Toys,

Games
s"4 Media
.

Edited by
Jeffrey Goldstein
David Buckingham
Gilles Brougére
ee
TOYS, GAMES,
AND MEDIA
 TOYS, GAMES,
AND MEDIA

Edited by

Jeffrey Goldstein
University of Utrecht

David Buckingham
University of London

Gilles Brougeére
University of Paris-Nord

[EA LAWRENCE ERLBAUM ASSOCIATES, PUBLISHERS

2004. Mahwah, New Jersey London
Copyright © 2004 by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in
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Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Toys, games, and media / edited by Jeffrey Goldstein, David Buckingham, Giles Brougére.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8058-4903-3 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN 0-8058-5829-6 (pbk. : alk paper)
1. Media programs (Education). 2. Media literacy. 3. Play. I. Goldstein, Jeffrey H. H.
Buckingham, David, 1954—_. Ill. Brougére, Gilles.

LB1028.4.T69 2004
371.33—dce22 2004046975
CIP

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 Contents

Foreword Vii
Brian Sutton-Smith

List of Contributors xi

1 Introduction: Toys, Games, and Media

Jeffrey Goldstein, David Buckingham, and Gilles Brougére

PART I: TOY CULTURE

2 The Toy Theater: The Revival and Survival

of an English Tradition 11
Alan Powers

3. War Toys in the World of Fourth Graders:

1985 and 2002 19
Gisela Wegener-Spohring

4 Toy Culture in Preschool Education. and Children’s

Toy Preferences 37
Waltraut Hartmann and Gilles Brougere

5 Kitty Litter: Japanese Cute at Home and Abroad 95

Christine R. Yano
 CONTENTS
vi

6 From Pokémon to Potter: Trainee Teachers Explore

Children’s Media-Related Play, 2000-2003 73
Elizabeth Grugeon

PART II: CHILDREN AND DIGITAL MEDIA

ri The Internet Playground 93

Ellen Seiter

8 The Internet and Adolescents: The Present

and Future of the Information Society 109
Magdalena Albero-Andrés

Learners, Spectators, or Gamers? An Investigation

of the Impact of Digital Media in the Media-Saturated
Household 131
Stephen Kline

10 Learning With Computer Games 157

Jonas Linderoth, Berner Lindstrom,
and Mikael Alexandersson

PART Ill: HOW TECHNOLOGY INFLUENCES PLAY

11 Tangible Interfaces in Smart Toys 179

Mark Allen

1 Preschool Children’s Play With “Talking” and “Nontalking”

Rescue Heroes: Effects of Technology-Enhanced Figures
on the Types and Themes of Play 195
Doris Bergen

13 “Hey, Hey, Hey! It’s Time to Play”: Children’s

Interactions With Smart Toys 207
Lydia Plowman

14 Adaptation of Traditional Toys and Games

to New Technologies: New Products Generation 225
M. Fabregat, M. Costa, and M. Romero

Author Index 241

Subject Index 249

 Foreword

Brian Sutton-Smith
University of Pennsylvania

The exciting thing about this book is that one greets it as the latest news
about what is happening with the development of media literacy for chil-
dren. What we want to know is how are the children making out with televi-
sion, video games, the Internet, computers, and, of course, toys, games, and
books? None of us adults older than middle age went through any massive
hybridization such as this. The oldest of us had only radio, not many toys,
but many books and plenty of street games. What we learn in this volume
is that there is an increasing integration of all these processes in the lives
of the children being studied. Whether we are talking about homes or
schools, education or entertainment, playground play or media play, com-
mercial or public investments, or children or adults, a melding is going on
that is having varying combinations of effects on how children develop in
contemporary society. Yet if we read these chapters carefully, we find two
major messages: The one is largely negative about the failure of various
“educationally loaded” media to absorb children, and the other is largely
positive about the success of play to continue its existence within the new
context of these multiple media.

NEGATIVE MESSAGES

A careful reading of these chapters gives the impression that most of them
see the current educational media situation as doing an inadequate service
to the play life of children. No one denies that media socialization is inevita-

Vii
 FOREWORD
Vili

cur-
ble in some way in a global world, but everyone seems to find many
rently available forms of computer play defective in their ability to promote
the best kind of play life for children. Of course, one has to be careful here
be well
because all the writers are of an older generation, and as such may
biased in favor of their older ways of playing. But there is documentation
here

e of the limited fun that children have with the idiosyncrasies of smart
toys such as robots
e of the limited use children make of all the computer educational pro-
grams available to them
e of the relative unimportance of these media phenomena, as compared
with the importance to the children of their own more varied everyday
play lives
e of commercial exploitation of children by advertisers, even in cases
wherein the children do find the Internet play forms highly attractive.

All of these findings seem to carry a veridical message that all is not well in
these particular communicational and educationally oriented cauldrons of
toys, games, and media. Different countries are involved, but there are no
exceptions to this strain of negativity about the relations of such media and
play throughout the chapters.

POSITIVE MESSAGES

When the focus is on children in their own playground, although there still
is an impact of popular media figures on play and games, whether from
books (Harry Potter) cards (Pokémon), or media singing contests, the chil-
dren assimilate them as the kinds of contests and central person games
that have always been an essential part of their peer play. They are forbid-

ycanden to bring the Pokémon cards to schools, so instead, they enact the char-
acters on the cards. Again, what was once the exhibitive girls’ game of be-
ing voted the best “statue” now becomes a similar exhibitive game of being
the best contest singer. For boys, Harry Potter already has so many of the
attacks, escapes, and magic that have always been a part of children’s tradi-
tional imaginative contestive play forms that it is easy to assimilate it into
playground social play. See Children’s Games of Street and Playground by
lona and Peter Opie (1969), which is very much a Potter book. In addition,
there are chapters pointing out that the most important thing about games,
including computer games, is their own microsystemics. What the children
are doing in this kind of play is primarily learning how to interact and per-
FOREWORD ix

form within this complex field of events. There is always intrinsic game so-
cialization to games. This is one part of the larger metaphysical fact that all
kinds of play are alternative ways of living, which are maintained primarily
for their own sake throughout life, as for example, devotion to football as
participant and spectator. More people in the world watched final world
cup soccer 2002 than have ever done anything in common at the same time
before in world history. All of this makes it difficult for those who wish to
use play primarily for some other educational purpose to succeed in their
intentions, as the considerable history of research on play as sociodrama
and play as literacy makes clear.

THE PROBLEM WITH PLAY THEORY

So what is happening? It seems to me that the negative conclusions in some

of this research, whatever their empirical worth (and that is considerable in
most cases), derive primarily from the parlous state of play theory in mod-
ern social science. There has never been a consensus about the theoretical :
meaning of play, so it has become a veritable Rorschach inkblot in modern Ques”
social science. In the first place, there is the continued dominance of the
work ethic, formed in the puritan and industrial labor excesses for former 4,
eras. Second, there is the Enlightenment in accord with rationalistic varie- Y\
ties of Darwinism adaptive theory. Currently, this results in the continued
implicit belief that for play to be accepted, it needs itself to be a form of be- AV
havior useful to the acquisition of ever more complex rational processes,
and therefore to school work in general. In several of the studies reported
in this book, the children in effect refuse to use the smart toys provided
with their implied conceptual enrichments, and instead use them in terms
of their own preexisting more simplified play predilections. Part of the
problem here is that despite the increasingly high prestige of the idea of
play in the modern intellectual ontological mythology, very little research
has ever been given to a discovery of what the children actually are doing
and achieving with their play for themselves, although several chapters in
this volume contrarily and wonderfully do just that. Instead, there is a great
and prestigious noise about play as

flexibility (Bruner)
improvisation (Sawyer)
metacommunications (Bateson/Garvey)
emotional regulation (Carson/Parks)
conflict mediation (Freud)
enhancing imagination (Singer)
increasing ego mastery (Erikson)
 x FOREWORD

facilitating abstraction (Vygotsky)

consolidating cognitions (Piaget)

Some, or all, of these processes might well occur and be facilitated during
play, but none of them have anything centrally to do with the essential
character of play itself. If play is to be understood, we need to know why
play is sometimes about hazing, sometimes about winning and losing,
sometimes about risk taking, sometimes nonsense, and sometimes festive.
>)
f-—Tnlsis ust to.mentionseveralof the major kinds of play that I have dealt
‘ ; with in my book The7Ambiguity of Play (1997), and that have yet to be inte-
’ grated into a master theory. Why has play taken these forms so strongly
throughout history? Why does it still take these forms? What is going on
when you are in the midst of one of these games? What are you trying to do
quite realistically and so repetitively within the play frame? | prefer the
view that these all are forms of survival. These are older forms of adapta-
tion that still are with us, and that is why they are so exciting and at the
same time safe. Another reason is that they also are a reflective parody
upon themselves.
Having offered this critique let me emphasize that I would have had no
idea of the plight of these current media—play interactions without the ben-
efit of this volume. It brings the reader up to date concerning the current
situation for these forms of play/media research with both their limitations
and aspirations.
 List of Contributors

ABOUT THE EDITORS

Jeffrey Goldstein teachێs at the University of Utrecht, the Netherlands. His

books include Sports, Games, and Play (Lawrence Erlbaum Associates),
Toys, Play, and Child Development (Cambridge University Press), Why We
Watch: The Attractions of Violent Entertainment (Oxford University Press),
and Handbook of Computer Game Studies (MIT Press). He is cofounder of the
International Toy Research Association and chairman of the National Toy
Council (London).

David Buckingham is director of the Center for Children, Youth, and Media
at the Institute of Education, University of London. He is author or editor of
15 books, including Children Talking Television (Falmer), Moving Images
(Manchester University Press), The Making of Citizens (Routledge), and After
the Death of Childhood (Polity).

Gilles Brougére is professor of science of education at the University of

Paris-Nord. He is the author of Jeu et Education (Paris, L Harmattan) and edi-
tor of Traditions et Innovations Dans L’éducation Préscolaire: Perspectives
Internationales (Paris, INRPP). He is past president of the International Toy
Research Association.

xi
xii LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Magdalena Albero-Andrés, Universidad Autonoma de Barcelona, Spain

Mikael Alexandersson, University of Gothenberg, Sweden

Mark Allen, Brunel University, Surrey, United Kingdom

Doris Bergen, Miami University of Ohio, Oxford, Ohio

Maria Costa, Spanish Toy Research Institute, [bi-Alicante, Spain

Malena Fabregat, Spanish Toy Research Institute, Ibi-Alicante, Spain

Elizabeth Grugeon, De Montfort University, Bedford, England

Waltraut Hartmann, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria

Stephen Kline, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, BC, Canada

Jonas Linderoth, University of Gothenberg, Sweden

Berner Lindstrom, University of Gothenberg, Sweden

Lydia Plowman, University of Stirling, Stirling, Scotland

Alan Powers, Pollock’s Toy Museum, London, England

M. Romero, Spanish Toy Research Institute, Ibi-Alicante, Spain

Ellen Seiter, University of California, Los Angeles, California

Gisela Wegener-Spohring, University of Cologne, Cologne, Germany

Christine R. Yano, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, Hawaii

 CHAPTER er
scabs
1 2. Soo

macy

Introduction:
Toys, Games, and Media

Jeffrey Goldstein
David Buckingham
Gilles Brougére

Toys, games, and media are merging inexorably into a seamless blend of Geod
entertainment, information, education, and play. Although traditional toys * a

and play have not lost their appeal, technology is increasingly applied to
the pursuit of pleasure. And pleasure in the form of computer-mediated ac-
tivities and games is increasingly applied in the pursuit of more purposeful
goals such as education in the form of “edutainment” or, more directly, as
educational toys and computer games. In Toys, Games, and Media, the focus
isonthe interplay, soto speak, between traditional toys and play and those
mediated by or combined with digital technology. The discussion considers
how traditional and technology-enhanced toys are used in traditional play
and in new ways of playing, and how these are woven into children’s lives.
The astute reader will notice that this book is not divided neatly into inde-
pendent sections labeled “toys,” “games,” and “media.” The 14 chapters in
Toys, Games, and Media began as papers at a conference with this theme in
August 2002. The meeting was jointly organized by the International Toy Re-
search Association (www.he.se/ide/ncfl/ITRA.html) and the Centre for the
Study of Children, Youth, and Media at the University of London Institute of
Education (www.ccsonline.org.uk/mediacentre/home.html). More than 150
delegates from nearly 30 countries participated in the London conference.
The editors invited a dozen contributors to elaborate and update their con-
ference papers for this book. The contributors include long-established
scholars as well as young scientists and educators from Europe and North
America. Their disciplines involved communications and media studies, edu-
 2 GOLDSTEIN, BUCKINGHAM, BROUGERE

cation, history, psychology, and sociology. The result is a look at the past,
present, and near future of toys, games, and play based on cutting-edge re-
search, sometimes with prototype and new hybrid toys.

UNDERSTANDING CONVERGENCE

This book, based on the aforementioned conference, reflects the increasing

convergence of toys, games, and media, both in the commercial marketplace
and in children’s daily lives. This convergence of media—print, television,
film, computer games, toys, and collectibles—occurs almost seamlessly. This
development is far from new. A look back to the early days of Disney will
show instances of how movies were used as an opportunity for merchandis-
ing toys and other commodities, particularly, though by no means exclu-
sively, to children. Even in the early days of television, children’s program-
ming generated spin-offs, and shows that now are recollected with
sentimental nostalgia (e.g., BBC’s Muffin the Mule and Sooty from the 1950s)
were money-spinning franchises in their day. As this latter example suggests,
and as the subsequent success of Sesame Street confirms, “educational” me-
dia produced by public service broadcasters can prove just as profitable in
this respect as the apparently more “exploitative” productions of commer-
cial companies. Indeed, in the past few years, public service productions
such as Barney and Teletubbies have been among the most profitable media
phenomena, not the least in terms of global toy merchandising.
Toys, games, and media today are increasingly enmeshed in webs of “in-
See eee _wehich depend onwhat marketers callthe“synergy
between different types of products. Books, movies, and TV shows are tied
in with games (not just computer games, but also more traditional games
such as cards and board games) and with toys of many kinds, ranging from
the plastic models contained in fast-food “happy meals”to the more elabo-
rate and expensive interactive toys considered in the third section of this
book.
Play is not always media driven. Harry Potter famously began life in a
book—indeed in one with a very short print run. Pokemon started out as a
computer game. The Ninja Turtles first appeared in an obscure alternative
comic, whereas it appears that Beyblades began as a toy. Yet the compa-
nies responsible for these properties were quick to capitalize on their suc-
cess by translating them to other media.
In the world of media, merchandising is no longer an afterthought or a
lucky accident, but an integral part of the commercial strategy. In cultural
terms, this has ambiguous consequences. Children’s culture is now highly
intertextual: Every “text” (including commodities such as toys) effectively
draws upon and feeds into every other text. When children play with
a et OAL tee egsetesstmaassesly
1. INTRODUCTION 3

Pokemon cards or toys, for example, they draw on knowledge and expertise
they have derived from watching the TV shows and movies, or from playing
the computer games: Each play event is part of a broader flow of events
that crosses from one medium or “platform” to another. This is play that in-
volves an energetic form of activity (children who want to succeed in the
game), or in the broader peer-group culture that surrounds it, there must
be energetic seekers of information, honing their skills in a disciplined way
and working flexibly across different media and modes of communication.

THE MEANINGS OF ACTIVITY

Many critics argue that children are no longer able to engage in authentic,
spontaneous play, that the narratives, symbols, and scenarios of their play
have been taken over by the media, depriving children of the opportunity
to develop their imagination and autonomy. Yet much research, including
many of the studies contained in this book, suggests that children are far
from being the passive victims proposed by this kind of pessimistic cri-
tique. In their play, children actively appropriate cultural commodities,
making their own discriminations and judgments, while combining and re-
working them in myriad ways. Contemporary children’s culture depends «\

not on passive consumption, but on the energetic activity of the child.

This aiso is a process of learning. Participating in recreational activities
and joining game-playing communities means developing the necessary
know-how for legitimate participation. To participate, an individual must be
ready to learn. Contemporary play objects are, by the virtue of their elec-
tronic functions and affordances, vessels of knowledge. It is not surprising
that many practices involving these objects arise out of exploration and dis-
covery, heuristic activities par excellence. Discovering an object and its
uses, learning the means by which to communicate with others via this ob-
ject, sharing in and eventually collectively creating new meanings around
this object, such is the implicit curriculum of the overall toy culture, of
those recreational objects that, beyond the standard toy, include the video
game console and the computer.
Yet there also are limits to activity. It may be a mistake to equate activity
with agency, or with genuine control or power on . Users
who are more active may simply be more open to exploitation, as Ellen
Seiter’s contribution to this volume suggests. Furthermore, the_seductive
rhetoric of “interactivity” should be considered _with caution. There are
striking continuities between “interactive” computer games and the board
games that preceded them, not just in their thematic concerns, but also in
the ways by which they seek to engage the player, as well as in the rewards
and pleasures they offer. In both cases, much of the activity derives from
4 GOLDSTEIN, BUCKINGHAM, BROUGERE

the social context of play. On the other hand, much of the “interactivity” of
contemporary media is little more than superficial or tokenistic—a matter of
e-mailing in the answers to a TV quiz, clicking away at the interface of a
Web site or an educational CD-ROM, or prompting the limited repertoire of
a talking doll.
Nevertheless, a look across the contemporary media landscape, not just
for children, but also for adults, strikingly shows how the metaphor of play
has become central to a range of genres. For example, the new hybrids of
game shows and documentaries represented by “makeover” shows and “re-
ality” programs can be identified, as well as the use of TV-linked Web sites
in shows such as Big Brother or in more overtly gamelike programs such as
Fightbox. For some critics, this merely indicates the terminal “infantiliza-
tion” of adult culture, whereas others are inclined to celebrate its irrever-
ent, and perhaps even subversive, appeal.
The contributions collected together in this volume cast an interesting
light on these issues, and offer a range of contrasting perspectives. For ex-
ample, the chapters by Grugeon (From Pokemon to Potter), Albero-
Andres (The Internet and Adolescents), and Seiter (The Internet Play-
ground) provide evidence of the aforementioned activity, although as
Seiter and also Kline (Learners, Spectators, or Gamers?) imply, there are
limits on the extent of children’s “literacy” or competence when it comes
to new media. Seiter, along with Powers (The Revival of the English Toy
Theater, 1945-2001), Hartmann and Brougere (Toy Culture in Preschool
Education and Children’s Toy Preferences), Wegener-Spohring (War Toys
in the World of Fourth Graders: 1985 and 2002), and Fabregat, Costa, and
Romero (Adaptation of Traditional Toys and Games to New Technol-
ogies), also makes the vital point that children’s engagement with toys,
games, and media needs to be understood in the social and interpersonal
contexts wherein they are situated.

AN OUTLINE OF THE BOOK

The chapters in this volume are arranged according to three themes: to

culture, children and digital media, and the influence of technology on play.
In part 1, the changing nature of contemporary children’s culture is consid-
ered. Although new media and developments in information technology
have influenced the play, toys, and games of children and adults, traditional
forms of play and traditional play objects have not been replaced, even if
they have been merged and reshaped.
Because this volume aims to present a dynamic picture of the changing
nature of toys, games and media, several chapters deal with comparisons
across time (Powers, English toy theater, 1945-2001; Wegener-Spohring,
war
1. INTRODUCTION 5

toys in 1985 and 2002; Grugeon, media-related play, 2000-2003) and place
(Hartmann and Brougere, Australia, Austria, Brazil, France, Sweden; Yano,
Japan).
Powers considers the evolution of the English toy theater, tracing how it
appears to have survived despite commercial pressures by adapting its
contents to changing cultural enthusiasms. The toy theater can be seen as
an example of an “interactive” toy that long predates the advent of digital
technology. It shows how some themes of children’s play persist despite
historical change.
Hartmann and Brougere, along with colleagues in Australia, Brazil, and
Sweden, conducted surveys over a 10-year period to determine the toys Get
available to preschool children in home, preschool, and day-care (créche)
settings. Two opposing toy cultures emerge: preschool ] ‘Aus
more “child-centered” family toy culture. The ensuing tension between
adult objectives and child interests is the source of the recreation versus cpt
education dilemma.
~ Yano (Japanese Cute at Home and Abroad) shows that the integrated,
multimedia approach described as symptomatic of children’s culture also
is reflected in adult “toys.” As she suggests, the Japanese notion of kawaii
(or “cute”) embodies some of the tensions that surround contemporary
conceptions of childhood, but it also is inflected in diverse and sometimes
unexpected ways when exported to a global market.
School recess represents an essential area for marketing as well as for
criticism and reconstitution of child culture—a place where Harry Potter
hangs with Pokémon. In this influential space, conformity and change, tradi-
tion and innovation, and acceptance and rejection of the contemporary are
found side-by-side. Elizabeth Grugeon asked trainee primary school teach-
ers to observe school breaks on the playgrounds. They recorded jokes,
games, and narrative play in an effort to discover the influence of the me-
dia. In 2000, Pokemon, Beanie Babies, Game Boys, and the lore of football
and wrestling were frowned upon by teachers and banned from class-
rooms, but enthusiastically welcomed by children on the playground. A
year later, the playground repertoire had been extended by text-messaging
and Harry Potter. Children incorporate and adapt a variety of media crazes
into their narrative play.
These chapters suggest that the boundaries between toys, games, and
media are blurring. So perhaps are other boundaries, namely, those be-
tween education and entertainment, as observed by Kline (Learners, Spec-
tators, or Gamers?) and Linderoth, Lindstrom, and Alexandersson (Learn-
ing With Computer Games); between home and schogl, as observed by
Hartmann and Brougere; between the commercial and the public sectoy;
and perhaps also, as Yano’s contribution implies, between adults and chil-
dren themselves.
6 GOLDSTEIN, BUCKINGHAM, BROUGERE

Part 2 presents four studies investigating children’s uses of digital media

from the United States (Ellen Seiter), Canada (Stephen Kline), Spain (Mag-
dalena Albero-Andres), and Sweden (Jonas Linderoth, Berner Lindstrom,
and Mikael Alexandersson). These chapters are a rich source of informa-
tion on how and how often children used computers, the Internet, video
games, and mobile telephones in 2002.
Seiter considers how children use the Internet to play. How do games on
the Web compare with more traditional forms of children’s play? How do is-
sues of access and social communication differ between computers and
playgrounds? The findings presented in this chapter are based on a 3-year
study of a California after-school computer laboratory for children ages 8 to
11 years. Seiter shows that, whereas the children were very aware of the
commercial motivations of other media, they were significantly less attuned
to the ways in which advertising, sponsorship, and market research func-
tioned in relation to the Internet.
The chapters by Stephen Kline and Magdalena Albero-Andres paint a
complex cultural portrait of interactive media and video games. They con-
trast the utopian visions built around multimedia as described by Negro-
ponte (1995), Rushkoff (1996), and others, with the commercial, social, and
educational realities of today’s media diet.
Magdalena Albero-Andres presents the results of a study that investi-
gated how children use the Internet to communicate, play, and learn. Inter-
views and observation of children ages 12 to 14 years in the city of Barce-
lona examine how family, peer group, children’s culture, urban context, and
previous media experience shape the use of the Internet. The results show
a natural integration of the Internet into the classic elements of children’s
culture, and a self-learning process for the acquisition of skills in the use of
the Internet itself. Children tended to use the Internet as a source of infor-
mation only when completing school assignments. Albero-Andres identifies
gaps between school proposals for the use of the Internet and the interests,
motivations,
and knowledge of children
using the Web,
Kline explores the impact of interactive media from the vantage point of
media theory by tracing how the hybrid between computers and television
has changed Canadian children’s media preferences and use patterns in the
home. Kline characterizes the broad patterns of adolescent media use, their
genre preferences, and their stated motives for using different media.
Linderoth, Lindstrom and Alexandersson offer a more sanguine view of
new media than Kline, presenting an analysis of video recordings of children
ages 6 to 11 playing different computer games in different settings. When chil-
dren do not have the necessary resources, such as prior experience, for mak-
ing sense of the represented phenomena, the content of the game stays ona
virtual level, and representations obtain their meanings only from the func-
tion they have in the game context. These authors describe the implications
1. INTRODUCTION 7

of games in educational settings, for instance, the educator’s need to offer

the proper resources to support the learning process. This also has conse-
quences for designers of educational games, who can use different game ele-
ments to support or undermine the child’s understanding of content.
In part 3, the focus is on how technological developments influence chil-
dren’s play. “Smart toys,” those that contain microchips or interface with
computers, are investigated in four chapters.
Most toy and game design and development have focused on visuals, au-
dio, and electronics. There is little evidence of “haptic” (touch) design.
Mark Allen (Tangible Interfaces in “Smart Toys”) observes that the sense of
touch and its ability to produce pleasure have been overlooked. Allen ob-
served a group of 20 children ages 5 to 9 years who were given toys with
varying degrees of electronic interactivity. Video evidence was combined
with structured interviews involving 14 of the children and their teacher. A
disparity was found between the child’s favorite toy and the one the child
found most haptically stimulating. The children did not discover the full
functionality of the toys.
Doris Bergen (Preschool Children’s Play With Rescue Heroes: Effects of
Technology-Enhanced Figures on the Themes of Play) studied prototype
prosocial action figures developed by Fisher-Price. Although technology-
enhanced “talking” toys have become increasingly popular with parents
and children, there is little research on how children play with such toys.
Also, little is known about the themes of pretend play in which children en-
gage using realistic replica figures of fire and police personnel, especially
with regard to prosocial helping behaviors. This question is of special inter-
est since the September 11 disaster. Preschool boys and girls ages 3’ to 4'2
years played with Fisher-Price Rescue Heroes that “talk” (with computer
chips) and with similar Rescue Heroes that do not talk.
Lydia Plowman and Rosemary Luckin (Children’s Interaction With
“Smart” Toys) describe the Cachet Project (Children and Electronic Toys),
which aims to explore and map children’s interactions with digital interac-
tive toys, in this case Microsoft Actimates. These are free-standing digital
toys with a vocabulary of 4,000 words based on popular educational car-
toon and storybook characters. These soft “plush” toys have squeezable
sensors that provoke the toy into head and arm gestures accompanied by
a speech prompt designed to engage the child in interactive games, such
as saying the alphabet or timing the child’s favorite song. A particularly in-
teresting feature of these toys is their ability to interact with compatible
software by means of a radio pack. When linked in this way, the plush toy
comments on the child’s progress or offers advice as the child tackles
thought-provoking activities offered by the software.
M. Fabregat, M. Costa, and M. Romero of the Spanish Toy Research Insti-
tute describe how toys can be adapted for children with special needs.
8 GOLDSTEIN, BUCKINGHAM, BROUGERE

They describe the development of a ride-on vehicle with a global position-

ing system to prevent collisions, designed for children who are blind or par-
tially sighted. The project is a collaborative effort between engineers, child
development experts, and a Spanish toy company.
The chapters by Allen, Bergen, Plowman, and Luckin demonstrate that in
the case of interactive toys, children often engage with new media in quite
traditional ways, bypassing some of the more innovative technological pos-
sibilities. This differs little from the approach of adults who learn how to do
what they must with their computer, but do not explore its full range of pos-
sibilities.

REFERENCES

Negroponte, N. (1995). Being digital. New York: Knopf.

Rushkoff, D. (1996). Children of chaos. New York: Harper.
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2
The Toy Theater: The Revival
and Survival of an English Tradition

Alan Powers

In 1884, Robert Louis Stevenson wrote in his essay, A Penny Plain and Two-
pence Coloured, published in the Magazine of Art, “That national monu-
ment, after having changed its name to Park’s, to Webb’s, to Redington’s,
and at last to Pollock’s, has now become, for the more part, a memory.”!
Stevenson was the most famous, but not the first nor the last commentator
to evoke his own childhood in terms of the English toy theater or “juvenile
drama,” and to regret its decline, while speaking disparagingly of the alter-
native toys that had taken its place. He was speaking of a toy originating
from the Regency, which reached its height of popularity in the 1830s and
1840s. The publications consisted of printed and hand-colored sheets of
characters and scenery based on actual productions, with a text of the play
abridged for performance on a wooden theater, for which proscenium
fronts and orchestras also were published. After 1850, little new original ma-
terial was issued, although Webb and Pollock, whom Stevenson names, con-
tinued in business in the East End of London into the 1930s, selling new
printings off the old plates in nearly adjacent streets, each professing only
vague awareness of the other’s existence.

‘Robert Louis Stevenson, A Penny Plain and Twopence Coloured. Magazine of Art, 1884, pp.
Dele 2a
“Bibliographies are found in George Speaight, A History of the English Toy Theatre, London,
Studio Vista, 1969, and Peter Baldwin, Toy Theatres of the World, London, Zwemmer, 1992.
12 POWERS

The theme of decline that gives poignancy to Stevenson’s essay was

voiced in the 1860s by other writers such as Rosetti. As a literary trope, it
combined personal feelings about the loss of childhood with a more gen-
eral sense of lost folk art vigor in the face of Victorian gentility. There also
was a patriotic theme, expressed by Stevenson, because English toy the-
aters were superseded in the trade by German chromolithographed ones,
which were more magnificent, but offered less interaction for the child. The
German tradition of toy theater and paper theater is one among several
others, but this account is devoted to the English one, and chiefly concerns
the successor businesses to that of Benjamin Pollock, based on a stock of
printing plates and printed sheets still extant at the time of his death. Inde-
pendent of the Pollock business, although probably largely stimulated by
its survival, there were other manifestations of interest in toy theater,
mostly appealing more to adults than to children, so that although never a
majority interest, it can claim attention as a constituent part of the culture
of childhood in postwar Britain.
There were many stages in the adult appreciation of toy theaters in Brit-
ain between Stevenson’s and Pollock’s deaths in 1937.3 These divided
mainly into two categories. On the one hand, there were newly drawn the-
aters and plays published in a variety of formats including London Under-
ground posters and breakfast cereal promotions. On the other hand, there
were appreciative and scholarly articles by Edward Gordon Craig and oth-
ers in his journal The Mask in 1912, an exhibition of toy theater staged by
the publisher Stanley Nott in New York in 1927, and performances by
George Speaight at the bookshop, of John and Edward Bumpus in Oxford
Street at Christmas in 1932 and 1933, accompanied by sales of theaters and
sheets of plays.‘ Born in 1914, Mr Speaight has subsequently contributed
more than any other single person to the revival of interest in the toy the-
ater, as a performer and researcher.® He organized an 80th birthday exhibi-
tion and celebration for Mr. Pollock shortly before his death atthe George
Inn, Southwark, in association with the British Model Theatre Guild, active
since 1925. This attracted commentary in The Times, which also awarded an
obituary to Mr. Pollock, indicating fertile ground for a revival. A further
manifestation of interest was The Triumph of Neptune, a ballet choreo-
graphed by Georges Balanchine for Serge Diaghilev in 1926, with costumes,
scenery, and plot derived from toy theater sheets by Pollock and Webb.®
The revival of toy theater after World War II was different from these, in
that it tried to use the original material and market it directly for children,

“See Chapter XV, Revival, in Speaight, op. cit.

‘A copy of the Stanley Nott catalog is in the British Library 011795.dd.61.
*See Barry Clarke and David Powell, George Speaight, A Life in Toy Theatre, catalog of an exhi-
bition at Pollock’s Toy Museum, 2003.
*See The Triumph of Neptune, catalog of an exhibition at Pollock’s Toy Museum, London,
2003.
2. THE TOY THEATER 13

placing the nostalgic and antiquarian interest of adults at a remove, al-

though what was offered to children was a strongly historicized toy.
The Pollock shop was carried on by Mr. Pollock’s two daughters, but
there was a concern among enthusiasts that it might be bombed. The shop
was indeed hit by a V1 flying bomb in July 1944. Before this occurrence,
most of the stock had been removed because it had been bought by an anti-
quarian bookseller, Alan Keen, for $850.’ It consisted of printed sheets, litho-
graphic stones, and a large number of copper and zinc printing plates, dat-
ing back to 1834. These represented the succession and amalgamation of
several earlier toy theater businesses. Keen had been a commercial artist,
but in a brief career as an antiquarian bookseller, he struck gold when he
discovered a copy of Hall’s Chronicles with annotations believed to be in
Shakespeare’s hand. The sale of this book financed the Pollock purchase.
Keen found investors for his business, constituted as Benjamin Pollock
Ltd., with the actors Ralph Richardson and Robert Donat among the direc-
tors. He rented a shop in the relatively new block of buildings on John
Adam Street, off the Strand, that replaced part of the original Adelphi devel-
opment by the Adam Brothers. Keen’s notes for the business indicate that
he expected to sell toy theaters for children and also prints from the origi-
nal plates for collectors, together with spin-off products using the attractive
graphic imagery of the Pollock designs.*®
Only the first of these ambitions was realized to any large extent. Keen
believed that “the big money is in mass production which in no wise de-
stroys the charm or tradition.”® He was quick to get established in business
at the end of the war despite the difficulties of production. George Speaight
was an obvious candidate to become involved in the business because he
not only had performed at Bumpus’s, but had worked there as a bookseller.
In addition, Keen had responded to a request from the publishers, Macdon-
ald & Co., for an author to write a history of the toy theater, recommending
Speaight, who took his research materials with him when posted as a radio
operator to Ceylon at the end of the war. Speaight’s book, Juvenile Drama,
published in 1946, was both scholarly and romantic, and has remained the
authority in the field.
Benjamin Pollock himself produced wooden theaters in small quantities.
It is not clear who designed Keen’s new theaters, but his first career would
at least have given him insight into design possibilities. His most successful
model was the Regency Theatre, with its varnished hardboard stage sup-
ported on a bowed orchestra strip held in tension by screws running up

7The imminent closure of the shop was marked by The End of the Juvenile Drama? written by
Anne Scott-James, an article that appeared 25 March 1944 in Picture Post, a leading left-wing illus-
trated weekly. The Misses Pollocks were also recorded on a short Pathé newsreel.
8An undated sheet of notes in the records of Benjamin Pollock Ltd. at Pollock’s Toy Museum.
°Copy of a letter from Keen to Speaight, 29 November 1945, Pollock’s Toy Museum.
14 POWERS

into the base of the plastic-molded proscenium front. A light grid to hold
the scenery, based on the traditional form, completes the theater. Keen’s
publicity proclaimed that “the long-lost and forgotten Regency prosceni-
ums of J. K. Green are being reprinted, colored and built into a new im-
proved collapsible stage, with a curved apron, ... altogether an affair of
much glamour and grace.” The actual number of Regency Theatres manu-
factured is not available, although Keen left records of his predictions, such
as his hope at the end of 1945 of sending “a quarter of a million stages out of
the country in February.” He forecast 17,000 to be sold in the first half of
1947. These figures undoubtedly exaggerate the actual numbers, but even
so, they must reflect some basis of success. A lighting kit run from a trans-
former was developed for sale with the theaters.
A Regency Theatre was exhibited at the Britain Can Make It exhibition at
the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1947 as one among a collection of prod-
ucts approved by the Design Council. With its muted coloring, reflecting
late Georgian rather than Victorian taste, it indeed represents the cautious
return of decoration within the “contemporary” style of the postwar period.
Even more typical of the taste of the time was the alternative abstract front
and “orchestra” for the Regency, termed the “Adelphi,” designed by the
photographer Edwin Smith, who also was involved in creating artwork from
the original plays for the abbreviated versions written by George Speaight.
The Regency and Adelphi sold for 38s 6d, which was a substantial price for
a toy, but evidently not too steep for what one imagines was a middle-class
professional market.
In addition to the Regency, there was the Victoria Theatre, based on an-
other of J. K. Green’s proscenium fronts and produced as a flat-pack card-
board design. A first order of 1,000 was delivered in July 1946, but because
of subsequent problems with production, it had to be offered at a discount.
A larger wooden theater was available for schools and clubs.
The republication of plays began with Keen’s extravagant gesture of re-
printing The Silver Palace, a J. K. Green production of 1841. This visually
splendid piece in the masque tradition was one of Diaghilev’s sources for
The Triumph of Neptune. Unfortunately, the color printing was crude, the
edition far too large, and the original script unsuitable for performance by
children. The other play reprinted in its entirety was The Red Rover, a pirate
drama based on Fennimore Cooper, which was by contrast very finely
printed in black and white and much moré suitable for performance.
At an early point, Keen approached J. B. Priestley with the proposal that
he write a new play to go with characters and scenes on a theme of high-
waymen from the Pollock stock. Priestley rejected this, but instead wrote a
script, which was illustrated by Doris Zinkeisen, a well-known stage de-
signer with a taste for Regency swagger. There was a long gestation before
the play was published as Puffin Cut-Out Book (PCS), in November 1948 by
2. THE TOY THEATER 15

Penguin Books. Its cover, derived from the Regency proscenium, exhibited
the fine standards of color printing and typography that Penguin upheld in
the postwar years. The High Toby received plenty of publicity with a celeb-
rity performance at Heal’s shop in Tottenham Court Road. Keen favored its
publication in book form because, considering “the unintelligence of the toy
trade,” he thought it would sell better this way.
A Theatre You Can Make Yourself, with drawings by Jane Cumming, a
larger format hand-lithographed Puffin Cut-Out Book (PC6), was published
in the same month as The High Toby, but although clearly based on the juve-
nile drama in concept, it did not seek to imitate it in any detail. This was not
a product of the Pollock business, although it indicated the general feeling
that toy theater was interesting and could be commercially successful. A
toy theater version of Treasure Island, by Geoffrey Robinson, with hand-
drawn lithographed designs by Marian Marsh, was published by Puffin in
1953 (PC11). It included a theater proscenium on the cover. This was the
last of this series of publications. Pollock’s itself issued a cutout Hamlet in
the same style as The High Toby, based in this case on color stills from the
Laurence Oliver film of Shakespeare’s play, with financial support from J.
Arthur Rank, which also was retailed by Penguin. An independent publica-
tion was an insert of a miniature theater in The Strand magazine of Decem-
ber 1947 with characters and scenes for Cinderella, by the popular chil-
dren’s illustrator Edward Ardizzone, indicating the popularity of toy
theaters at this date.
Cinderella and Aladdin both were published in 1947 as reduced versions
of Victorian originals, rearranged by Edwin Smith to scripts by George
Speaight. Two further plays were published as color-printed inserts in The
Model Stage magazine, which was a further creation of Benjamin Pollock
Ltd. in 1950, based on the format of The High Toby. These were Blackbeard
the Pirate and Harlequinade, both prepared in 1947 but held over. The Model
Stage No. 3 contained The Bethlehem Story in the style of an early Gothic illu-
mination by the artist Sheila Jackson, who has maintained a long-time inter-
est in puppets and toy theater. She also began to prepare artwork for
Prokofiev’s Peter and the Wolf. Another unpublished play, intended for The
Model Stage No. 4 in 1950, was The Atom Secrets, with a script by George
Speaight on a contemporary theme, scenery by Malvina Cheek, and charac-
ters by another as yet unidentified hand."
The failure to complete these publishing enterprises indicated the diffi-
culty that Benjamin Pollock Ltd. had surviving in the more stringent finan-
cial climate after 1947. The imposition of a 70% import duty on toys coming
into the United States was a major blow, indicating that this had previously

When Malvina Cheek !ooked at the artwork in 2003, she recognized the scenes, including a
house interior and pictures of canal narrow boats, as her own work, but believed that the figures
were by another hand.
16 * POWERS

been an important market. The shop moved from John Adam Street to 16
Little Russell Street, a back street near the British Museum. George
Speaight’s salary often was unpaid for long periods, and he left in 1951 to
perform marionettes at the Festival Pleasure Gardens, Battersea, as part of
the Festival of Britain. Toy theaters were in evidence in Festival exhibitions
that year, and fitted well with the patriotic revival of folk art that was one of
the Festival’s themes. Meanwhile, Benjamin Pollock Ltd. went into insol-
vency in 1952.
The decline at this moment might have been final, but Pollock’s was res-
cued from receivership by Marguerite Fawdry, who had trained as an ac-
tress with Michel St. Denis and had bought a toy theater for her son John."
Interested in popular art, she successfully revived the Pollock business at
44 Monmouth Street on the edge of Covent Garden from 1955 onward, creat-
ing a toy museum to provide a context for the sale of toy theaters and other
traditional toys. In 1969, the shop and museum moved to 1 Scala Street in
Fitzrovia, and the museum was established as a charitable trust. The mu-
seum and shop have been kept going since Mrs. Fawdry’s death in 1995 by a
small but dedicated staff.
The publications of Alan Keen’s period were taken over as stock by Mrs.
Fawdry, and new color-printed and reduced plays were added to the range,
in addition to wooden theaters made by a series of different workshops.
Two new plays were published in 1956, both with an eye to current chil-
dren’s interests. The Flying Saucerers by Reginald Reynolds and Robert Culff
was an arch portrayal of Anglo-American cultural relations, with Martians in
the place of the Americans. The Massacre of Penny Plain, again by Reynolds
(a sometime collaborator of George Orwell), with Hugh McLelland as artist,
took a lighthearted view of the Western genre.
Whereas the first postwar Pollock company seems to have been able to
benefit from a gap in the toy market in its early years, television was seen
10 years later as the chief competition. In 1963, the toy historian Leslie
Daiken described Pollock’s as “a thriving business .. . catering for a growing
demand for theater as against telly, which seemed an inevitable reaction.”
He went on to suggest that this would indicate some conscious renewal of
Victorian values: “Discerning parents who nostalgically remember the role
played ancestrally by Toy Theaters in their family circle, now look to the
Pollock shop for inspiration.” The feeling of nostalgia evoked by Steven-
son has spread from toy theaters into other areas of the toy trade that
straddle the boundary between adult and child interests. The stock sold in

"The story is told in Speaight (1969), and in Kenneth Fawdry, The Story of Benjamin Pollock
and Pollock's Toy Museum, London, Pollock’s Toy Museum, 1981. See also Alan Powers,
Under-
cover surrealism: the story of Pollock’s toy museum. Things, 10 (Summer 1999), 6-25.
"Leslie Daiken, World of Toys. London: Lambarde Press, 1963, p. 146.
2. THE TOY THEATER 17

the Pollock shop, apart from the toy theaters, mostly had a reference to the
past in the form of either direct reproduction or new designs in the spirit of
the old.
In The Stage in 1946, Ralph Richardson raised the issue of the educational
value of the toy theater, explaining it in terms of the skills that could be ac-
quired through its practice:

Now that Punch and Judy, after being figures of fun for centuries, have been
officially approved as a legitimate means of instruction under the new Educa-
tion Act, the toy theatre will be regarded in a more serious light. Quite apart
from the joy children derive from such a pastime, it teaches them to speak
correctly and allows them to project themselves into the personalities of their
puppets. Never has a toy with such magic in its appeal to the young pos-
sessed such cultural value.'®

Richardson omitted, however, the aspects of art and craft that others have
stressed. In 1884, Stevenson understood nostalgia not as a retreat from the
difficulties of modern life, but as a form of subversion, believing that it chal-
lenged the conformity of late Victorian culture with its evocation of danger
and crime through plays about highwaymen and smugglers. Toy theater rep-
resented the play of the imagination, in contrast to moralistic literature and
didactic games. He described how the pleasure of the toy theater was bound
up in anticipation with the detailed work of coloring and cutting out rather
than performance. These qualities could be found appropriate to the educa-
tional climate of the 1960s, with its emphasis on practical activity and visual
aspects of learning. Because Marguerite Fawdry’s husband Kenneth was
head of educational television at BBC, they were well aware of these issues,
and children were encouraged to invent their own plays.
Mrs. Fawdry’s revival of Pollock’s coincided with John Wright’s setting
up of The Little Angel Marionette Theatre in Islington in 1961, at a time
when British television, ironically perhaps, still used marionettes exten-
sively for children’s programs. The first international puppet festival was
held in Britain in 1963, and Pollock’s also had an international flavor, with
toy theaters from traditional sources in France, Spain, and Denmark as well
as English sources. The museum collection also reflected an international
stance, with representation of many Eastern European and Third World
countries.
The aesthetic of Pollock’s in the 1960s reflected contemporary design
trends, with brighter colors in the color printing and a pop art quality in the
catalog designs. These coincided with interest shown in toys by the Ameri-
can designers Charles and Ray Eames, with the photographs selected for

The Stage, 17 January 1946.

 18 POWERS

their House of Cards (1952), and with films such as Toccata for Toy Trains
(1957). Indeed, British pop artists occasionally used Pollock imagery. A no-
table example is the borrowing of a toy theater proscenium in Pauline
Boty’s painting “BUM” (1966) commissioned by Kenneth Tynan for use on
the set of Oh Calcutta!* A Pollock’s toy theater was included in Jasia
Reichardt’s exhibition, Play Orbit, at the Institute of Contemporary Arts in
1969, which combined a pop art view of toys with a presumption that mod-
ern artist designers could use abstraction to create effective new toy de-
signs that might also work as pieces of art. The toy theater therefore runs in
the background of successive cultural movements, while also exerting a pe-
riodic direct influence on stage design.
The toy theater has therefore discovered some surprising new associa-
tions since its relaunch in 1945, even if Diaghilev had already made the as-
sociation between high art and its lowly status. Franco Zefferelli’s choice of
a Pollock’s toy theater as a symbol of the special virtues of an English up-
bringing in the film Tea with Mussolini was a demonstration of its cultural
significance. In the current climate of museum education, the toy theater
has enormous potential for learning in many areas without losing the qual-
ity of strangeness and illogicality that Stevenson valued so highly.

“See Sue Watling and Alan David Mellor, Pauline Boty, The Only
Blonde in the World. London:
Whitford Fine Art/The Mayor Gallery, 1998, p. 19.
)
 CHAPTER
eldsOt
Siideunce &

Soe ee
War Toys in the World of Fourth
Graders: 1985 and 2002

Gisela Wegener-Spohring

In former centuries, war toys formed an integral part of culture and child
education, although they have always been subject to sporadic criticism.
After a ban on war toys through the Versailles agreements after World War
I, they proved to be a real issue to parents and educators in postwar West-
ern Germany. The Bundestag witnessed debates. Activities and flyers
abounded (“Stop the war in children’s rooms!”), as did campaigns promot-
ing the exchange of war toys for “pedagogically sound” toys (Wegener-
Spodhring, 1995).
Inspired by these developments, the author conducted a study in 1985.
The broad reception of this study mirrors the interest in the topic at that time
(Wegener-Spohring, 1985, 1986, 1989a, 1989b, 1989c, 1994). One crucial result
was the notion of “balanced aggressiveness,” which hypothesized that chil-
dren are capable of balancing aggressive elements of play such that the ag-
gressive actions are restricted to the level of pretense, thus enabling all par-
ties involved in the play to cope with its aggressive and alarming elements.
The follow-up study 17 years later posed the following question: Can this no-
tion still be evidenced in a world of play heavily changed by the media?

NATURE OF THE INVESTIGATIONS

The database for these studies consisted of 20 (1985) and 30 (2002) semi-
structured interviews about the topic “toys you can fight with” conducted
with fourth graders, in which 429 and 634 children, respectively, partici-

19
 20 WEGENER-SPOHRING

pated. The age of the children ranged from 9 to 12 years. The vast majority
of the children were 9 to 10 years old. The interviews took place in the chil-
dren’s classrooms. The time allotted was one classroom period (45 min). Af-
ter the interviews, a chiefly multiple-choice questionnaire with 8 to 10 ques-
tions was completed. In 2002, two questions about multimedia and PC usage
were added:!
The protocols were evaluated two times by two evaluators, adopting the
method of documentary interpretation. Documentary interpretation, origi-
nally developed by Karl Mannheim, aims at “a systematic, methodically ver-
ifiable access to context-specific and individual sense worlds” (Bohnsack,
1993, p. 65). Besides investigating the concept of balanced aggressiveness,
the study also investigated patterns of play and media behavior as well as

y
the role of media in play. In addition, toy mentions in the interviews and
questionnaires were counted.

RESULTS

The interview atmosphere had changed considerably over the 17 years. In

1985, the children were enthusiastic. The interviews were intense, and oscil-
lated vividly between fun and seriousness, between loud onomatopoeia
and deep thoughtfulness. Apparently, no adult had ever before asked the
children about this topic so crucial to their world. They revealed their inti-
mate and secret play world to the interviewers in an almost touching man-
ner. This had completely changed by 2002. Often, the children showed ini-
tial hesitation to talk about their games at all. Not that they wanted to hide
something from the interviewers. Rather, the topic did not appear to be of
great significance anymore. The researchers confirmed what they knew
from childhood research: Children “age” earlier, pretend to be_less “child-
like.” “I don’t play,” a girl said at the beginning of the interview. “I go for
walks with my friends.” “I don’t play,” another said. “I work, I read, I listen to
music.” In the end, they did tell enough, but, in a number of cases, getting
the interviews underway was far from easy (Table 3.1).

Frequency and Popularity of War Toys: 1985 and 2002

In 1985, war toys constituted a widespread and male-dominated phenome-

non (Table 3.2). Now, 17 years later, the children own more war toys, and

'The 2002 study was carried out with the support of the following graduation candidates
and
student assistants at the University of Cologne: Manfred Gimmler, Nina Kraufg, Jenny
Lowis,
Nastaran Najib, Tanja Miller, Klaus Trautmann.
3. WAR TOYS 21

TABLE 3.1
Possession of War Toys Reported in the 1985 and 2002 Questionnaire?
Seee ee a
Own War Would Like More Own War Would Like More Own PC/
Toys 1985 War Toys 1985 Toys 2002 War Toys 2002 Playstations 2002

Boys i 25 n= 324
165 (76%) 98 (45%) 270 (83%) 178 (55%) 279 (86%)
Girls n=21) n= 310
61 (29%) 7 (3%) 124 (40%) 34 (11%) 156 (50%)
—_—_—nnhkerees- =_=_=— OO OO ——

TABLE 3.2
Possession of “Classic” War Toys 1985
a a al
Mentions % of 382 Mentions % of 429
(n) of War Toys Children

Face-to-face combat (i.e., fighting and shoot-

ing): pistol, rifle, sword, saber, spear, bow
and arrow, knife, weapon, tank 192 50 39
Warlike male characters: soldiers, cowboys
and Indians, pirates, men 78 20 18
Star wars/Space travel toys 64 17 15
Other 48 13 11
Total 382 100 89

they would like to possess considerably more.’ However, “toys you can
fight with” now include not only “classic” war toys (7%), but also computer
games (46%) (Table 3.3). Gender differences in the answers have more or
less stayed the same. The researchers differentiated between PC, game con-
sole/gameboy, and games.
The most important feature in 1985 was direct fighting, most often car-
ried out with unreal, fantasy, and fairy tale characters. In 2002 only the fol-
lowing were mentioned: soldiers 15 times, and fewer than 10 each for
swords, pistols, bows and arrows, and tanks. This means that war toys in
the classic sense hardly play a role any longer.
An overview of all toys listed in the questionnaire and the interview in
2002 (Table 3.3) illustrates the play world of today’s children.
According to the questionnaire, play currently is dominated by multime- S
dia toys (28%) and computer and console games (46%). Construction games .
follow far behind, and war toys of the kind described in the investigation a bee

*Yes/no answers counted. (29°

°’The table Wish to Have More War Toys (Questionnaire) 2002 is not reproduced in this pa-
per. Here and subsequently, answers which state the name or content of the toy are counted.
22 WEGENER-SPOHRING

TABLE 3.3
Mentions of Toys in the 2002 Questionnaire and Interview
ee
oe
Mentions in the % of 634 Mentions in the % of 634
Questionnaire (n) Children Interview (n) Children

7 1
Dexterity/conjuring games
Collectors’ objects 8 1
War toys 46 7 16 3
Other 17 3
Painting/handicraft 21 3
Cars/vehicles 8 1 26 4
Animals 4 1 29 5
Books/media/music 31 5
44 7
Movies/TV series
People 8 1 59 9
Action characters/sets 58 5 65 10
Board games 15 2 67 11
Dolls/soft toys 9 1 68 11
Construction games 57 9 76 FZ
Movement/sports 1g Bs 189 30
Multimedia toys 179 28 192 30
PC/consoles/games 293 46 413 65
Total 696 1,328

follow behind these (7%). The same holds true for toy wishes. The inter-
views, in which the children did not speak strictly about “toys you can fight
with,” considerably reinforced this trend. War toys (3%) are notably sur-
passed by movement/sports (30%). Even construction games (12%) and
board games (11%) reach greater frequencies, as do dolls/soft toys (11%),
and play that involves people (9%).
When asked which toys could be used for fighting, only 3% of the chil-
dren named classic war toys. Even construction games, they find, are more
suitable for fighting (4%), and dolls/soft toys reach the same frequency
(3%). Currently, fighting is done primarily through computer games (40%),
and the direct fight with unreal and fantasy characters, still enthusiastically
described in 1985, has in general been transferred to the screen. This was
known before, of course, but the author was not aware of the degree of
change. The interviews portrayed this trend more sharply.
One further problem needs to be mentioned: The far-reaching embed-
ding of games in the multimedia context makes it difficult to categorize
them. Many exist not only as toys, but also through media representation
and as computer games. This also is true for traditional board games and
even sports. Only in very few cases is it unambiguously clear what the chil-
dren have in mind.
3. WAR TOYS 23

War Toys As Seen by Children: 1985 and 2002

In 1985, the interviews generated 492 statements, which were grouped into
nine categories (Table 3.4). The chief criteria “What is fun?” and “reasons
against war toys” then were differentiated further. In 2002, a total of 1,698
statements were registered. Both the reasons for this and the changes in
content for some central categories can be illustrated. Sixteen categories
were used. Of course, the categories about computer specifics and multime-
dia were added in 2002. Table 3.4 presents the relative number of mentions
in terms of their significance as analyzed by chi-square.

The Dominance of Computer Games

and the Decrease in Play Ideas

The toys named by the children in the 2002 interviews are dominated by
computer and console games (n = 413), followed by multimedia toys (n =
192). Instead of reporting their wonderful games, as they did 17 years be-
fore, many of the children replied by merely naming a game title. This fact
is reflected in the figures for toy mentions in Table 3.3. Statements for “PC/
consoles/games” were counted among the categories during the interviews
if children added a description. These resulted in another 158 mentions (9%
of all mentions) (Table 3.4). For the category “multimedia,” this figure is 65
(4%). Moreover, it is this toy to which the overwhelming majority of men-
tions in the other categories refer. It can be seen that a significant change in
childplay has taken place.
The contents of computer and console games, however, are almost
never enacted (i.e., imitated in play behavior without a PC; only 3 children
in all). Even for multimedia, this number is only 11, and not more than 11 re-
port the much-feared enactment of TV contents. Thus this problem seems
not to exist to the extent feared.
Fantasy play still exists, with 9% of children admitting that they played
made-up scenarios. However, this is only 3% of the total mentions. What are
these play ideas that exist despite the reported dominance of the computer?

The Children Take Up Something That Then Acts as a Play Arena. “|

do, like, tournaments with shoe boxes and dolls. There they must, like, fight
against each other again and again” (boy).

The Children Use the Characters From Multimedia in Creative

Games. “We sometimes play, like, roller coaster, and then they can be
blown out in the curve, also the male ones are blown out” (boy).
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3. WAR TOYS 25

Even the Classic Play Idea Still Exists, Although Rarely. “I like making
up stories, and then I paint it. Then I cut out cardboard characters. Some
are bad” (girl).

Adults Are Ridiculed, Although Also Rarely. “I tie Star Wars characters
to a rope and hang them out the window. And the neighbors always wonder
what that is. | tease them” (boy).

We see play ideas still exist. Also the old war game—one is almost
tempted to say, the ‘good old war game’—has not disappeared completely.
Its marginalized position, however, cannot be ignored. To relativize, or to
distance yourself from such a game (“I play that, but only sometimes”; “I
only played that when I was younger”), is hardly ever considered necessary
nowadays.

The Disappearance of the Play Features

Irreality and Ambivalence

Irreality and ambivalence are two decisive features through which play
differs from reality (Wegener-Spodhring, 1978, 1995). The feature of ambiva-
lence means that play oscillates between active mastery and discovery of
the environment on the one hand and self-detachment and distancing on
the other, and also between tension and relief (Heckhausen, 1973) without
fully positioning itself. Sutton-Smith (1978) discussed this fact as the “bipo-
larity” of play, as its dialectic nature. Ambivalence and bipolarity always a(n
carry the danger that one of the poles will overpower the other, and thus
destroy the game as such. Hence, this context suggests the feature of bal-
ance, of easing out contradictions. Scheuer! (1975) called this the “always
uncertain balance of the course of play” (p. 208). Play, by nature and neces-
sarily, implies a distance from reality (i.e., it is different from “ordinary life”
(Huizinga, 1938/1986). It is a “pseudo reality” (Heckhausen, 1973), which is
marked off from everyday reality through its rules. American literature uses
the term “transformation” in this context: Play transforms the real world
into a play world (Sutton-Smith, 1978, 1986, 1997). Thus, the feature of
irreality is found.
In 1985, 25 mentions (5%) were found in this context (Table 3.4). In some
cases, the children were able to verbalize this difficult complex surprisingly
well: “It is funny and evil—you can easily imagine that in your thoughts.”
“Joy and sadness are close together.” “On the one hand it’s good, on the
other it’s naff.”
The children also verbalized irreality: “It is important to know that it isn’t
true.” “You can live in your imagination.” “I find weightlessness in space
much better, ... at home I can break my nasal bone; in space I am weight-
less; nothing can happen to me there.”
26 WEGENER-SPOHRING

The feature of ambivalence was not found at all in the 2002 study.
Through the sporadic naming of irreality, a combined counting of both cate-
gories results in 31 mentions (1.8%), which appear much less sophisticated
than in 1985. One boy said: “I think it’s okay as long as it doesn’t happen for
real.” Others said: “The good thing about Dragonball is that you can fly and
throw bombs with your hands.” “I don’t remember the war when I’m play-
ing.” “It’s only computer people that get hurt.”
Irreality is emphasized when things get too rough. One boy said, “It’s fun
when you can kill people, and can also kill yourself.” This boy verbalizes
the fun—killing on the play level. It is unusual that he includes himself as a
victim because this contradicts the practice of combative games. As a reac-
tion, the class uttered an embarrassed and alarmed laughter, and a boy ex-
plicitly reestablished irreality by interrupting to say “It’s only a game any-
way!” For precaution, the class then digressed to a funny topic, and a girl
started talking about “Sven,” the bonking sheep. And then there was the girl
whose father, as she explained, had grown up in a dictatorship. She said, “I
play war almost only in my dreams.”
Realism, the counterpoint to irreality, was evidenced only to a negligible
extent in 1985. The 2002 study did not elicit many mentions of it either, but
at least there were more: 23 statements. This means that 4% of the children
commented on this, sometimes in a critical manner, but sometimes also as
a fun factor. One girl, speaking about a computer game, said, “Sometimes
blood leaks out from there.” A boy continued, “But that’s just what’s great
about it.” At another point, a boy made a critical comment: “I think it’s naff
that there are, like, these games on the Internet about the World Trade Cen-
ter where this airplane, like, flies in.” This comment finds support with
other children.

