1.

What were the names of the ruler of the Alai Kyrgyz who accepted Russian citizenship in the
summer of 1876?

Kurmanzhan Datka +

Madali Khan

Shabdan Baatyr

Polat Khan

2. Determine the nature of accession of Northern Kyrgyzstan to Russia?

The threat of China, Kokand and Kazakhs +

Conquest

Voluntary accession

Peace talks

3. The leader of the uprising in 1898 in Ferghana was

Madali Ishan +

Ishan Sultan Khan Turi

Muhammad Sabyr

Mamatkul

4. Name the Kyrgyz manap, an active participant in the conquest of Alai by Russian troops under
the leadership of M. Skobelev

Shabdan +

Madali Khan

Baytik

Boronbai

5. Who played a big role in the political life of the Alai Kyrgyz in the second half of the 19th
century?

Nusup

Kurmanzhan Datka +

Medet Datka
Sadir Datka

6. Indicate the name of the large manap of the Issyk-Kul Kyrgyz, on the initiative Whose Bugu
tribe took Russian citizenship in 1855?

Osmon

Murataals

Borombay +

Balbai

7. Where was the Kokand Khanate founded?

In Central Asia

In Central Asia

In the territory of the Bukhara emirate

In the Ferghana Valley +

8. Who owned the land after the inclusion of Kyrgyzstan in the composition Russian empire?

To the state

Tribal associations +

Manap

Han

9. Indicate the time of formation of the Kyrgyz people

The end of the XIV-beginning of the XV century.

The end of the 15th century and the beginning of the 16th century +

The end of the 16th century –– the beginning of the 18th century.

The end of the X century - the beginning of the XI century.

10. In the XVI century. On the land of the Kyrgyz began to attack...

Mughals

Kazakhs

Tatars
Jungars +

11. Who was appointed governor of the affiliated Ferghana region?

Major General Skobelev +

General G.I. Shulgin

General V.S. Trubetskoy

General M.I. Boin

12. The Embassy of Atake biy to Russia in 1785 was represented by:

Tailak and Atantai

Abdrahman Kuchakov and Shergazy +

Kachybek and Dzhakypbek

Ormon Khan and Borombay

13. In what years did the combined forces of the Kyrgyz Kazakhs fight against the Kalmaks?

1620

1524 +

1626

1628

14. What is the ruler of the Alai Kyrgyz, who became the first vizier of the Kokand Khanate under
Mallia Khan?

Alymbek Datka +

Boronbai Manap

Shabdan Baatyr

Ormon Khan

15. What is the name of the leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn in the 30s XIX century

Tailak +

Kurmanzhan Datka

Alymbek-datka
Boronbai Manap

16. Who led the uprising against the Kokand Khanate in 1862 in the Chui Valley?

Baytik Kanaev +

Shabdan Baatyr

Bishkek Baatyr

Alymbek Datka

17. When was the Kokand Khanate founded?

Mid-19th century

At the beginning of the XVIII century +

At the end of the fourteenth century

At the beginning of the XVI century

18. Which Kyrgyz tribe was the first to accept Russian citizenship?

Sayak

Sarybagysh

Bugu +

Cushu

19. Who led the struggle of the Kyrgyz against Kenensary Kasymov?

Alymbek datka

Sherall Khan

Boronbai

Ormon Khan +

20. What was the difference between the processes of joining South Kyrgyzstan to Russia
Northern?

Peace talks

Voluntarily +

By conquest
Not voluntarily

21. When did the Kokand khan capture the cities of Osh and Uzgen with their environs?

1762 +

2000

1924

1674

22. The tsarist troops under the leadership of General Chernyaev took Tashkent in.

1863

1865 +

1870

1879

23. When was the territory of the Kokand Khanate annexed to the Russian Empire?

1876 +

2014

1974

1921

24. Baytik baatyr...

Led the liberation struggle of the Kyrgyz against the Mongol yoke

Led the liberation struggle in East Turkestan

Led an uprising in the Chuy valley against Kokand authorities +

Leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn

25. The most ancient people of Central Asia:

Kazakhs

Kyrgyz +

Uighurs
Bashkir’s

26. Who of the Kyrgyz feudal lords managed to become a khan for a short time?

Alymbek

Atake biy

Shabdan

Ormon +

27. What is the name of the manap of the Sarybagysh who tried to unite the Kyrgyz tribes

Ormon +

Tailak

Boronbai

Baitik

28. Why did the North Kyrgyz tribes need to patronage of Russia?

Kokand aggression

Tribal war

The threat of Qing China +

The threat of Genghis Khan

29. Where did the territory of the Kyrgyz people enter after joining Russia

To the Siberian Governor General

To the Turkestan Governor General +

To the Omsk Governor-General

To the composition of the Eastern Governor General

30. The cause of the Andijan uprising of 1898 was:

Analogue and social oppression, national inequality in vesting land +

Religious differences

The lack of a national working class and the bourgeoisie

) National inequality

31. Who led the hostilities from Russia during the conquest of southern Kyrgyzstan?

Conquest

The threat of China

Threat

Not voluntarily +

32. What was the name of the head of the Sarybagysh tribe who sent the first ambassadors to
Russia in late 18th century?

Tynaybiy

Zhantai

Mamatkulbiy

Atake biy +

33. Indicate the Kyrgyz batyr who actively supported the liberation struggle of the peoples of
East Turkestan in the first half of the 19th century.

Borombay

Baitik

Tailak +

Shabdan

34. Who and when first established diplomatic relations with Russia?

Atake biy, 1785 +

A.Sydykov 1924

Shabdan Baatyr, 1825

J. Abdyrakhmanov 1930

35. Which Kokand ruler captured the Chui valley?

Madali Khan +

Shabdan Baatyr
Ormon Khan

Alymbek Datka

36. At the end of the XVIII in the south of Kyrgyzstan, he actively fought against the Kokand
feudal lords...

Azhybiy +

Cubatbium

Akbotobiy

Aman Biy

37. In what years did the Kyrgyz-Kazakh military alliance against the Mughals exist?

1510-1515

1515-1520

1518-1523

1524-1550 +

38. Indicate the political and economic situation of Kyrgyzstan at the beginning of the XX
century.

sovereign

A raw materials appendage and a market for a colony of the Russian Empire +

Was a semi-colonial country

A colonial country

39. What did the Kyrgyz call the native inhabitants of the Dzhungar Khanate of Oirats?

Kalmaki +

Noguy

Kipchaks

Kazakhs

40. The manap of the sarybagysh Atake-bi sent his embassy to Sankt Petersburg in

1785
1825

1760 +

1777

41. Completion of the process of the formation of the Kyrgyz nationality in the Tien Shan

In the XII-c.

At the end of the XV-beginning of the XVII centuries. +

In the XIII century

In the XI century

42. Kyrgyz in the Kokand Khanate:

1822-1842 +

1845-1875

1831-1876

1889-1890

43. What is the state with which in the first half of the XVIII century. Kyrgyz fought hard for
independence

Dzungarian Khanate +

Kazakh Khanate

Kokand Khanate

Khiva Khanate

44. When was Northern Kyrgyzstan fully annexed to Russia?

1871-1876

1843-1848 +

1855-1868

1854-1860

45. Allegorical self-name of the Kyrgyz in the epic "Manas"

herhiz, hirhiz +
Ak kalpaktuu. ("White cap")

“Kyrgyz”

“Kara kalpak”

46. Against whom was the Chui Kyrgyz rebellion directed in the second half of the 19th century?

Russia

China

Bukhara Khanate

Kokand Khanate +

47. Indicate the purpose of the party "Turan"

Create an independent state of Kyrgyzstan in Turkestan

Create a single state Kazakhstan

Separate Turkestan from Russia, create a united Turkic state +

Create a union of the Turkestan people

48. What is the state, which included the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan in the late XV-early XVIII
century

Dzungarian Khanate +

Khiva Khanate

Kokand Khanate

Mehtulin Khanate

49. Who is Taylak-baatyr?

leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn +

Viceroy of the Kokand Khanate

The leader of the Talas Kyrgyz

Leader of the Bugu tribe

50. Northern Kyrgyzstan joined the composition of Russia...

In 1853-1863 +
In 1855-1863

In 1860-1873

In 1886-1887
 A HISTORY OF KYRGYZSTAN
Oskon Jusupbekovich OSMONOV
Doctor of Historical Sciences (1994),
Professor (1996), Corresponding Member Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
of National Academy of Sciences of the
Kyrgyz Republic (2006), Honored Worker of
Science of the Kyrgyz Republic (2008),
Academician of Chingiz Aitmatov
International Academy (2008), President of
the Association of Historians of KR (2009),
Rector of K. Tynystanov Issyk-Kul State
University (2010), author of more than 40
scientific monographs and textbooks.

Cholpon Japarbekovna TURDALIEVA

Doctor of Historical Sciences (2010),
Professor at American University of
Central Asia (2009), the Excellent worker of
Culture of Ministry of Culture, Tourism and
Information of KR (2013), Fulbright visiting
scholar (2004-2005), visiting scholar at
Columbia University (2013-2014), fellow of
A HISTORY
OF KYRGYZSTAN
CARTI Program (2008-2010), author of two
monographs and more than 30 articles on
culture and history of Kyrgyz people and
Kyrgyzstan in the 19th and early 20th
centuries.
(from Stone Age to the Present )

SCHOOL AND UNIVERSITY TEXTBOOK

 Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

A HISTORY OF KYRGYZSTAN
(FROM STONE AGE TO THE PRESENT)

SCHOOL AND UNIVERSITY TEXTBOOK

The textbook is prepared on the basis of textbooks approved

by the Ministry of Education and Science of the Kyrgyz Republic

Bishkek 2016
УДК 94 (47)
ББК 63.3 (2Ки)
О 74

Osmonov O.J., Turdalieva Ch.J.

О 74 A History of Kyrgyzstan (From Stone Age to the Present):
School and university textbook. – 2nd Edition. – Bishkek,
2016. – 472 p.

ISBN 978-9967-04-680-1

The history of Kyrgyzstan is a mandatory course taught in universities

and schools of Kyrgyzstan. The textbook is written and prepared
in accordance with the requirements of state policy and standards of
teaching the subject in educational institutions of Kyrgyzstan. It covers
three main historical periods, and includes the secondary and primary
sources. The textbook is recommended to teachers and instructors of the
history of Kyrgyzstan, as well as to the wider audience of readers with
an interest in the historical past of Kyrgyzstan and the Kyrgyz people.

О 0503020911-16 УДК 94 (47)

ББК 63.3 (2Ки)

ISBN 978-9967-04-680-1 © Osmonov O.J.,

Turdalieva Ch.J.,
2016
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The history of Kyrgyzstan is one of the most complex and unique his-
tories in the world. Its greatness is evidenced in various historical events,
including the mention of the Kyrgyz people in Chinese sources, the ex-
istence of the Kyrgyz chiefdom as early as the 3rd century B.C.E., the
creation of Kyrgyz statehood in the 7th-10th centuries, and its military
and cultural success throughout the Eurasian continent. The richness of
the history of Kyrgyzstan is further testified by material and spiritual
examples of art, philosophy, and literature, which are now exhibited in
the museums and galleries in Kyrgyzstan, as well as in other countries.
However, the history of Kyrgyzstan, especially during its ancient peri-
od, is not well known and many historical events are still terra incognita
to English-speaking readers. The history of country is mandatory for all
students in Kyrgyzstan; passing the state exam is one of the requirements
of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Kyrgyz Republic. Many
international students in Kyrgyzstan have difficulty finding a reliable En-
glish-language textbook of Kyrgyz History. This present edition of the
History of Kyrgyzstan promises to be an important contribution to their
study of the history of our motherland in accordance with the aforemen-
tioned requirements.
Our effort would not have been realized without the support from fel-
low historians, specialists, and students who have contributed enormously
to this work. We are grateful to our colleagues: Estegul Eshimova-Hall
and Dmitriy Tyan, who served as general editors, students Nickolas Seay
and Aizhamal Marat who helped us with the collection, classification, and
synthesis of the materials and literature necessary for completing such a
book. We also want to recognize our colleagues’ help from the Anthro-
pology Department at the American University of Central Asia, and the
Department of History and Philosophy at Skryabin Kyrgyz Agrarian Uni-
versity for their invaluable assistance.
The authors would like to thank Salmor Alymkulov, Direсtor of the
Institute of Physical & Technical Problems and Materials Science, Na-
tional Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyz Republic, Laureate of State Prize
in science and technology, Doctor of Engineering Science, Professor;
Vedat Aydin, Director VDS Ltd., Turkey, Cemal Gunes, Director “Gelisim
Aluminum”, Turkey and Almasbek Ismailov, Director “Oazis Ala-Too”,
Kyrgyzstan for their support in publication of the present edition.
We also would be grateful if the readers shared their suggestions and
comments.

3
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Introduction: What is History?
For many centuries, historians, scientists, and travelers have won-
dered: “What is history?” “How do events turn into historical facts?”
“Who makes history and, after the fact, how can it be proven?” From
ancient times and on, many figures have offered their own answers to
such questions.
The word “history” comes from Greek ἱστορία, historia, meaning
“inquiry and knowledge acquired by investigation.” This term was first
coined by Herodotus, the “father of history,” and his great contempo-
rary, Thucydides, in the 5th century B.C.E.1
In Europe, during the Middle Ages, history was understood and
defined primarily from the religious perspective. The will of God was
thought to be the impetus behind historical events. However in the late
16th century, an English philosopher Francis Bacon used the term “his-
tory” to refer to “the knowledge of objects determined by space and
time.”2 Thus, with the end of the Middle Ages, thinkers and intellectuals
began to redefine the term “history.”
Thanks to the intellectual developments during the Enlightenment,
history began to be perceived as one of the branches of scientific study.
With the rapid development of capitalism in the early 19th century, his-
tory played an essential role in the development of nationalism and for-
mation of national identities. Because history had become recognized
as a science, debates regarding the different interpretations of the nature
and purpose of history began to arise. These debates have evolved over
time and continue to dominate the historical discourse to this day.
Generally speaking, history consists of the discovery, collection, or-
ganization, and presentation of information regarding past events. To
quote a British historian, David Carr: “History is a process of data pro-
cessing.”3 It is a field of research which uses primary sources to exam-
ine and analyze the sequence of events. Historians debate the nature of
history, its usefulness, and whether it can provide insights in relation to
the present. The main task of history as a science, then, is to study the
chronological and dialectic interrelations of the past, present and future
as inseparable, cohesive elements. Changes have occurred in the course
of humanity; documenting these changes constitutes the very essence
of history. This makes it possible to explore and learn from the past,

4
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
connect the past to the present and future, explore the key individuals,
groups, and institutions in the development of historical phenomena,
and to gain a better understanding of economic, social, and political con-
ditions of a given region in a given period.
World History World History is the study of major civiliza-
and Regional tions over the last 3000 years. Because of the
History scope of this field, historians have developed nu-
merous theories of history in an attempt to ex-
plain historical developments. For example, historians such as Samuel
Huntington and Arnold J. Toynbee have been involved in controversial
debates concerning the issue of the Western civilization. World History
has increasingly become an integral part of the university curriculum in
the U.S, replacing the courses that had focused primarily on Europe and
the U.S. while ignoring the history of the regions of Asia, Africa, and
Latin America. Courses in World History offer the chance to gain a basic
historical understanding of different regions of the world. The history of
a certain continent or region can allow readers to explore history from
the appearance of the first human beings and up to the events that have
contributed to the social, political, and economic realities of today. In
connection with this, the history of Kyrgyzstan is a regionally focused
on the study of the development of Kyrgyzstan and the people living
within it.
The complexity of the historical process has
Subdisciplines led to the creation of such historical sub-disci-
plines as archaeology, numismatics, chronology
and others. As a sub-discipline, archaeology in-
vestigates material objects such as tools, life subjects, jewelries, dwell-
ings, burial places, and treasure. Ethnography studies the material and
spiritual culture of people and different aspects of their mutual cultural
and historical relationships. Chronology studies the era or epoch. Pa-
leography studies written sources and history of handwriting. Numis-
matics studies the history of stamping money (coins, bank notes and
medal art). Epigraphy studies ancient inscriptions on stones, metals,
woods, and bones. Genealogy studies the origin of nations, genders, and
surnames. Heraldry studies the national emblems of states, cities, and
historic figures. Sphragistics studies stamps. Toponymy studies geo-

5
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
graphical names. The classification of sources and their origin, charac-
ter, reliability, and actual value falls under the rubric of Source Studies.
Historiography studies the history of history in conjunction with scientif-
ic and societal development; in essence, it seeks to explain the method-
ology and thought process behind historical research.
History is one of the most ancient and fascinating areas of human
knowledge and culture. It has close connections and often overlaps with
the other fields of the humanities, including philosophy, sociology, polit-
ical science, psychology, law, economics, and art. Likewise, history has
ties to natural sciences, such as physics, astronomy, and biology. How-
ever, the study of history is principally concerned with various aspects
of social development and societal life: economy, politics, spiritual and
material culture.
Because of the broad definition of history, historians incorporate
many other fields of study in order to gain a better understanding of
historical developments. Science and art help historians to understand
the social and historical development of a given nation and people. His-
torical anthropology, historical geography, and historical geology assist
historians in conducting their research scientifically (using scientific
methods) in order to better understand the past.
History performs a variety of functions to the
Functions benefit of societies at large. One such example is
of History the educational function, for learning and becom-
ing interested in the history of a nation can lead to
the active formation of civil consciousness and development of feelings
of patriotism, internationalism, and social responsibility. By filling the
educational gap, the study of history helps groups and individuals to
define the role of a nation in the world. It also allows them to identify
historical figures through which one can track of humanity’s evolution
of morals and ideals. History is often used in order to distinguish good
from evil, as well as to offer suggestions about right and wrong ap-
proaches to life. It might be argued that in the absence of history--or a
sense of the past--all aspirations and achievements are rendered mean-
ingless. In other words, successes and failures of the past allow us to
define progress in the present.
Additionally, history serves as a key political and practical function
for modern states. Politicians and states use historical facts in order to

6
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
shape the key political agendas, state priorities, and governmental de-
cisions. By defining the past, states can pose their current initiatives as
either a break or, vice versa, a bond with the past.
History serves the additional function of broadening the outlook of
individuals who engage in its study. The objective investigation of his-
torical documents is important for developing a social understanding
of the past. However, this often involves attaching historical value to
facts, which is not an easy task for any historian. In this role, the histo-
rian must carefully select, analyze, generalize, arrange, and interpret the
data. Only by the practice of proper research, aided by the collaboration
of the community of academic historians, can we begin to gain a clearer
understanding the past.
The ancient Chinese philosopher Confucius explained that the study
of the past is one way to define the future4. With such understanding,
historians and the study of history can be defined as an investigation
into the possibilities of a given society. By comparing the past with the
present, societies can work together to prepare for the future.
In order to complete their work, historians
Methodology rely on use of historical methods (methodology).
of Historical Historical methodology refers to the techniques
Science and guidelines which historians use when work-
ing with primary, secondary, or tertiary sources.
Historians use methodology to apply a clear and defined approach in
their research.
Thucydides (ca. 460– 400 B.C.E.) is credited as the first who ap-
proached history using a well-developed historical method in his study
of the Peloponnesian War. Unlike Herodotus, Thucydides regarded his-
tory as the product of the choices and actions of human beings. He re-
jected the idea that divine intervention played a key role in historical
development, instead highlighting the forces of cause and effect in his
historical method; he also emphasized the importance of maintaining an
impartial point of view. In contrast with others, he paid close attention
to the use of chronology in his work. He subscribed the Greek concept
of history as cyclical force; he believed that history developed in stages,
which repeated themselves throughout time.
Much like Greece, Ancient and Medieval China developed traditions
in the study of history, accompanied by sophisticated uses of historical

7
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
methods. The groundwork for professional historiography in East Asia
was established by the court historian of the Han Dynasty, Sima Qian
(145–90 B.C.E.), the author of the Shiji, or Records of the Grand His-
torian.1 Due to the quality of his research, Sima Qian became known as
the father of Chinese historiography. Chinese historians of subsequent
dynastic periods used Shiji and Sima Qian’s methods as the basis for
working with historical texts and biographical literature.
A rich tradition of historical study can also be found in the Arab
world. Muqaddimah Ibn Khaldun (born 1377), an Arab historian and
proto-sociologist, wrote about the seven common mistakes he believed
historians typically made. Ibn Khaldun claimed that the cultural differ-
ence of another age must govern the evaluation of relevant historical
material. He believed that it is necessary to define a set of principles
when evaluating past societies and cultures. Furthermore, he stressed
that one must develop experience studying history in order to become
a better historian. Khaldun often criticized “…idle superstition and un-
critical acceptance of historical data.” Consequently, he introduced a
scientific method to the study of history and referred to it as his “new
science.”5 His historical method laid the groundwork for the observation
of the state’s role in communication, propaganda, and systematic bias
throughout history. His contributions have earned him the title of the
“father of the philosophy of history.”
Saint Augustine, (354–430 B.C.E.) the Christian Neo-Platonist and
philosopher, exerted a deep influence on Christian and Western thought.
During the Medieval and Renaissance periods, history was often stud-
ied with particular focus on religion; during this time, religion played
a great role in the historical methods used by thinkers. However, in the
17th and 19th centuries, Western historians, particularly in France and
Germany, began to develop modern methods of historiography. In the
early 19th century, German philosopher and historian Georg Wilhelm
Friedrich Hegel introduced philosophy into the study of history, which
fostered a more secular approach to history in the West. Leopold von
Ranke (1795–1886), a German historian and logical positivist, had per-
haps the most significant influence on the modern historical methodolo-
gy. In his work, he stressed the importance of an exhaustive examination
of primary sources in the search for objective truth and understanding of
past events and personalities.

8
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In the 20th century, academic historians shifted their focus away
from epic-nationalistic narratives, which tended to glorify nations or in-
dividuals, instead focusing on complex social and intellectual forces in
societies. Historical methods in the 20th century treated history more
as a social science. Some of the leading advocates of history as a social
science were Fernand Braudel, E. H. Carr, Fritz Fischer, Emmanuel Le
Roy Ladurie, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Bruce Trigger, Marc Bloch, Karl Di-
etrich Bracher, Peter Gay, Robert Fogel, Lucien Febvre, and Lawrence
Stone. They advocated history as a social science, while also promot-
ing a multi-disciplinary approach to their work. Braudel combined his-
tory with geography, while Bracher researched the use of history and
political science in his writings. Fogel, on the other hand, synthesized
history with economics. Gay stressed the importance of psychology as
an important element in his historical work. Trigger employed both his-
tory and archaeology in order to draw his conclusions. Wehler, Bloch,
Fischer, Stone, Febvre, and Le Roy Ladurie, true believers in multi-dis-
ciplinary studies, combined the study of history with sociology, geog-
raphy, anthropology, and economics. However, in the academic com-
munity, many historians continued to consider history as purely a social
science.
Throughout the 20th century, new approaches to historical study
emerged. Historians such as Hugh Trevor-Roper, John Lukacs, Donald
Creighton, Gertrude Himmelfarb, and Gerhard Ritter argued that the
key to the historians’ work is imagination, making history more of an art
than a science. French historians associated with the Annales School are
known for the quantitative approach to history, using raw data to track
the lives of individuals. Intellectual historians such as Herbert Butter-
field, Ernst Nolte, and George Mosse have argued for the significance
of ideas in history. American historians, motivated by the civil rights
movement, focused on marginalized ethnic, racial, and socio-econom-
ic groups. Another genre of social history to emerge in the post-WWII
era was Alltagsgeschichte (History of Everyday Life). The Alltagsges-
chichte scholars, including Martin Broszat, Ian Kershaw, and Detlev
Peukert, sought to examine the everyday life of ordinary people living
in 20th-century Germany, especially during the Nazi period.

9
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Not surprisingly, political ideology had an impact on historians’ in-
terpretations of history. Marxist historians Eric Hobsbawm, E.P. Thomp-
son, Rodney Hilton, Georges Lefebvre, Eugene D. Genovese, Isaac
Deutscher, C. L. R. James, Timothy Mason, Herbert Aptheker, Arno
J.Mayer, and Christopher Hill attempted to validate Karl Marx’s theo-
ries by analyzing history from the Marxist perspective. In response to
the Marxist interpretation of history, historians François Furet, Richard
Pipes, J. C. D. Clark, Roland Mousnier, Henry Ashby Turner, and Rob-
ert Conquest offered their own anti-Marxist interpretations of history.
The feminist historians, including Joan Wallach Scott, Claudia Koonz,
Natalie Zemon Davis, Sheila Rowbotham, Gisela Bock, Gerda Lerner,
Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, and Lynn Hunt, have argued for the impor-
tance of studying the historical experiences of women.
The development of post-modernism has also had an impact on the
work of historians. In recent years, postmodernists have challenged the
validity and history altogether, claiming that it is based on personal in-
terpretations of the sources and shaped by author’s bias. In his 1997
book, In Defense of History, Richard J. Evans, professor of Modern His-
tory at Cambridge University, defended the value of history against the
postmodernists, following in the footsteps of another such defense, The
Killing of History, a 1994 book published by Australian historian Keith
Windschuttle. As a science and an art, history has its own methods of
research and interpretative strengths and weaknesses; it is the study of
historical facts, events, and phenomena, but through a variety of inter-
pretative and objective methods.
All of these new approaches in history reflect the difficult tasks that
historians must overcome. How can it be proven that a particular piece
of data is reliable? How do we know that a particular event happened
exactly at a certain time or place? How can we explain causation of
historical events? Can ancient sources and informants be trusted? These
questions have brought about two basic approaches: the idealistic and
materialistic.
The followers of the idealistic approach emphasize the role of ideas
in studying history and historical processes, whereas the followers of the
materialistic approach emphasize such factors as economics as driving
history and how people behave or respond. The former is a top-down

10
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
approach to history and prone to creation of hagiographies (stories of the
great men or fathers of history). The latter a bottom-up approach where
the masses, women, and non-Europeans, play a more profound role in
the shaping of history.
The defenders of idealism, such as Plato, Hegel, Leibnitz, and Hume,
do not deny the material as a factor. But they contend that substance, na-
ture, and physical life are derived from and dependent upon the world of
ideas or consciousness. The mind is the conduit through which the Deity
communicates with humankind, or what might be termed the world con-
sciousness. That particular understanding of history would monopolize
the discourse until recently.
In opposition to idealism, materialism asserts that ideas are a mere
corollary of material forces; followers of this approach believe that the
social being determines the course of history. Social life is an objective
public reality and thus reflected in--rather than a reflection of-- the ideas
of public consciousness. The study of regularity and social beings is
the key to understanding political, legal, philosophical, aesthetic, and
religious theorizing, which are all types or expressions of public con-
sciousness.
These two approaches have struggled to prove the superiority, va-
lidity, correctness, and logic of their respective vantage points. The ide-
alistic understanding of history dominated the field until the middle of
the 19th century. After this, the materialistic idea took hold amongst
academic historians and this debate continues actively amongst them.
For example, a Canadian historian and critic of Marxist interpretations
of the Peasants War of 1525, James M. Stayer advocates the concept
about the “location of ideas on a material horizon.”6
Materialistic theories of history and socio-historical processes are
mainly connected with the Marxism-Leninism doctrine, which was the
official ideology of public thought and science during the Soviet period.
It was the driving force in all areas of academia in the Soviet Union and
it was used by scholars practically and on the mandatory base. These
dominant policies of the Communist Party and its principles monop-
olized the socio-historical discussion, prohibiting the development of
objective scientific research. As a result, a very one-sided, materialistic,
and reductionist point of view dominated various disciplines. The dis-

11
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
integration of the Soviet Empire into independent national republics,
as well as the end of party loyalty and ideological constraint made it
possible to overcome a crisis in the sciences and humanities. It is a well-
known fact that during the Soviet period the Marxist-Leninist agenda
had forced scholars to produce highly subjective and revisionist histo-
ries.
In many post-Soviet republics such as Kyrgyzstan, materialism is
still the dominant approach; however, the study of history has become
much more objective.
Historicism refers to the study of all historical
Principles facts and events in close connection with their true
of History historical circumstances. Historicism holds histo-
rians accountable: they must consider historians’
facts as sequential developments; they must understand and explain the
connection between people and their concrete circumstances. This, con-
sequently, makes the field of history largely reliant upon revisionism.
The principle of scientific objectivity is rooted in the validity of the
quality of the historical sources themselves. Historians must use objec-
tive, authentic, truly valuable materials and thus avoid prejudice in the
collection of their data. The study of history also demands that equal
weight is given to the positive and negative sides of any issue. Objectiv-
ity depends on the theoretical background of the historian and his level
of training. This is especially true when dealing with Soviet histories
and historians.
The social approach (Class or Party Principle) demands the obser-
vance and protection of the interests of various social groups in any his-
torical processes. According to this principle, special interests, classes,
or separate groups take the role of leader in aims of universal human
interests (interests of the “individual,” “party,” etc.). They typically de-
clare their own special place in history. The alternative to this allows for
individual states and some famous historical people to play a prominent
role.
One thing is clear: no single principle or approach is sufficient. Only
the preservation, observance, and complex application of a variety of
methods, or principles, are likely to produce a complete, objective, and
scientific comprehension of the past.

12
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Historical study often focuses on events and
Periodization developments that happen at a particular point in
of History time. In order to organize ideas and generalize,
historians must assign names to historical peri-
ods. The names given to certain periods of time, the beginning and end
of a particular epoch can depend on their geographical locations and
territories.
Periodization of history is one of the most important problems of his-
torical science. A variety of dividing lines have been proposed. In gen-
eral, it is possible to divide the whole of world history into four periods:
Antiquity, lasting from the appearance of human beings about two
million years ago to the fall of the Roman Empire in 476 C.E.
The Middle Ages, lasting from the fall of the Roman Empire to the
Renaissance in the 16th century.
From the Renaissance to the end of the First World War (1918).
From the Modern Era (c. 1500 to around c. 1800) to the present.
The ancient Greek poet, Hesiod (VIII - VII centuries B.C.E.) identi-
fied four stages in the history of the world and nation building as Gold-
en, Silver, Copper, and Iron Ages. The idea was that life did not improve
with each successive development. Another ancient Greek philosopher
and thinker, Pythagoras (VI century B.C.E.), proposed the circular the-
ory of history in which development was a never-ending cycle of rise
and decline.
The German scientist A. Hildebrand (1847-1921) divided human
history into three economic periods: subsistence, monetary, and credit
economies. He rejected Marxism and denied the idea of capitalism as
exploitative. Hildebrand also contended that socialism, or equality, was
detrimental to freedom.
The Russian geographer Mechnikov (1845-1916) tried to prove that
human history and geography were inextricably connected, and that
civilization and social development were the consequence of the same
physical-geographical forces and of communication lines such as rivers,
lakes, and oceans in the process of socio-economic and technological
advance. According to him, three periods existed in human history, each
connected to the use of a type of geographic feature: rivers, coinciding
with ancient civilizations like Egypt and Babylonia; the Mediterranean,

13
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
coinciding with the Islamic and Christian civilizations of the Middle
Ages; and oceans, coinciding with the navigation of the Atlantic, dis-
covery of the Americas, and emergence of the modern age.
The methodology of dialectical materialism, adopted into histori-
cal study in the mid-19th century by German philosopher and father
of Socialism Karl Marx, turned Hegel’s theory of history on its head.
It explained that economic forces and class warfare were the basis for
the natural and evolutionary change from capitalism to socialism and to
full communism in the industrialized West; this methodology bases its
conclusions on changes in the modes of production. Accordingly, Marx
divided history into five social and economic periods: primitive-com-
munal, slave, feudal, capitalist, and communistic.
Unlike Marx, many Western historians were on the side of ideal-
ism, preferring the theory of history in which the pattern of revival and
decline is repeated ad infinitum. Related to this is the principle of cir-
culation of local civilizations. Change is thus a vicious cycle of retun-
ing back to some initial starting point from which subsequent cycles of
revival and decline begin, in the pattern of the classical Roman model.
The most famous defender of this, also known as the “civilization-
al approach” was the English historian and sociologist Arnold Toynbee
(1889 –1975) who argued that history of the world merely consists of
a set of separate and original histories of what he called “closed civi-
lizations.” Toynbee identified twenty-one such civilizations, but later
reduced the number to thirteen. According to his model, every “civi-
lization” passes through the following stages: appearance, growth, de-
cline, and fall. After this, another arises to take its place. For Toynbee,
the modern world consisted of eights civilizations in various stages of
growth and decomposition.
The American sociologist, economist, and historian Walt Rostow
(1916–2003) put forward his own economic division of history as an
alternative to Marx’s. For Rostow, human history can be divided into the
following five periods: traditional societies, characterized by undevel-
oped technologies, restricted production, as well as a fatalistic cultural
and political worldview; transitional societies, characterized by concen-
tration of new ideas, new economic sectors, and professions; a take-off
stage in which rapid changes from a traditional to a market economy

14
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
take place; a drive to maturity in which investment comprises from ten
to twenty percent of GDP and trade is international as well as national
in nature; and finally, mass consumption, constituting a very high level
of consumption and production of durable goods. The crucial questions
at this final stage are social safety and the well-being of the citizenry.
Moreover, the transition to stages three and five (market economy and
mass consumption) are only possible, according to Rostow, if enough
capital and foreign investment can be found in order to push forward
economic growth.7
It is important to note that the historical approach which this text-
book will use is based on the five social stages of development: Prehis-
tory, Antiquity, the Middle Ages, Renaissance, and Modernity.
The authors’ hope is that the aforementioned discussion of history
will give students a better understanding of the relationship of history
to science and its place among the social sciences. Moreover, the im-
portance of history is emphasized in the initiative of state authorities
that proclaimed 2012 as the year of better learning and research of the
history of Kyrgyzstan. Hopefully, this book will give students a solid
basis for perceiving Kyrgyzstan as an integral part of Central Asian and
world history.

