Middle Babylonian
remarks: // NA CM 31, 241 K 9041 ll. 1–8
classification: –
language: Akkadian
dating: –
ductus: Middle Babylonian
subscript: KA.INIM.MA LÚ.TUR ḪUN.GÁ.KAM
remarks: (≈) Lú.tur.hun.gá-compendium
// NA LKA 9 A 37 ll. r. 16’–20’
classification: To pacify a baby
79 CUSAS 32, 62
copy: – mus. no.: MS 1913
photo: CDLI no. P250590 exc. no.: –
edition: George, CUSAS 32, p. 91 provenience: (Assyria)
subscript: – language: Sumerian
dating: –
ductus: Archaic
remarks: ≈ Lamaštu II/e: ÉN ddìm.me dumu an.na mu pà.da dingir.re.e.ne.ke4
// Bronze Age RA 18, 195 AO 8184 ll. r. 1–9
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 65 BM 132520 ll. r. 1–10
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 90 (94) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 91 (95) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age SAOC 47, pl. 12e–f NBC 8151 ll. r. 1–5
// MB/MA KAR 85 VA Ass. 990 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA BSOAS 78, 600 – ll. 1–6
// MB/MA KAR 86 VA Ass. 991 ll. r. 1–8
// MB/MA KAR 87 VA Ass. 998 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA MIO 7, 339 Bab. 1357 ll. r. 2–3
// MB/MA N.A.B.U. 2016/47 BM 128857 ll. r. 1–8
// MB/MA Metropolitan 1984-85, 4 MMA 1984.348 ll. r. 1–11
// NA ArOr 18/3, pl. X–XI YBC 13600 ll. r. 1–6
// NA MC 17, pl. 58 K 156+ ll. iii 59–68
// NA MC 17, pl. 58 K 2725+ ll. ii 13–20
// NA Sumer 17, pl. 17 – ll. r. 1’–5’
// NA Dragons, Monsters, no. 49 Private Coll. ll. r. 1–10
// NB MC 17, pl. 59 BM 43550 ll. i 1’–3’
classification: Against Lamaštu
81 EA 355
copy: Sayce, in Tell el-Amarna, pl. XXXII; mus. no.: 1893.1-41(416)
IX exc. no.: –
Izre’el, Amarna Scholarly Tablets, provenience: Akhetaten
pl. XVIII language: Akkadian
photo: Artzi, in Studies Artzi, pl. III dating: 14th cent.
Izre’el, Amarna Scholarly Tablets, ductus: –
pl. XVII
edition: Knudtzon, Die El-Armarna Tafeln,
p. 963
Finkel, Ḫulbazizi, pp. 304–306
Artzi, in Studies Artzi, pp. 146–48
356 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
82 Emar 729a
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, pp. 247–249; 254; mus. no.: –
276; 285 exc. no.: Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l(+)
photo: – 74102o (previously Emar 730)
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 729 provenience: Emar
Geller, BAM 8, pp. 125–128 language: Sumerian
subscript: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
ductus: Syro-Hittite
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul III/g: ÉN níg gar.ra níg gar.ra níg.bi ki gar.gar.ra.e.dè
// NB AOAT 275, 624 BM 76125 ll. 6’–8’
// NB BAM 8, pl. 27 BM 36676 ll. 1–10
// NB BAM 8, pl. 27 BM 37621 ll. 1’–13’
classification: Udug.ḫul
83 Emar 729b
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, pp. 247–249; 254; mus. no.: –
276; 285 exc. no.: Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l(+)
photo: – 74102o (previously Emar 730)
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 729 provenience: Emar
Geller, BAM 8, pp. 125–128 language: Sumerian
subscript: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
ductus: Syro-Hittite
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul III/e: ÉN gá.e dnam.ma me.en gá.e lú dnanše me.en
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 1–2e Ni 623+2320 ll. iii 3’–6’
// NB BAM 8, pl. 28 CBS 8801 ll. 17’–20’
classification: Udug.ḫul
84 Emar 729c
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, pp. 247–249; 254; mus. no.: –
276; 285 exc. no.: Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l(+)
photo: – 74102o (previously Emar 730)
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 729 provenience: Emar
Geller, BAM 8, pp. 90–95 language: Sumerian
subscript: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
ductus: Syro-Hittite
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul III/a: ÉN nam.tar líl.lá.àm an.na mu.un.nigin.e
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 1–2a Ni 623+2320 ll. i 1’–12’
// MB/MA CDLI no. P268915 CBS 13905 ll. i 1’– ii 5’
// NB UET 6/2, 391 – ll. 1–7
// NB UET 6/2, 392 – ll. 1–6
classification: Udug.ḫul
85 Emar 729d
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, pp. 247–249; 254; mus. no.: –
276; 285 exc. no.: Msk 74102a+74107ai+74114l(+)
photo: – 74102o (previously Emar 730)
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 729 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: Non-canonical Udug.ḫul dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: Udug.ḫul ductus: Syro-Hittite
№ 86–91 357
86 Emar 731
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/2, p. 495 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74199q
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 731 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: Non-canonical Udug.ḫul? dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: Udug.ḫul? ductus: –
87 Emar 732
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, p. 276 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74107ak
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 732 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: Non-canonical Sag.gig dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: Against headache ductus: –
88 Emar 733
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/2, pp. 526 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74228a
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 733 pp. 341f. provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: Syro-Hittite
89 Emar 734
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/2, pp. 440 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74173e
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 734 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: Syro-Hittite
90 Emar 735
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, pp. 371, 453 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74147b(+)74179
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no. 735 provenience: Emar
Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 261–279, 299–301, language: Akkadian
308f. dating: 14th–12th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Syro-Hittite
remarks: ≈ Muššuʾu VIII/a: ÉN šimmatu šimmatu
~ MB/MA BAM 2, 141 VAT 16448 ll. 7’–12’
~ MB/MA BAM 4, 398 Ni 178 ll. r. 4’–23’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XI K 5920 ll. 3’–8’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XLV K 10770 ll. 1’–13’
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XXXVI–VII BM 40177 ll. 8–15
~ NA BPOA 3, pl. XLIV K 9587+18115 ll. iii 1’–13’
classification: Against šimmatu
91 Emar 737
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, pp. 105–109 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 731030
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.737 provenience: Emar
Farber, in JNES 49, p. 310 fn. 52 language: Akkadian
Collins, Natural Illness, pp. 158–160 dating: 14th–12th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Syrian
358 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
92 Emar 738
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, p. 318 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74124f
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.738 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: –
93 Emar 740
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/2, p. 457 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74183aa
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.740 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: –
94 Emar 742
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, p. 316 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74123aa
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.740 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: –
95 Emar 743
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, p. 307 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74122t
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.743 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: Syro-Hittite
96 Emar 744
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, p. 273 mus. no.:
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74107t
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.744 provenience: Emar
subscript: KA.INIM.MA […] language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: –
97 Emar 753a
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, p. 342 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74135b
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.753 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: –
98 Emar 753b
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/1, p. 342 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74165g
№ 98–102 359
99 Emar 757
copy: Arnaud, Emar 6/2, p. 419 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.: Msk 74165g
edition: Arnaud, Emar 6/4, no.757 provenience: Emar
subscript: – language: Sum.–Akk.
remarks: – dating: 14th–12th cent.
classification: – ductus: Syro-Hittite
subscript: – dating: –
ductus: Archaic
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul IV/a: ÉN an.na a.ri.a.meš dumu ki in.ù.tu.da.a.meš
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 1–2l Ni 623+ ll. vii 42–viii 27
classification: Against evil (general)
131 KAL 4, 9
copy: Maul/Strauß, KAL 4, no. 9 mus. no.: VAT 10562
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: Maul/Strauß, KAL 4, pp. 37f. provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: 13th–11th cent.
classification: Kultmittelbeschwörung for a figurine ductus: Middle Assyrian
135 KAL 4, 34
copy: Maul/Strauß, KAL 4, no. 34 mus. no.: VAT 10797
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: Maul/Strauß, KAL 4, pp. 79–81 provenience: Aššur
subscript: ana ki-mil-ti DINGIR u diš8-tár language: Akkadian
D[U8-ri] dating: 13th–11th cent.
remarks: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
classification: Against divine wrath
136 KAL 7, 7a
copy: Meinhold, KAL 7, no.7 mus. no.: VAT 11567
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: Meinhold, KAL 7, pp. 29f. provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: –
classification: Against witchcraft ductus: Middle Assyrian
137 KAL 7, 7b
copy: Meinhold, KAL 7, no.7 mus. no.: VAT 11567
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, provenience: Aššur
pp. 293–305 language: Akkadian
Meinhold, KAL 7, pp. 29f. dating: –
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: Mayer, UFBG, p. 417 Šamaš 52
// NA AMD 8/1, pl. 68–74 K 431+ ll. 7’–5’’
// NA AMD 8/1, pl. 73 K 10245 ll. 1’–16’
// NA KAL 2, 8 VAT 8276 ll. 12–r. 14
(//)NB/LB AMD 8/1, pl. 75–76 BM 78240 ll. 1–27
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
138 KAL 7, 8
copy: Meinhold, KAL 7, no.8 mus. no.: VAT 12153
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, provenience: Aššur
pp. 46–52 language: Akkadian
Meinhold, KAL 7, p. 30 dating: 13th–11th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: // MB/MA KAR 275 VAT 11603 ll. ii? 3’–4’
// MB/MA KBo 9, 47 212/n ll. 16’–18’
// MB/MA KUB 4, 99 Bo 5206 ll. 10’–11’
// NA BAM 3, 317 VAT 13786 ll. r. 6–8
// NA KAL 2, 43(+) VAT 14051(+) ll. ii? 5’–7’
368 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
139 KAL 7, 31
copy: Meinhold, KAL 7, no. 31 mus. no.: VAT 10438
photo: – exc. no.: –
edition: Meinhold, KAL 7, pp. 79f. provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: –
classification: Incantation-prayer to Ninurta ductus: Middle Assyrian
140 KAR 85
copy: Ebeling, KAR, no. 85 mus. no.: VA Ass. 990
photo: Ph. Ass. S 4296 exc. no.: Ass. 15156
edition: Frank, in MAOG 14/2, p. 6 provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Sumerian
dating: 13th cent.
ductus: Archaic
remarks: ≈ Lamaštu II/e: ÉN ddìm.me dumu an.na mu pà.da dingir.re.e.ne.ke4
// Bronze Age RA 18, 195 AO 8184 ll. r. 1–9
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 65 BM 132520 ll. r. 1–10
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 90 (94) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 91 (95) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age SAOC 47, pl. 12e–f NBC 8151 ll. r. 1–5
// MB/MA BSOAS 78, 600 – ll. 1–6
// MB/MA CUSAS 32, 62 MS 1913 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA KAR 86 VA Ass. 991 ll. r. 1–8
// MB/MA KAR 87 VA Ass. 998 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA MIO 7, 339 Bab. 1357 ll. r. 2–3
// MB/MA N.A.B.U. 2016/47 BM 128857 ll. r. 1–8
// MB/MA Metropolitan 1984-85, 4 MMA 1984.348 ll. r. 1–11
// NA ArOr 18/3, pl. X–XI YBC 13600 ll. r. 1–6
// NA MC 17, pl. 58 K 156+ ll. iii 59–68
// NA MC 17, pl. 58 K 2725+ ll. ii 13–20
// NA Sumer 17, pl. 17 – ll. r. 1’–5’
// NA Dragons, Monsters, no.49 Private Coll. ll. r. 1–10
// NB MC 17, pl. 59 BM 43550 ll. i 1’–3’
classification: Against Lamaštu
141 KAR 86
copy: Ebeling, KAR, no. 86 mus. no.: VA Ass. 991
photo: Ph. Ass. S 4296 exc. no.: Ass. 15033
edition: Frank, in MAOG 14/2, 7 provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Sumerian
dating: 13th cent.
ductus: Archaic
remarks: ≈ Lamaštu II/e: ÉN ddìm.me dumu an.na mu pà.da dingir.re.e.ne.ke4
// Bronze Age RA 18, 195 AO 8184 ll. r. 1–9
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 65 BM 132520 ll. r. 1–10
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 90 (94) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 91 (95) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age SAOC 47, pl. 12e–f NBC 8151 ll. r. 1–5
// MB/MA BSOAS 78, 600 – ll. 1–6
// MB/MA CUSAS 32, 62 MS 1913 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA KAR 85 VA Ass.990 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA KAR 87 VA Ass. 998 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA MIO 7, 339 Bab. 1357 ll. r. 2–3
// MB/MA N.A.B.U. 2016/47 BM 128857 ll. r. 1–8
№ 141–144 369
142 KAR 87
copy: Ebeling, KAR, no. 87 mus. no.: VA Ass. 998
photo: Ph. Ass. S 4296 exc. no.: Ass. 15019
edition: Frank, in MAOG 14/2, 8 provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Sumerian
dating: 13th cent.
ductus: Archaic
remarks: ≈ Lamaštu II/e: ÉN ddìm.me dumu an.na mu pà.da dingir.re.e.ne.ke4
// Bronze Age RA 18, 195 AO 8184 ll. r. 1–9
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 65 BM 132520 ll. r. 1–10
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 90 (94) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age MC 17, pl. 91 (95) – ll. r. 1–7
// Bronze Age SAOC 47, pl. 12e–f NBC 8151 ll. r. 1–5
// MB/MA BSOAS 78, 600 – ll. 1–6
// MB/MA CUSAS 32, 62 MS 1913 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA KAR 85 VA Ass.990 ll. r. 1–6
// MB/MA KAR 86 VA Ass. 991 ll. r. 1–8
// MB/MA MIO 7, 339 Bab. 1357 ll. r. 2–3
// MB/MA N.A.B.U. 2016/47 BM 128857 ll. r. 1–8
// MB/MA Metropolitan 1984-85, 4 MMA 1984.348 ll. r. 1–11
// NA ArOr 18/3, pl. X–XI YBC 13600 ll. r. 1–6
// NA MC 17, pl. 58 K 156+ ll. iii 59–68
// NA MC 17, pl. 58 K 2725+ ll. ii 13–20
// NA Sumer 17, pl. 17 – ll. r. 1’–5’
// NA Dragons, Monsters, no.49 Private Coll. ll. r. 1–10
// NB MC 17, pl. 59 BM 43550 ll. i 1’–3’
classification: Against Lamaštu
169 KBo 9, 47
copy: Otten, KBo 9, no. 47 mus. no.: –
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch BoFN14249, exc. no.: 212/n
BF00621 provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, language: Akkadian
pp. 46–52 dating: 14th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Assyro-Mittanian
remarks: // MB/MA KAL 7, 8 VAT 12153 ll. 6’–7’
// MB/MA KAR 275 VAT 11603 ll. ii? 3’–4’
// MB/MA KUB 4, 99 Bo 5206 ll. 10’–11’
// NA BAM 3, 317 VAT 13786 ll. r. 6–8
// NA KAL 2, 43(+) VAT 14051(+) ll. ii? 5’–7’
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
170 KBo 9, 50
copy: Otten, KBo 9, no. 50 mus. no.: –
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N12721, exc. no.: 36/o
N12722, N12723, N12724, etc. provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Schwemer, THeth 23, pp. 98f., 107, language: Akkadian
129f. dating: 14th–13th cent.
