Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Geoforum
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/geoforum

Abuja is not for the poor: Street vending and the politics of public space T
Onyanta Adama
Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University, SE-106 91 Stockholm, Sweden

A R T I C LE I N FO A B S T R A C T

Keywords: The article examines how street vendors in Abuja, Nigeria are experiencing and responding to the attempts to
Modernity restrict their access to public space. Modernist planning and the increasing trend in the privatization of public
Neoliberalism space is limiting the amount and types of public spaces available to street vendors. Drawing largely on primary
Public space research, the article reports that street vendors are responding by adopting a range of spatial, relational and
Street vendors
temporal tactics. Specifically, it cites the Ready-to-Run tactic, relocating to relatively more secure sites, informal
Abuja
Nigeria
relations and networks and operating at certain times of the day. Access to the street and mobility are key factors
that shape the types of tactics adopted. Vendors prioritize proximity to the street in order to maximize access to
potential customers. The highly mobile vendors are more likely to adopt spatial and temporal tactics, while the
less mobile tend to rely on informal relations and networks. Furthermore, in the absence of formal organizing,
individual agency is more prevalent. Where collective agency exists, it is often a response to an immediate
challenge. Gender and age influence the experiences of vendors and the tactics adopted. The Abuja case is a
notable example of the link between modernist planning, particularly the master plan approach and socio-spatial
exclusion. As a city built from scratch, the plan laid the foundation for socio-spatial exclusion by planning the
poor out of the city. The plan remains at the centre of contemporary urban politics, notably the relations between
the state and informal workers.

1. Introduction visible and highly contested domain (Brown et al., 2010).

In Africa, street vendors are among the largest subgroups in the
Policy makers continue to grapple with what to do about in- informal economy (Brown et al., 2010). With the largest population,
formality, a phenomenon considered an antithesis to modernity, but Nigeria has the biggest and most dynamic informal economy in Africa
crucial to the survival of the urban poor. Within the academic milieu, (Gandy, 2005). Research on the informal economy in the country is
the focus has shifted from poverty and livelihood studies to a notion of classified into two categories; general interest and specific interest
informality as a lens to examine contemporary processes and politics at studies (Onyebueke and Geyer, 2011). The general interest studies
the urban scale (Lombard and Meth, 2017; Roy, 2005). It is within this “lump the informal sector as a single unit of analysis” and are therefore
context that this article examines street vending, a popular informal “mostly snapshots and descriptive accounts of the phenomenon” (ibid:
activity and a notable source of income for the urban poor. Street 68). The specific interest studies are conducted with greater rigour and
vending is a “mobile, space-bound, predominantly urban practice” detail and focus on a range of activities including street trading, waste
(Graaff and Ha, 2015: 2) that takes place on sidewalks, parks, inter- picking and food vending. Recent studies continue on this trend (see for
sections, leftover spaces and privately owned spaces such as outdoor example Omoegun et al., 2019 on the aftermath of eviction of street
shopping malls (Cupers, 2015). This makes public space and specifically vendors in Lagos; Adebayo and Akinyemi, 2019 on wheelbarrow live-
the street an indispensable resource of income for vendors and raises lihoods in Ibadan; and Omoegun, 2015 on street trader displacements
the question of what happens when access to public space is threatened. in Lagos). In addition to drawing attention to the complexity and dy-
There is growing concern that the neoliberal ideal of prioritizing private namics of the informal economy, these studies provide empirical ac-
capital and the modernist visions of clean, functional and ordered cities counts and highlight the importance of context-specific knowledge.
are leading to the adoption of measures that limit the access of street Research on Abuja can add to this body of knowledge particularly due
vendors to public space, especially in central city areas (Devlin, 2015). to the specificity of the city. Abuja is a relocated post-colonial capital
Many governments have tried to control or ban the activities of street city. It replaced Lagos as Nigeria’s capital city in 1991. Among others,
vendors (Graaff and Ha, 2015). As a result, street vendors operate in a Abuja is unique in the sense that it is the only city built from scratch

E-mail address: [email protected].

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2019.12.012
Received 11 April 2019; Received in revised form 4 October 2019; Accepted 16 December 2019
Available online 05 January 2020
0016-7185/ © 2019 The Author. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/BY-NC-ND/4.0/).
O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

