European Journal of Sustainable Development (2012), 1, 3, 409-418 ISSN: 2239-5938
Nigerian Security Forces and the Management of Internal
Conflict in the Niger Delta: Challenges of Human Security
and Development
By
Dr Robert O. Dode1
Abstract
The Nigerian Armed Forces personnel have over the years maintained a track
record of effective peace keeping campaigns in the world. The role Nigeria played
in especially crises ridden Sierra Leone and Liberia can not be overemphasized.
Paradoxically though, this record does not seem to be playing out in their security
and crisis operations in the country. Analysts would quickly make reference to
Umuechem, Odi and recently, the military bombardment of Ijaw communities in
Gbaramatu Kingdom in Warri South West Council of Delta State. Some studies
have shown that at the end of most of those operations, the military stay behind as
“armies of occupation”. This paper therefore, raises a number of questions which
include: how effective and to whose benefit have measures adopted (like aerial
bombardment) in the management of internal crisis by security forces in Nigeria
been in recent times (1999-2011)? Is it not an indirect call for military interregnum,
when democratic regimes authorize the rolling out of war machines by the military
against the civilians? Are the military forces fully trained in surveillance and other
non-combative skills of security maintenance? This study intends to consider a
number of options available for the country to adopt and solve crisis situations
with minimal collateral damage. These options include good governance, genuine
national dialogue, adequate surveillance of the Niger Delta creeks, blocking of the
sources of small and light weapons importation and sale of illegally bunkered crude
oil into the international market.
Key Words: security, oil, conflicts, crisis management
| 1 DEPT. OF POL. SCIENCE & PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION, UNIVERSITY OF UYO
P. O. B.OX 4262 UNIVERSITY OF UYO, UYO, NIGERIA
[email protected]08035455770
410 European Journal of Sustainable Development (2012), 1, 3, 409-418
Introduction
Africa and indeed a number of other continents in the world has
experienced one form of cross border crisis (wars) or the other. These continents
have equally experienced series of internal crisis. These crises include insurrection,
civil wars and political uprisings (agitations). Galadima (2007) writing about the
African condition has observed that
Conflicts erupted into warfare in Central Africa,
Zaire, Burundi; and Rwanda. There was armed
uprising in Northern Uganda, civil war in Sudan
and border conflicts between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Somalia has remained a collapsed state inspite of
attempts to resuscitate it. In Southern Africa,
Lesotho witnessed an armed uprising. Angola was
also in turmoil. In West Africa, Liberia was almost
a collapsed state, even as rebels embattled Sierra
Leone and Guinea-Bissau. While Cote d’ Ivoire
experiences armed rebellion, Sudan is encountering
humanitarian catastrophe arising from a bitter intra-
state conflict, almost on a genocidal proportion
(p.295).
Where some of these conflicts have ceased or truce brokered (cease-fire) among
the contending forces, it is always expedient for the United Nations organization
(UNO) or some regional bodies to ensure the maintenance of peace and security;
to avoid another period of complete breakdown of law and order. It is this
necessity that leads to the setting up of peace-keeping missions around the world.
In such locations, military personnel and police officers and men from different
parts of the world are assembled to help ensure some level of stability, after a long
period of conflict.
Records have it that Africa accounts for over 80 percent of existing peace-
missions UN deployed world wide. The eight missions in Africa are said to be
supported by roughly 49,000 UN peace keepers (UNDPKO,
http://www.un.org/Dept/dpko).
Nigerian security personnel have at one point or the other, participated
creditably in some of these peace-keeping missions over the years. The Nigerian
armed forces and police personnel have, from available records, maintained a
track record of effective peace-keeping campaigns in the globe. This record of
success has earned for the nation, a number of international recognitions and
R. Dode 411
commendations. The officers concerned have equally won honours and got
decorated with medals of honour. The government and people of Sierra Leone
and Liberia in particular, at regular intervals, express gratitude to the government
and people of Nigeria. This is with regard to the noble role played by Nigerian
armed forces in restoring peace and sanity to those countries.
