NEW DATA ON THE HUARI EMPIRE IN MIDDLE HORIZON EPOCH 2A

Author(s): Dorothy Menzel

Source: Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology , 1968, No. 6 (1968), pp. 47-114
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27977905

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 47

NEW
NEW DATA
DATAON
ONTHE
THEHUARI
HUARI
EMPIRE
EMPIRE
IN MIDDLE
IN MIDDLE
HORIZON
HORIZON
EPOCHEPOCH
2A 2A

Dorothy
DorothyMenzel
Menzel

Contents

Introduction.48

Background on the Middle Horizon offering tradition.48

The offering deposit of Ayapata.52

Ayapata urns (Shape 1, Ware A)...54

Ayapata oversized bowls (Shape 2, Ware A).55
Ayapata bowls with humped-animal designs (Shape 3, Ware B).61
Vessel forms of Ware H (crude ware).62
Secular wares at Ayapata (Wares C, D, E, F and G).63
Summary.66

Oversized ceremonial pottery from the south coast....68

Ceremonial pottery from Huari.,.69
Lay elite Huari styles of Epoch 2A.70
Lay elite burials from the south coast.71
Burial 1.71
Burial 2.76
Burial 3.77
Mythical representations on unassociated lay elite vessels.79
A minor offering from Pachacamac.84
A minor offering from the Chicama valley.85
Lay elite wares from the Huari capital.88
Summary and conclusions.90

Notes.94
Bibliography.*
Key to illustrat

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48

Introduction

New data on the Huari culture of the Middle Horizon are

constantly appearing from all parts of the area once under Huari influ
ence, and a great deal of new information has accumulated since I wrote
a report in 1964 on the data then available to me. This issue of
Rawpa Pacha is a good example, for there are four important articles,
by Paulsen, Lyon, Donn?n and Ravines, which deal with new evidence on
the Middle Horizon. The articles by Donnan and Ravines describe new
data concerning the very important and poorly known Middle Horizon
Epoch 2A. Since there is also other new information which helps to
clarify this key period in the development of the Huari expansion, the
contributions by Donnan and Ravines offer a good opportunity to bring
the discussion of Epoch 2A up to date. The new data have a special
bearing on the Huari cult, its expansion, and the changes it underwent
during Epochs 1 and 2.

The relative dating of the finds discussed here is based on

the identification of the pottery styles in terms of the sequence out
lined in my earlier study. The evidence of associations of contempo
raneity in both Donnan1s and Ravines* finds bears out data of associa
tions available from elsewhere in the area of Huari expansion, as
described in the discussion that follows. In terms of absolute dates,
Epoch 2A may fall into the second half of the seventh century A.D., or
perhaps a century or so later. It probably did not ex?eed 50 years in
length, and it may have been of even shorter duration.

Ravines' excavation at Ayapata is in many ways the most impor

tant single new contribution to Middle Horizon studies. On the basis of
internal evidence Ravines shows that the Ayapata deposit was an offering
pit made according to a preconceived plan, either on a single occasion
or on several separated by very short intervals of time. The stylistic
data bear out Ravines1 observations, as we shall see. The nature of the
Ayapata offerings, as well as the deposit itself, show a close resem
blance to two other offering deposits known from the Huari area, those
of the sites of Chakipampa near Ayacucho (Conchopata style) and of
Pacheco in the ravine of Nasca (Robles Moqo style), ^he^e offerings
belong in Middle Horizon Epochs 1A and IB, respectively. The resem
blance is so striking that it is clear that we are dealing with a single
continuing tradition of offerings. At the same time, however, there are
some significant differences among the three deposits which help to ex
plain the phenomena of change in the Huari tradition. The Ayapata depos
it represents a significant link in the story that could be seen unfold
ing in outline on the basis of earlier data.

Background on the Middle Horizon offering tradition

In order to bring the significance of the Ayapata deposit into

sharper focus, a review of the nature and function of the Middle Horizon
offering deposits is helpful. The early Middle Horizon offering deposits

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 49

are fundamental to an understanding of the nature of Huari culture and i

expansion, and the changes it underwent in the course of time. The offe
ings are an expression of great religious devotion and elaborate ceremo
al. The religious significance is seen in the mythical representations
that appear in association in the deposits, the profundity of the devotion
can be appreciated by noting the extraordinary effort and skill that went
into the manufacture of the pottery placed in the offering pits, and the
elaborate ceremonial nature of the deposits is seen in their esoteric
character which is most conspicuous in the earliest deposit near Ayacuch
The pottery in these offerings is completely unlike other kinds of potter
of its time, and it occurs in isolation from other kinds of remains. Fo
these reasons I shall refer to it as ceremonial pottery, ceremonial ware,
or offering pottery.

The earliest offering deposit, that of Conchopata dating to

Middle Horizon Epoch 1A, is a unique discovery. Its special significanc
lies also in the fact that it represents the first manifestation of a
cult or art style akin to that of Tiahuanaco in the Ayacucho and Huari
area. The religious representations appearing on the cult objects are
not found in any other associations. The cult objects consist exclusive
of oversized urns about two thirds to three quarters of a meter high, wit
a mouth diameter slightly larger than the height and walls that vary in
thickness from about three to six centimeters. Some, if not all, of the
urns had small strap handles somewhere below the lip. All these urns had
been broken where they stood, and crack marks show that the blows had been
aimed frequently or regularly at the faces of the mythical figures paint
on them. These figures were painted in 25 to 30 cm. broad bands around
the outside of the rim of the urns. Great quantities of urn fragments ar
said to have been recovered. Although a large number of them had been
painted with the mythical designs, the majority was unpainted except for
a plain cream-colored slip, according to Toribio Mejia Xesspe. As Mejia
has pointed out, the plain cream-colored urns evidently had been prepared
in advance for later ceremonial painting, but had never been so used and
were buried with the painted ones.5
The Middle Horizon IB offering deposit of the Robles Moqo style
at Pacheco, Nasca, contained urns very similar to the Conchopata ones.
Isolated examples of similar urn fragments were also found at the sites
of Chakipampa and Huari. Many of these urns are decorated with represe
tations of mythical beings, as in the Conchopata style. However, there
are also stylistic differences, as noted in an earlier publication, and
more of the urns at Pacheco were decorated with representations of cult
vated plants of the highlands.7 Another significant stylistic contrast
with the Conchopata urns is that mythical designs cover the entire surfac
of the sides of the Robles Moqo-style urns, while plant designs occur in
wider bands than are used on the earlier urns. An example of an urn wit
plant designs from Pacheco is illustrated in Ravines' article in this
issue (Ravines, fig. 84).8 In addition to their decoration, the Robles
Moqo-style urns are distinguished by large vertical or horizontal strap
handles placed at about middle height of the body. On the examples of
urns decorated with mythical designs the handles are placed and decorated

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50

to blend inconspicuously with the design on the body of the vessel, which
represents an abbreviated female deity.9 On the Robles Moqo-style urns
adorned with plant designs, however, the handles are made to represent
two animal heads attached to the ends of two serpentine bodies made to
appear coiled together. Each body terminates in the "tail-feather"
design of Huari and related cult representations (Ravines, fig. 84).
These animal handles have also other features associated with mythical
representations on other urns.
Another contrast between the Conchopata-style offering and the
Robles Moqo-style ones is that in the latter the urns are not the only
vessel form. There are also other oversized vessels, including tumblers,
fancy modeled llamas and anthropomorphic faceneck jars without mythical
features, as well as a great many distinctive small vessel forms.
Another significant difference between the Middle Horizon 1A and IB
offerings is that the latter are not confined to a single site, but are
found with regional variations at several sites. It is necessary to
deduce this fact from isolated finds of fragments at Chakipampa (Ayacucho)
and Huari, for the only offering pit proper so far discovered is that at
the Pacheco site. Since the oversized vessels that form part of the
Pacheco offering have never been found in ordinary burials, and since
fragments of such vessels appear to be confined to one area of each of
the sierra sites, it is reasonable to expect that these oversized vessels
were used exclusively as offerings. The scattering of parts of the con
tents of the offering pits is a phenomenon that also occurred at Pacheco
and near the Conchopata pits. It is possible that as yet undiscovered
offering pits of Epoch IB also remain to be found at other foci of Huari
culture of that epoch, such as the Rimac and Ca?ete valleys.

There are some additional significant features that point to

contrasts between the different ceremonial centers of Epoch IB. Small
Robles Moqo-style vessels, as well as the oversized ones, have been
recorded in similar form at Pacheco and Huari, and imitations of the
small vessels have also been found at other important centers of this
time, such as Cerro del Oro in the Ca?ete valley and Vista Alegre in the
Rimac valley. In contrast, none of the new oversized and small forms
has been recorded so far from the old center of Chakipampa or other
Middle Horizon IB sites in the vicinity of Ayacucho. This phenomenon
suggests that the initiative and dominance in religious matters had
shifted at this time from Chakipampa to Huari, an inference supported
by the subsequent abandonment of the Ayacucho sites. The difficulty is
that the sample from Huari is very small and therefore cannot give an
indication of the full range of variation of mythical themes present in
the Robles Moqo style of that center.12 The variant of the Robles Moqo
style as it appears at Pacheco has a much abbreviated range of mythical
figures, these being confined mainly to two aspects, male and female, of
the principal deity of the Conchopata tradition.1^ Since derivatives of
all the mythical figures of the Conchopata style are found on special
fancy wares of Epoch 2, it is reasonable to suppose that these mythical
themes were also continued in use in Epoch IB, notably at Huari, which

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seems to have been the center of distribution at this time. It is there

fore expectable that the Robles Moqo style of Huari contained the whole
pantheon of mythical representations found in the Conchopata style, some
thing that the present small sample from Huari cannot reveal. The obvious
inference is that the Robles Moqo style of Pacheco represents a local
selection and adaptation of some of the mythical figures, omitting others.

The custom of making offerings of pottery did not cease in later

epochs, and persisted into the time of the Spanish conquest. The quota
tion from Pablo Joseph de Arriaga, used as an epigraph by Ravines at the
beginning of his article, is an account of a pottery deposit in the dis
trict of Caxatambo in the north-central highlands which sounds remarkably
like a Middle Horizon 1 offering pit and shrine, found and reused in later
times. Although some pottery offerings were made also in Inca times, the
Incas used other kinds of offerings more frequently.1^ Common Inca offer
ings consisted of small figurines representing humans or llamas which were
usually made of gold, silver or stone and sometimes of shell; of sea
shells, shell beads, or small pieces of shell; of small bits of gold; of
clothing and food; of coca; of sacrificed llamas and guinea pigs; and
sometimes of human sacrifices of children. Some of the offerings, such
as clothing, food and llamas, were usually burned. The Incas made these
sacrifices on state occasions and at certain shrines. Each occasion and
each shrine required a different ceremonial and a different variety of
offerings. Some of the shrines consisted of springs, others honored
mountain tops or were located at certain spots along the road, at quarries,
or at other important sites. Peculiar rock formations were also sometimes
made into shrines. Many shrines recorded special events. The artifact
offerings were very commonly of miniature size. Shell, either whole, in
small bits or ground to powder was the most common offering at springs.
Cobo also mentions an offering pit in connection with the fourth shrine of
the sixth ceque (line) of Cuzco in the Chinchaysuyu sector to the north,
a shrine to the wind (Guayra). What was offered is not specified, how
ever.

Cobo points out that the native peoples of the dif

ces of the Inca empire also had shrines of their own to w
sacrifices independently of the Inca system. These pr
tions did not originate with the Incas, despite the fact t
resembled the Inca ones.

There are a number of resemblances between the kinds of offer

ings made by the Incas and offerings probably datable to Middle Horizon
Epoch 2. For example, Valc?rcel describes an offering deposit below the
floor of one of the rooms of the Middle Horizon site of Pikillaqta, in
the Lucre basin, lower Cuzco valley.18 The offering was buried under a
stone and consisted of large quantities of human figurines of miniature
size in the Huari style, together with two valves of a Spondylus shell,
a Strombus shell, and a copper bar. Miniature figurines of the same style
have been found throughout the area of Huari influence. Several have been
recorded from the lea valley on the south coast. A miniature stone
figurine of this style was recovered by Aldo Rubini at a cemetery at

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52

Ocucaje, Ica, which produced burials in the styles of Middle Horizon

Epochs 2 and 3. Since no Middle Horizon 1 remains have been recorded
at the Ocucaje cemetery, the figurine from there probably does not pre
date Epoch 2 of the Middle Horizon. Larco states that such figurines
have also been found at Chanchan near Trujillo, in the Vir? valley, at
Santiago de Chuco, Casma, Huancayo and the Callej?n de Huaylas, as well
as in the Ayacucho region. Tiny stone figurines in the Huari style
from the Ayacucho region are among the collections of the Museo Hist?rico
Regional of Ayacucho.22 These data indicate that the small stone figu
rines had a wide distribution in the area of Huari domination during the
Middle Horizon, and that they were used as offerings, along with shell.
The data from lea suggest, furthermore, that the figurines were in use
in Middle Horizon Epoch 2, although this does not necessarily preclude
the possibility of their earlier occurrence as well.
One is struck at once by the resemblance between the Huari
style offerings of miniature figurines and shell, and the corresponding
Inca offerings. This resemblance is the more striking if one considers
that neither shell nor miniature figurines are recorded for the pottery
offering deposits of Middle Horizon Epoch 1. The roots of the Inca
offering pattern may not go farther back than Epoch 2 of the Middle
Horizon. On the other hand, small modeled vessels representing non
mythical humans do exist as part of the Robles Moqo-style pottery offer
ings of Epoch IB and suggest a resemblance to the small stone figurines.
It is possible that fancy stone-carved figurines and shells came to
replace the pottery offerings of Middle Horizon Epoch IB as the pottery
lost some of its prestige and religious exclusiveness.2^
There is another point to be considered, however, and that is
that a variety of different kinds of offering deposits existed in the
Middle Horizon, as they did in Inca times. For example, offerings of
sacrificed llamas were found at Pacheco separately from the pottery offer
ings.21* Ubbelohde-Doering describes "circular" (cylindrical?) offering
pits of human sacrifices in an area of several elite burials of Middle
Horizon Epoch 2 and one of Epoch IB, which were found at Locari in the
Huayuri or Chimba valley of the Nasca drainage. These examples of
different kinds of offerings in the period of Huari domination in Peru
as early as Epoch IB indicate a need for caution in interpreting the
history of offerings from Middle Horizon 1 to Inca times. Despite this
caution, however, there is a clear contrast between the fancy ceremonial
pottery offerings of Middle Horizon Epoch 1 and what is known of offer
ings in later times. Some time after Middle Horizon IB pottery made
especially for offering deposits evidently went out of use.

The offering deposit of Ayapata

Let us now turn to the new evidence furnished by the offering
pit of Ayapata, to see to what extent it can help us to bridge the gap
between the Middle Horizon 1 offering pattern and the patterns we see in
later times. To begin with, it is important to note that the Ayapata

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 53

deposit is located only about 35 kms. northwest of the site of Huari in

direct air line. About 25 kms. to the west of Ayapata lies the settle
ment of Huallay Grande or "Atun Waillay," near which Tello reports a
second principal site like that of Huari, on the left bank of the Lircay
river. According to Tello, remains of the Huari culture are particularly
prominent in the provinces of Angaraes and Huancavelica. west of Huari,
especially in the area of the Huarpa and Lircay rivers. The discovery
of an important offering deposit of the Huari cult in the general vicinity
of both Huari and Atun Waillay therefore fits in well with other data that
mark this area as the center of Huari culture. The fact that no structures
appear to be associated with the Ayapata deposit in its immediate vicinity
is not surprising if one considers that the earlier offering deposits at
the sites of Chakipampa and Pacheco were also removed from the immediate
vicinity of major structures. It appears that such offerings were made
customarily in locations at some distance from the principal constructions.
Like the offering pits of the Conchopata and Robles Moqo styles,
the Ayapata deposit was made in an unstructured pit. The Ayapata deposit
differs from the others in consisting of separate strata, each with its
own particular set of offerings. There are no recorded data that such
stratification existed in the earlier offerings. However, the earlier
records are not complete, and it is possible that some differential depo
sition may also have existed in the Middle Horizon 1 deposits. There is
one definite distinction between the Ayapata offering and the earlier
ones. In the Ayapata deposit fragments of fancy ware belonging to secular
traditions unrelated to the Huari cult wares are found in the same pit
with the ceremonial ware. The same kinds of associations are not found
in the earlier offerings. The closest earlier analogue is in the Robles
Moqo style, where vessels in the style of some of the smaller vessels
without mythical attributes or designs appearing in the Pacheco offering
pit are occasionally also found in less esoteric contexts, either in very
fancy elite burials or in what appears to have been a minor form of
offering.^
Another very interesting distinction of the pottery of the
Ayapata deposit is the fact that most of the vessel forms, each with its
distinctive shape and design features, are made of different wares. This
fact complements the stylistic differences in shapes and designs, and
suggests the likelihood that the different forms were made in different
workshops or manufacturing communities. 8 The most notable exception is
Ware A, a ware used for two distinct shapes with distinct designs, Shapes
1 and 2. What is also of particular interest here is the fact that these
are the only two shapes derived from the ceremonial pottery of the Middle
Horizon 1 offering deposits. These shared traits suggest the possibility
or even probability that both shapes were made in the same workshop, one
that may have made the manufacture of Huari cult ware its exclusive con
cern. Both these ceremonial shapes have features showing their common
derivation from a single earlier one, the oversized urns. The distinction
of the Ayapata forms is that each represents a different selection of fea
tures and themes derived from the earlier form.

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54

Ayapata urns (Shape Ware A)

The resemblance in shape between the Ayapata urns and the
oversized ceremonial urns of the Conchopata and Robles Moqo styles is
striking. For comparison, see the Ayapata urn shown by Ravines in his
fig. 3, and the Robles Moqo-style urn illustrated in his fig. 84.29
Many of the Ayapata urns are less than half the size and thickness of
the Conchopata and Robles Moqo-style ones, even though they continue to
be larger than fancy ware vessels of secular use of Epoch 2A. In addi
tion to the size difference, however, there also is a marked contrast
in size range. The Conchopata and Robles Moqo-style urns are very
homogeneous in size. In contrast, the largest of the Ayapata urns are
only a little smaller than the Robles Moqo-style ones, while the smal
lest Ayapata urns are very much smaller. Other shape differences
between the Ayapata and Robles Moqo-style urns are of a minor nature.
The upper profile of the Ayapata urns is slightly more convex, so that
the diameter at the mouth is proportionately slightly smaller. Also,
the handles of the Ayapata urns are in a much higher position, just
below the lip.
What distinguishes the Ayapata urns from the Robles Moqo ones
much more is their decoration. The Ayapata urns lack either mythical
or plant designs. Instead, the single standard design is a black and
white chevron band on a red-slipped base, as described by Ravines.
This chevron design is a derivative of the Robles Moqo-style chevron
band, which is confined to the broad lip of these urns.^ On the Ayapata
urns the chevron band is also used as lip decoration, but in addition it
is used to decorate the outer sides and handles in a distinctive arrange
ment (Ravines, figs. 3, 78-81). The red-slipped ground is a standard
decorative device that the Ayapata urns share with the earlier ones,
even though in the Robles Moqo style there are also alternative base
colors in urn decoration. The main difference is that Robles Moqo-style
chevron bands consist of chevrons in up to five or six alternating
colors. Bicolor chevron bands, particularly in black and white, are a
widespread Middle Horizon 2 feature that is also found commonly in the
decoration of other kinds of Huari-style pottery of this epoch (see
"lay elite" pottery, below and figs. 34, 43b, 45, 46).31
The Ayapata urns are distinguished further by one important
ceremonial feature that is not present in the earlier offerings. Most
of the Ayapata urns show evidence of having been used for burning some
substance on the inside. There is no recorded evidence that any of the
earlier ceremonial wares of the Huari cult show evidence of having been
used in this fashion. On the other hand, cups showing evidence of inte
rior burning, many of them decorated with designs of lesser mythical
beings, are a common feature in the Tiahuanaco style of Bolivia. It is
possible that the evidence of use of the Ayapata urns as burners of some
kind of incense or other offering is an Epoch 2A innovation in the Huari t
area attributable to newly imported ceremonial influences from the south/
The ceremonial function of the Ayapata urns is highlighted by the fact
that they had been broken deliberately in situ, as Ravines explains.

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 55

Deliberate ceremonial destruction of the urns in this fashion is also

characteristic of the offering deposits of the Conchopata and Robles
Moqo styles. This feature represents an aspect of the continuity be
tween the Middle Horizon 1 offerings and the Ayapata one.

Ayapata oversized bowls (Shape 2_, Ware A)

These bowls are the second shape at Ayapata derived from the
earlier oversized urns, as noted above, and they are the only vessel
form at Ayapata that is decorated with mythical representations of the
Huari cult. They were found only in the middle stratum of the Ayapata
deposit, below the burning urns. Unlike the latter, the oversized bowls
were not used as burners. They also differ from Shape 1 urns in being
slightly smaller, with somewhat different proportions (for examples, see
Ravines, figs. 18, 29). They are best described as oversized, deep,
flat-bottomed bowls or cups with handles that resemble the urn handles.
The term "oversized11 is used because most of these bowls are signifi
cantly larger than most of the bowls found in less esoteric contexts (see
below). In handle form and decoration the oversized bowls show even more
resemblance to the Conchopata and Robles Moqo-style urns than do the
Ayapata burner urns.