15
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Part I.
KYRGYZSTAN FROM ANCIENT TIMES
TO THE MID-19TH CENTURY
Prehistory on the territory of Kyrgyzstan

The Stone Age is a historical and cultural epoch of

Stone Age human society associated with using stone for making
tools and objects needed for production of food and de-
fense against nature and one’s enemies. Although some archaeological
investigations point to its beginning as more than five million years ago,
scholars generally agree that it started with the separation of human be-
ings from the animal world around two and a half million years ago.
Modern scientists explain that human beings descended from an ape-
like ancestor that lived a few million years ago. The theory of evolution
states that Homo sapiens, through a combination of environmental and
genetic factors, emerged as a species to produce the variety of ethnicities
seen today. Because there was a divergence in the evolution of different
species, the ape family evolved along a separate evolutionary pathway.
The most famous proponent of evolutionary theory was Charles Darwin
(1809-82) with his book, On the Origin of Species (1859). Since then,
human origins have generally been explained from the evolutionary per-
spective. Moreover, the theory of human evolution has been and contin-
ues to be modified as new findings are discovered, revisions to the theo-
ry are adopted, and earlier concepts are proven incorrect and discarded.
The first indications of human presence on the territory of Kyrgyzstan
dates back to about four thousand years ago, during the early Paleolithic
Age (also known as the Stone Age or Ashels Epoch). The monuments
from that time were found at the On-Archa River in Central, Tian-Shan,
and Khodja-Bakyrgan Sai on the border of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
During the Middle Stone Age or Mustier Epoch (one hundred thou-
sand years ago) many important technological innovations occurred.
In this period, Homo sapiens became the main inhabitants of this area.
They created different stone tools, expanded the use of fire, and invented
the bow and arrow. Monuments from this sub-period have been found
in Tosor Valley in Issyk-Kul, Georgievka Village on the border of Chui
Province, near the Chil-Ustun Mountains in Osh Province, and Kazakh-

16
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
stan. In the Dangirel-Dere Cave in the Alai Mountains, archaeologists
found evidence of tools made from silicon of different colors; this lo-
cation likely served as a workshop where ancient people experimented
with various types of silicon to create new tools. In 1938, in the Te-
shik-Tash Cave of Uzbekistan, the archaeological expedition headed by
A.P. Okladnikov discovered a grave of a Neanderthal girl. The fact that
her grave was decorated with the horns of wild goats suggests that her
society held some kind of a primitive religious belief. Based on the ev-
idence, these religious beliefs included a belief in protection of the reli-
gious entity in life and death. Additionally, the evidence shows us that
ritualization of death was already being practiced at this time.
The Upper Paleolithic Period, which began forty-thousand years ago
and lasted almost for thirty thousand years, saw the formation of differ-
ent racial groups throughout the diverse climatic zones in Central Asia
and throughout the world. According to DNA and early migratory pat-
terns in Central Asia ca. 60,000 B.C.E., huge groups of people migrat-
ed out of Africa into southern Arabia, then moving on along the south-
ern route to India, Southeast Asia, and Australia. These people were to
become the progenitors of Australian aborigines, New Guineans, and
South Indians. It is assumed that they possessed boat-building skills be-
cause they had to have crossed the Red Sea and the gulf between Bali
and Australia. In 50,000 B.C.E., the second migration took place along
the northern route into Central Asia. Over time, these people developed
lighter skin (as a consequence of limited sun and the need for vitamin
D absorption) and distinct physical characteristics. The challenges of an
environment harsher than that of their native Africa may have naturally
selected many with lower IQs. As the Ice Age began to wane, 30,000
B.C.E. gave impetus to migration from Central Asia into Europe and
northeast Asia. They become the Cro-Magnon and Mongolian races.
The Metholithic Age, which began twelve thousand years ago, saw such
changes as climate warming, the appearance of modern plants and animals,
microlithic stone tools, and refinements to the bow and arrow. During this
period, the mammoth, the woolly rhinoceros, and larger animals disap-
peared; smaller animals became the main focus of hunting societies.
The typical Paleolithic human was part of a society and economy of
hunter-gatherers. Humans hunted wild animals for meat and gathered

17
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
firewood and other raw materials for their tools, clothes, and shelter.
Human population density at this time has been estimated as low as one
person per square mile.
The New Stone Age, or Neolithic Period, began around the seventh
to third millennia BCE. As a historian D. Christian points out, unlike
hunter-gatherer lifeways, those of neolithic encouraged population
growth, so they introduced a new dynamism into human history. While
foraging lifeways could support population densities of approximately
one person to every ten square kilometers, even the earliest forms of
farming could support as many as 50 people from a similar area.8

Stone Tools

Monuments from this era can be found in many locations in Kyrgyz-

stan and dated back to five-thousand years ago.
The most interesting of these are caves containing evidence of an-
cient habitation. On the walls of Ak-Chunkur Cave on the Sary-Jaz Riv-
er in Issyk-Kul, there are countless petroglyphs of people, bulls, goats,
and snakes; they are typically painted in red pastels. Ak-Chunkur Cave

18
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
is at altitude of about four or five thousand meters about sea level. The
cave itself is about forty to fifty meters in area, including a main area
which is approximately two meters in width and three to four meters in
height. The images depicted on the cavern walls were made with the red
mineral ocher. The drawing was done using the little finger. These strip-
like wall paintings appear on the dome walls throughout the cave. The
lack of ceramics and crude nature of the stone tools are consistent with
the archaeological record to show that the creators of these paintings
date back to the early Neolithic period.
Other archaeological sites and ancient settlements, such as Te-
ke-Sekirik near Naryn, the Alamudun river, and the settlement adjacent
Cholpon-Ata in Issyk-Kul offer evidence to two great changes that oc-
curred in the history of the people of this region: the domestication of
animals and agriculture (primarily through the development and use of
seeds). Known as the Neolithic Revolution, this marks the transition
from foraging communities to nomadic and sedentary societies. Consis-
tent with this explanation, the archaeological record shows the appear-
ance of pottery, weaving, and simple handicrafts.
In the early periods of the Stone Age people
Social life typically lived in small groups. A single cave
dwelling or settlement would have included from
twenty to fifty individuals. The number of individ-
uals in the group affected the level of social interaction and collaboration
in a given community. These groups typically consisted of several fami-
lies. Sometimes, several groups joined together to form larger groups for
organized social activities (such as acquiring mates or, if resources were
plentiful, celebrations). In these societies, hunting and gathering were
the prerogative for both men and women, making this time and place one
of the most gender-equal moments in human history. Indeed, the archeo-
logical evidence (art and funeral rituals) indicates that women enjoyed a
slightly higher status than men. Matriarchy, not patriarchy, was the pre-
ferred system of social organization and power structure. One explanation
is the stressed importance on reproduction within these societies. Addi-
tionally, the knowledge of food preservation, performed by women, made
them much more vital to the survival of the tribe.
However, the status of women declined with the economic and so-
cial changes that occurred during the Neolithic Period. The physical

19
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
demands of farming and of cattle-breeding awarded males more prom-
inence within these social groups. The gradual switch to organizing
people along kinship lines and tribalism based on patriarchal blood ties
played a significant role in the elevation of men over women as the nat-
ural leaders and defenders of the community.
As Jared Diamond, the evolutionary biologist and bio-geographer
suggests controversially in his Pulitzer prize winning Guns, Germs, and
Steel (1997), the status of women diminished with the adoption of ag-
riculture, because women in farming societies were likely to become
pregnant more often than in hunting and gathering societies.9
As advancement in technology developed, the
Neolithic Period, or New Stone Age, eventually
Copper Age
gave development to the various metal ages. The
first metal to be smelted was copper. The Copper
Age is also known as the Eneolithic Age (from the Latin word for cop-
per, aeneus, and Greek word for stone, lithos) or Halkolith Age (from
the Greek words for copper and stone, chalkos and lithos respectively).
The Copper Age in Central Asia dates back to five thousand years ago.
It is thought that copper was carried from various locations in western
Asian to the Balkans, and then carried up the Dnieper River and into Eu-
rope. Cold and hot methods of copper refinement were used during this
period. The flexibility and softness of copper allowed for the shaping of
raw copper nuggets into a number of forms and shapes with the help of
stone hammers.
Eventually, other, more sophisticated methods of refinement quickly
followed. Melting copper and putting it into molds to fashion the needed
shape soon became a more efficient way to transform the material. This
method became a common, long-lasting method because it was more
efficient as a method of refinement and production.
In order to find copper ore, it was necessary to travel far from home.
This phenomenon broadened the geographical outlook and developed
the mining and refining skills of Copper Age people. On their expedi-
tions, they invariably met others who shared their own skills and experi-
ences with them. . The various hardships of the road also led to the dis-
covery of better and better methods of travel, such as the wheel, perhaps
the greatest achievement of the Copper Age.

20
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
That is interesting but until the 19th century, copper was considered
to be bronze by many archaeologists, which caused them to blur the
line between the Stone and Bronze Ages. They wrongly assumed that
the Stone Age was followed by the Bronze Era. In the 20th century, ad-
vancements in the field of chemical research allowed archaeologists to
define properly these respective periods in history.
The Copper Age can be characterized by the following:
The use of the hoe in farming.
The use of both stone and copper tools.
The construction of clay (adobe) domiciles where they lived as ex-
tended families.
The creation of ceramic dishware.
The symbolism of women as matriarchal and fertility figures.
The decoration of pottery and other artifacts using natural paints.
During the Bronze Age (3000-1000BCE),
Bronze Age the use of metal tools increased effectiveness of
labor, pushed forward development of farming
and cattle-breading and increased trade of food
and tools between families and tribes. In the early third millennium,
the cattle-breading transited to the pastoral nomadism and according to
D. Christian, there is no doubt that Central Asian pastoralists played an
important role in the evolution of pastoralism in the eastern steppes.10
However, the copper tools were very fragile; to increase reliability
and durability, people started mixing copper with tin and charcoal in an
attempt to create a slightly more resilient hybrid. About 3,000 years ago,
the invention of bronze was a technological achievement that quickly
spread and dramatically changed the economic, social, and cultural life
of human beings. This achievement granted men more power in relation
to the rest of their communities. Increasingly, male physical strength
was synonymous with sustenance and the best defense against foreign
invasion. Matriarchy gave a way to patriarchy; the extended, communal
family (in which every man and woman was father and mother to every
child) was replaced by the nuclear family model – husbands and wives
with their children. This reorganization of social units led to the accu-
mulation of food surpluses, property inequalities, and the preconditions
for stratification based on class.

21
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Bronze Age settlements in both Chui Valley (Sadovoe, Sokuluk,
and Shamshi) and Osh (which was excavated in 1976 by Zadneprovs-
kiy, a famous Soviet archaelogist) contained many bronze agricultural
tools, pottery, and ceramics. Based on the more than six-hundred ce-
ramic shards unearthed by Zadneprovskiy, it is possible to differentiate
various communities and several stages of development of the Bronze
Age on the territory of present Kyrgyzstan.11 The Andronovo and Chust
settlements a are two cases in point.
The name “Andronovo” comes from the
name of a village in southern Siberia. In 1814,
The Andronovo
several burial grounds containing skeletons in
crouched positions and richly ornamented pot-
tery were found there. The name of village was then used by archae-
ologists to name this distinctive Bronze Age community going back to
the second millennium B.C.E. The Andronovo community occupied the
vast territory of western Asia. Its western edge was a contact point for
the Srubnaya (Timber Grave Culture) in the Volga-Ural region which
stretches eastward to the Minusin Valley. Settlements have been found
as far south as the foothills of Koppet Dag, and the Pamir and Tian Shan
Mountains. The extent of their northern reach is difficult to ascertain;
archaeologists believe that they probably reached as far as the Taiga.
However, a chain of Andronovo-type settlements have been found in the
forest-steppe zone of western Siberia, as well.
Evidence of the Andronovo has also been found in the settlements
and burial ground sites of Petrovka-Sintashta (2000-1600 B.C.E.),
Alakul’ and Fyedorovo (1500-1300.B.C.E.), and Sargary-Alexeevka
(1200-1000 B.C.E.). These sites differ somewhat with respect to fea-
tures in pottery design, tools, and funeral rituals. For example, the Alac-
ul’ people buried their tribes and people in a “bent position” at the bot-
tom of a pit. The Fyedorovo, on the other hand, recreated their dead,
spreading the ashes of the deceased in a pit and together with a “doll
figure,” placing a stone or earthen marker next to the burial site.

22
 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Tools of Andronovo people: 1 – metal sickle , 2 – metal knife,

3-4 – knifes, 5- metal spear, 6-7 - axes , 8-9 – keltic axes,
10-27- jewelry , 28-30 - ceramics

The Andronovo were expansive, spreading out and as far as the Urals
in the west, the steppes of Kazakhstan and southern Siberia to the Enisey
River in the east, the Taiga to the north and Tian-Shan and Pamir and
Afghanistan to the south. As E. Kuzmina explains, “the most brilliant

23
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
complex of Andronovo culture on the territory of Kyrgyzstan is burial
Arpa in Naryn region. The kurgans made from clay and peddle stone,
with stone square and circle fence are seen and they are located 3000
meters above sea.”12
Beginning in the 18th century B.C.E., a group of Andronovo people
migrated from Siberia to the steppes and mountainous zones of Central
Asia. Two important factors made this migration and people more resil-
ient and dynamic than many of their sedentary contemporaries. Firstly,
around the same time (2,000 B.C.E.) the climate had become drier than
in Siberia region. It became necessary to find other pasture land in order
to feed one’s flocks, which took a measure of extraordinary courage and
determination. Secondly, a sudden population growth occurred, lead-
ing to the growth and spread of the Andronovo, but also the inter-tribal
conflicts and a competition for resources. This likely forced many of
this group to migrate south towards Central Asia. Proof of this migra-
tion from Siberia to Kyrgyzstan of an Andronovo splinter group can be
seen in the treasure trove of Andronovo artifacts unearthed in Toktogul,
Kochkorka, Ak-Sai, Arpa, Aleksandrovka, Kainda and other early set-
tlements throughout Kyrgyzstan. One example is the row of settlements,
graves, and petroglyphs near Belovodskoe Village in Chui Valley, which
date back to the second millennium B.C.E.
Archeological findings prove that the An-
Andronovo dronovo had a complex and diversified economy
Economy which consisted of cattle-breading and agricul-
ture. Horses, cattle, sheep, and two-hump camels
were the most common animals used for domestication and herding.
Evidence shows that the Andronovo may have been the first to homoge-
nize kumys, or fermented horse milk. By the end of the Bronze Age, the
domestication of horses took precedence, a natural response given the
pattern of continued migration, search for pasture land, and inter-tribal
conflicts. As time passed, a “pastoral nomadism” dependent on livestock
became the dominant mode of life for these societies.

24
 A History of Kyrgyzstan

The origin of yurt from the Andronovo dwelling

The largest of these early Andronovo archaeological sites is in Tok-

togul in southern Kyrgyzstan. The biggest room of this settlement has an
area of seventy square meters and is one meter deep. It is possible that
as many as twenty-five people may have lived together at this site. In
addition to cattle-breading and agriculture, their economy included such
handicrafts as pottery and weaving. Their tools, found mostly in grave
sites, reflect that they were active during the Bronze Age.
Social Life, According to specialists, the Andronovo were
Language and Europoids or Caucasians who spoke a language
Culture of eastern-Iranian (or Persian) origin. In 2, 500
B.C.E. groups of Andronovo migrated to north-
ern India and were mistaken by locals for Arians (which in Sanskrit
means, “master” or “noble.”).
The Andronovo observed two types of funeral rituals, burial and the
cremation of the deceased. Their custom of burying the dead with food,
tools, and jewels reveals that they had some recognition or belief in
an afterlife. Such items are found in burial sites in Karakul and Alek-
sandrovka village; at these locations, archaeologists have discovered as
many as thirty crescents alongside the burial sites.
Extended and patriarchal families were the fabric of Andronovo so-
cial life and tribal identity. The abundance of images reveals that this

25
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
culture held belief in a cult of ancestors, animism, fetishism, totemism,
and shamanism. The petroglyphs at the sites of Saimaluu-Tash and
Cholpon-Ata reveal that social inequality was justified by religious be-
liefs instilled in their culture.
Earthen houses served as a dwelling with a great number of econom-
ic extensions and enclosures for livestock.
The most well-known discoveries of the Andronovo culture are the
Saimaluu-Tash petroglyphs on the Kugart River in the Toguz-Toro dis-
trict of Jalal-Abad oblast. These petroglyphs sit at three thousand meters
above sea level; the area of the where they are located is about one hun-
dred seventy five square kilometers in size. In 1940, N.A. Bernshtam
led an expedition in which his crew was able to document more than
forty-two thousand images of the site.
According to M. Frachetti, an American archeologist, petroglyphs
can be divided into three basic types: images that reflect the nomadic
household and pastoral life; agriculture and settled households; amphib-
ious species such as snakes and frogs, and pictorial representations of
the erotic. The findings at Saimaluu-Tash are consistent with this obser-
vation.13

Specifically, the Andronovo Culture is a general

term that describes a widely distributed set of archae-
ologically documented materials including: 1) open
form ceramic jars with incised geometric decorations;
2) stone-lined burials located under round mounds
of earth or within rectangular stone structures; and
3) specific bronze objects such as axes, weapons,
and jewelry. These are the main elements used in
the general classification of the Andronovo Culture,
and there are “cultural” sub-groups that are based
on variations in the decoration and attributes of this
material package. Furthermore, the sub-cultures of
the Andronovo are associated with different regions
of the steppe zone as well as different time periods in
the culture history of the region.14

26
 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Saimaluu Tash Petroglyphs

In northern Kyrgyzstan,
The Chust the Andronovo dominated
and flourished. However, in
the southern regions of present-day Osh and Ja-
lal-Abad, the Chust people were the dominant
culture. In contrast to the Andronovo, the Chust
were sedentary and agricultural, with a more
highly developed culture of arts and crafts.
The name Chust comes from a village in the
Namangan province of Uzbekistan. The Chust,
much like the Andronovo, were also Europoids
who spoke an eastern-Iranian language. The
settlements at Osh, Uzgen, and Nookat were
originally Chust settlements.

Saimaluu Tash
Petroglyphs

27
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

Sulaiman Mountains

The richest and most investigated of these Chust settlements are lo-
cated on the slopes of Sulaiman Mountain in Osh. It is one of the most
ancient and unique archaeological testaments to the Bronze Age in Kyr-
gyzstan and the greater part of Central Asia. During the construction of
a road on the slopes of the Sulaiman Mountains, a curator of the Osh
Museum found fragments of ceramic dishes. In 1976, a Ferghana ex-
pedition funded by the Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sci-
ences of the USSR in Leningrad (present-day St. Petersburg) excavated
the settlement. Led by Yurii Zadneprovskii, the excavation revealed that
the settlement turned out to be six hundred meters in size and its ar-
chitecture and design turned out to be very unique – it included terraced
agriculture of fields and housing for its inhabitants.
For three years, Zadneprovskii and his team excavated the site and
amazing and sizeable collection of cultural and economic artifacts
was found for the future study. Their housing designs, ceramic dishes,
bronze and stone tools were carefully studied with the greatest diligence
and interest. The team was intrigued by the agricultural practices of this
society; the discovery of large holes in the ground fascinated the team.

28
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The inhabitants used these areas to store wheat, barley, and other cereals
and vegetables—more than seventy such underground silos were found.

The reconstruction of huts at the Osh settlement

The Chust people had a more hierarchical society.

Social life A larger portion of the harvest, military spoils, and
other material bounties were the rightful property of
the families of social elites and religious chieftains, giving impetus to
social tensions and class differences.
Scholars have assembled and restored the majority of all broken ar-
tifacts discovered at these sites. Most of these are now on display at the
Sulaiman Osh Museum-Complex. In all, the museum houses more than
ten thousand fragments of clay dishes, bronze tools, jewelry, and other
artifacts from the Bronze Age settlement. In accordance with the results
of radiocarbon dating tests of coal deposits found in one of the Osh
underground silos, the city of Osh dates back to at least three thousand
years ago.
The Chust people created dishes using a very specific technique. They
were typically created manually and covered with red clay. Semi-spher-
ical bowls, as well as conic and spherical pots with flat bottoms were
decorated with geometrical ornamentation or with images of vegeta-
bles. The images on the pottery were drawn in black to contrast the red

29
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
clay. The image of a goat appears on one fragment and is the first image
depicting an animal to be found after nearly thirty years of research into
early Chust material culture.
After the Dalversin Tepe collection in southern Uzbekistan, the dish-
es from the Osh settlement constitute the richest collection of archae-
ological artifacts from Central Asia. Naturally, this is clear indication
of the wide reach of Chust culture in the region, which includes the
vast territory of present-day Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.
The pottery’s ornamentation and its significant indication of the reli-
gious-magical beliefs of these cultures are truly striking. In addition to
the dishes, archeologists found three hundred stone artifacts: stone sick-
les, hand-mills, and tools used in grinding of flour and making of bread.

Findings from the ancient Osh settlement

Osh was a cultural and ideological center of the Chust culture in

the Fergana Valley. The slopes of mountains protected the artifacts from
the destructive harms of nature and time. The soil that covered the set-
tlement preserved artifacts in good condition until they were excavated.

30
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The discoveries at these sites reveal the antiquity of the city of Osh,
which has been more or less inhabited since the Bronze Age.
The Bronze Age is an important cultural and historical starting point
in the history of Kyrgyzstan. It marks the creation of two distinct eco-
nomic households and styles of living–nomadic pastoralism and that of
agricultural, sedentary lifestyle; it also consists of the development of
bronze technologies and the creation of a unique form of petroglyphic
artistic expression. The fascinating archaeology and rich history of Osh
has patiently waited thorough scholarly investigation. The sites indeed
have helped in revealing important information about the past.

Great Civilizations: Saka Tribal Unions and the Dayuan State

From the eighth to the third century B.C.E. the

Sakas in World vast territory of Central Asia was inhabited by nu-
History merous nomadic tribes known in ancient Persian
cuneiform texts as the Sakas--”free men, noble
men (warriors).”15 They have been known by sev-
eral names. Ancient writers called them Scythians; in ancient Indian
sources they are referred to as the Tur; the Chinese called them the Se
People. Individual groups who entered this tribal confederacy had their
own names – the term “Saka” was used to refer to all members of this
union. “Herodotus, “The Father of History”, wrote about the origins of
the Scythians.
According to the account which the Scythians
themselves give, they are the youngest of all nations.
Their tradition is as follows. A certain Targitaus was
the first man who ever lived in their country, which
was a desert without inhabitants before. According
to a legend he was a child-of Jove and a daughter of
Borysthenes. Targitaus begot three sons, Leipoxais,
Arpoxais, and Colaxais. While they were ruling over
the land, four implements, all of gold, dropped to the Saka
ground from the clouds- a plough, a yoke, a battle-axe, appearance
and a drinking-cup. The eldest of the brothers found
31
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
them first, and approached to pick them up. When he
came nearer, the gold took fire, and blazed. He tried
again but the same happened to him. The gold re-
jected both the eldest and the second brother. When
the youngest brother approached the flames were
extinguished immediately, so he picked up the gold,
and carried it to his home. Then the two elder agreed
together, and made the whole kingdom over to the
youngest born. From Leipoxais sprang the Scythi-
ans of the race called Auchatae; from Arpoxais, the
middle brother, those known as the Catiari and Tras-
pians; from Colaxais, the youngest, the Royal Scyth-
Dress of Sakas ians, or Paralatae. All together they are named Scolo-
ti, after one of their kings: the Greeks, however, call
them Scythians.
Such is the account which the Scythians gave of
their origin. They added that from the time of Targi-
taus, their first king, to the invasion of their country
by Darius, is a period of one thousand years, neither
less nor more. The Royal Scythians guard the sacred
Saka woman gold with most especial care, and year by year offer
great sacrifices in its honor. At this feast, if the man
who has the custody of the gold should fall asleep
in the open air, he is sure (the Scythians say) not to
outlive the year. His pay therefore is as much land
as he can ride round on horseback in a day. As the
extent of Scythia is very great, Colaxais gave each of
his three sons a separate kingdom, one of which was
of ampler size than the other two: in this the gold was
Mountainous preserved. Above, to the northward of the farthest
Saka dwellers in Scythia, the country is said to be con-
cealed from sight and made impassable by reason of the feathers which
are shed abroad abundantly. The earth and air are alike full of them, and
this is what prevents the eye from obtaining any view of the region.16
From the sixth to the fifth centuries B.C.E., the Sakas of Central Asia
were organized into two large tribal confederations. The first confed-

32
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
eration consisted of the Massagetae, Abii, Apa-siaks, Debec, and the
Dacians. In ancient Persian sources, this union was referred to as the
Saka-Tigrakhauda. In ancient Greek writings, it was called the Saka-Or-
tokoribants, which means “Sakas in the pointed hats.” The Saka alliance
controlled a vast territory, from the Caspian Sea and the Uzboy River to
the Tian-Shan Mountains and the floodplain of the Ili River. The Tigra-
khauda Sakas inhabited the northern region of present-day Kyrgyzstan.
The territory of the Second Saka Union stretched from northern India
to Pamir-Alai and the Fergana Valley. In Persian sources, this portion of
the Sakas was called the Haomavarga, which translates to “Sakas who
honor the drink, haoma.” (Haoma is a stimulant derived from the sap
of ephedra and was used for religious purposes.) This half of the Sakas
were prominent in the southern regions of contemporary Kyrgyzstan.
Multiple sources suggest that the Sakas were a Euro-Asian people.
For example, traces of Mongolian features are found in some Tigrakhau-
da Sakas. A Soviet archaeologist A.N. Bernstam believed that the Saka
tribes of Central Asia consisted of a variety of ethnic types (Turkic being
the most dominant of these ethnicities).17 Soviet scholars were the first
who claimed that the Sakas were Iranian-speaking peoples.
However, the work of T. Ryskulov a Kyrgyz historian, argues that the
Sakas language was Turkic. His work shows that the Sakas were the pre-
decessors of all Turkic-speaking peoples.18 The academic community,
however, is not convinced by Ryskulov’s research. Local and regional
historians who work with the history of the Sakas refute his claims.
The Sakas were nomadic and their social sys-
Social Orga- tem based largely on familial and kinship ties. The
nization and gradual appearance of wealth and social inequality
Stratification eventually undermined the communal and familial
order, giving way to the emergence of tribalized
nobilities. As the authority and power of military commanders increased,
their wealth also increased, albeit disproportionately. The contents of
Sakas graves and other archaeological findings clearly demonstrate a
high degree of social stratification by the fifth century B.C.E.
In honor of its ruling elites, the Sakas erected huge burial mounds,
some of these more than a hundred meters wide and as many as fifteen
meters deep. Graves of the Sakas aristocracy were smaller by compar-

33
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ison, forty meters wide and six meters high on average. The graves of
Sakas soldiers were smaller still, whereas the graves of commoners, and
of the slaves who were also a part of Sakas society, were barely detect-
able. The other important difference was the contents of the aforemen-
tioned Sakas graves. Archaeologists recovered up to four thousand gold
artifacts from the largest graves, the rest a treasure trove of clay articles.
The natural conditions under which the Sakas
lived largely determined the community’s econom-
Economy ic activities. The Sakas of northern Kyrgyzstan
were mainly engaged in livestock breeding; their
southern counterparts living in the Fergana Val-
ley engaged in agriculture and herding. Pastoralists bred coarse-wool
sheep and Bactrian camels, whereas horses and cattle were the lifeblood
of those living in the Kyrgyz highlands. In regions where the climate
was more moderate, the Sakas there developed irrigation farming tech-
niques of various kinds, growing wheat, barley, and millet. The main
food sources of the Sakas, however, were meat and milk. The fabric for
clothing was made from wool and plant fibers, as well as animal skins.
Archaeological evidence suggests that the “pointed hats”’ of the Sakas
were made of felt. The manufacture of various leather items--harnesses,
pots, and various arts and crafts was highly developed.

Objects and devices

of Sakas’ appliances

34
 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Jewelry of Sakas

A vast array of uniquely Sakas artifacts has been found in such plac-
es as Chuy Valley, Issyk-Kul Basin, and Tianshan. This includes altars,
lamps, cone-shaped pots, and other articles associated with a high level
of applied arts and crafts. The depiction of various animals is a conspic-
uous element in this collection--running goats and predators of all kinds-
-which suggest an animistic predilection in their art. Jewelry made from
gold and bronze, and varieties of ceramics conform to this pattern and
thus reflect the attitudes and philosophical views of the Sakas.
In the sixth century B.C.E., the Tigrakhauda
Sakas had a fierce struggle for independence with
Military Life Cyrus II, the Persian king. In 550 B.C.E. he defeat-
ed the kingdom of Midia founded by the powerful
Achaemenids, which stretched from the Mediter-
ranean Sea to the Indus Valley. The works of Herodotus, the famous
Greek historian, suggest that, following the decisive victory, Cyrus II
considered himself to be a god.

35
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 530 B.C.E., Cyrus II led a huge army of some
200,000 men against the Tigrakhauda Sakas who
were led by Queen Tomyris. Despite the superior
strength of the Persian army, it was ultimately de-
feated by the opposing forces and Cyrus II, who
dreamt of the world domination, was taken as pris-
oner and beheaded.
Queen Tomyris In contrast, however, the military campaigns of
successive Achaemenids, such as Darius I, would
prove successful. During a campaign between 519-
518 B.C.E., Darius I conquered the Sakas, forcing
them to pay tribute to his kingdom. Nonetheless,
he failed to extend his monarchical authority to the
northern side of the Syr Darya River . The Sakas of
northern Kyrgyzstan managed to maintain a degree
Cyrus II of independence, despite the laterPersian invasion
and presence in the south.
Later, the Sakas—northern and southern--
would make peace with their Persian occupiers
and enter into a military alliance, fighting along-
side the Achaemenids in the Greco-Persian conflict
(500-449 B.C.E.). In the Battle of Marathon (490
Darius I B.C.E.), the present-day Greece, great bravery and
courage were shown by the Sakas warrior-horse-
men, despite losing to the Greeks. Well-trained in military affairs,
the Sakas played an important role in the Persian-led offensive armies
against Greece and Egypt.

Sakas weapons:
1-3 – iron swords;
4-6 – iron spears;
7-10 – bronze arrow-heads;
11 – iron helmet

36
 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Sakas army

The imperial conquests of Alexander the Great, who,

after defeating the Achaemenids undertook a campaign
to bring all of Central Asia under the Greek rule, testify
the resilient nature of the Sakas tribes. After decimat-
ing a combined force of Persian and Sakas soldiers in
331 B.C.E., Alexander marched his army straightway to
the shores of the Syr Darya River in 329 B.C.E.It was
here where he met the fierce resistance of the combined Alexander
Sakas tribes, . Their rigid military discipline, extensive the Great
experience on the battlefield, and highly sophisticated condition made
them a considerable foe against the forces of Alexander . However, the
Sakas Confederacy was ultimately defeated on the banks of the Syr
Darya River in 329 B.C.E. During the conflict, they inflicted such heavy
casualties that the Greeks would never fully succeed in occupying the
territory held by the Sakas. The Greek forces only reached as far as the
side of modern-day Osh and the Kojo-Bakyrgan-Sai River in Leylek.
The stubborn resistance to Greek expansion that Alexander met in Cen-
tral Asia put a hinder for his plans to conquer India. Alexander soon
died, in 323 B.C.E., on the way from India.

37
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

The Behistun monument

In 312 B.C.E., one of Alexander’s generals,
Seleucus, founded the Greco-Bactrian State (312-
64 B.C.E.). According to some scholars, the city
of Antioch, located on the eastern outskirts of the
Empire, was in the vicinity of modern-day Uzgen
in Kyrgyzstan. This may explain the warm rela-
tions between the people of Fergana Valley with
The image of Seleu-
the Greeks. The close relations eventually formed
cus on the coin
the foundation for the Silk Road, which stretched
(c. 358 — 281B.C.)
from China in the east to Rome in the west.
There is little information on the latest periods of the history of the
Sakas states. The lack of unity and intensifying strife for power between
the tribes created favorable conditions for their conquest by more pow-
erful nomadic tribes from the east.
In the 2nd century B.C.E., the Sakas’ possessions across the Syr-
Darya River were captured by the Yuezhi (Tocharians), who had
been driven out of eastern Turkestan by the Huns. However, the Yuezhi
failed to find a long-term foothold in the Tianshan and Ferghana Valley.
Only after entering into an alliance with the Sakas they were they able
to defeat the Greco-Bactrian kingdom in Central Asia.
In the middle of the 2nd century B.C.E., the Sakas tribes of the Cen-
tral Tianshan were invaded again by the Wusuns that moved from east-
ern Turkestan. The Wusuns grew much stronger during the period of
potency and prosperity of the Hun Empire, and aspired to independence.
38
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
This forced the Sakas of Semirechye to seek shelter and migrate deeper
to the west of Central Asia, into inaccessible mountainous areas. The
rest of the Sakas assimilated with the Wusuns who occupied their lands.
According to common Central Asian tradition, the Sakas lost their pop-
ular name and adopted the name of the victors instead and, as a result,
left the historical scene.
The origin of the term “Wusun” is debated
among scholars. One suggestion is that the term
The Wusun “Wusun” went down in the history of the Chinese
State dynastic chronicles as the “people of ten clans”
(wus - clan, un - ten) from the ancient Turkic
language. According to another version, the term came from the river
Upsa (Uzun), which flows through eastern Turkestan. The analysis of
numerous genealogical materials and Turkic genealogical legends sug-
gests that Wusuns were a branch of the Turkic peoples, although their
anthropological type was not typical for the indigenous population of
Turkestan. They were red-bearded and blue-eyed people.
N. Aristov, a Russian scholar and former tsarist official in Turkestan,
came to the following conclusion in his work, “The Wusuns and the Ka-
ra-Kyrgyz or Kirghiz: Essays on the history and life of the population of
the West Tien Shan and research on historical geography” (1893):

The Wusuns were the direct ancestors of the Kara-Kyrgyz,

who occupied the western Tien Shan, and originally formed
part of the Kyrgyz people who dwelt on the Yenisei.... The
presence of people with the same name, language, ap-
pearance, and customs as the Tien Shan Kyrgyz at Yenisei
River from ancient times until the 18th century proves the
theory that the Yenisei and Tien Shan Kyrgyz formerly was
one people. Divided into two parts before 3 B.C.E., one part
of the people stayed at the Yenisei till the 18th century and
the other, named Wusuns in Chinese sources, went to the
south of the Tannu Ridge and occupied the present-day
Tszasaktuhana province until they were forced to move to
the western Tianshan by the Huns.19

39
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
There is a reference to the work of the Chinese Commission, entitled
“Hsi-yu-chih-tu” (Dzungaria, 1756) and Aristov’s research, which led to
the conclusion that the Wusuns were the ancestors of the Buruts (Kyrgyz
or Kara-Kyrgyz), the latter inhabiting the same area which was occupied
by Wusuns and who led the same nomadic way of life.
From historical sources it is known that, originally, the Wusuns lived
next to the Huns and Yuezhi--on the western territories of the Great Wall
of China. Chinese rulers, following an imperial strategy (to exterminate
barbarians by the hands of barbarians) encouraged competition between
these various groups. As a result, the Wusuns frequently engaged in
conflict with the Huns. Later the Wusuns were defeated. In 160 B.C.E.,
after being subordinated by the Sakas and Yuezhi, groups of Wusuns
migrated to the areas around the Tien Shan Mountains and Semirechye.
As a result, a new state union (which bordered with the Huns in the east)
was formed with the Kanguyami (who settled in valley of Talas) and
with the people of Ferghana and Eastern Turkestan in the south.
Southern possessions of the Wusuns extended to Balkhash Lake. The
capital of the state was the Chigu or Chiguchen city (meaning “the City
of the Red Valley”). Recent archaeological research has proposed that the
city was in the southern part of Tup Bay (on the eastern shore of Issyk-Kul
Lake). In another version, the city was on the south shore of Lake Is-
syk-Kul (modern-day Kyzylsuu village, the center of Jeti-Oguz district).
The remains of city walls and other ruins found there under the water in-
dicate that the inhabitants were engaged in agriculture and various crafts.
According to scientists, the water of the lake rose because of tectonic pro-
cesses and flooded the city at the beginning of the modern era.
The Wusun state was a nomadic state under the
control of a monarch who held the title of Kyunbag
Political (kyunby). The Wusun monarch received this su-
System preme title of power from the representative of the
Hun Dynasty, Mode-Chanyu. Having received first
the title Kyunbag, the Wusun rulers became the reliable guards of the
western borders of the Hun state. Zhang Qian, one of the closest figures
to the imperial court of the Kyunbag, described the Wusuns as the “right
hand of the Huns.”20 Even after separation and getting independence
from the Huns, the title of Kyunbag remained.

