KING GEORGE'S ARMY 1740-93: (I) INFANTRY STUART REID PAUL CHAPPELLLinda SW 08 “ tnd Aaland, tune, Singaporean Toren © Copyriah 195 Reed Insraionl Bs La AMsighs ere pum ny fi deg the perc ot pe stay rer ccm rei, Fert ude Capp sp nd Patt Toit pute hs polation me eos, reinstate tad in a tin Great isin y Kes a Primed tgh Worl Pit ad Hong Korg you woul ike wo receve more information aout Orprey Military hao, The Onprey Messenger i regulr newsleter which contin arteles, new le information snd speci fer To jin ee of charge ese write Osprey Military Messenger, PO Box 5, Rushden, Northance NNIDGYX, Dedication: Captain John Urguhar, 1768-1848 Publisher's note Readers may wish to study this title in conjunction with the following Osprey publications: MAA39° Brith Arm in North Ameria MAATI8 The Jacobite Rebellion: MAA 261 Ith Century Highlanders Artist's note Readers may care to note that the original printings from which the colour plates in this book were pre= pared are avilable for private sale. All reprotuction ‘copsright whatsocver is retained by the publisher Allenguiries should be addressed to: Paul Chappell &/o 14 Dowlands Walmer Deal Kent CT147XA ‘The publishers regret that they can enter nto no correspondence upon this matter KING GEORGE’S ARMY 1740-93 INTRODUCTION (Phe 18th-century British soldier might easily have been excused for suspecting thar he had very few fiends, To most contemporary politicians the Army ‘vas no more than an unwelcome necessity in wartime and an unjustifiable extravagance in peacetime. Nev ertheless, the overall impression which is to be sained froma close study of the Army's own records, and from the surviving letters, diaries and memoirs left behind by its officers (and occasionally by its men), is that by and large the British Army of the 18th century was very litle different in character or spirit from today's British Army. It was, above all, un aemy which was led, not driven, into battle Curiously enough there was, in avery real sense, not one British Army but ewo: a British or English Establishment, and an Irish Establishment. The former was of course the senior of the two, but constitutionally rather precarious, and always Table to swingeing cuts whenever a case could be made for leclring units surplus to requirements, However, boy an Act of 1699 Ireland was allocated a separate military establishment of 12,000 officers and men (raised to 15,325 in 1769), paid and administered from Dublin Castle, Obviously Ireland could oces sionally be stripped of men in times of crisis — Sometimes embarrassingly so, as at the time of Phuror’s raid on Carrickfergus in 1760 — and in response toa European war the establishment might temporarily be increased; but the important point was that in peacetime it was not to be reduced below 12,000 men, The Irish Army — made up of units raised in Scotland or England —was primarily intended for the defence and internal security ofthat country. Never~ 3 pleat sotdiors eronadhereap ofthe pe. had no distinctive badge. Tine raher battered and hopeless appearance s probably rather more pcre by David Morte (Gluthor’s Colleton) ‘theless, apart from the Vicerox’s ceremonial Battle- axe Guards (dressed similarly to the English Yeomen of the Guard), no regular units were permanently assigned to the Irish Establishment though the four regiments of “rish’ Horse might have been forgiven for thinking otherwise; and on being ordered over seas or on service a battalion automatically reverted tw the English Establishment. However, because the strength of the Irish Es- tablishment was fixed and therefore not susceptible to Treasury interference, the Duke of Cumberland and his successors at the Army's administrative headquarters, Horse Guards, came to regard it asa safe haven for regiments which might otherwise bedishanded in ‘Treasury-led defence cuts. Unfortu- nately, attractive though it might have appeared, the ‘concept of using the Irish Establishment as an Im perial reserve was greatly hampered by two factors In the frst place the constitutional independence of the Trish Establishment, which was 99 vital in protecting it from interference by the English gov- ferament, also worked to restrict the contol which could be exercised over it by Horse Guards. Instead it was run by a quite independent staff ix Dublin Castle. This lack of any real control, and Dublin's understandable preoccupation with employing the army as a rural constabulary, led to its becoming a byword for inefficiency. (In 1752 officers in Limerick hhad to be rather sharply reminded to vear their swords, and not to slouch about in slippers and nighteaps....) Secondly, in order to cram as many regiments 2s possible on to the 12, necessary to reduce them to little more than cadres, which needed co be hastily filled out with drafted men and new recruits whenever a battalion as ordered on service. This particular problem was compounded by the fact that for security reasons units carried on the Irish Establishment were tradi- tionally forbidden to do any recruiting in Ireland — «except in wartime, when they could be expected to be shipped overseas without undue delay For instance, when the badly under and 48th Foot were ordered abroad in T to wait until they reached North Amerisa before beating up for the recruits which they desperately ceded to fill out their depleted ranks. (Nevertheless, it was apparently not unknown for some of the more enterprising units to enlist Ulster Protestants, ship them across to Stranraer in south-west Scotland, and there clap Scots blue bonnets on their heads before ostentatiously bringing them back on the next ferry.) ‘Scotland, or North Britain as it was sometimes called, also had its own Commander-in-Chief based in Edinburgh Castle; but unlike his Iish counterpart 00-man establishment, it was Privat, Ist(or Rsal) Kegimen.s depicted in the 1712 Cioathing Book Famous images ofthe 18th century British soldier set Gaplaved.(Trawees of the therather old-fashioned” National Museums of ted Scotland) here would be stperseded Within a year or mo none st Morier’s painangs show oat when the lapels are onder of dress dep he reported directly to Horse Guards, and his troops for all practical purposes belonged to the English Establishment Rearview ofan ‘sketch by Thomas Sandby Tries usual or Ihave been tnbooked: fess sual the thghlenges {alters appear to ave ben discarded. The dlrMerbugssts Te knapsack fan be seen guite clears Fhuchor’ Callection) ORGANISATION Regimental strength and organisation varied throughout the 18th century aecarding to military necessity and short-term financial policy. At the ‘outset regiments were known only by the mame of their colonel, but in 1742 regimental numbers were fied in place ofthe informal order of seniority which had hitherto existed During the War of che Austrian Succesion (1743-48) no fewer than 79 numbered regiments of foot were earied on the Army List but the 67¢h- 79th Regiments were temporary” corps. hastily raised during the Jacobite emergency and just 38 hastily disbanded once it was over in the summer of 1746."Two years ater, a the end ofthe war, further 17 infantry battalions (including ten battalions of Marines ranking as the 44th to Sird Foot) were disbanded a surplus to requirements. Normally seniority counted for everything in deciding which units would survive and which would not. However, although he filed to have Bra 28th broken for their notorious inefficiency, Dake of Cumberland did sueceed in retaining the 43rd Highlanders, and 54th to 39th Foot, on the grounds that they were good regiments. Conse- ‘quently their numbers changed to become the 2nd to 48th Foot respectively; and Trelawne’s 63ed, by virtue of forming the Jamaica g to become the 4h, CCumierland’s abrupt dismissal after the disa- trous Hanoverian campaign of | this attempe to retain regiments on the merit rather than mere seniority; atthe close ofthe Seven Years War in 1763 the inevitable eduction in the Army's strength was achieved simply by dis- bhnding all regiments junior to the TOth (Gag Greys), the only exceptions on this ocasion being five Invalid Regiments, temporarily renumbered the ist to 75th Foot before they to were disbanded as an economy measure in 1769 Infantry regiments normally mustered only a single battalion, although the Ist Foot or Royal Regiment (later the Royal Scots) had to battalions and the Oth Royal Americans normally had four From time to time other units did muster second battalions, but generally speaking these were either rson, also survived saw a reversal ofGrenadiers of Ist, 2 and find Foot The wel Dalnings by he Swiss Dist David Morir are ‘Commonly dated 01751, bhura close anatysis Siesta they may int atthe ond ofthe War ofthe teste Succession. Si listeally the sremadize paintings fan conveniently be Avid into cree groups Lind this ie representarive af group A. which Comprise si rather aif Dantings depicting the Ie folsth Foor andthe th, Bu and Sh Poot, A carly date is sugested for this group by the ee that ‘nis three our the 18 igremirs in he group fave wingson the shoulders, as against ‘Sih: fss han ain [roups Band C Tessould ‘those that this teas painted i winter protbls 147/48~ since 13 Soot the 18 have the Tapes buttoned ove or ‘thrmth, Oueorthe 26 (ncounting four lac lapels only two have theie lapels buttoned over (The Rosai Collection © Fer Majesty the Queen) dishanded within a short time or else taker into the line as independent units. In 1755 and 1756, for example, number of regiments were authorised to raise second battalions, but in 1758 these battalions were detached from their parent units to become the th Foot. Toall intents and purposes the two battalions of the Royals were also regarded as separ- Gtstto during the 18th century on which they were brigaded together was at Covheath Camp in 17 ‘Other units wore more fortunate, During the Seven Years’ War both battalions of the 4ind High landers served together in North America, as did both battalions of it would appear that the only occasion Grenadiers of Sst, ad Sind ied Foot “Group Bot the Morier series comprines five “hres Regiments of oouguards, the 16 0 2th Foon and the Sst, and and Sid Foot a Inurked contrast to group ‘these paintings are Pull renadiers are depicted ‘hrop seatesapperently palsted foes fie Marker Cridenuly hada well “developed sense of ‘humour: nore the soldier disappearing over the ence with a chicken under foam Re wgaiient Franders i 1748 They sppede contemporary wide a large canvas, also by Monier depicting officers “Waiters se Roermom in ut Toth, Vahand Heh Foor all appear on ane tery well known canvas, Which oddly enough has Torts centrepiece an Austrian soier| coment ping on his pipe ashe watcher the lista work. Upon closer ‘cirmimstion however eis “apparent thai the three renadiers do not Bt vers Evmfortably on tothe fans, and must have teen ade ge later date (The Roy! Collection © Mer Majesty the Queen) the American War, In the latter conflict, however, the second battalion ofthe 42nd served in India and subsequently became the 73rd; while the two bat- talions ofthe original 73rd were similarly separated, 1/T3xd in India and 2/73ed at Gibraltar In peacetime infantry battalions