Historical Development of Gender

Introduction:
From an early age, gender myths surround us. It is constantly called upon to explain anything from
driving habits to cuisine preferences. It is present in discussion, humor, and conflict. We see gender
as perfectly normal since it permeates our institutions, behaviors, attitudes, and aspirations. Gender
stereotypes are pervasive in the world, and because they are so widely accepted, we take them for
granted and regard popular belief as objective science. These are meant to support your exploration
of some of the most important concepts and problems in Gender and Development, as well as the
ways in which they affect practice and policy. These brief explanations are neither exhaustive nor
conclusive. Gender is an interdisciplinary field of study and research that applies a feminist
perspective to comprehend and address the differences in the effects that globalization and
economic development have on individuals according to their location, gender, socio-political
identities, and other factors. Gender roles, expectations, and identities that are ascribed to people
according to their perceived sex have evolved over time in a complicated and dynamic way.
Understanding gender has changed over the centuries in response to political, social, cultural, and
economic shifts. The complex interaction between cultural norms, personal agency, and more
general forces of transformation is reflected in this progression.

Gender roles were closely associated with the division of labor in the early human communities, where
men and women performed different roles that were essential to their survival. Gender roles grew
increasingly regimented as civilizations developed, frequently according to a patriarchal paradigm. The
foundation for talks on women's rights and greater gender equality was laid by the notions of equality
and individual rights brought about by the Enlightenment and Industrial Revolution. Feminism gained
momentum in the 19th and 20th centuries, and significant progress was made in questioning
conventional gender standards. Every issue of Gender highlights a subject of great importance to
everyone working to advance gender equality via development. Global development programs provide
insights that are studied, shared, and lessons are drawn. Renowned academic authors examine novel
theoretical ideas and consider how they might be applied to practice and policy. An up-to-date resources
section listing literature, electronic resources, and organizations is included in every issue. In addition
to covering news and opinions on women's rights and gender equality, Gender and Development also
features debates and interviews on cutting edge topics. Even in nations with comparable institutions or
levels of economic development, there are notable variations in social attitudes on women and their
place in society. Standard economic variables that have been extensively researched include the degree
of development, women's educational attainment, fertility and marriage/divorce prospects, and the
growth of the service sector (Goldin, 1990). According to Attanasio, Low, and Sanchez-Marcos (2008),
market prices and technological advancements like the development of infant formula have a significant
impact on the world of education. The possibility that this wide range stems from cultural perceptions
about what constitutes a proper position for women in society has been highlighted in recent studies
(Fernandez, 2007; Fernandez and Fogli, 2009; Bertrand eth al., 2015). Studies of the profound historical
causes of these cultural distinctions have begun in a number of recent contributions (Nunn, 2009).

Meanings of Gender:
The gender word in modern English is derived from the Middle English gender (gendre), which is
a loanword from Middle French gendre and Anglo-Norman gendre. This in turn originated from
the Latin genus. These terms might refer to "kind," "type," or "sort." In the end, they come from a
Proto-Indo-European (PIE) root that is extensively documented and the origin of several other
English words, including kin, kind, and king. It is connected to the Greek root gen- (to produce),
appearing in gene, genesis, and oxygen. It first appears in Modern French in the word genre (kind,
kind, and genre sexuel). Gender is defined as sort, breed, and sex in the Oxford Etymological
Dictionary of the English Language, 1882. These terms are derived from the Latin ablative case
of genus, such as genere natus, which means birth. The Oxford English Dictionary's first edition
points out that gender's original definition of "kind" had already passed its prime.

History of the Concept:

Gender as we know it now is a relatively new idea in human history. The knowledge of gender in
the humanities and social sciences that has developed over the last several decades was not possible
in the ancient world. Gender had been historically linked to grammar, and it wasn't until the 1950s
and 1960s that it began to be understood as a cultural construct that could be changed.

The phrases "gender" and "sex" are sometimes used synonymously, leading to confusion between
the two. But these terms are not interchangeable. Although it is connected to sex, gender is a unique
characteristic of a person. The way a person interacts with the way their society views gendered
groups ultimately determines this.

A person's internal and personal perception of themselves as male, female, or other is known as
their gender identity. The act of expressing one's gender in public, whether by attire, hairstyle,
cosmetics, or body language, is known as gender expression. Although it doesn't usually, a person's
gender expression can reveal their gender identity. This manifestation is viewed as a continuum
that, depending on the culture and degree of acceptance of gender variance, allows for individual
difference in most circumstances. Gender roles are typically established by cultures or
communities, and their definitions can range from strict to flexible, depending on how the group
views the restrictions imposed on various gender categories. The development of gender identity
is a self-identified process that arises from a blend of internal and external influences. In contrast,
gender role is exhibited in society through a predetermined set of behaviors or traits associated
with a specific gender.

A social and cultural construct that relates to the roles and obligations of men and women by
highlighting distinctions in the characteristics of boys and girls and men. As such, gender-based
roles and other characteristics are dynamic and fluctuate depending on cultural environment. The
idea of gender encompasses the preconceived notions about the traits, perspectives, and probable
actions of men and women (femininity and masculinity). This idea helps analyze how gender
differences are justified by widely accepted practices.

The social, psychological, cultural, and behavioral facets of being a man, woman, or somebody
with a different gender identification are all included in gender. Depending on the situation, this
could involve gender expression and sex-based social structures. In most societies, gender is
classified into two categories—boys/men and girls/women—and individuals are seen as belonging
to either; those who do not fit into either of these categories may be categorized as non-binary.
Some societies—like the hijras of south Asia—have distinct genders in addition to "man" and
"woman"; these are frequently referred to as third gender (and fourth genders, etc.). Gender is a
key factor in social organization, according to the majority of academics. The roles, behaviors,
expressions, and identities that are socially formed for girls, women, boys, men, and people of
color are collectively referred to as gender. It affects people's perceptions of themselves and one
another, their actions and interactions, and the allocation of resources and power within society.
Gender identity is a fluid concept that can evolve over time and is not limited to a binary (boy/man,
girl/woman). Through the roles they play, the expectations placed on them, their interactions with
others, and the various ways that gender is institutionalized in society, people and communities
interpret, experience, and express gender in a very diverse range of ways. Definitions need to be
highlighted for clarity in order to comprehend gender identity development and related difficulties.
It is common to describe gender identity only in terms of dysfunction, and both adults and children
can be diagnosed with gender dysphoria or gender incongruence. Nonetheless, doctors should
keep in mind that everyone has a gender identity and that a child's psychosocial development
includes the process of coming to terms with it. In the field of pediatrics, a child's or family's
deviation from social norms can be upsetting, and gender identity recognition is a journey rather
than a specific milestone. To comprehensively evaluate an individual's behavioral health, it is vital
to comprehend the diverse routes that culminate in the formation of a sound and mature gender
identity.

