m e t r o p o l i ta n

museum
jOurnal 50
m e t r o p o l i ta n
museum
jOurnal 50

volume 50 | 2015

The Metropolitan Museum of Art

new york
Charles Antoine Coypel (French, 1694–1752). François de Jullienne
and His Wife, 1743. Pastel, 39 3/8 x 31 ½ in. (100 x 80 cm). The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, Purchase, Mrs. Charles Wrightsman
Gift, in honor of Annette de la Renta, 2011 (2011.84)
 for Katharine Baetjer
w h o d e v o t e d h e r s e l f t o t h i s p u b l i cat i o n

a n d ma d e c o u n t l e s s c o n tr i b u t i o n s

t o i t s s u cc e s s
e d i t o r i a l b o ar d

Katharine Baetjer
Curator, European Paintings

Sarah Graff
Associate Curator,
Ancient Near Eastern Art

Elizabeth Mankin Kornhauser

Alice Pratt Brown Curator of
American Paintings and Sculpture

Denise Patry Leidy

Brooke Russell Astor Curator
of Chinese Art, Asian Art

Marco Leona
David H. Koch Scientist in Charge, This publication is made possible by
Scientific Research Marica and Jan Vilcek and by a gift from
Assunta Sommella Peluso, Ada Peluso,
Dorothy Mahon The Metropolitan Museum of Art endeavors
and Romano I. Peluso, in memory of
Conservator, Paintings Conservation Ignazio Peluso.
to respect copyright in a manner consistent
with its nonprofit educational mission. If you
Joan R. Mertens
The Metropolitan Museum Journal believe any material has been included in this
Curator, Greek and Roman Art is published annually by The Metropolitan publication improperly, please contact the
Joanne Pillsbury Museum of Art. Editorial Department.
Andrall E. Pearson Curator, Arts of Africa, Mark Polizzotti, Publisher and Editor in Chief Photographs of works in the Metropolitan
Oceania, and the Americas Elizabeth L. Block, Managing Editor Museum’s collection are by The Photograph
Lucinda Hitchcock, Designer Studio, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
Luke Syson
Paul Booth, Production Manager unless otherwise noted. Additional illustration
Iris and B. Gerald Cantor Chairman,
Ling Hu and Crystal Dombrow, Image credits are on p. 224
European Sculpture and Decorative Arts Acquisitions Associates
Copyright © 2015 by
The Editorial Board is especially grateful The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
to Sarah McFadden for her work on several
All rights reserved. No part of this publication
manuscripts.
may be reproduced or transmitted in any
Manuscripts submitted for the Journal and all form or by any means, electronic or mechani-
correspondence concerning them should be cal, including photocopying, recording, or
sent to [email protected]. any information storage or retrieval system,
Guidelines for contributors are given on p. 8. without permission in writing from The
Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Published in association with the University
of Chicago Press. Individual and institutional Typefaces: Calibre, Lyon, and Harriet
subscriptions are available worldwide. Printed on Creator Silk, 100 lb.
Please direct all subscription inquiries, Separations by Professional Graphics, Inc.,
back issue requests, and address changes Rockford, Illinois
to: University of Chicago Press, Journals Printed and bound by Puritan Capital, Hollis,
Division, P. O. Box 37005, Chicago, IL 60637- New Hampshire
0005, USA. Phone: (877) 705-1878 (U.S. and
Front cover illustration: Detail of El Greco
Canada) or (773) 753-3347 (international),
(Domenikos Theotokopoulos;
fax: (877) 705-1879 (U.S. and Canada)
Greek, 1540/41–1614), The Vision of Saint
or (773) 753-0811 (international), email:
John (The Opening of the Fifth Seal),
[email protected], website:
1608–14. See fig. 15, p. 26.
www.journals.uchicago.edu
Back cover illustration: Detail of El Greco,
ISBN 978-0-226-32950-5 A View of Toledo, ca. 1599–1600.
(University of Chicago Press) See fig. 1, p. 12.
ISSN 0077-8958 (print)
Illustration on p. 2: Detail of Mercury Changes
ISSN 2169-3072 (online)
Aglauros to Stone from the Story of Mercury
Library of Congress and Herse. Design, Italian, ca. 1540. Tapestry,
Catalog Card Number: 68-28799 Netherlandish, ca. 1570. See fig. 1, p. 148.
Contents

Three Paintings by El Greco: A View of Toledo,

Cardinal Fernando Niño de Guevara, and The Vision
of Saint John (The Opening of the Fifth Seal)
W a lt e r L i e d t k e , 1 3

A Rare Mechanical Figure from Ancient Egypt

Nicholas Reeves, 43

Vases with Faces: Isolated Heads in South Italian Vase Painting

K e e ly E l i z a b e t h H e u e r , 6 3

A Bronze Hellenistic Dwarf in the Metropolitan Museum

L i l l i a n Bart l e tt St o n e r , 9 3

Ennion, Master of Roman Glass: Further Thoughts

C h r i s t o p h e r S . L i g h tf o o t , 1 0 3

The Kizil Paintings in the Metropolitan Museum

M i k i M o r i ta , 1 1 5

Giovanni Battista Lodi da Cremona and

the Story of Mercury and Herse Tapestry Series
Ia i n B u c h a n a n , 1 3 7

Collecting Sixteenth-Century Tapestries in Twentieth-Century

America: The Blumenthals and Jacques Seligmann
Elizabeth Cleland, 147

Vincenzo de’ Rossi as Architect: A Newly Discovered Drawing

and Project for the Pantheon in Rome
F e m k e Sp e e l b e rg a n d F u r i o R i n a l d i , 1 6 3

The Pont Neuf: A Paris View by

Johan Barthold Jongkind Reconsidered
A s h e r Et h a n M i l l e r a n d S o p h i e Sc u l l y , 1 7 9

Charles Lepec and the Patronage of Alfred Morrison

O l i v i e r H u r s t e l a n d M art i n L e v y , 1 9 5
ma n u s cr i pt g u i d e l i n e s
f o r t h e m e tr o p o l i ta n m u s e u m j ournal

The Metropolitan Museum Journal is the article should be in a separate file color transparencies (preferably 8 x 10
issued annually by The Metropolitan except the endnotes, which should be in. but 4 x 6 in. is also acceptable), or
Museum of Art. Its purpose is to linked to and appear at the end of the glossy black-and-white photographs
publish original research on works text file. (preferably 8 x 10 in. with white
in the Museum’s collection. Articles For the style of captions and borders) of good quality and in good
are contributed by members of the bibliographic references in endnotes, condition.
Museum staff and other art historians authors are referred to The Metropolitan In a separate Word file, please
and specialists. Submissions should Museum of Art Guide to Editorial Proce­ indicate the figure number, the
be emailed to: journalsubmissions@ dures and Style, which is available from picture’s orientation, and any instruc-
metmuseum.org. the Museum’s Editorial Department tions for cropping. Reproductions of
Manuscripts are peer-reviewed by upon request, and to The Chicago photographs or other illustrations in
the Journal Editorial Board, composed Manual of Style. Please provide a list of books should be accompanied by
of members of the curatorial, conserva- all bibliographic citations that includes, captions that include full bibliographic
tion, and scientific departments. for each title: full name(s) of author or information.
authors; title and subtitle of book or
To be considered for the following article and periodical; place and date of The author of each article is respon-
year’s volume, an article must be publication; volume number, if any; and sible for obtaining all photographic
submitted, complete including page, plate, and/or figure number(s). material and reproduction rights.
illustrations, by October 15. For citations in notes, please use only
the last name(s) of the author or authors
Once an article is accepted for and the date of publication (e.g., Jones ABBREVIATIONS
publication, the author will have the 1953, p. 65; Smith and Harding 2006, mma The Metropolitan Museum of Art
opportunity to review it after it has pp. 7–10, fig. 23). mmab The Metropolitan Museum of Art
been edited and again after it has been When submitting manuscripts, Bulletin
laid out in pages. The honorarium for authors should include a PDF of all mmj Metropolitan Museum Journal
image costs is $300, and each author illustrations. Please do not embed
receives a copy of the Journal volume in images within text documents. If the
Height precedes width and then depth
which his or her article appears. manuscript is accepted, the author is
in dimensions cited.
Manuscripts should be submitted expected to provide publication-quality
as double-spaced Word files. In images as well as copyright permissions
addition to the text, the manuscript to reproduce them in both the print
must include endnotes, captions for and electronic editions of the Journal.
illustrations, photograph credits, and We require either digital scans of at
a 200-word abstract. Each part of least 300 dpi at 3,000 pixels wide,
m e t r o p o l i ta n
museum
jOurnal 50
 Femke Speelberg
Furio Rinaldi

