CHAPTER 7

SUMMARY OBSERVATIONS

Writing local history has been by now accepted as a serious pursuit and

has found its due place in academic studies. The interest in local history has

grown in the wake of the recent spirit in decentralized governance. Local history

builds up the history of a region or components of it. This study is essentially a

local history and tries to bring out the evolution of the community life in

Chengannur from early times to modern times with some chronological sense

although due to paucity of information exact chronological recording may not

be present invariably everywhere. As the title suggests building up the history of

Chengannur has been made with focus on the institutional building blocks or

frameworks of societal life and the social relations that existed here from time to

time. These have been covered following certain classifications, although with

the caution that fine delineation is impossible for reasons of overlapping,

interlinking and interfacing of events and component elements. The

classifications are: political, economic, religious and social including cultural

(art) attainments, all in a background of the geographical setting of the location

and its endowments. This last mentioned aspect covers many details on the land

and the people. The section also covers the details regarding the different

panchayats and hence the spread of the various important institutions,

particularly social service institutions like educational institutions, hospitals,

reading rooms etc. Special features of social relationship, myths and history of

the localities are also given in this section. The classificatory approach is
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resorted to not so much because of any particular interest in these aspects as

such or any antecedent theoretical discussions in this respect but because of a

feeling that the local history will be adequately brought out through a classified

arrangement and presentation in the above manner. The interest is essentially

and primarily in contributing to the building up of the local history of

Chengannur which, it is hoped, can be a store of information for supplementing,

confirming or contradicting hitherto inferences, conclusions or hypotheses at the

mega level. In fact, the study is set with full awareness of the mega history of

Travancore or Kerala or India and is not done in isolation. A possible extensive

local history of Chengannur is attempted at for the first time although no claim

is made that it is exhaustive. The study is descriptive without the rhetoric

characteristic of narrative history. Since the canvas is wide it goes beyond the

familiar single centred approach. No centre is foregrounded and no hypotheses

made. However, while at the stage of collection of information, probe and

presentation theoretical and ideological biases were eliminated an awareness of

some of the theoretical positions were obtained as an exercise that ensured

knowledge and alertness that would help in not missing historical elements of

significance emerging from the hitherto academic interest and theoretical

discussions. It is from this angle that a discussion is incorporated which traces

some of the theories on cultural evolution of community life.

The above sums up the theme and approach of the work. The work

descriptive in nature tries to capture the past in its reality as Ranke had hoped

for, to the extent information has been available in the present. The sources of

information consist both published and unpublished works and are: interviews
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with knowledgeable persons, archaeological evidences; inscriptions on stones

and copper plates, government publications, manuals, gazetteers, archive

records, settlement registers, records from revenue and panchayat offices;

census reports; travelogues; granthavaries; memoirs; biographies; family

histories; and contemporary writings – both prose and poetry.

Chengannur in this study denotes the ‘Historical Region of Chengannur’

and does not conform to any particular official divisions like revenue division,

developmental division etc. However by and large, intensive attention has been

given to the present revenue division of Chengannur Taluk. Adjoining places,

Alamthuruthy and Aranmula have also been included since they were

historically within the fold of Chengannur region although the present day

revenue division does not encompass them. An attempt has also been made to

have a closer look at the various locations of this region which presents varying

geographical features, occupational pattern, and historical peculiarities,

historical events, legends and myths. They are brought out to the extent of their

relevance and availability of information.

Megalithic finds excavated from Puliyur, Kodukulanji, Pandanad,

Kallisseri and Budhanur date back probably to the earliest human settlement in

the region in circa the first millennium B.C. The proximity to the ancient port

of Niranam and the recent findings of Roman coins in Alamthuruthy the home

land of ‘Chiravai Swarupam’ from where the ruling dynasty of Venad

originated are indicative of the significance of the region during the historical

epochs. Instances of this kind which impart historical significance to

Chengannur are numerous and emerge out in the study as it proceeds.

A riverbed flanked by two vital rivers flows viz. River Pampa in the

North and River Achenkovil in the South and benefited by a third one viz.

Manimalayar, Chengannur acquired a two pronged locational significance in

history. One is that it was ideally suited for the life of a farming community.

The undulating land terrain, varying soil types and the rich inland water bodies

facilitate a multiple cropping pattern and impart the region its geo-bio diversity.

Secondly, the cheap water transport facility, proximity to the ancient sea ports

of Niranam and Purakkad and the locational advantage of relative nearness to

and land continuity with the eastern hilly regions of Central Travancore rich in

spices and forest produce enabled Chengannur to be a transit centre of trade

between the sea ports and the hilly east for centuries.