A partial discussion of the style features that relate the

oversized bowls of Ayapata to the Conchopata and Robles Moqo-style urns
is presented in the article by Ravines. The oversized bowls are decora
ted on the entire outer sides with elaborate designs of mythical beings
which show a close relationship to the corresponding designs of the
Conchopata and Robles Moqo-style urns. The variety of several kinds of
mythical beings represented on the oversized bowls of Ayapata is an im
portant feature, for it is one that the Ayapata bowls share with the
Conchopata urns, but not with the Robles Moqo-style urns from Pacheco.
It is equally important that many of the stylistic details of which the
mythical beings are composed show a closer relationship to the figures
of the Conchopata style than they do to the representations of the Robles
Moqo style as we know it from Pacheco. These observations confirm the
inference based on earlier evidence that the Pacheco variant of the
Robles Moqo style represents a specialized local selection of themes and
features of the Huari ceremonial complex, and that the Robles Moqo style
of the sierra must have continued to carry in it the complete or nearly
complete pantheon of the Conchopata-style complex. No other explana
tion can account for the persistence of variants of the entire Conchopata
style pantheon in Middle Horizon Epoch 2.

While the record from Ayapata is still fragmentary, it is evi

dent that frontface deity figures and profile "angel" figures are repre
sented, as in the Conchopata style. Fragments illustrated by Ravines in
his figs. 9, 11-13, 50, 52, 61, 65 and 69 have features that resemble
those of the frontface deity figures of the Conchopata style. Par^of a
running profile angel figure is shown in Ravines' figs. 16 and 62. By
contrast, the Robles Moqo-style urns from Pacheco are decorated with

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56

only one major mythical representation, the frontface deity, which

appears in both male and female form. Concrete evidence that angel
figures did continue in use in the sierra variants of the Robles Moqo
style appears on one fragment with part of an angel design, which was
recovered at the site of Chakipampa. Other Conchopata-style themes
appearing on the Ayapata bowls, but not in the Pacheco variant of the
Robles Moqo style, include depictions of large, bodiless profile heads
of mythical beings, and frontface and profile trophy heads (Ravines,
figs. 4-7, 11, 12, 51, 61, 65, 67, 68).
There are also stylistic details of the large Ayapata bowls
which are more like the Conchopata-style ones than any represented in
the Robles Moqo-style sample from Pacheco. For example, as in the
Conchopata style, righthand staves of frontface figures are represented
by narrow fillets rather than by broad staff bands (Ravines, figs. 9,
12, 50). The use of three bands instead of one, and the horizontal sec
tioning of these bands are Ayapata innovations, however. In the Concho
pata style, by contrast, the righthand staves of frontface deity figures
consist of a single fillet above the hand, and a broader staff band
below it.37
The broadband staff held in the left hand of the frontface
figure and also in the hand of the profile figure in the Ayapata style
also has its corresponding analogue in the Conchopata style. Like the
latter, it consists of a single band (Ravines, figs. 8, 10, 11, 16, 62,
64, 65, 68 and 69). It shares with the Conchopata-style bands such fea
tures as the projecting animal heads and the lower "tail-feather" appen
dage. The considerable curvature of some of the staves is another
feature linking them specifically to Conchopata-style antecedents.
Another Ayapata feature reminiscent of the Conchopata style is the
narrowing of the staff band near the hand, as if it were being squeezed
by the grip (Ravines, figs. 11, 65). In the Conchopata style this
squeezing effect is not seen with hand-held staves, however, but rather
with appendages that emanate from the grip of clenched teeth of mythical
figures, and in examples where a human victim is held in the grip of a
mythical figure.
One other important feature distinguishes staff designs of the
Ayapata style from earlier staff designs. In place of the rectangular
filler elements that adorn the staves in the Epoch 1A and IB styles, the
Ayapata ones are ornamented with large near-circular dots in various
colors outlined in black. This design element has widespread use in
Epoch 2A not only as decoration of ceremonial offering pottery of the
Huari cult, but also on other kinds of Huari-styie pottery, as well as
on associated textiles and other ornaments (see below). Two other vari
ants of this dot design occur in the ceremonial style of Ayapata, to
distinguish their use in different contexts. An unoutlined form of the
dot is used for curved staves carried in the right hand of the frontface
deity figures, along with the narrow staff bands (Ravines, figs. 9, 14,
50). Another variant, used to ornament the belt of the deity figures,
consists of outlined dots halved vertically to give two contrasting

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 57

color areas (Ravines, figs. 12, 61, 69).

The origins of this dot design are important enough to our
discussion to justify a digression at this point. Its original use was
to ornament the body of a mythical animal design of the fancy Chakipampa
A (or "Ruda Qasa") style of Epoch 1A.^ Fragments of this design, and a
reconstruction of the shape on which it is found, are shown in figs. 2-6.
An Epoch 2A derivative of this shape and design theme is illustrated in
figs. 7, 14. In the fancy Chakipampa A style this figure is always de
picted upside down in relation to the rim, a position that is reversed
in Epoch 2A. Epoch 2A sees a much wider adaptation and use of these
spots as animal-body designs, as well as use in other, new contexts.

The fancy Chakipampa A animal design on which this kind of

body spot appears originally represents a figure rooted in the old Nasca
tradition of the south coast, one that exerted influence on the Huarpa
style of the sierra in Early Intermediate Period Epoch 7.1+1 However,
the fancy Chakipampa A animal differs from the older traditional ones in
having certain features that represent borrowing of features from Con
chopata-style cult figures. These include the fanged mouth, ring nose,
hornlike projections on top of the head, the appearance of the claws,
the zigzag band framing the upper side of the body and, lastly, the body
spots (figs. 2b, 3-6). Large spots similar to the fancy Chakipampa A
ones appear also as body ornaments on mythical "floating angel" figures
in the Conchopata style (Angels C and D), where, however, they are deco
rated with small faces.4 The significance of this evidence of borrowing
of Conchopata style features in the fancy Chakipampa A style in Epoch 1A
is that it demonstrates a secondary or lay affiliation of the fancy Chaki
pampa A style with the absolutely esoteric ceremonial Conchopata style.
The fancy Chakipampa A style also has other unique features, including
entirely new techniques in pigmentation and the manufacture of slips, ^
which also resemble those of the Conchopata style, and a unique paste.
The distribution of the fancy Chakipampa A style is also unique; it is
found in concentration only in the field of Ruda Qasa on the site of
Acuchimay, on the outskirts of Ayacucho, not far from where the offering
deposits of the Conchopata style were found. Fragments of this style
are not found in offering pits, however, but are mixed with ordinary
refuse.

If we could not recognize the special status of the fancy Chaki

pampa A style from Epoch 1A evidence alone, it would become obvious when
we observe the association pattern of features derived from the fancy
Chakipampa A and Conchopata styles during the next two epochs. Epoch IB
sees humped-animal designs and other design themes of fancy Chakipampa A
origin appearing on small Robles Moqo-style vessels that lack Huari cult
features or any other mythical features, but which are found in offering
pits in association with Huari cult vessels proper. This association
represents a closer affiliation between the humped-animal and Huari cult
traditions than before. Epoch IB also sees a new representation, in
which a serpentine animal of fancy Chakipampa A derivation acquires a
head, "tail feather," body spots and serrated body borders. This design

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58

is used regularly in the decoration of the sides of small tumblers in

the Robles Moqo style. The body spots on these serpentine animals of
the Robles Moqo style occur in the kind of variety found subsequently in
Epoch 2A designs. The Robles Moqo-style body spots differ from the
later ones in being of relatively smaller size, with more irregular
contours and outlines of less even execution. Furthermore, the spots
are not used in other contexts in Epoch IB.

In Epoch 2A multicolored spots continue to appear in their

original context, in the form of body spots on animals of primary mythi
cal import.^ They also continue to appear on derivatives of the animal
designs of secondary mythical import which first appear in Robles Moqo
style associations (fig. 50)? Beyond that, they appear in entirely new
contexts, of which the various bands like staves and belts in the Ayapata
style, and panel-dividing bands on other kinds of Huari-style pottery of
this epoch, are examples.
The greatly expanded use of multicolored spots in the Ayapata
style and other Huari-style pottery of Epoch 2A reveals two important
aspects of Huari history: the peculiar, cult-affiliated status of the
fancy Chakipampa A style and its derivatives, and the manner in which
these derivatives came to be used as prestige symbols that were equally
applicable to ceremonial ware and other fancy Huari-style objects.
Another example of the process of increasingly close association between
features of the fancy Chakipampa tradition and the Huari cult is the
animal head that ornaments one of the curved staves of the Huari cult
figures at Ayapata (Ravines, figs. 9, 50). This head is a derivative
of the fancy Chakipampa A head illustrated in figs. 2b, 3, 6.
The abundance of trophy heads in the Ayapata style is striking.
They are shown regularly as dangling from a staff or elbow (Ravines, figs.
10-12, 65, 68) and in some examples they are stacked in a column of four
to represent the staff itself (Ravines, figs. 4, 67). For a complete
example of this design on a bowl from the south coast, see Disselhoff
and Linn?, 1960, p. 201. In the Conchopata style, trophy figures occur
in proximity to the left arm of the frontface deity figures, as in the
Ayapata style, and they are also associated with the angel figure (Angel
A) that appears together with the deity figure in the same design.
Conchopata Angel A has a feline head, unlike the human or eagle heads
with mythical attributes that appear on other mythical figures of that
style. 6 The feline-headed angel is a much more prominent figure in
the Huari styles of Epoch 2A, and the abundance of trophy heads in the
Ayapata designs may be related to this increased importance of the
feline-headed being. It is important to note that the upper body of
the mythical figures in the Ayapata style is represented as being covered
with a feline pelt, an Epoch 2A innovation which also points to the in
creased importance of the mythical feline.

Ayapata trophy heads are shown both in frontface and profile

view, but whole trophy figures do not appear in the Ayapata style.48
The profile trophy heads are very homogeneous in appearance, not only

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 59

those in the Ayapata sample, but on other Epoch 2A vessels as well. The
heads are large, with lenticular eyes, a complete hair bob, a rectangular
or near-rectangular mouth usually shown without teeth, and a black line
that halves the face diagonally or forms an S-shaped curve around the eye
and cheek (Ravines, figs. 4, 11, 65, 67). Profile trophy heads very sim
ilar to the Ayapata ones also appear in vertical columns as panel-divid
ing bands on oversized ceremonial jars from Oco?a (Ravines, fig. 87a, b;
see also below). The same kinds of profile trophy-head designs are
found on fragments of large bowls from Huari and the south coast which
are like the oversized Ayapata ones.49 Frontface trophy heads appear to
be much more variable in appearance in Epoch 2A than the profile ones,
but they also are used with frequency as staff appendages on the cere
monial vessels from Ayapata, as well as on the oversized jars from
Oco?a.50
Another Ayapata design also has a close homologue in the Concho
pata style. It consists of a large profile head that covers most or all
of the side of the vessel (Ravines, figs. 4-7, 51, 61). There are con
siderable differences in stylistic detail between the Ayapata and Concho
pata heads, but they are alike in theme and composition. The principal
feature that distinguishes the Ayapata heads from the Conchopata ones is
their association with maize-ear appendages. The earliest association
of maize and other plant depictions with the Huari cult occurs in Middle
Horizon Epoch IB, with mythical figures of the Robles Moqo style.51 Here,
then, is another Ayapata feature that can be traced directly to Robles
Moqo-style antecedents in our sample. Large profile head depictions of
this kind are not confined to religious offerings such as the Ayapata one
in Epoch 2A and early Epoch 2B; they are also found on similar but smaller
bowls and jars of other kinds of Huari-style pottery throughout the area
of Huari expansion (fig. 45; see also below).
The mythical designs and their associated themes described
above form the principal decoration of the oversized bowls of Ayapata.
However, there are also a few fragmentary examples of another design
theme, the humped-animal design of the Nasca and fancy Chakipampa tradi
tion (Ravines, figs. 15, 53, 55, 66). As we shall see below, this design
forms the standard decoration on another ware occurring in the same
stratum with the oversized Huari cult bowls. Their occurrence on the
Huari cult bowls is evidently comparatively rare, and they have a slightly
different appearance in this context. They have far more conservative
features in the appearance of the ray-design appendages, which form-an
integral part of this design. The rays are short, most of them with rec
tangular contours. These are conservative features, like those of Nasca
9 ray designs of Epoch IB (for comparison, see the Nasca 9 vessel illus
trated by Ravines in his fig. 85). An alternative form of the ray designs
used in this context is one in which the top of the rays is curvilinear,
while the base is straightsided (Ravines, fig. 53). This is a more
advanced execution characteristic of Epoch 2A and the early part of Epoch
2B.53 The humped-animal designs appearing on the oversized Huari cult
bowls of Ayapata are also distinguished in being placed at least in some
examples in vertical or partially vertical rather than horizontal position

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60

(Ravines, fig. 66; see also Disselhoff and Linne, 1960, p. 201).
The association of humped-animal designs of fancy Chakipampa
origins on the same vessels with mythical Huari cult figures proper is
an Epoch 2A innovation. However, as noted earlier, animal designs of
this tradition appear for the first time in Epoch IB on small Robles
Moqo-style vessels that lack Huari cult representations. Their more
intimate association with mythical figures of the Huari cult in Epoch
2A is another example of the increasingly close association of the two
mythical traditions at this time. It is of interest to note that even
the striking conservatism of the humped-animal figures that appear on
the oversized bowls of Ayapata has a precedent in Epoch IB. Those
appearing on the small Robles Moqo-style vessels also have several
stylistic features showing a more conservative execution than contem
porary designs appearing in secular contexts.

The chevron band that is used to decorate the lip of the over
sized Ayapata bowls is similar to that appearing on the lip of the
burning urns of Ayapata, as well as on the urns of the earlier Robles
Moqo style (Ravines, fig. 18b). The appearance of the chevrons on the
bowl lips differs from that of the burning-urn chevrons in incorporati
more colors. Ravines1 illustration shows adjoining chevrons in purple
and red outlined with black. 4 The same color alternation can be found
in the corresponding Robles Moqo-style urn-lip decoration, in which
purple, red, cream, white and gray are used as alternating colors.^5
The decoration of the Huari cult bowls of Ayapata has another
distinctive feature. Ravines points out that design areas that halve
or quarter the vessel are divided vertically by narrow white lines
(Ravines, figs. 4, 9, 12, 14, 15, 17, 50, 66, 67; Disselhoff and Linn?
1960, p. 201). The background colors of these design areas are differ
shades in the red-to-orange scale. The technique for subdividing the
design area with white lines is derived from the common use of white
outlining for design areas in the Conchopata style. What distinguishes
the Epoch 2A vessels is the use of white lines to halve or quarter th
entire design area on the vessel. Although this usage may persist in
the early part of Epoch 2B, such later examples appear to be rare. In
Epoch 2B white lines usually separate red and black design fields.
As Ravines points out, there are a number of stylistic detail
that link the ceremonial bowl designs of Ayapata with the decoration o
a group of oversized ceremonial jars from Oco?a assigned to the same
epoch. The principal features in this category are the trophy heads,
including their stylistic details and context, as discussed earlier, a
the feline markings on the upper body of the deity figures (Ravines,
figs. 12, 13, 61, 69). These feline markings are characteristic of th
feline-bodied mythical being of Epoch 2A (see also below). The mythica
feline represented on one of the Oco?a jars illustrated by Ravines show
a variation of the feline-pelt design (Ravines, fig. 87a, b). More
nearly identical feline markings to the Ayapata ones are seen on lay
elite ware examples of Epoch 2A and early Epoch 2B (figs. 43a, 44).

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 61

Some of the stylistic details of the Ayapata bowls are unique

in the light of present evidence and seem to represent local variations.
The narrow modular widths of the arms and hands, and the very long
thumbs of the frontface deity figures fall into this category (Ravines,
figs. 9, 11, 12, 50, 65).
In summary, most of the features of the mythical designs on
the oversized ceremonial bowls from Ayapata show specific derivation
from the ceremonial Conchopata style urn designs rather than from the
Robles Moqo-style ones as they appear at Pacheco. This derivation must
be an indirect one through sierra variants of the Robles Moqo style
which are at present represented by an inadequate sample. Other Ayapata
features have documented Robles Moqo-style antecedents. Such features
include the association of maize ears with the mythical designs and the
style features of the handles. The chevron-band design on the lip is
probably also derived from Robles Moqo urn decoration. The few examples
of humped-animal designs are probably derived directly from the corre
sponding designs on small Robles Moqo-style vessels which lack mythical
features of the Huari cult, despite the fact that the origins of the
humped animals are ultimately traceable to the fancy Chakipampa A designs
of Epoch 1A. The multicolored circular filler elements appearing as
staff and belt decoration in the Ayapata designs are an extension and
modification of another Robles Moqo-style feature ultimately derived from
fancy Chakipampa A antecedents. The technique of covering the entire
surface of the outside with mythical designs is also one that the Ayapata
style shares with the Robles Moqo style. However, since the Ayapata
bowls are smaller than the Robles Moqo-style urns, the design area is
more nearly the width of the decorative bands of the Conchopata-style
urns than of the Robles Moqo-style ones. This resemblance in the width
of the design area between the Conchopata and Ayapata styles is probably
coincidental, but it lends an additional similarity in appearance to the
two styles.

Ayapata bowls with humped-animal designs (Shape 3^, Ware B)

These bowls were found in the same stratum as the oversized
Huari cult bowls, and one must suppose that they therefore also had
major religious significance. However, both in shape and design the
Shape 3 bowls have antecedents in the fancy Chakipampa A style of Epoch
1A. Ravines shows a reconstruction of the shape of these bowls in his
fig. 28. Designs and two shape profiles are further illustrated in his
figs. 19-27 and 70-77.
Shape 3 bowls are smaller than the oversized Shape 2 bowls,
they lack handles, and they have slightly different contours. Their
contours resemble those of one of the standardized fancy Chakipampa A
shapes (fig. I).56 The overall red slip that covers both the exterior
and interior surfaces is also traceable to fancy Chakipampa A antecedents.
The design itself represents the humped animal, antecedents of which
appear in the fancy Chakipampa A style and are subsequently much more

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62

widespread in the Chakipampa and Nasca 9B styles of Epoch IB. For

Nasca 9B examples, see fig. 27, and Ravines, figs. 85, 86.
The humped-animal designs on the Ayapata bowls are distin
guished by several features from the Nasca 9B and Chakipampa ones.
For example, the tail is drawn as a separate arc from the body on all
the Ayapata figures (Ravines, figs. 19, 20, 24, 71). By contrast,
corresponding Epoch IB bodies and tails are usually, though not invar
iably, drawn together in a single curve. The modular width of the
design bands in the Ayapata figures is broader on the average than that
of the earlier designs. Most distinctive, also, are the ray design
appendages. They consist of large triple rays in which the central ray
is much longer than the other two and ends in a triangular point. These
features also appear in the same design on two of the oversized ceremo
nial jars from Oco?a (Ravines, figs. 88a, b). So far no humped-animal
designs have turned up on vessels identifiable as belonging in Epoch 2B,
and the design appears to have gone out of style after Epoch 2A or early
Epoch 2B.

The design arrangement on the Ayapata bowls is that of two

humped animals, one on each side of the outside of the bowl, separated
by vertical panel-dividing bands (Ravines, figs. 20, 22, 26, 73, 74, 77).
The panel-dividing bands are sectioned into rectangular segments by means
of diagonal step designs, examples of which are seen most clearly in
Ravines, figs. 22 and 73. A variant of the same design also appears as
a panel-dividing band on one of the Oco?a jars, where it also separates
two panels containing humped-animal designs. The stylistic resem
blances between some of the Oco?a jars and the Ayapata bowl designs
thus amount to virtual identity. It is evident that the entire design
pattern of the Ayapata bowls was a standard one not only in the offering
at Ayapata, but in ceremonial Huari cult pottery of Epoch 2A in at least
some of the more distant provinces as well.

The white background-filler elements appearing between the ray

appendages on the Ayapata humped-animal designs are unique in appearance,
in terms of evidence currently available. However, circular white filler
elements outlined in black and with black dots in the center are a stand
ard feature of this design pattern elsewhere (for comparison, see Ravines,
figs. 85, 86, 88a).

Vessel forms of Ware (crude ware)

Shapes 1-3 of Wares A and B, discussed above, are the princi

pal vessel forms found in the upper two levels of the Ayapata deposit,
that is, in the levels where the Huari cult vessels are found. It is
of particular interest, however, that in the uppermost level, along with
the burning urns, there appear a few fragments of another, relatively
crude ware. This ware was probably made in a different workshop, be
cause it is made of a different kind of paste and temper, with different
manufacturing and stylistic techniques. On the face of it this crude

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 63

ware does not show a stylistic relationship to the Huari cult objects,
but a closer examination reveals that such a relationship does exist.

Of the three identifiable shapes, one is a variant of the

Shape 2 form of Ware A (Ravines, fig. 47). This bowl has a minimum of
very simple decoration. The lip design, however, is a recognizable
variant of a lip design that is characteristic of some of the fancy
Chakipampa A bowls and their derivatives (for comparison, see figs. 2c,
14, 25, 44, 45).
The two other recognizable Ware H shapes are small open bowls
illustrated by Ravines in his figs. 48 and 49. Both in shape and design
features these bowls show a close relationship to the fancy Chakipampa
A bowl tradition. For comparison, see figs. 2-6. The design on Ravines1
fig. 48 has obvious similarity to the horned-animal design of the fancy
Chakipampa A style and its fancy Epoch 2A derivatives (figs. 2b, 3, 6,
7, 14).58 Evidently the Middle Horizon 2A derivatives are much more
variable in detail than the fancy Chakipampa A figures. The variability
is probably in part a function of the fact that these examples have a
wide distribution, in contrast to the fancy Chakipampa A ones. Slightly
different variants were evidently made in different localities. However,
in part the variability may also be due to stylistic differences between
the products of different workshops that are not necessarily very dis
tant from one another. It is particularly striking that the Ware H bowl
fragment shows the same combination of an animal body adjoining a curved
figure as the design that appears on the fancy Chakipampa A fragment in
fig. 2b, even though the rectangular sectioning of the curve is differ
ent. It is of further interest that the same kind of curved band seg
ment appears on a Ware A fragment on one of the oversized Shape 2 bowls
(Ravines, fig. 58). Here is another stylistic link that relates the
Ware H vessels to the Ware A ones. The vertical chevron panel-dividing
band in the Ware H bowl fragment illustrated by Ravines in his fig. 49
also has fancy Chakipampa A antecedents. In width and outlining arrange
ment this chevron band falls into the standard Middle Horizon 2 pattern
that is common on fancy elite wares in all the Huari styles. 9
An examination of the Ware H remains thus leads to the con
clusion that despite their crude manufacture they show a stylistic rela
tionship to the Ayapata ceremonial pottery of Wares A and B. Historical
ly, some of the shapes and all of the designs are traceable to fancy
Chakipampa A origins, the special elite ware of Epoch 1A. For these
reasons the presence of Ware H fragments in the uppermost level of the
deposit, along with the burning urns, is not as surprising as it might
have seemed at first glance. The products of the Ware H workshop evi
dently were of ceremonial import despite their relatively crude manu
facture .