The Changed Fascination: “What Is Fun”

About War Toys

In both studies, children reported experiencing fun with war toys pre-
dominantly through fighting (Table 3.5). In 1985, “fighting” chiefly meant a
fight with weapons and warlike male figures, with 5% of the children com-
menting in this vein. This figure was 16% in 2002. If the odd category “fight-
ing with Barbies/fighting with dolls” is added, the figure reaches 18%. Often,
however, this refers to fighting on the computer screen. Thus, it is only logi-
cal that the “classic” categories of war play including hiding/chasing, de-
stroying/collapsing, and aiming/shooting lose in significance. By contrast,
there is a dramatic rise in the categories linked to heightened aggressive-
ness. This development is treated in a separate section.
Although the typical element of classic war play, onomatopoeia (“making
noises”), could be heard from 6% of the children, its total percentage was
halved in 2002. Fighting gestures, not categorized in the first study, are be-
 3. WAR TOYS 27

TABLE 3.5
What Children Considered Fun About Playing
With War Toys in 1985 and 2002
ee
eee
Mentions %of429 % of 492 Mentions % of 6384 % of 1,698
in 1985 Children Mentions in 2002 Children Mentions
(n) in 1985 in 1985 (n) in 2002 in 2002

Fighting 22 5 4 104 16 6
Fighting/Barbie 10 2 1
Hiding/chasing* 10 a 2 10 2 1
Destroying/collapsing* 14 3 3 12 2 1
Aiming/shooting* 17 4 3 30 5 2
Aggressiveness—fun** 5 1 1 109 UG 6
Killing** 2 0 0 56 9 3
Making noises* 19 4 4 35 6 2
Gestures 29 B) 2
Aesthetics ** 17 4 3 11 2 1
Assembling/mounting/technology 18 4 4 39 6 2
Strategy 16 3 1
Independence/feeling strong** 16 4 3 8 1 0
Prestige 26 4 2
Excitement/action 8 2 2 12 2 1
Winning 12 3 2 49 8 3
Rough-and-tumble play 4 1 1 28 4 2
Playing with others 6 1 1 39 6 2
Expelling boredom 5 1 1 9 1 1
Doing forbidden things 2 0 0 15 2 1
Obsession 3 1 1 4 1 0
Fun without a reason* 5, 1 1 50 8 3
Total 185 38 701 41

*Significant (<0.05).
**Significant (<0.01).

low even that value. The aesthetics of violence, an element of classic war
play, hardly plays a role anymore, and is expressed, in fact, only with refer-
ence to “cool” computer graphics. The significance of “assembling/mount-
ing/technology” also halved its overall percentage value. “Independence/
feeling strong,” a crucial feature of childplay in which the children them-
selves are masters and call the shots, has become almost meaningless. In
1985, the children said: “For once, I can simply do what | like, including par-
ents, school.” “Because you feel stronger.” “You feel like in a movie.” This
sounds more pragmatic today, if it appears at all. A girl said, “I think every-
body should make up their own mind whether they play with this or not!”
And a boy said about a nonspecified computer game: “There are loads of
levels, you can do what you want.”
Winning has increased slightly in significance, whereas “excitement” has
decreased slightly. By contrast, more mentions were found for the catego-
28 WEGENER-SPOHRING

ries “playing with others” and “rough-and-tumble play” (formerly running

about/rollicking) (Wegener-SpGéhring, 1995). Although the figures in this
context are not large, they nonetheless indicate that children do not neces-
sarily become isolated in front of their PCs. Another reassuring fact is that
the category “obsession” (formerly “you can’t stop”) is just as insignificant
as in 1985. It is not a fact that computer game maniacs are growing up to-
day. This was also supported by the high number of references to “move-
ment/sports,” which normally are conducted in company with others.
The inability of children to give a reason for their fun was greater in 2002.
In reality, this has increased much more than the figures in Table 3.5 reflect.
As already hinted, the children often only named the title of a computer
game when asked about the fun. Alternatively, the children described the
game in a breathtakingly aggressive manner. This is elaborated in the next
section.

The Crisis of “Balanced Aggressiveness” and

the Increase in Internal and External Aggressiveness

In 1985, there were only two references to the “joy of killing,” and these
referred only to cowboy and playmobile characters. In 2002, by contrast,
there were 56 statements (approximately 3% of all mentions), with 9% of the
children commenting that they enjoy the killing. Of course this predomi-
nantly concerns the killing of characters, mainly computer characters. Yet
it cannot be overlooked that a brutalization of both language and play be-
havior has taken place. The fact that the “killing” sometimes also occurs in
non-computer-based play situations may be taken as somehow reassuring.
One boy reported: “Well, I take all my characters outside to my friends. But
we don't replay the series. They fly up and also shoot and kill, or they are,
like, in a different solar system.”
This brutalization becomes even more striking when the values for ag-
gressiveness are examined. These were insignificant in 1985, and the few
that manifested concerned contexts for which a playlike embedding still
seemed plausible: “We beat each other up with curtain rods. We have fun
beating up, don’t know why.” This had changed completely 17 years later,
with one third of the children mentioning aggression (Tables 3.4 and 3.5).
If to the analysis are added those who mention departure from the play
level with or without violence and the category of realism (Tables 3.4 and
3.7), then 15% of all the responses expressed by 40% of the children fall into
this category. This denotes a completely new development in the past 17
years.
This study differentiated between internal and external aggressiveness,
either restricted to or departing from the play frame level, as already ex-
plained for the category “departure from play level.” This differentiation re-
 3. WAR TOYS 29

sulted from the play observations in the studies mentioned earlier, in which
the notion of “balanced aggressiveness” was found. Balanced aggression
means that children are able to balance aggressive contents of play so that
the aggressive actions are restricted to the play level of pretense. The cate-
gory “departure from the play level” is a newly added one. Admittedly, the
drift of play into contention and quarreling is not reported very frequently
(18 mentions or 1% of all responses by 3% of the children). A boy said, “I
have won, or I'll hit you.” A second boy said, “When we make war too bru-
tally, and my friend leaves for home, crying... .” Here, balanced aggressive-
ness is not achieved. The children commented on the course of events with-
out criticizing it. It is different with the 3% of the children who fear that the
departure from the play may lead to a heightened potential for violence (16
mentions or 1% of all responses; Table 3.7). A girl said, “I find those games
naff because you can enact that for real.” Another girl said, “These things
are too brutal; I don’t like these things. Then you will surely become vio-
lent.” The number of children making such comments was not great, but
the fact was new. Not new, however, was that the children viewed this fact
as applying to younger children. In 1985, as in 2002, they were certain that
small children should not be given “toys you can fight with” because they
certainly would not be able to distinguish between play and reality, and the
danger of a future inclination to violence would indeed seem likely. It is in-
teresting that this disapproval was considerably higher in 1985. It is unclear
whether this expresses growing tolerance for smaller children’s play, a
greater tolerance for aggressiveness, or simply increased indifference.
Concretizations of aggressiveness were evidenced in the responses. As a
preliminary observation, more than half of the references to aggressiveness
(n= 109) explicitly stated that aggressiveness is fun. The others (n = 85) did
not mention this fun factor, nor did they criticize it. Therefore, enjoyment of
aggressiveness, or at least tolerance for it, can be assumed. The corre-
sponding figures are grouped together in Table 3.6.
The internal form of aggressiveness, restricted to the play context, fre-
quently came across in a truly ruthless fashion. A boy said, “I have once
pulled out somebody’s [a play character] arms.” A second boy said, “My

TABLE 3.6
References to Aggressiveness in 2002
eee
ee Ee eee
% of % of 1,698
Mentions % of 634 1,698 Mentions % of 634 Total
(n) Children Mentions (n) Children Mentions

Internal aggressiveness—fun 96 15 6 109 17 6

External aggressiveness—fun 13 2 1
aggressiveness 46 7 3 85 13 5
Internal
External aggressiveness 39 6 2
i
30 WEGENER-SPOHRING

friend has one of these Kenny characters” [from South Park]. “I tore off its
head, then put ketchup in, tore it off again.” The brother's McDonald’s char-
acter gets an arm twist. In Mortal Kombat, you can cut off heads, and ina
nonspecified computer game, the following events occur: “He makes, like,
this sleep. Then he take the hand. Him through the belly.” Attention also
should be drawn to the statements when Barbies are abused. Despite the
ruthlessness displayed here, it has been rated as internal play aggression.
Girls made the following statements: “Barbie, there’s a series, and I like de-
capitating them.” “I’ve got a Barbie, but I once tore off her leg.” “That soon I
won't be able to set fire to Barbies any longer.” Although the data show ag-
gressiveness to be predominantly a male affair (Miller, 2002), female ag-
gressiveness shows up here quite uninhibitedly.
The aggressiveness classified as external in this study includes fighting
with animals, shocking or “beating up” a little brother, throwing other chil-
dren’s pocket money out the window, and “bashing” the sister “against the
wall.” This is getting down to business. One boy even mentioned “having
broken his arm.” All these issues were unheard of 17 years before.
Then there is the description of the contents of computer games. As one
girl said, “In Nuclear Strike you must shoot other opponents.” “In Star Wars
you have to smash the druids.” “In Resident Evil you chop off their heads
which you then toss around.” This girl did not say that she was enjoying it,
but we do not hear any criticism either. A boy boasted: “I’ve got another
game, Alien 3—Genesis. Blood comes down from the ceiling. There’s a,
there’s a man in the elevator, then you hear a ‘Bang’. Even my father gets al-
most shitless with that.” Another said, “In Playstation 2, there’s a skeleton
walking round on level 1; then there’s a skeleton coming, and you have to
slaughter that.” These are only a handful of examples, but I think they show
what was meant earlier by “brutalization” of language and play.
The wonderful ability of children to balance aggressiveness on the play
level has not disappeared, but has visibly begun to falter. And_this means
shaking a cornerstone of children’s play! The other extreme of this develop-
ment is that the horrors of war are losing their significance in the child’s
world.

The Diminishing Horrors of War and Terror:

Reasons Against War Toys
The horrors of war and terror were not investigated. Rather, these con-
cerns materialized as “reasons against war toys” and “what is no fun about
war play.” This was the same in 1985 as in 2002. Half of the children (49%) of-
fered critical comments in 2002. In 1985, this figure was 35%. On the other
hand, these comments reached 30% of all mentions, and therefore the cur-
rent naming was of a much higher weight than in 2002. The reasons for the
increase in 2002 have already been discussed. In this context, a moderately
3. WAR TOYS 31

critical statement about computer game elements is rather easy to ascer-

tain. The content-based discussion of the reasons given clarifies this argu-
ment (Table 3.7).
By far the largest share of critical comments in 2002 falls within the cate-
gory of “criticism of war toys/action toys/PC”: 129 mentions (8% of the total
and 20% of the children). A more decisive finding is the dramatic
dramatic decrease
in statements that reflect awaren f the horr rand terror and a
acifist attitude. These three categories account for 13% of the total for a
1985. In 2002, however, there are only 42 mentions, which corresponds to
2% of the total. These results are highly significant. As compared with com-
ments 17 years before, these few comments lacked depth in 2002. Some in-
stances demonstrate this.
Here is what the children said 17 years ago: “When a nuclear bomb
comes, an air raid shelter will not help. I read in the papers that 700,000 si-
rens will be wailing. If there is a war, it will be a nuclear war.” “We saw pic-
tures from Africa: mother, father, son were lying dead. Nasty!” “In RI. we
saw pictures of Dresden before and after the bombs. There we said, ‘War is
shit!” “I find war detestful because many people have to die in it, and ev-
erything gets destroyed.” “I don’t like people shooting at each other, and
then lying there with big wounds, still living for a little bit, and then dying.”
What do their peers have to say today? “Fighting is stupid! Every fight
can be ended by peace.” “Toys you can fight with are not good. Because
war is a serious matter.” “I find this war junk simply harmful.” These were
three statements typically made by girls. Further statements confined
themselves to calling war and violence “senseless” or “naff”: “I think it’s naff
to fight, because mostly you kill everybody.” “Sometimes war is senseless.”
“I find war toys senseless, who, if any, finds killing is good?” “I find it naff to
kill other people. Even if it’s only a game.” This is not very illuminating.
The terrorist acts in New York, which at the time of the 2002 study were
only 2 to 4 months old, also were the subject of criticism, although in a simi-
larly trivial manner: A girl said, “Like with the World Trade Center.” “And
that is also senseless, because it is no use.” Another continued, “It’s no use
to the terrorists either.” Yet another said, “It’s no use to the terrorists ei-
ther, because they are dead too now.” Still another girl said, “Yes, but they
believe in it.”
This completes the knowledge about these terrible geopolitical events. A
bit of criticism for related games and movies also exists, but again, it is
rather weak. A boy said, “I don’t like those movies that imitate terror ac-
tion.” Gone are the heartrending antiviolence statements of 17 years earlier.
Furthermore, if the terrorist acts had not occurred shortly before, very
likely even fewer relevant statements would be on record.
The connection to aggressiveness has already been discussed. In 1985,
no child established it, and 17 years later, again, none established a connec-
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32
3. WAR TOYS 33

tion between war toys and violence external to play. In both studies, 3% of
the children feared a violent departure from the level of play. The criticism
of “toys you can play with” has considerably increased. In view of the com-
puter game contents familiar to children, this comes as no surprise. It was
found that 2% of children see the danger of psychic threats, chiefly in fear,
addiction, and nightmares. This was hardly mentioned at all 17 years ear-
lier. However, even today, there still is a small group (1% of the children)
for whom all this is not brutal enough. A boy said, “You can’t see enough
blood in this” (criticism: insufficient aggressiveness in Table 3.4).

CONCLUSION: PLAYING WITH WAR TOYS

AND COMPUTER GAMES: STILL “PLAY’?

The author has always taken a liberal attitude toward play, never thinking
much about regimentation and exaggerated nervousness regarding aggres-
sive elements. Play has always been He ee rebellious, contrafactual, and J)
liberal. Pla constitutes its purpose is not io: “|

Scant em fies by play res i n-Smith iaaBy

Moreover, the concept of balanced aggressiveness had convinced the
author that play could overcome the limitations and definitions inherent to out
the toy. In light of the research reported here, the author must admit to be-
coming doubtful. It cannot be overlooked that the play world of children tie
has become more narrow and impoverished. Today, instead of revealing
their wonderful play world to us, children give us descriptions of computer
game contents. The children no longer know anything substantial about
war and terror, but in most cases reproduce only stereotyped and trivial
statements. This is not to say that computer games are the reason for this.
The author cannot ascertain that, but is only stating a fact.
The author is increasingly doubtful whether children still are able to
transform into play images made by adults, which are equipped with adult
voices and adult language (Lury, 2002), and which are sold to them on a Udi
merciless market (Kline, 1998; Wegener-Spohring, 2001). yikes
The results of this study are in line with those reported in international
media research that give rise to a concern about the globally increasing me-
diated consumption of violence by children. The U.S. Surgeon General re- a4
cently has confirmed that the media remain a significant factor in fostering 3:

7
aggressive and antisocial behavior in children (Youth Violence, 2001). Simi-
larly, the Canadian Standing Committee on Communications, Culture, and ¢
C
en
Television Violence found that excessive consumption of violent media is a 0°
significant risk factor contributing to children’s aggressive attitudes and be- ae
havior (Bird, 1993; Gosselin, Guise, Paquette, & Laplante, 1997). Further-
cae

{p,
34 WEGENER-SPOHRING

more, media researcher Groebel (1998) found signs of a global, media-

transported aggressive culture in his 1997 worldwide study for UNESCO.
Media researcher Lukesch (2002) pointed out related interconnections for
Germany. Other German authors have put these results in perspective,
claiming that there is only a weak correlation between the consumption of
media violence and future aggressiveness, which then, however, can have a
strong significance for some populations (Charlton, Borska, Mayer, Haaf, &
Klein, 1996; Kunczik & Zipfel, 2002). German research always lays special
emphasis on the active role of the individual in media usage who co-designs
his or her socialization through personalized and experience-related inter-
pretations (Theunert, 1996, p. 201; Frith, 1995, p. 172). Theunert (1996) said
that media research must “classify and recapitulate the subjective proc-
esses of reception and active involvement and creation which take place in
the new screen worlds” (p. 23), and Frith (1995) treated the effective violent
potential as an “interpreted normative offer of violence” (p. 172). This
agrees with play as the place where children interpret their world inde-
pendently and transform it experimentally.
This chapter aims to present the results of the 1985 and 2002 studies
from a comparative perspective. Elsewhere, the author unfolds some peda-
gogical consequences from the viewpoint of activating and critical peda-
gogics of media and play. One point must suffice here: Play requires our
protection. It has yet not been fully subjugated by the media, at least not in
Germany. Play ideas and playlike irreality have been found, yet the balance
that controls aggressiveness has become disturbed. This should make us
think.

REFERENCES

Bird, B. (Chair). (1993). Television Violence: Fraying Our Social Fabric. Report of the Standing Com-
mittee on Communications and Culture. Ottawa: House of Commons, 1993.
Bohnsack, R. (1993). Rekonstruktive Sozialforschung [Reconstructive social research]. Opladen:
Westdeutscher Verlag.
Charlton, M., Borsca, M., Mayer, G., Haaf, B., & Klein, G. (1996). Zugdnge zur Mediengewalt [Access
to media violence]. Villingen-Schwenningen: Neckar-Verlag.
Friih, W, (1995). Die Rezeption von Fernsehgewalt [The reception of TV violence]. Media
Perspektiven, 4, 172-185.
Gosselin, A., Guise, J. D., Paquette, G., & Laplante, B. (1997). Violence on Canadian Television and
some of its cognitive effects. Canadian Journal of Communication, 22, 143-160.
Groebel, J. (1998). The Unesco Global Study on Media Violence. Report presented to the Director
General of Unesco. Paris: UNESCO.
Heckhausen, H. (1973). Entwurf einer Psychologie des Spielens [Outline of a psychology of play].
In C. F. Graumann & H. Heckhausen (Eds.), Pddagogische psychologie: ReaderI [Pedagogical
psychology] (pp. 154-174). Frankfurt/Main: Fischer.
Huizinga, J. (1938/1986). Homo ludens; A study in the play element of culture. London:
Beacon
Press.
3. WAR TOYS 35

Kline, S. (1998). Toys, socialization, and the commodification of play. In S. Strasser, C. McGovern,
& M. Judt (Eds.), Getting and spending: American and European consumer society in the twenti-
eth century (pp. 339-357). New York: Cambridge University Press.
Kunczik, M., & Zipfel, A. (2002). Wirkungsforschung I: Ein Bericht zur Forschungslage [Impact re-
search I: A research report]. In T. Hausmanninger & T. Bohrmann (Eds.), Mediale Gewalt:
Interdisziplindre und ethische Perspektiven [Mediated violence: Interdisciplinary and ethical
perspectives] (pp. 149-159). Munich: Fink.
Lukesch, H. (2002). Contribution to Press Conference of State Minister Stewens on 17 May 2002 at
the Bavarian State Ministry of Work and Social Order. Accessed October 4, 2002 at
www.stmas.bayern.de/familie/pk020517b_t.htm.
Lury, K. (2002). “Seen but not heard? The young child’s voice in toys and media.” Paper given at the
ITRA-Congress: Toys, Games, and Media, London, 2002.
Miller, T. (2002). Kriegsspielzeug in der Lebenswelt von Grundschulkindern: Eine qualitative
empirische Studie im Raum Kéln/Bonn: Die Bedeutung des geschlechtsspezifischen AspeRtes.
Examensarbeit zur 1. Staatspriifung fir das Lehramt an Primarstufen [War toys in the world
of fourth graders: A qualitative empirical study in the Cologne/Bonn Area: The gender-
specific aspects. Primary Schools Teachers’ Certificate Thesis]. Cologne.
Scheuerl, H. (1975). Spiel: Ein menschliches grundverhalten? [Play: A human constant?]. In id.
(Ed.), Theorien des Spiels [Theories of play] (pp. 189-207). Weinheim/Basel: Beltz.
Sutton-Smith, B. (1978). Die Dialektik des Spiels [The dialectics of play]. Schorndorf: Verlag Karl
Hoffmann.
Sutton-Smith, B. (1986). Toys as culture. New York, London: Gardner Press.
Sutton-Smith, B. (1997). The ambiguity of play. Cambridge, MA/London: Harvard University Press.
Theunert, H. (1996). Gewalt in den Medien: Gewalt in der Realitat [Violence in the media: Violence
in reality] (2nd revised ed.). Munich: Kopaed.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1978). Soziales Lernen im Spiel: Untersuchung seiner Moglichkeiten und
Grenzen im Bereich Schule [Social learning in play: Investigating its possibilities and limits in
school contexts]. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Kiel University, Germany.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1985). Faszination an Kriegsspielzeug: Was ist zu tun? Eine empirische
Untersuchung in 4. Grundschulklassen [Fascination with war toys: What is to be done? An
empirical study in fourth grades]. Grundschule, 17, 46-49.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1986). Die Bedeutung von “Kriegsspielzeug” in der Lebenswelt von
Grundschulkindern [The significance of “war toys” in the world of primary school children].
Zeitschrift fiir Paedagogik, 32, 797-810.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1989a). War toys and aggressive games. Play and Culture, 2, 35-47.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1989b). Die balancierte Aggressivitat: Beobachtung und Interpretation
von Freispielszenen in Kindergarten [Balanced aggressiveness: Observation and interpreta-
tion of free play periods in kindergartens]. Spielmittel, 2, 32-39.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1989c). Aggressive Spiele bei Kindern: Beobachtung und Interpretation
von Freispielszenen [Aggressive games of children: Observation and interpretation of free
play periods]. Bildung und Erziehung, 42, 103-120.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1994). War toys and aggressive games. In J. H. Goldstein (Ed.), Toys, play
and child development (pp. 85-109). New York/Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (1995). Aggressividt im kindlichen Spiel: Grundlegung in den Theorien des
Spiels und Erforschung ihrer Erscheinungsformen [Aggressiveness in childplay: Basic notions
in the theories of play and investigation of its manifestations]. Weinheim: Deutscher Studien-
verlag.
Wegener-Spohring, G. (2001). Spielzeug: Spiegel der Welt und Welt des Kindes (Toys: Mirrors of the
world and of the child world], Inaugural Lecture, University of Cologne, 2001.
Youth violence: A report of the Surgeon General 2001. U.S. Department of Health and Human Ser-
vices. Accessed November 6, 2003 at www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/youthviolence//
youvio06.11.03/report.htm.
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Toy Culture in Preschool Education

and Children’s Toy Preferences

Waltraut Hartmann
Gilles Brougére

Preschool children are integrated into educational structures more and

more frequently on a larger scale and at younger ages. Although statistics
vary by country, attending a preschool class is the norm for a 5-year-old
and ever-increasingly common for the average 4-year-old. This phenome-*
non has trickled down to 3-year-olds, but varies greatly according to coun- -
try (OECD, 2001), especially with children younger than 3 years. No matter
what the term—kindergarten, école enfantine, preschool, école maternelle—
these structures, at least with respect to developed nations, represent es-
sential social environments outside the family circle. They involve dual so-
cialization, which occurs in a public situation not bound by the same
sociocultural values found in the family structure.

Daycare centers are public environments; public institutions, one might say.
Meeting people in such environments has its own dynamic, which is quite dif-
ferent from the dynamic in more familial situations. In private life, people’s in-
teractions are governed to a large extent by the individuals concerned.
(Dencik, Langsted, & Sommer, 1989, p. 14)

Education methods in these structures vary according to local tradition,

culture, and societal models (Cochran, 1993; Lamb & Ali, 1992). Some are
more scholarly oriented than others, but all take into account the specific
needs of a child of this age. This is evident in the time allotted for toys and
games, either as the center of educational activity or as a complement to

37
 38 HARTMANN AND BROUGERE

other activities. The result is a material environment geared to promote

game playing. A child thus has access to a selection of games and toys in
preschool centers, a selection that makes us wonder how it was chosen.
With what type of toys does a child come into contact in these centers? Are
they similar to or different from those found at home? To what extent do
they correspond to a child’s voiced preferences? This chapter examines the
structure of these play environments, their similarities, their differences,
their diversity, and the role of the child in their development.
Compiling data for such a study is too complex. Aside from the differ-
ences between education and family environments, such a study must also
take into account national and cultural differences as well as those differ-
ences encountered across preschool systems worldwide.
Nevertheless, various researchers have conducted surveys on toy cul-
ture in different countries. Although the problems encountered and the
data compiled are not always comparable, this initial approach has pro-
vided the framework for some of the responses to the questions posed.
This chapter aspires to provide those first responses and open up topics
for reflection, inviting other researchers to contribute to a field of study
that merits further investigation.
The study was based on research compiled for Sweden (Almavist, 1994),
France (Brougére, 1993), Austria (Brandstetter, 2003; Trebo, 2000; Wildeis,
2000), Australia (Jenvey & Jenvey, 2002), and Brazil (Kishimoto, 2002). The
results of these studies are heterogeneous, although a portion was com-
Cue
a using a similar model. The Austrian model was inspired by the pio-
© neer Swedish study. The Brazilian investigation was based upon the French
‘ study, but with knowledge of the Swedish results. The results from France

GY
a
aan Sweden were compared in a separate report (Almqvist & Brougére,
a 2000). Finally, the Australian version, using a different model, provides addi-
tional information.
The basis for this research, underscoring the importance.of an often
overlooked cultural accessory, consisted of noting the presence or absence
of toys and games in preschool settings. The toys and games observed
were then classified by category. It is interesting to note the significance of
the categories missing from the preschool center but present in the home.
The category breakdown, adapted to each country and sometimes created
autonomously from other studies, does not allow for easy comparison.
However, deciding which toy belongs to what category proves essential to
inventory-taking although this can sometimes be considered an artificial ex-
ercise. No doubt this limits results to a certain extent, but it is a limit ac-
cepted as a necessary and unavoidable tool for such a study. It will be seen,
however, that although inventory cannot be compared on an item-for-item
basis, it still is possible to obtain adequate results. To this approach then
was added country-specific data such as educational applications of the
4. TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL 39

pedagogical model per country, children’s comments, and comparisons

with the family environment.
The Austrian example that follows allows for comprehension of the gen-
eral reasoning behind the research and an analysis of the data from which
the aforementioned conclusions have been drawn. The findings then are
compared with those of another (more succinct) study for a comparison of
data that bears on the authors’ conclusion.

TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION:

CHILDREN’S TOY PREFERENCES IN AUSTRIA
AND SOUTH TYROL

The three Austrian samples consisted of 752 kindergarten teachers (Brand-

stetter, 2003; Trebo, 2000; Wildeis, 2000). Interviews were conducted with
1,773 children ages 4 to 6 years attending kindergarten to record their opin-
ions about toys. The questionnaires for the kindergarten teachers included
questions on basic kindergarten conditions, toy culture, and the selection
of toys available to their groups. The questionnaire for the kindergarten
teachers used by Almaqvist (1994) in Sweden was enlarged and adapted by
Wildeis in 1999 to the Austrian situation. The Upper Austrian survey used a
questionnaire adapted by Brandstetter in 2001. The questionnaire used by
Trebo was adapted in 1999 to the situation in South Tyrol and contained
questions about 224 different play materials. The questionnaires addressed
to the children themselves refer to their favorite toys both at kindergarten
and at home, and to the toys they reject and request at kindergarten.

Toy Selection and Financial Resources

All three studies show a similar situation: The financial resources for toy
purchases come mainly from the kindergarten providers. The head of the
oe
kindergarten and the kindergarten teacher decide what toys to buy. Ac-
cording to them, they take children’s wishes into account in two thirds of
the cases when buying toys.

Toy Quantities 3}OO42

YOS
WY
mr
In Viennese kindergartens, a comparison of 20 toy categories showed that
the largest quantity of toys was in the “handicraft material,” “water and
sand toys,” “Montessori School materials,” and “miniature living” catego-
ries, followed by “phenomenon toys” (soap bubbles, tops, marbles, kaleido-
scopes), “puzzles,” “doll household” items (doll kitchens, doll garments and
doll equipment), “construction toys,” and “musical toys.”
40 HARTMANN AND BROUGERE

The lowest quantity of toys was found in the “novelties,” “media equip-
ment” (e.g., books, cassette recorders, record players, CD players, TVs,
video recorders, computers and computer games, walkmen, slide projec-
tors), “toys to ride on,” “dolls and puppets,” and “toy animals” categories. It
is striking to note that “fictional [action] figures” and “war toys” were
hardly mentioned (Fig. 4.1).
The selections of toys available in Vienna and in Upper Austria were sim-
ilar: Material for promoting fine and gross motor skills and for arts and
crafts were highly appreciated. Dolls and doll household items were suffi-
ciently available in both regions.

Pin games

Doll household

Phenomenal toys

Miniature living

Puzzles

Toy animals

Constructional toys

Dolls & puppets

Media

Novelties

Fiction figures

J 20.0.) 40 inn Oey BOsnendOO

sm Toys quantities for Upper Austrian kindergartens (Brandstetter,
4. TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL 4l

In kindergartens in Upper Austria, as in Vienna, there were no toys per-

ceived as promoting aggression. However, there were more water-and-sand
toys, puzzles, and phenomenon toys available in Vienna. In Upper Austria,
media equipment was mentioned in at least in 46% of the samples, which
was more often than in Vienna. There has been little change in toy equip-
ment over the past years.
In South Tyrol, the largest quantity of available toys (71%) was found in
the doll household category (e.g., doll kitchens, doll garments, and doll
equipment). A similar rate was recorded for the arts and crafts category,
which included materials for drawing, painting, cutting and pasting, and
modeling clay, as well as materials from nature and reusable materials
(70%). Puzzles and “pin games” (e.g., pegboards, stacking toys, string
games, beads, marbles, mosaic games, games with magnetic pieces) were
equally significant in the equipment of kindergartens, as indicated by the
67% rate of occurrence, putting them ahead of musical toys. In general, the
toys provided were largely classical ones (enduring toys). Unstructured
materials such as natural materials and reusable materials were equally
available.

Toy Preferences and Rejections

by the Kindergarten Teachers

Overall, kindergarten teachers were satisfied with the quality and quantity
of toys available in their classrooms. These toys were used mainly to pro-
mote linguistic, motor, emotional, and social skills to enhance a child’s cre-
ativity. Toys should be pedagogically meaningful. They should be fun, offer-
ing many varieties of play. Safety standards, environmental soundness, and
durability are further criteria taken into consideration by kindergarten
teachers when they select toys.
War toys and battery-operated, electric, remote-controlled, and mechani-
cal toys were those most often rejected by kindergarten teachers. Action
and fiction toys, robots, Barbie and her accessories were mentioned less
frequently. Kindergarten teachers did not seem to mind noise-generating
toys.

Children’s Favorite Toys

Children’s Favorite Toys at Home. The selection of favorite toys “ F)

home is strongly gender typical. In Vienna, 29% of the girls surveyed men-
tioned Barbie as their favorite toy at home, whereas the boys preferred toy
vehicles (21%). The boys also liked Lego (19%). Dolls and doll furniture were
mentioned only by girls (18%), but not by boys.
42 HARTMANN AND BROUGERE

Dolls & glove puppets

Barbie & accessories

Education & board games

Constructional toys

Arts

Toy. animals

Vehicles for children

Toy vehicles

Miniature living

Physical play equipment

Media

Water & sand toys

FIG. 4.2. Children’s favorite toys at home in South Tyrol (Trebo, 2000).

In Upper Austria, girls preferred dolls and doll household items, board
games, educational games, pin games, puzzles, and animal toys. As in Vi-
enna, the boys’ favorites were toy vehicles and construction toys (Fig. 4.2).
More than half of the girls in South Tyrol, as compared with 29% of the
girls in Vienna, mentioned dolls such as Barbie, Baby Born, and hand pup-
pets as their favorite toys at home. Barbie and her accessories accounted
for one third of these replies. The boys preferred construction materials
such as Lego, Duplo, Playmobil (South Tyrol 37%, Vienna 19%) as well as toy
vehicles (South Tyrol 33%, Vienna 21%) at home. Whereas the boys did not
mention dolls at all, at least 10% of the girls stated that they liked construc-
tion materials. The pleasure of playing and interest in the toy were the most
frequent reasons for toy preference voiced by both boys and girls.

Children’s Favorite Toys at Kindergarten. Of the boys surveyed, 21%

said Lego is their favorite toy in kindergarten, ahead of other construction
materials (19%). Of the girls surveyed, 20% said that all things related to
dolls are their favorite toys, ahead of puzzles, drawing and painting, and
board games.
At the kindergarten level, the choice of a favorite toy is less gender spe-
cific. Girls prefer dolls and board games, but also like construction materi-
4. TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL
43

Lego

Dolls area

Construction

Puzzles

Drawing/arts

Board games

Glove puppets

Games promoting reactions

Toy vehicles

Sonos

Pin games

Card games

Duplo

Doll house

FIG. 4.3. Children’s favorite toys in Viennese kindergartens (Wildeis, 2000).

als. Boys favor construction materials, board games, and toy vehicles. How-
ever, the reasons behind the children’s preferences differ by gender. Girls
choose a toy because of the way it looks and feels, and also for its “make- |
believe” quality. The main reason why they reject certain toys is that these
toys require them to play with a boy. Boys, on the other hand, exclude toys
that require a long waiting time. Boys often prefer toys because of a specific
play function. In Upper Austria as well, girls preferred dolls, whereas boys
opted for toy vehicles and construction toys (Fig. 4.3).
In South Tyrolian kindergartens, the girls preferred toys from the doll
household category (24%), whereas these were named by only 5% of the
boys. The overwhelming majority of boys (70%) favored building and con-
struction materials, as compared with 13% of all the girls. One fourth of the
girls mentioned material for arts and crafts such as paint and paper, scis-
sors and glue, and modeling clay, as compared with only 8% of the boys.
More of the girls (14%) than boys (5%) mentioned educational and board
games as their preferred toys. Whereas 12% of the girls surveyed chose pin
games, these were not mentioned at all by the boys.
 44 HARTMANN AND BROUGERE

When asked why they preferred certain toys in kindergarten, the boys
(53%) mentioned the play functions and possibilities at a significantly
higher rate than the girls (25%). The girls explained their toy preference ata
significantly higher rate by the way toys look (appearance) and feel as well
as by their “make believe” possibilities during play.

ie oys Rejected by the Children at Kindergarten

3 Vienna one fourth of the boys surveyed did not like certain puzzles. The
irls were not always enthusiastic about puzzles either (16%). Lego and
8 building blocks were rejected by 14% of all the girls.
F In South Tyrolian kindergartens, construction materials were rejected
Pie much more by girls. Boys, on the other hand, mentioned doll household
= items, dolls and hand puppets, and arts and crafts materials more fre-
Y quently.
7 When asked why they rejected certain toys in kindergarten, differences
i X. according to gender also were identified. Girls mentioned quarrels with
other children (11%) more often than boys (3%). The boys attributed their
rejection of a toy more frequently to a lengthy amount of time and the pa-
tience required during play (13%) than the girls (5%).

Kindergarten Children’s Requests for Specific Toys

When surveyed about which toys they would request for kindergarten, 26%
of the girls in Vienna ranked Barbie in first place, whereas the boys seemed
hardly interested in Barbie. However, the boys missed Action Man figures
3 and toy vehicles (8%). The girls (9%) tended to be slightly more satisfied
than the boys (6%) with the selection of toys in kindergarten.
: } In Upper Austria, the girls requested dolls and doll household items. The
“| boys would have liked more toy vehicles and construction toys:
In South Tyrol, 32% of the girls requested dolls, and 83% of the requests
were for Barbie. They also mentioned board games (14%). First and fore-
1 most, the boys requested specific toy vehicles such as fire engines, ambu-
\4 lances, and tractors (40%), ahead of construction materials (11%). Com-
°=puters and computer games were requested by 8% of the boys and 7% of
the girls.

Analysis of the Austrian Results

The results of the three surveys on toy culture and children’s toy prefer-
ences in kindergarten are comparable with the Swedish findings compiled
by Almqvist (1994). There exists a multitude and variety of toys in Austrian
kindergartens: doll household items, water and sand toys, miniature living
4. TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL 45

items, arts and crafts, picture puzzles and pin games, musical toys, con-
struction toys, and Montessori School play material.
An important complement to this structured play material is the
nonstructured material brought in from nature: stones and pebbles, woods,
shells, waste and packaging material such as rags, boxes, tins, and the like.
These are used mainly for arts and crafts projects, as building and con-
struction materials, and as materials for picture puzzles in Austria and in
South Tyrol. f
As in the Swedish child-care institutions, war toys, action figures, and
novelties are unwanted in Austrian kindergartens. Kindergarten teachers iG
reject war toys for ethical reasons because they are thought to induce ag-
gression and violence. Also, children are not allowed to bring weapons and es
war toys into the classroom. In South Tyrol especially, kindergarten teach-
ers refuse to purchase mechanical, electronic, and remote-controlled toys ;
and deny the children the right to bring such toys from home.
Froebel’s influence on toy culture in kindergartens across Sweden, Aus- >
tria, and South Tyrol is still visible today, in both rural and urban kindergar-— ¢
tens. There are few differences in toy equipment between urban and rural
kindergartens, except that there are more toys to ride on (e.g., bicycles and ,
scooters) in urban areas, offering the children the possibility to test gross ,
motor activities. Children in rural areas have more opportunities to play 2
outside in meadows and woods. 7 5
In Austria, a greater variety of doll equipment is available than in South
Tyrol. This mainly consists of baby dolls, miniature dolls, and glove pup- ,
pets. Battery-powered dolls, makeup doll heads, and Barbies are rarely
found. Half of all kindergartens have dolls with sexual attributes. Nonwhite Sf
dolls are rare. These findings are corroborated by a study the Charlotte
Buhler Institute (1995) conducted, in which kindergarten teachers ranked
“understanding technology,” “sex education,” and “critical confrontation
with societal values” last in a list of educational objectives. It seems that the
kindergarten teachers consider sex education a task to be dealt with by the
family. The lack of interest displayed by female kindergarten teachers in ure
derstanding technical relationships apparently results from gender-specific
socialization and has been documented in a large number of studies é
(Almavist, 1997; Araujo Pessanha, 1996; Faulstich-Wieland, 1986; Halliday, “4
McNaughton, & Glynn, 1985; Hartmann, Mihlegger, & Hanifl, 1997, 1998;
Horstkemper, 1991; Jenvey & Kurts, 1996; Macha, 1991).
Although multicultural education is gaining in importance, partly be- a
cause a large number of refugees and immigrants have emigrated to Aus-
tria, this is not reflected clearly in doll equipment.
Media equipment, limited mostly to its traditional forms (picture books,
story books, and lexical dictionaries), holds a firm place in kindergarten ed-
ucation. Of the electronic media, only the tape recorder has made its way
 46 HARTMANN AND BROUGERE

into the classroom. Other media such as TV-sets, video recorders, slide pro-
jectors, computers, and electronic games are rarely available. The excep-
tion is the kindergartens in Upper Austria, in which there is a larger range
of media equipment.
Puzzles and pin games, considered traditional kindergarten toy equip-
ment, enjoy little popularity with either boys or girls. “Because I don’t like
it” and “because it is too difficult” were some of the reasons used to explain
their distaste of these traditional toys. The time is ripe to reflect on the im-
portance of maintaining these games for today’s classroom. Having to sit
still and apply precise motor skills corresponds to a more traditional, bour-
' geois role, one expected especially of the women of yesteryear, who spent
their days sewing, embroidering, and knitting.
cor As such, play and media education in the classroom are at odds with
family education. Girls play with Barbie as their favorite toy, and boys with
vehicles in the home.
pre-scloo|
- Kindergarten toy equipment matches a child’s home selection especially
id two areas: construction material (e.g., Lego) for boys, and dolls and doll
se
Tf cessories for girls. When asked why, boys mentioned the play function,
Tum
larch,
€
home hereas girls stated the pleasure and interest of play.

TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION

IN FRANCE

The situation in France is similar in some respects to that in Sweden and

Austria, although toys play a lesser role in the French preschool system,
which is geared toward a more structured educational program, consisting
of activities adapted to the age of the student (Brougére, 1995, 2002). De-
spite the little time allotted for games, toys are available in l’école mater-
nelle, but the toys vary greatly according to age group. The quantity of toys
available to the 2- to 4-year-olds is greater than that for the 5- to 6-year-olds.
Almost all of the younger children (99%) have access to baby dolls, as com-
pared with only 66% of the older group. The stuffed animal, with its strong
emotional ties, suffers the greatest drop, from 92% to 33%.
In classes of students younger than 5 years, the activities most repre-
sented are those centered around family life: cooking, parent role-playing,
and personal hygiene. Tasks concerning other daily activities such as going
to the post office or shopping are represented less. Consequently, l’école
maternelle takes precedence over more traditional toys.
As with dolls, it seems that children also play less with cars as they get
older. Toy evolution, or the disappearance of a particular toy, seems to fol-
low an age curve. Some nursery school teachers interviewed wondered
whether a 4-year-old child is not too old for a doll. Furthermore, in the past
4. TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL 47

few years, symbolic real-world and other imaginary (role-play) games have
practically disappeared from the preschool classes of the eldest students.
This phenomenon is even more in evidence when the toys are unrealis-
tic. Science fiction toys are rare in preschool. They are found in 6% of the
classes at an average of two per classroom. Not only do toy catalogs for
schools not offer sci-fi products, but teachers’ also show a reticence for fan-
tasy world objects in contrast to real-world ones.
Adult human character representations, dominant at home, exist in
small quantities at /’école maternelle. Only 11% of classrooms have Barbie-
type dolls, as compared with 89% for baby dolls, yielding an average of 1.7
per class for Barbie-type dolls versus 5.1 for the baby dolls. Undeniably, the
Barbie-type doll ordinarily is not found in a classroom setting. Action fig-
ures are even less available. Only 3% of classrooms have fictional or comic
book characters, and only 4% have soldiers, which fall under two restric-
tions: violence and doll figures.
Figures compiled for symbolic toys show a penchant for realistic and
child-sized objects in the French classroom. This observation can be inter-
preted in several ways. These toys represent past traditions, before toys
were adapted to modern times. School toys have moved toward distin-
guishing themselves as different from those found in the home, with class-
room toys remaining faithful to the past and the home versions, influenced
by marketing campaigns, evolving toward new forms. But is the school’s
supply not just a toy collection amassed by adults who have unrestricted
power over purchases, despite their claim that they take the child’s tastes
into account? In addition, stock renewal is slow. Finally, the educational en-
vironment itself puts the child in a situation whereby he or she embraces a
game that copies the adult world. These miniature versions of the real
world however are not used by teachers to stimulate a child’s imagination.
Hand puppets are more often designated for this task.
A quick look at the rest of the toy inventory allows us to grasp the logic
behind school toy purchases in general. The types of toys most in evidence
belong to another category, that of assembly toys and especially puzzles
(99%). These average 18 per class, representing a preschool-wide standard
for every age group. Assembly toys usually are found in the younger
classes (96%). Construction materials in various shapes and sizes are also
prevalent.
Of course, learning toys, used for math, language, sensory, and mem-
ory, are abundant. Quantities of these toys increase with the age of the
child, except for toys based on color and shape, geared to younger stu-
dents. Board games are in lesser supply (less than 50%) and found mostly
in the older classes. Finally, schools usually are equipped with motor vehi-
cle toys, which besides their function as toys, are used also for physical
education.
48 HARTMANN AND BROUGERE

The toy inventory in French preschools can thus be sorted by its strong
points, with symbolic toys representing real-world objects for the younger
groups, learning toys for the upper age groups, puzzles and motor vehicle
toys for all ages. It also can be sorted by its weaknesses, with action figures,
fictional characters, and board games especially for the youngest.
The preceding overview reflects a nationwide toy norm for French
preschools. As a result, the game is limited by its toy selection and charac-
terized by its educational dimension, largely because of the numerous
toys designed strictly for educational purposes. Are these toys or merely
educational materials? Several objects are not aimed at play activity
stricto sensu, even if they appear to belong to toy categories. In essence,
useful play platforms are implemented using guidelines and objectives set
forth by teachers.
However, this philosophy privileges the imitation of daily life, and as
such, child role-playing in the classroom setting. Other dimensions of con-
temporary child culture are absent from preschool, for example, fictional
character representations or Barbie-type dolls. Despite the availability of a
free play time, the schism between school and family environments is more
than apparent, even though the presence of certain objects such as baby
dolls and stuffed animals similar to both environments link the two to-
gether.

Cross-Comparison and Analysis

The educational universe and culture of the home differ from those at
school in France, as they do in Sweden or Austria. More fragmented statis-
tics compiled for Australia show much the same trend, although the kinds
of classroom toys preferred by Australian kids differ from those chosen by
their northern European counterparts (Jenvey & Jenvey, 2002). In France,
this trend is tied to specifics in the environment itself rather than the toy
selection available at school (Brougére, 1995). First, this environment is cre-
ated by adults, education professionals who do not follow the same criteria
when equipping their classrooms as they do with their own kids at home.
Children have little say in this environment, although teachers claim to take
their opinions into consideration. It is the teacher who, in the end, controls
the purchase of one toy over another. There is no discussion with the stu-
dents over the choice of an item, only over its use. Under these circum-
stances, it is evident that the school setting offers a child other toys not
necessarily representative of those on his or her wish list.
The Austrian situation shows that kindergarten policy regarding toy
equipment and play education tries to counterbalance the effects of com-
mercial child culture (Heidtmann, 1995). Thus, multimedia-action figures,
commercial multimedia systems, prestigious brand names, collectibles, and
4. TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL 49

audiovisual equipment are not part of kindergarten toy culture. Does pro-
tecting the child from the mass-marketed consumer world at school while
allowing this world into the home contribute to the child’s adjustment diffi-
culties, or does it offer a source of enrichment between the two environ-
ments? Research does not yet allow us to answer this question, but it does
open the topic for debate.
The findings consolidated by the different surveys highlight the impor-
tance of an educationally oriented world of play. This pertains to a support
system that promotes educational activities in the preschool classroom.
However, the success of such a support system may result in control of the
entire toy inventory and a ban on toys designated merely for fun.
Recent French studies (Bouisson-Dewolf, 2001) show that non-toy items,
similar to those used later on in elementary schools (writing, drawing, and
activities that take place in two-dimensional spaces), have begun to take
precedence. In fact, these items compete less with the toys at home, and
coupled with the proper support, enable the child to integrate an environ-
ment oriented more toward work than play. But this only partially explains
toy choice. Can it be explained other than by routine and traditions deeply
rooted in the preschool system? There is a certain image of education, de-
fined by a series of pedagogical habits or values, that leads to favoring the
baby doll over the older Barbie-type doll, as if habit and the long-time exis-
tence of certain toys at school suffice to justify their educational worth. Fol-
lowing this logic, educational toys are those usually found at school. In ad-
dition, kindergarten teachers, who are mostly women, have a strong impact
on toy selection, mainly promoting the toy interests of girls. The generous
availability of dolls and doll accessories reflect the toy wishes of girls, but
not those of boys. The boys’ requests correspond to those often rejected
by kindergarten teachers: action figures for Vienna and mechanical, re-
mote-controlled toys for South Tyrol.
Sutton-Smith (1988) pointed out that female kindergarten teachers who
at the time had little personal experience with toys that trigger aggression,
forbade rough and tumble play. The boys then reacted to this restriction by
reverting to aggressive fantasy games.
The kindergarten environment is shaped by commercial and economic
issues. On the one hand, toy stock is renewed more infrequently than that
of the home. On the other hand, preschool toy manufacturers and their dis-
tributors have reason to maintain the status quo. The apparent lack of mar-
keting actually is just a different type of marketing (MacNaughton &
Hughes, 1995). There exist specialized toy makers who present their prod-
ucts as obvious and necessary to the classroom. They distinguish their toys
from the mass-marketed versions by stressing solid construction, adapt-
ability to a group situation, and educational interest as their advantages. It
is beneficial for teachers to have salespeople cater to their needs, creating
 50 HARTMANN AND BROUGERE

products not found in toy stores. Thus, a strong alliance develops between
the educator and the specialized toy manufacturer in defining “legitimate”
educational products. The manufacturers place the teachers in the role of
consultant, using their ideas in the development of their products.
In Brazil, where funding is lower and recycling is an important cultural
__. factor, the disparity between toys at school and those at home is less evi-
dent. However, as Kishimoto (2002) showed, the existence of a certain toy
= does not necessarily guarantee its use.
5 Py} It is not surprising that toy culture differs between the school and the
’ home. Contrary to what happens in the family unit, a child rarely is given an
(3) & opportunity to take part in toy purchases at school. Outside the school en-
vironment, it can be seen how well toys have become an area in which the
child becomes a decision maker and toy consumer, influenced by manufac-
turers who target the child in their marketing campaigns. In school, the re-
erse is true: The relationship is between the adults and the manufacturers.
The situation is set up so that a child has no say, at least at this level, in toy
8 choices and purchases.
The experience is twofold. Two social areas lead to different situations
~a d and experiences, both in their level of action and in their relation with the
environment. It is as if the toy’s function in preschool is to guide the child
| into the real world, using teaching techniques. At ho fora
a) flight from the real world to an imaginary one (Cross, 1997). On the one
hand, a toy is chosen by adults to lead a child progressively toward the
working world. On the other hand, a toy is chosen by adults and increas-

joyment more or less shared by parents and children alike. Another reason
for choosing a toy or a series of toys for play at home is the fact that chil-
dren (and sometimes parents too) feel the pressure to buy short-lived toy
novelties because of advertising campaigns. The situations are different,
hence the objects as well.
Toavots Toy selection is defined by the general liaison between the various people
involved. In a system comprising several different relationships, there exist
different objects and their diverse signification. Nothing is indispensable in
2 this difference, nor is it absolutely objective in its definition of appropriate
preschool toys. However, it is a complex social procedure, heavily rooted in
cet past and driven by the collaborators who implement this toy system.
There are no television commercials or other media messages directed at
the student in this preschool system. The adult maintains complete control
sel over all decisions.
Not surprising, this system resembles that which existed
efore changes brought about by factors such as television. This does not
mean that the preschool system is a guardian of tradition. Although its toy
selection base certainly is founded in the past, contemporary aspects are
present in the choice of materials and distribution networks.
4. TOY CULTURE IN PRESCHOOL 51

It can therefore be inferred that a certain toy culture exists at preschool.

A toy is not a stable object, identical in all places wherever it is found. It
varies materially and functionally in the way it is designed, produced, and
distributed. A toy varies also in what it represents, in the values attributed f
to it, and finally in the way children are given access to the toy, the space a é
reserved for its use, and the rules and regulations associated with it. Toys =
and play activities vary according to their context inside the preschool sys- :
tem. Of course, the context itself varies according to the age of the te
culture, country, tradition, educational references, and theories (Brougére
& Rayna, 1999; Rayna & Brougére, 2000). Above and beyond these differ- (
ences, the preschool system’s constraints have an undeniable effect on the é |
similarities of play materials despite the diversity of education. These simi-
larities are attributable to the role of the all-powerful adult decision makers, Pa
to the pedagogical investment of every kind (whatever its form), and to the
presence of an international market consisting of companies that distribute
their products geared to preschools worldwide.

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CHAPTER
ie Zt

3
Kitty Litter: Japanese Cute
at Home and Abroad

Christine R. Yano

A visitor to Japan may easily be struck by the ubiquity of cute decorative el-
ements in the dense urban landscapes of Tokyo, Osaka, and beyond. Here
is a little cartoon badger asking you to press a button to open a door. There
is a lavender bulldozer clearing the remains of a recently demolished build-
ing. Over there is an older woman sitting primly in a commuter train with a
shopping bag at her feet decorated with that endearing American comic
strip beagle Snoopy. If one were able to look into the contents of her purse,
one may easily find American cartoon characters Tom and Jerry decorating
her checkbook, and possibly a keychain with a rubber caricature of a sumo
wrestler. Sitting side by side in the same train might be a mother and
daughter pair, both of whom sport some kind of Hello Kitty paraphernalia—
a small pink backpack for the young girl, a more subdued brown wallet dec-
orated with Kitty’s mouthless face for the mother.
Cute is seemingly everywhere in Japan, in small and large doses. As
Mark Schilling (1997) writes, “Japan ... is the Country of Cute” (p. 221), and
as one American adult observer put it, “No one does cute as well as the Jap-
anese.” Furthermore, in 1992, the young women’s magazine CREA dubbed
kawaii (cute) “the most widely used, widely loved, habitual word in modern
living Japanese” (CREA, November 1992, p. 58, quoted in Kinsella, 1995).
This chapter examines the phenomenon of Japanese kawaii primarily in
its home base through the products distributed by one of its largest purvey-
ors, the company Sanrio. Specifically, the focus is on the marketing and
consumption of Sanrio’s flagship character Hello Kitty, an infantilized,
—— nnn eee neeR _ ee

55
 56 YANO

mouthless cat who epitomizes Japanese cute. Developed in 1974, Hello Kitty
has graced countless items from erasers to computers, chopsticks to toast-
ers, keychains to motor scooters. In a market that typically has been char-

Vayte
| acterized by separation into age-graded niches, Sanrio has managed to sur-
pass its own little girl’s niche and extend its sales to increasingly older
groups of females. This chapter explores the process by which this has
been accomplished. How has Hello Kitty been made attractive, both for chil-
dren and young adult females in Japan? How has consumer desire been ex-
tended from one age-graded niche to another? Furthermore, with the ex-
pansion of marketing to the United States (1976), Europe (1980), and Asia
(1990), Sanrio has been attracting a slew of global consumers. As an adden-
dum to the main body of this chapter that focuses on Japan, the author
briefly addresses this global spread, analyzing some of the marketing strat-
egies that have made this possible, as well as some of the rich, contradic-
tory, complicit, and subversive consumer meanings given to Hello Kitty by
her global consumers.
The findings in this chapter are based on a wide variety of sources: inter-
views at Sanrio headquarters in Tokyo and South San Francisco (interna-
tional division) from 2000 to the present; interviews with sales personnel;
interviews with consumers, including through fan-based Web sites; surveys
and interviews conducted in 2003 with Japanese young adults on the con-
cept of Rawaii; the Sanrio company Web site; media reports; analysis of
Sanrio’s quarterly Japanese publication Kitty Goods Collection; and “Kitty
sightings,” that is, stories told to the author by Kitty fans and others world-
wide.