40
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The language played an important role in power politics of this soci-
ety (It is not accidental that in medieval legends about Oguz-Kagan one
of his descendants was called Kun-Han.) .The power of the monarch
was limited; before making a final decision on important public issues,
the Council of Elders had to consider and discuss them. In addition,
there was an organized system of governance. The state apparatus con-
sisted of no fewer than 16,000 officers. The Wusuns had a strong army
and the number of soldiers sometimes exceeded 630,000. Therefore, the
Han Empire and even the Huns, who predominated in Central Asia, had
to take them seriously.
The Wusun State consisted of two tribal groups who were ruled by a
centralized governing power which connected them. The separation of
medieval Kyrgyz tribal communities into right and left wings find their
roots in the ancient Huns.

фото

Localization of Wusuns
Social processes in the Wusun state developed in
Social the same way as in the neighboring Hun Empire. Ear-
Structure ly class relations slowly developed, but vestiges of
the patriarchal-clan system always remained.

41
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Over time, the signs of social inequality became increasingly ev-
ident. The power was concentrated in the hands of the nobility and
wealth was gained and multiplied by the work of all members of the
community, and primarily by pastoralists, semi-settled nomads, farm-
ers, and artisans, all of whom belonged to one family. Wealthy Wusuns
owned four or five thousand horses and had priority in the use of land
for pasture. Development of production required an increase in the labor
force. For this, they used the labor of chattel slaves (primarily captured
soldiers); however, the main productive force was the poor. Thus, the
gradual accumulation of wealth within this society, coupled with the de-
velopment of technology, brought about the stratification of this society
into different classes.
Patriarchal traditions and tribal customs were the basis of marriage
and family relations in Wusun society. The major figure in the fami-
ly was the husband and father of a given household. Polygamy was a
common occurrence in Wusun society. The levirate (the obligation of
a brother of a deceased man to marry his brother’s widow), a common
characteristics of patriarchal and tribal ties, was also observed. This tra-
dition is best explained in material terms. The family or clan rightly
retained ownership of the widow’s dowry, which sometimes was of sig-
nificant value. However, materialism was not the only motivation for
maintaining strict familial ties. In such circumstances, it was import-
ant that children continue to live among their blood relatives. This was
particularly important in relation to reigning families – public interest
dictated that such traditions maintain the order of such families in time
of the death of leading family members.
From the second half of the 2nd century B.C.E., the Wusuns were
involved in the sphere of political interests of the Han’s Empire. During
this time, this Chinese Empire faced two major problems—the first was
the threat of it’s by the Huns. The second was to keep the Central Asian
part of the Great Silk Road under its control. Given these circumstances,
the Chinese rulers were well aware of that these goals were impossible
to reach without an alliance with the Wusuns, whose territories consti-
tuted the largest part of the trade route.
With the aim of building such an alliance, the Emperor began to seek
ways to establish close relationships with the Wusuns. In 109 B.C.E.,

42
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Emperor Wu-Di sent a large diplomatic mission with gifts to the Wusuns
in order to strengthen his alliance with the Kyunbag. The Chinese Em-
peror even included offers of matrimonial bonds. Under the guidance of
the emissary and ambassador of the imperial court, high official Zhahng
Jian led the embassy to Wusuns. In 115 B.C.E. in Chigu, an alliance with
the Wusuns was officially agreed upon.
At the beginning of the first century B.C.E., the Kyunbag Unguymi
(also known by his royal name, Feyvan) ascended to the throne of the
Wusun State. Married to a Chinese princess, he also obligated by the
contract with the Han Empire to join in war against the Huns. In 71
B.C.E., the combined forces of the allies, comprising 50,000 Wusun sol-
diers and one hundred sixty thousand Chinese soldiers, inflicted a crush-
ing blow on the Huns. In all, about 40,000 Hun soldiers were captured.
The combined forces gained a huge bounty of 700,000 cattle. Without
giving respite, the Chinese waged a few more campaigns against the
Huns during the same year, completely undermining their strength. The
huge and once powerful force of the Huns was crushed.
Nevertheless, strengthening the Wusun state did not stop the Han
Empire’s own aspiration of expanding the empire’s reach. The gover-
nors were well aware of the potential threat in their allies following the
destruction of Huns. To eliminate this potential military rival, the Chi-
nese court began a secret, systematic, and deliberate policy of intrigue
and interference in Wusun internal affairs.
Shortly before his death in 64 B.C.E., Kyunbag Feyvan declared his
son Yuanguyam, born to the Chinese Princess Gyay, as heir to the throne.
The governor of the Wusuns in turn made a request to the Chinese em-
peror that his heir marry one of the princesses. For the Chinese, this mar-
riage was an opportune moment, guaranteeing confrontations between
the Wusuns and Huns, as well as the Chinese, who pinned great hopes
upon it. The Chinese emperor added a thousand horses and a thousand
mules to the dowry to ensure the marriage. One hundred people were
called to serve the bride, and the future Chinese queen diligently learned
the Wusun language. She was accompanied by four important dignitar-
ies on her way to the groom and the Emperor gave a farewell tribute to
the princess.
However, doubts about the reliability of such a union with the
Wusuns were expressed, even more as it was thought to be a risky and

43
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
reckless bargain with the Wusuns. Time confirmed their worst fears. No
sooner had the wedding procession reached the western borders of Chi-
na than news of the death of old Kyunbag Unguymi-Feyvana sounded
the death knell of the new treaty. The Wusun Council of Elders, although
against the will of their king, had failed to coronate the heir born by the
Chinese princess. Instead, a nephew whose mother was a princess of the
Huns became the heir to the throne. The new Kyunbag adopted the name
Kuanvan as he ascended the throne. This did not bode well for China
and the Chinese princess was ordered to return to her native home.21
Chinese historical records cite Wusun blame for the end of an area of
“peace and kinship” relationships with the Wusuns: “the Wusuns con-
tinue to occupy a dual position, so it is difficult to speak of a stable
alliance with them.” Although the Wusun queens (Chinese from birth)
shared their grief and joy with the people of China for over forty years,
the boundaries of the Celestial Empire did not manage to achieve true
peace.
Kyunbag Nimi-Kuanvan was distrusted and disliked by his people.
Having received power by virtue of intrigues and by force, he focused
on noblemen. Increased oppression caused outrage among ordinary peo-
ple. The Kyunbag’s wife, a Chinese woman, did not hesitate to inform
the Emperor, who decided to take advantage of the favorable situation
and organized a conspiracy against the Kyunbag. To fulfill the plan, the
Queen made a great feast in the palace of Chigu city, during the feast,
one of her loyal soldiers made an attempt on Kuanvan, but he did not
succeed.
The Imperial entourage regretted this deeply and to allay suspicion,
the Chinese government punished the accomplices. All suspects were
hanged. The Imperial Court sent all the necessary medications for the
Kyunbag’s treatment as well as twenty gold and engraved coins and
bales of silk as an expression of concern.
The fate of Kyunbag Kuanvan was sealed; his enemies kept their
plans in mind. One of the conspirators, a representative of the Wusun
Dynasty who had managed to hide in the mountains, waited for an op-
portune moment to attack Kuanvan and eventually killed him. From that
moment (from 60 until 45B.C.E.), a struggle for power raged between
the Han and Hun Wusun governors. China continued to indirectly influ-
ence the struggle for power amongst these regional players.

44
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
“Great” Kyunbag Tsylimi (the representative of the Han Dynasty)
hoped to benefit from the internal strife of “small” Kyunbags controlled
by the “Hun” branch of the Dynasty. From 45-14 B.C.E., Tsylimi had
great power and authority. According to the chronicles of that time,
Tsylimi managed to subjugate the Wusun princess. Just as in the days
of Kyunbag Un-guymi, hopes for peace were dependent upon his own
initiatives. Tsylimi declared that “no one dares to graze their cattle in
my pastures.”22 Moreover, the Kyunbag took the best pastures and, with
the state’s protection, made them into national reserves. Tsylimi sought
to unite the Wusuns and revive the former state. However, he was never
able to achieve this ambition; despite being one of the most influential
Wusun rulers, the betrayal of his confidants allowed his opponents to
assassinate him.
After the murder of Tsylimi, the Wusun state began to collapse. The
Kyunbags were replacing one another in rapid succession; the support-
ers of the disgraced governors were forced to seek refuge outside the
country. Kang City alone received over eighty thousand people. The last
known report on the fate of the Wusuns is that of Wusun ambassador
Dun Zhin, dating back to 435 C.E. During that period, the Wusuns faced
pressure from the Juan-Juan (Avars). However, by this time, they had
already allied themselves with the Turkic-speaking tribes.
The main economic activity of the Wusuns was cat-
Economy tle breeding. They bred horses, cows, sheep, and goats.
Chinese sources report: “The Wusuns engaged in farm-
ing and gardening. They enjoy a nomadic life moving from one place to
another in search of rich grass pasture for livestock, as well as easy-to-
use waterways.”23 However, there were other, smaller tribes within the
boundaries of the Wusun state who continued to be engaged in agricul-
ture. This could not fail to influence the Wusuns.

The Wusuns pottery

45
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
As the Common Era ap-
proached, some Wusun tribes
engaged in nomadic pastoralism,
whereas other tribes were farm-
ers and lived a sedentary life.
The remains of residential settle-
ments of the Wusuns discovered
by archaeologists in Chuy (the
region of the modern-day town
of Karabalta) and the Issyk-Kul
valleys (Tyup Bay) are vivid
examples of agricultural settle-
ments with an extensive network
of irrigation.
Hunting played an important
role for the Wusun nomads and
was an additional source of food.
For Chinese princesses, whose
national food was a diverse com-
position of cereals, rice, fruits,
and vegetables, meat was unusu-
al and created considerable diffi-
Ground burials
culty and discomfort.
of Sakas and Wusuns:
In the wintering areas, the
1-outside view; 2-scheme.
Wusuns constructed low huts
from mud. The remains of these buildings have been found near the
town of Karabalta. In addition, stone buildings (the Daroot-Kurgan For-
tress) and cottages (the Jerges Fortress) were constructed.
The Wusuns, together with representatives of the Sakas and other
ethnic groups who lived among them, developed a high level of crafts-
manship. Different types of ceramic dishes, ceramic spindles, and prod-
ucts made from bones, bronze, stone graters, metal (golden, bronze,
and copper) jewelry, iron arrowheads, and other archaeological findings
confirm this. A mirror frame (from the Chelpek burial site in the Karakol
district) and its handle, made in the shape of a fanciful bird’s head, are
wonderful examples of the craftsmanship achieved by this society.

46
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In the scholarly literature, Wusun culture is closely associated with
that of the Sakas. Wusun burial mounds differ very little from those of
Sakas, which is why scholars refer to these as one phenomenon, the
“Sakas-Wusun” mounds. Such mounds are found in the Issyk-Kul re-
gion and in the Chuy Valley. While investigating the monuments of the
Wusun, researchers noted that they share a resemblance to those found
in Hun burial culture.
In the first millennium B.C.E., a state, the Kingdom
The State of Davan (Ferghana), with a well-developed sedentary
of Davan agricultural culture developed in area stretching from
the Ferghana Valley to the foothills in the eastern part
of modern day Kyrgyzstan. This state lasted for more than a thousand
years. A proof of its existence can only be found in written sources that
date as far back as the second century B.C.E. In Chinese chronicles,
the Ferghana State was called the Kingdom of Davan. In translation
from the ancient Turkic language, the words “Fergana” and “Davan”
both refer to a “very beautiful, picturesque place.” Persians called this
“Sog”(Sōġd), while the Chinese referred to it as “Polono.”24
In the 2nd century B.C.E., Ferghana was a strong country with a de-
veloped economy, the basis of which was irrigated farming. The capital
city of Ferghana was Ershi. According to scholars, at least half a million
people lived in eastern Ferghana. However, according to Chinese sourc-
es, it is said not to have exceeded more than three-hundred-thousand
people. Anthropological studies have shown that its inhabitants were
Caucasian, they probably had deep eye orbits and heavy beards.
Davan lies southwest of the territory of the Xiongnu, some 10,000
li [4,158 km] directly west of China. The people are also settled on the
land, plowing the fields and growing rice and wheat. They also make
wine out of grapes. The region has many fine horses which sweat
blood;[apparently due to skin parasites which caused sores] their fore-
bears are supposed to have been foaled from heavenly horses. The peo-
ple live in houses in fortified cities, there being some seventy or more
cities of various sizes in the region. The population numbers several
hundred thousand. The people fight with bows and spears and can shoot
from horseback. Dayuan is bordered on the north by Kangju, on the west
by the kingdom of the Great Yuezhi, on the southwest by Daxia (Bac-
tria), on the northeast by the land of the Wusun, and on the east by Yumi
(Keriya) and Yutian (Khotan).25

47
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The emergence of the Davan state was the result
Political of the unification of both small city-states located on
System the banks of rivers and oasis settlements in the val-
leys. Public administration was carried out by the local
ruling dynasty and the rulers of small city-states were under the rule
of a central supreme authority. As a political system, the Davan state
was a form of limited monarchy. The emperors had two advisers who
were chosen from among his close relatives. The emperor submitted
important issues to the Council of Elders, a group which exercised con-
siderable influence on the political life of the country. The Council of
Elders, holding more executive power than the emperors, made the most
important decisions, even holding the power to remove a governor from
power or to sentence him to death. With the direct participation of the
Council of Elders, wars were declared, peace treaties were concluded,
and international ties were established.
Social stratification in Ferghana is typical for ear-
Social ly feudal societies. The appearance of feudal relations
Structure and the formation of feudal classes can be seen in new
types of buildings, palaces, and other infrastructure
appropriate to the needs and tastes of a new ruling class. Monuments
which celebrated the production of great amounts of wine by the upper
echelons of the Davan society are one such example. Wine served as a
commodity of commerce and was crucial to the accruement of wealth
by Davan elites.
The main producers of wine were free members of the community,
namely farmers and artisans. Additionally, slave labor played a crucial
role in the wine production industry. Regardless of whether free or en-
slaved members of society produced the wine, it was the local elite who
primarily benefited from its production.
Patriarchal attitudes appear to have dominated in marital relation-
ships. However, that is not to say that women did not play a significant
role in society—some written sources suggest that most men respect-
ed woman and followed their lead. It is possible that such treatment of
women was typical for semi-nomadic tribes in the mountain areas of
eastern Ferghana.
Strong policies of defense were the basis of foreign policy. According
to Chinese chronicles, the Davan army numbered about 60,000. War-

48
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
riors were distinguished by their discipline and skills.26 They were accu-
rate marksmen when riding a horse and were generally revered for their
equestrian skills. To increase the effectiveness of their main weapon, the
bow, warriors trimmed them up with bones and made their arrowheads
from bronze or iron. (Triangular arrowheads were used as well).
Despite peaceful relations with other states, by the end of the 2nd
century B.C.E. the Davan had come into conflict with the Han Empire,
which carried out an aggressive policy, especially under Emperor Wu
Di (140-87 B.C.E.). The Empire sought to bring neighboring areas
into its own territory. Invasion undermined the strength of the nomadic
Huns, and the Han army captured the vast territories of eastern Turkes-
tan. Thus, the Empire eventually came to dominate significant portions
of the Great Silk Road.27
After making an alliance with the Wusun in 105 B.C.E., Emperor
Wu-Di dreamed of conquering Davan which, by virtue of its geograph-
ical location, was an important link on the Silk Road. He understood
that, it might not only become a major stumbling block, but also a major
contender in the dream to control the entire trade route. Wu-Di outfitted
a special embassy to Davan to purchase Ferghana horses, (known as
Argamaks). The Council of Elders, however, flatly refused to sell the
horses offered by the local traders.
The envoy was soon executed in the frontier city of Yu (present-day
Shoro-Bashat, near Uzgen) for its excessive impudence and arrogance.
The envoy execution and further affront of the Davanese made the
Emperor declare war on Ferghana. A huge force of 6000 cavalry and
several thousand foot soldiers led by the commander Li Guangli were
sent against Davan. In 103 B.C.E. the troops from the Chinese district
of Dunhuang mobilized westward. After heavy fighting, troops stormed
the city of Yu. However, fierce resistance from the local population
stopped the invasion. Li Guangli was forced to retreat after the Han
army suffered heavy losses. Approximately twenty percent of his troops
returned from battle.
The war in Ferghana undermined the authority of the Han Empire.
Wu-Di set himself the goal of punishing recalcitrant states, while at-
tempting to conquer other states that applauded his failure. He quickly
prepared Li Guangli for a new campaign. Now the army consisted of
one hundred thousand soldiers, accompanied by a caravan of 140,000
pack animals.28

49
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 101 B.C. the troops reached the capital city of Ershi and besieged
it. After forty days of siege, the invaders diverted the course of the river
into the city, and then, after destroying the city walls, broke into the city
and captured the members of the Council of Elders. The troops of the
Dayuan king (known as Mugua) were forced to retreat into the inner
city. With sufficient stores of food, these brave defenders of their city
dug a well and continued to repel the Han attack.
Despite their superiority in numbers, the Chinese army in Ershi city
was vulnerable. At the same time, the neighboring Kang State openly
expressed its discontent with the policy of the Chinese government. A
two thousand strong Wusun detachment sent to assist Li Guangli chose
not to participate in the conflict. Moreover, the Wusun were even ready
to defend Ferghana against the Chinese. However, the city of Yu did not
open its gates.

Defense of the Ershi town

Finally, the stubborn defense of the city Ershi was broken because of
the intrigues among people close to the court. The pro-Chinese dignitary,
Motsai, who dreamed of power, treacherously opened the doors to the
city. King Mugua was killed and his head was presented to Lee Guangli
by the Council of Elders in hopes that it would bring about peace. After
evaluating the situation, the commander accepted the proposals of the

50
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Council of Elders. Part of the treaty included dozens of thoroughbred
Argamaks and another three thousand horses.29 The throne was occupied
by Motsai which forced the Chinese invading force to withdraw. Ershi.
Moreover, only one sixth of the Chinese troops sent to conquer Ershi
returned to China, and just one thousand out of three of the promised
Ferghana horses would end up in Chinese hands.
With the departure of Li Guangli’s army, the political and military
influence of the Han Empire stopped. Following the war, the Council of
Elders accused Motsai of treason and condemned him to death. Chang-
fin, the brother of Mugua, became the next king. Thus, the four-year
battle for ancient Ferghana came to an end. Ferghana had defended its
independence with the support of other nations of Central Asia and east-
ern Turkestan.30
Ferghana occupied a noteworthy place in the settled
Economy agricultural civilizations of the East. Chinese sources
would often report that the “Sedentary farmers culti-
vate the land, grow rice and wheat, produce wine from
grapes.”31 Development of civilization was facilitated by the use of ar-
tificial irrigation techniques. For example, the construction of such arti-
ficial irrigation canals as Jon-Aryk increased the agricultural efficiency
of ancient Ferghana.
During the fourth to the first centuries B.C.E., Ferghana witnessed
the advancement of flour preparation techniques unseen in other parts of
Central Asia. The remains of millstones are proof to this phenomenon,
although during that time stone grinders were also commonly used.
The most important sector of the economy was the breeding of thor-
oughbred horses, which had become known far and wide. Legends attri-
bute the fame of Ferghana horses to their descent from celestial horses.
The Ferghana people were proud of their thoroughbred Argamaks in
particular and passed the secrets of care and preservation of this special
breed from generation to generation. In addition to horses, they bred
cows, sheep, goats, and camels. Archaeological excavations of the Sho-
ro-Bashat sites (from the 4th to the 1st centuries B.C.E.) indicate that
households had fewer livestock than other domestic animals.

51
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Different kinds of crafts, including pottery, weaving, and jeweler’s
art, were widespread throughout Ferghana at this time. During excava-
tions of the ancient settlement of Monchok Tepe near Begabad, a mold
for jewelry was discovered. The potter’s wheel and the use of bellows
(found at the archaeological site of Markhamat, dating from the 1st to
the 4th century C.E.), for the firing of clay, facilitated the manufacture
of ceramic tableware. There were even craftsmen skilled in manufac-
turing products from bones. The excavation of minerals and refinement
of gold, iron, and mercury (at the Ken-Gut Cave, Kasan-Sai) led to the
development of better weapons and tools.
The geographical location of Davan oc-
cupied an important junction along the trade
routes linking western Asia and eastern Turke-
stan even before the appearance of the Silk
Road. The people of Davan leveraged this and
produced a considerable quantity of goods for
sale . “The people of Davan use gold and silver
imported from China not for minting coins, but
for manufacturing jewelry,” one Chinese source
writes.
Roads, caravanserais, and craft workshops
were built to enhance trade relations and the cre-
Petroglyphs of ‘celestial ation of favorable conditions for foreign traders.
horses’. Aravan district, The remnants of a stone caravanserai can still
Osh oblast be seen in Daroot-Kurgan (the Alai Valley).
The geographical range of Davan’s trade contacts was widespread,
reaching as far as northern Africa and Rome, western Asia and India,
eastern Turkestan, and China.
Ancient Ferghana made significant progress in its
Culture of
construction of settlements. Evidence of this can be
Ancient found at the monuments of the Shoro-Bashat period
Settlements (4th to the 1st centuries B.C.E.).
Traces of both “great and small” Davan settlements, as they were
called in Chinese annals (according to their territorial size), have sur-
vived to this day. Scholars identify the ruins of the Markhamat Settle-
ment in the valley of the Aravan River with the Ershi city--the capital
of Davan in the 2nd century B.C. Distinct outlines of this settlement are

52
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
quadrangular in shape and 750x500 meters in size. The ruins of walls
and towers occupying an area of forty hectares make it the remains of
one of the largest sedentary settlements in the Ferghana valley.
Several ancient cities have been discovered in Ferghana, allowing
scholars to better understand the culture of the societies that inhabited
such settlements. At a distance of thirty-five kilometers from Markha-
mat, one can find the remains of the ‘small’ Bilavur Tepe Fort (eight ki-
lometers to the west from modern-day Osh), as well as “Big” Guyshuan
City (often mentioned in Chinese chronicles) is comparable to Kasan
(modern-day Uzbekistan). Another famous Davan city is known as Yu
(or Yunchen) in Chinese sources. Kyrgyz historians identify this ancient
city with the ruins of Shoro-Bashat on the banks of the Jazy River; it
was located just ten kilometers from modern-day Uzgen. The settlement
occupied an area of over seventy hectares and was among the largest
settlements of the time.
Scholars theorize that in the first century B.C.E. the capital city of
Davan was Ershi, which located in the same place as present-day Osh,
in southern Kyrgyzstan.32
Most Davan settlements were securely fortified, surrounded by pow-
erful defensive walls where guard towers were constructed and archers
received special training. Residential settlements in Davan, or kyshtaks,
were numerous and expansive. One will find an oasis eight square me-
ters in size at the confluence of the Tar and Kara-Kulja rivers. Approxi-
mately seventy residential buildings from the Shoro-Bashat epoch were
constructed at this location. At the center of this oasis there was the
Kara-Darya settlement. Based on the placement of this settlements, we
can reasonably assume that the Davan people were among the first to
settle the territory of present Kyrgyzstan .
Like all ancient peoples of Central Asia, the people
Religious of Ferghana worshiped the Sun and the forces of na-
Beliefs ture. Some archaeological findings suggest that they
may have also deified fire. Fergana horses were also in
particular demand. Argamak horses were the most famous. This breed
was an object of desire in neighboring countries. The Chinese espe-
cially dreamt of these “blood-sweated” horses. They considered them as
“heavenly horses”, which could reach the “country of immortality”. In
China, people devoted poetic odes to argamaks. It came to that in 104

53
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
BC the huge Chinese army attacked Ershi to expand their territory as
well as to get heavenly horses. Many petroglyphs of Ferghana (such as
the rocks of Ayirmach-Too near Osh) depict horses Scholars that have
examined such depictions have reasoned that people likely associated
horses with magic. (This religious and totemic representation would be
later preserved among the Kyrgyz people; it became common to appeal
to the image of Kambar-Ata, the patron saint of horses.) Ancient resi-
dents of the Ferghana valley believed in the hereafter revered the souls
of their dead ancestors, and organized festive gatherings of young peo-
ple before the start of the spring planting.
In the 5th century C.E., the territory of Ferghana became a part of the
extensive but diverse state of Hephthalites. By the middle of the 6th cen-
tury C.E., the state of Hephthalites fell under the control of the Turks.
The ancient peoples who inhabited the territory of present Kyrgyzstan
were in the thick of historical events of their time. Closely associated
with other peoples and cultures, they had their own political, econom-
ic, cultural, and social peculiarities and a unique place in the world of
antiquity.
The Ancient Empire of the Xiongnu
One of the brightest pages in the history of Central Asian peoples
is closely linked with the history of the Xiongnu (the Huns), who cre-
ated a great nomadic empire in the 2nd century B.C. on the vast area of
Central Asia and vast steppes adjacent to it. The strength of this Empire
is evident by the fact that, in the 2nd century B.C.E., the Chinese Han
Dynasty was dependent upon it for nearly sixty years. At the height of
Xiongnu power, other tribal unions such as Kyrgyz, Dinlin, and Wusun
were incorporated into the Xiongnu state. This, in turn, contributed to
the experience and proficiency of Xiongnu leaders in political and pub-
lic matters.
Sources testify to the fact that the Xiongnu (known as “Huns” in the
4th-5th centuries B.C.E.) were the common ancestors of Turkic peoples.
It was the Xiongnu who founded of the first united historical state of
Turkic peoples. Therefore, to consider the Xiongnu as the ancestors of
only some contemporary Turkic peoples (as some scholars do) would be
wrong, the culture, customs, traditions, and political experiences of the
Xiongnu had a tremendous impact on all Turkic tribes.
54
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Starting from the 6th century B.C., the Xiongnu inhabited the ter-
ritory northwest of the states in the valley of the ancient Chinese river,
Huang He (the Yellow River). The ancestors of the ancient Kyrgyz and
related Turkic tribes lived northwest of the Xiongnu. In the middle of the
1st millennium B.C., relationships typical for primitive tribal societies
were prevalent in all of these ethnic groups.
Territories east of the Xiongnu were occupied by the Dōnghú. Schol-
ars consider them to be the ancient ancestors of Mongolian-speaking
peoples. Xiongnu’s neighbors to the west were the Yuezhi. The Yuezhi
are considered to be the most eastern of those tribes belonging to the In-
do-European group of languages. The Yuezhi language is closely related
to modern languages of Tajik, Iranian, and Hindi.In the first half of the
1st millennium B.C.E., other nomadic tribes existed between the Xiong-
nu and ancient Chinese. Chinese written memorials generally mention
the closest living tribes. For example, it is known that the Zhuns in the
9th and 10th centuries B.C.E. conducted military campaigns, which
greatly weakened the Chinese. Many Chinese sources from this era as-
sociate the Xiongnu with frequent military assaults.
Starting from the 4th century B.C.E., the territory of the Xiongnu
bordered China and created favorable conditions for the Xiongnu to raid
the territories of the Chinese. Such raids became much more frequent in
the second half of the 3rd century B.C. Only the Chinese governor, Zhao
(in the Shanxi Province) managed to put an end to the invasion of the
Xiongnu. By taking advantage of his numerical superiority, his army,
led by the Captain Li Mu, defeated the army of the Xiongnu. However,
in 226 B.C.E., Zhao’s territory was invaded by another neighbor, the
people of Qin, who occupied northwest China in the middle course of
the Huang He River.
Reforms undertaken by the Qin, from the middle of the 4th centu-
ry B.C.E. (359) contributed to their considerable economic and social
development. In 246 B.C.E., 13-year-old Ying Zheng took the throne.
Starting from 228-221 B.C.E., he conquered all scattered Chinese
princedoms and declared himself Qin Shi Huang--the first emperor of
the Qin Dynasty (d. 210 B.C.E.). During the reign of Qin Shi Huang,
moderate reforms further strengthened the central government. Newly
introduced reforms (such as a single script, monetary system, tax assess-
ment, citizenship requirements, and legislative and military regulations)

55
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
strengthened the public administration and allowed Qin Shi Huang to
launch a war against his enemies in the northwest, the Xiongnu. In 215
B.C.E., a three-hundred-thousand-strong Chinese army defeated the
Xiongnu in Ordos and seized the northern bank of the Yellow River the
following year.
In order to create a powerful defense against the raids of the Xiong-
nu, Qin Shi Huang began the building of the Great Wall. To provide
constant oversight of this fortification, a great number of people were
sent from inland areas in China. The Great Wall was effective at stop-
ping the movements Xiongnu troops, as well as other northern nomadic
groups. It stretched four thousand kilometers wide and had a height of
ten meter; the wall was fortified with watchtowers at every sixty to one
hundred meters.
Despite its impressive magnitude, The Great Wall was not enough to
save the Qin state. The tax burden of the project, coupled with the real-
location of field workers from the fields to the Great Wall’s construction,
caused widespread dissatisfaction throughout Chinese society. After the
death of Qin Shi Huang, this dissatisfaction culminated in a rebellion in
the provinces, causing the disintegration of the state. In 207 B.C., one
of the popular rebels, Liu Bang, conquered the capital city of Xianyang,
later proclaiming him Emperor Gaouzu. In 202 B.C., Liu Bang had offi-
cially founded the Han Dynasty.
Despite many changes in political rule, the
Great Wall served as a strong northern border
during the 3rd to 1st centuries, defending China
from the incursions of the Xiongnu and Dōng-
hú. In addition to its military significance, it also
played an important role in trade, economic and
cultural relations between the Chinese and their
northern neighbors.33
The names of the founders of the Xiongnu
tribal confederation are largely unknown to his-
torians. Touman (in Kyrgyz, Tumen) is the first
Chanyu Touman and earliest name of the Xiongnu rulers men-
tioned in Chinese sources. He held the title of Chanyu. According to
written records, during the reign of Chanyu Touman, the Xiongnu in-
habited the territories between two powerful Donghu and Yuezhi tribes

56
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
(during the last quarter of the 3rd B.C.E.). In 215
B.C.E., the Xiongnu were defeated by the Chi-
nese. Having learnt about the defeat of the Xiong-
nu, the Yuezhi ruler required Touman Chanyu to
leave him a hostage (according to unwritten rules,
a stronger ruler could keep one of the children of
the dependent ruler as a “guest-hostage”). To sooth
the vigilance of his hostile neighbor in the west,
Touman Chanyu had to leave one of his sons (of an
older wife), Modu (or Maodun), with the Yuezhi. Chanyu Modu
In the event of Modu’s death, the son of a younger
wife would become the successor to Touman Chanyu. Given this ar-
rangement, nobody could have expected that the captive Modu would
eventually become the ruler of the independent state of the Xiongnu.34
After a while, Chanyu Touman gathered his forces and turned against
the Yuezhi. Upon hearing of this, Modu gathered the courage to escape
from his captivity. Upon his return, his father commended his bravery
and put him in charge of his own military detachment.
Having armed his men with whistling arrows, Modu played an im-
portant role in the military training of his men. Because of his skill as a
military leader, Modu’s detachment became a formidable force, follow-
ing his orders without question.
In 209 B.C., his father, Chanyu Touman, the emperor of the Xiong-
nu, was killed by the command of his son, Modu. Several scholars have
suggested the reconstructed Middle Chinese pronunciation of Mòdùn
(冒頓 is /mək-twən/. His name is also written as Motun in some sources.
Ultimately, the Old Chinese pronunciation might have represented the
pronunciation of the foreign word baγtur, a relative of the later attested
Central Eurasian culture word baγatur ‘hero’.35 In addition to ordering
the death of his father, Modu had the immediate family and surround-
ing advisors of the Chanyu killed. Modu became the emperor of the
Xiongnu, but his struggle for power threatened the political functioning
of the state. Taking advantage of the situation, the eastern neighbors of
the Xiongnu, the Donghu, demanded that the young Chanyu Modu give
them the eastern land of the Xiongnu, which bordered their territory.
According to established practice, the Chanyu gathered the Council of
Elders to inform them of the territorial demands of the Donghu. Con-

57
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
cerned with the threat of attack, the Council of Elders decided to give
the disputed land to the Donghu.
This decision, however, enraged Chanyu. As the Chinese historian
Sima Qian wrote, Modu cried out in rage: “Land is the basis of the state
-- how can you give it away!”36 In response to the decision, he ordered
the beheading of the entire Council of Elders. Having destroyed the po-
litical power of this institution, he surrounded himself with loyal gover-
nors and administrators, amassing the power to rule the state effectively.
Having solidified his place as the Emperor, Chanyu formed an army
which met his requirements: undaunted by any threat and distinguished
for its discipline. With such an army, he quickly set his plans into mo-
tion. First, Modu successfully attacked his old enemies, the Donghu,
who occupied the territory of south Manchuria and the ridges of Amba
Hinggan. The Donghu forces were defeated and their ruler was captured
and executed. The Xiongnu benefited materially as well having captured
many prisoners and countless livestock.
With heightened morale after a decisive victory, Modu quickly
planned new military campaigns. The writings of Chinese historians are
extensively focused on the military campaigns of Modu, likely due to
his quick success and spreading influence. Having eliminated all the
enemies in the east, Modu redrew his attention westward. He was able
to expel the Yuezhi further west, causing them to resettle in the Alashan
Desert of northern China.
After his triumph over the Leu-fan and Bayan (the ancestors of the
Tanguts) in Ordos in 205-204 B.C.E., Modu made his the first attempt
to seize Chinese lands. In 203-201 B.C.E., the Xiongnu continued their
march northeast. Chinese annals report that several Turkic tribes par-
ticipated in the campaigns amongst Modu’s forces. These included the
peoples of northwestern Mongolia, the Sayan-Altai region, as well as
the Hunyuy, Kyush, the Dingling, as the Kyrgyz of Tien Shan and Jun-
garia.37 Thus, based on these Chinese sources, it is evident that Chanyu
Modu had incorporated many Central Asian Turkic tribes in order to
expand his empire.
The Xiongnu were nomadic cattle-breeders and the vast steppes of
Central Asia created favorable conditions for this lifestyle. The Xiongnu
pastoralists move horizontally from place to place. One may compare
this to those Kyrgyz who inhabited the mountain areas for a long time,

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
grazed their cattle on alpine pastures during the summer, drove them to
the lowlands in late autumn, that is, an economy based on movement up
and down, or a vertical line of progression.