Secular wares at Ayapata (Wares C, D, E, F and G)

The lowest level of the Ayapata deposit contained exclusively

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64

pottery without mythical features. Most of this pottery is entirely

unrelated to the traditions of Huari cult pottery or fancy Chakipampa
A pottery. The only exception is in the fragments of modeled llamas
which probably come from this level, and which are related to modeled
llamas in the Robles Moqo style which also lack mythical attributes.
All the rest of the pottery in this level is, insofar as its anteced
ents can be traced, related to different Peruvian traditions of en
tirely secular origins, the kind of pottery found regularly in ordinar
refuse and burials in other areas. For this reason I shall refer to
these wares as "secular wares" or "secular pottery." Each of the wares
in the lowest level represents a different stylistic tradition with a
different geographic origin.
Just as Ware A remains, especially those of the burning urns,
represent by far the most abundant remains of the Huari cult complex
in the upper levels, so Shape 4 of Ware C represents by far the most
abundant remains in the lowest level. Shape and paste are so far unique
among known Middle Horizon remains (Ravines, fig. 30). The paste is a
very fine, compact, light orange ware with very fine temper. The sur
face has a smooth, glossy finish. The great effort and skill that went
into making these vessels suggest that they probably were a prestige
ware. The vessels are entirely plain, without further decoration. The
shape is also unique for the existing Middle Horizion record; no such
shapes have been recorded at Huari? or in the rest of the area under
Huari influence, nor do they appear among any of the recorded Middle
Horizon 1 remains from the Ayacucho area. The form is a narrow-mouthed
neckless jug with a large, vertical loop handle that reaches far above
the lip, and a flat, sharply edged bottom. The only recorded Peruvian
vessel shapes that show a specific resemblance to the Ayapata jugs,
particularly in the handle form, are Cuzco Inca and Early Inca (K'illki)
jugs. For a K'illki example and a provincial Inca one from the south
coast, see figs. 12 and 13, respectively. Since many aspects of Inca
culture, including the pottery, have demonstrable roots in Middle Hori
zon antecedents, it is possible that a connection exists between the
Ayapata and Inca jugs. However, more evidence is needed to demonstrate
that such a historical connection did exist.

The compact light orange paste of the Ayapata jugs is signif

icant. Its color resembles the paste of the Caja style, a local style
of the Ayapata area which is widely distributed in the entire district
of Caja (Ravines, note 3). What this paste resemblance suggests is that
the Ayapata jugs are a vessel form of local origin, perhaps made espe
cially for use in connection with the Huari cult offerings. The absence
of any record of this form elsewhere at this time also suggests the
latter possibility. A local origin of this form may also explain why
its remains are much more abundant than those of the other styles in
the lowest level of the Ayapata deposit.
One other fragment from the Ayapata offering is made of the
same fancy orange ware as the jugs. It is the modeled foot of a llama,
with part of a body adhering to its top (Ravines, fig. 82). Both

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 65

llama remains and their modeled pottery images form an important part of
the Robles Moqo offerings uncovered at Pacheco.60 The presence of this
foot and other modeled llama feet in the Ayapata offering deposit is
therefore explainable as a derivative from a trait introduced in the
Robles Moqo style. Neither in the Ayapata deposit, nor in the Robles
Moqo one at Pacheco, do the llama figures occur in association with
decoration of mythical representations. Evidently they are in both
styles a part of the fancy nonmythical offerings that come to be asso
ciated with the Huari cult.

Wares D and E of the lowest offering stratum of Ayapata are

very similar to each other, and in part overlapping in their features.
The paste color also overlaps in part with that of Ware C, being light
orange. What distinguishes both Wares D and E chiefly from the fancy
Ware C is the cruder manufacture, slightly coarser temper and less care
ful firing. Despite these differences, the similarities among these
pastes probably signify a manufacturing tradition of common origin. The
light orange cast of the paste is especially significant also because
the vessels in both Wares D and E show stylistic relationships to vessels
with paste of similar colors, namely the Cajamarca style of the northern
sierra and the Nieveria style of the central coast.
Shape 5 of Ware D consists of pedestal-base bowls in the
Cajamarca style (Ravines, figs. 31-34). As Ravines points out, in shape
features and in the exterior design these pedestal-base bowls resemble
those described by Henry and Paule Reichlen for the later subphase of
Cajamarca Phase III, which they call "cursif floral."61 On the other
hand, the checkerboard design and the use of purple outlined with black
in the interior decoration of the Ayapata bowls recalls the first of
three subphases of the Reichlens1 Cajamarca Phase IV. The orange
colored paste of the pedestal-base bowls from Ayapata resembles the
early Cajamarca IV paste more than the Cajamarca III pastes, to judge by
what the Reichlens say. On the other hand, the Ayapata bowls lack such
important Cajamarca IV features as tripod bases. Since the origins of
the checkerboard design are at present unknown, and since the use of
purple outlined with black is a Huari-style trait which appears first with
other Huari-style features at Cajamarca, it is likely that this innovation
also is a manifestation of Huari influence. If that were the case, it is
possible that the features of the Ayapata bowls which resemble early
Cajamarca IV designs may represent only a relatively early adaptation of
Huari features in the Cajamarca-tradition pottery of Ayapata. It should
be noted in passing that the firing peculiarity of the earliest Cajamarca
IV subphase represents only a brief interruption in the lighter paste
tradition of the Cajamarca style, and that it too may represent Huari
influence there.63

The Cajamarca-style bowls of Ayapata nevertheless present a

problem. The interior design features resemble only those of one frag
ment from Huari recorded up to now. The contours of the vessels match
some, but not all those that have been recorded from Huari and elsewhere.
For a typical example of a bowl fragment from Huari with Cajamarca-style

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66

features, see figs. 52a, b. For a complete example of such a bowl,

found at lea, see fig. 15. Most of the examples of the vessels related
to the Cajamarca tradition which have been found at Huari and in the
territory subject to its influence, other than Ayapata, lack those fea
tures of the Ayapata bowls which resemble the features of the initial
subphase of the Cajamarca IV style. It therefore remains a puzzle why
all the Ayapata fragments should have these particular features.

Shape 6 of Ware E is only sparsely represented by ten small

fragments in the deposit. The record on the provenience of these pieces
was lost, but Ravines presents an argument that they probably also came
from the lowest stratum in the Ayapata deposit. The shape is that of a
single-spout bottle with a tapering spout, and the decoration consists
of designs in red and black on the natural orange base of the vessel
(Ravines, figs. 35-40). The designs that were found consist of chevron
bands and circular figures. These designs are reminiscent of Huari
designs of Epoch IB. As Ravines points out, the Ayapata bottles are
perhaps most reminiscent of the Nieveria style of the central coast.
For a Nieveria-style jar with a similar design, see fig. 16. The
Ayapata design looks like an abbreviated variant of the circle or medal
lion design on the Nieveria jar. A Nieveria-style bottle similar in
body shape to the Ayapata ones is illustrated by Gayton. Another
point of resemblance between the Nieveria style and the Ayapata bottles
is the light orange cast of the paste, and the fact that the designs
are placed on its unpigmented surface. These observations suggest the
possibility that the Ayapata bottles may represent a style related to
the Nieveria tradition.

The Ayapata deposit also produced five additional fragmentary

legs of modeled llamas, similar to the one made of the fine orange ware
(Ware C). The other llama legs are also made of a light orange ware,
but of a somewhat coarser manufacture, a slightly different color range,
and different paste characteristics (Ware F). Ware F llama feet are
decorated with black markings on a cream-slipped base, and there are
remnants of red-line designs on the vessel above the legs (Ravines, figs.
41a, b, 82). The location of these llama legs in the deposit was not
recorded, but it is likely that they also came from the lowest stratum.
The significance of the association of modeled llama figures with the
offerings is discussed above. A modeled llama leg with markings similar
to the Ayapata ones has been recorded among the collections from Huari.

Finally, the lowest stratum at Ayapata contained a small number

of fragments of smoked blackware, all of them from open bowls (Ware G;
Ravines, figs. 42-46). As Ravines points out, these vessels resemble
smoked blackware vessels found in ordinary refuse at Huari.

Summary

The offering pit from Ayapata furnishes answers to several

questions about the culture history of the Huari empire and its religious

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 67

complex. It shows that offering pits containing oversized ceremonial

pottery were still in use in Epoch 2A.68 However, it shows also a
marked contrast to the purely religious character of the Conchopata
style offerings which form the beginnings of the Huari cult tradition
in Epoch 1A. A secularizing process, already in evidence in Epoch IB,
had clearly accelerated by Epoch 2A. There are several lines of evi
dence for this observation. The religious ceremonial vessels, though
still oversized, are smaller than the corresponding vessels of Epochs
1A and IB. They also have a much greater size range, and the smallest
ones overlap in size with the largest vessels found in fancy elite
burials. The once great and uniform contrast between sacred and secular
vessels is thus diminished. A design theme of Nasca and fancy Chaki
pampa A origins is found occasionally on the same vessels that carry the
mythical designs, a degree of mingling of the once rigidly separated
themes which goes beyond its Robles Moqo-style antecedents. Further
more, vessels derived entirely from fancy Chakipampa A origins are now
found closely associated with pottery of the Huari cult proper. Above
all, pottery of entirely secular origins appears for the first time in
the same offering deposit with the ceremonial ware. The degree of
secularization in evidence in the Ayapata offering deposit indicates a
trend that probably led to the rapid extinction of the use of a special
ceremonial pottery style in offerings.
The stratification of the Ayapata offerings also reflects the
import of the ceremonial changes. It is undoubtedly significant that
the pottery of secular origins was found in the lowest stratum, while
the ceremonial pottery was found in the upper strata. This deliberate
distinction reflects an awareness of a difference in meaning between the
pottery of the middle and upper levels and that of the lowest level.
The deposition of the secular pottery offering before the ceremonial one
may reflect its more profane status and inferior rank in religious terms.
The thin layer of burnt matter covering the lowest level (layer d) evi
dently represents a burning ceremonial, possibly to purify the ground on
which the ritual pottery was then deposited.
The middle level (layer c) of the offering pit contained the
fanciest,most highly decorated ceremonial wares, and the only ones that
carry the mythical designs of the Huari cult. It appears therefore that
the contents of the middle level had the most sacred ceremonial import.
The upper level also contained ceremonial ware, but ware that lacks the
representations of the mythical pantheon of the Huari cult. Furthermore,
the urns, of which this level is mostly composed, were used as burners
or ash containers, which suggests a second ceremonial burning. The
Ayapata deposit manifests the earliest evidence of ceremonial burning
in the offering pits of the Huari tradition. It may represent an Epoch
2A introduction of a practice that was of more ancient origin in the area
south of the Huari domain, since burning vessels are known to have earlier
origins at Tiahuanaco, in the "Early Tiahuanaco" or "Epoch III" style.
The assemblage of different secular wares also has a special
significance. Each of these wares represents a different stylistic

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68

tradition with different geographic origins. It is possible that the

different wares represented different communities that were entitled to
participate in the religious ceremonial of Ayapata. In this case, the
lowest deposition at Ayapata would represent an innovation of some
political significance, since no comparable deposits are associated with
the earlier offerings. As we shall see, this ceremonial innovation
falls into the same sub-epoch in which prestigious individuals were en
titled for the first time to appropriate the mythical themes of the Huari
cult in the decoration of their burial furniture and attire. Both these
phenomena are important aspects of the secularizing process in the reli
gious life of the Huari tradition. It is of considerable interest, how
ever, that the appropriation of trappings of the religious cult by rare
elite individuals for their burials had its origins in Epoch IB, in the
form of objects of ordinary size lacking the mythical Huari cult figures.
This was clearly a first step in the secularizing process, preceding not
only a similar use of the mythical figures proper, but also the represen
tation of different secular communities in the offering deposit itself.
There are two other aspects of the history of the Huari tradi
tion which are illuminated by the Ayapata deposit. First, mythical de
signs on the oversized Ayapata bowls furnish one of the heretofore missing
links in the process of transmission of the Conchopata-style pantheon to
the less esoteric Huari styles of Epoch 2. The second contribution of
the Ayapata deposit to Huari history is to help shed more light on the
peculiar significance of the fancy Chakipampa A style of Epoch 1A.

Oversized ceremonial pottery from the south coast

In the light of the new data provided by the Ayapata deposit,

other discoveries of Huari-style remains attributable to Epoch 2A on
stylistic grounds gain new significance. The find most closely related
to the Ayapata offering deposit in ceremonial significance is that of
ten or twelve huge faceneck jars, some of them 1.50 meters high, dis
covered near the Oco?a velley on the far south coast of Peru. They were
recovered by Toribio Mejia Xesspe and are now on display at the Museo
Nacional de Antropolog?a y Arqueolog?a of Lima. They were found buried
within a stone enclosure, intact, and containing many rolled-up feather
mantles. In discussing the mythical designs on the vessels from the
middle stratum at Ayapata, we have seen that the same designs, with many
identical stylistic details, are found on the oversized Oco?a jars
(Ravines, figs. 87, 88). The stylistic resemblances are so great that
the two deposits must be considered to be closely contemporary. Several
features distinguish the Oco?a deposit from the Ayapata one, however.
No faceneck jars were recorded in the Ayapata deposit, and no other
vessels appear in the Oco?a deposit. Furthermore, the Oco?a deposit is
not an offering like the Ayapata, Pacheco and Conchopata ones, since the
jars were not broken, nor were they deposited in a single pit. Rather,
it appears that the Oco?a jars had been stored underground with the
feather mantles, perhaps for future use in a ceremonial.

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 69

The great size and mythical designs on the Oco?a jars testify
to their ceremonial importance. Jars of comparable size, as well as
smaller sizes in the same style as the Oco?a jars, have also been re
corded from the Nasca drainage. The example illustrated in fig. 17,
together with a nearly identical piece, was reported to have been found
on the Pampa del Camotal at the confluence of the Palpa and Ingenio
ravines in the Nasca drainage. Both these jars had the tops broken off,
perhaps ceremonially. A huge faceneck fragment 20.5 cm. high, which
probably belonged to one of these jars, was found at the same site (fig.
18). The jar bodies measure half a meter to the base of the neck. The
neck on the example in fig. 17 is concealed with a rag because it is an
inaccurate restoration. The humped-animal design depicted on the two
body panels is the same one that appears on one of the Oco?a jars, with
minor variations in detail (for comparison, see Ravines, figs. 88a, b).
The ornamental bands that outline and divide the principal design panels
contain elongated S-shaped ray designs with rounded contours. Panel
dividing bands filled with the same kind of ray designs are character
istic of Epoch 2A decoration and may be confined to this epoch. 7They
occur also on other Huari-style pottery of Epoch 2A (see below).
S-shaped ray design figures with the same proportions are also occasion
ally used as background fillers on other Huari-style vessels (Ravines,
figs. 87a, b).
All the oversized jars are derived from oversized jars repre
senting nonmythical humans in the offering pottery of the Robles Moqo
style of the preceding epoch.71 The Epoch 2A jars differ from the Epoch
IB ones in the reduced use of modeled relief, and in the greater size
range, including much larger jars than any in the Robles Moqo style.
The greater size range of the Epoch 2A jars is comparable to the greater
size range of the Epoch 2A urn derivatives in the Ayapata deposit. For
a further discussion of the stylistic patterns of the oversized jars,
see the section on lay elite wares, below.

Ceremonial pottery from Huari

There is no single recorded find of associated objects from

Huari itself to help identify or clarify the nature and function of
Huari cult ceremonial ware of Epoch 2A. However, among the fragments
recovered at Huari are many that correspond to the oversized Huari cult
bowls from Ayapata and to the oversized jars from Oco?a and Nasca.
Bennett illustrates a large bowl fragment from Huari corresponding to
Ayapata Shape 2. Another oversized bowl fragment of what appears to
be a Shape 2 variant from Huari has an aberrant design and a light orange
ground color in the Ocros style tradition, and is probably the product
of a different workshop. One large jar fragment collected at Huari is
identical in size and decoration to the examples of oversized jars from
Nasca.74 Two other jar fragments of the same size and with some of the
same design characteristics were collected by Bennett from the same pit
as the first.75 Lumbreras illustrates fragments of what appear to be
oversized bowls like the Shape 2 ones from Ayapata, with some of the

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70

same designs, presumably also collected at Huari. These examples from

Huari make it clear that the Shape 2 Huari cult vessels of Ayapata, as
well as the oversized jars from Oco?a and Nasca, are part of a wide
spread ceremonial style with identical as well as slightly different
counterparts at Huari.

Lay elite Huari styles of Epoch 2A

The pottery styles just discussed are ones that have been
found in special associations indicating use as ceremonial offerings or
some related use. There are many more examples of pottery, textiles,
ornaments, bone carvings and gold objects from a farflung area which
have some stylistic features and depictions identical to those appearin
on the ceremonial wares of Epoch 2A, but with certain differences in
detail that suggest a different function. These objects are found in
different contexts than the ceremonial wares, and they fall into a
smaller size range. However, since many of the vessels not only share
features with the ceremonial pottery proper, but are also decorated wit
mythical representations, it is clear that they had some function relate
to that of the cult objects. They share with most of the ceremonial
wares extraordinarily fine, painstaking workmanship, and show an artistr
that continues to command the attention of collectors. Because of their
special stylistic relationship to the cult objects, their fine workman
ship, and the contexts in which they are found, I am calling vessels of
this style "lay elite" ware. No attempt is made here to illustrate or
discuss all the existing evidence of lay elite wares of the Huari style
of Epoch 2A. However, it is helpful to review some of the more interes
ing finds, in order to put the ceremonial complex of this epoch into
better perspective. Incidental discussions of stylistic contrasts be
tween the lay elite vessels and their immediate antecedents or successor
are added as examples of the kind of evidence that is used to distinguish
the different phases.
There are two kinds of contexts in which Huari-style lay elite
wares of Epoch 2A have been recorded, namely burials and what appear to
be minor offerings. The record for both kinds of remains is still uns
isfactory, but there are enough examples to give us some idea of the
pattern. What I am calling minor offerings here are occasional finds of
small caches of two or three vessels of this kind, unassociated with
burials, and broken at some earlier time. One such cache from the north
coast is described by Christopher B. Donnan in another article in this
issue. A cache that may be similar to the north coast cache has been
recorded by Marco T. Marees Patino and Lu?s Barreda77 Murillo beneath a
floor at the site of Pikillaqta in the lower Cuzco valley.
cache of what appear to have been two vessels was found by Ma
near the rear wall of the ancient temple of Pachacamac on the
coast.78 If these caches indeed represent minor offerings, a
appear to do, one of their functions may have been to sanctif
dations of important new structures.

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 71

Lay elite burials from the south coast

All the burials for which some record of associations exists
were excavated by pothunters, and recorded subsequently on the basis of
information furnished by the excavators and collectors. While this is
not always a reliable way of recording associations, the associations
so recorded follow a pattern that does not contradict the evidence based
on the associations of features on individual vessels. These are factors
that increase our confidence in the validity of the information furnished.
Julio C. Tello describes the remnants of an elaborate looted
tomb from Coyungo in the central Nasca drainage which belonged to Epoch
2A, as evidenced by two objects from it which Tello illustrates. He
describes this tomb as a great, rectangular chamber 4.60 meters long by
2.20 meters wide and 1.90 meters high, roofed with hardwood logs
(algarrobo) resting on a support of rectangular adobes. The tomb faced
west, where it had an opening, evidently a doorway. Tello suggests that
this entrance probably served for repeated interments in the same tomb.
He had seen other tombs of this kind, and they generally contained sev
eral mummy bundles with artificial heads. Many of these heads were
elaborately fashioned and ornamented with sheets of gold or silver rep
resenting the mouth, eyes, and face markings below the eyes. Further
more, they had beautiful feather headdresses and other ornaments fashioned
of feathers and shell. The bundles were clothed in fine, decorated
tapestry shirts and accompanied by arms, various utensils, and votive
offerings. Tello states that the same kind of finds had also been made
at Anc?n and at other coastal sites.80

From Tello1s description we get a very good idea of the elab

orate nature of the tombs that housed the lay elite remains of Epoch 2A.
The individuals buried in them were not ordinary people, but distinguished
personages, and some of their tombs may have been family tombs, or perhaps
community tombs of unrelated prestigious individuals. Tello illustrates
two objects which came from the great chamber that he describes. One is
a polished bone tool that looks like a weaving implement. It is decorated
with mythical profile angel heads with Epoch 2A features.81 The other
vessel is a flask with a humped-animal design of the kind that is de
scribed below as a standard lay elite design of Epoch 2A.8^

Burial 1_. Three other burials from the south coast, excavated
by pothunters, have been recorded. One, containing seven vessels, was
recorded by Junius B. Bird in a dealer's collection (figs. 19-25). Six
of these vessels have features of the Atareo A style, the Epoch 2A style
of the Nasca drainage which also influences neighboring areas. The
seventh vessel is in the Huari style of the sierra, the Vi?aque style.
The information that the vessels were from the same burial was given to
the dealer by the excavators.
The contents of this burial included one large jar a little
over half a meter high, and six smaller vessels, of which four are
spouted bottles, one is a flask, and one is a small bowl or dish. The

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72

large jar is shown in figs. 19a, b. It can be seen at first glance that
this jar is in the style of the oversized ceremonial jars from Oco?a and
the corresponding ones from Nasca and Huari (for comparison, see figs.
17, 18 and Ravines, figs. 87, 88). Despite the identity of many of the
details of design and design arrangement between the burial jar and the
ceremonial jars, however, there are some significant differences. First,
this vessel is only one third to one half the size of the ceremonial jars
proper, and second, the feline design that ornaments the two principal
design panels lacks mythical features. It is also possible that the
maize-ear design used for the face markings may have a special meaning
in this context, for it does not occur as a face marking on our examples
of the ceremonial jars proper. Any other differences between this jar
and the oversized jars involve only alternative uses of designs and
design arrangements which are evidently equally optional on ceremonial
and lay elite jars in this category.
It is helpful to draw attention to some of the stylistic details
that are particularly informative. Except for size, the shape features
of the ceremonial jars and the lay elite jar are remarkably homogeneous.
Modeled features are confined to the faceneck, to the eyes, nose, mouth,
ears, and the slight relief of other facial contours like cheeks and chin.
The relief is less lifelike and more standardized than in the Robles Moqo
style, and evidently no attempt was made to portray particular individ
uals. Neither hands nor arms are depicted on the body, nor is the body
of the vessel decorated in imitation of a garment, as it is in the Robles
Moqo style. Hair strands are merely painted and are not shown in relief.
Despite the absence of the modeled arms and hands, however, the handles
continue to be set well into the rear half of the vessel, in continuation
of a Robles Moqo-style adjustment to the position of the modeled body
features.