Scurlock, AMD 3, no. 221 pp. 521–523 ductus: Non-Hittite
subscript: –
remarks: // MB/MA KBo 36, 29n 285/+ ll. iv 13’–19’
// MB/MA KBo 40, 104 1469/c ll. 1’–4’
// MB/MA KUB 37, 96+93c 374/b+424/c ll. 5’–9’
classification: Against the Ḫayyattu-demon & Rābiṣu-demon
classification: –
174 KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255a
copy: Köcher, KUB 37, no. 100a mus. no.: –
Wilhelm, KBo 36, no. 11 exc. no.: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+
Akdoğan, ABoT 2, no. 255 241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, 357/f+AnAr 9167
N11458, BoFN03487b, etc. provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Cooper, in ZA 61, pp. 12–22 language: Sum. || Akk.
Böck, BPOA 3, pp. 221–240 dating: 14th cent.
subscript: [KA.I]NIM.MA ⸢udug⌉.ḫul.a.⸢kam⌉ ductus: Assyro-Mittanian
remarks: Non-canonical Udug.ḫul
≈ Muššuʾu VI: ÉN úš ḫul.gál
// OB CT 4, 3 Bu. 88-5-12, 6 ll. 1– r.36
// NA TIM 9, 56 IM 3225 ll. 1’–14’
// NB UET 6/2, 393 – ll. 9–12
# Bīt rimki
classification: Udug.ḫul
175 KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255b
copy: Köcher, KUB 37, no. 100a mus. no.: –
Wilhelm, KBo 36, no. 11 exc. no.: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+
Akdoğan, ABoT 2, no. 255 241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, 357/f+AnAr 9167
N11458, BoFN03487b, etc. provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Viano, Sumerian Literature, 241–243 language: Sum.||(Akk.)
subscript: – dating: 14th cent.
remarks: Non-canonical Udug.ḫul ductus: Assyro-Mittanian
classification: Udug.ḫul
176 KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255c
copy: Köcher, KUB 37, no. 100a mus. no.: –
Wilhelm, KBo 36, no. 11 exc. no.: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+
Akdoğan, ABoT 2, no. 255 241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, 357/f+AnAr 9167
N11458, BoFN03487b, etc. provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: – language: Sum.||(Akk.)
subscript: – dating: 14th cent.
376 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
177 KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255d
copy: Köcher, KUB 37, no. 100a mus. no.: –
Wilhelm, KBo 36, no. 11 exc. no.: 523/b+533/b+536/b+640/b+
Akdoğan, ABoT 2, no. 255 241/c+656/c+1016/c+1048/c+
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N11457, 357/f+AnAr 9167
N11458, BoFN03487b, etc. provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Geller, FAOS 12, pp. 40–43, 108 language: Sum.||(Akk.)
Geller, BAM 8, pp. 205–207 dating: 14th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Assyro-Mittanian
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul V/e: ÉN níg.è níg.è níg.nam.ma ús.su13
// OB FAOS 12, pl. 3–4a Ni 631 ll. i 1–11
// NA BAM 5, 489+508 K 239+ ll. iv 18–25
// NB BAM 8, pl. 22 N 1545+1554 ll. 13–19
classification: Udug.ḫul
remarks: // MB/MA KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84a 167/c+ ll. i 31–ii 8
// MB/MA KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84g 167/c+ ll. iii 29–iv 14
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
213 KUB 4, 11
copy: Weidner, KUB 4, no. 11 mus. no.: Bo 1760
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N03848, exc. no.: –
N03849, N12467 provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Richter, Untersuchungen (1.), p. 297 language: Sum.–Akk.
Richter, Untersuchungen (2.), p. 348 dating: 14th–13th cent.
Schwemer, in N.A.B.U. 2007/3 pp. 2f. ductus: Hittite
Klinger, in AoF 37, pp. 329–331
subscript: –
remarks: // OB OrAnt 8, pl. II–VIII CBS 563 ll. i 1–iv 53
// OB CUSAS 32, 47 MS 2816 ll. 1–4
// MB/MA ASJ 15, 282–285 CBS 1686+ ll. i 1–iv 39’
// MB/MA OrAnt 8, pl. XI/XIII CBS 587+ i 1–iv 33
// MB/MA TCL 16, 79+ AO 7738+ ll. i 1–iv 43
// NB PBS 1/2, 118 CBS 589 ll. 1–24
classification: Incantation-prayer to Utu/Šamaš
230 KUB 4, 48
copy: Weidner, KUB 4, no. 48 mus. no.: Bo 4894
386 Chapter 8: Catalogue of Middle Babylonian/Middle Assyrian Incantations
231 KUB 4, 53
copy: Weidner, KUB 4, no. 53 mus. no.: Bo 1284
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N01573, exc. no.: –
N01596, BoFN00064b, BoFN00065b provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Rutz, in JAOS 132, pp. 171–188 language: Akkadian
subscript: – dating: 14th cent.
remarks: – ductus: Assyro-Mittanian
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
232 KUB 4, 99
copy: Weidner, KUB 4, no. 99 mus. no.: Bo 5206
photo: hethiter.net/: PhotArch N02309, exc. no.: –
N02438, BoFN00096a provenience: Ḫattuša
edition: Abusch/Schwemer, AMD 8/1, language: Akkadian
pp. 46–52 dating: 14th–13th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Non-Hittite
remarks: // MB/MA KAR 275 VAT 11603 ll. ii? 3’–4’
// MB/MA KBo 9, 47 212/n ll. 16’–18’
// MB/MA KAL 7, 8 VAT 12153 ll. 6’–7’
// NA BAM 3, 317 VAT 13786 ll. r. 6–8
// NA KAL 2, 43(+) VAT 14051(+) ll. ii? 5’–7’
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
283 LKA 75
copy: Ebeling, LKA, no. 75 mus. no.: K 430/i
photo: ph. Ass. 566/67 exc. no.: Ass. 4532
edition: Borger, in JCS 21, pp. 1–17 provenience: Aššur
subscript: – language: Sum.–Akk. hybrid
dating: 13th–11th cent.
ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: ≈ Bīt rimki III: ÉN dutu kur.gal.ta um.ta.è.na.zu.šè
// OB ASJ 17, 125f.b CBS 1529 ll. r. 1– l.e. 3
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
291 N 3731
copy: – mus. no.: N 3731
photo: CDLI no. P278739 exc. no.: –
edition: – provenience: Nippur
subscript: – language: Akkadian
remarks: – dating: –
classification: – ductus: Middle Babylonian
subscript: –
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul I/b // Muššuʾu IX/(b): ÉN me.šè ba.da.ri
~ MB/MA LKA 116a VAT 10036 ll. 7–10
~ NA BAM 5, 508 K 239+ ll. iv 11’–17’
~ NA KAR 20 VAT 9305 ll. ii 2’–8’
~ NA MC 8, pl. 8 K 2542+ ll. ii 37’–42’
~ NA MC 8, pl. 10 K 9329+ ll. b 5’–8’
~ NA MC 8, pl. 10 BM 50958 ll. a 3’–11’
~ NA MC 8, pl. 10 BM 17311 ll. ii 6’–13’
~ NA MC 8, pl. 10 Sm. 1802 ll. ii 2’–3’
~ NA OrNS 40, pl. III–IV K 157+ ll. 2’–5’
~ LB SpTU 3, 83 W 23276 ll. 15–16
classification: Against evil (general)
301 RA 26, 10
copy: Scheil, in RA 26, p. 10 no. 5 mus. no.: –
photo: – exc. no.:
edition: Pseudo-inscription provenience: Susa
subscript: language: Sumerian
remarks: – dating: –
classification: Against Lamaštu ductus: Imitation (archaic)
314 UE 8, pl. 35
copy: – mus. no.: BM 122553
photo: Woolley, UE 8, pl. 35 exc. no.: U. 12688
Porada, in AfO 28, p. 61 (fig. r) provenience: Ur
edition: Gadd, in UE 8, p. 95 language: Akkadian
Limet, Sceaux cassites, pp. 111f. dating: 14th cent.
subscript: – ductus: Archaic
remarks: –
classification: Against evil (general)
326 Ugaritica 5, 19
copy: Nougayrol, in Ugaritica 5, no. 19 mus. no.: DO 5375
photo: Del Olmo Lete, SANER 4, pl. XV exc. no.: RS 20.006
edition: Nougayrol, in Ugaritica 5, pp. 64f. provenience: Ugarit
Collins, Natural Illnesses, pp. 200–203 language: Akkadian
Fincke, Augenleiden, pp. 70, 93 fn. 717,dating: 13th–12th cent.
167, 203, 302 ductus: Ugaritian
Rowe, in SANER 4, pp. 69–71
subscript: –
remarks: –
classification: Against eye-ache
dating: –
ductus: Middle Assyrian
remarks: ≈ Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/a: ÉN imin.bi an.na ha.la ba.an.ne.ús gù du11.ga.bi nu.sa6
// MB/MA Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24a BM 130660(+) ll. i 1– ii 94
// NB AOAT 275, 239 BM 36333 ll. 1’–6’
classification: Udug.ḫul: Kultmittelbeschwörung eʾru-wood
336 ZA 106, 52
copy: – mus. no.: CBS 11059
photo: Rutz, in ZA 106, p. 52 exc. no.: –
CDLI no. P266233 provenience: Nippur
edition: Rutz, in ZA 106, pp. 54–60 language: Akkadian
subscript: – dating: 14th–13th cent.
ductus: Middle Babylonian
remarks: // MB/MA KUB 37, 58 415/b ll. 7–9
// NA BAM 5, 461 82-3-23+ ll. ii 31–33
classification: Incantation-prayer to Šamaš
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—: Traum und Welterleben im antiken Mesopotamien. AOAT 333. Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 2006.
—: Der oikomorphe Mensch. Wesen im Menschen und das Wesen des Menschen in sumerisch-
akkadischer Perspektive, in Der ganze Mensch. Zur Anthropologie der Antike und ihrer
europäischen Nachgeschichte. ed. B. Janowski, 83–106+320. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012.
Zilberg, P./Horowitz, W.: A Medico-Magical Text from the Otage Tablets, Dunedin New Zealand, ZA
106 (2016), 175–184.
Zimmern, H.: Zu den „Keilschrifttexten aus Aššur religiösen Inhalts“, ZA 30 (1915–1916) 184–229.
Zomer, E.: KUB 4, 13: 15’-23’ revisited, N.A.B.U./27 (2013) 45–46.
—: Review of Böck 2014, BiOr 72 1/2 (2015) 106–110.
—: Lamaštu amulet no. 44 (BM 128857), N.A.B.U./47 (2016a) 77–78.
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lú-ḫi igi-bé ḫé-pà saĝ-ḫul-za ḫé-pà, JMC, forthcoming/b.
Indices
I. Texts
The Corpus
ABoT 1, 43 12, 17, 52, 115, 121, 159, 339 AuOr Suppl. 23, 14 8, 16, 57, 164 fn. 567, 167–
ABoT 2, 258 12, 17, 31, 32, 35, 52, 115, 117, 169
161, 339 AuOr Suppl. 23, 14a 28, 30, 31, 77, 89 fn.
AJSL 35, 141f. 6, 17, 41, 65 fn. 219, 85 fn. 390, 91, 117, 231f., 259f., 342, 400,
369, 100, 124, 134, 135, 152, 339 405
AlT 448 9, 14, 53, 54 AuOr Suppl. 23, 14b 31, 115, 117, 342
AlT 448a 28, 30, 115, 117, 339 AuOr Suppl. 23, 14c 31, 116, 117, 342
AlT 448b 29, 64, 115, 117, 339 AuOr Suppl. 23, 15 8, 14, 57, 105, 169
AlT 449(+?)450 9, 14, 29, 54 AuOr Suppl. 23, 15a 28, 30, 31, 32, 33,
AlT 449(+?)450a 115, 117, 340 105, 117, 343
AlT 449(+?)450b 29, 115, 117, 340 AuOr Suppl. 23, 15b 28, 30, 31, 32, 33,
AlT 449(+?)450c 115, 117, 340 105, 117, 343
AlT 453(+)453a 6 fn. 23, 53 fn. 167, 124, 129, AuOr Suppl. 23, 16 10 fn. 36, 17, 57 fn. 184,
184 fn. 641–642, 185, 247, 340 165
AOAT 308, 108 7, 16, 55, 73 fn. 291, 77 fn. AuOr Suppl. 23, 16a 31, 33, 64 fn. 217, 73
314, 162 fn. 564, 163f. fn. 291, 117, 343
AOAT 308, 108a 111, 117, 340 AuOr Suppl. 23, 16b 29, 32, 33, 89, 90,
AOAT 308, 108b 115, 117, 341 117, 343
AoF 10, 218f. 6, 24f., 40, 73 fn. 291, 79, 85 fn. AuOr Suppl. 23, 16c 29, 116, 117, 343
368, 111, 117, 150, 171, 172, 313f., 341 AuOr Suppl. 23, 17 12, 18, 57, 103, 117, 166
AS 16, 287f. 7 fn. 26–27, 17, 41f., 150f., 152, fn. 572, 167, 192 fn. 705, 193, 343
171 AuOr Suppl. 23, 18 7, 8, 17, 36, 57, 81 fn. 335,
AS 16, 287f.a 28, 31, 94, 117, 201, 203, 165 fn. 569, 165f., 172, 192, 241
270–272, 341 AuOr Suppl. 23, 18a 103, 117, 190, 191,
AS 16, 287f.b 28, 29, 31, 32, 115, 121 fn. 192, 260, 344
436, 326f., 341 AuOr Suppl. 23, 18b 31, 75 fn. 311, 103,
AS 16, 287f.c 28, 29, 89 fn. 389, 117, 233, 117, 192, 193, 344
235, 341, 346, 363, 383 AuOr Suppl. 23, 18c 29, 65 fn. 219, 103,
AS 16, 287f.d 28, 31, 65 fn. 219–220, 73 117, 190, 191, 192, 344
fn. 291, 75 fn. 307, 103, 115, 117, AuOr Suppl. 23, 18d 61 fn. 203, 103, 117,
265, 328–330, 342 192, 193, 344
ASJ 15, 282–285 6, 17, 38 fn. 106, 43 fn. 129, AuOr Suppl. 23, 18e 31, 66 fn. 225, 73 fn.