Vincenzo de’ Rossi as Architect:

A Newly Discovered Drawing and
Project for the Pantheon in Rome

Although Vincenzo de’ Rossi (1525–1587) is principally

known as a sculptor today, early written sources suggest
that this eminent pupil of Baccio Bandinelli (1493–1560)
also had a career as an architect. In the 1568 edition
of his Vite, Giorgio Vasari (1511–1574) introduced the
artist among the “accademici del disegno” as “Vincenzo
de’ Rossi of Fiesole sculptor, and also architect and
member of the Florentine Academy.” 1 Raffaello Borghini
(1537–1588), in his short account of Vincenzo’s life in
Il Riposo (1584), similarly referenced his work as an
architect: “He [Vincenzo] also loved architecture, and
with his designs many works have been made.” 2
Given the fact that Vincenzo seems to have been
generally known as an architect by his contemporaries,
it seems surprising that no architectural project or
building has, to date, been assigned to his name. The
second part of Borghini’s sentence quoted above, which
164 vincenzo de’ rossi as architect

fig. 1 Vincenzo de’ Rossi

(Italian, 1525–1587). Design for
a Fountain with the Labors of
Hercules, ca. 1559–62. Black
chalk, 17 × 11 in. (43.3 ×
27.8 cm). Cooper Hewitt,
Smithsonian Design Museum,
New York (1942-36-1)

fig. 2 Vincenzo de’ Rossi.

Design for a Fountain with
Hercules and Cerberus,
ca. 1559–62. Black chalk,
with pen and brown ink (?),
17 3⁄4 × 14 1⁄4 in. (45.2 × 36.1 cm).
Location unknown (formerly
Colnaghi)

fig. 3 Here attributed to

Vincenzo de’ Rossi. Design for
an Altar Surmounted by a
Crucifix, ca. 1546–47. Pen and
brown ink, brush and gray-
brown washes, over traces of
black chalk, ruling and com-
pass work; annotated by the
artist in pen and brown ink,
23 × 16 3⁄4 in. (57.3 × 42.6 cm).
The Metropolitan Museum of
Art, Purchase, Brooke Russell The Design for an Altar Surmounted by a Crucifix (fig. 3)
Astor Bequest, 2013 (2013.205) is inscribed and signed Vincentio Rossi by the artist at
bottom right (fig. 4) and can be considered the first
genuine architectural drawing known by his hand.
implies that the execution of Vincenzo’s architectural Moreover, it is almost certainly connected to an early
designs was often left to others, provides some explana- and prestigious commission in Rome for an altar in the
tion as to why so little is known about this side of his Pantheon, by then the dedicated church of Santa Maria
career. It still leaves us with questions, however, con- ad Martyres, that was awarded to the artist by the influ-
cerning what those designs were for and what they may ential Confraternita dei Virtuosi.
have looked like.
In an effort to explain Vasari’s and Borghini’s refer- T h e D r aw i n g a n d Its Au t h o r s h i p
ences to Vincenzo as an architect, Barbara Castro, in The altar design is executed on a sheet of monumental
her 1998 biography of the artist, referred to the Design size and contains four different views of the structure,
for a Fountain with the Labors of Hercules, now in the col- placed on the sheet in a correlated manner, with three
lection of the Cooper Hewitt Smithsonian Design projections of the elevation depicted on a horizontal axis
Museum (fig. 1), as an example of his designs for archi- above the floor plan of the altar. In the center, the frontal
tecture.3 A second drawing of similar subject matter elevation is worked out in pen and brown ink with a light,
appeared on the art market in 1983 (fig. 2).4 Together gray-brown wash. The overall construction consists of a
the two designs can be considered to represent the protruding tabernacle supported by Tuscan columns on
start of a small oeuvre, but while fountains occupy a top of a podium with three steps. The tall frieze above the
middle ground between sculpture and architecture, columns is decorated with a combination of triglyphs
they can hardly provide the sole basis for understanding with guttae, and metopes filled with symbols of the lit-
Vincenzo’s career as an architect. urgy: from left to right, a bishop’s miter; the host above
A drawing newly attributed to the artist, acquired a chalice and paten; Veronica’s veil with the vera icon;
by The Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2013,5 more a trophy of the crucifix and other instruments of the
­persuasively substantiates the references found in the Passion; and a trophy consisting of a ewer and censer.
sixteenth-century sources and sheds new light on The cornice is crowned by an arched pediment, which is
Vincenzo’s activities as a draftsman and architect. left undecorated, and on top are placed three figural
speelberg / rinaldi 165
166 vincenzo de’ rossi as architect

fig. 4 Detail of fig. 3, showing

autograph inscription with sig-
nature of Vincenzo de’ Rossi

fig. 5 Note written and signed

by Vincenzo de’ Rossi to
Vincenzo Borghini, ca. 1562.
Pasted on the verso of Hercules’
Descent into Hades (fig. 6).
Musée du Louvre, Département
des Arts Graphiques, Paris
(1573v)

sculptures supported by rectangular pedestals. The main drawing’s surface, with approximate ­measurements of
sculpture in the center is an elongated crucifix with the 7.9 × 4.2 × 2 meters.6    
rocks of Golgotha and the skull and bones of Adam at the Aside from these notes, the sheet contains two other
base. It is flanked on either side by a figure of a crouching inscriptions written in the same hand but at different
cherub holding up a lance—on the right side combined times. The four-line inscription at the bottom right is
with the Holy Sponge. An altar table placed underneath executed in an ink of similar hue to the ink of the draw-
the tabernacle consists of a thin slab supported by balus- ing and includes the artist’s signature: Avete a chonsid-
ters. The plinth above the altar supports a reliquary in the erare dalli ischalini insu / echorre la misura della tavola
form of a small central-plan building, of which only half dipinta che / va i[n] mezo de dua membretti che sono fralli /
is worked out in the round, flanked at left and right by 2 pilasstri ­rinchontro alle cholonne / Vincentio Rossi  7 (From
three candelabra. In the wall above, a shallow compart- the small steps and up, you have to take into consider-
ment or niche with a semicircular top has been outlined ation the measurement of the painted panel that goes
by a frame with beveled edges. in between the two members that are between the
The elevation of the altar is combined with three 2 pilasters behind the columns, Vincenzo Rossi).8
more views: the floor plan (depicted directly under the The second inscription, which is placed in the cen-
elevation), the side view from the exterior (on the tral compartment over the altar, is written in a different,
right, marked di fuoro [from outside]), and a section of nearly black-brown ink. It appears to have been added
the side view (on the left, marked Didrento [sic] [from later and rather quickly, because the cursive is less
inside]). These additional views elucidate various neat in comparison to the first inscription, and the text
details of the design. They make clear, for example, partially runs over the lines of the drawing: Se fatta
that the mensa (the altar’s tabletop) protrudes from questa tavola tonda / perche si servivano duna / vechia
the tabernacle, and that shallow Tuscan pilasters are ­altrimenti nonsi / faceva 9 (This panel has been made
added to the structure behind the main columns of with an arched top, because they were using an old one,
the tabernacle. The elevation and side views are com- otherwise this would not have been done [designed]
bined with inscriptions providing relevant measure- in this manner).10
ments in Florentine braccia. From these measurements Despite the presence of the artist’s signature
it can be calculated that the main architectural body below the inscription at the lower right, the drawing
of the altar measures approximately 4.8 × 2.8 × 1 was not connected to Vincenzo de’ Rossi prior to
meters, and that the structure at its full reach, includ- its acquisition by the Metropolitan Museum, and
ing sculpture and pedestal, covers almost double the it had been on the art market as an anonymous,
fig. 6 Vincenzo de’ Rossi. sixteenth-century Florentine design. This omission the overall style of the architectural structure of the altar
Hercules’ Descent into Hades,
in attribution is perhaps explained by the drawing’s sub- in the Museum’s sheet is descriptively objective and
ca. 1562. Pen and brown ink,
over traces of black chalk, 13 7⁄8 × ject matter, which has no direct connection with the art- focused on a clear portrayal of the details of the construc-
17 5⁄8 in. (35.2 × 44.8 cm). Musée ist’s known sculpted oeuvre. tion. The character of the sculpted figures on top of the
du Louvre, Département des A comparison of the handwriting (fig. 4) with that altar, particularly the quick and effective pen strokes seen
Arts Graphiques, Paris (1573r)
in a note written and signed by Vincenzo de’ Rossi— in the two crouching cherubs holding the instruments of
addressed to the learned courtier Vincenzo Borghini the Passion (figs. 7, 8), n
­ evertheless unmistakably exposes
(1515–1580) and pasted on the verso of one of the artist’s the influence of Vincenzo’s master, Baccio Bandinelli.12
few firmly attributed drawings, in the Musée du Louvre,
Paris11 —leaves no doubt, however (figs. 5, 6). Both T h e C o m m i ss i o n
inscriptions display the distinct cancellaresca cursive, While the inscription and style of the altar drawing con-
the same use of flourishes on the letter e, and an almost firm the attribution to Vincenzo de’ Rossi, at first sight
identical ­signature by the artist as “Vincentio Rossi.” they do not reveal much that can help to identify the
The draftsmanship of the two sheets is otherwise specific commission for which this design was made. The
difficult to compare, owing to their different functions. Central Italian watermark in the paper (fig. 9) is known
The figural drawing in the Louvre, Hercules’ Descent into to have been in use between 1529 and 1580—a time span
Hades (fig. 6), was conceived as a compositional study that encompasses most of Vincenzo’s working life—and
for a bronze relief to be placed under one of the statues therefore does not provide any helpful clues, either.13
of Hercules commissioned from Vincenzo about 1562 by Viewed within the context of Vincenzo’s career,
Cosimo I de’ Medici (1519–1574), grand duke of Tuscany. however, the relatively sober character of the altar
The Louvre drawing was primarily meant to convey the design indicates an early work. In this respect the design
composition and expressive properties of the relief, while is reminiscent of the overall structure of the tombs of