In place of the anthropomorphic body features such as arms,

hands and garments, which characterize these jars in Epoch IB, the deco
ration of the Epoch 2A jar bodies consists of designs of mythical figures
of the Huari cult, or designs associated with this cult in Epoch 2A. The
decoration covers only the upper front of the vessel body, in contrast to
the preceding epoch in which the entire jar body has representational
features. In Epoch 2A the design area consists of two principal panels
separated and outlined by narrower bands of various kinds, and in some
examples separated further by a broader central band. Panels and bands
are decorated with designs appropriate to each area. The S-shaped ray
figures that decorate the outline bands on the burial specimen are one
of the designs used for such bands; alternatively, single or paired
purple or gray and white bands outlined in black are used for the same
purpose (Ravines, figs. 87, 88). On some of the jars from Oco?a part or
all of the outlined bands are eliminated, while the principal design
arrangement continues to be maintained (Ravines, figs. 88a, b). Two jars
from Oco?a have slightly different arrangements.

The broader central panel-dividing bands are usually sectioned

into a column of three squares separated by narrow outline bands. The

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 73

squares contain standard designs, either ray designs with approximate

radial or rotational symmetry, as in the burial specimen, or trophy
heads, as in the example illustrated in Ravines1 figs. 87a, b. The ray
designs with near-rotational symmetry are derived from antecedents
appearing in the same kind of design arrangement on fancy Chakipampa A
and vessels (fig. 35). Another alternative decoration for broad panel
dividing bands consists of diagonal step designs in various colors out
lined with white, a design that is borrowed from a standard bowl and
vase design of the contemporary ordinary secular pottery and some of the
lay elite wares of the Vi?aque style of Huari itself.84 Another design
used for these bands is shown in Ravines1 figs. 88a, b, where the central
dividing band is decorated with contractions of an animal design derived
from fancy Chakipampa-style antecedents. The design bands that ornament
the necks above the modeled faces of the large jars are decorated with
the same designs appearing in the broad central panel-dividing bands, or
they are decorated with adaptations of such designs (figs. 19a, b and
Ravines, figs. 87a, b). Alternatively, they are decorated with deriva
tives of designs appearing in the corresponding area on Robles Moqo
style jars (Ravines, figs. 88a, b). Occasionally other design analogues
are used.

The principal designs consist of Huari cult figures or affili

ated designs. These figures include an animal-bodied version of the
mythical feline on the ceremonial jars, and a nonmythical version of
this feline on the lay elite jar in the burial. The mythical variant is
distinguished by having human hands and feet, the hand grasping a staff,
and by being associated with trophy-head designs (Ravines, figs. 87a, b).
These are the features that are lacking on the lay elite vessel from the
burial (figs. 19a, b). A more common principal panel design is the
humped-animal design of fancy Chakipampa derivation (fig. 17 and Ravines,
figs. 88a, b). This is the same design that appears on Shape 3 bowls
in the middle level of the ceremonial offering deposit of Ayapata
(Ravines, figs. 19-27, 70-77). On the oversized ceremonial jars and
offering bowls this design has, as we have seen earlier, distinguishing
features in the form of a central ray of extra length which may or may
not be topped with a triangular tip (fig. 17; Ravines, figs. 19-27, 70
77, 88a, b). As we shall see below, lay elite versions of this animal
lack the elongated ray. Another principal design is an animal figure
derived from the mythical fancy Chakipampa A animal shown in figs. 2-7
and 14, with additional attributes borrowed from Huari cult figures,
particularly the mythical feline spirit. Other principal designs on the
ceremonial jars from Oco?a include fierce-looking warrior figures carry
ing hafted knives and trophy heads, an elaborately clad human figure
that appears to have some mythical attributes, and depictions of large
hands. Hands in both modeled and painted form are an important depiction
related to the Huari cult in Epochs IB and 2. As we shall see, they also
appear on ware ascribable to the lay elite styles of Epoch 2A.
Background-filler elements form a regular part of principal
design panels. The most common form used for this purpose consists of
white circles outlined with black and with black central dots.

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74

Recurved-ray designs in S-shaped form are an alternative device for this

purpose (Ravines, figs. 87a, b).
Here, then we can see striking resemblances between the burial
jar and the oversized ceremonial and offering vessels of Epoch 2A.
Despite the resemblances, however, a deliberate stylistic and representa
tional distinction was maintained between the principal designs appearing
in the different contexts. Let us now turn to the smaller vessels from
the same burial, those that have no counterparts either among recorded
oversized vessels or in the Ayapata offering deposit.
The first of the six smaller vessels from the burial that con
tained the jar just discussed is a doublespout bottle (fig. 20). This
bottle shape is a Nasca tradition one, but one that begins to go out of
use on the south coast during Epoch 7 of the Early Intermediate Period,
and is entirely absent from that area during Early Intermediate Period
Epoch 8 and Middle Horizon Epoch 1, reappearing only in Epoch 2A. Since
its reappearance coincides with a flood of Huari influences from the
sierra, and since the shape is usually decorated with designs or design
variants of sierra origin, the presumption is very strong that this form
survived in the sierra after initial Nasca 7 influences there and was
reintroduced to the coast from the sierra. Doublespout bottles are in
use only as prestigious lay elite ware during Middle Horizon Epoch 2,
and they go out of style permanently on the south coast some time in the
course of Epoch 3.

The doublespout bottle shown in fig. 20 has the cupcake-shaped

body that is its most popular form.8^ The design on this vessel is of
particular importance. It is the humped-animal design of fancy Chaki
pampa A derivation which also appears on the ceremonial wares of this
epoch. This design is in most respects like that on the oversized jars
and the Ayapata offering bowls, but with one important difference: it
lacks the elongated central ray on the ray appendages. In this example
the central ray is simply omitted. Another feature that contrasts this
and most (but not all) other lay elite examples from most (but not all)
the ceremonial ones is the absence of fangs. Additional distinguishing
features include a head with rounded contours and a recurved-ray nose in
place of the special nose projection that distinguishes the ceremonial
designs. All the features that distinguish most of the ceremonial var
iants from most of the lay elite ones are features borrowed from Huari
cult representations. In contrast, the most common head features on the
lay elite examples are derived from the old Nasca/Chakipampa tradition.
Another contrast between the example on the doublespout bottle from the
burial and the ceremonial ones is the lack of a separate tail arc on the
burial specimen. However, on this vessel this absence is probably the
result of space limitations. The design arrangement is a traditional
fancy Chakipampa one of having the same two principal designs with
slightly contrasting color patterns halve the design area. Designs are
painted in purple and white or gray and white on a red ground and are
outlined in black, in a standard Huari elite color pattern derived from
fancy Chakipampa A antecedents. The ground color is red. In terms of

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 75

our present record, humped-animal designs do not continue in use in

Epoch 2B.87

The filler elements on the burial specimen differ from Epoch

2B space fillers in our sample, and may be a form confined to Epoch 2A.
Another distinguishing design feature is the absence of wedgeshaped panel
dividers under the spouts, dividers that are standard on Epoch 2B exam
ples of doublespout bottles in all the Huari styles, and are found on
some Epoch 2A ones as well (for comparison, see fig. 26). Another fea
ture that distinguishes the Epoch 2A design from 2B ones is the contrast
in execution of the ray designs (for comparison, see fig. 26). Although
ray designs similar to the 2B ones also appear in Epoch 2A, the ones
assigned to Epoch 2B are distinguished by the broad, even gap at the base
of the rays, the length of the rays, and the length and breadth of the
ray tips. Features that distinguish the Epoch 2A humped animal from the
Epoch IB examples are the even, relatively broad modular width of the
bands of which the design is composed, the frontal, kneelike angular bent
in the leg, the use of human hands and feet, and the appearance of the
ray designs. For Epoch IB examples, see fig. 27 and Ravines, figs. 85
and 86.

Another doublespout bottle and a singlespout bottle from the

same burial are illustrated in figs. 21 and 22. Both are characteristic
of the Atareo style. Conservative features marking them as Atareo Phase
A include the red-slipped spouts and bridge of fig. 22, the high dome
shaped body contours of both, and the line designs and low-relief hair
modeling on the spout-and-bridge-to-head bottle (fig. 21). The modeled
features of the head of the latter specimen represent the continuation
of the Robles Moqo-style tradition. For an Epoch 2B version of the same
body tradition, see the bottle illustrated in fig. 36, which is from a
burial found recently in the ravine of Huayuri, northern Nasca drainage.

A fourth spouted bottle in the Epoch 2A burial under discussion

belongs in a different category, and also represents an Epoch 2 innovation
on the south coast (figs. 23a, b). Body, spout and handle shape all are
based on a Nasca 9 antecedent of Epoch IB (for comparison, see fig. 27).
The innovation lies in the anthropomorphizing features, which include a
face modeled and painted into the spout, and hands and a necklace painted
on the upper body of the Epoch 2A form. Like the doublespout bottle, the
faceneck bottle has counterparts in the Pachacamac style of the central
coast, and both are presumably the result of sierra incluence. 0 Conser
vative features marking the bottle from the burial as Atareo Phase A
include the high position of the shoulder and the low arch of the top,
the degree of contraction at the tip of the spout which gives it a pinched
effect, and the large, broad, widely projecting strap handle. The handle
and spout features are ones that characterize the earlier Nasca 9B style.
Another Atareo A variant of the same theme, with an alternative spout and
body shape, is illustrated in fig. 28. In order to appreciate the dis
tinctiveness of the features of the Epoch 2A faceneck bottles, it is
helpful to compare and contrast them with their derivatives in an Epoch
2B burial (figs. 37, 38). Both the Epoch 2B specimens are from the same

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76

burial as the specimens illustrated in figs. 36, 39.

A fifth vessel of standard small size in the Epoch 2A burial
under discussion is the flask illustrated in figs. 24a-c. This flask
shape originates in the Chakipampa style of Epoch IB in the sierra,
and appears in variants on the coast. Epoch IB flasks are characterized
by having broad, flat or slightly arched "side seams" which lend the
form a tambourine shape.91 In Epoch 2 this broad seam dwindles into a
narrow, tight curve on flasks from the sierra and south coast. Conserv
ative Epoch 2A specimens, however, retain the traces of this seam in
modified form, like the specimen in the burial under discussion (fig.
24c). Conservative features in the design include the circle-and-dot
elements and linear S-shaped figures seen in figs. 24a, b. Both these
designs also appear in the Chakipampa style of Epoch IB.
The last vessel from this Epoch 2A burial is the small vertical
sided bowl shown in fig. 25. All the features of shape and design of
this piece are of sierra origin, and characterize the Vifiaque style of
Epoch 2. The shape belongs in the same category as the contemporary
bowls illustrated in fig. 14 and Donnan, fig. 3a. An Epoch 2B example
of the same shape category from the Nasca region is illustrated in fig.
44.92 Conservative Epoch 2A features on the bowl from the burial are
seen in the high proportions of the vessel shape and of the deity-head
design. Conservative features of this design include the divided eye
and red eye outline in this context, the fanged mouth, and probably also
the maize-ear element in this context. Epoch 2B examples of this design
are known from all over the Huari domain. The many recorded examples
show that bodiless deity heads of this kind occur regularly on vessels
of ordinary small size in refuse and burials, most commonly on Vi?aque
style vessel shapes at Huari, and with lesser frequency on Vi?aque and
local-style shapes in the Huari provinces. Since the design is a direct
derivative, as well as an abbreviated contraction, of the principal
deity designs of the Conchopata and Robles Moqo styles, it falls into
the category of designs that characterizes the lay elite wares.
Burial 2. A second Epoch 2A burial of the same kind as the
one just described was recorded by Pablo Soldi in the 1950's from infor
mation furnished by pothunters (figs. 29, 30). This burial was reported
to have been found in the ravine of Ingenio in the central Nasca drain
age. Though only two vessels are recorded from this lot, they are of
extraordinarily fine workmanship, and both share unusually conservative
style features that mark them as conservative Epoch 2A pieces. The most
elaborate piece is the flask illustrated in fig. 29. Parts of the vesse
represent the feline spirit, but it is a representation devoid of most
of the mythical features that characterize this spirit elsewhere; the
only human attributes are in the shape and position of the limbs, which
may be described as arms, and the wrist band. Unusually conservative
shape features distinguishing this piece are the tambourine-shaped body
of the flask with its broad, nearly flat side seam, and the high, cylin
drical neck. This neck form is a conservative derivative of one kind of
Chakipampa jar and flask neck, the Epoch 2A variant being both broader

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 77

and longer than its antecedent. The modeled features of the vessel are
also unusually conservative, and very similar to corresponding modeled
features of small Robles Moqo-style vessels. This conservatism is seen
in the degree to which modeled relief is used for most of the represen
tational detail, as well as in the artistry and realism of the modeled
features. The arms and feline claws are shown in relief, a feature not
in use in subsequent epochs. A unique shape feature is the raised cen
ter of the round "drum" sides of the vessel.

The shaping, firing, slipping and surface finish of this vessel

are extraordinarily fine and exhibit great artistry and skill. The
colors are bright, especially the background red, which has an orange
red hue characteristic of fancy Huari-style ware of Epoch 2A. The colors
employed, as well as the design arrangement, are the characteristic ones
for this epoch, namely gray, purple, cream and white, outlined in black,
on a red ground. The principal design figure on each broad side is the
humped-animal design with lay elite features much like those described
for the corresponding design on the doublespout bottle in Burial 1, dis
cussed above. The ray appendages are both double and triple ones, but
they all lack the elongated central ray that characterizes the ceremo
nial variants of this design. The only Huari cult feature of this animal
which is not present on most of the other lay elite examples from the
coast is the fanged mouth. On the other hand, this example lacks another
Huari cult feature, the human hands and feet.

The animal figure decorating the side seam of the flask is also
derived from fancy Chakipampa antecedents. All the ray designs on this
vessel are conservative Epoch 2A ones with curved contours. The chevron
band at the top of the neck is derived from the preceding Chakipampa
and Nasca 9B styles.94
The second vessel purported to be from the same lot is illus
trated in fig. 30. Its body shape, that of a ring with a central hole,
is unique in our sample. The neck is a conservative one that resembles
jar necks of the Nasca 9B and fancy Chakipampa styles of Epoch IB.
The pigments are the same as those of the felineheaded flask. The body
design is a chevron band of the Robles Moqo tradition; that is, the
chevrons are broad and symmetrical, and red is not used as a background
color to separate chevrons painted in other colors (for comparison, see
fig. 29). The neck decoration is borrowed from a Robles Moqo and Concho
pata-tradition design detail. Thus, while this vessel has no mythical
representations, it too shares traits with vessels of ceremonial import
in this and the preceding phases.

Burial 3^. A third purported burial lot, with similar affilia

tions as the two just described, this one with lea provenience, passed
through a dealer's collection where it was recorded by Junius B. Bird
(figs. 31-33). The group included one vessel and two extraordinary
textile bags, one of them with mythical designs. The vessel is a vari
ant of a small spouted bottle which is characteristic of the Atareo A
style of the Nasca drainage (for a corresponding Atareo A example from

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78

Nasca, see fig, 34). In the Atareo style this form is found more common
ly as one half of double-chambered whistling bottles (for an example, see
fig. 48).
The textile bags that came with this lot are of particular in
terest, especially the one shown in figs. 31a, b. This bag is decorated
with mythical designs of fancy Chakipampa origin combined with Conchopata
and Robles Moqo-style features, and with stylistic details that mark it
as belonging in Epoch 2A. For example, the doubleheaded serpentine used
as a headdress for the mythical design in fig. 31a is derived from the
fancy Chakipampa A style, but it has multicolored circular body spots not
appearing on this serpentine figure until Epoch 2A. For contrast, it is
useful to examine a Chakipampa example on a very widespread Epoch IB
vessel form of the sierra (fig. 35). The use of this serpentine design
as a headdress is unique here and represents an analogy with the Concho
pata and Robles Moqo-style headdress bands with mythical appendage heads
appearing on angel figures of those styles.9 The mouth on the principal
figure in the textile design has feline features, and the body is adorned
with feline appendage heads that resemble the staff-appendage heads of
the mythical figures in the Ayapata style and serve to represent the
feline-headed being of Epoch 2A. The accompanying trophy head is also
a symbol of this being. The sections of serpentine figures with multi
colored body spots on the left side of the textile are also Epoch 2A
features like those appearing with the mythical designs of Ayapata and
elsewhere.

The reverse side of the same bag is decorated with another

representational design of fancy Chakipampa A origin, one that I am
calling the "Ayacucho Serpent" (fig. 31b). This design theme is partic
ularly widespread in Epoch IB on the broad bowl form shown in fig. 35. ^
In comparing the textile design with the Epoch IB examples, one sees
that the textile figure shows fangs, unlike the earlier figure, that it
has the divided eye typical of the Huari cult, and that serpentine,
stafflike appendages ending in animal heads replace the ray designs of
the earlier figures. These are all innovations borrowed from the Huari
cult complex as it is represented in the Ayapata offering. The multi
colored body spots of the appendages are also characteristic of Epoch
2A, as we have seen repeatedly.

Even though Huari cult features play a prominent part in the

mythical designs on this remarkable textile, we see that the principal
representational designs are based on the fancy Chakipampa tradition
rather than the Huari cult tradition proper. In other words, the myth
ical beings of the Huari cult as it is represented in the Ayapata deposit
and on some of the Oco?a jars do not appear in this burial either. This
burial, then, is a further link in the accumulating evidence showing that
in Epoch 2A a distinction continues to be made between sacred cult figures
proper and figures that may appear in lay elite contexts, even though the
contrast is not nearly as rigid as it was in earlier epochs.
The textile with the mythical designs just discussed has another

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 79

feature that should not be overlooked. The serpentine bodies of both

figures contain in them not only trophy heads, but also birds that appear
to be swallowing serpents. Bird figures, particularly those swallowing
fish or other animals, become a prominent feature in textile designs all
over the coast during the later part of the Middle Horizon and the entire
Late Intermediate Period. On the north coast such designs are used in
adobe relief ornaments on walls of important buildings of large cities
and ceremonial centers, like Chanchan. In the south, they also form an
important part in pottery and wood-carving art, in the styles of the lea
tradition. The example from the textile in the Epoch 2A burial from lea
is the earliest occurrence of this bird-design theme in our record.

Mythical representations on unassociated lay elite vessels

As we have seen from the preceding discussion of burial lots
from the south coast, some of the Epoch 2A lay elite wares of the Huari
domain are decorated with representations of mythical beings, even though
these representations are customarily distinguished in various ways from
those that appear on the Huari cult wares proper. There are a great many
more unassociated vessels, particularly from the Nasca region, which have
Epoch 2A features like those found on the burial specimens, and which ex
tend our knowledge of this style. These vessels have been listed in sum
mary form in my earlier discussion of the Vi?aque, Atareo, and Pachacamac
styles.97 Most of the Atarco-style vessels described in my earlier study
belong to Epoch 2A and the early part of Epoch 2B. No attempt is made
here to make a complete analysis of any of these styles. However, it is
relevant to discuss in greater detail a few examples of other mythical
themes that play an important part in the decoration of lay elite wares
of Epoch 2A. The most important mythical themes in this context are the
feline-headed being, both in its human-bodied and animal-bodied manifes
tations, and the large bodiless profile angel head. These mythical de
signs apparently appear with equal frequency in most areas of the Huari
domain during Epoch 2A. The bodiless mythical deity head, discussed
earlier, is most frequent at Huari itself. A feline-bodied, eagle-headed,
winged griffin is characteristic only of the Huari center at Pachacamac
and the area under Pachacamac influence, as we shall see below. There
are also various other mythical representations, all derived from the
Conchopata style of Epoch 1A. It is not at present possible to verify
to what extent all these mythical representations on the lay elite wares
may or may not differ from those that appear on contemporary ceremonial
offering pottery, because of the limited sample of the latter.
The feline-headed angel with a human body is of particular
interest in any discussion of Epoch 2A and the early part of Epoch 2B
(figs. 10b, 40a-c, 41, 42). This angel is derived from a feline-headed
angel figure in the Conchopata style (Angel A). In the Conchopata
style this angel invariably appears as a secondary figure, accompanying
the principal front-face deity, from which it is divided by vertical bands
decorated with abbreviated angel heads and step-fret designs in triangular
subdivisions. These designs are called "split-face."99 On Epoch 2A lay

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80

elite vessels, as well as on fancy textiles and ornaments, by contrast,

the feline-headed angel regularly appears alone, without the front-face
deity, accompanied only by the split-face design bands in some examples.
This solitary appearance of the angel, together with its relatively
greater frequency, its wide distribution, and the elaborate contexts in
which it appears, suggest that the feline-headed angel was undergoing a
period of special prominence in Epoch 2A. As noted earlier, the same
angel figure is probably represented in the fragmentary profile figure
seen on one of the fragments of the oversized bowls from the Ayapata
offering illustrated by Ravines (Ravines, figs. 16, 62). It is only in
this ceremonial context that the full-bodied front-face deity figure
evidently continues to flourish and play a more prominent part. However,
even the principal deity figure is here distinguished by feline pelt
markings on the upper body which suggest a special new significance
related to the greater prominence of the feline-headed angel.