113, 121, 145, 342, 382, 399, 403 295, 75 fn. 311, 103, 117, 192, 193,
AuOr Suppl. 23, 13 12, 18, 28, 30, 55, 115, 345
121, 169, 342
434 Indices
AuOr Suppl. 23, 18f 29, 31, 103, 117, 190, BAM 4, 334a 88 fn. 386, 113, 118, 348,
191, 192, 345 349
AuOr Suppl. 23, 18g 29, 89 fn. 389, 103, BAM 4, 334b 113, 114, 118, 349
117, 191 fn. 700, 192, 345, 397 BAM 4, 334c 77 fn. 315, 101, 118, 349
AuOr Suppl. 23, 20 12, 18, 57, 89 fn. 389, 107, BAM 4, 334d 77 fn. 317, 113, 114, 118,
165, 233, 235, 341, 345, 363, 383 349
AuOr Suppl. 23, 23 12, 18, 56, 79, 116, 118, BAM 4, 334e 88 fn. 386, 113, 114, 118,
169, 346 348, 350
AuOr Suppl. 23, 25 10 fn. 36, 14, 57, 165, 166, BAM 4, 335 12, 17, 41, 95, 118, 147, 148, 200
172 fn. 761, 203, 209, 350
AuOr Suppl. 23, 25a 32, 33, 94, 95, 121, BAM 4, 336 12 fn. 44, 18, 32, 41, 61 fn. 203,
346 64 fn. 217, 115, 116, 118, 147, 331, 350
AuOr Suppl. 23, 25b 29, 30, 32, 33, 94, 95 BAM 4, 339 9 fn. 33, 14, 39, 74, 102, 147f., 149
fn. 399, 118, 346 BAM 4, 339a 29, 111, 118, 350
AuOr Suppl. 23, 25c 29, 31, 32, 33, 90, BAM 4, 339b 29, 110, 118, 351
91, 118, 346 BAM 4, 339c 29, 73 fn. 291; 296, 110, 118,
AuOr Suppl. 23, 25d 29, 31, 32, 33, 73 fn. 351
294, 77, 93, 94, 121, 346 BAM 4, 339d 111, 118, 351
AuOr Suppl. 23, 25e 33, 94, 118, 347 BAM 4, 339e 73 fn. 291, 111, 118, 351
AuOr Suppl. 23, 26 10 fn. 36, 18, 57, 111, 169 BAM 4, 385 10, 17, 42, 102, 142, 143, 188 fn.
AuOr Suppl. 23, 26a 28, 30, 33, 92, 118, 676
347 BAM 4, 385a 29, 95, 102, 118, 188, 189,
AuOr Suppl. 23, 26b 111, 118, 347 200, 203, 352
AuOr Suppl. 23, 27 10 fn. 36, 18, 57, 165 BAM 4, 385b 29, 102, 118, 201, 203, 352
AuOr Suppl. 23, 27a 29, 32, 33, 91, 121, BAM 4, 398 10 fn. 36, 17, 29, 31, 33, 43, 44,
347 61 fn. 203, 89 fn. 389, 94, 118, 143,
AuOr Suppl. 23, 27b 116, 121, 347 144, 145, 201, 203, 280f., 282, 348,
AuOr Suppl. 23, 69 6, 24, 29, 31, 57, 58 fn. 352, 357
188, 78, 80 fn. 332, 81 fn. 335, 103, BAM 8, pl. 91 12, 17, 44, 104, 124, 128, 133,
121, 169, 192 fn. 706, 193, 347 143, 144, 145, 211 fn. 843, 214, 214f.
AUWE 6, pl. 1 no. 5a–b 6, 22, 25, 26, 44, 45, fn. 866, 217, 242, 352
58 fn. 188, 80 fn. 332, 121, 142, 348 BSOAS 78, 600 6, 22, 25 fn. 69, 29, 38 fn.
106, 46, 88 fn. 383, 103, 121, 191, 353,
BAM 2, 141 10, 18, 40, 89 fn. 389, 94, 118, 355, 368, 369, 397, 398
147, 201, 203, 280, 282, 348, 352, 357
BAM 3, 214 9 fn. 31, 10 fn. 35, 17, 36, 37, 39, CBS 8857abis 12, 19, 44, 92, 116, 121, 143,
63 fn. 213, 147, 148 353
BAM 3, 214a 77 fn. 317, 88 fn. 386, 113, CBS 10911 12, 19, 43 fn. 130, 44, 116, 121,
118, 348, 349 143, 353
BAM 3, 214b 77 fn. 317, 88 fn. 386, 113, CBS 13905 8, 17, 30, 35, 44, 128, 133, 144,
114, 118, 348, 350 145, 211 fn. 843, 216, 242 fn. 1027, 291.
BAM 3, 316 10, 17, 40 fn. 116, 147, 148 CBS 13905/a 104, 124, 216, 353
BAM 3, 316a 112, 118, 348 CBS 13905/b 104, 124, 216, 354
BAM 3, 316b 29, 113, 118, 349 CBS 15080 6, 14, 29, 38 fn. 106, 46, 97, 115
BAM 4, 334 9, 17, 40, 147, 148, 200 fn. 761 fn. 434, 116, 124, 128, 145, 354
Texts 435
CM 31, 241 6 fn. 22, 9, 19, 31, 43, 116, 121, Emar 743 9, 19, 55, 116, 118, 162, 358
143, 354 Emar 744 13, 19, 55, 116, 122, 164, 358
CUSAS 30, 446 6, 16, 38 fn. 106, 46, 77, 79, Emar 753 13, 19, 55, 164
103, 118, 145, 146, 354 Emar 753a 33, 116, 122, 358
CUSAS 30, 447 6, 16, 38 fn. 106, 46, 79, 99, Emar 753b 116, 118, 358
118, 145, 146, 354 Emar 757 9, 19, 55, 116, 124, 129, 140 fn.
CUSAS 30, 448 6 fn. 23, 16 fn. 37, 30, 31, 32, 506, 162, 163 fn. 565, 359
33, 38 fn. 106, 46, 79, 99, 118, 145, Emar 790 13, 19, 55, 104, 122, 164, 211, 216,
146, 232 fn. 970, 354 359
CUSAS 32, 62 6, 20 fn. 54, 22, 25, 38 fn. 106,
45, 103, 122, 142, 146, 191, 355, 368, FAOS 12, pl. 5–6 7, 8, 17, 44, 126 fn. 447,
369, 397, 398, 399 127, 142 fn. 513, 143, 144f., 213, 214,
218, 218 fn. 897, 242
De wereld van de bijbel, no. 18 6, 22, 25, 26, FAOS 12, pl. 5–6a 89 fn. 389, 104, 124,
38 fn. 106, 46, 80 fn. 332, 103, 122, 213, 214, 216, 359, 395
142, 355 FAOS 12, pl. 5–6b 104, 124, 214, 217, 359
FAOS 12, pl. 5–6c 30, 104, 124, 214, 217,
EA 355 7, 23 fn. 61, 24, 27, 37, 58, 59, 80 fn. 360
332, 81f., 95, 118, 355 FAOS 12, pl. 5–6d 30, 104, 124, 203, 214,
Emar 729 7, 8 fn. 29, 14, 28, 54, 95 fn. 400, 217, 360
162, 163, 210f., 216, 219, 242, 252 FAOS 12, pl. 5–6e 30, 64 fn. 218, 104,
Emar 729a 28, 30, 64 fn. 218, 104, 122, 124, 213 fn. 861, 214, 217, 360
210 fn. 842, 211, 216, 287f., 356 FAOS 12, pl. 5–6f 30, 104, 124, 195, 213
Emar 729b 28, 30, 64 fn. 218, 104, 122, fn. 861, 214, 217, 238, 239, 360
210 fn. 842, 211, 216, 269, 289f., FAOS 12, pl. 5–6g 30, 33, 64 fn. 218, 104,
356 124, 213, 214, 217, 360
Emar 729c 8 fn. 29, 28, 30, 64 fn. 218, 89 FAOS 12, pl. 5–6h 30, 104, 124, 213, 214,
fn. 389, 95 fn. 400, 104, 122, 210 219, 222, 361
fn. 842, 211, 216, 291f., 354, 356 Fs. Wilcke, 190f. 6 fn. 23, 14, 39, 74, 105,
Emar 729d 30, 65 fn. 219, 104, 118, 211, 125, 133, 134, 147, 148, 149, 198, 361
219, 222, 293f., 356
Emar 731 12, 19, 54, 104, 122, 163, 219 fn. Ḫulbazizi, 82f. (W) 6, 24, 30, 80 fn. 332, 88
899, 222, 357 fn. 384, 95, 122, 361
Emar 732 12, 19, 54, 93, 122, 163, 208, 209, Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (V) 6, 24, 27, 30, 31, 38 fn.
264f., 357 106, 46, 64 fn. 218, 72, 80 fn. 332, 88
Emar 733 12, 19, 54, 116, 122, 162, 357 fn. 384, 95, 122, 142, 187 fn. 662; 666,
Emar 734 12, 19, 54, 116, 122, 162, 357 188, 333, 361
Emar 735 6 fn. 22, 14, 28, 30, 32, 54, 89 fn. Ḫulbazizi, pl. 57 (Z) 6, 24, 30, 38 fn. 106, 46,
389, 90, 94, 118, 162, 163, 201, 203, 80 fn. 332, 88 fn. 384, 95, 122, 142, 187
274, 280, 282–284, 348, 352, 357 fn. 662, 189, 361, 362, 363
Emar 737 12, 17, 28 fn. 84, 41, 54, 61 fn. 203, Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (X) 6, 24, 27, 29, 34, 38 fn.
83, 92, 118, 161, 162, 261–263, 357 106, 46, 76, 80 fn. 332, 81 fn. 334, 95,
Emar 738 12, 19, 54, 116, 118, 163, 358 118, 142, 187 fn. 334, 188, 362, 363
Emar 740 9, 19, 54, 116, 122, 163, 358
Emar 742 12, 19, 54, 116, 118, 164, 358
436 Indices
Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (AA) 6, 24, 27, 38 fn. 106, Iraq 54, pl. XIVb 28, 21, 73 fn. 291, 75,
46, 76, 80 fn. 332, 88 fn. 389, 95, 122, 77, 79 fn. 324, 103, 118, 193, 366
142, 187 fn. 662, 189, 361, 362, 363 Iraq 54, pl. XIVc 28, 31, 65, 103, 118, 193,
Ḫulbazizi, pl. 58 (BB) 6, 24, 38 fn. 106, 46, 80 366
fn. 332, 95, 122, 142, 187 fn. 662, 189,
361, 362, 363 KAL 4, 9 9, 19, 41, 106, 118, 147, 204, 366
Ḫulbazizi, pl. 59 (Y) 6, 24, 27, 28, 31, 38 fn. KAL 4, 27 8, 19, 41 fn. 118, 147, 148, 149, 195,
106, 46, 72, 80 fn. 332, 88 fn. 384, 95, 241
122, 142, 187 fn. 662–664, 189, 244f., KAL 4, 27a 77 fn. 315, 100, 101, 118, 195,
361, 362, 363 196, 366
KAL 4, 27b 100, 101, 118, 195, 196, 366
Iraq 31, Pl. V–VI 10, 14, 28, 36, 45, 152, 153, KAL 4, 27c 77 fn. 315, 100, 101, 118, 195,
171, 234 196, 367
Iraq 31, Pl. V–VIa 30, 34, 76, 89, 118, KAL 4, 34 9, 19, 29, 32, 33, 41, 101, 102, 118,
200 fn. 765, 234 fn. 991 147, 148, 149 fn. 542, 235, 367
Iraq 31, Pl. V–VIb 30, 89 fn. 389, 118, KAL 7, 7 13, 19, 41, 147, 148, 149
200 fn. 765, 233, 234 fn. 991 KAL 7, 7a 101, 118, 367
Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2 8, 21 fn. 57, 23, 25 fn. 69, 38 KAL 7, 7b 114, 118, 367
fn. 106, 46, 80 fn. 332, 240 KAL 7, 8 9, 19, 41, 89 fn. 389, 114, 118, 147,
Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2a 30, 95, 122, 211, 216, 367, 371, 374, 386
363 KAL 7, 31 6, 14, 26 fn. 74, 41, 112, 118, 147,
Iraq 38, 60 fig. 2b 95, 122, 241, 364, 400 149, 368
Iraq 38, 62 fig. 3 6, 23, 25 fn. 69, 46, 80 fn. KAR 85 6, 22, 25, 30, 40, 76, 79, 80 fn. 332,
332, 116, 122, 364 81, 88 fn. 383, 103, 122, 146, 191,
Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24 7, 8, 37, 39 fn. 113, 64 268f., 290, 353, 355, 368, 369, 397, 398
fn. 216, 86, 133, 147, 148, 149, 202, KAR 86 6, 22, 25, 26 fn. 74, 28, 29, 40 fn. 115,
214f. fn. 866, 215, 202, 211 fn. 843 78, 80 fn. 332, 88 fn. 383, 103, 122,
Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24a 29, 33, 88 fn. 146, 191, 268f., 353, 355, 368, 369,
386, 106, 125, 215, 217, 364, 407 397, 398
Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24b 29, 107, 125, KAR 87 7, 22, 25, 26 fn. 74, 28, 30, 40, 79, 80
215, 364, 217 fn. 332, 88 fn. 383, 103, 122, 146, 191,
Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24c 33, 105, 106, 268f., 353, 355, 368, 369, 397, 398
125, 202, 215, 217, 365 KAR 91 9 fn. 33, 15, 36, 38 fn. 111, 39, 63 fn.
Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24d 29, 105, 106, 213, 74, 86, 96 fn. 402, 147
125, 202, 215, 217, 365 KAR 91a 33, 96, 122, 369
Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24e 107, 125, 215, KAR 91b 29, 32, 33, 96, 122, 369
217, 365 KAR 189 10, 17, 39 fn. 113, 62, 77 fn. 315,
Iraq 42, 43f.(+)KAR 24f 88 fn. 386, 106, 100 fn. 411, 101, 118, 147, 370
107, 125, 202, 204, 215, 217, 365, KAR 226 7 fn. 26, 8, 17, 41 fn. 118, 147, 148,
407 149, 194 fn. 715; 719
Iraq 54, pl. XIV 8, 21 fn. 55, 22, 26, 55, 69, 73, KAR 226a 31, 100, 101, 118, 194, 196, 370
75, 78, 79, 80 fn. 332, 83, 163, 164f., KAR 226b 33, 100, 101, 119, 194, 196, 370
173, 193 KAR 226c 29, 65, 100, 101, 119, 194, 196,
Iraq 54, pl. XIVa 28, 31, 75, 77, 79 fn. 370
324, 103, 118, 193, 366
Texts 437
KAR 226d 33, 100, 101, 119, 195, 196, 137, 155, 156, 168 fn. 574, 212,
370 213, 219, 220 fn. 905, 242, 307
KAR 226e 29, 75 fn. 311, 77, 100, 108, 119, KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37,
194, 195, 196, 206, 207, 241, 371 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255a 32, 33, 104, 125,
KAR 240 13, 19, 41, 77 fn. 317, 110, 119, 147, 200, 203, 220, 222, 248, 295–299,
148, 149, 194, 196, 371 375
KAR 246 6 fn. 22, 7, 15, 31, 33, 39, 74, 113, KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37,
114, 119, 147, 148, 149, 185, 207, 236, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255b 64 fn. 218, 104,
315–318, 371 125, 220, 222, 300–302, 375
KAR 275 10, 17, 41, 77 fn. 317, 89 fn. 389, KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37,
113, 114, 119, 367, 371, 374, 386 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255c 104, 125, 216 fn.
KAR 297+256(+)127 6 fn. 22, 7, 15, 32, 33, 873, 220, 222, 303f., 375
41, 112, 119, 147, 371 KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37,
KBo 1, 18 8, 24 fn. 64, 28, 30, 34, 35, 36, 37, 100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255d 104, 125, 212,
52, 61 fn. 203, 64 fn. 218, 68 fn. 251, 69 216, 220, 305f., 376
fn. 254, 83, 84, 98, 159f., 160, 161 fn. 561 KBo 36, 12 13, 19, 48, 104, 125, 129, 154, 221
KBo 1, 18a 35, 93, 94, 119, 201 fn. 772, fn. 912–913, 222, 376
273f., 284, 372 KBo 36, 13 13, 17, 50, 101, 122, 154, 222 fn.
KBo 1, 18b 34, 116, 119, 332, 372 918, 376
KBo 1, 18c 34, 99, 119, 285, 372 KBo 36, 15 13, 17, 50, 101, 122, 154, 222 fn.
KBo 1, 18d 34, 116, 119, 372 918, 376
KBo 1, 18e 34, 99, 119, 286, 372 KBo 36, 16 13, 19, 49, 100, 101, 122, 154, 222
KBo 1, 18f 116, 122, 372 fn. 918, 376
KBo 1, 18g 116, 119, 373 KBo 36, 17 13, 19, 51, 52, 116, 125, 129, 159,
KBo 1, 18h 98, 119, 373 160, 377
KBo 1, 18i 35, 97, 122, 373 KBo 36, 19 9, 17, 50, 100, 154, 222 fn. 918
KBo 1, 18j 34, 98, 119, 275, 373 KBo 36, 19a 35, 101, 122, 377
KBo 1, 18k 34, 98, 119, 276, 373 KBo 36, 19b 28, 30, 101, 122, 377
KBo 9, 44 9, 17, 37, 47, 84, 159 fn. 559, 160 KBo 36, 20 13, 19, 51, 116, 122, 159, 377
KBo 9, 44a 113, 114, 119, 319, 372 KBo 36, 21 13, 19, 49, 116, 122, 137, 138, 154,
KBo 9, 44b 113, 114, 119, 320, 374 377
KBo 9, 44c 113, 114, 119, 321, 374 KBo 36, 24 13, 19, 52, 116, 122, 137, 138,
KBo 9, 47 11, 19, 48, 77 fn. 317, 89 fn. 389, 161, 334, 377
114, 119, 155, 367, 371, 374, 386 KBo 36, 27 11, 15, 31, 50, 77, 93, 119, 123 fn.
KBo 9, 50 9 fn. 31, 11, 19, 52, 65 fn. 232, 88 438, 157, 158, 236, 237, 377
fn. 387, 102, 119, 157, 374, 380, 382, KBo 36, 28 12 fn. 43, 13, 17, 32, 51, 52, 64 fn.
393 218, 116, 119, 155, 378
KBo 13, 37 13, 19, 51, 116, 119, 157, 374 KBo 36, 29 9 fn. 31, 10 fn. 36, 11, 17, 36, 37,
KBo 14, 51 8, 19, 52, 157, 208 fn. 823 47, 102, 156 fn. 558, 157, 381, 392
KBo 14, 51a 64 fn. 218, 116, 122, 208 fn. KBo 36, 29a 77 fn. 314, 112, 119, 378
823, 333, 375 KBo 36, 29b 64 fn. 217, 107, 119, 378
KBo 14, 51b 30, 89 fn. 390, 93, 122, 208 KBo 36, 29c 114, 119, 378
fn. 823, 266, 267, 375, 406 KBo 36, 29d 73 fn. 291, 102, 106, 119,
KBo 36, 11+KUB 37, 106 r. col.+KUB 37, 378
100a rev.+ABoT 2, 255 8, 17, 47, 136, KBo 36, 29e 102, 119, 379
438 Indices
KBo 36, 29f 63, 95, 119, 379 KUB 4, 20(+)21a 116, 119, 384
KBo 36, 29g 73 fn. 291, 102, 119, 379 KUB 4, 20(+)21b 116, 119, 384
KBo 36, 29h 31, 102, 119, 379 KUB 4, 20(+)21c 116, 119, 384
KBo 36, 29i 109, 110, 119, 379 KUB 4, 20(+)21d 116, 120, 335, 384
KBo 36, 29j 73 fn. 292, 102, 106, 119, 380 KUB 4, 24 7 fn. 26–27, 8, 19, 52, 159, 160
KBo 36, 29k 102, 106, 119, 380 KUB 4, 24a 30, 32, 116, 120, 336, 384
KBo 36, 29l 114, 119, 380 KUB 4, 24b 30, 115, 116, 120, 189, 337,
KBo 36, 29m 104, 119, 380 384
KBo 36, 29n 88 fn. 387, 102, 119 374, KUB 4, 24c 30, 116, 122, 210, 216, 267,
380, 382, 393 385
KBo 36, 29o 32, 116, 123 fn. 438, 381 KUB 4, 26(+)HT 13(+) 8, 19, 52, 159, 160,
KBo 36, 34 11, 17, 47, 114, 119, 155, 157, 381 KUB 37, 112 324
KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60 11, 17, 48, 157, 158 KUB 4, 26(+)HT 13(+) 109, 120, 385
KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60a 88 fn. 387, 92, KUB 37, 112a
119, 381, 387 KUB 4, 26(+)HT 13(+) 115, 120, 385
KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60b 88 fn. 387, 106, KUB 37, 112b
119, 381, 387 KUB 4, 26(+)HT 13(+) 115, 122, 324,
KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60c 88 fn. 387, 114, KUB 37, 112c 385
119, 381, 387 KUB 4, 48 11, 18, 31, 36, 37, 52, 93, 122, 157,
KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60d 73 fn. 292, 88 236 fn. 1004, 237 fn. 1008, 385
fn. 387, 113, 114, 119, 381, 385, 387 KUB 4, 53 11, 19, 36, 37, 52, 83, 84, 114, 120,
KBo 36, 35+KUB 29, 60e 88 fn. 387, 92, 155, 386
108, 119, 382, 388 KUB 4, 99 11, 19, 52, 77 fn. 317, 89 fn. 839,
KBo 40, 103 13, 19, 48, 101, 122, 154, 222 fn. 114, 120, 157, 367, 371, 374, 386
918, 382 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84 10 fn. 34, 11, 18,
KBo 40, 104 9 fn. 31, 11, 19, 48, 88 fn. 387, 102, 48, 60 fn. 192, 65, 77, 157, 158, 159
119, 154, 374, 380, 381, 382, 392, 393 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84a 73 fn. 292,
KUB 4, 11 6 fn. 23, 7, 17, 52, 86 fn. 646, 113, 88 fn. 387, 113, 114, 120, 382, 386,
125, 131, 132, 159, 160, 342, 382, 399, 387
403 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84b 77 fn. 318,
KUB 4, 13 7 fn. 26, 11, 19, 52, 157, 158 92, 120, 386
KUB 4, 13a 35, 89 fn. 389, 119, 233, 235, KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84c 73 fn. 291,
341, 346, 363, 382 88 fn. 387, 92, 120, 381, 386
KUB 4, 13b 30, 31, 89, 119, 233, 234, 235, KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84d 75, 77 fn.
383 319, 88 fn. 387, 106, 120, 381, 387
KUB 4, 16 7, 8, 17, 52, 136, 155, 212, 213, KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84e 92, 120, 387
242 fn. 1028 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84f 88 fn. 387,
KUB 4, 16a 104, 125, 212, 216, 383 114, 120, 381, 387
KUB 4, 16b 104, 125, 212, 216, 383 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84g 73 fn. 292,
KUB 4, 17(+)18 9, 17, 36, 52, 64 fn. 215, 65, 88 fn. 387, 113, 114, 120, 382, 387
110, 157, 158 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84h 73 fn. 292,
KUB 4, 17(+)18a 73 fn. 293, 110, 119, 204 108, 109. 120, 387
fn. 790, 383 KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84i 73 fn. 291,
KUB 4, 17(+)18b 116, 119, 383 74 fn. 298, 91 fn. 395, 108, 109,
KUB 4, 20(+)21 8, 19, 52, 159, 160, 322, 392 120, 387
Texts 439
KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84j 108, 109, KUB 37, 62 13, 19, 48, 68 fn. 218, 115, 120,
120, 388 155, 156, 391
KUB 29, 58+59+KUB 37, 84k 88 fn. 387, KUB 37, 72 13, 18, 31, 48, 89 fn. 389, 109,
92, 108, 120, 382, 388 110, 120, 155, 156, 392, 401
KUB 30, 1(+)KUB 37, 109 8, 18, 36, 48, 100, KUB 37, 85 9, 19, 48, 157, 158
154, 195 fn. 723, 222 fn. 918, 389 KUB 37, 85a 77 fn. 314, 117, 120, 322f.,
KUB 30, 1(+)KUB 37, 109a 28, 30, 100, 392
101, 122, 388 KUB 37, 85b 114, 120, 392
KUB 30, 1(+)KUB 37, 109b 100, 101, 122, KUB 37, 85c 117, 120, 392
388 KUB 37, 90 13, 20, 48, 117, 120, 157, 392
KUB 30, 2(+?)3(+?)4 13, 18, 48, 100, 101, 122, KUB 37, 95 13, 20, 48, 117, 122, 155, 393
154, 222 fn. 918, 389 KUB 37, 96+93 11, 18, 48, 155
KUB 31, 141 13, 15, 52, 68 fn. 252, 99 fn. KUB 37, 96+93a 117, 120, 393
387, 89, 111, 123, 124 fn. 439, 159, KUB 37, 96+93b 117, 120, 393
389, 390 KUB 37, 96+93c 88 fn. 387, 102, 120,
KUB 34, 3 13, 19, 48, 104, 125, 133, 159, 160, 374, 380, 382, 393
221 fn. 912–913, 222, 389 KUB 37, 98 13, 20, 52, 64 fn. 217, 107, 108,
KUB 34, 4 13, 19, 48, 104, 125, 133, 159, 221 120, 154, 155, 393
fn. 913, 222, 384 KUB 37, 101(+)102 13, 17, 18, 49 fn. 144,
KUB 37, 36(+)37 8, 18, 48, 77 fn. 314, 159, 160, 105, 125, 134 fn. 465, 136, 155, 213 fn.
161 860, 220 fn. 905, 222, 307f., 394
KUB 37, 36(+)37a 116, 120, 389 KUB 37, 108+110 13, 18, 28, 30, 48, 100, 101,
KUB 37, 36(+)37b 116,1 22, 389 122, 154, 222 fn. 918, 394
KUB 37, 36(+)37c 18f. fn. 252, 30, 33, 88 KUB 37, 111 13, 18, 49, 73 fn. 294, 105, 125,
fn. 387, 89, 111, 120, 123, 124 fn. 133, 134, 159 fn. 559, 160, 220, 221 fn.
439, 389, 390 911, 222, 309–311, 312, 394
KUB 37, 43 11, 18, 49, 62, 77 fn. 315, 100 fn. KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+) 8, 15, 49, 129,
411, 101, 120, 155, 156, 390 KBo 7, 2 156, 157, 184
KUB 37, 44(+)45(+)46(+) 11, 18, 48, 61 fn. KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+) 74 fn. 299,
47(+)49(+?)48 203, 100 fn. 411, 101, 120, KBo 7, 2a 116, 125, 207, 394
154, 155, 390 KUB 37, 115+KBo 7, 1(+) 113, 114,
KUB 37, 51(+)53(+)99 11, 18, 48, 159 KBo 7, 2b 125, 184, 185, 318, 394
KUB 37, 51(+)53(+)99a 29, 100, 101, 120, KUB 37, 127 13, 20, 48, 105, 125, 134, 159,
195, 196, 390 221, 222, 309, 312, 394
KUB 37, 51(+)53(+)99b 30, 117, 120, 391 KUB 37, 143 13, 20, 49 fn. 144, 89 fn. 389,
KUB 37, 55+KBo 36, 32(+)HT 75 11, 18, 48, 104, 134 fn. 405, 125, 136, 156, 213,
77 fn. 317, 100 fn. 411, 101, 107, 155, 216, 220 fn. 905, 307, 359, 395
156
KUB 37, 55+KBo 36, 32(+) 120, 391 LKA 26 8, 20, 62, 64 fn. 216, 112, 120, 147,
HT 75a 148, 149, 230
KUB 37, 55+KBo 36, 32(+) 113, 114, LKA 26a 62, 112, 120, 230, 395
HT 75b 120, 391 LKA 26b 29, 62, 112, 120, 230, 395
KUB 37, 58 11, 19, 35, 48, 89 fn. 389, 113, LKA 26c 62, 112, 120, 230, 395
114, 120, 157, 158, 391, 408 LKA 26d 62, 112, 120, 230, 395
440 Indices
LKA 75 6 fn. 23, 7, 15, 39, 64 fn. 218, 74 fn. Priests and Officials, 199f. 10, 11, 15, 36, 55,
306, 113, 114 , 125, 133, 134, 147, 148, 64 fn. 214, 69, 72 fn. 286, 162 fn. 564,
149, 184, 185, 396 163, 200, 209 fn. 837
LKA 116 9 fn. 33, 15, 36, 37, 38 fn. 111, 39, Priests and Officials, 199f.a 29, 93, 120,
74, 86, 147, 202, 204, 209 fn. 837 202 fn. 778, 203, 400
LKA 116a 95, 89 fn. 839, 122, 203, 209, Priests and Officials, 199f.b 89 fn. 390,
216, 396, 401, 91, 120, 231, 232, 259, 260, 342,
LKA 116b 29, 109, 122, 396 400, 405
Priests and Officials, 199f.c 29, 89 fn.