4— THE CONCEPT OF KAWAII IN JAPAN: VISUAL,

RELATIONAL, AND SEXUAL DIMENSIONS

oa The phenomenon of Hello Kitty must first be understood in relation to the

0 concept of kawaii in Japan, as well as that of “cute” in Euro-America. The
~, emergence of the term kawaii from its predecessors kawayushi and kawayui
i parallels the early 20th-century emergence of the shoujo (premarital female,
© typically age 10 to 14 years) as a significant, threatening public figure be-
cause of her very instability (Robertson, 1998, pp. 156-157).
YK According to Robertson (1998, p. 157), the category of shoujo was created
_ in the early 20th century to pinpoint “potentially disruptive girls and
o women between puberty and marriage.” The attitude toward shoujo in the
Wy) = 1920s and 1930s was highly ambivalent, because she was seen as a site of
j danger, a “barometer of decadent, un-Japanese social transformations.” By
év the 1970s, however, the concept of shoujo had been transformed into a be-
nign image, that of consumer. :
5. KITTY LITTER 57

+
With the rapid ascendancy of Japan as an international economic giant, ae

and with Japanese females as primary domestic consumers, the shoujo be-
came a trendsetter (Kinsella, 1995). Furthermore, according to culture critic
Tsuka Eiji, shoujo can be extended to represent nothing short of Japanese
eople i neral in their patt vast feminized, middle- $s consump- A
tion (Robertson, 1998, pp. 158-159). Kawaii emerges in this period linked to 0
a consumerist version of shoujo within conditions of affluence that persist
amid deep economic recession since the 1990s. Masubuchi (1994) attributed
the evolution of the shoujo image in manga (comics), from the misery-laden
i
girl of the 1950s and mid-1960s to the happy heroine of the late 1960s and
1970s, to increasing prosperity in Japan (pp. 68-77). In other words, with
widespread affluence and increasing consumer power, shoujo and_ kawaii
became increasingly linked. Physically, shoujo in manga for girls became
more kawaii, that is, more infantilized, increasingly depicted by smooth,
rounded facial features, ever larger eyes, and prepubescent body. At the
same time, shoujo in manga for men juxtaposed an adult body with large
breasts with a young girl’s face (Masubuchi, 1994, pp. 80-81).
Kawaii may be defined along a spectrum of interrelated dimensions:
physical, relational/emotional, and sexual. McVeigh (2000) provided the fol-
lowing typology of cutenesses, although he did not elaborate on each cate-
gory: baby, very young, young, maternal, teen, adult, sexy, pornography,
child pornography, authority, and corporate (p. 135). Physically, the key el-
ement of kawaii rests in miniaturization. Several Japanese the author inter-
viewed listed babies, young animals, and generally small things as the epit-
ome of kawaii. An object can be made kawaii simply by shrinking it in size.
Hello Kitty herself is small (“the weight of three apples” according to the
story and profile provided by the company Web site), likes “small, cute
things such as candy, stars, goldfish,” and appears on small objects such as
coin purses (her first appearance), pencils, and tiny erasers. Small objects, ah
{ioeea
in fact, have become Sanrio’s hallmark and figure importantly in marketing.
Masubuchi (1994) defined seven elements of kawaii as follows: (a) small-
ness, (b) naiveté and innocence, (c) youth (especiall very you )
amae_ (dependency), (e) roundness, (f) pastel colors, and animal-like
ualities. In the interviews the author conducted, most of the respondents es
Ca
Sy
SBe

Tamed Kawaii objects on the basis of their physical appearance, independ-

ent of but parallel with Masubuchi’s list. Indeed, Sanrio characters, espe-
cially Hello Kitty, exhibit all these aspects. The domestication of nature lies
at the core of this version of cute, in which many characters are animals or
quasi-animals who must be cared for and trained. (The 1990s Japanese
craze, Tamagotchi, the virtual pocket pet that had to be nurtured, fed, and
generally cared for, dovetails exactly with these aspects of kawaii.) The
popularity of Sanrio dovetails with the general kawaii craze for animals in
Japan during the 1980s. The point of Sanrio “animals,” however, is that they
ae YANO

are not lifelike, but highly stylized—primarily infantilized with an outsized

head and a small area of facial features. Kinsella (1995) defined kawaii as
“essentially ... childlike; it celebrates sweet, adorable, innocent, pure, sim-
ple, genuine, gentle, vulnerable, weak, and inexperienced social behaviour
and physical appearances” (p. 220).
Kawaii also suggests positioning within interpersonal relationships
through the verb kawaigaru (to give loving care). To be Rawait is to elicit a
response from beholders that asks for that care. Concomitantly, invoking a
kawaii response establishes oneself as a caregiver. According to several of
the author’s interviewees, an object or figure may be ugly and Rawati—For
example, E.T.—so long as the figure invokes its own unthreatening vulnera-
bility, sometimes by virtue of its very lack of comeliness. Kawati may be
thought of within an amae (dependency) relationship as an expression of
helplessness (Lebra, 1984). The limits to Rawaii lie, however, in the nature
of that dependency: Exceeding the boundaries of helplessness is explicitly
not kawaii. Therefore, the Japanese media celebrities of the 1990s, cente-
narian twin sisters Kin-san and Gin-san, were Rawaii while they were spry
and healthy, but bedridden elders, disabled persons, and other truly de-
pendent persons are not.
The concept of Rawaii thus reflects fundamental relationalities of the
helpless and helper, the kept and the keeper, the dependent and the de-
pendable. According to Lori Merish (1996),

The cute always in some sense designates a commodity in search of its

mother, and is constructed to generate maternal desire; the consumer (or po-
tential consumer) of the cute is expected ... to pretend she or he is the cute’s
mother. Valuing cuteness entails the ritualized performance of maternal feel-
ing. (p. 186)

However, the relation between the cute and the observer becomes more
complicated because not only does the observer want to mother the cute,
but the observer also wants to become the cute. Merish (1996) continued:

Appreciating the cute ... entails a structure of identification, wanting to be

like the cute—or more exactly, wanting the cute to be just like the self. Appre-
ciating cuteness expresses the double logic of identification, its fundamental
inseparability from desire. ... The aesthetics of cuteness thus generates an
emotional response in accord with what Mary Ann Doane has described as a
commercial structure of “feminine” consumer empathy, a structure that blurs
identification and commodity desire. Putting a feminine twist on Walter
Benjamin’s formulations, Doane sees a convergence between the intimate,
emotional address of commodities and certain ... empathetic structures of
feeling ... that assimilate consumption into the logic of adoption. (pp.
186-187)
5. KITTY LITTER 59

One thus desires cute things such as Hello Kitty in multiple ways—simulta-
neously wanting to care for it, own it, and become it.
Kawaii has its sexual dimensions as well, even if these do not necessarily
play an overt part in Sanrio’s marketing. The author argues that the merg-
ing concepts of kawaii and shoujo as depicted in girl’s comics and sexual-
ized in men’s comics in Japan have now become part of that country’s fe-
male subculture, in which Sanrio also participates. For example, the
Japanese late-teen and early-twenties magazine Cutie for Independent Girls,
which began publication in 1986, shows kawaii as explicitly sexualized con-
sumer culture. The May 1998 issue featured a wide-eyed female model with
rosy cheeks and braids on the cover and in a six-page photo spread in
poses of bondage and other sadomasochistic sexual scenes. Here is kawaii
embedded within a host of alarming sexual practices: rorikon (Lolita com-
plex) fetishism of older Japanese men for prepubescent females, night
clubs with hostesses wearing school girl uniforms, and enjo ksai (teenage
prostitution). The scenes depicted in Cutie would not be so startling, per-
haps, if they were published in men’s magazines, but here they present im-
ages to girls—“independent girls,” no less—and these images represent
nothing but females as passive victims awaiting their rape. The rest of the
magazine, as is the case with many magazines in Japan, presents a paean to
consumerism, with information on clothes and accessories that complete
the kawaii look, stores where one may purchase these items, and brief in-
terviews with “star consumers.” Even if this cover and photo spread were
meant as a joke, that joke can be viewed only as disturbingly complicit with
female subjugation, at both sexual and consumer levels. This is rape as
kawaii consumer chic.
Another magazine, Cawaii! [sic] (1999), which began publication in 1996,
presents articles and consumer guides for young females in their late teens
to twenties. The four females depicted on the September 1999 cover are
deeply tanned, with bleached hair, heavily mascara-laden rounded eyes en-
circled with pale eye shadow, broad smiles, and sky-high platform shoes.
Their physical representation completely subverts a more traditional stan-
dard of Japanese female beauty that includes fair skin, black hair, almond-
shaped eyes, small closed mouth, and proportionately shorter legs kept
modestly covered by a floor-length kimono. This physical kawaii subver-
sion of traditional norms continues within its pages. A five-page photo
spread features three models posing in Barbie-doll fashion before an or-
ange background of a repeating mantra in English, “I am a Barbie girl,” as
part of the then-current Barbie craze in Japan (p. 15). According to one Jap-
anese woman in her twenties with whom the author spoke, one of the high-
est compliments that could be given a young woman. in Japan at that time
(summer 1999) was either to be called baabii [Barbie] or to be told she
looked just like Barbie.
 60 YANO

The road from Hello Kitty to Barbie may seem questionably distant. The
author contends, however, that the two ends of the spectrum are discur-
sively linked through shoujo. The premarital female, like Barbie (according
to the magazine), is both sexy and cute. This is how her school uniform (in-
cluding her white “loose socks”—knee-high baggy socks that have become a
sexualized icon of teenage girls in Japan), taken out of the school yard and
into nightclubs, becomes a symbol for teenage prostitution. Although not
suggesting that Sanrio necessarily promotes or even takes part in this
overtly sexualized extension of kawaii, the author does argue that the line
between innocence and sexuality, between childhood and adulthood is not
so neatly drawn in Japan. In other words, sexuality is part of childhood,
part of asobi (play), part of nature. A concept such as kawaii, then, links the
physical, relational, and sexual by association. The kawaii means of reach-
ing out through dependency goes hand in hand with interpersonal appeal,
as well as with sexual desire. Kawaii by way of shoujo is not presexual or
asexual, but always carries the potential for sexuality, even when not
overtly sexualized.

MARKETING KAWAII TO ADULTS

Sanrio’s extension of its market into adult goods in Japan began in the late
1980s, when demographers predicted a shrinking youth population in Japan
(Yamazaki, 1999; quoted in McVeigh, 2000). What began as small items that
a child could carry to school extended to household items and goods spe-
cifically promoted to young “office ladies” (so-called OL or secretaries), and
eventually to housewives. The product endorsements by key media celebri-
ties such as teen idol singer Kahara Tomomi boosted sales tremendously
among young female adults. Sales of Sanrio items more than doubled
among OL and housewives between 1995 and 1998 (Masuda, 1998; quoted in
McVeigh, 2000).
This extension of the Sanrio market shows how the concept of kawaii
has been broadened to include young female adults. If kawaii may apply to
young female adults, as well as to children, then kawaii products can serve
both groups equally well. This is not to say that both groups consume Hello
Kitty with the same kinds of meanings, only that both may share products.
Indeed, when one goes to a Sanrio store, the majority of products span a
range of ages, from children to adults: stationery, eating implements, tow-
els, personal artifacts (e.g., handkerchiefs, coin purses, bags). There are rel-
atively few items strictly for children, and relatively more items primarily
for adults: snowboards, rice cookers, waffle irons, and exercise equipment.
aul One critical way by which Sanrio has extended its market is by promot-
ing itself asa facilitator of interpersonal relations, which are important in
5. KITTY LITTER 61

Japan at any age. In contrast to Sharon Kinsella’s (1995) assessment of cute

style as “antisocial” (p. 251), Sanrio markets itself as eminently social. The
company’s Web site states its goal:

[To] provide the means to enrich interpersonal communication. . . . Sanrio pro-

vides a vehicle for the young and young-at-heart to express their feelings to
friends and family—each Sanrio product brings a message of friendship and
happiness. Giving someone a cute Hello Kitty letter set doesn’t just say “let’s
stay in touch"—it gives them a means to do so. (p. 251)

The target market, according to the Web site, is those “young and young at
heart” who value “interpersonal communication.” Who, then, could be ex-
empt? Moreover, the emphasis on language-based interaction draws upon
female culture in contemporary Japan.
Sanrio’s Web site continues: “Gift-giving is at the heart of our business;
we see every customer as the giver of a gift—even if it’s a special something
for herself.” This emphasis on gift exchange as the primary form of sociality
makes consumer culture central to interpersonal relationships. Sanrio
therefore carries gifts at a wide range of prices, for occasions big and small,
with the greater emphasis on the small, the everyday. This makes gift buy-
ing a constant activity. If, as its Web site says, a Sanrio gift is “more than
just a gift; it’s an expression of love and friendship,” then gift-buying, like
love and friendship, are neverending. One is always made to shop and shop
always. Buying Hello Kitty means buying into a lifestyle of sociality, main-
tained specifically by consuming.
ET

DOING KAWAII, BEING KAWAII

The Sanrio magazine/catalogue, Kitty Goods Collection, gears itself almost

exclusively to female adults, not children. Here is the OL life, as it merges
into housewife life. As marketed by Sanrio, kawaii does not negate adult
responsibilities (Kinsella, 1995, p. 251), but embeds these responsibilities
within a particular style. These responsibilities include the workplace, SF
with specific Sanrio items geared to the office. For example, the winte
1998 issue of the Kitty Goods Collection (1998, vol. 3) features “OL Collec,
tion!” with text as follows:

Even for OL, these days of recession are harsh. For this reason, one must have
the power to fully recharge one’s batteries with the cheerfulness of Kitty g
goods. We introduce you to items which will transform the top of your desk. (p. 3
18) vy

The article pictures mouse pad, clip holder, floppy disk holder, pencil
holder, stapler, memo pad, and hole puncher, all in Kitty pink. It is not
62 YANO

enough, then, that OLs (also dubbed “office flowers”) “decorate” the office
by their presence. Now they also must decorate their desks to uplift office
morale, including their own, amid economic gloom.
Adult responsibilities also include reproducing a new generation of Kitty
fans. According to Sanrio marketing, one may become a better mother
through Hello Kitty consumption. According to the company’s Web site, the
1998 “Kitty Babies Series” of characters “was created in response to a
strong request by young mothers who have been loyal fans of Hello Kitty
since her debut” (p. 18). The 1998 spring issue features a new “baby
(akachan) series” of bassinet items from bottles to crib sheets. The 2000 is-
sue provides information on “Sanrio ABC Kurabu,” a program for mothers
to teach preschoolers English, “naturally” by way of videotapes and books
(Kitty Goods Collection, 2000, vol. 11, back cover). Several photo spreads in-
clude mother-daughter teams of consumers. One 27-year-old mother con-
fesses, “Before saying ‘Mama’ or ‘Papa,’ my [2-year-old] daughter said ‘Kiti-
chan.’ ” She continues, “Even though I myself was a Kitty fan from way back,
I did not really start to collect these Kitty goods until my daughter was
born” (2000, vol. 3, p. 95). Having a child (especially a daughter), then, al-
lows her to indulge more fully than previously in Kitty consumption. Ac-
cording to the magazine, then, one may fulfill societal obligations as a fe-
male adult specifically through Hello Kitty consumption, whether in the
office one decorates or in the home one populates. At Kitty-led mother’s
hand, a child learns to participate in society as an expert consumer.
Hello Kitty, however, is not only about the work of adult life. It is also
about leisure and selfhood. The July 2000 (vol. 11) issue of Kitty Goods Col-
lection presents Kiti no happii sukejuuru (Kitty’s happy schedule), giving con-
sumers 20 ideas for spending one’s leisure time in “doing Kitty,” divided
into 30-min, 60-min, half-day, and full-day “courses” (Kitty Goods Collection,
2000, vol. 11, pp. 9-33), which include activities such as flower arranging,
crafts, manicures, and decorating. The first thing to note about these activi-
ties is that they are done alone. According to this, leisure time provides the
opportunity to focus on oneself, by oneself, luxuriating within honne (one’s
true feelings) to a schedule packed tightly with tatemae (public face).
Second, most of the suggested activities are not complex or expensive
(e.g., taking a trip to Pyuurorando, Sanrio’s theme park outside Tokyo), but
relatively simple and inexpensive (e.g., making a scrapbook of one’s trip to
Pyuurorando). This makes leisure accessible, do-able, and affordable.
Third, the image of Hello Kitty looms ubiquitous, as might be expected in
such a promotional publication. Most activities involve consuming Hello
Kitty goods. Other activities focus on recreating Hello Kitty in various forms
(wax, soap, food) or transforming the ordinary into Kitty-based kawaii
(dishes, refrigerators, cars).
These activities all center on a return, specifically by way of Hello Kitty
goods and images, to a particular construction of childhood—one filled with
5. KITTY LITTER 63

picnics, days at the beach, amusement parks, pets, and naps. This is life as,
according to the magazine, nonbiri (carefree, idle). Hello Kitty, then, be-
comes both a means to the nonbiri and a symbolic recreation of an idealized
childhood revisited in adult lives, squeezed into a tight schedule. The maga-
zine suggests that one may snatch a return to childhood, catch-as-catch-
can, to the days of nonbiri, whether one has 30 or 60 minutes, a half or a full
day—or even, by implication, the moment it takes to glance at the figure of
Hello Kitty. The sight of Kitty itself provides a flashback.
The magazine reinforces this notion of Hello Kitty as a site of collective
memories in its interviews with fans and consumers. For example, a 1998 ar-
ticle entitled “My Treasure; Nostalgic Goods throughout Japan” solicits
photos of goods from readers, along with childhood memories associated
with them (Kitty Goods Collection, 1998, vol. 2, pp. 58-60). Respondents, all fe-
male, range in age from 15 to 32 years. The article pictures Kitty goods from
the past from large to small, from overnight bags to hair clips, as prompts
for memory. The article presents most memories anonymously, without
name, gender, or age, but with reference to particular pictured items. They
include the following:

“I remember taking this Kitty bag to the pool every summer.”

“When I was in elementary school, I would put my clothes on this Kitty
hook everyday.”
“When I received these Kitty index cards from my friend, I was so happy.”

The memories invoke special occasions, as well as everyday life, with the
focus on the goods rather than the individuals.
A few selected recollections focus more on the individual, with a photo
of the consumer and her personal narratives. Some of these narratives talk
of Hello Kitty spanning generations. One 15-year-old Kitty fan recalls the
pleasure of uncovering her mother’s own childhood Hello Kitty collection.
Another 28-year-old woman predicts, “Soon I will be having children of my
own, and I want to collect Kitty goods together with them.” Yet another 32-
year-old woman nostalgically recalls childhood memories of Kitty, and sug-
gests that these memories give her peace in her adult life: “As I look at
Kitty, I think nostalgically of playing with my friends when I was a child. ...
Even now, my feelings from childhood still remain, and | find peace in my
heart [hotto kokoro ga nagomu] through my love for Kitty” (Kitty Goods Col-
lection, 1998, vol. 2, pp. 58-59). Kitty for her becomes a companion who
straddles different phases of her life. With these Kitty-led recollections
placed in the public forum of a magazine, these personal reminiscences be-
come memories of the collective shoujo, reconstituted to connect genera-
tions as well as periods of one’s life.
64 YANO

Hello Kitty, in this way, becomes a form of selfhood (Clammer, 1997, p.

68) retrieved from the past through goods, connecting friend to friend, for a
few, even gaining celebrity as kitiraa (slang for diehard Kitty fans). Doing
Kitty in these ways proffers a “Kitty habitus,” a patterned self accrued to
the body by repetition over time. Kitty becomes a verb—doing Kitty—and
thus a practice by which one may act within and upon the world through
consumption. These recommended Kitty doings offer a Kitty “sensaround”
world: One sees Kitty everywhere. One eats Kitty (okonomiyaki, sand-
wiches), drinks Kitty (herbal tea), feels Kitty (sand sculpture), wears Kitty
(whether painted on one’s nails or donned as one’s pajamas), and even
smells Kitty (aromatherapy). Most important, one feels Kitty reaching out in
small ways through “social communication” goods and gifts. In doing Kitty,
one performs a Kitty self, enacting kawaii from morning to night, inside and
out, in public and private.
Sanrio’s marketing of Hello Kitty to adults in Japan thus draws upon the
related concepts of shoujo and kawaii, with their connections to emotion,
nurturance, nature, and nostalgia. Hello Kitty enacts not a return so much
as a performance of identities rooted in childhood. According to the mar-
keting literature, one becomes a better adult through Hello Kitty, finding in-
ner peace, establishing and affirming social ties, decorating one’s desk at
the office, and teaching one’s children. Kawaii thus becomes not a negation
of responsibility, but a means to fulfilling the multiple responsibilities of
adulthood. Hello Kitty connects people—mother to daughter, friend to
friend, generation to generation. The fact that this concurs with Sanrio’s
goals of profit making does not diminish the efficacy of Hello Kitty, who by
this time has become itself a companion rather than a product.
Furthermore, kawaii surpasses itself as a temporary stage in one’s life. It
becomes an activity and a consumer option, which construct a thoroughgo-
ing lifestyle. One does kawaii primarily through buying kawaii, surrounding
oneself with things kawaii whether in work or play, office or home. One con-
sumes kawaii bodily, and also as part of one’s very physical self. These
practices create a kawaii self, which is both performative and constitutive,
rooted in the past. Doing kawaii in these many ways offers gendered selves
for sale, stitching together collective memories across time and space as an
unbroken chain. Kawaii suggests ways by which adults become shoujo and
shoujo, become adults.

LOCALIZING KAWAII FOR THE GLOBAL

MARKETPLACE

What happens, however, when kawaii hits the global stage? What kinds of
marketing strategies make it work? How do consumers react? What kinds of
meanings do global consumers give Hello Kitty? And to what extent does
this kawaii imaging affect the image of Japan in global marketing?
5. KITTY LITTER 65

According to Kazuo Tohmatsu, manager of the General Affairs Depart-

ment of Sanrio Co., Ltd. (the parent company in Tokyo, Japan), Sanrio de-
signs and markets its global products differently for the American market
than for the Asian market: Asian exports are nearly identical to what is sold
in Japan, but American Sanrio goods have only a 20% overlap with Japan.
The other 80% of goods are designed specifically for the American market
(personal communication, May 5, 2002). In other words, Sanrio perceives
the need for an approach in the Euro-American market different from that
in the Asian market.
As a company, Sanrio’s strategy tends to rely on local input to determine
best what will sell in regional markets. For example, the author was able to
witness the product selection process at Sanrio, Inc., the marketer and dis-
tributor of goods to the Americas during May 2002. This process takes place
several times a year as the product catalogs arrive from the Tokyo office. At
the selection process the author witnessed Bill Hensley, Marketing Director
of Sanrio, Inc., call several female employees into a conference room, where
they paged through the latest catalog. Each staff member commented on
the items that she thought Sanrio should carry in the Americas. Many of
these comments were based on previous sales, but other comments were
far more personal, including what the employees themselves would like to
purchase. Although Hensley determined the quantities they would order,
the selection of the items themselves came primarily from the female em-
ployees.
Furthermore, employees at Sanrio, Inc. have been invited to submit new
character ideas to the parent company in a design competition. The winner
gets to see his or her design realized and promoted as a new character in
Sanrio’s lineup. Sanrio thus relies on local subsidiaries for new product
ideas as well as feedback from regional markets. The localization process is
built into design development, marketing, promotion, and consumer re-
search.
According to Hensley, Sanrio does not conduct “aggressive advertising.”
Instead, it focuses on word-of-mouth and publicity, especially publicity gen-
erated by celebrity interest stories. To that end, it conducts a “celebrity
outreach” program:

We put our primary emphasis in our publicity, getting the new product story
out to magazines, newspapers across the country, television stations where
we can, leveraging when we have, say, celebrity interest in a line or in Hello
Kitty in particular, leveraging that story because the news media is celebrity
obsessed. So if we can say that yes, Mariah Carey [pop singer] is a big Hello
Kitty fan, and it’s not just us saying it, because she’s not a paid spokesperson
for us, but, here’s the proof, because she’s on MTV showing her Hello Kitty t-
shirt, because she’s photographed in People and Us [American popular maga-
zines] carrying her Hello Kitty boombox, so we kind of spin that back, and
 YANO

then that story feeds on itself. We cover celebrity outreach, and we do send
products to—every quarter it’s 50 or 70 different celebrities generally. Some-
times there is a repeat group that we’ve identified as friends, that we give
stuff to. But it’s kind of like prospecting . .. [We contract] with the same orga-
nization that represents us for TV and film placements. So they have access to
how to get products to the celebrities. (Hensley, personal communication,
June 19, 2002)

Besides celebrity outreach, product placement has become an important

part of Sanrio, Inc.’s strategy. Like many companies in the United States,
Sanrio contracts with a firm that negotiates the appearance of their goods
in media productions, including TV shows and movies such as Friends, Ev-
erybody Loves Raymond, and Seventh Heaven, in which Sanrio is even part of
the scripted dialogue. Hensley also considers it a coup that comedian Mike
Meyers requested a Sanrio store as part of a backdrop for a Tokyo street
scene in his 2002 Austin Powers in Goldmember movie.
This kind of media and celebrity exposure creates a familiarity with
Hello Kitty for American consumers that is part of the company’s “out-of-
store marketing,” in the words of Hensley. “In-store marketing,” by contrast,
focuses on generating a positive customer experience, primarily through
the company philosophy cryptically expressed as “Small Gift, Big Smile.”
This motto refers to the following: the small gifts a customer may purchase
at Sanrio that can evoke a big smile in the purchaser as well as in the recipi-
ent of the gift, the small trinkets that Sanrio gives away free to its custom-
ers, and the gifts that visitors to Sanrio’s corporate headquarters may re-
ceive as part of a company philosophy of hospitality. Sanrio trains its sales
personnel through a video emphasizing the five steps toward “Big Smiles”:

1. Approach. 30-second rule! Greet every customer entering the store

within 30 seconds.
2. Ask. “Have you been to our store before? Can I show you how to read
our prices?”
3. Present. Show new items if she has been in the store before, or other
items based on her needs.
4, Sell. “You will love that. Let me take them to the register for you.”
5. Encourage. Remind her that the store gets new items every month.
“Come back soon!” (Sanrio Co., Ltd., 2002)

These kinds of sales techniques may be common to many companies, but

Sanrio pays particularly close attention to the personal interaction that
they see as their trademark. In this way, Sanrio takes a Japanese level of
service to a global scale.
5. KITTY LITTER 67

But how does a global company such as Sanrio negotiate its own identity
as a Japanese company in an international setting? What and how much of
products’ identity as specifically Japanese matters in marketing? According
to Sanrio, Inc. Executive Vice President Gastaldi:

It’s very important to me that we don't lose the Japanesey-ness, if you will, of
our product line. . . The detail, the cuteness, the use of colors, the things that
make it very special, make it unique, make it Sanrio, make it Japanese, that
fine attention to detail, the designs, | don’t want to lose that. We are a Japa-
nese company. That is our roots. We are very special in that sense. And yes,
we are certainly moving in the direction of globalization of our markets. But
it’s very important that we don’t lose a sense of our roots. ... We don’t want
to lose that. (personal communication, June 19, 2002)

Sanrio works constantly to define that “Japanesey-ness,” although it clearly

is a moving target.

Dan Peters, senior promotions designer in the marketing department of

Sanrio Inc., concurs that the Japanese identity of Sanrio products, including
Hello Kitty and a sense of kawaii, are important elements in the promotions
that he designs.

Part of what I find to be of great appeal of Sanrio is the Japanese quality of it.
Sol... don’t like to Disney-fy everything into this kind of cookie-cutter Ameri-
can culture type of—this is what’s acceptable, this is what Warner Brothers
does, whatever. I love the fact that Sanrio is different. And so, I could very eas-
ily edit things and smooth them out into [Disney’s] Sleeping Beauty type, you
know, kind of like descriptions. But I love the quirkiness [of the Japanese
products]. You know, that comes with dealing with Sanrio. And Japanese cul-
ture. And I think that’s part of our appeal. At least to me it is. (personal com-
munication, June 30, 2002)

Although Peters cannot put his finger on exactly what “Japaneseness”

means in relation to Sanrio products, the quirky element of which he
speaks is a defining part of kawaii that makes it somewhat different from
the English “cute.” The notion of cute is more straightforward and predict-
able. Kawaii, on the other hand, seems to represent an almost dreamlike
state involving small leaps of logic, which makes it more childlike, vulnera-
ble, and durable than the notion of “cute.”
But what do global consumers make of this bricolage and subversion?
To what extent are many of them buying “Japan” when they purchase Hello
Kitty? Many casual buyers do not necessarily know that Hello Kitty is Japa-
nese. They see this cat as simply a cute figure with a vast number of prod-
68 YANO

ucts to buy. More serious fans and collectors, however, are all well aware
that Hello Kitty is Japanese.
One 20-year-old female fan from Dallas, Texas, says she knows that Hello
Kitty is from Japan by the Japanese writing on the tags and the fact that the
Sanrio theme park is located in Japan. Her avid interest in Hello Kitty stems
from childhood, so that Hello Kitty “[keeps] my youth alive and [puts] a
smile on my face.” She is a true collector, and “hope[s] to one day move to
Japan to find the Hello Kitty items that I can’t find here in the States. I see
Hello Kitty [as] being particularly Japanese (despite her birthplace, Lon-
don, England).”
One 26-year-old businesswoman in France confesses to being a cat lover
who began her Kitty collection at the age of 8 years when her parents
brought back a number of Kitty goods from Japan. Since then, she has
bought a few things in Paris where they recently have been considered
fashionable, but really she expanded her collection when she traveled to
Vietnam: “These last 2 weeks we have been on holiday in Vietnam!! And
over there, WWWOUAAAAHH, I could not stop buying Hello Kitty stuff; we
could find some everywhere and so cheap!!!”
One avid middle-aged female collector in Minneapolis links Hello Kitty to
her own subjectivity, tying together her love of cats and her interest in Asia.
She was first introduced to Hello Kitty through cat shows in the Midwest,
where many cat fanciers displayed their Japanese maneki-neko (begging
cat) figurines. When she saw a Hello Kitty doll there, she immediately con-
nected it to the other manekineko. Since then, she and her husband have
searched toy stores throughout the United States for more Hello Kitty
goods, displaying her collection in a shrine-like setting that she changes
seasonally. She also has become interested in Japan through her fondness
of Hello Kitty.
Sanrio’s largest group of customers in the United States is Asian Ameri-
cans. One 30-year-old Japanese American female fan from California says
that she and her other friends (mostly Japanese Americans) were big buy-
ers of Hello Kitty in elementary and middle schools. In fact, the nickname
for one of her friends was “Hello Kitty,” because her head, like Kitty’s, was
big and round. She and several others the author spoke with talk about
gaining a sense of Asian American identity through Hello Kitty, buying
goods in Chinatown or Japan town shops, showing their goods to other pri-
marily Asian American friends, and even now, as adults, looking back nos-
talgically on the days when Hello Kitty was “their” character, sold only in
“their” stores rather than the mainstream department stores where it can
be found today.
The second largest group of Kitty devotees in the United States is His-
panics. According to Peter Gastaldi, executive vice president of Sanrio, Inc.,
what Hispanics and Asians share are “family values, children at the center
5. KITTY LITTER 69

of the family, buying things for the children, things that will make children
happy” (personal communication, June 13, 2002). But are Hispanics “buying
Japan”? Gastaldi says,

No, they’re buying cute. In the case of Hispanics, | don’t think that the fact
that it’s from Japan really has a whole lot to do with it. It’s cute, it’s colorful,
it’s child-oriented, it’s whimsical. It’s a gift, it’s something for the child, and
the child is family values—the child is the center of the family. (personal com-
munication)

Another group of Kitty customers is the gay male clientele, at least in San
Francisco and Honolulu, where the author interviewed store employees.
According to Mark Servito, assistant manager of Sanrio’s main San Fran-
cisco store at San Francisco Center, the gay clientele is primarily White and
shops in pairs. These customers often buy Sanrio items as performative ele-
ments: not plush toys or stationery, but items of public display such as
oversized shoulder bags. “They find it hilarious, but interesting” (Servito,
personal communication, June 20, 2002).
Hello Kitty, of course, does not come without its detractors. It is notable
when these critiques also become critiques of being Asian and female, as
Hello Kitty is thus identified. One 25-year-old female nursing student in Ha-
waii distances herself from Asia by critiquing Japanese females and Hello
Kitty both as “too cutesy.” She says, “They’re too cute! Pink and cute—that
should only be for babies. I can envision little Japanese girls going ‘Hee!
Hee! Hee!’ ” Denise Uyehara, a radical feminist Asian American performance
artist, uses Hello Kitty in her productions “Sex Kitty” and “Beyond Sex
Kitty” as a symbol of hypersexualized Asian female stereotypes. These and
other consumers map their own versions of “Japan” and themselves onto
the flat space of Kitty.

CONCLUDING THOUGHTS:
IN THE WAKE OF KAWAII

What, then, are we to make of this onslaught of kawaii, both in Japan and
abroad—what the author calls “pink globalization”? Is this a form of neo-
feminism or antifeminist backlash or both? What does the extension of
kawaii from children to young adult females in Japan suggest about societal
trends? Are these trends applicable to global markets in which Hello Kitty
has been successful?
As Sanrio, Inc.’s Gastaldi proclaims, “Hello Kitty is bringing ... cuteness
to the world.” That cuteness/kawaii, however, takes on different meanings
and interpretations in each of its local habitats. According to Parkes, “Ev-
" YANO

eryone has a different kawaii.” Parkes’ words do not ring quite true. Every-
one agrees that a figure such as Hello Kitty is Rawaii. What differs is the set
of meanings and attitudes given to kawaii itself, from complicit acceptance
to ironic distancing to outright contempt. In Japan, the attitude toward
kawaii probably is most benign. Consumers either accept a figure such as
Hello Kitty wholeheartedly or reject her outright. If one may become a
better mother or secretary through consuming kawaii things, then even the
most central societal institutions of family and company sanction buying
objects such as Hello Kitty.
Furthermore, as Rawaii figures work hand in hand with governments and
businesses large and small in their widespread use of cute characters to
convey official messages, to humanize top-down directives, and to feminize
public and private spaces, then a commercial icon such as Hello Kitty can
be interpreted as merely another in a panoply of appealing figures, painting
the canvas of the nation pink. It matters little to consumers and fans that
the canvas may mask gender-based inequities or structural barriers to a
wider range of individual choice and opportunities. What matters more is
that on an individual level as well as a group level of consumers, Hello Kitty
makes the world that much more benign, comfortable, and pleasant. Kawaii
is not a negation of responsibility so much as the spinning of those respon-
sibilities back into what looks like child’s play.
The Rawaii world of Hello Kitty, however, becomes more complex in its
various global habitats, where cultural assumptions both overlap and di-
verge from the original Japanese context. Some of these habitats accept
kawaii uncritically as the domain of childhood and females. Others take an
ironic stance concerning kawaii, pushing the limits of performative cute-
ness. It is dangerous, therefore, to put a global spin on the spread of kawaii
when assumptions, meanings, and interpretations differ. What binds these
disparate users and uses, however, is Hello Kitty herself. Through this
mouthless cat, consumers may see a sisterhood of kawaii not as engage-
ment with specific meaning so much as engagement with each other
through a common object. This holds true despite the strangeness of the
bedfellows. “Pink globalization” may thus represent an unruly bundling of
neo- and antifeminisms, led by a Japanese product, but taken to a number
of competing and sometimes contradictory directions by local consumers.

REFERENCES

Cawaii! (1999, September). Tokyo: Cawaii!

Clammer, J. (1997). Contemporary urban Japan: A sociology of consumption. Oxford: Blackwell.
Cutie for independent girls. (1998, June 22). Tokyo: Author.
Kinsella, S. (1995). Cuties in Japan. In L. Skov & B. Moeran (Eds.), Women, media, and consumption
in Japan (pp. 220-221). Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
oo KEDLY LITTER 7I

Kitty goods collection. (Vol. 1-3). (1998). Tokyo: Sanrio.

Kitty goods collection. (Vol. 11). (2000). Tokyo: Sanrio.
Lebra, T. (1984). Patterns of Japanese behavior. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Masubuchi, S. (1994). Kawaii shokogun [Kawaii syndrome]. Tokyo: NHK Publishing:
McVeigh, B. (2000). Wearing ideology: State, schooling, and self-presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg.
McVeigh, B. (2000). How Hello Kitty commodifies the cute, cool and camp: “Consumutopia” ver-
sus “control” in Japan. Journal of Material Culture, 5, 225-245.
Merish, L. (1996). Cuteness and commodity aesthetics: Tom Thumb and Shirley Temple. In R. G.
Thomson (Ed.), Freakery: Cultural spectacles of the extraordinary body (pp. 105-203). New
York: New York University Press.
Robertson, J. (1998). Takarazuka: Sexual politics and popular culture in modern Japan. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Sanrio. Available online at http://sanrioworld.ne.jp/
Schilling, M. (1997). The encyclopedia of Japanese pop culture. New York: Weatherhill.
Treat, J. W. (1996). Yoshimoto Banana writes home: Shojo culture and the nostalgic subject. In J.
Treat (Ed.), Contemporary Japan and popular culture (pp. 275-308). Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press.
Yano, C. R. (2000). Dream girl: imagining the girl-next-door within the heart/soul of Japan. U.S.Ja-
pan Women’s Journal (English Supplement), 19, 122-141.
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From Pokémon to Potter:

Trainee Teachers Explore Children’s
Media-Related Play, 2000-2003

Elizabeth Grugeon

In March 2000, 70 trainee primary school teachers in their third year of an

undergraduate education program at De Montfort University in England
were asked to observe and record a 15-min breaktime on a primary school
playground as part of a study of children’s informal language and culture.
This chapter draws on extracts from some of their recording and observa-
tion on playgrounds in Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Hertfordshire,
Northamptonshire, and Milton Keynes in 2000, and from subsequent stu-
dents in 2001, 2002, and 2003. The data could be grouped under several
headings: jokes, traditional rhymes and games, football, media influences,
and narrative fantasy games. Traditional playground games, and girls’ play
in particular, have been discussed elsewhere (Bishop & Curtis, 2000;
Grugeon, 2000; Opie, 1993). The author has chosen to concentrate on the
way recent media influences are being absorbed into the language and cul-
ture of the playground. As Marsh (2003) suggested,

Children engage in a semiotic world in which texts in different modes are con-
ceptually linked. They do not see a neat dichotomy between print and
televisual texts as they move seamlessly from one mode to another in their
quest for meaning-making.... They use visual, literate, oral, and corporeal
modes of communication in a range of multimodal practices. (p. 43)

Over a period of 4 years, approximately 275 teacher trainees have ob-

served more than 4,000 min of playground activity in more than 60 primary

73
14 GRUGEON

schools. The aim of the project was to encourage teacher trainees to be-
come aware of children’s interest in popular culture and, as professionals,
to consider the relation of these interests to school literacy and culture. A
growing archive of material now exists that allows researchers to track
some of the ongoing changes in children’s everyday play activities. This
material partly feeds into the current debate about using children’s inter-
ests in popular media and consumer texts to enhance learning and motiva-
tion in the primary classroom (Bromley, 2002; Dyson, 2001; Lambirth, 2003;
Marsh & Millard, 2000). It also provides a means of updating well-
established forms of “mass observation” of children’s popular folklore, of
the kind most widely identified with the work of the Opies in Britain (Opie &
Opie, 1959).
The first thing the trainees observed were gender differences: Girls often
played games that involved verbal interaction in small, cohesive groups,
whereas boys tended to spend more time with games involving running and
chasing: football, Power Rangers, and stylized fighting routines. The train-
ees were surprised to discover how much language was involved in these
very active games and made interesting observations about the prevalence
of football, overwhelmingly the most popular game for boys on the play-
ground. It shall be seen that these gender differences also were apparent in
the children’s uses of media and popular culture in their play.
ce es

2000: THE POKEMON PHENOMENON

From the start, the trainees found that popular culture was exerting a pow-
erful influence on children’s play. They noted ways that this emerges in
role-play games when television “brings new words into the language”
(Keaney & Lucas, 1994, p. 43). Spring-2000 was the height of the Pokémon
controversy in U.K. schools. All the trainees encountered disgruntled
groups of children who were no longer allowed to bring their Pokémon
cards to school. Jane, a trainee in a junior school on the outskirts of a large
town, asked two year 4 boys about Pokémon. They told her, “We wanted to
play Pokémon, but we’re not allowed the cards anymore, so we have to pre-
tend,” explaining how they managed to play Pokémon games without cards:

Child A: “Well, there’s the cartoon you can watch; there are the cards,
... but we’re not allowed them any more.”
Jane: “Tell me more about the cards then.”
Child B: “You collect them and play games with them. You try and beat
each other with the powers on the card. On the cards are differ-
ent Pokémon, like Picachu, Beedrill and Bulbasaur. If they have
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 75

more power than the other Pokémon, they take away the power
and can kill them if they want.”
Jane: “So what are you playing in the playground then?”
Child A: “Our Pokémon game. He’s a Squirtle and he can squirt water;
I'm a Beedrill and I can drill through things.”
Child B: “What about the ball?”
Child A: “Oh yeah, the Power Ball. You can throw it at people and make
them slow down so you can use your powers on them.”
(Jane, March, 2000)

Many trainees recorded similar instances of children absorbing and

adapting the Pokémon characters and stories into their fantasy play. This
involved a confident use of the language of the Pokémon universe. The
game was intended for children 10 years of age and older, but was mas-
sively popular with much younger children in the United Kingdom. In a vil-
lage school, Sarah-Jane recorded two boys during “wet play” playing with
Pokémon cards. Although M was 5 years old and T was 6, they were adept at
using the terminology, although not sure of the rules. The following conver-
sation is an extract from a much longer transcript:

M: “Choose which Pokémon you want to fight against my Magikarp.”

T: “Mmm ... [flicking through his cards| Tangela. Nothing can beat
Tangela. He’s got loads of health” [pointing at the hit points indicated
by an HP on the card).
M: “Yeah, but choose one that’s as good as mine this time.... Now,
which one is your best?”
T: “Tangela. He can beat anyone.”
(Sarah-Jane, March, 2000)

Sarah-Jane comments, “This card game involves ‘a complicated system of

trumps, hit points, attacks and retreats’” (Neumark, 2000). It is clear from
the transcript that neither boy was sure how to play the game correctly, so
they had developed their own rules. On the playground, they played a chas-
ing game based on Pokémon, in which they took on a role and acted out a
narrative based on confrontation between the characters. As Moyles (1994)
suggested, “Outside the school building lies an area in which the writ of
adults plays a less decisive part.”
Clare, with 5- to 7-year-old children in a large village school, felt that this
influx of cartoon-related products was not a bad thing. Through watching
television, often alongside their play, children were developing specific
skills (Simatos & Spencer, 1992, p. 115).
76 GRUGEON

There was one child who was obviously very knowledgeable about Pokémon
and how the battles were decided. This meant that he appeared to take on the
role of adjudicator with many of the children approaching him to clear up dis-
putes they had over who had won the battle and arguments about “fair
swaps.” He is a child who is quiet in the classroom, often refraining from rais-
ing his hand because he lacks confidence in his own ability. When I ques-
tioned him about the role he appeared to undertake in the playground, he
told me that people came to ask him because, “I’ve got the most Pokémons
and I understand them best.” This showed me that when dealing with a sub-
ject he is confident with, he is more than able to express himself clearly to
others. (Clare, March, 2000)

Clare also recorded girls participating in Pokémon games, “either with

each other or with boys,” and she reflected, “I think this may be to do with
the fact that Pokémon games are played statically and do not involve a high
level of aggression or competitiveness.”
The Pokémon games that the trainees were recording at this time re-
flected the latest media craze, but there was much evidence of children
drawing on other media material. In a small village school, Claire observed
six 5- to 6-year-olds, four boys and two girls, playing a game of what she
thought was the traditional chasing game “It”:

Claire: “What do you call this game?”

Child A: “Croc.”
Claire: “Who taught you to play this game?”
Child A: “I don’t know. I’ve got Croc on my PlayStation.”
(Claire, March, 2000)

On a multiethnic urban infant school playground, Sharon found,that

WWF [World Wrestling Federation] was a particularly popular game, during

which a child’s head was held in an arm lock, or there was an attempt to pull
the child to the ground. Other favorites were Power Rangers. It was apparent
that the boys were attempting to imitate the macho images they have seen on
the screen. (March, 2000)

Schools on the whole disapproved of wrestling and fighting games, but

many students observed that children knew the difference between play
fights and the real thing, and that the former often were quite controlled
and stylized performances. In 2000, there was no doubt that Pokémon was
the most popular game played by children 5 to 11 years of age, and that
part of its prestige was a response to overall adult disapproval.
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 77

WHAT HAD CHANGED IN 2001?

A year later, trainees continued to report role-play games with evident influ-
ence from popular culture. Paula reported that Pokémon still was in evi-
dence. She overheard a group of boys choosing roles: “You don’t want to be
him; he’s not got full powers; he’s no good; he can’t evolve.” But they later
told her, “Pokémon isn’t in anymore, Miss Richards.”
Linda saw more diverse activities, and there was much evidence of the
influence of TV, film, and computer games, such as Mario, based on a TV
and computer character involving weapons with prescribed effects. Players
called out “Thunderbolt,” “Green Shell,” and “Yellow Star,” and other play-
ers knew their powers and how to respond. Star Wars Episode 1: Racer in-
volved rushing round in “pod racers.” There was a weapon, the “flame jet,”
so powerful that no one was allowed to have it. Pokémon Blue was a chasing
game played by a mixed group, running in a circle, sitting on the ground,
and chanting, “Pokémon, Pokémon, Pokémon Garadoss.” Pokémon cards,
so immensely popular in the previous year, were largely out of fashion, but
trading with Pokémon Game-Boy games, done by linking machines together,
was very popular indeed. Linda was assured that Game Boy machines were
allowed in school as long as teachers did not see them! Computer games
with which they were familiar, such as alien games (Quake Tree Arena), ac-
tion games (/ndiana Jones) and cartoon games (Yoshi) also were influencing
the games that they played.
The most significant new addition, however, was Harry Potter. In Milton
Keynes, Kate recorded one of the changes that had occurred: “We like to in-
vent new Harry Potter tales and other times we copy the books.” At the
same time, in a small rural village school, Jenny recorded:

At the edge of the playground ... on one wall is an activity center designed to
look like the workings of a machine. It has tubes to collect rainwater, which in
turn drives cogs and wheels and many components and pistons which can be
moved by the children.

Here, a group of four 7- to 8-year-olds (three boys and a girl) were muttering
and chanting and performing various tasks with the “machine.” On discreet
observation, it became clear that the children were playing Harry Potter.
Their discussions involved “hogwarts,” “Hedwig,” and “Dumbledore.” The
children had assumed roles and were inventing tales for the intrepid Harry.
At one point, the children formed a huddle and chanted, “He who must not
be named will soon be dead; Harry’ll get him with the scar on his head.”
Later, Jenny talked to them:

They told me about the games that they play; they told me that they pretend
Harry’s enemy’s coming and they must make spells and potions to get rid of
him. ... They used a small blackboard attached to the wall to write spells on.
78 GRUGEON

They told me that no one ever plays Voldemort (Harry’s enemy) as “it would be
too scary and no one knows what he is like.” A child told me that his friend be-
came very worried because he had used the name Voldemort and not the ac-
cepted “he who cannot be named.”

Heather, in another village lower school, also had encountered Harry

Potter:

At the other end of the playground, some eight-and nine-year-old boys were
engaged in dramatic play focused on the super hero, Harry Potter. There
seems to be no structured dialogue to this game, but using key words and
phrases, they give evidence of a repertoire of words from one of their favour-
ite stories. The six boys start to run around the playground accompanied by
appropriate sound effects. They seem to have a deep knowledge of the fan-
tasy genre, gained from their reading but also from media texts. Harry Potter
is anew phenomenon in children’s book publishing, having its own audio cas-
settes, web sites, computer games and forthcoming film. After a few minutes,
four of the boys throw themselves onto the ground. | am intrigued to under-
stand this development .. . 1 discover that they are role playing the characters
of Harry, Hermione, Ron Weesley, and the twins, George and Fred. The setting
is Hogwarts and they are playing a game of quidditch, played on a broom-
stick, the aim of which is to look for the ‘Golden Snitch’. This involves a spe-
cial manoeuvre known as Ronski Feint which involved the protagonist or
seeker diving towards the ground pretending they have seen it ... the skill of
the leading seeker is, just prior to diving into the ground, to swoop skywards
in flight, tricking the other seekers into crashing into the ground ...

Heather felt that “the narratives brought into school from home, through
literary texts, TV, film, CD-ROM, computer games, or the Internet must not
be devalued or rejected by the class teacher.”
The observations in 2001 also drew attention to other relatively new phe-
nomena. In an urban lower school, Louise focused on the way children
were using collectible soft toys in their play:

The evidence in the playground is that boys up to 8 share this addiction,

bringing their favorite ones to school and involving them in their games. Sam,
aged 8, was delighted to show me his new dragon, Puff, and read out the
rhyming description on its tag... .

She also noticed that

many children were involved in games based on Pokémon, Bouncing Bone

Heads, and Beanie Babies. ... They were not necessarily playing with the ob-
jects, but using them as a stimulus to develop very involved drama based
games requiring discussion, collaboration, negotiating, and listening.
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 79

She watched three 6-year-old girls:

One had Mystic, the unicorn Beanie Baby, and for most of the game, it hung
out of her coat pocket while the following activity was carried out. All three
girls leapt out of the school door and wove their way around the playground
flapping their arms. | later found out that these were their wings. They finally
met up in a grassy area of the playground well away from the school build-
ings. They gathered leaves, twigs, and grass from the nature area and ar-
ranged them in little piles.

In conversation with Louise, the girls described how they were making little
nests. This was clearly an intertextual reference to The Lion, the Witch and
the Wardrobe because they told Louise, “Our teacher read us the bit about
the fawn who lived in the forest.” Louise thought it also referred to Bambi—
they were all familiar with the Disney video. As they played, she overheard
their discussion: “Unicorns don’t lay eggs; they have babies.” However,
they agreed to eggs and collected food for the expectant unicorn. These
collectible little toys come with their own texts printed on their labels:

Mystic

DOB 21/5/94

Once upon a time so far away,

A unicorn was born one day in May;
Keep Mystic with you, she’s a prize;
You'll see the magic in her blue eyes!

Louise quoted an article she had read: “The manufacturers of bean

bag-type soft toys will stop at no permutation of cuteness to part parents
from their money and confirm little girls in their addiction to collectable
soft toys” (Neumark, 2000, p. 63).
Meanwhile, Frances, in a lower school in a small town, found that the
children’s preferred games included cat and mouse, Digimon, Football
Heads, and toys, although she was unable to see these in action because
“these games were encouraging unacceptable behavior and were banned.”
However, she noted, “Children are changing the names and rules slightly
and playing them out of earshot. Pokémon cards and Football Heads are now
hiding in coat pockets.” She was the first to mention another new craze,
Power Pods—miniature dolls of famous footballers in a personalized club kit
with oversize heads in hollow chocolate balls (similar to Kinder Eggs). The
children sang the song from the TV ads: “Football crazy, chocolate mad,
Grab a Power Pod and play football with the lads.” It was sung constantly.
Girls changed it to “netball crazy.” Frances felt that TV had promoted Power
Pods to cater to boys’ interests. Boys played with these and also role-played
80 GRUGEON

the characters. She observed a boy after scoring, shouting like a commenta-
tor: “And Beckham scores a fantastic goal for Man United.” Later, she saw
him doing the same thing with his toy. She also observed the girls playing
Powerpuff girls, a TV program for girls similar to Power Rangers, albeit
rather more tongue-in-cheek. The characters are Buttercup, Bubbles, and
Blossom, who fight monster villains, each a different color and with differ-
ent powers.
Keeley produced five transcripts of conversations with boys and girls
from each year group:

I found that casual conversations were the most effective way of gaining in-
sight into the children’s world. ... 1was impressed by the speed at which the
children can get into role, shift register, and take on the phrasing and vocabu-
lary of a range of speakers in their play.

In addition to finding out about traditional games and rhymes, Keeley

found media links and computer influences. She said, “The Web site that a
child told me about, Neotel, shows a link between old and new crazes and
the ever-developing maturity and detail of children’s interests and activi-
ties.” She agreed that “children will continue to be emotionally engaged
with popular culture outside school,” concluding that “we need to achieve a
balance between recognizing children’s pleasure in this culture whilst at
the same time providing them with the tools to deconstruct its ideology”
(Marsh, 1999, p. 157).
Meanwhile, another trainee provided evidence of a new craze emerging:
mobile phones and text messages. Phones were banned but practice in
texting went on in exercise books and notes passed between the children,
0 6
such as “cuL8er,” “ru up4it?” “n-eway,” “up2u.” Creating this kind of private
communication proved irresistible. Here again, banning by teachers contin-
ued to provide an incentive for many games.
As in 2000, WWF wrestling continued to form a popular resource for chil-
dren’s play. Jan observed children playing at wrestling, taking on charac-
ters from WWF: the Rock, Stonecold Steve, Triple H. Two children wrestled,
and one was the commentator and referee: “Well, the Rock’s holding Stone
Cold Steve down with a hard arm. SCS isn’, he’s just laying 1..2..3.” He
counts him out. (They played this only while teachers were out of sight).
Jan commented:

Wrestling is a show of high hyped drama and action. ... When I researched
into wrestling I found that it was not just about fighting. Wrestlers take on a
character and normally have a name that matches their style like “Bossman.”
He comes dressed in a shirt and bosses everyone around. The “Undertaker,”
dressed in black, looks very solemn and scary. He usually has funeral music
playing as he enters the ring. “William Regal” wears a suit and drinks cups of
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 81

tea surrounded by the British flag. ... When I looked at the names of all the
wrestlers, many of them played with words and spellings. “Justin Credible,”
“Sgt. Slaughter,” “K Kwik.” Some names referred to famous people or film
stars: “The Godfather,” “Billy Gun.”

In contrast, Michelle observed very young children in a reception class

(age, 4 years+) playing Powerpuff Girls, shooting with laser beam eyes. She
noticed gender preferences for TV series children enjoyed playing. Girls
played games based on Pingu, Hollyoaks, Pokémon, and Digimon, whereas
boys played games related to films they had seen on the Cartoon Network
(Ed, Ed and Eddie), rude and funny, and recreated scenarios from computer
games (e.g., a game called Link and Sonic based on Sonic the Hedgehog,
which involved the character Sonic and his friend Link). The aim of the
game was to kill invisible people that only they could see, and this was
achieved by jumping onto them. Link had a special sword that protected
him. Girls did not join in these games.
The passion for Pokémon had not diminished. Trainees were finding it all
over the area. Anna, working in an urban junior school, observed that

children of all years and both genders seemed to enjoy the Pokémon craze, ar-
ranging to swap cards, pretending to be characters and singing the theme
tune. ... 1 observed a group of year 4 boys and girls playing together. They
were taking it in turns to choose weapons with which to destroy each other.
They talked about firepower, wind power, and water power. They all seemed
to know exactly whose turn it was and how badly injured they were, accord-
ing to what they had been attacked with. Pokémon cards are banned! But this
showed how they can still bring their favorite subjects into school.

In the same school, 9-year-old boys were playing Gladiators with clear rules,
whereas the younger children took small toys to the playground. Many of
these were related to computer games and TV such as Metanic Robots,
Pokémon characters, Powerpuff Girls, and Dinosaurs.
On a large urban playground, Paula felt that

the playground can be described as a multilayered text. The children must

develop an accommodating idiolect to become involved in the text. In the
playground, children learn to slip in and out of ways of talking . . . as they play
different games. The language of tag is different from the language of football,
clapping rhymes, and make believe. . . The games themselves are rich and di-
verse texts.

She also noticed their intertextuality:

Take for example, the band Steps and their song 5678, which is a current fa-
vorite with year 4 girls (aged 8-9). With its repetition, word play, rhythm, non-
82 GRUGEON

sense language, intertextuality, reference to boyfriends and its dance routine,

it could be a clapping song. j

Overall, the trainees were noting similar media influences and commenting
on the extent to which these emerged in the children’s narrative games and
how these games reflected the “media discourse with which children inter-
act daily” (Marsh & Millard, 2000, p. 5).

2001-2002: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE

In 2001, the newcomer on the playground was Harry Potter. There had been
three sightings in different schools. The books were coming out thick and
fast, accompanied by very successful marketing and media hype. But the
release of the film at the end of the year meant a big change. In 2000
Pokémon was undoubtedly the favorite game. There were sightings in al-
most every school and much banning of the merchandise, cards, stickers,
and models. In 2001, there seemed to be not so much a tailing off, although
Pokémon was evidently less trendy, as a diversification with the arrival of
the similar Digimon and more diverse merchandise: card games, stickers,
and collectibles relating to different films and computer games. For the
girls, the major attraction was evidently the TV program Popstars and the
creation of the band Hearsay, while Beanie Babies and other small collect-
ibles also were very popular and appearing regularly on playgrounds. In
March 2002, WWF and Pokémon still were two of the most reported games.
However, they were outnumbered by games related to both the Harry Pot-
ter film and the books that both boys and girls were playing. These were re-
corded in 19 schools. Another change was the number of girls playing
games related to the TV Pop /Jdol program, recorded in nine schools. The
Disney film Monsters Inc. and various Playstation games also had a signifi-
cant impact.
In all these ways, the children’s playground games continued to reflect
different media promotions and merchandise. However, children are not
simply responding to these texts or events in a passive way. A look at what
the students have recorded shows the extent to which children from 4 to 11
years of age creatively absorb this material into their play culture, explor-
ing themes and issues that they make their own through imaginative narra-
tives. A look at what the children say and do shows the extent to which
these games, far from deadening their imagination, feed and extend possi-
bilities for new narratives.
In March 2002, Clare interviewed three 8-year-old boys:
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 83

Child 1: “Well, we get our ideas from Card Captors and Pokémon. ...Me
and Jacob had the idea of using transporters—like little ma-
chines, walking transfers.”
Child 2: “Transport us in the worlds ...”
Child 1: “... bringing the future into the world of dragons and back into
the present—into our normal world . .”
Child 3: “... and magical world.”
Clare: “What is it called?”
All: “Dragon Cards.”

Listening to them, Clare realized that these “cards” were entirely imaginary.
She writes: “They go on to describe how they fire arrows through the cards,
which unleash the dragons and allow them to battle with them.” She feels
that they have drawn upon a range of media influences here:

Card games such as Pokémon and Card Captors have inspired child 1 to come
up with a game that has similarities to those games mentioned, but with his
own imaginative input. They have produced imaginary cards of dragons with
varying powers. The three children all know what the different cards are and
what they do, without having actually to see them. They have given the
dragon cards names such as “Ghost Dragon,” “Thunder Dragon,” and “Ice
Dragon.” These represent the elements and what the children might class as
dangerous things. The idea of magical worlds comes from their different me-
dia experiences. The words they use clearly reflect these. Included in their
game is a city called “Diagon City,” which has been taken from Harry Potter.
Another of their interests is the TV program, Dungeons and Dragons. Their
game includes weapons, guardians, and creatures of power.

Interesting, all these are constituent parts of the archetypal myths that
have underpinned fantasy fiction from the oral tradition to Star Wars.

Clare: “Do you have any accessories, bits you need to play the game?”
Child 1: “Well, we need the cards.”
Child 2: “The stick that we use to fly on and we use to shoot the animals,
Child 1: ... and me and Jacob and John have just started a story ...”
Child 3: “... the Fairy Dragon.”
Child 1: “No, Ice Dragon—our first ever card is the Fairy Dragon, and our
second card ... is the Ghost Dragon.”
Clare: “Do you buy the cards?”
Child 1: “No, we pretend we have them.”
84 GRUGEON

Clare: “Oh, do you make them up?”

All: Yes
Child 1: “We find them—we can’t capture the champion levels, which
are Ice Dragon, Fire Dragon, or Lightning Dragon, because they
are more powerful than any card—so we have made up cards—
mine’s the Ghost Card.”
Child 3: “Mine’s the Demon Card.”
Clare: “Do you have those? Do you draw them out or do you pretend
you have got them?”
Child 1: “We pretend we’ve got them.”

As the transcript of this long discussion shows, the imaginative involve-

ment of these three boys in their game is impressive.

Clare: “And you made the whole thing up yourselves?”

Child 3: “Yep, with a few ideas from other things.”

This heightened involvement is illustrated by examples the trainees have

collected, and on which they frequently comment. Natasha writes:

Most prevalent on the playground were “pretend” games. They varied be-
tween those that used stories and characters obviously derived from popular
media and those that involved more of the children’s own imaginative con-
struction. The children were extremely keen and able to describe the narra-
tives of their games. They appeared to be very intense. There were many
games based directly on stories or themes taken from the media such as
Harry Potter, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, Blind Date and Pop Idol.

Natasha also observed boys absorbed in playing with James Bond cards:

These are collected from magazines, and play involves voluntary exchanging
and play for cards based upon strength and weapons described in each char-
acter’s profile. The game leads to discussion about characters, and there is a
great deal of competition about who knows more about the cards and also
the films. I found that boys would draw designs for computer games based on
the cards.

Many of the games required the players to have considerable knowledge to

enable them to construct games. Carla saw children playing “a narrative
game based on ideas from the Disney and Pixar film Monsters Inc. (2002).”
She felt that to create this game, the children needed to have a “sound
knowledge and understanding of the characters, setting, and plot to make it
into their own version.” She also noticed that “when playing the game, the
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 85

children were able to demonstrate clear comparisons between the good

and bad monsters through their use of language and actions.”

Child B: “You have sharp teeth and claws.”

Child C: “Yeah, like Randall. I like being him. He’s nasty and cheats and
changes color.”

Carla, like many others, also witnessed the role-playing of the very popular
2002 TV program, Pop Idol:

| interviewed a group of year 4 girls (ages 8-9 years) who were carrying out a
singing contest imitating the structure and content of Pop Idol.... The girls
took on roles of the TV personalities and popstars. They demonstrated a clear
understanding of the rules and structure of the game, allowing each contestant
to sing a song while the “judges” sensitively listened and gave support.

On another playground, Sonia observed the judges being less supportive:

Based on the talent-spotting television show, girls reenacted the audition, se-
lection, and rejection process of the contest. As in the show, the judges were
portrayed with certain personality traits. On one occasion, I witnessed a
“judge” criticizing a “contestant” with a continuous series of derogatory com-
ment. Interestingly, these were all in the form of similes, such as “Your voice
sounds like a strangled baboon,” and “Your hair is like the straw on a scare-
crow’s head.” As this was expected of the judge in question, the remarks were
taken in good part, and contestants were expected to react accordingly by ei-
ther leaving the “stage” in tears or stomping off.

