PEACE PROCESS AMONG REBEL GROUPS

On March 27, 2014, the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)
signed an agreement to terminate an armed war that began in 1969 and resulted in more than 120,000 deaths
and hundreds of thousands of forcibly displaced persons. Since the end of the armed war in Nepal in 2006,
the Comprehensive Deal on the Bangsamoro has been the most important peace agreement signed around
the world (COL 002 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY, n.d.).

Every peace accord is tailored to a specific situation and conflict. However, because it is the most recent
peace process, the Mindanao process has become a crucial reference point for other peace processes (COL
002 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY, n.d.).

Out of the 59-armed conflicts that have ended in the last 30 years, 44 concluded with peace agreements
(Fisas, 2015: 16). Parallel to this has been the growth of social, scholarly, and institutional capacities to
evaluate these processes and strengthen peace-building measures (Human Security Report Project, 2012).
However, no peace process has ever gone off without a hitch. Hence, all peace processes learn from
previous experiences while innovating in their practices and contributing overall to the international
experience of building peace. South Sudan, Aceh (Indonesia), and Northern Ireland all absorbed lessons
from the Mindanao peace process. Other nations with internal problems, including as Myanmar, Thailand,
and Turkey, are currently studying the Mindanao peace accord with keen interest (COL 002 READINGS IN
PHILIPPINE HISTORY, n.d.).

Context

The Philippines is an archipelago comprising approximately 7,000 islands (COL 002 READINGS IN
PHILIPPINE HISTORY, n.d.). Among these islands, the largest one is Luzon (where the capital, Manila, is
situated), and the second largest is Mindanao. Together with Timor-Leste, the Philippines is the only Asian
country with a majority Christian population. A population of around 100 million people lives in a 300,000
km2 region. The presidential system of government is in place, and executive power is limited to a single
six-year term (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

King Philip II of Spain, in whose service Magellan was sailing across the world when he arrived at the
archipelago in 1521, is responsible for the country’s name. After three centuries as a Spanish colony, the
Philippines were handed over the United States in 1898. The fact that Spain never actually acquired
possession of Mindanao has far-reaching implications. Three centuries before Magellan, Islam had arrived,
and the Spanish discovered a well-organized system of rule, primarily through the sultanates of
Maguindanao and Sulu (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

In 1946, the Philippines were the first Asian country to gain independence without an armed struggle (1
year before India). When a nonviolent people’s movement defeated Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship in 1986,
the Philippines became a pioneer in overthrowing a tyrannical system through peaceful means. In 2001, a
second people’s power revolution overthrew Joseph Estrada’s government, which had been accused of
corruption (Mindanao Peace Process, n.d.). However, progress has been gradual during the last nearly three
decades of democracy. Politics continues to be a family battle in which a few families maintain power from
generation to generation. Relatives of overthrown presidents are still involved in politics (Peace Process In
Mindanao, n.d.).

Several metrics suggest progress in poverty reduction, literacy, and employment, but neighboring
nations such as Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand are well ahead of the Philippines in these areas (UNDP,
2015). The New People’s Army, a Maoist-inspired insurgency that has been active since 1968, feeds its
ideology on the continuance of societal injustices (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

In addition to the armed conflict in Mindanao and the communist insurgency, the Philippines also
suffered from Islamist terrorist attacks linked to transnational networks in recent years.
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Peace Agreements

The talks began in 1997 with an agreement on a general cease-fire. The parties outlined a negotiation
agenda in the Tripoli Agreement (2001) that included three primary elements: security (which had already
been agreed upon in 2001), humanitarian response, rehabilitation, and development (agreed in 2002), and
ancestral territories (2008) (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

The parties eventually adopted the Framework Agreement in October 2012, laying out a path for the
transition. The parties completed the annexes on transitional mechanisms (February 2013), revenue
generation and wealth sharing (July 2013), power-sharing (December 2013), and normalization (January
2014) during the next 15 months (January 2014). Finally, the Comprehensive Agreement was signed in the
Presidential Palace in March 2014 (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

The agreement’s major axis is the creation of the Bangsamoro, a new self-governing state that will
replace the existing Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao after a transition overseen by the MILF. The
accord envisions a reform process in the future autonomous area that will see a parliamentary system replace
the presidential administration that controls the rest of the country (Mindanao Peace Process, n.d.). The goal
of this pact is to encourage the formation of thematic political parties.