MC 17, 443ff. 7, 15, 30, 46, 65 fn. 219, 73 fn. 389, 95, 96, 123, 202, 203, 209,
291, 75 fn. 311, 89 fn. 383, 103, 120, 216, 396, 400
145, 146, 191 fn. 700, 192, 345, 397
MDP 33, 51 fig. 19/2 7, 22, 25, 26, 59, 78, 80 RA 26, 10 7, 22, 25, 26, 59, 78, 80 fn. 332,
fn. 332, 103, 122, 397 103, 123, 401
Metropolitan Museum, Notable 7, 22, 25,
Acquisitions 1984–1985, 4 30, 38 fn. 106, Studies Jacobsen, 210 7, 15, 30, 46, 101, 123,
46, 80 fn. 332, 103, 122, 142, 353, 145, 227, 240 fn. 1022, 401
355, 368, 369, 397, 398 Studies Sachs, 20 no. 19 11, 20, 29, 38 fn. 106,
MIO 7, 339 7, 22, 25, 42, 43, 81, 83 fn. 332, 45, 89 fn. 389, 110, 120, 152, 392, 401
88 fn. 383, 103, 123, 142, 191, 192, Sumer 9, 29 8, 20, 42, 81 fn. 335, 95, 189, 241
353, 355, 368, 369, 397, 398 Sumer 9, 29a 60 fn. 200, 95, 96, 123, 189,
190, 401
N.A.B.U. 2016/47 7, 22, 25, 26 fn. 74, 28, 29, Sumer 9, 29b 64 fn. 218, 95, 96, 123, 189,
38 fn. 106, 45, 88 fn. 383, 103, 123, 190, 401
146, 191, 192, 269, 353, 355, 368, 369, Sumer 9, 29c 95, 96, 120, 188 fn. 667,
397, 398 189, 333, 402
N 3731 12, 19, 30, 44, 117, 120, 144, 338, 399. Sumer 9, 29d 31, 88 fn. 667, 95, 96, 120,
188 fn. 667, 189, 402
OIP 16, 12 8, 18, 30, 33, 44, 144, 212, 242 fn. Syria 20, 115 (KTU 1.73) 13, 15, 58, 89 fn.
1027 388, 100, 120, 170, 402, 403
OIP 16, 12a 105, 123, 212, 216, 399 Syria 20, 118 (KTU 1.70) 8, 15, 58, 170
OIP 16, 12b 105, 123, 212, 216, 399 Syria 20, 118 (KTU 1.70)a 113, 120, 402
OrAnt 8, pl. XI/XIII 6 fn. 23, 7, 18, 37, 43 fn. Syria 20, 118 (KTU 1.70)b 89 fn. 388, 100,
129, 113, 123, 143, 342, 382, 399 120, 402
OrNS 83, pl. XXII–XXXIV 7, 18, 33, 35, 36, Syria 20, 122 (KTU 1.69) 13, 20, 58, 111, 120,
37, 53, 84, 105, 125, 131, 214, 217, 241, 170, 403
399 Syria 20, 124 (KTU 1.67) 13, 20, 58, 111, 120,
170, 403
PBS 1/2, 112 7, 18, 34, 43 fn. 129, 105, 123,
143, 219 fn. 898, 222, 239, 240, 241, TCL 16, 79+PBS 12/1, 25 6 fn. 23, 7, 18, 43 fn.
400 129, 113, 123, 143, 342, 382, 399, 403
PBS 1/2, 115 13, 18, 44, 95, 125, 131, 144,
145, 240, 241, 364, 400 UE 8, pl. 35 7, 24, 45, 76, 77, 78, 80 fn. 332,
96, 121, 142, 253, 403
Texts 441
Ugaritica 5, 17 8, 15, 56, 62, 167, 168, 169, Ugaritica 7, pl. I 6 fn. 23, 14 fn. 46, 7, 15, 57,
242, 247, 298 96, 121, 169, 200 fn. 762, 406
Ugaritica 5, 17a 65 fn. 219, 76, 96, 121,
200, 210, 216, 242, 246–248, 403 VAT 10785+10871 7, 20, 40, 133, 147, 148,
Ugaritica 5, 17b 29, 65 fn. 219, 95, 96, 149, 215, 217 fn. 875, 242 fn. 1027.
121, 200, 203, 242, 247, 249–252, VAT 10785+10871/a 88 fn. 386, 106,
258, 290, 404 125, 217, 364, 406
Ugaritica 5, 17c 117, 123, 242, 404 VAT 10785+10871/b 106, 107, 125, 202,
Ugaritica 5, 17d 29, 89 fn. 388, 97, 121, 204, 217, 365, 407
242, 257f., 404 VAT 13226 6 fn. 22, 10 fn. 47, 16, 30, 32, 42,
Ugaritica 5, 17e 29, 90, 121, 242, 404, 406 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 93, 121, 142, 143,
Ugaritica 5, 17f 31, 77, 90, 121, 242, 405 236, 237, 277–279, 407
Ugaritica 5, 17g 29, 95, 96, 123, 202, 203,
242, 405 YOS 11, 74 13, 18, 30, 33, 38 fn. 106, 45, 82
Ugaritica 5, 17h 29, 89 fn. 390, 91, 121, fn. 344, 94, 125, 133, 152, 407
231, 232, 242, 259, 260, 342, 400,
405 ZA 91, 244 6 fn. 23, 7, 15, 33, 35, 44, 82, 113,
Ugaritica 5, 17i 29, 74 fn. 300, 89 fn. 390, 114, 125, 129 fn. 455, 143, 144, 145,
93, 123, 208, 242, 266f., 292, 325, 184 fn. 642, 185, 318, 407
375, 405 ZA 102, 211 7 fn. 26. 8, 14 fn. 46, 15, 35, 41
Ugaritica 5, 17b 8, 20, 55, 56, 166, 167, 242 fn. 119, 75, 85 fn. 369, 152, 182
fn. 1029. ZA 102, 211a 30, 32, 33, 108, 123, 407
Ugaritica 5, 17ba 89 fn. 388, 97, 121, 257, ZA 102, 211b 30, 99, 121, 407
404, 406 ZA 102, 211c 30, 32, 33, 100 fn. 408, 121,
Ugaritica 5, 17bb 89 fn. 388, 90, 121, 406 408
Ugaritica 5, 19 6 fn. 23, 7, 16 fn. 48, 30, 56, ZA 106, 52 11, 20, 44, 89 fn. 389, 113, 114,
61 fn. 203, 64 fn. 217, 79, 91, 121, 161 121, 144, 391, 408
fn. 561, 166, 167, 262, 331, 406
AMT 81, 5+AMT 27, 4 228 fn. 948 BaF 21, no. 267: 6 67 fn. 240
AMT 85, 1(K 6586)(+): ii? 3’–4’ 370 BAM 1, 11 85 fn. 371
AMT 86, 1(+)AMT 85, 1: iii 5–13 102 fn. 412, BAM 2, 124 63 fn. 12
202 BAM 2, 124: ii 10–28 201 fn. 771, 270,
AMT 86, 1(+)AMT 85, 1: v 13–14 370 341
AMT 93, 3: 11 64 fn. 217 BAM 2, 124: iv 9 63 fn. 12
AMT 97, 1: 4–7 188 fn. 672, 352 BAM 2, 124: iv 17 271
AMT 97, 1: 8–13 102 fn. 413, 201 fn. 774, 352 BAM 2, 127 63 fn. 212
An = Anu II 155 28 fn. 82 BAM 2, 127: 8 63 fn. 212
An = Anu ša amēli 133 28 fn. 82 BAM 2, 127: 9–13 201 fn. 771, 270, 271,
AnOr 52, pl. 15 129 341
AOAT 34, 70: 1–20 372 BAM 2, 128: iv 1’–24’ 201 fn. 771
AOAT 34, 78: 1’–16’ 389, 390 BAM 2, 140: 9’–10’ 107 fn. 418
AOAT 34, 79: 4’–12’ 389, 900 BAM 2, 140: r. 6–9 391
AOAT 34, 81: 1’–r. 3 372 BAM 2, 140: r. 14 391
AOAT 25, pl. 6 136, 139 fn. 502 BAM 2, 182: 14’–16’ 201 fn. 771, 270, 341
AOAT 275, 239: 1’–6’ 215 fn. 872, 364, 407 BAM 2, 182: 15’ 271
AOAT 275, 624: 6’–8’ 210 fn. 839, 287, 356 BAM 2, 194 203
AOAT 275, 663 12 fn. 42 BAM 2, 194: 3’; 9’ 201 fn. 769, 202
AOAT 275, 664 12 fn. 42 BAM 3, 215 198f. fn. 751
Ardat lilî /Etel ilî 227 fn. 941 BAM 3, 317: r. 6–8 367, 371, 374, 381
ArOr 18/3, pl. X–XI: r. 1–6 268, 353, 355, BAM 3, 221: iii 22’–24’ 188 fn. 672, 352
368, 369, 397, 398 BAM 3, 221: iii 25’–29’ 102 fn. 413, 201 fn.
ArOr 18/3, pl. XIV no. 26 362, 363 774, 352
Á.sàg.gig 61, 181 fn. 614, 182, fn. 618, 181–183 BAM 3, 248: i 26–59 383
Á.sàg.gig V 181, 238 BAM 3, 248: ii 44 255
ASJ 2, 159f.b 206, 207 BAM 3, 248: ii 46 256
ASJ 2, 159f.c 233 fn. 979, 234, 235 BAM 3, 248: iii 10–35 341, 346, 363, 383
ASJ 17, 125f.a 183, 185 BAM 4, 401 90 fn. 392
ASJ 17, 125f.b 184, 185, 396 BAM 4, 401: 13 90
ASJ 19, 265f. 128 BAM 4, 354: iii 12–13 93, 202 fn. 780, 400
Ass. 12129 22 BAM 5, 461: ii 28–34 391
AuOr 15, 53 127 fn. 450 BAM 5, 461: ii 31–33 408
AuOr Suppl. 5, pl. V–VI 130 BAM 5, 461: iii 1’–3’ 371
AuOr Suppl. 23, 28 129 BAM 5, 462: 1’ 372
AuOr Suppl. 23, 47 136, 139 fn. 502 BAM 5, 471: iii 23’–24’ 188 fn.672
AUWE 23, 106 128 BAM 5, 471: iii 25’–27’ 102 fn. 413, 201 fn.
AUWE 23, 113 129, 130 774, 352
AUWE 23, 130 127, 128 BAM 5, 473: iii 6’–21’ 346
BAM 5, 475: i 4 188 fn. 672, 352
Babilili-ritual (CTH 718) 4 fn. 20, 111, 170, BAM 5, 489+508: iv 18–25
173, 186 fn. 652 BAM 5, 508: i 15’’–21’’ 289 fn. 677, 401
Babylonian Theodicy 71 BAM 5, 508: iv 11’–17’ 209f. fn. 837, 396,
BaF 21, no. 60: 16 67 fn. 240 401
BaF 21, no. 100: 9 67 fn. 240 BAM 6, 520: ii 12’–18’ 189 fn. 677
Texts 443
CUSAS 30, 351: 9 67 fn. 241 CUSAS 32, 22d 191 fn. 693, 192 fn. 702, 193
CUSAS 30, 384: 5 67 fn. 241 CUSAS 32, 23a 89, 90
CUSAS 32, 1b 98 CUSAS 32, 24a 98
CUSAS 32, 5f 109 CUSAS 32, 26a 234, 235
CUSAS 32, 5g 197 CUSAS 32, 27b 89, 90
CUSAS 32, 5h 197 fn. 742, 198 CUSAS 32, 27c 98
CUSAS 32, 5i 206, 207 CUSAS 32, 28a 234, 235
CUSAS 32, 5m 198 CUSAS 32, 28c 190 fn. 689, 191
CUSAS 32, 6 16 fn. 50, 197 fn. 747 CUSAS 32, 28d 235
CUSAS 32, 6c 109, 197, 198 CUSAS 32, 29a–c 97
CUSAS 32, 6e 109, 197, 198 CUSAS 32, 30c–d 98
CUSAS 32, 6f 109, 198 CUSAS 32, 30f 89
CUSAS 32, 6g 109, 198 CUSAS 32, 31e 232
CUSAS 32, 6h 197, 198 CUSAS 32, 36 192, 193
CUSAS 32, 6i 109 CUSAS 32, 37a 192, 193
CUSAS 32, 6p 197 fn. 742, 198 CUSAS 32, 37b 192, 193
CUSAS 32, 6t 206, 207 CUSAS 32, 41: 17–18 73 fn. 190
CUSAS 32, 7f 97 CUSAS 32, 42 232
CUSAS 32, 8a 97 CUSAS 32, 47 113, 186 fn. 646, 342, 382, 399,
CUSAS 32, 8b 73 fn. 291, 97 403
CUSAS 32, 9e–f 109 CUSAS 32, 49 98
CUSAS 32, 9h 225, 226 CUSAS 32, 50a 98
CUSAS 32, 9j 218, 221 CUSAS 32, 51: 3 258
CUSAS 32, 10a 238, 239 CUSAS 32, 67 81 fn. 334, 187 fn. 666
CUSAS 32, 10g 192 fn. 702, 193, 191 fn. 693 CUSAS 32, 69 188 fn. 668
CUSAS 32, 10i 212, 216 CUSAS 32, 70 188 fn. 668
CUSAS 32, 11a 218, 221
CUSAS 32, 11c 211, 216, 359 Das wieder erstehende Babylon, 22
CUSAS 32, 11d 218 fn. 886 263 Abb. 19r
CUSAS 32, 11e 218 fn. 886, 221 Das wieder erstehende Babylon, 22
CUSAS 32, 11f–g 238, 239 263 Abb. 19l
CUSAS 32, 11h 238, 239 Dialogue Between Two Scribes 175 fn. 584
CUSAS 32, 11i 239, 239 Dingir.šà.dib.ba 3, 112, 183, 185, 206, 207,
CUSAS 32, 11k 213, 216, 359, 395 228 fn. 947; 950, 228–230, 395, 396
CUSAS 32, 12d: iii 25’ 265 Diseases in Antiquity, 195 fig. 1 22
CUSAS 32, 12g 219 fn. 896 Dragons, Monsters and 20 fn. 54, 21 fn.