Sonia noticed how the girls were enjoying playing with language in this way,
vying with each other to find alternative ways to describe performances,
using terms such as “incredible,” “unique,” and “outstanding.”

2003: HARRY POTTER, IRAQ, AND BEYBLADES

In 2003 a powerful media influence was sweeping the playgrounds that stu-
dents were visiting: the US/UK invasion of Iraq. Hiding places around the
periphery of playgrounds were being described as “bunkers.” A group of
girls carrying rolled up bundles in their arms told a student, “We are taking
our babies to the Anderson shelter. Our husbands have gone to the war.” In
another school, a group of boys and girls were playing a game that involved
falling from airplanes. And, inevitably, jokes were appearing. Mark reports
on the influence of the conflict in Iraq and of TV programs in March, 2003:
“Why are their no Iraqis in Star Trek?” “Because it’s set in the future.” And
Catherine discovered that in 2003 “the new craze is Beyblades. Forget
Pokémon, Beyblades is the new uprising fad.” She asked a group of boys
86 GRUGEON

how they played it, “and | was bombarded with comments about charac-
ters, toys, and lunch boxes.” She comments that Barratt, Bromley, and
Marsh (2000) believed that it is “this intertextuality that makes these prod-
ucts so exciting.” Catherine found that the boys were engrossed by it and
knew a lot of information from memory.

I was particularly impressed by their knowledge of character names as these

were so complex. Not only could they name the characters, they also were
taking on their roles. Through extensive knowledge of the cartoon program,
they became the Beyblades or the boys who own them.

Catherine also noticed a phenomenon that has emerged while the trainees
have been observing children’s play: The fad of 2000 may have vanished by
2003. As Ghostbusters and Power Rangers have given way to Pokémon and
Harry Potter, so Pokémon is threatened by Beyblades. Children evidently are
not simply being seduced by consumer capitalism, but have some power to
choose and manipulate the content of their play.

Catherine: “What are you playing?”

Boy A: “Beyblades.”
Catherine: “How do you play it?”
Boy B: “Have you seen the program on the telly?”
Catherine: “Is it like Pokémon?”
Boy A: “It has the same pictures but different people and fighters.”
Boy C: “We aren’t allowed to bring the toys to school. They are dan-
gerous.”
Boy B: “The Beyblades are round and you pull a long thing out and
they spin off. You aim at other ones in a battle and see who
wins.”
Boy C: “The people own the Beyblades and watch them fight .. .”
Boy A: “They have new names, not like Pokémon; it is much better.”
Boy D: “Yeah, my favorite is Master Dronza; he is really powerful
and wins lots. I'm going to be Ray and Master Dronza. Pow!
Pow!” [imitates throwing a Beyblade].
(Catherine, March, 2003)

CONCLUSION

Interviewing these children is giving Catherine an insight into the way they
engage with media texts and make them their own. The point of this small-
scale ethnographic research activity was to enable the trainees to experi-
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 87

ence firsthand the alternative literacies in which children engage outside

the classroom, and to consider how this might lead to broader literacy
practices in their teaching. The trainees involved in this research project
were observing and discussing the multimodal nature of children’s experi-
ence of media texts, in which “each story exists in a veritable cosmos of
texts all revolving around a core fiction” (Mackey, 2002, p. 31). Looking at
their pupils’ playground culture showed trainees how children deal imagi-
natively with “a wildly confusing textual world where technological and
commercial options press for ... attention” (Mackey, 2002, p. 38) and are
able to create versions that are meaningful to themselves.
This research also gave the trainees a chance to explore for themselves
the claims being made for the inclusion of popular culture in the primary
school curriculum (Mackey, 2002; Marsh, 2003; Millard, 2003). In this re-
spect, it helped them to take part in the wider debate about dominant liter-
acy practices within school, and to consider the existence of multiple
literacies and the need to look beyond the focus on print literacy, which
dominates their training. Lambirth (2003) suggested that

working with a unitary model of literacy, as contemporary curricula do, argu-

ably creates a danger that it will inevitably, implicitly ignore other literacy
practices that occur in homes, working places, and other social settings away
from the school. (p. 11)

Lambirth (2003) has found that teachers generally are wary about the inclu-
sion of popular culture texts in their teaching despite the very strong argu-
ments for more appropriate forms of literacy for the education of children
in the 21st century (Kress, 2003; Street, 2002). The evidence that the trainees
collected from the children on the playground gave them insight into the
pervasive influence of new technologies in their pupils’ lives and the extent
of their engagement with popular culture. Their analysis of their data will
act as a springboard for their own understanding of the extent to which, as
newly qualified teachers, they will need to address the “multiliteracies”
needed to function in the modern, media-saturated world. They will be
ready to consider Millard’s (2003) notion of a “transformative pedagogy,”
which proposes a model of literacy that effectively fuses children’s cultural
interests with the school requirements. This “literacy of fusion,” Millard
(2003) argued, “relies heavily on a teacher’s attentiveness to the interests
and skills brought into the classroom and their [sic] skill in helping children
transform what they already know into stuff that will give them agency in a
wider world and allow them to become more critical of their own and oth-
ers’ meanings” (p. 7).
The independent research of the trainee teachers has given them a start-
ing point. They have been particularly attentive to children’s interests.
88 GRUGEON

Their careful interviews show how creatively children interpret media texts
and take ownership of them. Seeing how children subvert media messages
and mock the texts they are using has helped the trainees to recognize that
children are hardly the passive recipients that adults often fear. The train-
ees also have become increasingly aware of ways in which teachers are ef-
fectively cutting themselves off from significant aspects of children’s every-
day lives by constantly banning media-based crazes, toys, and games from
school playgrounds. By the end of their research they can see that there is
a powerful argument for welcoming these. The activities the trainees have
observed and recorded are both multimodal and intertextual, ranging
across visual, audiovisual, and verbal media forms. They are a reflection of
the “integrated marketing” that characterizes children’s contemporary me-
dia culture. Schools have a task ahead of them if they are to address the
multiliteracies needed to function in the modern media-saturated world.
The trainees involved in this playground research hopefully are better pre-
pared to take on this challenge.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The author thanks all the members of the De Montfort University Year 3 Pri-
mary B Ed. Language in Education course, 2000-2003.

REFERENCES

Barratt, K., Bromley, H., & Marsh, J. (2000). Playing with Pokémon. The Primary English Magazine,
C2) Gale:
Bishop, J., & Curtis, M. (Eds.). (2000). Play today in the primary school playground; Life, learning,
and creativity. Buckingham: The Open University Press.
Bromley, H. (2002). Meet the Simpsons. The Primary English Magazine, 7, 7.
Dyson, A. H. (2001). Where are the childhoods in childhood literacy? An exploration in outer
(school) space. Journal of Early Childhood Literacy, 1, 1.
Grugeon, E. (2000). Girls’ playground language and lore: What sort of texts are these? In E.
Bearne & V. Watson (Eds.), Where texts and children meet (pp. 98-112). London: Routledge.
Keaney, B., & Lucas, B. (1994). Looking at language. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University
Press.
Kress, G. (2003). Literacy in the new media age. London: Routledge.
Lambirth, A. (2003). They get enough of that at home: Understanding aversion to popular cul-
ture in schools. READING Literacy and Language, 37(1), 9-13.
Mackey, M. (2002). Extreme literacies and contemporary readers. English in Education, 36(2).
Marsh, J. (1999). Teletubby tales: Popular culture and media education. In J. Marsh & E. Hallet
(Eds.), Desirable literacies (pp. 153-174). London: Sage.
Marsh, J. (2003). Contemporary models of communicative practice: Shaky foundations in the
foundation stage? English in Education, 37(1).
6. FROM POKEMON TO POTTER 89

Marsh, J., & Millard, E. (2000). Literacy and popular culture: Using children’s culture in the class-
room. London: RGP.
Millard, E. (2003). Towards a literacy of fusion: New times, new teaching, and learning? READING
Literacy and Language, 371), 3-8.
Moyles, J. (Ed.). (1994). The excellence of play. Buckingham, England: The Open University Press.
Neumark, V. (2000). Times Educational Supplement Primary Magazine, Spring.
Opie, I. (1993). The people in the playground. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Opie, I., & Opie, P. (1959). The lore and language of schoolchildren. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Simatos, A., & Spencer, K. (1992). Children and media. Liverpool: Manutius Press.
Street, B. (2002). Literacy and development. London: Routledge.
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The Internet Playgroul 0

Ellen Seiter

Computers often evoke strong feelings in parents. On the one hand, there is
a tangle of generational and class values, and on the other a desire to re-
cruit children’s play for vocational training. At first computers appeared to
be the ultimate fulfillment of adult desires to see play turned to a purpose-
ful end, to use play for progress and child development—all this without
children noticing the beneficial effects. Computers and the exploration of
the Internet would make learning fun for children highly motivated by their
intrinsic aptitude for computers.
For upper middle-class parents anxious about increasing workplace
competition, computers apprentice children to a lucrative, employable OF
ture as competent professionals of the digital age. Working-class parent
therefore saw in their children’s computer use the promise of white-collar
employment. Politicians and school reformers placed their bets on comput-
ers to save the messy and unpredictable system of public education. New
technologies promised to streamline the business of education, virtually
teacher-proofing the classroom.
All these attempts to harness children’s fascination with computers for
instruction epitomized adult efforts to recruit play for progress, for the fu-
fice.Ontheother hand, chilaven’s Interests, Habits;andabilities intheon
line environment became the subject of intense interest by marketers.
Hardware and software companies promoted the idea that children, with
their instinctive attraction to computers and their admirable lack of
technophobia, would be the gateway into homes. Children could convince

93
 94 SEITER

parents to buy the hardware (and update it frequently so it would be suit-

able for the latest technical advances in gaming), subscribe to Internet ser-
vice providers, and buy an extra telephone line or a DSL connection.
However, children circumvented the seriousness of parental plans for
computer usage. At computer labs installed at high cost in public schools
across the United States, children feign doing homework while playing
games, e-mailing one another, cruising the Web, and circumventing the (of
ten highly arbitrary) filtering software. At home, children convert the com-
puter into a toy, thus recruiting it for “the empowerment of play rather than
as teaching machines that can replace what parents want their children to
learn” (Sutton-Smith, 1997, p. 145). Actually, the computer is much closer to
use
cetbe
a television set, used by children to peruse popular music, fashion, toys,
fous
ebtdlrexs
video games, television celebrities, sports, and gossip.
Children’s pursuit of play with and through computers was readily as-
sisted by the host of entrepreneurs who entered the business of selling to
children in the 1990s. Firms large and small envisioned grand schemes of
reaching parents’ pocketbooks through their children. These entrepre-
neurs probably had a more realistic idea than parents or even school ad-
ministrators of what children actually would do with computers, that is,
play with them.
Nevertheless, the entrepreneurs made many strategic errors, for in-
stance, in predicting that children’s impulse spending habits could be re-
cruited for online retailers, and that teens would desert the mall for their
computer screens. The vast majority of these firms have gone under. But
their commercial ventures helped shift parents’ and children’s perception
of the domestic computer from that of a learning tool to that of an enter-
tainment appliance.

PLAY IN THE COMPUTER LAB

In 1999, the author founded an open computer lab in an urban, working-

class elementary school in southern California. For the past 3 years, she has
observed children’s play on the Web from the lab’s 15 imac computers with
high-speed Internet access.
The author teaches an after-school class 4 to 5 hr each week in which
students write, research, and photograph news stories for a community
newspaper. Because they do a great deal of our research for stories on the
‘Web, the first idea for writing that comes to the children usually is some as-
pect of the entertainment industries.' Play on computers is the hook that

'For a discussion of attempts to shift children’s attention from entertainment topics to local
news reporting, see the author’s journal article, Children Reporting On-Line: The Cultural Poli-
tics of the Computer Lab, Television and New Media, (2004, May).
7. THE INTERNET PLAYGROUND 95

draws children to the free class. Nearly 150 students ages 8 to 11 years have
attended since the program began. The school is under fire with the super-
intendent as a so-called low-performing school, so the teachers rarely have
time for computer class. The principal prefers that they stick to matters “di-
rectly related to academic achievement”—that is, improved scores on stan-
dardized tests (Seiter, forthcoming).
Fewer than 10% of the children in the after-school class have functioning
computers at home, and even fewer have Internet access. Many of the par-
ents make sacrifices to ensure that their child is available for the class each
week. Unfamiliar with computers themselves, and repeatedly refusing any
invitations to enter the lab or get a demonstration of the equipment, they
are nonetheless very anxious that their children know the technology. The
author designed the course with the intention of extending children’s un-
derstanding of software beyond game playing to more sophisticated tools
of expression such as digital imaging, layout, and word processing. It also
was an effort to bridge the digital divide by bringing some resources of the
university into communities in which few children consider college to be
even a remote possibility.
At least half of the class time is spent by the children enjoying open ac-
cess to the Internet through a T-1 (high-speed) line. To the surprise of most
of the students, open play and exploration is encouraged, and students en-
joy free, unlimited use of a laser printer. Five generalizations can be made
about the nature of these children’s play with computers, based on obser-
vations, interviews, and daily fieldnotes collected between 1999 and 2002:

1. Browsing the Web is the consistent activity of choice over using in-
stalled software on the computer, which included games such as Bugdom,
and other CD-ROM games. About 20% of the students preferred to work in
KidPix, a versatile, well-designed art program.
2. Television holds the tightest connection to the Internet in the chil-
dren’s minds. This is reflected in their favorite sites, which largely corre-
spond to television channels (Disney, Fox Kids, Kids WB, Nick, and MTV) or
to programs (Rug Rats, Charmed, Digimon, Dragonball Z, X-Men, and World-
wide Wrestling Federation).
3. Children locate new Web sites through word of mouth rather than
search engines, portals, or banners. Despite the fact that few of the children
had online access outside the class, they frequently heard about new Web
sites or newly available features of familiar Web sites. Their information shar-
ing about Web sites appeared to be highly efficient. They often knew about
Web sites such as neopets.com (discussed later) before the author had heard
about them in the press. Often, children entered the class with a destination in
mind, and once a couple of children visited a new site and found it fun or inter-
esting, news of it spread through the class within minutes.
96 SEITER

4. All the favorite sites were those with video and audio streaming as well
as the capability of handling large amounts of traffic. Students often suc-
ceeded in downloading a variety of plug-ins—with no formal instruction of
any kind but lots of peer tutoring—to view and hear video clips. Videos of fa-
vorite wrestlers screaming threats or come-ons have been perennial favor-
ites, as have music videos of female pop stars, especially Jennifer Lopez,
Christina Aguilera, Aaliyah, and Destiny’s Child. Some of the students’ most
expert manipulations of the technology were manifest in these activities,
which they learned from one another.
5. Game playing was the preferred activity of younger students. Older
students, or those who had attended for more than 1 year, gravitated toward
fan activities. Printing out pictures of favorite singers, actors, or wrestlers—
to be used for bedroom displays—was the most avidly and excitedly pursued
activity. The computer seemed to function as a transitional object, moving
children from playing with toys and games (e.g., collecting Digimon cards or
Barbie images) to pursuing media-based fan activities. For children such as
these, with very little disposable income, the Internet provided the equiva-
lent of teen magazines and fan club materials that were intensely sought af-
ter and prized.

In this chapter, the author considers two popular web activities that con-
stitute forms of children’s play: one pursued at the lab and one unavailable
to children without an e-mail address, such as those in the author’s class.
What can these examples tell us about likely future efforts to make money
from children’s use of the Web? How will the digital divide affect children’s
access to preferred forms of play online? The first example in this chapter is
neopets.com, a popular and profitable role-playing game, which stood out as
the exception to the rule of TV-driven Web materials (no television cartoon
exists for the concept, although Viacom has contracted to make video games
featuring the characters). The author first heard about the neopets Web site
in June of 2000 (the site was commercially launched in February 2000), when
the children in her class picked it up as a favorite site. The second example is
Instant Messaging, the peer-to-peer chat software that is wildly popular
among teens, and spreading rapidly to younger children—those with an
Internet connection at home and fixed e-mail addresses.

NEOPETS

Whereas entrepreneurs have despaired of capturing the children’s market

on the Web, and hundreds of Web sites have gone under since the mid-
1990s, the business press repeatedly praises neopets.com as a model for fu-
ture efforts. Neopets constitutes one of the most successful—and one of the
“stickiest”—Web sites yet designed. According to recent accounts, 30% of
7. THE INTERNET PLAYGROUND 97

U.S. tweens (8 to 12-year-olds) rank neopets.com as their top site, followed

by Warnerbros.com and Cartoonnetwork.com. In Canada it is the number
one destination for male teens, who spend an average of 576 minutes each
month on the site, and it is the second favorite site for girls after MSN Mes-
senger (Dennis, 2002).
In June 2002, the community of neopets owners was estimated at 32 mil-
lion. Among its members, 39% are 12 years of age or younger, 40% are 13 to
17 years of age, and 21% are older than 18 years (Winding, 2002).
The geography of neopets.com is dense and complex. The site is
scaffolded like a video game, in which the investment of many hours of play
is rewarded by qualitatively different levels of access to the game. As an on-
line environment, neopets includes such proven favorite activities on the
Web as gambling, simulation games, and competition against anonymous
online gamers. A staff of 30 game designers updates and monitors the con-
tent each day.
Neopets is a role-playing game, in which players own creatures that are
part Tamagotchi and part Pokémon. They also are highly reminiscent of My -
Little Pony and its many imitators (Seiter, 1993). Each pet has a cute name
and body (owing much to anime, although the original material was de-
signed by British college students), and comes with a variable set of traits,
which range from their fighting abilities to their health and personality.
Neopets closely modeled Pokémon’s strategies for cross-gender appeal.
Neopets players may gravitate toward caretaking and adoption or abandon-
ment and neglect; assume pleasing, friendly behaviors or mean and nasty
ones; and accumulate points through combat or shopping.
When players log on to neopets, they navigate a series of worlds embed-
ded in the game where they can gain points to expand their collection of
pets, buy food or services for their pets, or engage in combat with other
pets. The worlds resemble a Tolkien story crossed with a theme park: The
Lost Desert, Tyrannia, Faerieland, Terror Mountain, Mystery Island,
Virtupets Space Station, or Haunted Woods. In each world there are stores
and games. The stores stock food and accessories that can be acquired
through purchase with neopoints, or can be bid for, as in an e-Bay auction.
Players themselves host the stores, and much of the fascination in the game
has to do with trading assets player to player. Neopets players can estab-
lish their own online store offering accessories and treats for their neopets.
These take the form of pet pets, toys and games for their pets, or even
books to read to them. At this much deeper level of play, product place-
ment occurs. For example, neopet owners can acquire Capri Sun drinks to
feed their pets, or Hot Wheels cars or Diva Starz dolls for their play.
Neopets offers games in the form of puzzles, action, or a category termed
“Luck/Chance.” The aspect of neopets closest to Pokémon—the old-
fashioned way of winning points in video games-—is participation in battle
 98 SEITER

sites, in which a neopet is placed in competition against a single combatant,

and the player, choosing from a store of weapons, moves, or skills, at-
tempts to win the game. For players uninterested in combat and those lack-
ing the lore and strategy to succeed in battle, points can be earned by view-
ing advertising, and this usually allows the player to gain many more points
than could be had playing a game. The simplest approach is to visit Web
sites for Cartoon Network, for recently released films, or for various retail
items and services, such as comparison shopping portals. For example, a
visit to the Spy Kids theater (produced by Cartoon Network’s parent com-
pany) may gain a player 250 points. But a visit to a comparison shopping
Web site, in which the required task is to get prices for three different elec-
= © tronic devices (digital cameras, MP3 players, and DVD players) can earn a
py}*S player 1,650 points.
; As a business enterprise, neopets is selling information about the chil-
S Y dren and young adults who are its fans instead of selling a media product it-
g self. The more information a user surrenders, the better she or he is posi-
a tioned to play the game, to publish fan drawings, stories, or poems, and to
— gain neopoints.
More lucrative exercises require divulging more data. Neopets.com re-
wards those who disclose personal information (address, zip code, tele-
phone number, e-mail address) and consumer preferences (answers to
polls; choices of name, color, and style; desirable sweepstakes prizes). Sur-
veys offered on a regular basis collect information about age, gender, loca-
tion, use of the Internet, and frequency of candy consumption. In one recent
survey worth 800 points, kids were asked to name their favorite lollipops,
select from a list of brands those they had heard of, and then describe “how
they would feel” about having a new kind of Starburst lollipop on neopets.
At the end of the survey, the participants are thanked “for helping make
neopets a better place.”
Another way of gaining neopoints is through gambling or games identi-
fied as “Luck/Chance.” All kinds of games of chance have been adapted for
Neopia: poker, blackjack, kino, bingo, roulette, slots, and lottery. Neopets,
6 like hundreds of other Web promotions, introduces children to the pleas-
UL re ures of gambling long before they would be legally able to enter a Las Vegas
casino. Yet when they go to Las Vegas, they are likely to visit gaming pal-
x! aces owned by Nintendo, hotels owned by the parent or partner companies
of Cartoon Network, and casinos operated by the same conglomerates that
F dominate the children’s media industry. Eased restrictions on gambling in
the United States have produced one of the largest growth sectors of the
Vs U.S. entertainment industry. Their presence is very visible on the Web. Pop-
up banners for card play and casino games appear on the children’s
screens every time they search the Web in the author’s computer lab. To
see neopets’ development of this type of game playing on its site is to watch
 7. THE INTERNET PLAYGROUND 99

the recruitment of the next generation of gamblers—one of the “killer apps”

of the Internet—as much as it is to see kids recruited for watching cartoons
on TV.
Neopets e€ same ulsion to play that ha
_ ized video games, causin h_a_ concern for adults. As in Pokémon ean
and silver versions, neopets undergoes changes while a player is logged off,
including sickening from neglect and becoming obstinate about followin
commands in battle. New materials and new games are posted daily, and .
players soon recognize that playing at less popular times of the day will be
rewarded with greater ease in gaining points, or better access to specially |
prized areas in the Web site. Thus, neopets rewards daily, obsessive play in :
a myriad of ways.
Meanwhile, Advertising Age commissioned neopets to carry out a study *
of the Internet compared with television and impressions of advertising. ip
Neopets also has trademarked the concept of “immersive advertising.” It
boasts Kraft foods, Nabisco, Proctor and Gamble, Disney, Universal, and
Warner Brothers as its clients, and calls itself the “leading online global -
youth network.” For its clients, neopets offers extensive tracking of brand
awareness and adoption of its virtual premiums through pre- and post-
campaign market research. A pleased Mattel executive remarked: “It’s usu-
.
>
| i
b.
ally impossible to measure the exact effect of online initiatives but [these] 7]
data show you exactly how your brand is doing” (Winding, 2002). In its ca-
pacity as a market researcher, neopets projects that young people spend .
12.1 hr on the Internet per week as compared with 7.5 hours watching tele ww

vision, that the Internet is preferred as a more engaging and less passive ex-
perience than television, but that it prefers advertising messages on televi-
sion. Green, the CEO of neopets, also has now signed Viacom to begin
producing neopets videogames and books (PR Newswire, 2002).
Neopets has been attacked by Ralph Nader’s Commercial Alert for offen-
sive tactics, but it is on the offensive in response to critics, citing its tech-
niques as better than banner advertising (which no one will pay for any-
way), and claiming that advertising represents “less than 1% of the site’s
content.” As the CEO claims,

Look at Saturday Morning television; the show lasts for 22 minutes, and 8 min-
utes of that is commercials. Our appeal is that there is so much content and it’s
all free—but we stay in business because of our advertisers.

The press release quotes one fan’s response to criticisms of immersive ad-
vertising: “This is better than blatant and ugly banner advertising!” (Wein-
traub, 2001).
Neopets was the favorite Web site of many students in the author’s com-
puter class. The children most interested in neopets were girls who also
had Internet access at home and were spurred on in their efforts to gain
 100 SEITER

prestigious pets or possessions in the virtual environment by the accom-

plishments of a 19-year-old sibling. This sister, now moved away from
home, was a source of great pride. The siblings showed off their sister’s
neopets store and worked hard (because navigating neopets can be time
consuming as players wait to gain access to high-trafficked areas in the site)
to display her certificates and artwork on the site.
This intense personal connection to neopets was highly motivating for
the children. Looking at the site, the author is stunned at the embedded ad-
3 vertising and the commercial audacity evident in some of the schemes for

q
gaining points. When the children in the author’s class look at the site, they
primarily see opportunities for victory, fame, and fortune in a fan commu-
nity. After some reflection on why her reactions were so different from
=>
those of her students, the author realized that she should ask the children
A straight
=
out why they thought neopets.com existed. To her surprise, the
students almost universally agreed that neopets was just the cool idea of a
lone individual who wanted others to share in the fun. Each child in the
class had the same answer, more or less: Neopets was there because some-
body somewhere had made up something neat, had a good idea and put it

7 onthewebTor urEHOWMERt TheirImage ofthecreator wasthat ofapr

vate hobbyist. Their high level of involvement helped to dull their aware-

‘
ness of the commercialism. As one ratings analyst said, in praising the site,
wtcud
advert.
“As a user, you're creating part he content, and so you feel a personal,
Chiba
uct
oveye
’ = emotional connection to it” (Weintraub, 2001).
As part of the author’s research, she has polled about 150 elementary
school students about advertising on neopets.com. She has done so with
children from affluent and poor backgrounds, in informal and in school set-
tings. She sends children to the Web site and challenges them to be the first
to find any advertising.
At the inner-city site where the author teaches, the students unani-
mously concluded at first that there was no advertising on neopets. These
children are alert to all aspects of television advertising, and cynical about
the motives of TV advertisers. At the next class meeting, the author explic-
itly identified sponsorship and product placement as things she considered
to be advertising. Several children then became very engaged in the exer-
cise of locating ads, printing out dozens of pages with product mentions
buried deep within the games.
At the affluent, suburban elementary school, the children immediately
identified the flashing banners as examples of advertising. They found no
other examples, however, even after searching for 15 minutes.
Both groups of children answered “no” to the question “does it cost
money to produce neopets?” All the children envisioned the creator of
neopets as a lone individual whose costs did not exceed that of the per-
sonal computer used to make the Web site.
7. THE INTERNET PLAYGROUND 101

INSTANT MESSAGING

Instant Messaging is a software program that allows the user to “invite

friends and family to a personal chat and keep track of them online.” Ori-
ginally Instant Messaging was a feature available only to America Online
(AOL) subscribers. Then AOL decided to release the software, although not
the open source code, to anyone with an Internet connection, including
non-AOL subscribers. Between 1999 and 2002, children and teens elabo-
rated | ing into many forms clearly recognizable as play that x!

i
go far beyond si conversation. These include disguise and imperson-
ation, hide-and-go-seek (switching screen names to elude others), and prac-
tical j as well as the more typical playground behaviors of posturi
teasing, and gossiping. Instant Messaging also is a group activity, both eh
real space—as children team up together in front of a computer screent
send messages to others—and in cyberspace, where dozens of chats ar.
handled simultaneously by adept users (whose typing skills are prodi b
gious).
Instant Messaging is much more than simple e-mailing because of the nu-
ances and possibilities for game playing realized through simultaneous one-
on-one conversations with large groups. As practiced most expertly by
teenage girls, Instant Messaging is reminiscent of a world run more like a
theater than like everyday life:

Children play the parts of stage managers, directors, and actors all at the
same time, moving freely about the parts as they get ready to put together
their own shows for themselves, and even if the show never gets off the
ground, all of these activities are known to them as their play or their games.
(Sutton-Smith, 1997, p. 152)

This description is taken from Brian Sutton-Smith’s (1997) account of fan- :

tasy play, but it touches upon the core of Instant Messagi h enga §
in it have established an autonomous culture of play, in which spe - -
guages and forms of expression, elaborate protocols of turn-taking, ‘tia >
tion and termination, dares, pranks, and masquerading under assumed
identities are regular features. The special appeal stems in part from the
ability to say things young people feel too inhibited to say in face-to-face
conversation while the youth appear casual and spontaneous as they do so.
Further excitement is added by the ability to see everyone on one’s buddy
list who currently is online. As Ostrom (2001) pointed out, “You just can’t
pick up the phone and see who’s talking.” According to Clifford (2001), 40%
of teen users report using Instant Messaging to say something they do not
want to say in person.
102 SEITER

Instant Messaging seems to be functioning in a way that both facilitates

interaction between boys and girls and disrupts cliques. Popular girls and
nerdy boys find themselves in conversation much more often than is typi-
cal at school. Profiling—the linking of personal web pages to “buddy lists”—
allows others to eavesdrop on the thoughts, tastes, inside jokes, proclivi-
ties, favorite quotes, and gossip of others, often providing an easy entrée
into conversation.
Instant Messaging has speedily closed the “digital gender gap” that was
the subject of such concern in the 1990s (Cassells & Jenkins, 1999). It has
proved to be far more successful than the numerous forays into “pink soft-
ware” by entrepreneurial feminists? and special interest sites targeting girls.
If boys often were driven by their interest in video gaming to seek out the
Web, girls remained a recalcitrant market for computer games, not because
they do not enjoy playing games, but because they do not wish to spend
their money on them, preferring instead to invest in music, makeup,
clothes, and magazines.
As much as online gaming is now seen as the most potentially profitable
Internet enterprise, it involves only a fraction of the youth involved in
Instant Messaging. In summer 2001, the Pew Internet and American Life
Project reported that 70% of teenagers with Internet access use Instant Mes-
saging. Moreover, 70% of the teens who use it do so several times a week.
The users of Instant Messaging now number more than 115 million (Barken,
2002).
Instant Messaging is extremely popular with teens, particularly those
who spend the most hours online, and with girls. There is something hope-
ful about the runaway success of Instant Messaging, because it represents
millions of children flocking to the Web for an activity that truly is interac-
tive and noncommercial. To date, the only incursion of advertising into this
realm has been the presence of a single banner ad on the top of the buddy
list. Unlike neopets.com, which requires children to pay for their fun either
by learning about brands or answering questions about their preferences,
the Instant Messaging environment has been “free.” However, its users also
are a more attractive demographic segment than normal Web browsers,
and hence of interest to marketers. They tend to be those with home
Internet connections, speedier connections, and more regularly updated
hardware and software.
Instant Messaging is a middle-class phenomenon. It requires a computer
at home and an online connection from home because the computer’s ad-
dress is registered with the provider. Originally, a service just for AOL sub-

*For a discussion of the business strategies and the politics behind the girls’ games move-
ment, see Justine Cassells and Henry Jenkins (Eds.), From Barbie to Mortal Kombat: Gender
and
Computer Games. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999.
7. THE INTERNET PLAYGROUND 103

scribers, it currently is available through AOL/Instant Messenger to anyone

who downloads the software.
The children at the author’s computer lab are blocked from this kind of
participation in online leisure activities by a variety of factors. Their par-
ents do not qualify for a credit card; they do not have a working computer
at home with sufficient speed to handle the latest software; or installment
plan buying of computers is not available to their parents (Regional Tech-
nology Alliance, 2001). Because AIM requires the registration of a specific
computer in a fixed location, doesn’t work from public or classroom com-
puters, which regularly post signs “no e-mail,” “no chat,” “no games.” Work-
ing-class girls do not have a community of friends who also are online from
home. Computer usage of this kind exists within the physical and social di-
mensions of family life, and these circumstances are dramatically different
between working-class girls and their middle-class peers.
In 1999, AOL extended the “free ride” of Instant Messaging to nonsub-
scribers, knowing that building its base, collecting millions of e-mail ad-
dresses, and gaining dominance for its brand of software would prove to be
valuable at a later date. Marketers are watching the Instant Messaging phe-
nomenon very closely, envisioning ways to introduce advertising and prod- —
uct mentions into personal conversations. Icons are offered free to users so
they can decorate their message boxes with an animation from the latest
(Warner Brothers) movie release. To date, the most successful attempt to
incorporate advertising is infiniteprofiles.com, a site that provides addi-
tional space for personalized web pages, but flashes pop-up ads over the
profile when it is looked up. Instant Messaging includes a feature that al-
lows individuals to include more text on a separate page. Typically, these
features are used by kids and teens to write “inside jokes,” to quote song
lyrics, or to record diary-type entries (the “away messages” function in a
similar fashion). Subsidiary Web sites now offer extended space for these
profiles, which many kids update on a daily basis. Once on the subsidiary
site, pop-up ads proliferate.
Other attempts to commercialize AIM include providing commercial
“buddies” or add-on software that allows buddies to observe which Web
sites their friends currently are visiting. Pilots for commercial buddies have
included the band Radiohead and the brand Eddie Bauer. The idea is that
the personal joking responses of a computer-generated buddy would be hu-
morous enough to be considered an inoffensive intrusion, and that they
must be actively downloaded by the participants. The CEO of the venture,
Active Buddy, claims to be sensitive to the personal nature of Instant
Messaging. Although in “the forefront of the expansion of Instant Messaging
from a private to a commercial space,” the CEO wants “to protect the space
and keep it consumer friendly,” saying “it has to be totally 100% opt in”
(Guernsey, 2001). “Fatbubble” is one example of such add-on surveillance
 104 SEITER

software. “Friends can then discuss or ridicule the sites their peers are vis-
iting or share Web addresses or otherwise make social the solitary activity
of Web surfing” (Zippern, 2001). Similar to handheld devices using GPS tech-
nology to map the whereabouts of mobile customers or friends, these appli-
cations constitute a sort of high-tech stalking. As television scholar Mark
Andrejevic (2003) has argued, in reality television programs and the culture
of the Internet, tolerance—even enthusiastic embrace—of surveillance is a
strong current in contemporary popular culture. Instant Messaging does in-
crease everyone’s tolerance for surveillance. When one is on, who one
might be talking to, and where one is surfing the Web are no longer secret
information.
Unlike education researchers, who are pressured to quantify results of
dren’s engagement with computers, play researchers can take solace in
the forms of activity children seek out on the Web, properly recognizing
these as more social, more subterranean, and less goal oriented than adults
might like them to be. Partly because of developmental psychology’s domi-
nance as a model, childhood experts insist on seeing play as a kind of linear
progress, as a prelude to real work. But play theorists have made a point of
elaborating the ways that children’s activities do not really measure up to
simple models of imitation. In their provocative book, Theorizing Childhood,
Allison James, Chris Jenks and Alan Prout (1998) have commented that
“while it is clear that play provides the opportunity for children to rehearse
future adult roles, ... how this occurs is less well explained.” Thus,
although children’s play might be regarded as one context within which
rot children learn about future adult social roles, it may be through novel or in-
novative forms that this knowledge is acquired. Neopets and Instant
Messaging represent new forms of play with technology that appear to be
deeply gratifying to children, yet also leave them newly vulnerable to com-
mercial exploitation.

CONCLUSION: NICE PLAY IF YOU CAN AFFORD IT

How will the shakedown in the Internet economy affect children’s access to
the Internet and its possibilities for play? As computer usage moves increas-
ingly to a model in which the Internet is used to serve up the necessary soft-
ware and databases on an as-needed basis, families with children may find
that the Internet connection from the home is a more important enabling fea-
ture than the type of hardware one owns. For the working-class children who
attend the author’s computer lab, possession of a high-speed Internet line
from home is virtually an impossible dream. Even if Internet appliances re-
place computers and reduce the initial costs of purchase;.contracts with
phone companies for DSL lines or cable companies for high-speed cable ser-
7. THE INTERNET PLAYGROUND 105

vice are priced far beyond the means of these families (and there is no inten-
tion of wiring their neighborhoods for cable services because of the low-
income demographics). The parents of these children can only intermittently
afford to keep a single telephone landline in use, or to pay the TV cable bill.
The obstacles are threefold, involving tight household budgets, difficulty ne-
gotiating with the utility providers when English is a second language, and a
high rate of transience. The latter is commonplace as these families move be-
tween apartments to beat the bill collectors, or need to move in with friends
or relatives during a period of unemployment or debt.
In the United States, computer access for poor children and children of
color through public facilities such as the author’s lab is rapidly dwindling,
a phenomenon now referred to as “digital red-lining” (Tomsho, 2002). Presi-
dent George Bush, after drastically cutting the budget for community tech-
nology centers, issued a series of proclamations that the digital divide was
nothing but a myth, despite the fact that Internet connections in wealthy
schools outnumber those in high-poverty schools by a ratio of two to one
(Low-income students, 2001). The Bush administration abandoned the
Clinton—Gore position on new technologies. The Federal Communications
Commission chair, Michael Powell, compared the digital divide to “a
Mercedes divide”: “I'd like to have one, I can’t afford one” (Bridis, 2001). By
2002, the state of California suffered staggering deficits, a result of the sky-
rocketing prices for energy charged by Enron and its subsidiaries before
scandal and bankruptcy broke out. The 2003 California deficit exceeded the
annual payroll of the entire state employee system. Obviously, school fund-
ing and technology access initiatives will be decimated as a result. The bust
of the Internet economy means that philanthropic efforts to bridge the digi-
tal divide have evaporated. Thus, the Internet playground soon will be ex-
clusively available to those who can pay for private access.
In other words, working-class children have little chance of enjoying
computer and Internet access that is residential and high speed, the kind
that facilitates music downloading, online gaming, or Instant Messaging.
And while these activities seem like nothing more than play, we know that
they are vital to social inclusion. This is what is more important about chil-
dren’s computer use than simply learning keyboarding or how to save and
delete files. As education researcher Mark Warschauer (2003) pointed out:
“What is at stake is not access to ICT [Information Communication Technol-
ogy] in the narrow sense of having a computer on the premises, but rather
in a much wider sense of being able to use ICT for personally or sociall
meaningful ends” (p. 65). Instant Messaging undoubtedly strengthens social
and community bonds among some groups of children, but it more force-
fully excludes them than other social institutions have done.
The benefits gained from children’s play with computers are indirect. It
is true that children learn basic computer skills extremely rapidly, some-
 106 SEITER

times after only a couple of hours. Computers are highly motivating to

children, which is why boys who actively resist ever playing the part of
the good student and who would never have gotten off their skateboards
long enough to return to school after hours if it were not for Internet ac-
cess, nevertheless attended the author’s lab faithfully, some of them for
several years.
Working-class children have as much right to play on computers as mid-
dle-class children. The teachers at the author’s school complain bitterly
that parents buy their children video game consoles when they do not have
a computer or many books at home. The logic here is that there is no need
for fun and play if you are poor and if you are performing poorly at school.
This is a point to which play researchers in particular need to be especially
sensitive as budget cutbacks relegate children at low-performing schools to
a relentless, mind-numbing back-to-basics curriculum, without computers.
When children get their hands on computers, they generally turn out to be
very good at using them, because their openness to play with the machines
allows them to learn much that eludes adults. Web sites such as neopets,
like video games, only less costly, reward tinkering, strategizing, obsessive
play, and absorption.
Ignorance about the commercial nature of the Web among children is
rampant, not in the sense that they do not understand advertising or prod-
uct placement, but in that they cannot see how monitoring and profiling
data mining can be a business in and of itself. The most intense marketing
activities on the Web occur at this more abstract level, making the activities
associated with television (host-selling, deceptive advertising, product
placement, and sweepstakes and premiums) seem quite straightforward. In
the case of “free” sites such as neopets and Barbie.com, which are easily ac-
cessible through public access sites, children need to understand the full
romiications of2rand awareness, retai/ markups forbranded items, and
the mercenary uses 0 enthusiasm (Clark, 2003). We need.to think of
Vulucretble
new ways to teach children about the Internet and the information econ-
omy. Clearly, neopets has successfully offered children a range of activities
and a level of complexity they find compelling, and probably has done
much to attract girls to the pleasures of role-playing and simulation games.
But neopets is not free, and adults have a responsibility to help children un-
derstand this fact.
Children with the luxury of the high-end residential setup need to be
aware of how much information they are leaving behind about themselves,
whether through music downloading systems, which monitor all web traffic
through cookies planted on consumer’s hard drives, or through customized
web pages. The author has learned to make a point of regularly asking chil-
dren in her class what is abbreviated in “dot com.” To date, not a single
7. THE INTERNET PLAYGROUND 107

child has known the answer. Several children responded that “com” stands
for “community,” a completely understandable mistake, if a dismaying one,
given the hype about the nature of human relationships on the Web. If we
call on children’s sense of fair play as citizens, we may raise a generation
who not only are very, very good at computers—having learned much that
eludes adults through their play with them—but also can imagine and even
demand uses for the Web beyond making money.
Considering computers as toys helps us focus on a theoretical gap in our
understanding of the relation between play and adult roles. Computers re- 2
mind us that play, in Brian Sutton-Smith’s (1997) terms, is about transforma- 6 g f.
tion as much as it is about imitation and repetition (pp. 136-137), Despite7~
adult attempts to domesticate, devalue, or disempower children’s use of €
computers, play turns out to be a very good way of getting very good at
computers. It is nice play if you can afford it.

e
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Wall Street Journal, Online.
Cassells, J., & Jenkins, H. (1999). From Barbie to Mortal Kombat: Gender and computer games. Cam-
bridge, MA: MIT Press.
Clark, L. S. (2003). Challenges of social good in the world of Grand Theft Auto and Barbie at the
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14.
 GeHcASP TEER

8
The Internet and Adolescents:
The Present and Future
of the Information Society

Magdalena Albero-Andrés

In recent years, various studies examining the way children use the new
means of communication have expressed concern for the possible effects
that these tools might have on their development (Buckingham, 1999;
Livingstone, 2001; Sefton-Greer, 1999). In common with earlier studies of
television, many of these reports contrast the percentage of use for these
new technologies with those of more established systems (Johnson-
Smaragdi, D’Haenens, Krotz, & Hasebrink, 1998; Livingstone, 1998; Van der
Voort et al., 1998), discuss the ways that children might be protected from
the violence present on the Internet and in computer games (Magrid, 1998;
Oswell, 1999), and analyze how schools might use these new technologies
to help teachers and pupils in the teaching-learning process (Albero-
Andrés, 2001; Buckingham, 1998). In analyzing the way that children and ad-
olescents use the Internet, there is also a tendency to see this technology
as an ideal vehicle for developing skills of reasoning, creativity, and com-
munication (Castells, 2001; Tapscott, 1998). In general, however, the re-
search takes a rather superficial look at what is a particularly complex is-
sue. Technological determinism is still, it would seem, the dominant
paradigm in many of these perspectives, and this impedes the raising of
questions that might help us understand how children are integrating the
new technologies of communication into their daily lives, which elements
are shaping this integration, and what implications this might have in the
design of objectives and functions for schools in today’s society.

109
110 ALBERO-ANDRES

This chapter reports the results of an exploratory study that examined

how adolescents use the Internet. It seeks to contribute to the debate on
the possible social, emotional, and symbolic uses of the Internet by analyz-
ing a group of adolescents (ages 12 to 17 years) living in and around the city
of Barcelona. The study aimed to examine how their family, group culture,
school, and previous experience with other means of communication deter-
mined the way that they used the Internet. Furthermore, it also investigated
the way that their schools are using the Internet to determine the extent to
which the schools’ proposals for the use of this technology match their stu-
dents’ interests, motivations, and needs when they go online. This study
was founded on the principle that culture is a product of our daily lives, and
therefore establishes the analysis of communication within the needs,
wishes, conflicts, failures, and successes of the common man and woman as
they seek to give meaning to their lives.
As with all exploratory studies, the aim of this research was to undertake
an initial analysis of the way that adolescents integrate the Internet into
their daily lives. The aim was not, therefore, to obtain results that might be
generalized across the community, nor to test any specific hypothesis, but
rather to obtain reliable information that might guide future research. Such
an approach would seem to justify the use of qualitative research methods.
With this decision made, the subjects were chosen at random, with the sole
proviso that they had been Internet users at least 1 year. In the selection of
the subjects, it was considered that only 45.7% of Catalan homes have a
computer, and of these, only 27.1% are connected to the Internet (Esta-
distiques de la Societat de la Informaci6, Catalunya, 2001). This means that
some of the adolescents who participated in the study used the Internet in
cyber cafes or at a friend’s house. A total of 80 adolescents, ages 12 to 17
years, were selected from 20 schools in and around Barcelona to partici-
pate in the study. The differences in their socioeconomic backgrounds
were not taken into consideration for this study, and the factors:of age and
gender were similarly ignored. The principal aim was to discover the signifi-
cance attached by the adolescents—as a group that shares similar motiva-
tions, communicative needs, and prior experience with other technologies
of communication—to the Internet in their daily lives.
The 80 adolescents were first interviewed individually to determine the
frequency with which they used the Internet, their reasons for going online,
the activities they carried out, what they liked doing and why. In a second
interview, the subject was questioned in the company of his or her friends
to learn more about the group’s motivations and to identify any possible
differences with those of the individual. Two observation sessions also
were conducted: one with the subject on his own while online and the other
with the subject and his friends while surfing the net together. An interview
also was conducted with the parents of each subject in the study. The aim
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 111

of this interview was to determine the value attached by the family to the
Internet, to discover how much the parents knew about this technology,
and to find out whether they controlled their children’s access to the Web
and why. Finally, two teachers from each of the schools of the subjects
were interviewed. The interview with the teachers sought to learn whether
there was a specific plan for introducing the Internet into the school, the
amount of training the teachers had received in the new technologies of
communication, and their attitude toward the use of the Internet in the
school. The study was conducted between January and December, 2001.

USES OF THE INTERNET FOR COMMUNICATING,

PLAYING GAMES, AND LEARNING

The first part of the study sought to identify the reasons why this group of
adolescents used the Internet. The aim was not only to determine the ex-
tent to which going online formed part of their daily routine, but also to ob-
serve when, how, and with whom they used the Internet as a means of com-
munication, whether these conversations differed from those held face-to-
face, and what types of expression were used in these conversations. The
study also sought to discover how adolescents used the Internet when play-
ing games and looking for information about their hobbies or other inter-
ests. In this part of the study, it also was hoped that data could be obtained
concerning the way that adolescents used the Internet when searching for
information to use in their studies at school, the way in which they went
about learning the different functions of the Internet, and the difficulties
they encountered.
Uses and gratifications theory, which often has served as the basis for
determining why a particular means of communication is used, has not
been as widely applied in the study of new communication technologies, or
more specifically in the study of Internet use. The few studies to date that
have examined reasons for using the Internet have focused on adult users
(Feruson & Perse, 2000; Papacharissi & Rubin, 2000; Perse & Dunn, 1998). Al-
though a number of studies have sought to explain the use for the new
means of communication among children and adolescents (Livingstone,
2002; Sefton-Green, 1998; Stern, 1999; Suess et al., 1998), little is known about
how adolescents communicate with each other, play games, and look for in-
formation on the Internet. Some studies suggest that it is in fact today’s chil-
dren and adolescents who are defining the uses for the new technologies of
communication (Montgomery, 2000). Other studies, however, show that ad-
olescents spend more time online than adults do, and that they use e-mail
and the messenger more frequently than adults (Kraut, Mukhopadhyay,
Szezypula, Kiesler, & Scherlis, 1999; NOP Research Group, 2000a, 2000b).
112 ALBERO-ANDRES

Other studies have taken into consideration the characteristics of adoles-

cence and how these might affect the use of the Internet (Roberts, 2000). So-
cial identity and interactions with the peer group acquire greater impor-
tance during adolescence, and this is reflected in the way the young use the
Internet (Durkin, 1997). According to some studies, there seems to be an in-
clination among adolescents to use the Internet for social interaction, par-
ticularly in their friendships, in identifying with certain groups and their val-
ues, and in the development of their own individual identity (Montgomery,
2001; Suess, Garitaonandia, Juaristi, Koikkalainen, & Oleaga, 1998). The re-
sults from these previous studies of the Internet and adolescent users were
taken as the starting point for this study in considering how to further un-
derstanding concerning the uses and meanings that adolescents—bound
within their own sociocultural context—attribute to the Internet.

Communication

Judging by the interviews and observations undertaken with the adolescent

participants in this study, it seems clear that the Internet is an important
tool of communication, but solely for communicating with friends. This find-
ing differs from that reported by Tapscott (1998). The children and adoles-
cents in Tapscott’s (1998) study also were found to use the Internet on a
fairly regular basis to communicate with persons they did not know. It
might be the case that because adolescent Australians, Britons, Canadians,
Americans, and South Africans share the same language, this desire to com-
municate with strangers is somewhat easier to fulfill. However, it is more
than likely that this is not the only reason. If it were, then why is it that
young Spanish speakers in different countries do not communicate with
each other more regularly via the Internet? One of the reasons might be re-
lated to the large differences between the cultures of English- and Spanish-
speaking countries. The latter are characterized by the greater importance
attached to the group, the use of public spaces, and participation in leisure
activities outside the home.
Among the adolescents in this study, entering chat rooms and using the
messenger were found to be regular evening activities. It seems that the
Internet has, to some extent, replaced the long telephone conversations be-
tween friends that used to be so frequent in adolescence. The adolescents
use the network to continue conversations begun during the day at school,
to make plans for the weekend, or to resolve conflicts that might have
arisen in a face-to-face conversation. In other words, the Internet seems to
have brought about a switch in the vehicle of communication for adoles-
cents when they are at home, but it seems not to have modified their need
to communicate with each other nor to have changed the most typical top-
ics of conversation during this period of life. Neither has there been any
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 113

change in the adolescents stated preferences. If given a choice, they still

prefer to meet up with their friends, as Livingstone and Bovil (2002) sug-
gested. The subjects observed appeared to have no problems communicat-
ing via Internet. Some claimed that they feel they can say things to their
friends when using the network that they would not dare to say in a face-to-
face conversation.
In parallel with this use of the Internet to communicate with friends,
communication with strangers via the network also was reported in the
youngest group of adolescents (ages 12 to 14 years), only to be curtailed
later on. Tapscott (1998) reported a similar pattern of use with age. Interest-
ingly, entering a chat room and talking with strangers generally is some-
thing they do when going online in a group. In most cases, adolescent par-
ticipation in chat rooms is treated as a game, and they enjoy creating
different characters for themselves. Lying about their age, gender, and
physical appearance is part and parcel of the game, and they are fully
aware that the other participants in the chat room are doing the same. For
this reason, the friendships initiated in a chat room do not last. Chat room
users do not appear to have any interest in meeting each other, even if they
live in the same city. They report acting with caution when entering a chat
room, and they do not give real personal details. The subjects observed en-
ter chat rooms only where the language spoken is Catalan or Spanish, and
they do not participate in international chat rooms. The reason for this lack
of interest lies perhaps in the language of communication. In most interna-
tional chat rooms, English is used, but this still is a language that Spanish
adolescents do not dominate. Although English is introduced in schools for
children ages 7 or 8 years old, the current education system does not ap-
pear to dedicate sufficient time or resources to ensure optimum conditions
for the teaching of foreign languages. The result is that young people still
have serious difficulties understanding written English, and considerably
more difficulty expressing themselves in this language. This difficulty un-
derstanding English also might affect their use of the Internet and hinder
their search for information.
The observation of the way that adolescents express themselves when
communicating via the Internet shows that the use of abbreviations is wide-
spread. They typically omit the vowels that are not needed to understand a
word, and use capital letters to indicate when they are shouting. There is a
clear parallel here between the texts written on the Internet and those used
in mobile telephone messages. The language that has developed out of the
need to compress words sent by mobile phones (that is, using as few char-
acters as possible) has been transferred to the Internet. Although the same
limitations on space do not exist, conducting a conversation in real time
calls for speed in the writing of the message. The language used in mes-
sages on the network and mobile phones is markedly informal, not that far
114 ALBERO-ANDRES

removed from the language used in those scribbled notes that used to be
thrown from one side of the classroom to another in previous generations.
However, the use of abbreviations did not begin with mobile phones or the
Internet, but rather when the young pupil reached secondary school and
needed to be able to take rapid, efficient notes in class. Thus, with the ad-
vent of the new systems of communication, abbreviations started to be
used in a different context, but before this, they had been used systemati-
cally in private texts—notes taken in class, diaries, and messages to friends.
Furthermore, the adolescent knows perfectly well when and where to use
this type of expression and does not produce these informal texts in exami-
nations, for example.
One aspect that this study that the researchers wished to examine from
the outset was how young people use the Internet to express their inter-
ests, how they make these interests known to other people, and just how
common a practice this was. It was thought that analyzing the web pages
they designed themselves might be a good way to gain insights into these
questions. However, a surprisingly small number of subjects were prepared
to create their own web page. The few that had already done so did little
more than add a few links to their favorite football or basketball teams, or
hang a few photographs of themselves and their friends. What is more,
most pages were quickly abandoned when the subjects were faced with the
difficulties of having to update them. When the subjects of the study were
asked why they did not create their own web pages, the usual response was
that they did not know how. The adolescents seemed unwilling to spend
time learning how to do this themselves, and only a few expressed the wish
that their schools would teach them how to create web pages. This finding
is significant because it seems to call into question the possibilities for cre-
ativity that are automatically associated with the Internet (Castells, 2001;
Tapscott, 1998). The simple existence of the Internet does not appear suffi-
cient to generate this creative spark. There seems to be something within
the family, school, social, and cultural contexts of these adolescents that
makes them see themselves as passive recipients and not as creators. It is
in these contexts that changes are needed to ensure that young people
come to view the Internet as a potentially creative tool.

Playing Games

The use of the Internet as a source of entertainment is restricted basically

to chat rooms, which adolescents usually enter together in groups. When
playing by themselves, many adolescents observed prefer to use a TV
games console or to play games on CD-ROMs. In the case of CD-ROMs, ado-
lescents tend to use the Web to download information that allows them to
extend the range of strategies and so upgrade the game. The subjects par-
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 115

ticipating in the study did not appear particularly willing to get involved in
games on the Internet, giving as their main reasons the difficulties involved
in opening the particular Web sites and using the search engines. A further
factor was that the TV games console was seen as the place for playing.
These consoles, present in many Spanish homes, are the solution adopted
by numerous families when faced with the vast amount of memory needed
to play computer games. This requirement can cause the need to change
the family’s computer equipment more frequently.
In general, the adolescents tend not to identify with the characters in the
games, but when this did occur, it usually was boys older than 15 years who
seemed to identify with the leading character, who more often than not is
aggressive, individualistic, and not prone to showing his feelings. Some of
these games encourage the development of certain skills, such as conflict
resolution, and reward practical intelligence in that they allow the player to
advance to higher levels in the game. Similarly, they promote powers of
concentration and the observation of small details. However, most of those
participating in this study stated a preference for the simpler online games,
but only when they had nothing better to do. They appeared not to be inter-
ested in games of logic or investigation, or those that made demands on
their intellect. This seems to suggest that for these adolescents the com-
puter was associated solely with entertainment. This association of the
computer with recreational activities means that these adolescents were
somewhat reluctant to use it for activities involving intellectual effort,
something they generally identify with schoolwork.
Another type of network entertainment is to be found on the web pages
the subjects visit. Thus, in addition to the pages that refer to their hobbies
(typically, sports and music, in the case of the boys, music and fashion in
the case of the girls), many visit pages in which humor plays a part, such as
quefuerte.com (lurid pictures, scathing humor), paisdelocos.com (humor,
varied content), and elterrat.com (the home page of the Catalan producer
“El Terrat,” where it is possible to leave a message or participate in various
activities, including a chat room and a forum). The number of pages they
visit in which humor features prominently is an interesting characteristic of
their use of the Internet (chat rooms, web pages). Among children, humor
is one of the main attractions for watching television (Albero-Andrés, 1996),
and it seems to retain its importance into adolescence and with the
Internet. This is hardly surprising because humor acts as a fundamental ele-
ment in human development. Humor is a sign of intelligence, evidencing an
individual’s higher capacity to generate subtle distinctions when interpret-
ing his or her environment. It occurs in no other species than man. Humor
can help us understand certain situations, overcome our fears, and take the
tension out of moments of conflict. Humor and imagination are fundamental
elements that combine with our reasoning in the process of understanding
116 ALBERO-ANDRES

our world and our search for a place in it. It is therefore not surprising that
the search for situations of humor is frequent in adolescence, and that it
helps in many cases to overcome the constant mood swings that typify this
period of life.-

Learning

The use that the adolescents in this study were found to make of the
Internet as a source of information is quite distinct from that described in
studies by Tapscott (1998) and O’Brien (2001), who reported that adoles-
cents used the Internet to develop their intellectual curiosity and their ca-
pacities for research and reasoning. The results obtained in this study
seemed to indicate that adolescents use the Internet to find information re-
lated to their formal education only when they have to complete a project
or essay assigned by a teacher. In general, when required to undertake a
project that involves some research, they surf the Internet and simply print
out the information they find. The projects they hand in usually are long,
well written, and well illustrated, but they do not attempt to appraise, orga-
nize, or expand on the information. Often, the students do no more than
print out the information, not even bothering to read it first. What we find
therefore is a practice similar to that used by students consulting an ency-
clopedia, with the aggravating circumstance that at least in the latter case
the student used to read the section before copying it.
The participants in this study do not visit educational web pages. Most
find these pages boring and of no interest. These pages seem to be lacking
in imagination and show little sense of humor, two elements that might
awaken the curiosity of the adolescent. Similarly, the sites offer little evi-
dence that they understand and value the adolescents’ world and the prob-
lems they have at this age. One of these problems, indeed one that young-
sters have to face in formal education, is the constant flow of information
out of context that has to be learned. Unfortunately, many web pages, al-
though designed with the best intentions, demonstrate the same mentality,
the same underlying principles, and the same content as those used in the
writing of school textbooks. For this reason, educational portals do not as a
rule incorporate the elements needed to encourage interaction between the
user and the information, which might enable students to develop their re-
search skills and creativity. The strengthening of these skills is possible,
but only if the full potential of the Internet is tapped.
On the whole, the adolescents studied did not show any curiosity for
seeking new information, and when they opened up a web page they were
much more interested in its design features—its colors and how to move
around—than in the content. Indeed, most of the subjects recognized that
they were not interested in looking for information on the network to widen
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 117

their knowledge (other than that related to their hobbies). They considered
that what the teacher tells them has priority, and is itself enough, and they
do no more than read their class notes when studying for their examina-
tions. Why should this be the case? Might it be that they are now too old to
inquire why something should be the way it is, as younger children do? Are
they perhaps too young to pose new questions? Or does the educational
system not give sufficient value to initiative of this type?
Searching for information concerning current affairs or the society in
which they live does not motivate these adolescents to use the Internet.
Such issues do not seem to awaken their interest. No more than a minority
demonstrated any curiosity for the controversial issues of the day (e.g., hu-
man cloning or the right to abort). Some of the adolescents commented
that they sometimes try to clarify their doubts concerning sexuality on the
Internet. They often look at the digital versions of the newspapers to find
out the latest sports news, but they do not as yet appear to have defined
very clearly just what their social interests are. These findings are in stark
contrast to those reported in other studies. O’Brien (2001), for example,
claimed that young people use the network to channel their social con-
cerns. However, reports in Catalonia describe an increase in the participa-
tion of young people in non-governmental organizations and other social
organizations (Observatori de la Joventut en Catalunya), but the difference
seems to be that such activities are carried out in situations of face-to-face
communication, which is unlike going online.