The government understands that insurgency must be a part of the solution and assume the
corresponding responsibilities. As a result, the insurgency’s evolution into a political movement should
include participation in municipal and regional elections.

In terms of approval, the peace accord must be translated into a statute that governs the Bangsamoro
Basic Law, which governs the Statute of Autonomy. A plebiscite will be held in the conflict-affected
districts after parliamentary authorization. Because the municipalities bordering the current autonomous
community will have the opportunity to join the new entity, this plebiscite will also help to define the
autonomous region’s territorial extent (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

Constitutional reform is a divisive topic. The MILF maintains that reform is required to consolidate the
accords. The government, on the other hand, has been hesitant to start a lengthy procedure that could open a
“Pandora’s box.” However, concerns regarding the constitution’s many agreements imply that such a reform
process may be considered in the future. Beyond the accord with the MILF, the Mindanao peace process
may help to spark a national debate regarding the country’s territorial arrangement, since key forces in other
areas urge comprehensive constitutional reform along federal lines (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

Here are the main points of the agreement, as reported by Agence France-Presse:” (Philippines signs
historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.)

The “Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro” is what it’s called. At the time of Spanish
invasion and colonization, the Bangsamoro were considered natives or original residents of the southern
Philippines. Bangsamoro people are acknowledged as their descendants and spouses (Philippines signs
historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.).

Bangsa is a local word that means nation. Moro is derived from the Spanish colonial term “Moors,”
which was used to refer to Muslims (Key points on Philippine Muslim peace pact, rebels ...., n.d.).

AUTONOMY: The MILF abandons its claims to a separate state in Mindanao’s southern area in favor of
parliamentary autonomy in the Bangsamoro autonomous region. By 2016, this will be established. The
Bangsamoro will take the place of another Muslim autonomous area, the MNLF, which the government
claims failed in the 1990s (Philippines signs historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.).

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 PEACE PROCESS AMONG REBEL GROUPS
DISARMAMENT: The MILF will “gradually” decommission its forces and place the weapons “beyond
use,” with a local police unit taking over law enforcement tasks from the Philippine police and military (Key
points on Philippine Muslim peace pact, rebels ...., n.d.)

POWERS: On defense, foreign policy, money, and citizenship, the Philippine government will retain
exclusive authority (Philippines signs historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.).

TAXES/REVENUES: The autonomous administration will get 75% of all local taxes and levies, 75% of
metallic resource revenues, and control over fishing regions up to 12 nautical miles from the coast
(Philippines signs historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.).

ISLAMIC LAW: The region will be governed by a secular administration rather than an Islamic state. Only
Muslims will be subject to Sharia law, and it will only apply to civil cases, not criminal acts. Basic rights to
life, travel, privacy, and freedom of religion and speech are guaranteed to all residents (Philippines signs
historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.).

TERRITORY: To span five provinces in the south, as well as two cities, six towns, and 39 villages,
accounting for nearly 10% of the Philippines’ total land area (Philippines signs historic peace pact with
Muslim rebel, n.d.).

ENABLING LAW: By the end of the year, Aquino will seek parliament to enact a “Bangsamoro Basic Law”
for the autonomous region (Philippines signs historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.).

PLEBISCITE: In a plebiscite to be held in 2015, people living in territories to be included in the

autonomous region will need to ratify the law (Philippines signs historic peace pact with Muslim rebel, n.d.).

TRANSITIONAL AUTHORITY: After the plebiscite approves and ratifies the basic law, the territory will
be governed by a 15-member “Bangsamoro Transition Authority” until a regional parliament is elected. The
members of the transitional authority are appointed by Aquino, although the MILF will have a majority and
the chairmanship (Key points on Philippine Muslim peace pact, rebels ...., n.d.).

ELECTIONS: In May 2016, a regional parliament with 50 representatives will be elected in conjunction
with national elections (Key points on Philippine Muslim peace pact, rebels ...., n.d.).