Gender and development:

Gender and development examined the discrimination of women and men and their exclusion from
talks of international development, but it did not look at larger systems of gender relations. By the
late 1970s, some development practitioners were beginning to doubt the value of concentrating on
women in isolation as a result of this study. The field of gender and development brought about a
change in perspective about the importance of comprehending the social constructions of men and
women, as well as how these constructions are strongly reinforced by the social activities that both
define and are defined by them. The main areas of interest for gender and development are the
gendered labor market and gender as an institutionalized power relationship. As a result, this
method makes use of two important frameworks: "social relations analysis" and "gender roles."
The focus of gender and development is on women, who typically face disadvantages in the
workplace when compared to males. The advancement of gender equality necessitates a clear
consideration of the demands and viewpoints of women. However, there are also important
detrimental repercussions of unequal power dynamics and expectations placed on boys and men
because of preconceived notions about what it means to be a man. Rather, everyone should be
allowed to explore their own interests and abilities and make decisions based on those instead of
being constrained by traditional gender norms and prejudices. This includes men, women, and
boys as well as girls and boys.

Gender roles highlight how identities are socially constructed in the home and highlight
expectations about what constitutes "maleness" and "femaleness" in terms of resource availability.
"Social relations analysis" reveals the ways in which hierarchical power relations, which are
ingrained in social structures, have an impact on "the relative position of men and women in
society" and its social dimensions.

The gender and development approach is not focused on women in particular, but rather on how a
society allocates roles, obligations, and expectations to men and women alike. When presenting
results in terms of efficiency and economy, gender and development apply to reveal the ways in
which men and women collaborate.

Gender and Development Approach:

Feminist criticisms of successful development models advanced by the main development

agencies gave rise to the gender and development approach in the 1980s. This strategy typically
has the following characteristics:

 This approach aims to empower women and men in population and development activities
in order to promote gender equality. It is designed to facilitate the integration of gender
concerns into the analysis, planning, and organization of development policies, programs,
and projects.
 A strategy that prioritizes equality in all domains where significant disparities exist
between men and women, particularly in: - the distribution of work; - the ability to access
services and resources; - management of resources and benefits; - decision-making
authority.
 A method that aims to create more equal interactions between the sexes rather than
concentrating only on women or men.
 A strategy that aims to increase women's participation at all levels rather than marginalize
men.
 A strategy that aims to ensure that access to resources is independent of a person's gender
identity rather than to transform women into males.
The Historical Development Context:

Development of Gender History:

Understanding the global political economy around the turn of the century is necessary when
examining the field of gender and development since the 1990s. Globalization had quickened, but
the trends weren't uniform (Stiglitz 2002). While Ecuador and Bolivia were growing only slowly,
other nations, like China and India, were growing quickly. Negative growth was being experienced
by several nations, particularly those in sub-Saharan Africa (Birdsall 2006; Wade 2004). In 2000,
more than a billion people were living on less than $1 per day, according to analysts, while
opinions on whether global poverty has increased or reduced since the 1990s differ (Reddy and
Minoiu 2006; Chen and Ravalli on 2004; UN Millennium Project 2005). A number of
environmental catastrophes, ranging from species extinction to global warming, rising religious
fundamentalism, violence and conflict, and increasing financial inequality within and across
nations all presented significant development obstacles (Milinkovic 2006 and 2005; Melnick et al.
2005). A group of eight goals with corresponding time-bound targets to eliminate extreme poverty
and inequality were adopted by world leaders from 189 countries in 2000 as a response to concerns
about poverty, inequality, and uneven economic growth and its corresponding indicators by 2015
(Thorbecke and Nissanke 2006; UN Millennium Project 2005). One of the main points of entry
for proponents of gender and development, the MDGs have emerged as the paradigm for global
development policy during the first part of the twenty-first century. While most development
economists and activists concur that eliminating absolute poverty and enhancing human potential
are important, they differ on whether the MDGs can be accomplished in the current globalization
era and if growth can be directed toward the poor.

Some practitioners became anxious in the early 1990s when there were proposals for gender
history to replace women's history. The notion of gender as it had been established by literary
theorists and anthropologists was compiled in Joan Scott's "Gender: A Useful Category of
Analysis". She proposed that it was impossible to study women's history on its own since women
could only exist in connection to males, adapting these beliefs for historical purpose. The dynamics
of power were at play in that relationship, and gender is the main way that power is expressed. Not
all practitioners joined the frenzy surrounding gender history; for some, gender was just another
tool to court males into the field by arguing that women's history could not be discussed without
them. According to Judith Bennett's theory in "Feminism and History," dealing with the historical
expressions of patriarchy is a more effective way to comprehend power than analyzing gender. On
the other hand, Gisela Bock maintained that gender history and women's history were
complimentary and needed each other.