THE INTERNET AND THE FAMILY

If one starts from the premise that the consumption of communication tech-
nologies is learned at home (Silverstone, 1992; Turrow & Nir, 2000), then one
needs to know how the families use the Internet, what symbolic value they
attach to this technology, what place it occupies with respect to other tech-
nologies of communication, and how all these elements may influence the
value attached to it by adolescents. The study conducted by Pasquier, Buzzi,
D’Haenens, and Sjéberg (1999) among Flemish, French, and Italian and Swed-
ish children and adolescents shows how the use of communication technolo-
gies strengthens existing family habits with regard to freedom of use and re-
strictions on access to the technologies of communication. The results from
this study also show the preponderance of male and young users in the fam-
ily. Similarly, it was found that the use of these technologies was not as
interactional as that of other media, such as the television.
This concern to understand the nature of Internet use among children
and their families is evident in other studies. Caron and Caronia (2001)
asked how families use the mass media in their daily lives and concluded
118 ALBERO-ANDRES

that the uses and functions assigned to each are changing, at times because
of the changing dynamics that the technologies introduce into family life.
Similarly, Toni Downes (1999) examined the reasons why families use the
Internet and discovered a contrast between the educational value attached
to the technology by the parents and the value attributed to it by the chil-
dren, who saw it as a means of entertainment. The same study reported the
need for parents to control their children’s access to the Internet to protect
them, while seeing their children as experts in this field.
According to the comments recorded by the parents of the adolescents
in this study, the way that they use the Internet, their reasons for using it,
their concerns regarding how their children use it, their expectations, and
their preferences for the different means of communication to which the
family has access are largely similar. With few exceptions, it can be seen
that use of the Internet does not form part of these parents’ daily routine.
Most do not express any curiosity or interest for this type of technology,
and in contrast to their children, is something many associate with work,
not with their hobbies or their typical leisure activities. However, the par-
ents in some cases do use the Internet for banking, planning holidays, ob-
taining information before buying a new car, or looking for information on
matters affecting the family, such as medical information.
Very few parents have taught their children how to use the Internet. In
general, the fathers expressed a certain degree of interest in learning how
to use it, whereas the mothers were a little more reluctant. All mentioned
lack of time as one of their reasons for knowing so little about the Internet.
Indeed, self-teaching how to use this tool means that one must have a con-
siderable amount of time available for sitting in front of the computer. The
demands of work and domestic duties on most of those interviewed mean
that they are free to do so only after 11 or 12 o'clock at night, a time when
they would rather sit down and relax than engage in an activity that re-
quires a considerable amount of concentration. This lack of time perhaps
explains why mothers are less interested than fathers. In most cases, the
men do less housework on returning from work, and therefore have more
time to spend online if they so wish.
The importance of having time to use the Internet may account for the
use of this tool by the adolescents’ grandparents. In some of the families in-
terviewed, the grandparents were the expert users who enjoyed browsing
the Web. They reported seeing it as a way of carrying out their hobbies,
maintaining their correspondence with family and friends, and even teach-
ing their grandchildren. All were self-taught, and none had found any great
difficulties learning to navigate. The existence of an increasing number of
Internet users in this age group means there is a need to reconsider the tra-
ditional belief that it is easier for a younger person to learn to use a com-
puter. These data seem to show that individuals in developed societies ex-
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 119

perience stages in life—childhood, adolescence and old age—in which they

have more time for their interests. If these lead them to learn how to navi-
gate on the Internet, they will do so with ease. In the adult stage of life, how-
ever, work and family responsibilities leave individuals little time for learn-
ing how to channel their interests via new media such as the Internet. Only
during periods of personal crisis may the situation be different. For exam-
ple, recent divorcees quite commonly learn how to use the Internet to meet
new people in a chat room. In contrast to adolescents, many adults who
find themselves facing a personal change in their lives are interested in
making new friends. In general, these adults have few qualms about meet-
ing someone with whom they have enjoyed chatting on the Web.
Most of the families that participated in this study had obtained an
Internet connection over the past 3 years, always at the request of their
children. Almost all paid a flat rate, and quite a large number of these fami-
lies had chosen to install an ADSL line. The Internet had been introduced
into the homes after.the TV games console, and typically had coincided
with the renewal of computer equipment. In some cases, the arrival of the
first computer and being connected to the Internet occurred simulta-
neously. In general, the parents were convinced that the Internet was a par-
ticularly useful tool for their children’s studies. The Internet, therefore, was
introduced into the home to help with homework, but not as a vehicle of en-
tertainment such as the television set or the games console. Thus, it seems
that the symbolic value attached to the Internet by the family is predomi-
nantly work related. The Internet gives access to more knowledge, thus im-
proving the children’s future employment opportunities. It seems highly
likely, however, that this assessment will change in the coming years if the
Internet as a source of entertainment continues to gain ground over its edu-
cational uses among the young.
Parents’ concerns regarding their children and the Internet are centered
largely on the number of hours they spend online. Many noted that their
children spend most of their time on the Internet engaged in activities of en-
tertainment and feared that this might begin to interfere with their other lei-
sure activities, which the parents considered to be healthier, such as going
out with their friends or taking part in sports activities. Moreover, although
most of the parents were unaware of just what their children actually did
on the Internet, in general, they expressed full confidence that their chil-
dren did not access information that might be harmful to them. Those par-
ents who did express a concern regarding the content of the Web sites to
which their children might have access worried more about violent content
than pornography. Similarly, some parents expressed concern that their
children might initiate conversations with strangers, or that they might re-
veal personal details of their own or their family. When parents found that
the Internet had not had a negative effect on their eldest child, they ap-
120 ALBERO-ANDRES

peared to be less worried about the use of the Internet by the younger child
or children in the family. :
The parents considered chat rooms to be a waste of time, and those who
had not yet obtained an ADSL connection complained that their telephone
line is blocked for many hours during the day. Although some parents con-
fessed that they have had to take the computer keyboard to work to stop
their children from going online when left on their own, they all looked
more positively on the fact that their children were using the Internet
rather than watching the television.
The parents’ opinions regarding the positive and negative features of the
Internet did not differ from those generally expressed on the issue. Thus, al-
though they were worried by the violence to which their children might
have access, they also were satisfied by the great possibilities the Internet
offers in terms of obtaining information. Because they are not particularly
adept users themselves, few parents see the difficulties their children have
in making the most of the Internet as a source of information. The parents
interviewed believed that the Internet can help their children to learn. For
many, the need to use the written word carries with it positive feelings for
computers and the possibilities they offer, something that cannot be said
for the media based exclusively on the image, such as television or game
consoles. Parents, as a rule, are unaware of how their children work with
the Internet at school, and only a few of those interviewed expressed any
interest in finding out about the possibilities offered by the Internet so they
could help their children.

THE INTERNET AND SCHOOLS

With the appearance of the mass media and the interest that this aroused,
together with a certain amount of concern for the speed with which they es-
tablished themselves as a ubiquitous form of entertainment, expectations
were expressed in academic and government circles that the media might
be given an educational orientation. In general, it was hoped that televi-
sion—as indeed it is hoped that computers—would help teachers in their
work, alleviating the problems of students with lack of interest and poor
performance in many schools. Thus, the idea gradually took hold that the
technologies of communication, when used to entertain the masses, offered
information that was disorganized, violent, useless, and prejudicial, but that
these same technologies offered information for education that was orga-
nized, informative, useful, and necessary for improvement of skills at
school, enabling students to complete their studies and face their profes-
sional and personal future with certain guarantees of success. However,
whereas the technologies of communication as instruments of entertain-
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 121

ment have prospered, to the extent that this is virtually their sole function,
the use of these media for educational purposes has met with one failure af-
ter another, with only an occasional success story.
Much has been said about the introduction of media in the classrooms,
and the discourse is repeated with each advance in communication tech-
nology. However, as Pappert (1995) pointed out, school has been unable to
integrate the technologies of communication, and thus has chosen simply
to abandon them, as in the case of television, or has tried to convert them
into just one more subject to be studied, as is occurring with computers. In
general, the concept of progress associated with the Internet means that at-
tempts are made to introduce computers into the school without first con-
ducting the necessary studies to determine how to get the best out of them
(Bruckman, 1999).
According to Healy (1998) there is a significant gap between the cam-
paigns that seek to promote the educational value of the computer and the
uses to which they are put in both the school and the home. The failure to
understand the significance that children and adolescents attach to com-
puters leads in most cases to the production of educational products based
on the memorization and repetition of contents; audiovisual texts that
adopt the same approach; the development, duration, and objectives as
written texts; and web pages that do not awaken the interest of the stu-
dents. Valentine and Holloway (1999) maintained that the vision govern-
ments have of the new communication technologies is overly deterministic,
with the result that they separate technology from the context of social
practice. After a study conducted in three British schools of varying charac-
teristics, Valentine and Holloway (1999) claimed that there is a general fail-
ure to consider the importance of time and place, the way the technologies
of communication are promoted, and the meaning attached to them by
their various users. The results of their study clearly show that each
school, according to its characteristics and pupils, holds a different view of
the role such technologies should play. This, in turn, influences the way
that teachers understand communication technologies and how they use
them in their teaching. This is most obviously manifest by the place where
the computers are installed in the school, the way they are used in the
classroom, and the access the children have to them outside class hours.
Sefton-Green, Buckingham, and Tobin (1998), Buckingham (1998), and
Castells (2002), after an examination of the educational implications of the
communication technologies, drew the conclusion that the changes needed
to ensure the effective use of communication technologies in education will
involve a radical transformation in the current organizational principles of
our schools. Faced with this situation, we need to ask what factors within
the cultural, social, and economic context conspire to ensure that schools
do not use communication technologies well. Where do the myths regard-
122 ALBERO-ANDRES

ing the use of computers by young people originate, and why do they per-
sist? Why are more teachers not questioning the way they teach with these
resources? Why is a dialog not established with young people to gain a
better understanding of the way they perceive the Internet? Why has there
been a failure to consider the challenge posed by technologies of communi-
cation with regard to the time, place, and the authority in the form of teach-
ing and learning currently practiced in our schools?
This study cannot answer these questions, but many of its findings can
help clarify what is going on in our schools, why this situation has arisen,
and the steps that should be taken in beginning to find a solution. Perhaps
the place to begin seeking to understand the gap between the expectations
regarding the introduction of the Internet into schools and the real possibil-
ities of its use is by ascertaining the number of computers and connections
to the Internet per student in Spanish schools. According to Eurobaroémetro
2001, in Spain there are currently 12.4 students for each computer and 25.3
students for every computer connected to the Internet. The statistics place
Spain well below Sweden, which tops the table in Europe, with 4.1 and 4.8,
respectively, and also below the mean values for Europe, which stand at 8.6
and 14.9. But other important factors must be considered in the search to
understand the way that the Internet is being integrated within the schools.
The results from the interviews with the teachers who participated in this
study seem to demonstrate this.
According to an initial finding of some importance, most of the teachers
agree that in the schools where they work, there are no established guide-
lines or principles that might help them to use the Internet in their respec-
tive subjects. The data obtained for this study seem to show that in most of
the schools, working with the Internet in class is simply another task that
teachers must take on from an already very long list of responsibilities. In
general, this means that their work with the Internet is limited to giving the
students a list of Web sites to consult, in the same way that they might pro-
vide them with a reading list on a given subject.
At the time these interviews were conducted with the teachers, the Cata-
lan Government (Generalitat de Catalunya) had just launched Edu365.com,
an award-winning and pioneering project in Europe that sought the involve-
ment of families, teachers, children, and adolescents in the systematic and
continuous use of the Internet for educational purposes, both inside and
outside the school. Schools were given the task of collecting the inscription
forms for the program that the children and their families had received at
home. When asked their opinion about Edu365.com, many of the teachers
said they did not have much information about it. Indeed, the majority had
not visited the program’s portal, and few had discussed the possibilities of-
fered by the program with their students. What was the reason for this lack
of interest in what, in principle, appears to have been an ideal initiative?
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 123

One possible reason for this rejection may lie in the fact that schools have
other priorities, more pressing needs and problems that dictate the day-to-
day teaching activity. The shortage of materials and teaching staff, the
maintenance of classroom discipline, and the effort to teach all the subjects
on the syllabus are perceived as the most important priorities.
In most schools visited for this study the Internet was hardly used, but
it also is true that some did participate in educational projects with other
schools, thanks generally to the initiative of one or two teachers. These
projects typically involved e-mail correspondence with students in other
schools. However, more often than not the regular use of the Internet was
limited to certain subjects such as computer studies and English. Some
schools were participating in the project promoted by the national news-
paper, £/ Pais, whereby they were producing their own virtual newspaper.
Thus, despite a number of positive experiences with the Internet, the
teachers claimed that, in general, its use in schools is not promoted as a
learning tool, and that the students therefore are not taught how to select
information, how to assess its value, or how to proceed in their study of a
certain topic.
Most of the teachers interviewed had received some form of basic train-
ing in the use of communication technologies. A few schools had organized
training courses for their own staff. Several teachers commented that by
taking these courses they had been sufficiently motivated to continue learn-
ing more about these technologies on their own, but this experience was by
no means typical. All the teachers that participated in the study agreed that
the courses they had taken had trained them to use the technology, but
that they had not received information on how to use the Internet in their
classes. These teachers also shared the conviction that their students knew
more about the Internet than they did. Thus, when a school decides to orga-
nize a course for its students, it is found that the course is pitched at too
low a level, and that most of the students do not develop their skills for
working on the network. Many adolescents—at home, in cyber cafes or at
their friends’ houses—have already learned the basics of the Internet by
themselves.
Most of the teachers interviewed still are somewhat negative in their
evaluation of the Internet’s usefulness. This has various explanations. First,
because virtually no information has been given to the teachers about the
Internet as an educational tool, they cannot see how their teaching of their
subjects (e.g., mathematics) might benefit. Second, many teachers list the
major difficulties they must face (lack of discipline, lack of interest on the
part of the students) to complete the teaching of the syllabus, which means
they have no time for any additional activity. Third, most teachers have to
face obstacles produced by the school infrastructure. This means they
must transfer their students to the computer room, which creates a distur-
124 ALBERO-ANDRES

bance and reduces the time available for the class. Very few schools have
computers in the classroom, and when they do, there usually are not
enough for all the students in the class. The teachers also mentioned that
they could not ask the students to work on the Internet outside class hours
because access to the computers for completing their school work was re-
stricted to the school break times. In some schools, the pupils actually were
asked to pay a small amount to use the Internet. Similarly, in the private
schools attended by children from the city’s better-off families, it also was
apparent that despite more computers per student, the use made of the
Internet varied little from that in the schools with fewer resources. This
seems to indicate that in addition to the limitations of the technical infra-
structure, which are particularly evident, there clearly is confusion as to
what should be done with a tool that gives access to information that might
call into question the principles underlying the transmission of knowledge
in the education system today.
The negative attitudes and feelings of wariness observed in some teach-
ers are more a reflection of their limited understanding of the Internet’s ac-
tual possibilities and their lack of support for working with this technology
than an outright rejection of everything associated with the network. Thus,
many teachers recognize that the Internet can serve as a hook to attract the
attention of their students, but also that the motivation of the students re-
garding the use of this tool lies in its relative newness. This opinion might
indeed be right if the Internet is used, as it has been largely to date, as a
textbook. The age of the teachers at times seems to correlate with their ac-
ceptance or rejection of the Internet. Thus, older teachers see fewer possi-
bilities for the use of the Internet, whereas younger teachers express
greater hopes of being able to put it to greater use in the future. However,
this attitude does not reflect the degree of adaptability to the use of com-
munication technologies in relation to age, but rather the influence of the
number of years spent teaching a subject in a certain mannerMntroducing
change is always difficult, particularly if the change requires the introduc-
tion of certain mechanisms that are not available.

FINAL REFLECTIONS

Perhaps a main finding of this study is that although the number of homes
with an Internet link still is considerably lower than that in other European
countries, the young people with access to the network, be it in or out of
their own homes, have incorporated its use to their daily activities. In this
process of discovering, understanding, and mastering some of the Internet
functions, they are largely self-taught, although the skills they have ac-
quired in handling the network represent no more than a small part of the
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 125

possibilities offered by this tool. The potential of the Internet as a means of

accessing knowledge is not the reason why these adolescents are assidu-
ous in their use of the network. Actually, adolescents see the Internet as an-
other vehicle through which to channel their interests as a peer group and
as individuals. Thus, it can be seen that participation in chat rooms and use
of the messenger have replaced the telephone when adolescents chat with
friends from their homes. However, online communication has by no means
replaced face-to-face communication.
Observation of adolescents when online has shown two major limita-
tions. First, their poor knowledge of English hinders their ability to gain ac-
cess to information and also their ability to use search engines. Second,
they appear to show no interest in the educational possibilities of the
Internet. They continue to rely on television for their information on cur-
rent affairs, but the majority react to this information passively and feel no
urge to widen their knowledge or to discuss it. The adolescents in this
study did not go to the Internet to obtain information, in the same way that
they (even the eldest in the group) showed no interest in reading the press.
They saw themselves as receivers of information, not as seekers of knowl-
edge. They drew a clear distinction between entertainment and learning,
which could be seen in the way they used the network. Thus, the Internet
was entertainment when they were chatting with their friends or when they
were searching for information related to their hobbies, and it was learning
when they had to find information to complete a task set for them at school.
However, this latter search was undertaken only when the teacher had
asked them to do so. When this happened, the adolescents usually re-
stricted themselves to visiting the Web sites provided by their teachers or
to downloading information from the first web page they found that spoke
of the topic about which they needed information. In general, the subjects
of this study reflected little on the information they found. They did not try
to widen their search for data, and they made no attempt to compare their
various sources. This once more shows the error in technological determin-
ism, which still apparently holds to the theory that the potential of new
technologies will change the way that people behave. People, and the ado-
lescents in this study were no exception, behave in accordance with certain
cultural and social patterns that they have received since infancy, and it is
these that they apply when integrating new communication technologies
into their daily lives. Thus, if mass media have always been used as a
source of entertainment, the same will be true of the Internet, and if at
school children are asked basically to learn what the teacher tells them,
this function will be transferred to the Internet as well.
To expand their current uses of the Internet, adolescents will need to be
trained so they can learn different ways of accessing knowledge. A signifi-
cant factor that needs to be considered is the direct relation between the
126 ALBERO-ANDRES

degree of the parents’ cultural grounding and the time they dedicate to
their children and their academic performance (Livingstone, 2001; Tapscott,
1998). This relation will become increasingly more evident as farnilies begin
using the network. If the necessary measures are not introduced, the
Internet will help only increase the current imbalances in access to informa-
tion and school performance, which are influenced not only by whether one
has access to communication technologies at home, but also by the general
level of material resources, their accessibility, and the degree of family in-
terest and support. What is required therefore is the creation of specific
needs for Internet use that involve families of all socioeconomic levels.
These needs will be very difficult to define if the more typical problems that
low-income families face are not known. A good policy of support for the
family, in its role as generator of cultural interest and resources for the chil-
dren, would provide adolescents with better training before they go to sec-
ondary school, which in many cases would increase motivation and interest
while reducing problems of discipline. In these circumstances, teachers
could feel more inclined to make the personal effort needed to ensure that
they constantly are improving their teaching and introducing innovations
in their work. However, increasing the motivation of teachers also requires
that their job be given greater social recognition, and that their initial train-
ing be improved (what is needed is not just graduates in a subject, but pro-
fessionals with the necessary skills to teach the subject). In addition, teach-
ers’ access to ongoing education must be ensured, and economic incentives
encouraging them to provide teaching of excellence must be improved.
The relatively scant interest that the adolescents seem to show for the
Internet as a tool for learning come as no surprise when seen in the light of
the comments made by the teachers interviewed and the observations
made in the schools visited. In these schools, the Internet was neither inte-
grated nor exploited as an educational tool. The reasons for this should not
be sought in the teachers’ visceral mistrust of new technologies, nor in the
insufficient supply of computer resources still to be found in many schools.
If as Castells (2001) claimed, knowing how to use the Internet correctly is a
social necessity, an essential skill in the near future, what then is required
to ensure proper training in the use of the Internet? First, it is necessary to
consider the type of orientation that schools and teachers should receive in
learning how to use this technology. Teachers need to be helped in finding
a balance between fulfilling their teaching role in as attractive a manner as
possible and undertaking this role in an educational structure that still is
too rigid. And this cannot be achieved if as up until now, computer studies
are seen as a subject whose sole purpose is to ensure that the user under-
stands the system’s technical functions, or the Internet is seen as just an-
other textbook. The transversal use of computer technology in secondary
education and all the possibilities of working with the information that this
8. THE INTERNET AND ADOLESCENTS 127

would open up have yet to be achieved and must be tackled by those who
run our educational system. Until this happens, it should come as no sur-
prise that adolescents access the Internet only to be entertained, and that
teachers see its introduction into the classroom as just another demand on
their time, a demand, furthermore to which they must respond without hav-
ing been given the necessary basic information, although they show much
good will while receiving little or no recognition in return for their efforts.
Contrary to what seems to be the case, the Internet does not appear to be
changing the principles of adolescent socialization, although it is expanding
some of the ways this process is brought about. Neither does it seem to be
changing the processes of learning. Young people are integrating the
Internet into their daily lives, using the already existing cultural parameters
that specify their interests as a group, their relation with communication
technologies, and their attitude toward their schooling. The fact that the
level of use for this information tool among adolescents is very basic high-
lights the fact that two levels of access to the Internet exist. On the one
hand, the Internet can be used to channel individual and group leisure in-
terests. On the other hand, it can be used to seek information that can be
consciously selected and analyzed in a process capable of developing think-
ing and creativity. Whereas access at this first level occurs unprompted, ac-
cess at the second does not, nor will it occur unless coherent mechanisms
of intervention are developed within the educational system aimed at creat-
ing the need for the active search to find information that will enable the
young to learn how to transform information into knowledge and knowl-
edge into wisdom.

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CHAPTER Achoit.

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Use we howe.

Learners, Spectators, or Gamers?

An Investigation of the Impact
of Digital Media in the
Media-Saturated Household

Stephen Kline

The era of Java Enterprise Computing has arrived. No longer must we be

tied to a single master. Today we consider the following to be inalienable
and available to all. The right to harness technology to stay, not just one,
but several steps ahead of the game. The right to a new computing dy-
namic with the vision to take you into the future. And not only do you have
the right to information technology that works the way you want it to, you
have the right to change it at will. It is your due, now is the time to realize
significant return on your technological investment. It is not simply about
systems, it’s about the emancipation of information. Java Enterprise Com-
puting is here and it will set you free. [Stretched across the two-page ad is
the text “LIBERTY!”]

TAKING THE HYPE OUT OF HYPERMEDIA

The Java ad is a fine example of the silicon-coated technological hyperbole

that captured the public imagination at the gateway of the new millennium.
Around the world this theory of mediated (digital) convergence not only ra
has primed the pumps of a roiling speculative economic bubble, but also dy
has forged a new cyberspace ideology whose Janus gods connectivity and
interactivity have promised solutions to all our social problems. This ok
ter exposes the technological determinism that underwrote this ideolo
and proposes a more critical way of thinking about the impact of the virtual 2.
playgrounds it has helped to construct for our children.

131
 132 KLINE

The informatics manifesto declared in Java’s advertising can be traced

to Alvin Toffler’s (1981) book The Third Wave, which first po ularized faith
]
8
ewe
Lag
nen in computers as a progressive force for social change. History, claimed
Toffler (1981), teaches that technological invention was the most powerful
force for changing the whole of society. The growth of agricultural tech-
niques constituted the first wave, and manufacturing technologies the sec-
ond, but it was communications technologies that would precipitate the
third and most radical wave of social change. According to Toffler (1981),
industrial era technologies, such as the mechanized assembly line and
mass media, encouraged rigid hierarchies, harsh class divisions, and deper-
sonalized mass cultures. Computers on the other hand, were a protean
technology capable of vastly enhancing the intelligence of all media, ulti-
mately ensuring that openness, flexibility, and adaptability were afforded to
the humans who used them. Toffler (1981) said:

The Third Wave of historical change represents a straight-line extension of in-

dustrial society, but a radical shift of direction, often a negation, of what went
before. It adds up to nothing less than a complete transformation at least as
revolutionary in our day as industrial civilization was 300 years ago.

Rather than bend humans to mechanical age rhythms and routines, com-
puters would help make mass society more responsive to the range of hu-
man needs and desires. So if the medium was the message, then computers
were setting America on the road toward change, flexibility, and adapta-
tion.
The technological hyperbole of computer revolutionaries gradually dif-
fused from the geeky circles of computering copy writers into the main-
stream of corporate economics. As William Leiss (1991) noted, their vision
of a born again capitalism permeated the public discourses of the 1990s,
echoing the progressive rhetoric of the 1920s and 1950s, with the only differ-
ence being that human progress now depended on a computerized “de-
massification” rather than brute mechanical power. Massachusetts Institute
of Technology cyber guru Nicholas Negroponte’s (1995) Being Digital pro-
vides a crowning example of the technological hyperbole rhetoric that bub-
bled into public consciousness. Computering, he claimed, will bring greater
democracy and freedom to the world: “Like a force of nature, the digital age
cannot be denied or stopped. It has four very powerful qualities that will re-
sult in its ultimate triumph: decentralizing, globalizing, harmonizing, and
empowering” (p. 229).
As if our future social life were inscribed in silicon, Negroponte (1995) of-
fered a vision of our future reorchestrated by powers of computerized com-
munications technologies that saturate the whole cultural environment:
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 133

Your right and left cuff links or earrings may communicate with each other by
low orbiting satellites and have more computer power than your present PC.
Mass media will be redefined by systems for transmitting and receiving per-
sonalized information and entertainment. Schools will change to become
more like museums and playgrounds for children to assemble ideas and so-
cialize with other children all over the world. The digital planet will look and
feel like the head of a pin. (p. 6)

Guided by their visions of unending profits, computer entrepreneurs

such as Sun and Oracle transformed Tofflerian hyperbole into a wired futur-
ism in which the “unlimited potentialities” of networked interactive multi-
media would lead us to prosperity and peace. Frances Cairncross (1997) of
the Economist wrote with conviction about the promise of convergence. She
said:

The death of distance will probably be the single most important force shap-
ing society in the first half of the next century. It will alter, in ways that are
only dimly imaginable, decisions about where people work and what kind of
work they do, concepts of national borders and sovereignty, and patterns of
international trade. (p. 1)

She went on to predict:

The changes sweeping through electronic communications will transform the

world’s economies, politics and societies—but they will first transform compa-
nies. They will alter the ways companies reach their customers, affecting ad-
vertising, shopping, distribution, and so on; they will create new businesses;
and they will change the way companies communicate with one another and
with their staffs.

For this reason the corporate world had to embrace convergence if they
were to survive in the new economy.
And embrace it they did. Believing their own copywriters, News Corp,
Disney, Sony, WorldCom, and Vivendi started their march down the infor-
mation revolution road to unstoppable profitability with vastly overstated
expectations. These companies planned for a future based on a wildly opti-
mistic, and ludicrously vague theory of communication. It imagined rapid
social change emerging from a wired marketplace forged from the conver-
gence of computers, television, and telecom technologies.
The same sense of digital inevitability began to permeate both govern-
ment policy—the guidelines and subsidies that made the Web into a com-
mercial medium—and corporate advertising, in which copywriters pro-
jected a bold rhetoric of an information age onto the multiscreen collective
unconsciousness. Laptops, cell phones, and digital address books were
 134 KLINE

sold to millions. The average family now spends proportionately more

money on cultural, entertainment, and communication services to the
home than ever before.
But the demand for information commodities cannot be infinite. In the
saturated IT markets, cell phones and computer prices began to drop be-
cause most people who wanted them had them. Profit projections fell, and
massive debts acquired the status of junk bonds, which is why doom and
gloom invades the high-tech boardrooms of the nation. Indeed, although
Amazon.com found it could sell books online, it could not make Americans
into avid readers. With the disappearance of 6 trillion dollars from the stock
market and an American economy in perpetual doldrums, commentators fi-
nally are struggling to understand just what went wrong in the 1990's.
It does not matter whether one reads New Statesman, Le Monde, The Wall
Street Journal, or Fortune, the failures of the “information revolution” are
now everywhere in evidence. As Canadian commentator Jeffrey Simpson
(2002) suggested recently, the rise and fall of the information economy has
become the morality tale of the millennium framed by “Monumental egos. A
bristling new idea. Thrilling technology. The entrepreneurial spirit. But also
greed, glitz, stupidity, recklessness, folly and ultimately failure.” As Simp-
son (2002) explained, “Like Tolstoy's unhappy marriages, the disappoint-
ments and disasters of convergence differed in each case, but the end
result was similar: the limitations of communication technologies to revolu-
tionize our cultural practices.”
Nowhere is the hubris of this hi-tech drama better exemplified than in
the spectacular rise and fall of AOL-Time Warner’s chief architect of syn-
ergy, Steve Case, who once stood as the lion king gazing out across the e-
commerce jungle. As AOL’s CEO, Case was one of the most effusive expo-
nents of convergence and the man responsible for the merger of the old
media empire of Time Warner and the new media empire of AOL. On Janu-
ary 17th, Case resigned, and on January 29, 2003 AOL-Time Warner an-
nounced losses of 98.7 billion dollars for the accounting year 2002, the larg-
8 est ever recorded in American history.
Y 4a Of course, we should have known better. As Kevin Robins (1995) stated,
lief in the coming Information Age demanded a profound leap of fait
into vague social theory: “All this is driven by_a feverish belief in transcen-
dence; a faith that, this time round, a new technology will finally and truly
deliver us from the limitations and frustrations of this imperfect world” (p.
135). He went on to say: “There is a common vision of a future that will be
°] Ae) different from the present, of a space or a reality that_is more desirable
than the mundane one that presently surrounds and contains us. It is a tun-
nel vision. It has turned a blind eye on the world we live in” (p. 135).
Since the “cyber-bubble” economy took a nosedive at the end of 2000,
there has been a growing sense of realism about this convergent media-
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 135

scape and a willingness to accept the limitations of a digital world still at

war. Obviously, the rhetoric of converging technology was hideously vague
and ungainly. Its promises all were based on poorly thought out and never
tested promotional concepts. The media theory of its proponents was tech-
nological determinism of the worst sort. It mistook the possibility of the me-
dium for the message while ignoring the specific cultural practices that em-
bedded media use in the dynamics and social relations that conscribe
contemporary households. Indeed, their puffery would leave us laughing
now if it were not for the fact that it was precisely this rhetoric that galva-
nized the looming crisis of confidence in the hi-tech free-range capitalism it
prophesied (Kline, Dyer-Witherford, & de Peuter, 2003).
Amid the shards of our wired utopia, the pundits are renouncing the
promotional buzz words of the information age: convergence, synergy,
interactivity, multimedia, artificial intelligence, flexibility, responsiveness.
Some have sold their dot.com shares and donned a critical tone, mocking
those euphoric promises of an wired world of peace and prosperity forged
by the diffusion of computers, the commercialization of the Internet, and
the globalization of media industries. Perhaps we should be content that
their hubris has defined the morality play of the infant millennium. But
that would mean ignoring the profound ideologic confusions that under-
wrote the digirati’s prophesy that networked playgrounds would liberate
the next generation.

GROWING UP DIGITAL

A 1998 Intel ad featured a group of pastel space suit-clad chip makers danc-
ing gaily in the factory to rock music while they installed “fun” into the
MMx chips. Intel’s tale neatly recapitulates the origin myth of video gam-
ing—the moment of realization that computers are not just destined for use
in the workplace, but have a place in the streets, in the homes, and in the
communities of the global information society as instruments of domestic
entertainment and social communication. In a sequel ad, the dancing Intel
workers move out of the factory and hit the Information Highway in their
a IV
space capsule-like roadster to bring these playful machines to kids around
the world. Their “MMX technology” is just one more exciting digital innova-
tion on the road to interactive entertainment and global connectivity.
Driving through the global marketplace, however, they discover with sur-
prise that “kids already get it.” Indeed, the happy throngs of postmodern
youth have welcomed this networked virtual playground with enthusiasm.
Like other promotional discourses on the Information Age, this ad offers a
rapturous vision of the effect of new communication infrastructures being
laid down in the wired society, ending with what might be called the “pri-
 136 KLINE

mal scene” of the information economy: future generations happily locked

in the embrace of connected interactive media.
What often is overlooked in recent accounts of the information economy
is how the public discourses on the computer revolution quickly became in-
tertwined with the debates about mass-mediated childhood and children’s
video game play. Time magazine, greatly impressed with children’s fascina-
tion with domestic computers, in 1981 declared the computer the “man of
the year.” Time quoted mathematician and computering educator Seymour
Papert (1980), who promised that children not only were the pioneers, but
that they also would be the main beneficiaries of this cultural revolution be-
cause computers facilitated active problem solving. Papert’s pedagogy of
constructivism was developed throughout his career promoting a techno-
logically enhanced version of Piagetian developmental theory. In a series of
ez books, he asserted his faith in computers as learning tools based on postu-
lates about the medium:

) That computers, like toys had the ability to fascinate and therefore moti-
vate children by making learning fun
al
-e.
this
That they were intelligent and therefore adapted the assimilation of
t
knowledge to the capacities and interests of the learner
That as a part of everyday play cultures, multimedia cultivated an auton-
ev
(93)
relates omous zone free from parental control, in which, like toys, children con-
structed and bonded through self-made play interactions.

fapedue
+ Papert’s (1993) pedagogical theories promised that the national embrace of
computers would quickly replace the paternalistic infrastructure of mass

In 1994 president Clinton announced his National Information Infrastruc-

ture Initiative—the so-called “information superhighway” policy, which com-
mercialized the Internet in an attempt to jump-start the information age. This
+ policy set out to consolidate the already-existing network of fiber optics, cop-
& per wires, cable radio waves, and satellites into an integrated web compris-
computerized channels of two-way data flows between computerized
—-. 3 communication hubs. It was the day, he said, that America was taking a giant
‘2 ->step into the Information Age. Three promises underscored Clinton’s com-
SPmitment to commercialized networked multimedia: (a) Networked media
ould galvanize creativity in the entertainment industry, (b) it would provide
citizens with unlimited access to all kinds of information, and (c) it would re-
US invigorate schooling by providing potent new ways of teaching.
Gradually, many educators came to believe that computers were pro-
tean devices that could radically change how schools thought about and
managed learning. Of course, other media also had promised to rock the
cradle. Toys, comics, and TV in turn also were heralded as revolutions in
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 137

youth culture. Although each became popular with children and found their 5
way into schools, social change happened slowly, and schools adjusté f
their programs only marginally. So why were we to believe that computers :
Ww i ical tools? The reasons, according to Henry and 5 |
McLennan (1994), lay in the fact that multimedia represented the conver- cy
ence of previous learning tools: television, books, toys, and films. As “new” =
media, multimedia were not an extension of historical processes of modern- fe
ization, but a force for its overthrow and reversal: |
|
Unlike these earlier technologies, multimedia is interactive. It has the ability
therefore to replicate some teacher/learner interaction. It also has the ability
to link the student with tutors, his or her peers in other places, and with re- >|
mote sources of information. (Telstra, 1994, p. 1)

Children’s culture commentators such as Douglas Rushkoff also climbed

on the digital bandwagon, extolling the control over learning processes. In
Media Virus, Rushkoff (1994) quoted Timothy Leary in defense of his belief
that computers were about to release a whole generation of children from
the top-down control of the mass media: “The importance of the Nintendo
phenomenon is about equal to that of the Gutenberg printing press. Here
you had a new generation of kids who grew up knowing that they could
change what’s on the screen” (p. 30). The silicon apostles of the coming dig-
ital era claimed that Toffler (1981) was right. Because young people were to
be the pioneers in this brave new digital world, we could look to them to
understand what was happening argued Negroponte (1995), for their lives
were the first to be transformed:

We are not waiting on any invention. It is here. It is now. It is almost genetic in

its nature, in that each generation will become more digital than the proceed-
ing one. The control bits of that digital future are more than ever before in the
hands of the young. Nothing could make me happier. (p. 231)

New media were already challenging the authority and paternalistic val-
ues of mass society, widening the generational divide between computer-
literate youth and their parents, claimed the wired guru’s. Even Japanese
management guru Ken Ohmae (1995) speculated on the generational impli-
cations arising from this medium’s rapid diffusion to youth in Japan.
“Nintendo kids,” Ohmae (1995) asserted, “are making new connections with
the tens of millions of their peers throughout the world who have learned a
to play the same sorts of games and have learned the same lessons” (pp.
161-162). “The web of culture,” he said, “used to be spun from the stories a f
child heard at a grand ’s knee. Today it derives from that children’s
experience with interactive multimedia.” Commenting especially on ao
enormous popularity of video gaming in Japan, Ohmae (1995) noted “a Cul-
 138 KLINE

tural divide growing between young people and their elders.” But he was
enthusiastic about this break with tradition because he believed it would
lessen the social isolation of the next generation and internationalize their

3 attitudes. He went on to speculate:

That experience has given them the opportunity, not readily available else-
where in Japanese culture, to play different roles at different times, of asking
the what-if questions they could never ask before. ... Perhaps most impor-
ran tant, Nintendo kids have learned, through their earnes, to revisit the basic
he
rules of their world and even to reprogram them if necessary. ... The mes-
sage which is completely alien to traditional Japanese culture is that one can
take active control of one’s situation and change one’s fate. No one need sub-

i
mit
mit passively to
to authority.
authority (pp. 161-162)

This may be only the beginning, claimed Douglas Rushkoff (1996) in Playing
the Future, wherein he boldly predicted that “interactivity” and “connectiv-
ity” will become the forces of generational liberation. He claimed that com-
puters were now so prevalent that they were already beginning to reverse
the alienation and isolation created by the mass broadcast technologies of
the past.
To understand the difference between interactive media and television
one needs to realize that in playing video games, unlike watching television,
users gain control over the flow of information from the screen:

Thanks to video games, kids have a fundamentally different appreciation of

the television image than their parents. ... Rather than simply receiving me-
dia they are changing images on the screen. (Rushkoff, 1999, p. 182)

Teenagers from around the world, he claimed, now assemble in “virtual

communities,” using networked multimedia to make their own culture, play-
ing online games and socializing in chat rooms. For Rushkoff (1996), today’s
“screenager sees how the entire mediaspace is a cooperative dream made
up of the combined projections of everyone who takes part” (p. 269).

While their parents may condemn Nintendo as mindless and masturbatory,

kids who have mastered video gaming early on stand a better chance of ex-
ploiting the real but mediated interactivity that will make itself available to
them by the time they hit technopuberty in their teens. (1999, p. 31)

Similarly enthusiastic about networked computers, Donald Tapscott

(1998) emphasized the role that connectivity played in the liberation and
leveling of the digital generation. Tapscott argued that today’s kids are
rowing up in a society and economy very different from those of the boom-
5
ers. Therefore, the way they are educated and prepared in schools must
a
aa
oa
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 139

change to keep up with the world with which they are connecting. He ar-
gued that the only way out of the crisis in modern education is to “shift
from broadcast learning to interactive learning.” And the tool for achievin
that shift was
apis Diehl theIInternet.
ake hah a es
Tapscott (1998) believed that

Bil
i
digital media is creating an environment where such activities of childhood are
changing dramatically and may, for better or for worse, accelerate child devel-
opment. Child development is concerned with the evolution of motor skills,
language skills, and social skills. It also involves the development of cognition,

Q
intelligence, reasoning, personality and through adolescence, the creation of
autonomy, a sense of self and values. . . . All of these are enhanced in an inter-
active world. When children control their media, rather than passivel
serve, they develop faster. (p. 7)

The new media, because of its distributed interactive and many-to-many na-
ture, has a greater neutrality. A new set of values is arising as children begin to
communicate, play, learn, work, and think with the new media. More than ever
before, a generation is beginning to learn. Call it generational learning. (p. 9)

The N-Generation, as Tapscott (1998) called them, already exhibit a

strong preference for the interactive media instead of the older broadcast
technologies that do not respond to their needs or their way of learning. He
claimed that this is because “N-Geners” view it as a natural extension of
themselves. It is in fact the specific medium that will follow and perpetuate
the force of their youth, just as television has traced the lives of the boom-
ers” (p. 31).
It was the networking of home computers that changed the one-way pas-
sivity of television audiences into a dynamic network of active learners. The
Internet enabled these savvy young questers for knowledge to search the
Web for the latest information and to self-organize into playful communities,
even to set up their own Web sites and forge their own peer cultures. The
Web was the ultimate tool of informal learning, Tapscott (1998) concluded.
Freed from the top-down world of formal schooling, children established
their own codes and styles of interaction in the digital playgrounds being
provided online by far-thinking entrepreneurs in cyber-savvy organizations.
In short, kids did get the message of digital revolution. So it is hardly sur-
prising that the one remaining star in the e-commerce firmament has been
“interactive entertainment.” Video game makers Sony, Nintendo, and Micro-
soft and their online gaming products continue to expand even while the
rest of the dot.com world has drifted into a funk (Canadian Press, 2001).
With the launch of graphically upgraded consoles and superfast graphic
computers, U.S. game revenues swelled to $10.6 billion in 2001, a figure that
surpasses the total annual box office receipts for movies and matches the
 140 KLINE

amount spent on computers for schools. Although the National Information

Infrastructure was meant to propel the American educational system into
the information age, the real beneficiaries of interactivity are the digital en-
tertainment industries. Ultima, one of the first PC games to move success-
fully online, has 125,000 subscribers who pay U.S. $10 monthly after their
$40 to $70 initial costs to play Ultima Online (Kranz, 1999). The average Ul-
tima Online player behaves like a member of a cult, logging 17 hr per week
online, and frequently far more. Saved characters and items can be sold to
other players or traded at ancillary Web sites for an amount up to and ex-
ceeding U.S. $3,000 (Gunter, 1999).
Indeed, the online entertainment market expanded rapidly throughout
the 1990s as Doom and Counterstrike pioneered the multiplayer metagenre,
which blended the shooter and the role-play adventures into an online war
game experience. One of the most profitable of these networked games is
Everquest. Currently, more than 350,000 individuals are paid subscribers at
the price of approximately U.S. $10 per month, which grosses $3.5 million
per month. This is in addition to the roughly U.S. $50 initial price for each
game and $30 each for the three expansion programs, which brings in a rev-
enue of $350 million per year.

CHILDREN’S MEDIA CULTURES IN TRANSITION?

Once a single library held the knowledge of the world.

“row Centuries later, data was still controlled by an elite few.
Then Oracle freed everyone to work with databases.
Today, Oracle is putting the knowledge of the world online.
“It will forever change our markets and our culture” (says Oracle’s CEO, Larry
Ellison)
Where do you learn about companies whose future is as limitless as our hun-
ger to know?
Exactly: Nasdaq.com. (Oracle Databases TV commercial 1998)

Negroponte (1995), Tapscott (1998), and Rushkoff (1999) portray the coming
of “cyber gaming” as a revolutionizing force in children’s lives overthrow-
ing the authoritarian, centralized, elitist model of mass media in favor of
emancipatory, decentralized, distributed, and populist “republic” of net-
worked interactivity by which digital kids will feel most at home surfing the
net and playing video games. After ananalysis ofseveral hundred magazitie
and television ads for this emerging genre of interactive entertainment, it is
impossible not to notice the same Toffleresque tropes. Video game adver-
tisers have portrayed interactive media as embodying the educational ben-
efits of computers, the immersive liveliness of TV fantasy, and the social
connectivity of telephones (Kline & de Peuter, 2002). In promotional mis-
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 141

sives to parents and teachers, interactive media have promised to enhance

children’s enthusiasm for learning, provide accessible resources for knowl-
edge, and motivate young peo 001
As illustrated in the Oracle ad, against a backdrop of feared mass media
passivity, “interactivity” and “connectivity” are taken to be libratory be-
cause immersion in “virtual” worlds is touted to be both an intellectually
challenging yet fun way to skill children for the inevitably wired future.
Even sober educators, developmental psychologists, and children’s media
researchers rallied behind this utopian promise that video games would
help children discover autonomy and a freedom in the pansophic world of
cyberspace.
The author has listened to innumerable talks by optimistic researchers
promising that free explorations of connected multimedia products such as
online Web sites, encyclopedia, and educational games offered innumera-
ble advantages and no disadvantages of past educational media: books,
toys and films. Children, they claimed, explore these complex cyberworlds
willingly, and therefore are motivated to learn better despite the marginal
proof (Becker, 2000). They dismissed the violence of gaming, the cyber-
stalking in the chat rooms, the insistence of porn merchants, the banality of
“cut and paste” homework assignments, the encounters with racism and
hate sites, the perpetual Spam as incidental to the logic of networked com-
puters, and the inherent “potentialities” interactive media bring to chil-
dren’s learning.
The author also has visited classrooms in which proud teachers showed
him students aimlessly “texting” to each other about rock stars, surfing
fanzines, or even playing video games in the classroom, as if these were
ways of fulfilling the IT curriculum because no legitimate educational strat-
egy has been developed for the use of the networked computers. Viewing
digital culture through rosy lenses, the Information and Communication
Technologies (ICT) enthusiasts not only ignored the various risks (and the
costs), but willingly put the future of both schooling and children’s leisure
into the hands of the various global corporations and organizations that
can afford to design and distribute interactive entertainment worldwide.
Perhaps the most protean feature of the information age lies in the dis-
cursive practices of the cybergurus who describe children’s entertainment
experiences with interactive media as if anything and everything was made
possible by computerizing television. Video gaming is taken to be the exem-
plary interactive experience because gaming is assumed to be a dynamic,
social, and self-motivated type of communication activity. In this digital ver-
sion of the play ethos, gaming is endlessly enobling; making menued
choices is the expression of creativity; any response to a simulated chal-
lenge is a strategic “action” based on a “decoding” of the problem; moving
through virtual mazes is tantamount to exploring and mastering one’s own
 142 KLINE

imaginations; the fantastical settings are providing exposure to other per-

spectives and points of view; and any kind of exchange between players en-
tails the consolidation of the online player community. These afficiando’s
speak as if computers reinvented play. A graphic spatial representation is
now a “virtual reality”; audiovisual presentations of text, image, and sound
on the TV screen are “multimedia experiences”; and iconic representations
of characters are “computer presences” or “avatars.” Most important, video
games are “immersive” rather than “escapist” because users can imagine
that they control the flow of fantastical images from the screen.
The author admires their linguistic creativity, but it must be remembered
that interactivity, interpretation, fantasy, and exploration are properties of all
communication media—even television. Television also is multimedia, pos-
sessing all the same audiovisual potentialities of moving images, music,
sound, and text. Television even allows a degree of control over the flow of
programming, although this is more true of the video game, in which control
includes the possibility of maneuvering and navigating through game spaces.
The navigational interface enables the player to make choices during the nar-
rative or problem-solving action, creating the impression of control over the
flow of meaning. But choice is experienced as a matter of tactical decisions
executed within predefined scenarios whose strategic parameters are preor-
dained by the programming. The suspension of disbelief, however, is as
much a part of the video gaming experience as it is of all representational
forms because the choices must be preprogrammed into the game.
Perhaps it is more than just the optimist’s faith in technology that needs
q? rethinking. Of all the forms of childhood communication activities, none is
‘more dynamic or ambiguous than game play. A group of children engaged
Pee in role-play or sports provides a benchmark for the self-determining cre-
ative expressive events that most venerate with the word “play.” To equate
two-way exchanges of digital information within computerized multimedia
c networks with this idea of social play, as if the former exhausts the later, is
seriously to reduce the dynamism of social play. Put simply, the practices
of technological design and programming sets limits on the possibility of
TaTera icUg INCICEA CGR ChAP a eper =aeNE
v chain saw in a Quake Death Match—is hardly a matter of radical openness
: 3 ¥ or “real choice” experienced in playful encounters. In short, playing a video
eS game may be more flexible than watching TV, but it is not identical to a
group of kids in a park spontaneously discussing what game they should
play next.
Computer technology did create new possibilities for human expression.
No one will deny that interactive media provides the user with a greater de-
gree of control over the flow of information, the cultural consumer with a
novel leisure product, or the gamer with a dynamic spielraum enabling so-
cial interaction with other players around the world. But this new cultural
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 143

trajectory has depended on the social institutions that designed and dis-
tributed gaming experiences as well as the resources and interest of those
audiences that used them. Yet when one actually looks at what the educa-
tional game producers have invested in, one discovers that the design and
distribution of interactive products has been constrained by marketing im-
peratives. It can cost between $2 and $10 million to produce a game, so al-
though anything can conceivably be programmed into a computer, market
economics is a constraining factor narrowing the potential diversity of in-
teractive experiences to the games preferred by the most loyal and fre-
quent buyers of games—youthful males (Kline, 1997). It is difficult to find evi-
dence of those liberated subjectivities and egalitarian ethics in the actual
virtual play spaces designed for young males seeking intensified and vio-
lent conflict and escapism (Provenzo, 1997). :
It is not surprising, therefore, that on the other side of the information
highway, Neil Postman’s (1993) book Technopoly has provided what is per-
haps the clearest expression of neoluddite skepticism about the potential f
of computers for kids. For Postman (1993), computers, like TV, fostered a
mindless escapism that hastened the declining literacy and growing
uncivility of the Nintendo generation. Postman (1993) lamented that an-
other generation was about to be amused to death by vapid entertainment
delivered through new electronic channels. The introduction of interactive
media into their daily rituals, he argued, will continue to erode the “four
hundred-year-old truce between gregariousness and openness fostered by 4
orality and the introspection and isolation fostered by the printed word.”
Postman (1993) frowned upon the unrestrained enthusiasm for computers
within educational circles, stating: f

In the most dramatic terms, the accusation can be made that the uncontrolled
growth of technology destroys the vital sources of our humanity. It creates a
culture without a moral foundation. It undermines certain mental processes
and soci j t_ make human life worth living. (p. xiii) :

Postman (1993) challenged the idea the computers are inherently educa-
tional, preferring to point to the commercial institutions and cultural prac- =
tices that program and profit from it:

Surrounding every technology are institutions whose organization—not_ to

mention their reason for being—reflects the world view promoted by the tech- ;
nology. (p. 18)

In Postman’s view, computer technology, like television before it, is part o f

broader cultural system in moral decline, which undermines the 400-year
tradition of productive leisure fostered by the values and belief syst
cultivated around “literate” childhood.
 44 KLINE

LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR PLAYERS?

RESEARCHING THE MEDIA-SATURATED
HOUSEHOLD

rTheir faith in technology and their ignorance of social history are the twin
indications that the cyberenthusiasts have not bothered to think very care-
fully about the specific conjuncture of possibilities in which interactive me-
dia have been developed or how contemporary children use and are af-
g
fected by this networked playground. This revolutionary rhetoric of
convergence, it seems, has ignored some key lessons of communication
theory taught by scholars such as Marshall McLuhan (1964). Of the various
Al insights he offered, perhaps his most discussed and least understood is
¢ that the “medium is the message.” This phrase often is taken as a jumping-
q He point for the digital technological hyperbole of the enthusiasts, who fail
to appreciate McLuhan’s (1964) paradoxical historical sensibility. New me-
dia were not necessarily good or evil, but they often did profoundly alter
the course of a culture. Clarifying this aphorism, McLuhan (1964) stated
that by this infamous phrase he implied no technological inevitability, but
rather reminded us that “any understanding of social and cultural change is
ae impossible without a knowledge of the way media work as environments.”
o The task of media studies was to examine carefully the bias of experience
(elt in media, which as extensions of some aspect of ourselves, ex-
vs panded our human potential for communication, generating unique, and
id

9 i sometimes contradictory, disturbances _i i arts,

top

knowledge, attitudes, habits, and perceptions (McLuhan, 1964, p. 26). His-

torically, as McLuhan (1964) pointed out, television did not overthrow the
literate culture that preceded it so much as it absorbed and reworked old
forms of communication as contents and forms migrated into new media or
were hybridized as they interacted with each other in the new electronic
environment.
As the title of this chapter suggests, computers were developed within a
cultural environment with well-established modalities of communication
forged around three prior children’s media: books, playthings, and TV.
) Taking literacy as the measure of civility, a modern conception of progres-
3 sive childhood emerged in the early century that made learning to
read and write the essential agenda of children’s intellectual development.
a rc ee a
As Brian Sutton-Smith (1986) has pointed out, toys and games also were to
43
po make play the “work of childhood.” In becomij j re en-

;
ouraged to participate in a socializi tivity that became the sanctioned
form of productive leisure—a healthy way for children to spend their idle
time, to express their natural exuberance, and to have fun in a socially ac-

4 ceptable way (Sutton-Smith, 1986). It was against the ideology of toys and
books as tools of progress that children’s television entertainments came
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 145

as a shock. Instead of educating children, broadcasting seemed to offer

only passive entertainment, a flood of popular cultural experiences that at-
tracted child spectators, but offered few of the redeeming qualities associ-
ated
ited with
with the ive” pursuits of play and learning.
the “productive”
McLuhan (1964) saw the contemporary child as torn between the literate
culture of the book and the postmodern culture of mass media. Although
not generally thought of as a play theorist, he was keenly aware of the
growing importance of play cultures. For him, the child watching sports or
game shows on TV was not just a passive viewer of an entertainment con-
tent, but also a participant in a play ritual. A game, he pointed out, is a very
ancient tribal cultural form, a ritual occasion for social communication de-
fined by rules and competition “contrived to permit simultaneous participa-
tion of many people in some significant pattern of their own corporate
lives” (p. 210). The games a people play, he noted, are themselves mass
“media that communicate specific cultural values and sentiments.” In what
might be his most prescient observation, he saw the broadcast media as
amplifying the modalities of play in the postmodern culture. Yet he also rec-
ognized the underlying tensions created within cultural commentaries as
people adjusted to these new modalities of communication, warning:

We are today as far into the electric age as the Elizabethans had advanced
into the typographical and mechanical age. And we are experiencing the same
confusions and indecisions which they had felt when living simultaneously in
two contrasted forms of society and experience. SS ay ene

Unfortunately, Marshall McLuhan’s (1964) complex portrait of the emerging

global village traumatized by colliding media cultures has been all but for-
gotten by those optimists who foretell our children’s happy future from the
“interactivity” of computers. Yet it was into this mixed and synergistic cul-
tural context pulled in one direction by schools and in the other by elec-
tronic media that video gaming was first introduced during the 1980s. Al-
though they were originally regarded as toys, interactive media have
quickly shown themselves to be a highly convergent medium combining
learning, play, and entertainment in a synergistic experience. As comput-
ers, they were programmable books that could deliver learning experiences
in a more dynamic user-friendly way. Yet as high tech toys, computer
games also could stimulate children’s “productive play” and the history of
sports, role-play, competition, and skills training that have become deeply
embedded in children’s culture. By linking players through online connec-
tions interactive, media were forging new channels of communal participa-
tion in play. As a text-based information distribution system, connectivity
provided access to information databases that made books appear to be
sluggish and forbidding ways of learning. In short, interactive media are a
; 146 KLINE

hybrid cultural form that combine the storytelling capacities of video and
the information-processing capacities of computers with the active partici-
os pation of toys. This hybrid medium has grown into a rapidly expanding digi-
tal entertainment network that complements and competes with other me-
dia traditions in children’s lives. The aforementioned analysis suggests that
it is the hybridization of cultural traditions rather than the convergence of
technologies that is the most interesting feature of the interactive media en-
vironment.
Sonia Livingstone (2002) and George Gaskell (Livingstone & Gaskell,
1996) argued that it also is time to stop speculating about how new media
WO. impacted kids and to study empirically the actual use of these “new media”
Y within the domestic context. Livingstone’s (2002) account of the impact of
new media shows why we must take seriously “the notion of the media en-
vironment” by providing a more realistic picture of how children incorpo-
rate various electronic information and entertainment sources into their
daily routines within the media-saturated household.
Livingstone’s (2002) study of media use in the home situates children’s
patterned use of new media within the underlying household social ecolo-
gies including the physical organization and social relations of family life.
Time spent in mediated, as opposed to personal, communication is at a his-
<< >» torical high in the United Kingdom. National policy and commercial envi-
ronments obviously play an important role in the patterns of media tech-
+ 3 nologies use in the home. For example, according to Livingstone (2002), the
-E ./ differences between Britain’s “bedroom” culture (privatized media) and
3 3 more traditional familial use patterns found on the continent deserve some
pea vk 3 attention, as do sociological factors because as in Himmelweit’s original
g e™ study, media use patterns are contingent on class, region, and gender.

y ee
Therefore, for all the promises of universal education, ICTs remain a so-
cially embedded cultural resource within contemporary British families.
The communication patterns of young people are diverse. They include
social interaction, homework, leisure reading, playing, looking for infor-
: < mation, and being entertained in various ways and through diverse media.

qt
Ga Yet their use of old media such as TV, CDs, and books for entertainment is
not largely altered by the incursions of the digital technologies. The new
media too seem to have been incorporated into the old media cultural pat-
terns, particularly social interaction and popular entertainments. The addi-

AS
tion of video game play is perhaps the most significant new communication
0
activity in the media-rich household, especially for boys. As Livingstone
2002) concluded:

While adults wish children would gain from the encyclopaedic knowledge re-
sources of the Internet, their children play fantasy games or follow their fa-
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 147

vorite television and sports stars, or discuss their lives—cautiously, playfully,

or controversially—in chat rooms. (p. 241)

American researchers provide a similarly telling picture of the impact

that new media have had on children’s communication routines at home.
Interactive media are found in the vast majority of American households,
but the old media still pervade their day. The amount of TV viewing aver-
ages 2.45 hr, and has not decreased across the youthful population, which
continues to read magazines and listen to music. Although the time spent
using all media has increased with wired penetration of the household to
5.29 hr, a digital divide persists, with wealthier children owning PCs more,
having more media in their bedrooms, and having access to the Internet, mee
and with poorer children rely more on TV and video games for their elec- Fe
tronic entertainment and being net consumers of all media for an hour or
longer (Kaiser, 1999). Time spent with media increases from 3.34 hr among z |
the 2- to 7-year-olds to 6.43 hr for the 8 to 18-year-olds because children or
have tended to add up to 1 hr of new media use to their already stretched p-
leisure schedules. New media are used more by boys than girls. Boys also 4
clearly have access to and enjoy video game play more. Although they/ W/ Y
spend little time completing homework assignments online or researching
their hobbies, young people have accepted interactive media as a com-
fortable place to spend just less than 1 hr of their leisure time each day
(ACCP, 2000).
A similar story unfolds in Canada, where the number of wired house-
holds with children hovers around 79%. Indeed, the households of Canadian
children are among the most wired in the world, and these children are well e
on their way to being among ICT’s most avid users. In a recent Canadian
study of more than 5,000 young people conducted by the Media Avacensse™
Network (2001), researchers found that the young people still preferred
television, which 81% report using every day, as compared with 43% who go
on the Internet every day. Music and video games also are popular, with
48% of males, but only 16% of girls playing offline every day. Economic stat- ~
us and gender are important factors shaping how Canadian children gain
mma
access to and routinely use the net (Sciades, 2000). At home, the Internet is
used primarily for downloading free music and software (Napster still was
free), playing games, chatting, and cruising fan sites. The way children use
the Internet, however, is gendered, with girls being more likely to prefer
messaging and e-mail (68% vs. 45%) and chatting (42% vs. 32%) and with
boys preferring gaming (56% vs. 37%). Gaming and downloading of music re- | -—~
main the most frequently reported use of the Internet. The least favorite ac-
tivity of Canadian children is using the Web for educational purposes, -
which they do only when they are required to do so. Although 7% of the
148 KLINE

children reported using the Internet daily for homework, this was done
mostly at school.
The author’s own studies of media-saturated families in British Colunr
bia! has more or less replicated Livingstone’s (2002) studies finding that
teens are spending up to 6.1 hr per day with electronic communication. Sim-
ilar to youth in Europe, these teens have more scope to choose among
more Communication options than ever before. They have books, music,
games, phones, and screens in abundance, often in their rooms. A visitor
opening the door of teens’ bedrooms in British Columbia will inevitably find
books (94%), music (91%), TVs (42%) and Internet connections (30%). More
than 80% reported having two or more media in their rooms (14% had six or
more).
Despite these new communication options, music and television watch-
ing have evidently not lost their appeal as traditional forms of entertain-
ment, taking up the lion’s share of young peoples leisure. Together, watch-
ing TV and listening to music are the main forms of entertainment (24 hr
per week). Downloading music on the net and listening to it on MP3 have
supplemented the radio and phonograph. Moreover, as in the past, teens
spend a lot of time maintaining social contact (8 hr/week for girls and 5 hr/
week for boys). When young people use the Internet, it is largely to down-
load music, to chat with friends, to cruise the fan sites, and increasingly to
play online games (Kline, 2001). To the degree that cell phones and ICTs
provide new channels for social interchange, they can provide a space for a
favorite teen activity: conversations and hanging out. Although TV time is
the same for both genders, boys report reading less than girls (see Fig. 9.1).
Although music, reading, hanging out with friends, sports, and of course
television dominate the preferred activities of teens in British Columbia,
boys do put video games at the top of their list. New “digital” media fill an-
other 21 hr per week, with boys spending at least 1 hr per day more than
girls with them, mainly using the computer or playing video games, increas-
ingly playing games online. Girls report being less enamored with video
games, but do explore the fan sites and send messages. The also are more
likely to read books and enter chats. For most teens, ICTs seem to vie with
the telephone as a medium for bonding with friends in chat rooms or online
gaming dens.
The current study found a considerable “digital divide” between boys’
and girls’ access to new media. Twice as many boys reported having ready
access to video games (43% vs. 17%), PCs (43% vs. 22%), and Internet con-
nections (40% vs. 17%) in their rooms than girls. Access to media in their
own rooms consistently related to their propensity to use them more (see
Fig. 9.2).

