Theories of Social Work Practice
Theories of Social Work Practice
4
Theories of Social Work Practice
Mel Gray
OBJECTIVES
By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:
• understand key social work theories
• understand the difference among the terms theory, knowledge, perspective,
framework, method, approach and model
• understand the meaning of key terms such as development, social development,
developmental social welfare, community development, primary health care and
developmental social work
• understand the theories that most fit the developmental social work ethos and why
social workers must retain a critical perspective
• understand how contemporary social work theories might help to more effectively
develop a critical approach to developmental social work practice in South Africa
• understand the dominant theories in use in South African social work
• understand the various contexts in which these theories have been researched
and applied.
1. Introduction
Social work in South Africa has been heavily influenced by theories and models of practice
from the United Kingdom and United States, despite repeated calls over the years for
‘indigenous’ approaches (Bar-On, 2003a; 2003b). Perhaps the most ‘indigenous’ model to
emerge in South Africa is that of ‘developmental social work’, which is by far the most
dominant social work approach referred to in contemporary South African social work
literature. The first text dealing with this approach (Gray, 1998a) took a similar approach
to that being taken in this book, examining the various methods of social work (casework,
group work, community development, research, consultation and management) and
contexts of social work practice (cultural diversity, poverty, crime, violence against women
and among youth, and HIV and AIDS) from a developmental social work perspective.
But what exactly does this mean? For many years, ‘developmental theory’ in social work
referred to theories of child, adult and family development, including the life-cycle and
ecological perspectives (Germain & Gitterman, 1980; Meyer, 1983). But this is not what is
meant by ‘developmental social work’ in the South African context.
As we saw in chapter 3, ‘social development’ is essentially an approach to social policy
introduced to social work by James Midgley (1995), whose seminal text on the subject,
Social Development: The Developmental Perspective in Social Welfare, became the theoretical
source undergirding the transformation of social welfare in South Africa (Patel, 1992;
2005). ‘Developmental social work’ represented the attempt to translate this policy
into a form of practice to be carried out by social workers, although all ‘social service
professionals’ in South Africa were expected to follow a developmental approach (Gray,
2000). But what exactly is a ‘developmental approach’ and how might we enhance our
understanding of this approach by drawing on contemporary social work theory? This is
the question we address in this chapter. While our focus is on ‘developmental social work’,
which is a unique form of social work practice developed in South Africa, our brief is to
examine how contemporary social work theories might help us more effectively develop
a critical approach to developmental social work practice. We believe that despite claims
made about ‘developmental social work’, there is still little understanding of what this
means in daily social work practice and there is even less critique of its effectiveness. We
begin to address our question by first clarifying what is meant by developmental social
work and then, following the structure of this book, continue by examining contemporary
theory in relation to the topics addressed. We cannot in the space allotted conduct an
in-depth examination of the relevant theories, but we point the reader in the direction of
contemporary literature for further study. Thereafter, we examine the theories that most
fit the developmental social work ethos and propose that, above all, social workers must
retain a critical perspective, one that is ever-vigilant of the way in which policies and
structures, including those of the developmental welfare system, serve to keep people poor,
marginalised and oppressed, since it is widely accepted that these groups are developmental
social work’s main focus.
Africa’s commitment to the goals of the World Summit on Social Development held in
Copenhagen in May 1995 as a turning point. With this commitment, it is argued that,
based on the ideals of equity, justice and rights, the South African government undertook
to remove all obstacles to social development, despite the fact that the South African Bill
of Rights does not refer to the ‘right to development’. Even if it did, however, the ‘right to
development’ would not automatically bring benefits. As we shall see below, the theory of
social development reflects an institutional interventionist approach, i.e. it maintains that
development must be strategically planned by government, which should also provide
an infrastructure for policy implementation and goal achievement. Social development
theorists are at pains to point out that although development is often confused with economic
growth, it is not simply an ‘economic’ issue, since it is concerned with improvement in the
overall quality of people’s lives. The theory of social development holds that economic
advances must serve human interests and that economic growth is not a panacea for social
ills. It draws attention to the failure of economic growth in improving the quality of people’s
lives (Midgley, 1995) and holds that social development goes beyond economic concerns
and is a much richer concept than economic growth. Hence, the ‘right to development’ is
not solely a social or economic issue, but also involves political considerations.