could some- times muster as few as eight companies, but on service generally mustered ten, on paper atleast Ia ‘wartime a number of regiments also had “Additional Companies’ which were not intended to go on active service but instead functioned as reeruit depots. This but in 1745 the Jacobite temergency saw the “Additional Companies’ of the Royals, 21st, 25th and 43rd, then stationed in Seo land, pitchforked into action against the rebels, while the companies in England were husriedly formed into three Prosisional Battalions commanded by un employed Marine officers. ‘Three of the battalion companies were notionally at least was the theoryGrenadiers of th, 47th {ind th Foot. “This sel study of soldier in fall marching. ‘onder belongs 0 Group C This comprises sever aintings depicting the B5ih, Doth, 2th and eh thei tot Regiments of Foo Achough rather less sit than group A they are depicted seainst a studio backdrop:and the ‘numbering of eeresin Limits (eg the nd Highlanders) indicates that atleast some of the tents were painted or reworked aftr the commanded by field officers. The senior ofthese was the colonel himself. In the 1740s some officers, such as Peregrine Lascelles, might still occasionally be found commanding their regiments in the field (he did so at Prestonpans in 1745), but increasingly they were general officers and consequently rarely 10 be seen. By the end of the century they had simply become colonel proprietors. Throughout the period ‘most regiments were infact commanded on a day-t0- day basis by ther lieutenant colonel, or even, in his reductioes which followed the Peace of ts Chappelle in 174 ivoften remarked rey thacMorier could not Tre setually have used» man thy he should net have been able to obesin man the presence ofthe ridlmentary depots tained by tach from exch regiment ax his Imodelssincesome unite from each regiment (The tmerescrving overseasat_ Koval Collection © Her Ihe ime: burn fac given Majesty the Quesn). absence, by the third field officer ~ the major. The later, asisted by the adjutant, was also particularly responsible for training and discipline, Since the colonel, even when he was present, usually had rather more pressing matters to attend to, his company was actually commanded for ll practi- by « ceptain lieutesent. Ths oftcer eal purpose ranked as the regiment's senior lieutenan:, but by courtesy was addressed (though not paid) as captain. However, should he subsequently be promoted to captain his seniority was accounted according to his captain-leutenant’s commission rather than to the date of his promotion The remaining companies were commanded by captains, each assisted, ike the field officers, by a Tieutenant and an ensign, except in the case of the elite “lank” companies ~ the grenadiers and later the light infantry — who had second lieutenants in place of ensigns, Apart from the company officers cach battalion also mustered four commissioned staf officers; the adjutant, quartermaster, surgeon and chaplain, ‘The first was normally an additional (and pur chasable) appointment held by one of the keener subalterns, but there are occasional cases of individu- als holding the post without the benefit of lieuter it’s or ensign’s commission ~ these were probably meritorious NCOs promoted to the job without pur: hase ‘The quartermaster’s commission could, in the carly days, be purchased just like any other, but it vas an important appointment demanding a consid- crable degree of experience and acumen; conse quently, by the end of the century it could only be given to capable quartermaster sergeants. However, although an officer could not therefore acquire a ‘quartermaster’s commission the reverse was not true, and there was nothing to prevent a quartermaster from subsequently bettering himself by purchasing TThe surgeon, by the nature of hie office, was of course a specialist, and often a very good one at that When Surgeon John W pointed by General Williamson to be Purveyor ofthe Hospitals on San Domingo in 1794 he was described as ‘an excellent character & has great Professional tof 1/Royals was ap- Unfortunately the same could not be said of the chaplain, who was normally an absentee. Neither the might be brigade fogether in pros sional betealions. his particular nd position, oldie their ficlocks Upright anther cock them. (retor’ Collection) The grenadier company ‘eas organised into ewe" Dilstoons, one of which was ‘ually poated on each aml ofthe battalion when iterative the grader ‘companies ofseveral unitReverend Miles Beevor, nor his brother George, who were appointed to the Ist and 2nd Battalions of the Royals in 1786 and 1790 respectively, are ever re- corded as having turned up at battalion headquarters ‘monthly: returns invariably record che pair of them as absent (by the leave of the Commanding Officer) since the day of thei appointment. Fach company oemally mustered there ser- sgeants, three corporals and two drummers, although the colonels company had five sergeants, including the sergeant major and the quarte The grenadier company: also boasted ewo filers — normally replaced by pipers in Highland regiments “The senior of the three sergeants in each company also held the appointment of pay-sergeant. Otherssise the theoretical strength of exch com- pany varied considerably according to whether an individual unit was on the English or Irish Establish- ‘ment at the time. In peacetime a company on the former establishment was supposed to muster 70 rank and fle (always assuming that sufficient recruits could be found in the first place), but only 30 men were allowed for exch company in battalions on the Irish Establishment. (On active service battalion companies were in- variably understrength, and there was attempt made to ensure that they were maintained at uniform size. Nevertheless the élite lank compan- ies were normally kept up to strength at the expense ‘of te battalion companies. When I/Royalswere sent from Jamaica to San Domingo early in 1794 the 1wo flank companies accewmnted hetween therm fara quae ter of the battalion's strength. ‘This imbalance was further exacerbated by the fact that both companies were actually detached from the regiment and as- signed to a provisional Flank Battalion at the time. THE OFFICERS "The British Army's officers came from a wide variety of backgrounds and were characterised by'a surpris- ing degree of upward social mobility; but by: and large it was only the aristocrats and landed gentry ‘who made it to the very top. The gentry had the ‘money with which to purchase promotion and, much ‘more importantly, could also command the necessary ‘interest’: that is, they could rely upon patronage and enevaly litle J romain trp of Army lang for men belonging to the onary trbattallon companies ‘These men wenrthe blue facings and plait white fee of the Reval The inc, Brown oe pry oa fumpaien (lathoes Gatection) the influence of friends and relations in hig sometimes not so high places to facilitate their up- ward progress. By far the greater numberof ordinary regimental officers, however, were simply ‘private gentlemen’ (invariably a rather elastic term in the 18th century) generally of good family, but seldom possessed of ‘ery much in the way of either money oF prospects Captain Robert Bannatyne, one of three soldier brothers, doubtless spoke for many when he wrote shortly before his death at Conjeveram in 1739: ‘My Father had no great Estate and dying whilst his Children were young you May guess whether five of tus did not find use for small inheritance Dannatyne’s fither was the minister of Dores in Inverness-shire, but doctors and other professionals, and indeed even a fair sprinkling of tradesmen con: tributed their sons as well, while a fair proportion were, quite naturally, themselves the sons of soldiers. Amongst the latter were the sons of a rather neglected, but nevertheless quite significant, class of officer: the promoted ranker. Contrary to popular belie merit was recognised and often rewarded in the 18th-century British Army. Able NCOs were perhaps most frequently promoted into newly raised corps where their experience was obviously at a premium, Naturally some of them were getting on a bit by comparison with their fellow subalterns, but younger individuals could also win what were in ‘effect battlefield promotions. Many of the commis- sioned NCOs served as adjutants, ‘This was an im- portant post with considerable responsibility. for training as well as administration, and it was clearly much better filled by an able veteran soldier ~such as Sergeant Major George Edington of 1/Royals, pro- noted in 1794 — than by an inexperienced subalter, A quite disproportionate mumber of officers were Irish or Scots. It has been estimated that in the 1760s. something between 20 and 30 per cent of officers were Scots, and this proportion was constantly ris- ing. There was in fact a decided feeling in some quarters that by the latter part of the century the British Army was in the grip of something akin to a Scottish mafia, While such an ungenerous view was tmedonbtedly céloused by the influence enjoyed by officers such as David Dunks, it is also borne out by an analysis ofthe infantey regiments in the Army List for 1794 Oficer's grenadier cap of snunbadged riment =n Highlanders prior wo their ndoptingforred cxps iar ors the obviously Stiperior quali of workmanship and Sips and the af iron Separate from the softer into stocking” behind. (Gluthor’s Collection) In all at least 845 out of 2.470 officers serving in '82 battalions ofthe line can be identified as Scots ~a proportion of 34.2 per cent, although the true figure may have been as high as 40 per cent. Moreover, only 204 of the officers concerned —just 8.2 per cent ofthe total — were serving in Highland regiments, and a further 79 in other recognised Scottish units such as the Royals (later the Royal Scots) and the Cameronians. These accounted for 11.5 per cent all nearly a in the line — told, leaving the remaining 22.7 per ce ‘quarter of all the officers then servi scattered amongst ‘English’ regiments. (Only a single batalion (the 8th Foot) appears not tohave had a single Scots officer among the 30 on is rolls in 1794, On the other hand the 19th Foot (The Green Howards) had at least 19 —am astonishing 68 per cent ofits officers; while the 9th and 57th werenot very far behind, with sixteen and seventeen Scots officers respectively. Nineteen battalions had five Scots officers or fewer; 3 had between six and tens and 15. battalions boasted between I and 15 Scots. ‘The remaining 13 battalions, including of course the Highland regiments, numbered consider- ably more, although the 42nd (Black Watch) appears to be the only battalion with an all-Scottish officer lis, Formidable though these figures are, they still {do not tell the whole story. 