There is another manifestation of the mythical feline being

in Epoch 2A which appears both on ceremonial and lay elite wares (figs.
43a, b; Ravines, figs. 87a, b). This being has a feline body as well
as a feline head, but it has human hands and feet and carries a staff,
like the human-bodied angel. This being must have a slightly different
significance, but it is clearly related in meaning to the feline-headed
angel with the human body. Bodiless heads of the feline beings are
also commonly used to decorate fancy lay elite wares of Epoch 2A.
There is one important contrast between the feline beings on lay elite
wares and those of the pottery in major offering pits. Those appearing
on ceremonial wares are associated with trophy heads, as in the Concho
pata style, while those appearing on lay elite wares are not ordinarily
associated with such heads.101

Human-bodied angel designs are more common on fancy tapestry

textiles and gold and shell ornaments than on pottery in Epoch 2.
Furthermore, the only angel design found up to now in pottery examples
is the feline-headed one, whereas a variety of angel figures appears in
textile designs. There are four examples of pottery vessels from Peru
decorated with the feline-headed angel. These examples are all datable
to Epoch 2A and the early part of Epoch 2B. In addition, the same
design theme with some strikingly similar stylistic details also occurs
in the domain of Tiahuanaco in Bolivia, far southern Peru and northern
Chile. There are a number of Tiahuanaco-style examples carved on bone
tubes. One example, probably attributable to Epoch 2A or e??ly Epoch
2B, was found carved on a bone tube from Mizque in Bolivia. Others,
probably spanning all of Epoch 2 on stylistic grounds, appear carved
on bone tubes from San Pedro de Atacama in northern Chile.104, There
also is a wingless variant of it probably attributable to Epoch 2 which
is painted on a pottery tumbler from the highlands. Many of the
stylistic details of the Tiahuanaco-style examples differ from the
Huari ones, but the sharing of this mythical figure shows close commu
nication between the Huari and Tiahuanaco areas at this time with respect
to the exchange of religious ideas.

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 81

Two of the Peruvian vessels in this group are Atarco-style

jars from the Nasca region. Both have facenecks representing skulls.
One belongs in the early part of Epoch 2B on stylistic grounds (fig.
41). It was found in a purported burial from San Jos? de Ingenio in
the central Nasca drainage, and has been illustrated in more detail in
the earlier publication.-'-0' The other jar represents exactly the same
theme, but its much more conservative features indicate that it belongs
in Epoch 2A (figs. 40a-c). A detailed comparison of these two jars is
very useful in bringing out the stylistic contrasts that serve to dis
tinguish the earlier and later examples.
The conservative shape features of the Epoch 2A jar are seen
in the neck form, which is high and cylindrical rather than tapering;
the less prominent shoulder, combined with the lesser degree of taper
and greater rounding of the lower part of the sides; and the proportion
ately broader bottom with less sharply edged contours. All these fea
tures are ones in which this shape resembles Nasca 9 and Chakipampa
jar features of Epoch IB. For Nasca 9 examples, see Ravines, figs. 85,
86. 8 A particularly conservative feature of the Atareo A jar is the
representation of the hair, which is shown modeled in very low relief.
As noted earlier, relief modeling of such representational details as
hair, arms and hands is a rare Epoch 2A survival from the more elaborate
relief modeling of the Robles Moqo style.109 Neither the oversized
Epoch 2A japs^nor the very conservative small skullhead jar of Epoch
2b, showrelief modeling of the hair, and such modeling is also absent
from all subsequent styles.
There are also significant contrasts in the Atareo angel
figures that ornament the sides of both the conservative and advanced
jars. The lower part of the face of the conservative figures protrudes
beyond the teeth and upper face in a snout effect, a feature that the
conservative Atareo angel shares with Angel A of the Conchopata style.
As on the mythical figures of the Conchopata style, the red space between
the teeth of the conservative Atareo angel lacks a black outline. The
upper mouth outline of the conservative angel curves down at the back of
the mouth to meet the straight lower mouth outline, a feature that it also
shares with Conchopata-style angel mouths, but not with the Epoch 2B
mouths of mythical figures. The nose is shown as a small two-step block
with an L-shaped filler element. In contrast, the nose of the more ad
vanced Atareo angel is larger, consisting of a three-step block and a
step-block filler.
Thicker modular widths of design bands, shorter proportions,
and greater angularity are also features contrasting the more advanced
Atareo angel with the more conservative one. For example, the conserv
ative angel has proportionately longer, more slender arms, legs and wing
feathers than the advanced one ; the structural bands that mark the cen
ter of the arms and legs are also proportionately longer and narrower;
the contours of the hand are more rounded in the conservative design;
and the staff band across the back is much longer and more curvilinear
on the conservative specimen. The conservative Atareo A angel has four

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82

wing feathers, against the two stouter, shorter ones of the more advanced
angel. Most of these conservative features are ones that resemble Concho
pata features, though the context is slightly altered in some of them.
Another conservative Epoch 2A feature is the use of a dark gray pigment,
which is not present in the Epoch 2B examples, but which is one of the
pigments of the Conchopata style. The corresponding pigment on the ad
vanced Atareo angel is a light gray (compare, for example, the wing
feather shades of the two figures, figs. 40b and 41)?

There are other stylistic details that distinguish the angel

designs on the two vessels, but it is not clear to what extent they are
indicative of style change and to what extent they represent contempo
rary alternatives for depicting body details. For example, the Epoch
2A angels have feet with curved, clawlike toes, a feature traceable to
Conchopata and fancy Chakipampa A origins in mythical animal figures.
In contrast, the Epoch 2B example has a foot with squared toes of the
kind used for human-bodied figures in the earlier styles.

The contrasts in stylistic detail are particularly striking

when one considers the identity in theme. Shape and design features
all are homologous. The design arrangement is identical. Both vessels
are decorated with a derived Robles Moqo-style chevron band around the
neck rim, and both have two vertical split-face design bands separating
the two angel figures at the back of the vessel. The association of
split-face bands and feline-headed angels here also shows a particularly
close derivation from the Conchopata-style pattern.112 The association
of the angel theme with the skull head is an Epoch 2A innovation, as
are all skull depictions.
A conservative, feline-headed angel design, probably approx
imately contemporary with the Epoch 2A design on the Atarco-style bottle
just described, appears on a unique find from the Casma valley north of
Lima. The specimen is a fragment of a jar of the same shape as the
Atarco-style ones (fig. 42). While the stylistic details of shape and
design show the same kind of conservatism as the Atareo A example, there
are also very distinctive differences in stylistic detail which are a
function of regional differences. This important find was made by
Ernesto E. Tabio in 1954 at a looted Middle Horizon cemetery on |hg
Fundo Poctao. The locality of the find is described by Collier.
The correspondences in shape and design theme and color pattern between
the specimens from Nasca and Casma are extraordinary, and testify to
the close religious and social elite bond that united the Huari prov
inces at this time. The differences in stylistic detail are of equal
importance, however, for they show that the pieces were made locally
by different people who were only giving expression to a general reli
gious and social standard. Examples of the stylistic contrast are
features such as the greater angularity of the body contours of the
Casma design, and the somewhat narrower modular widths of the bands.
However, such features as the protruding snout of the lower face, the
curvature of the staves, and the narrowness of the modular widths of
the bands, all parallel the corresponding features of the Atareo A design.

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 83

Unlike the three pieces just described, the fourth Huari-style

example of the feline-headed angel appears on the outside of a flaring
sided bowl. This piece was found at Supe, also north of Lima. The bowl
shape corresponds to that of the oversized bowls of Ayapata in many re
spects. Its size is that of the smallest Ayapata examples (figs. 10a, b).
However, its sides are more flaring than those of the Ayapata bowls, a
trait that distinguishes central coast bowls of this kind from the rest
(for comparison, see Ravines, fig. 28). The Supe bowl probably also
differed from the Ayapata bowls in lacking handles.
Several of the stylistic details of the design on the bowl
from Supe resemble those of the more advanced Atareo angel illustrated
in fig. 41 and attributed to the early part of Epoch 2B. Relatively
advanced stylistic details shared by the Supe angel and the Atareo
angel include the absence of a projection of the lower face, relatively
short, broad proportions of design bands and body bands such as limbs
and hand, and the absence of a red space between the upper and lower
teeth. The "tail-feather" design, here appearing at the top of the
staff, is a much modified version of the conservative form and lacks the
oval base that characterizes all Epoch 1 and 2A examples, and some of
the Epoch 2B ones as well (for comparison, see figs. 39-43, 50). Further
more, the Supe angel figure lacks the structural limb bands that charac
terize the mythical figures from the Conchopata style on through the
beginnings of Epoch 2B. The example from Supe thus has the most advanced
stylistic features of any examples of this mythical being yet discovered.
It probably represents the latest appearance of this being as it appears
on Huari-style pottery.
Like the jar fragment from the Casma valley, the bowl fragment
from Supe was recovered in a Middle Horizon cemetery in which it repre
sented the earliest find. Max Uhle, who collected this piece, described
the area, which is located on the grounds of the Hacienda San Nicol?s.114
The burials were found in the vicinity of a walled town located at the
western, seaward foot of some fortified hills. A square enclosure with
imposing constructions was situated within the town at the base of the
hills. These constructions are the remains of an important public build
ing complex consisting of raised platforms on different levels arranged
around a deep court. This building complex is called Chimu Capac; Uhle
dated the site to what we now call the Middle Horizon on the basis of the
pottery found there. He pointed out that next to Pachacamac this is the
most important Middle Horizon centex? in central Peru. This observation
is of particular interest, because most of the Middle Horizon 2B pottery
from Supe shows in several respects a far closer stylistic relationship
to the contemporary Vi?aque style of the capital at Huari than any other
coastal style; both to the north of Supe, and south as far as lea, the
coastal styles of this time are much more heavily influenced by the style
of Pachacamac.115 It appears that the area around Supe may have been a
special political or religious outpost of Huari on the coast. The bowl
fragment with the angel design probably reflects the religious and po
litical importance of this site.

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 84

Angel figures, then, do appear on small pottery vessels that

correspond to the lay elite wares of Epoch 2A and early Epoch 2B. The
sample for the ceremonial style proper is not adequate to establish
whether the angels on the lay elite wares differ consistently from
those on the ceremonial wares. However, such a contrast does appear
in the animal-bodied variants of this being. A ceremonial example of
the animal-bodied being is painted on one of the oversized jars from
Oco?a illustrated by Ravines (Ravines, figs. 87a, b). An Epoch 2A
example of a very fancy small lay elite tumbler from the sierra is
illustrated in figs. 43a, b. An early Epoch 2B lay elite bowl with
this kind of design is illustrated in fig. 44.116 All the animal
bodied examples are distinguished from the angels by the feline mark
ings on the body. Head and body contours also differ from the corre
sponding angel features. However, there are also contrasts between the
feline-bodied beings found on lay elite wares and those on the ceremoni
al vessels. The lay elite examples differ from the ceremonial ones in
having arching bodies, with wing feathers attached to the top and back,
and an upturned head. They are not associated with trophy heads. In
contrast, the examples on the ceremonial jar from Oco?a lack wings,
the position of the body is straight horizontal, the head features are
also distinctive, and the figure is associated with trophy heads.
Conservative features that mark the animal-bodied feline
being on the sierra tumbler as belonging in Epoch 2A rather than 2B
include the circular wing base and the triple-ray design in place of
the tail-feather design. The contrast can best be appreciated by com
paring figs. 43a, b with the more advanced example in fig. 44. Other
Epoch 2A features include the contours of the ray appendages, the un
outlined red space separating the upper and lower teeth, and the narrow,
plain gray outlines of the vertical chevron panel-dividing bands.118
Although the feline-headed being in its various manifestations
dominates the Huari cult in Epoch 2A, other mythical manifestations
derived from Conchopata antecedents also continue. An Epoch 2A example
from the Nasca region of the large bodiless profile angel head is shown
in fig. 45. It is painted on a large flaring-sided bowl that resembles
the oversized bowls from Ayapata, except for being of much smaller size
and lacking handles. Similar shapes and designs occur at Huari.
Another Epoch 2A representation with mythical attributes of particular
interest was recorded by Max Uhle at Pachacamac, and is described below.

? Tn^nor offering from Pachacamac

The Pachacamac find consists of fragments of two flaring-sided

bowls very similar to the oversized ceremonial bowls from Ayapata.120
This find probably represents a minor offering, as noted earlier. The
fragments were found scattered in the sand along the rear wall enclosing
the old temple of Pachacamac. The size of the larger of the two bowls
is the same as that of the most common size of the oversized Ayapata
bowls; it was about 18 cm. high and 36 cm. in diameter. The shape is

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 85

slightly more flaring-sided, however, a feature that also distinguishes

Pachacamac-style bowls of later epochs, as well as the Supe bowl de
scribed above. The principal design on the bowl fragments from Pachacamac
consists of a full-bodied figure which must have had some mythical import.
It has a front-face body like the deity bodies of the Conchopata and
Robles Moqo styles, and it is shown with a staff with a serpentine cur
vature in one hand, the staff ending in a serpent head. An important
distinction in the decoration of these bowls is the fact that the design
appears on the inner surface of the sides rather than the outer one.

Design details of the Pachacamac figures resemble those of the

corresponding figures on the Ayapata bowls. They differ from the latter
in the decoration of the garment, which consists of large white dots on
a dark ground, a tie-dye pattern that also appears commonly on Middle
Horizon textiles. Although this dot pattern does not appear on the
examples from Ayapata, it is like one used to decorate the garment of
one of the angel figures of the Conchopata style (Angel B). The same
design continues in use in Epoch IB on garments of the elaborate non
mythical human representations of the Robles Moqo style.121 In Epoch 2A
it is a widespread garment design appearing on human representations in
lay elite wares in the area of the Huari dominion (figs. 47, 48; Donnan,
figs, la, b, d). The head that appears on one of the fragments from
Pachacamac lacks mythical features.122 It is a human head like others
appearing on lay elite wares of Epoch 2A (for a sierra example, see fig.
46). Characteristic features of these heads are a lenticular eye with
a central dot, a downcurved, aquiline nose, a white head band decorated
with paired black dots, and large disklike ear ornaments.1 One of the
stylistic details that mark this design as Epoch 2A in time is the mouth
contour, in which the upper mouth outline curves downward in the back to
join the straight lower outline. This head form is also derived from a
Conchopata-style antecedent.

The mythical figures on the bowls from Pachacamac are separated

from each other by vertical dividing bands containing the same design
used in the same context as one on one of the oversized jars from Oco?a.
It consists of diagonal step figures in squares, the same motive that is
a common design on secular pottery of the Chakipampa and Vi?aque styles
of the sierra during Epochs IB and 2, respectively.

? m^nor offering from the Chicama valley

A very important Epoch 2A lot, this one from the north coast,
was recorded in 1968 by Christopher B. Donnan and Joel W. Grossman. It
was discovered on the grounds of the Hacienda Sausal in the Chicama valley
and is described by Donnan in the preceding article. Like the fragments
from Pachacamac discovered by Uhle, the Sausal lot appears to have been
a minor offering, consisting of the fragments of three small vessels of
the fancy lay elite wares of Epoch 2A. All three of the vessels are com
posed in part of themes affiliated with the Huari cult, but in its lay
manifestations. Stylistic details of this lot are identical or virtually

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86

identical to those of Huari lay elite wares in other areas of the Huari
dominion. However, there is one key difference, namely the presence of
another mythical theme, the Pachacamac griffin, as we shall see.

One of the vessels from the Sausal site is a head cup of the
kind that also appears as a small vessel form without mythical attributes
in the Robles Moqo style (Donnan, figs. 2 and 6a-c).124 The example
from Sausal has features that characterize all the Huari styles of Epoch
2A, while other features demonstrate its derivation from the Robles
Moqo-style head cups. Derived Robles Moqo-style features include fancy,
lifelike modeling; the face markings, which include a checkerboard
pattern with step elements enclosing one eye and a banded circle enclos
ing the other; black markings about the mouth and chin suggesting a
mustache and chin whiskers; and the bulging vessel contours above the
head.12^ The principal Epoch 2A features are in the profile human
head designs that adorn the upper part of the vessel. These heads
resemble Epoch 2A trophy-head designs on the pottery vessels from
Ayapata, Huari and Oco?a. However, the Sausal heads evidently
represent living people, for they have a headdress and ear ornaments,
and they lack the facial dividing line that marks most trophy heads.
For a similar head from the sierra, see fig. 46. We have discussed the
relevant features of such head designs earlier. Another Epoch 2A
feature is the segmentation of the left eye band, which is like the
corresponding segmentation of banded staff and serpentine designs in the
Ayapata style (for comparison, see Ravines, figs. 9, 48, 50, 58).
The second vessel from the Sausal find is illustrated by
Donnan in his figs, la, b and 5a, b. It is of particular interest for
its combination of features. The representation is that of a prisoner
with his hands tie behind his back and a bowl carried on top of his head.
The modeled prisoner figure is derived from another of the small, non
mythical Robles Moqo-style themes found in association with Huari cult
objects in Epoch IB. In the Robles Moqo style these small figures appear as
one half of double-chambered vessels. Modeled human figures of this kind
also persist in slightly modified form in the Epoch 2A (Atareo A) style
of Nasca. Two examples are illustrated in figs. 47 and 48. The observer
is struck by the remarkable similarity of features between the Sausal
figure and the Atarco-style figures, especially the one shown in fig. 48.
These similarities can be seen especially in the tie-dyed garment, the
general proportions of the figures, the diamond designs in the head band,
detailed parallels in modeled features, eye form and necklace. It is the
same theme, and the specimens are almost identical in style. The princi
pal differences are that the Atareo A figures do not represent prisoners;
the one in fig. 48 is shown in seated position as part of a double vessel;
and the face markings are different, those of fig. 48 being abbreviated
to two arrows like those that form part of the design on the Sausal head
cup (Donnan, figs. 2 and 6a). The difference in face markings between
the Atarco-style and Sausal figures is of special significance. The Sausa
figure's loop-shaped eye and cheek adornment is a contraction of the eye
circle and cheek markings below the eye in the Robles Moqo style. The
head cup from the Sausal lot shows a less contracted version of it on the

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 87

right side of the face. This contraction appears on Epoch 2B vessels in

the sierra, and a special variant of it is characteristic of the
Pachacamac style as well.126

The small bowl which the Sausal prisoner carries on his head is
a standard bowl form appearing in all the Huari styles of Epoch 2,
and it is one that has associations with Cajaroarca-tradition features
at Huari. Bennett illustrates fragments of these bowls from Huari
under his "Geometric-on-Light" type.127 These bowls are made of a
fine, light cream-colored paste, like the specimen in the Sausal lot, and
unlike other Huari-style pottery which has red pastes. Two complete
examples from lea are illustrated here in figs. 49 and 50.128 Many
of these bowls are decorated largely with designs related to the Cajamarca
tradition (fig. 49), but others, like the one shown in fig. 50 and the
Sausal bowl, are decorated with a combination of Cajamarca-related
design features and others borrowed from the art of the Huari cult.
The bowl from lea shown in fig. 50 is decorated with a principal
design that is characteristic of Epoch 2 vessels from the sierra and
south coast, an animal with a serpentine body, a head and feet with
Huari-tradition features, and a Huari cult "tail-feather" design. The
corresponding Sausal bowl design, on the other hand, represents a
griffin, a design that, in the Huari area, is confined to the style
of Pachacamac.129 The griffin on the bowl from Sausal shares several
conservative design features with the conservative variants of feline
beings in the Huari styles of the south coast and sierra. Such features
include the rounded wing base, a set of four wing feathers on the
backward slant, narrow modular widths of the banded elements of the
design, and a curving tail end on the staff bar across the figure's
back. The body of the figure is contracted on the Sausal bowl
because of the limited design space, but feline body spots and feline
claws are placed on the lower band which designates the body.

The Pachacamac griffin has body and wing features of the

animal-bodied feline being described earlier. However, the staff bar
on its back is a feature that is confined to the feline-headed angel
in the highlands near Huari and on the south coast. The only examples
of the Pachacamac griffin as yet discovered appear on lay.elite wares.
The frequency of this depiction on these wares is comparable to that
of the animal-bodied feline being on the lay elite wares 0f the other
areas of the Huari dominion. Its context suggests that the Pachacamac
griffin contrasts with the animal-bodied feline being rather than with
the feline-headed angel of the Huari cult in religious and political
significance. This view is reinforced by the presence of the angel
figures on the examples from Supe and Casma; no comparabl? animal
bodied feline being has yet appeared in the sample from Pachacamac
or its vicinity.
The chevron band at the top of the bowl from Sausal is
typical of conservative Epoch 2 chevron bands in the breadth and even
execution of the chevrons. The alternation of colors represents a
derivation from the fancy Chakipampa tradition rather than the Robles
Moqo-style one.