In the end, gender history improved women's social histories and provided fresh insights into
femininity. Restudies of the histories of prostitution, women's criminality, and sexuality were
conducted for the early modern era. While it was widely accepted that women made up the
majority of witches, localized investigations (such as those conducted by Wolfgang Behringer and
Alison Rowland) discovered that the distribution of witches was frequently based on marital status
and age. These pieces also demonstrated the long-term integration of witches into society.
Historians such as Lyndal Roper and Dianne Purkiss have examined the "gendered" subjectivity
and narratives surrounding witches, and they have discovered evidence of particularly "feminine"
concerns in accuser testimonies, such as those related to motherhood, the body, and female
responsibility. Women who experience these kinds of anxiety may transfer their guilt onto others,
who may end up being the target of their accusations. Strangely enough, gender shifted historical
understanding of witchcraft away from misogyny and toward the circumstances of femininity. he
idea that femininity and masculinity were connected gave femininity and class a new historical
context, giving the term "femininity" fresh meaning and credibility. For example, Leonore
Davidoff and Catherine Hall examined the mutually constructed positions of men and women in
the early nineteenth century in their 1987 book Family Fortunes, which examined the social history
of the British middle classes. Davidoff and Hall discovered less difference between femininity and
masculinity using this gendered approach than previous scholars had. Gender history also shed
light on working women. In Tessie Liu's Weaver's Knot (1994), she examined the nineteenth-
century lone artisan, a hero to many labor historians, and discovered that his reputation could only
be preserved if the women of artisanal households were sent to neighboring factories to augment
their income. Thus, the proletarianization of his wife and daughters was necessary to maintain the
image of the brave craftsman opposing proletarianization for himself. When Laura Lee Downs
examined women who worked in the metal industry during World War I through the lens of
gender, she discovered that while factory owners frequently used preconceived notions about
women to assign women to tasks and pay, they also took note of what women were truly capable
of. Due to the experiences of both factory owners and women during the war, women's
employment in metallurgy became a permanent fixture of the industrial landscape (Downs
adduced statistics).

Despite criticism of social history studies from this angle, historians at the end of the 20th century
kept analyzing the experiences of working women. In their 1996 book Weiber, Menscher,
Frauenzimmer: Frauen in der ländlichen Gesellschaft 1500–1800, Heide Wunder and Christina
Vanja examined women's labor in a variety of early modern occupations, including pro-to industry
and vineyards. Scholars provided more in-depth accounts that contradicted previous conclusions
regarding the prevalence of women's labor in the early modern era. For instance, they demonstrated
that women continued to work as seamstresses, fishwives, spinners, and healthcare workers despite
being frequently driven out of specific industries, such as the woolen guilds in the Netherlands. In
addition, Amy Louise Erickson's 1993 book Women and Property in Early Modern England
demonstrated that women controlled property to a greater extent than previously believed.
Ultimately, Natalie Zemon Davis's comprehensive Women on the Margins (1995) provided a
detailed portrayal of the professional lives of three remarkably distinct seventeenth-century
women, whose labors initially supplemented those of their spouses before they went on to forge a
complex and intense life path that combined craft with fervor for religion, migration, and other
factors. In addition to the study of gender, advances in the history of work and sexuality also
contributed to the evolution of the life-course model for women in early modern Europe. The
anthology Singlewomen in European History 1250–1800 (1999), edited by Judith M. Bennett and
Amy M. Froide, covered a wide range of these new and old perspectives in social history, including
citizenship, demography, and sexuality.

Women History:

Women's historians and scholars have made the differentiation between the terms "gender" and
"sex". It was established that an individual's gender is their chosen identity, whereas their sex is
their biological make-up. According to Natsuki Aruga, the work of women's historians on gender
has contributed to the establishment of the difference between sex and gender. The foundation of
gender studies, of which gender history is a subfield, is women's studies and feminism. As there is
no one comprehensive definition of what it means to be a woman, Kathleen Brown has noted that
it might be challenging to draw a line between gender studies and women's studies. This makes it
more challenging to distinguish between the histories of women and men.

The Development of women in Europe:

In the 19th and 20th centuries, for instance, women's rights to equal pay were established by law.
It was customary for women to manage the home, bear and raise the next generation, work as
nurses, mothers, wives, neighbors, and friends, and teach. Women were forced into the workforce
during times of war to perform tasks that had previously only been performed by men. After the
wars, they were compelled to return to domestic and service occupations as they had always lost
their industrial positions.

Great Britain:
It wasn't until the 1980s that the study of Scottish women's history in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries reached its full potential. The majority of research on women who lived before 1700 has
also been published after 1980. A biographical approach has been used in a number of studies, but
other research has examined topics including job, family, religion, crime, and images of women
by drawing on findings from other studies. Women's voices are also being discovered by
academics in their letters, autobiographies, poems, and court documents. Much of the recent work
in the topic has been recuperative due to its late growth, but the questions that are posed are
increasingly being framed by the insights of gender history, both in Scottish history after 1700 and
in other nations.

France:
Before the 19th century, young women lived under the economic and disciplinary authority of
their fathers until they married and passed under the control of their husbands. In order to secure
a satisfactory marriage, a woman needed to bring a substantial dowry. In the wealthier families,
daughters received their dowry from their families, whereas the poorer women needed to work in
order to save their wages so as to improve their chances to wed. Under the German laws, women
had property rights over their dowries and inheritances, a valuable benefit as high mortality rates
resulted in successive marriages. Before 1789, the majority of women lived confined to society's
private sphere, the home. Future research ought to improve our understanding of the complexities
of women's history in late medieval and early modern Britain and Europe, as well as help rethink
the narratives that now exist about Scottish history.

The Development of Women in Eastern Europe:

Women's history in Eastern Europe has not attracted much attention until recently. Using Hungary
as an example, Petö and Szapor (2007) examined the historiography of the country. The political
climate and a lack of institutional backing were the main reasons why academia opposed adding
this specialized topic of history to the curriculum. Nationalist themes that bolstered the state's anti-
democratic political goal dominated historiography before to 1945. Academic circles adopted a
Soviet paradigm after 1945. The women's rights movement of the early 20th century was
overlooked throughout this period, which did not create a space where women could be the subjects
of history. After the fall of Communism in 1989, there was a hopeful ten-year period marked by
the publication of biographies of notable Hungarian women and the study of pivotal periods in the
political and cultural history of women. But the caliber of this study was inconsistent, and it did
not capitalize on the methodological advancements in Western research. Furthermore, institutional
resistance persisted as seen by Hungarian institutions' dearth of undergraduate or graduate courses
focused on women's and gender history.

The Development of Women in Asia and Pacific:

here are few general overviews of women in Asian history because most experts concentrate on
Korea, China, Japan, India, and other historically designated regions.