1 colonels, amounting to 40 per cent ofthe total, were Scots ~ and all of them were general officers with considerable powers of patronage. With few excep- tions they appear to have wielded this patronage almost exclusively tothe benefit oftheir fellow coun- tuymen. The fact that General David Graeme had ‘commanded the 19th Foot for upwards of 2 doubtless accounted for the large number of Scots officers in that battalion, but others bid fair to achieve similar results in less time. James Grant's jty-one regimental Privates of 194 (Princes Onn) Regimentof Foo, Tra as painted by Dovid Mofer Se Pte DS for deci of coburn. ‘pare fom the rested ‘Miers the rscmblence ro Contemporary Coat or Pandocr nile quite String Nore pericarls {he Hungaria beeches ‘elmer lates bat the GR ‘phe The mason the {2ithas feed hime trond bayonet ona salto Irma pike whe the man (nthe Figbe eleaeic his Grit scrbbard. tanker (Gemoreprobatiy cost, (Gace the Crow adele ‘etng flowed) ar cred Decne ight ines nts No he mintonenof ‘epinenal bagaigc (The Boyal Colecton Her Maj the Quen) 1th Foot, for example, had eight Scots officers etted t0 the battalion since Grant’s appointment in Novem ber 1791; and by 1798 that number had doubled, so that Scots accounted for 40 per cent of the 1Ith’s officers. Similarly the 8th Foot, which in 1794 had not a single Scots officer, boasted at least nine by 1798: 21 per cent of the total, and all gazetted since Ralph Dundas took over the regiment in July 1794 It has been estimated that in peacetime up to two-thirds of all commissions were purchased, ‘though it is hard to say what the true east of the transaction actually was to the individual. Although there was an offically regulated scale the east some: times varied from regiment to regiment, and no doubt according to its geographical proximity at the time to London. Regulations specifically forbade officers to pay additional sums ‘on top bat there no doubt that it happened in the more fashionable regiments. Sometimes the prohibition was vaded by paying the additional sum to a“eiend? of the officer besides the colonel in 1794, all of them concerned. However, apart from such doacewrs, the setual sums which changed hands tended in practice to be less than a superficial perusal of the official scales might suggest. Samuel Bagshavve explained it thus in a memorandum written sometime in 1742: When a Capt. has t0 leave to quitt the Service & dispose of his Commission ‘tis generally lone in this manner, the Lieutenant recommended cither gives him his (own) Commission and the difference between the Commissions of a Capt. 8 Lt. or a certain sum of money in which lst case the Lt. das che disposing of his own Commission which if sold to an Ensign, that Ensign acts in the same way that is, gives the Lieutenant his Ensign’s Commis sion and the difference or else a certain Sume & sells the Colours himself, So that the price of a Captain's Commission is either a certain Sume, or is eompos'd ofthe difference between a Capt. and a Lieutenant's Commission, the difference between « Lieutenancy and a pai of Colours & the Colours. Now suppose a Company is dispos'd of in this last way 8: sold for leven hundred pounds the Case stands thus he Difference between the Captain & the L's Commission £500 The Dif. between ye Liewtenancy & ye Colours £100 The Colours £400 £1100" ‘Once the initial investment had been made in an 1's commission (and of course inthe additional cost of his not inconsiderable kit) it was therefore fairly easy to find the £100 necessary to purchase the next step to lieutenant, though the jump to captain might sometimes be a little more difficult. However, if an officer died in harness, or was dismissed from the service by the sentence of a court-martial, his successor ~ normally the most senior officer in the rank below — stepped into his boots gratis, and everyone else gratefully shuffled up behind. In theory officers were supposed to spend a ‘minimum period in each rank before obtaining fur- Ensi Infanuyman 1760 afer Paul Sandy. This useful “etch provides a beter ‘older tthe time of the Seven Yours" War than do Morice’ paintings of 1748 Nove partials the ro, shorter iter with atheros fines reece nd what appears the gontsin Snapeneh Storm agate om the ack Clathor’s Colleton) ther promotion, and generally speaking it normally took about ten years to make captain. Neverthe less there were of course some spectacularly quick promotions, and in times of crisis the inevitable ‘expansion of the Army (and the equally inevitable ‘casualties) provided considerable opportunities for ambitious oficers and would-be offices, Nor anly eauldl aspiring officers more essily find ‘non-purchase vacancies at subaltern level; but more senior commissions could also be offered to gentlemen who had the right connections, and fair prospects of raising the requisite number of recruits for a company or even a regiment. Under an able Secretary at War, sueh as Viseount Barrington, the inevitable abuses of the system were kept within reasonably acceptable bounds; but in the breakneck race to expand the Army in 1793 the aged and quite ineffectual Lord Amherst presided over a scandalousreconstruction largely ‘nderly book of Captain Stewarr's company. dnd Highlanders On scrive service plain frocks sworn in place ofthe expensively laced fall ise the vers popular, but iv this stage unauthorised, White waisteoae (uthor’s Calecton) state of affirs. A key figure in the precess, if a sometimes shadowy one, was the regimental agent The agent was a civilian who was appointed by the regimental colonel to ac for him as & business man- er-cum-banker. His various functions were admir- ably described by the then Deputy Secretary at War in 17 “To apply for, receive, disburse and account for public money advanced to im under general regula- ions or by particular orders. He is the ordinary channel of communication between the Re and the Public Departments and is resorted to not only for providing and forwarding of arms, clothing and other regimental supplies, but also in the busi- ness, public or private, of the individual officers.” Most agents acted for a number of different though London-based agents could not act for giments on the Irish Establishment of vice versa ‘Therefore, if an officer desirous of advancement found that no vacancy was available in hisewn corps, it wasa relatively easy matter for the agent 0 arrange his exchange into another one on his books. In 1795, for example, the recently: promoted Captain John Urquhart (late of 1/Royals) arrived in Cark to find his new regiment, the 106th Foot, about to be dis banded and its personnel drafted into other units. Nothing daunted, he contacted the 106ih's agent Humpbrey Donaldson and promptly oatained a ‘company in one of the later’s other reginents, the 85th Foot. Only a couple of months later he exchanged with Captain Hugh Campbell on to the Half Pay of the disbanded Royal Glasgow Regiment, ‘managed by a Mr. Lawrie, who had taken ever much the ailing Donaldson's business. This sort of transaction was harmless enough, and most exchanges were carried out between offi- cers of equal rank or involved only a single step; but ‘the money answered and the agent, like Donaldson, was unscrupulous enough, the process could be car his was exemplified by an Anglo-Irish baronet named Vere Hun: who ap- pears to have been commissioned ensign in the 2nd (Queen’s) Foot on 12 April 1793. Just over a year later, on 3 July 1794, he was appointed colonel commandant of his own (and happily short-lived) 135th Loyal Irish Volunteers, It was little wonder, therefore, that the acerbic Major General James Craig was t0 write from Hol- ried on almost indefinitely Grenadier, 20h {felinbargh Regiment, fearures or the least of them being the n egulation frcap. The eetoucbe bor belt shows Sip que clearly ur the ‘tadtbel has Boer ‘placed by what can only indeseribed sa strap ‘er he righ shoulder iss land in November 1794: ‘Out of ificen regiments of cavalry and gwenty-rix of infantry, which we have here, twenty-one ae literally commanded by boys oF idiots Craig mig Thad the curiosity to count them over.” rumble about boys, but although the minimum age Kimit of 16 was frequently flouted in the granting of commissions, under age officers enerally expected to stay at school until they were ready to join their regiments, The real problem vas not one of adolescent sublterns, but rather thatby the time they did condeseend to tum up at jimental headquarters they had gained sufficient notional seniority to quality for such immediate pro- motion as they, or perhaps a doting relative, could afford to purchase. Nevertheles, although naturally seized upon by the ‘mss many crites, such exam- ples were aetually quite rare. v saw active service; instead, their recruits were almost invariably: drafted to bring veteran units up 10 7 Few ofthe higher-ritmbered regiments ever strength. This was naturally resented by: the more ambitious officers since it meant that they had to begin recruiting afresh, and compensation for the drafted men could often be a long time in coming. Some units, such as Bagshawe's short-lived 93rd Foot and Johnstone's 101st Highlanders, were re- peatedly milked of men in this way in the 1760s to all intents and purposes were treated simply as recruiting depots for better established units In 1795 the process was carried a stage further the hitherto unprecedented step was taken of entire battalions (such as the Royal Glas- w) and after a decent interval placing their remain- ing officers on the Half Pay list. This might have seemed harsh at the time, but it was obviously preferable to fielding untried regiments commanded hy inexperienced officers. At the end of his service an officer as normally expected to provide for his retirement by selling his commission. This step, however, was otviously not ‘open to those officers who had not purchased their ‘commissions in the first place, Nevertaeless such officers, who had often carmed their rank by hard work and ability, were still provided for. By way of a reward they canld be appninted ta the Half Pay establishment of a disbanded regiment, leaving be- hind a free vacancy in their original corps. In 1 Lieutenant William Bannatyne of the 13th Foot retired in this way by transferring on to tre Half Pay ‘of Monson’s 96th Foot, disbanded two rears previ- The vacancy left by his departure from the 13th was then filled internally Tt -was also possible for the system to work in reverse, An ambitious office left unemployed by the disbandment of his regiment could easily retuen to the active list by exchanging with a “purchase officer ‘who wanted to retire but also to retain his links with the Army’ and draw Half Pay. Ordinarily an officer ‘who sold his commission was expected toprovide for himself out of the proceeds and could not subse- ‘quently purchase another commission. Hosvever, if hhe exchanged with a Half Pay officer ~ asin the case ‘of Captains Urquhart and Campbell ~he was entitled toreceive the difference in value betweenhis existing ously. Broaseplate Sih (Roval Edinburgh Volunteers, ©1780 ~ bras nth a very Tigh eopper content Disp tere Roya tte th bore seo Tcend ofthe Lieutenant Robert Hamitton Buchanan, 2tet Roval North Beis Fusiliers, 1776940 Imporeaneporeait dlopieting a number of ahecnce ofa sword, Judsing by number of paincings orders aad Fremalt's euprisag numberof acer stem to have considered swords an Unnecessary encumbrance ine arenader cup bere mithout the deeincive Inge uthorised for this ‘eptmonia the 1768 Warrant, although