'Data was gathered from 728 British Columbia teens in 2000. A full report on this study can be
found at http://www.sfu.ca/media-lab/research/mediasat/secondschool.pdf.
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 149

Preferred Internet Activities

Dowloading music/shareware es ee

COMA
Surfing for hobbies eo
GN GCOS

Gathering information a
Watching videosimultinedig

Online gaMe@S |
Education/School work [jo
enseeeseeemeeseeeeeeeees —

Surfing no purpose ass

|.
Shopping/product info SS

Buying things |
_____ d

0 1 2 3 4 5
Scale: 1=no way to 5=really enjoy

Males OFemales MTotal

FIG. 9.1. Preferred Internet activities.

The digital divide reflects the gendered entertainment preferences eS-

tablished in children’s play cultures. Boys prefer the action combat, strat-
egy, and role-play games, whereas girls prefer the adventure, puzzle, and
classic games (see Tables 9.1 and 9.2). Rather than change children’s play
cultures, digital media seem to be consolidating the same barriers that
have long existed between the genders.

Media in room/not in room and hours per week of play

Music

Internet

Phone
Videogame
Books
Gameboy

—) DS) ms >) 8 10 12 14 16 18
Mean hour per week
ONot In Room gin Room

FIG. 9.2. Media in room/not in room and hours per week of play.
150
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151
152 KLINE

With new media assimilated into established peer interaction and enter-
tainment activities, it is in the popularity of video game play that the clear-
est indication is found that something is changing in the media-saturated
household. The interactivity and connectivity has not so much transformed
youthful entertainment cultures as it has supplemented its play options by
building on boys’ interest in war and conflict games, sports, and fantasy
role-play. This is particularly evidenced in the analysis of the heaviest users
of the new media environment—the avid heavy gamers who are more likely
to play combat and role-play games and less likely to play adventure and
sports games. The expansion of video game play has been achieved largely
by the ability of the gaming industry to deliver these entertainment stal-
warts in an attractive new way. It is important to reflect on the immersion,
play control, and flow that gamers report as the active meaning-making ex-
periences of these types of games. Simulation games, edutainment and puz-
zles are consistently among the least preferred genres (Kline, 1997, 2001).
Anyone trying to understand the media-saturated household needs to
understand the trade-offs young people make when they choose between
learning, entertainment, peer bonding, and play. These trade-offs speak to a
wider set of social and emotional problems young people face at school, in
peer groups, and in families. This study showed that the heaviest gamers
are likely to trade off reading books and homework for screen entertain-
ment, sleep for gaming, virtual play for active leisure and social interaction.
Heavy gamers are most likely to report that they make friends by gaming,
and that most of their friends are gamers, although in many cases they also
report wanting to socialize with their friends in reality, but not being able to
do so. The virtual sociability created in computer-mediated play is a phe-
nomenon in need of study. Although friendship and entertainment seem to
win over learning, it appears that for boys, playing games wins over all.
But it also is important to situate young peoples’ use of mediated com-
munication in its social context of family relations. Children’sfreedom to
use media, however expanded, is not absolute, especially for the very
young. The current data show that young peoples’ active engagement with
their media must be set carefully within the constraints of family and peer
relations. The supervision of media by parents remains an important part
of the way children gain access to and navigate the converging media envi-
ronment, in terms of encouragement _and modeling as well as constraints
and rules (see Fig. 9.3). Children with more media in the bedroom are less
likely to report supervision and more likely to engage in risky uses of the
Internet. Family dynamics and parental attitudes, like peer relationships,
are an important aspect of the analysis of contemporary play cultures.
Therefore, as in Britain and the United States, it has hard to find evi-
dence that the diffusion of ICTs into the Canadian household has been edu-
cationally beneficial or socially leveling. Moreover, as this study shows,
9. LEARNERS, SPECTATORS, OR GAMERS? 153

No restrictions on media use

Percentage of sample with no restrictions on media

G@ Males (Females M Total

FIG. 9.3. No restrictions on media use.

more teens regularly use porn sites than use the Internet for homework or
self-development on a daily basis. Meanwhile, theft of software, cyber-
stalking, and unsolicited marketing have become serious issues, making |
both parents and young people wary of their use of ICTs. Around the world,
inundated by porn site solicitations and concerned about Quake addiction, a 3
concerned parents are severing the electronic umbilical cord because
these dreams of networked learning have dissolved into a XXX-wired play- y
ground. Disillusionment with the Web in Canada was evident in the fact that 2
200,000 subscribers logged off forever inthe last 6 months of 2002, The rea 4
son they consistently gave was that they were worried about porn and se-
curity, or that they just never used the service because it did not provide f
value for themselves or their children (Crompton, Ellison, & Stevenson, .
2002). Ct

CONCLUSION

The problem with the spin-doctored promises made about the digital gener-
ation was the failure actually to examine how digital media have impacted
children’s culture. It is now known that these claims are overstated. Interac- 9
tive media did not radically alter children’s culture or displace televisions
and books. In fact, the new media took their place alongside those other tra- 2
ditional “new” media, forcing trade-offs in some cases and hybridization jn 2
ca)
others. The convergence in children’s media has resulted in a dynamic and F
constantly changing domestic entertainment environment, in which video
game play has become an attractive alternative play form for many kids, es-
pecially boys. But it has not altered the course of history.
The threefold promise of democraticized access to information, power-
ful new opportunities for learning, and active leisure were never confirmed
by those who bothered to look at how children actually use the new media
Ironically, on the same day that Steve Case resigned, newspapers report
154 KLINE

that the legacy of our digital folly was still with us. Computers were still be-
ing ordered for Quebec schools although evidence had been found that
computer-assisted learning was of little value (Sokolof, 2003). This not
mean that computers cannot be educationall y useful. But it does mean that

Dee OE as cae a ee ee aml EsAlthough

and e-mail enjoy some popularity among digital kids, the pri-
chat rooms
mary driver of the Internet was the free music and games, which they now
can and do play at school. Unfortunately, the investment in technologies
were traded off against investment in educational software, and perhaps
more problematically, against proven sports, music, and arts programs in
the schools.
It is little wonder that studies of public opinion show many parents grad-
ually becoming more concerned about their schools wasting money on
computers and about cyberkids spending too much time playing on them.
The new media have simply added to public confusion about children’s cul-
ture, and to anxieties about media’s contribution to school shootings and
bullying, addiction, threats to the security, and the well-being of the digital
generation. No one can predict the future by looking at technology alone,
but surely as Sonia Livingstone (2002) pointed out, one thing can be proph-
esied: Public debates about the benefits and risks associated with media-
saturated childhood will not disappear anymore than childhood itself.

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 oaths (Or Gen
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Learning With Computer Games

Jonas Linderoth
Berner Lindstrom
Mikael Alexandersson

Computer games are a part of many people’s everyday activities and an ex-
panding cultural phenomenon (Egenfeldt-Nielsen & Smith, 2000; Linderoth,
Lantz-Andersson, & Lindstrém, 2002; Poole, 2000). This has brought expec-
tations about the use of computer games in education for pedagogical pur-
poses. A number of studies, projects, and conferences are concerned with
the issue of computer games in education.! Games and simulations were
used as learning resources long before the development of computer tech-
nology (Avedon & Sutton-Smith, 1971), and there is a long traditi -
cators using games and simulations in their classrooms (Millians, 1999).
However, the motives for using and developing com in educa- 6
tion comprise a rather diverse, indistinct, and incongruous cluster of argu- q ~—

learni jectives might be fulfilled by the intr ion of computer

ames in education and in the ideas about how games contribute to learn-
ing (Linderoth et al., 2002).
With regard to what the usage of computer games enhance, a number of - 2
different abilities have been suggested, for instance, media and computer

'For instance the Computer Games in Education Conference held in Stockholm, June 2002,
the Computer Games in Education Project established by the British Educational Communica- -
tions and Technology Agency (http://www.becta.org.uk/technology/software/curriculum/
computergames/) and the Games to Teach Project which is a partnership between Microsoft
and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (http://cms.mit.edu/games/education/).

157
 158 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

y literacy, cognitive skills such as problem solving and spatial awareness, so-
cial skills such as the ability to collaborate, and the learning of content in
different subjects (Dawes & Dumbleton, 2002; Erstad, 2002). One learning
potential of computer games that has been described is the possibility of
detecting relations between symbols (Squire, 2002). Thus games are some-
times compared with books, films, or other means of storytelling. Games
then are described as media that may have some unique qualities that, in
rf contrast to older media, can be more productive for learning about a phe-
——— nomenon represented in the game (Gardenfors, 1999). The idea that com-
puter games, more than other media, narrow the relation between a repre-
sentation and the represented phenomenon also is suggested in the
research on games and aggressive behavior. For instance, Anderson and
Dill (2000) proposed that the players’ identification with the avatar, the ac-
tive participation, and the addictive nature of computer games constitute a
learning environment that may be more harmful (or powerful) than TV and
movies.
i Concerning how learning with games occurs, diverse aspects and quali-
ties of play have been emphasized to justify the effectiveness of using com-
puter games as compared with traditional learning approaches. Play is
sometimes conceptualized as a form of socialization and cognitive growth,
7 y primarily about development rather than enjoyment. The occurrence of
{3 play then is seen as something good and productive by itself (Sutton-Smith,
ye 1997). As Brougere (1999) pointed out, “The passage from the play experi-
wy 3 ence in its singularity to learning content is sometimes very mysterious.”
Another argument for the educational usage of computer games is that
games increase the learner’s motivation, giving them the educational ad-
vantage of being more fun than other learning approaches.
The great diversity of the arguments for developing and using games as
educational tools makes it difficult to criticize the idea that games are suit-
able for educational practices. If evaluations do not show positive results of
- learning, there is always another human quality that the advocates of edu-
? cational computer gaming can claim is being positively affected.2 The popu-
lar i j ing and development also
are hard to question, and the critic risks being defined as a boring Calvinist.
~ Some empirical studies have tried to scrutinize the educational benefits
4 “| that games may have by evaluating and comparing traditional learning ap-
4iproaches with the usage of games in education (Randel & Morris, 1992). Al-
though this approach to educational games takes an analytical rather than
a rhetorical stance, it has a built-in normative agenda. Learning with com-
3 puter games basically becomes a question of how curricular goals and ob-
TT
a ELE ke

0 Wieiienaigbbataabicinlenn:

3 *Compare the debate on the effects of LOGO programming on children’s learning (Clements
“{ «Meredith, 1992; Papert, 1987).
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 159

jectives can be promoted with the help of technology. Furt re, it often
is a question concerning the relative effectiv s of the technology. The is-

ricular objectives.
From a design perspective and as a practical enterprise, it is fully reason-
able to follow this means-ends rationale. However, it can be argued that it
is important, practically and theoretically, also to consider effects of a spe-
cific pedagogical intervention that are unintended and not foreseen. Such
an approach provides a more refined basis for the development and use of,
for example, a pedagogical technology. Because computer gaming is a part
of young people’s everyday practice, the issue of using these technologies 7
for pedagogical purposes in educational institutions could benefit from an
ood
u nd i of game playing as a social and psychological activity in thisyeacar
broader context. This should give a broader knowledge basis for discussing
and using the technology to reach different curricular goals and objectives.
The authors argue that sociocultural theories offer a framework for investi-
gating learning with computer games in a more comprehensive manner.

A SOCIOCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
ON GAMES AND LEARNING

During the past two decades Vygotskian theory as a prototype for socio-
cultural theory has had a large impact on learning theory in particular and
educational theory in general, challenging some basic premises of educa-
tional psychology and cognitive science. A central idea characterizes learn- g
ing as a process of mastering different tools. Learning is not only a mental
issue. These tools can be both physical (e.g., calculators and pencils) and

es
psychological (e.g., mathematical models and concepts). Thinking, acting, ee
a
—
s
and communicating are mediated by these tools. Individuals use different
tools as resources, as mediational means to get along in the world. These
tools, even if psychological, are not biological in their nature, but cultural
(Salj6, 1999; Vygotsky, 1986; Wells, 1999; Wertsch, 1998). Wertsch (1998)
pointed out that cultural tools have affordances* that make it possible for
task e ave been impossible without these arti-
facts 29).

3The concept of affordances, originally developed by J. J. Gibson, means what the environ-
ment offers an animal, the complementarity between animal and environment (Gibson, 1986).
The concept has to some extent been redefined and is used sometimes just to define properties
of an object. The concept is used here as Norman (2002) used it to define the “possible relation-
ships among actors and objects.” We find this definition appropriate when analyzing virtual en-
vironments, a phenomenon that was not a part of the original works of J. J. Gibson. [See also the
chapter by Bergen, this volume. ]
160 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

Sociocultural theory claims that learning cannot be seen as the result f

education and instruction alone. It must be understood as an inevitable
phenomenon that occurs in everyday activities (Salj6, 2000; Wells, 1999) as
an appropriation of elements of social practices. This view of learning is de-
veloped in the theory of situated learning (Lave, 1999; Lave & Wenger,
1991).
Salj6 (2000) pointed out that learning often is understood as something
constructive and desirable, but noted that this hardly is an obvious conclu-
sion. Many of the learning processes in modern society can rather be seen
as destructive and dangerous. He concluded by saying that although it is
common in research, “the study of learning and human development per-
haps should not be reduced to certain psychological mechanisms that are
assumed to have a positive significance” (p. 28).
Taking a sociocultural perspective on learning with computer games, the
authors investigate what kind of learning processes can be found in the so-
cial and intellectual activity of playing computer games, both outside and
within educational institutions. What do gamers learn, for better or for
worse, while playing computer games? How do the players make sense of
images, sounds, animations, and occurrences in the games? How are the
games used as mediational means and for what purposes? All these ques-
tions and social theories of learning ought to be answered from a
sociocultural perspective before claims are made about educational possi-
bilities. To see what kind of possibilities a certain artifact has in the interest
of education, there is a need to understand the properties of the artifact, to
know what it affords.

METHODS FOR STUDYING LEARNING

In the theoretical perspective just outlined, the analytical focus should not
be the effectiveness of games in educational practices but playing as a situ-
ated activity. The primary unit of analysis in this study was the interaction
between participants during computer gaming and between participants
and the technology. The methodological line of reasoning adopted in this
work for the study of learning with computer games has been applied in
studies of other learning with other kinds of technologies. Within the field
of computer-supported collaborative learning (Koschmann, 1996a;
Koschmann, Hall, & Miyake, 2002), the analysis of conversation and interac-
tion is a rather common focus for the study of learning with information
technology. The basic assumptions in this field have been described as a
combination of social constructivist viewpoints and theories of situated
learning within a more general sociocultural theoretical framework. The is-
sues of concern in this field are those sketched earlier. Instructional effi-
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 161

cacy is put aside to make way for the study of how people “do” learning and
7)
how instruction is “enacted” (Koschmann, 1996b). A method that research-
ers in this field use is termed “interaction analysis” (Jordan & Henderson,
1995), and can be described as a microsociological approach inspired by
geee
ee
the works of ethnomethodologists such as Garfinkel (1984), conversation
analysts such as Austin (1962), and the late Goffman (1981, 1986). The con-
crete analysis often is based on detailed transcriptions of audio or video re-
cordings, in which the researcher focuses on such things as the structure of
events, the spatial and temporal organization of the activity, turn taking,
the usage of artifacts Jordan & Henderson, 1995), how context is produced,
and which discourses are used (Linell, 1998).

THE EMPIRICAL STUDY

Following this line of reasoning, an empirical study of children’s interaction

with computer games was conducted. The main purposes of the study were
to produce knowledge about the possibilities of games as mediational
means and to consider the educational possibilities of computer games as
emerging media. The study addressed the issues of how learning occurs,
and what is being learned in the situated activity of playing computer
games. It is important to stress that the focus was not only on the process
of learning as a form, but also on what meanings subjects give to their
game-playing activity in terms of experiential aspects of their interactions.
In this, the authors stress the phenomenological argument that learning for
the subject must always have an experiential content. The subject must be
learning something—a topic, a problem, a perspective, an issue, an attitude,
a certain value, a behavior, or a capability (Edelman & Tononi, 2001; Marton
& Booth, 1997). The research objective was to show what this something is,
what the subject’s learning object is.

Design

Following the tradition of computer-supported collaborative learning stud-

ies, children’s collaborative interaction comprised the unit of analysis.
Video recordings of 22 gaming sessions generated 25 hr of video data. The
recordings were performed using a stationary camera, with the researcher
only occasionally present in the room, thus minimizing the camera’s effects
on the interaction. A total of 35 children (18 boys and 17 girls) participated
in different constellations. The children ranged in age from 6 to 12 years.
The setting and the sort of computer games used in the sessions varied
from edutainment and simulation games jn schools to multiplayer video
gaines in home environments.
_—_—_™
 162 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

After an initial analysis of the total material, 11 unique sessions were

chosen for further analysis. The other 11 sessions tended to contain data on
the same children, or certain games were overrepresented in the material.
The chosen sessions were transcribed in detail using columnar transcripts
(Jordan & Henderson, 1995). All the children as well as their parents gave
their approval for participation in the study. Children used only games
their parents allowed them to play.
Part of the sessions were chosen for further analysis on the basis of the
authors’ first readings of the excerpts. Episodes were chosen in which the
data showed what the children took for granted in their sense-making proc-
esses. From these episodes, the authors searched for structures in the chil-
dren's assumptions and expectations. The main analytical focus was to see
how they made sense o e objects represented with images, texts,
sounds, and animations. Once the main result was found (see below), the
authors went back to the transcripts to see whether they could find more
episodes that could fit under their discovered patterns of interaction to
strengthen the result. The excerpts chosen for this discussion describe epi-
Hsgcoelvo
sodes found to be the most illustrative examples of the result.

Overview of the Sessions

As background for the results, an overview of the four sessions from which
the excerpts were taken is presented.

Session |. Build Cars With Mulle Meck. In this session two boys, Ola (8
years old) and Per (8 years old) played the game on a PC for 45 min. The
session took place in a corridor outside the children’s classroom. The gam-
ing situation was not part of the regular school activity, but prescribed by
the research project. Recording was done with one stationary camera. The
teacher was never present, and the researcher checked the session only oc-
casionally.
The game can best be described as a car-building simulation. The player
controls the character Mulle, who is a single male living in the forest with
his dog, and builds cars out of scrap from his personal junkyard and things
he finds in the game world. The back story of the game is that Mulle longs
to get to the place where the road ends at the ocean. The player constructs
cars and tests their properties by driving in a virtual world (two-dimen-
sional, birds-eye perspective). While playing the game, the player receives
different car parts that gives the car a variety of properties. Thus big trac-
tor tires are needed to get through muddy parts of the road, strong engines
to get up steep hills, and so on. Building with some car parts such as en-
gines and tires represents “real” car building. The use of other parts gives a
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 163

more fictional frame. For instance, roller-skates can be used instead of

wheels on the player’s car.

Session 2. Theme Hospital. In this session a boy, Bo (11 years old), and
a girl, Annika (11 years old), played Theme Hospital on a PC for 60 min. The
session took place in a storeroom of the children’s school. The gaming situ-
ation was not part of the regular school activity, but prescribed by the re-
search project. Recording was performed with one stationary camera. The
teacher was never present, and the researcher checked the session only oc-
casionally.
The game is a humorous hospital simulation with fictional diseases. The
player, who is the hospital manager, has the task of building and running a
profitable establishment. By building different rooms in the hospital (iso-
metric perspective), hiring different employees, and handling a number of
different dimensions (or variables), the objective is to produce a certain
surplus. If the player succeeds, he or she can go to the next level and build
a bigger, more advanced hospital.

Session 3. The Kingdom of Sweden (Svea Rike). In this session two

boys, Thomas (11 years old) and Lars (11 years old) played The Kingdom of
Sweden on a PC for 60 min. The session took place in a storeroom of the
children’s school. The gaming situation was not part of the regular school
activity, but prescribed by the research project. Recording was performed
with one stationary camera. The teacher was never present, and the re-
searcher checked the session only occasionally.
The game is a turn-based strategy game with a couple of small “arcade-
like” minigames within. The player is controlling a noble family in Sweden,
and the player’s objective is to gain reputation points for his or her family.
The game starts in the year 1523. Each turn simulates 4 years, and the game
stops in 1818. If enough reputation points are gained, the player is elected
king of Sweden. Reputation points are gained by acquiring many provinces
and recruiting many scientists and intellectual persons to one’s family. The
means of doing this are trade, diplomacy, and warfare with other countries
(Denmark, Poland, Russia, and Prussia), but the player’s opponents in the
game are the other Swedish noble families.

Session 4. Perfect Dark. In this session two sisters, Bea (6 years old)
and Elin (8 years old) played Perfect Dark on a Nintendo 64 console for 60
min. The children played the multiplayer option. They were sometimes on
the same team fighting against bots and sometimes on opposing teams. The
session took place in the children’s room at home. Recording was per-
formed with one stationary camera. On two occasions, a parent was called
upon. The researcher overheard the session from next door.
164 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

The game is an agent-style action adventure with the possibility of play-

ing a multiplayer scenario on a split screen. With the multiplayer option,
one to four players can be either for or against each other when playing.
The players also can have bots, so-called simulants, in their teams. The ba-
sic way of gaining points to win is to defeat members of the other team
without getting one’s own avatar killed.’

RESULTS

The analysis showed that there was one pattern of interaction, which the
authors believe has broad implications for understanding learning proc-
esses with computer games. The excerpts were chosen as representative
examples of this interaction pattern. They illustrate the main finding and
the result described in this chapter. The findings showed that the children
developed their own conceptual tools to communicate the affordances of
different game features to each other during the sessions. This way of mak-
ing sense of the gaming situation also was produced when children used
concepts from a computer game discourse as intellectual tools. The focus
for the children was thus on the possible relations between themselves as

sented phenomena. As illustrated in the excerpts, this meant that they

treated the game itself as an object of learning. In these cases, the games
did not become conceptual tools for the children’s understanding of some-
thing outside the gaming situation. Instead, they developed concepts to
handle the concrete situation in a very local manner.

Goatscares and Cleningchaps

In session 1, Ola and Per play very effectively. Ola, who is in charge of the
mouse during the whole session, has the Mulle Meck game at home.
Throughout the session, he uses his knowledge of the game to progress as
effectively as possible. This means that he actively seeks the car parts that
he knows will be crucial to overcoming some of the obstacles. One obstacle
in the game world is cows and goats standing in the middle of the road so
that Mulle cannot pass them. A horn is needed to honk at the cows, but the
goats are more stubborn, so to pass them, a megaphone is needed that
Mulle can use to shout at the goats. The megaphone can be used to scare
both the cows and the goats out of the road.

“Avatar” is the term for an actor whom a player controls in a game or a chat environment.
Originally meaning “the incarnation of a God,” Krishna is, for instance, an avatar of the higher
deity Vishnu. If an actor is controlled by artificial intelligence, it is called a “bot.”
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 165

FIG. 10.1. Mulle at his junkyard.

In the first excerpt Mulle’s friend Figge, a local scrap merchant, has been
at Mulle’s farm with some new parts for the car. Figge shows up rather ran-
domly during game play, and sometimes the only way to get a key part for
one’s car is to wait for Figge.

Excerpt? 1 From Session 1

iz Ola clicks on the garage gate, and

Mulle rolls out his car to the yard in
front of his farm. Mulle says, “Let’s
roll it out.” In the yard, there is a
pile of new car parts.
2. Ola [imitating a phrase that Mulle Mulle says, “Figge must have been
sometimes says]: “Let’s hope we get _ here with new car parts.”
gorgeous car parts” [interrupted by
Per who laughs].
3. Ola [in an excited voice]: “The am- One car part is in the shape of an
bulance!” ambulance coach.
4. Per: “There’s our, so we can find
our thing.”

5In all the excerpts, the information is structured in two columns. The first column contains
the speech. The second column contains information about other events relevant for the inter-
action.
166 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

Ola uses the mouse cursor in the

shape of a mechanics glove to lift
the new parts into Mulle’s garage.
5. Ola: “Why is it that we never get the
horn?” [hesitates] “Why do the
doodah-horn never appear?”
6. Per: “Take a regular horn.”
W. Ola does not answer Per. Instead,
he lets Mulle go into the garage and
starts to rebuild the car.

Ola seems to search for something. He expresses his hope in line 2 that a
certain part will show up. He changes his focus when he sees the ambu-
lance. Per is encouraging, saying that this is the thing they need to find an-
other thing (he probably is referring to the rocket engine, a car part that is
difficult to gain). Thus Per seems to be aware of the fact that they are
searching for a particular car part they need to overcome obstacles to get
to other parts in the virtual world. Which part they need is, however, un-
known to him. He assumes after Ola’s excited statement in line 3 that it is
the ambulance. Ola expresses his disappointment. He is searching for the
“doodah-horn,” a concept he has made up himself to communicate what
the missing part is. It is related to the horn (Fig. 10.3), but it is not a horn.
Because the children already have one horn, Per suggests that they can
take the regular horn instead. Later in the session, Ola comes back to the
theme of the missing, highly desired car part.

Excerpt 2 From Session 1

Ola: “Do you know what we should have?”

Per: “No.”
Ola: “The goatscare.”
Per: “Yeah, right, you can scare the dog with it, right?”
Ola: “The billy-goat.”
tS
Pe Per: “Oh, I mean the billy-goat.”

The object that scares the goats is the megaphone (Fig. 10.2). Because ex-
cerpt 1 suggests that Ola is searching for a part related to the horn, one can
assume after excerpt 2 that it was the megaphone for which he was search-
ing. These objects are related to one another because they have similar but
not identical affordances. The horn affords scaring cows off the road,
whereas the megaphone affords scaring goats as well as cows.
The Doodah-horn in excerpt 1 becomes a goatscare when Ola communi-
cates his desire to Per in excerpt 2. The concept of megaphone is not some-
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 167

FIG. 10.2. The megaphone.

FIG. 10.3. The horn.

thing that Ola uses as a conceptual tool when making sense of the game. In-
stead, the image gains meaning in accordance to its local affordances
within the game. From a sociocultural perspective, this is a process by
which Ola develops a conceptual tool (Saljé, 1999) to plan his activity dur-
ing the game session. The rationale for construing this concept is his need
to think and communicate about the missing car part that affords scaring
goats. Thus the developed conceptual tool is named “goatscare.”
This way of making sense of a represented phenomenon is similarly ex-
emplified in session 2. In this session, Annika, who has played Theme Hospi-
tal before, instructs Bo about one of the game’s features.

Excerpt 3 From Session 2, Turn 406

1. Annika: “You can press on one of those cleaningchaps and get a tip. Yes he
walks there by himself.”

The cleaningchap is the handyman that can be hired in the game. He fixes
broken things in the players’ hospital, but most of the time his job is to
clean up after patients. As in the case with the megaphone, children de-
velop their o communi mething, Goatscares
and cleningchaps refer to some function that the-“thing” has in the game.
The underlying rationale for the co j is what something does
and what one can do with it in the game, not what the feature represents.

Spin-Weapons and Sandpaths

Other results indicate that the communicative and conceptual tools consti-

i
tuted by children are built upon some visual characteristic of the graphic
object to which they are referring. affordances
The still are a part of the fo-
cus for the children, but some known aspect of the visual representatio
becomes fationale for naming the conceptual tool. In session 4, the
sisters p i ac ér in a split-screen multiplayer scenario for the bf
+ re
168 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

game Perfect Dark on Nintendo 64. Elin, the older girl and usually the win-
ner, has used a pair of guns that she thought looked cool.

Excerpt 4 From Session 4

1. Elin: “Yes I won; no | died. These The children’s avatars are firing at
guns are useless. They are no _ each other. Elin loses the battle.
good these pistols, right Bea?”
2. Bea: “Yes.”
3. Elin: “No doubt they are no good;
they are useless.”
4. Bea: “Yes, but not the spin-
weapon; it was that you
meant was bad, but the other

5. Elin: “No, no, the spin-weapon isn’t

useless; it is good.”

In this excerpt the usefulness of a certain weapon is discussed. Elin looses

the battle and claims that this is because of the “useless” guns. Later they
discuss another weapon and by comparison agree that “the spin-weapon”
is good. Again, what a thing offers is central for making sense of the game.
The concept “spin-weapon,” which In the game iscalled “skedar reaper,”
however, is based on the experience of an animation of a part of the
weapon that rotates when fired. This is a unique feature of this weapon; no
other weapon in the game does this. When referring to the guns, Elin simply
said “these,” perhaps because they looked similar to a number of other

FIG. 10.4. The skedar reaper.

10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 169

guns and lacked some unique visual feature. Still, in both cases, it is the lo-
cal affordances that are being communicated. The guns are useless, but the
spin-weapon is good. As game objects, they afford losing and winning.
In the same excerpt, there are more situations in which the children de-
velop their own concepts using visual aspects of the game.

Excerpt 5 From Session 4

1. Elin: “Are you still in the sandpath?”

2. Beas “Yes.”
3. Elin: “Bea, I’m going to the sandpath now; stay there.”

As in the case with the spin-weapon, the part of the virtual environment
called the sandpath varies from other places in the game because it is only
here that the floor is of sand. This part is a landmark for the children
throughout the whole session. They use it as a means of orientating them-
selves within the game. In the excerpt, the children’s avatars have not
found each other. Thus they have not challenged each other. The concep-
tual tool of the sand-path is developed as a collaborative tool for coordinat-
ing their movements so there can be some action in the game. They are
ironically collaborating to be able to compete with each other. This also
can be seen as a way of communicating affordances. By telling each other
that their avatar is in the sandpath, they also tell that the sandpath affords
a meeting that can result in winning or loosing points (see Fig. 10.5).
Excerpts 1 to 5 are just examples of a more frequent pattern of interac-
tion in the data material. Some other concepts that the children develop in
the 22 sessions are double-gun, leader-shell, and port-one-player. Taken to-
gether, these observations show that children develop concepts as tools

FIG. 10.5. The sandpath.

 170 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

for handling the situation at hand. In this process, the affordances, or what
one can do with things in the game, seem to be of great importance. Thus
the children do not always have to classify what an image represents to
give the image a meaning. As Gibson (1986) suggested when discussing the
affordances of objects, “If you know what can be done with a graspable de-
tached object, what it can be used for, you can call it whatever you please.
... You do not have to classify and label things in order to perceive what
3 they afford” (p. 134). This is exactly what the children in the excerpts are
ing, seeing the possibilities and constraints of different game features,
acting in accordance with the affordances they perceive, and when the
eed to communicate these affordances emerges, calling the object what-

phone.
The aforementioned findings show that sounds, images, occurrences,
and the like in computer games make sense to participants in game activi-
ties according to the game’s formal rules. The children develop conceptual
tools that primarily are functional within the local context of the game.
They do not stand for something else, outside the game. The authors also
claim that some of these locally developed concepts are “built into” com-
puter game culture. Learning these concepts thus becomes an issue of ap-
propriating this cultural discursive practice.

Clocking and Conquering Worlds

Another result of the analysis is a pattern of interaction that can be seen as

related to the aforementioned findings. Sometimes children use what can
be called a “computer game discourse” to construct meaning during the
game sessions. They then use conceptual tools that are part of a more or
less informal practice of computer gaming. Sometimes this gaming dis-
course is mapped in a creative way. For instance, Ola in excerpt 6 claims
that he has “clocked” Mulle Meck. “Clocked” or “rolling over” are terms that
come from the time when the scoreboards on games looped when you
reached a certain score. Clocking a game then meant that the counter
started at zero again, but also that one has finished a game.

Excerpt 6 From Session 1]

l. Ola: “I have clocked this game at home.”

2. Researcher: “Clock ... how can you clock Mulle Meck?”
3. Ola: “There are no car parts left.”
4. Researcher: “Are there now car parts left to fetch?”
55) Ola: “No.”
6. Researcher: “How can one know that then?”
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 171

7. Ola: “For example, there’s no doodah there.” [points at the

screen]
8. Researcher: “So this is clocked now?”
9. Ola: “Perhaps.”

It is interesting that Ola says he has clocked Mulle because the developers
claim that this game is an “adventure that never ends.” Although there is a
back story in the game, there are no cues indicating that the game is fin-
ished. Yet finishing games is an essential part of computer game culture,
and Ola manages to find a way of mapping this meaning onto the game.
Thus a conceptual tool that refers to something within the game system has
become a part of the game culture. Other players have developed it in
other contexts. Throughout computer game history it has become a part of
the way we talk about games. The concept is here used as a means of com-
municating a game experience that is rather different from the original
meaning of “clocking” a game.
Another concept that is part of computer game discourse is the idea of
referring to the virtual game space as a “world.” Worlds then are used to
point out the available game environment. Like the concept of clocking
games, it has its origin with the earliest computer games. Thus a hospital as
well as Scandinavia can be called worlds in game situations. In excerpt 7,
Annika comments on the game. This occurs when the children have man-
aged to win the first level and are building their second hospital.

Excerpt 7 From Session 2

1. Annika: “I think this was really hard.”

Zaniso: “What?”
3. Annika: “This world is hard, or this hospital.”

Another situation in which the word “world” points to the wholeness of

the available game environment is found in session 3. Two boys are playing
The Kingdom of Sweden. During the session, they try to conquer land to
Sweden. Excerpt 8 shows that it has gone well for them for a while.

Excerpt 8 From Session 3

1 The children’s troops are ina

pitched battle with Denmark, and
their cavalry defeats some Danish
troops.
Dears: “Oh, yes.”
3. Thomas: “Damn! We are conquering the world now.”
4. Lars: “Just him left.” [points at a solider representing Danish infantry]
 172 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

FIG. 10.6. The “World” in The kingdom of Sweden.

In this game, the province one can conquer is Scandinavia and some sur-
_5 roundings (Fig. 10.6), not the entire world.
x i Although this way of talking of a world is similar to the concept of clock-
5 P ing in excerpt 6, “world” is a term with a common, everyday meaning. Thus
the activity here becomes illusory because one may think that the children
ratse ieee are using the word with its everyday meaning. The most trivial con-
3 t clusion then would be that they understand Scandinavia as being the whole
x pe orld. This may seem rather far-fetched, but much of the popular debate
cer about the dangers with games is based on this way of arguing.

CONCLUSIONS: GAMES AS THEMABLE ARTIFACTS

The finding that there are patterns of computer game interaction in which
children do not treat game features as representations and symbols does
not mean that there can never be situations in which a gaming experience
could be a resource or a mediational means for something outside the gam-
ing situation. But it indicates that it is not necessary to see a game as a rep-
resentation to make sense of game play, an observation that to some extent
can be seen as supported with theoretical arguments. In the literature on
conventional games, there has been a similar line of reasoning. In his essay
Fun in Games, Goffman (1961) analyzed the nature of gaming activities. He
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 173

started by pointing out the flexible character of the material used for a
game:

For example, it appears that whether checkers is played with bottle tops ona
piece of squared linoleum, with gold figurines on inlaid marble, or with uni-
formed men standing on colored flagstones in a specially arranged court
square, the pairs of players can start with the “same” positions, employ the
same sequence of strategic moves and countermoves, and generate the same
contour of excitement. (p. 19)

Goffman propounds that the ame activity is to treat th

game material in accordance with the rules of the game. What becomes rel-
evant for the players is not the aesthetics of the game, nor the representa-
tions, but the internal relations between different aspects of the game. He
pins down his argument in a distinct way when citing a chess example given
by Kurt Riezler:

The queen is not a real queen, nor is she a piece of wood or ivory. She is an
entity in game defined by the movements the game allows her. The game is
the context within which the queen is what she is. This context is not the con-
text of the real world or of ordinary life. The game is a little cosmos of its own.
(Riezler, 1941; cited in Goffman, 1961, p. 27)

Using the concept of affordance, this means that participants in in aagame

gam se
“h
activity are interested primarily in the affordances that keep the
the rules,
rules, They
The
|

,k
a“
see the possible relations between themselves as agents and different ob-
jects in the game, which are allowed without breaking the temporary agree-
ment_between the participants.
Goffman’s claims are made about conventional games, not computer
games, but similar arguments have been made for computer games. For in-
Ԥ
stance, Juul (1999, p. 33) pointed out that computer games “do refer to a
Hilt
large amount of cultural texts and thoughts, but computer games carry a
basic artificial quality that makes it hard to see them as signs of something
else.” Instead, Juul (1999) suggested that the output of games consists of
two “layers”: the game material such as images and sounds and the rules
that combine the material in different ways. Computer game players, he
continued, often are not more interested in the theme of a game than
Kasparov is in the shapes or names of the chess pieces. In a later article}
Juul (2001) ameliorated this point, arguing that the rules in a game can
be themed in a number of different ways, with the game still remaining E
Pk

different eulses! with the pieces depicted as figures from Star Wars or
Simpson’s, and suggests the term “themability” as referring to this aspect of
games.
 174 LINDEROTH, LINDSTROM, ALEXANDERSSON

The empirical results of this study fit this theoretical line of reasoning
well. The findings empirically confirm that it is reasonable to discuss com-
puter games as “themable” artifacts. The pattern of interaction accounted
for in this study is very similar to Riezler’s chess example. But it is impor-
tant to emphasize that even if the interaction pattern of children communi-
cating the affordances in the game were frequent, it was not the only one.
There were other ways that children made sense of the games. For instance
several examples show how the aesthetics of the game became a rationale

ER
~ for making decisions.

HE vA Final Remark on Games in Education

43

HB
egas the findings from this study show, it cannot be taken for granted that im-
oases, sounds, texts, and animations in a game will be understood as repre-
sm entations. The fact that children can develop their own conceptual tools to
37 communicate the affordances of a game system instead of using the offered
34 SEsvmbols in the theme of the game as resources for sense making has far-
reaching implications for the idea of games in education.
The study results show that the children’s experiences during the ses-
sions have a very local meaning. the allordances ofthefeatures iyte
game seem to be most important for the player. Thus the assumption that

3 8
games by their nature carry qualities that narrow the relation between rep-
resentation and represented phenomena is not substantiated. This means
35.
emt
that there
ee
is no support for someaof theeS
commona, beliefs about the
Mee Re een
possibili-
ERE a SA

3 ties of computer games as educational media, at least when the educational

g outcome is supposed to be the learning of specific curricular topics repre-
i % 4 sented in the theme of the game. Still, learning occurs during game play be-
oS cause the children learn the skill of handling games and developing local
5R conceptual tools in game environments. This learning could be called a
_ computer game literacy. Whether this learning object is positive in terms of
o4* intended learning objectives or not is a completely different question that
must be judged against curricular goals and objectives.
One of the central points made in this chapter is that children constitute
this object as they interact with each other and with the computer game.
However, if the computer game should be used as an educational medium
in an educational setting (i.e., in a classroom environment), an explicit, in-
tended object to be learned must exist. The intended object of learning, as
seen generally from the teacher’s perspective, is somehow realized in the
classroom as a particular way of organizing the learning process. This chap-
ter proposes that communication plays a central role in the construal of ex-
perience, that it does not just represent experience, as widely perceived.
Rather, it more importantly constitutes experience. Seen in this light, com-
munication plays a central role in learning through computer games. How
10. LEARNING WITH COMPUTER GAMES 175

the intended object of learning is being constituted through communication

when interacting with computer games is crucial to understand if computer
games are expected to become suitable for educational practices. It is pos-
sible that experiences from gaming sessions can become intellectual tools
for making sense of the intended object of learning.
As this study indicates, however, images, sounds, texts, and animations
in the games should not be understood as representations, but more as ma-
terial that can become a representation. How computer games can be used
as educational tools must therefore be studied further.

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 PART

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Tangible Interfaces in Smart Toys
S who Urod
ei ‘hophcoly
Mark Allen C

Smart toys first appeared fewer than 10 years ago, and they were consid-
ered in some quarters of the toy industry to be the new rock ’n roll. Like-
wise, the study of haptics—the sense of touch—has been receiving increased
attention over the past decade as the basis for a revolutionary form of com-
puter interface. Although in many ways smart toys and haptics research
are quite distinct, this chapter reviews the multidisciplinary research being
carried out by the author that attempts to build some connections between
them. A general overview of current research is presented, followed by a
description of a new experimental rig and example case studies enabled by
the equipment.

SMART TOYS, HAPTICS, AND PLAY

on
Smart toys can be defined as those that have embedded electronics, lever- (
age some form of computational power, and appear to have a capacity for —,
adapting their interactivity to the abilities of the player. These toys eith
are linked nal computer via_an umbilical cord or accommodate
onboard computer chips, and use sensors and electronic circuitry to_en-
hance play. Chip-enabled animals, robots, and dolls can be “trained” by a
child, whereas toys connected to a personal computer generally enhance a
child’s play via an interface medium or a computer peripheral (e.g., a digital
camera).

179
 180 ALLEN

Recent smart toys include Furby, Shelby, Poo-Chi, Interactive Yoda, In-
teractive E.T., Interactive Barney, and Me Barbie. The list grows daily. For-
rester Research predicted that 80% of new toys in 2002 would be smart toys
(Hodges, 2000), and the smart toy market was expected to grow to $2 billion
by 2003 (United Internet Technologies Newsletter, 2001). This represents a
large growth sector in the toy industry, and the drive toward technology
suggests that smart toys are here to stay.
Tamagotchi was the first artificially intelligent toy, making its U.K. debut
in 1996. It was created by Ban Dai, a Japanese company, and took the form
“of a small egg. The Tamagotchi was programmed to be nurtured by a child.
x * The more it was fed and cared for, the stronger it became, and if neglected
. it eventually died. The interface comprised a series of buttons and a small
“8 view screen. In 1997, Furby made its appearance. Made by Tiger Electron-
ics, and distributed by Hasbro, Furby was a squat, furry, surreal-looking
creature with moving parts. It could speak and generally was more ad-
vanced than Tamagotchi. Furby owners “taught” the toy English by speak-
ing to it, and the Furby appeared to mature as a result of stimulation by
feeding or touching. In 1999, Sony moved the benchmark to a higher level
with the introduction of AIBO, a robotic dog. Interactive Yoda, also from Ti-
ger Electronics, debuted in 2000, introducing movie characters into the
realm of smart toys. Yoda instructed the user in the use of a light-sabre and
the way of The Force.
Currently, the greatest limitation of smart toys is the underdevelopment
of artificial intelligence and speech recognition technologies. The toys have
liwwitothow,
no ability to learn, so they are bound to predefined actions and speech. The
Furby, rather than learn English, simply unmasks words already stored in
its memory. Likewise, Interactive Yoda answers questions from a predeter-
mined library of phrases. Current artificial intelligence technology is too
P costly to be implemented in a toy, but this will change as computational
power and speed capabilities increase, resulting in cheaper technology, in-
= creased functionality, and a richer play experience. industrial
From an de-
sign poin j ost smart toy design and development have been cen-
3§ tered_on the visuals, audio, and electronics. There is little evidence of
5 aptic design. The physical child-to-toy interface usually is via a digital but-
vu ton, which is either on or off, and thus unable to allow for varying pres-
sures. The capabilities for the sense of touch and its ability to produce
pleasure and fun appear to have been overlooked.
Touch aids our identification of nearby objects by providing us with in-
-~—= formation about their shape, size, and weight. It also reveals a surface’s tex-
Q ture and mechanical consistency, two properties that may not be visually
ry} obvious. Touch may well be considered one of the least well understood of
v) our five senses (Weisenberger, 2001). The word “haptic” comes from the
5 Greek haptesthai, which means “to touch.” Human haptic perception uses
\) three distinct systems (Roland & Mortenson, 1987):

® \
11. TANGIBLE INTERFACES IN SMART TOYS 181

1. Touch sense arises from stimulus to the thousands of mechano-

receptors contained within the skin and produces tactile perception of
heat, pressure, vibration, slip, and pain.
2. Kinesthesia is sensed by end organs located in muscles, tendons, and
joints, which are stimulated by body movements, limb position, and ap-
plied forces. These contribute to the analysis of weight, size, and
shape.
3. Cognitive processes analyze the information provided by the sensory
and motor systems.

Touch is unique within human sensory perception in that it is not local-

ized. The skin can be characterized as one large receptor surface for the
sense of touch (Sherrick & Cholewiak, 1986) because touch sensations can
be produced anywhere on the body’s surface. However, when we touch an
object, the hand usually is the organ of stimulation. Although during multi-
sensory exploration the hands are considered to support an object while it
is being viewed, significant amounts of information still are being passed
through touch. With immovable objects, the eyes examine the front while
the fingers may explore the rear (Newell, Ernst, Tjan, & Bulthoff, 2001).
Tactile acuity, or sensitivity, differs over the body. It is greater on the
hands and fingertips than on the limbs and the trunk. Areas on the somato-
sensory cortex correspond to different areas of the body, and it has been
found that some areas of the skin are represented by a disproportionally
large area of the brain, the homunculus. The fact that these mapped areas
are related to how sensitive the body part is to tactile stimulation indicates
that brain function is adapted to the organism’s needs. Experiments have
shown that the map changes when the signals to the cortex are modified.
For example, the loss of a finger results in a reduction of the cortex area de-
voted to that part of the body (Kaas, Merzenich, & Killackey, 1983). Simi-
larly, areas mapped on the somatosensory cortex can be expanded by in-
creased simulation of the respective area of skin (Jenkins & Merzenich,
1987). The sensory homunculus is therefore not a static mapping, but can
be modified through experience. This ability of the nervous system to
change is called neural plasticity.
Another unique quality of the sense of touch is that it is bidirectional.
Touch input has been widely used in information systems, computers, and
toys. On the other hand, tactile output has been underused. For example,
the first commercial force-feedback computer gaming joystick appeared
only in 1995. Currently, few devices detect the amount of pressure exerted
by touch. ;
Another attribute of touch is that it remains the most alert of the senses
in sleep, and is the first to recover on awakening. Montagu (1977) found that
the distance senses of sight and hearing both attain their full development
 182 ALLEN

e later than the proximity senses of touch, taste, and smell. Touch can be
construed as the most reliable of the sensory modalities. When the senses
conflict, touch usually is the final arbiter. When reaching out to touch an
object that can be seen but not felt, one probably will decide that it is the vi-
sual system that has been deceived. This is not to say that touch is better
than vision, but rather that they are complementary sources of information
(Lederman, Klatzky, & Pawluk, 1993).
Psychophysical research has shown that adults take fewer than a couple
seconds to identify most common objects using only touch (Klatzky, Leder-
man, & Metzger, 1985). Lederman and Klatzky (1987, 1990) observed sub-
5 jects’ hand motions and concluded that there were a number of distinct
5? “\. movements, which they termed “exploratory procedures.” They found that
a sz the exploratory procedures implemented depended on the qualities of the
objects the subjects were asked to identify. Texture was identified using
3 mainly lateral motion and contour following, whereas enclosure and con-
tour following was used to judge shape. This motion of the hands in identi-
Eo fying objects is described as active touch. Passive touch is experienced
when an object is pressed into the skin.
Historically, haptic research has its roots in robotics and tele-operations.
—— Over the past 10 years, the driving force has been tangible user interfaces
ae in the computer industry, medical surgical simulations, and virtual reality
oo er in the high-tech entertainment industry. Haptic studies have concentrated
2 a, on speed and accuracy in performing a task, for example, tactile stimulation
“y g iY)identification (Craig, 1985); on a child’s ability to identify familiar objects
+ haptically (Alexander, Johnson, & Schreiber, 2002); and on haptics as a
means of data input and output. Generally, little research has focused on
children and haptic perception during play.
Garvey (1993) characterized play as spontaneous, voluntary, pleasur-
7) able, and without extrinsic goals. Play is an essential activity of childhood,
the way children learn about themselves, their environment, and the peo-
wR ple around them. Play with toys has been shown to aid the development of
is mental problem solving, enabling a child to move to higher levels of
(6) thought (Ellis, 1973; Freyberg, 1973; Peplar & Ross, 1981; Piaget, 1962). Pre-
schools in the United Kingdom promote physical and motor skills develop-
; ment of children through various activities. One of these activities uses
“touch bags” or “feely boxes.” Everyday objects are hidden inside, and the
+ children are encouraged to explore the various textures and identify the
items. However, once children enter school, the emphasis is on academic
achievement, and little value seems to be placed on free play either by par-
ents or teachers (Manning, 1993, 1998).
There is a body of research exploring the development of children’s mo-
oO tor skills through play. Gallahue (1993) proposed that children progres-
(cSsively acquire motor skills in four phases. The sequence in the appearance
11. TANGIBLE INTERFACES IN SMART TOYS 183

of the phases is universal although the acquisition rate varies from child to °
child. Children who have not mastered the various motor skills before en-
tering school may be frustrated later in recreational activities.
Understanding the process of fundamental motor skills, exploration, and
play should help toy manufacturers design appropriate toys. Hutt (1966)
conducted an experiment to distinguish the features between exploration
and play. Although not specifically focused on the sense of touch, the study
indicated that audio and visual responses would elicit increased contact
with an object. When manipulating objects, children rapidly shift between
exploratio lay, making it difficult to determine when one stops and
the other starts (Weisler & McCall, 1976).
A study by Piaget and Inhelder (1956) on the nature of exploration found
three stages:

1. Children 3 to 4 years old generally were involved in random explora-

tion, holding the object or touching parts found accidentally.
2. Children 4 to 6 years old were more active in their examinations, but
were not always systematic.
3. Among 6- to 7-year-old children, exploration followed a general plan:
Abravanel (1968) and Zaporozhets (1969) concluded that this age group
changed from predominantly palm contact to using finger tips during explo-
ration because of progress in their fine motor skill development. Generally, Ve
sena
<e
Gro
3so
girls tend to be more advanced in fine motor skills, whereas boys have the

Ae
advantage in gross motor skills (Cratty, 1986).

EXPERIMENTAL METHOD AND EQUIPMENT

DESIGN

A preliminary study by the author and his colleagues, begun in September

2000, was primarily video based. The aim was to create a framework from
which to develop further experiments because no study had observed the
use of touch and smart toys. At an after-school club, 20 children, ages 5 to 9
years, were observed during free play. Toys with varying degrees of elec-
tronic interactivity were left in an adjacent playroom, to which the experi-
mental group was given unlimited access. The role of adults in child play is
a point of debate among play theorists (Smilansky & Shefatya, 1990; Sutton-
Smith, 1990; Sutton-Smith, 1998; Trawick-Smith, 1994). The teachers did not
spend time in the play area, except to carry out their usual tasks. This was
seen to be necessary to avoid modification of the children’s usual play be-
havior. The children were given no instructions on the toys’ functionality.
They were free to exchange experiences from identical toys at home. A min-
184 ALLEN

jature camera, of which none of the children were aware, captured 7 hr of

video evidence of free play.
During the final session, a structured but informal question session was
held involving 14 of the children and their teacher. The teacher was primed
concerning the limitations of the toys. For example, when Poo-Chi was sing-
ing, it was unable to react to being fed its bone. The children usually were
unaware of these functional idiosyncrasies, assuming that the toy was bro-
ken. They made comments such as “Something is wrong; it has never done
that before!” While the children were talking to their teacher, the toys were
subtly placed in the child’s hands and any responses were noted. The chil-
dren either held and manipulated the toy or placed it on the table. The
teacher continued encouraging the children to talk about the feel of the
toys.
During this study, three observations were made:

1. The children tended not to interact directly with the smart toys, but
rather remotely by placing them on a flat surface. This was attributable
partly to the design of the toys. For example, moving parts made the toys dif-
ficult to hold.
2. A disparit etween the child’s verbalized favorite toy and
the one the child found most haptically stimulating. For example, Furby and
Gizmo were essentially identical toys, except that the latter had arms. Gizmo
was not selected as a favorite toy, but received more attention and direct
contact during free play than Furby.
3. The children did not discover the full functionality of the smart toys.
When asked to show the teacher what a toy could do, apart from an occa-
sional fanciful description, they were able to demonstrate only low-level
interactivity. It also was observed that if the reaction of the smart toys was
significantly different from that anticipated by the child, the toy was soon
. ege . 0 eee

discarded.

Inevitably, the data gathered in this study were qualitative. The aim was to
highlight issues to be addressed in subsequent experiments. The transcrip-
tion of video data requires substantial time, which is exacerbated by the
rapid shifts between exploration and play. The haptic data gathered from
video also lack accuracy. It often is impossible to determine clearly where
and how hard a child touches and holds a toy, introducing further subjectiv-
ity into the transcription. The number of variables had to be reduced, includ-
ing the removal of all extraneous stimuli, whether these were sensory or me-
dia influences. Some of the data also were highly ambiguous. For example,
when the children were asked about the feel of a toy, they talked about the
fact that it was on television the previous afternoon, or that they generally
liked the color. Conventional reduction of the variables would have con-
 11. TANGIBLE INTERFACES IN SMART TOYS 185

trolled the task to such an extent that the child would not have been playing
anymore, and as a result, all external validity of the study would have been
lost. However, this approach had positive aspects, including the absence of
an adult observer and the unlimited time for free play.
Nevertheless, it was important to examine the haptic effects in isolation
from the other senses. After consultation with teachers and a psychologist,
the final design specified an autonomous “feely box” of the kind described
earlier. The experimental rig consisted of the box and five specially con-
structed tactile spheres (Fig. 11.1). The feely box was used to keep the tac-
tile spheres in a confined area, which simplified the observation mecha-
nisms. The box had two apertures in the front allowing access for the
child’s arms. These apertures were designed to be slightly smaller than the
diameter of the tactile spheres to inhibit their removal. Sleeves were at-
tached inside the apertures to stop users from peering inside. The feely box
housed a miniature camera, which captured both internal activity of the
child’s hand movements and, via a polarized periscope, the children’s faces
for gender determination and emotional analysis, for example to determine
whether actions were the result of pleasure or frustration. The feely box
was designed so that the children had access only to the tactile spheres. A
microphone was included to create an audio recording of the children’s
comments.
The five tactile spheres were designed to be heavy and large enough to
induce double-handed interactions. Each sphere had two removable sili-
cone hemispherical covers, which were specially molded to facilitate vari-
ous permutations of texture, feature, and feedback. Under the silicone were
32 sensors capable of detecting deflections measuring a fraction of a milli-
meter in the outer surface. Each of the spheres also had a feature formed of
a single node molded into the surface. Feedback was given through a
micromotor with an off-center weight vibrating the area directly under the
area pressed. The feedback was produced for the length of time the appro-
priate area was pressed. Because each of the five spheres always had a

General arrangement of Main Components Enlarged view of Tactile Sphere

Texture Feature

_ a)

No texture
)
Transition
—
FIG. 11.1. Experimental rig.
186 ALLEN

smooth hemisphere, the surface of the spheres was divided into four zones:
no texture, transition, texture, and feature. The “no texture” zone was
smooth, and the “transition” zone was the joint between the smooth hemi-
sphere and the textured surface. The “texture” zone was either furry or
comprised a series of ribs molded into the silicone.
The data from each sensor was captured by an onboard microprocessor
and transmitted via narrow-band radio to a receiver. Radiotelemetry was
the preferred means of data transfer because it ensured that no umbilical
cords were attached to the tactile spheres. These could have created a per-
ceived orientation. The receiving microprocessor collated the data from
the five spheres and transferred it to a laptop computer at a predetermined
rate. It was possible to collect the data from each sphere 10 times a second,
although during the experiments, it was set at one fourth of a second. The
laptop simultaneously captured the tactile force data and the video stream.
The feely box was fully autonomous. No adult observers were required in
the vicinity of the box, and the laptop and radio receivers were removed
from the play area so as not to give an indication that the children were be-
ing observed or that an experiment was in progress.
Later, the radiotelemetry data was filtered through software that logged
the time and forces for each of the 32 sensor areas, corrected data errors,
and created base-lined data. The process of creating subjectivity-free
spreadsheets from the collected data was practically instantaneous. The ra-
diotelemetry plots indicated regions of interest, and the respective video
and audio data were checked for any significant tactile activities. For exam-
ple, a force spike on the plot may have been the result of a sphere being
bounced, hit with another sphere or a hand. Finally, a variety of visualiza-
tions were created in a graphic form as representational three-dimensional
movie animations that could be stepped through frame by frame.
Time is an important factor in play (Christie & Wardle, 1992), so the play
time, ranging from half an hour to 2 hr per session, was defined by the sched-
uled play time at the various venues. Because play is spontaneous, it was im-
portant not to force it or make it appear to be a task. The main study took
place at four different venues, incorporating a total experimental group of 50
children 5 to 8 years of age. The experimental procedure was simple. The
feely box was left with a variety of smart toys in the play area without any ex-
planation. The children were allowed to interact freely with the box. The sys-
tem was in record mode for the full duration of the play time.