With such high profile rating in the way they conduct themselves when on
international peace-keeping operations, it was expected that the Nigerian armed
forces would display the same record while on national (internal) peace-keeping
operations. A number of factors however, tend to expose some problems
inherent in the way they have handled internal crisis flash-points, to which they
have been drafted to maintain peace. A number of analysts of these internal
operations have pointed to the problem of high handedness and insensitivity to
the nature and characteristics of civilian dominated areas, howbeit, with an
admixture of rebel elements. The dust usually left behind crisis scenes in Nigeria
by military personnel (drafted to such areas) leaves much to be desire, hence, the
need for an analysis of this nature. Examples of places where military forces have
left behind such woes are Umuechem, Odi and Gbaramatu.
The questions to be addressed in the body of this paper include; how
effective and to whose benefit have measures adopted so far by the Nigerian
armed forces in the management of internal conflicts been in recent times? Is it
not an indirect call for military interregnum, when democratic regimes authorize
the rolling out of war machines by the military against largely defenseless civilians?
Are Nigerian armed forces personnel adequately trained in surveillance and other
non-combative skills of security maintenance?
This work will proceed with the adoption of the Systemic theories as its
theoretical frame of reference. Available literature on this school of thought
shows a thesis that revolves around a major argument, which in the words of
Faleti (2007), “provide a socio-structural explanation for the mergence of violent
social conflicts” (p.53). The major focus of this theory therefore, is that it tries to
identify the reason(s) for social conflict in a particular environment to the social
context within which it occurs. Thus, for one to understand the reason for the
upsurge of a particular conflict, one has to look closely within the primary
environment within which it occurred.
The systemic theory to a large extent tends to put forward, certain thesis
advanced by the scholars who belong to the environmental-determinism school of
thought. The latter argue, inter alia that the environment, to a large extent
determines the behavior of people within a particular area. Thus, Falati (2007),
(quoting Johnson, 1960), observes, with regard to political violence that, “any
analytical penetration of the behavior characterized as ‘purposive political
© 2012 The Authors. Journal Compilation © 2012 European Center of Sustainable Development.
Published by ECSDEV, Via dei Fiori, 34, 00172, Rome, Italy
412 European Journal of Sustainable Development (2012), 1, 3, 409-418
violence’ must utilize as its tool a conception of the context in which it occurs”
(p.53).
Part of the position held by this paradigm is that is that the systemic
factors that lead to changes in peoples’ material comfort include environmental
degradation that reduces access to sources of livelihood, uncontrolled population
growth, resource scarcity, widespread poverty in the midst of plenty, the
domination and marginalization of minority groups by those in the majority, and
ethnicity. It is within these examples of systemic causes of conflict that this paper
attempts to locate the major causes of the Niger Delta crisis, the ensuing military
operations and practical solutions to the identified problems, different from direct
military invasion.
The Niger Delta of Nigeria has for some decades recorded widespread
agitation for better deal from the Federal Government. For about a decade now,
however, these agitations have assumed a violent dimension, with heavy casualties
recorded in the Federal and militant camps. That region has become the highest
flash-point of conflict between groups and recently, militants and federal troops
posted to secure facilities in that part of the country. The Niger Delta problem,
data has shown, revolve around the factor of environmental degradation, which
the Systemic theory adopted above has rightly captured. This problem has to a
large extent, reduced the peoples’ access to sources of livelihood and led to
resource scarcity, even in the midst of plenty. Environmental degradation has
indeed drummed up the cry against marginalization and domination by those in
the majority. It has thus fanned further, the embers of ethnicity, with this giving
way to the present state of insecurity in the Niger Delta states.
The Federal Government of Nigeria has largely reacted to the above
mentioned agitations through the use of military force. The major questions are,
how effective and permanent has this military option to the conflict situation in
the Niger Delta been? How have the officers and men of the armed forces posted
to maintain peace in those areas carried on with their official assignment, bearing
in mind the fact that these were fellow Nigerians.
Nigerian Security Forces/Joint Task Force
By the Nigerian security forces in this work, we mean a conglomeration of
security personnel whose primary assignment (constitutionally determined), is to
protect the state from external aggression and internal insurrection, while
maintaining peace and order. It is from the perspective of the latter that this paper
launches out to investigate the role so far played by security forces in reducing,
stopping or escalating conflicts in the Niger delta. These security forces include
the Nigerian Army, Air Force, and Navy, police Force, Security agencies and Civil
Defense Corps among others.