che mail breastplate hasan Indistingushable circular Festare.on whieh fe most Probables thistle within ius ‘commission and the less valuable Half Pay equiva lent, a6 well as dravsing his pension. Moreover, should he then choose to do so, there was nothing to prevent is returning to active duty ara later stage. In fact, an officer who had retired on to the Half Pay at the end of one war and returned to active service at the beginning of another could usually expect to be offered a free step in rank if he wae willing to recruit himself a company ot battalion. Far from being aristocratic dilettantes, most British officers were highly competent professionals — a fact amply testified by the plethora of dill manuals and other military works which appeared seems to have been little studied, except by reference to the obliga tory classics, but minor tactics clearly excited pas- throughout the 18th century. Sera sionate interest. The results were plain for al to see; and as the Jacobite Adjutant General, John William, O'Sullivan, remarked in 1716: ‘thore are no t the world but what they overcome in fire don't go in Sword in hand, of the bayonett among them, ifyTHE SOLDIERS Not until 1782 were regiments formally associated with particular localities, in theory, apart from the restrictions imposed on regiments on the Irish Estab. lishment, all reg ‘ruts anywhere within the Dritish Isles and British North America “The Industrial Revolution and the coincidental ‘unemployment created by agrarian reform did not begin to swell the ranks of the urban poor to any notable d ments were permitted to find re- ree until towards the end of the century nd consequently most of the Army’s recruits were still countrymen or discontented tradesmen picked Up at markets ot hiring fairs, In 1740 the Duke of Argyll claimed, pethaps alittle too harshly, that they "vere for the most part men who were ‘too stupid oF too infamous to learn or catty on a Trade’; but their ‘colours drums and dramatic The cap on theright isthe version ‘torn by pioneers: Untike {coe two the enamel ground sed rather tet Biack and ispredieeable decorated with axes and Sis the addin tools ‘a pioneer: (NMS) Purred caps ofthe 1768 pattern, Aeron Belonging ro the 90h Highlanderse. 1798, the Cp inthe cenire bears the ‘nversal’ plate used By al unbadged regiments. The expan the eft i the Cavin sed by dammers tnd bears trophies oF recorded behaviour rarely bears out the frequently expressed contention that the army vas the last refuge of the desperate and the criminal lasses, Daring the expedition to L’Orient in 1746, to «quote just one example from amongst many, « party of grenadiers erepton their hands and knees behind a wall to rescue the badly wounded Major Samuel ne a they Dagshawe under heavy: fire. Having then carried him on their shoulders cleven miles through the night 10 safety “The written instructions regularly ssued to all parties solemnly warned them a listing Catholies (technically illegal, though often ‘winked at), foreigners, boys, old men, idiots, the ruptured and the lame. understandable reluctance on the part of recruiting bonds, and tin- There was ako a certain officers to entertain ‘strollers, va ers’, who were of course the Very individuals whom istrates were keenest to dump on the Army Indeed, the instructions issued to recruiters for the 9rd Foot in early 1760 ruled that they should only take such men ‘as were born in the Neighbourhood! of the place they are Inlsted in, & of whom you can get and give a good Account’, It was not always possible for expedient to be so choosy, and in times of rapid ‘expansion rectuiters tended to be less discriminating fand never more 50, perhaps, than in the period 1793-95, Nevertheless, these and similar injunctions clearly contradict the easl view ofthe IRth-centiey British Army as some kind of penal institution. ‘The majority of recruits also seem to have been comparatively young men when they enlisted ~ ser LSet eter Dalghiny tthe af the Bat, provide a sel comparison with Buchanan's porta, Nove the elaborate design of the epaulertes Compan olicers “pauterte onthe right Shoulder, but fastens and renin wore to, is)Sergeant Molloy and 12 ‘enol the 3th Foot in Ruthven Barracks, near ingussie, Satan Bulle in Fiat asa patrol base for 1748/46 Molloy was troops guarding General subsequent : Wade'SHightand roade ic ommissioned. (Author's wasgallantls defended Collection) dant the Jacobites by vice generally being at that time for life, or in other swords until such time as a man was too “erazy’ oF sworn out to soldier any longer. Out of the 67 men who joined Captain Hamilton Maxwell's company of the 7st Highlanders during the winter of 1775-76 the oldest was aged 40, while two others, including a sergeant, were 38 and 39 respectively; but the over~ \whelming majority of his recruits were aged between. 17 and 25 years ~in other words, most of them were young men who had not yet settled down toa trade or calling, and were without family or other tes. Not all soldiers were given the opportunity 10 volunteer, In 1745 the Jacobite emergency produced ‘wo hasty Acts encouraging magistrates to impressall “able-bodied men who do not follow or exercise any lawful ‘bodied, idle and disorderly persons who cannot upon ‘exutninatins prove themselves to exercise and indus ling or employment’ and ‘all such able- triously follow some lawful trade or employment, or to have some substance sufficient for their support and maintenance’. These Acts were naturally greeted by the local authorities as a heaven-sent opportunity to dispose of all the rogues and vagabonds which recruiting parties normally declined to entertain. Since £3 per man was paid into the vestry account in forder to provide for any dependants which these reluctant heroes might leave behind as z burden on the parish, they were generally referred w as ‘Vestry Men’ Quite unwanted by the Army and of decidedly dubious military value, they were undeubtedly re- sponsible for some of the few verifiable atrocities which followed the suppression of the ‘Porty-Five’ rebellion; many of them were also relegated to the despised but undemanding job of prisoner-handling, before being discharged as swiftly as possible. Not- withstanding this rather unhappy experience, similar and Acts appeared during the later crises of 1778-79. Occasionally prisoners of war might also be in ‘duced to enlist in the British service. Hundreds of captured Jacobites were given the opportunity to olunteer’ for service in West Indian garrisons, or ‘with Boscavsen’s Independent Companies, recruited for an expedition to Pondicherry in 1347. A goad many of this particular batch of recraits ‘volun= tecred! from amongst the prisoners belonging to the French Army’s Irish Brigade, Most of those capcured at Calloden were either summarily dealt with as deserters from the British Army, or, if considered to be French subjects, were repatriated as prisoners of war, However, those caprured at sea en route to join the rebels were treated slightly differently. French- men’ were repatriated under the existing cartel ot exchange agreement, but those found to have run fiom the British Army or otherwise considered to be British subjects were drafted into units serving in the West Indies, including Dalzll's unfortunate 38th Foot. Two of Boscaven’s companies were specifi- cally earmarked to be raised from Jacobite prisoners in Scotland; but prisoners held in England, including. members ofthe il-ated Manchester Regiment, were uso drafted into the other companies ‘These were not the only prisoners to find them= selves donning red coats. Other examples were to be found in the American War, and an Edinburgh man named James Aytoun who enlisted into the 38th Foot in 1786 mentions a comrade named Belair, who was ‘2 native of France and had served in a Spanish cegiment called Walloons, He was one of the men who was saved from the Spanish sunk ships at the of Gibraltar. A great many of these prisoners inlisted into British regiments’ Apatt from the enlistment of prisoners, whether voluntarily or otherwise, the British Army had very ers serving in its ranks during the 18th ‘gro slaves were sometimes enlisted as few for Jcummers, and German musicians turn up from time to time, bur few appear amongst the rank and file. The muster rolls of the Royal Artillery also reveal Dutchmen and Germans, but otherwise the seat majority of foreign recruits appear to have been cers. ‘There was certainly no permanent equivalent of he Dutch Army’s Scots Brigade, or of the large German, Swiss and Irish contingents in the French and Spanish armies. This was in part a refletion of Soldier’ ressiplate, 42nd Highlanders «17 Griinall: Highland anes ‘rried both carte box and bayonet on 4 natrow betearound the waist, bur beile-box some time AToring the Americas War ‘tht larger cnrridge box Slang more conventionally on the ight hip also Ineceseated the inraducron of new set belt slang over the right shoulder Thierather the prevailing view in society that if soldiers were a bad thing, then foreign soldiers must consequently bbe worse. Prejudice aside, however, financial con- straints were just as effective: it was dificult enough ersuading Parliament to pay for British soldiers (Phe 60th Royal Americans did, however, include substantial numbers of Swiss and German officers and men. Nevertheless, even from the outset Scots, English and Irish officers and soldiers also served in the unit, and it was not officially recognised as a foreign corps.) In wartime the situation was sometimes slightly different, Hessian regiments were employed in Scot land in 1746, again in southern England during the invasion scare at the outset of the Seven Years’ War, and most famously during the American War. How- fever, although these contract units obviously under the direct command of British officers, and ‘were often supplied and paid by British commissar- ies, they remained very much a part of the Hessian, Brunswick, or whatever other army might have hited ‘them out, and returned home again as soon as hostili- ties were concluded.WEAPONS AND TACTICS Linear tactics predominated throughout the 18th century, and centred around the application of firepower, The noted British superiority in this fel, alluded to by O'Sullivan, ean principally be attrib- ‘uted to three factors "The first was the employment of the platoon firing system, Before 1764 the administrative onganis- ation of the battalion into companies and the tactical organisation into platoons and grand divisions were quite separate ~ although the grenadiers were always left to their own devices. Immediately before a bat- talion went into action the major and his assistant the adjutant rode along the line telling the men off into platoons and grand divisions. The precise organisa tion varied according to the number of men present and fit for duty, and sometimes upon the major’s interpretation of the drill book; but essentially the idea was to divide the battalion as evenly as possible into four grand divisions, each made up of about three, four or five platoons ~ about 30 men being reckoned to be the optimum for each platoon, In 1764 the process was considerably simplified bby formally dividing each company into two platoons and pairing off the eight battalion companies into four divisions, thus harmonising tactical and admin istrative organisation. ‘When the command was given to open fire only the first platoon in each ofthe grand divisions did so, being followed by the second, which in tum was followed by the third and so on. In theory, by the time the lst platoon inthe division had fired the First had reloaded and was ready to begin the cycle anew. In practice, what begun asa well-conducted sequence soon degenerated into free-for-all, with first each platoon and ultimately each individual loading and firing at will; bu the effec was the same —a relentless ‘meat-grinding barrage offre, “The second factor was the general lack of proper training facilities for complete battalions and larger training as was Fonts, which meant that suet carried out necessarily centred around the manual ‘exercise (basic weapon handling) and platoon firing toa far greater degree than on the Continent. 