The culture of Xiongnu placed a special emphasis

on horses. Horses were regarded not only as a means
Economy
of transporting goods, but also had a special role and
importance during time of war and hunting. In addi-
tion, horses were valued because they provided meat and milk. Camels
were an invaluable means of transport, especially in such difficult ter-
rain as the Gobi and Alashan Deserts, occupying an important place in
the economy of the Xiongnu. Like other nomadic groups, the Xiongnu
bred sheep, goats, yaks, and cows.
Handicrafts were an integral part of the economic life of the nomadic
Xiongnu. Tanning, manufacturing of footwear from animals skins, as
well as the carving of stone, wood, and animals bones were all common
and well developed skills in Xiongnu culture. The Xiongnu harvested
the wool of sheep, camels, and goats for weaving.
Expedition lead by P.K. Kozlov in the Noin-Ula area of Mongolia,
in 1924, led to the discovery of the burial site of a noble of Xiongnu.38
Among the objects uncovered were ala kiyiz and shyrdaks, [embroi-

59
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
dered pieces of felt], decorated with ornaments and stylized with animal
imagery. Similar motifs of ornamentation were subsequently borrowed
by other Turkic peoples (including the Kyrgyz) and were used in carpet
weaving, embroidery, and the production of shyrdaks and ala kiyiz.
The yurt was the most common type of dwelling used by the Xiong-
nu, likely because of their nomadic lifestyle. The collapsible construc-
tion of the yurt allowed people to quickly assemble and disassemble
and, therefore, transport it from place to place very easily. The housing
of the Xiongnu, however, was not limited to the yurt; traditional hous-
ing, dugouts, and wooden–beam construction was also popular. The ex-
istence of settled Xiongnu villages and a tradition of fort building were
also noted.
Pottery was also highly developed among the ancient Xiongnu. This
is evident by ceramic ware used for the storage of grain, milk, and wa-
ter, as well as various dishes, and pitchers. Production of pottery was
achieved both by hand and by use of technology (such as the potter’s
wheel). Fine jewelry was highly valued among the Xiongnu. Master
craftsmen created sophisticated ornaments from gold and silver, using
different techniques: decoration using precious stones, inlays of filigree,
granulation, and plotting on a silver surface.
The ancient Xiongnu knew how to process and manufacture metal
products. After heating the metal, they hammered it into arrowheads,
pike heads, and other weapons. These techniques were not limited to
the production of weapons—they were also utilized in the creation of
household items. Bronze casting was another popular way to create
tools and weapons.
Hunting played a significant role in the economy of the Xiongnu.
As before, hunting (group and individual) remained one of traditional
methods of obtaining food. The use of falcons (falconry) was a common
technique among the most-skilled hunters. Additionally, hunting was a
source of training for war and the preparation of warriors. With the con-
stant threat of war and raids by external foes, hunting required that men
possess courage, skill, ingenuity, keenness, and endurance.
Over time, the living conditions of Central Asian nomads slowly
changed. Due to the influence of neighboring sedentary peoples, new
agriculture techniques (such as tilling of soil) developed. For agricul-
tural work, the Xiongnu used prisoners captured during their raids, as

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
well as foreigners who had made their way to local tribes. That is not
to say that all Xiongnu adapted a sedentary lifestyle—many continued
to lead semi-nomadic lives. This helped to cultivate the lowlands suit-
able for agriculture. The existence of such practices is confirmed by the
discovery of stone graters, receptacles for storing grain, ploughs, and
other archaeological findings consistent with a farming or agricultural
society. Thus, the Xiongnu Era was marked by a mixture of sedentary
farming and pastoral nomadism (much like the case with the Kyrgyz
people), disproving the belief that their economy was limited only to
cattle breeding.
Written sources about the Xiongnu are dated no
Social earlier than the end of the 3rd century B.C.E. A careful
Structure study of episodic information described in them allows
scholars to distinguish the period from the 9th century
B.C.E. until the accession to power by Chanyu Touman (Tumen in Kyr-
gyz) as a complex transitionary period which observed the disintegra-
tion of the clan system. During the reign of Touman Chanyu, the social
structure of the Xiongnu was that of an early feudal nomadic state.
Many external features of the clan system were preserved. Other fea-
tures were transformed to respond new societal challenges. New social
features, conditioned by the changes in the level of social development,
were internal in nature. For example, the Xiongnu were divided into
several clans; three of these in particular were noted for their noble sta-
tus and participation in the political structure. Chinese sources refer to
them as Huyan, Lan, and Suibu (during the government of Modu Ch-
anyu). Chinese historians Sima Qian and Bian Gu point out that the
Chanyu himself came from the Luandi clan.39
Political Chinese sources report that the Xiongnu were di-
Structure of vided into two separate political factions, the right
the Xiongnu wing and the left wing. All chiefs and captains of the
right wing lived in the western Shang Jun lowlands
(Inner Mongolia), which bordered the Yuezhi, Di, and Qian tribes. On
the other hand, the chiefs and captains of the left wing resided in the
eastern territories of the Zhang lowland (Hebei Province and Youzhou
District) and cohabited with the Hueyhe and Chaosyan. Ultimately, this
dual system of government was passed on to many medieval Turkic peo-
ples (including the Kyrgyz).

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In addition to the split political system, the Xiongnu administration
was made up of twenty-four representatives of the executive branch.
These representatives were known as akims, and were typically leaders
of their respective clans or territories. In accordance with established
rules, they occupied various hierarchical levels or positions of power.
Akims held the rank of Tumen Bashy and thus had the right to select
their successors from their own clan or tribe. The right of Tumen Bashy
to pass down power by inheritance confirmed his place among the clan
of rulers. Despite the title of Commander of Ten Thousand Warriors,
only a few thousand soldiers ever fell under the authority of a Tumen
Bashy, whereas most commanded more than ten thousand mounted war-
riors.
Chinese historian Fan-E points out that four of the most respect-
ed and authoritative Akims were called the “Four Horns” and had the
following titles: Xiāngwáng of the right wing, Luli-wang of the right
wing, Xiang-wang of the left wing, and Luli-wang of the Left Wing.
(The Chinese word, “wang,” corresponds to the Kyrgyz word, “bek”.)
This shows that the political influence of the left wing that controlled
the eastern territories was more significant than that of their right wing
counterparts.
Like many rulers, Chanyu appointed many of his younger brothers
and sisters as chiefs, ensuring that his inner circle remained loyal to him.
In turn, Tumen Bashy independently appointed commanders; each of his
men was considered to be a warrior.
The military-feudal governance of the Xiongnu continued and de-
veloped under the succeeding nomadic Central Asian states. During the
Middle Ages, the Oghuz preserved the tradition of collective gover-
nance.
The Chanyu was the monarch (or, more accurately, the supreme rul-
er) of the nomadic tribes in the region. According to Sima Qian, the
word “Chanyu” literally means “as boundless as the sky.” During Mo-
du’s rule, this title was given not only to the lifelong leaders of vari-
ous tribal communities, but also to those monarchs who inherited their
rule. To strengthen the special status of his sovereign power, the ruler
of these early feudal states added such epithets to the “Chanyu” title as:
“Grace of the Divine Tengir,”“Deity Tengir,” and “Grace Sent Down
from Heaven.” For example, in the letters of Modu Chanyu (176 B.C.E.)

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and his son, Laoshang Chine (166 B.C.E.) to the Chinese emperor the
following epithets were also used: “Messenger of Heaven,”“Great Cha-
nyu of the Xiongnu,” Born of Heaven and Earth,”“Messenger of the Sun
and the Moon,” and “Grand Chanyu of the Xiongnu.”40
The reign of Modu brought in a new era of strong Chanyu rulers who
exercised almost absolute power. They often disregarded the decisions
and advice of the Council of Elders.
As time progressed, however, the power of the Chanyu weakened,
bringing about a stronger collective government, which included Tu-
men Bashy and other members of the nobility. Thus the formation of a
limited monarchy (in which there was contest between the monarch and
the nobles) dominated the political arena of the Chanyu-ruled Xiongnu.
This political tradition would eventually be passed down to the subse-
quent Kyrgyz.

Xiongnu (Hun) army in the campaign

The main structural units of Xiongnu society were clans. Each clan
was divided into several Yurts (small nomadic communities that lived
together and were based upon familial ties). In the Chinese sources, such
groups are called bulo—similar to the Kyrgyz word bülö, or üy-bülö,
meaning “family.” In addition to genealogical roots, clans shared tradi-
tions, religious beliefs, customs, and language.
The subjugation of more people via the occupation of new lands al-
lowed the Xiongnu state to expand across a vast territory that stretched

63
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
from northern China to the central part of Tian Shan. This state was
primarily based on large communities established upon local territorial
ties. Although Tumen Bashy came from the nobility, he had numerous
representatives from other clans and tribes gathered together in his no-
mad community; he was able to successfully assimilate into the political
system of the Xiongnu. This allowed the leaders of thousands of soldiers
to be more powerful in the future. Of course, the rulers and simple no-
mads, as keepers of old traditions, aspired to preserve the outward signs
of unity of their tribe.
Historical sources suggest that that average Xiongnu “possessed a
certain territory and could move freely within it, from one location to
another, if there was a need for a change in pasture land.”41 However,
this does not mean that a system of land ownership existed among the
Xiongnu or subsequent Turko-Mongolian nomadic states.
Previously existing forms of collective (clan and tribal) land owner-
ship persisted. Under Modu Chanyu’s rule, profound changes occurred;
all land became the property of the state. The motto of Modu Chanyu,
“land is the foundation of the state,” was the territorial axiom of both the
Xiongnu and their historical descendants, the Turkic peoples of Central
Asia.
Chanyu, as supreme ruler, assigned land to his sons and other close
relatives, as well as to the nobility. These, in turn, distributed land
among their subordinates, primarily local rulers. The distribution of the
land was based on prestige—Nomads lacking particular distinction were
the last to receive land. The necessity to effectively manage pastures
caused the rulers to organize a system of collective pastoralism, which
still exists to this day.
Based on national custom and tradition, the rules and the norms of so-
cial life in ancient Xiongnu were passed from generation to generation,
becoming immutable canons. The Chinese believed that the laws of the
Xiongnu had been enforced effectively and rather easily. Serious crimes
were punished by death, whereas those who committed minor crimes
were marked by a brand on their faces. Thievery was punished by the
deprivation of their land holdings and persecution of family members.
As a rule, such persecution was not to last more than ten days. Such laws
emphasized the responsibility for crimes against the public interest and
served as the brainchild of the Chanyu in their quest for order and disci-

64
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
pline. People who evaded military service, violated military discipline,
or committed crimes against the state were also sentenced to death.
The Xiongnu, like other Turkic peoples, worshiped
Religious the sky deity, Tengir. “Tengir” has been traced to the
Beliefs Xiongnu period; although the ancient Sumerians, who
lived in Mesopotamia from the 4th to the 3rd millen-
nium B.C., referred to the sky as “tengir.” The term “Tengir” could
be both referred to the sky and the celestial god. According to ancient
Kyrgyz tradition, the deity Tengir predetermined the fate not only of one
person, but of the whole nation or state. It was also believed that one
suffered some type of punishment according to one’s misdeeds. Echoes
of this can be found in the modern Kyrgyz custom of asking Tengir for
support in times of difficulty.
Originally, the Kyrgyz worshiped the sun, moon, stars, and earth, as
well as the spirits of their ancestors. To please their deities, they offered
rich sacrifices at important general meetings.
Family organization among the Xiongnu was patriarchal. The man
was the head of the family, his actions and words were to be strictly
obeyed by his wives and their children. Among the nobility, a man could
have two or more wives. Rules of secession were paternally based—the
eldest son of the Chanyu was heir to the throne. In the event of the death
of a husband, the widow had to marry one of his brothers. If someone
committed a crime, the responsibility was borne equally by all family
members.
Tradition and beliefs surrounding family and marital practices of the
Xiongnu would leave an indelible mark on the social history of Turkic
peoples for centuries to come.
The Xiongnu Having conquered the neighboring nomadic
Empire and peoples in the east, west, and north, and having
Neighboring forced them to leave their lands, the founder of
States (2nd Cen- the Xiongnu Empire, Modu Chanyu, again start-
tury B.C.E.) ed to make plans. He shifted his aims north to-
wards the wealth of the Chinese emperors. The
wondrous promises of silk, grain, and jewelry were too attractive for
him .
Modu Chanyu plans did bode well with Liu Bang (his imperial ti-
tle, Gaozu), the founder of the Han Dynasty. He had just defeated his

65
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
rivals in a struggle for power (202 B.C.E.) and achieved national unity.
Therefore, the invasion of the Xiongnu put him in a very difficult and
undesirable position.
During their invasion, the Xiongnu effortlessly conquered the Man
fortress. Its commander Han Xin surrendered to the conquerors. This
military success inspired the Xiongnu in the winter of 200 B.C. to go
deeper into the province of Shanxi until they reached an important stra-
tegic point--the city of Jingxing. Modu decided to defeat the enemy by
advanced strategy and wit. Pretending that the Xiongnu could not stand
the onslaught of the Chinese forces, he lured the elite troops of the ene-
my into an ambush in the Baideng Mountains, near the town of Pinchen
(Shanxi Governorate). For seven days the Emperor and his soldiers were
cut off from their troops and left stranded without supplies.
To avoid highlighting the incident, chroniclers of the Chinese court
created a legend. According to the legend; Emperor Gauze secretly sent
a valuable gift and a portrait of a beautiful Chinese girl to the wife of
Modu Chanyu. Fearing that Chanyu would marry this beautiful Chinese
woman, the Modu Chanya’s wife persuaded her husband to end the am-
bush of Pinchen.42 Of course this legend does not correspond with the
truth, the cruel ruler of the Xiongnu who had killed his father to gain
political power was forced to end the ambush because of reinforces sent
to rescue the troops of the Chinese emperor.
Gaozu, freed from a disgraceful captivity, was forced to accede to the
demands made by the Xiongnu. After repeated negotiations, an “agree-
ment based on peace and kinship” was finally signed between the two
states in 198 B.C. The peace lasted for sixty years- during this time, the
rulers of the Han Dynasty were dependent on the rulers of Xiongnu.
According to the signed agreement, the Chinese princess became the
wife of Modu Chanyu, and the Empire was obliged to pay annual tribute
(fabrics, wine, rice, etc.) to the Xiongnu.
Councilor Liu Jin, a member of the Gaozu court, was the first to
suggest that the Emperor concede to the demands of the Xiongnu. In his
view, the marriage of the Xiongnu ruler to the Chinese princess would
benefit the Empire because it would force an alliance between the Chi-
nese and the Xiongnu. The Chinese rulers hoped use familial affairs in
order to turn Modu Chanyu into a puppet of the Chinese state.

66
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Nevertheless Gaozu soon failed to fulfill his end of the bargain. In-
stead of the Chinese princess, a girl from an ordinary family was sent to
marry the Xiongnu ruler. The Chinese believed that the nomads of the
steppe did not deserve the Chinese princess.They also believed that the
upcoming annual tribute to the Xiongnu was a burden for the Empire.
Three years after the death of Gaozu, in 192 B.C.E., Modu Chanyu,
rather sarcastically, sent a message to the widow proposing that she
would become his wife. Anticipating the consequences, the Empress
responded with a great skill to the tactless marriage proposal. She hon-
orably declined, referring to her commitment to her previous husband.
Her reply she accompanied with two expensive carriages and eight thor-
oughbred horses, as a sign of her “special gratitude” to Chanyu. Thus,
“the agreement based on peace and kinship” (to be broken in 166-162
B.C.E. by the Xiongnu) forced the Chinese Empire to kneel before the
nomads—although the peace agreement was very important to both
sides.
During his reign, Modu Chanyu dreamt about con-
War with quering his western neighbors, the Yuezhi. Prior to his
the Yuezhi campaign against the Yuezhi, Xiongnu conquered the
territories of the Wusun and killed their leader. The
people of the occupied Wusun territories were never subjects to ruth-
less violence, destruction, or ruin. Their conquerors hoped to attract
the Wusun to their side and employ them in their campaign against the
Yuezhi. With similar aims, Modu Chanyu took the son of the murdered
Wusun governor to his camp as a foster child. Giving him the title of
Gunmo (Kyunbag, Kyunbii) to the young prince, Chanyu installed him
as governor of the Wusun. This was a wise move of Modu. The Wusun
became the loyal vassals of the Xiongnu and thus allies in their struggle
against the Yuezhi.
After the successful submission of the Han Dynasty in the north,
Modu launched a four-year campaign against the Yuezhi. In 174 B.C.,
however, Modu died without succeeding in his plan to conquer the Yue-
zhi.
The son of Modu, Jizhu, was enthroned and ruled from 174 to 161
B.C.E. under the name of Laoshang Chanyu. His main goal was to con-
tinue his father’s efforts to complete the military campaign against the
western Yuezhi. By that time, the Yuezhi had already been split into two
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
groups: the Lesser Yuezhi (of the Nan Shan region, in the ridge between
the Tsaidam Valley and Alashan desert) and the Greater Yuezhi (which
continued its military action against the Xiongnu).
Laoshang Chanyu, like his father, was a courageous and talented
military leader and ruler. He managed to conquer the Yuezhi. In a deci-
sive battle (sometime between 175 and 165 B.C.) he defeated their ruler,
Kidola. According to historical sources Laoshang ordered a wine cup
made from the skull of his murdered foe.43
The remaining members of the Greater Yuezhi first fled to eastern
Turkestan. However, upon meeting the Wusun, they were forced to trav-
el even further west.
In the middle of the 2nd century B.C., the Yuezhi, led by the Cod-
dle’s Heir, crossed the Syr-Darya River and reached the Valley of Amu
Darya. In 129 B. they defeated the Greco-Bactrian state and founded
the Kushan Empire. This empire initially included the territory of Bac-
tria (present-day Afghanistan and adjacent to Uzbekistan and southern
Turkmenistan). Later, its borders would extend to the regions of north-
ern India. The Yuezhi, is a Chinese name, whereas the people called
themselves as Tocharians. They spoke a variety of Indo-European lan-
guages. Today, the Yuezhi are called Sogdians. From the end of the 2nd
century B.C., the historical territory of Bactria was called Tokharistan.
In the middle of the 2nd century B.C.E., significant
Revival of the changes in the Han Empire--which had been depen-
Han Empire dent on the Xiongnu for more than fifty years--took
place. The dynasty managed to overcome the resis-
tance of separatist forces within the country and initiated reforms aimed
at restoring the former power of the state. To this end, the Emperor, Jing
Di (157-141 B.C.E.) expanded the area of pastures and developed horse
breeding. Measures were also taken to reform the military system. The
formation of heavily armed troops and cavalry were a priority of such
reforms. These reforms faced many problems, however—the Xiongnu
forbade the rulers of smaller provinces to have their own troops.
The period of the greatest power of the Han Empire in 140 - 87
B.C.E. coincided with the reign of the talented reformer and visionary
politician, Emperor Wu (Wu Di). The result of his active work was the
revival of a strong central government. Earlier, the teachings of Con-
fucius had been proclaimed as the official state ideology. Confucianism,

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
however, banned the conquest of foreign lands and, therefore, did not
satisfy Wu. After forming horse units designed for rapid movement in
battles (a strategy taken from the Xiongnu), Emperor Wu aspired to gain
(at the very least) partial independence.
Believing that the “barbarians have to be destroyed by the hands of
barbarians”, Emperor Wu did everything to find the Yuezhi, who were
old enemies of the Xiongnu, to establish close contact with them and
create a joint military coalition to fight the Xiongnu.44 Prior to that, Chi-
nese were practically unaware of the land to the west of Eastern Turke-
stan. Therefore, the important task of making contact with the Yuezhi
was entrusted to Zhang Qian, who was accompanied by a detachment of
100 soldiers. A Xiongnu guide by the name of Tang was sent as along in
order to translate and accompany Zhang Qian and his soldiers.

In 138 B.C., the detachment of Zhang Qian left the Chinese capi-
tal, traveling northwest. Having come to the northern part of Nan Shan
Mountains, the detachment was ambushed by the Xiongnu.The Xiongnu
ruler Gunchen Chanyu (161-126 B.C.) showed mercy and spared the
lives of the prisoners. For approximately 10 years, Zhang Qian was held
in Xiongnu captivity. During this time, reestablished a new life –he mar-
ried a daughter of a Xiongnu aristocrat and had a son.
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
During his time amongst the Xiongnu, Zhang Qian scrupulously
fulfilled his mission - he had been collecting and studying varieties of
information about the Xiongnu, their neighboring domains and natural
environment, as well as their way of life and experiences. In 128 B.C.E.,
Zhang Qian fled with his family and a close friend to the territory of the
Wusuns. He visited the Wusun capital of Chigu at Issyk-Kul. He then
traveled by Naryn and moved to eastern Fergana towards the Davan
State. After that, he moved on to Kangju state located in the middle of
the Syr Darya. Finally, he came to the valley near the Zarafshan River,
the territory of the Yuezhi (Tocharians). By this time the Tocharians had
established an independent state on the territories of conquered Bactria
and the regions to the north of Afghanistan. Because he had not previ-
ously considered such a course of action, the Yuezhi leader declined the
proposal to enter an alliance with the Chinese.
In 127 B.C.E., while traveling back to China through Pamir, Alay,
and the Tarim valley, Zhang Qian was recaptured by the Xiongnu again.
He was held captive for another year; only in 127 B.C.E. he finally re-
turned home.
In political terms, the purpose of Zhang Qian’s diplomatic mission
was not achieved; however, the scientific, commercial and economic
benefits were an incredible boost to the Chinese Empire. He opened the
way to eastern Turkestan, Central Asia and even India. He discovered a
much shorter route to India. His travels Zhang Qian totaled up to 15,000
kilometers; his travels laid the foundation for the Silk Road, the great
economic, cultural, and political bridge that would connect the East and
the West for many centuries.45
The contract of “kinship and peace” concluded
Breach of between the Xiongnu and the Han Empire was often
Agreement violated by Modu, Laoshang, and Gunchen Chany-
us throughout the first half of the 2nd century B.C.
During the first years of his reign, Emperor Wu did not dare violate the
peace. But in 133 B.C., by means of agents, the Chinese had begun to
provoke the Xiongnu into attacking the city of Man, where three-hun-
dred-thousand men were ready to oppose the hundred-thousand strong
army of the Xiongnu. After capturing the military leader of the Chinese
army, the Xiongnu discovered their enemy’s real intentions.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Despite the fact that the Xiongnu had learned of his military plans,
Emperor Wu did not hurry to launch his campaign. The flooding of the
Yellow River put an immediate halt on his plans to attack the Xiongnu.
In 129 B.C.E., Wu banned Chinese merchants from exporting goods to
the Xiongnu, and sent four tumens (units of ten thousand soldiers) to
lead the attack against the Xiongnu. However, only one tumen, led by
Wei Qin, survived the campaign From then on, the language of military
dominated the negotiations between the Chinese and the Xiongnu.
During the life of Gunchen Chanyu (who died in the winter of 126
B.C.E.) the Xiongnu were able to defend themselves against the Chinese
raids. In 128 B.C.E., they even reached the Yaymin (west of Beijing) and
held three-thousand locals under the control. When the Chinese warlord
Wei Qing conquered Ordos, the Xiongnu were able to seize the western
part of the Great Wall of China.
A great struggle for power flared up in the Xiongnu camp after the
death of Modu’s grandson, Gunchen Chanyu.The winner of that struggle
was Ichise, who proclaimed himself the ruler of the Luli-Wang (Western
Xiongnu). The son of Gunchen Chanyu, Yuibi, sought asylum in China
and died in exile. Ichise quickly restored unity and order and, in 126
B.C.E., even moved into the north-eastern part of China. As a result
of western attacks by the Xiongnu, the Chinese stronghold Shofan was
destroyed in the Ordos area. During the reign of Ichise, the centralized
political power of the Xiongnu waned to the benefit of the Han Empire.
War on the The return of Zhang Qian, the agent of the Han
Territory of Empire, caused Emperor Wu Di to rethink his for-
the Xiongnu eign policy, strictly defining his options in terms
of realistic possibilities. He understood that China
needed to rely on its strength in numbers. Therefore, he increased the
number of its fast-moving light troops and cavalry. In 124 B.C, the Chi-
nese detachment led by Wei Qing, consisting of one-hundred-thousand
soldiers, came out of the Ordos and invaded the western possessions of
the Xiongnu. In 123-124 B.C., the war that erupted between the Xiong-
nu and the Chinese moved to the territory of the Xiongnu (in the pres-
ent-day steppes of Mongolia).
In 119 B.C., Wu Di sent two detachments of troops numbering one
hundred thousand men and one hundred forty thousand horses to the
territory of the Xiongnu. The forces led by Wei Qin reached the north-
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ern outskirts of the Gobi Desert, where they met the troops of Ichese
Chanyu. Prior to the battle, Ichese had managed to move his camp fur-
ther north; not burdened by the excess weight, he quickly launched into
battle with the Chinese troops. Despite his tactical advantage, Ichese
suffered a loss of nineteen thousand soldiers. The Chinese technically
won the battle; however, the loss of one hundred thousand horses was
a huge blow to their campaign. With the added movements of a second
Chinese detachment, the Xiongnu were driven from Inpan to Khalkha
in northern Mongolia.
China, having extended its boundaries to the Gobi Desert, now
turned its troops against other bordering states, including the areas
of northern Vietnam (113 B.C.E.), the Tibetan tribes in the southwest
(111-107 B.C.E.), and the Korean state of Chosan in the northeast (109-
108 B.C.E.). This mobilization gave the Xiongnu time to re-gather and
reorganize their forces. Nevertheless, the vastness of their territories,
weakening relations with their former allies, constant warfare, and the
constant struggle for power between the nobility created considerable
difficulties for the Xiongnu Empire. Shortly after, the Xiongnu experi-
enced the adversity of political division and the threat of political decay.
The power of the Xiongnu fell into serious turmoil by the 1st cen-
tury B.C. Part of the Xiongnu began to gradually move westward and
started to conquer other nomadic tribes in the region. Historians call
this movement of nomads, “the great migration of peoples.”46 By the
4th century C.E., the Xiongnu (known in Europe as Huns) reached the
Danube River where they formed a strong state, the borders of which
extended from the Volga to the Rhine. By the 5th century C.E., the Hun
state was headed by a powerful leader, Attila who reigned from 434-453
C.E., collecting tribute from the Romans. After
the death of Attila, his state collapsed.
Attila, Attilla, or Adil Khan (died in 453,
his birth year unknown) was the great leader of
the Huns from 433-453 C.E. During his rule, the
power of the Huns, centered in Pannonia (lo-
cated in the middle reaches of the Danube Riv-
er), reached its zenith. After a successful attack
against the eastern reaches of the Roman Empire
Attila and Iran, the Huns exacted a huge annual tribute

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
of 2100 pounds of gold. Attila then turned to the west and conquered a
number of cities in northern Gaul. In 451 C.E., in the battle of the Plains
of Catalaunum (Northern France), Attila was defeated by a joint force of
Romans, Franks, Visigoths, and Burgundians and eventually driven out
of Gaul. That battle has been called “the battle of the nations.” 47 During
his last campaign in 452 C.E., Attila came close to Rome, but decided
not to attack the city; he instead preferred to collect tribute from the
Romans. After Attila’s death, his Empire collapsed.
The figure of Attila has been glorified in history and art. In present
Hungary and Turkey, the name Attila is a most popular male name
and several public places and streets in Hungary are also named after
Attila.48

The Emergence and Flourishment of the Turkic Qaghanate

The second half of the 1st millennium was characterized by the for-
mation and development of feudal Turkic states in a vast area of south-
ern Siberia, Kazakhstan, and Central Asia. This allowed scholars to call
this period the Old Turkic Period.
In the middle of the 6th century, the first Turkic state, The Turkic
Qaghanate, was formed in Central Asia and was of great importance

73
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
to the history of Kyrgyzstan. This Turkic Empire lasted for almost two
centuries, from 552 to 744.
The “Turk” or “Turkut” ethnonyms (“Tujue” in a Chinese transcrip-
tion) were first mentioned in the Chinese chronicles in 546 and Sog-
dians, Persians, and Byzantines called new conquerors of vast steppes
by these names. The original name of the Turkic Qaghanate, according
to the runic texts, implied the concepts of “strong,” “stable,” and “un-
shakeable.”49 On the other hand, the term had more social significance
because it was originally associated only with the military aristocracy.
Over time its meaning referred not only to a clan headed by a military
aristocracy, but also to the peoples subjugated by them.
Chinese sources record at least three different legends concerning
the origin of the Türks. The first of these, which we may call that of
‘The Abandoned Child Brought up by a Wolf’, is related with slight
variations by both the Chou shu and the Pei-shih. It tells the story of
a young boy mutilated by the enemy and thrown into a marsh where
he has intercourse with a she-wolf. The wolf and the boy subsequently
take refuge in a cavern, where the wolf gives birth to ten boys. Sever-
al generations later the Türks emerge from the cavern and become the
blacksmiths of the Juan-juan. There is another legend, also related in
the Chou shu, which, in the words of this source, ‘differs from the other
[legend], nevertheless it shows that [the Türks] descended from a wolf’.
A third legend is preserved only in a collection of anecdotes, curious and
miraculous histories probably compiled in 860 and entitled the Yu-yang
tsa-tsu. According to this legend, which we may call that of ‘The Spirit
of the Lake’, the ancestor of the Türks, who is called Shê-mo-shê-li and
lives in a cavern, has a liaison with the daughter of the lake spirit. One
day, as the Türks are preparing for a great hunt, the girl says to Shê-mo:
‘Tomorrow during the hunt a white deer with golden horns will come
out from the cavern where your ancestors were born [author’s empha-
sis]. If your arrow hits the deer we will keep in touch as long as you live,
but if you miss it our relationship will end.’ In the course of the hunt, a
follower of Shê-mo kills the deer. Shê-mo angrily decapitates the cul-
prit and orders that a human sacrifice be established in which a man of
that follower’s tribe be beheaded. According to the Yu-yang tsa-tsu, the
sacrifice remained in practice ‘to this day’. There is no reason to impugn
the authenticity of these legendary traditions, which clearly reveal the

74
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
composite ethnic character of the Türks. The three legends differ in so
many essential points (which cannot be examined here in detail) that
they cannot possibly represent a single tradition.50
The Turkic tribe was formed in the 4th
and 5th centuries among the Xiongnu, who
believed that Ashina, the son of a mythi-
cal she-wolf, was their ancestor. The word
ashina itself has an Iranian etymology and
means “blue” or “dark blue.” In the mid-
dle of the 5th century, Turks were under the
Juan Juan (Avar) Qaghanate which ruled
over the whole of Central Asia, while their
main place of settlement was Altai. Here,
Turks exploited rich ore deposits and smelt-
Kagan Bumyn
ed iron.
(the Chinese sculpture)

Type-setting belts of ancient Turks

Because of the abundance of iron, it was the exchange they used

when they paid taxes to the Juan-Juan. However, the far-sighted leaders
of the Turks (Asan-Shad, Tuu, and Bumi) tried to use available natural
resources as effectively as possible. Workshops were widespread and
were devoted to the construction of weapons, iron armor, and equipment
for military horses. Having formed a well-trained and equipped army,

75
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
the Turks subjugated all the Altaic tribes in less than one hundred years.
In 546, Bumin subdued the great Tiele (Tegreg) nation, occupying the
territory of Djungaria and eventually seizing their land. As a result, the
Turks not only ceased to pay tribute to the Juan-Juan, but also became
their rivals in the battle for supremacy over Central Asia.
Seeking a pretext for the clash, Bumin demanded Anagui (520-552),
the Juan-Juan Qaghan, to marry his daughter. Basking in glory and pow-
er, Anagui insultingly declined Bumin’s demands, allowing Bumin to
declare war. The Turks attacked the Juan Juan in 552, effectively dimin-
ishing the influence of the enemy forces in Central Asia; shortly after the
defeated ruler took his own life.
The triumphal Bumin took the supreme Juan-Juan title of Illig Qa-
ghan (Great Qaghan) and the Great Turkic Qaghanate (552-603) was of-
ficially established in Central Asia. The camp of the Qaghan was located
along the Orkhon River (northern Mongolia) and over time became the
administrative and political center of the new state. Bumin Qaghan, the
founder of the great Turkic dynasty Ashina, died in 553.