with the aid of a master plan. The plan was highly influenced by the The structured part of the questionnaire dealt with issues such as the
modernist Garden City philosophy of Ebenezer Howard. As observed, personal characteristics of vendors and types of spaces occupied. The
the city was “planned to project a particular aesthetic to a global au- type of spaces is particularly relevant because it is expected to play
dience”, with “manicured lawns, uncongested roads and buildings in- some role in the experiences and tactics of vendors. As a result, while
fused with a nouveau African centerdness” (Ebo, 2013: 1). However, in vendors were randomly selected, care was taken to ensure that vendors
spite of the grand and utopian plans for a new and modern capital city, operating in the different spaces identified through personal observa-
“in planning and building Abuja” a “familiar pattern of exclusion and tion were included. The open-ended part of the questionnaire focused
disparity has emerged” (ibid: 2). on the nature of encounters with enforcement agents and the type of
The relocation project has been relatively successful, with Abuja tactics adopted to evade regulation. Secondary sources, particularly
functioning as the seat of national government, a population of 1.4 government publications provided useful insights into urban policy and
million according to the 2006 census and still growing. However, a few planning.
years after relocation, it had become evident that the modernist project
was being undermined by the emergence of slums, heaps of uncollected 3. Contesting spatial exclusion
garbage on the streets and traffic jams among others (Adama, 2007).
Hence, the government was called upon to ensure that Abuja “reflect Largely due to the works of Henri Lefebvre, the idea of space as a
the sophistication and modernity” of the city conceived in the master site of politics and class struggle is now well established. Central to
plan (Abanobi, 2001: 186). The call has been taken up by successive Lefebvre’s belief is the notion of space production, specifically how
governments, from el-Rufai (minister from 2003 to 2007) who oversaw space is produced in ways that marginalize the urban poor (Lefebvre,
the most extensive demolition exercise and Umar (minister from 2007 1991). Lefebvre cites capitalism and the state as playing crucial roles in
to 2008) who “promised to keep the sanctity of the Master Plan” (Social the production of space. Capitalism, due to the importance of urban
and Economic Rights Action Center, 2008) to the present as docu- space as a site of capitalist production, exchange, and consumption
mented in this article. Much of the government’s effort to address the (Lefebvre, 1970; 2003; cited in Devlin, 2015) and the state, because it is
problems has targeted informal workers, particularly those that depend the only institution that can produce and manage space on a large scale
on the street for survival. Motorcycle taxi operators were banned from due the resources, techniques and capacity at its disposal (Lefebvre,
operating in the main city area on October 1, 2006. The reaction to 1978: 90). Lefebvre sees planning as an ideology that plays a crucial
street vending has not been as dramatic even though according to a role in the socio-spatial exclusion of the poor. Current urban planning
state official, street vendors are only allowed to operate in the per- and management practices confirm Lefebvre's assertions. For example,
ipheral areas and not in the main city area. Street vendors remain in Bogotá, Columbia, local regulations reinforce the exclusion of street
highly visible in the city, but are routinely harassed and subjected to vendors from public space (Falla and Valencia, 2019). In Lagos, Nigeria,
violent encounters with enforcement agents. In an increasingly hostile the authoritarian approach to urban management is manifested in a
environment, the article examines how street vendors in Abuja are zero tolerance policy to street trading (Omoegun et al., 2019). Fur-
experiencing and responding to the attempts to limit their access to thermore, Lefebvre’s concept of right to the city, defined as the re-
public space. lationship between the urban space, rights and social justice continue to
After a brief presentation of the methods, the article begins with a influence urban scholars interested in the politics of space (Lefebvre,
discussion of the relevant concepts. The discussion draws largely on the 1996). Lefebvre argues that public space is under threat because the
works of Lefebvre, particularly the notion of space production and the city is being produced for the people rather than by the people (Le-
concept of the right to the city. Crucially, space is presented as a site of febvre, 1970 cited in Devlin, 2015). The concept of the right to the city
politics and class struggle. In this context, in addition to highlighting raises a number of questions that puts space at the centre of urban
how the state uses public space as a tool to marginalize the poor, the politics and conflict including who has the right to the city and how the
agency of vendors is acknowledged. Following this is a discussion on right is determined and contested (Mitchell, 2003). Furthermore, the
urban planning and socio-spatial exclusion in Abuja. The main focus is right to the city encompasses the right to urban life and the right to
how modernist and neoliberal planning and specific state practices re- work in the city (Amin and Thrift, 2002). The right to work in the city is
inforce socio-spatial exclusion. The implications for public space and particularly relevant because it raises the question of the kinds of public
ultimately for informal workers including street vendors are addressed. spaces that are available and the activities that can be performed in
Next is a presentation of the major findings, notably the tactics adopted them (Mitchell, 2003). Hence and crucially,Lefebvre (1996) sees the
by street vendors to maintain access to public space. The final section right to the city as dependent on the right to public space.
draws conclusions based on the lessons learnt. Today, much of the discourse on socio-spatial exclusion centres on
neoliberalism and modernity. In a highly competitive global market,
2. Methods city governments are adopting measures that prioritize private capital
and economic growth, but reinforce the socio-spatial exclusion of the
The empirical data is based on interviews conducted in 2017 and poor. A notable example is the commodification and privatization of
2018. Purposive and snowballing sampling were used to identify and public space, a practice that is limiting the types of public spaces
conduct in-depth interviews with officials of the Abuja Environmental available to street vendors (Graaff and Ha, 2015). Furthermore, emer-
Protection Board (AEPB), the agency responsible for solid waste man- ging urban visions such as the world-class city philosophy reinforce
agement and the regulation of street vending. Planners, enforcement neoliberalism and ensure that modernity remains on the agenda (Roy,
agents and lawyers were interviewed to obtain information on past and 2011). Modernity accompanied by notions of order and disorder, where
current urban trends, the regulation of public space and the nature of informality is equated with disorder play a crucial role in shaping the
the relations with street vendors. Semi-structured interviews were access of informal workers to public space (Devlin, 2015; Mitchell
conducted with a total of 45 vendors in three major locations; the Eagle 2003). Neoliberal and modernist forms of governance are in full display
Square located in the Central Area, and Wuse and Garki markets. The in Lagos, Nigeria where a major ambition is to achieve a ‘megacity
three sites are located in Phase 1, the most developed area of the city, status’ through large-scale infrastructural development and beautifica-
housing government offices, private businesses, shopping malls, mar- tion and “the organisation of perceived unorganized areas of the city,
kets and motor parks and thus are highly attractive to vendors. (Fig. 1). with particular implications for informal activities, especially street
Out of the 45 vendors interviewed, 23 were male while 22 were female. trading” (Omoegun, 2015: 102). A major outcome of the desire to limit
The interviewees ranged in age from 25 years to over 50, but personal the access of street vendors to public place is violence. In Dhaka,
observations revealed that some of the vendors were much younger. Bangladesh, the destruction of shops and confiscation of vending

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O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

Fig. 1. Map of Phase 1 showing the delineation of the districts in Phase I. The Central Area is at the centre surrounded by the largely residential districts of Asokoro,
Maitama, Wuse and Garki. (Adapted by Johan Cederström from a map obtained from the Federal Capital Development Authority).