2 Corporal, Warley Camp, (Rainer de Laurverers dented ana solder of the 2th he ack that. Pepimentsbastonshaped ‘nSetoops although the ‘linge bisa ey reeallireserice at finden SJpthe leiccentury Inurl Tevew on fing thea Sher weeblcgreenry Sms the Boon wor Tnpreterence tothe ‘fides Rose’ of more ‘moan mes. (luthor’s Ciiteton} o, ‘Thirdly, and not to be despised, was the ac~ knowledged superiority of the Land Pattern firelock and its derivatives, commonly known as the ‘Brown Bess’. This fintlock musket had a ealibre of 0.75 in. (12 bore) firing a 1%-ounce soft lead ball Initially i had a barrel length of 46 in., but this was oficially superseded in 1768 by the 42 in-barrelled Short Land Pattern. Although contemporary French fre- arms are generally held up as being of a superior quality, testimony from British officers is unanimous in stressing the real edge which they reckoned 0 have from the heavier weight of ball ~ though just as important, perhaps, was the equally superior quality of British gunpowder, which was made using salt petre imported from Bengal towards the end of the century by the East India Company A preoccupation with the lethal application of firepower may also have encouraged the develop- ment of light infantry. This was probably in part a result af North American experience, but it alsa very largely reflected other European practices. Generally such troops were expected to serve as a lightly ‘equipped striking force, capable of undertaking rapid marches and redeployments, rather than actually Light infaneeymen of the ith Poor afer de Lotherbs. 1. The Ieee fs womecimer ben interpreted asa eu ‘lowm hae but this drawing fairly ede shows iro Be ‘he oninary sf Feather ligne infamy cap with the sidiion of «small peak at the front o shade the exes Sind a larger ap at the intel capable of being "rma! dow to protect the hook tn bad weather: The baller bag and large powder horn were found ro ‘ere te daring he fics discarded afterwards. The soldier on therighe als appears to ‘nother item discarded ‘toring the postwar inatons (thors Collection) 2serving as battlefield skirmishers. They were certainly encouraged to make use of cover when it was aail- able, and good marksmanship was stressed, but there were few formal light infantry drills such. [Fit came to a fight in the open they generally seem to have formed up shoulder to shoulder like everyone ese ‘The introduction of light companies in infantry hartalions was, iti true, originally intended to pro- vide some exbility; but in practice the light compan- ies were almost invariably creamed off, ogether with the grenadiers, to form provisional ‘lank battalions” numbers permitted ~as during the principal eam- pigns of the American War ~ separate battalions of light infantry and grenadiers might be formed, but ‘otherwise the two categories would simply be bri- sgaded together in mixed units. In practice this made litle difference since their actual, as opposed to theoretical, roles were virtually identical Despite the existence of official drill books, pi to the adoption of Dundas’s famous manual in 17 there was litle consistency in their interpretation, and most regiments had their own ways of doing things, Indeed, the satirical Advice t Officers pub- lished ten years earlier cheerfully recommended its readers: ‘When promoted to the command ofa regi- ment from some other corps, show them that they were all in the dark before, and overturning their whole routine of discipline, introduce another as different as possible. Inefficient though this might scem, it did not prevent British infantrymen from proving. them- selves to be the best in the world, Indeed, the very lack of rigid consistency highlights the fact that far from being astfly pipeclayed automaton, the British soldier of the 18th century was tough, resourceful and above all adaptable, THE PLATES A: Scotland AI: Grenadier, 21st Foot; Culloden, 1746 The two ‘Additional’ companies were recruiting for this regiment in Scotland when the last Jacobite rising began, and it was alko one of three regular Scottish battalions to fight at Culloden on 16 April 1746, Pusilier Edward Linn afterwards wrote a vivid account of the battle in a letter to his wife: u “They fired 2 pieces of Cannon first upon us; we R so they came up very boldly & very fas alin a Cloud together, sword in hand; they fired their pieces & flung them away, but we g2 them so Warm a Reception that we kepta Continuall loss flireing upon them with our Small Arms; besides 2 of 3 of our Cannon gave them such a Closs with grape shott which galled them very much & so in ane instant they Retreated. ... [never Saw a ‘Smallfield thicker of Dead, Coats were worn with lapels buttoned over and skirts unhooked at Culloden ~ Linn realled how he and his comrades kept their fielocks dey with their coat skirts, White gaiters were reserved for peacetime parade grounds and on campaign grey, black or brown were worn instead — a Morier painting of Cumberland at Culloden very clearly depicts the 13th Foot wearing black, As a grenadier this man is distinguished from lesser mortals by the now orna- ‘mental matchease on his cartridge box sling, and by his elaborately embroidered mitre cap. As fusilirsall ranks of this regiment should have worn them, but in practice the battalion companies may have worn cheaper tricornes on active service. Mest regiments simply bore the rosal eypher on the front of their caps, but asa Royal regiment the 21st were permitted badge, in this case the thistle enclosed within a strap bearing the old Scottish motto NEMO. ME IMPUNE LACESSIT. ‘The caps worn by the batal- jon company men, as depicted in the 1742 Cloathing. Book, differed slightly from that shown in that the white horse of Hanover was replaced on the little flap bby another thistle, ned them A2: Sergeant Terry Molloy, 55th Foot; Ruthven Barracks, 1745 In August 1745 General Sir John Copeleft Ruthven Barracks, near Kingussie, in the charge of ‘a very ‘good Serjeant and twelve Men’. On tae 29th Se _geant Molloy’ litle command was surrounded by a force of rebels which he estimated to be upwards of 300 strong; but upon being summoned to surrender he stoutly replied that ‘I was too old a Soldier t0 surrender a Garrison of such Strength, without bloody: noses’. At this point the rebels ‘threatened Ihanging me and my Men for Refusal (but) I told them I would take my Chance’. He then proceeded 10 ‘eat off the assault which followed; and Cope after~ Scotland 174516 1 Grenadier, 2st Foot Galloden, 1746 2: Sergeant Moll Rastven Bore Private 64th Caloden, 1746Light afaey tVRopas, Caribbean, 1790 1: Lieutenant John Urquhart, ‘San Domanga, 794 1: Sergeant Major Googe Edington, Jamaica, 198 wards passed his report on to the Secretary of State for Scotland with a recommendation that Molloy "be made an officer for his gallant behaviour’, It is pleasant to record that he is next heard of as Lieut ant Molloy, although by that time a second attack in February, this time with artillery support, had forced his surrender on very good terms, Sergeant Molloy is depicted in his regiments, with the gaiters left off ~ a common practice in barracks. Asa Sergeant he would normally carry a halberd, though he was undoubtedly using a firelock ‘on 29 August. Nevertheless, he is still distinguished by plain white lace on his uniform and a worsted sash around his waist. As it would obviously have been Impossible for him to obtain an officers regimentals while at the barracks his promotion was probably marked simply by shifting the sash from his waist to + his shoulder. He is depicted here wearing a hat, but as he was promoted to lieutenant rather than ensign itis possible that he and his men were grena- ders (Originally raised in Scotland in 1741, Lee's 35th Foot became the -Mth afier the disbandment of Oglethorpe’s 42nd and ten regiments of Marines in 1749, 14: Private, 64th Highlanders; Culloden, 1746 Besides the three regular Scottish battalions, the British army at Culloden included a Highland unit — the Argyll Militia. Many ofits company commanders vere actually regular officers, and some further stiff ‘ening was found in the shape of three companies of Louidon’s 64th Highlanders. One of these compan- Jes, led by Captain Colin Campbell of Ballimore, played an important part in the battle, although Ballimore himself and halfa dozen of his men were killed in a rather one-sided firefight towards the end ofthe battle with the retreating ‘French’ regulars of the Royal Eeossois. After Culloden the 64th were Good rearview of “ona of the Oot aftr de Loutherberg, 17 Nowe ‘hesmall grenade badge the box. The se of words tn thereat ofthe Bearskin tahisprtod sss lind was probably confined torres paride (aehors Cattecron) tat no Large buckles are ‘sie on the sling whichsent to Flanders, and served at Bergen op Zoom before being disbanded in 1748. A surviving invoice from 1746 relites to the provision of a green sett with red and yellow loverstripes — apparently very similar to “Hunting MacLeod’. This reconstruction, however, is based ‘on two surviving portraits of officers and what looks like a paie of red-tartaned Highlanders in the back- «ground of Morier’s painting of the Royal Artillery at Roermond in early 1748. The red tartan appears to be the Stuart of Bute sett (see MAA 261), and particu- larly noteworthy isthe simple red-checked waisteoat. B: North America and the Caribbean Bl: Private, 2/Royals; Havana, 1762 ‘The 2nd Battalion of the Royals spent most of the war ia North America, but after the conquest of ‘Canada they were redeployed to the Caribbean, This figure s taken froma painting by Domenie artist who accompanied the expedition against Ha- vvana. ‘The only concession to the climate appears t0 be the short ankle-length gaiters worn instead of the usual thigh-Iength variety, although 1/Royals were ordered in 1762 to wear white waistcoats, and pre- sumably white breeches as well. Swords were still offically supposed to be worn by battalion compan- ies, but in fact were increasingly’ left offas a useless encumbrance, By the 1730s the hair, which had previously been brushed up under the soldier's hat, was being tied back; bur it was