According to nomadic tradition, the power passed to his brother,

Istemi Qaghan, who had conquered the “ten arrows tribe,” who inhab-
ited the valleys of Semirechye and the foothills of the central and west-
ern Tian Shan. After that, Istemi received the title of Qaghan of the ten
tribes; in reality, however, he ruled only the western region of the coun-

76
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
try. Bumin’s counterparts, who ran the eastern part of the state, were
formally under the authority of Qaghan, but pursued a foreign policy
of their own, according to their interests. While Illig-Qaghan (553-572)
was busy conquering southern Siberia and northern China, Istemi Qa-
ghan of the ten arrows tribes was more attracted by the prospect of oc-
cupying the fertile lands of Central Asia and the steppes of Kazakhstan
than anything else. During that time the Hephthalites ruled Central Asia.
In the second half of the 5th century, Iran had been paying tribute to
the Hephthalites as well. Naturally, the Iranian rulers hoped to get into
close contact with the Istemi, in order to get rid of the Hephthalites’
oppressive oversight. In 555, an alliance against the Hephthalites was
agreed upon and sealed by the marriage of Khosrau Anushirvan (531-
579), the Shah of Iran, to the daughter of Istemi Qaghan.
The allies actively prepared for war with against Hephthalites. To
ensure the safety of their rear guard, the western Turks attacked the
Varkunits (“pseudo-Avars”), their constant foes who roamed the shores
of the Aral Sea. Eventually, they were able to drive them to the other
bank of the Volga.
In both 563 and 567, the possessions of the Hephthalites were attacked
by Iran in the west and the Turkic cavalry in the north. The Hephthalites
were defeated; the Amu Darya River became the boundary between the
victors. Istemi, having conquered the lands of Central Asia, received the
title, the Conqueror-King of Hephthalites. The temporary capital of the
Qaghan became Tian Shan, likely because of the geographical location
was convenient for the development of trade and dispatching caravans
and embassies.
After defeating the Hephthalites, the relationship between the Turkic
Empire and Iran became complicated. According to custom, Shah Khos-
rau Anushirvan (much to his dissatisfaction) had to recognize himself
as a younger relative of the Qaghan and obey his orders. Additionally,
Istemi insisted that the tribute formerly paid by Iran to the Hephthalites,
be paid to the Qaghanate. Naturally, the Shah refused to such an agree-
ment.
The political confrontation between the Shah and the Qaghan was
not solely based on the disagreements over the tribute and the customary
declaration of allegiance. The desire to gain control of the Silk Road and
to profit from its trade (which had become abundant) was fundamental
to the political disagreements between the two rulers.
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
It was necessary to quickly resolve the conflict. The Turks sent two
embassies to Iran, one after another, but Khosrau Anushirvan refused
to respond to the demands of ambassadors. The death of several mem-
bers of the second Turkic embassy in Iran further complicated the sit-
uation. According to the Iranian officials, the high temperatures caused
the death of several members of the second embassy. This, however, did
not convince Istemi, the alliance was officially broken. Iran began to
prepare for the war against the western Turks.
Sogdian merchants expressed their interest in an Iranian defeat. The
ruler of Sogdiana, King Maniakh, offered to collaborate with Istemi in
order to build an alliance with a long standing rival and enemy of Iran,
the Byzantine Empire. Having convinced Istemi to partake in the plan,
Maniakh led a Turkic embassy on a long journey towards Constantinople
Passing around Iran along the Caspian Sea and through the Caucasus,
the ambassadors arrived in Constantinople in 568. Emperor Justinian II
received the envoys with great honor and agreed to join in an alliance
with Istemi Qaghan against Iran. He sent the Byzantine embassy with
the commander Zemarkhos to Talas and the Chui Valley, already known
as the land of the Sogdians. From there, Zemarkhos was escorted to the
Qaghan headquarters located at the foot of Aktag (Ak-Too) mountain in
Tian Shan.
Having secured an agreement of mutual support, the Turks invaded
Iran. Subsequent events described in historical sources are very contra-
dictory. Turks occupied the Jurjan Province, but their actions were not
supported west of the Byzantine Empire. In turn, Shah Khosrau, fearing
a war on two fronts, hastened to conclude an alliance with Istemi. Under
that agreement, in 571, Iran agreed to pay the tribute to the Qaghanate.
The issue of a silk trade, which had been the cause of contention,
was resolved in the peace agreements. The peace treaty with the Turks
allowed Iran to deliver a series of crushing blows to the Byzantine Em-
pire and Mesopotamia. Having defeated Iran, the western Turks finally
lost interest in the Byzantine Empire. Repeated attempts in Constantino-
ple to restore the alliance with the Turks were in vain. In 576, the ruler of
the Turks, Turxath, took the necessary forces and attacked the Byzantine
Empire along the Black Sea and took possession of the Bosporus.
In 580, Turks invaded Crimea and surrounded the Chersonese. The
Turkic Empire and its headquarters located in Tian Shan turned into
a mighty Eurasian power. Considerable success in foreign policy was
achieved under Istemi’s rule.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
However, this success was stopped short in 575 when Istemi Qa-
ghan, who had built up great influence and prestige among his people
and military leaders, died. His death immediately caused political strife
in the Qaghanate and a long struggle for power followed.
After the death of Istemi, Taspar Qaghan came to the rule. He was
the third son of Bumin Qaghan and the fourth ruler of the Turkic Khaga-
nate. During his rule many Sogdians started to settle in and his rigid rule
saved a great, multi-tribal state from decay. After the death of Taspar in
581, his four brothers became contenders for the imperial throne. Only
the death of three brothers stopped the intense political fighting.
In 587, Istemi’s heir, Tardu Boke Qaghan, ascended to the throne.
His rule, however, was far from being solidified.
Tribal feuds undermined the forces of the Turkic Qaghanate, which
dramatically changed its foreign policy. During this period, a fragment-
ed China, which paid exorbitant tribute to the Turks, managed to unite
under the aegis of the Sui Dynasty (581-618). Another of its vassals,
Iran, inflicted a heavy blow on the Turks in 588 in a battle near Herat. In
590, Constantinople liberated the Bosporus from the Turks.
After the death of Tardu Boke Qaghan in 603, the Turkic state di-
vided into two Qaghanates, eastern and western. The subsequent stage
of Kyrgyzstan’s history is inextricably linked to the western Turkic Qa-
ghanate.
The Western
Massive mixing tribes and peoples in the Eur-
Turkic asian Turkic state played an important role in the
Qaghanate process of turkisization in Kyrgyzstan as well. For-
eigners often assimilated into local tribes. Mongolian
features started to become more prevalent in the physical appearance of
these groups. Among those inhabitants who spoke the Sogdian language
(an Iranian language), the Turkic dialect began to solidify.

Ancient Turks

79
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In the 7th century, the western Turkic Qaghanate was known as “the
people of ten arrows.” Officially, the rulers of the state were from the
Turkic dynasty of Ashina and held the “Yabghu- Qaghan” title, translat-
ed as “Qaghan of the people of ten arrows.” The name of the state and
the official title of its rulers demonstrated the dominant position of “the
people of ten arrows.” They were not native Turks from Central Asia,
but were rather native Turks from the areas surrounding Tian Shan.
The Nushibi confederation included five tribes who occupied the
territory from the shores of Syr Darya to the Chu River. Another five
tribes united under the common name of Dulu and occupied the territo-
ry between the Chu River and Altai and Jungaria. The western Turkic
Qaghanate included eastern Turkestan, the agricultural regions of Cen-
tral Asia, vast steppe spaces of Aral Sea, and northern Caucasus. The
administrative and political center of the state was Ming-Bulak in Talas
valley and Suyab from 618 (adjacent the ruins of Ak-Beshim settlement
near modern Tokmok).
Tong Yabghu Qaghan (618-630) was able to put an end to the trib-
al infighting among western Turks, even as it weakened the state. Ac-
cording to the estimates of his contemporaries, Tong Yabgu Qaghan was
extraordinary, characterized as a talented politician and military leader.
Chinese chroniclers note:
The khan wore a green satin robe; his hair, which was ten
feet long, was free. A band of white silk wound round his
forehead and hung down behind. The ministers of the pres-
ence,[10] numbering two hundred in number, all wearing
embroidered robes, stood on his right and left. The rest of
his military retinue [was] clothed in fur, serge and fine wool,
the spears and standards and bows in order, and the riders
of camels and horses stretched far out of [sight].51
Tong Yabghu Qaghan, rather self-righteously, conducted an active
anti-Iranian policy. Several military campaigns ended with his victory
and, as a result, he wrested Tokharistan from Iran and occupied Afghan-
istan and northern India. Having concluded an alliance with the Byzan-
tine Emperor Heraclius, Tong Yabghu Qaghan attacked Iranian posses-
sions in Transcaucasus and conquered the cities of Derbent, Tbilisi, and
Partav.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Although Tong Yabghu Qaghan understood the possible consequenc-
es of major political changes, he nonetheless implemented important
administrative and political reforms, while balancing the rights of the
nomadic and sedentary feudal aristocracies of Central Asia and eastern
Turkestan. Tong Yabghu Qaghan introduced a special status for gover-
nors, known as Tutuq, who supervised the vassal rulers and the collec-
tion of taxes. However, he could not finish his reforms because he was
treacherously and suddenly killed by one of the lords of the steppe.
The murder of Tong Yabghu Qaghan Zibil, his uncle and a partisan
of Dulu clan, finally undermined the authority of the Ashina dynasty
among the people of the “Ten Arrows” and all tribes of this confederacy
were subordinated to him.
The power won by the efforts of Qaghan Tong gradually waned.
Quarrels among the tribes in a struggle for power resumed and, one
after another, the rulers were replaced. Tribal leaders of “the people of
ten arrows” made Ishbara Qaghan (634-639) implement reforms and
reinstate the right of autonomy and independence from central authority
to dulu and nushibi tribal confederations. Despite the threat of external
aggression, separation and tribal confrontation intensified.
Relations By the end of the 7th century, the Tang Dynasty
with the Tang (618-907), headed by Emperor Taizong, increased its
Dynasty power in China and pursued far-reaching aggressive
goals in their foreign policy. Thus, the ruling dynasty
worked out its plans to establish domination over the Silk Road. In 630,
Chinese troops, in alliance with the nomadic tribe of Toguz Oguz, in-
vaded the eastern Turkic Qaghanate, completely subduing it.
Discord between Turkic leaders allowed the Taizong Emperor to use
his troops to capture the Gaochang state located in the Turfan oasis. The
convenient geographical location of the state helped to turn it into a sort
of springboard for preparations of future campaigns against the western
Turkic Empire.
Over the years, western Turks, in conjunction with the peoples of
eastern Turkestan, repulsed the enemy’s aggression. Military success
went back and forth. In 656, the Chinese general, Su Dinfan, won a de-
cisive victory over Ishbara Qaghan’s troops in a battle on the Ili River.
Turkic troops retreated to the Chu Valley but were defeated by the supe-
rior forces of the enemy. After the final defeat, Ishbara was captured and
two years later, he was executed.

81
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Emperor could not manage to control the conquered lands of
Tenir-Too and appointed a representative from the western branch of
the Ashina Dynasty as the head of the people of the “Ten Arrows.” The
governors did not have support or respect among the general population
and each year the Qaghanate lost political strength. In 704, Turgeshes
killed the last Qaghan of the Ashina Dynasty in the town of Kulan (near
the modern station of Lugovaya). The era of the western Turkic Qaghan-
ate ended.
The Turgesh At the beginning of the 8th century, the Turgesh
Qaghanate Qaghanate emerged on the ruins of the western Turkic
Qaghanate.
The Turgesh were included in the Dulu confederation of tribal as-
sociation, or “Ten Arrows,” and lived in the valley between the Ili and
Chu Rivers. The Turgesh were divided into two groups, the “yellow
Turgesh” and the “black Turgesh.”The leaders of these separate groups
were constantly at odds with each other.
The founder of the ruling dynasty was Ushyly Qaghan (704-706),
the head of the “yellow” Turgesh. His camp settled in the captured city
of Suyab. The territory from the middle of the Syr-Darya River to the
upper Irtysh was under the rule of Turgesh. Qaghan divided his lands
into twenty districts, each of which had to present an army of seven
thousand people to the supreme ruler in cases of emergency. The power
of Turgesh spread all over eastern Turkistan.
After the death of Ushyly Qaghan, his successor, Sakal Qaghan (706-
711), was enthroned. The position of the state during this period was
very difficult. In the south, the greatest threat was represented by the
armed forces of the Tang Empire. In the east, the Turks managed to re-
store their Qaghanate, while from Arabia invaders raided the southwest.
In order to preserve their independence, Sakal Qaghan had to make ex-
traordinary efforts. After attacking Anxi in 709 (the Chinese protectorate
or governorship) in eastern Turkestan, he inflicted heavy losses on the
Chinese troops and executed the governor. Then the Turgesh sent their
forces to Central Asia where, together with Sogdians in Bukhara, they
surrounded the army of Arab general Kuteib ibn Muslim. Kuteib, skill-
fully using the disagreements between their allies, got out of a hopeless
situation. The main danger for the Turgesh, however, was still to come
from the eastern Turkic Empire.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Eastern Turks, led by a representative of the Ashina Dynasty, rebelled
and freed themselves from the dictates of the Tang Empire in 679. Born
a new eastern Turkic Empire reached the peak of its power during the
rule of Qapaghan Qaghan (691-716). While relying on a large and pow-
erful army, Turkic warlords attempted to restore the borders of the state
of their famous predecessors, Bumin and Istemi Qaghans.
A serious impediment to the implementation of these plans was a
tripartite coalition founded in 710 and which consisted of Tang China,
the Kyrgyz Qaghanate on the Yenisei and the Turgesh Qaghanate in Te-
nir-Too. Such a strong antiturkic coalition was created as a result of the
active diplomatic work of Barsbek. A joint campaign of allies against
the eastern Turks was scheduled for 711. Qapaghan Qaghan, however,
decided to pre-empt these events and carry out a cunning maneuver.
Having signed a contract with Tang China, Qapaghan Qaghan eliminat-
ed it from the coalition by securing its neutrality.
Then the eastern Turks, despite severe winter conditions, crossed
the Sayan and suddenly entered the domain of the Yenisei Kyrgyz and
defeated them. Reacting quickly to the changing situation, Qapaghan
Qaghan sent troops to another bank of the Irtysh River via a secret Altai
route. At one of the fords near the tract of Boluchu, the eastern Turks
defeated a large army of the Turgesh. Sakal Qaghan was captured and
hung while Turgesh lands became part of the second Turkic Empire. In
712, the Chinese army was defeated in Manchuria by the decisive ac-
tions of the Turks. It was the apex of Turkic military power.

The grave of Turks

83
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 716, Qapaghan Qaghan was killed and his nephew, Bilge-Qaghan
(716-734), was enthroned. The twenty-year period of his reign was dis-
tinguished by permanent conquests that stretched from the shores of the
Yenisei River to Central Asia. Influenced by Chinese architectural de-
sign, a large temple was erected by Bilge-Qaghan with an alley in front
of it and stone sculptures with images-portraits of foreign ambassadors.
By that time the Turgesh gained full independence, their ruler was
Chabyshchor Suluk (716-738), a Qaghan from the “black” Turgesh.
New Qaghan was a skillful diplomat. In 717, he made a trip to China
where he was given a warm welcome. Then Suluk solemnized a num-
ber of very successful marriages with the royal houses by picking from
among potential threats to him: he married the daughter of a descendant
of the western branch of the Ashina Dynasty; his second wife was the
daughter of Bilge Qaghan; and his third marriage was to the daughter
of the king of Tibet. When Suluk married his daughter to Bilge’s son,
diplomatic success in the east allowed the Turgesh to intensify military
operations in the western districts.
Arab governors of the Baghdad Caliphate in Khorasan used the de-
feat of the Turgesh to conquer Sogdiana, Khorezm, and parts of To-
harstan. Qaghan Chabyshchor Suluk, starting from 720, took the offen-
sive to the Arabs. During the struggle, an anti-Arab coalition was set up
and consisted of Ferghana, Chach (the Tashkent oasis), and the Turgesh
Qaghanate. The success of the allies was reinforced by frequent rebel-
lions of the Sogdiana population against the Arabs. Having suffered sev-
eral defeats, the Arabs were forced to leave Sogd in 728, but they did
not accept any failures and declared “jihad” against the infidels. In 729,
Arab armies crossed the Amu-Darya River and invaded Bukhara where
Sogdian King Gurek and his army joined them. The Arab aggression
was resisted by a combined force of the Turgesh, Fergana, and Chacha,
led by Qaghan Chabyshchor Suluk. Several battles near Bukhara did
not end in victory for anyone. During the battle, a Sogdian detachment
unexpectedly defected to the Qaghan. As a result of the Allies’ efforts,
and with the support of Central Asian peoples, the Arabs were driven out
of the town after a long siege.
On captured lands, the Arab conquerors forcefully propagated the
religious doctrine of Islam. Chabyshchor Suluk advocated the adoption
of Islam as well, but the Turgesh rejected this proposal.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Being distressed by the failure, the Caliph of Baghdad sent a new
governor and large military reinforcements to Central Asia. At first, the
new governor of the Caliph was accompanied by good luck, but in 721
he suffered a major defeat. Until 734-735, the Arabs did not renew any
attempts to take possession of the Sogdiana.
In 734, a well-known Arab warlord, al-Harith ibn Surayj, dissatis-
fied with the rule of the Umayyad Dynasty, defected to Central Asia.
Al-Harith ibn Surayj took a serious political step: he requested asylum
from Qaghan Chabyshchor Suluk. Qaghan made al-Harith his vassal
and gave him the right to collect the “feeding” tax from the city of Fary-
ab. Together with the forces of the Huttala governor (in southern Tajiki-
stan) and the Karluks in Toharistan, al-Harith attacked the Arabs but was
defeated. To punish the people of Huttala for supporting al-Harith, the
Arabs raided the town. Huttala’s people asked for help from the Qaghan.
Under the leadership of
Chabyshchor Suluk, the Turgesh
left the Chui Valley. After seven-
teen days they reached Huttala.
In a long, drawn-out battle, the
Turgesh succeeded against the
Arabs and captured all their wag-
ons. The Arabs retreated into Kho-
rasan. Believing that, this frag-
mented and impoverished group The Heavily armed Turkic warrior
of Arabs was not a serious threat,
the Qaghan, with a small army, chased after them in the winter of 737.
However, in the face of a serious threat, the Arabs were able to prove
themselves, quickly regrouped, and attacked the Turgesh. Nearly cap-
tured, the Qaghan, returned to the Chu valley with only remnants of his
former troops. Influential Turgesh dignitaries blamed the Qaghan for the
defeat. Later the Qaghan was paralyzed and died in 738.
Qaghan’s death marked the beginning of a long struggle for the
throne. Great contest between “yellow” and “black” Turgesh severely
weakened the state. Their rivals took advantage of it and by the middle
of the 8th century the Qaghanate was replaced by the Karluks.
The Karluk The Turgesh Qaghanate was replaced by the Karluk
State state. The name “Karluk bodun” (the Karluk people)

85
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
or “the Uch Karluk” (the three tribes of Karluks) was spread among
a strong alliance of ancient nomadic tribes. Their boundaries stretched
from the Mongolian Altai Mountains to the coast of Lake Balkhash, and
also to the north and south of the Tarbagatai Ridge. The Karluk main-
tained a close and friendly relationship with the Yenisei Kyrgyz for a
long time.
The Karluk consisted of three large Turkic tribes: the Bulak, Chigil
(or Sebek), and Tashlyk. According to the historical sources, from the
beginning the Karluk Union was characterized by territorial and politi-
cal disunity. At the end of the 6th and beginning of the 7th century, one
faction of the Karluks controlled Toharstan. Their ruler held the title of
Yabgu and at different periods was subordinate to the western Turkic
and Turkic Qaghans. The Karluks of Toharstan played a significant role
in the struggle against the Arab invaders.
The Karluks of Tarbagatay (another group of Karluks that occupied
the east in the Mongolian Steppes) had a strong army and occupied the
territory between the eastern and western Turkic Qaghanate. They con-
solidated their strength by forming subsequent alliances with the other
Qaghanate. This nation’s history was blighted political turmoil; histor-
ical sources reveal that, in the first quarter of the 8th century alone, the
Karluks revolted against the Eastern Qaghanate three times. The Kar-
luks actively participated in major political events that led to the fall
of the second Turkic and Turgesh Empire. In 744, a combined force of
Basmyls, Uyghurs, and Karluks defeated the second Turkic Empire and
a new steppe government was formed, the Uyghur Qaghanate (744-840)
headed by Eletmish Bilge Qaghan.
The name “Uyghur” is translated from the ancient Turkic language
as “organized,” and “welded.”52 This ethnic group included nineteen
tribal associations; the Yaglagar clan held one of the most prominent
positions in this association of tribes.
After the victory over the eastern Turks, the Uyghurs, with the aid of
a strong alliance with the Toquz-Oghuz tribes, extended their territory
from the Altai Mountains to Manchuria.
The leader of the Karluks received the title of Yabgu and was subor-
dinated amongst the ranks of his former allies. This caused a measure of
discontent among the Karluks who were striving for independence and
gave rise to a new conflict. In 746, the Karluk state, oppressed by the

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Uyghurs, was forced to migrate to Jetysu, where the political situation
remained difficult for the Karluks.
Due to ongoing strife between the nobility within the Turgesh Qa-
ghanate, the state was left ineffective at carrying out political decisions.
The governors of the Chinese Tang Dynasty in eastern Turkestan took
advantage of the situation and, in 748, a Chinese army invaded the Chu
valley, seized the city of Suyab, and destroyed it. Continuing the cam-
paign, they captured and executed the mayor of Chach (Tashkent) in the
following year. The Karluks assisted the Chinese in their efforts.
Having a great interest in the region, the Arabs could not accept such
cavalier interference by rival competition in Central Asia. Under the
command of Ziyad ibn Salih, the Arabs condemned the assaults of the
Chinese. Having received the news, the Chinese military leader Gao
Xianzhi set out from Suyab with an army of one hundred thousand sol-
diers to confront the Arabs.
The two armies met in July 751 in the Talas Valley near the town of
Atlah (now ruins in the northern part of the Pokrovka village of Manas
district in Talas oblast). Four days passed and neither army crossed the
river separating them. On the fifth day, the cavalry of the Karluks be-
trayed the Chinese and suddenly attacked them from the rear. The Arabs
attacked the front. The Chinese army could not stand the squeeze from
two sides and fled to one of the narrow gorges of the Talas River. Ac-
cording to the medieval historian Ibn al-Asir, the Chinese army suffered
huge losses in the Battle of Atlah. Fifty thousand soldiers died and an-
other twenty thousand were taken as prisoners.
The importance of this victory for the Turkic people was enormous.
The Chinese were driven from the borders of Central Asia. After their
defeat, for about a thousand years, imperial Chinese troops did not ven-
ture into Central Asia. The defeat of the Chinese army and the victory of
the Arab-Turkic coalition, created the perfect conditions for the unim-
peded development of Islamic culture in the region. V. Bartold, a Rus-
sian Turkology specialist, has stressed the importance of the political
alliance of Semirechye and Yenisei Kyrgyz with the Karluk state and
their relationship to the Arab Caliphate.53
Having played an important role in the defeat of the Chinese invad-
ers, the Karluks consolidated their hold on the Semirechye. To establish
their political leadership, however, the leaders of the Karluk state had to

87
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
carry on a struggle for many years. The Karluks considered the Uyghur
Qaghanate to be the main obstacle in their plan to control the territories
of the steppe. In 751, they even managed to form an anti-Uyghur coali-
tion which, besides the Karluks themselves, included the Turks, Kyrgyz,
and Chiks.
Their allies, however, had not yet developed a specific plan for joint
action. Having learned from defectors about the hostile intentions of the
coalition, Uyghur Qaghan Eletmish Bilge, known for his outstanding
skills as a military strategist, outran the enemy and broke them apart one
by one. The Karluks, just like the Turgesh state some forty years ago,
were defeated on the banks of the Irtysh River in Boluchu.
A year later, the Karluks gathered forces and, in an alliance with the
Turgeshes and Basmyls, marched deep into the steppes again, reaching
the capital of the Uyghur Qaghanate, Ötüken City (in modern Mongo-
lia). It was there, however, that the Uyghurs again defeated them. Re-
fusing to give up, the Karluks attacked the Uyghurs several times after-
wards, ultimately retreating with heavy losses.
At the same time, the rulers of the Karluk state participated in a
struggle for political leadership in Semirechye.Their main rivals were
the Oghuz, who belonged to the confederation of the people of the “Ten
Arrows.” According to legend, the lands near Issyk-Kul Lake and Ta-
las valley were the indigenous sites of the Oghuz. This struggle contin-
ued for twenty years, ending with the victory of the Karluk in 766 and
the capture of the cities of Suyab and Taraz. A large part of the Oghuz
left Semirechye and migrated to the shores of the Aral Sea where they
formed their own state.
Having secured the settlements at Semirechye and Tenir-Too, the
Karluks, in alliance with the Tibetans, continued to struggle against the
Uyghurs in eastern Turkestan and Jungaria. Initially, success accompa-
nied the allies, but in 791, and then again in 812, the Uyghurs were able
to defeat them. As a result, the Yagbu of the Karluks were forced to
acknowledge the authority of the Uyghur Qaghan. Taking advantage of
the difficult plight of the Karluk state, in 812, the Arabs launched a war
against them. Not far from Otrar, the Karluks were imprisoned asYagbu
himself fled for refuge among the Kimak people living near the Irtysh
River.
In the middle of the 9th century, Central Asia became the arena of a
number of major political events that would influence the destiny of the
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Karluk state. The result of an ongoing struggle between Central Asian
peoples and their Arab invaders created favorable conditions for the sei-
zure of power by the Samanid Dynasty which had descended from local
feudal lords.
After twenty years of the relentless war in Central Asia, the Yenisei
Kyrgyz defeated the Uyghur Qaghanate in 840. Only a small fraction of
Uyghurs were able to create two small independent states in Turfan and
the Ganzhou area. The defeat of the Uyghurs was opportunely used by
Bilge Kul Qadir Khan, the Yagbu of the Karluks, to raise the prestige of
his state.
By this time, the Kyrgyz Qaghan had maintained their capital of
Otuken for nearly 1000 years (it dated back to the Hun Empire); it was
considered to be the capital of the supreme rulers of the nomads. Con-
sequently, the Qaghan did not claim to be the highest authority in the
steppe. In 840, Bilge Kul Khan assumed the title of “Qaghan,” which
helped him to stake his claim in the region and win the respect of the
nomadic peoples in the region. Such an act, of course, does not prove
that all the Turkic tribes of Central Asia suddenly came under the rule
of the Karluks. At that time, real strength, and hence real power, was on
the side of the Yenisei Kyrgyz.
In the same year (840), the Samanid governor of Samarkand, Nuh
ibn Asad, declared a “religious war” against the “infidel” Turks. He oc-
cupied the city of Isfidzhab (near to modern-day Shymkent), where he
made his residence. In 893, Samanid Ismail Ibn Ahmad undertook a
military campaign against the Karluk state and took the city of Taraz.
Qaghan Ogulchak Qadir Khan withstood a long siege, but was forced to
surrender the city in the end.
As a result, the whole of Talas, as well as the area from the Chu Val-
ley to the town of Merke fell under the rule of the Ismaili. They allowed
the Samanids to achieve two important goals. Firstly it helped to turn
the region into a center of Islam (which it would use to spread Islam). It
also improved the state’s economy, because the new territory included
the rich silver mines in the Sheldzhi area and the upper reaches of the
Talas River. Ogul-chak Qadir Khan consequently moved his headquar-
ters to Kashgar in order to prevent the further military advances of the
Samanids in the east.
For a century the Karluks of Tenir-Too, Semirechye, and eastern
Turkestan unified around the Karakhanids, a force that would help to
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
sweep away the Samanids and conquer the whole of Central Asia. There
is a theory that the Kyrgyz tribe of Saruu is a splinter group of a once
powerful tribe of Karluks.
The Karakhanid state was created by a Turkic dy-
The nasty and it ruled over Central Asia from the 10th to
Karakhanid the 12th centuries. The name of the royal clan is not
State actually known and the term Karakhanid is artificial—it
was derived from Qara Khan or Qara Khaqan (the word
“Kara” means “black” and also “great” and “courageous”), which was
the foremost title of the rulers of the dynasty.54
For the first time the term ‘Karakhanids’ as a powerful dynasty was
invented by the 19th century. Since then European scholars and orien-
talists have applied the name to all Turks of the state.55
In the 9th century such regions as Semirechye, Western Tian Shan
(modern Kyrgyzstan), and Western Xinjiang (Kashgaria) were settled
in by the Turkic tribes, in which the Karluks, Yaghmas, Chigils and
Bulaks unified in one tribal confederation. The noble and core rulers
of these tribes bore the specific titles related to their totemic animals.
For instance, the rulers from the Chigil bore the title Arslan Qara Kh-
aqan meant the “lion” and chiefs of the Yaghma tribes acquired the title
Bughra Qara Khaqan meant Bughra or a “male camel”. The titles of the
members of the dynasty changed with their chang-
ing position, normally upwards, in the dynastic
hierarchy.56
By the mid -10th century, the Karakhanid rulers
took over the large territories in eastern Turkestan,
Fergana, and Semirechye. The Karakhanid state
was positioned as a state with highly developed
urban life in the cities and settlements and its cap-
itals were located in present-day China, Kyrgyz-
stan and Uzbekistan. Four main cities Balasagun
Satuk Bogra Khan, in Semirechye, (the area of Burana tower) Uzgen
the founder (present Osh oblast in Fergana valley), Kashgar in
of Karakhanid state Sinkiang and Samarkand in Transoxania (the ter-
ritory between Amudarya and Syrdarya Rivers)
were the urban centers full by the bazars and craft workshops.
In the mid of the 10th century the Karakhanids converted to Islam
and it became the tool of their state integrity. With the conversion to

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Islam, the Karakhanids also adopted such Muslim names and titles as
sultan or ān al-salātīn (sultan of sultans) however with the reservation
of some Turkic regional titles such as Khan, Khagan, Ilek (Ilig) and
Tegin.57
The adaptation of Islam made a certain push to the more expansionist
politics towards the conquest of the Samanids who ruled in Transoxania
area. The Karakhanids took over the main commercial cities and centers
Isfijab, Ferghana, Ilaq, Samarkand, and the Samanid capital Bukhara.
However, with the death of Hasan Bughra Khan, a Karakhanid ruler,
in 992, the Samanids returned to Bukhara. But their victory did not last
long time and in 996 Hasan’s cousin Ali b. Musa, who had a title Kara
Khan or Arslan Khan, started the campaign against the Samanids. The
Samanid army was led by Sabuk tegin, who was from the Barskan tribe
settled in Issyk Kul area. Sabuk tegin did not fight against his tribesmen.
Moreover, he initiated the plan to separate the territory of the Sama-
nids between the Karakhanids and his tribe. According to the mutual
agreement, the Karakhanids took over the northern part of Katvanskaya
steppe (Uzbekistan) and Sabuk tegin conquered Khorasan and northern
Afghanistan, which soon became a territory of a new dynasty called the
Gaznavids. Although the dynasty was of Central Asian Turkic origin, it
was thoroughly Persianized in terms of language, culture, literature, and
habits.58 Twice in 1006 and 1008 the Karakhanids attempted to conquer
the Ghaznavedis, but their attempts were not
successful.
In the beginning of the 11th century the Kara-
khanid dynasty was split up into two appanages.
The eastern part developed on the territory of
present northern Kyrgyzstan and Sinqiang and
the western Karakhanids ruled in Transoxiana
with its two urban centers Bukhara and Samar-
kand. The division of the Karakhanids is eventu-
ally accompanied by the rapid change of rulers.
The most prominent among them was Ibrahim
Tabghach Khan. He was considered by Muslim
historians as a great ruler, and he brought some
stability to Western Karakhanid Khanate by lim-
iting the appanage system which caused much of The Kaghan
the internal strife in the Karakhanid Khanate. 59 Turks

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Culturally, the Karakhanids can be considered as a light of Islamic
civilization in the mediaeval history of Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia.
During their reign theological schools – madrasas, minarets, hospitals
and mosques were built60 throughout the region. In the beginning of the
11th century three mausoleums were built in Usgen, the Burana Tower
in Balasagyn, the main mosque in Bikhara and two hospitals in Samar-
kand.61
In 1040, the Seljuk Turks came up to the mediaeval
The Seljuks
political arena of Central Asia. They defeated the Ghaz-
navids at the Battle of Dandanaqan and entered Iran.
The Karakhanids were able to withstand the Seljuks ini-
tially, and briefly took control of Seljuk towns in Khurasan. The Kara-
khanids, however, developed serious conflicts with the religious classes
(the ulama). In 1089, during the reign of Ibrahim’s grandson Ahmad b.
Khidr, at the request of the ulama of Transoxiana, the Seljuks entered
and took control of Samarkand, together with the domains belonging to
the Western Khanate. The Western Karakhanids Khanate became a vas-
sal of the Seljuks for half a century, and the rulers of the Western Khan-
ate were largely whomever the Seljuks chose to place on the throne.
Ahmad b. Khidr was returned to power by the Seljuks, but in 1095, the
ulama accused Ahmad of heresy and managed to secure his execution.62
In the mid of the 12th century, the power of the Karakhanids was
weakened because of the constant wars with Seljuks and they were eas-
ily dominated by the other dynasty called the Qara Khitais.
The written sources called this new tribal con-
The Qara-Khitai federation differently. In the Chinese sources the
dynasty and Qara Khitai tribes were called as ‘Kidan’’ and
defeat of the in the Arabic inscriptions as ‘Qara Khitai’.They
Karakahnids came to Semirechye from present Mongolia and
north-eastern China, where they unified in the
state of Liao meant in Chinese language the Iron dynasty. The Liao state
existed more than a hundred years and it largely adapted the Chinese
mode of life and culture. The Mongol language and local shamanic be-
liefs were prohibited, while the Buddhism became the state and main
religion. The person who did not worship Buddhism was considered as
a second ranked citizen.
Politically the Qara-khitais always fought against the rulers of south-
ern China and the nomadic population of Steppes. In the mid of the 11th
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
century the Liao state again attempted to capture the Steppe nomads
and make control upon them. The nomadic leader of the resistance khan
Marguz was punished on the wooden donkey. The cruel punishment
reached his successor khan Mogusu, who was captured by Qara-Khi-
dans and publicly was cut off on the city plaza. However, the population
of the Steppe did not become the subject of the Liao dynasty.
In 1119 the Liao dynasty was invaded by another northern people,
the Jurchen. They began to assert their power and, in an alliance with the
Chinese, overthrew the Liao. They then went on to invade and conquer
much of northern China, which they ruled under the Jin dynasty until the
Mongols defeated them in 1234.
After the invasion of Liao, the Qara-Khitais were split out into sev-
eral parts. Some tribes, integrating into the confederation, created the
Naiman Khanate, the second part of Khitais became the subject of Jurch-
ens, and the third ones under the supervision of the prince Elui Dashi
went on the Enisey Kyrgyz in South Siberia. However, the Enisey Kyr-
gyz did not host Elui Dashi and the Qara-Khitais had to migrate towards
Semirechye. Retreating to the west, Elui Dashi and his followers settled
in the area of the Emil River (the border of China and Kazakhstan) and
organized the Qara-Khitai state. Without any grand attempt Qara-Khi-
tais conquered the Eastern Karakhanids in Semirechye and captured the
vast territory from the shores of Enisey River to the Syrdarya River.
The name of Balasagun was changed to Khosun Ordo and it became the
capital of the new state of Qara-Khitais Si Liao translated from Chinese
as the Western state.
The western Karakhanids also had some political troubles with the
local Qarluks who with the support of QaraKhitais attempted to cap-
ture the supreme power. The western Karakhanid ruler Makhmud ibn
Mukhammed in his turn appealed for support to the Seljuk khan Sanjar.
In 1141 two armies met in Katvanskaya steppe in north-east of Samar-
kand and Qara-Khitais routed the army of Karakhanids and Seljuks. The
khan of Qara-Khitais called Gurkhan did not make the devastating inva-
sion of Western Karakhanid’s territory in Xinjiang, he took revenge and
got returned back to Chui valley. In 1158 Khoresm, one of the flourished
cities in Central Asia became a vassal of Qara-khitais and payed annual-
ly 30,000 golden dinars to them.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
It is necessary to say, that the taxation policy of Qara-Khitais was
strong and systematic enough. According to census there were 84 500
nomadic families who had to provide the army warriors. Every house-
hold had to pay a golden dinar and taxes form the urban population was
higher. For instance, the inhabitants of Balasagyn paid a tenth of the
entire treasury of the Western Liao state.
But nevertheless, the interstate and dynastic conflicts were very con-
stant and they became the source of their political and military disinte-
gration and weakness. In 1208 to the territory of Qara-Khitais in Semire-
chye run the Mongolian tribes Naimans and Merkits, who escaped from
the devastations of Chinghiz khan’s army. The son of the Naiman khan
Kuchluk collected his tribes in one confederation and settled in Semire-
chye. He made agreement with Qara-Khitais. However, very soon he
betrayed the ruler of Qara-Khitais and captured the treasury of gurkhan
in Usgen. In two years the gurhan was captured by Kuchluk. Kuchluk
banned Islam and persecuted Muslims of Semirechye. However, sim-
ple people saw Kuchluk as an usurper of power and did not want to be
his subjects. The rebels in Eastern Turkestan lasted until 1214 and even
some rulers of Qara-Khitais attempted to restore the previous power and
status. For instance, in Ferghana Horezm-shakh Muhammed consider-
ing himself as a successor of gurkhan increased his power. In the east
Chinghiz Khan and his army became the great threat to the less or more
integrity of mixed Turkic and Mongolian tribes in Central Asia. Existing
more than 90 years the state of Qara Khitais and Naimans was swept by
the hordes of Chinghiz Khan.
Legacy The Kara-Khanids is arguably the most enduring cul-
of Turks tural heritage among coexisting cultures in Central Asia
from the 9th to the 13th centuries. The Karluk-Uyghur
dialect spoken by the nomadic tribes and turkisized sedentary popula-
tions under Kara-Khanid rule formed two major branches of the Turkic
language family, the Chagatay and the Kypchak. The Kara-Khanid cul-
tural model that combined nomadic Turkic culture with Islamic, seden-
tary institutions spread east into former Kara-Khoja and Tangut territo-
ries and west and south into the subcontinent, Khorasan (Turkmenistan,
Afghanistan, and Northern Iran), Golden Horde territories (Tatarstan),
and Turkey. The Chagatay, Timurid, and Uzbek states and societies in-
herited most of the cultures of the Kara-Khanids and the Khwarezmians
without much interruption.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The Turkic peoples are now a collection of ethnic groups that live
in Northern, Eastern, Central, and Western Asia, North -Western China,
and parts of Eastern Europe. They speak languages belonging to the
Turkic language family. They share, to varying degrees, certain cultural
traits and historical backgrounds. The term Turkic represents a broad
ethno-linguistic group of peoples including existing societies such as
the Turkish people, Azerbaijanis, Chuvashes, Kazakhs, Tatars, Kyrgyz,
Turkmens, Uyghurs, Uzbeks, Bashkirs, Qashqai, Gagauz, Altai, Khak-
as, Tuvans, Yakuts, Crimean Karaites, Krymchaks, Karakalpaks, Kara-
chays, Balkars, Nogais and as well as past civilizations such as Yenisei
Kirghiz, Dingling, Tiele, Chuban, Pannonian Avars, Göktürks, Bulgars,
Kumans, Kipchaks, Turgeshes, Khazars, Seljuk Turks, Ottoman Turks,
Mamluks, Timurids, Khiljis, and possibly Huns, Xiongnu, Wusun, Tauri
and the Tuoba.63

The Struggle for Supremacy in Central Asia.