China

Published works typically address Communism and the cultural notion of the family as origins of
women's oppression, women as outwardly participating members of the revolution, and jobs as
means of emancipation for women. The purpose of rural marriage customs like bride price and
dowry has evolved, but their structure has not. This is a reflection of the growing agency of women
in the marriage transaction and the decreasing influence of the extended family. The idea of gender
has produced a wealth of new information in both English- and Chinese-language literature in
recent Chinese study.

Japan:

Japanese women's history was marginal to historical scholarship until the late 20th century. Even
after 1945, many academic historians were hesitant to acknowledge women's history as a
component of Japanese history because the field rarely existed before then. A more comprehensive
academic recognition of Japanese women's history was also made possible by the social and
political environment of the 1980s, which was particularly beneficial to women in many ways.
The 1980s saw the start of fascinating and avant-garde studies on the history of Japanese women.
Numerous women historians have undertaken this, including academics, as well as journalists,
freelance writers, and amateur historians—that is, individuals who have not been bound by the
conventions and standards of the past. As a recognized field of study, the study of Japanese
women's history has gained acceptance.

The Development of Women in Africa:

For the history of women in African countries, a large number of brief studies have been published.
Sub-Saharan Africa has been placed in the perspective of women's history in a number of surveys.
Studies pertaining to particular nations and areas, like Lesotho and Nigeria, abound. For new
insights into the history of African women, academics are focusing on creative sources including
historical linguistics, Malawian songs, and Sokoto weaving skills. Systems and communities were
matriarchal prior to the colonial era that ruled much of the African continent. As she carried and
portrayed herself, the woman outshone the guy in terms of equality. inspiring prosperity and
growth across the continent. Foster the growth and prosperity of the continent. The matriarchy that
had contributed to the development of the African continent was replaced by patriarchal ideas and
practices, which European colonists imposed on the continent after bringing an oppressive form
of Christianity there. Feminist artist Lauren Webber uses indigenous materials and fabrics at the
First Floor Art Gallery in Zimbabwe to highlight and reveal the region's lengthy history of female
power.
The Development of Women in United States:

In the early 20th century, the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) spearheaded the first
organized and systematic attempts to construct women's history, aside from individual women
who worked mostly alone. While the male historians were preoccupied with battles and generals,
it organized efforts throughout the South to record the tale of the women on the Confederate home
front. The women emphasized the leadership, initiative, and action of women. They said that once
the men had departed for the war, the women took over and managed all farm or plantation
operations. They also discovered ersatz and substitute foods and, when manufactured cloth became
unavailable, rediscovered their old traditional talents with the spinning wheel. They were in danger
since they did not have men to act as their customary defenders.

Until the 1960s, when the first significant advances were made, the male-dominated field of history
disregarded the contributions of female historians. The first women's history course was a regular
college course taught by Gerda Lerner in 1963. After 1970, the field of women's history flourished
tremendously as women were allowed to enroll in graduate programs in history departments and
the new social history expanded rapidly. The first graduate program in women's history in the
United States was established by Gerda Lerner and offered by Sarah Lawrence College in 1972.
The incorporation of women into the history of race and slavery was another significant
advancement. Deborah Gray White's I a Woman? was a revolutionary novel. Analysis of racism,
slavery, abolitionism, and feminism as well as topics of violence, sexualities, and the body were
made easier to understand thanks to the 1985 book Female Slaves in the Plantation South. The
issue of women's presence in historical archives has also been raised by White. "Black people have
an oral tradition sustained by almost 300 years of illiteracy in America," the speaker remarks,
addressing the lack of representation of black women in historical narratives in particular.Women's
presence in archive collections has increased, indicating that more people are realizing the
importance of this field of research. The emphasis on a global perspective has been a prominent
trend in the last few years. The word "women" is only the twenty-third most used word in abstracts
of historical articles in other regions, despite being the eighth most used word in a North American
historical article. Moreover, considering abstracts covering American history as opposed to those
covering the rest of the world, "gender" appears around twice as frequently.
Historical Origin of Gender Roles:

In this section, we will look at seven important long-term historical determinants of gender roles:
agricultural technology, language, geography, pre-industrial societal characteristics, family
structures, religion, and historical shocks.

1. Agriculture and agricultural technology

A recent literature has emphasized how differences in agricultural technology or, more simply, a
long history of agriculture can have long-lasting effects on the evolution of gender-role attitudes.
Alesina, Giuliano, and Nunn (2013) study the historical persistence of differences in female
laborforce participation. The hypothesis for their empirical analysis comes from the seminal work
of Ester Boserup (1970), in which she argued that differences in the role of women in societies
originate in the different types of agricultural technology, particularly the differences between
shifting and plough agriculture. Shifting agriculture, which uses hand-held tools like the hoe and
the digging stick, is labor-intensive, with women actively participating in farm work, while using
a plough to prepare the soil is more capital-intensive. Unlike the hoe or digging stick, the plough
requires significant upper-body strength, grip strength, and bursts of power to either pull the
plough or control the animal that pulls it. Farming with the plough is also less compatible with
childcare, which is almost always the responsibility of women. As a result, men in societies
characterized by plough agriculture tended to specialize in agricultural work outside the home,
while women specialized in activities within the home. In turn, this division of labor generated a
norm that the natural place for women is in the home. This belief tends to persist even if the
economy moves out of agriculture, affecting the participation of women in activities performed
outside the home, including market employment, entrepreneurship, and politics.

The authors draw on the work of Ester Boserup (1970) to formulate their empirical analysis.
Boserup's seminal research argues that differences in the roles of women in societies stem from
the types of agricultural technology employed. In this context, the plough plays a central role in
shaping gender roles. It not only requires physical strength but is also less compatible with
women's participation, leading to the specialization of men in agricultural work outside the home
and women in domestic activities. This division gave rise to the norm that women's primary
domain is the home. Even as economies diversified and moved away from agriculture, this cultural
belief continued to influence the participation of women in activities beyond the household,
including market employment, entrepreneurship, and politics. Their analysis aimed to investigate
the correlation between plough-based agriculture and female participation in various agricultural
tasks. Notably, they found a robust negative correlation between the historical use of the plough
and female participation in agriculture in pre-industrial societies. Results show that plough use
tends to significantly reduce female participation in various agricultural tasks, including soil
preparation, planting, crop tending, and burden carrying.