equipment and harassment of vendors are a “normal” part of the en- mobilization and collective action in contesting hegemonic policies has
counters between the state and street vendors (Etzold, 2015:173). In attracted much interest within urban studies. Mobilization provides
Lagos, violence is largely perpetrated through a militant police force opportunities to effectively articulate views and interests, come up with
called Kick Against Indiscipline (KAI) designed to clean up the city alternative discourses and claim rights (Lindell, 2010). This was ob-
(Omoegun et al., 2019). served in New York, where the Street Vendors Project fought the im-
Public space and the rights of the urban poor may be under threat, position of strict vending regulations in the central city areas by
but the right to the city concept acknowledges agency. As Mitchell drawing on public discourse (Devlin, 2015). Devlin describes the as-
(2003) observes, the idea of public space has never been guaranteed, sociation as a well-organized and media-savvy group able to defend the
but won through concerted struggle. Lefebvre proposes a radical re- rights of vendors in a clear and unified message. In Coyoacán, Mexico
structuring of social, political and economic relations, urging urban City, vendors drew on a prior history of formal organizing and collec-
inhabitants to take control by appropriating space (Lefebvre, 1996). tive action to protest a policy by the government to limit their access to
Acknowledging the agency of street vendors, Devlin (2015: 43) notes public space (Crossa, 2015). However, what happens in cases where
that they are by no means “hopelessly overmatched in the political vendors are not able to organize formally? For example, in Lagos, street
realm”. Ultimately, public space is not only controlled by state actors traders “have a very limited propensity to form collective associations”
(Falla and Valencia, 2019). Street vendors are “wily in negotiating ac- (Omoegun, 2015: 124). With no specific street vendor organizations,
cess to space” as observed in Lagos, where vendors resort to bribing they rely more on individual agency (Omoegun et al., 2019).
state officials and informal networks are created in order to maintain The absence of formal organizing necessitates an examination of the
access to public space (Omoegun et al., 2019: 112). Hence, neoliber- daily politicized and individual practices of vendors. Within urban
alism may be playing a negative role as noted above, but the street is theory, the concept of quiet encroachment (Bayat, 2004) has been
“not only a space where neoliberalism happens to” the marginalized, useful in examining the ways individuals challenge hegemonic practices
but also “increasingly a space in which bonds of solidarity are con- aimed at excluding them from public space. Quiet encroachment is
structed and campaigns against dispossession are waged” and won defined as “the silent, protracted, but persuasive advancement of the
(Dunn, 2015: 22). Rather than passive observers, street vendors are ordinary people on the propertied and powerful in order to survive and
producing new kinds of spaces “and in doing so broaden the definition improve their lives” (Bayat, 2004: 90 cited in Graaff and Ha, 2015: 7). It
of public space” (Cupers, 2015: 140). In the end, street vending is a implies infringement and wrongdoing and stepping over legal and
“creative intervention rather than spatial misuse” (Crawford et al., spatial limits on the part of vendors. Forms of quiet encroachment in-
1999, cited in Cupers, 2015: 140). clude avoiding paying fees or taxes, selling without permits and selling
Within the general debate on agency, the role of grassroots in areas where vending is not allowed. The ostensibly mundane

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O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