CASE STUDIES

The following case studies are examples from the research undertaken dur-
ing the free play sessions. The first case study compares thé relative tactile
activity expended on the spheres with the texture, feature, and feedback of
11. TANGIBLE INTERFACES IN SMART TOYS 187

each. The second case study examines the activity on the surface of individ-
ual spheres, then reviews a study of an informal interview session compar-
ing verbal preferences, exploration, and play duration. Finally a few anec-
dotal observations regarding isolated phenomena that occurred over the
course of the study are included.

Case |

As suggested by Hutt (1966), an increase in child activity would be expected ~~

from novel objects: the greater the novelty, the greater would be the ex- 5
pected contact times. This was shown to be true. The duration of the activ-
ity was high with the spheres that produced feedback, and the sphere with
a feature and feedback attracted still more attention. The results or
that there also was a correlation between duration and the applied force. If 4
the child suspected or was aware that a particular object in the feely box vi-
brated, a greater force was applied to the entire surface than to the non- fe Pe
reactive tactile spheres. The spheres were designed to produce feedback a. >
when a force of 2.5 N was applied, although in practice the spheres rou- 6
tinely experienced forces in excess of 10 N. The spheres that had no feed-
back were subject to lower forces. Some smart toys incorporate hidden but-
tons in the hand or belly areas to maintain natural aesthetics. The forces
required to operate Interactive Yoda and E.T., for example, range between oe
5.6 and 11 N. During exploration and play with the tactile spheres, when
there was no awareness of buttons or a possible reaction, the forces ap-
plied by the children often did not attain the required magnitude for them
to discover the existence of the features in the two toys mentioned. This
may partially explain why the children did not find the full functionality of fiom
the toys during the pilot study. The conclusion drawn from this case study eC
indicates that the cognitive value, specifically the haptic cognition, of some9 A
smart toys is low. Buttons should be designed to require lower forces ford 5
activation, or some cue, either visual or haptic, should be provided to sug: & =
gest areas of particular
i interest
i in
i the play exp
lay experience. Cx fs<+

Case 2 re eb
+

Activity levels at the four surface zones were compared. For tactile
spheres that had texture and a feature with feedback, the activity around
the feature was significantly higher than on any other area of the surface.

attracted the most activity. The texture and feedback combination, with-
out a feature, showed substantial activity over the whole textured surface w
as the child attempted to extract a response from the sphere. The conclu- ane
sion is that there is a distinct hierarchy. The greatest influence was the — 4

pre
188 ALLEN

stimulus from the feedback, followed by the feature. Of least significance

was the texture.

Case 3

This case study supports the conclusions of Abravanel (1968) and Zaporo-
zhets (1969), who determined that there is a change from the use of palms
to the use of fingers in children ages 6 to 7 years. The 5-year-old children
grasped a sphere with a single hand and bumped it around. If they acciden-
tally found something of interest, they explored that. When older children
were encouraged by peers to find the vibrating ball, two predominant meth-
ods of eliciting the feedback were noted, particularly in the case of the
sphere with texture and feedback, but no feature. The children either sys-
tematically ran their fingers over the surface, pressing intermittently until
they discovered the area that produced the feedback, or they randomly
pressed down on the sphere with open palms or resorted to placing their
hands on top of one another and pressing down with as much force as they
could muster. Naturally, the force measured under the hands far exceeded
that required to induce the feedback. If the children did not perceive a reac-
tion, the sphere then was rotated slightly and the two-handed force arbi-
trarily applied again. The conclusion from this case study was that a gen-
eral change from palm to finger manipulation is linked to increasing age.
However, momentary regressions occurred, in which the child replaced
precision with force.

Case 4

During the final session, a short informal interview was held. The aim was
to compare verbal choice against recorded exploration and play. To reca-
pitulate, the five tactile spheres all possessed one smooth hemisphere. The
second hemispheres had no texture; texture, feature, and feedback; texture
and feature; texture and feedback; a furry feel. The children each were pre-
sented.randomly with two of the spheres until every permutation was com-
plete, after which they were asked their preference. The video and radiote-
lemetry data were used in parallel: the video data to determine when the
children were exploring or playing and the radiotelemetry data to collect
empirical data on force and duration of contact. Hutt (1966) observed that
exploration was accompanied by an intent facial expression. The explora-
tion was characterized by repeated sequences of touch, and the play phase
by brief, nonrepeated actions that varied in sequence, and by a decline in
the intent facial expressions (Power, 2000).
The choices verbalized by the girls in the experimental group were dom-
inated by the furry sphere, whereas the boys were divided equally between
11. TANGIBLE INTERFACES IN SMART TOYS 189

the furry sphere and the sphere with a feature and feedback. The explora-
tion time was similar for the three textured spheres, irrespective of feed-
back and whether the child eventually rejected it. The furry sphere re-
ceived little exploration time, less than half the time devoted to the
textured spheres. The fur appeared to be instantly recognizable and
seemed to require little further exploration. The smooth sphere received a
little more attention than the furry sphere, approximately half that of the
three textured spheres. The girls took more than 20% longer than the boys
during exploration to verbalize a preference. Although the sphere with a
feature but no feedback received a significant amount of exploration time,
the children showed almost no interest in playing with it. When asked, the
girls stated a preference for the sphere with fur, although the two spheres
with feedback received more play time. The play with the various spheres
was accompanied by laughter, for example, when the feedback was found
or hands were run through the fur.

OBSERVATIONS

As researchers develop theories on play, it is becoming clear that play is

more complex than originally proposed. Examples of this complexity have
appeared during the current research. A group of 5-year-old children in a
reception class assumed that the spheres in the feely box must be able to
talk because the four smart toys placed alongside the box were able to talk.
They spent most of the session trying to find the mouth or a way of extract-
ing speech from the spheres.
As a precursor to the feely box experiment, a separate study was con-
ducted to determine whether children would show a preference for electronic
or smart toys over traditional toys. A segment of the experimental groups
was shown two transparent acrylic balls and one of the tactile spheres. With-
out touching the objects, the children were asked which they preferred. The
first sphere contained a defunct electronic circuit board, the second a handful
of beads, and the last one of the tactile spheres. The sphere with the electron-
ics was an overwhelming favorite. Although it was a nonfunctional piece of
electronics, the children figured it would be able to do something for them,
such as play music. The sphere with beads was their second choice, and the
least interesting was what the children took to be just another rubber ball.
Clearly, this was determined by a perceived “wow factor.” A similar observa-
tion made by Singer (1994) suggested that once the child realized the electron-
ics were nonfunctional, the ball would be discarded.
In the case of the feely box experiment, there were several surprising
and inventive responses. One 8-year-old girl was described disruptive, with
a short attention span. The author was asked whether she should be re-
190 ALLEN

moved from the experimental group. However, during the course of the ex-
periment, the girl repeatedly asked to return to the feely box. Once there,
she clearly was able to distinguish each of the five spheres. Replacing them
in the same position as they had been when she left, she continued where
she had left off with her storytelling. The story involved a mother, father,
and three siblings, one of which clearly did not want to go to school.
A group of 7- and 8-year-old boys assumed that there had to be more to
the feely box than just five spheres, and after a brief discussion among
themselves, concluded that the box was clearly an elaborate bowling alley.
They defined rules for turn-taking and a method to decide a winner. This
supports observations made in studies by DeVries (1998), suggesting that at
this age children begin imposing game structures on noncompetitive motor
skill activities. It was interesting to observe that the boys did not use the
sphere with fur. Recorded data showed that throughout the entire experi-
ment, the furry sphere did not get bounced, although it possessed the same
structural capacity as all the other spheres.
During the informal interview, the various spheres were placed in the
feely box by the interviewer. The child placed the first sphere in one hand
and the second sphere in the free hand. During the course of the explora-
tion, the spheres always remained in, or were returned to, the same hands
in which they had first started. Only once in 160 events did the spheres fin-
ish up in the opposite hands.
By the fifth day, each of the experimental groups showed signs of decline
in the interactions with the feely box. An instructor at one of the holiday
clubs used for the study casually inquired of the children playing around
the feely box why they were not particularly interested in it. The children
expressed their view as “We did that yesterday,” adding that the spheres in
the box were unchanged from previous days (which was not in fact the
case). It was clear from the audio data from earlier play sessions that the
children described to one another the differences between ‘the spheres.
This raises questions regarding haptic memory in children and its decay
rate. Haptic memory has not yet received much attention, and as a conse-
quence, still is not well understood. The feely box used in the author’s ex-
periments was white with large colored spots, and this remained the same
throughout the studies. An interesting strand of further work could include
changing the external facade of the feely box, perhaps retaining the same
tactile spheres over the course of a few play sessions, to monitor whether
the children’s haptic perception was altered.

FURTHER STUDIES AND CONCLUDING REMARKS

Further research could include the following, among other possibilities:

11. TANGIBLE INTERFACES IN SMART TOYS 191

1. Quantitative modification of the feedback, for example, to determine

whether creation of an activation period once the feedback is induced re-
sults in the children touching another surface region and returning to the
original activation point once the vibration stops?
2. Qualitative modification of the feedback by an increase in the intensity
or frequency of the vibrations to see whether this elicits greater interactivity
by the user. Another qualitative change would involve dislocating the feed-
back from the area pressed to observe whether the child is attracted to the
stimuli or just receiving a response.
3. Addition of an audio or visual dimension to make the reaction for the
tactile manipulations bisensory. Is there a significant increase in haptic activ-
ity attributable to the multisensory nature of the reactions from the tactile
spheres?
4. Creation of a longitudinal study to examine haptic perception changes
as children make the transition into formal schooling. Does the emphasis of
the current school curriculum on academic achievement inhibit continued
development of fine motor skills? Is there a long-term effect on tactile acuity
with toys that do not promote tactile play?
5. Incorporation of the analysis technology into existing toys, either in
the feely box or unrestrained activity, to examine whether there are areas on
the toys that receive more or less tactile interaction, both in duration and
pressure, than the original toy designers considered.

The complexity of the multidimensional data calls for the design and de-
velopment of further tools to aid in the analysis. This is a common problem
in all data collection and processing systems, but the large volume of data
generated in these studies exceeds the limits of most standard software
packages. This situation would be exacerbated if the data transfer rate
were set at 10 events a second rather than the rate of 4 used in this series of
studies. Currently, the nonstandard software used is quite powerful, but it
is not particularly user friendly. The data collection, error checking, and
transcription into spreadsheet format have been automated. However, the
specific analysis (e.g., extraction of gender- or even child-specific data) has
been performed manually.
The final observation from this research relates to the physical interface
between the user and the technology. The human skin is analog, in that it
allows for varying forces, both as input and output. These forces are deter-
mined by mechanical and psychological factors. If a button needs to be
ressed with a predetermined force, tactile perception makes the appropri-
ate adjustments. The magnitu ined by the - é “3
S\

chological state of the user. How often has a computer’s delete key been hit
harder and faster in a State of frustration although this did not make the
computer work better? These studies do not seek to explain the psychologi-
cal reasons behind the observations, but it is clear that duration and force
of physical contact convey more than a simple on/off action. Smart toys at-
tempt to create more natural interactions thro j eir
responses to nurturing, but the actual interface is unnatural. The haptics
community has awakened to the fact that imitating the skin is the way for-
ward in tangible user interfaces. Toy designers continue to develop artifi-
cial intelligence and natural speech recognition technologies, but until they
examine natural interfaces and ways of harnessing the natural haptic abili-
ties of children, toys will continue to fall short of the mark.
The research reported in this chapter has two aims. First, it seeks to de-
velop an understanding concerning the haptic perception of children, and
ultimately to improve the cognitive value of smart objects. This in turn may
promote creative play and the continued use of manipulative learning
based on the primary skill of direct locomotion/manipulation, touch, and
natural feedback. Second, it seeks to improve links between industrial de-
signers, psychologists, and engineers, hopefully to promote a more holistic,
multidisciplinary approach to the research of the subject. For every ques-
tion answered through our studies of child haptics, new questions are un-
covered. This clearly is, as play researchers have been discovering over the
centuries, the work of a lifetime.

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Weisenberger, J. M. (2001). Cutaneous Perception. In E. B. Goldstein (Ed.), Handbook of percep-
tion (pp. 535-562). Somerset: Blackwell.
Weisler, A., & McCall, R. B. (1976). Exploration and play: Resume and redirection. American Psy-
chologist, 31, 492-508. |
Zaporozhets, A. V. (1969). Some of the physiological problems of sensory training in early child-
hood. and preschool period. In M. Cole & I. Maltzman (Eds.), A handbook of contemporary So-
viet psychology (pp. 86-120). New York: Basic.
 Vest Crdeanuce Wor

A peer .
CHAPTER

12
Preschool Children’s Play With “Talking”
and “Nontalking” Rescue Heroes:
Effects of Technology-Enhanced Figures
on the Types and Themes of Play

Doris Bergen

Many of the newest toys designed for young children incorporate techno-
logical enhancements, such as computer chips that make toys “talk” or
“act” in certain ways. Although these technology-enhanced toys have be-
come increasing] opular with parents and children, there is little re- =
search on how children play with such toys. Thus, little is known about how cf
these toys may or may not affect children’s play. Parents, toy makers, and
gi...
early childhood educators all have questions about the potential pose f
( ia
and nega Mmpacts of such t hich may have highly salient “affor-
dances” (characteristics that suggest their use). It is presently unknown . q
whether such toys reduce or add to play creativity, channel play in pro-
social or antisocial ways, positively or negatively infl hildren’s cogni-

Siky with traditional ove (Bergen, 2001). is

According to Gibson (1979/1986) and Gibson and Pick (2000), the en- i
vironment and the child (or any organism) cannot be studied independently ¥
because the affordances of the environment and the child’s perception of the oO
affordances comprise a mutually dependent system. Affordances are oppor- ;
tunities for action within a given environment and are specific to individuals. Ss
An affordance may not be perceived if there are physical or developmental fe)
constraints (e.g., the child does not have physical skills) or there are percep-
tual constraints (e.g., the child does not noti ce). Because
affordances permit and restrict actions, children acquire information by de-
tecting invariants. Thus learning becomes a process of differentiation. by

ce 195
Dates ee o—
 196 BERGEN

Gibson’s views are gaining importance in the design of educational tech-

nologies because designers hypothesize that the constant interplay be-
tween perceiving and acting that technological environments afford leads
to children’s discovery of information. Both computer programs an tech-
nology-enhanced toys have affordances that differ from those of traditional
toys. Designers of technology are beginning to realize the importance of an-
alyzing how these affordances influence children’s play interactions.
Whether technology-enhanced toys elicit differentiated behaviors in chil-

affordances (but with other affordances) was the major question of interest
in this study.
Whereas there have been a few studies of young children’s play with

TEE
computers, research investigating children’s play with toys that have com-
puter chips added to initiate sounds, talk, or actions is almost nonexistent.
Studies of preschoolers’computer play generally show that when children
ion (6) encounter computer software for the first time, they go through the follow-
ing stages: discovery, i i ivi -
Ls land & Wright, 1997). For children, computer use often is a social activity.
For example, Heft and Swaminathan (2002) found that the preschoolers in
0
their study setting observed and acknowledged other children, commented
on other children’s actions, shared and helped one another, and had con-
flicts over turn-taking. Boys used the computer more than girls. When girls
were paired and worked together on computer-related tasks, however, they
often performed more successfully (Yelland, 1999). Early literacy develop-
ment with the aid of computers has shown some success (Segers & Ver-
hoeven, 2002), and the use of computers to enhance the play of children -ash
\oo
my
with disabilities also has been studied (Hitchcock & Noonan, 2000; Parette,
Heiple, & Hourcade, 2000). The findings show that structured approaches to
helping children learn computer skills can be successful.

34
“<apN
Q-
-
Only a few studies have combined computers with toys. A recent study
et that combined computer play with a technology-enhanced interactive plush

fee
}5
toy, which gave directions and feedback to children, found that most chil-
ren preferred human help to learn the computer games and ignored the
toy’s help unless their attention was drawn to it (Luckin, Connolly, Plow-
pal man, & Airey, 2002). In general, once they knew what to do with the com-
puter program, the children did not refer to the “talking” toy’s suggestions.
The play of children with nontalking rescue heroes also has been the
subject of a few studies. These studies investigated how the affordances of
these action toys affect the way the toys are used. For example, if a toy has
an axe, a potential “weapon,” is it also likely to be used to knock down a
wall to “help” someone escape from a fire? Which of these actions is most
likely to occur? Kline (1999) conducted a structured qualitative study of res-
cue heroes toys to examine how boys communicated the rescue scripts af-
12. TALKING AND NONTALKING HEROES 197

ter they had seen a video of the toys in action. Seeing the “prosocial” ac-
tions on video did reduce somewhat the more violent themes that the boys
played earlier, but there was a wide variation in the children as to how
much they played with the toys, how imaginative their play was, and how
prosocial their themes of play were. Somewhat similar findings were evi-
dent in a study by Guisset (2002), which concluded that “extern tures
i.e., af anc not enough to promote prosocial behavior” (p. 9).
The researcher attributed the pervasiveness of more violent play to the
fact that the prosocial video was seen only briefly, whereas “war games are
deeply rooted in the culture of children” (p. 9).
Whether the themes of children’s pretend play focus more on prosocial
“helper” actions when these replica figures of “helper” personnel (fire and
police) are used is especially of interest since the September 11 disaster in
the United States, in which such personnel were highly evident. Many par-
ents bought rescue toy fireman and policemen after this terrorist attack,
presumably to allow children to play these helper roles. The primary ques-
tion of interest in the current study was whether the technology-enhanced
rescue heroes, which encourage children to activate the buttons that make
the figures “talk” t rescue themes and initiate environmental sounds
and pictures that suggest such themes for play, would be played with differ-
ently than the “nontalking” figures, which ordances that may sug-
gest a wider range of actions. The study investigated the ways that “talking”
computer-chip enhanced) and “nontalking” resc roes might affect th
es and themes of the play of the pres i . Because the toys
are typically played with by boys, another question of interest was whether
irls’ reactions t . Whether the
presence of two other types of affordances (a peer and a rescue heroes
video) might be influential in promoting and extending prosocial themes of
play were also of research interest. Influences of other environmental op-
ortunities such as toys and videos provided in the home and television im-
ages of the World Trade heroes also were explored.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The following questions were the focus of the study:

1. Do children play differently with technology-enhanced rescue heroes

(“talking”) and those that are not technology-enhanced (“nontalking”)?
2. Do boys and girls use different toy figures, play actions, and themes
with rescue heroes?
3. Do children who see videos of rescue heroes have different play ac-
tions and themes?
198 BERGEN

4. Do children have different actions and themes if they play alone or with
a peer?
5. Do children use World Trade disaster themes in play with rescue
heroes?

METHOD

Toys Used in Research

Because the data collection phase of the study was funded by Fisher-Price,
the toys and the video used were provided by the company. The three toys
used in the study were a male firefighter, a female firefighter (both Euro-
pean American), and a male police officer (African American), for whom
there are talking and nontalking versions. The talking toys had backpacks
with computer chips and two activation buttons, one of which elicited
words from the toy (e.g., “tornado”) and one of which elicited sounds and
pictures on a screen (e.g., the roar of a tornado and a view of it). There was
only one implement (a small axe) that could be removed from one of the fig-
ure’s hands. The nontalking toys also had backpacks, which included an im-
plement that could be activated by pressing a lever. The male fireman had
an axe; the female fireman had a water spray gun; and the policeman had a
handcuff. A small set of unit blocks also were on the table with the toys to
provide a “traditional” alternate activity choice and a potential prompt for
the World Trade disaster rescue or other rescue themes to be enacted. A
short segment of the rescue heroes video focused on snowstorm disasters
showing rescue heroes flying in a plane to help people, rescuing a child
who had fallen through pond ice, and helping snowbound people from a
house and off a cliff also was used.

Design of the Study

In this study, 64 children (32 boys and 32 girls), ages 3’ to 5 years, played
with the toys and the blocks in two sessions about 11% to 2 weeks apart. The
settings were rooms outside the children’s classrooms at their preschools,
with most of the children playing for 15 to 20 min each session. The chil-
dren were from five Head Start, two private child care, and five university
child care classrooms. Approximately 30% of the children were African
American. There was a range of socioeconomic levels in the families of the
children. After parental permission was obtained, the children were as-
signed randomly to research conditions that combined three independent
variables: talking/nontalking toys (T/NT), rescue heroes video/nonvideo
viewed after first session (V/NV), and play alone or with peer of opposite
12. TALKING AND NONTALKING HEROES 199

gender (A/P). After their agreement to play with the toys and be video-
taped, the children were videotaped with a lap-held camera. The intent was
to have the children play for 20 min. However, the children who wished to
leave earlier were allowed to do so. The mean time was 17 min for the first
session and 16.7 min for the second session. The videotapes then were
coded according to the dimensions of interest. Intercoder reliability for the
amount of time spent in various types of play averaged 87%, with a range of
agreement from 62% to 100%. The parents also completed a questionnaire
about their children’s play with replica figures.

Information From Parent Questionnaires

The parent questionnaires provided information about the children’s previ-

ous experiences and showed that 24% of children had rescue heroes, 52%
had other action figures, and 63% had other pretend figures. The children
had watched rescue heroes videos or the TV program in 46% of the homes,
and 39% of the children had seen World Trade Center images on television.
Although 57% of the parents talked to their child about fire and police
heroes at the World Trade disaster, the parents reported that only 29% of
the children had used disaster themes in play. Not surprising, analysis by
gender of parents’ reports showed that there were significant differences
between the boys and girls in the types of toy figures they had. The parents
of the boys reported that their children had more rescue heroes (only one
girl had such a toy) (7? [df= 1] = 14.254; p < .001), and more action figures in
general (2 = 8.658; p < .01). On the other hand, the parents of the girls re-
ported that their children had more other pretend figures (y? [df = 1] =
24.952; p < .001). The boys also were more likely to have seen rescue heroes
videos or TV (x2 [df= 1] = 21.967; p < .001). There were no significant differ-
ences in the themes of play relative to the home experiences with the vari-
ous types of toys, however. There also were no significant differences be-
tween parental reports on the exposure of boys and girls to World Trade
images or discussions of such events.

RESULTS

Actions Afforded by the Toys and Blocks

[The affordances (i.e., opportunities for actions perceived and engaged in by

the children) of the talking toys, nontalking toys, and blocks elicited rela-
tively similar actions, especially after the first few minutes of the first ses-
sion. Table 12.1 shows the types of actions afforded by the toys at each time
period. With the exception of the screen/button pressing, which was an
200 BERGEN

TABLE 12.1
Percentages for Types of Actions With Toys by All Subjects

Time 1 Time 2
(%) (%~)

Actions Specific to Rescue Heroes’ Salient Affordances

Looks/inspects 78 38
Lines up 33 22
Pushes screen/talk button 50 47
Hold/uses implements 80 74
Backpack off/on 48/42 39/34
Exchanges backpacks or implements 11/9 13/9
Presses backpacks simultaneously 13 8
Shoots, sprays, or chops 70 66
Actions Specific to Replica Figures’ General Affordances
Makes toy walk/sit 16 20
Makes toy step, climb, or slide 19 9
Makes toy fly/jump 17 16
Makes toy talk 44 45
Makes toy do unique actions 44 45
Engages in pretend action 58 52
Labels toy (e.g., fireman) 28 27
Describes toy (e.g., a girl) 30 28
Uses words/sounds to accompany actions 2 42

affordance exclusive to the talking toys, the types of actions in which the
children engaged with both types of toys were wide ranging. Table 12.2
shows the types of actions afforded by the unit blocks that also were pres-
ent at each time period. Tables 12.3, 12.4, and 12.5 show the actions that
were significantly different for the T/NT, M/F, V/NV, and A/P groups. As
would be expected, some of these actions were directly related to the
affordances of the toys, whereas others were actions related to-other fac-

TABLE 12.2
Percentages for Types of Actions With Blocks by All Subjects

Time 1 Time 2
Actions Specific to Block Affordances () (C9)

Uses blocks without construction 41 20

Separates blocks from toys 11 19
Builds block tower 34 33
Builds block building 28 44
Builds other block structure (e.g., wall) 52 45
Labels block structure 34 38
Knocks down block structure with toy implements 27 22
Includes blocks in pretend play 50 63
eS
12. TALKING AND NONTALKING HEROES 201

TABLE 12.3
Significant Differences in Actions Afforded
by Talking/Nontalking Toy (T/NT) Conditions
ee ee. oe
Differences Chi-Square (df) Significance (p)

T exchanged backpacks more at time 1 7.860 (1) <.01

T activated backpacks simultaneously at time 1 5.143 (1) <.05
T exchanged implement (axe) more at time 1 6.621 (1) <.01
NT shot implements more at time 1 10.656 (1) <.001
NT held/used more implements at time 1 7.815 (1) <.01
NT labeled toys more at time 2 6.488 (1) <.01
NT described toys more at time 2 4.947 (1) <.05
NT built more with blocks at time 2 4.063 (1) <.05
NT knocked down blocks with toys more at time 2 5.85 (1) <.05
T repeated rescue heroes’ language more at times 13.166 (1) <.001
1 and 2 7.585 (1) <.01
T talked more to researcher at time 2 8.576 (1) <.01
NT made toys do more unique actions at time 2 5.107 (1) <.05

TABLE 12.4
Significant Differences in Actions Afforded by Gender
as Well as Video/Nonvideo Viewed (V/NV) Conditions

Differences Chi-Square (df) Significance (p)

Girls played more with blocks without construc-

tion at time 1 4.146 (1) <.05
Girls labeled block constructions more at time 1 4.433 (1) <.05
Girls talked to researcher more at time 1 4.433 (1) <.05
V used more words/sounds to accompany ac-
tion at time 2 Tet Gl) <.01
V built more buildings at time 2 4.063 (1) <.05

tors. For example, a number of actions of children with peers differed from
those of children alone. There also were some significant differences in the
children’s use of language by condition.

Differences and Similarities in Play

With the Talking and Nontalking Toys

Overall, there were few di :

two types of toys. Table 12.6 shows the percentage of time the groups were
engaged in various types of play: exploratory, practice, pretend. With re-
gard to percentage of time spent in types of play, the T/NT groups showed
a significant difference in only one area: At time 1 the children who had the
nontalking toys spent more time in practice play with the toys and blocks
202 BERGEN

TABLE 12.5
Significant Differences in Actions Afforded by Play Alone
or With Peer of Opposite Gender (A/P) Condition
oS

Differences 3 Chi-Square (df) Significance (p)

A lined up toys more at time 1 5.741 (1) <.05

P labeled block structures more at time 1 4.433 (1) <.05
P knocked down more block structures with
toys at time 1 6.488 (1) <.01
A held/used implements more in time 2 3.925 (1) <.05
P made toys talk more at time 2 5.107 (1) <.05
P described toys more at time 2 4.947 (1) <.05
P pretended more with toys at time 2 10.573 (1) <.001
P labeled toys more at time 2 9.600 (1) <.01
P knocked down blocks more at time 2 5.85 (1) <.05
P used more of own language to accompany 5.333 (1) <.05
play at times 1 and 2 10.256 (1) <.001
P used more rescue hero language at time 1 5.107 (1) <.05
P used more language unrelated to play at 14.076 (1) <.001
times 1 and 2 6.926 (1) <.01
P talked more to researcher at time 1 4.433 (1) <.05
A more often used no language at time 1 4.010 (1) <.05

TABLE 12.6
Mean Percentages of Time Spent in Types of Play

Time 1 Time 2

Mean of total time spent by each child (min) 17 16.7

Percentage of time in exploration with toys (%) 13:5 44
Percentage of time in practice play with toys (%) 29.6 32.5
Percentage of time in practice play with blocks LL9 135
Percentage of time in practice play with toys and blocks 8.9 79
Total percentage of time in practice play 50.4 53.9
Percentage of time in pretend play with toys tie : 6.2
Percentage of time in pretend play with blocks 3.6 9.0
Percentage of time in pretend play with toys and blocks 49 8.6
Percentage of time in theme pretend play with toys and blocks 3.6 2.6
Percentage of time in theme pretend play with toys fisey. 7.0
Total percentage of time in pretend play ile 33.4
Total percentage of time in pretend play with themes 10.9 9.6
Disengaged 3.8 55
Onlooking 2.0 1.0

together (F[1, 63] = 8.238; p < .01). This was probably because of their ef-
forts to use the implements these toys had (axe, handcuff, water spray) to
knock down block towers, catch blocks, or pound on blocks. Although the
children with talking toys spent slightly more time in exploration at both
sessions, this difference was not significant.
12. TALKING AND NONTALKING HEROES 203 .

TABLE 12.7
Themes of Pretend Play
—
ROR
SU Wine NREL OS cat ttTE
Time 1 Time 2
Themes (%) (%)

Number of themes oso, 2olity IOU 0=44 3-02-2020, 0-39

Percentage of rescue heroes themes 34 39
Percentage of family/general helper themes 8 13
Percentage of general violent themes 28 20
Percentage of other themes 22 33
Percentage of World Trade themes 0 1.6

Of special interest was the thematic play of the children. Thematic play
was Categorized as in terms of the following types: rescue hero theme (e.g.,
helping put out fire, saving someone from drowning), family/general helper
theme (e.g., mom/dad/child walking to home, building roads, and traveling),
general violent theme (e.g., fighting, name calling), other themes (e.g., jump-
ing on trampoline), and World Trade themes (e.g., specific to disaster). The
overview in Table 12.7 shows the number of different theme types the chil-
dren used during pretend (even brief themes are included). There were no
. ve . : ea: eae eee
significant differences between the children who played with the talking
and those who played with the nontalking toys in the amount of time spent
_
in theme play. However, the children who played wi ing toys were
more likely to have a rescue hero theme at both the first and second play
sessions (x? [df= 3] = 10.178; p < .05; y? [df= 4] =10.504; p < .05). ye

Differences and Similarities in Play

Between Boys and Girls

There were no significant differences in the percentage of time the boys fE

and girls spent in practice or pretend play. However, the boys spent more
time in theme play (F[1, 60] = 274.76; p < .05). If the peer pairs had been
grouped by the same gender, the differences may have been greater. How- 4 at
ever, the children who played alone also showed this pattern, with boys en- cf A
gaging in more thematic play. ~t

Differences and Similarities Between Video

and Non-Video Watchers

The children who saw the video between sessions did not spend a longer — ¢-
time playing or using themes in play. Apparently the video was not “of 6
ciently long or pervasive to influence the themes of play or its extent. as
qi(a ain
ever, these children did use more words and sounds to accompany their ac-
3 tions and built more buildings after
3re they had seen the video (time 2).

Bey
oe Differences and Similarities Between Children Who
Played Alone and Those Who Played With Peers

The children in the peer condition spent a significantly longer time playing
during both periods. They spent less time in exploration at both times, and
..
7) more time in practice play with toys and with blocks at time 1. They pre-
af nded more with toys at time 1, and more with blocks and with toys and
blocks at time 2. They also showed less disengagement at time 1. However,
5 ip the children who played alone were more likely to play with all three toy
\- figures than the children playing with a peer. In the alone sessions, almost
: pallthe children played with all three toys, but in the peer sessions, each
child usually selected one toy or one child immediately took two toys. Most
of the children in the peer group did play with all the toys at some point,
however. At time 1, there was a significant difference in that boys in the
peer group more often used all three figures or had one or two male figures,
whereas the girls more often had the female figure and/or the female and
one male figure (x? [df = 6] = 16.662; p < .01). Some of the children tried to
get more toys or to switch toys, but often the other child resisted. Interest-
ingly, the girls who had picked the female toy often kept that toy the entire
period, even when asked to exchange.

Presence of World Trade Center Themes

Only one child (a boy) specifically used a World Trade theme during play,
and this theme was of the disaster rather than the “helper” aspect. Both his
mother and preschool teacher reported that he had replayed the crash
scene many times during the months: after the disaster occurred.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

' 3p Both the talking and nontalking toys had some salient affordances that elic-
= ited particular behaviors (e.g., button pressing; activation of handcuff), but
F after an initial exploratory period, most of the children used the toys in gen-
erally similar ways, especially during their practice and pretend play. The
children with technology-enhanced toys repeated some phrases and
a) sounds that the toy made and initially activated the sound/talk mecha-
zg — nisms, but in their practice play most of them used actions and language
narratives similar to those of the children with the nontalking toys. In their
pretend play, they all used language relevant to the themes of the play.
12. TALKING AND NONTALKING HEROES 205

There also were few differences in the amount of time they played in differ-
ent modes. Thus, there was little evidence in this study that technology-
enhanced toys of this type were overly directive of the children’s play.
Rather, the children’s play presented a fairly typical picture of play choices.
In the approach used for this study with the video stimulus, only a few chil-
dren showed evidence of replication of specific video themes. This may be
attributable to the single and brief exposure to the video and to the time lag
between the two data collection sessions. Whether greater exposure to res-
cue hero videos would elicit greater adherence to the themes suggested by
the toys is currently unknown, although anecdotal records from parents do
suggest that the videos influence play.
Having the toys at home increased theme and pretend play somewhat,
but in general the children’s past experience with various types of toys was
not a major influence. However, a few children who had home experience
with rescue heroes seemed to move almost immediately to practice or pre-
tend play without any exploration period. The World Trade disaster influ-
ence was Clearly evident only in one child. Because these children were
from the Midwest, the disaster and “helper” figures may have been less
vivid than for children in the East. The results may have differed if the
study had been conducted in New York.
The presence of a peer (even of opposite gender) increased the quality
of play in numerous ways. There were more actions, pretend themes,
block/toy pretend, and labeling or describing of the toys. The peer’s pres-
ence also increased the length of the session and amount of time spent in
pretend. Thus, the best affordances of play with toys in this study appeared
to be the addition of another child! This sample exhibited very few gender
differences. This may be attributable to the mixed gender pairs used in the
study. If the peer pairs had been of the same gender, this may have in-
creased stereotypic differences in play behavior. The tapes do reveal that
some of the boys and girls played differently with the toys. However, the ac-
tions of many children of both genders were similar.
Generalization of findings in this study is limited because of the artifi-
cial conditions in which the children played and the possible influence of
setting variability. However, the study does shed some light on the ways
children play with technology-enhanced toys of this type. It remains to be
seen whether the influence of the more demanding interactive toys (e.g.,
robotic types that give vivid directions to children) would have more in-
fluence on the children’s actions. This study suggests that more research
is warranted to investigate the effects of technology-enhanced toys on
play. The collaboration between a toy maker and a university researcher
made this study possible. There should be more collaborations of this
type, especially because technology-enhanced toys are becoming increas-
ingly popular.
206 BERGEN

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author thanks Fisher-Price, Inc., who funded the research data-gathering
phase, and especially Kathleen Alfano, Director, Fisher-Price Child Research
Department, for her support and encouragement in making the study possi-
ble. Sincere thanks also go to the graduate assistants, Jessica Burnham and
Patrick Frato, who supervised the data collection and coding phases, and to
the undergraduate research assistants, Katie Reinke, Brooke Fox, Rachel
Meyer, Mike Keidel, Leslie Smutz, Kristen Olson, Julie Tiemeier, Arron Terrill,
and Anna Stachel, who participated in data collection and/or data coding.
Without their dedicated assistance, the study could not have been accom-
plished.

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 BEN valve e CD
Bye
GHAPTER Children wot Plow

ae
13 ust. lo emndence,

“Hey, Hey, Hey! It’s Time to Play”:

Children’s Interactions
With Smart Toys

Lydia Plowman

TOYS THAT TALK

The prospect of a talking doll was made possible by Edison’s invention of

the phonograph in 1877. By 1890 Edison had built a factory to manufacture
talking dolls that encased a miniaturized version of the phonograph so that
the dolls appeared to sing nursery rhymes. Although large numbers were
produced, the doll was not successful. It was very expensive; the voice
mechanism wore out prematurely; and, like the more recent My Real Baby
and My Dream Baby mentioned later, the dolls were too heavy. The ambi-
tion to create a talking doll dates back at least as far as the 18th century,
when mechanical toys and automata were popular as part of a quest for ar-
tificial life (Standage, 2002; Wood, 2002). Other talking dolls, such as Dolly
“ro
wet
Rekord, were developed during the early part of the 20th century, but the
mechanical recordings on which they relied were not robust, and it was not
until electronic voice synthesis became possible that they became more re-
liable. In the interim, Mattel produced Chatty Cathy in the 1960s, operated
by pulling a cord in the doll’s back to make it talk, and Worlds of Wonder
produced a talking teddy bear, Teddy Ruxpin, in 1985.
The new generation of talking toys has capitalized on developments in
computing and speech technology to produce smart dolls that not only talk
but also appear to have some capacity for learning. Speech is a popular
manifestation of computationally augmented interactivity because it gives
the illusion of a rapport between a plaything and its user, and voice is a
Se
ee eee

207
208 PLOWMAN

owerful indicator of social presence (Reeves & Nass, 1996) and intelli-
gence. For the simulation of even partially convincing levels of intelligence,
dolls and toys have needed a link to a PC for maximum functionality, as was
the case for the Microsoft Actimates used in the current study, instead of
relying on the mechanical devices of Chatty Cathy and Teddy Ruxpin.
Mattel’s Talk With Me Barbie Doll, launched in 1997 and marketed at $90,
needed.to be connected to a full-size PC. Children were able to select their
own name and a range of topics to discuss with Barbie from a CD-ROM. The
choices then were beamed from the computer to the infrared receiver in
the doll’s necklace and stored in its memory. The Barbie Doll then could
talk to the child without the need to be attached to a desktop computer
(Eng, 1997).
Hasbro’s My Real Baby, introduced in 2000 and retailing at $99, used
techniques developed by Rodney Brooks, a robotics and artificial intelli-
gence specialist at Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). According
to the instruction leaflet, the doll

responds to you in a true-to-life way, with different facial expressions, emo-

tion-like responses, sounds, words and sentences. ... The more you play with
My Real Baby, the more she seems to “learn.” Her vocabulary changes, pro-
gressing from cute baby sounds and babbling to simple words and phrases,
then up to 4-5 word sentences. The way she responds to you during an activ-
ity will vary depending on how much she has learned and what mood she is
in!

There was much anticipation for this product, as there had been for Edi-
son’s doll, but the mechanics necessary for movement made the dolls
heavy and unwieldy. They required frequent replacement of batteries, and
the functionality of the interactive features was unreliable, leading a cus-
tomer on the amazon.com Web site to post the following review:

This is my last battery operated doll purchase, I am going back to dolls that
do nothing and are soft to hold and [my daughter] can make believe she is do-
ing all the mommy things . . . without spending a hundred dollars and buying
lots of batteries. (Mrs Kim, a school bus driver from Hillsborough NJ)

My Dream Baby was a similar doll, marketed at about the same time
and produced by MGA Entertainment. This doll went through stages from
lying down to crawling and then walking, had language that developed in
parallel with these functions, and also was capable of limited speech rec-
ognition. These dolls, along with Talk With Me Barbie Doll and the Acti-
mates, were withdrawn from the market because the costs of extensive re-
13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY 209

search and development resulted in a higher retail price than the domes-
tic market would tolerate.

ARTHUR AND D.W.

“Hey, hey, hey! It’s time to play” are words spoken by one of the toys in this
study. Originally produced in 1998 at $99, the Microsoft Actimates can talk,
although they do not have speech recognition technology. These toys are
not generic dolls, but were based on Arthur and his sister D.W., two aard-
vark characters from the Marc Brown stories and cartoon series. They were
familiar to more than three fourths of the children in the study. From a mar-
keting point of view, the use of existing characters means that the toys
come with established personalities and characteristics, so children know
how the toys are likely to respond. Because they have a velour finish, they
are similar to traditional soft toys (Fig. 13.1), and unlike the dolls, the sen-
sors and batteries do not make them heavy and unwieldy. Adults expressed
some distaste for dolls such as My Real Baby and My Dream Baby because
they simulated human babies, but both children and adults found Arthur
and D.W. more agreeable.
Arthur and D.W. are 60 cm tall and have a vocabulary of about 4,000
words, motors to provide movement, and an electronic chip to recognize
inputs. Because the toy cannot respond intelligently to spoken input, it de-
pends on gestural interaction. If a child squeezes its hand or wristwatch,
the toy will ask questions. If its toe is squeezed, it will suggest a game.

FIG. 13.1. Using the toy (Arthur) in conjunction with the PC and CD-ROM.
210 PLOWMAN

Games include the child estimating a time (5, 10, 15, or 20 seconds) by
squeezing the toy’s hand when the time is up and saying the alphabet
(backward and forward) and tongue twisters. In addition to being used in
this stand-alone mode, the toys can be used in conjunction with specially
encoded CD-ROMs that feature language and number games.
Playing with the toy and the software simultaneously in this way re-
quires a PC pack accessory. A radio transmitter that resembles a modem
connects to the computer’s game port and enables the toy to communicate
with a PC using radiofrequency technology. Adding the PC pack increases
the toy’s vocabulary to 10,000 words, enabling it to “talk” to the child, com-
menting on their interaction with the software and offering advice and en-
couragement. While engaged in the software activities, children are able to
elicit help and information from the toy by squeezing its ear. If children
have difficulty progressing through a game, or persist in making the same
mistake, the toy reminds them of this.

YOUNG CHILDREN, PLAY, AND TECHNOLOGY

The debate on the relation between technology and young children’s emo-
tional, social, and cognitive needs is polarized, with those who consider
computers to be detrimental to health and learning on one side, and evan-
gelists who promote the role of computers in children’s lives on the other
(Plowman & Stephen, 2003). Although computers can represent a medium
for children’s social and intellectual development (Papert, 1996; Pesce,
2000), Healy (1998) insisted that the early years are a “busy time for the
brain,” and that using computers before the age of 7 years subtracts from
portant developmental tasks. She argued that learning to use computers
exhausts cognitive resources that could be applied to other types of learn-
ing. The predominant view of those opposed to computers is that because
computer activities are screen-based, they are not as effective as manipu-
latives (artifacts that can be handled) in developing understanding and
skills in the early years. Computers are therefore not developmentally ap-
propriate (Haugland, 2000).
Anxieties extend to technologies such as smart toys. Levin and Rosen-
quest (2001) claimed that electronic toys produce limited and repetitive in-
teractions, expressing concerns for the healthy play and development of
young children. They refer to a time not long ago when most of the toys
available for sale were generic rattles, dolls, trucks, and blocks that helped
children to be the “creators and controllers of their play and helped par-
ents play in imaginative give-and-take ways with their infants and toddlers”
(p. 243). These authors claimed that individualized and open-ended oppor-
13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY 211

tunities for creating play are greatly hampered by programmed responses

and embedded scripts, and that the use of such toys not only limits play,
but also limits the child’s imagination and development. They maintained
that there is a need to “develop strategies for stemming the tide as these
toys flood homes and classrooms” (p. 245).
The Alliance for Childhood promotes a similar view. In Fool’s Gold: A Criti-
cal Look at Computers in Childhood, Cordes and Miller (2000) called for an im-
mediate moratorium on the further introduction of computers in early
childhood, except for special cases of students with disabilities. They rec-
ommended a refocusing on “the essentials of a healthy childhood” (e.g.,
play, book reading, and direct experiences of nature and the physical
world) and requested that the U.S. Surgeon General produce a report on
the hazards computers pose to children. Robotic dolls are called the “worst
toy idea of the year” in a press release issued by the Alliance for Childhood
(2000). The pressure group believes that programmed toys distract chil-
dren from “real play,” fool children into thinking the toys are alive, manipu-
late their thoughts and reactions, and prompt unhealthy emotional attach-
ments. Such toys are described as a straitjacket on play.
Play is widely believed to be the main mechanism for children’s learning
and central to certain aspectsof development (Ariel, 2002; Lindon, 2001;
Singer, 1994, among many others) including self-confidence, collaboration,
and the practice of skills, as well as making sense of the world, developing a
sense of self and other, expressing emotions, and taking the initiative. This
relation between play and learning usually is seen as benign, but it be-
comes problematic when particular toys become a focus for concern (e.g.,
if they are seen as perpetuating gendered behavior or promoting violence)
because toys have a central role in the lives of young children. Children are
seen as vulnerable, and therefore capable of absorbing the undesirable val-
ues promoted by such toys, leading many adults to be nostalgic for tradi-
tional homemade or simple versions (Best, 1998). Exposure to technological
innovations such as television and computers has provoked similar types
of anxieties for the well-being of children (Buckingham, 2000; Luke & Luke,
2001; Valentine & Holloway, 2001). Combine technology and toys and there
is a potent mix, particularly if parents feel guilty about buying these toys for
their children.
Educational value frequently is used as a marketing device for these in-
teractive toys, and even the use of the word “smart” to describe them im-
plies a level of intelligence in the toy that will transfer to its user. State-
ments that products “give your preschooler a heads up on reading” (Read
With Winnie, Fisher-Price) and “provide infants with the foundation for suc-
cessful language learning” (The Babbler, Neurosmith) feed arents’ anxi-
eties about the extent to which they feel able to
212 PLOWMAN

their children. The promotional literature frequently refers to the role of

“leading psychologists” or “education experts” in the design process in the
belief that parents’ guilt about buying technological toys and not spending

in purpose.
Few people would challenge the Alliance for Childhood’s premise that
play and interaction with other children and adults is central to children’s
development, but its stance on the dangers of technological toys is not
supported by research evidence. Claims that programmed toys inhibit
children’s “real play,” manipulate their thoughts, and lead to unhealthy at-
tachments require closer examination. Levin and Rosenquest’s (2001) cri-
tique is motivated by one anecdote of a child’s interactions with an elec-
tronic Rock-n-roll Ernie toy. This chapter describes an empirical 18-month
study investigating young children’s uses of smart toys and draws some
different conclusions. In particular, this study examined whether chil-
dren’s opportunities for creating play are hampered and described their
nterachonsemith sheatovau kamera ban suoltsee: be aifmod sent otek

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CACHET

Computers and Children’s Electronic Toys (CACHET) was a research proj-

ect that investigated the use of interactive toys during 2001-2002. The focus
was on studies conducted in homes and after-school clubs. Other more con-
trolled studies were conducted in a school classroom (Plowman & Luckin,
2003). The main aim of the research was to consider the toys’ mediation of
the child’s activities and the new forms of interaction engendered by these

The Microsoft Actimates can be used either on a stand-alone basis or in

conjunction with a standard desktop PC fitted with a radio transmitter, and
their properties include both wirelessness and manipulability. Because Ar-
thur and D.W. can be played with on their own or in conjunction with the
compatible CD-ROM, its use in both scenarios was studied. The home stud-
ies involved 12 children (6 girls and 6 boys) ages 5 and 6 years. These chil-
dren were visited three times over a period of approximately 2 weeks. Half
of the children received the toy first and were given the CD-ROM at the mid-
way visit. The other half used the CD-ROM first and were given the toy at
the midway visit. In all cases, the children kept both items for the second
week of the study and thus had the opportunity to play with the toy in con-
junction with the PC, enabling the researchers to explore the three-way in-
teraction between the child, the toy, and the computer. Pairs of children of-
ten used the toy in the school and after-school clubs, but it was used mainly
13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY 213

by individuals in their homes, although occasionally a sibling or friend

joined in.
Parents completed a diary over the 2-week period to provide back-
ground information and data on the use of the items while the researcher
was absent. The children’s play with the toys was not prescribed, but at the
start of each loan period, the researchers ensured that the children knew
how to access the help facility, and that they could ask Arthur or D.W. for a
hint if they needed some help to play the game. There was no control over
how often or how long the children used the toys or software, and video re-
cordings were made on an opportunistic basis.

PLAY

Kathleen, a 7-year-old who had access to both toys for a short while, pro-
duced a daily schedule for the toys’ activities (Figs. 13.2 and 13.3). She
clearly anthropomorphized the toys, but the emphasis on bed time and
waking up time was partly attributable to their time-telling features (the toy
could be programmed as an alarm clock, and squeezing the watch
prompted it to tell the time). These technological features were integrated
into her play, but she combined them with the nontechnological, so the
toys were dressed in other clothes and put to bed in the same way as tradi-
tional soft toys.
Suzy also put the toy to bed, but explained that D.W. did not sleep be-
side her because she feared dropping it on the floor and breaking it, a con-
cern that may be attributable to the technological features of the toy or
simply to the fact that it was on loan. James is recorded in the parental di-
ary as having made up a bed for Arthur beside his own at bedtime, and
Mark also chose to sleep with Arthur at night. John’s parents commented
in their diary that he was “intrigued” by the toy. They thought he had
“bonded” with it as he carried it around the house with him even when it
was not activated.
This type of attachment behavior was limited, however, and there was
little evidence of the toy’s participation in “free flow” play activities (Bruce,
1991), possibly because the children knew the toy was on loan and would
have to be returned. For most of the children, it was just a toy, and some
preferred to play with it not switched on, taking the toy to the table to join
in with the rest of the family or making a bed for it next to their own. These
nurturing behaviors do not constitute evidence for “unhealthy attach-
ments” to the toys given that this type of play was not sustained beyond a
few days, and that such behaviors would be interpreted as normal play in
 Audher
hues Ser ele

Ge

pore no fio,
ee UJA
eo ua
an .

Peay they“lho Peet ae

9. 30. om

FIG. 13.2. A daily schedule for Arthur and D.W.

Aurther A pillow from D.W. Duggie A blancket-

X spare room
A vest for sleeping Ae Sleeps on the right hand side,
bed time at 8.00 /
goes to sleep at 7.30 pm
goes to sleep on the lefthand side,“ __| Waeres a vest for bed but take of in morning
A pillow from spare room gets up at 8.00 at week ends and when I get
/ up on week days
a
gets her hair brushed when she goes to sleep
and wakes up.
Reading every weekend morning at 8.30 am_| 9.00-9.30 am Play time at weekends
OE IES PATA
FIG. 13.3. An approximation of the preceding figure.

214
13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY 215

the context of traditional soft toys. None of the parents raised any concerns
about these play activities.
Kathleen’s merging of the toys’ technological and nontechnological fea-
tures was characteristic of several children’s play activities and, like John,
some children preferred to play without using the interactive functions. In
such scenarios, even if the concept of “real play” (Alliance for Childhood,
2000) were meaningful, it is not possible to distinguish the elements of play
that are “real” from those that are “not real,” and there is insufficient evi-
dence to conclude that the toys constrain the child’s imagination or inhibit
play. The researchers found that the children enjoyed the tactile nature of
the toys more than their so-called interactivity.
Episodes that found the children engaged in imaginative encounters be-
yond the programmed repertoire were unusual, and it was more common
for the children to be dismissive of the toy. For children such as James,
whose parents recorded that he took the toy to bed with him, but who dis-
played evident boredom with it when the researcher was present, this
could be explained as a performance for the benefit of the adult on-
lookers.
The children played with the toys on their own terms, except when they
felt dragooned into interaction on a research visit, as the following three ex-
changes demonstrate:

Researcher: “Do you like this game?”

Toy: “Ready, go.”
Researcher: “Is this one of the games you like?”
Toy: “Ready, go.”
Researcher: “Rob?”
Rob: “No.”

Toy: “Here’s a good one, ready? Peter Piper picked a peck of

pickled peppers. Now it’s your turn.”
Researcher: “You say it now.”
Aileen: “No.”
Toy: “To try a different game, squeeze my ear.”
Aileen: “I don’t want to do that one again.”

Toy: “Squeeze my ear to make a new silly sentence. Ready? The

lumpy Eskimo eats mud pies with the snoring gorilla. Ha, ha,
that’s funny!”
Researcher: “Did you think that was funny?”
216 PLOWMAN

Rosie: “No.”
(Edit)
Toy: “To make more rhymes, squeeze my hand. To play a differ-
ent game, squeeze my toe.”
Rosie: “I don’t want to play with her anymore.”
Researcher: “OK, that’s fine. So, Rosie, did you like D.W?”
Rosie: “No.”

Whether children were interested in the toy or not, they routinely re-
ferred to it as “he” or “she.” This anthropomorphism is not surprising given
that Arthur and D.W. have names and a combination of cognitive features
(appearing to remember dates, knowing when a child encounters problems
with the CD-ROM) and behavioral features (some movement, talking). The
toys also are based on cartoon characters that combine facial features as-
sociated with animals with human attributes such as clothes, spectacles,
wristwatches, and hands. In this respect, the toys are like many soft toys
that combine animal and human features, and these characteristics ap-
peared to be more significant in determining anthropomorphism than the
technological features such as speech.
Although some of the children seemed to infer a degree of sentience in
the toy, parents’ comments suggested that this did not translate to a
greater degree of dialogue or other forms of interaction with it. Some chil-
dren knew batteries powered the toy, although younger children tended to
think it had feelings and could think and talk on its own. Interview ques-
tions elicited the extent to which children attributed human characteristics
to the toys. There was considerable diversity of views, partly because chil-
dren of this age find it difficult to articulate opinions of this kind, but there
was no evidence that the children had been fooled into thinking the toys
were alive. Invited to suggest ways in which the toy could be improved, sev-
eral children mentioned that they would like it to be able to walk, perhaps
because this is seen as an indicator that a figure is animate. This is consis-
tent with experiments conducted by van Duuren and Scaife (1996) in which
o-year-old children considered a robot to be more capable of thought than a
computer because children at this age associate a capacity for motor be-
havior with brain functioning.
Arthur and D.W. present a curious mix of toy and technology. Parents
did not often refer to their children playing with the toy although they did
refer to them playing with the games on the CD-ROM. This seemed to be
partly because the scripted interactions limited free-flow play. But rather
than this leading to a situation in which “the child’s own budding imagina-
tion” was “overpowered” (Alliance for Childhood, 2000), the.evidence from
13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY
217

the transcripts suggests that this was not the case. Children played with the
toys in unpredictable ways. Sometimes they chose not to engage a
quickly became bored, whereas at other times they integrated the toys into
eir daily domestic schedules, showed them to their friends, and engaged
in the sorts of play activities associated with traditional soft toys.

CLAIMS FOR LEARNING

In the scenario that has the child and the toy jointly playing the educational
games on the CD-ROM, the toy is referred to in the accompanying literature
as “your child’s computer learning buddy.” The marketing emphasizes the
toy’s educational value, and itemized skills are listed on the box in which
the toys are sold. These include cooperation and following directions, logic
and critical thinking, creativity and imagination, memory building, word
and sound recognition, self-esteem, exercise and physical activity, telling
the time, dates and holidays, and classification and rhyming. With the addi-
tion of the software and PC pack (and the toy’s increased vocabulary), fur-
ther skills are added: story comprehension, problem solving, social skills,
spelling and parts of speech, science, history and geography facts, math
and money concepts, music, and rhythm.
The box invites children to “join bright and friendly Arthur on an amaz-
ing learning adventure!” The accompanying leaflet uses the authority of a
developmental psychologist to reinforce its claims for enhanced learning:

Fun functions to help your child learn ... the ideal learning partner for chil-
dren. “The Actimates interactive learning system grows with a child, ... uses
fun, challenging games and activities to help children master time concepts,
language skills and more,” said the developmental psychologist and lead de-
signer in developing the Actimates learning system.