Importantly, the research underscores that the enduring effects of differences in historical
agricultural technology go beyond the economic sphere. They influence not only female labor
force participation but also cultural norms, family dynamics, and societal attitudes. The study's
findings suggest that beliefs about gender roles are deeply rooted in historical practices and persist
even as societies evolve and diversify.

2. Language

Another interesting aspect of the long-term persistence of gender roles is the relation between
grammatical gender-marking and female participation in the labor market, the credit market, land
ownership, and politics (Gay et al., 2013). The grammatical features of a language are inherited
from the distant past and the gender system is one of the most stable linguistic features, surviving
for thousands of years. Gay et al. (2013). In linguistics, a grammatical gender system is defined as
a set of rules for agreement that depends on nouns of different types. Gay et al. (2013) rely on the
World Atlas of Linguistic Structures, the most comprehensive data source of grammatical
structures, and use four very stable grammatical variables related to gender: the number of genders
in the language, whether the gender system is sex-based, rules for gender assignment, and gender
distinctions in pronouns. The authors construct the Gender Intensity Index by summing these
features for the most commonly spoken language in a country. Using cross-country and individual-
level data, they find that women speaking languages that more pervasively mark gender
distinctions are less likely to participate in economic and political activities and more likely to
encounter barriers in their access to land and credit. The authors also investigate a sample of
immigrants living in the United States—that is, all facing the same institutional and labor-market
environment—and find consistent results. Galor et al. (2016) also study the emergence of sex-
based gender systems in languages and their effects on behavior. They advance the hypothesis and
establish empirically that variation in caloric suitability for plough-positive/negative crops affects
the emergence of grammatical gender in a language. They also explore the relationship between
linguistic and cultural traits and test whether their coevolution contributed to the stability and
persistence of cultural characteristics and their lasting effect on gender differences. Their
hypothesis is that pre-industrial characteristics that were conducive to the emergence and
progression of complementary cultural traits triggered an evolutionary process in language
structures that has fostered the transmission of these cultural traits. In a society characterized by
distinct gender roles and by gender biases, grammatical gender that fortified the existing social
structure and cultural norms may have emerged and persisted over time.

3. Geography

A long-term determinant of differences in gender roles can be found in geography. In a fascinating

paper, Carranza (2014), having pointed out that soil texture, which varies exogenously, determines
the workability of the soil and the technology used in land preparation, uses this as a lens to look
at differences in female labor-force participation in India. She distinguishes between loamy and
clayey soil textures. Deep tillage, possible in loamy but not in clayey soil textures, reduces the
need for transplanting, fertilizing, and weeding, activities typically performed by women (Basant
, 1987). In areas where deep tillage is required, the lower demand for female labor relative to the
demand for male labor is expected to have a negative impact on the perceived relative value of
girls to a household (Boserup , 1970). Carranza (2014) finds that soil texture explains a large part
of the variation in women’s relative participation in agriculture. The author goes further and
examines the impact of geography on the infant sex ratio, perhaps the most extreme indicator of
gender-based discrimination. Because relatively smaller female labor contributions in loamy areas
make girls relatively more costly, the ratio of girls to boys will be negatively related to the
difference between the fractions of loamy and clayey soils. Sex ratios and female labor-force
participation in India today show a large geographical heterogeneity, even within the same state
and cultural region. These differences within the same state are not driven by alternative
mechanisms, including cultural, social, economic, or policy variables. Carranza (2014) estimates
that soil texture explains 62 percent of the within-state variation in female agricultural labor-force
participation and 70 percent of the variation in the sex ratio for zeroto six-year-olds. A 10-
percentage-point greater fraction of loamy relative to clayey soils is associated with a 5.1-percent
lower share of female agricultural laborers and a 2.7-percent lower ratio of female to male children.
The relationship between soil texture, relative female labor-force participation, and the ratio of
female to male children did not change significantly between 1961 and 2001.

4. Pre-industrial societal characteristics

Pre-industrial social characteristics can have persistent effect on gender roles. Among the most
studied are the practice of matrilineality, modes of residence after marriage, and the dowry versus
the bride price.

(a) Matrilineality

Matrilineality refers to the fact that lineage and inheritance are traced through female members.
This can affect the residential patterns of married couples (in matrilineal societies, it is more
common for the married couple to reside in the wife’s natal home with her mother) and the
inheritance of property (with property handed down from women to their daughters and
granddaughters and from men to their sister’s sons). Matrilineality can improve women’s
outcomes for a variety of reasons. Women in matrilineal societies have greater access to land and
other assets, either through direct inheritance and ownership or through greater access to the
possessions of the large matriclan. This makes them less reliant on their husbands and less
vulnerable in the case of a husband’s death. Women in matrilineal systems have continued kin
support, either by living with or near their own family after marriage or through ongoing
connections maintained by matrilineal kinship. They are also likely to have greater intra household
bargaining power vis-à-vis their husbands and have greater exit options than patrilineal women.
These differences are amplified when a couple resides matrilocally and a woman is surrounded by
her family.

(b) Matrilocality

Whereas most studies look at matrilineal systems in terms of inheritance along with residence
choices after marriage, others investigate patrilocality in isolation, showing that alone it can give
rise to differences in gender roles. In northern India, where the social structure is more patrilocal
than in the south, gender inequality is more pronounced (Jayachandran , 2015). The mechanism
behind it is that when a woman gets married, she ceases to be a member of her birth family and
joins her husband’s family. Under this system, parents gain more returns to investment in a son’s
health and education because he will remain a part of their family, whereas a daughter will
physically and financially leave the household upon marriage.