practices are deemed political acts since “they claim access to oppor- that the rich live in the main city area, notably in the high-income
tunities and public space” otherwise denied by the state (ibid: 7). An- districts of Maitama and Asokoro (Fig. 1), while the poor live in per-
other framework used to examine the daily politicized practices of ipheral settlements and have to commute long distances to work. As
vendors draws on de Certeau’s distinction between tactics and strate- Ebo (2013: 4) puts it, “the master plan aims to craft an environment of
gies. Strategies operate in space by determining what is proper, while cyclical exploitation by using the urban poor for cheap labour to run
tactics operate in time (Cupers, 2015). The argument is that temporary and service the city … and yet physically keeping them at a distance,
practices can counter the officially sanctioned uses of space. Crucially, unable to benefit from nor participate in the city” (Ebo, 2013: 4). The
this argument point to the importance of mobility as a tactic. It is “the problem is compounded by the high cost of rent (Social and Economic
vendors’ mobility that combines spatial and temporal tactics to allow Rights Action Center, 2008). Abdul, a civil servant leaves his house in
them to momentarily circumvent the state’s restrictive strategies, such Suleja in neighbouring Niger State at 5am daily to take the staff bus to
as those that limit their access to public space” (Graaff and Ha, 2015: his office in the central area of Abuja (Auta, 2019). According to Abdul,
7). The ability to move makes it possible for vendors to “exploit the “if not for the high cost of rent in Abuja, why will I be suffering to travel
temporal rhythms of the city” as observed in Los Angeles where vendors from Niger every day, enduring the terrible traffic to and fro” (ibid.).
flock to the commercial and industrial areas in the afternoons, sub-way The problem is not limited to civil servants. The majority of informal
stops and highway intersections in the evenings and outside bars and workers live in peripheral settlements or satellite towns (Adama, 2007).
nightclubs at night in a bid to maximize access to potential customers In an interview, an AEPB official acknowledged the obvious, that street
(Cupers, 2015: 146). vendors could not afford to live nor own shops in the Central Area.
Finally, the positionality of street vendors and the intersecting ca- State practices notably forced evictions has exacerbated the problem
tegories of race, ethnicity, gender, age and education can shape their of socio-spatial exclusion. The rapid increase in population, lack of af-
daily experiences and tactics (Graaff and Ha, 2015). Gender in parti- fordable housing and the slow process of acquiring legal titles have
cular permeates almost all aspects of the informal economy. As Dunn contributed to the growth of informal settlements (Social and Economic
(2015: 25) points out, the “mutually constitutive gender ideologies of Rights Action Center, 2008). Beginning in 2003, there has been forced
space and work produce unequal conditions” for male and female street evictions in satellite areas where these informal settlements are found
vendors. In Lagos, evicted female vendors face particular challenges resulting in the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people and
including inability to pay for shops and obtaining new working capital without adequate notice and compensation (ibid.). Large-scale evictions
(Olabisi, 2013). Gender impacts entry into street vending, choice of reached its peak in 2005 under the administration of el-Rufai. The
location as well as experiences of crime and policing (Dunn, 2015). demolition in and around the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) left many
Furthermore, women dominate the activities closely associated with poor people stranded and “further served to violently demonstrate
their reproductive roles, notably food vending (Cupers, 2015). The which population groups had the right to lay claim to Abuja’s built
positionality of women is summed up in a study in Harare, Zimbabwe environment, and which did not” (Ebo, 2013: 4). Evictions continue in
which observed that women trade in low volume, perishable and less Abuja. In an interview on October 10, 2017, a member of the Minis-
lucrative goods; occupy smaller and less strategic spaces; and operate terial Task Force (MTF) noted that a demolition of informal structures
largely in insecure and illegal spaces, where they are easy targets of had taken place that morning in Gwarimpa, a housing estate on the
eviction (Njaya and Murangwa, 2016). outskirts of the main city area. The MTF was set up in June 2016 by the
FCT minister to address environmental and security challenges in
4. Abuja: urban planning and socio-spatial exclusion Abuja. Forced evictions and the demolition of informal houses in per-
ipheral areas suggests that the poor are being pushed beyond the ad-
The decision by the Nigerian government to build a new capital city ministrative boundaries of the FCT. Neighbouring towns such as Suleja
came at a time when many African countries were trying to advance in Niger State, Keffi (Nassarawa State) and Kaduna (Kaduna State) offer
their economic and political standing in the world by embarking on affordable accommodations for low income workers.
large-scale plans and massive infrastructure projects (McNulty, 2001). The government has targeted informal commercial activities and
Abuja belongs to the group of relocated post-colonial capital cities in street work in particular. Zoning regulations prohibit “non-stationary”
Africa conceived largely on modernist planning inherited from colonial commercial activities in the city (Ebo, 2013:3). In 2012, street vendors
governments. The new capital cities are flamboyant in design with wide operating around Banez plaza, a popular shopping mall in the city were
green belts separating neigbourhoods of different social classes (Ma- forced to leave the area to make way for “access and smooth business
bogunje, 1990: 147 cited in McNulty, 2001). In Nigeria, International operations for formalized commercial activity” (ibid: 5). The bias in
Planning Associates, an American firm was commissioned to produce a favour of formal businesses point to the growing influence of neoliberal
master plan for Abuja (The Federal Capital Development Authority, planning in Abuja. Criticized for not involving the private sector in the
1979). Three principles, contained in the master plan; environmental construction of the city (Mabogunje, 2001), the government has ex-
conservation, city beautiful and functional city confirm the influence of pressed a strong desire to attract private investments in recent years. A
modernity. Abuja was to be developed in three phases beginning with major move was the establishment of the Abuja Investment Company
Phase I (Fig. 1). Notably, the design prioritized the Central Area de- Limited (AICL) in 1994. AICL has transformed from being a govern-
scribed as the hub of the city and the nation (see Fig. 1). The Central ment-funded entity to a fully independent and self-funded firm (https://
Area is divided into two zones, one containing the governmental abujainvestments.com/about-us/). It is described as a world class in-
functions, and the other, the Central Business District (CBD), designed vestment firm, promoting profitable global business partnerships. The
to house commercial office buildings, hotels and shopping malls among company offers incentives to companies willing to set up businesses in
others. Abuja including tax breaks and crucially, access to land.
Attention has been drawn to how the Abuja master plan laid the In the context of contemporary urban governance processes and
foundation for socio-spatial exclusion in the city. As McNulty (2001: particularly on issues related to the politics of space, the Abuja case
45) puts it, the plan “embodied a particular perspective or philosophy offer specific and interesting insights. Abuja was conceived as a symbol
regarding the way in which the city would serve its inhabitants, those of national unity, a place where every Nigerian would have a sense of
who were to live and work in the city and its environs”. The reference to belonging (The Federal Capital Development Authority, 1979). In ad-
‘those who were to live in the city’ highlights how housing feature in dition to escaping the numerous problems confronting Lagos including
socio-spatial exclusionary processes in Abuja. As Vale (1992) points overcrowding, traffic congestion and environmental pollution, Lagos is
out, the poor could never meet the housing standards specified in the associated with a particular ethnic group (ibid.). The decision to re-
master plan for building a house in the main city. A major outcome is locate the capital was made in 1976, a few years after a civil war that

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O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

Fig. 2. Inside the car park at Eagle Square. Notice the vendors operating from their cars and the food vendor under the tree.
Source: The Author, August 22, 2017.