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88

The Sausai bowl, like the modeled figure below it, is thus
important for two reasons. It shows, on the one hand, the remarkable
stylistic homogeneity existing over the entire Huari area in Epoch 2A
in the lay elite styles. On the other hand, it shows that as early as
Epoch 2A the Pachacamac griffin was a rival figure in the religious
world of Huari, and that its influence had made itself felt as far
north as the Chicama valley.

The third vessel in the Sausal lot is stylistically almost

entirely in the sierra tradition, and can be found in nearly identical
form throughout the area of the Huari domain in Epoch 2A (Donnan,
figs. 3a, b). It is a small, vertical-sided bowl derived from a fancy
Chakipampa A antecedent (for comparison, see fig. 2a). Epoch 2A
shapes from Nasca and the sierra like the Sausal bowl can be seen in
figs. 14, 25, 44 and 46.
The design on the Sausal bowl is the humped animal with the
characteristic Epoch 2A design details discussed earlier. The rays are
those that characterize the figure in its lay elite contexts, that is,
without the elongated central rays or the triangular ray tips and other
features that characterize this figure on ceremonial pottery in major
offerings. The design on the Sausal bowl has one important distinc
tion however, namely its posture. The back of the animal is concavely
arched, and its head is thrown up, features that characterize the
feline-bodied being on lay elite wares elsewhere and not the traditional
humped-animal designs (for comparison, see figs. 43a, 44, and the
humped-animal designs in figs. 17, 20, 27, 29 and 53). It is therefore
possible that the humped-animal figure here in part takes the place
of the feline-bodied being, perhaps because the presence of the
griffin precludes the representation of the rival feline being
proper. That some kind of interchangeable or analogous meanings
exist in Epoch 2A between the humped animal and the feline-bodied
being can also be seen in the use of the triple-ray appendage, which
belongs to the humped-animal tradition, in place of the Huari tail
feather design on some of the feline-bodied being representations
of Epoch 2A (figs. 43a, b).

Lay elite wares from the Huari capital

After a review of Huari-style remains of Epoch 2A from
farflung provinces of the Huari domain, it is useful to turn briefly
to the site of Huari itself and summarize what can be stated
concerning its relationship to the provinces. Almost every lay elite
vessel or theme from the provinces has its counterpart among the
fragments collected at the Huari capital. In addition, there are
a great many variants of themes and vessel shapes at Huari which
appear sparsely or not at all in the sample from the provinces. Like
the ceremonial wares, lay elite wares appear in greater variety and
profusion at Huari than in the provinces. This situation is expect
able from a site that must have been the capital of a large empire.13

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 89

Unfortunately the record of associations for Huari is inadequate to work

out the full meaning of the wealth of its materials, and we must still
rely on the associations from the provinces to help us interpret the
Huari record.

In addition to the greater variety and profusion of examples

at Huari, there are some additional observations that help to shed light
on the Huari state in Epoch 2. Among the most common lay elite shapes
at Huari is a small cup with a profile resembling the contours of a
lyre, which has been called the "lyre cup" for that reason. This shape
is much rarer in ,the provinces, though it has been found throughout
the area of the Huari domain as the most widespread lay elite form of
the Vi?aque style, i.e., the Epoch 2 style of the capital. A provincial
variant of the lyre cup is illustrated in fig. 51. All recorded examples
of this shape are decorated with Vi?aque-style designs, or designs that
the Vi?aque style shares with other Huari styles. Designs more character
istic of the provinces do not appear on this shape.
By far the most common design on lyre cups from Huari is a
bodiless front-face deity head, an abbreviated form of the principal
deity heads of the ceremonial styles of Epochs 1A and IB. An Epoch 2A
example of such a design on another Vi?aque shape, the small vertical
sided bowl with a flat bottom,is illustrated in fig. 25. Further
discussion of the style features of this head appears in the section
dealing with the first lay elite burial described earlier. The bodiless
deity head is of sufficiently greater frequency in the Vi?aque style
of Huari than in the provincial styles so that it must be considered to
characterize the lay elite wares of the Huari capital in much the same
way that the Pachacamac griffin characterizes the lay elite wares of
Pachacamac. However, while the bodiless deity head of Huari is found
occasionally on forms of the provincial Huari styles, including
Pachacamac, no example of the Pachacamac griffin has yet turned up in
the sample from the Huari capital. This observation is one of several
that suggest a rivalry between the special lay elite mythical beings of
the Huari capital and those of Pachacamac, one in which the elite of
Pachacamac accepted an occasional representation of the being of the
capital, but in which the capital did not reciprocate.
This discussion should not omit a most interesting and illum
inating find, a vessel fragment found at the site of Huari by Oscar
Tapia of Ayacucho, and recorded by Joel W. Grossman. It is the
fragment of a lyre cup, an example of very fine manufacture of the lay
elite style with Epoch 2A features. A shape reconstruction from the
fragment, made by Grossman, is illustrated in fig. 11, and the
fragment itself is shown in fig. 53. The design on the exterior rim
of this lyre cup is a humped animal with features that characterize the
lay elite styles of Epoch 2A. The bottom half of the vessel is covered
with the beautifully modeled representation of a hand, depicted as if
it were holding the cup. Modeled hands and feet form an important part
of small vessels without mythical attributes of the Robles Moqo style.
In Epoch 2 the hand theme becomes much more important and appears in
a variety of new contexts, including this one on the lyre cup.132

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 90

Summary and Conclusions

The new data on Middle Horizon Epoch 2A discussed in the preced

ing sections amplify considerably our ability to interpret the nature of
the Huari expansion and its changes. The offering pit at Ayapata,
described by Ravines in the preceding article, furnishes key data on the
persistence and changes in the Huari cult. It shows that esoteric
ceremonial offerings of the kind that initiated the Huari cult in
central Peru continued, but with some changes that demonstrate an
increased pace in a secularization process begun in Epoch IB. There
are several striking innovations. First, the offering is stratified,
with a level at the bottom containing pottery representing several
nonceremonial secular pottery traditions that were probably made in
different pottery workshops and represent different communities of
the region around Ayapata. If this inference is correct, such community
representation in the offering marks an important innovation, in
which different secular communities have representation in the
religious ritual. Second, the evidence from the most highly ceremonial
middle level of the Ayapata offering indicates that there is also an
increased pace in the merging of the Huari cult proper with the
mythical figures of the fancy Chakipampa A tradition. The latter tradi
tion ultimately has its origins in a mythical tradition originating
at Nasca and Ayacucho and represents a separate, nonceremonial
elite complex in the Ayacucho area at the beginning of the Huari cult
in Epoch 1A. Its union with the Huari cult objects in the middle
level at Ayapata therefore represents another kind of secularizing
process, or perhaps, more accurately, an ecumenical joining of a less
prestigious and less exclusive mythical tradition with the great
religion. This merger is also apparent in the associations of the
ceremonial jars of Oco?a. It can be deduced further from the
occasional exchange of stylistic attributes between the humped animal
and the feline-bodied Huari cult being of Epoch 2A in their less
sacred representations.
Another important innovation in the ceremonial offering of
Ayapata is the use of ceremonial burning, and the use of special burning
urns. No ceremonial burning has been recorded for the earlier Huari
cult offering pits of Epochs 1A and IB. Ceremonial burners have a
long tradition in the Tiahuanaco area, however, and the introduction
of the practice to the Huari area at this time is probably connected
with active communication in religious ideas between these two
independent centers during Epoch 2A. Such communication is also
suggested by the parallels in religious themes between the Huari and
Tiahuanaco domains at this time.

While the Ayapata offering deposit is the only one of its

kind recorded to date for Epoch 2A, others must have existed in the
Huari area and remain to be discovered. Oversized jars with
ceremonial features like those appearing in the middle level of the
Ayapata deposit have been found in the central Nasca drainage. The
tops of these jars were probably already in broken condition when
found, and may represent remnants of a ceremonial offering.

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 91

Oversized jars of the same style also have been found in a ceremonial
context in the area of Ocofia. However, the Oco?a deposit was not an
offering like the Ayapata one, and the jars appear, rather, to have
been used there for ceremonial storage or perhaps as containers of
offerings.
Pottery representing ceremonial themes of the Huari cult and
its affiliated fancy Chakipampa-tradition themes also appears in
less esoteric contexts in Epoch 2A, in burials and in what appear to
be minor offerings. The term "lay elite" wares is appropriate for this
pottery because of the nature of its associations and its stylistic
likenesses to and contrasts with the ceremonial wares. This pottery
accompanied the remains of what must have been a very distinguished
social elite having close associations with the religious cult. This
elite did not necessarily consist exclusively of priests. The wide
spread of the elite wares and the great wealth with which they are
associated suggest considerable worldly power of the individuals
involved. While many of the representational figures appearing
on the lay elite pottery are very similar to some of those on the
oversized ceremonial offering pottery and related wares as they
appear at Ayapata and Oco?a, however, the lay elite designs lack some
of the features that distinguish the more esoteric forms. These
stylistic distinctions show that in Epoch 2A there was continued
recognition of the special sanctity of an exclusive ceremonial style,
despite the flourishing of the lay elite wares.

Although the lay elite wares had widely expanded and altered
functions in Epoch 2A, their appearance was not unprecedented in
principle. Antecedents for them exist in the small fancy pottery
without mythical attributes of the Huari cult found in Robles
Moqo-style offering deposits and, very rarely, in special elite
burials and small offerings of Epoch IB. There are several factors,
however, that make it apparent that the lay elite wares of Epoch 2A
have a different character from the ceremonial ware without mythical
attributes of Epoch IB. Unlike the Epoch IB vessels of this kind, lay
elite vessels of Epoch 2A are not found in the offering deposit at
Ayapata or among the Oco?a jars; they appear exclusively in other
contexts. Furthermore, lay elite wares of Epoch 2A are decorated with
the cult figures proper, despite certain distinctions indicating their
lesser sanctity. This is the first time in the history of the Huari
cult that these figures appear outside of the most esoteric context.
Another contrast between the Epoch 2A and IB manifestations of wares
affiliated with the religious cult is the much greater frequency and
wider use made of lay elite wares in Epoch 2A. There are far more
examples of small offerings consisting exclusively of lay elite wares
which are found in widely separated areas of the Huari domain. We
may judge their frequency by the many specimens found in various
collections from the entire area of Huari influence. In other words,
in Epoch 2A more individuals were entitled to the privileges of being
buried with pottery with cult associations, and more use was made
of minor offerings. It is another aspect of the altered and far more

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92

advanced state of secularization and of the political and social uses

made of the Huari cult at this time.

The rest of the pottery of Epoch 2A consists of styles that

have entirely secular origins and are found in ordinary refuse and
burials. These styles differ from region to region and are rooted
in local traditions. We see such regional styles represented in the
lowest level of the Ayapata offering deposit, and in that pottery of
the central coast which is composed predominantly or entirely of
derived Nieveria-style features.133 At Huari, we see it in wares with
traditional features unrelated to the mythical complex of the Huari
cult, especially in small open bowls (or "dishes") and jars decorated
with designs derived from the less fancy, nonmythical designs of
Chakipampa vessels of Epoch IB.134 Most of the secular wares of
these areas differ from the fancy elite wares in having much less
care and artistry bestowed on them. They usually lack the beautiful,
bright pigments, the glossy finish, the smooth, symmetrical shaping
and delicate modeling, the attention to firing color, and the
precision in design that distinguish the lay elite wares and high
ceremonial wares of Epoch 2A.135

Two additional observations concerning these phenomena

are important. First, some of the pottery from the lowest level of
the Ayapata offering is related to some of the ordinary refuse
pottery found at Huari itself. Furthermore, influences of ordinary
secular Vi?aque-style pottery of Huari appear in the Cuzco basin
at least as early as Epoch 2A, and perhaps as early as Epoch IB. In
Epoch 2B, the entire variety of Vi?aque-style pottery of Huari can
be found in sierra sites as far south as the Cuzco basin, and north
at least as far as Huancayo, and probably farther. In contrast,
ordinary secular Vi?aque-style pottery is not present anywhere on the
coast, where we find only the fancy elite styles of the Huari complex.136
Clearly, this distribution argues for a very different relationship
between the capital and the coastal centers. Huari culture reaches
far lower on the social scale in the sierra provinces neighboring
the capital, apparently ending for practical purposes in a homo
geneous culture over a relatively wide area in the central highlands.
If the later Middle Horizon styles of Peru come to show a more
universal homogeneity over a wider area, it is because the features
of the elite wares filtered downward into the ordinary pottery and
lower social levels, rather than because of any increase of direct
influence from the Huari capital.137
The differences between the local and regional styles of
the sierra and coast in Epoch 2A reflect the different cultures that
came under Huari rule. They do not argue for political independence
of these cultures and nations. The differences in their distribution
patterns merely reflect the existence of prestigious earlier local
traditions on the coast which could rival the purely secular styles
of Huari, and the evident lack of earlier traditions of comparable
standing in the sierra provinces neighboring Huari. The key styles in
the religious and political world of Huari are the ceremonial and

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 93

lay elite styles, and these show a startling homogeneity and standard
ization over an extroadinarily large area incorporating many different
cultural traditions. Furthermore, the great majority of the ceremonial
and lay elite vessels involved is of local manufacture. Trade pieces,
if they exist, must be rare. This stylistic homogeneity among
vessels of local manufacture argues for an extraordinary degree of
centralization, in which adherence to standard models of style and
ceremonial was strictly observed and controlled. One can infer that
the governing elite of the Huari empire must have formed a close
knit nonlocalized community, with an efficient system of communication
over a very large area.
In considering the remarkable degree of centralization of
the Huari domain in Epoch 2A, one must also consider the homogeneity
of the most impressive planned structures of Pikillaqta near the
lower Cuzco basin and Viracochapampa near Huamachuco, and their
resemblance to some of the construction units at the Huari capital.
There is some evidence to support the hypothesis that construction
at Pikillaqta was begun at least as early as Epoch 2A, or possibly
slightly earlier. Three pottery fragments found under its foundations
have features that may be described either as advanced Chakipampa
or conservative Vi?aque-style ones, that is, features that place them
either late in Epoch IB or early in ?poch 2A. There was an extensive
Epoch 2A occupation in the Lucre basin where Pikillaqta is located,
as demonstrated by surveys conducted in this area under the direction
of John H. Rowe in 1968. As Rowe has pointed out, the structural
uniformity of Pikillaqta, Viracochapampa, and some of the sections
of Huari, present another argument for a high degree of centralized
planning and organization in a tightly controlled state, with analogous
examples in the later empire of the Incas. Rowe has argued that
Pikillaqta and Viracochapampa probably were storage centers, for they
could not have been used as habitations, either formal or informal
ones, in view of their structural peculiarities.
Despite the evidence of political activity and secular uses of
the religious cult that are so manifest in the Huari empire of Epoch 2A,
the evidence also shows that the religious cult continued to furnish
the central focus around which the political system was built. We see
some changes in emphasis in the different cult figures of the
Conchopata/Robles Moqo tradition, especially in the great increase
of importance of the fierce feline-headed angel and related beings.
The feline-bodied being is related to secondary mythical animal designs
in the Conchopata style. Rowe has suggested that these mythical animals
may represent beings associated with stars and constellations, similar
to those forming part of Inca religion at the time of the Spanish
conquest.138 The reason is that the whole Huari pantheon strongly
resembles the Inca one described by historical sources, and that the
Conchopata-style mythical animals are associated with a symbolic
design consisting of light-colored circles suggestive of stars. In
Epoch 2A the human-bodied and animal-bodied mythical figures share
more features than in the earlier ceremonial style. In the Epoch 2A

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94

ceremonial styles both the feline beings are associated with trophy
heads, and trophy-head designs proliferated greatly on the ceremonial
wares, gaining their greatest popularity during this epoch. One
infers that the feline-headed beings had a bloodthirsty quality.
While the religious pantheon shows remarkable uniformity
over the entire Huari domain, there is one notable exception. At
Pachacamac a different mythical figure was selected for special
attention, a griffin that is derived from another Conchopata-style
star animal. This griffin is not represented in the religious art
of the other Huari styles. During Epoch 2A it is merely a rival
being on the central coast, existing side by side with some of the
more widespread mythical figures of the Huari pantheon. However, we
now see that as early as Epoch 2A the Pachacamac griffin had made
itself felt as a rival influence north of Pachacamac, as Donn?n1s
find from the Chicama valley shows. This rival figure in the mythica
pantheon of the religious world of Huari represents the seeds of
division, a division that became more profound in Epoch 2B.

These new data on Epoch 2A, then, give us new opportunities

to glimpse the workings of an empire that appears to have been even
more centralized than that of the Incas, and nearly as extensive. Th
religious and social traditions were spread so widely in Epoch 2A,
and imprinted themselves so largely on the minds of all the peoples
under Huari domain, that they persisted through the centuries that
followed arid were reflected in many ways in all the central Andean
cultures at the time of the Spanish conquest, including that of the
Incas. Although the Incas forged an entirely new empire, historically
independent of the old one, there were perhaps aspects of the social
and political life of all the central Andean peoples of the fifteenth
century that perpetuated values and points of view rooted in the
Huari empire. Perhaps these old, widespread attitudes helped make
it possible for the Incas to create another highly centralized empire
in their time.

NOTES

Menzel, 1964, 1968.

This study was done under grant GX 2002 of the National
Science Foundation. The support of this Foundation is here very
gratefully acknowledged.

There are many individuals who have made important recent

contributions to the much needed data on the Middle Horizon. Among
these are, of course, Rogger H. Ravines S., Christopher . Donn?n,
Patricia J. Lyon and Allison C. Paulsen, whose articles appear in this
issue. There are others, however, chief among whom are John H.
Rowe, J?nius B. Bird, Joel W. Grossman and Warren R. De Boer, who have
been particularly helpful and generous in making painstaking records

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 95

of all isolated data that have come to their attention and sharing their
information with me. Other contributors whose helpful spirit and
generosity have added considerably to the present study are William
H. Isbell, Sergio Ch?vez, Karen Mohr Ch?vez, Lu?s Barreda M., Ernesto
E. Tab?o, Adolfo Berm?dez J., Alejandro Pezzia A. and Duncan M.
Masson. Among the major ongoing projects that will have important
new contributions to make to Middle Horizon studies are archaeological
surveys of the Cuzco area by John H. Rowe, Patricia J. Lyon, Edward B.
and Jane P. Dwyer, Sergio and Karen M?hr Chavez, Warren De Boer,
Juan N??ez del Prado, and Lu?s Barreda M.; excavations at the sites of
Huari and Chakipampa near Ayacucho by Lu?s G. Lumbreras and Mario
Benavides Calle; the studies of surveys and excavations in the Callejon
de Huaylas under the direction of Gary S. Vescelius; and a survey and
excavations in the Huancayo area by David L. Browman.

I wish to express particular thanks to Dudley T. Easby, Jr.,

and to the Department of Anthropology at Yale University, especially
Thomas C. Patterson, for their helpful courtesy and kind permission to
publish illustrations of pieces in their collections. The contributions
of the illustrator for the Peru project of the University of California
at Berkeley, Catherine Terry Brandel, require particular mention. She
is an invaluable collaborator. Special thanks go also to Eugene R.
Prince for his help with the photographed illustrations. My particular
gratitude goes to John H. Rowe, for his essential contributions to
the working out of archaeological problems in this study. I have
drawn most particularly on his extensive studies of the religion and
ceremonial life of the Incas and their predecessors. His English
translation of Book 13, Chapters XIII-XVI of the chronicle of Father
Bernab? Cobo was of particular help to me in facilitating the study
of Cobo's data. Finally, my great thanks go to John H. Rowe and
Patricia J. Lyon for their painstaking editorial help.
o

?The absolute dating is based on t

made by John H. Rowe in 1965 (Rowe, 19
subsequent study by Gary S. Vescelius, a
with the problems of radiocarbon dating,
are even more complicated than Rowe had
study, and that any absolute dates at thi
as more or less reliable approximations
tively short duration of Epoch 2A is bas
degree of changes in some of the stylis
the total length of the Middle Horizon i
scales. These estimates are unaffected b
the dating process.
4For a discussion of the Middle Hor
see Menzel, 1964, pp. 4, 19-30 and Menze
A correction to the information given in
be made here. I stated in my earlier stud
offerings of the Conchopata style near A
style at Pacheco, Nasca had been found in

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96

enclosed by walls. This information was the result of misunderstandings

on my part. Later discussion between Toribio Mejia Xesspe, the
associate of Julio C. Tello who was director of both excavations,
and John H. Rowe, indicate that both the Epoch 1 offering deposits
had been made in unstructured pits. A subsequent reexamination of the
field notes made by Ronald L. Olson on his later excavations at
Pacheco revealed that Olson's excavation plan supports Mejia's
data.

^Personal communication from Mejia to John H. Rowe. During

surface collections made in 1958 at the eastern end of the site of
Chakipampa, near where these ceremonial pits must have been located,
Rowe and I saw fragments of oversized, cream-slipped, thick-walled
vessels of this kind. We did not save them, though we recorded their
presence. The fragments we found were not of the urn form just
described, but of another kind of urnlike vessel with less flaring
or vertical sides and a prominent horizontal lip. It is not clear
what the associations of this vessel form were, but they must be
related to the ceremonial complex, either of Epoch 1A or IB.

6Menzel, 1964, pp. 4, 8, 21-23; Menzel, 1968, pp. 19,

70-76.

7Menzel, 1964, p. 26; Menzel, 1968, p. 83.

Q
Examples of the urns with designs of myth
are illustrated in Menzel, 1968, pp. 53, 71, as w
and Bias, 1938, l?m. 31b, and others cited in my
(Menzel, 1964, 1968, footnote 120). One reference
to cite in the earlier publication is Lumbreras,
This illustration is important because to my kno
photographic publication of the female deity tha
interior of these urns.