CUSAS 32, 14 obv. 219, 221, 238, 239 Fabulous Beasts, no. 49 55, 191 fn. 692, 268,
CUSAS 32, 15 224, 225 353, 355, 363, 368, 369, 397, 398
CUSAS 32, 16a 225, 226 Dream-Book, s. Zāqīqu
CUSAS 32, 16b 225, 226 Dream Compendium 223
CUSAS 32, 17d 182, 183 DT 186: vi 2–4 102 fn. 413, 202 fn. 775
CUSAS 32, 19a 98
CUSAS 32, 19d 98 Ea VII 86 326
CUSAS 32, 21a 222 fn. 918, 388 É.gal.ku4.ra 230f. fn. 959; fn. 961
CUSAS 32, 22c 190, 191 Emar 735C 175 fn. 584
446 Indices
JNES 33, fig. 7 (BE 15474v+h): 1–5 396 KAL 5, 36 86 fn. 372
JNES 43, 312 234, 235 KAL 5, 47 86 fn. 372
KAL 5, 48 86 fn. 372
K 2389+10664 100 fn. 408, 108 KAL 5, 49 86 fn. 372
K 2359: 4–7 188 fn. 672, 352 KAL 5, 50 85 fn. 371
K 2481 348, 350 KAL 5, 64 85 fn. 371
K 3179+ 220 fn. 908 KAL 5, 65 86 fn. 372
K 3398+6015+16803+ 102 fn. 423, 188 KAL 5, 83 85 fn. 371
7186+14166 fn. 672, 201 fn. 774, 352 KAL 5, 85 86 fn. 372
K 3628+: 9–12 80 fn. 330, 188 fn. 671, 402 KAL 5, 86 85 fn. 371
K 3996+4089+9281 199 KAL 5, 87 86 fn. 372
K 6018+8598+BMS 24+ 349 KAL 5, 89 86 fn. 372
25+14704: 8–13 KAL 5, 90 86 fn. 372
K 6018+8598+BMS 24+ 349 KAL 5, 91 86 fn. 372
25+14704: r. 7–15 KAL 5, 92 86 fn. 372
K 6329: ii 9’–17’ 189 fn. 677, 401 KAL 5, 93 86 fn. 371
K 8183: 8–12 349 KAR 4 133 fn. 463
K 8959 137, 138 KAR 9 129, 139 fn. 502
K 10883 236, fn. 1005 KAR 12+AoF 17, 180f. 129
K 15234 205 KAR 13 129
KADP 1 94 KAR 14 133, 134
KAJ 110: 25 66 fn. 230 KAR 15 129
KAJ 204 186 KAR 16 129
KAJ 205 186 KAR 17 129
KAJ 235: 6 66 fn. 226 KAR 18 133, 134
KAL 2, 8: 12–r. 14 367 KAR 19 85 fn. 371
KAL 2, 23: r. 1’–11’ 349 KAR 20: i 11’–13’ 109 fn. 420, 397
KAL 2, 23: r. 15’–17’ 349 KAR 20: ii 2’–8’ 210 fn. 837, 396, 401
KAL 2, 23: r. 21’–23’ 350 KAR 37(+?)282 75 fn. 312
KAL 2, 23: r. 24’ 348, 350 KAR 39+45+JNES 33, fig. 10: ii 1’–5’ 396
KAL 2, 36+VAT 13628: i 21’–45’ 350 KAR 57(+): i 1’–ii 9’ 351
KAL 2, 43(+)44: i? 15’ 391 KAR 57(+): ii 11’–25’ 350
KAL 2, 43(+)44: ii? 5’–7’ 367, 371, 374, 386 KAR 57(+): iii 9–23 351
KAL 4, 30 195 KAR 57(+): iv 8’–12’ 351
KAL 4, 35: iv 14–15 112, 349 KAR 66: 23 256
KAL 5, 2 86 fn. 372 KAR 70: r. 25–27 279
KAL 5, 3 86 fn. 372 KAR 76: 14–19 188 fn. 670, 402
KAL 5, 8 86 fn. 372 KAR 76: r. 25–28 187 fn. 665, 362
KAL 5, 9 86 fn. 372 KAR 90 205 fn. 804, 207, 228 fn. 948; fn. 952,
KAL 5, 18 86 fn. 371 229
KAL 5, 22 86 fn. 372 KAR 97 135, 136
KAL 5, 23 86 fn. 372 KAR 113 135, 136
KAL 5, 24 86 fn. 372 KAR 120 75 fn. 312
KAL 5, 28 85 fn. 371 KAR 128+129 135, 136
KAL 5, 29 86 fn. 372 KAR 134: r. 15–19 108, 393
Texts 449
KAR 139 1 fn. 5, 40 fn. 116 KBo 45, 193 4 fn. 20, 69 fn. 253, 110 fn. 424,
KAR 145 85 fn. 371 111, 113
KAR 158: vii 43’–44’ 279 KBo 47, 41 87 fn. 380
KAR 177 177 KUB 2, 2+ 126 fn. 446
KAR 178 86 fn. 375 KUB 3, 71 67, 69
KAR 181: r. 6–18 94, 347 KUB 3, 80 86 fn. 379
KAR 227: i 13–22 108, 393 KUB 4, 2 135, 136
KAR 269 195 fn. 725 KUB 4, 4 135, 136
KAR 269a 196 KUB 4, 5+KBo 12, 73 135, 136
KAR 269b 196 KUB 4, 8(+)6(+)KBo 12, 72 135, 136
KAR 269c 196 KUB 4, 23 100 fn. 410, 130, 137, 138
KAR 269d 196 KUB 4, 27 87 fn. 380
KAR 269e 196 KUB 4, 39 137, 138
KAR 297a: iii 12–13 93 KUB 4, 41 137, 138
KAR 330: 1’–11’ 94, 347 KUB 4, 47 4 fn. 20, 69 fn. 253, 110 fn. 424,
KAR 333 129 111, 113
KAR 363 129, 130 KUB 4, 49 94
KAR 370a–c+KAR 251 130 KUB 4, 52 87 fn. 380
KAR 375 129, 130 KUB 4, 54 87 fn. 380
KAR 447 s. KAL 5, 50 KUB 4, 97 135, 136
KAR 450 s. KAL 5, 28 KUB 4, 98 87 fn. 380
KAR 451 s. KAL 5, 18 KUB 29, 11+KBo 36, 48 127 fn. 448
KAR 452 s. KAL 5, 64 KUB 37, 7(+)3(+)2(+)5(+) 87 fn. 380, 91
KAR 454 s. KAL 5, 86 6(+)4(+)8
Kataduggû 61 KUB 37, 9 87 fn. 380
KAV 7 85 fn. 371 KUB 37, 10 87 fn. 380
KAV 179 86 fn. 371 KUB 37, 11 87 fn. 380
KAV 218 127 fn. 448 KUB 37, 14+12(+)15 87 fn. 380
KBo 1, 2 86 fn. 379 KUB 37, 21 87 fn. 380
KBo 1, 10+KUB 3, 72 68 KUB 37, 23 87 fn. 380, 91
KBo 1, 12 134, 136 KUB 37, 24 87 fn. 380
KBo 8, 1 87 fn. 380, 91 KUB 37, 25 87 fn. 380
KBo 8, 2 87 fn. 380, 91 KUB 37, 27 87 fn. 380
KBo 8, 4 87 fn. 380 KUB 37, 29 87 fn. 380
KBo 12, 70+KUB 4, 3 134, 136 KUB 37, 32 87 fn. 380
KBo 15, 9: iii 12; 15 67 fn. 243 KUB 37, 33 87 fn. 380
KBo 21, 20 4 fn. 20, 69 fn. 253, 114, 173f., KUB 37, 41 130
193 fn. 709 KUB 37, 50 87 fn. 380
KBo 28, 30 67 KUB 37, 52 87 fn. 380
KBo 28, 65 86 fn. 379 KUB 37, 54 87 fn. 380
KBo 28, 66 86 fn. 379 KUB 37, 57 87 fn. 380
KBo 36, 14 137, 138 KUB 37, 65 87 fn. 380
KBo 36, 26(+?)KUB 36, 74 137 fn. 490, 138 KUB 37, 66 87 fn. 380, 193 fn. 708
KBo 36, 37 87 fn. 380 KUB 37, 74 87 fn. 380
KBo 36, 63 87 fn. 380 KUB 37, 81 87 fn. 380, 237
450 Indices
MC 17, pl. 58 (K 156+): iii 59–68 268, 353, Muššuʾu IV/f 200 fn. 761, 203, 350
355, 368, 369, 397, 398 Muššuʾu IV/i 188 fn. 676, 200, 203,
MC 17, pl. 58 (K 2725+): ii 13–20 268, 353, 352
355, 368, 369, 397, 398 Muššuʾu V/a 200, 203
MC 17, pl. 59: i 1’–3’ 268, 353, 355 , 368, 369, Muššuʾu V/d 203, 242, 249, 251, 252, 404
397, 398 Muššuʾu VI 185 fn. 644, 200, 201, 203,
MC 17, pl. 65 191, 353, 355, 368, 369, 397, 220, 236, 295, 299, 375
398 Muššuʾu VII/b 203, 360
MC 17, pl. 82 190 fn. 685 Muššuʾu VII/d 201
MC 17, pl. 90 (94) 191, 353, 355, 368, 369, Muššuʾu VIII/a 201, 203, 280, 282, 284,
397, 398 348, 352, 357
MC 17, pl. 91 (95) 191, 353, 355, 368, 369, Muššuʾu VIII/d 201, 203
397, 398 Muššuʾu VIII/k 201, 203
MDP 14, 47: 1’–11’ 396 Muššuʾu VIII/l 201, 203, 270, 341
MDP 14, 91 215, 217, 364 Muššuʾu VIII/m 201
MDP 57, 2 128, 130 Muššuʾu VIII/o 102 fn. 413, 201, 203, 352
Middle Assyrian Laws § 47 66 Muššuʾu VIII/q 202, 203, 400
MIO 7, 342 23 Muššuʾu VIII/r 202, 203, 242, 405
MIO 7, 348 23, 42, 43, 142 Muššuʾu IX 202
MIO 7, 353 23 Muššuʾu IX/b 202, 203, 396, 401
MIO 7, 354 Abb. 13a–b 23 Muššuʾu ritual tablet 198f. fn. 750, 202 fn.