(c) The dowry versus the bride price

Another factor that can vary substantially across cultures and have important effects on gender
differences in social preferences is the presence of the dowry versus the bride price. Dowry is a
payment that a bride’s parents make to the couple at the time of marriage. A bride price is a transfer
at the time of marriage from the groom and/or his family to the bride’s family. According to
Boserup (1970), these social norms emerged in societies based on their type of agriculture: where
women played a lesser role in agriculture, the dowry prevailed. Evidence on the impacts of the
dowry system on women’s welfare is mostly anecdotal and points to a pro-male bias. In India, the
prospect of paying dowry is often cited as a key factor in parents’ desire to have sons rather than
daughters (Das Gupta et al., 2003). The presence of dowry also reduces investment in human
capital and results in newly married women sometimes being the victims of violence or, worse,
dowry deaths as punishment for the dowry being deemed inadequate by the groom (Bloch and
Rao, 2002).

(d) Other pre-industrial societal characteristics

Impact of historical societal characteristics on contemporary gender issues, particularly violence
against women. The historical characteristics considered include productive activities (e.g.,
agriculture, gathering, hunting, fishing), types of settlement (sedentary, nomadic, compact,
isolated), modes of marriage (dowry vs. bride-price), living arrangements after marriage (e.g.,
virilocality), presence of endogamy, prevalence of the stem family, polygyny, and differences in
land inheritance systems. a strong link between ancestral characteristics that dictated women's
economic roles and contemporary cultural attitudes. Societies where women actively participated
in subsistence activities, such as gathering, tend to have higher regard for women's roles and lower
levels of violence against women. In contrast, plough-based or hunting/fishing societies exhibit
higher levels of violence because women have less economic bargaining power in these contexts.
Different types of settlements also play a role, with women from nomadic and isolated settlements
facing a higher probability of violence and being more prone to justify it. This may be attributed
to lower economic development in such communities or the challenges of protecting women in
these living arrangements.
Historical societal norms are linked to domestic violence today. Societies that previously practiced
bride-price have lower probabilities and lower intensities of violence. This suggests that men who
had to pay for their wives may have attributed greater value to them, resulting in less domestic
violence. Additionally, endogamous societies tend to exhibit more domestic violence, possibly due
to the potential for retaliation across ethnic groups. The prevalence of the stem family in the past
is associated with reduced support for violence among both men and women. However,
polygynous marriage does not have a clear effect on domestic violence. While it might be expected
that polygyny, indicating lower regard for women's status, leads to more violence, the presence of
other wives might alleviate some motives for violence. Virilocal residence does not appear to
influence domestic violence.

1. Differences in historical family structures

Among the historical societal characteristics, family structure has been very important in
determining gender roles. Historical persistence of family structures from medieval times until
today and the impact of differences in family structure on various economic outcomes, including
differences in gender roles. In societies with strong family ties, family solidarity is based on an
unequal division of family work between men and women—what has been called the “male-
breadwinner hypothesis,” with men working full-time and women dedicating themselves to
housework. Weak family ties, in contrast, will foster egalitarian gender roles with men and women
participating equally in employment and housework.

Differences in family culture can explain lower female employment. Culture matters for women’s
employment rates and for hours worked. Their ratio of female to male enrollment rate in upper
primary schools. They measure two aspects of family structure: residential habits (nuclear versus
complex families) and inheritance rules (equal division versus primogeniture). The most robust
driver of the education gender gap was family structure, with a higher female-to-male enrollment
ratio being associated with nuclear residential habits and equal division of inheritance.

The relationship between traditional family patterns (stem versus nuclear) and intimate-partner
violence. Stem families are those in which one child stays in the parental household with spouse
and children so that at least two generations live together. In these families, one son inherits all the
land and remains in the parental home with his wife to continue the family line. In nuclear families,
all children receive an equal share of the inheritance when leaving the parental home to start their
own independent households.

Intimate-partner violence is linked to historical measures of family type, given by the average
number of married and widowed women per household. The so-called Reconquista was an almost-
eight-century-long period (722-1492) during which several Christian kingdoms took control of
significant parts of the Iberian Peninsula from Islamic rulers and repopulated them. Because the
stronger and more centralized monarchies in the west of Spain had an interest in restricting the
development of powerful landholding families, they introduced compulsory sharing of inheritance
among all children, which led to nuclear families. The eastern kingdoms, on the other hand, had a
more powerful feudal nobility, which wanted to maintain its landholdings intact through
indivisible inheritance, which led to stem families. The instrumental variables results are consistent
with the original findings.

6. Religion

Since Max Weber, there has been debate on the impact of religion on people’s economic attitudes.
Religion has, in particular, a profound impact on attitudes toward gender roles. The influence of
religion on gender roles has also been explored by Algan and Cahuc (2006), who show that
Catholics, Orthodox Christians, and Muslims are more prone to embrace the traditional male
breadwinner conception than Protestants and atheists. Two interesting papers take a historical
perspective in looking at the effect of religion on gender differences: one in the context of the
Protestant Reformation (Becker and Woessmann, 2008) and one in the context of missionary
activity in Africa (Nunn, 2014). Catholicism and Protestantism had a long-run impact on
educational attainment, the impact by gender was very different. Protestant missions had a large
positive long-run impact on the education of females and a very small impact on the long-run
education of males. In contrast, Catholic missions had no long-run impact on the education of
females, but a large positive impact on the education of males. These finding are consistent with
the Protestant belief that both men and women had to read the Bible to go to heaven.
7. Natural experiments in history

Historical shocks can alter the relative position of women in a society (for example, by increasing
their relative income due to the appearance of a specific economic activity or by altering the sex
ratio in the population). These shocks can therefore alter the prevailing views about the natural
role of women in society. If new beliefs about the role of women persist and are transmitted across
generations, a temporary shock can affect gender outcomes in the long run. Male slaves
outnumbered females, as they were preferred by plantation owners in the New World for their
strength. This led to abnormal sex ratios in the areas from which slaves were taken: in those most
affected, historical estimates suggest the presence of as few as 40-50 men per 100 women
(Thorton, 1980). Although 21 sex ratios reverted back to the natural level shortly after the end of
the slave trade, the impact of this historical event on the role of women was long-lasting because
cultural beliefs and societal norms had been affected by it.