2.1 Development
Development is a controversial, undefined, elusive and open-ended area of practice,
research and scholarship. It is a value-laden, politically charged and highly politicised term.
Therefore, it is essential that researchers, educators and practitioners develop a critical
approach to development, which has had questionable levels of acceptance and success.
For the most part, explanatory frameworks underpinning development are derived from
international macroeconomic theory, while the solutions proposed are local and context
specific. Hence, a typical argument to motivate for ‘development’ would be reference to
the evils of apartheid, as well as the inevitable forces of globalisation, which is forcing
neoliberalism and its inevitable injustices and inequities onto South Africa (the external
explanation), thus creating the need for policies and structures to redress these inequities
through (social) development (the internal solution). There is little critical consideration
within the South African social work literature on alternatives to development, and any
such suggested course of action is likely to be seen as ‘politically incorrect’, even traitorous.
Lund (2007) sees development in the South African context as (1) having the improvement
of people’s well-being rather than economic growth as its goal; (2) being decisively
redistributive in addressing both poverty and inequality; (3) recognising the need for active
state intervention; and (4) being participatory by giving voice to all interest groups, but
especially to the poor and marginalised, both as a way of consolidating democracy and of
improving the policies themselves.
the poor. Primary health-care outreach workers focus on nutrition, personal hygiene and
environmental health, such as the availability of water and sanitation; child health, i.e. the
promotion of breastfeeding and healthy childrearing practices; and poverty- or socially-
related diseases, such as tuberculosis, HIV and AIDS, malnutrition, and gastroenteritis.
For the most part, developmental social work takes place in the social services sector, that
slim part of the welfare budget that remains once the social security bill has been paid. As
Lund (2007) notes, developmental social welfare as conceived in South Africa (see above)
requires that social workers learn to understand the economics of welfare and how social
security grants form the bedrock on which many of the goals of social development are
built. She urges social workers to stop criticising the social security system, as economists
tend to do, and to see the government’s spending on social pensions and grants as the basis
for the inclusion and mobilisation of poorer people. She also encourages social workers to
continue to claim their space for therapeutic intervention as a means of continuing with the
healing that is so badly needed in South Africa’s fractured and violent society. To emphasise
her position, Lund (2007) makes two important claims, one relating to the developmental
welfare system and the other to developmental social work. She affirms the importance of
social security cash transfers to developmental social welfare and reinstates social work’s
central role in therapeutic intervention, i.e. social casework. Sturgeon (in Gray, 1998a)
makes similar claims about the important role of social casework in developmental social
work. It is, therefore, time to lay to rest critiques of social casework as being superfluous to
the needs of developmental social welfare and antithetical to developmental social work
practice (see also Jacques, 2000).
communities and organisations (Van Wormer, Besthorn & Keefe, 2007). There is also Forte
(2007). Most texts on HBSE are American.
sociology and, as its name implies, views the social environment in which individuals
function as comprising a range of systems, e.g. family, extended family, school, work,
religion, economic, political, cultural, and so on. The ecosystems perspective in social work
seeks to add to this the physical or natural environment. Taking its cue from biology,
it seeks to show how organisms thrive in particular environments. The easiest way to
understand this is to remember that a fish cannot survive out of water. So ecosystems
thinking focuses on the essential conditions in the environment that are needed for
individuals’ healthy social functioning or well-being. It led to another perspective called
the strengths perspective, which examines the inbuilt capacities of individuals to overcome
problems in their environment, i.e. factors in their psychological and social make-up that
make them resilient or that protect them from a range of harmful external factors (like
problem families or harsh social systems) and events (like the death of loved ones or natural
disasters like earthquakes and floods). Systems and ecosystems theories are seen by some
to be limited because they do not place enough emphasis on structural factors over which
individuals have no control. Hence structural theory emphasises the way in which social
structures oppress and marginalise people and prevent them from gaining access to the
resources they need for healthy social functioning. Most social work students are familiar
with this structural argument in relation to the consequences of apartheid for the majority
of South Africa’s population. Apartheid resulted in deeply entrenched poverty, which
is proving extremely difficult for the democratically elected African National Congress
government to overcome.