lasted between 1967 and 1970. A major argument in favour of re- based on a commonly held view that the activities of street vendors are
location was that relocating the capital to a neutral space would do largely responsible for littering the environment. In interviews, officials
much to heal ethnic strife (Mabogunje, 2001). The principle of equal cited the AEPB act of 1997 that specifically lists littering as a criminal
citizenship contained in the master plan was to ensure that Abuja would offence to justify the regulation of street vending. Street vendors are
fulfil such aspirations (ibid.). Crucially, public spaces were proposed in commonly blamed for environmental degradation and traffic conges-
order to foster a sense of belonging (Ikoku, 2004). Only one, the Eagle tion but not often acknowledged is the role of the state. The attention of
Square located in the Central Area has been built (Fig. 2). Eagle Square the state was drawn to the problem of not having enough markets to
is at the heart of the national project. It is the site for the Independence cater to the population almost two decades ago when the master plan
Day Celebrations, Worker’s Day, Armed Forces Remembrance Day and was reviewed (Ukwu, 2001). Many “illegal markets” had sprung up and
where elected presidents are sworn in. Today, Eagle Square is enclosed the existing official markets were “congested within and sprawling
with barbed wire fence making access to this important national public without” as a result (ibid: 92). Personal observation revealed that not
space tightly controlled. Hence, the square is noted as example “of much has changed. Street vendors operate individually or in clusters on
alienation, by government appropriation of a public space that was streets close to Wuse and Garki markets and traffic around these areas
meant for the legitimate use of the citizenry” (ibid: 42). Over the years, are highly congested particularly in the evenings when civil servants
Eagle Square has evolved from a highly symbolic space of national close from work and vendors vie for their attention.
unity to a medley of commodified spaces. It houses a bank, a food court, Informal workers in Abuja are routinely subjected to harassment
a car park and is a popular site for trade fairs. A number of vendors pay and violent confrontations with the state. In an interview with the vice
fees to the management and are allowed to operate inside the square chairperson of the Area 3 Garki branch of Keke operators in 2016, he
(Fig. 2). The majority of vendors operate outside, on streets along and narrated how the government of Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015)
adjacent to the square. These are the ones most susceptible to harass- banned their operations and confiscated over 500 of their vehicles.
ment as discussed in section five. Keke, a local name for tricycle is a popular and cheap mode of transport
The government perceives the everyday lives and practices of the in many Nigerian cities. According to the vice chairperson, the in-
urban poor as inimical to the modernist vision and world-class ap- coming regime of Buhari gave an order that the vehicles be released to
pearance it envisages for Abuja (Ebo, 2013). Hence, the desire to im- the owners but the Vehicles Inspections Office (VIO) had not obeyed the
plement the Abuja master plan, particularly the need to have a clean, directive. The chairperson alleged that some of the vehicles had been
beautiful and functioning capital city largely defines the relationship damaged while others had simply disappeared from the custody of the
between the state and informal workers. In a Town Hall meeting in government. The sheer numbers and high visibility of street vendors
2007, the then FCT Minister Umar promised to continue demolitions of make them particularly vulnerable to harassment and violence.
informal settlements in order to “keep the sanctity of the Master Plan” Encounters with the task force, made up of AEPB enforcement agents
(Social and Economic Rights Action Centre, 2008: 35). Interestingly and and police officers are highly contentious.
in a reflection of the unequal power relations between the state and
A van filled with officials of the Abuja Environmental Protection
informal workers, there is evidence that the state has not upheld the
Board, AEPB pulls unto the culvert … Fiery and stern faced young
sanctity of the master plan. For example, it is guilty of converting public
men donning the vests of the outfit, tumble out of the vehicles in a
spaces into residential plots and allocating them to the favoured
sting formation. A few minutes earlier the junction had been filled
(Olujimi and Ayeni, 2014). Tensions are set to continue since while the
with street traders: hawkers of ‘pure water’, household items, re-
master plan made provisions for unforeseen growth and events (Social
freshments and a host of other petty ones …The traders, many of
and Economic Rights Action Center, 2008), the government is yet to
them youngsters, run in different [sic] direction, some dangerously
accommodate informal street work, a highly visible and popular en-
close to oncoming vehicles … Presently a young lad is dragged
terprise in the city. Rather, the government has prioritized enforcement
squealing into the van while nearby a younger girl is seen on her

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O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

knees pleading that her wares be spared. A few newspaper vendors the area. Newspaper vendors have an arrangement with the state and
are caught in the web of captivity and spirited pleas that they be left operate from stands on the street opposite the market. The agreement
off the hook is ignored … (Omoniyi, 2013) allows them to pay fees and operate in specially designated spaces.
They are not allowed to change locations. Other groups operate close to
Violence against informal workers is common, but the issue loomed
the market in front of a shopping mall and under a bridge on a major
large on the nation’s conscience following events on September 20,
road. Garki is one of the oldest districts in Abuja. The streets close to the
2013 when the police stormed an uncompleted building in the Apo area
market are well-established vending sites. In addition to the market, the
of the city (Omoniyi et al., 2013). By the time the operation ended,
area has a high concentration of businesses thus making it even more
eight people had been killed. The police maintained that they were on a
attractive to vendors.
mission to confiscate guns and ammunitions allegedly stored by ter-
Overall, the desire to be close to the street in order to maximize
rorists in the building. Family and friends countered that the victims
access to potential customers and mobility play crucial roles in shaping
were ordinary people trying to earn a living. Four years later and fol-
the activities of vendors. Access to the street highlights the importance
lowing an investigation by the Human Rights Commission, which
of visibility and accessibility as observed during fieldwork in August
concluded that the victims were not terrorists, the government offered
2017. There was a trade fair going on inside Eagle Square at the time. A
to pay compensation to their families. The incident drew attention to
number of food vendors were allocated spaces to operate during the
the issue of uncompleted buildings. It emerged that the victims were
fair, a period of two weeks. In an interview, a food vender said she paid
paying the security guard in charge of the building to sleep there at
N20 000 (Twenty thousand Naira or USD 57.7) for the space she was
nights and would leave in the mornings to pursue their livelihoods, a
occupying. As she pointed out, their businesses depended on the success
common practice in Abuja. The incident prompted the government to
of the fair. However, business was very slow due to the low turnout at
order an enumeration of uncompleted buildings in Abuja and a decision
the fair. By the time of the interview, she had spent one out of the two
was taken to demolish them but as observed,
weeks she paid for, but was seriously considering asking for her money
…many of these uncompleted buildings have been home to many back. During the interview, another food vendor was observed packing
migrant workers and petty traders, who do not have an alternative up her equipment to leave the fair for the same reason of low sales. The
abode to stay. Many of the buildings, taken over by weeds and bu- account underscores the importance of the street to vendors. The trade
shes now accommodate hundreds of such homeless persons fair was taking place in the area normally reserved for national events.
(Omoniyi et al., 2013). The area is enclosed and located far away from the two main entrances
into the square and there is no access to the surrounding streets. This
The above narrative provide useful insights into the everyday lives
meant that potential customers were limited to only those attending the
and experiences of informal workers. In addition to exposure to vio-
fair, which unfortunately was a small number. A comparison with an-
lence, it highlights the problem of homelessness, a common phenom-
other group of vendors sheds further light on the importance of ac-
enon due to housing deficits and high rents (Social and Economic Rights
cessibility to the street. The group also operate inside the square but the
Action Center, 2008). Some of the street vendors interviewed said they
major difference is that they have close proximity to the street (Fig. 4).
sleep in any public spaces they find at night or in uncompleted build-
This ensures that they have access to passers-by and hence a larger pool
ings. A vendor interviewed close to Garki market had been living in an
of potential customerscompared with the vendors covering the trade
uncompleted building in nearby Garki village for over eight years. He is
fair. Mobility is also important to the activities of vendors. It enhances
able to walk from ‘home’ to the market, one of the benefits of living in
circulation, is a means to pursue opportunities in different locations and
uncompleted buildings, since the majority are located in the Central
crucially to avoid harassment (Lindell, 2019). In Abuja, evading the
Area and the main city districts in Phase I (Fig. 1). Vendors that live in
task force is a major preoccupation with vendors and mobility plays an
such buildings are able to avoid the huge costs of transport that comes
important role as summed up by a vendor at Eagle Square who pointed
with living in the peripheral areas.
out that “I have been in many places, the last was at the back of the
barbed wire fence across the road, but task force chased us out so I
5. Maintaining access to public space started hawking on the street”. The discussion below presents the tac-
tics adopted by street vendors in Abuja to maintain access to public
Similar to others across the globe, street vendors in Abuja are a space.
diverse group. They are differentiated on the basis of gender, age, in-
come, length of time engaged in vending, types of activities and the
spaces they occupy. Women and girls are over-represented in the fruits 5.1. The Ready-to-Run (RtR) tactic
and vegetable vending activity, while men dominate activities such as
electronics and newspaper vending. Some vendors said they could A popular spatial tactic is what can be described as the ‘Ready-to-
barely survive on their earnings, but others acknowledged that they Run’ (RtR). As the name implies, vendors are always on the alert and
were earning enough to sustain their livelihoods. The length of time ready to run when enforcement agents are approaching. The process
engaged in street vending varied from one to over ten years. Those that entails some level of prior preparation, mentally and physically. As a
had been operating for longer periods were more likely to see street vendor put it, “we employ ready-to-run mind-set before the day begins
vending as an economically viable activity. Vending takes place in so we literally execute plan whenever we see them”, ‘them’ being a
various locations across the city; close to government offices, shopping reference to the enforcement agents or the task force. Affected vendors
malls, markets, commercial establishments, schools, car parks, bus often use colourful language and metaphors to describe their experi-
stops and traffic intersections. As noted in section two, vendors were ences.
interviewed in three major locations: Eagle Square, Wuse and Garki
Take [sic] instance the scenario where rain is about to fall and
markets. Eagle Square is surrounded by federal government office
people carrying salt on their head. Imagine how they will run for the
buildings categorized into Phases I, II, and III. Some vendors operate
security of the salt. That’s how we run with the goods for safety
inside the square from cars (Fig. 2), on streets along the square and
(interview, female vendor dealing with passport pictures along
opposite the government offices (Fig. 3) or in clusters inside the square
Eagle Square, September 5, 2017).
but close to the fence (Fig. 4). Vendors also operate on the side streets
between the government buildings. Wuse market used to be a very In a reflection of the militarized and violent nature of the en-
popular vending site but vendors have been cleared from inside the counters with the task force, some equate the experience with escaping
market and surrounding streets. However, some vendors still operate in death.