R. Dode 413
Nnoli (2006) has categorized the expected task(s) of the military in a
contemporary democratic state into two. According to him:
One is to do nothing that would detract from the establishment
and consolidation of the system. In the performance of the first
task emphasis is placed on ensuring that the military never
ever intervenes in the politics of any African state. This is
because, as Claude Ake has observed, democracy and the
military are in a dialectical opposition. The military is the
antithesis of democracy with regard to its forms, values,
purpose and structure (p.185).
This truism constitutes part of a question raised in this works which state: is it not
an indirect call for military interregnum, when democratic regimes authorize the
rolling out of war machines by the military against the civilians?
Crisis Management
A brief on the concepts, crisis and conflict would make for a better
understanding of conflict management theories and processes.
Conflict has been variously defined as an environment characterized by
incompatibility of dates or events. It equally refers to opposition between two
simultaneous but incompatible feelings. To Coser (1956), conflict simply refers to
“a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power and resources in which
the aims of the opponents are to neutralize, injure or eliminate their rivals” (p.8).
thus, conflicts seem to arise wherever there is the pursuit of divergent interests,
goals and aspirations by which individuals and, or groups in defined social and
physical environments (see Otite and Albert, 1999). It is this sense of
“incompatibility” of events or ownership over an object or environment that leads
to crisis (if not nipped in the bud).
Crisis on the other hand is defined as “a crucial stage or turning point in
the course of something” (http:jDictionary-mobile.com).
On a general note, conflicts can be violent or non-violent in nature. The
bottom line is that there is in existence, some kind of strong disagreement
(incompatibility) of views over a particular phenomenon. In this wise, Nnoli
(2006) has constructively used the mining of crude oil in the Niger Delta to
illustrate the dimension an average conflict takes, if it is the violent type. In the
words of Nnoli (2006):
The violent conflicts that prevail in the area arise from
differences of security perspectives between the local communities
© 2012 The Authors. Journal Compilation © 2012 European Center of Sustainable Development.
Published by ECSDEV, Via dei Fiori, 34, 00172, Rome, Italy
414 European Journal of Sustainable Development (2012), 1, 3, 409-418
of oil companies, on the one hand, and the state that negotiated
the oil mining agreements, on the other hand (pp.51-52).
Consequently, from the above stated so far, the implication is that the major
source of conflicts in Nigeria’s Niger Delta is environmental in nature; a
difference between the people and the federal government on how lives,
property and environment should be preserved, in the midst of oil prospecting
activities. To the Nigerian government, oil is the national interest of the country,
and it’s exploitation should not be disrupted. On the other end of the divide is
the oil bearing communities who completely disagree with the position taken by
the government. To the communities, oil is their God-given resource, which
exploitation should have direct, positive impacts on their lives and environment.
They thus are asking for a bigger share of the accruing foreign exchange which
oil has generated for the nation for some decades now. They argue that the
revenue sharing formula should be adjusted to at least reflect the country’s pre-
1965 principle.
The conflicting interests and positions identified above are the factors
that have contributed to the level of crisis so far recorded in that part of the
country. It is worth stating here that in the event that a conflict is not amicably
resolved, it in most cases lead to crisis or series of crisis. At that stage, or after,
the parties or and a third party could agree to find a settlement to the problem of
concern. The mechanisms applied in the achievement of this envisaged pre-crisis
status quo, is referred to as conflict management.
Conflict management, among others, involves conflict resolution and
transformation, a process involving a long-term arrangement. In the words of
Otite (1999), this arrangement must involve “institutionalized provisions and
regulative procedures for dealing with conflicts whenever they occur. People
must learn to manage conflicts productively; otherwise the risks to society and its
environment are overwhelming” (p.11). Available literature on conflict
management has observed that appropriate communication skills and channels
are crucial in conflict management. Parties that are in conflict must have channels
or avenues through which they could express their differences. Such an
atmosphere would prove useful to the expression of one’s mind, listening
carefully, and in the according to Otite (1999),
expressing strong feelings appropriately, remaining rational,
asking questions, maintaining a spirit of give and take,
avoiding harmful statements, asking directly what is going on,
telling others one’s opinion, looking for flexible “shades of
gray” solutions, recognizing the power of initiating a co-
operative move, identifying conflict patterns, and engaging in
negotiations of agreements and settlements”(p.12).