From the discussion thus far we can see that social work analyses things in terms of
levels—the individual and family, group, community, policy (government level) and
social (societal)—and systems. At each level there are different methods of assessment and
intervention: casework, group work, community work, policy, and social change in terms
of human rights and social justice. What are missing are the professional and organisational
levels, and this is very important for social workers, because they are committed to professional
values and goals, while at the same time being bound to the policies and structures of the
organisations in which they work. Thus, there is another set of theories and knowledge
relating to professionalism and organisational functioning, with the latter variously called
administration and management. Below we examine these theories in relation to the various
levels of social work practice. Thus, more than social casework is needed if the complex
personal and social problems of social work clients, now more commonly referred to as
service users or consumers, are to be addressed. But before we get to this, it might be helpful
to think of various dimensions of social work practice and their central characteristics as
a framework against which to critically evaluate the various social work practice theories
presented below and in this book (see figure 4.1). Students should be constantly asking
themselves whether developmental social work is doing what it says it is doing, whether
developmental social welfare is achieving the goals it aims to achieve, whether social welfare
services are just and empowering, and so on; i.e. students should constantly engage in critical
reflection. This is what we mean by having a critical perspective.
Most social work practice methods are Social work’s aspirations are non-
conformist in that they work within the conformist in the sense that they are
parameters set by government policy motivated by an ideal of social change to
and employing organisations, whether make things better for people by:
working with individuals, families, Transforming society to make it socially just
groups or communities: and observe human rights
Therapeutic: Concerned with personal Eliminating poverty so as to overcome
growth and change and self-fulfilment injustice, inequality and disadvantage
Problem solving: Helping people solve Overcoming oppression so that all people
problems in daily living have equal opportunities
Brokering and advocating: Helping people Participating in change through developing
gain access to resources co-operation and mutual support to induce
Statutory: Ensuring that people conform change
to the laws and regulations. Empowering people to take charge of their
All imply a process wherein social own lives, i.e. to become self-reliant,
workers influence people to behave in through capacity building, consciousness
certain socially acceptable ways. raising and participating in their own
development.
The main view expressed here is that some
form of social intervention, like social work, The main view expressed here is that social
is needed to help people conform to social work has a political role to play in ensuring
norms and improve their quality of life. that economic planning and social welfare
provision promotes equality and social justice.
Developmental social work fits this
category. Developmental social work has these
aspirations.
Indigenous Developmental
see Harrison, 2001). With its framework for analysis in terms of levels and systems of
intervention (Pincus & Minahan, 1973), it points to multipronged interventions. It suggests
the locus, but not the mode of intervention.
In light of the above discussion, the main contemporary international theories
informing social casework can be grouped into psychological, person-in-environment
and social categories.1
3.3.1 Psychological
Child development and life-cycle theories, and theories of grief and loss and death and
dying draw heavily on Freudian or psychodynamic theory, including ego psychology and
attachment theory, with its strong focus on past experience, especially early childhood
experiences (Payne, 2005). It contrasts with social learning or behavioural and cognitive-
behavioural theory, which focuses on present conditions in the individual’s life. Hollis’s
(1964) psycho-social casework model adapted psychoanalytic or psychodynamic theory
to social work. Ego psychology highlighted the individual’s adaptive capacities and the
importance of linking individuals with their social environment. It served as a bridge
to systems theory and the moulding of the PIE concept in social work and spawned a
variety of casework approaches, including ecosystems, crisis intervention and strengths-
based practice (see below). Clearly, most social casework interventions lean heavily on
theories that explain individual behaviour. They are, therefore, most relevant to therapeutic,
problem-solving and growth-oriented interventions (see figure 4.1).