MIO 7, pl. IV 5b 190 fn. 685 783, 229 fn. 954, 204, 215
Mīs pî 4, 61, 105, 109 fn. 422, 183, 196–198, Muššuʾu rit. no. 1 199 fn. 751
206 fn. 812; fn. 814, 207 fn. 822 Muššuʾu rit. no. 2 199 fn. 751
Mīs pî III 198 Muššuʾu rit. no. 3 199 fn. 751
Mīs pî III/c 74 fn. 304, 198, 361 Muššuʾu rit. no. 4 199 fn. 751
Mīs pî IV 198 Muššuʾu rit. no. 5 199 fn. 751
MSL 8/2, 9: 43 267 Muššuʾu rit. no. 6 199 fn. 751
MSL 8/2, 13: 84 258 Muššuʾu rit. no. 7 199 fn. 751
MSL 11, 14: 36 258 Muššuʾu rit. no. 8 199 fn. 751
MSL 14, 353ff. 85 fn. 371 Muššuʾu rit. no. 9 199 fn. 751
MSL SS 1, 89 137, 138 Muššuʾu rit. no. 10 199 fn. 751
Munus la.ra.aḫ 89, 233–235, 341, 346, 363, Muššuʾu rit. no. 11 199 fn. 751
383 Muššuʾu rit. no. 12 199 fn. 751
MUSJ 45, 252 190 fn. 685 Muššuʾu rit. no. 13 199 fn. 751
Muššuʾu 4, 61, 93, 94, 95, 105, 106, 107, 181 Muššuʾu rit. no. 14 199 fn. 751
fn. 609, 183, 185 fn. 644, 188, 198–203, Muššuʾu rit. no. 15 199 fn. 751
198 fn. 750, 199 fn. 755, 200 fn. 761– Muššuʾu rit. no. 16 199 fn. 751
762, 204, 207 fn. 822, 209, 215, 229, Muššuʾu rit. no. 17 199 fn. 751
242, 271, 295 Muššuʾu rit. no. 18 199 fn. 751
Muššuʾu II/b 218 fn. 881 Muššuʾu rit. no. 19 199 fn. 751, 202, 215
Muššuʾu IV 181, 208 fn. 872, 365
Muššuʾu IV/a 200 fn. 761, 202f., 208 Muššuʾu rit. no. 20 199 fn. 751, 202, 215
fn. 825 fn. 872, 365
Muššuʾu IV/b 200, 203, 208 fn. 825 Muššuʾu rit. no. 21 199 fn. 751, 215 fn. 872
452 Indices
Muššuʾu rit. no. 22 199 fn. 751, 215 fn. OrNS 40, pl. III–IV: 49’–51’ 109 fn. 420, 397
872, 365 OrNS 44, 54 233 fn. 974, 234, 235
Muššuʾu rit. no. 23 199 fn. 751, 202, 204 OrNS 59, 486 340
fn. 797, 215 fn. 872 OrNS 59, 487: 1–7(+)1’–7’ 389, 390
Muššuʾu rit. no. 24 199 fn. 751, 215 fn. 872 OrNS 59, 488: 1’–6’ 389, 390
Muššuʾu rit. no. 25 199 fn. 751, 202, 204 OrNS 66, 61 21 fn. 56, 190 fn. 690, 345
fn. 797, 212 fn. 854 OrSu 23–24, 178 127, 128
Muššuʾu rit. no. 26 199 fn. 751 Palais royal d’Ugarit III, pl. CVI 126 fn. 444
Muššuʾu rit. no. 27 199 fn. 751 PBS 1/1, 11 135, 137
Muššuʾu rit. no. 28 199 fn. 751 PBS 1/1, 13 183 fn. 627, 205
Muššuʾu rit. no. 29 199 fn. 751 PBS 1/1, 14: 23–39 395
Muššuʾu rit. no. 30 199 fn. 751 PBS 1/1, 14: r. 8–11 395
Muššuʾu rit. no. 31 199 fn. 751 PBS 1/1, 14: r. 12–21 396
MVN 5, 302: v 12’–18’ 206, 207 PBS 1/1, 15 183 fn. 627, 185
PBS 1/1, 15: 2 184
N 2875+4113 138 PBS 1/2, 110: 1–13 372
N.A.B.U 2012/43(+?)AnOr 52, pl. 14 135, 136 PBS 1/2, 116: 45–48 213 fn. 860, 359, 395
Nam.búr.bi 203f. PBS 1/2, 116: 49–53 214 fn. 862, 360
Nam.érim.búr.ru.da 185, 199, 200, 207, 235f., PBS 1/2, 118 342, 382, 399
236 fn. 999, 315, 318, 371 PBS 1/2, 122 124 fn. 440, 222 fn. 918, 129,
Nouvelles Fouilles de Telloh, 212a 132 130
NTA A.295: 6 66 fn. 226 PBS 1/2, 123 197, 198
NTA A.1724: 6 66 fn. 227 PBS 1/2, 127 214, 218 fn. 884, 241
NTA A.2601: 7 66 fn. 226 PBS 1/2, 127a 213, 214, 216. 218, 359,
NTA A.2614: 7 66 fn. 226 395
NTA A.2617: 7 66 fn. 227, 85 fn. 364 PBS 1/2, 127b 214, 217, 218, 359
NTA A.3184: 6 66 fn. 226 PBS 1/2, 127c 214, 218, 221
NTA A.3188: 3; 6 66 fn. 226 PBS 1/2, 128 212, 241
PBS 1/2, 128a 201, 203, 217, 360
OBO 273, pl. 1–2 230 PBS 1/2, 128b 212, 216, 383
OBO 278, 371–372 132, 230 PBS 1/2, 128c 212, 218, 221
OBO 278, 373–374 132, 230 PBS 1/2, 128d 202, 204, 212, 216
OECT 5, 55 190 fn. 687, 191, 192 fn. 703, 234 PBS 1/2, 128e 212, 216
fn. 990 PBS 1/2, 135 127, 128
OECT 6, 23: 4’–8’ 201 fn. 771, 341 PBS 2/2, 121: 7; 18 67 fn. 238
OECT 6, 23: 12’ 63 fn. 212 PBS 10/4, 8 127, 128
OECT 6, 26 209 PBS 10/4, 12 72
OECT 11, 2 232 PBS 13, 35 197, 198
OECT 11, 34 220f. fn. 908 PBS 15, 41 135, 137
OIP 16, 11a 209 Peiser Urkunden no. 92 126
OrAnt 8, pl. II–VIII 16 fn. 50, 37, 43 fn. 129, PIHANS 65, 296 24 fn. 65, 176 fn. 591
342, 382, 399, 403 PRAK 2, C1 124 fn. 440, 132
OrNS 40, pl. III–IV: 2’–5’ 210 fn. 837, 396, Proverbs of Ancient Sumer 2, pl. 117 126 fn.
401 444
OrNS 40, pl. III–IV: 34’–39’ 109 fn. 421
Texts 453
Qutāru 106, 204 fn. 793; fn. 796, 202 fn. 783, Schramm Compendium 4, 181, 209, 229 fn.
209, 215 955, 237–239, 239 fn. 1020
Qutāru no. 1 199 fn. 751, 202 fn. 783, Schramm Compendium no. 4 181, 238
203, 215 fn. 872, 365, 407 Schramm Compendium no. 8 238
Qutāru no. 3 199 fn. 751, 202 fn. 783, 215 Schramm Compendium no. 11 208, 238
fn. 872 Schramm Compendium no. 12 238
Qutāru no. 5 199 fn. 751, 202 fn. 783, Schramm Compendium no. 13 219, 238
205, 212 fn. 854 Schramm Compendium no. 14 219, 238
Schramm Compendium no. 21 195 fn.
RA 8, 139 135, 137 730, 213 fn. 861, 238
RA 18, 195 23, 191, 353, 355, 368, 369, 397, SF 54: vi 1–viii 4 233 fn. 978, 235
398 Si. 59 340
RA 18, 198 190 fn. 685 SLTN 49 73 fn. 290
RA 36, 3 124 fn. 440, 126 fn. 443 SMEA 30, 225ff. no. 27 64 fn. 214, 69 fn. 256
RA 36, 4 124 fn. 440, 126 fn. 443 Song of Redemption 126 fn. 446
RA 60, 5+Fs. Wilcke, 139f. 135, 137 SpTU 1, 12 100
RA 65, 119 227 fn. 943 SpTU 1, 12: 5’–16’ 402, 403
RA 70, 135/137 124 fn. 440, 132, 234, 235 SpTU 2, 2: 148 267
RA 88, 161 201 fn. 770 SpTU 2, 2: 149–150 267
Rm 612 223 SpTU 2, 2: 151 267
SpTU 2, 2: 153 267
Sakikkû 61, 70, 71, 74, 177 fn. 593 SpTU 2, 2: 163–164 267
List of Kings and Scholars 70, 71, 72 SpTU 2, 5 109 fn. 421, 138 fn. 495
SAA 10, 247 222 SpTU 2, 12 183 fn. 627, 205 fn. 804
SAA 10, 255 222 SpTU 2, 12: iii 41ff. 205 fn. 801
SAA 11, 156: 8–10 175 fn. 584 SpTU 2, 12: iii 44 228
SAOC 47, pl. 12a–b 191 fn. 692 SpTU 2, 18 203
SAOC 47, pl. 12e–f 191, 353, 355, 368, 369, SpTU 3, 76 340
397, 398 SpTU 3, 82 187 fn. 656
Sag.gig 93, 199, 207–209, 207 fn. 819–822, SpTU 3, 83: 15–16 210 fn. 837, 396, 401
208 fn. 823, 237 fn. 1010, 238, 242, SpTU 5, 231 178 fn. 600
267, 357 SpTU 5, 247: v 16–19 102 fn. 413, 202 fn. 775
Sag.gig I/a 208, 264, 265 STC 2, pl. 75ff. 380, 390
Sag.gig II 218 fn. 881 STT 95+295: ii 91–92 112, 349
Sag.gig III 207 fn. 822 STT 136 198
Sag.gig III 10 304 STT 136: iv 6 271
Sag.gig V 208 STT 136: v 10 271
Sag.gig VI 208 fn. 823 STT 144: 1–4 81 fn. 335, 193 fn. 707, 348
Sag.gig VI/a 208, 242, 266, 267, 375, 405 STT 214–218 187 fn. 656
Sag.gig VII 181, 200, 208 STT 275: i 24–27 352
Sag.gig VII/a 200, 208 fn. 825 STT 300: 21 279
Sag.gig VII/b 208 fn. 825 Studies Lambert, 229 209, 229 fn. 955
Sag.gig VII/f 200, 350 Studies Lambert, 237 229 fn. 955
Sag.gig VII/i 188 fn. 676, 200, 352 Studies Sjöberg, 204–205 222 fn. 918, 388
Saner 9, 77 233, 235 Sumer 9, 28 127 fn. 448
454 Indices
Udug.ḫul II 24–27 210 Udug.ḫul V/g 211, 212, 216, 218 fn.
Udug.ḫul II 39 210 883, 242 fn. 1027, 399
Udug.ḫul II 30 267 Udug.ḫul V/h 211, 212, 216, 242 fn.
Udug.ḫul II/a 200, 210, 216, 242, 246, 1027, 399
251, 404 Udug.ḫul VI 212, 213, 217, 218, 242 fn.
Udug.ḫul II/b 210, 216, 385 1028
Udug.ḫul III 210, 211, 219, 293 Udug.ḫul VI/a 199 fn. 751, 202, 204
Udug.ḫul III 2 292 fn. 797, 212 fn. 854, 215, 216
Udug.ḫul III 3 292 Udug.ḫul VI/b 212, 216
Udug.ḫul III 131–132 290 Udug.ḫul VI/c 211, 216
Udug.ḫul III 133 290 Udug.ḫul VI/d 212, 216, 383
Udug.ḫul III 134 290 Udug.ḫul VI/g 212, 216, 383
Udug.ḫul III 135 290 Udug.ḫul VI/i 211, 213, 216, 218 fn.
Udug.ḫul III 136 290 883
Udug.ḫul III 137 290 Udug.ḫul VII 127, 213 fn. 857, 218, 219,
Udug.ḫul III 138–143 220 fn. 905, 307 242
Udug.ḫul III 145 290 Udug.ḫul VII 39 302
Udug.ḫul III 155–162 63 fn. 212 Udug.ḫul VII 54 311
Udug.ḫul III 165 288 Udug.ḫul VII 80–85 302
Udug.ḫul III 166 288 Udug.ḫul VII/a 211, 213 fn. 859–860,
Udug.ḫul III 167 288 214, 216, 218, 220, 307, 359, 395
Udug:ḫul III 177 288 Udug.ḫul VII/b 201, 211, 213 fn. 857,
Udug.ḫul III 196–197 302 214, 216f., 218, 359
Udug.ḫul III/a 210, 211 fn. 843, 216, Udug.ḫul VII/c 211, 213 fn. 857, 214,
218, 291, 354, 356 217, 360
Udug.ḫul III/b 210, 211 fn. 843, 216, Udug.ḫul VII/d 212, 213 fn. 859, 214,
218, 354 217, 360
Udug.ḫul III/c 210, 211 fn. 843, 216, Udug.ḫul VII/e 214, 217, 360
218 Udug.ḫul VII/g 195, 213 fn. 861, 214,
Udug.ḫul III/d 210, 216, 218 217, 238
Udug.ḫul III/e 210, 216, 218, 289, 356 Udug.ḫul VIII 127, 214 fn. 862, 219
Udug.ḫul III/f 210, 216, 218 Udug.ḫul VIII/a 213, 214, 217, 242,
Udug.ḫul III/g 211, 216, 287, 356 360
Udug.ḫul IV 211, 220 Udug.ḫul IX 214 fn. 864
Udug.ḫul IV 181’–182’ 304 Udug.ḫul X 214, 217, 241, 399
Udug.ḫul IV/a 210, 211, 216, 240, 364 Udug.ḫul X/a 52, 84, 140
Udug.ḫul IV/c 211 fn. 847, 216, 359 Udug.ḫul XI 214, 241
Udug.ḫul V 211, 212, 213, 218, 219 fn. Udug.ḫul XI/a 214
891 Udug.ḫul XII 214f. fn. 866, 242
Udug.ḫul V 41 311 Udug.ḫul XII 98 221 fn. 913
Udug.ḫul V 107–109 63 fn. 212 Udug.ḫul XII/a 214, 215 fn. 866, 217,
Udug.ḫul V/a 211, 216 353
Udug.ḫul V/e 211, 212 fn. 852, 216, Udug.ḫul XII/b 214
220, 305, 376 Udug.ḫul XIII–XIV 86, 202 fn. 783, 215
Udug.ḫul V/f 211, 216 fn. 867, 221, 240, 241
456 Indices
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/a 215 fn. 872, 217, Ugaritica 5, 166 135, 136
364, 406 Ugaritica 5, 169 135, 136
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/b 215, 217, 364, UM 29-13-569 206 fn. 808, 223 fn. 923
407 UM 29-13-717 237
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/c 199 fn. 751, 202, UM 29-13-771 12, 84 fn. 355
215 fn. 872, 217, 365 UM 29-15-399+ISET 2, pl. 26 135, 136, 139
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/d 199 fn. 872, fn. 502
202, 215 fn. 872, 217, 365 Uš11.búr.ru.da 183, 222f. fn. 917
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/e 199 fn. 751, 215 UVB 21, pl. 12i 23, 78, 80
fn. 872
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/f 199 fn. 751, 215 VAT 9774 39 fn. 114
fn. 872, 217, 365 VAT 9883 39 fn. 114
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/f2 199 fn. 751 VS 2, 47 229, 230
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/g 202, 204 fn. VS 2, 89 132
797, 215 fn. 872, 217, 365 VS 2, 97 221 fn. 914
Udug.ḫul XIII–XV/h 199 fn. 751, 215 VS 10, 179 132
fn. 872 VS 10, 185 221 fn. 914
Udug.ḫul XVI 215, 224, 240 fn. 1025 VS 10, 186 221 fn. 914
Udug.ḫul XVI/a 211 fn. 844 VS 10, 187b 109
Udug.ḫul XVI/f 220, 304 VS 10, 187c 109, 197, 198
UET 1, 146 135, 137 VS 10, 192: 12 333
UET 6/1, 84 130 VS 17, 10 176
UET 6/1, 117 131 VS 17, 10: 51–53 275
UET 6/2, 149 222 fn. 918 VS 17, 14 109
UET 6/2, 380 126 fn. 444 VS 17, 19 182, 183
UET 6/2, 381 126 fn. 444 VS 17, 27 89
UET 6/2, 385 126 fn. 444 VS 17, 28 223 fn. 923
UET 6/2, 386 126 fn. 444 VS 17, 31 222, 223
UET 6/2, 388(+)UET 6/3 “6” 128, 130 VS 17, 33 73, 233, 234, 235
UET 6/2, 389 128, 130 VS 17, 34 233, 234, 235, 383
UET 6/2, 391: 1–7 210 fn. 841, 291. 354, 356 VS 17, 35 132
UET 6/2, 392: 1–6 210 fn. 841, 291, 354, 356 VS 17, 43 132 fn. 460
UET 6/2, 393: 9–12 295, 375 VS 17, 46+49 128, 130
UET 6/2, 399 99 VS 17, 86 126 fn. 443
UET 6/2, 406 12 fn. 42 VS 24, 25 127 fn. 450