s p e e l b e r g / r i n a l d i 167
168 vincenzo de’ rossi as architect

found on the altar of the first chapel on the left when

one enters the building.
The Chapel of Saint Joseph is one of the four sub-
sidiary spaces within the Roman building, and it was
donated in 1541 by Pope Paul III (r. 1534–49) to the
newly founded Confraternita dei Virtuosi al Pantheon,
later known as the Confraternita di San Giuseppe in
Terrasanta (Brotherhood of Saint Joseph in the Holy
Land). The confraternity was founded in March 1541
by the Cistercian monk and canon of the Pantheon,
Desiderio de Adiutorio (ca. 1481–1546), who remained
at its head until his death. The members of the confra-
ternity came from religious and secular backgrounds,
and among them were many prominent artists active
in Rome at the time, including Antonio da Sangallo the
Younger, Antonio Salamanca (1479–1562), Perino del
Vaga (1501–1547), Livio Agresti (ca. 1508–1579),
Jacopino del Conte (ca. 1515–1598), Francesco Salviati
(1510–1563), Marcello Venusti (ca. 1512–1579), and
Girolamo Siciolante da Sermoneta (1521–ca. 1580).18
The confraternity became a pontifical academy
that survives to this day, and the minutes of the meet-
ings, regularly held by its members, are kept in the
the Medici popes Leo X (r. 1513–21) and Clement VII Archivio Storico dei Virtuosi al Pantheon in Rome.19
(r. 1523–34) in the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva The minutes of the early meetings provide detailed
in Rome—​a commission obtained by Vincenzo’s master, information about the commission and execution of,
Bandinelli, in 1536. To complete the complex project, and payment for, the statue of Saint Joseph, and they
Bandinelli supervised a team of Tuscan artists that also contain crucial records about a subsequent com-
included the architect Antonio da Sangallo the Younger mission extended to Vincenzo by the confraternity that
(1484–1546), who created the overall structure, and the has so far gone unnoticed. This second commission
sculptors Raffaello da Montelupo (1504/5–1566/67) and entailed the erection of an altar in the same chapel that
Nanni di Baccio Bigio (1512/13–1568), who were respon- was to house the statue Vincenzo had made. It is this
sible for the final execution of the statues of Popes commission that provides us with a plausible context
Leo X and Clement VII.14 Although he is not mentioned for the newly discovered drawing.
by name, the young Vincenzo de’ Rossi, who began an The minutes of the confraternity record that the
apprenticeship in Bandinelli’s workshop at the age of chapel remained unfurnished during the first two years
nine, is generally presumed to have assisted in the exe- after the official concession and, through use, gradually
cution of the two tombs, which were completed by became cluttered and disorderly. For this reason, by
June 15, 1542, when the ashes of the popes were trans- October 14, 1543, Desiderio decided to commission
ferred from Saint Peter’s to Santa Maria sopra Minerva.15 works to furnish the chapel and decorate it with a
Following his assistance on the two Medici tombs, statue. The chapel was also meant to house one of the
Vincenzo appears to have worked for Bandinelli in most precious objects in the confraternity’s possession:
Florence between 1541 and 1545, but his first recorded a marble reliquary containing earth from the Holy Land
commissions as an independent artist were also in that had been collected by Desiderio himself during
Rome, where he executed the marble reliefs for the two visits to Jerusalem and Mount Sinai in the 1520s.
tomb of Pietro Mates (1474–1545) in the church of San The relics had miraculously survived the Sack of Rome
Salvatore in Lauro (ca. 1545)16 and the freestanding in 1527, when so many others were lost, and found a
sculpture group Saint Joseph with the Christ Child for the proper home in the chapel of the confraternity, which
main altar of the Chapel of Saint Joseph in the Pantheon was therefore in need of a more dignified appearance.20
figs. 7, 8 Details of cherubs (fig. 10). Commissioned in August 1545 to “mastro Initially, the confraternity meant to dedicate its
in fig. 3 Vincentio scultore,” 17 the latter sculpture can still be chapel to the Crucifixion and outfit it with sculptures of
 the crucified Christ, the Virgin Mary, and Saint Joseph.
During the meeting of October 1543, however, the
members discussed the fact that another altar in the
Pantheon was already dedicated to the same subject
(the first chapel to the left of the main altar), and they
subsequently decided to choose Saint Joseph as their
principal patron saint. In response to this change,
Antonio da Sangallo the Younger—an important mem-
ber of the confraternity since its founding and, together
with Raffaello da Montelupo, one of the surveyors of the
chapel’s refurbishment—suggested that he knew a suit-
able “antique” sculpture (“statua antiqua”) that could
serve their purpose, and Desiderio immediately set out
to obtain it.21
Unsuccessful in this endeavor, Desiderio instructed
the two surveyors in May 1545 to give the commission to
“un mastro excellente” of their acquaintance—who, as
the minutes of August 1545 show, was none other than
Vincenzo de’ Rossi. Just two months after the members
of the confraternity had discussed and decided on the
iconography of the statue of Saint Joseph, Vincenzo was
able to show them an initial clay model. This bozzetto,
although not yet completed, was highly praised by August 1547, when the artist was asked to report on his
members of the confraternity (“qual modello piacque progress with the statue and his plans for the site where
molto”), and they gave Vincenzo further instructions to it was to be placed.26
ensure that the final marble version would “please all, Records of the meetings held in November and
in every respect.”22 December of the same year show that most of the work
Between September 22, 1546, and May 7 of the fol- on the altar had been completed to the satisfaction of
lowing year, the marble sculpture of Saint Joseph was the confraternity, and arrangements were made to pay
completed, and during their meetings, the members Vincenzo and the craftsmen he employed.27 This pas-
of the confraternity began to discuss the subsequent sage in the minutes contains crucial information on the
commission for a proper altar, referred to as a large various elements of the altar Vincenzo had designed:
­window, to accommodate it. Since Antonio da Sangallo, “On the day of the 11th of December . . . were settled the
their principal architect, had died in August 1546, the accounts with master Vincenzo the sculptor, both for
confraternity decided to entrust this matter either to the rest that was owed to him for the statue he made
Raffaello da Montelupo or to Vincenzo.23 and for the works he commissioned for the window in
Close reading of the minutes reveals that the satis- which the above-mentioned statue was placed, as well
factory execution of the statue of Saint Joseph induced as the pilasters, architraves, frieze, cornice, the stone
the members to invite its author to furnish the rest of slabs and carving [?] all of it done perfectly.”28
the chapel as well: “The sculptor who made the statue Several parallels can be drawn between the docu-
of our Saint Joseph, having brought it to good result by mentary evidence of the confraternity’s commission
now, also planned to begin to decorate the place and details of Design for an Altar Surmounted by a
fig. 9 Detail of fig. 3, showing where it was to be placed.”24 To execute the design, Crucifix in the Metropolitan’s collection (see fig. 3).
watermark (letter M under Vincenzo requested a draft with the specific require- First, the most characteristic architectural elements of
star in shield)
ments from the members of the confraternity,25 who this otherwise rather sober altar design—such as the
fig. 10 Vincenzo de’ Rossi. assigned this task to Raffaello da Montelupo and “architrave” and “stipiti”—are mentioned expressly in
Saint Joseph with the Christ Antonio Labacco (also known as Antonio dell’ Abacco; the minutes on several occasions with regard to the
Child, 1546–47. Marble. Detail of 1495–1570), Sangallo’s close collaborator and successor “finestrone,” or large window. Second, the sculptural
the Altar of the Confraternita
as artistic consultant to the confraternity. That Vincenzo decorations on top of the pediment recall the confrater-
dei Virtuosi al Pantheon (fig. 13),
Santa Maria ad Martyres was indeed chosen to design an altar for the chapel is nity’s original intention to dedicate its chapel to the
(Pantheon), Rome confirmed further by the minutes of the meeting of Crucifixion. Although this subject was rejected in favor