19
O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

Fig. 3. A groundnut vendor on the move. Notice the small quantity of goods and simple equipment used. To the left of the picture are the Phases 3 and 1 of the
Federal Secretariat Complex. To the right but out of view is Eagle Square.
Source: The Author, August 22, 2017.

year old female groundnuts vendor.

Assume you were notified of the presence of Boko Haram, certainly
that scenario explains the action of the hawkers (interview, female In spite of my age, I am always on the alert and ready to run not
mobile phone voucher vendor, along Eagle Square, September 5, minding throwing away this entire groundnuts if need be. The most
2017). important thing is my life and probably this bowl not even the
groundnuts. The whole groundnuts may end up at one thousand
To put the analogy into perspective, Boko Haram is a terrorist group
Naira, but this bowl goes for two thousand Naira now (interview,
that has been fighting to outlaw western education and turn Nigeria
female groundnuts vendor, along Wuse Market, September 8, 2017).
into an Islamic state since 2009. The group has claimed responsibility
for a spate of bombings in cities across the country including Abuja. The above account also provides useful insights into the precarious
There is an anecdote worth pointing out here. As noted in Section 4, the nature of street vending. It points to the low value of goods traded. As
association of informal workers with terrorism is often used to justify the vendor noted, the value of the equipment is much higher than that
the violence inflicted on them. Interestingly, the vendor quoted above is of the goods. Thus when faced with the choice, such vendors would
accusing the task force officials of being terrorists. rather throw away their goods and escape with the equipment. There
Evidently, the RtR tactic is more suited to some vendors. For ex- are other motivations for running away with the equipment and/or
ample, those that trade in small volume and lightweight goods, use goods. If vendors escape, but their goods and equipment are seized,
simple and makeshift or temporary equipment can easily pack up and they are ‘forced’ to go to the task force office, which often leads to
run when they see enforcement agents approaching (Fig. 3). Age and prosecution. If found guilty, a common outcome, vendors are expected
physical attributes also come into play as summed up by a thirty-seven to pay fines. The fines range from N2000 (Two thousand Naira or the

Fig. 4. Fruit and vegetable vendors operating behind the barbed wire fence around Eagle Square. The raised platform at the back and to the right of the picture is
where important national events are held.
Source: The Author, November 22, 2017.