common in the American campaignsat least to have i erepped short, and standing orders for the 78th Highlanders specfi- cally laid down chat hair should be tied beck only iit ‘was long enough to do so. 12: Private, #4ch Foot; Monongahela, 173 In September 1754 Halhet’s th (formerly: the 55th) were despatched to North Americaunder Gen- eral Braddock, At the time they were cxtied on the Irish Establishment and could only muster 350 rank and fle, but a further 330 men were added through, nad actually teen exried inaction during the fimerican Maran hes A frome view of another [grenadier again aftepa de Toumherberg sketch. Note Ofthelaceom thewings. Fecommended to be “Whough asagrenadier he dispenued wit (luchoo's swoarna nord fe was Calcction) owed i 178 char none rafting from other battalions and by beating up for nev reeruits on theie atvival in America, The drafted men were probably absorbed without too much diff- culty ~ it was, after all, a common practice ~ but the large number of new recruits must have been more of a liability than an asset, and probably contributed to the regiment’s poor performance atthe Monongahela fon 9 July 1755. After the battle the battalion was in brought up to strength by recruiting in the colonies, and consequently by the end of the war it vas to all intents and purposes an American regi- This figure is based upon General Braddock’s entirely sensible instructions issued before beginning hss fateful march. ‘The usual red woo breeches and waistcoat were replaced by cooler linen ones, and most items of equipment — belts, pouches and swords, were left in store, 113: Private, 60th Foot; Niagara, As an alternative to the expensive and inefficient process of deploying regiments from the English and Irish Establishments across the Atlantic, tentative artempts were made in the middle of the 18th cen- tury to create an American Establishment, General Oplethorpe raised the 42nd in England in 1738 for service in his colony of Georgia, and at the end of the following year Colonel Spotood received letters af service forthe 43rd, this time tobe raised in America, In 1744 and 1745 two New England regiments were added, the 65th and 66th. The 43rd (better known as Gooch’s) were disbanded as early as 1743, but the others survived until 1748. However, the two New England regiments were re-raised in 1754 asthe 50th and 5Ist respectively. Neither, unfortunately, sur- vived the caprure of Fort Oswego in 1756, and they wore formally disbanded on 25 December 1756, In the meantime letters of service forthe four battalions of the 62nd, later 60th Royal American Regiment, vere issued on 25 December 17 [In May 1757 Colonel Prevost recommenced that as their service would very largely be in the woods they should wear a ranger-style uniform with a short jacket, simple kilt, Indian leggings and a stiff leather up a “bonnet Allemand” ag he called it. This uniform ean be seen worn by two soldiers in the background of a painting of Sir William Johnson, head ofthe Indian Department. Neither man wears & kite, but their unlaced coats have been cropped short, imitases or Indian leggings are worn in place of gaiters, and they have black leather caps bearing the Royal eypher. C:Europe C1: Corporal, Battalion Company, 5th Foot; Withetmnstal, 1762 ‘This figure, largely based on a watercolour sketch by Sandby, illustrates how the basic infantry uniform ‘was evolving. He is distinguished asa corporal by the Tooped ‘knot’ of white worsted tape bel shoulder. Unlike the similar knots or aiguilettes worn by officers and some cavalrymen, the corporal’s knot appears to have originated in the extra skein of slow match issued to corporals of musketeers during the Vth century ‘The old dufMle-bag-type knapsack, virtually un- changed since the days of the Great Cisil War, has now been replaced by a rectangular one, worn square ‘on the back. The gaiters are also quite different from those worn in the 1740s, being made of waterproofed black linen with stiff leather tops. Red breeches were sill preseribed for non-Royal regiments, but inereas- ingly white or off-white cloth or linen ones were boeing worn instead, since they were more comfort- able and much easier to Keep clean. This widespread practice would soon be sanctioned for all regiments, by the Royal Warrant of 1768, ‘The bearskin cap being worn by this battakion company soldier was an unofficial distinction pecu- liar to the 5th Foot. At Withelmstal on 24 June 1762 they forced the crack Grenadiers de France and Grenadiers Royaus to surrender, and promptly eel- brated the sietory by appropriating their fur caps. They also took a colour which somehow filed to get handed into the proper authorities, and was paraded ‘ever after (despite official disapproval) as a third or "Drummer’s Colour’ —a tradition still maintained by the regiment today, although the original trophy, sadly, perished ina fire long ago. (C2: Corporal Todd, 12th Foot, 1761 Each infantry battalion had a pioneer section com prising corporal and eight men, made up of one ‘man from each company except the grenadiers. In addition to their ordinary infantry equipment they carried axes and saws, and wore russet leatheraprons, In 1768 the cloth forage cap depicted here wvas ordered to be replaced by a leather eap trimmed with fur, probably not unlike those worn by the Highland Company of the 25th — see Plate E3; but by the 1790s they generally had grenadier caps with distinctive plates. A notable pioneer was Corporal Todd of the 12th Foor, who left an interesting journal of his service swith thearmy in Germany, On 18 November 1761 he and some of his men sere taken prisoner by the French while cutting wood, and no fewer than seven- teen pages of his journal are devoted tothe nine days. ‘which he spent in captivity before being exchanged fon the 27th. On the whole he and his men were treated reasonably well, but they had to contend w some determined attempts to entice them into join- ing the French army's Irish Brigade, Ten ducats 2 ‘man and rapid promotion were offered, but Todd and his pioneers refused to budge, even after heated exchange which ended when one of the Trish ‘drew his sword and made a lunge at me and cut me over the eye in a shocking manner" Ioryiled dirk marked Upto an officer ofthe tind Hhightanders pose USE Such dinks were popular Durie issmteresting to ind this particular seve ‘trvled ina Highland ‘eziment (NMS) Another coat worn by Joe Dalglisy while serving in the Store’ 1790. The Embroidered button loops tthe carer coat have ircen replaced by gold hs altered quite ‘marked hough sill Feaainsthereaiment’s thistle badge (N19) (C3: Lieutenant William Bannatyne, Lith Foot; Gibratear, 1762 William Bannatyne vas a typical example of that clas of officer characterised by a contemporary as private gentlemen ‘without the advantage of birth and friends’. Born at Dores near Inverness in 17: he was the son of Presbyterian minister. His elder brother Robert served in the East India Company's Madras Army with some distinction before his death at Conjeveram in 1 MacBean (another minister’s son) commanded a bat- tery at Minden and died a general. One of his sisters married an Army officer, and he himself married the «laughter of one. Despite its strategic importance Gibraliar re ‘mained a backwater throughout the Seven Years’ War, and Bannatyne therefore found no opportunity for rapid advancement, Entering Pulteney’s 13th Foot asan ensign on 3 January 1756at the age of 17 he obtained his Licutenancy on 1 August 1759, but ‘vas still a Heutenant when he transferred on to the Half-Pay of Monson’s 96th Foot atthe beginning of September 1765, The Gibraltar garrison was normally renowned for its spit and polish, but some concessions mast have been made to the climate, fora 1766 inspection by which time they had rerurned home) revealed that the 13th were already wearing white waistcoats and breeches, and had white linings to their coats instead of the required philemot yellow facing col- our. Gaiters were normally worn by infantry officers ‘on parade, but as adjutant, a post whieh he held from. 29 September 1760 unl his retirement, Lieutenant Bannatyne was required tobe mounted and therefore wore boots. 9; and his stepbrother, Forbes D: Light Infantry D1: Private, 85th Royal Volunteers, 1760 Inspired by the exploits of the Croats and Pandours in the Imperial service and their opponents and imitators in France and! Germany, Britain too raised number of regiments of light infantry during the Seven Years’ War. The 85th, which took part in the Cteanalivors hile ofthe porruits show i eared logantspadroom This uring the laver sages of intnirsoficer' sword isthe Imertean Wa, ften said tohave been (Author Collection) “neradced i 178% bt successful Belle Isle expedition, was one of the earl ‘est, and this reconstruction is based on both a con- temporary drawing and a report of an inspection carried out at Neweastle upon Tyne on 10 March 1700, “The officers and men had swords, the officers armed with fuzees, and have eross buff belts, They wear ther sashes round the waist... Uniform red coat without lapels, with blue cufis and capes, silverToops Fined white — double breasted short waistcoats ‘of white cloth and breeches of the same — hats cocked in the manner of King Henry VIII with a plume of white feathers, The arms much lighter than those of the infantry. Officers and men have hangers ~ the men short but young ~ accoutrements new, pouch ‘belt much narrower than what is used by the infan try, the waistbele worn across the shoulder. The men. have red coats without lapels, blue cuffs and capes ‘with white loops lined white ~ double breasted short waistcoats of white cloath, breeches of the same — hats cocked in the manner of King Henry VIII with a narrow white lace, and plume of white Feathers, no ‘white or black gaters but a black leather gaiter which, ccomes half way up the leg.” ‘The firelock was presumably the 0.67 eal. Light Infantry Carbine first set up in 1758. Curiously the drawing shows what at first appears to be an elegant walking stick, but given the continental influences this is much more likely to be « Jigerstyle aiming D2: Officer, 90th Light Infantry, 1762 Although the 8Sth sported rather rakish hats, most British light infancrymen wore caps or helmets of we some description. ‘This figure s based upon a portrait by Reynolds of Lieutenant Dan Holroyd, killed at Havana in 1762. This particular style of eap, with ‘minor variations, was to be one of the most popular. Holroyd’s coat is also interesting. Although conven- wh in having prominent lapels, albeit negligently fastened as seems to have been the- fashion, the cuffs are much smaller than usual and cet in light dragoon style. Reynolds neglected to pict Holrosdl's lower legs, but itis likey that the 90h’ officers wore short ankle-length gaiters on Cuba, The choice of a spontoon for a lig officer is at first sight surprising since it was much ‘more usual to find them equipped with fusils oF sfuzees; but there was actully a good ease for insist- ing that an officer should devote all his atention 10 leading his men rather than becoming involved per- sonally in the firefight ‘ional eno be infantry D3: Private, 19th Light Infantry, 1762 While the uniform and equipment of the 85th was ‘learly based upon that worn by German Tigers, one ‘of Morier's paintings shows that the short-lived 119th wore curious uniform which, with the exeep- tion of the helmet, was very largely copiel from the Jager? opponents, the Croats in Imperial service. “The classically styled helmet was the most distinctive feature, but perhaps rather more notewor*hy are the ‘white Hungarian breeches or pantaloons and ankle boots. The pike is another indicator that the com- ‘manding officer, Colonel Hon, Charles Praroy, as influenced by the practices of the Austrian Grenziruppen. The pike used by the latter nad a small Ihook set in the side in order to serve as an aiming as well as a useful defence against cavalry, 1 carried by the 119th, however, was a simple staff on the end of which could be ‘fixed’ a fairly long sword- bayonet. The hile of this sword was a simple tube Which slotted on to the end ofthe staff, but itis not Officer’ breastplate, Ist dhe centre of th collar and eRtval Regintent Gilt —nocroun. In 73 the With siverbeading and Brish Mileary Library Nan thismasterpicceof noted “The ormments on Uhejewellers artis the breastplate beng lnilkes to nate been wore "Granged fo, Iiaction. The thi Inde wae peelian to sample is thovgh to be ftfcere of the regiments, hum the Tot Baraon finkers fad St-Andrew in (NMS) clear from Moriet’s painting whether it was also capable of being fixed on to the firelock, A set of drawings in the Royal Collection, dated tw about 1770, shows a slightly different uniform for 2 Tight infantry unit — perhaps the projected light ‘companies — with ordinary gaiters and no lapels on the cou, although the helmet appears very similar to this one. The light infantrymen in the drawings are armed with halF-pikes or spontoons, but while Morier depicts ordinary firelocks ~ presumably the al. Light Infantry Carbine ~ those shown in the to be armed with rifles or carbines ‘spear’ bayonets, again perhaps fired using the pike as an aiming res F:25th Foot, Minorea Phe 25¢h (Edinburgh) Regiment is particularly well documented in two series of paintings and sketches {lpicting officers and men serving on Minorea in about 1770. Although the 1768 Warrant should in theory have taken effect by that time, the Uisplay some quite marked divergences from it, Some are perhaps explicable by the men wearing out their old clothing, but others appear to be unauthor- ised regimental distinctions. uniforms Bl: Grenadier, 1770 The grenadiers are a case in point. In theory they should have been wearing the regulation pattern bearskin eap with a black metal plate infront bearing. the King’s crest and motto, TERRENT. In fact evo variants are shown in the paintings, nether of which conforms to this pattern. Commonest isa plain black bearskin without plate, although two men are shown wearing the very dis- ctive variety seen here. Bearskin caps had been noted in inspection reports as far back as 1766 and ‘heir ‘plain fronts’ were remarked upon in 1768, This white metal plate may therefore have been a short- lived regimental pattern introduced after that date. At any rate a portrait of a grenadier officer named Charles Watson shows that the regulation pattern hhad certainly been adopted by about 1780. Dirk envied by Lieutenant original wae reeded black Jolin Erqubari, hon and the Dade 3 ‘on San Domingo. The grip inches long. (Author's Sureplacement—the Collection)The grey blanket appears to be a substitute for the hussar cloak recommended by Cuthbertson for sentries, while the whit ters are a regimental distinction noted as early as garters supporting the ga 1768. The red waistcoat should of course have been replaced by a white one long since; and two years after the promulgation of the 1768 regulations this ‘man itil wearing the old pattern af regimental Tace £2: Private, Summer Guard Order, 1771 Although iis common to portray I8th-century Brit- {sh soldiers sweating in their heavy red woollen coats in the hottest of climates, more sensible measures were frequently employed in practice. least coats could be lined with linen or even have no lining at all; but this unusual, if not unique, white linen uniform is depicted in one of the Minorca paintings. At the very Cpgi tle ty {AES hoe sderanaen tty To No bayonet ele is shown, so the soldier presum- ably fixed it before mounting guard and unfived it to his quarters. jacket, distinguished only: by small red square-cut wings (trimmed on the outside again on returning The zrenadiers with regimental lace), and they still wore their fur although they had no caps ~ the plain variety matchcases on the rather narrow slings of their ear- boxes E3: Private, Highland Company, 1771 Anticipating the permanent creation of light compan ies, the 25th had a‘Highland Company”. The cap was ‘of red lacquered leather trimmed with besrskin, but ‘otherwise the uniform was very similar tothat of the battalion companies, with both long and short gaiters being worn according to circumstances. There was in facta feling in many regiments that the short jackets preseribed for light infanceymen spoiled the symame- try of a batalion on parade. In this case the jacket’ is simply an ordinary soldier's coat with eropped shirts =a recommended expedient — and the bastion- shaped lace loops prescribed for this regiment in 1768 have at last come into use Officers belonging to this company are shown in a large group painting wearing a very similar uni- form, with short gaiters, and carrying basket-hilted bbroadsswords suspended on white belts wom over the ri A regimental distinction which ap- pears in a number of portraits and sketches of both officers and men of the 25th, atleast until the 1790s, js the addition of white piping tothe cuffsand lapels of the ea shoulder nd red piping to the waistcoa P1768 Regulations FI: Lieutenant John Dalgleish, 21st Foot, 1782 Like William Bannatyne of the 13th Foot, John Dalgleish was a professional soldier with neither ‘money nor influence to recommend him. Born in Fifein 1 he was unable to purchasea commission and so began his career by joining one of the regiments in the Dutch Army’s in the British Army. Battalion, Royal Regiment Rosal Scots in the Army List tor 1794, Published annually the Listes and Suits) an invaluable swha's who’ ecordng not ‘only dhe numesof al the ‘cers serving neh {rms bur avo their dates Coltection) Lord Adam Gordon, 1801, Commanders Chic Scotland R200 179% and Colonel of the ovate rom 1782 uni his dah in 101. (NMS) in 1774, before eventually obtaining a jeutenant’s commission in the 21st Royal North ish Fuzliers in 1776. Unfortunately, in the fl- lowing year the 21st were amongst the regiments foreed to surrender at Saratoga, and he remained a prisoner until 1780, Thereafter the rest of his career as spent in regimental duties at home and in the West Indies; he became a captain on 19 August 1789 nd a major in September 1795, before retiring as lieutenant colonel in October 179 This figure has been reconstructed using one of Wo surviving coats belonging to Dalgleish and a portrait of another officer named Robert Hamilton Buchannan, As a fusilier officer he wears epaulettes ton both shoulders, a distinction otherwise shared only with field officers, flank company olficers and Highlanders. For the same reason he carries a fasil and, less commonly perhaps, has a bayonet for it but no sword. According to the 1768 regulations the 21st were to have the King’s erest on the front plate of ther bearshin caps and a thistle within the “circle of St. Andrew ~ their ‘ancient badge’; but Buchannan's Portrait simply shows the standard version, presum- ably because it proved too difficult to Bit both bad and erest on to the same plate. In fact the bearskin cap was probably only worn by fusiler officers in fall dlress, and the ubiquitous Tarleton helmet became & popular substicuce from the 1780s onwards, The 21st hnad leopardskin turhans on their helmets and a lar silver thiste ba eon the right side.F2: Private, Light Company, 5th Foot 1780 The Sth plaved an active part in the early campaigns ‘of the American War. The flank companies fought Lexington and Concord and the whole battalion was engaged at Bunker Hill; afterwards they formed part of the 2nd Brigade on Long Island and in the Penn- splvania campaign before being posted te the West Indies. Despite a number of recommendations and regulations there appears, to have been ne real con- sensus as tothe best form of headgear to be worn by 1 infantrymen, Ar first a simple leather skulleap with a low front plate, ike the “bonnet PAllemand” sworn by the 60th in the 1750s, was advocated; but although examples are seen in use as late a: 1790 this was generally rejected in favour of a variety of regi- ‘mental patterns, This particular variant is:lso known to have been worn by the 9th Foot (with < Br ‘badge on the front), and by 5 iltia units seen at Warley Camp e, 1 he brass crest provided protection against sword-cuts, ard the peak to shade the eyes wasa frequently demanded feature F3: Corporal, 26th Foot (Cameronians), 1780 ‘The 26th, or Cameronians, were scattered in small, detachments between Montreal, Trois. Rivires ‘Chambly, St. John's, Crown Point and ‘Ticonderog atthe outbreak of the American War, It was Caprain William Delaplace and 43 men of the 26th who formed the garrison of Ticonderoga when it was captured by Ethan Allen and his ‘Green Mountain Boss’ on 10 May 1776. The regiment did not subse- ‘quently play an important role in the war, and was ‘eventually drafted in 1779, having spent nearly: 14 years in North Ameria, ‘This soldier, representing the archetypal infan- tryman of the American War, is dressed largely in accordance with the 1768 regulations, end armed with the 42 in, barrel Short Land Pattern firclock. His bayonet belt is now worn over the right shoulder, Grenadier, It oF Royal [Regiment by Faward Daren. 