speelberg / rinaldi 169

1 70 v i n c e n z o d e ’ r o s s i a s a r c h i t e c t

of Saint Joseph, its presence in the design bespeaks the

order’s principal devotion and is warranted by the
importance of Christ’s sacrifice as the central focus
during the Eucharist, an ­element that is further empha-
sized in the decoration of the metopes.
A third important link is the prominence that the
design gives to the reliquary on the altar (see frontis and
fig. 3). This receptacle can be connected to the relics
from the Holy Land that had been in the confraternity’s
possession since its founding. Whether the reliquary
in the drawing reflects an already existing object, or
whether this, too, is a design by Vincenzo, is unknown.
What is significant is that it takes the form of an octago-
nal temple, in clear reference to the centralized build-
ing structure of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in
Jerusalem. A receptacle of this shape would have been the
ideal repository for the confraternity’s cherished relics.
The two inscriptions on the drawing with Vincenzo’s
comments on his plans contain further indications that
the design is related to the commission in the Pantheon.
His directions at the lower right seem to be meant for
the craftsmen who assisted him in the execution of the
altar, reminding them of measurements and particulars three rectangular niches in the back wall. This would
of the construction. The mention of a “tavola dipinta,” have been in line with sixteenth-century efforts to
or painted panel, in this inscription is somewhat mysti- restore the original character of the building—a project
fying in the context of the Pantheon commission, since in which many members of the confraternity actively
it cannot be adequately reconciled with the records of participated.30 The idea that the statue of Saint Joseph
the altar’s construction as chronicled in the minutes might have been given a separate place within the
of the confraternity. Panels and paintings are men- chapel seems substantiated further by the fact that
tioned there several times, but not in direct connection Vincenzo selected a pillar from the church of Santi
with the chapel or the altar.29 However, in the drawing, Giovanni e Paolo from which to fashion a base.31
the compartment above the mensa is portrayed as a rel- Schallert does not discuss the matter of the altar fur-
atively shallow space, better suited to a painting than to ther, but it is unlikely that the confraternity would have
Vincenzo’s sculpture of Saint Joseph and the Christ Child. done without an altar for its chapel, both for practical
This fact, inevitably, raises some doubt about the reasons related to the liturgy and because of the fre-
veracity of the identification of the altar design in the quent mention of “l’altare di San Giuseppe” in the con-
Metropolitan’s newly discovered drawing with the con- fraternity’s records that predate the construction of the
fraternity’s commission to Vincenzo, unless it may be current Baroque altar, toward the end of the seven-
presumed that the sculpture was not placed directly on teenth century.32
the altar but positioned elsewhere in the chapel, con- While the content of the first inscription may gen-
trary to the summary wording in the records (“the win- erate some doubt about the identification of the altar
dow in which the above-mentioned statue was as the commission by the confraternity, the second
placed”). This hypothesis is partially sustained by the inscription, placed over the central niche of the altar,
recent analysis of the confraternity’s records by Regine speaks highly in its favor. Most likely written at a later
fig. 11 Antonio da Sangallo the
Schallert. In her written reconstruction of the chapel, time, the inscription (quoted above) shows Vincenzo in
Younger (Italian, 1484–1546).
Design for the Floorplan of the which is based purely on the documentary evidence at defense of his design. He explains that the niche has
Pantheon, ca. 1535. Pen and hand, she concludes that the confraternity discarded been made round because he had to conform to specific
brown ink, traces of black chalk, the idea of having the statue decorate the altar in favor conditions, in this case presumably a painted panel
ruling and compass work, 23 1⁄8 ×
of placing it in a simple niche. The latter solution was with an arched top.
17 1⁄8 in. (58.9 × 43.4 cm).
Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe thought to conform more to the “antique” appearance The implication is that someone wondered about
degli Uffizi, Florence (3990A) of the Pantheon, in which each subsidiary space had this specific element while looking at the design drawing,
 prompting Vincenzo to respond—a scenario that might
be explained by the context of the altar within the
Pantheon. Indeed, the overall design closely follows
the model of the aediculae, or tabernacles, in the main
hall of the building. The most significant departures
from the building’s structure are the order of the col-
umns (Tuscan in the drawing, instead of Corinthian)
and the fact that Vincenzo decided, or was forced, to
make his niche round, whereas the aediculae all have
rectangular niches.

Pa n t h e o n S a n g a l l e n s i s
The decision to follow the general shape of the aediculae
may have been influenced, or even prescribed, by
Antonio da Sangallo the Younger. Annotations and
sketches preserved in several of his drawings, now in
the Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence,
reveal Sangallo’s profound interest in the Pantheon.33
Rather than being in awe of its design, however, the
architect focused on the defects he noted in the build-
ing’s architectural structure and set out to correct them,
if not in real life, then at least on paper.34 Sangallo’s ren-
dition of a new floor plan for the building (fig. 11) of
about 1535 can be considered the culmination of this
so-called Pantheon Sangallensis, in which all irregulari-
ties have been removed and the building answers to one
uniform scheme.35 The Metropolitan Museum’s sheet itself also sheds
Antonio da Sangallo’s role as principal surveyor of light on the relationship between Vincenzo and Antonio
the building activities of the Confraternita dei Virtuosi da Sangallo. It is clear, for example, that Vincenzo had
provided him with direct access to the architecture become acquainted with the particular drawing practice
of the building. Although he did not execute the altar of the architect’s workshop. Over the course of his career
for the confraternity personally, it may be presumed and influenced by the methods of his father, Antonio da
that his stature as the architect of highest renown and Sangallo the Elder (1455/62–1534), his uncle Giuliano da
seniority, and his role as surveyor, granted him the right Sangallo (1443/45–1516), and Donato Bramante (1444–
to advise and exercise his influence on the plans, either 1514), Antonio da Sangallo the Younger had perfected a
through Raffaello da Montelupo, who survived him, or systematic way of portraying architecture by integrating
possibly directly through Vincenzo, whom he seems to plans, projections, and sections into one fully compre-
have known from their collaboration on the papal tombs hensive design that enlightened the viewer about every
in Santa Maria sopra Minerva. Most of Sangallo’s emen- aspect of the construction. This revolutionary system
dation plans for the Pantheon, in fact, date from that became particularly important in Sangallo’s work after
fig. 12 Antonio da Sangallo
period, when the two were working so near the antique the Sack of Rome in the late 1520s and 1530s, when he
the Younger. Design for a
Freestanding Tomb Seen in building. That Sangallo knew Vincenzo well is further was working on his survey of the architecture of antiq-
Elevation and Plan, 1530–35. attested to by the fact that Vincenzo’s brother, Nardo uity and his commentary on Vitruvius.37
Pen and brown ink, brush and de’ Rossi (ca. 1520–1570/72), was an active member of Though often criticized for a certain loss of sponta-
brown wash, over extensive,
the Sangallo workshop until Sangallo’s death in 1546 neity, the comprehensive end result was informed by a
compass-incised and stylus-­
ruled construction with and was also connected to the Sangallo family by mar- series of preparatory drawings, as demonstrated, for
pinpricked measurements, riage. A letter from Nardo to Sangallo written on the example, by the surviving designs by Sangallo for a free-
on off-white paper now partly verso of a drawing in the Uffizi dated January 9, 1546, standing tomb, often identified as a monument for Pope
darkened, 15 3⁄4 × 7 3⁄8 in. (40.1 ×
includes greetings from his brother and reveals that Clement VII meant for Santa Maria sopra Minerva.38 A
18.8 cm). The Metropolitan
Museum of Art, Edward Pearce Vincenzo was staying with Nardo in Rome at the time of comparison of Sangallo’s Design for a Freestanding Tomb
Casey Fund, 1998 (1998.265) the Pantheon commission.36 Seen in Elevation and Plan in the Metropoli­tan Museum