The change in the composition of the population from time to time was

of historical importance in the different stages of civilizational growth. The

presumed Budhist presence in Budhanur and Puliyur of Chengannur and the

links with Sastha of Sabarimala seem to indicate a process of Aryanisation in

this region towards the end of the B.C. era.

The arrival of Christians on the scene marks another demographic

development. Legend has it that St. Thomas landed at Niranam in the first

century itself. Several Christian families in Chengannur claim their Christian

descend from the days of St. Thomas. Their family histories give account of

this. It is believed that St. Thomas on his way to Nilakkal in the east from

Niranam port stayed in Chengannur, a trading centre of importance of those

times, for preaching the Christian message. Another arrival of Christians is of

foreign origin viz. the settlement of the families that came with Thomas of Cana
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the Syrian trader cum missionary in the sixth century. They spread to different

parts of Kerala. Chengannur has a few pockets of their settlement. A third set of

arrival was through migration of native Christians from elsewhere in

Travancore. They initially came and halted for short duration for trading

purposes but during a period which stretched over many years several became

permanent settlers. The fourth source of increase in the Christian population

was from conversions during the colonial period which was a relatively later

period. In due course several Christian denominations came up on the scene.

The historical region of Chengannur has not much of a Muslim

population. They are there in relatively large number in Mannar and

Mulakkuzha although not very many. Reportedly some of them have arrived on

the scene as traders, especially traders in metal products. It is also to be noted

that any literature or account of the history of the Muslim population in this

region is not available. In this context it may be remembered that Mannar is

near Vadakkumbhagam in Kadapra Panchayat where Malik Dinar landed in a

sail when the place was a seashore. The limited spread of Muslim population

and mosques in Chengannur, which is a region by and large in the midland,

supports the observation in the general context of Kerala that Muslims are

largely settled in the coastal belt.

The demographic composition of Chengannur received a critical

alteration from eighth century onwards when the large influx of Vedic Brahmins

took place. It is an avowed part of history that Chengannur was one of the 64

Brahmin settlements in Kerala. History also tells that it was among the first 32

Brahmin settlements in Kerala. The talked around epithet of this settlement in

Chengannur indicating the number of Brahmin families who originally settled

here is “Akathu Moovayiram, Purathu Moovayiram” (“inside three thousand,

outside three thousand”). This Brahminical influx heralded the swelling of the

Hindu population and in course of time its division into numerous sub castes.

This period also witnessed migration of artisans and some specialized skilled

workers to the region. However, in the post independence situation the Brahmin

population thinned out. Today according to the local unit of the Yoga Kshema

Sabha there are only 119 Brahmin Madhams as its members.

The Kshatriya community in Chengannur came prominently through the

settlement by the King of Travancore of refugee Kshatriya families from

Malabar during Tippu’s ‘Padayottam’. They became critical in certain areas as

their subsequent marital relationship with the Travancore royal family made

them powerful and big land lords.

Politically, it is presumed that Chengannur belonged to the Ay

supremacy in the early centuries of the Christian era until, at the end of

longdrawn wars with the Pandyas, they had to shrink themselves to the far south

of Kerala. Then the Cheras who were not hostile to the Ays but were capable of

resisting external aggressions took over the reigns of large tracts in the south

which inferentially included Chengannur as well, it being south of River Pampa,

a demarcation ascribed to the Ay region by ancient travellers and generally

accepted by the historians. These, events were, however, the beginning of the

periods of political processes and state formation in Kerala. One of the

interesting features of political arrangement during the early times was the

Nattukkoottams which governed certain localities which were, in effect,

independent autonomous republics. The area under a temple in such a locality

was known as Mukkalvattom. Puliyur in Chengannur was such a

Mukkalvattom. Chengannur occupied an important place in the subsequent

medieval political developments in Kerala marked by sweeping Brahminic

control in one form or other. It was one of the four ‘gramams’ in Kerala which

was entrusted with governance that followed the failed direct Brahminical

oligarchy. In the Kulasekhara age Chengannur Desam belonged to Odanadu and

had an assembly of Munnuttuvar, and belonged to the comity of ‘nadus’ which

enjoyed autonomy even as they belonged to a larger political unit. With the exit

of the last of the Kulasekharas monarchy set in which marked a new phase of

state formation. It was a system that prevailed for long. This period was marked

more by external threats than internal strifes for power. Sometime during this

long period of state formation Chengannur Desam came under the chieftaincy of

Vanjipuzha family which alternately was known as Mampally and was related

to the royal family of Travancore. The earliest information on this Brahmin

family is obtained from the Mampally Plates of 10th century A.D.