R. Dode 415
Nigerian Security Forces/Joint Task Force and the Management of
internal Conflicts in the Niger Delta
The method to be adopted in the analysis of conflict patterns by Nigerian
security personnel will involve the case-study approach. This paper intends to
identify a number of conflict situations that have been recorded in the country in
general and the Niger Delta in particular. This analysis will expose how
successful or otherwise the management of such conflicts by the military were.
From Umuechem, to Odi and Gbaramatu kingdom, the military, while on
national assignment to maintain the peace in these places, left behind more woes
and terrorized citizenry than they met on ground.
Gbaramatu kingdom
On May 15, 2009, the Military Joint Taskforce (JTF) in the Niger Delta
launched a major offensive against perceived militants inhabiting parts of
Gbaramatu Kingdom in Warri South West Council of Delta State. Records
indicate the fact that the JTF applied all forms of conventional warfare tactics to
prosecute that attack. These included land, sea and aerial bombardment. This
heavy military operation was reasoned to be necessary to enable the armed forces
flush “out Niger Delta militants from the creeks of the oil-rich region” (Sunday
Sun, June 7, 2009, p.8).
On the actions of the military in Gbaramatu kingdom, the editorial of
Africa News Update (06:08:2009) had this to say, “President Umaru Yar’Adua’s
government is letting the military take the initiative in the Delta at the expense of
political solution” (p.1). This source informs further that the military action in
Gbaramatu proves to be the heaviest government offensive in that region in
recent times. The military armory moved to that region was put at 3,000 troops,
two warships, 14 boats and at least four helicopter gunships (see Africa News
Update, 06.08.2009. Because of the heavy military action that ensued, Human
rights groups claim, “with varying degrees of credibility that between fifty and
several thousand civilians have been killed in the operation so far… The Military
Joint Task Force (JTF) argued that it could no longer ‘fold its hands’ after weeks
of attacks on soldiers, hijacking of oil vessels and kidnapping of workers around
Gbaramatu. Oil production has fallen to under (sic) 1.6 million barrels per day
from a peak of 2.4mn bpd three years ago” (Africa News Update, 06.08.2009).
On the other hand, Amnesty International and others report that 20-30,000 non-
combatants (civilians) caught in the cross fire, fled the area for safety near the oil
centre of Warri.
© 2012 The Authors. Journal Compilation © 2012 European Center of Sustainable Development.
Published by ECSDEV, Via dei Fiori, 34, 00172, Rome, Italy
416 European Journal of Sustainable Development (2012), 1, 3, 409-418
As already observed above, this operation was like a total war declared
against an enemy camp, with the deployment of every kind of weapon of mass
destruction from land, sea and air. This paper notes however, that this struggle
has more to do with assertion for the rights of a people who have expressed fears
of marginalization over the years. The presumed militant groups are not fighting
a “breaking-away” war (insurrection), but trying to put pressure on the
government of the day to consider the plight of the inhabitants of the Niger
Delta, sending a direct consequence of oil prospecting activities in that part of
the country.
Question is, have such military operations or option to conflict
management solved such problems once and for all? The likely answer from
available data indicates the negative. In fact, such actions have made the
militants go harder and tougher on government oil facilities and officials
whenever they had the opportunity. Recently (in the second week of July, 2009),
the militants extended their activities to the Lagos Atlas Cove Jetty, where major
oil facilities (for refined fuel and others) are located. By the time they were
through with their actions, a number of facilities had been bombed, with more
than five deaths recorded.