20
O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

equivalent of USD5.5 based on an exchange rate of 1 USD = N359 to the management of the shopping plaza, an amount considered ex-
obtained April 23, 2018) to N7000 (Seven thousand Naira or USD orbitant. Furthermore, they may have relocated in order to limit con-
19.4). Furthermore, being arrested with goods and equipment attract tacts with the task force, but they complained that they were still being
higher fines and failure to pay can lead to imprisonment. Vendors ac- harassed, though not as much as when they were on the street. Another
knowledged that sometimes they run out of luck and are ‘forced’ to group of vendors identified are the mainly female vendors selling fruits
abandon their goods and run for safety. However, they are not often and vegetables behind the barbed wire fence around Eagle Square
deterred. (Fig. 3). They operate behind a barbed wire fence and are hence visible
from the street. Access to the street is crucial to their activities. Similar
…we run for safety where possible. When they come at times, they
to the hairstylists, they complained of reduced patronage because as
burn any of our property they lay [sic] hand on such as buckets,
they pointed out, it is difficult for customers to see them from afar.
tables, chairs. We do run away until they are gone then we come
There is an interesting difference between the two groups discussed
back for business again (interview, female hairstylist, along Wuse
here. The group that operate at Eagle Square pay N1000 (One thousand
Market, September 8, 2017)
Naira or USD 2.75) each on a weekly basis to a government appointed
There is a gender dimension to the experiences of this group of facility manager. The hairstylists pay a much higher amount for the
vendors. The majority of vendors that fall within this group are girls spaces they occupy. The difference highlights the negative impact of the
and young women trading mainly in fruits and vegetables. Some dis- privatization of public space on street vendors. The hairstylists operate
play their goods at a particular spot while others are very mobile, on privatized space, managed by the owner of the shopping mall. Ob-
moving around with their goods on their heads, stopping to sell to viously, profit is a strong motivation. On the other hand, Eagle Square is
customers and then moving on (Fig. 3). Another group are those that still officially classified as a public space, so profit is not a strong factor.
sell mobile phone vouchers, an activity dominated by female vendors. At a broader level, compared to the vendors that adopt the RtR tactic
In terms of tactics, a major advantage is that they trade in goods that discussed in Section 5.1, this group of vendors are older, operate in
can easily be concealed. The phone vouchers are stored in handbags or relatively more stable spaces and hence are less mobile.
pouches. This makes it easier for them to blend into the crowd and A third major group of vendors that fall into the category of re-
evade enforcement agents. However, there is an obvious intersection of locating to more secure sites with close proximity to the streets are
gender with age with the activity dominated by girls and young women. those that operate in uncompleted buildings. As noted in Section 4,
The vendors that rely on the RtR tactic are the most vulnerable for a uncompleted buildings offer much needed accommodation for informal
number of reasons. They are the most highly visible, operating mainly workers in Abuja. They are also used as vending sites, especially those
along major streets, traffic intersections, and in front of markets, gov- close to government offices and commercial establishments. An ex-
ernment offices and shopping malls. The high visibility makes them ample is an uncompleted building located behind Phase 3 of the Federal
easy targets. Furthermore, they are the ones routinely accused by the Secretariat Complex, opposite Eagle Square (Fig. 3). How the building
government of littering the environment. Interestingly, other vendors became a vending site with a beehive of activities including a market
expressed similar views. When asked about encounters with the task and restaurants make an interesting read. In 2006, a company was
force, a newspaper vendor opined that “most people affected are the awarded an eight year contract to keep the ground floor and basement
mobile hawkers especially groundnut and corn sellers that keep the area of Phase 3 clean. According to the Managing Director (MD) of the
environment unclean”. Another vendor echoed the same view, but ex- company, at the time the contract was awarded, some vendors were
pressed support for the groundnut vendors, albeit not for altruistic openly operating inside the secretariat premises. The MD alleged that
reasons. As he put it, “my work hardly litters the street, but it is true vendors were using the basement for storage, cooking, sleeping and all
that some of the people chased around could be my customer anyhow, kinds of criminal activities. The company made a decision to evict the
so it’s a problem”. Another factor behind the increased vulnerability of vendors six months into the contract. The vendors responded with
this group is lack of finance. This is a common problem, but this par- hostility and even death threats. The MD was concerned enough to ask
ticular group trade in very low value goods, and hence earn the least. A the government agency in charge of the complex and the police to in-
vendor summed up the dilemma facing them by wondering how a tervene. In response, the agency wrote a circular to the vendors asking
groundnut vendor could ever afford to pay the millions in rent to own a them to maintain cleanliness and orderliness and to cooperate with the
shop in a market. On a related issue, compared to the others, this group company. Thereafter, the MD invited the vendors and police to a
of vendors are least likely to have the funds to pay fees. The inability to meeting in order to come up with a solution. At the onset of the
pay increases their vulnerability because those able to pay for spaces meeting, the MD insisted that the company would not accept any so-
have some level of protection and operate in more secure spaces as lution that would allow the vendors to continue operating within the
discussed in Section 5.2. In addition, while street vendors are generally premises. The vendors then came up with a proposal. They asked if they
classified as illegal, not paying for spaces reinforces the ‘illegal’ status of could clean the abandoned building and occupy it and the proposal was
this particular group. accepted. The MD arranged for the place to be cleaned and subse-
quently allocated three square metres each to the vendors. However,
5.2. Relocating to relatively more secure sites with close proximity to the once again, relocation reduced but did not eliminate the problem of
street harassment. According to the vendors, enforcement agents accuse them
of operating in the place illegally and see the building as a potential
The desire to limit the interactions with the task force is a strong hiding place for terrorist groups.
motivation behind another spatial tactic, the decision to relocate to The narrative provides interesting insights into different aspects of
more secure sites, but still with close proximity to the street. Some informality. It confirms the negative impact of privatization on the
vendors move to more protected spaces along the same street. For ex- activities of informal workers. It was the handing over of the cleaning of
ample, a group of female hairstylists used to operate on a major street the office building to a private firm that led to the eviction of the
opposite Wuse market. They relocated to the front of a shopping vendors. It also confirms the complex and contradictory nature of the
complex, behind a fence along the same street after being banned by the relations between the state and informal workers. It is instructive that
task force and continuously harassed. The fence is not a solid wall so the while state officials consider street vending illegal, they did not insist
new location is still visible from the street, but less accessible compared on eviction. Rather, they facilitated and encouraged negotiations.
to the previous one. The vendors complained of lower patronage due to Furthermore and crucially, the narrative draws attention to agency and
the reduced access to the street. In addition, they pay N150 000 (one the creativity of the vendors particularly in the absence of formal or-
hundred and fifty thousand Naira, equivalent of USD 418) each a year ganizing. The determination and resourcefulness of vendors guaranteed