More recently, a range of theories has developed that focus on meaning in people’s
lives, seeing the individual’s life as a story and intervention as involving storytelling or
narrative reconstruction. These theories, depending on their emphasis, might be termed
phenomenological (meaning), narrative (storytelling) or constructivist (individuals construct
their own life story) and spiritual (having a spiritual meaning). There is a bridging theory
called social constructivism that seeks to show the influence of the social on the way individual
lives are constructed. Social constructivism is a postmodern theory that emphasises the
importance of language and culture in people’s lives. Critical postmodernism adds analyses
of power, influenced by the work of Michel Foucault (Chambon, Irving & Epstein, 1999).
It follows, then, that it might be helpful in informing ‘indigenous’ and culturally relevant
perspectives that are responsive to local contexts (see figure 4.1).
Increasingly, social casework intervention is brief, while, for the most part, social
casework literature assumes that social workers establish strong working relationships with
clients and have ongoing contacts over a period of time. Both the case- and group work
literature describe a lengthy intervention process in which there is a beginning, middle and
ending with tasks to be accomplished at each stage (Compton & Galaway, 1999; Cournoyer,
1999). Some writers highlight the importance of single-session work—involving a single
encounter with the client—and what might be achieved in these brief client–worker
encounters (Bloom, 1997; Hoyt, Rosenbaum & Talmon, 1992). Gibbons and Plath (2005)
highlight the factors leading to single-session work, including limited resources, pressures
to meet the demands of high caseloads and calls for greater efficiency (Corwin, 2002).
Squires and Kramaric-Trojak (2003) note that ongoing crises, clients’ need for information
and client preference for problem assessment rather than lengthy interventions, as well as
organisational pressures, are driving this change. However, Gibbons and Plath (2005) note
that single contacts have always had a place in social work practice and will continue to
do so. This does not mean that social workers should not follow up on clients to ensure
that referrals are carried out or engage in advocacy on clients’ behalf. The swing to brief
intervention possibly applies to much developmental social work, especially in child
protection, probation and health social work, where assessment is the main ‘intervention’
in recommending suitable placements for children, young people and adults. The daily
pressures and high caseloads make the development of time-consuming, long-term,
therapeutic client–social worker relationships extremely unlikely. In such circumstance,
for the most part, casework practice involves brief, task-centred crisis intervention.
Certain theories relate strongly to particular practice contexts. For example, theories of grief
and loss and death and dying relate to HIV and AIDS, disability, and palliative care. Single-
session work is likely to pertain to hospital social work where only a brief window exists for
client–worker contact (Gibbons & Plath, 2005) and cognitive-behavioural therapy has been
found to be effective in treatment for depression (American Psychiatric Association, 2000).
3.3.2 Person-in-environment
Systems theory and the ecosystems and strengths perspectives in social work offer
frameworks for understanding and analysing the interrelationship between individual
and social problems. They emphasise the complex transactions between individuals and
their environments and encourage social workers to tailor their work to achieve the best
‘adaptive fit’ in the client–environment interface (Germain & Gitterman, 1980). However,
they do not tell social workers what to do about them, i.e. how to intervene or what form
of intervention to use. They are, therefore, mostly used in relation to problem assessment.
Systems theory was highly influential in the family therapy movement that was popular
in South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s (Mason & Rubinstein, 1989). Ecosystems theory
points in the general direction of levels of possible intervention. The strengths perspective
highlights the importance of strengths in countering dominant medical, deficits-based
approaches, which focus on pathology and illness. The text that brought systems thinking
to South Africa and that was widely used in the 1970s and 1980s was Pincus and Minahan
(1973). As we have seen, social casework intervenes at the individual, family or micro level
(Van Wormer, 2007).