Although the parents found the ways that the toy and the software inter-
acted to be an impressive feature, the children seemed to take it for
granted. All the children seemed t j ili
or age, but the low level of interest in the toy appeared to be age-related be-

lin e children who ha e toy first tended to lose interest in it once

the software had been introduced. The toy then was played with only occa-
sionally, if at all. If the toy was introduced after the software, the toy was
played with infrequently because the software had already been explored
and the help features generally were not needed. In this software-then-toy
sequence, it also was the case that the toy was seen mostly as an adjunct to
the software and rarely played with away from the PC. The home study chil-
ea e
Ce ee ~ a
218 PLOWMAN

dren were slightly older than those in the reception class and after-school
clubs, and this may account for parents’ comments on how quickly chil-
dren’s interest in the toy had waned and its greater popularity with youn-
ger children, although all were well within Microsoft's suggested age range
of 4 to 8 years.
The toy was promoted as an “interactive learning partner,” and sugges-
tions made by the toy to help with the games on the CD-ROM were a unique
feature. Nevertheless, the children rarely asked the toy for help, although
they were fully aware of this function because they needed to be active in
seeking help. The technology was not intelligent enough to recognize all
their errors, and its speech was too primitive to provide adaptive feedback.
If the toy provided hints or tips, the children did not seem to notice or they
ignored it. The children generally preferred to ask an adult. Most of their
queries were concerned with interpreting what the toy or a character in the
software had said. If the children asked for help and succeeded in their
task, they generally demonstrated pleasure at the toy’s praise, but they
were not taken in by the constantly positive and flattering feedback pro-
vided by the toy and soon found this irritating.
The claims that the toy represents a “child’s computer learning buddy”
appear to be unrealistic considering the ways that children dismissed or ig-
nored the help feature. The toy’s verbal and gestural responses are far too
limited to simulate finely tuned human guidance, and the toy has no mem-
ory of its interactions with the child, an important aspect of providing tai-
lored help.
Video analysis (Luckin, Connolly, Plowman, & Airey, 2003) showed that
young children are able to make the connection between two different in-
terfaces and to coordinate the experience they receive through their con-
vergence. Children as young as 4 years were not disconcerted when faced
with feedback and interaction possibilities from different artifacts. Given
that children cannot interact with the toy intuitively by talking to it, but
must rely on strange gestures such as squeezing the toy’s ear or squeezing
its foot, this may seem surprising. (These interactions are further compli-
cated because the toy works in different ways depending on whether it is
operating in freestanding mode or in conjunction with the computer.) The
children in the study were able to understand the mechanics of the toy in-
terface, and all could engage at an operational level of controlling the
mouse and understanding the relation between the mouse and the screen
cursor. '
Ultimately, the educational value of these toys probably is no more or
less than the educational value of many soft toys. Although the toys engage
the child in games and activities, their i st_value seems to be short-
lived, and the toys are not erally integrated into the child’s play once
their functionality has been thei)
subject
a
t i t VE ofHw
an initial
DOMnIGexploration.
hates ites
13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY
219

selling point of the interaction between the CD-ROM and the toy is largely
overlooked by children. Although this study did not aim to measure learn. * 07
ing gain, some measures of the standard proxies for learning such as en- a
gagement, motivation and time on task are available from the diaries and - p E
interviews. According to these, it is unlikely that any short-term learning # .-¢,
gain would be sustained because interest in the toy diminished over a rel
tively short period. te

THE CONVERGENCE OF TECHNOLOGY AND PLAY

Young children’s play generally is considered a physical activity (dressing

up, sand and water play, tumbling and climbing) rather than a digital one.
However, this distinction between digital and embodied play may be
eroded by the new generation of technologies with tangible (i.e., touchable)
interfaces. Many of the fears about children’s use of technology are based
on a concept of technology that is now out of date. Seen as detrimental to °
children’s development because of their fixed, screen-based nature, it is as-
sumed that information and communication technologies cannot be used
by young children for creative and collaborative play or to engage all of
their senses. These concerns apply to the use of desktop computers, and
have less currency as computing technology becomes embedded in a range
of everyday objects. The Actimates exhibit a hybrid technology that chal-
lenges some of these assumptions.
The concept of “interactive” toys has been applied mainly to products
using familiar forms (cuddly toys, balls, rattles, dolls, or construction
bricks) that are computationally enhanced. It is this technological inter-
activity that is assumed to confer educational value. This belief rests on a
skills-based notion of the value of familiarity with technology for future
schooling and employment (Facer, Sutherland, Furlong, & Furlong, 200
and is, more generally, a symptom of the increased curricularization of fam-
ily life (Buckingham & Scanlon, 2003). The imperialism of a schools-based|
approach to learning has extended even to children’s play with computer
games. This play now is validated as educational (Gee, 2003; McFarlane,
Sparrowhawk, & Heald, 2002; Prensky, 2001), and computer games are pro-
moted as a vehicle for stealth learning.
It is commonplace to refer to computers as tools for learning and this is =
reinforced by the dominant metaphor of the office, desktop, and worksta- -
tion. In this mode, interaction is functional and focused on computers teth-
ered to the desk, with the screen used as a locus of interaction. As technolo- i
gies become increasingly domesticated, leisure-oriented developments in
speech and gesture are used to produce toys and other artifacts that inter-
act in different ways (Bergman, 2000). In this mode, interaction becomes
oe
 220 PLOWMAN

more social in nature, including the ability to express and recognize emo-
tions (Picard, 1997). These changes could increase the scope for richer in-
teractions while simultaneously making technological interactions simpler
7 because “when media conform to social and natural rules, no instruction is
a qo" necessa ” (Reeves ass, wp:
“This combination of functional and soit interaction is embodied in the
toys and may have contributed to the ambivalence with which the children
in this study viewed them. As a tool, the functional interaction is repre-
sented by the tutorial relation used to provide help and guidance and the
explicit educational value. As a toy, the social interaction is provided by it
representing a partner for silly games, jokes, and riddles. The situation be-
comes more complex when the software with which both the child and the
toy interacts is considered. The toy offers a corporeal figure with whom the
child can verbally and physically interact, whereas the screen-based soft-
ware provides functional interaction.
Although the speech function, a main selling point for the toys, is critical
for delivering the sense of social presence and intelligence promoted in its
marketing, many of the children in the study found that the talking became
monotonous or irritating and preferred to switch it off. Given its 10,000
word vocabulary, the toy can verbally interact with the children at a basic
level, but rather than contribute to extended child-toy interaction and role-
play, the spoken interaction seems to detract from this possibility. The ex-
tent to which a toy can talk has come a long way since Dolly Rekord, Chatty
59+ Cathy, and Teddy Ruxpin, but although the Actimates’ powers of speech im-
pressed adults, they did not have this impact on children. Although initially
4 3 honoree the toy’s vocabulary presents only an illusion of reciprocity be-
use the toys do not have speech recognition, the ability to “understand”
and respond to spoken words, or speech synthesis, the ability to sequence
I | eee ced phrases in meaningful ways. Speaker-independent technology
means that toys are easy to use straight from the box, but the vocabulary is
fixed and not easily upgraded. Speaker-dependent technology must be
p trained to recognize an individual child’s voice and thus is not suitable for
od
chaldranyoung children, although it offers the benefits of vocabularies tailored to a
child’s specific circumstances (Soule, 2000). Incorporating these features
into toys is difficult for the very reason that children are unpredictable us-
ers and do not respond well to programmed interaction.
The Actimates’ talk is too limited for the suspension of disbelief neces-
sary to imply personality, and it is unlikely that smart toys will be able to
simulate the role of a buddy or to appear really smart until speech technol-
ogies have met some of these manufacturing challenges. Those who are
fearful of technology’s detrimental effects on children probably would be-
come more concerned in this scenario, but it is worth remembering that the
13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY 221

Turing test of intelligence posed more than 50 years ago (Turing, 1950) de-
pends on the simulation of speech for an answer to the question “Can ma-
chines think?” The test examines a human participant’s ability to tell
whether the responses to diverse questions are provided by another per-
son or by a computer. If the human participant is unable to discriminate re-
sponses over time, then Turing claims intelligence can be ascribed to the
computer. The quest to simulate intelligence through the use of speech has
not been solved, and it continues to be the subject of scientific competi-
tions and research.
This study of children’s interactions with toys that have a very limited

;
speech repertoire shows that there did not appear to be anything danger-
ous or inhibiting in their interactions. Children made their own choices, us-
ing the technology in ways that suited their own purposes, and there was

hR
no evidence to suggest that these toys made either a beneficial or detrimen-
tal difference in the children’s ability to engage in child-led imaginative

i
play. This statement could be applied equally to many other toys because
the technological nature of Arthur and D.W. was not really the defining 4
characteristic. The age of the children and their perceptions of how they
appeared to adults seemed to be a stronger indicator of interactions with
the toy than its interactivity. This provides a corrective to the fears that
technological toys are psychologically damaging to the children who use
them, particularly to their ability to engage in imaginative play.
was
+
YL
mi
Tom

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Exploring and Mapping Interactivity With Digital Toy Technology, known as

CACHET, was funded by the U.K. Economic and Social Research Council
and the Engineering and Physical Science Research Council (Award no.
L328253009). The research team was Rosemary Luckin, Sharon Airey, and
Daniel Connolly. The project Web site is available at http://www.ioe.stir.ac.
uk/CACHET/.

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Bergman, E. (2000). Information appliances and beyond. San Francisco: Morgan
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222 PLOWMAN

Bruce, T. (1991). Time to play in early childhood education. Sevenoaks, England: Hodder &
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13. IT’S TIME TO PLAY 223

Valentine, G., & Holloway, S. (2001). Technophobia. In I. Hutchby & J. Moran (Eds.), Children, tech-
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van Duuren, M., & Scaife, M. (1996). “Because a robot’s brain hasn’t got a brain, it just controls it-
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Wood, G. (2002). Living dolls. London: Faber & Faber.
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14
Adaptation of Traditional Toys
and Games to New Technologies:
New Products Generation

M. Fabregat
M. Costa
M. Romero

Nearly everyone agrees that play and toy vehicles for free time enjoyment
are fundamental elements for the integral development of the person dur-
ing infancy and youth. This concept has been demonstrated by many re-
search projects over the years (Almonacid & Carrasco, 1989; Blakely, Lang,
& Hart, 1991; Martinez & Mufioz, 2002; Ramsey, 1990; Riviére, 1991; Rosel,
1980a, 1980b; Schneekloth, 1989). Nevertheless, the benefits that come om
playing are not, even today, within the reach of all. Much work still must c
done to ensure that the design of toys takes into account the end user, con- o
sidering all of childhood diversity. The objective of this research was to ex- 0
pand the study of possible adaptations that can be made to traditional toys {
to guarantee that all children, independently of their capacities, can enjoy
playing together with toys designed to be accessible for all children. This &,
objective could be attained by taking advantage of the great potential of- hs
fered by new technologies. as
Although there are many other possibilities, this study has focused on
the incorporation of an obstacle and direction detection system (GPS) to
electronic play vehicles. This type of adaptation was judged to be the most
adequate for facilitating the use of toy motor bikes, tricycles, and cars for
children with a total or partial visual handicap, who were the subjects of
our study. This study focused on toy electronic vehicles because they pro-
mote movement and spatial exploration most directly. Both abilities need
to be enhanced, according to the experts on children with visual handicaps.

225
 226 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

DISABLED CHILDREN AND PLAY

It is not necessary to find a reason to justify play. Playing is positive in it-

self, independently of the end to which it contributes. Playing is an enjoy-
able, voluntary, creative, imaginative, and fun activity. For that reason
alone, energy should be invested in achieving the creation of toys for every-
one. Nevertheless, play activities also are excellent means for the transmis-
sion and acquisition of values and abilities. The spontaneous motivation
that accompanies play reduces the effort expended in learning to a mini-
mum. Playing also helps to reduce laziness, fears, and the resistance that
some children feel when confronted with certain situations. It is an excel-
lent tool for working with the development of many abilities that should be
acquired during the first years of life. Experts in the evolutionary develop-
ment of visually impaired children advise, for example, that it is necessity
to stimulate the start of walking in an especially intense way during the
early stages of development. They also insist on indicating that it is impor-
tant to facilitate the independence of action necessary for the child to ac-
cess the first experiences of communication, movement, spatial orientation,
and the sense of touch. Many games and toys contribute to this.
Some specifics that characterize the development of children with visual
handicaps (a delay in aspects related to personal autonomy, social behav-
ior, difficulties in the spontaneous motor imitation, less motivation toward
the exterior world) allow the definition of the areas that should be stimu-
lated with such children, especially during early education. All of them, as
will be seen shortly, have been taken into account during the development
of this project for the design of two different prototypes.

_ Ages 6 months to 3 years

Acquisition of the ability to walk and speak at the same time that other
cognitive notions (e.g., space, time, habits) are developed
Increase of motor possibilities
Knowledge of objects and their properties
Knowledge of spatial relations
The first social habits: food, bathroom, dress

Ages 3 to 6 years

Development of autonomy, first social experiences

Symbolic conduct (play, imitation, and representation)
Language
14. ADAPTATION OF TOYS AND GAMES 227

Knowledge of objects and their characteristics of grouping (order, classi-

fication and manipulation of them)
Spatial relations (up-down, inside—outside, backward movement, repre-
sentation)
Psychomobility
Dress habits, food, bathroom, housework

Play stimulates curiosity for surroundings, favors communication and

socialization, and offers opportunities for the development of creativity and
imagination. If, during infancy, children with visual handicaps are offered
the possibility to play independently and freely, like any other child, they
will be able to improve verbal expression, social abilities, fine and gross
motor skills, and auditory acuity. Above all, they will feel capable of explor-
ing their environment. They also will be able to discover new sensations
without fear and complete the sensory impressions and images that are lim-
ited because of their visual impairment. In this way, they will be able to ac-
quire basic abilities for daily life, encounter strategies for resolving practi-
cal problems, and receive fundamental training in controlling future
situations (Martin, 2001). As Bruner (1978) indicated, playing is a way to
minimize the consequences of one’s own actions, and thereby to learn ina
less risky situation. A child learns about his surroundings through play. Fol-
lowing the reasoning of Almonacid and Carrasco (1989), play for a child is
synonymous with living.
Lucerga, Sanz, Rodriguez-Porrero, and Escudero (1992), in their docu-
ment Pretending Play and Visual Disability, cover the aspects that the most
relevant authors consider specific to the play activities of children with vi-
sual handicaps. They point out the tendency to play more simple and repet-
itive games, to play less spontaneously and creatively, to engage in more
concrete and less imaginative play, to exhibit a lesser degree of aggressive
manifestations, to have little interest in objects, to depend on adults, and to
experience difficulty understanding spatial elements. It is most important
then to concentrate specifically on these points when designing projects
that seek to make playtime more accessible and appealing to children with paddb
Yaid
(
special handicaps.
The “play for all” philosophy that served as the basis for the current in-
vestigation departs radically from the possibility of creating specific toys
for children with handicaps. The release of products for “special audi-
ences” would be an absolute failure in terms of mutual play, isolating rather
than integrating children with special needs in relation to other children.
The adaptation of playtime products for children with different characteris-
tics permits different children to grow together, meet each other, under-
stand each other, and share common experiences.
 228 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

This idea comes from the principle known as “universal accessibility,”

from the paradigm of “design for all.” Although much has been done to en-
sure the participation of handicapped people in all social spheres, there
still are many objectives that remain unaccomplished. As Gomez (2003)
pointed out, the demand for a design for all applies equally to the condi-
tion of goods and services offered to citizens through the market and to
those available through the public sector. A person with a disability, like
any other citizen, must be guaranteed the possibility of freely choosing
the same products and services available to the public. For this reason,
Coos
is
oy” these products and services must be conceived using the universal design
criteria.
Each child, whether characterized by a handicap or not, is unique and
needs adequate resources according to his or her specific characteristics. If
it is desirable that all toys and games be created respecting the principle of
universal design, it is true that even today many playtime products do not
comply. For this reason, there still is a need to select products from the
marketplace before ensuring that they will be accessible for the child who
will use them. Several general guidelines can be followed in deciding how to
adapt products, and also in selecting playtime products for children with vi-
sual handicaps.

AIJU toy guide 2002 selection tips

Toys should have a simple and realistic design easily identified by touch.
They should include objects and parts that are easy to handle.
They should have sound effects and different textures.
They should not include too many small parts, or at least the parts
should be quick and easy to classify by touch.
They should have vivid and contrasting colors, so that children with
some vestige of vision can perceive them.
They should be compact and not fall apart easily.

AIJU toy guide 2002 suggestions for making adjustments:

Text or instructions should be translated into Braille, raised, or replaced

with voice recordings.
Sound, raised surfaces or textures should be added to replace or accom-
pany visual stimuli.
The board for board games should have a raised part, and the counters
or pieces should be made more secure (with Velcro, protruding parts,
etc.) to prevent them from being moved involuntarily.
14. ADAPTATION OF TOYS AND GAMES
229

When toys are used for symbolic play with several parts, it can be a good
idea to stick them together to prevent them from falling apart.

Finally, it is important to mention that some interesting publications spe-

cialize in playtime activities for visually handicapped children. These publi-
cations provide details about the possibilities offered by commercially
available games and toys, suggesting modifications when they are neces-
sary. These publications include the following:

Toy Guide for the Stimulation of Visual Perception—

Spain
Toy Guide for Differently-Abled—TIA, USA
Toy Guide for Kids With Special Needs—Australia
The Toy Catalogue England
Guide to Toys for Children Who Are Blind or Visually
Impaired—BTHA, England
AU Toy Guide—Spain

These publications suggest that appropriate toy products addressed to

visually impaired children develop fine and gross motor skills, eye-hand
and ear—-hand coordination, cause and effect relation understanding, com-
munication and language, physical exercise, and socialization. The informa-
tion provided in these and other specialized bibliographies was studied
carefully during the research process, with the idea of guaranteeing an opti-
mum level of adaptation for both the product and the end users.

ADAPTATION OF TRADITIONAL TOYS

AND GAMES TO NEW TECHNOLOGIES:
NEW PRODUCTS GENERATION

Institutions Participating in the Research

Three different organizations participated in the research: the Technical In-

stitute of Toys (AIJU) with its multidisciplinary group of toy, infancy, and
market experts, the Spanish Association for the Blind (ONCE), and the toy
company FAMOSA.
The Technical Institute of Toys was created in 1985 with the objective of
contributing to the toy sector by encouraging research, technological inno-
vation and diversification of the possibilities for toys during the different
stages of life, diffusion of the benefits from play, and improvement in the
quality of playtime products. The Department of Pedagogy at the Technical
Institute of Toys has for many years been developing research projects that
230 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

link play with special education needs. The potential of toys as a tool of in-
tervention in the contexts of prevention and rehabilitation has been ana-
lyzed, connecting new technologies with playtime activities and participat-
ing in European research networks focused on the creation of products for
everyone. The main objectives have been to assess businesses so they
learn to take into account the needs, characteristics and preferences of the
user before creating new products or improving current products already
in their catalogs. Increasingly, AIJU aims to be the link for putting busi-
nesses into contact with end users. All this previous work has enabled the
development of a specific method for creating playtime products for the
user. This method also was used during the current research. The Depart-
ment of Pedagogy collaborates with a panel of more than 5,000 families,
more than 500 teachers of children of different ages who participate in the
current research, and a national network of toy libraries where the prod-
ucts are tested as required.
The PROFAMOSA group is an important international toy manufacturer
made up of various smaller companies, each specializing in different
phases of the production and creation chain. They have branches in differ-
ent countries in Europe and the rest of the world. One of these branches,
Onilco Innovation, which focuses its work on the research and develop-
ment stages, has been directly involved in the current project.
FAMOSA offers a wide range of products: dolls (of different types aimed
at different ages), accessories for the dolls, items used for play on the
beach or at the swimming pool, toys for artistic play, board games, minia-
ture toys, toy vehicles, musical toys, and the like.
The first type of toy benefiting from the results of the research was the
electric toy vehicle. However, the company and the experts participating in
the research aim to extend and apply the research to the remaining prod-
ucts, carrying on the work so that all children (with or without disabilities)
may enjoy play and benefit from playing together with the same toys. The
research team considered it important not to forget the needs of produc-
tion because a good idea must always be feasible as well as surprising and
different.
The Spanish Association for the Blind (ONCE) is a nonprofit corporation
with the mission of improving the quality of life for the blind and the visu-
ally handicapped in Spain. An institution with a social character, ONCE is
dedicated also to people who have been affected by different handicaps
that works with the state administration through the ministries of economy,
finance, labor, and social and interior matters. Alicante’s Espiritu Santo Col-
lege, part of ONCE, ceded the use of its facilities and collaborated in the de-
velopment of the research. The experts at ONCE provided the project with
their valuable experience and knowledge concerning everything connected
with the visually impaired.
14. ADAPTATION OF TOYS AND GAMES 231

Why Toy Electric Vehicles?

Without a doubt, all toys help to improve the fundamental aspects of infant
development. In this research, priority was given to the necessity, as sug-
gested by the experts, to stimulate in visually handicapped children move-
ment as well as control and recognition of environment. Almonacid and
Carrasco (1989) have indicated that those among the latest in achieving
walking autonomy are blind children and, to a lesser extent, visually handi-
capped children. According to the authors, whereas children with full sight
begin to walk before the age of 1 years, visually handicapped children
generally achieve the ability to walk only later. Children who are com-
pletely blind usually require more than 1 years to learn to walk. This fact
must be kept in mind when the limitation of autonomy is considered as well
as the learning of early skills related to movement, spatial relations, and the
like. Playing with vehicles especially reinforces these kinds of abilities, and it
also encourages imagination and oral expression (through pretend play);
spatial orientation; all-around movement coordination; auditory, hand-eye/
hand-ear, and foot-eye coordination; balance; early walking and driving ex-
periences; reaction speed; and independence to explore. Moreover, it pro-
vides the child with a wide variety of stimuli that help to enlarge the benefits
of play time: tactile stimuli (from handling different elements of the vehicle,
playing with the manipulative parts, fitting pieces together, touching buttons,
turning circular objects, and so on), auditory stimuli (from buttons with
sounds cr the sounds produced from movement), and visual stimuli (during
the exploration of the environment or from the lighting elements).
A great variety of products form part of the “play vehicle” typology. For
this reason, an exhaustive market search preceded the investigation. The
planned analysis of products available on the market allowed the research-
ers a maximum variety of products for the testing sessions, guaranteeing a
representative sample of the real situation and the presence of the highest
possible number of companies from the sector in their research. The vehi-

Walkers
Rockers
Ride-on toys

Scooters
Cars
1-3 years old
3-6 years old
232 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

cles were classified in two basic age groups (1 to 3 years and 3 to 6 years) in
keeping with their dimensions and the type of play offered. This classifica-
tion directed the design method of the fieldwork. Sixteen vehicles, classi-
fied in four categories, were finally selected and evaluated by children, par-
ents, and experts.

METHODS

Given the fact that the objectives of the research required a deep analysis
of opinions and behaviors, it was decided that the methodology would be
oriented toward a qualitative focus. Obtaining details provided by the eval-
uation of children, parents, and specialists was given preference over the
possible collection of many quantitative evaluations.
Thus, the research was structured in four phases: The first stage in-
volved a comparison and classification study of the different toy vehicles
that can be found on the market. To identify the pros and cons of these ve-
hicles, their characteristics, the difficulties of their use, and so forth, the fol-
lowing three different studies were conducted:

1. Usability test for electronic toy vehicles with handicapped and

nonhandicapped children.

Twelve observation sessions were conducted in which six technicians from

the pedagogical department participated. All the 16 selected toys were used
in the sessions by children with visual disabilities, children with slight vi-
sual impairment, and children without visual disabilities. Altogether, 97 chil-
dren 1 to 7 years of age tested the selected toys. The possibilities of use
were evaluated for each of the vehicles, and potential differences in the use
depending on the level of visual impairment were analyzed. Information
was obtained concerning the suitability of the vehicle size for each age, the
difficulties for accessing the vehicle, suitable speed, stability, the comfort
and security of the seats, and the type of activation system.

Partial Visual Total Visual No Visual

Children’s Age Impairment Impairment Impairment
(n= 97) (n) (n) (n)
1 to 3 years 16 16 16
3 to 6 years 16 16 17
Total 32 32 33
eee

2. Study of electronic toy vehicles by professors specialized in visual

handicaps
14. ADAPTATION OF TOYS AND GAMES 233

Eighteen in-depth interviews were conducted with specialist teachers of

children who had vision difficulties, all belonging to ONCE. From their
knowledge concerning the development of disabled children, they an-
swered questions about how to improve the vehicles and the elements they
considered necessary for future products. This information allowed the
ideal product to be determined.

Experts’ Gender
Men 4
Women 14
Total 18
Pupil’s Age (years)
lto3 31
3 to 6 42
6 to 9 28
9 to 12 26
>12 24

3. Study of electronic toy vehicles evaluation by families with handi-

capped or nonhandicapped children

A series of in-depth interviews were conducted with 36 parents who had

children 1 to 14 years old (disabled and nondisabled). These parents pro-
vided valuable information in relation to their purchase criteria, their fre-
quency of using the products, their motivations, the advantages and disad-
vantages of each product, and so forth. They also helped in the search for
the ideal product in terms of design, activation systems, colors, labels, and
play theme.
ee
Family With Visually Family With Nonvisually
Impaired Children Impaired Children
Parents’ Gender (n) (w)

Male 4 2
Female 14 16
Total 18 18
———

NN— ——

Children’s Age Visually Impaired Nonvisually Impaired

(n) (n)
(years)
11 6
1to3
7 12
3 to 6
18 18
Total
ns
234 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

The second phase involved looking at the results obtained in the first
phase to establish guidelines for guaranteeing that the products created
were accessible and suitable for use both by visually impaired children and
children with no disabilities. During this phase, the design criteria that
guaranteed the production of accessible toy vehicles were established.
This stage also included the development of the novel “electronic” systems
to be incorporated into the vehicles.
The third and current stage consisted of testing the prototype designed
in the second phase. Some details currently need redefining for improve-
ment of the vehicles. Plans call for the definitive results to be ready at the
end of 2003.
Finally, the fourth stage concerning the launch of the end product is pro-
jected for January 2004.

RESULTS

The same conclusions were not always reached because the opinions of the
children, parents, and teachers did not always coincide. However, this
served the intention of the research exactly: to find out the three realities
and, with the information from all three groups, to prepare the final briefing
for the design of the new toy vehicle product for all. For example, the chil-
dren greatly enjoyed the products that incorporated a spring movement.
However, the teachers advised against this type of activity because it
tended to be converted into a stereotypical movement, completely unbene-
ficial for children’s habits.
The following sections briefly enumerate some of the conclusions ob-
tained from the testing of the selected products with the three target
groups participating in the research.

Children

First, it was deemed necessary to modify and simplify the activation sys-
tems of the vehicles. This also was essential for simplifying their use by
children who are not visually impaired. The pedals needed to be large with
a prominent top part to simplify their location and use (not too much pres-
sure). The small children were not capable of controlling two pedals, an ac-
celerator, and a brake at the same time. It was more advisable to have one
pedal that activated the vehicle when pressed and stopped the vehicle
when the foot was removed, without the need to brake. It also was consid-
ered necessary to include safety systems (e.g., belts) and to improve the ve-
hicle’s stability. Specially suitable for children with visual impairment was
the inclusion of coherent and realistic activities in the toy vehicles (i.e., ac-
cessories that could be found in a real one). A suitably realistic design (not
14. ADAPTATION OF TOYS AND GAMES
235

incompatible with the world of imagination and fantasy) that enables the
child to recognize and identify it would be the best option. It was recom-
mended, for instance, that the inclusion of a telephone among the accesso-
ries of a car be avoided. Instead, it was deemed advisable to include raised
labels so that visually disabled children could recognize the different parts
of the vehicle by touch.
The optimum design of the toy vehicles could vary slightly according to
the age group for which it is designed. As stated earlier, the research estab-
lished, according to the evolutionary stages of infancy, two fundamental in-
tervals during which these differences could be identified: ages 1 to 3 years
and ages 3 to 6 years. Some specific requisites for each age were established.
Children 1 to 3 years old handled the triscooters especially well. The
scooter with two wheels was not sufficiently stable, and the double-pedal
car had an activation system that was too complicated for them. Thus, the
triscooter was selected for children this age.
The most suitable dimensions also were established. It was determined
that the triscooter should measure 36 to 40 cm high and 55 to 69 cm wide.
Furthermore, it was concluded that the ease of access could be sacrificed
for security reasons. Doors easy to open and access to the vehicle could be
sacrificed to guarantee the safety of children, making it impossible for them
to open the doors while driving. One nonreverse gear that did not exceed 3
km per hour was recommended.
For the older children, the car was deemed the most appropriate vehicle,
and the double-seater was considered to be very attractive because it en-
ables two children (visually impaired or not) to share the play experience,
which starts to be a fundamental activity at this age. It also was concluded
that at this age children already are capable of using two pedals, although it
was recommended that the system be simplified in this case as much as pos-
sible. The doors of the vehicle did not present any danger in the use of the
product by children 3 to 6 years old. For this reason, it was recommended
that opening and closing doors be included because it gave the car more re-
alism, something that is always positive. It also was recommended that
sounds related to the toy and illuminated indicators be included because
they were considered to be fundamental elements for the attractiveness of
the product and for the playtime capabilities of this age group.

Teachers

According to teachers, the vehicles currently on the market may be used

without serious problems by children with visual disabilities. However,
they considered that children who are completely blind were not able to
benefit as much from these products because they always had to be under
adult supervision as a result of their disability. They also believed, without
236 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

the conclusions obtained in the test with children, that the suitable age for
using these products is 3 to 7 years of age. Therefore, given that the funda-
mental problems involved spatial orientation and control and independ-
ence during play, a brainstorming session took place for new ideas and so-
lutions. In this session, it was concluded that technological research would
be necessary for incorporation of new products with an obstacles and posi-
tion detection system as well as a remote control that could help adults to
control the product in case of risk.
The imaginative conclusions reached by the visual handicap experts
during their brainstorming sessions gave to the research its most creative
component, suggesting very innovative solutions to the design representa-
tives for the new products in question. In this way, high technology could
be incorporated into playtime activities, whereas, until then, it had never
been applied.

Parents

From the interviews with the participating parents it was concluded that
parents with disabled children should buy electric vehicles for them, as do
parents of children without disabilities. However, the parents expressed
the view that their children were not particularly compelled to use such ve-
hicles after encountering many difficulties in their use, and that on several
occasions the toy remained for long periods without being used. This
helped to justify again the sense of this research.
In relation to the purchase criteria, both the parents of visually impaired
children and the parents of nondisabled children valued the security and
stability of the vehicle in deciding what to purchase. The parents with chil-
dren who had disability gave high consideration to the usability of the
products, whereas the parents of nondisabled children gave special impor-
tance to the price and their size. The main disadvantage the parents found
with this type of toy was that in their view it did not encourage shared play
or interaction with other children, and that it did not help overall motor de-
velopment. This opinion does not coincide with that of the play experts par-
ticipating in the research, as has been previously pointed out. The parents
of the children with disability also showed their concern for excess noise
produced by toy vehicles, which limited the child’s reception of sound stim-
uli, making orientation difficult. That also was a fundamental idea to con-
sider in the design of the prototypes.

PROTOTYPES

The information obtained from the children, the parents, and the eyesight
handicap specialists allowed the design representatives from FAMOSA to
begin creating electric toy vehicle prototypes accessible for children with
14. ADAPTATION OF TOYS AND GAMES
237

visual handicaps. Two prototypes were developed initially, each one des-
tined for one of the age groups indicated since the beginning of the
re-
search: 1- to 3-year-olds and 3- to 6-year-olds.

The FPS System

Responding to the opinions of parents and eyesight handicap experts and

to the results obtained from the testing sessions with the electronic toy ve-
hicles, the coordinators of the research began evaluating the possibilities
offered by new technology for solving the usability problems detected. The
final conclusion consisted of incorporating a system of guidance into the
toy vehicles on the basis of GPS technology, called the Famoplay Position
System (FPS) in this project.
The system enables detection of obstacles and identification of vehicle’s
position through vibration stimuli and sound signal provided by the incor-
porated headphones. The vehicle comes with a pivot that functions as a fin-
ishing line. This pivot is situated in the final point of the trajectory. The
child can locate the finishing line from the vehicle by turning a button, and
the vehicle memorizes the position during play. At this moment, the vehicle
can be put into action immediately. While moving, the user receives differ-
ent stimuli. If the vehicle, through its obstacle detection system, discovers
an object that obstructs its path, the vehicle vibrates, informing the child to
change direction. By a change in direction the vehicle may divert from the
finishing line. If this happens, the child will receive sound signals. The left
headphone will sound if the vehicle needs to go left, and the right head-
phone will sound if the vehicle should turn to the right. Currently, the re-
search proceeds by checking how the system works, determining whether
it increases the motivation of disabled children to use electric vehicles, and
whether this use contributes to improving the skills mentioned in the first
lines of this article.

Prototype for Children | to 3 Years Old

Of all the products that were tested, the Scooty model received the most
positive response at these ages. It worked using one pedal; its maximum ve-
locity was suitable; its seats were of an easily recognizable texture; its lat-
eral protection made it especially safe; and it was a very stable vehicle.
Both the children with visual impairments and the nondisabled children
were able to use it comfortably. Some problems detected in the product
have been solved for the new prototype: The level of pedal sensitivity has
been increased; a new color scheme has been elaborated for maximum con-
trast; the design has been adjusted slightly to make it more stable; and the
Famoplay Position System has been incorporated.
238 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

The following picture shows the details of this prototype:

Prototype for Children 3 to 6 Years Old

For children of 3 to 6 years old, a new accessible vehicle has been designed,
which is a very attractive product. Its six wheels make it an extremely sta-
ble product, capable of overcoming big obstacles. The six wheels, which
turn the full 360°, also allow better maneuvering. Its driving wheels are the
central ones so that the axis of turning the vehicle coincides with the axes
of the child. Thus, by turning, the child knows that he or she will be exactly
in the same position but facing a different direction. This vehicle also incor-
porates the FPS system.
In this model, high-contrast colors (white, black, and red) have been
used. Although it was known that children of this age group can handle two
pedals simultaneously, it was considered more appropriate to stay with a
system of “one pedal” because this simplifies its use. The maximum veloc-
ity does not exceed 3.3 km/hr, as was determined ideal in the testing ses-
sions with children. For manufacturing purposes, this model has been de-
signed with one seat. However, the manufacturer currently is working on
the design of a version of this vehicle with two seats.
In conclusion, it is important to emphasize the creation of these first ac-
cessible toy vehicles. It is crucial to realize that through this research, the
first step has been taken to create products that enable children with differ-
ent levels of capabilities to play together. In the near future, both the re-
 14, ADAPTATION OF TOYS AND GAMES
239

searchers and FAMOSA intend to perform new investigation along the same
line, hoping to incorporate solutions of this type to other types of toys.
Soon new conclusions will be available.

REFERENCES

Almonacid, V., & Carrasco, M. J. (1989). El juego en los nifios ciegos y deficientes visuales. Madrid:
ONCE.
Blakely, K., Lang, M. A., & Hart, R. (1991). Getting in touch with play: Creating play environments for
children with visual impairments. New York: The Lighthouse.
Bruner, J. (1978). El proceso mental del aprendizaje. Madrid: Narcea.
Gomez, F. (2003). No boundaries: Visions of design today. Diputacion Provincial de Aragoza.
Zaragoza, Spain.
Lucerga, R. M., Sanz, M. J., Rodriguez-Porrero, C., & Escudero, M. (1992). Juego simbélico y
deficiencia visual. Madrid: ONCE.
Ludwig, I., Luxton, L., & Attmore, M. (1988). Creative recreation for blind and visually impaired
adults. New York: American Foundation for the Blind.
Martin, J. (2001). Learning to play, playing to learn: Fostering play development patterns in
deafblind children. Integraci6n, 37, 8-25.
Martinez, J. J., & Munoz, J. A. (2002). Accessible educative games: Learn and play with... , an ex-
ample of good practice. Integracion, 37, 18-25.
Ochaita, E., Rosa, A., Alegria, J., & Leybaert, J. (1988). Alumros con necesidades educativas
especiales. Madrid: Editorial Popular.
Ramsey, C. (1990). Juegos adapatados para nifios con necesidades especiales: Estrategias para
intensificar la comunicaci6n y el aprendizaje. Madrid: Ministry of Social Affairs.
240 FABREGAT, COSTA, ROMERO

Riviére, A. (1991). Juego simbélico y deficiencia visual. Madrid: ONCE.

Rosel, J. (1980a). El preescolar ciego. Infancia y aprendizaje, 10, 37-48.
Rosel, J. (1980b). Orientacion de la familia sobre la estimulaci6n del nifo ciego. Infancia y
Aprendizaje, 12, 37-47.
Schneekloth, L. H. (1989, April). Play environments for visually impaired children. Journal of Vi-
sual Impairment and Blindness, 83, 196-201.
 Author Index

A Balanchine G., 12
Banerjee, A., 155
Abravanel, E., 183, 188, 192 Barken, L., 102, 107
AIJU (Technical Institute of Toys), 228, 229 Barratt, K., 86, 88
Airey, S., 196, 206, 218, 222 Beckam, D., 80
Albero-Andres, M., 4, 6, 109, 115, 127 Becker, H. J., 141, 154
Alegria, J., 239 Benjamin, W., 58
Alexander, J. M., 182, 192 Bergen, D., 7, 8, 159, 195, 206
Alexandersson, M., 5, 6 Bergman, E., 219, 221
Alfano, K., 206 Best, J., 212, 221
Allen, M., 7, 8 Bird, B., 33, 34
Alliance for Childhood, 211, 212, 215, 216 Bishop, J., 73, 88
Almonacid, V., 225, 227, 231, 239 Blakely, K., 225, 239
Almavist, B., 38, 39, 44, 45, 51 Bohnsack, R., 20, 34
Anderson, C., 158, 175 Booth, S., 161, 176
Andrejevic, M., 104, 107 Borsca, M., 34
Araujo Pessanha, A. M., 45, 51 Boty, P., 18
Ardizzone, E., 15 Bouisson-Dewolf, E., 49, 51
Ariel, S., 211, 221 Bovil, M., 109, 111, 113, 128, 129, 154, 155
Attmore, M., 239 Brandstetter, R., 38, 39, 40, 51
Austin, J., 161, 175 Bridis, T., 105, 107
Avedon, E. M., 157 Bromley, H., 74, 86, 88
Brooks, R., 208
Brougére, G., 4, 5, 38, 46, 48, 51, 53, 158, 175
Brown, M., 209
Bruce, T., 214, 222
Baldwin, P., 11 Bruckman, A., 121, 127

241
242 AUTHOR INDEX

Bruner, J., 227, 239 D

Buckingham, D., 109, 121, 127, 128, 212, 219,
222 Daiken, L., 16
Buckingham, S. G., 109, 127 D'Haenens, F., 109, 117, 128
Bulthoff, H. H., 181, 193 Dawes, L., 141, 156, 158, 175
Bumpus, E., 12 De Peuter, G., 135, 140, 152, 155
Bumpus, J., 12 DeVries, R., 190, 192
Burnham, J., 206 Dencik, L., 37, 52
Buzzi, C., 117, 128 Denis, M. S., 16
Dennis, G., 97, 107
Diaghilev, S., 12, 14, 18
Dill, K., 158, 175
Cc Disney, W., 2, 67, 79, 82, 84, 95, 99, 133
Doane, M. A., 58
Donat, R., 13
Cairncross, F., 133, 154
Dowes, L., 141
CaroneAyy 17, 127
Downes, T., 118, 128
Caronian ee tliantze Dudfield, A., 156
Carrasco, M. A 225: eis Zale 239 Dumbleton, te 158, 175

Case, S., 134, 153 : Dunn, D. G., 111

Cassells, J., 102, 107 Durkin, K., 112, 128
Castells, M., 109, 114, 121, 126, 127, 128 Dyer-Witherford, N., 135, 155
Catalunya, 110, 128 Dyson, A. H., 74, 88
Centre for the Study of Children, Youth and
Media, University of London, 1
Cheek, M., 15 E
Charlton, M., 34
Chiste, N., 52 Eames, C., 18
Christie, J. F., 186, 192 Eames, R., 18
Cholewiak, R. W., 181, 193 Edelman, G. M., 161, 175
Clammer, J., 64, 70 Edison, T., 208
Clark, L. S., 106, 107 Eeentjes, J., 109, 129
Clarke, B., 12 Egenfeldt-Nielsen, S., 157, 175
Clements, D. H., 158, 175 Eiji, Y., 57
Clifford, J., 101, 107 Ellis, J. J., 182, 192
Cochran, M., 37, 52 Ellison, J., 153, 154

Computer and Children’s Eletronic Toys scanty *Fe 193

COED), Tota) eee Erstad, 0., 158, 175
Connolly, D., 196, 206, 218, 222 Rseuderasile 297, 239
Cooper, F., 14
Cordes, C., 211, 222
Costa, M., 4, 7
Craig, 8, E. G., ; 12 F
Craig, J. C., 182, 192
Fabregat, M., 4, 7
Cratty, B. J., 183, 192
Facer, K., 210, 222
Crompton, S., 153, 154
FAMOSA, 229, 230, 236, 239
Cross, G., 50, 52 Faulstich-Wieland, H., 45, 52
Culff, R., 16 Fawdry, M., 16, 17
Cumming, J., 15 Feruson, J., 111, 128
Curtis, M., 73, 88 Fox, B., 206
AUTHOR INDEX
243
Fox Kids, 95 Heft, T. M., 196, 206
Frato, P., 206 Heidtmann, H., 48, 52
Freyberg, J. T., 182, 192 Heiple, G. S., 196, 206
Froebel, F., 45 Henderson, A., 161, 162, 175
Frith, W., 34 Henry, D., 137, 155
Furlong, R., 219, 222 Hensley, B., 65, 66
Furlong, J., 219, 222 Himmelweit, H., 146
Hitchcock, C. H., 196, 206
Hodges, J., 180, 193
G Holden, K., 155
Holloway, S., 121, 129, 212, 223
Gallahue, D. L., 182, 192 Horstkemper, M., 45, 52
Gardenfors, P., 158, 175 Hourcade, J. J., 196, 206
Garfinkel, H., 161, 175 Huizinga, J., 25, 34
Garitaonandia, C., 111, 112, 129 Hughes, P., 49, 52
Garvey, C., 182, 193 Hutt, C., 183, 187, 188, 193
Gaskell, G., 109, 129, 146, 155
Gastaldi, P., 67, 69
Gee, J., 219, 222 I-)
Gibson, E. J., 195, 206
Gibson, J. J., 159, 170, 175, 195, 196, 206 Inhelder, B., 183, 193
Gimmler, M., 20 Jackson, S., 15
Glynn, T., 45, 52 James, A., 104, 107
Goffman, E., 161, 172, 173, 175 Jenkins, H., 102, 107
Gomez, F., 228, 239 Jenkins, W. M., 181, 193
Gore, A., 105 Jenks, C., 104, 107
Gosselin, A., 33, 34 Jenvey, H., 38, 45, 48, 52
Green, J. K., 14 Jenvey, V., 38, 45, 48, 52
Groebel, J., 34, 154 Johnson, K. E., 182, 192
Grugeon, E., 4, 5, 73, 88 Johnson-Smaragdi, U., 109, 128
Guernsey, L., 103, 107 Jordan, B., 161, 162, 175
Guise, J. D., 33, 34 Juaristi, P., 111, 112, 129
Guisset, F., 197, 206 Juul, J., 173, 175
Gunter, M., 140, 155
Gutenberg, 137
K

H Kaas, J. H., 181, 193

Kasparov, G., 73
Haaf, B., 34 Keaney, B., 74, 88
Hajszan, M., 52 Keen, A., 13, 14, 15, 16
Hall, R., 13, 160, 176 Keidel, K., 206
Halliday, J., 45, 52 Kiesler, S., 111, 128
Hanifl, L., 45, 52 Killackey, H. P., 181, 193
Hart, R., 225, 239 Kinder, M., 79
Hartmann, W., 4, 5, 45, 52 Kinsella, S., 55, 57, 58, 61, 70
Hassenbrink, U., 109, 128 Kishimoto, T. M., 38, 50, 52
Haugland, S. W., 196, 206, 211, 222 Klatzky, R. L., 182, 193
Heald, Y., 219, 222 Klein, G., 34
Healy, J., 121, 128, 210, 222 Kline, S., 4, 5, 6, 33, 35, 135, 140, 143, 148, 152,
Heckhausen, H., 25, 34 155, 196, 206
244 AUTHOR INDEX

Koikkalainen, R., 111, 112, 129 Mannheim, K., 20

Koolstra, C., 109, 129 Manning, M. L., 182, 193
Koschmann, T. D., 160, 161, 175, 176 March, M., 15
Krantz, M., 140, 155 Marks, A., 215
Krauss, N., 20 ~ Marseille, N., 109, 129, 156
Kraut, R., 111, 128 Marsh, J., 73, 74, 80, 82, 86, 87, 88, 89
Kress, G., 87, 88 Martin, J., 227, 239
Kremar, M., 156 Martinez, J. J., 225, 239
Kunczik, M., 34, 35 Marton, F., 161, 176
Kurtsy BaA 458 52 Masubuchi, S., 57, 71
Mayer, G., 34
McCall, R. B., 183, 194
L McFarlane, A., 219, 222
McLelland, H., 16
Lamb; M: E., 37, 52 McLennan, K., 137, 155
Lambirth, A., 74, 87, 88 McLuhan, M., 144, 145, 155
Lang, M. A., 225, 239 McNaughton, S., 45
Langsted, O., 37, 52 McVeigh, B., 57, 60, 71
Lantz-Andersson, A., 157, 176 Mercer, N., 141, 156
Laplante, B., 33, 34 Meredith, J. S., 158, 175
Lave, J., 160, 176 Merish, L., 58, 71
Leary, T., 137 Merzenich, M. W., 181, 193
Lebra, T., 58, 71 Metzger, V. A., 182, 193
Lederman, S. J. 182, 193 Meyers, M., 66
Leiss, W., 132, 155 Meyer, R., 206
Levin, D., 211, 212, 222 Millard, E., 74, 82, 87, 89
Leybaert, J., 239 Miller, E., 211, 222
Linderoth, J., 5, 6, 157, 176 Millians, D., 157, 176
Lindon, J., 211, 222 Miyake, N., 160, 176
Lindstrom, B., 5, 6, 157, 176 Montagu, A., 181, 193
Linell, P., 161, 176 Montgomery, K., 111, 112, 128
Livingstone, S., 109, 111, 113, 126, 128, 129, Morris, B. A., 158, 176
146, 148, 154, 155 Mortenson, E., 180, 193
Lowis, J., 20 Moyles, J., 75, 89
Lucas, B., 74, 88 Mukhopadhyay, T., 111, 128
Lucerga, R. M., 227, 239 Miller, T., 30, 35
Luckin, R., 7, 8, 196, 206, 212, 218, 222 Muhlegger, G., 45, 52
Ludwig, I., 239 Munoz, J. A., 225, 239
Luke, A., 212, 222
LukeyiG72125222
Lukesch, H., 34, 35 N
laornyaikewse 30
Luxton, L., 239
Naas, C., 208, 220, 222
Najib, N., 20
Negroponte, N., 6, 8, 132, 137, 140, 155
M Neumark, V., 75, 79, 89
Newell, F., 181, 193
MacNaughton, G., 49, 52 Nir, L., 117, 129
Macha, H., 45, 52 Noonan, M. J., 196, 206
Mackey, M., 87, 88 Norman, D., 159, 176
Magrid, L. G., 109, 128 Nott, S., 12
AUTHOR INDEX
245

1) R

O’Brien, E., 116, 117, 128 Ramsey, C., 225, 239

Ochaita, E., 239 Randel, J. M., 158, 176
Rayna, S., 51, 53
Ohmae, K., 137, 155
Reeves, B., 208, 220, 222
Oleaga, J. A., 111, 112, 129
Reichardt, J., 18
Oliver, L., 15
Reinke, K., 206
Olson, K., 206
Reviére, A., 225, 240
ONCE (The Spanish Association for the Reynolds R., 16
Blind), 229, 230, 233 Richardson, R., 13, 17
Opie, I., 73, 74, 89 Riezler, K., 173, 174
Opie, P., 73, 74, 89 Roberts, D. F., 112, 128
Orwell, G., 16 Robertson, J., 56, 57, 71
Ostrom, M. A., 101, 107 Robins, K., 134, 155
Oswell, D., 109, 128 Robinson, G., 15
Rodriguez-Porrero, C., 227, 239
Roland, P. E., 180, 193
Romero, M., 4, 7
P Rosa, A., 239
Rosel, J., 225, 240
Rosenquest, B., 211, 212, 222
Papacharissi, Z., 111, 128
Rosetti, 12
Papert, S., 121, 128, 136, 155, 158, 176, 210, Ross, H. S., 182, 193
222
Rubin, A. M., 111, 128
Paquette, G., 33, 34 Rushkoff, D., 6, 8, 137, 138, 140, 155
Parette, H. P., 196, 206
Pasquier, D., 117, 128
Pawluk, D. T., 182, 193 Ss
Peplar, D. J., 182, 193
Perse, E. M., 111, 128 Saljd, R., 159, 160, 167, 176
Perse, S., 111, 128 Sanrio, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67,
Pesce, M., 210, 222 68, 69, 71
Peters, D., 67 Sanz, M. J., 227, 239
Peeters, A. L., 156 Scaife, M., 216, 223
Piaget, J., 136, 182, 183, 193 Scanlon, M., 219, 222
Picard, R., 220, 222 Scherlis, B., 111, 128
Pick, A. D., 195, 206 Scheuerl, H., 25, 35
Schilling, M., 55, 71
Plowman, L. P., 106, 206, 222
Schneekloth, L. H., 225, 240
Postman, N., 143, 155
Schreiber, J. B., 182, 192
Powell, D., 12
Sciades, G., 147, 155
Powell, M., 105 Scott-James, A., 13
Power, T. G., 188, 193 Segers, E., 196, 206
Powers, A., 4, 5, 16 Sefton-Green, J., 109, 111, 128
Prensky, M., 219, 222 Seiter, E., 4, 6, 94, 95, 97, 107
Priestley, J. B., 14 Selwyn, N., 141, 156
Prokoviey, S., 15 Servito, M., 69
PROFAMOSA, 230 Shakespeare, W., 13, 15
Prout, A., 104, 107 Shefatya, L., 183, 193
Provenzo, E. F., Jr., 143, 155 Sherrick, C. E., 181, 193
246 AUTHOR INDEX

Silverstone, R., 117, 128 Tomosho, R., 105, 108

Simatos, A., 75, 89 Tononi, G., 161, 175
Simpson, J., 134, 156 Trautman, K., 20
Singer, J. L., 189, 193, 211, 222 Trawick-Smith, J., 183, 193
Sjorberg, G., 117, 128 Treat, J. W., 71
Smilansky, S., 183, 193 Trebo, A., 38, 39, 42, 53
Smith E., 14, 15 Turing, A., 221, 222
SmithyJ. H., 157, 175 Turrow, J., 117
Snutz, L., 206 Tynan, B., 18
Sokolof, H., 154, 156
Sommer, D., 37, 52
Soule, E., 220, 222 U-V
Spanish Toy Research Institute, 7
Sparrowhawk, A., 219, 222 Uyehara, D., 69
Speaight, G., 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16 Valentine, G., 121, 129, 212, 223
Spencer, K., 75, 89 Valkenburg, P. M., 156
Squire, K., 158, 176 Van der Voort, T. A., 109, 129
Standage, T., 207, 222 Van Duuren, M., 216, 223
Stephen, C., 210, 222 Verhoeven, L., 196, 206
Stern, S., 111, 128 Vygotsky, L. S., 159, 176
Sternberg, K., 37, 52
Stevenson, K., 153, 154
Stevenson, R. L., 11, 12, 17, 18 Ww
Stoll, M., 52
Street, B., 87, 89 Walkerdine, V., 156
Studdert, D., 156 Wardle, F., 186, 192
Suess, D., 111, 112 Warschauer, M., 105, 108
Suonien, A. 111, 112, 129 Watling, S. S., 18
Sutherland, R., 219, 222 Wegener-Spohring, G., 4, 19, 25, 28, 33, 35
Sutton-Smith, B., 25, 33, 35, 49, 53, 94, 101, Wells, G., 159, 160, 176
107, 144, 156, 157, 158, 176, 183, 193 Wenger, E., 160, 176
Swaminathan, S., 196, 206 Weintraub, A., 99, 100, 108
Szezypula, J., 111, 128 Weisenberger, J. M., 180, 194
Weisler, A., 183, 194
Wertsch, J. V., 159, 176
+ Wildeis, N., 38, 39, 43, 53
Winding, E., 97, 99, 108
Wood, G., 207, 223
Tapscott, D., 109, 112-114, 116, 126, 129, 138, Wright J., 17, 196, 206
139, 140, 156
Terril, A., 206
Theunert, H., 34, 35 Y-Z
Tiemeier, J., 206
Tjan, B. S., 181, 193 Yano, C. R., 5, 71
Toffler, A., 132, 137, 156 Yelland, N., 196, 206
Tohmatsu, K., 65 Zaporozhets, A. V., 183, 188, 194
Tolkien, 97 Zinkeisen, D., 14
Tolstoy, L., 134 Zipfel, A., 34, 35
Tomomi, K., 60 Zippern, A., 104, 108
 Subject Index

A Chat rooms, 113, 115, 147

Childhood, 12, 64, 138, 139, 154
Action Man, 44 Collecting, 68
Activity, 3 Commercialism, see marketing
see also interactivity Communication, via Internet, 111-114, 119,
Advertising, 99, 102 146-148
see also Marketing in computer use, 196
Affordances, in games, 159, 167, 170, 173, 174 in game play, 174, 175
in interactive toys, 195, 196, 199-201, 205 Computers, access to, 93-95, 104-107, 126,
Aggression, 19, 26-30, 31-33, 41, 49, 76, 158 146, 147
Ambivalence, in play, 25, 26 see also Computer games, Internet, Smart
America Online (AOL), 101-103, 134 toys
Computer games, 6, 21-23, 77, 139-142,
145-154, 219
and learning, 157-175
online, 96-98, 114-116
Baby Born, 42 violence in, 26, 30, 31, 33
Barbie, 26, 30, 41, 42, 44-49, 59, 60, 62, 96, Construction toys, 22, 42, 43, 46
102, 106, 180, 208 Convergence, 2, 3, 22, 78, 87-88, 135, 137,
Beanie Babies, 2, 78, 79, 82 144-146
Beyblades, 2, 85, 86 Counterstrike, 140
Board games, 22 Cuteness, 55-70, 79

Cc D

Card games, 82-84 Digimon, 79, 81, 96

Cartoon Network, 81, 97, 98 Digital media, see Interactivity, Technology

247
248 SUBJECT INDEX

Disability, 225-239
Dolls, 39-45, 207, 208
Doom, 140 Instant messaging, 101-107, 1i1, 125
Dragonball, 26, 95 Interaction analysis, 161, 164
Dungeons & Dragons, 83 International Toy Research Association, 1
Internet, 93-107, 109-127
Interactive Yoda, 180, 187
Interactivity, 3-5, 135, 137, 138, 141, 142, 184
see also Smart toys
Education, 1, 17, 93, 94, 106, 157-160, 174, 175 Intertextuality, 2, 81, 86

about media, 74, 87

and Internet, 116, 120-126, 146, 147, 154
and play, 47 K
preschool, 37-51
special, 230 Kitty, 55-70
Effects (of media/toys), 3, 29, 33, 34, 88, 109,
119-120, 141, 158
L
F Learning, 3, 17-18, 74, 136, 138, 139, 141, 192,
195
Family, 110, 117-120, 126 and computer games, 157-175
see also home and Internet, 116, 117, 125, 126, 182, 183,
Fisher-Price, 7, 198, 206, 212 226, 227
Furby, 180, 184 and smart toys, 210-211, 217-219
see also Education
Lego, 41, 42, 44, 46
Literacy, 87, 143
G

Gambling, 98, 99
Game Boy, 5
M
Gender, 56, 57, 69, 74, 203, 205
Marketing, 6, 48-50, 55-70, 93, 94, 97-100,
and new media, 147-149, 152
106, 143
and toy preferences, 42, 43, 45
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
and war play, 21
(MIT), 132, 157, 208
Gifts, 61
Media Awareness Network, 147
Global marketing, 2, 16, 51, 56, 64-70
Mattell, 99, 207, 208
McDonalds, 30
Merchandising, 2, 3, 82
H MGA Entertainment, 208
Microsoft, 139, 157
Haptics, 179-182 Actimate, 208-210, 213, 220
Harry Potter, 2, 5, 77, 78, 82-86 Mortal Kombat, 30, 102
Hasbro, 180, 208 MTV, 65, 95
History of toys, 4, 5, 11-18 MSN Messenger, 97
Hobbies, 111, 116, 117 Mulle Meck, 162-165, 170, 171
Home, 41, 42, 46, 48, 104, 105, 146, 152 My Dream Baby, 207, 209
see also Family, Parents My Litle Pony, 97
Hot Wheels, 97 My Real Baby, 207-209
SUBJECT INDEX 249

N Sesame Street, 2
Sexuality, 59, 60
Napster, 147 Simpsons, 173
Neopets, 96-100, 102, 104, 106 Smart toys, 7-8, 22, 23, 179-192, 195-205,
Nickelodeon, 95 207-221, 237-239
Ninja Turtles, 2 Social class, 93, 102-107
Nintendo, 98, 137-139, 143, 163, 168 Sonic the Hedgehog, 81
Nuclear Strike, 30 South Park, 30
Star Trek, 8
Star Wars, 30, 77, 83, 173
O-P
T
Oracle, 133, 140, 141
Parents 117-119, 199, 233, 236
see also Family, Home Tamagotchi, 57, 97, 180
PIXAR, 84 Technology, 1, 6, 8, 131-143, 210-212,
Play, 3-4, 47, 48, 144, 145, 182, 183, 186, 189, 219-221
195, 196,,219-221 see also Computers, Internet, Smart toys
and computer games, 158, 172, 173 Teddy Ruxpin, 207, 208, 220
and computers, 94, 99, 101, 104, 107 Teletubbies, 2
and media, 73-88 Television, 16, 94-96, 99, 106, 115, 120, 121,
and toys, 201-205, 214-217, 226-229 141-145, 147
war play, 19-34 Text messaging, 80, 113, 114
Playmobil, 42 Tiger Electronics, 180
Playstation (SONY), 30, 76, 82, 133, 139, 180 Toy theatres, 11-18
Pokemon, 2-3, 5, 74-77, 79, 81-83, 85, 86, 97, Traditional toys, 11-18, 41, 47, 49, 50, 225
99
Poo-Chi, 180, 184
Pop Idol, 82, 85 U-V
Pop music, 94, 96
Pornography, 152 Ultima, 140
Power Rangers, 74, 76, 80, 86 Vehicles, toy, 46, 231-239
Powerpuff Girls, 80, 81 Viacom, 96, 99
Video games, see Computer games
Violence, 120
R see also Aggression, Effects, War toys
Vivdendi, 133
Realism, in play, 25, 26, 29, 47, 50, 234, 235
Resident Evil, 30
Rug Rats, 95 w
Warner Brothers, 67, 97, 99, 103
s War play, 85
War toys, 19-34, 45, 196, 197
school, see Education WWF wrestling, 76, 80, 81, 95
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4é

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 Toys
Games &
and Media
This book offers a state-of-the-art glance at where toys have come
from and where they are likely to go in the years ahead. The focus is
on the interplay between traditional toys and play; and toys and play
that are mediated by, or combined with, digital technology. As well
as- covering the technical aspects of. computer-mediated play
activities, the authors consider how technologically ennanced toys
are currently used in traditional play and how they are woven into
children’s lives. The authors contrast their findings about technologi-
cally enhanced toys with knowledge of traditional toys and play. They
link their studies of toys to goals in education and to entertainment
and information transfer.

This book will appeal to students, researchers; teachers, child-care

workers, and more broadly, the entertainment “industry”. This volume
may be appropriate for courses that deal with the specialized subject
of toys and games, however, many courses in Media Studies,
Education and Teacher Training, and Child Development will also
inevitably have.a component to cover this topic. There is
considerable scope for the growth of interest in computer games
used by children as these games become more readily available and
less expensive,

This volume mat be appropriate for courses that deal with the
specialized subject of toys and games. However, many courses in
Media Studies, Education, Teacher Training, and Child Develooment
will also inevitably have a component to cover this topic.

Edited by ISBN 0-8058-5829- 6

Jeffrey Goldstein
David Buckingham
Gilles Brougére
858297
ISBN 0-8058-5829-6
To order please call our toll-free number
1-800-926-6579
www.erlobqum.co