Implementation Challenges

Despite the positive developments, the implementation of the peace agreement is facing multiple
obstacles (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

The first constraint is time. The government was able to link the transitional period to the conclusion of
the presidential term in May 2016 during the Framework Agreement negotiations in 2012 (Mindanao Peace
Process, n.d.). However, the negotiating teams are unable to adhere to the agreed-upon negotiation and
implementation schedule. As a result, the parties will need to agree on a longer implementation period
(Philippine Peace Process in Mindanao:, n.d.).

The delay is shared responsibility. On the one hand, the insurgency lacks enough qualified and
trustworthy people to shoulder all of the transitional obligations. The government negotiating team, on the
other hand, is dealing with a lack of buy-in for the agreement and its implementation by other parts of the
bureaucracy (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

At the same time, Congress has been postponing the passage of the peace agreements into law, despite
the fact that the judiciary must still determine if they are constitutional (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.).

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 PEACE PROCESS AMONG REBEL GROUPS
These state institutions will most likely raise issues that may further block the implementation of the
agreements that have been signed.
In the Philippines, prejudice against Muslims, a heritage from the colonial period, still runs deep.

With less than a year until the country’s presidential and legislative elections (May 2016), “a number of
important politicians and media outlets are shifting to populist language to agitate public sentiment against
the peace process,” according to the report. (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.)

Even among political actors with good intentions, a lack of knowledge about the Muslim population's
social, political, and cultural reality, particularly the insurgency, results in faulty diagnoses and wrong
responses. “Previous governments have linked the Moro problem to poverty and economic marginalization,
ignoring the importance of identity and esteem parity. The insurgency has been unable to establish a
political discourse that can be understood and supported by the entire population. The peace negotiators only
demolished some of these erroneous imaginaries after painstaking discourse, but the Christian and Muslim
parts of society still fear each other.” (Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.)

The rise of armed groups is the most serious security issue (Peace Process in Mindanao, n.d.). One
explanation is that in the Philippines, possessing guns is legal as long as a person is at least 21 years old and
passes a background check before being awarded a Possession License. Meanwhile, successive governments
have failed in their attempts to disband paramilitary groups run by local politicians. Other armed groups also
proliferate. These armed groups can be classified into three categories: a MILF breakaway group that is
skeptical about the government's political commitment (e.g., the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters),
extremist cells that are linked to international extremist violence (e.g., Abu Sayyaf and Jemaa Islamiyah),
and ordinary criminal organizations.

Other challenges are inherent in any process of transitioning from a state of conflict to one of peace
(Peace Process In Mindanao, n.d.). In addition to political will, the government needs to prove its capacity to
transform words into deeds, which has been historically proven to be a challenge. In parallel, the insurgency
requires a radical paradigm shift from a semi-clandestine military structure to a social and political
movement, a terrain with limited experience and at a disadvantage compared with established political
actors.

Several arrangements that will most likely figure in the discussions on political systems include
any or a mix of the following:

 A structure separation from the existing political system for the development of MILF communities;
integration of MILF troops into the Armed Forces of the Philippines or the Philippine National
Police; and strengthening institutions for “personal autonomy,” such as Islamic education and
Sharia law.
 Areas constituted as special zones, such as Swiss cantons, where Muslims can exercise a high
degree of self-determination.
 A new and expanded autonomous region with additional powers.
 A Muslim state under the federal system of government.
 An independent state where Muslims are the majority.

Conclusion
The following components of the peace process must be strengthened:

 Both sides must build a national consensus on the roadmap agreed upon during the negotiations by
conducting additional consultations on the issues discussed in the negotiations. The government
must reach out to the leaders of the Christian majority, particularly members of Congress and local
officials. The MILF must reach out to the MNLF and traditional Muslim leaders.

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 Christian and Muslim religious leaders must take the lead in rallying their people to support the
peace process. The Bishop-Ulama Forum, a conference of Christian and Muslim religious leaders in
the Philippines, must be actively involved in harnessing this support.

 The government and MILF must provide strong and effective mechanisms for the implementation
of the peace pact. A neutral third party must be present to oversee faithful compliance of Manila
and the MILF with the terms of the agreement directly.

 Funding for implementation must be identified and allocated in a way that insulates it from partisan
and personal interests of any group or party.

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