3.3.3 Social
Structural theory draws attention to the way in which social structures oppress and
marginalise people and to the operations of power in society. Thus, empowerment is an
important focus of structural interventions. Marxist-oriented structural theory, which
influenced social work in the 1960s and 1970s, drew attention to class factors and the way
in which they operate in society such that the dominant class—those with money and
status—keeps the lower class poor so that they (i.e. the dominant class) stay privileged. This is
a kind of systems thinking at a macro level. Feminists then argued that Marxists overlooked
other social factors, like gender, race and culture. Hence, structural theory spawned a
range of theories from Marxist-oriented critical and radical social work to feminist and
postmodern critical social work theory (Fook, 2002). It has also led to particular approaches
to practice, such as feminist (Dominelli, 1989), anti-oppressive (Wilson & Beresford, 2000),
anti-discriminatory (Thompson, 2006) and anti-racist practice (Dominelli, 2008).
To bolster these theories, there is also practice knowledge and empirical research in
various areas of social work practice, such as mental health, domestic violence, child
protection and aged care. Evidence-based practice in social work draws attention to the
importance of research in informing social work practice. Theory is not enough, and
theory does not solve social problems. It merely seeks to understand and explain them
from different points of view, each of which is informed by particular values and beliefs.
Thus, we believe that it is important that more attention is paid to culture and social values,
like ubuntu, in South Africa if the goal is to develop indigenous social work theory rather
than continuously draw upon Western psychological and social theories that might not be
relevant to the South African practice context (Allegritti & Gray, 2005).
Groups are both a context and means for, or a level of, planned intervention in social
work. Generally, social group work groups differ from self-help, mutual aid and other
forms of naturally occurring groups in that they are purposefully convened and structured
by the social group worker, who chooses the degree of control or directiveness he/she
will have in the group. For the most part, developmental social work groups would place
a lot of emphasis on democratic participation and letting the group take control of group
processes as a means of empowerment. In developmental social group work, then, the
social group worker would be a facilitator of group processes, encouraging members to
take an active role in all stages of the group’s development (see Rooth, in Gray, 1998a).
are caught up in the provision of statutory casework services, especially in child welfare
and probation, which is anything but ‘developmental’ or ‘non-remedial’ (Sturgeon, in Gray,
1998a). As a result, community development has increasingly become the province, not of
(the department of ) social development, but of (the department of ) local government.
Here, targets have been set for training community development workers to work in
partnership with municipal or local government structures (FCR, 2004).
Plath & Webb, 2009). Many believe that behavioural social work with its short-term goals
and specified outcomes gained ascendance because concrete behaviours were easier to
measure than intrapsychic processes (Gambrill, 1995). Thus, much quantitative research
using experimental designs measured the effectiveness of behavioural interventions.
Among the qualitative research approaches most often used by social workers are
ethnomethodology (Floersch et al., in Gray & Webb, 2008), ethnography (De Montigny,
in Gray & Webb, 2008), social network analysis (Kirke, in Gray & Webb, 2008), discourse
analysis (White, in Gray & Webb, 2008) and participatory action or grassroots research
(Collins, 1999).
3.10 Sexuality and HIV and AIDS: Grief and loss, death and dying
With regard to sexuality and AIDS and HIV, social workers can intervene at the level of:
• prevention, e.g. educating young people about ‘safe sex practices’;
• intervention, e.g. counselling a family in which a member is dying of AIDS-related
causes; or
• policy, e.g. joining an advocacy group to make antiretroviral drugs freely available to
pregnant women.
Crisis intervention theory, based on ego psychology, is helpful in assisting clients in high-
stress situations, such as informing people they are HIV-positive or helping families cope
with a dying member. In dealing with crises, people adapt by acquiring coping mechanisms
that equip them for and enhance their resilience to future crises. In contemporary theory
on palliative care, dying is an adaptive process that is transformational for both the carer
and the person cared for (Nakashima, 2003).