1790. This teateréolour is particularly dcr identified be The old embroitered cloth grenuicr cap seems Finve boon cheerfully worn nd out of seson, but the earshin ap which ‘replaced it appears to have Beriach en popu oem ocasions (MS) and in place of the knot formerly worn by corporals ‘on that shoulder he wears small white fringe on the end ofa shoulder-strap as his mark of rank G:North America Gl: Marksman, 21st Foot; Ticonderoga, 17 The brigading of flank companies into adh battal~ fons naturally deprived the parent units of their own skirmishers, and in order to cover this deficiency the practice arose of de: battalion company as ‘marksmen’ or “lankers’. Ironi- cally these unofficial skirmishers may sometimes have been better at ther job than their counterparts, Jn the regimental light companies, and were often creamed off in their turn In 1776 General Burgoyne sssembled a ranger unit of such marksmen under Captain Alexander Fraser of the 34th Foot, only t0 Jose most of them at Bennington, ‘One rman was demanded from each company for his unit, Each was to be selected for his strength, activity and marksmanship, and provided with a ood firelock. It was further directed that they were 5. ascertain the best loads for thei individual weap- onsand make up their own cartridges accordingly ‘This figure is based upon. small group of figures fn the foreground of a contemporary watercolour Xlepicting Fort Ticonderoga. Like most light infan- rymen they wear short jackets, but can be idemtified 1s marksmen by an absence of wings and the distine- tive red waistcoats stil worn by light company men. Also noteworthy is the fact chat all the regimental Jace has been stripped off their jackets. One man wearing yellow facings (perhaps of the 34th Foot) \veats blue miteses in place ofthe more usual gaiters, bout the soldier in the blue facings of the 21st has buckskin leggings, All three wear peaked light infantry caps of slightly varying styles, and the ‘marksman of the 21st has a small badge on the front ot his this s presumably his the star of St. Andrew, and probably came from the lap of his cartridge box. None of the caps bear a crest, buta well-known painting depicting the burial of General Fraser shows his nephew Captain Fraser ‘vith a cap surmounted by a luxuriant red mane. the best shots in each ments thistle within, G2: Private, 40th Foot; Germantown, 177 Two important paintings by Navier della Gatta de- piet men ofa light infantry unit and battalion com- panies of the 40th Foot during the Pennyshania campaign of 1777. Both wear substantially similar uniforms, although the 40th are distinguished by the buff facings on their cufls (the light infantry appear to have none) and buff rather than black equipment. En route to Pennsylvania General Howe had ordered the bayonet belt to be discarded and the scabbard attached to the carti seems to have met with some resistance, and Gatta shows the bayonet belt still worn over the right shoulder. bow sling instead, fun thie This may have been due in part 10 a Rest view ofa batetion ‘company priate, Repti shee Sie Wiliam Becehes.c 1798 This Soler has been om San Domingo and stil wears the American Trousers or “Guitar Trousers sued t0 eyeing ia bor ‘limes The gatskio Enapeack appencs Ineenine ss ker is rolled under te top. Chothor’s Collection)reluctance to part with the regimental breastplates whieh were now replacing the old frame buckles on this belt While the light infantry wear white gaiter-trou- sers the men of the 40th wear the usual black ankle ‘gaiters with white stockings and breeches, The latter should have been buff, ike the regiment's facings, but those depiered are presumably: linen or duck alternatives worn in warm weather, Also notable are the uncocked round hats worn by bot G3 Private, 42nd Highlanders; Halitiy, 1784 The rigours of campaigning naturally toos their toll ‘on Highland dress, As early as 1775 it wasnoted that broadswords were considered ‘incumbrances’ and had largely been abandoned in favour of bayonets {although some, perhaps just those belonging to the grenadier company, had been handed into store at Hialifas as late as $ December 1783). Ths figure is based upon the report of later inspection carried out at Halifax, Nova Scotia on 9 June 1784: “The 42nd could not appear in their full uniform for want of plaids, etc., which the C0. thought proper annually to dispose of during the lte War, 10 ppurchase a more commogtious dress for the American service, with the approbation of the Commander in Chief Ipresumably Sir Guy Carleton]. Th: regiment appeared remarkably clean dressed ... the men had ‘on white strong tcken trousers with short sack cloth, “This soldier still wears the old “belt order’ com- prising a belly-box and bayonet worn or a narrow waist belt, but by 1784 this had very largely been superseded by a more conventional se: of black leather equipment comprising a large cartridge box ‘on the right hip and the bayonet, suspended from a shoulder belt, on the left. Hz 1/Royals, Caribbean, 17905 The Ist Battalion of the Royals, the senior infantry regiment in the British Army, were sitioned in Ireland in the 1780s; but on 20 January 1790 they ‘embarked 349 effeetives at Cork on the Chichester (44) for Jamaica. With a further 21 rank and file left behind as a rudimentary depot, they were fully recruited up to the Irish establishment of 370 rank and file. On embarking they reverted to tae English, Establishment. In consequence the agerey passed from Fraser and Reed of Dublin to Messrs. Meyrick ‘of Parliament Street, London, and the depot was then allowed to beat up for recruits in Ireland "They remained on Jamaica for the next four years, but at the beginning of 1794 were sent to San Domingo (Haiti) and served there until February ce Ofer, baration que, he has aitrs in Company, Istor Rosal place of boots. Note the Regiment by Edward Black or dark tuecipped Dapen 1790 Dressed for white hackle inhis hae ‘durs"ie on guardor (NMS) at John Urquhart, San Domingo, “Most first commissions were obtained by purchase in peacetime but it was also possible for an aspiring officer to serve in the ranks until a non-purchase sacaney occurred. John Urquhart (1768-1848) originally enlisted as'a private in 1/Royals in 1789 but obtained an Ensign’s commission two years later and was subsequently promoted to Lieutenant on 16 October 1792. By the beginning of 1794 he was serving inthe grenadier company and went with itto San Domingo. On 1 May he was captured after an abortive dawn attack on a fort at Bombarde, but cleased shortly afterwards. Subsequently he was attached to an émigré uni being promoted into the short-lived 106th Foot, and eventually becoming Assistant Military Secretary to the Fast India Company Besides their expensive ‘regimental’ officers were advised to provide themselves with two ‘frocks’ or unlaced coats for everyday use, particularly on active service. Lieutenant Urquhart is depicted wearing a typical officer's campaign uniform com- round jacket, of the style popularised in the American War, without epaulettes or lace, and a round har with a grenadier’s white hackle. Although saiters were supposed to be worn on parade oF on Jury, boots were de rigueur on service; the plain black boots shovsn are more likely to be the “regimental” Iype referred to in orders than the rather soft pair worn by Captain Covell Another officer of the Royal, Thomas St. Chir, scribes a very similar uniform still being worn as Contade’s Legion, before late as 1806: “Round hat, cockade, a small feather at he side, regimental jacket, Russia duck pantaloons, with sash and small dirk hanging by a waist belt to Captain John Clayton may be the regimental” Cometh I/Royats afer Sir on referred tn William Becher: Cowell sanding orders bur thes pears to have been lresoclear impractical Dalaced on bis return fiom that they are mate than Sam Dovaingo in 108." ikelya personal ‘cording tothe ‘Mtcceatio Another bacetion's money timexplained personal return he was assigned to foblets the ting of his mmand/one ofthe flank sash eavals-fashion on SSmpanies burhaw oni" therighesfte ratheran theinglecpaulencofe — ontht tas mesproper bntation company. Since feeinantesolicer hhewears both his zorger™ (Author's Collection) Lind sash the sft bootS with the NRC tour sides.’ The regimental pattern sword carried by officers in the Royals at that time had an uncom: monly heavy blade ~ it was virtually a broadsword — so Urquhar’s decision to carry a dirk fr the bush- 0 is entirely understandable 1» Domingo, 1794 (On 8 July 1791 it was ordered that soldiers going to the West Indies should have a red jacket buttoning as waistcoat ~ ie a single-breasted garment ~ distin- zuished by collar, cuffs and shoulder straps of the regimental faci round hat. No mention was made of regimental lace; but the unusual use of a button loop on the shoulder strap is shown in a sketch by Dayes, and as a ‘colour, with gaiter trousers and a grenadier this man has wings on his shoulders. The wings were of course a traditional grenadier distine nd both they and the fur crest on the round hat are shown in contemporary illustrations of troops in he West Indies. A painting of Captain John Clayton Cowell of 1/Royals «. 1795 shows that this particular battalion was equipped with white goatskin knap- sacks. “The Royals’ grenadier company, largely made up of long-service veterans, fared quite badly in the debacle at Bombarde on 1 May 1794, with Corporal Thomas Hammond and five men killed, five more wounded, and 16 others besides Lieutenant Urquhart taken prisoner. Despite this they contin- ued to serve creditably, most notably in storming a battery at Fort Bizeton in March 1795 H: Sergeant Major George Edington, Jamaica, 1793 Promotion of meritorious NCOs was surprisingly Left: Contemporary sherch ‘toms the fe by Brava. depicting British officer: ‘onjamaten, All wear fll “mma badge on the Irethe antelope of the seh Foot (uthor’s Collection) ‘common in the 18th-century British Army, and an Irishman named George Ea ple. First appearing as an ‘acting ensign’ in the monthly return for 20 May 1794, he was properly commissioned on 9 September, and became adjutant a month later. The latter appointment was not an uncommon one, since former NCOs generally knew the workings of a hattalion inside ont; bur Falington 95, later went on to become a lieutenant on 13 May T and a captain on 6 December 1798, before retiri year ater, Although short, single-breasted jackets were prescribed for all troops serving in the West Indies there is considerable evidence that some units, in- cluding the Royals, also took their full dress regimen- tals with them, Indeed the Royals were generally best-looking men in Port admitted tobe the ‘nea his figure is therefore closely based on a contemporary print by Bunbury. Apart from the white duck gaiter-trousers hes dressed pretty well as, he would have been at home. As the battalion's senior NCO he wears what is effectively an officer’ ‘regi mentals, being distinguished only by the substitu- tion of silver lace for gold. The white hackle with the black or dark blue tip is a regimental variant which can be seen in both Dayes’ sketches and a contempor- ary portrait, au Prines Recommended Reading: Alan J. Guy, Oeconomy and Discipline (Manchester, 1983) JA. Houlding, Fit for Service: the Training of the British Army 1715-1795 (Oxford, 1980) H, Strachan, British Milivery Uniforms 1768-96 (London, 1975)MILITARY| MILITARY, An unrivalled source of information on the uniforms, insignia and appearance of the world’s fighting ‘men of past and present. The Men-at-Arms titles cover subjects as diverse as the Imperial Roman army, the Napoleonic wars and German airborne troops in a popular 48-page format including some 40 photographs and diagrams, and eight full-colour plates. 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Fach 96-page book contains ‘more than 90ilustrations including maps, orders of battle and colour plates, plus a series of three-dimensional battle maps that mark the critical stages ofthe campaign. vehi THE ANcieNT woRtD 1m Yetta Wo Aron ata ioc WraSEtney ee pesca BAe Se nny feat HB eto ia temconela oa at ere 3 Care Hokey ta, egemnrees, i i ganaaeisce ‘THE MEDIEVAL woRtD GNisCormesReireices in reaps cease: pe a Become SiS ecco = sano dee Ei Tenge ineine NaS rch ares 153-1 ‘Tide te contoet on nie eck cover a — einsoonaon nn Toph scassazsis-2 Se posers Sede wotmigrew Fame ot Deh de dn l | ll 21895832515