9Menzel, 1964, p. 20; Menzel, 1968, p. 82.

10Menzel, 1964, pp. 26-28; Menzel, 1968, pp

i:LMenzel, 1964, pp. 31-3 5; Menzel, 1968, p

12Menzel, 1964, pp. 21-23; Menzel, 1968, pp
13Menzel, 1964, pp. 22-23; Menzel, 1968, pp
14Rowe, 1946, pp. 305-308.

15Cobo, 1956, tomo 92, Book 13, chapters X

186.

16Cobo, 1956, tomo 92, Book 13, chapter XIII, p. 172.

Cobo, 1956, tomo 92, Book 13, chapter XVI, p. 186

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 97

Valc?rcel, 1933.
Valc?rcel illustrates some of them also (Valc?rcel, 1933,
pl. X 1-n). He gives Chulpaca as the provenience for three of the
figurines from lea. Chulpaca lies in the area of Old lea, the capital
of the lea valley during the Late Intermediate Period and Late
Horizon.
20
Menzel, 1964, pp. 61-62; Menzel, 1968, pp. 171-173.
21Larco, 1963, pp. 63-64.
22Catalogue numbers 35, 122, 137, 236, and no number. For
a handsome illustration of seven examples of such figurines, see
Larco, 1966, pi. 123.
23Menzel, 1964, 1968.

24Menzel, 1964, p. 24; Menzel, 1968, p. 78.

25?bbelohde-Doering, 1958, pp. 75-76, 78-80.
26Tello, 1942, p. 95.
27Menzel, 1964, pp. 8, 21-22, 25; Menzel, 1968, pp. 27-28,
70, 73, 80.
28
"For a study on how different manufacturing communities
"workshops" come to produce distinctive wares, one should consult
important publications on modern pottery-making industries and th
ancient antecedents in the Department of Huancavelica by Ravines
Sanchez (Ravines S?nchez, 1964, 1966). See especially Ravines S?n
1966, pp. 211-212, 221-222. Ravines found that in the Huancaveli
valley pottery is now made by two manufacturing communities for th
use of a wider surrounding area to which the pottery is traded. Th
two communities are about 25 kms. distant from one another in an
line. Each manufacturing community has a specific, limited trade
area. One of the communities, Totorapampa, constitutes a small
sector (parcialidad) of the community of Huaylacucho near the town
Huancavelica. The other, Ccaccasiri, is a single independent
community of about 1200 individuals near the town of Acoria. Infor
tion furnished by chroniclers indicates that at least one of these
communities, Totorapampa, was a pottery-making center already in
times. The products of each pottery-making community or workshop a
recognizable by their distinctive paste, temper, surface finish,
pigments, and shape and design features. Each has its own sources
clay, temper and pigments. Pre-conquest pottery of the valley sho
same kinds of distinguishing features. Furthermore, stylistic featu
of the modern pottery can be traced back to the pre-conquest Late
Horizon pottery made in this area. Ravines has also found the
same kind of pattern of distinguishing styles with overlapping dis
butions for Late Horizon pottery from the vicinity of Huancayo
(unpublished manuscript in possession of the author).

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98

The same kinds of contrasts in pottery wares as the modern

and Late Horizon ones are found in the different Middle Horizon wares in
the Ayapata offering deposit, I am therefore making the inference
that the same kind of manufacturing pattern is probably reflected here,
and that the different wares represent different manufacturing communities
or workshops, which got their raw materials from different sources.
It is not necessary to assume that the workshops had to be widely
separated geographically. Some of them could have been near neighbors
specializing in different kinds of products, while others may have
been located in communities slightly more distant from one another.
None appear to have been imported from very far away, since all have
local stylististic characteristics distinctive of the region.
29
The dotted lines in Ravines1 illustration mark the actual
outline of the profile of this urn, since part of the contours had
been cut off inadvertently in trimming the photograph.

30Menzel, 1968, p. 53.

31
For other examples, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 7a;
Schmidt, 1929, figs. 281-2, 330-1.
32In support of this hypothesis, it may be noted that Wil
H. Isbell of the University of Illinois collected in 1967 two fragme
vessels in the vicinity of Cangallo, about 50 kms. south of Ayacuch
which have a bearing on this question. Isbell was good enough to
show the vessels to John H. Rowe and allow him to photograph them,
and Rowe in turn shared the information with me. One of the vess
found by Isbell is a burner with a modeled feline head. It resem
the "Classic" Tiahuanaco style burners, and is the only vessel in
the Tiahuanaco style ever recorded north of the Department of Puno
It has a few distinctive style features, enough to suggest that i
was probably made locally, or at least not in the Tiahuanaco area.
This burner has relatively advanced features in terms of the stylis
chronology of Tiahuanaco, and it probably belongs in Middle Horizo
Epoch 2. It closely resembles the variant illustrated in Posnansk
1958, vol. Ill, pis. XLIa, and XLIDa, b. It is probable that the
Tiahuanaco-style burner from Cangallo, like the Ayapata urns, may
represent a new ceremonial feature in the Huari area in Middle Hor
Epoch 2A.

The second vessel found by Isbell near Cangallo is a vessel

derived from the small, nonmythical vessels of the Robles Moqo style.
It has several design features that characterize it as belonging in
Epoch 2A. The form represents a modeled eagle claw with a vaseshaped
top decorated with a serpentine animal design with Huari cult features,
the same design that appears on the bowl illustrated here in fig. 50.
Menzel, 1964, p. 24; Menzel, 1968, p. 78.
34Menzel, 1964, pp. 21-23; Menzel, 1968, pp. 70-76.

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 99

35For a complete example from the south coast, see Disselhoff

and Linne, 1960, p. 201. For a comparable Conchopata-style angel
figure, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 13.
36Menzel, 1964, pp. 22-23; Menzel, 1968, p. 75.
37Front-face deity figures in the style of Tiahuanaco carry
the same differentiated staves, except that the staff with the
differentiated sections is held in the left hand of the frontface
deity (Posnansky, 1945, vol. I, pl. XLVII, vol. II, figs. 113a, 115).
In the style of Tiahuanaco, two narrow staff bands terminating in eagle
heads appear above the hand. In that style these bands are also
shown as single arched strands which must be based on models made of
a soft material (Posnansky, 1945, vol. I, pis. XXXVII, XXXVIII-1,
2, 3). They probably represent slings. This observation was first
made by John H. Rowe.

38For a Conchopata-style example, see Menzel, 1964, 1968,

fig. 13.
39Menzel, 1964, pp. 1-13; Menzel, 1968, pp. 34, 43-49.
40
The reconstruction is based on a study of the fancy
Chakipampa A style by Joel W. Grossman (Grossman, ms.).

41Menzel, 1964, pp. 5, 8-10; Menzel, 1968, pp. 23, 28-31,

34.

zMenzel, 1964, pp. 20-21; Menzel, 1968, pp. 68-69.

43
Fancy Chakipampa A pottery has been analyzed by a technique
of neutron activation analysis, perfected by Professors Isadore PerIm
and Frank Asaro of the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory of the Univers
of California at Berkeley. These tests have shown that the paste of
fancy Chakipampa A style is of a completely different origin than t
pastes of all the other styles of the vicinity of Ayacucho and Huari
The tests also show that the paste is strikingly homogeneous, pointi
to a single source. The stylistic homogeneity also indicates that
a single workshop must have produced this style.

44For examples, see Tello, 1942, l?m. XVI, nos. 8/7797,

8/7779, and 8/7732.
45A very clear example of the hybridization of these body
spots appears on one of the oversized ceremonial jars from the Oco?
area recorded by Toribio Mejia Xesspe, and on exhibit at the Museo
Nacional de Antropolog?a y Arqueolog?a of Lima (Menzel, 1964, 1968,
note 196).
Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 13.

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100

47
The only recorded occurrence of a trophy head in the Robles
Moqo style represented at Pacheco is a modeled head held in the hands
of a small modeled feline. The feline has no other mythical features.
This fact, and its small size, suggest that this vessel had secondary
religious significance.
Ufi
?Whole trophy figures are characteristic of the Conchopata
style.
49Lumbreras, 1960a, l?m. Xa, c; Lumbreras, 1960b, l?m.
VIIIC, E; Disselhoff and Linne, 1960, p. 201.
^?It should be noted that the trophy-head designs on the
Oco?a jars appear primarily in association with mythical felines that
have spotted feline bodies, though they do have human hands and feet
(cf. Menzel, 1964, p. 48, note 196; Menzel, 1968, p. 137, note 196).
51Menzel, 1964, 1968.
52
For other examples, see Schmidt, 1929, fig. 283-2;
Muelle and Bias, 1938, l?m. 31a.
53
The evidence for the Epoch 2A occurrence of this design
feature is an addition to the data recorded in my earlier study.

54For a complete example of this lip chevron band on a bo

in this style from the south coast, see Disselhoff and Linn?,
1960, p. 201.
55Menzel, 1968, p. 53.
56The reconstruction of this shape was made by Joel W.
Grossman.
57
This design is one borrowed from a common secular design
of the Chakipampa and Vi?aque styles of Epochs IB and 2 in the
sierra; see below.
58
Another example is illustrated in Kroeber, 1944, pl. 39D.

59For examples, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, figs. 1-b, 2,

5, 21, 25.
60Menzel, 1964, pp. 24, 27; Menzel, 1968, pp. 78, 84.
61Reichlen and Reichlen, 1949, pp. 161-163.

62Reichlen and Reichlen, 1949, fig. 10, pp. 168-169;

their "noir et rouge tripode semi-cursif."
63Reichlen and Reichlen, 1949, p. 169.

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 101

64The drawing in fig. 9 is a reconstruction based on sherds

from Bennett's excavation at Huari, and is published here with the
permission of the Department of Anthropology at Yale University. The
reconstruction was made by me and is based on three fragments from two
different vessels, all found in Pit 2 (levels c and g). Bennett
placed the features appearing on these fragments in three different
taxonomic categories, his "Mara?on," "Geometric-on-Light" and "Wari
Polychrome-Cursive" types (Bennett, 1953, fig. 13K, L, R, X, pis.
9A-D, M, 11G, K, M, N). The fragment illustrated in Rowe, Collier and
Willey, 1950, fig. 45j, k and profile, is the one that has design
features resembling those of the interior decoration of the fragments
from Ayapata, in the form of red and purple bands outlined with black.
65
Insofar as I can judge, most of the Cajamarca-style
features of the decorated examples from Huari and the south coast show
specific relationship to the phase described by the Reichlens as
Cajamarca III "cursif floral." Plain tripods do occur at Huari, but
these are probably variants of those described by the Reichlens as
belonging to the later part of Cajamarca Phase III (Bennett, 1953,
fig. 9I-L). There is also the record of a Middle Horizon 2 burial
from Curahuasi, near Cuzco, which produced large quantities of Cajamarca
style miniatures, some of which consisted of plain tripod bowls with
shape features which, according to the Reichlens, come into common
use only at the beginning of Cajamarca Phase IV (Reichlen and Reichlen,
1949, pp. 161-162, 168-169). However, the Reichlens also point out
that rare plain miniatures of tripod bowls make their first appearance
sometime in Cajamarca Phase III (Reichlen and Reichlen, 1949, p. 162).
The Curahuasi burial therefore also presents a problem in crossdating.
These comments should be read as a correction and amendment to
my earlier identification of the Cajamarca-style vessels in the
Curahuasi gravelot as Cajamarca III (Menzel, 1964, pp. 38-39;
Menzel, 1968, pp. 113, 124-128).

66Gayton, 1927, pi. 97d.

Lumbreras, 1960a, l?m. Vj.
C Q
This information furnishes a correction to my earlier
report (Menzel, 1964, p. 36; Menzel, 1968, p. 104).
69Menzel, 1964, 1968, note 196.
70
For a lay elite example of this design, see Bennett,
1953, pl. 6H.
71 -?
For R
XXIII,

72Ben
73Ben
see Me

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102

Bennett, 1953, fig. 18Q.

75Bennett, 1953, fig. 18R, S.
Lumbreras, 1960a, l?m. Vd, Xa, c, XIIg; Lumbreras, 1960b,
l?m. VIIIC, E.
77
This find was made in 1964 in the course of an excavation
project at Pikillaqta directed by William T. Sanders of Pennsylvania
State University and Lu?s Barreda Murillo of the University of Cuzco.
The man in direct charge of the excavation in which the find was made
was a University of Cuzco student, Marco T. Marees Pati?o. Marees
turned in a written report which Barreda was kind enough to show to
John H. Rowe and me in 1969. The following information is summarized
from Mareesf report.

Marc?s was excavating a rectangular room with a stucco floor

4 cm. thick. His attention was attracted by a circular depression in
the floor 1.10 m. in diameter and 20 cm. deep. He dug in this
depression and found under the floor an 18 cm. thick layer of compact
red clay, below that sand, and under the sand gravel. The pottery
fragments, consisting of pieces of two decorated bowls and a shallower
undecorated plate, were found at a depth of 40 cm. in the gravel
layer. With them were found two llama bones, one the head of a femur
and the other a complete occiput. The presence of the llama bones
suggests that the find may represent an offering.

78Uhle, 1903, pp. 22, 24.

79Tello, 1917, pp. 284-286, figs. 1, 5.
80Tello, 1917, pp. 284-285.
xTello, 1917, fig. 1.
82Tello, 1917, fig. 5.
83
For additional references to these styles, see Menzel,
1964, 1968.
84
For examples, see Bennett, 1953, figs. 11A-E, 14A, pl. 4B.
85
An Example from Huari is illustrated in Bennett, 1953,
fig. 18Q.
86For other Epoch 2A examples in this body-shape category,
see Gayton and Kroeber, 1927, pl. 19B; Schmidt, 1929, figs. 327-1,
330-1. Schmidt's fig. 330-2 may also belong in Epoch 2A.
87For another Epoch 2A example from Nasca, see Schmidt, 1929,
fig. 330-1. Vi?aque-style vessels with this design also exist, but not
enough to explain their exact relationship to the two coastal forms.

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 103

One fragmentary bowl design from Huari suggests a lay elite example,
on the basis of the appearance of the ray appendage and bowl size
(Bennett, 1953, pl. 6F).
88For another example, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 22.
More evidence of associations is needed to clarify the history of the
ray-design features. It is probable that even the more advanced
ray designs do not date later than the early part of Epoch 2B.
Occasional ray-design appendages with broad gaps at the base occur as
early as Epoch IB, but their execution is very irregular, they are
found in different contexts, and examples are very scarce.
89
This burial was found in 1968 by pothunters and was brought
to the Museo Regional de Ica, where it was recorded.
90
For examples from Pachacamac, see Schmidt, 1929, figs.
280-3, 4, 281-3, 4. The examples illustrated by Schmidt all have
features indicating a later date than the specimen from the Atareo A
burial.
91
For an Epoch IB example from Nasca, see Menzel, 1964,
1968, fig. 6b.
Examples of this shape from Huari are illustrated in Bennett,
1953, pis. 3D, and 6H.
93
Uhle, 1903, p. 27, fig. 18b; Schmidt, 1929, figs. 286-2,
330-3; Kroeber, 1925a, pl. 63b; Kroeber, 1925b, pl. 73g; Kroeber, 1944
pis. 5D, H, 6L; Bennett, 1953, pi. 3F, I, J; Lumbreras, 1960a, l?m.
Lumbreras, 1960b, l?m. VIIIA; Menzel, 1968, cover and p. 143.
94
For an almost identical flask, see Sawyer, 1968, p. 62, no.
469. This piece is said to be from Ocucaje in the lea valley.
95
For comparison, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 13.
96For an example of the Epoch IB Ayacucho Serpent design on a
Nieveria-style vessel from the central coast, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig.
17. For other Epoch IB examples of this kind of bowl from the sierra,
see Lumbreras, 1960a, l?m. XIa-c; Lumbreras, 1960b, l?m. VUE.
97
Menzel, 1964, 1968.
98
Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 13.
99
Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 12.
100Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 20.
101
There is only one pottery exception in our sample, an animal
bodied manifestation of the feline being on a flask illustrated in Menzel,
1964, 1968, fig. 11a; see also notes 109, 115. Another exception in a la
elite context is the textile design shown in fig. 23a.

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104

102
For an Epoch 2A tapestry example of an angel, see Bennett,
1954, p. 76, fig. 84. A fancy gold ornament representing the feline
headed angel with Epoch 2A features is illustrated in Sawyer, 1968, p.
66, no. 533.
103
Disselhoff, 1962, p. 441, Abb. 4, 5.
1 04
Le Paige, 1965, lams. 49-56.
105
Bennett, 1934, fig. 15c; Posnansky, 1958, vol. Ill, pi. XXb.

*06Angel carvings also appear on snuff tablets of bone from

San Pedro de Atacama. One of these tablets is carved with a figure that
represents the same mythical being as Angel A of the Conchopata style of
the Huari cult, the angel that is antecedent to the feline-headed angel
of Epoch 2 (Le Paige, 1965, lam. 60). The carving from Chile shares
many stylistic details with Conchopata Angel A, although there are, ex
pectably, also some stylistic differences which appear to represent
regional variation. On stylistic grounds, therefore, this snuff tablet
should belong in Epoch 1 of the Middle Horizon. This bone carving from
Chile, and a stone carving from Tiahuanaco published by Posnansky, have
special importance, because to my knowledge they are the only recorded
examples of Tiahuanaco-style carvings of mythical figures probably
attributable to Epoch 1 (for the stone-carved example, see Posnansky,
1945, vol. II, figs. 140, 140a. The stylistic peculiarities of this
carving were first noted by John H. Rowe). Other examples carved on bone
snuff tablets from northern Chile share style features with the carvings
of the feline-headed being mentioned above, which are attributable to
Epoch 2 on stylistic grounds. These carvings appear to be divergent
Epoch 2 derivatives of the Epoch 1 angel figures, representing another
mythical being which differs from the feline-headed angel of Epoch 2,
and which resembles the most common angel designs on Huari textiles of
this epoch (Le Paige, 1965, lam. 58).
107Menzel, 1964, 1968, figs. 10, 11, 18-22.
108
For additional examples, see Gayton and Kroeber, 1927, pis.
14A, and 16E.
109
For comparison, see Tello, 1942, l?m. XVI, cat. no. 8/7732.
110
For comparison, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 13.
Ill
It is significant that the feline depicted on
tive flask purported to be from the same burial as the m
Atareo angel jar resembles instead the conservative Ata
(Menzel, 1964, 1968, figs. 11a, 19). It is this observat
me to suggest that the flask may be an heirloom in th
indeed, it belongs in it at all. It is also possible t
attribution of this piece was incorrectly given, howe
based on the record furnished by pothunters. The flask

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 105

a ray appendage with rounded ray tips in the conservative Atareo A manner
(for comparison, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 7a).

112Menzel, 1964, 1968, figs. 12, 13.

113
Collier, 1962, p. 415. In my earlier article I made an
error in the identification of the discoverer of this important piece,
and I am happy to have this opportunity to correct it (Menzel, 1964, p.
55; Menzel, 1968, p. 152).
114
x Uhle, 1925.
115
For illustrated examples of Middle Horizon 2B pottery from
Supe and its vicinity, see Kroeber, 1925b, pis. 73d-j, 74h-l, 77h-o and
probably also 77a-c, f, g; and Menzel, 1968, p. 143.
116
For illustrations of two other lay elite examples painted
on small vertical-sided bowls, see Ubbelohde-Doering, 1952, pi. 95. In
my earlier publication I stated that the mythical feline designs with
feline bodies all appeared with Epoch 2B features. New evidence, such
as that of the sierra tumbler, shows that this is not the case, and that
the design also occurs with Epoch 2A features.
117
The feline-bodied being painted on the flask illustrated in
Menzel, 1964, 1968, figs. 11, 19, is unique. It represents a cross be
tween the feline-headed angel with a human body and the feline-bodied
being. It has an angel head rather than the animal-being head, and the
body lacks feline markings and is decorated in the manner of the angel
figures. This design is also distinguished in being the only lay elite
example appearing with a trophy-head design.
118
For another Epoch 2A example of this form of panel-dividing
band, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, fig. 7a.
119Bennett, 1953, pis. 3K, L, 6F.
120Uhle, 1903, pp. 22, 24, figs. 10-13.
191
Tello, 1942, l?m. XXIII, right.

122Uhle, 1903, fig. 13.

123
A gold hoard consisting of a tumbler, an arm band, and large
disk ear ornaments of the same kind was recorded by Junius B. Bird in a
dealer's collection. It is now in the Lord Rothschild collection in
England. The golden ear ornaments consist of large grooved wheels 6.9
cm. in diameter and 15.5 mm. thick. The tumbler has the head of the
feline-headed spirit placed in relief above an engraved deity body, and
the entire lot probably belongs in Epoch 2A. An illustration of the
gold tumbler appears in Wardwell, 1968, p. 28, fig. 2.

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106

124
For a Robles Moqo-style example, see Muelle and Bias, 1938,
l?m. 32a.
125
The checkerboard marking about the left eye is derived from
one kind of Robles Moqo-style faceneck jar (Tello, 1942, l?m. XXIII,
right).
126
For Pachacamac-style examples, see Schmidt, 1929, Tafel
III-2, fig. 283-1.
127Bennett, 1953, pl. 9G-L, N.
128
One example from Nasca is illustrated by Schmidt, 1929, fig.
330-4.
129
For other Epoch 2A examples of the Pachacamac griffin, see
Schmidt, 1929, fig. 282-2 and Valc?rcel, 1960, fig. 12.
130
Menzel, 1964, 1968, conslusions.
131
Menzel, 1964, p. 27; Menzel, 1968, p. 85.
132
Another example of the same kind of vessel is illustrated
by Bennett, 1953, pl. VJ.
133
For an earlier discussion of the central-coast styles, see
Menzel, 1964, pp. 53-61; Menzel, 1968, pp. 149-166. The record for the
ordinary secular pottery of this epoch is very poor for most areas in
Peru.
134
Menzel, 1964, pp. 40-41; Menzel, 1968, pp. 116-117.
135
There are exceptions, however, as, for example, the fine
orange-ware jugs from Ayapata, or occasional vessels in the Nieveria
tradition which also show painstaking workmanship.
136
The style of Supe of Epoch 2B provides a notable exception
in incorporating many Vi?aque-style features not found in other coastal
styles.
137
This kind of process of change is discussed in a publication
by John H. Rowe (Rowe, 1962).
138
Rowe, 1946, p. 295.