Wars are another shock that could permanently change gender roles in societies. Historians have
suggested that, during World War II, the high mobilization of men in the United States had a strong
impact on gender roles (Chafe, 1972). Campa and Serafinelli (2016) document how more equal
gender-role attitudes emerged in state-socialist regimes. They exploit the postwar imposition
across Central and Eastern Europe of state-socialist regimes that promoted women’s economic
inclusion. The sex ratio amongst immigrants continued to be very biased into the 20th century, as
they were mostly men seeking out.

Gender imbalance was associated historically with women being more likely to get married,
participating less in the labor force, and being less likely to work in high-ranking occupations. Xue
(2016) studies the impact of China’s cotton revolution—the adoption of spinning and weaving
technologies from 1300 until 1840—on gender roles. This revolution allowed women to produce
cotton texiles at home and sell clothing. Women living in regions suitable for the production of
cotton textiles experienced a huge increase in their economic earning power, which became similar
to or greater than that of their husbands. She finds a strong and negative relationship between pre-
modern cotton textile production and sex ratio at birth. The author finds that cotton textile
production prevented suicides of widows in the Ming dynasty. Xue also finds that female labor-
force participation in pre-socialist China and the probability of a wife’s heading the household
under state socialism were both higher in regions suitable to cotton production.
Development Institutions & Gender Mainstreaming
The focus on development institutions setting means that gender mainstreaming is to be conceived
as a strategy which is pursued as a systematic and planned process for organizational learning
within an institution in order to achieve gender equality both internally and especially in regard to
working results and outcomes. The strategic goal of the process is to integrate gender equality into
the regular rules, procedures and practices of an institution. A successful gender mainstreaming
implementation will lead to the transformation of an institution, thus also impacting on the
organizational culture.

Gender mainstreaming is therefore understood both as a process as well as a state. If gender

equality as a common goal is eventually mainstreamed into an institution, gender equality will be
an integral part of the objectives and daily work routines within an organization. Since the 1995
Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, the United Nations has increasingly focused on
“gender mainstreaming”, that is, ensuring that the concerns of women and men are equally
reflected in policymaking and program. The Economic and Social Council defines gender
mainstreaming as follows:

“Mainstreaming a gender perspective is the process of assessing the implications for women and
men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or program, in all areas and at all levels.
It is a strategy for making women's as well as men's concerns and experiences an integral
dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and program in
all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality
is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality.”

An approach to gender mainstreaming has emerged involving a series of strategic elements:

(1) building capacities on priority issues, especially for gender analysis and planning;

(2) making available sex-disaggregated data across sectors;

(3) establishing institutional accountability on gender-related mandates and requirements;

(4) applying gender-related concepts at all management levels;

(5) allocating funds in order to apply gender-related concepts;

(6) assigning human resources, especially to monitor adherence to agreed commitments; and

(7) ensuring systematic coordination and knowledge-sharing among all relevant stakeholders.

Taking their lead from United Nations entities, Governments around the world have undertaken,
with varying degrees of success, some of these strategic steps. In some cases, they have set up
gender units or focal points in ministries and/or adopted gender budgeting. Most Arab countries
have introduced institutional arrangements to support gender mainstreaming in public bodies.
Many have also established entities devoted to gender matters, in the form of a ministry or national
commission on women’s and gender matters. However, their work has often been hampered by
limited resources and mandates. ESCWA works closely with such bodies to support their
development and advance gender mainstreaming in government institutions.

Gender & Macroeconomic:

Mainstream economic analysis has traditionally overlooked gender. The individual the basic
category of analysis was regarded as genderless. Neither gender discrimination nor segmentation
and segregation within the labor market or the household were present. Contributions from
development theory, new household economics (NHE), labor economics, and feminist analysis
have done much to change this. Focusing on gender equality-by which we mean equality in
opportunity. inputs, and outcome has yielded important insights for the growth and development
of an economy. But we are still at the cusp. Although there have been huge improvements in
recognizing gender as an analytical category at the microeconomic level, the macroeconomic
implications of gender equality remain undeveloped. “Engendering" macroeconomics is an
important and valid research and policy area. Over the past three decades, economic development
has generally affected women and men differently in the developing world. At the same time,
gender relations have affected macroeconomic outcomes. This volume examines the research and
policy implications of engendering macroeconomic policy. Engendering macroeconomic policy
requires a deep understanding of gender equality and what it means for economic analysis at the
macro level.
Gender and Macroeconomic Policy:

The Gender and make economic policies are divided into different chapter. Every chapter discuss
the different characteristic of gender and macroeconomic policy including :

Chapter-1: Begins with an overview of how gender-specifically, gen- der equality of opportunity
came to occupy an analytical category in economics. Following this overview is evidence of the
significant economic and social costs to economic growth and development that arise from rigid
gender roles and associated gender asymmetries. Most of the studies are from a microeconomic
perspective, but the chapter draws out the implications for macroeconomics Gender inequalities in
education, health, and political representation are addressed, as are the adverse welfare effects of
structural adjustment policies, which are borne primarily by women in the developing world.

Chapter-2: Discusses the importance of generating appropriate data, tools, statistics, and models
to assess the impact of gender relations on macroeconomic policy and vice versa. In particular, key
issues of gender mainstreaming are addressed. Gender mainstreaming refers to the process of
assessing the implications for women and men of all planned actions, including legislation,
policies, and programs, in all areas and at all levels. Databases measuring gender equity-a recent
innovation-are described and explained, and a section on the macroeconomic modeling of gender
relations identifies the key ways in which models are useful for organizing knowledge and giving
direction to research. The chapter concludes by noting that the approach to measuring gender has
moved beyond simply disaggregating socioeconomic data on men and women to the development
of databases that examine key gender issues such as participation in decision making, gender
attitudes, elections, entrepreneurship, domestic violence, poverty, informal employment, time use,
and school attendance.