However, the situation changed by the 18th century with the rise of

Venad as a military power particularly after its war with the Dutch. At the end

of Marthandavarma’s victorious battle at Mannar with Kayamkulam (erstwhile

Odanadu) to which belonged sizable part of Chengannur the Mannar Treaty

(1742) by which Kayamkulam became a vassal of Travancore was signed that

made Chengannur an integral part of Travancore. A portion of Chengannur

which was under the King of Panthalam who was a Pandyan royal refugee

there, became part of Travancore after the King of Panthalam surrendered his
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kingdom to Travancore on his inability to repay the debts he ran into at the time

of the joint war efforts against Tippu Sultan.

Marthandavarma had confirmed the chieftaincy of Vanjipuzha family in

Chengannur. The chief was honoured and rewarded by Marthanda Varma for

saving the life of a royal couple of Travancore by Vanjipuzha Chief when they

were attacked at Budhanur. (The incident described in detail in the section on

Budhanur instances how a royal anger in those days could punish a whole area

as happened to Budhanur which was deprived of its riverflow of Uthrappalliyar

which was diverted by Marthanda Varma at Venmony.)

At some stage in this long period Chengannur Desam seems to have

acquired the name ‘Vanjipuzha Principality’. A gate inscription carrying this

name stayed at ‘Mundenkavu’ in Chengannur for long even after independence.

The Vanjipuzha Chief had extensive wealth in the Chengannur region and

beyond.

It is not that Vanjipuzha Chief was the only authority in Chengannur. He

was the chief of a band of Desavazhies and there were different authorities for

different purposes such as tax collection which was under the charge of five

Pottis viz, Vanjipuzha, Uooru, Edavana, Punnariuttu and Muthathu. The

Vanjipuzha Chief held the title ‘Uzhuthiru- Uzhuthiru’ and Edavana Potti was

the ‘Desa Sreshta’.

The supremacy of the Vanjipuzha Chief continued until the post-

independence land reforms after which he and the family disappeared from

Chengannur, and before long, the Board at Mundenkavu bearing the inscription

‘Vanjipuzha Principality’ too. That marked the end of the ‘Madampi’ sway in
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Chengannur and its socio economic system which until then was what is

generally characterized as ‘Janmitham’, a sort of ‘feudalism’. That takes us to

the pre-independence and post-independence struggles and efforts for socio-

economic emancipation and national freedom. Attention is focused on four

rather related events (i) The freedom movement which was part of the

movement at the national level; (ii) the movements for rights; (iii) the agitation

against Sir C.P. Rama Swamy Iyer and some of the policies he steered; and (iv)

the Communist movement. These accounts bring out the significant political

events in Chengannur during the period and the activists involved. They also

bring out some of the salient political aspects of the ‘Navothana Movement’ in

Kerala although large part of it has been for social emancipation and securing

rights buttressed by the spread of progressive ideas. Chengannur had significant

contributions in this. Its activists were in the forefront of all these efforts. Events

of great significance took place in Chengannur. Names and instances are too

many to be recounted here. They have been incorporated appropriately in the

study. The ‘Thokka Samaram’ at Kunnathukulangara in Budhanur reflects the

early resentment against hegemony and estrangement in the religious and social

spheres. The most remembered event is the ‘Mills Maithan Event’ which took

place during an agitation against Sri C.P. in which one person died in the police

firing. There were its men who were Gandhians, who were close to Gandhiji

and were inmates of the Sabarmathi Asramam during the pre-independence

days, and there were stalwarts who worked at the national and state levels. It

was at Chengannur that the first meeting of the Congress in Travancore was

held. In the pioneering efforts in Vaikom Satyagraha, spread of Gandhian ideas,

freedom struggle, progressive and emancipatory movements like Vaikom

Satyagraha, agitations against the policies of Sir C.P. and the formation of the

Communist Party in Kerala had men of Chengannur in the forefront.

A historical perspective of the economy of Chengannur is attempted at.

The economy in the past presented a picture of combination of the natural

endowments and the social organization that was mounted on it from time to

time. Presumably the process of the transition closely followed what is

generally modelled for the mega economy. It was a transition from the

predatory, gift based, barter system to the more sophisticated mode of settled

farm life which the migrant dominating people organized here and perpetuated

for centuries. The structural pattern of the agrarian system resembled

‘feudalism’ in some respects but it was characterized by a caste hierarchy of a

hereditary nature with not only discriminatory practices but also with

abominable customs in social life.