The Kyrgyz Great Power
The political history of the Kyrgyz from the 3rd - 6th centuries is
filled with constant struggle and a quest for independence. The Kyrgyz

95
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Qaghanate was inferior compared to larger tribal associations in Central
Asia in terms of population, troops, organizational savvy, and the ma-
terial security that force brings. In 554-555, the Kyrgyz were under the
power of Mukhan--brother and successor of Bumin, the founder of the
Turkic Qaghanate. Resistance proved unsuccessful and, as a tribute to
the Turkic Qaghanate, the Kyrgyz supplied it with high-quality weap-
ons. The Minusinsk Basin region thus became the source of weapons
and metal production for the Turkic Qaghanate.
At the same time, incessant internal
strife in the Turkic Qaghanate gradual-
ly destroyed the unity of the state and in
581 it divided into two Qaghanates – East
and West. After the collapse of the eastern
Turkic Qaghanate in 630, the Yenisei Kyr-
gyz gained their independence for a time.
During this period, the ancestors of the Ky-
pchaks, a tribal union, Si (seyanto), headed
by the Bilge Qaghan, conquered the land of
the eastern Turks (Altai, Gobi, Kerulen, and
Yenisei). In 646, however, the Uyghurs de-
feated the Si tribes. To strengthen their own
position, the Kyrgyz needed a strong patron
Shibotsuyu Achjan and endeavored to establish direct relations
(Shabokoi Arslan, the with a very powerful China. In 648, a Kyr-
founder of Enisey state) gyz embassy was sent to the Tang Empire.
The Chinese emperor welcomed Shibotsuyu Achjan, the head of the
embassy, and awarded him with the highest military rank of General,
declaring him to be the Governor General of the Mzyan-kun District.
Although the Kyrgyz people were formally dependent upon China,
officials of the Tang Empire held no real power over them or their lands.
Later, the Kyrgyz sent other embassies to China, establishing trade
links, trading their herds for a variety of goods (mainly silk and other
fabrics). The patronage of the Chinese Empire allowed the rulers of the
Kyrgyz people enhance their influence among the nomads and protect
themselves against the intrusion of foreign enemies. At the same time,
military units were formed by the Qaghanate. Ownership was divid-
ed into six districts and a system of government was implemented to
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
rule over their territory. Gradual development and an increase in the
socio-economic status of the country are noticeable during this period.
Kyrgyz The end of the 7th century and the beginning of the
Kagan- 8th century marks a unique moment in the historical
Barsbek development of Kyrgyzstan. During this period, the
Kyrgyz state gained considerable political strength,
effectively forcing neighboring states to consider it as a powerful con-
tender.
At that time, the Kyrgyz state was headed by Barsbek Ajo. The time
of his rule is one of the brightest and
most important pages in the history of the
Kyrgyz people. The complete absence of
names of any real historical figures and
folk heroes is one of the main difficul-
ties that historians face when studying
the ancient history of the Kyrgyz people.
Similar patterns were observed in well-
known ancient and medieval sources.
This lack of sources persisted the histor-
ical record up until the time when Turkic
peoples (including the Kyrgyz people)
developed their own writing.
It was not until the second half of the Barsbek
19th century that Russian scientists were able to decipher monuments
with runic writings in the Yenisei. The writings, left by Turks in the 8th
century, contained some information about Barsbek.64
Barsbek was from an ancient Kyrgyz ruling dynasty. He was one of
four brothers and was fond of hunting with hounds. The tribe of Barsbek
was under special patronage of the Umai-Ene deity. This is evidenced
by the fact that relatives of Barsbek had the rare and prestigious title of
“Umai-beg.” He was able to lead the Kyrgyz government under difficult
international conditions, thanks to his own outstanding personal quali-
ties.
Barsbek’s rule coincided with an abrupt change in the political situa-
tion in Central Asia and Mongolia. In 679 the Orkhon Turks who settled
in present-day Mongolia fought against the oppression of the Chinese

97
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Tang Empire. They managed to inflict a severe blow to the troops and
allies of the Chinese.
At the same time, the Turks, led by Kuchlug Khan, a descendant
of the Ashina dynasty, formed the Second Turk Empire. It was quite
disadvantageous for the Kyrgyzs, who, like other steppe peoples, came
under the continuous dictates of a hostile state instead of formal Chinese
custody. Therefore, the Kyrgyz, together with the Toquz-Oghuz of Baz
Qaghan, Quriqan, Chinese, and Tatars, supported the Tang Empire.
In 688, the eastern Turks defeated the coalition of Baz Qaghan and
became the owners of the steppes. The Kyrgyz people were not involved
in that battle and were able to save their troops, which enabled Barsbek
to lead his forces against the Turkic Qaghanate on the northern borders.
Shorly later, having decided to test the strength of the Kyrgyz, Barsbek
declared himself Qaghan, as well as the royal name of Alp Bilge. This
was an open challenge of the Kyrgyz Qaghan and Turkic Qaghanate—
only one of these powers could rule over Central Asia.
To eliminate the impending threat of the Kyrgyz people, the Tur-
kic Qapaghan Qaghan (691-716) sent an army, led by Bilge Prince, to
Yenisei. The campaign proved unsuccessful: the army was stopped on
their way to the borders of the Kyrgyz people. Their opponents had to
settle for a peace treaty. Qapaghan Qaghan accepted Barsbek’stitle of
Qaghan and returned his captured niece to him. In response, the Kyrgyz
apparently promised to support the Turkic Empire. Thus, the contract
fixed the status of the Barsbek as the Alp Bilge Qaghan, enhancing his
reputation. However, his personal ambitions and dreams were far from
being realized.
At the beginning of the 8th century, Barsbek returned to his for-
eign policy to undermine the supremacy of the eastern Turkic Empire
in Mongolia and Central Asia. In 707-709, Barsbek sent two embas-
sies to China, which fought at that time with the eastern Turks, in order
to create an anti-Turkic coalition and develop closer relations with the
Turgesh Qaghanate. The embassy, headed by Ezgene, was sent to the
Turgeshes of the Chu Valley. By 709, as a result of successful diplo-
matic activities, Ezgene managed to organize a powerful anti-Turkic
coalition, comprised of the Tang Empire and Turkic Qaghanate. One of
the most prominent political and military leaders of the Turkic Qaghan-

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
ate, Ton Yokuk, characterized the existing political
situation in Central Asia as follows: “The Tabgach
(Chinese) Qaghan was our enemy. Qaghan of «Ten
Arrows» (Turgish) was our enemy. But the biggest
enemy was the mighty Kyrgyz Qaghan. Enemies, like
birds of prey, were everywhere; we were carrion to
them….”.65
The Turkic state did not wait for their opponents’ Ton Yokuk
joint action against them. They decided to be the first to strike and de-
stroy their enemies one by one. The Turks began by attacking the Kyr-
gyz, who posed as the greatest threat to Turkic power. In 709, having
crossed the headwaters of the Yenisei, Turkic troops defeated the Chiq
and Az tribes, which were in an alliance with the Kyrgyz, and occupied
Tuva, turning it into a springboard for subsequent attacks against the
Kyrgyz.
The Kyrgyz tribes, in turn, blocked the main
road from Tuva to the Yenisei River with high
stone rubble, which they quarried in a narrow
gorge; the remains of this road block still exist
today. No army could overcome it. Having oc-
cupied other strategically important passes in
the Sayan, Barsbek thought that his position The commemorative
was secure and quietly waited for allied support.
coin made by the
However, neither the Chinese nor the Turgesh
National Bank of Kyr-
supported him. They were primarily interested
gyz Republic in 2010
in securing their own borders. Barsbek, who was
left alone in the fight against the formidable forces of the Turkic Qaghan-
ate, had to change his course and search for another way out of this situ-
ation. In anticipation of the autumn of 710, he sent an embassy to Tibet,
the Turgesh Empire, and the Tang Empire. Eren Ulug, the respected rep-
resentative of a strong Kyrgyz clan, Bolshar, was appointed to head the
embassy. He was a wise and experienced diplomat, having served several
prior diplomatic missions. Barsbek did not officially notify China of his
approaching embassy but rumors of its intention circulated among the no-
mads. The Qaghan’s plan was not intended to intimidate the Turks, but to
strengthen Chinese and Turgesh military activity. For unknown reasons,
Eren Ulug died along the journey and the embassy never reached Tibet;
thus, the Kyrgyz never made an alliance with these forces.66

99
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Although the Chinese and Turgesh did not join forces with Barsbek,
the Turks accelerated their actions. In a desperate maneuver, they de-
cided to get around the blocked passage in the Sayan Mountains. This
passage was defended by the Kyrgyz. Turk Qaghan Bilge and his broth-
er, Kultegin, participated in this campaign. However, Ton Yokuk, a very
old and wise commander, led the charge. The Turkic troops found a local
who (by way of betrayal) offered to guide the troops along an unknown
high-altitude trail to the Minusinsk Valley.
The march in the middle of winter through the Sayan required, great
courage from all the troops and commanders involved. Ultimately, the
Turks succeeded. In the winter of 710-711, their forces suddenly attacked
the Kyrgyz camp. One runic inscription tells the story of the attack: “We
attacked the sleeping Kyrgyz ... we paved our way with spears.”67
The main forces of the Kyrgyz state were defeated. Having gath-
ered the surviving warriors in the Sung forest, Barsbek put up a fierce
resistance. Despite his efforts, the Kyrgyz were defeated by Kul-tegin.
Barsbek himself was killed in a duel. The warriors could not even bury
him with the appropriate honors as established by custom. The details
are documented in the Altyn-Kul epitaph. The only monument to their
brave king was a flat rock installed by the tribe to express sorrow over
his death. The defeat of the Kyrgyz in the Battle of Sung left severe con-
sequences for the Kyrgyz people. For the next forty years, the Kyrgyz
would not take part in any military events in Central Asia.

‘The battle in Sunga Forest’

by Kyrgyz artist A. Alakunov

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The first mention of “the Kyrgyz great power”
The Kyrgyz amongst scholars appeared in V.V. Barthold’s 1927
Great Power “The Kyrgyz People. A Historical Review.”68 Stress-
ing the effect of the Kyrgyz state in the 9th century,
Barthold doubted the concept of a “the Kyrgyz great power.” Written
sources and archaeological records, however, indicate that the Kyrgyz
played a major role in the history of the region.
In the 8th century, the leading role in Central Asia belonged to the
Uyghurs. They had already inhabited the steppes of Central Asia for a
long time and spoke the ancient Turkic language. The weakening of the
Second Turkic Qaghanate allowed the combined forces of the Uyghurs,
Karluqs, and Basmyls to finally defeat it and establish a new nomadic
state on the steppes, the Uyghur Qaghanate (745-840). The power of the
Qaghanate was so great that even China paid them annual tribute.
The foreign policy of the Kyrgyz state was characterized by several
attempts to attract Karluqs, Chiqs, and scattered remnants of the Turkic
tribes of Semirechye to fight against Uyghur Qaghan Elet-Misha Bilge
(747-759). Some Turkic beks warned the Uyghurs about plans of a co-
alition. Without giving their opponents any time to regroup, the Uyghur
Qaghanate defeated each of their allies separately in decisive military
actions. In 758, the Uyghurs managed to conquer the Kyrgyz people in
the middle of the Yenisei. A Kyrgyz uprising in 795 was also suppressed.
It took the Kyrgyz governors, or Ajo, twenty-five years to gather their
forces in order to once again form an independent Kyrgyz state.
The Uyghur Qaghanate, however, lost significant power by the 9th
century. Unity was undermined by increased internal strife. The Kyrgyz
people did not delay in taking advantage of this situation. According to
Chinese sources, “Ajo proclaimed himself to be Qaghan and announced
that his wife, Gell-sheh (daughter of Karluq Yabgu), would be Qaghan’s
wife.”69 This important event in the history of the Kyrgyz people oc-
curred in 820. Gaining the support of the Karluq state, the Kyrgyz de-
clared their independence from the Uyghur Qaghanate and began the
struggle for supremacy in Central Asia. This time their bid for suprem-
acy had real possibilities.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
After being defeated in 795, the Kyrgyz
Qaghanate formed a military-administrative
state system to prolong the fighting. A series
of aggressive campaigns undertaken against
the peoples of Siberia allowed the Kyrgyz to
significantly expand the boundaries of their
state and receive rich material and human
resources. Ajo remained at the head of ad-
ministrative affairs and armed the forces of
the state. Lower positions were held by the
Biis (there were three of them) and other of-
ficials at different levels. There were six lev-
els in all. The state had a regular horse guard.
Vassal tribes, dependent upon the Kyrgyz,
(Kyshtym, etc.), delivered their warriors to
the army of Ajo on a regular basis and espe-
cially during times of crisis, also known as
the squads. In the 9th century, the Kyrgyz
army was 100 000 warriors strong.
Having experienced the vicissitudes of
life, the Yenisei Kyrgyz established an exem-
Kyrgyz heavy and plary military structure made up of individual
light cuirassiers clans and tribes, as well as guard units which
required the direct supervision of tribal lead-
ers. Cavalry was the main force and required swift and sturdy horses.
The Calvary developed a warfare tactic of their own, using flexible at-
tacks, the phased attacks alternating between light and heavy weapons,
alternating attacks and retreats which were designed to encircle their
enemies, and, finally, strikes aimed at the enemy’s rear flank.
As a result of his policy, the Kyrgyz Ajo managed to establish dip-
lomatic relations with the enemies of Uyghurs, including the Arabs, Ti-
betans, and Karluqs of Tian-Shan. In 820, the Kyrgyz Ajo proclaimed
himself to be the Qaghan, a tantamount to declaration of war against the
Uygur Empire.
In response to a defiant statement by the Kyrgyz Ajo, the Uyghurs
sent their troops to Yenisei where the faced defeat at the hands of the
Kyrgyz troop. The war dragged on for twenty more years; the advantage
was on the side of the Kyrgyz.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Military failures exacerbated the struggle within the Uyghur Empire.
An abundance of snow in the winter of 840 led to the death of live-
stock and an epidemic. At such a difficult time, the leader of the Uyghur,
Yaglahar, appealed to the Kyrgyz for help. The Kyrgyz Ajo immediately
sent one hundred thousand soldiers to Ordo-Balik (the capital of the
Uyghur Qaghanate on the banks of the river Orkhon), defeated the rival
army, and razed the city. The Qaghan of the Uyghurs was killed. The
survived Uyghurs went to China in search of refuge, settling on Baikal
Lake in eastern Turkestan, leaving their land and property for the Kyr-
gyz to take.
In 843, the Yenisei Kyrgyz, as they persecuted the Uyghurs and led
by Pan-Tegin, invaded eastern Turkestan, captured the city of Anxi and
Besh-Balik, and then proceeded to the borders of Tenir-Too and Semire-
chie. The Kyrgyz troops also conducted successful military campaigns
in eastern Mongolia, Jungaria, and beyond the lake of Baikal.
By the middle of the 9th century, the Uyghur Qaghanate ceased to
exist. Consequently, a new and expansive Kyrgyz state was established.
The Chinese sources provide a fairly comprehensive description of its
boundaries: “The Hyagas (the Kyrgyz) had a strong country equal to
the largest holdings of the Turks (meaning the Second Turkic Qaghan-
ate). In the east, the Kyrgyz state bordered Guligan (Baikal) Lake, Ti-
bet (eastern Turkestan) in the south, and Gelollu (Semirechie) in the
southwest. 70 Its northern boundary reached as far as the modern cities of
Tomsk and Krasnoyarsk.”
V.V. Barthold rightly called the “Kyrgyz Great Power” the period
when the Kyrgyz controlled most of Central Asia. During the height of
their power, the Yenisei Kyrgyz reached as far as the spurs of Tenir-Too.
It is likely that some of them settled that region, too. According to the
ancient traditions of the steppe, those people who possessed Kangui
were considered formal rulers of the nomads. At various times in their
respective histories, such power was also possessed by the Huns, Juan
Juans (avars), Turks, Kypchaks (senyato), Uyghurs, and later, by the
Mongolians.
The number of Yenisei Kyrgyz during that period sharply increased.
If one considers that in 840 they fielded an army of one hundred thou-
sand strong against the Uyghur Qaghanate, and that, under the rule of
the Turkic tribes, one soldier was taken from every three to five people,

103
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
then the estimated number of Kyrgyz ranged from three hundred to five
hundred thousand. From a variety of Central Asian tribes, the Kyrgyz
occupied the second place by population after the Uyghurs.
It should be noted that when the Kyrgyz defeated the Uyghurs, the
Chinese emperor called on the Kyrgyz Ajo many times to uproot the
Uyghurs and destroy their cities. The Kyrgyz Ajo, however, replied in-
dignantly and rejected such demands by the Emperor. As a result, in the
steppe of the Kyrgyz, the Uyghurs returned to civilian life.
The fall of the Uyghur Qaghanate, along with the emergence and
strengthening of the Kyrgyz Qaghanate on the Yenisei, played an im-
portant role in the history of the development of neighboring tribes.
First off all, long protracted civil wars and infighting within the Uyghur
Qaghanate created favorable conditions for rise of the Kyrgyz into a
great power. Secondly, Kyrgyz great power became a reliable barrier on
the northern and western borders of the Tang Empire. Local tribes were
spared from the constant raids of the Uyghurs. Finally, new conditions
contributed to the development, consolidation, and strengthening of the
Kyrgyz as an ethnic group, and a number of smaller tribes joining them.
For instance, one part of the Sarts, living in the Jungarian region of
Turkistan, was assimilated by the Kyrgyz and formed a Sart tribe. Some
Tatars, Mangyts, and Nogays and bound to the Mongolians by a com-
mon ancestry, also became members of the Kyrgyz “Sixty Clans.” Thus,
the rise of the Kyrgyz Qaghanate in Yenisei constitutes an era of feudal
relations and the foundation of modern Kyrgyzstan.
Politically the Kyrgyz formed a single administrative apparatus after
the victory over the Uyghur Qaghanate. Some scholars suggest that the
Kyrgyz ruler was called by the symbolic name of Manas he defeated
the Uyghur Qaghan. In the Middle Ages, the title of Qaghan was ad-
opted by the heads of many Turkic states. All political, executive, and
military power was concentrated in his hands. The Qaghan’s power was
passed on to his son (tegin, ( the tile of prince). If the Qaghan had no
sons, the power was transmitted to his wife, younger brothers, or Inal,
that is, the grandson through the daughters of the Qaghan. Thus, the
manners, customs, and dynastic traditions of the Kyrgyz people were
similar to those of other Turkic peoples.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

‘Alp-Sol before the battle’ by Kyrgyz artist A.Alakunov

An extensive bureaucracy ran the office of the state. The second offi-
cer was the Bui-ruk (adviser); his mandate consisted of the management
of the Qaghanate. Next in the hierarchy were, respectively, Boyla and
Yargan. The Boyla (judge) sentenced criminals and the Yargan executed
them. In making decisions on military and legal issues, the Sanguns
(zhanzhuns) helped the Qaghan. The Qaghan, Tegin, Inal, Tarkans, Boy-
la, Yargan, and Sanguns were all members of the Supreme Headquarters
of the Qaghan.
The Tutuqs, Tarkans, Biis (beks), and Tyutyuns ran the local man-
agement. The Tutuqs implemented the political leadership in districts
or in various tribal unions. They usually were the heirs (hanzaada) or
relatives of the Qaghan. The Tarkans, as Tutuqs, were appointed by the
Qaghan and commanded the military forces in regions or among tribes.
The Tarkans and Tutuqs reported directly to the Qaghan about state af-
fairs (including administrative tasks, such as collecting taxes, as well as
military affairs) in nearby regions. The Biis (beks) administered over
several small clans. The Tyutyuns, who were under the Biis, supervised
the smaller familial groups.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Kyrgyz had their own written language (and script). In the 10th
century, a number of Kyrgyz youth were trained in Northern China. The
most capable of these were invited to courtly service in other countries.
One of the Chinese chronicles, for example, describing the Buddhist
religion in Tibet, points out that there was “ a Kyrgyz Man ” in their
service.
The Kyrgyz great power, however, did not last long. Having left the
steppe, most Kyrgyz returned to the territory of the Sayan Mountains
in the first quarter of the 10th century. Although the experience of long,
arduous battles influenced their decision to leave the steppe, this was
not the decisive factor. The Kyrgyz had become scattered over a large
area; some were in Tenir-Too (Tian-Shan); others wound up in Tibet.
Many had returned to the land of their ancestors, Yenisei. A majority
were farmers who could not adapt to the semi-arid mountainous terrain
of Central Asia. Despite being spread throughout such a large territory,
the Kyrgyz were able to hold on to the territories of the Altai and Jun-
garia for almost the whole of the 10th century. Thus they were able to
retain control of eastern Turkestan.
There is little information about the Kyrgyz in the 11th or 12th centu-
ries. Perhaps this is due to the fact that the Mongol tribes, which gained
strength during this time, stood on the way of the feudal lords and raided
the plantations of weaker neighbors to the south. After losing several
opportunities for their own enrichment, Kyrgyz rulers intensified efforts
to exploit their own people. This, in turn, led to a souring of feudal
relations, civil war, and, eventually, the separation of military and civil
powers. Written sources from this time mention only three to five small
Kyrgyz estates. Prior to the establishment of Mongol rule, the Kyrgyz
had but two possessions, the Yenisei River and northern Altai, where
the rulers held the title of “Inal.” The Kyrgyz people at large were not a
match for the devastating invasions of approaching Mongols.
Agriculture, The economy in the Kyrgyz state was represented
Craft, and by such industries as animal husbandry, agriculture,
Way of Life mining, ore processing, hunting, and fishing. Farmers
grew wheat, millet, barley, and hemp. To irrigate the
crops, they used a network of irrigation ditches. Grains were grounded
with hand graters.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Kyrgyz pottery
Members of the Kyrgyz state bred horses, camels, cows, and sheep.
The wealthy members of society owned several thousand heads of cat-
tle, some of which were contained in the paddock. Numerous braids
used for collecting hay have found after various archaeological investi-
gations, is evidence for such a system. Residents of the mountain wood-
lands even succeeded in domesticating deer, roe deer, and ibex. They
were expert fishermen and hunted fur-bearing animals, wild ducks, and
geese.
The Yenisei Kyrgyz maintained active trade relations with other na-
tions by utilizing a branch of the Great Silk Road which crossed the land
of the Qaghanate. Known as the Kyrgyz Way, it began in the Turfan
oasis, extending further north to the Tuva along the Yenisei River, until
it reached the heart of the Kyrgyz state. There, merchants bought horses,
furs, musk (spices), tusks, the bones of mammoth, precious woods, pot-
tery, silver, and other tradable goods. According to A. Mokeev, squirrel
skins were the form that money took and on pair with gold and sil-
ver coins. 71 This may explain why the word for “money” (tyiyn) in the
Kyrgyz language has been associated with the word for “squirrel” (ty-
iynchychkan). Caravans from China, Eastern Turkestan, Sogdiana, and
Chu also delivered silk, wine, jewelry, and other luxury items to the
Yenisei Kyrgyz.

107
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Kyrgyz economy
was also involved in min-
ing, manufacturing, and
the processing of iron.
These processes took place
from the Sayan Mountains
to Kuznetsk and even in
the Minusinsk Basin. In
addition, iron was smelted
on the sandy banks of the
Yenisei and its tributar-
ies, the Abakan and Tuva.
These areas were also
abundant in trees suitable
for the production of char-
coal. Multiple tracks from
the smelting furnaces and
forges discovered by ar-
chaeologists confirm this.
Analysis of the residue left
by the parched alloy of the
furnaces and left-over slag
suggest that the ore was
delivered from remote ar-
eas from hundreds of kilo-
Warriors and weaponry of Enisey Kyrgyz meters away. The Kyrgyz
were masters at produc-
ing heavy daggers, battle-axes, maces, arrowheads, spears, and harness
parts from smelted iron. A variety of arrowheads were the most market-
able commodity and the Kyrgyz supplied the whole of southern Siberia
with such iron necessities.
Russian scholar Yuri Khudyakov devoted a special study to the sub-
ject of the military affairs and arms of the Yenisei Kyrgyz. According
to his work, the Art of War (Sun Tzu, ca. 6th century B.C.E.) was used
as a model for training of soldiers during this time. The excellent train-
ing of soldiers and the utilization of complex weaponry reveal a high
level of sophistication for this period. The best of these weapons were

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
compound bows, three-shoveled arrows, drums spears, and a variety of
daggers. To have military weapons produced by Kyrgyz craftsman was
considered as a matter of pride in Asia. There were many orders for such
Kyrgyz-made weapons across the Central Asian steppe.
Kyrgyz blacksmiths produced a wide range of household utensils
and tools—plowshares from bones, harrows, axes, sickles, hoes, var-
ious devices for shaping wood, iron, and nonferrous metals. Scholars
note that the Blue Turks and other tribes living in the surrounding areas
learned to smelt metal and manufacture a variety of guns because of the
expertise of the Yenisei Kyrgyz artisans.
Engravers and jewelers stood out among those metalworkers and
who produced artistic products from silver, gold, and bronze such as
dishes, belt buckles, horse harnesses, military equipment, weapons, and
jewelry. Interestingly, complex patterns and stylized images of animals
were a common aspect of such products.
The Kyrgyz reached the great perfection in ceramic art. A form of
pottery known as the Kyrgyz vase was especially popular.
Various fabrics, skins, and furs were used in the manufacture of
clothing. The clothing of nobility was known for its pomp and expen-
sive decoration. Eminent Kyrgyz individuals wore white felt caps; the
felt was typically bent outwards, and their garments were decorated with
rich embroidery.
The Kyrgyz also lived in large patriarchal families where polygamy
was common. The groom usually paid a dowry to the bride, usually in
the form of cattle. The main type of housing was an eight-sided structure
built of logs and semi-dugouts.
Scholars theorize that, since the beginning of the
Written 5th century, the Yenisei Kyrgyz used one of the writ-
Language and ing systems based on the Aramaic alphabet of the
Literature Arsacid Empire. This writing emerged long before
our era, more precisely 2800 years ago, and by the
new millennium had spread from Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Egypt (Mi-
sir), to the region of Central Asia. The modern alphabets of Arabia and
Judaica are based on the Aramaic alphabet, but, over time, have been
changed and adapted to suit the linguistic needs of these peoples.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In the 5th century, the Aramaic alphabet was widely spread among
the Yenisei Kyrgyz. Yenisei written memorials contain thirty-nine letters
(five of which are vowels). Later, the populations of the Blue Turkic
Qaghanate, Uyghurs, and Basmyls adopted the Kyrgyz alphabet. A re-
vised and expanded version of the Kyrgyz script was called the “Yenisei
version.”
This script became widely known in science after the discovery of
the so-called “Orkhon-Yenisei” stone inscriptions (1896-1961). Anal-
ogous inscriptions were also found in Talas. Together, these writings
illuminate the events of the period of the Turkic Qaghanate. Since then,
over two hundred stone inscriptions have been uncovered. Some schol-
ars (such as F. Stralenberg and D. Messerschmidt) have noted great sim-
ilarities between the marks of ancient Kyrgyz writing and the alphabetic
characters used by the peoples of the
North Epitaph in Europe.72
The Yenisey writings were read
and written from right to left. Schol-
ars have expressed competing opin-
ions over the question of which of
the Turkic dialects were used in
Orkhon and Yenisei texts. The in-
scriptions have been attributed to the
Turkic Qaghans, Kyrgyz, Uyghurs,
and Kymaks. The discovered texts
in Yenisey and Talas largely consist
of laconic inscriptions and laments
for the dead; scholars haven’t been
able to provide a precise date of
these texts. The Orkhon inscriptions
are bigger and contain more infor-
mation about past events. For exam-
ple, an epitaph in honor of Prince
Kultegin is in the form of a poem.
Similar memorials were erected
for the deceased by their relatives,
friends, and, in some cases, even
Epitaph, the Kyrgyz grave stone with the help of Qaghanate money.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The Kyrgyz used such a writing system from the 5th until the 12th
century. Symbols of the Orkhon-Yenisey writing were suitable for carv-
ing on solid objects, such as stones, bricks, wood, and metals. More
than one hundred twenty Orkhon-Yenisei texts, carved on rocks, have
survived to the present day. Although many of the recovered texts are
preserved as small portions of larger works (which were likely destroyed
over time).
The Yenisei Kyrgyz professed the religion of But-
Beliefs, paras, meaning they worshipped of idols. Like oth-
customs, and er Turks of that time, they recognized Tenir ata and
traditions Umai Ene as their principal deities. N.Y. Bichurin, in
his description of funeral rites of the Kyrgyz, notes
that: “They did not scratch their own faces during the funeral, but wail
loudly. A dead body was wrapped in three layers of cloth, placed on an
open stretcher, and burnt. Then they collected the bones and bury them
one year later.”73
The burials of known leaders were in high earthen mounds fenced
with stonework. The place of burial was called “Chaa-tas” (stone of the
battle, sogush tashy in the Kyrgyz language).
The major traditional holidays of the Yenisei Kyrgyz were celebra-
tions associated with the seasons of the year--Spring Feast, Fall Feast,
and Nooruz. The Qaghan himself, in addition to the leaders of tribes and
clans, participated in each of these festivals. People gathered at certain
places and made a solemn rite of worship to Heaven and to the spirits of
their ancestors. They would sacrifice sheep, horses, and oxen to Tenir.
They would also visit places of worship and ancestral graves. At these
locations, they decorated wooden poles decorated with colorful blue,
red, white, and yellow patches. The contemporary Kyrgyz tradition of
tying colored patches to the branches of trees at places of worship comes
from this ancient tradition.
According to established tradition, the chiefs of clans and tribes,
during such celebrations, reported to the governor about the state of af-
fairs in their provinces. They shared the number of people, livestock,
crops, and food supplies. Additionally, various games and competitions
were held, typically lasting for three days and three nights
The Kyrgyz celebrated Nooruz cheerfully and noisily. The word
“nooruz” itself means the “new day” in ancient Iranian language. Ac-

111
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
cording to the chronology of Shamsi (a solar calendar), this celebra-
tion took place on the twenty-first day of the third month. The Kyrgyz,
however, celebrated it on the second day after the appearance of the
constellation of Aries in the sky (the twenty-second day of the month).
The celebration of Nooruz included ritual games and treats. Prayers of
gratitude and wishes of good luck and mutual prosperity were also per-
formed, along with a festive meal (köjö) made from sprouted wheat.
This cooking ceremony has survived to the present day.
Ancient Chinese written sources (including “The New Record of the
Tang Empire” and “Genealogy of the Kyrgyz People”) indicate that the
Yenisei Kyrgyz were first among the Turkic tribes to have a fixed cal-
endar. 74 The Kyrgyz called the beginning of the year, “bash ai.” They
divided the year into four periods--spring, summer, autumn, and winter.
Each year was called by the name of one of twelve animals: the mouse
(kusku), cow (ui), tiger (bars), rabbit (tashkan), dragon (elü), snake
(jylan), horse (kont), sheep (koi) monkey (bichin), chicken (tagynku),
dog (it), and wild boar (lagzyn). The names of year were attributable to
the life experiences of the people over a long period of time. According-
ly, the year of a boar was connected to the harvest. In contrast, the year
of the horse and the year of the snake were associated with severe trials
and tribulations. Twelve years was said to be one cycle of life, muchöl,
and a person’s age was determined by the number of these twelve-year
life cycles.
Ancient Chinese written sources suggest that the Kyrgyz, like other
Turkic peoples, had developed music to a high art. Such musical instru-
ments as the sybyzgy (flute), doolbas (drum), shyngyroo (bells) have
survived to the present. The folk instrument of choice, however, was the
komuz. Ancient masters of the Yenisei made the komuz from pinewood,
using a high level of artistry in their craft. During this era, the komuz
had a refined form and was decorated with beads and ornaments.