s p e e l b e r g / r i n a l d i 1 71
172 vincenzo de’ rossi as architect

(fig. 12) and Vincenzo’s altar shows how Vincenzo preferred vocabulary, which was prevalent as early as
adopted the expository manner of portraying the archi- 1519 in a design for part of the facade of Saint Peter’s.39
tectural form, as well as Sangallo’s use of wash, to Vincenzo’s design is also especially close to another
enhance the spatial effects of the construction. Vincenzo sheet by Sangallo, dated 1542–43, with ideas for the
does not seem to have used the latter technique for his Porta Santo Spirito in Rome.40
figural drawings, or he may have abandoned the use of The shared history of Antonio da Sangallo the
wash later, after returning to Florence, for a system of Younger and Vincenzo de’ Rossi, and the latter’s knowl-
hatching, closer to Bandinelli’s approach (see fig. 6). edge of (or possibly even training in) Sangallo’s compre-
The decorative components of the altar—the hensive system of architectural representation, reveals a
choice of Tuscan columns and a frieze of triglyphs and closer connection between the two artists than was pre-
decorated metopes—are also reminiscent of Sangallo’s viously known. It is thus not surprising that the young
Vincenzo’s candidacy for the confraternity’s two com-
missions was so strongly endorsed by the architect and
his colleagues. In the execution of the altar and the
decision to follow the shape of the aediculae in the nave
of the Pantheon, Vincenzo was able to realize at least a
small part of Sangallo’s vision of bringing more unity to
the interior structure of the antique building.

T h e Fat e o f V i n c e n z o ’ s A lta r
Despite the many reproductions of the Pantheon in
drawings, prints, and books, no interior views portray-
ing the chapel of the confraternity with the completed
altar appear to have survived.41 The confraternity’s
records indicate that the altar remained in place until
1691, when both the statue of Saint Joseph and the
altar were deemed to be in need of renovation.42
Although Vincenzo’s sculpture underwent restorative
treatments and was returned to the chapel in the
Pantheon, the altar itself was demolished to give way to
a more modern structure. The confraternity’s records
report that a design for the renovations was prepared by
Mattia De Rossi (1637–1695), a pupil of Gian Lorenzo
Bernini (1598–1680) and member of the confraternity,
although the marble taber­nacle with a convex frame
and broken pediment still visible in the chapel today
(fig. 13) is also attributed to Filippo Leti (active Rome,
1677–1711).43 It was only at this time, it seems, that the
decision was made to place the statue of Saint Joseph
and the Christ Child centrally, in a niche above the
altar. To accommodate this change, it was necessary to
“expand the altar towards the front [of the chapel] and
to this effect, demolish the old one.”44 Also mentioned
as part of the renovation work was the relocation of
the confraternity’s relics from their original repository
into a deeper-set compartment within the new altar.45
Whether the original tabernacle was discarded or put
to new use elsewhere is not known, but it is no longer
part of the chapel’s inventory today.
 Vincenzo may have deliberately adopted an archaizing
style for the statue in order to conform to an Early
Christian ideal; such an approach would have been in
line with the confraternity’s initial plan to place a
“statua antiqua” on the altar of their chapel.48
The newly discovered drawing also provides us
with tangible evidence that Vincenzo de’ Rossi was
indeed active as an architect, or designer of architec-
ture, from an early moment in his career. His imple-
mentation of the vocabulary and rendering techniques
of Antonio da Sangallo the Younger suggests that he
may well have been trained in Sangallo’s studio during
his time in Rome. The connections between the draw-
ing and Vincenzo’s further activities for the Confra­ter­
nita dei Virtuosi at the Pantheon, heretofore overlooked
in favor of the details concerning the commission for
the still-extant statue of Saint Joseph, are compelling
and noteworthy. If correctly identified, the sheet in the
Metropolitan Museum thus reinstates a part of Vincenzo’s
early career and provides a key to understanding his
V i n c e n z o ’ s D r a fts m a n s h i p R e c o n s i d e r e d subsequent Roman commissions that display striking
The general paucity of drawings securely attributable to architectural components, such as the funerary monu-
Vincenzo de’ Rossi has led modern scholars to conclude ment of Uberto Strozzi in Santa Maria sopra Minerva
that the artist was not a prolific draftsman and preferred (1553) and the completion of Antonio da Sangallo’s reno­
his sculpting tools to pen and ink.46 While the drawings vation and decoration of the Cesi Chapel in Santa Maria
assigned to Vincenzo are few compared to the large della Pace (fig. 14).49
­corpus of drawings by his principal master, Baccio
Bandinelli, the rediscovery of the Metropolitan’s draw- AC KNOWLEDGMEN T S
ing, with its architectural subject matter, raises the ques- We thank Carmen C. Bambach, who kindly com-
tion of whether there might still be others waiting to be mented on an early draft of this article, stimulating the
uncovered, or to be correctly attributed to his hand. final form of this contribution. In addition, we thank
A new, more accurate portrait of Vincenzo de’ Rossi other colleagues in the Depart­ment of Drawings and
as a draftsman emerges from this design together with Prints, Stijn Alsteens and George R. Goldner. For their
the few other securely attributable drawings by him, kind help during the preparation of this article, we are
including his signed sheet at the Louvre (see fig. 6) and indebted to Federica Kappler, Università degli Studi di
the two designs for fountains (see figs. 1, 2). Dating from Roma Tor Vergata; Giorgio Marini, Gabinetto Disegni e
different moments in his career and executed in differ- Stampe degli Uffizi; Bénédicte Gady, Département des
ent media and styles, his drawings seem far more Arts Graphiques, Musée du Louvre; Gayle Davidson
fig. 13 Vincenzo de’ Rossi. Saint diverse and his artistic personality more multifaceted and Caitlin Condell, Department of Drawings, Prints,
Joseph with the Christ Child,
than has been previously proposed in the scholarly and Graphic Design, Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian
1546–47; Mattia De Rossi
(1637–​1 695) or Filippo Leti ­literature, which generally maintains that, on paper, Design Museum; and Marco Simone Bolzoni, Rome.
(active Rome, 1677–1711), marble Vincenzo was a less skilled and less energetic imitator of
altar, 1691. Chapel of Saint Bandinelli.47 The four individual sheets discussed here
Joseph, Santa Maria ad
clearly show Vincenzo’s ability to change and adapt to femke speelberg
Martyres (Pantheon), Rome
the taste of his time and patrons, and to the specific Associate Curator, Department of Drawings and Prints,
fig. 14 Antonio da Sangallo the requirements of particular commissions. This flexibility The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Younger and Vincenzo de’ is also manifest in his oeuvre as a sculptor. The archaic
Rossi. Detail of Tomb of Angelo
look of the confraternity’s Saint Joseph has often been furio rinaldi
Cesi and Franceschina Carduli
Cesi, ca. 1554–60. Cesi Chapel, criticized by modern art historians, but it was greatly Research Assistant, Department of Drawings and Prints,
Santa Maria della Pace, Rome appreciated and praised by its contemporary audience. The Metropolitan Museum of Art