If the military option were the best solution to the lingering oil – related
crisis in Nigeria, it would have sufficed to state that after the Gbaramatu military
operations, the militants would down their weapons and vow never to engage in
such activity any more. However, weeks after, they re-surfaced in the Lagos
water/creek areas. This tends to support strongly, the thesis that there are better
options to the Niger-Delta crisis than constant military bombardment and
occupation. A clue from an e-mail sent by Jomo Gbomo in May, 2009 would
point to one of the over stretched solutions. Said Gbomo, “our message to the
Northern Sultans and Emirs is this: The period of exploiting the Niger-Delta is
coming to an end. It is not the birthright of your people to rule the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. The war is just beginning and by the time it ends Nigeria
will practice true federalism such as fiscal federalism”, (http://www.africa-
confidential.com./home). This seems to be the crux of the matter.
A very significant observation about the military action recorded above is
that the target-hunt (militant leader); “High Chief Government Ekpemupolo”
aka Tompolo (a MEND commander) was not arrested. The implication of his
escape is that like a number of military operations carried out against civilian
populations in Nigeria, the Gbaramatu operation was another failed exercise.
The military after such invasions, would normally remain behind like
“armies of occupation”, to inflict more wound on the remaining civilians. This
paper will return to further analysis of military operations in conflict-ridden
sections of Nigeria, when a few other cases must have been considered.
R. Dode 417
According to the Africa News Update (06:08:2009), “There are rumours that the
army plans to establish a permanent barracks in the area, in Tompolo’s father’s
house” (p.1).
The Odi invasion
In November 1999, it was reported that 12 police officers were killed by
youths of the community. Like the Gbaramatu and ZakiBiam conflict that have
been analysed above, thorough investigations (surveillance) were not conducted,
with a view to fishing out the actual perpetuators of the crime. Rather, the police
went on a reprisal attack, with truck loads of mobile police officers.
At the end of several days of military operations in Odi, reports had it
that the entire community was destroyed, leaving out only one church and
medical facility buildings standing. Civilians were killed in their numbers (more
than 375 villagers). At the end, the officers remained in that community for
several months. Till date however, no independent and open inquiry was made
into the reported extra-judicial killings in the Odi community by the government
forces.
Records made available by human rights organizations have it that many
years after the Odi attack, that community is still in ruins.
An over view of the data presented above so far, strongly point to the
fact that military campaigns in civil-related conflicts have caused more damages,
than solve the problems that warranted the operations.
Conclusion
The fact can not be swept under the carpet that Nigeria’s security forces
have performed well in a number of peace-keeping operations in Africa and a
number of other continents. The major problem identified though is that their
performance during internal conflicts (management) in different parts of the
country, especially the Niger delta region, has been largely below average. This is
so because more emphasis has been placed on application of maximum force to
quell civilian uprisings.
This paper ends with proffering a number of recommendations, which
are likely to serve as permanent solutions to the problems that warranted this
analysis.
To put paid to the lingering crisis in the Niger Delta, it is strongly
recommended that caution should be applied always, before military personnel
are drafted to any part of the country that has been engulfed with conflict. The
soldiers could be drafted to quell uprisings, where it has been proved beyond
© 2012 The Authors. Journal Compilation © 2012 European Center of Sustainable Development.
Published by ECSDEV, Via dei Fiori, 34, 00172, Rome, Italy
418 European Journal of Sustainable Development (2012), 1, 3, 409-418
reasonable doubts that insurrection (insurrection) was in the making in that part
of the country. The fact is that military operations have to a large extent proved
ineffective in solving civilian crisis in Nigeria. They have been rather, largely used
to serve the interest of some political elites. It is politically dangerous to
encourage the drafting of military personnel to settle civilian problems in a
democracy. It is important to note that one of the major factors that led to the
first military coup in Nigeria, and a number of others after, was the act of using
military personnel to settle civilian crisis.
A permanent, formal channel for dialogue should be established among
all stake holders involved in a particular crisis situation. The Niger Delta crisis for
example would involve the federal government, state governments (affected) and
the groups representing the people of the region. Dialogue is indeed a sine qua
non for the solving of this lingering crisis. A recurring decimal in the Niger Delta
question; fiscal federalism must be given adequate attention and consideration. A
workable formula must be worked out on how to increase the derivation
principle from the present 13%.
The Nigerian armed forces, police and other security agencies should be
trained and constantly refreshed on surveillance operations. This strategy will
encourage a system that nips crime in the bud; than the current experience where
security personnel are largely caught unawares. This is about the best among
international practices on crime prevention and control.
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