The Chaatas – borrows of Enisey Kyrgyz on the territory of Khakassia

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

The Chaatas – borrows in a cutaway: a framework

of logs inside the burial vault of the hill,
Khakassia

Epitaph on the stone stele

in honor of Barsbek

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

The excerpt about Bars Bek from the Kul Tegin Inscription
of the 8th century
(E17) When my uncle, the Kaγan, succeeded to the throne,
I was Šad over the Tarduš people. Together with my uncle,
the Kaγan, we went on campaigns eastwards to the Green
River (Yellow River, Huanhe) and the Shantung plain, and
we went on campaigns westwards as far as the Iron Gate
(Derbent Pass). (We went on campaigns up to the land of
the Kirgiz) beyond the Kögmän (mountains).
(E18) In all we went on campaigns twenty five times and
we fought thirteen times. We took the realm of those who
had had a realm, and we captured the Kaγan of those who
had a Kaγan; we made the powerful enemies kneel and the
proud ones bow. The Türgis Kaγan (and his people) were
our Türks and (our people. On account of their foolishness)
(E 19) and their being traitorous to us, their Kaγan was
killed; his Buyruqs and Bägs, too, were killed. The On-Ok
people suffered (a great deal). In order that the earth and
water (land), which was ruled by our ancestors, would not
be without ruler, we organized the Azbodun (Az people) and
put them in order....
(E20) was Bars Bäg. It was we who had given him the title
of Kaγan. We had also given him my younger sister, the
princess, in marriage. But he betrayed (us). (As a result)
the Kaγan was killed and the people became slaves and
servants. In order that the Kögmän land would not remain
without ruler, we organized the Az and Qïrqïz peoples, and
then we came (back) and fought.
(E21) We gave (them) back.... Eastwards as far as beyond
the Khingan mountains we thus settled and organized the
people westwards as far as Käηü Tarman we thus settled
and organized the Türkish people. At that time slaves them-
selves had slaves (and servants themselves had servants.
Younger brothers did not acknowledge their elder brothers,
and sons did not acknowledge their fathers).

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(E22) We had such a well acquired and well-organized state

and institutions. You, Türkish and Oγuz Bägs and peoples,
hear this, if the sky above did not collapse, and if the earth
below did not give way, O Türkish people, who would be
able to destroy your state and institutions? O Türkish peo-
ple, regret and repent!
(E23) Because of your unruliness, you yourselves betrayed
your wise Kaγan who had (always) nourished you, and you
yourselves betrayed your good realm which was free and
independent, and you (yourselves) caused discord. From
where did the armed come and put you to flight? From
where did the lancer come and drive you away? You, peo-
ple of the sacred Ötükän mountains, it was you who went
away.
(E24) (Of you) those who meant to go to the east went away,
and those who meant to go to the west went away. In the
places you went, your (only) profit was the following: your
blood ran like a river, and your bones were heaped up like
a mountain; your sons worthy of becoming Bägs became
slaves, and your daughters worthy of becoming ladies be-
came servants. Because of your unawareness
(E25) and because of your mischievousness, my uncle, the
Kaγan, met his death. First I erected the Qïrqïz Kaγan as
a balbal (for him). In order that the name and fame of the
Türkish people would not perish, Täηri, who raised my fa-
ther, the Kaγan, and my mother, the Katun, and who gave
them the state, in order that the name and fame of the Türk-
ish people would not perish, (Täηri)
(E26) enthroned (me). I did not become ruler over a wealthy
and prosperous people at all, (on the contrary,) I became
ruler over poor and miserable people who were foodless in
the inside and clothless on the outside. I and Kül Tigin, my
younger brother, consulted together. In order that the name
and fame of the people, which our father and uncle had
won, would not perish, and

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

(E27) for the sake of the Türkish people, I did not sleep by
night and I did not relax by day. Together with my younger
brother, Kül Tigin, and together with two Šads, I worked to
death and I won. Having won and gathered in that way, I did
not let the people split into two (opposite) parts like fire and
water. (When) I (succeeded to the throne) the people who
had gone (in almost all directions,)
(E28) came back utterly exhausted, without horses and
without clothes. In order to nourish the people, I, with great
armies, went on campaigns twelve times, northwards
against the Oγuz people, eastwards against the Qitań and
Tatabï peoples, southwards against the Tabγač, (and I
fought... times)
(E29) After (that), since I had fortune and since I had good
luck - may Täηri be gracious! - I brought the people to life
who were going to perish, and nourished them. I furnished
the naked people with clothes and I made the poor people
rich and the few people numerous. I made them superior to
the peoples who have great states and (esteemed rulers).75

The Mongol Empire in the History of Kyrgyzstan

Orkhon-Yenisey ancient stone inscriptions, and
Genghis Chinese sources, document the arrival of Mongolians,
Khan’s Rise Tatars, and other tribes in Central Asia before the 9th
to Power and 10th centuries. With the addition of other clans,
such as the the Onguts, Merkits, and Ogus, a large
tribal alliance of Tatars was formed. At the beginning of the 12th cen-
tury, however, this alliance began to disintegrate, due to disagreements
between Mongolians and Tatars. The appearance of breakaway tribes such
as the Kerei, Kongurat, Oirat, and Naiman were the first signs of trouble.
Having united with the Kerei tribe and several other tribal entities,
the leader of a Mongol tribe, Esugey Batyr, periodically raided the Tatar
tribes. In 1155 (according to some reports in 1162), Temujin, Esugey’s
son, was born. In 1164, Tartars killed Esugey and, an orphan, Temujin
learned of his father’s fate.

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According to legend, Temujin’s great grandmother from a ninth tribe,
Alan-Goa (Beauty Maral), bore five children to a Mongol husband, but
another three sons from a “white man who came down at night in a ray
of moonlight after the death of her Mongol husband.”76 That is why it is
believed that Temujin and his descendants had red
hair and blue eyes. Such physical appearance on
that time in Mongolia and South Siberia area was
met only among Yenisei Kyrgyz.
In the 19th century Igor Berezin, a famous Rus-
sian scholar, in his book, Sheybaniada. The His-
tory of the Mongol-Turkic People in the Jag-Thai
Dialect with Translation, Notes and Applications”
(1849), argued that Alan-Goa’s three youngest sons
were fathered by a Kyrgyz military command-
er who reigned over the Mongolian tribes during Genghis Khan
the Kyrgyz Great Power (end of the 9th century). A German scholar
P. Rachnevsky corroborates this, contending that the Kareits (since they
had lived on the Irtysh River in Altai) were one of the branches of the
Kyrgyz people.77 Later, the Kereits assimilated into the Mongolian tribes.
The Naimans also lived in the lands of the Kyrgyz, later moving to Altai,
Irtysh, and the Upper Ob. A Chinese historian Khan Zhulin believed that
the Naimans were related to the Kyrgyz. P. Rachnevsky also considered
the Naimans to be a Turkic people rather than Mongolian, contending
that the Mongolian name of “Naiman” is from the Turkic name of “segiz
oguz.” The ambitious Temujin demonstrated outstanding abilities in the
struggle for power and subdued every Tatar, Naiman, Ongut, and Turkic
tribe that stood in his path. At the Congress of Mongolian Feudal Lords
in 1206, the state was declared an empire and Temujin took the title of
“Chengis Khan” (Genghis, Chinggis). Most scholars agree that “Chengis”
has the connotation of “oceanic”, “the ruler of universe” and thus “world
embracing”. A fifty-one-year-old Chengis Khan, clever and cunning, bru-
tal and purposeful, as a native of the Mongolian clan of Borjigin, stood at
the head of the state. Unquestioning obedience of his associates allowed
Chinggis Khan to create a powerful and disciplined army and, with their
help, he conquered all the neighboring nations in a short period of time.
Chengis Khan was known all over the world for his strength and brutality.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1207, the Yenisei Kyrgyz presented expensive gifts to Chengis
Khan and expressed their desire to serve and obey him. In 1218, howev-
er, they supported the rebel Merkits and revolted. Chengis Khan sent his
son, Jochi, to quell the rebellion and bring the region once again under
his control. At the same time, in 1218, western Kyrgyz who had fought in
Tenir-Too with their Naiman ruler, Kiichliig, decided to surrender amidst
the threat of a Mongol purge. During the reign of Ceingis Khan and his
successors, large numbers of Kyrgyz migrated from Sayan-Altai to Te-
nir-Too.
By the order of Chengis Khan, all Mongolians, Tatars, Turks, and oth-
er tribes under his rule had to participate in his military campaigns. The
Mongolian army had a clear structural organization and was divided into
tens, hundreds, thousands, and tens of thousands (tumens). At the head of
each was a chief endowed with unlimited power. Ten men were executed
for one soldier’s cowardice, and a hundred for a misdemeanor by ten.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Campaigns by Chinggis Khan differed from others; his troops were
notorious for their brutal subjugation of the enemy. The use of horror
and panic were common tactics. Mass executions of the innocent, arson,
and looting were commonplace. Muslim medieval sources chronicle
the bloodlust of the period and some thirty cases when a hundred thou-
sand people perished in battles and executions. In fact, there were many
more acts of barbarism than this, spanning the vast territory conquered
by Chinggis Khan and stretching from the steppes of Central Asia to
Eastern Europe. Accordingly, Chengis Khan’s military campaigns can
be seen as one of the most tragic and dark pages in the history of the
Middle Ages.
In 1207, Chengis Khan decided to conquer the peoples of southern
Siberia. The Kyrgyz, fragmented into small territories, had to save their
forces and, like the Uighurs and Karluks, voluntarily gave themselves
over to Chinggis Khan. The “Secret History of the Mongols ” describes
these events:
In the year of the hare (1207), Jochi was sent, with the right
wing of his army, against the forest people. He chose Buhu
as his guide. First, Huduha-bey, with his tumen of Oirats,
obeyed them. Then, Jochi got closer to the Kyrgyz. Then the
Kyrgyz noyons, Urus-Inal (Edi-Inal), Aldier, and Olebek-te-
gin, expressed resignation and presented falcons, tulpars,
and black otters to the Khan. Jochi forced all the forest peo-
ple to submit to the Mongolians…. He brought with him the
Kyrgyz commanders of thousands, noyons of forest people,
put them in front of Chinggis Khan, and ordered them to
present their gifts to the Khan. Chinggis Khan was pleased
with his son, and said: “Let all of them obey you....”78
Furthermore, the chronicle says that Chengis Khan sent two of his
representatives to respond to the Kyrgyz. Thus, it is clear that the ini-
tiative to establish official relations with the Mongolians came from the
Kyrgyz people.
At the beginning of the 13th century, small Kyrgyz Qaghanates, like
Edi-Orun (Middle Yenisei), which bordered that of the Mongolians on
the Yenisei River (in Tuva and Altai), were obeisant to the Khan.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1217, Turkic-speaking Tumats, who were part of a small Tuva-Kyr-
gyz possession, revolted against the ruthless violence and oppression of
the Mongolians. To suppress the rebellion, Chengis Khan sent a large
army, led by the experienced commander, Baragul Noyon. The Tumats
fiercely resisted, but the superiority of the Mongol force did its job: the
uprising was drowned in blood. Although, the enforced peace, built on
such a violent Mongol reaction, would not last.
In 1218, Mongol builders, besides fixing taxes, demanded one hun-
dred Tumat girls for their feudal lords. Offended by such an insolent and
abusive demand, the Tumats rebelled again. Chengis Khan ordered the
Kyrgyz army to quell the rebellion, but the Kyrgyz people did not com-
ply, refusing to send their warriors and, in addition to this, they joined
the Kyshtyms (Tumats), seeing them as eternal, natural allies.
The leader of the Kyrgyz united force was Kurlun. Chengis Khan
decided to send a large army under the command of his eldest son, Jochi,
to bring the Kyrgyz and Kyshtums army to its knees. The Mongolians
severely punished the rebels. Many sources confirm that the military op-
erations against the Kyrgyz people lasted for a month. Jochi had to pass
through the whole of Tuva, Minusinsk Basin, and Altai to restore the
peace. A number of Kyrgyz soldiers were killed or imprisoned, whereas
a resourceful few divided into small groups and made camp in the Taiga
forests. Still others migrated to inaccessible places in search of a safe
haven. Despite everything that happened, the Kyrgyz people continued
to inhabit their native land, although they were regarded as vassals of
the Mongolians. The whole of Sayan-Altai, together with the Kyrgyz
territory, were given to Jochi Khan, becoming the northwestern outskirts
of the Mongolian Empire. In 1226, Ögedei, the third son of Chinggis
Khan, ascended the throne and decided to consolidate his power among
the local populations under his control. To accomplish this, he married
the daughters of noble Merkit and Kyrgyz leaders and thus established
close relationships with local feudal lords and nobility. The fourth wife
of Ögedei, for example, was a Kyrgyz woman.
The warriors of Chengis Khan called themselves Mughals (Mongo-
lians). In the countries they conquered, however, they were called Ta-
tars. Indeed, it was common for the Chinese to refer to all steppe tribes
at Tatars. In other regions, the Mughals were called Tatars because Tatar
detachments were usually at the forefront of the Mongol expeditionary

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force. Importantly, Tatars resisted Chengis Khan longer than any other
steppe people, therefore, they were given the unenviable job of form-
ing the “penal battalions.”79 Tartars were always at the front of military
formations and were usually sent into the most dangerous places. They
were the first Mongol faces that the people of Europe and Minor Asia
saw on the battlefield. That is why the name “Tartar” became synon-
ymous with glory and terror among the populations that the Mughals
conquered. In other sources, they were also called by a double name, the
“Tatar-Mongols.”
Regiments of Turks, Chzhurchzhens, Tibetans, Chinese, and Slavs
made up the armies of the “Great Horde,” the army of Chinggis Khan.
The army was exclusively made of volunteers. Multi-confessional and
multilingual, these soldiers were united because of the nature of Ching-
gis Khan’s rule; enemies were punished, but supporters were rewarded.
After the death of Chinggis Khan, the Mongol conquest did not stop.
In fact, the assaults continued, becoming even more grandiose. In the
1230s, the Khan’s steppe armies completed its conquest of northern Chi-
na, Persia, Armenia, Georgia, Russia, Poland, and Hungary. At this time,
the power of the Chinggisids and their Great Horde could now rightfully
claim to be a world empire.
Under the yoke of the Mongol rule, the Kyr-
Enisey gyz were divided into two groups. This processed
Kyrgyzs and occurred due in part to natural conditions and the
the Mongols type of farming that each respective population em-
ployed. The first group was the steppe Kyrgyz who
practiced cattle breeding and agriculture. The second group was the for-
est Kyrgyz who were herdsmen and hunters, inhabiting the mountainous
areas of the Yenisei.
The neighbors of the Kyrgyz were the Oirats who lived in the upper
Yenisei. The Kyrgyz and other Turkic tribes had a noticeable influence
on the language of the Oirats. Even the name of the place where Oirats
lived comes from a Turkic word, “seki” (“murek” in Mongolian). The
place where the Kemchik River flows into the Yenisei was called “Kem-
chik Boruk.” The word “kemchik” means “river” and the word “boruk”
means “wolf” in the Oirat language. The association of the Kyrgyz, in
parts, with the word “burut” may be a factor of their belief in wolf an-
cestor worship. Later, the Oirats called all Kyrgyz, Buruts. In Chinese

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
written sources from the 17-19th centuries, the Kyrgyz are also called
“Burut.”
Another clash between the Kyrgyz and Mongolians occurred in
1273. The Kyrgyz rebels surrounded the residence of the Mongol gov-
ernor, forcing him to flee. Controversy and discord allowed the Kyrgyz
to restore their independence. Between the years 1273-1293, the Kyr-
gyz dominated the coastal plain of the Yenisei River. The Mongolian
ruler of Central Asia, Qaidu, had his headquarters in the Chui Valley
and provided the Kyrgyz with protection and patronage. The war which
began between Qaidu and Kublai, however, proved disastrous for the
Kyrgyz. In search of a safe haven, yet again, many left their native land
and were deprived of their independence as a consequence. From 1275
to 1276, some Kyrgyz chose to rebel against Kublai Khan. After the
conflict subsided, Kublai Khan relocated a large group of the Kyrgyz to
Zhaozhou city, a new administrative center of the district, based in Man-
churia. They gradually lost their ethnic identity and assimilated with the
Chinese. At the insistence of Kublai Khan, nine-thousand Kyrgyz yurts
in the mountains of Altai-Hangu were relocated to the interior of Mon-
golia. In 1290, Kublai Khan sent the Kipchak captain, Tutuq, serving
the Mongolians, to Altai, to relocate the Qaidu as well. As a result, an-
other three-thousand Kyrgyz people were driven from their lands. When
Tutuq defeated the Kyrgyz who lived in the Upper Yenisei, he carried
a large group of them (according to contemporary sources, seven hun-
dred families) to the southeast of Manchuria (Hesyhe). In 1295, another
Kyrgyz community was forcibly relocated to the province of Shandong.
By the second half of the 13th century, the Mongol Khans defeated
the Altai and Yenisei Kyrgyz, most of them forcibly relocated to differ-
ent parts of Central Asia. The only constant in all of this was a policy of
division and relocation of the various tribes, as well as the rigid super-
vision of all the territories which they occupied. Such tactics continued
after the death of Kublai Khan. Some among the Kyrgyz, who had es-
caped the severe violence of their Mongol lords, migrated to their an-
cestral home of Qaidu located in Tenir-Too. Uniting with relatives who
had lived there since ancient times, they succeeded in maintaining their
identity as an ethnic group, becoming the predecessor to the modern
Kyrgyz people.
That was the most difficult period in the history of the Kyrgyz people.
Their numbers had decreased significantly. They had lost their ancestral

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territory. Many Kyrgyz who were forcibly relocated to other places as-
similated into the populations of the Mongolians and Chinese.
Forced displacement of Kyrgyz tribes from the Yenisei River and
Altai mountains to other regions continued until the fall of the Yuan
Dynasty in 1389.
The conquest of the eastern provinces of Tenir-Too was an attractive
target to the imperial dreams of Chengis Khan. In 1218, his commander,
Chepe Noyon, led twenty-thousand strong and easily defeated the forces
of the Naimans--with the help of the Uighurs and Karluks in Semirechie.
The Naimans were not prepared to meet such an army. After conquer-
ing the Muslims of Semirechie, the Naiman Khan, Kuchlug, had forced
them to convert to Buddhism and Christianity. Therefore, the peoples of
east Turkestan and Semirechye hated Kuchlug and saw the Mongolians
as liberators rather than oppressors. After being defeated, Kuchlug fled
to the Pamir Mountains where he was caught and beheaded. The people
of Kyrgyzstan, in fact, contributed to the success of the Mongolians.
The devastation associated with the reign of the Naiman was the cause
of even greater decline in their economy and culture.
In 1218, Semirechye and Central Tenir-Too were completely under
the control of the Mongolians. Tumens of Chinggis Khan conquered the
peoples of Turkestan with sword. In 1219, Mongolians easily defeated
the separated armies of Khorezm-Shah Mohammed. Without encoun-
tering any resistance, Chinggis Khan continued the conquest westward
expanding the vastness of his empire. Hundreds of towns and villages
in Turkestan were burned and destroyed. Flourishing agriculture and the
urban handicraft of Issyk-Kul, Chui, and Talas was also destroyed, to be
replaced by nomadic herding. Only Osh, Ferghana, and Uzgen managed
to avoid complete destruction.
One of the first Kyrgyz historians, Belek Soltonoev, recorded such
information about the consequences of the Mongol invasion in his “Es-
say on the History of Kyrgyz People”:

Having conquered Chinese, Manchurians, Koreans, Mon-

golians, and Turkic Tatars, he passed along Central Asia
and Hindustan in 1219-1224. Only in Central Asia and
China, Thirty-Six million people were exterminated (in Chi-
na, eighteen million, around Samarkand, eleven million,

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

in Balik City and others, seven million). In 1223, having

passed through the Caucasus, he destroyed a seven-
ty-thousand-strong Russian army led by a number of princ-
es, defeated the Khaganate of Kipchaks and returned via
Edil (Volga). In 1220-1226, rivers of blood filled the space
from Korea in the east to the Azov Sea in the west and to
Hindustan in the south, plundering and eradicating entire
populations, burning everything in his path.80
Before dying, Chengis Khan divided his inheritance among his sons.
Chagatai got Uyguria, Semirechie, and Maveran-Nahr .Ögedei received
the territories of Western Mongolia and Zhungariya.Toluy inherited his
father’s yurt and Mongolia. The children of the dead Djuchi were not
forgotten, receiving lands from the Khorezm, as far as the hooves of
Mongol horses could take them. The grandchildren of ChEngis Khan
also received some minor parts of the Empire.. The whole Empire was
intended to be united by the power of the Great Khan.
Great Khans were chosen and approved by Mongolian congresses,
or Kurultais, where military leaders were ceremoniously raised on felt
and presented to the people. In spite of the appearance of something
democratic, no one thought to chosen anyone but the lawful heir. The
Mongol law of succession was according to the minorat system, or rule
by the younger. The first to break this law was Chengis Khan himself,
who did not want his younger son, Tolui, to succeed him. Instead, he
preferred Ögedei, who seemed to be a more capable ruler. Furthermore,
the violation of minorat led to the competition of Ögedei and Tolui, giv-
ing impetus to Mongolian civil strife which eventually split the Empire.
Considering themselves as independent rulers, no one wanted to be
under the authority of the Great Khan of Mongolia. The lack of clear
boundaries between Ulus led to strife and border clashes and eventually
escalated into war. Already, by the first half of the 13th century, an in-
dependent state--The Golden Horde (Altyn Ordo)--was forming in the
western empire. Its ruler, Batu Khan, refused to recognize the authority
of the Great Khan of Mongolia. Soon, the rulers of Iraq and Central Asia
followed his lead. Gradually, the Khanates seceded from the Uluses.
Opposition to the cruelity of Mongolian potentates intensified with each
passing year.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
A new spirit of separation among Mongolians and other nomadic
tribes from Altai appeared on the horizon, beginning in Tenir Too during
the reign of Mongke (the grandson of Chinggis Khan) (1251-1259). His
younger brother, Hulagu, undertook a military campaign against Iran,
led his troops across Northern Kyrgyzstan, yet again subjecting the local
population to terror and oppression. Some warriors and nomads who
fought in the campaign appropriated for themselves fertile and cultivat-
ed land along the way. Thus, local populations were completely devas-
tated. Gradually, the centers of trade, handicrafts, farming, and garden-
ing were destroyed. The devastation of the Mongol invaders would last
for nearly four hundred years.
The separatist politics of Mongol feudal lords, crav-
Qaidu ing independence in Central Asia, yielded desirable
State results for those involved. In 1269, on the banks of
the Talas River, a joint Kurultai (congress) of Ögedei’s
and Chagatai’s Ulus was convened and a new state completely inde-
pendent from the Karakorum (the capital of the Great Khan) was creat-
ed. Qaidu Khan, the grandson of Ögedei (1269-1301), became the head
of this new state. The boundaries of the state stretched from Altai to
Amu Darya, present-day Kyrgyzstan and eastern Turkestan. The capital
was Tarsakent, located in the Chui Valley and the present-day village of
Karajigach (near Bishkek).
Hajdu was well aware that the strength and stability of the state was
directly related to its economic development. Accordingly, he took a
number of significant measures to improve the economy, trade within
the country, as well as trade relations with neighboring states. Works to
restore the towns and villages that had been destroyed by the Mongol
invaders, such as Tarsakent and Balassagyn, were also undertaken. Var-
ious crafts and areas of manufacturing were revived. Monetary reforms
were also part of his initiatives. Silver coinage was introduced and wide-
ly circulated. The owners of silver mines contributed their silver to assist
with the production of a centralized mint. The solution to most of the
region’s economic problems was a new tax policy, coupled with strict
enforcement. Violators of laws and decrees were severely punished.
For example, it was categorically forbidden to graze livestock on arable
land; heavy fines were exacted in cases of violation of the law.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
To ensure continued economic progress, Qaidu
tried to avoid wars of conquest. Instead, he pre-
ferred diplomatic methods to resolve conflicts,
prudently taking advantage of separatist move-
ments in the camps of his opponents. For example,
Qaidu Khan repeatedly supported the Altai and
Yenisei Kyrgyz who rebelled against the oppres-
sive Mongolian Empire. In 1293, while trying to
rescue the Kyrgyz, he was again defeated in battle.
Qaidu Khan After that, nothing could prevent the collapse of
the Kyrgyz state. Qaidu, however, still managed to protect the Kyrgyz
of Altai and eastern Tenir-Too from the persecution and oppression of
the Mongolians by resettling of a large group of Kyrgyz in Tenir-Too.
A long war with the Chengisids followed the death of Qaidu (1301),
giving a way to fragmentation amongst the Kyrgyz population. By the
14th century, Mongolian feudal lords turned a once flourishing agricul-
tural landscape into land for grazing cattle only.
By the middle of the 14th century, the once powerful territory of
Central Asia created by Qaidu was split into two independent states:
Chagatai ulus (Maveran-Nahr), where people continued to call them-
selves by the name of Chaghatays, and Mogulistan which encompassed
Semirechie, Tien Shan, eastern Turkestan, and Jungaria.
By the end of the 14th century and beginning of the 15th century, the
Yenisey and Sayan-Altai Kyrgyz actively participated in the Oirot-Mon-
gol wars and Mongolian feudal struggle for power, taking the side of the
Oirots. By the end of the 14th century, many of the Oirots and Mongo-
lians came under the authority of the Kyrgyz ruler, Ugechi-Kashka (his
Mongolian name, Möngke Temür Khan) who took steps to strengthen
the state and its internal order. By his royal decree, the Yuan Dynasty
was changed to the Dadan (Tatar) Dynasty. During his reign, Möngke-
Temür (1403-1408) repeatedly fought his former allies, Oirots, who
took issue with Kyrgyz hegemony in the region at this time.
In 1399-1425, the rulers of the Oirots and Mongolians were ethnic
Kyrgyz. In combination with the Oirots, the Kyrgyz often took part in
Central Asian raids that reached as far as Issyk-Kul and western Te-
nir-Too. By the 15th century, the Kyrgyz were a force to be reckoned
with in many parts of the Mongolian Empire. Contemporary sources

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report that a Kyrgyz general by the name of Ababartsy, one among sev-
eral Mongolian generals, as well as a Kyrgyz tumen, fought in a cam-
paign against Beijing (1449-1450); the troops were reportedly made up
of Mongolians and Oirots. Regardless, it should be noted that attempts
by the Yenisei and Altai Kyrgyz to establish an atonymous state in 13-
14th centuries proved unsuccessful.
Mogulistan and the State of Amir Temir
In 1345, conspirators killed Kazan Khan, the latest Chengisid to rule
the Chagatai ulus. This was the end of the Mongolian period in the histo-
ry of this region. In the middle of the 14th century, a new state in Eastern
Central Asia was established, Mogulistan, or “country of the Moguls.”
(Turkic people called Mongolians, “Moguls.”) The largest Mogul trib-
al associations used both Mongolian and Turkic names. They included
Duglats (duulats), Kangyls, Argynuts, Baarins, Barlases, among many
others. They spoke Turkic languages for a long time, kept Turkic tradi-
tions, considered Tenir-Too, rather than Mongolia, to be their homeland,
and converted to Islam. Later, many of these tribes aligned themselves
with the Kyrgyz people.81
The territory of the Moguls stretched from Bar-Kul Lake in the
east to Syr Darya in the west. The Northern boundary of the state was
Balkhash Lake, whereas the southern boundary was eastern Turkestan.82
The Kyrgyz lived along their eastern borders.
The leading role in political life was played by the feudal lords of the
Duglat tribe. They ruled the vast and fertile region of Mangalay-Sube--
which included eastern Turkestan, part of the Ferghana, Alai, Tenir-Too,
and Issyk-Kul. The headquarters was Ak-Suu City in the Ili Valley of
eastern Turkestan. The most powerful, famous, and influential leader of
the tribe was Puladchi.
The younger brother of Puladchi, Qamar al-Din, ruled the Talas and
Chui valleys, Issyk-Kul, Balkhash Lake in the north, and Irtysh River
in the east. Because he was unable to link his descent from Chinggis
Khan, Puladchi could not technically sit upon the throne. In 1348, for-
mal power was given to one of the Chengisids, the eighteen year old
Togluk-Temir. He was a direct descendant of Chagatai and the grandson
of Jochi Khan. Togluk-Temir had lived among the Kalmaks in Ak-Suu
until this time. Puladchi, who adopted the title of ulusbek (a title just
above that of Khan) actually ruled the state on behalf of the legitimate

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
heir to the throne, Togluk-Temir. Moreover, the title was hereditary.
Eventually, the first Khan of Mogulistan, Togluk-Temir, showed great
aptitude for government service and established a common language
with the nomadic peoples. In 1354, he accepted Islam and declared it the
state religion. Mohammed Haidar writes that, in just one day, one hun-
dred sixty thousand people accepted Islam as the true religion.83 After
becoming a Muslim, Togluk-Temir used this to justify his rule over the
whole of Central Asia.
Between the years of 1360-1361, Togluk-Temir undertook a military
campaign to Maverannahr—which, in Arabic, refers to “the land beyond
the river;” this included everything between the Syr Darya and Amu-
Darya rivers. The Mongol army crossed the Syr Darya and reached Kun-
duz without any major problems. Leaving his son, Iliyas Kojo, as his
deputy in charge of Samarkand, Togluk-Temir returned to Mogulistan
with a vast amount of spoils from the campaign.
The Moguls ruthlessly plundered and oppressed the people of Mav-
erannahr. Driven by despair, the people of Maverannahr had little re-
course but rebellion. Local feudal lords often supported such uprisings.
During one such uprising, Iliyas-Kojo (a governor) was captured. Over
time, his position of had power came under threat. Temir, one of the
Emirs who headed the troops of Maverannahr, came to the assistance of
Iliyas-Kojo. A patron of Togluk-Temir, Temir relieved Iliyas-Kojo of his
post and dispatched him to Mogulistan as the new Khan of that region.
After becoming the Khan of Mogulistan, Iliyas-Kojo continued the
foreign policy of his father, who died in 1364, and seized Mawarannahr.
In 1365, the Mogul army and expeditionary force made up of troops
from Maverannahr (led by Temir) engaged in battle in the Tashkent re-
gion. During the hostilities, a severe storm and heavy rain commenced.
Because of the howling wind, warriors on both sides could not hear the
orders of their commanders. In the end, the Temir’s army fled from bat-
tle. In their haste to retreat from the battlefield, many were trampled to
death in the mud. About ten thousand people were killed in the massacre
that ensued, which later came to be called the “Battle in Mud.”84
Following the battle, the Moguls surrounded Samarqand. The leaders
of the Maverannahr troops, Temir and Hussein, left the city. However,
many of the city’s residents refused to yield, defending Samarqand with
their lives. With the exception of the main gate, all gates of the city were

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closed when the Moguls approached the city. When the Mogul cavalry
attacked through such a narrow entry, they were greeted with arrows,
rocks, and other improvised weaponry. Having lost most of his soldiers
as a consequence of this brilliant defensive maneuvre, Iliyas-Kojo was
forced to withdraw his army and return to Mogulistan. Temir and Hus-
sein returned to Samarqand after the defeat of the Mogul army only to
order that those who had led the defense of the city be put to death.
The return of Iliyas-Kojo was a cause for great concern and dissatis-
faction on the part of the feudal nobility of Mogulistan. By order of the
Emir Ka-mar ad-Din, Iliyas-Kojo and his family were executed. This
was the beginning of a prolonged civil war in Mogulistan and protracted
weakening of the state.
Tired of the continuous raids of the Moguls and
Military dissatisfaction of the people, the feudal lords and
Campaigns merchants of Maverannahr wanted to see a strong
of Temir ruler who was able to resist external enemies and
restore order within the country. As a result, Temir
came to power as its Amir (“master” in Arabic). This famous native son
of Turkic ancestry ruled for more than thirty years, from 1370 to 1405.
The capital city of Temir’s rule was that of Samarqand and has become
known as the “Power of Temir-lan.”
In one of his campaigns, Temir was wound-
ed in the leg, leaving him partially crippled and
thus he got his nickname, Temir-lan,. It can
translated as “Temir the Lame” (Tamerlan in
European pronunciation), which may explain
why another of his nicknames was the English
equivalent of “Iron Lame.” Other names for
him included Amir Temir, Timur Barlas, and
Timur Taragai.
Temir was born in 1336, in Kojo Village
near the town of Shakhrisabz (“Green City” in
Farsi). His father, Taragaybek, belonged to an Amir Temir
assimilated Mongolian tribe of Barlas. From a young age, Temir was
distinguished for his courage, iron will, managerial leadership qualities,
and martial arts. When Maverannahr was captured by Togluk-Temir,
Temir served the Moguls. In 1361, he formed an alliance with the grand-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
son of Kazagan, Hussein. But, in 1370, he beheaded Hussein, and be-
came the sole ruler, or Amir, of the country. One of his names was Amir
Temir Guragan (from the Mongolian word, turagan, which in Kyrgyz
is körögön, and means “son-in-law.” The marriage to the widow of his
former ally ,Hussein,allowed him to become a full-fledged member of
the Chengisid Dynasty and rule the country in their stead.
In 1371, Temir led a campaign in Mogulistan near Issyk-Kul Lake.
However, by this time, the majority of inhabitants had been relocated to
another side of the Ili River and was inaccessible because of the moun-
tains there. In 1375, Temir invaded Mogulistan via Sairam and Talas,
but again found only a deserted village. Despite their long-standing con-
tempt for each other and hostile military confrontations, the rulers of the
two uluses in Mogulistan, Qamar al-Din and Kadjy-bek, joined forces,
hoping to overcome Temir’s invading army. However, Temir, more cun-
ning and farsighted, attacked them one at a time, chasing al-Din into the
valley of the Ili River, seizing many resources and soldiers (including
Kyrgyz soldiers), which he sent back to Samarkand. Still, Temir failed to
completely destroy the army of Qamar al-Din; eventually, he retreated.