speelberg / rinaldi 173

1 74 v i n c e n z o d e ’ r o s s i a s a r c h i t e c t

NOT ES

1 “Vicenzio de’ Rossi da Fiesole scultore, anch’egli architetto ed pp. 316–17, fig. 2; Schallert 1998, p. 142, fig. 156; and Louis A.
accademico Fiorentino”: Vasari (1568) 1966–87, vol. 6, p. 274. Waldman in Franklin 2009, p. 184, fig. 42.1. A preparatory study
2 “Si è dilettato etiandio dell’architettura, e co’ suoi disegni si sono showing the central figure of Hercules is in an Italian private
fatte più fabriche”: Borghini 1584, p. 598. collection and is published in Scorza 1984, pp. 315–17, pl. 41.
3 Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum, New York (1942- 12 Compare the draftsmanship of the two cherubs with Bandinelli’s
36-1). Black chalk, 17 × 11 in. (43.3 × 27.8 cm), Central Italian compositional drawing in the Uffizi (539F), for which see Petrioli
watermark (“lozenge containing six-pointed star in circle,” Diam. Tofani 1991, p. 229, ill., and Waldman in Franklin 2009, pp. 262–
4.5 cm) close to Woodward 292 (Rome, ca. 1555–59) and 63, no. 92.
Briquet 6097 (Lucca ca. 1556–72), annotated at right in pen and 13 The watermark (letter M under star in shield) is close to Briquet
brown ink: Baccio 46; collector’s mark of Sir Joshua Reynolds 8390 (documented Florence 1529) and Woodward 324 (docu­
(1723–1792; Lugt 2364). See Utz 1971, pp. 360–61, fig. 23; mented Ancona 1569).
Castro 1998, pp. 120, 127n35; and Michael W. Cole in Cole 14 For the collaborative commission of the Medici tombs, see
2014, pp. 222–24, no. 39, with incorrect t­ ranscription of the Frommel 2003, pp. 335–57; Götzmann 2005; Carmen C. Bambach
annotation. The same annotation Baccio in pen and brown ink, in Franklin 2009, pp. 182–83, no. 41; and Partridge 2014.
followed by a n­ umber written in a different ink, occurs on other 15 The presence of the young Vincenzo de’ Rossi during this com­
drawings by or attributed to Baccio Bandinelli, such as British mission is endorsed by Schallert 1998, pp. 259–60, and Castro
Museum inv. 1946,0713.261 (Baccio 37) and Christ Church, 1998, p. 111. The first official surviving archival evidence that
Oxford inv. 0090 (Baccio / Bandinelli)—and on a drawing links Bandinelli and Vincenzo dates from June 27, 1541, and
recently acquired by the Metropolitan Museum attributed to relates to his position as stonecutter in the Opera del Duomo in
Bernardo Buontalenti (2014.466, annotated in the same hand­ Florence; see Waldman 2004, p. 218, doc. 355.
writing Benvenuto Cellino 4.). 16 See Marini 2001.
4 Location unknown, formerly Colnaghi, London. Black chalk, 17 Archivio Storico della Pontificia Insigne Accademia di Belli Arti e
17 3 ⁄4 × 14 1⁄4 in. (45.2 × 36.1 cm). See Colnaghi 1983, no. 2, ill. Lettere dei Virtuosi al Pantheon, Rome (hereafter AVP), “Libro I
5 The provenance of the work is as follows: possibly George delle Congregazioni (1543–1597),” 1545, fol. 6v; see Schallert
Ramsey, 8th earl of Dalhousie (d. 1787); possibly his son George 1998, pp. 28–36, 232–33, no. 1.
Ramsey, 9th earl of Dalhousie (1770–1838); his son James 18 On Desiderio de Adiutorio and the early history of the Confrater­
Ramsey, 10th earl and 1st marquess of Dalhousie (1812–1860); nita dei Virtuosi al Pantheon, see Visconti 1869; Orbaan 1915;
his eldest daughter, Lady Susan Broun Ramsey (d. 1898); her Cherubini 1987; and especially Tiberia 2000, 2002, and 2005.
great-niece Edith Christian Baird, from 1921 Lady Broun Lindsay 19 Part of the documents from the “Libro I” of the confraternity,
(still living in 1965); her grandson (by descent); Old Master encompassing the years 1543 to 1597, were published in
Drawings, Sotheby’s, New York, January 25, 2012, lot 40 (as Schallert 1998, pp. 233–35, and Tiberia 2000, pp. 51–242.
Anonymous, Florentine, 16th-century). 20 Visconti 1869, pp. 41–43; Cherubini 1987, p. 193. Referred to as
6 These measurements are based on the common assumption that the “Terre Sante,” the relics are mentioned in the first statutes
1 Florentine braccio corresponds to 23 in. (58.3 cm). While the of the confraternity drawn up in 1545, when it was determined
drawing principally contains measurements for the height and that the confraternity’s chapel in the church devoted to the Holy
depth of the altar, the width can be approximated with relative Mother would be the perfect place to keep them safe. Specific
accuracy, supposing that the design is to scale. mention is made of the placement of the relics under an altar in
7 Inscription has been normalized in transcription: u = v. this chapel. “[Desiderio] consider che in tal Tempio consecrato
8 Paraphrased translation by authors; artist’s signature has been alla Gloriosiss.a Vergine, et a tutti li santi martiri sarebbero bene
modernized. collocate dette Terre S[an].te, et visto esservi un luogho bello
9 Inscription has been normalized in transcription: u = v. per una Cappella, qual non si usava, né era ad altri destinato, lo
10 Paraphrased; interpretative translation by authors. domnandò et gratiosamente . . . ottenne per fundavi una
11 Hercules’ Descent into Hades, ca. 1562, Musée du Louvre, Cappella, et sotto l’altare di quelle collocare dette Terre S.te.”
Département des Arts Graphiques, Paris (1573, fig. 6). Pen and AVP, “Primo Statuto della Compagnia di San Giuseppe di
brown ink, over traces of black chalk, 13 7⁄8 × 17 5⁄8 in. (35.2 × Terrasanta,” 20 Dicembre 1545; Tiberia 2000, pp. 231–32. The
44.8 cm), signed by the artist on the lower right of the recto in ­reliquary containing the earth is still recorded among the
pen and gray-brown ink: Vincentio Rossi. The inscription on the confra­t ernity’s possessions in the confraternity’s minutes of
verso, meant for Vincenzo Borghini, reads: Reverendo Priore delli January 14, 1691; Tiberia 2005, p. 437.
innocenti (a) questo e il disegnio / che sua. al.[tez]za S.[erenissi]ma 21 AVP, “Libro I,” 1543, fol. 3v, 1544, fol. 4r; see Visconti 1869,
mi a ordinato pelle isstorie / sotto li Hercholi che sieno di bronzo pp. 41–43, and Schallert 1998, p. 233.
.V.[ostra] S.[ignoria] ne dicha il suo / parere vi bacio la mano 22 “acciò faciessi la statua di marmore che in tutto piaciessi”: AVP,
quanto alla favola / Vincentio Rossi / (a) Vincenzo Borghini. [in “Libro I,” 1545, fol. 6v; see Schallert 1998, pp. 233–34.
a different hand].” (Honorable prior of the Innocenti [a], this is 23 AVP, “Libro I,” 1546, fol. 11r: “si risolse che si dessin le dui
the drawing that His Highness ordered from me for the stories tavole di marmo o al nostro mastro Rafael da Montelupo o allo
under the Hercules statues that should be made in bronze. scultore detto et che si acconciassi el finestrone dove ha da star
Awaiting your opinion on these fables, I kiss your hand, la statua di san Josef, pingendolo et ponendovi li stipiti et archi­
Vincenzo Rossi / [a] Vincenzo Borghini [later inscription to iden­ travi come ha da stare”; see Schallert 1998, p. 235, and Tiberia
tify Borghini].) The verso has not been reproduced previously; 2000, p. 76.
see Heikamp 1964, pp. 38, 39, pl. 49; Utz 1971, p. 352, fig. 9; 24 “lo scultore qual fa la statua del nostro san Josef, avendola hor­
Monbeig-Goguel 1972, pp. 105–8, no. 125, ill.; Scorza 1984, mai a buon porto, disegnava cominciare di adornare el loco dove
 si aveva da ponere”: AVP, “Libro I,” 1547, fols. 13v–14r; see was put forward in the sixteenth century, described by, among