21
O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

a favourable outcome for them. Finally, an important takeaway is the Another set of informal relations that has been useful to vendors is
importance of informal relations and networks. In the absence of formal with civil servants. As the capital city, Abuja is the centre of adminis-
modes of organizing, the vendors were able to create informal networks tration. Therefore, civil servants form a sizeable proportion of the po-
to address their problems. The entire process was carried out through pulation. The services offered by vendors are valuable to civil servants
informal discussions among themselves and with the authorities. No for a number of reasons. Vendors offer cheaper meals compared to the
documents were signed. official cafeterias, which are not only more expensive, but also unreli-
able. Another is the convenience and time saved. Rather than make an
5.3. Establishing a web of informal relations and networks additional trip to the market or shopping mall when offices close, civil
servants find it more convenient to buy from the vendors that are often
The study did not uncover any street vendor associations. The ma- strategically positioned in front of offices. For the civil servants that
jority of vendors interviewed did not belong to any associations. A few work in the Federal Government Secretariat complex, close to Eagle
are members of associations that did not specifically target street ven- Square, the market in the abandoned building discussed in Section 5.2
dors. Examples are the hairstylists discussed in Section 5.2 and a group is a popular site for them to purchase items for cooking after the close of
of wheelbarrow vendors operating on streets close to Garki market. The work. Crucially, due to the repeated interactions over the years, some
hairstylists belong to a product-based association, the association of vendors have built special relationships with their customers. Such
Abuja hairstylists. The benefits of membership are limited to welfare vendors draw on the relationship to evade the task force. They take
issues. The wheelbarrow vendors are members of the Garki Traders refuge in offices when the enforcement agents are approaching, and
Association (GTA). Membership entitles them to operate without then go back to the streets as soon as they leave.
paying for the spaces they occupy. In addition, the chairperson of the
Each time they are coming, we find our way or hide our goods from
GTA assists in the negotiations with the task force if vendors are ar-
them. Sometimes the staff in this commission helps us to hide our
rested. With no associations to rely on, the majority of vendors resort to
goods in their offices awaiting their departure (interview, male
a complex web of informal relations and networks. Informal relations
dried meat vendor, in front of Phase 3, Federal Secretariat Complex,
and networks are useful in a number of ways. They can be used to evade
September 6, 2017)
the task force. In what can be described as an early-warning system,
some vendors take it upon themselves to be on the lookout and then In addition to hiding their goods in offices, vendors that can conceal
inform the others when enforcement agents are approaching. In addi- their goods, for example, those selling mobile phone vouchers are able
tion, informal relations and networks provide avenues to discuss tactics, to interact more frequently with civil servants because they can go in
especially when the government introduces new regulations or there is and out of offices without being easily detected.
a need to react to a particular challenge. An example is the case of the
vendors evicted from the government office building discussed in 5.4. Temporal tactics: operating at certain times of the day
Section 5.2. While not formally organized, they were able to come to-
gether, articulate their needs and devise strategies. Informal networks Operating at certain times of the day, a temporal tactic comes with
are also useful in securing protection from harassment and arrest. A particular advantages for vendors. Operating in the evenings is parti-
popular practice is for vendors to pool their resources together towards cularly enticing for a number of reasons. It offers access to more cus-
the payment of bribes. This is done directly or through intermediaries. tomers. Vendors carry out most of their trading when civil servants
According to a group of vendors operating behind the barbed wire fence close from work in the evenings. Particular spaces that are attractive are
around Eagle Square, they have operated in the same space for over streets along major government offices, traffic intersections, bus stops,
fifteen years. They contribute the sum of N1000 (USD 2.70) each per car parks and markets. For example, personal observation revealed that
week. Some of the money is used to keep the place clean, while the rest the street opposite Wuse market is practically empty during the day
is given to the task force to ‘appease’ them. The reward is that someone except for the newspaper vendors. Enforcement agents are stationed in
in the task force office, through an intermediary provides vendors in- the area during the day. However, they disappear in the evenings and
formation about an impending visit. When enforcement agents arrive, the streets around the market come alive with the activities of street
the vendors do not need to run. The agents simply look the other way. vendors. Thus operating in the evenings offers access to spaces other-
This group of vendors maintained that they did not have problems with wise prohibited due to the absence of the task force. Like others, en-
the task force. forcement agents would have closed from work and vendors exploit
their absence to encroach on ‘forbidden’ spaces. The group of wheel-
Everybody carries their goods for safety, but we inside the fence are
barrow vendors discussed in Section 5.3 said they are barred from en-
not harassed as long as we pay our due (interview, female vegetable
tering Garki market or operating in front of the market during the day.
vendor behind the barbed wire fence, Eagle Square, September 5,
However, they relocate and position themselves in front of the market
2017).
as from 4 pm because according to them, there is no task force at that
As is often the case, the experiences of vendors differ. Some com- time. The location allows them access to the people along the street as
plained that they continue to be harassed even after paying bribes. well as those going in and out of the market. Some vendors change
neighbourhoods entirely in the evenings. For example, some operate
Each time we see the task force, we run away and each evening they
near schools and offices during the day and relocate close to markets
come to collect money from us (interview, male newspaper vendor,
and traffic intersections in the evenings. The vendors that adopt this
on the street along Eagle Square, September 6, 2017).
tactic use equipment that allow them to cover the longer distances re-
The paradox here is that while visibility is a valuable asset, it can quired. A notable group are the ice cream vendors that use bicycles.
render vendors more exposed and vulnerable. The group that say they They are highly visible in front of schools during the day since they see
do not experience harassment operate behind a barbed wire fence, children as lucrative customers, but move to other sites when the
while those complaining of harassment operate right on the street, with schools close.
no barriers to protect them. Furthermore, in addition to offering pro-
tection, bribes are useful after arrests. Instead of going through the long 6. Conclusion
and costly process of detention, prosecution and penalties that include
imprisonment, some vendors opt to pay bribes. The added incentive is The article documented the experiences and responses of street
that the amount paid as bribe tend to be lower than the official amount vendors in Abuja, in the face of hegemonic and discriminatory practices
paid as penalty if the vendor is taken to court, charged and found guilty. that seek to limit their access to public space. Similar to many other

22
O. Adama Geoforum 109 (2020) 14–23

cities, public space is at the heart of contemporary urban processes in Crossa, V., 2015. Creative resistance: the case of mexico city’s street artisans and vendors.
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ng/news/city-news/abuja-s-ubiquitous-uncompleted-buildings/29350 (retrieved
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