UET 6/2, 407 205 fn. 803 VS 24, 28 128, 130
UET 6/3, 580 132 VS 24, 29 129, 130
UET 6/3, 581 132 VS 24, 31 131
UET 6/3, 636 132 VS 24, 33 130
UET 6/3, 916 137, 138 VS 24, 36 129, 130
UET 6/3, 917 137, 138 VS 24, 39 130
UET 6/3, 918 128, 130 VS 24, 41 130
UF 42, 574f. 127 fn. 450 VS 24, 45+52+61 182, 208, 218, 226 fn. 939
Ugaritica 5, 164 128, 130 VS 24, 45+52+61: xi 4’–7’ 226
Ugaritica 5, 165 135, 136 VS 24, 45+52+61: xii 1’–9’ 226
Texts 457
289, 308, 326, 328, 330, 344, 345, 348, Ningirsu 136, 279, 284
353, 355, 366, 368, 369, 397, 398, 401 Ninkarrak 61 fn. 203, 129
Lannî 37, 84 Ninurta 6, 7, 14, 15, 41, 64 fn. 218, 72 fn. 284,
Lulāyu 66 109, 112 fn. 431, 118, 119, 129, 136,
147, 189, 219, 245, 368, 372
Madi-Dagan 69 fn. 256, 64 fn. 214, 84 Ninurta-nāṣir 72
Maḫḫi-ḫīṭa(ya) 37 Niqmaddu II 56
Marduk 60 fn. 200, 61 fn. 203, 63 fn. 213, 64,
71 fn. 274, 77, 89 fn. 389, 109, 110, Ramses II 67
119, 120, 130, 177, 205 fn. 802, 207, Reminni 66 fn. 228
228, 229, 242, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, Rēš-Marduk 66 fn. 226
255, 281, 288, 293, 298, 329, 379, 392, Rībātu 38, 63 fn. 213
401, 404 Rībi-Dagan 83 fn. 352, 84, 175 fn. 584
Marduk-apla-iddina II 70 fn. 268
Marduk-ērissu 66 fn. 226 Saggil-kīnam-ubbib 71 fn. 273; fn. 276
Marduk-išmanni 63 fn. 213 Sala 66 fn. 228
Marduk-kabit-aḫḫēšu 37, 64 fn. 216, 86 Sîn-gāmil 73 fn. 290
Marduk-nādin-aḫḫē 66 fn. 227, 85 fn. 364 Sîn-lēqi-unninni 71f. fn. 277
Marduk-šākin-šumī 222 Sîn-nāṣir 67, 73
Meli-Šipak 42 Sîn-šuma-iqīša 66 fn. 234
Muwatalli II 68 Sîn-uballiṭ 42, 76, 79
Sumuqan 275
Nabû-apla-iddina 197 Šadda’ittu 66 fn. 228
Nabû-dūr-ilišu 75 fn. 312 Šakkan 262, 263, 316, 317
Nabû-šākin-šumāte 66 fn. 231 Šamaš-niqi 23 fn. 61, 27, 81
Nabû-šumu-libūr 2 Shalmaneser I 40
Nabû-zēra-iddina 75 fn. 312 Šubši-mešrê-Šakkan 75 fn. 308
Naḫiš-šalmu 82 fn. 346 Šuppiluliuma I 86 fn. 379
Namma 286, 287, 289, 291 Šuppiluliuma II 51 fn. 157
Nanše 90, 289, 356
Nazi-bugaš 85 Tiglath-Pileser I 38, 39, 85
Nazi-marrutaš 177 Tukultī-Ninurta I 39, 40, 84, 85, 136 139 fn. 502
Nebuchadnezzar I 71 fn. 276, 131 Ṭāb-ilī 66 fn. 226; fn. 223
Ningal 131
Ningirima 61 fn. 203, 283, 284, 287, 293, 385 Urtenu 56, 57, 83, 168, 169
460 Indices
Incantation-prayer 1 fn. 3, 4, 11, 16 fn. 50, 24, /gg/ > /ng/ 149
53 fn. 167, 68f. fn. 252, 69 fn. 253, 74, i+a > â 146, 155, 156, 158
77, 89, 92, 109–115, 117, 118, 119, 120, /m/ > /n/ before dentals 149, 156, 168
121, 122, 123, 124 fn. 439, 125, 138 fn. /w/ > /m/ 144, 146, 149 fn. 537, 152, 155,
495, 170, 173, 183, 184, 185, 186 fn. 156 fn. 558, 158, 163, 166, 168
646, 225, 313–325 Mumbo-Jumbo 123 fn. 438
Kultmittelbeschwörung 2 fn. 7, 16 fn. 50, 64 fn. Orthography 69, 84, 100, 121 fn. 436, 143 fn.
217, 74, 75, 77, 105–109, 117, 118, 119, 515, 148, 151, 161 fn. 562, 221 fn. 913,
120, 122, 123, 125, 194, 202 fn. 783, 206 290
fn. 811, 215 Archaic 143, 144, 145, 147, 152, 159, 164,
168
Lingua Franca 2, 82 Middle Assyrian 148, 151, 164
Locative-adverbial -ū(m) 148 fn. 529, 149, Middle Babylonian 143, 144, 146, 149, 152
150, 153 Peripheral 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163,
164, 166, 167, 168
Marduk-Ea dialogue 2 fn. 6, 60f. fn. 200, 221
fn. 913, 302 Peripheral Akkadian Features 158, 160, 162,
May PN1 die, may PN2 live! 62 163, 164, 166, 167, 168
Middle Assyrian Features 148, 151, 153, 156, /a/ > /i/ 169
158, 160, 162, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168 /a/ > /u/ 169
Absence of Babylonian vowel 151, 153, /–ānanni/ instead of /–āninni/ 169
harmony 158, 164, 168 Errors of gender polarity 158, 164, 168,
Assyrian imperative 151, 163 169
Assyrian PāS 153 Erroneous use of the 34 fn. 87, 35, 160,
Assyrian PiRS/PuRS 151 construct state 167, 285, 332
Assyrian precative 151, 153, 158, 167 Erroneous use of imperatives 169
Assyrian pronominal suffixes 151 Erroneous use of prepositions 160, 162,
Assyrian vowel harmony 153, 164 276, 299
/ai/ > ē 148, 151, 153, 162, 164 /i/e/ > /a/ 169
e-coloring I/voc-verbs 148, 151 /u/ > /a/ 157, 166, 169, 260
–i(m) > –e 164 ti– (3.sg.f.) 164 fn. 566, 169
III/voc-verbs without 148, 151, 162 –ūna (3pl.m.) 167
contraction Phonetic Sumerian 100, 115, 121 fn. 436, 123
/m/ > /n/ caused by labial 153 fn. 438, 126 fn. 444, 135 fn. 480; fn.
/šē–/prefix in Š-stem 158, 160, 166, 168 487, 221 fn. 913, 237 fn. 1008, 247,
of I/w-verbs 251, 288, 290, 299, 302, 304, 306, 311,
(u)wa– > u– 148, 151 fn. 549 324, 325
Middle Babylonian Features 143, 144, 146, Prisms 14, 24 fn. 62, 83
149, 151, 152, 155, 156, 158, 163, 166, Private magical texts 26, 73, 75, 77, 78, 80,
168 81, 82, 88
/a/ > /e/ before /i/ 146 fn. 524, 151 fn. 548 Pseudo-Inscriptions 26 fn. 71; fn. 73–74, 82
/bb/ > /mb/ 144, 149 fn. 335
/dd/ > /md/ 146, 155, 158, 166
/dd/ > /nd/ 158
Grammatical, Literary and Other Terms (Selection) 463
Rubrics 6 fn. 22, 7, 9, 10, 27–32, 28 fn. 82, Standardization 71, 72, 171 fn. 580, 175f.,
113, 115 fn. 434, 192, 232 fn. 968, 263 177–179, 178 fn. 598, 180, 187, 195 fn.
725, 242f.
Sandhi 151, 161, 166, 169, 247, 260 Stock-incantations 180f., 181 fn. 609, 183,
Scapegoat 182 fn. 618; fn. 620 202, 205
Serialization 176–178, 203, 141 Subscripts 32–35, 94, 215, 218, 219, 232 fn. 967
of individual textual units 176, 179, 189,
192, 194, 195, 210, 211, 212, 214, Tabula ansata 20, 75, 78 fn. 322, 80, 163, 193
215, 220, 241, 242 fn. 1027–1028 Terminative-adverbial -iš 144 fn. 518, 146,
of tablets 176, 241, 242 148 fn. 529, 150, 153, 155, 156, 160,
Serie 7, 61, 171, 175 fn. 584, 128f. 163, 166, 167
Shared Middle Babylonian / 149, 151, 153, Therapeutic Texts 10, 77, 188, 199, 201 fn. 770
Middle Assyrian Features 155, 156, 158, Triangle-square-stripe inscriptions 21 fn. 55,
160, 163, 166, 167, 168 25, 26, 81
Pronominal suffixes assimilated 149 fn.
to dental with /S/-sign 541, 161 Weihungstyp 2 fn. 6
/št/ > /lt/ 146 fn. 522, 149, 151, 153,
155, 158, 160, 166, 167, 168 Zi-pà 4, 7, 13, 25, 43, 44, 95, 125, 131, 144,
Single Incantation Texts 6, 16, 32, 79 218 fn. 883, 219, 220, 221, 223 fn. 924,
šiptu(m) ul yattu(n) šipat DN1 u DN2 34 fn. 87, 224 fn. 928, 227 fn. 945, 239, 304, 40
61 fn. 203
PLATES
Plate I
VAT 13226
Obverse
Lower Edge
Reverse
S
2013. VIII, 336 pages, 34 ill., 10 tables, pb prechen wir über die Geschichte und Kultur des Alten
170x240 mm
ISBN 978-3-447-06544-3 € 59,– (D)
Orient, verwenden wir häufig die Begriffe Mesopotamien
und Zweistromland – das Land zwischen Euphrat und
Tigris. Diese beiden Flüsse waren prägend für die Zivilisationen,
4: Nathan Wasserman die sich an ihren Ufern entwickelten. Bisher existiert jedoch
keine Studie, die sich der Frage widmet, wie die beiden Flüsse
Akkadian Love Literature zur Zeit des Alten Orient wahrgenommen wurden und wie sie
das Leben der Menschen prägten.
of the Third and Second Theresa Blaschke zieht zur Beantwortung dieser Frage Keil-
schrifttexte, die die beiden Flüsse namentlich nennen, aus allen
Millennium BCE Textgattungen und Zeitperioden der altorientalischen Geschichte
2016. 289 pages, 29 ill., 9 tables, pb
zur Analyse heran. Da der Verlauf der beiden Flüsse zur Zeit des
170x240 mm
ISBN 978-3-447-10726-6 Alten Orient umstritten ist, ist eine detaillierte Auseinanderset-
E-Book: ISBN 978-3-447-19569-0 each € 52,– (D) zung mit ihrer Geografie zwingend erforderlich. Vor allem dem
Tigris ist eine größere Bedeutung für die Region zuzuschreiben,
als lange angenommen wurde. Darüber hinaus widmet sich die
5: Angelika Berlejung, Aren M. Maeir, Andreas Schüle (Eds.) Studie den Themenbereichen der Herkunft und Schreibung der
Flussnamen, der Überquerung der Flüsse und ihrer Wahrneh-
Wandering Arameans: mung als Grenzen, der Nutzung der Flüsse als Verkehrswege,
Arameans Outside Syria der Beschreibung der Flüsse als Wasserlieferanten und Über-
flussbringer sowie rituellen Aspekten und der Frage der Vergött-
Textual and Archaeological Perspectives lichung der Flüsse. Auf diese Weise gibt Blaschke erstmals einen
2017. X, 298 pages, 1 diagram, 11 ill., 2 schemes, 10 tables, pb umfassenden natur- und kulturgeschichtlichen Überblick über
170x240 mm Euphrat und Tigris im Alten Orient und das Leben an ihren Ufern.
ISBN 978-3-447-10727-3
E-Book: ISBN 978-3-447-19576-8 each € 58,– (D)
Leipziger Altorientalistische Studien
Herausgegeben von Michael P. Streck
T
2018. XLVI, 99 pages, pb
170x240 mm he Middle Assyrian period (ca. 1500–1000 BCE) is char-
ISBN 978-3-447-10978-9 Ca. € 29,80 (D) acterized by the transformation of the former city state of
In Vorbereitung / In Preparation Ashur into an expansive empire. Over the last couple of
T
he Akkadian (Babylonian-Assyrian) lexicon is currently decennia, the text corpus has grown considerably due to many
accessible via two reference dictionaries, Wolfram von archaeological excavations of archives in Syria.
Soden’s Akkadisches Handwörterbuch (1958–1981) and This grammatical description of Middle Assyrian seeks to
The Assyrian Dictionary of the University of Chicago (1956– improve our knowledge of the language of these texts. It takes
2010). However, due to a large number of new cuneiform texts into account recently published texts, including the archives from
published during the last decades, both dictionaries are out- Tell Aš-Šēḫ Ḥamad, Tell Ḫuwīra, Tell Ṣabī Abyaḍ and Tell Ṭābān.
dated in part, especially in their earlier volumes. The result serves as a long overdue supplementation to Mayer’s
The Supplement to the Akkadian Dictionaries (SAD), funded by Untersuchungen zur Grammatik des Mittelassyrischen (1971).
the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, is meant to update both The monograph consists of an introduction to the corpus and
dictionaries. Without any claim to be comprehensive, SAD eval- its historical context, followed by discussions on orthography,
uates a strictly defined text corpus and a limited amount of sec- phonology, morphology and syntax. Non-Assyrian influences
ondary literature. SAD pays particular attention to new words, on orthography and grammar are also subject of discussion. In
new verbal stems, and references which expand the distribu- addition, comparisons are made between the different stages of
tion of a word or help to define its meaning, form or etymology. the Assyrian language in order to put Middle Assyrian into con-
SAD volume B, P contains 591 lemmata, among them 127 new text of its intermediate stage between Old Assyrian (ca. 1900–
words. The introduction presents a concise history of Akkadian 1700) and Neo-Assyrian (ca. 1000–600). Thus, the monograph
lexicography and describes SAD in detail. is aimed at Assyriologists as well as Semitists.