Schallert 1998, p. 235. others, Vasari in his Vite of 1568 (1966–87, vol. 4, pp. 273–74),
25 AVP, “Libro I,” 1547, fol. 13v–14r: “voleva dalli signori confratri el that the building had been realized by a total of three architects;
disegno.” the beautiful and “correct” parts were built by the first architect,
26 Ibid., fol. 15r: “14 d’Agosto . . . fu sollecitato mastro Vincentio but when his work was continued after his death, his successors
scultore che dessi perfectione et alla s­ tatua del nostro Santo et misunderstood the plans and made the apparent mistakes. See
al luogo dove ha da stare”; see Schallert 1998, p. 235. Frommel and Adams 2000, pp. 3, 4; Buddensieg 1971, p. 265; and
27 After Desiderio’s death, the confraternity had trouble raising the Buddensieg 1976, p. 343. Sangallo first studied the Pantheon
money for their commissions and frequent mention is made of as a source of inspiration while working with Donato Bramante
payments due to Vincenzo for his work in the chapel until the on the Dome of Saint Peter’s. In his later sketches and annota­
end of 1549; see Tiberia 2000, pp. 86–98. tions concerning the Pantheon, Sangallo instead set out to cor­
28 “Adi 11 di Dicembre . . . si erano saldati li conti con mastro rect the irregularities and thus went a step further than many of
Vincentio scultore, si del restante diquel si li doveva per conto his predecessors and contemporaries who created a large group
della statua fatta da esso et sí del lavoro fatto fare da esso nel of drawings of the Pantheon during the late fifteenth and early
finestrone dove si è posta decta statua sopra allo altare, di sti­ sixteenth centuries (some from observation, others by copying).
piti, architrave, fregio, cornicie et lastrone et conducitura di Most of these drawings, which predominantly record the vesti­
tutto a perfetione”: AVP, “Libro I,” 1547, fol. 16v; see Schallert bule and parts of the interior, can be considered as observa­
1998, p. 236, and Tiberia 2000, pp. 86–87. tional studies rather than as acts of criticism in Sangallo’s sense.
29 Early mention is made of a “tavola,” with a description of the For the early Italian drawings, see Shearman 1977; Wurm 1984,
various “Terre Sante,” which was to be placed on one of the walls p. 473; and Scaglia 1995, pp. 9–28; for a group of French draw­
of the chapel (January 1, 1543). On June 21, 1545, Perino del ings in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum and related
Vaga and Nanni di Baccio Bigio were invited to decorate the left material, see Yerkes 2013.
and right sides of the chapel, respectively. Whether any of these 35 Design for the Floorplan of the Pantheon, ca. 1535, Gabinetto
decorations were realized remains unclear. After Desiderio’s Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence (3990A; fig. 11). Pen and
death and during the time Vincenzo was employed by the confra­ brown ink, traces of black chalk, ruling and compass work, 23 1⁄8 ×
ternity, the members sold a painted “ritratto del Nostro Signore” 17 1⁄8 in. (58.9 × 43.4 cm). Annotated at the top in pen and brown
(on August 8, 1546) and a “ritratto del Papa,” most likely Paul III ink: 299. and 100; at lower left, in blue graphite: 3990; at lower
(on September 22 of the same year), both from the possessions right, collector’s stamp of the Uffizi (Lugt 929); see Arnold
left behind by Desiderio, to come up with the funds to pay Nesselrath in Frommel and Adams 2000, pp. 268–69, 476, ill.
Vincenzo. During the same meeting, the members also agreed to 36 Nardo di Raffaele de’ Rossi was a stonecutter who worked with
give two marble panels (“dui tavole di marmo”) to Vincenzo for Antonio da Sangallo the Younger and was married to an uniden­
the execution of the altar—which are most likely the same pan­ tified Sangallo daughter. In 1541 he drew up an inventory of
els mentioned again in the payment records of December 11, objects left behind by Baccio Bandinelli in his house in Rome,
1547, where it is specified that they were meant to be joined indicating that Bandinelli either stayed with Nardo or was at
together to form one panel (“dui pezi di tavole di mischio per least a close contact of his whom he trusted with his belongings
fare una tavola”). In addition, some paintings (“bellisime ­p itture”) after leaving Rome for Florence. Later, Nardo would also work
were considered, on November 23, 1547, to be part of the decor with Nanni di Baccio Bigio and Pirro Ligorio, and between 1560
of the chapel after the completion of the altar. A commission to and 1564 he assisted Michelangelo in the completion of sculp­
Federico Zuccaro (1540/42–1609) was considered from 1597 tures for the Porta Pia. The drawing with the above-mentioned
onward after Pope Clement VIII complained about the barren letter from Nardo to Sangallo is Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe
state of the confraternity’s chapel, but the program was never degli Uffizi (302A); see Bertolotti 1884, p. 41; Ferri 1885, p. 164;
executed. The frescoes currently flanking the altar in the chapel Utz 1971, pp. 363–65, under docs. 6 and 10; Schallert 1998,
were commissioned to the painter Fabrizio Chiari (1621–1695) p. 173n108; and Waldman 2004, pp. 214–17, doc. 351.
but, owing to his absence, then assigned to Francesco Cozza 37 Frommel and Adams 1994, pp. 10–51. We would like to thank
(1605–1682) and added only in 1659. AVP, “Libro I,” 1547, Carmen C. Bambach for pointing out this important connection.
fol. 16v; see Schallert 1998, pp. 234–36; Tiberia 2000, pp. 34, 38 For the Metropolitan Museum’s drawing by Sangallo, Design for
65, 74–75; and Tiberia 2005, pp. 38, 288. a Freestanding Tomb Seen in Elevation and Plan, 1530–35
30 Schallert 1998, pp. 95, 96, and nn. 90, 95; Buddensieg 1968; (1998.265; fig. 12), see Bambach 2007, pp. 81–82, fig. 95;
Buddensieg 1971; Buddensieg 1976. For recon­s tructions of the Bambach 2008, p. 128, fig. 3; and Bambach in Franklin 2009,
antique Pantheon, see Grasshoff et al. 2009. pp. 182–83, no. 41. Other autograph and workshop drawings
31 Schallert 1998, p. 235; Tiberia 2000, p. 84. related to the same project are in the Gabinetto Disegni e
32 For the construction of this new altar, see below in this article. Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence (183A, 185A, 1129A).
33 See the drawings in the Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, 39 Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence (122A). Pen
Florence (306A, 841A, 874A, 1241A), discussed and illustrated and brown ink, brown wash, straightedge, compass, stylus, pin,
by Arnold Nesselrath in Frommel and Adams 2000, pp. 134–35, 18 7⁄8 × 21 7⁄8 in. (48 × 55.6 cm); see Frommel and Adams 2000,
158–59, 172–73, 221, 268–69, 347, 369, 380, 424, ill. pp. 108, 321 (ill.) (dated to 1519).
34 Sangallo had set out to measure all antique buildings in Rome 40 Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi, Florence (1096A). Pen
with the help of his workshop to prove that they answered to the and brown ink, 8 × 10 5⁄8 in. (20.3 × 27.1 cm); see Frommel and
architectural rules as communicated by Vitruvius. Where devia­ Adams 1994, pp. 195–96, 388 (ill.) (dated to 1542–43).
tions were noted, these were explained as mistakes made by the 41 Most of the artists reproducing the building during the
ancient architects. In the specific case of the Pantheon, a myth Renaissance and Baroque periods focused on recording the