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 107

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bennett, Wendell Clark

1934 Excavations at Tiahuanaco. Anthropological Papers of The
American Museum of Natural History, vol. XXXIV, part III. New
York.

1953 Excavations at Wari, Ayacucho, Peru. Yale University Publi

cations in Anthropology, no. 49. New Haven.

1954 Ancient arts of the Andes. With an introduction by Rene

d1Harnoncourt. The Museum of Modern Art, New York.

Cobo, Bernab?
1956 Historia del nuevo mundo [1653]. Estudio preliminar y edici?n
del P. Francisco Mateos. Biblioteca de Autores Espa?oles, tomos
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Collier, Donald
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Akten des 34. Internationalen Amerikanistenkongresses, Wien, 18.
bis 25. Juli 1960, pp. 411-417. Horn-Wien.
Disselhoff, Hans-Dietrich
1962 Probleme der bolivianischen Arch?ologie (vorl?ufiger Bericht
?ber vier Grabungen, 1958). Akten des 34. Internationalen
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445. Horn-Wien.

Disselhoff, Hans-Dietrich, and Linne, Sigvald

1960 The art of ancient America; civilizations of Central and South
America. Crown Publishers, Inc., New York.

Donnan, Christopher Bruce

1969 An association of Middle Horizon Epoch 2A specimens from the
Chicama valley, Peru. ?awpa Pacha 6, pp. 15-18. Berkeley.
Gayton, Anna Hadwick
1927 The Uhle collections from Nieveria. University of California
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8, pp. i-ii, 305-329. Berkeley.
Gayton, Anna Hadwick, and Kroeber, Alfred Louis
1927 The Uhle pottery collections from Nazca. University of
California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology,
vol. 24, no. 1, pp. i-ii, 1-46. Berkeley.
Grossman, Joel Warren
ms. A reconstruction of the Fancy Chakipampa A style. Manuscript
in possession of the author, Berkeley.

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108

Kroeber, Alfred Louis

1925a The Uhle pottery collections from Moche. University of
California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology,
vol. 21, no. 5, pp. i-ii, 191-234. Berkeley.
1925b The Uhle pottery collections from Supe. University of
California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology,
vol. 21, no. 6, pp. i-ii, 235-256. Berkeley.
1944 Peruvian archeology in 1942. Viking Fund Publications in
Anthropology, no. 4. New York.
Kubier, George Alexander
1962 The art and architecture of ancient America; the Mexican,
Maya, and Andean peoples. Pelican History of Art, Z21. Penguin
Books, Baltimore.
Larco Hoyle, Rafael
1963 Las ?pocas peruanas. Santiago Valverde, S.A., Lima.
1966 Peru. Archaeologia Mundi. The World Publishing Company,
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Le Paige, S.J., Gustavo

1965 San Pedro de Atacama y su zona (14 temas). Anales de la
Universidad del Norte, no. 4, Antofagasta.
Lumbreras, Lu?s Guillermo
1960a La cultura de Wari, Ayacucho. Etnolog?a y Arqueolog?a,
Publicaci?n del Instituto de Etnolog?a y Arqueolog?a, Universidad
Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, a?o I, no. 1, mayo, pp. 130-227.
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1960b Esquema arqueol?gico de la sierra central del Per?. Revista

del Museo Nacional, tomo XXVIII, 1959, pp. 64-117. Lima.

1960c Espacio y cultura en los Andes. Revista del Museo Nacional,

tomo XXIX, pp. 222-246. Lima.

Menzel, Dorothy
1964 Style and time in the Middle Horizon. ?awpa Pacha 2, pp. 1
105. Berkeley.
1968 La cultura Huari. Las Grandes Civilizaciones del Antiguo
Per?, tomo VI. Compa??a de Seguros y Reaseguros Peruano-Suiza
S.A., Lima.
Muelle, Jorge Clemente, and Blas, Camilo
1938 Muestrario de arte peruano precolombino. I. - Cer?mica.
Revista del Museo Nacional, tomo VII, no. 2, II semestre, pp. 163
280. Lima.

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Posnansky, Arthur
1945 Tihuanacu; la cuna del hombre americano. Tihuanacu; the
eradle of American man. Vols. I and II. J.J. Augustin Publisher,
New York.

1958 Tihuanacu; la cuna del hombre americano. Tihuanacu; the

cradle of American man. Vols. III and IV. Ministerio de Educa
ci?n, La Paz.
Ravines S?nchez, Rogger H.
1964 Alfarer?a dom?stica de Huaylacucho, Departamento de Huancavelica.
Revista "Folklore Americano," a?o XI-XII, no. 11-12, pp. 92-96.
Lima.

1966 Ccaccasiri-pi rurani mankata. Revista "Folklore Americano,"

a?o XIV, no. 14, pp. 210-222. Lima.
1969 Un deposito de ofrendas dui Horizonte Medio en la sierra central
del Per?. ?awpa Pacha 6, pp. 19-45. Berkeley.
Reichlen, Henry, and Reichlen, Paule Barret
1949 Recherches arch?ologiques dans les Andes de Cajamarca. Premier
rapport de la Mission Ethnologique Fran?aise au P?rou Septentrional.
Journal de la Soci?t? des Am?ricanistes, n.s., tome XXXVIII, pp.
137-174. Paris.

Rowe, John Howland

1946 Inca culture at the time of the Spanish conquest. Handbook of
South American Indians, vol. 2, The Andean Civilizations, pp.
183-330. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 143. Washington
1962 A social theory of cultural change. The Kroeber Anthropologic
Society Papers, no. 26, spring, pp. 75-80. Berkeley.
1967 An interpretation of radiocarbon measurements on archaeological
samples from Peru. In_ Rowe and Menzel, 1967, pp. 16-30.
Rowe, John Howland, Collier, Donald, and Willey, Gordon Randolph
1950 Reconnaissance notes on the site of Huari, near Ayacucho, Peru
American Antiquity, vol. XVI, no. 2, October, pp. 120-137. Salt
Lake City.
Rowe, John Howland, and Menzel, Dorothy
1967 Peruvian archaeology; selected readings. Peek Publications,
Palo Alto.

Sawyer, Alan Reed

1968 Mastercraftsmen of ancient Peru. The Solomon R. Guggenheim
Foundation, New York.

Schmidt, Max
1929 Kunst und Kultur von Peru. Propyl?en-Verlag, Berlin.

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110

Tello, Julio Cesar

1917 Los antiguos cementerios del valle de Nasca. Proceedings
of the Second Pan American Scientific Congress, Washington, U.S.A.,
Monday, December 27, 1915, to Saturday, January 8, 1916. Section
I. Anthropology, vol. I, pp. 283-291. Washington.
1942 Origen y desarrollo de las civilizaciones prehist?ricas andinas.
Reimpreso de las Actas del XXVII Congreso de Americanistas de
1939. Librer?a e Imprenta Gil, S.A., Lima.
Ubbelohde-Doering, Heinrich
1952 The art of ancient Peru. Frederick A. Praeger, New York.
1958 Bericht ?ber arch?ologische Feldarbeiten in Peru. Ethnos,
vol. 23, nos. 2-4, pp. 67-99. Stockholm.
Uhle, Max
1903 Pachacamac. Report of the William Pepper, M.D., LL.D., Peru
vian Expedition of 1896. The Department of Archaeology of the
University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.

1925 Report on explorations at Supe. University of California

Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 21, no.
6, pp. 257-263. Berkeley.
Valc?rcel, Lu?s Eduardo
1933 Esculturas de Pikillajta. Revista del Museo Nacional, tomo
II, no. 1, pp. 19-48. Lima.
1960 S?mbolos m?gico-religiosos en la cultura andina. Revista del
Museo Nacional, tomo XXVIII, 1959, pp. 3-18. Lima.
Wardwell, Alien
1968 The gold of ancient America. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston,
The Art Institute of Chicago and Virginia Museum. New York
Graphic Society, Greenwich.

KEY TO ILLUSTRATIONS

Abbreviations

AR - Aldo Rubini collection, Ocucaje

CS - Carlos Soldi collection, Lima
DTE - Dudley T. Easby collection, New York
FMNH - Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago
GD - G?lvez Durand collection, Gran Unidad Escolar Santa Isabel, Huancayo
MHRA - Museo Hist?rico Regional, Ayacucho
MNAA - Museo Nacional de Antropolog?a y Arqueolog?a, Lima
MRI - Museo Regional de lea

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 Ill

OT - Oscar Tapia collection, Ayacucho

RHLMA - Robert H. Lowie Museum of Anthropology, Univer
Berkeley
YU - Yale University, New Haven

Plate XXVIII

Fig. 1. Reconstruction of a fancy Chakipampa A-style bowl (Epoch

1A), made from fragments collected at the site of Ruda Qasa, on the hill
of Acuchimay at Ayacucho. After Grossman, ms. 9 cm. high.
Fig. 2a. Reconstruction of a fancy Chakipampa A-style bowl, from
a fragment collected at the site of Chakipampa near Ayacucho. 6.8 cm.
high.
Figs. 2b, 2c. Body and lip decoration, respectively, of the frag
ment reconstructed in fig. 2a.
Figs. 3-6. Fancy Chakipampa A-style bowl fragments collected at the
site of Ruda Qasa (cf. fig. 1).
Fig. 7. Design traced from an Epoch 2A dish from the Ica-Nasca
region. MRI, Victor Elias collection, #E-299. See also fig. 14.
Plate XXIX

Figs. 8a, b. Inner and outer surface, respectively, of a pedestal

base bowl fragment from Huari with Cajamarca-style features, attributable
to Epoch 2. YU, Bennett collection, Pit 2c, #21114.
Figs. 8c, 9. Reconstruction of an Epoch 2 pedestal-base bowl, made
from two fragments from Pit 2 of Bennett's excavations at Huari. Fig.
8c is the upper body fragment also illustrated in figs. 8a, c, from level
c of the pit. Fig. 9 is the bottom fragment, #211197, from level g. Al
though the two fragments belonged to different vessels, the vessels were
of about the same size, shape and workmanship and had the same kind of
decoration. Pit 2 of Bennett's excavations was made in construction
fill, so that the separation by levels has no chronological significance.
All the refuse in this pit is attributable to Middle Horizon Epoch 2.
YU, Bennett collection. 8 cm. high.
Figs. 10a, b. Fragment and shape reconstruction, respectively, of
an Epoch 2 bowl from San Nicolas, Supe. RHLMA, Uhle collection, #4-7176b.
The reconstructed shape is 10 cm. high.
Plate XXX

Fig. 11. Shape reconstruction of a Vi?aque-style lyre-cup fragment

of Epoch 2A. OT. Provenience Huari, surface. Recorded by Joel W.
Grossman. 9.9 cm. high. See also fig. 53.
Fig. 12. K'illki-style ("Early Inca") jug, Late Intermediate Period.
Drawing from a specimen in the Montez collection, #32632, FMNH. 22.5 cm.
high.
Fig. 13. Imitation Inca-style jug from a Late Horizon burial from
the cemetery of Old Ica, lea valley. RHLMA, Uhle collection, tomb Ti-5,
#4-5342. 10.8 cm. high.

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112

Plate XXXI

Fig. 14. Epoch 2A dish from the Ica-Nasca region, in a Huari lay
elite style. MRI, Victor Elias collection, #E-299. 8 cm. high. See
also fig. 7.
Fig. 15. Epoch 2 pedestal-base bowl, Vi?aque style, with Cajamarca
style features. AR. Provenience La Rinconada, Pinilla, Ocucaje, lea.
8 cm. high.
Fig. 16. Nieveria-style jar, Epoch IB. RHLMA, Uhle collection,
#4-9275. Provenience Nieveria, Rimac valley. 16.7 cm. high.
Fig. 17. Huari-style ceremonial jar, Epoch 2A. CS. Provenience
given by Pablo Soldi as Pampa del Camotal, confluence of the Ingenio
and Palpa rivers in the Nasca drainage. 49 cm. high body. The vessel
body was found without its neck, and a false neck not corresponding to
the style was subsequently made of plaster. The reconstruction is con
cealed by a rag in the illustration.
Fig. 18. Faceneck fragment of a Huari-style ceremonial jar of
Epoch 2A. CS. Provenience same as fig. 17. 20.5 cm. high.
Plates XXXII, XXXIII

Figs. 19-25. Epoch 2A burial (Burial 1), containing lay elite

pottery of the Nasca variant of the Huari styles of this epoch (Atareo
A style). From a dealer1s collection, recorded by Junius B. Bird.
Figs. 19a, b, faceneck jar, 51.7 cm. high. Fig. 20, doublespout bottle,
16.9 cm. high. Fig. 21, spout-and-bridge-to-head bottle, 13.9 cm. high.
Fig. 22, doublespout bottle, height not recorded. Figs. 23a, b, faceneck
bottle, 13.9 cm. high. Figs. 24a-c, flask, 20,3 cm. high. Fig. 25,
Vi?aque A-style dish, 7.9 cm. high.
Plate XXXIV

Fig. 26. Atareo B-style (Epoch 2B) doublespout bottle. MRI,

#K-1003. Provenience Ica-Nasca region. 15.3 cm. high.
Fig. 27. Nasca 9B (Epoch IB) singlespout bottle. CS. Provenience
Las Trancas, ravine of Poroma, Nasca drainage. 20 cm. high.
Fig. 28. Atareo A-style (Epoch 2A) faceneck bottle. CS. Prove
nience Ica-Nasca region, ca. 16 cm. high.
Figs. 29, 30. Epoch 2A burial (Burial 2) containing lay elite
pottery of the Atareo A style. CS. Provenience Ingenio, Nasca drainage.
Fig. 29, flask, 20.5 cm. high. Fig. 30, ring-shaped jar, 13 cm. high.
Plate XXXV

Figs. 31-33. Epoch 2A burial (Burial 3) containing an Atareo A

style bottle variant and two textile bags. From a dealer's collection,
recorded by Junius B. Bird. Provenience lea valley. Fig. 31a, b, show
ing both surfaces of the same bag, size 20.5 by 18 cm. Fig. 32, bottle,
16.5 cm. high. Fig. 33, bag, size 11.5 by 10.2 cm.
Fig. 34. Atareo A-style (Epoch 2A) bottle. CS. Probable proven
ience Nasca drainage. 12.5 cm. high.

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 113

Fig. 35. Chakipampa B-style (Epoch IB) bowl (variant of the "Ayacucho
Serpent11 bowl). MHRA, #382. Provenience Churcampa, Tayacaja, Province of
Huancavelica. 9 cm. high.
Plate XXXVI

Figs. 36-39. Epoch 2B burial (Burial 4). MRI, no numbers. Prove

nience, Huayuri valley, Nasca drainage. Fig. 36, Atareo B-style bottle,
17.8 cm. high. Fig. 37, Atareo B-style faceneck bottle, 14.7 cm. high.
Fig. 38, Atareo B-style faceneck bottle, 15 cm. high. Fig. 39, tumbler,
probably Vi?aque-style variant, 14.8 cm. high.
Plate XXXVII

Figs. 40a-c. Atareo A-style (Epoch 2A) skullneck jar. CS. Prove
nience south coast, probably Nasca drainage. 21.5 cm. high.
Fig. 41. Conservative Atareo B-style (Early Epoch 2B) skullneck
jar. CS. From a burial found at San Jos? de Ingenio, Nasca drainage
(for illustrations of the entire lot, see Menzel, 1964, 1968, figs. 18
22). 21.5 cm. high.
Plate XXXVIII

Fig. 42. Epoch 2A jar fragment found on the Fundo Poctao, Casma
valley, by Ernesto E. Tabio. MNAA, #33,450. 12.5 cm. high.
Fig. 43a, b. Vi?aque A-style (Epoch 2A) tumbler. DTE. Provenience
Ayacucho region. 11.5 cm. high.
Fig. 44. Atarco-style (probably early Epoch 2B) dish. CS. Proven
ience Ica-Nasca region. 6.5 cm. high.
Fig. 45. Atarco-style (Epoch 2A or early Epoch 2B) dish. CS. Pro
venience Ica-Nasca region. 9.5 cm. high.
Plate XXXIX

Fig. 46. Vi?aque A-style (Epoch 2A) dish. GD, #642. Provenience
central to south-central sierra. 8 cm. high.
Fig. 47. Atareo A-style (Epoch 2A) modeled-figure vessel. CS.
Provenience Ica-Nasca region. 20 cm. high.
Fig. 48. Atareo A-style (Epoch 2A) double-chambered vessel. CS.
Provenience Ica-Nasca region. 14.5 cm. high.
Fig. 49. Vi?aque-style (Epoch 2) bowl, Cajamarca-related features.
AR. Provenience Pampa de Pinilla, Ocucaje, lea valley. 11 cm. high.
Fig. 50. Vi?aque A-style (Epoch 2A) bowl. CS. Provenience
Ullujaya, lower lea valley. 7.25 cm. high.
Fig. 51. Vi?aque B-style (Epoch 2B) lyre cup. AR. Provenience
Huaca Jose Ramos, Pinilla, Ocucaje, lea valley. 11 cm. high.
Plate XL

Figs. 52a, b. Bowl fragment with Cajamarca-style features (Epoch 2),

exterior and interior view, respectively. OT. Provenience Huari, surface.
Recorded by Joel W. Grossman.

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UH

Fig. 53. Vi?aque A-style (Epoch 2A) lyre-cup fragme

venience Huari, surface. Recorded by Joel W. Grossman.
11.
Fig. 54. Chakipampa B-style (Epoch IB) spoon fragme
venience Huari, surface. Recorded by Joel W. Grossman.

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\ .-L.J

Plate XXVIII. 1-6, Fancy

design on an Epoch 2A di

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 ^^^^^^
Plate XXIX, 8-9, bowl fragments from Huari with Cajamarca-style
features, Epoch 2; 10, Huari style bowl from Supe, Epoch 2.

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-1-a c====J^)?\
i / //// 1 / ////
, ////
,/ \\ ////

._11

/
/ \

^^^^^ tt

^^^^

_13

Plate XXX. 11, Vi?aque-style lyre cup, Epoch 2A (see also fig. 53);
12, lOillki-style jug; 13, imitation Inca-style jug from lea.

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 16, Nieveria style, Epoch IB, Rimac valley.

les, Epoch 2A, Nasca; 15, Vi?aque style, Epoch 2, lea;

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 ^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^ ^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^1

Plate XXXII. Part of Epoch 2A Burial 1, probably from Nasca (see also
Plate XXXIII). Recorded by J?nius B. Bird.

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 ^^^B^^^flt ^ **** 9 ^^^h

Plate XXXIII. Part of Epoch 2A Burial 1, probably from Nasca (see also
Plate XXXII). Recorded by Junius B. Bird.

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 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^26 ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^

Plate XXXIV. 26, Atareo style, Epoch 2B, south coast; 27, Nasca 9B
style, Epoch IB, Nasca; 28, Atareo A style, Epoch 2A, south coast; 29,
30, Epoch 2A Burial 2, Atareo A style, Nasca.

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 _?^ 31a E^^^?^

33 ^^^^^ ?

Hlllllli^^l^^HflflflHM^ 35

Plate XXXV. 31-33, Epoch 2A Burial 3, Ica; 34, Atareo A style, Epoch
2A, Nasca; 35, Chakipampa style, Epoch IB, Huancavelica.

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 36

^^^^^? ^^^^^^^^^

Plate XXXVI. 36-39, Epoch 2B Burial 4, Huayurl valley, Nasca.

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 m
40c 41

Plate XXXVII. HOa-c, Atareo A style, Epoch 2A, Nasca; 41, Atareo
style, Epoch 2B, Nasca.

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 442

42

43b

45

Plate XXXVIII. 42, Epoch 2A -jar fragment, Casma valley; 43a, b, Vifiaque
A style, Epoch 2A, Ayacucho region; 44, Atarco style, probably early Epoch
2B, south coast; 45, Atarco style, Epoch 2A or early Epoch 2B, south coast.

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 ^^^^^ * ^^^^^^^^sl
I^BBlHHBlMiaH?i^Hfc. , - - __i^3

Plate XXXIX. 46, Vi?aque A style, Epoch 2A, sierra; 47, 48, Atareo A
style, Epoch 2A, south coast; 49, Vi?aque style, Epoch 2, lea; 50,
Vi?aque A style, Epoch 2A, lea; 51, Vi?aque style, Epoch 2B, lea.

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Plate XL. 52a, b, bowl fragment with Cajamarca-style features, Epoch 2,
Huari; 53, Vi?aque A style, Epoch 2A, Huari (see also fig. 11); 54,
Chakipampa style, Epoch IB, Huari. Recorded by Joel W. Grossman.

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 149

ERRATA

p. 22, eighth line from bottom: con, not ton

p. A3, add to Key to Illustrations: All drawings (Plates XVI-XXI) are
reproduced at one half the size of the original objects.
68, line 31: valley, not velley
86, line 28 tied, not tie
94, line 35 GS 2002, not GX 2002

110, add to Key to Illustrations: All drawings (Plates XXVIII-XXX)

reproduced at one half the size of the original objects.
p. 119, line 1: sites, not sties
p. 120, line 15: black-painted, not black pointed
p. 124, sixth line from bottom: occurred, not occured

p. 130, line 1, note 37: Lanning, ms., not Lanning, 1960.

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