With the influence of systems theory, these are combined into the biopsycho-social
perspective, to which some have added the spiritual, cognisant that this is an important
aspect of the way in which people deal with adversity and a significant source of strength
and resilience. Those who study the social determinants of health, including addictions,
highlight their higher levels of prevalence in poor, marginal, oppressed and minority
populations.
state approach, or, in South Africa’s case, through social development. Esping-Andersen
(1990) identifies three types of welfare state, namely, (neo) liberal, e.g. the United States;
conservative, e.g. Germany; and social democratic, e.g. Sweden. South Africa is a strange
brew of neoliberal, ameliorative and developmental welfare. Social workers tend to be
highly critical of neoliberalism (Penna & O’Brien, in Gray & Webb, 2008), and tend
to draw on critical approaches to poverty and accompanying social policy, such as the
feminisation of poverty argument and structural analyses of society that state that the
social system and its policies and structures maintain poverty. In South Africa, there has
been a continuation of the residual welfare system set in place during the apartheid era,
where over 90% of the welfare budget is spent on social security. Despite the theory of
social development about capacity building and empowerment, even in the developmental
welfare system, Western-created social security is the main poverty alleviation strategy.
Nevertheless, developmental social welfare has forced social work to extend its focus from
the urban poor to the most disadvantaged in underdeveloped rural areas.
by the White Paper for Social Welfare (South Africa, 1997) and the White Paper on
Reconstruction and Development (South Africa, 1994).
Despite numerous social development initiatives over the past 15 years since the transition
to democracy, South Africa remains a deeply divided unequal society (Bollens, 2000; Dixon,
2006; Gray, 2006) where: (1) 61% of the African population is poor compared with only
1% of the white population, which now numbers 5 million; (2) official unemployment
rates of 30% and unofficial rates of 50% persist; and (3) ‘urban disintegration’ characterises
poor people’s lives ravaged by AIDS and HIV, declining health, and crime and insecurity
(Dixon, 2006). For example, life expectancy for black males fell from 59.5 years previously
to 35 years in 2006 (Ruiters, 2007).
What we are demonstrating here is a critical approach to social development (Gray &
Webb, 2008). Critical social work highlights the stance and actions social workers would
take if they were to engage in empowering, anti-oppressive practice aimed at ensuring
justice for the most marginalised and oppressed groups in society. In the South African
context, this would involve critical analysis of the way in which policy has deviated from a
developmental agenda. Taking a critical social work approach, social workers would have
to ask themselves whether social security is a developmental poverty alleviation strategy in
terms not only of the theory of social development, but also of the policies it has spawned,
such as the White Paper for Social Welfare (South Africa, 1997) and the White Paper on
Local Government (South Africa, 1998). These pivotal policies have created two enclaves of
urban social development concentrated in the Department of Social Development and the
Department of Provincial and Local Government (South Africa, 2000) charged with the
major responsibility for economic and social development at a national and local level.
5. Conclusion
In conclusion, in this chapter we have reviewed theories pertaining to developmental
social work, noting the unique features of South Africa’s developmental welfare system.
We have produced a comprehensive reference list of South African literature, especially
work published in South Africa’s premier social work journal, as well as references to
international literature on contemporary social work theory. The importance of a critical
theoretical perspective is underscored and the role of developmental social workers
in highlighting poverty and injustice and in increasing people’s access to resources and
services. Theory helps us ‘think through’ possibilities for change, as does reading widely
on our subject matter. Both are essential to a critical perspective on social work and social
development.