s p e e l b e r g / r i n a l d i 1 75
1 76 v i n c e n z o d e ’ r o s s i a s a r c h i t e c t

references

parts of the building that were considered antique and not Bambach, Carmen C.
the “modern additions.” This changed in the eighteenth century, 2007 “Tuscan Drawings of the Quattrocento and Cinquecento
with portrayals of the contemporary interior such as the panel in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998–2005.” In Invisibile
by Giovanni Paolo Panini in the Statens Museum for Kunst, agli occhi: Atti della giornata di studio in ricordo di Lisa
Copenhagen (4594); see Shearman 1977; Wurm 1984, p. 473; Venturini, Firenze, Fondazione Roberto Longhi, 15 dicembre
Scaglia 1995; and Yerkes 2013, p. 87. 2005, edited by Nicoletta Baldini, pp. 77–95. Florence:
42 AVP, “Libro III delle Congregazioni,” 14 Gennaio 1691, cited from Fondazione di Studi di Storia dell’Arte Roberto Longhi.
Tiberia 2005, pp. 42–43, 296–97, 437–38. An earlier restoration 2008 “Drawings in Dresden: Further Newly Identified Works by
was necessary in 1610, and a further plan to enlarge the altar Italian Masters.” Apollo 167, no. 552 (March), pp. 126–31.
was formulated in 1660 but apparently not executed owing Bertolotti, Antonio
to a lack of funds; see Tiberia 2002, pp. 35, 36, and Tiberia 1884 Artisti subalpini in Roma nei secoli XV, XVI e XVII:
2005, p. 39. Ricerche e studi negli archivi romani. Mantua: Mondovi.
43 Schallert 1998, p. 232. Borghini, Raffaello
44 “dilatare piu avanti l’altare et a questo effetto demolire il vec­ 1584 Il Riposo di Raffaello Borghini in cui della pittura, e della
chio”: AVP, “Libro III delle Congregazioni,” 14 Gennaio 1691, cited scultura si favella . . . . Florence: Appresso Giorgio Marescotti.
from Tiberia 2005, pp. 437–38. Edited by Mario Rosci. 2 vols. Milan: Edizioni Labor. Vol. 1 is a
45 AVP, “Libro III delle Congregazioni,” 14 Gennaio 1691, cited from facsimile of the edition published in Florence, 1584.
Tiberia 2005, pp. 42–43, 296–97, 437–38, 474–75. Buddensieg, Tilmann
46 See Heikamp 1964, p. 40. 1968 “Raffael’s Grab.” In Munuscula discipulorum: Kunst­
47 Based on this small group of securely attributed drawings, the historische Studien, Hans Kauffmann zum 70. Geburtstag 1966,
further body of works attributed to Vincenzo de’ Rossi needs edited by Tilmann Buddensieg and Matthias Winner, pp. 45–70.
careful revision and consideration. In the past, his hand has Berlin: B. Hessling.
been sought mainly in the vast body of works from the circle of 1971 “Criticism and Praise of the Pantheon in the Middle Ages
Bandinelli; see Heikamp 1964; Vitzthum 1965; Utz 1971; Scorza and the Renaissance.” In Classical Influences on European
1984; Schallert 1998; and Louis A. Waldman in Franklin 2009. Culture, A.D. 500–1500: Proceedings of an International
Not all of these attributions are convincing, however. Conference Held at King’s College, Cambridge, April 1969,
48 This idea is also brought to the fore by Schallert 1998, edited by R. R. Bolgar, pp. 259–67. Cambridge: Cambridge
pp. 97–104. University Press.
49 On the Strozzi and Cesi commissions, see Schallert 1998, 1976 “Criticism of Ancient Architecture in the Sixteenth and
pp. 126–27, 155–201, 242–47. Seventeenth Century.” In Classical Influences on European
Culture, A.D. 1500–1700: Proceedings of an International
Conference Held at King’s College, Cambridge, April 1974,
edited by R. R. Bolgar, pp. 335–48. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Castro, Barbara
1998 “Vincenzo de’ Rossi.” In Scultori del Cinque­c ento, edited
by Stefano Valeri, pp. 110–28. Rome: Lithos Editrice.
Cherubini, Paolo
1987 “De Adiutorio, Desiderio.” In Dizionario biografico degli
Italiani 33, pp. 193–94. Rome: Instituto della Enciclopedia
Italiana.
Cole, Michael W., ed.
2014 Donatello, Michelangelo, Cellini: Sculptors’ Drawings from
Renaissance Italy. Essays by Michael W. Cole, Davide
Gasparotto, Alina Payne, Oliver Tostmann, and Linda Wolk-
Simon. Exh. cat. Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum.
Colnaghi
1983 An Exhibition of Old Master Drawings. Exh. cat. London:
P. & D. Colnaghi & Co.
Ferri, Pasquale Nerino
1885 Indice geografico-analitico dei disegni di architettura
civile e militare esistenti nella R. Galleria degli Uffizi in Firenze.
Rome: Presso i Principali Librai.
Franklin, David, ed.
2009 From Raphael to Carracci: The Art of Papal Rome. With
essays by Sebastian Schütze, Carlo Gasparri and Ingrid D.
Rowland. Exh. cat. Ottawa: National Gallery of Canada.
Frommel, Christoph Luitpold
2003 “Disegni sconosciuti di Sangallo per le tombe di Leone X
e Clemente VII.” In Christoph Luitpold Frommel, Architettura alla
corte papale nel Rinascimento, pp. 335–57. Milan: Electa.
Frommel, Christoph Luitpold, and Nicholas Adams, eds. Tiberia, Vitaliano
1994 The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the 2000 La Compagnia di S. Giuseppe di Terrasanta nel XVI sec­
Younger and His Circle. Vol. 1, Fortifi­c ations, Machines, and olo. Galatina, Lecce: M. Congedo.
Festival Architecture. New York: Architectural History 2002 La Compagnia di S. Giuseppe di Terrasanta nei pontificati
Foundation. di Clemente VIII e Leone XI e Paolo V (1595–1621). Galatina,
2000 The Architectural Drawings of Antonio da Sangallo the Lecce: M. Congedo.
Younger and His Circle. Vol. 2, Churches, Villas, the Pantheon, 2005 La Compagnia di S. Giuseppe di Terrasanta da Gregorio XV
Tombs, and Ancient Inscrip­tions. New York: Architectural History a Innocenzo XII. Galatina, Lecce: M. Congedo.
Foundation. Utz, Hildegard
Götzmann, Jutta 1971 “The Labors of Hercules and Other Works by Vincenzo de’
2005 “Der Triumph der Medici: Zur Ikonographie der Grabmäler Rossi.” Art Bulletin 53, no. 3 (September), pp. 344–66.
Leos X. und Clemens’ VII. in Santa Maria sopra Minerva.” In Vasari, Giorgio
Praemium Virtutis. Vol. 2, Grabmäler und Begräbniszeremoniell 1966–87 Le Vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori
in der italienische Hoch- und Spätrenaissance, edited by nelle redazioni del 1550 e 1568. 6 vols. Edited by Rosanna
Joachim Poeschke, Britta Kusch-Arnhold, and Thomas Weigel, Bettarini and Paola Barocchi. Florence: Sansoni; Studio per
pp. 171–200. Münster: Rhema. Edizioni Scelte.
Grasshoff, Gerd, Michael Heinzelmann, Nikolaos Theocharis, and Visconti, Carlo Ludovico
Markus Wäfler, eds. 1869 Sulla istituzione della insigne artistica Congregazione
2009 The Pantheon in Rome. Vol. 1, Contributions to the Pontificia dei Virtuosi al Pantheon: Notizie storiche. Rome:
Conference, Bern, November 9–12, 2006. Vol. 2, The Bern Digital Tipografia di E. Sinimberghi.
Pantheon Project, Plates. Zürich: LIT Verlag. Vitzthum, Walter
Heikamp, Detlef 1965 “A Drawing by Vincenzo de’ Rossi.” Master Drawings 3,
1964 “Vincenzo de’ Rossi disegnatore.” Paragone, no. 169, no. 2 (Summer), pp. 165, 219 (pls. 35a, 35b).
pp. 38–42. Waldman, Louis A.
Marini, Maurizio 2004 Baccio Bandinelli and Art at the Medici Court: A Corpus
2001 “Modelli classici e rapporti con l’antico ­n ell’inedito monu­ of Early Modern Sources. Philadelphia: American Philosophical
mento funebre del patrizio s­ pagnolo Pietro Mates nella Chiesa Society.
romana di San Salvatore in Lauro.” In El coleccionismo de escul­ Wurm, Heinrich
tura clásica en España: Actas del simposio, edited by Matteo 1984 Baldassare Peruzzi: Architekturzeichnungen. Tübingen:
Mancini, pp. 101–14. Madrid: Museo Nacional del Prado. Verlag Ernst Wasmuth.
Monbeig-Goguel, Catherine Yerkes, Carolyn
1972 Inventaire général des dessins italiens. Vol. 1, Maîtres 2013 “Drawings of the Pantheon in the Metropolitan Museum’s
toscans nés après 1500, morts avant 1600: Vasari et son temps. Goldschmidt Scrapbook.” MMJ 48, pp. 87–120.
Paris: Editions des Musées Nationaux.
Orbaan, Johannes Albertus Franciscus
1915 “Virtuosi al Pantheon: Archivalische Beiträge zur
römischen kunstgeschichte.” Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft
37, pp. 17–52.
Partridge, Loren W.
2014 “Le tombe dei papi Leone X e Clemente VII.” In Baccio
Bandinelli: Scultore e maestro (1493–1560), edited by Detlef
Heikamp and Beatrice Paolozzi Strozzi, pp. 168–87. Exh. cat.,
Museo Nazionale del Bargello, Florence. Florence: Giunti Editore.
Petrioli Tofani, Annamaria
1991 Gabinetto Disegni e Stampe degli Uffizi. Inventario:
Disegni di figura. Vol. 1. Florence: Leo S. Olschki.
Scaglia, Gustina
1995 “Eleven Facsimile Drawings of the Pantheon’s Vestibule
and the Interior in Relation to the Codex Escurialensis and
Giuliano da Sangallo’s Libro Drawings.” Architectura 25, pp. 9–28.
Schallert, Regine
1998 Studien zu Vincenzo de’ Rossi: Die frühen und mittleren
Werke (1536–1561). Hildesheim, Zürich, and New York: G. Olms.
Scorza, Rick
1984 “A Life Study by Vincenzo de’ Rossi.” Master Drawings 22,
no. 3 (Autumn), pp. 315–17, 375.
Shearman, John
1977 “Raphael, Rome and the Codex Escurialensis.” Master
Drawings 15, no. 2 (Summer), pp. 107–46, 189–96 (pls. 1–8).

speelberg / rinaldi 177