However, apart from the agrarian production scene, Chengannur had

acquired significance as a trading centre. It was already noted that this

importance it acquired by its geographical position and features. Kerala did not

have a ‘Vaisya’ component within the Hindu ‘Chathurvarnya’ system. This role

was fulfilled by other communities. In Chengannur the Christian community

dominated the scene. There was also a limited presence of Muslim traders in

certain pockets of the region. The study also incorporates an assessment of the

economic scene of recent times which shows that Chengannur has lost its

significance as a main transit centre for several reasons which include growth in

transportation modes other than the water transport, and growth of other trading
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centres. The decline of the agricultural sector has also been significant.

Therefore some of the earlier relative advantages which Chengannur enjoyed

have diminished considerably. Except for the gulf boom with some salutary

impact on the construction and tertiary sectors Chengannur does not possess any

vibrant major employment generating internal economic activity now. Growth

potentials are in sericulture, poultry (with the Central Hatchery located in

Chengannur), fresh water fishing and historical tourism.

From here follows the social and religious scenerio. A combination of

occupational divisions of the people and caste segregation grew reinforcing

each other and acquiring a hereditary nature. In this the position of faith of the

dominant caste prevailed. Traditional gods and goddesses were marginalized.

However, some of the earlier forms of worship continued particularly the

‘Kavu’ based worship although the names of the deities got transformed in

conformity with the religion of the migrant dominant groups.

Every Kavu and the pond attached to it has had a unique place in the life

in Chengannur and is interwoven with myths and legends. Chengannur is

surrounded by 28 Kavus and Chengannur Mahadevan is accompanied by 28

Kavu Devis in the main ‘arattu’. One reason identified for the decline of Kavus

is believed to be the transformations that came about in the worship pattern in

which worship became more and more temple centred which in its stride

transformed several of the traditional ‘deity’ concepts and in several cases

‘deities’ were transferred from Kavus to the structured temples. The Kavu in

earlier times was the meeting ground of tribes and occult practices and worship

forms. The protecting deities of villages were always in female forms who were
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worshipped in open groves. In these the mother goddess is represented

symbolically in trees and stone symbols in the Kavus. Other nature based

objects of worship were also present in them. The folk arts, cult rituals, worship

trees, serpents and mother images attached to the Kavus drew their heritage

from the above earlier cultural practices. Already mention was made about the

Kavu based ‘Patayani’. The above pattern has been very much the case of

Chengannur. Here some relics of the pre-domination phase remained. These are

preserved in some forms of worship like ‘Nagaradhana’ and ‘Patayani’. Some

of the rituals, beliefs, and myths still reflect the elements of the pre-domination

phases.

Folklores preserve in memory many things ancient. Very many presently

available ballads of this genre belong to a period that set in after the

marginalization of certain communities by the migrant civilization. Chengannur

has at least one folk song which commemorates a hero of the Paraya community

who belonged presumably to a distant past, but one which was after the

marginalisation had set in. It, however, points to the fact that at some stage in

history the Parayas had a role in offering themselves as a ‘physical force’. There

is a claim that a good number of ‘Kalaris’ belonged to them. The ballad

supports it. This is the ballad on ‘Chengannur Kunjathi’ who is depicted as a

hero of great achievements. It also speaks of the prevalence of a society that

grew up here from the 8th century onwards.

Yet another exception to the general pattern, and which is in the case of

structured temples, is the Pulikunnu Temple where the Pulayas have their own
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temple and where they themselves are the priests. The temple was consecrated

as a revolutionary step in the cause of the downtrodden.

One basic structural element that remained outside the usually described

temple centred general socio religious and socio economic system which was

temple centred was trade and in this respect the case of Chengannur region

offers itself as a classic example. Christians who constituted the main trading

community got several land assignments which eventually made many of them

part of the landed aristocracy. The other trading community was the Muslims,

but they were and are very limited in Chengannur.