THEORY
A theory is a more or less well-argued explanation of reality. Collectively, theories are explanations
of things or phenomena that influence the way in which people interpret situations or events. As
we have seen in this chapter, in social work there is a great deal of interest in theories that seek to
explain human behaviour or the social environment, i.e. why people behave as they do, especially
why personal and social problems arise and how we might best deal with them. A well-argued,
convincing theory leads to a particular interpretation of whatever it seeks to explain, whether this
be the plight of women in society, racism, schizophrenia, poverty, and so on. In fact, there are
often several theories about the same phenomenon that might even conflict with one another. For
example, a developmental approach to welfare rejects neoliberalism’s argument that economic
growth is the best way of overcoming poverty. Thus, social work theory attempts to lead you to think
in particular ways and it is wise to keep an open mind to various explanations of social problems.
KNOWLEDGE
Knowledge refers to what we know about something, which can be drawn from what people
write about social work as a consequence of research, i.e. empirically based knowledge, or practice
experience, i.e. practice-based knowledge. As we have seen in this chapter, social workers draw from
other disciplines, like sociology and psychology, in constructing social work’s knowledge base.
PERSPECTIVE
A perspective is a way of seeing the world that is influenced by one’s angle or particular point of
view. Often our perspectives are shaped by a variety of theories. In other words, our view of the
world integrates a variety of understandings (theories) about reality—in the case of social work,
about human behaviour and the social environment—that come to colour the way we think
about the people, situations, events and problems we deal with in social work. Sometimes we
draw on a particular theory. For example, we might say that feminist theory leads to a feminist
perspective, i.e. one that centres on women’s issues or that focuses on the effect of a particular
phenomenon on women, e.g. this led to a theory about the feminisation of poverty. Perhaps the
two most dominant perspectives in social work, which draw on a range of theoretical insights, are
the ecosystems and strengths perspectives as described in this chapter.
FRAMEWORK
Like the frame on a picture, a framework attempts to frame a particular portion of reality and
get a picture of it. In doing this, we use frames of reference, such as theories or perspectives, to
construct a particular framework. For example, in this chapter we might say that we have used
various sources of information to construct a developmental framework, i.e. a picture of welfare
in contemporary South Africa.
METHOD
A method is a way of doing something. In social work we refer to casework, group work, community
work, policy, administration, research and supervision as methods, i.e. as predominant activities in
which social workers engage in the doing of social work.
APPROACH
The way in which we approach practice is influenced by our knowledge of existing theories,
perspectives, frameworks, models and methods of practice. Influenced by feminist theory, we
might take a feminist approach, which means we are going to use theories and methods that
focus on the plight of women. When we use a ‘developmental approach’ in South Africa, as
outlined in this chapter, we use theories, perspectives, frameworks, models and methods that
have something to do with poverty alleviation. When we combine a variety of theories and
methods, we talk about using an ‘integrated approach’. Often, though, when we use an ecosystems
perspective to devise an approach that focuses on various levels and loci of intervention, we refer
to this as a ‘holistic approach’. When this means combining various levels of services, we refer to
this approach as ‘integrated service delivery’. In these examples, these approaches are theoretical
to the extent that they refer to ideal rather than actual ways of doing things. A lot of the theory
of developmental welfare is of this nature and does not necessarily match what social workers
are actually doing in practice. This is confusing for social work practitioners who are told that they
are using a developmental welfare approach when what they are actually doing is remedial or
statutory casework.
MODEL
A model is a more or less well-formulated way of doing something that seeks to convert theory
or knowledge into practice. Usually a model is a series of steps we engage in. For example, many
casework and group work models follow steps from client engagement and relationship building
to assessment, intervention and termination.
Endnotes
1 It is important to keep in mind that most categories are only created to help us
understand or explain a particular idea, and life is far more complex than the systems
of categorisation we use to understand and explain the phenomena we deal with in
social work, or indeed in everyday living.
2 Although the Department of Social Development commissioned an evaluation of the
social and economic impact of South Africa’s social security system in 2004 (see <http://
www.sarpn.org.za/documents/d0001041/sum_report.php>), an external evaluation
is needed that evaluates all aspects of its developmental welfare policy according to
predefined benchmarks in order to measure its progress.
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