Chapter-3: Considers how behavioral outcomes based on gender have implications for key
macroeconomic aggregates such as consumption, savings, investment, and government
expenditure. Analysis is constrained by the lack of studies, most of which have been in the area of
consumption and in the microeconomic context of the household. Nonetheless, macroeconomic
conclusions can be drawn from this evidence. Research points to strong differences in gender
relations and macroeconomic out- comes in developing economies. In particular, the discussion
indicates that policies that improve women's control of household spending in developing
economies should strengthen growth and reduce poverty.
Chapter-4 Examines gender relations and economic growth. Studies cited in the chapter attest to
the strong correlation between measures of gender equality and economic growth. Equality of
opportunity in education, health, economics, marriage, and representation in parliament are all
positively linked to economic growth. Moving beyond simple correlations, the chapter examines
models of economic growth that incorporate these positive indicators for gender equality, noting
that it is difficult to fully isolate the effect of gender equality on economic growth. The theoretical
literature on growth and equality is reviewed from a range of perspectives, including the
modernization/neoclassical approach, endogenous growth theory, the women in development
approach (WID), and the gender and development approach (GAD, also known as critical
feminism). The chapter concludes with a brief overview of the studies that examine the effects of
economic growth and gender inequality, bringing together the conclusions of theoretical
approaches from growth and feminist literature.

Chapter-5: Examines gender inequality in the labor market. It looks at reasons for this inequality,
including specialization, segmentation, women's reproductive roles, and wage gaps. Indicators of
labor market performance by sex-labor force participation rates, unemployment rates, wage rates,
and skills are examined, as are data relating to employment by sector and status of employment.
The evidence suggests a mixed story and needs to be interpreted with reference to other indicators
of labor market performance, such as the increases of young women in education and older women
in the labor force. The chapter finds that regional pat- terns are even less conclusive. It also
examines the progress being made toward Millennium Development Goal 3 by considering school
enrollment for boys and girls.

Chapter-6: examines some of the broad themes of globalization and its implications for women,
particularly in the labor market. Trade liberalization introduces new, mostly positive prospects for
women and the work they do, but gender asymmetries continue, especially with regard to wages.
The impact of the recent financial crisis on employment prospects for women is also discussed.

Chapter-7: examines women's access to finance and the gender asymmetries that characterize the
financial market at the level of small businesses. The literature in this area is sparse, but a number
of studies at the level of the household have looked at the issue of women's access to finance and
what it means for employment prospects and decision making within the household. The results
from these studies may be extrapolated to inform macroeconomic policy. Microcredit, an area in
which women have been targeted, is discussed.

Chapter-8: Addresses gender budgeting. Making government budgeting more responsive to

gender equality goals is a critical facet of gender main-streaming. In this chapter gender budgeting
initiatives are examined from the expenditure side and, to a lesser extent, the revenue side. The
chapter ends with an analysis of countries' experiences with gender budgeting initiatives.

Chapter-9: A rings together the four themes of engendering macroeconomics and macro policy
developed in the text. Gaps in the literature and data prevent us from giving a full picture of the
relationship between gen- der and macroeconomics-but they point the way forward for further
research.

Conclusion:

Early in the twenty-first century, there are a lot of development issues that need to be resolved.
The study of gender and development can greatly contribute to the creation of novel institutional
procedures as well as new analytical frameworks. Gender wage disparity is a result of gender
inequality. Likewise, it exposes particular genders to prejudice and violence. Socioeconomic
inequality and objectification also befall them. The end consequence of all of this is extreme
anxiety, despair, and even low self-esteem. The qualities of men, women, girls, and boys that are
socially constructed are referred to as gender. This covers the expectations, actions, and roles that
come with being a woman, man, girl, or boy, as well as interpersonal interactions. Gender is a
social construct that is different in every society changes over time. Gender history is a subfield of
gender studies and history that examines historical events from a gendered perspective. It is
essentially a product of women's history. The field examines the ways that periodization and
historical events affect women and men differently. Men have historically been classified into
public domains like leadership and business, and women into private domains like motherhood
and housework. This division of labor has served to define gender roles. However, during the
protracted nineteenth century, new concepts like nationalism, communism, and industrialization
put traditional roles in danger.
When it comes to development, gender matters. It is a method of examining the ways in which
power structures and social norms affect the possibilities and lifestyles of various groups of men
and women. In the world, more women than men are impoverished. Early in the twenty-first
century, there are a lot of development issues that need to be resolved. The study of gender and
development can greatly contribute to the creation of novel institutional procedures as well as new
analytical frameworks. Gender wage disparity is a result of gender inequality. Likewise, it exposes
particular genders to prejudice and violence. Socioeconomic inequality and objectification also
befall them. The end consequence of all of this is extreme anxiety, despair, and even low self-
esteem. The qualities of men, women, girls, and boys that are socially constructed are referred to
as gender. This covers the expectations, actions, and roles that come with being a woman, man,
girl, or boy, as well as interpersonal interactions. Gender is a social construct that is different in
every community and can evolve over time.

Gender history is a subfield of gender studies and history that examines historical events from a
gendered perspective. It is essentially a product of women's history. The field examines the ways
that periodization and historical events affect women and men differently. Men have historically
been classified into public domains like leadership and business, and women into private domains
like motherhood and housework. This division of labor has served to define gender roles. However,
during the protracted nineteenth century, new concepts like nationalism, communism, and
industrialization put traditional roles in jeopardy.

When it comes to development, gender matters. It is a method of examining the ways in which
power structures and social norms affect the possibilities and lifestyles of various groups of men
and women. In the world, more women than men are impoverished. Gender history challenges the
notion that males are neuter creatures whose masculinity and sexuality are unnoticeable, while
equally acknowledging women as historical agents. This viewpoint assumes that the existence of
a gender binary and the characteristics associated with gender have shaped and influenced every
historical subject. The shifting standards of behavior for those classified as male or female are
another way that these societal constructs of gender across time are depicted. When examining
these shifts in norms and the people who follow them across time, scholars of gender history
analyze the implications of these shifts for the broader social, cultural, and political context.

Moreover, a society's gender structure—such as that of the family and/or the state—usually
directly influences or coincides with the religion of that society. As a result, the defining structures
of equality and uniformity are produced by the interaction between the religious and gender
structures in a culture. In today's cultures and systems, men and women typically have separate
roles. Their needs therefore differ correspondingly. Usually, two categories of demands are
distinguished: Because of the gender roles that are imposed on them by society, both men and
women live in actual conditions that give rise to practical demands.
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