Socially the St. Thomas Christians were an honoured community and its

members enjoyed several privileges and rights otherwise exclusive to the upper

castes. The Brahmins were in need of the settlements of these Christian families

near their homes so as to fulfil a special role. This was the purification role in

which the pollution of things touched by the lower castes got removed by a

touch of the St. Thomas Christians. By and large, the impression one gains is

that there was harmony in the relationship between the two communities of

Christians and the Hindu communities during the major part of their long

history. However, some tensions and skirmishes developed in the later periods

especially in the changed situation of the presence of the colonial powers. Yet in

Chengannur such tensions and skirmishes were limited and whatever of the kind

occurred due to the hasty and unthoughtful actions of a few miscreants were

prevented from flaring up by the timely intervention of enlightened elders and

leaders. This is particularly borne out by the event known as ‘Puthenkavu

Lahala’.
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Chengannur got its fame and recognition as both a religious and a

market centre. The study brings out the history, legends and myths, practices,

festivals and architectural features of important religious institutions –- temples,

churches and mosques. From very early times it acquired fame as both a

Vaishnavite centre and a Saivite centre. Chengannur town was known as a

temple town with its numerous temples, some of which came into being

following the Bhakthi Movement and had enjoyed royal patronage, as well as

recognition and praise from celebrated saints like Nammalwar and Viralminda

Nayanar.

Chengannur presents a true profile of the Christian institutions in Kerala.

Every Christian denomination generally found in Kerala is represented here.

Some of the early churches are pointers to certain historical developments. The

Old Syrian Church at Chengannur speaks many a history. Believed to be of 3rd

century origin it points to the existence of organized Christianity in the region at

least by that period which is earlier than the period of the coming of Thomas of

Cana and his group of Syrian settlers in the 6th century. Its early history tells of

the relationship that existed between the Malankara Church and Christian

Church in the Middle East. A relatively recent history of the rift in the

Malankara Church following the Naveekarana Movement is also writ in a

unique arrangement between the Marthoma Church and the Orthodox Church

for sharing the facilities of the church through an agreement. It is noted for its

local traditional Travancore architecture. The church also has a history of its

relationship with the Hindu community particularly the Brahmin community in

its vicinity. The Parumala Church is another institution bearing historical

significance. It is a centre of pilgrimage for many. The birth of the seminary

here is also linked to the Reforms Movement of the 19th century and its

aftermath in the Malankara Church.

The very limited spread of Muslim Population has limited the Islamic

religious institutions in the region. The old mosque at Mannar is one of the

earliest mosques in Chengannur region. In the absence of any firm records it

may not be far off the mark in linking the origin of this church to the early

works of the Muslim missionaries.

The impression one gets from the religious scenario is that the approach

to religion among the people of different communities is growingly becoming

thaumaturgic rather than theological.

The social milieu in Chengannur shared many things common with that

in Kerala in its long history. Even at the mega level what has attracted the

attention of historians most has been the type of social set up characterized by a

hierarchical caste system with very many abominable oppressive and inhuman

practices and the resistance movements and the final overthrow of it. Having

been one of the important Brahminical settlements in Kerala Chengannur too

had such a history of hierarchical caste system in the medieval period. It also

had several activists who contributed to its removal. In those days all those who

were on the political front participated in the movements for social

emancipation of the oppressed as well. Several social organizations came up

with the aim of carrying out the emancipatory works.

One feature of such organizations was that either they were started and

continued to strive for the upliftment of a particular caste or community or even

as they were started with a general inclusiveness, in course of time they became

organizations catering to the interests of one particular caste or community.

On the cultural front (art) the heritage of Chengannur consists of literature,

folk songs, performing arts attached to worships, rituals and festivals or linked to

myths and legends. Most of the performing art forms grew out of the native forms

of worship and its representation in art forms.

On the literary scene the mainstay has been poetry. The earliest identifiable

influence was that of the poetry of the Kannassa poets who belonged to the nearby

region of Niranam which belonged to Bhakthi cult. Even to relatively recent times

the Bhakthi cult had its influence on the poetic works by several local poets. The

celebrated ‘Venmony Prasthanam’, with its ‘Champu Kavyam’ born in the soil of

Chengannur Region and had ‘Sringara’ as its dominant characteristic feature, failed

to have any lasting influence. Another noteworthy feature of literary works can be

associated with the influence of the efforts for social emancipation. A noted turning

point in this respect is attributed to Sarasa Kavi Mooloor who belonged to

Chengannur. The upper caste domination on the literary front waned out and

several writers from other communities in various literary fields including poetry,

criticism, fiction and journalism came up. Reference to several of the celebrated

writers in this respect has been incorporated in the study.

The study brings out the several events that took place in Chengannur and

the actors in them during about the two millennia over which, the institutional and

structural arrangements in Chengannur society in spheres of political, economic,

religious and social activity underwent several changes. Along with them came the

transformations in social relations.