Timur (Tamerlane), 1336-1405. Timur’s Rise to Power

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Qamar al-Din had inflicted a powerful blow to Temir’s pride. That
same year, an enraged Temir, having crossed the Irtysh River, arrived in
Kochkor with plans to destroy the army of Qamar al-Din. In 1377-1379,
Temir continued his aggressive campaign, defeating the bulk of the Mo-
gul army, although a remnant took refuge on the other side of the Ili
River in the mountains of Tarbagatay. After the defeat, Temir took away
an unprecedented stockpile of treasure and thousands of prisoners who
were subsequently sold into slavery.
Exhausted from incessant warfare with their enemies, the Moguls
started looking for allies in the war of attrition against Temir. In 1380,
they formed a coalition, which included the Khan of the Golden Horde
of Toktomush, the governor of Mogulistan, Qamar al-Din, and a number
of uluses in Tenir-Too, the Inner Tian Shan
In 1389, having gathered a great army, Temir led another expedi-
tionary force towards Mogulistan. Twenty-five years of struggle with
the nomads there had convinced him that he might never conquer the
region and its people, and so he determined to wreak havoc. He sought
to destroy their possessions and capture as many prisoners as possible.
To achieve this, he forcibly relocated as many locals as he could to the
vicinity of Maverannahr. Without facing any serious resistance, Temir
and his army won quick, successive victories in the valleys of Talas,
Chu, and Ili, before heading on to Altai. Temir’s troops massacred Mo-
guls along the way, but a decisive victory continued to elude them.
In 1390, Temir sent two more armies into the region. One went north,
through Tashkent, Talas, and Chui; the other went south by way of Andi-
jan along the Yassy River and Arpa Valley. In Issyk-Kul, Temir’s two
armies chased Qamar al-Din and his troops as far as Irtysh. The nomads
of Tenir-Too fled the destruction, abandoning their homes and finding
refuge in the mountains.
Following the campaign, Temir’s jurisdiction and power extended as
far as the Chu valley. Mogulistan had been defeated by a great conquer-
or. Ulugh Beg, the grandson of Temir, became his deputy — who is most
famous as a philosopher.
The memory of Temir and his conquests were eventually added to
the folklore of the Kyrgyz people. Popular rumor still associates two
stone mounds that overlook the mountain pass of San-Tash (the eastern
part of Issyk-Kul) with the name of Temir. According to another Kyrgyz

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
legend, on its way to China, Temir’s army stopped briefly just across
the San-Tash (It was likely the campaign meant to crush Qamar al-Din
and his army in Altai.) Before its march through the pass, Temir ordered
all his warriors to take a stone each and deposit them at some specific
location of his choosing, creating a huge stone mound. When returning
from that same campaign and following the same path home, it is said
that Temir again ordered his soldiers to take stones and create a second
mound, which, because so many had died, was significantly smaller than
the first. Over time, people would call this place San-Tash, or “the ac-
count of stones.”
During the last years of his rule, Temir formed a great empire that
stretched from the Mediterranean Sea to eastern Turkestan. In 1391 and
1395, he twice crushed the armies of Toktomush and the Khan the Gold-
en Horde. In 1393, Temir was victorious in Baghdad. In 1398-1399, his
military successes included parts of northern India and, in 1401, most
of Syria.
Temir died on February 18, 1405 in Otrar (near present-day Turkes-
tan) while on a military campaign in China. Temir’s body was laid in a
mausoleum in Samarqand.
The Kyrgyz nomads from eastern Mogulistan, Altai, and Dzungaria
gradually moved to the abandoned lands that had been conquered by
Temir, only to be assimilated by remnants of the Mogul tribes who had
managed to survive the various military campaigns that had savaged
the region. At that time, Kyrgyz soldiers led by Baimurat-Cherik were
distinguished for their courage and endurance. In his book, Tarikh-i
Rashidi (History of Rashid), consisting of two daftar (notebooks), Mir-
za Muhammad Haidar called the Kyrgyz “the lions of the Mogulistan
forests.”85 This epithet has been of great interest to specialists of Kyrgyz
history.
Internecine quarrels and intrigues defined Mogulistan in the late 14th
and early 15th centuries. The choice of a puppet ruler was the principal
task of the feudal lords of the Mangalay-Sube ulus (eastern Turkestan).
Although he did not openly advertise it, Temir (during his reign) did not
really trust Mogul rulers. In 1399, Temir had sent his grandson Iskender
to Mangalay-Sube to subject its citizenry to a merciless and humiliating
defeat. The Kyrgyz in the region expressed their discontent to Iskender.
As a rule, the Kyrgyz did not recognize either Temir’s power in Sa-
markand or that of the Moguls. In 1425, Ulugh Beg’s troops entered
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northern Tenir-Too, attacking the Kyrgyz and Mongolian tribes living
in the Talas Valley. With the onslaught of another invading force, both
Kyrgyz and Mongolian nomads sought the assistance of Jakan-Shah, the
son of the implacable Qamar al-Din. Jakan-Shah decided to join forces
with the local Kyrgyz and wage a valiant, albeit defensive war against
the invaders. They lost, however, in a decisive battle in the Chu Valley.
Despite defeat, the Kyrgyz of Tenir-Too refused to surrender. Ulugh Beg
never achieved his goal of conquering Mogulistan.
The subsequent history of Mogulistan is characterized by a struggle
for supremacy between two of the most powerful feudal groups in the
region. This feudal groups were led by two brothers, Esen-Buka and
Zhunus—the sons of Vais Khan. Esen-Buka would prevail but never
achieve absolute power. Meanwhile, leaders of the Kyrgyz tribes did not
recognize the power of either of these warring brothers, holding firm to
a position of independent leadership and private ownership.
A large conglomerate of Kazakh nomads, led by Zhanybek and Giray
sultans, moved from Dasht-i-Kypchak to Tenir Too in the 1450s and
60s. The number of Kazakhs to settle in the Chu and Talas valleys was
more than two hundred thousand people. Esen-Buka was unable to stop
such large scale migration, attempting to use Kazakh immigrants in the
war with the enemies of Mogulistan on the western and eastern borders.
As for the Kyrgyz, they welcomed the Kazakh newcomers to their terri-
tory; there were no conflicts between these two groups.
As the 15th century came to an end, the peace enjoyed in Mogulistan
was temporarily interrupted by internal strife. The invasion of three
hundred thousand Oirot-Mongolian soldiers from Dzungaria put add-
ed stress on the situation. Mongolian lords had chosen Zhunus as their
representative and leader; his first military campaign started with an at-
tack against the troops of Oirot (Kalmak) Prince Amasanchy-Taisha. In
a bloody battle on the banks of the Ili River, the Moguls were defeated.
Zhunus withdraw his troops, along with other tribes, to the Ferghana
Valley. After some time, the Oirot-Mongolian army returned to whence
they came.
After the death of Zhunus Khan in 1487, his sons divided Mogulistan
into two parts. The eldest son, Mahmud Khan, received the western part
and the capital of Tashkent, whereas the eastern half was given to the
younger son, Ahmed Khan, As-Suu City (in China) as his headquarters.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
As a result of the policies of Ahmed Khan, a new tribal unit of Kyr-
gyz was formed in the 1480s. Later, the governor of the region was the
son of Ahmed Khan, Khalil Sultan, also known as the “Khan of the
Kyrgyz” by historians. Ahmed Khan, who was supported by the chiefs
of the Kyrgyz tribes, managed to elevate the state to a high level. As a
result, the Kalmyk invasion was stopped and raids on Kashgar were
undertaken. However, the aggressive tactics and political ambitions of
the Uzbek leader, Muhammad Shaibani Khan proved a strong defense
against such attacks. Domestic and foreign policy conducted by Ahmed
Khan dramatically increased the political role of the Kyrgyz people in
Turkestan, resulting in the consolidation of the power and influence of
the Kyrgyz in the region. It was in this era that the formation of the
modern “Kyrgyz people” began.
Ulugh Beg’s real name was Muhammad Tara-
The Decedents ghay, born on March 22, 1394 in Samarkand. His
of Tamerlane: father was Shahrukh, the third son of Temir.
Ulugh Beg In 1409, Ulugh Beg became the head of the Kyr-
gyz state. But he, unlike his famous grandfather, had
no real interest in conquest. His life was devoted to strengthening the
state by improving the standard of living of his people. He was inter-
ested in their social welfare, science, and the level of culture among his
people. During his reign, the cities of Samarkand, Bukhara, Gizhduan,
and Merv experienced rapid economic devel-
opment and cultural sophistication. Magnifi-
cent constructions and monuments of incalcu-
lable historical worth were erected, including
the construction of many schools and other
public facilities.
Ulugh Beg was a famous scholar and ac-
tively engaged in the medieval study of astron-
omy and physics. From an early age, he stud-
ied the works of Plato, Aristotle, Ptolemy, and
other Greek writers, which were accessible in
his grandfather’s library. The famous medieval
The Monument Uzbek poet, Alisher Navoi, spoke of Ulugh
to Ulugh Beg Beg: “Having put his hand to science, Ulugh
in Tashkent Beg revealed many hidden secrets of life and

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the universe. During his life, the sky came lower and the stars came
closer. The rules and laws derived by him will always serve the needs
of people….”. 86 The observatory built by Ulugh Beg in Samarkand be-
came one of the major centers of early scientific inquiry in the medieval
Middle East. Here, the most scientific work of Ulugh Beg, Gurkhani
Zij, was written. The book included the thoughts and participation of a
variety of eminent Islamic scholars of that period . Ulugh Beg’s Gur-
khani Zij contains valuable astronomical calculations, gathered by the
use of the calendar, measurement of time, planetary motion, as well as
geographical information.
At that time, the full length of a solar year was still unknown. Calcu-
lations by modern scientists of the twentieth suggest that Ulugh Beg’s
estimations regarding the length of solar year were only off by minutes.
This is just one of many examples of the level of scholarship and knowl-
edge that he achieved in his lifetime.
Ulugh Beg gathered scientists of Central Asia, entrusting them to
focus on scientific research. At the same time, he worked to solve social
affairs, as well as religious and philosophical issues, which put him in
bad terms with the clergy. Rumors that Ulugh Beg had fallen into heresy
and turned away from the faith of Islam began to spread. Conservatives
in the religious community, fearful that he might bring down the religion
with his radical ideas, persuaded the fanatical son of Ulugh Beg to kill
him.
The same religious fanatics, who had spread the rumors of his loss
of faith, played a decisive role in the destruction of his observatory and
library. Some of his books and manuscripts were rescued by burying
them in the sand dunes near Samarkand. A friend of Ulugh Beg, Ali
Kushchu, later published some of his collection in Istanbul. The works
of Ulugh Beg were subsequently translated into several western lan-
guages. Today, the name of Ulugh Beg stands alongside such titans of
classical and medieval astronomy as Ptolemy, Copernicus, Nasyriddin
Al-Tusi, and Bruno.87
The Formation of Kyrgyz People and their Relationships
with the Neighboring Peoples
In everyday life, the concepts of “ethnicity,” “nation,” “tribe” appear
in conversation. However, people often do not understand their mean-
ing, distort them, or employ one concept instead of another.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Ethnicity refers to a community of people, which was historically
constituted and formed on specific historical territory, characterized by
common features and at the same time possessing, in contrast to other
groups, unique characteristics in culture, language, character, behavior,
and attitudes. It is expressed in such categories as race and nation.
The terms tribe, people, and nationality refer to a community of
people who went through certain stages of development in accordance
with different forms of historical processes. In many cases, the term
“Kyrgyz people” is used without a proper correlation with the historical
period in which it was formed. In Kyrgyz language the word “people”
refers to “tribe” and “nation”. It also embodies the idea of ancient ethnic
groups. Because of this, many publications can be confusing as the use
the words interchangeably.
The term nation is a historical community of people characterized
by a single territory and formed from the tribes connected by the com-
monality of economics, language, and culture. The formation of the
people is a long process that took place in different historical periods:
it began in the era of slavery and continues today. It is natural that each
ethnic group is formed by inherent characteristics and should be con-
sidered separately. From this point of view, the historical process of the
emergence, formation, and development of the Kyrgyz people also has
its own characteristics and peculiarities.88
However, the development of any nation is a historical complex . A
nation formed in a particular multi-ethnic environment, in conditions of
continuous renewal and interaction with external forces. Every ethnic
group should be viewed as a broad concept or a system which is in a
constant dynamic development. Today ethnologists face such complex
tasks as research of the issues of social hierarchy, typology, the role of
culture, and psyche. At the same time the study of previously mentioned
issues should not be unilateral, as the formation and development of any
ethnic group is closely related to the formation of a linguistic, territorial,
economic, and cultural identity, mandated by the priorities of a given
culture and state.
Historically, the process of the formation of the Kyrgyz nation is
inseparable from the ethnic processes that took place in the early mid-
dle Ages in Sayan-Altai, eastern Turkestan, and Tenir Too. It lasted at
least five centuries and ended in the 16th century. The similar process

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
occurred simultaneously among related Turkic peoples of Central Asia-
-Uzbeks, Kazakhs, Turkmens, Karakalpaks, etc. In many cases, certain
tribes were ethnic components of Central Asian nations.
Often, several tribes went out from the tribal union and created an
independent state, which existed for a short time (three to four gener-
ations) and then divided again. Thus, ethnic groups were subjected to
continuous change.
As it is known today, the ethnonym “Kyr-
Ethnic Processes gyz” is the oldest of the Turkic-speaking eth-
in the Territory of nonyms.89 A lack of written historical facts
Central Asia and and data makes it difficult to study the prob-
Tenir Too in Ancient lem of formation [ethnogenesis] of the Kyr-
Times and During gyz people. The study of the Kyrgyz people,
the Middle Ages therefore, has been based mainly on archae-
ological, anthropological, and ethnographic
materials, such as Kyrgyz epics and the history of the Kyrgyz language.
Certainly, the lack of written history and date complicates such research.
Nevertheless, scholars seek to answer the question, “When and how did
the formation of the Kyrgyz people occur?”
Today there are several explanations that attempt to answer this ques-
tion. For the purposes of this textbook, it is necessary to divide them
into three distinct groups.
The theory that the Kyrgyz people migrated to
The First Tenir Too from the upper Yenisei River (Minusinsk
Group basin) was first advocated by Russian academician
G.F. Miller (1705-1783) in his History of Siberia.90
Today, many scholars continue to support and de-
velop this hypothesis. They believe that, having appeared in the second
half of the first millennium B.C.E., the ethnonym “Kyrgyz” was widely
used across Central Asia, from the Yenisei River to the Baikal Lake and
reached Altai in the 9th and10th centuries. Later, according to the theo-
ry, the Kyrgyz immigrated to Tenir Too, where they formed a nation in
the 16th century. A.N. Bernstam hypothesizes that the Kyrgyz did not
migrate instantly to Tenir Too; rather, he suggests that they gradually
migrated over the course of thirteen or fourteen hundred years. Their
first migration was associated with the pressure coming from the Huns
and their movement to the east. The second phase of their immigration

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
to Ala-Too was associated with the mass mixing of nations during the
formation and development of the Turkic khanates. The third phase of
Kyrgyz resettlement, according to A. Bernshtam, occurred during the
Mongolian invasions.91
In the 19th century, Ch.Ch. Valikhanov, N.Y. Bi-
The Second churin, and N.A. Aristov independently expressed
Group their opinions about Kyrgyz formation from the
ancient tribes living in Tenir Too. They argued that
there had never been any migration of the Kyrgyz.
This view holds that the Kyrgyz were indigenous to the regions of Cen-
tral Asia. This view was consistently stated in several editions of the
“History of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic and in publications of
national authors”.92
This refers to hypotheses that have been wide-
The Third ly used in modern scholarship. It is based on the
Group outcome of a special joint scientific session of the
USSR Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Soviet
Socialist Republic and dedicated to the ethnogenesis
of the Kyrgyz people (1956, Frunze). An exchange of views between
leading and eminent scholars of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the
Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic, as well
as scholars of various Soviet Republics, led to the following conclusion

The Kyrgyz people and their culture developed ... as a re-

sult of interaction of at least two ethnic elements: migratory
and local Middle Asian. One of the most important ‘nodal’
points of the ethnogenesis of the Kyrgyz people is related
to the events of the first half of the 2nd millennium B.C.E.
During this era, the vast majority of the ancestors of the Kyr-
gyz people, who already spoke a formed Kyrgyz language,
entered the territory of Kyrgyzstan from the east.93

An essential point of this theory was the recognition of the Central

Asian population as one of the main components or major ethnic com-
ponents in the ethnogenesis of the Kyrgyz people. This problem has
been studied by many eminent scholars, including L.N. Potapov, K.I.
Petrov, O.K. Karaev, Y.S. Khudyakov, A.M. Mokeev, S.T. Klyashtorny,

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
M.B. Jamgyrchinov, and V.P. Mokrynin. The question of the origin of
the Kyrgyz ethnic group from Central Asia, however, is still debated and
requires additional attention and research.
Some theories link the origin of the Kyrgyz people with the Sume-
rians, who created their own state five thousand years ago in Mesopa-
tamia, modern-day southern Iraq. These arguments are based on the
similarity between some words and sentences in the ancient Sumerians
language and Kyrgyz vocabulary. There are grammatical similarities,
too. For example, in both languages, ending or derivational particles
are added to a word without being changed. Comparisons between the
two languages are abundant.94 Scholars note the similarity between the
words and letters of ancient Sumerian cuneiform signs and the Ork-
hon-Yenisei writing of ancient Kyrgyz.
Historical evidence, too, points in favor of the hypothesis that the
Sumerians and Kyrgyz might have lived during the same time. For ex-
ample, the Sumerians and Kyrgyz developed the art of verbal improvi-
sation and verbal competition. The Sumerians also created epics. One of
their epics, “Gilgamesh” contains information concerning the habitation
of Sumerians in Tenir Too--in the north of modern Kyrgyzstan, espe-
cially around Issyk-Kul Lake before they moved to Mesopotamia. It
is interesting that Sumerians also mourned the dead and, as mentioned
in historical sources there women wailed loudly and tore their faces.
During holidays Sumerians allegedly went from one house to anoth-
er and sang songs with different wishes of happiness and well-being
which, in content, are similar to Kyrgyz songs, or jaramazan.
Another point of commonality is the connection between the Sume-
rians and Akkadians with ancient Turks in terms of language. According
to some scholars, Arabic words appeared in the Kyrgyz language only
after the adoption of Islam in the region.95 This, however, may not be
entirely true. The science has proven that Arabic and Hebrew languages
came in contact with Turkic languages as early as the 3rd millennium
B.C.E.96 However, it is obvious fact, that the further research of histori-
ans, archaeologists, ethnographers, and linguists is needed to explore the
relationship between these two ancient societies in order to form a more
complete understanding of their connection.
According to historical writings and archaeological materials of later
times, Jian-kun tribes (the transcription of Kyrgyz name in the Chinese

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
form) served as pastoralists and inhabited the middle and upper Yenisei.
These sources show that they were natives of the region.97
It appears that Kyrgyz tribes appeared in the third century B.C.E.
However, the study of this issue takes us back to ancient times, where
historical records explaining the ranching economy on the Yenisei are
first found. The oldest traces of cattle on the Yenisei River date back to
the 2nd millennium B.C.E.98
Archaeologists discovered the remnants of Afansievo culture along
the Yenisei River(named so after the Afanasievo Mountain near the Mi-
nusinsk). The Afanasievo culture, dated back as far as 2500-2000 B.C.E.
by archeologists, is unique in the archaeological record; similar sites
are found only in the Altai Mountains. In recent times, other analogous
cultures (similar to Afanasiev type) have been discovered; although they
only date back to1500-1000 B.C.E.The latter is attributed to the stage
of economic development and social structure of ancient Minusin, the
so-called Andronovo culture.
The Androvnovo culture derives its name from the village Andron-
ovo, Achinsk District of Minusinsk region, where the first discoveries
were made. Andronovo burial grounds are very similar in appearance
to earlier burial grounds found in the same area. For example, both the
Andronovo burial grounds and earlier burial grounds contain a fence of
stones in a form of a ring or rectangle around the grave. In some places
the grave resembles a little mound.
From the beginning of the 1st millennium B.C.E., the culture and sys-
tem of development of the Minusinsk steppes changed dramatically. The
culture of the Androvo of the Minusinsk region had a direct influence on
the subsequent culture of the Karasuks (named after the Karasuk River
near the Baten village of Minusinsk region). The bridge between the two
is clearly seen in the construction of a mound and coats of burials, which
resembles similar constructions dating back to the Androvo period.
During the time of the Karasuk’s, the strengthening of the role indi-
vidual patriarchal families and their property caused the appearance of
tamga (an emblem or seal which denoted ownership). This feature of the
Karasuk culture is one interesting feature of the Minusinsk region; this
Minusinsk mound culture (also known as Tagar culture) represented the
end of the Bronze Age in this region.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Archaeologists on burials, which dated back to the 8th century
B.C.E. and represented a small burial enclosure of stone slabs set on
edge, recorded continuity with the earlier Karasuk burial mounds. As
they point out: his process can be traced in details based on the monu-
ments of material culture, in particular on the materials of the so-called
Tashtyk cultural phase, which represents the continued development of
Minusinsk mound (Tagar) culture, which dated from 2nd century B.C.E.
– 2nd century [C.E.]. It is obvious that these monuments should char-
acterize the culture of Kyrgyz people of this time. Here is the burial
structure, tools, pottery - everything has a direct genetic connection with
the Tagar culture.99
The history of the Kyrgyz people can be understood as a complex
process. What kind of ethnic processes occurred on the Yenisei Riv-
er in ancient times? Judging by the self-designation, the Kyrgyz in the
3rd century B.C.E., while being a Turkic tribe, consisted of other tribes
from Central Asia and south Siberian Turkic ethnic groups. At first, they
lived in eastern Turkestan, presumably in the Basin of the Manas River,
and then migrated to the Minusinsk Basin on the Yenisey River. There,
the Kyrgyz subdued the Dinlin-Caucasians and mixed with them. The
evidence of the ethno-cultural
processes that took place in
the Minusinsk Basin is found
in the archaeological record.
At the last stage of devel-
opment of the Tashtyk culture
(3rd to 5th century) elements
of a Central Asian component
were preserved due to the re-
settlement of the Kyrgyz peo-
ple. In the 3rd to 5th centuries,
local and newly arrived ethnic
people united together into
one Yenisei Kyrgyz culture.
Thus, according to written Astragalus with signs of Tashtyk
and archaeological sources, crypts. (Ist-5th century), Khakassia
the tribe that bore the eth-
nonym “Kyrgyz” was part of a complex ethno-cultural amalgamation at
the initial stage of the history of its development and can be explained
by the union of Kyrgyz and Dinlin-Caucasians. Some other tribes that

141
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
originated from the Huns also resettled near the Yenisei after the Kyr-
gyz. Written sources lack any information on the ethnic history of the
Yenisei Kyrgyz from the 6th to 7th centuries.
The Kyrgyz State was a complicated ethno-cultural community
which included several other independent tribes. The Kyrgyz people of
that period were distinguished by peculiar external characteristics--they
were red-haired, blue-eyed, and fair-faced. Kyshtym tribes, dependent
on the Kyrgyz, differed by language and culture. Archaeological mate-
rials from the 6th to 7th centuries suggest that the Kyrgyz culture devel-
oped along the same lines as the Tashtyk culture; in other words, in those
days the Kyrgyz were able to preserve their culture despite living among
other Turkic peoples.
In the 7th century, the situation changed: the culture of the Altai
Turks began to dominate. This can be seen in burial rites, rituals, and
sacrifices. Part of the Turkic khanate firmly settled among the Yenisei
Kyrgyz. The evidence of such changes is preserved in written sources
reflecting different relationships between the Turks, Turgeshes, Karluks,
Chiks and other ancient Turkic nations. For example, the nobility of
the Yenisei Kyrgyz had dynastic marriages with Turks and Turgeshes.
Therefore, Turkic-Kyrgyz ethnic associations were common until the
submission of the Kyrgyz (711-730) by the Second Turkic Qaghanate.
Later, the Minusinsk Turks assimilated with the Kyrgyz.
Ethnic ties of Kyrgyz intensified and reached their highest level
during the era of the great Kyrgyz power (9th to 11th century), when
they defeated the Uyghurs and captured the whole of Central Asia. In
order to consolidate their positions, the Kyrgyz government conducted
numerous military campaigns across a vast area. Part of the Kyrgyz peo-
ple settled in the conquered lands and thus there was a mixture of local
ethnic groups.
In Semirechye, Karluks, Chigils, and Yagms forced local tribes to
subjugate them and took their best pastures. In the 10th and 11th centu-
ries, some Karluk tribal associations were also starting a sedentary way
of life. This is evidenced by the history of Yagma, Zhikil, and Karluk
cities.
During the reign of Karakhanids, Semirechye and Tenir Too were
influenced by the (more than five hundred year old) culture of Central
Asia and eastern Turkestan. Islam entered the life of the people of these

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
regions, turning them towards the Muslim world. As Mahmud Kashgari
writes in the middle of the 11th century, the main representatives of the
sedentary culture were the Turks.
In the 12th century, the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan was invaded
by Kara-kytais (from the east) and also by the Naimans. Thus, until the
13th century there was a local Turkic presence in the territory of modern
Kyrgyzstan.
The analysis of ethnographic, linguistic, and anthropological data ac-
cumulated by scholars reveals about the closeness of the modern Kyrgyz
to Altaians, Khakassians, Tuva, Kazakhs, and Karakalpaks. This close-
ness includes material traditions and customs, culture, family, language,
and other anthropological categories.
Many scholars, however, consider ethnic Kyrgyz and the Altai
people to be very close in their cultural and spiritual traditions, ethnic
components, and language. Ancient ethnic affinity of the Kyrgyz and
Altai peoples is supported by the presence of the same ethnic groups
like Munduz, Doolos, Kushchu, Toro, Kochkor-Munduz, Kara Tumak,
Beru, Saruu, Kuba, Kubat, Kumach, Alchy, Elchigen, and the Alakchyn
in their kin-tribal systems.
The research of famous Kyrgyz linguists, such as B.M. Yunusaliev,
I.A. Batmanov, and B.O. Oruzbaeva has confirmed the close proximi-
ty of the Altai language with the modern Kyrgyz language. According
to E.R. Tenishev, who devoted his research to the history of the Kyr-
gyz language, the Altaic era was a turning point in the development of
Kyrgyzstan.100 The Kyrgyz, Kazakh, and Altai languages are Turkic lan-
guages. These facts are reason to believe that many of the Kyrgyz who
moved to Tenir Too in the 15th century were Altai people who lived with
them in the same area for a long time.
Analyzing the direction and nature of ethnic processes that influ-
enced the formation of the Kyrgyz people, a renowned expert in the
ethnic history of the Kyrgyz people, S.M. Abramson, concluded the fol-
lowing in his book, The Kyrgyz People and their Ethnogenetic, Histor-
ical and Cultural Ties:

1) The process of the formation of the tribes, from which

the Kyrgyz nation appeared, occurred mainly in the east
of Tenir-Too, Inner Tenir, Pamir-Alai, and the surrounding

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

mountain areas of Altai, Irtysh, and eastern Turkestan.

2) The basis of the Kyrgyz nation from the 14th to 17th cen-
turies were: a) local Turkic tribes who lived there; b) outsid-
ers, mostly Turkic-speaking nations of Central Asian origin;
c) tribes of Mongolian and Kazakh-Nogoi origin.101
Most scholars do not deny the Yenisei origins of the modern Kyrgyz
people. Indeed, the Yenisei Kyrgyz were involved in the formation of
the Kyrgyz nation in Tenir Too. It is important, however, not to simplify
this complex process. It is important to keep in mind that the original
homeland of the Kyrgyz people was Tenir Too, not Yenisei. This was
a very long and complex process; accordingly, the review and study
of it is possible only with the collaboration of scholars from multiple
disciplines, such as archaeology, history, oriental studies, anthropology,
ethnology, linguistics, and folklore.
S.M. Abramson and many of the authors of Volume I of The History
of the Kirgiz SSR (1984) (written by M.B. Zhamgyrchinov, O.K. Karaev,
A.M. Mokeev, K.I. Petrov, B.O. Oruzbaev, and E.R. Tenishev) express
a similar view. For example, O. Karaev wrote: “Ancient Turkic and Tur-
kicized Mongolian tribes were included in Uzbek, Kyrgyz, and Kazakh
nations that were formed at the same time and led to ethnic resemblance
of three main Turkic peoples of Central Asia.”102
Importance The international scientific conference, “The
of the Kyrgyz and Ethno-genetic and Ethno-Cultural Pro-
Conference cesses in Ancient and Medieval Times of Central
in 1994 Asia,” which took place on September 23-24, 1994,
in Bishkek, was an important step in the study of the
problem of ethnic history and ethno-genesis of the Kyrgyz people. This
conference was held almost forty years after the scientific sessions of the
Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR and the Academy of Sciences
of the USSR in 1956.
The need to organize another conference was due to the fact that a
lot of materials on the ethno-genesis of the Kyrgyz, and other Central
Asian nations, as well as materials related to ethnic history, archaeology,
anthropology, and folklore, were collected by historians, ethnographers,
linguists, archaeologists, and art historians in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s.
Their conclusions were summarized in dissertations, scientific confer-
ences, symposia, and published collective works and monographs.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Many of these differed in their approach, advancing fundamentally

new thoughts and ideas. A fourth edition of History of the Kirgiz SSR
(Frunze, 1984) and a collection, entitled “Problems of Ethnic History of
the Kyrgyz people” (Frunze, 1989) were important to the study of the
ethno-genesis and ethnic history of the Kyrgyz.
The most interesting discussions at the conference were those con-
firming the genetic affinity (kinship) of the Tenir Too Kyrgyz to Turkic
peoples of Central Asia, southern Siberia, and Yenisei Kyrgyz. It be-
came obvious that the leading role at the next stage of the development
was a period of wide dispersal of the Kyrgyz in Altai and Central Asia,
despite the fact that the debate concerning the cause and time of reset-
tlement of the Kyrgyz from Yenisei to Altai and Tenir Too continues.
Additional information and research are needed.
The studies of different scholars have shown that the process of for-
mation of the local ethnos of the ancient Kyrgyz in the eastern part of
Tenir Too took place during the period form the 3rd to the 12th centu-
ries. It included the late appearance of Central Asian tribes, mass migra-
tion of ancient Turkic tribes, formation of the ancient Turkic state, and
a new wave of Central Asian tribes during the period of the Karakhanid
Kaganate. According to written sources and archaeological findings, the
general migration patterns of Central Asian nomadic Turkic tribes in-
volved the relocation of some groups of Yenisei Kyrgyz to eastern Tenir
Too. However, the overall rhythm of the ethnic process in Tenir Too and
in Semirechye was interrupted by the invasion of the Mongolians.
According to some scholars, the revival of ethnic processes and the
creation of favorable conditions for the formation of the Kyrgyz people
took place during the 13th and 14th centuries. Geographically, this is
associated with the northern part of Mogulistan and Altai. Even in the
10th and 11th centuries, when the Great Kyrgyz Power was revived,
an ethno-political group, which included Kimaki-Kipchak and Kyrgyz
tribes, emigrated from the Yenisei River. In the 15th century, these Altai
Kyrgyz migrated to Tenir Too.
Other historians suggest that the Kyrgyz people came from the Yeni-
sei River to Tenir Too in the 9th and 10th centuries via Mongolia and
eastern Turkestan. Initially, they concentrated in the mountains of east-
ern Turkestan, but later occupied a part of the Tarim Valley before mov-
ing to the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan. From the 2nd millennium
B.C.E., there was a process of separation, the Yenisei Kyrgyz and Tenir
Too Kyrgyz becoming two independent ethnic groups.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The participants of the 1994 conference unanimously agreed that the
last stage of formation of the Kyrgyz people was Central Tenir Too in
the 15th to 16th centuries, the completion of a process of long-term mu-
tual influence of two main components--ancient and medieval tribal as-
sociations of eastern Tenir Too and Kyrgyz tribes from southern Siberia.
According to the historical record, there was a revival of tradition-
al, dual-structure ethnic and political Kyrgyz-tribal associations, “right”
and “left” wings, which led to the formation of the Kyrgyz people per se
at the end of the 15th century.
Researchers of the greatest Kyrgyz epic monument, The Epos Manas,
pointed out that the epic contains a lot of information about the ancient
settlement areas of the Kyrgyz people, as well as their names and geo-
graphical boundaries. Thus, according to Manas, the story of the Kyrgyz
began in the Altai Mountains of eastern Central Asia. In the first edition
of the epic (that of Sagynbay Orozbakov) “Altai” is mentioned fifty-four
times.103
The territory of modern Kyrgyzstan became a new home for Manas
and his people after their resettlement from Altai. Hence, the formation
of the Kyrgyz people in geographical areas such as Altai, Yenisei, Irtysh,
Central Tenir Too, Issyk-Kul, Chui, Talas, Badakhshan, Karategin, and
Ferghana.
The formation of the Kyrgyz language, as well as its peculiarities
and dialects, were important to the development of the Kyrgyz nation
from the 9th to 14th centuries. This is confirmed by the research of B.M.
Yunusaliev.104 Thus, from this point of view, this would mark the com-
plete formation of the Kyrgyz people. The Epic Manas first appeared in
the Kyrgyz language at this time.
In addition to this, the above mentioned conference noted the lack of
a single viewpoint on the problem of the ethno-genesis of the Kyrgyz
people. There are substantial differences of opinion concerning the roles
of South Siberians and Central Asians, their migration paths, the time of
their various migrations, as well as the role of local Central Asians in the
ethno-genesis of the Kyrgyz people. It requires a more thorough study of
the language, folklore, and ethnographic relations of the Kyrgyz in rela-
tion to southern Siberian and Central Asian Turkic peoples; the simple
usage of anthropological materials in various controversial works is not
enough. The absence of published biographical and historical works by
Oriental writers, and the reasons mentioned above, limit opportunities
and create certain difficulties in futher studies of the issue.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
There are serious studies related to the ethno-genesis of the Kyrgyz
people. One, for example, was conducted by Professor E. Maanaev, in
his book, Ethnic history of Kyrgyz people, published in 2008. In his
work, he describes and compares ethno-components of the Kyrgyz peo-
ple in relation to other peoples of Central Asian and neighboring coun-
tries. He divides the process of Kyrgyz national formation into three
stages:
1) 3rd century B.C.E. to 10th century C.E. (ancient period).
2) 11th to 16th centuries (medieval period).
3) 17th to 19th centuries (late period), or final stage in the formation of
the ethnic Kyrgyz.105
Continuing the same line of research, Umetaliyeva-Bayalieva, in her
book, Kyrgyz Ethnogenesis: Musicological Perspective: Historical and
Cultural Studies” (2008), discusses the origins of the Kyrgyz people us-
ing non-traditional methods. Although her book is a musicological per-
spective, a wide range of issues related to the history and ethno-genesis
of the Kyrgyz are considered. The author boldly argues that the Kyrgyz
people are related to the Sumerians who created an advanced civiliza-
tion five thousand years ago. Her book provides a number of arguments
in favor of a direct relationship between ancient Kyrgyz tribes and the
creation of Afanasievo culture i but, as the author also claims, there is
abundant evidence that contradicts the argument for a linkage between
the Sumerians and the Kyrgyz.
Thus, the adoption of a single concept and variety of evidentiary ar-
guments for the ethnic history and ethno-genesis of the Kyrgyz people,
as well as a solution to a number of related issues, clearly requires addi-
tional research, compilation, and analysis.
The relationships of the Kyrgyz with
the neighboring peoples
in the 15th to 19th centuries

The Role of In the 15th to 18th centuries, the Kyrgyz

Muhammad Kyrgyz continued to struggle to save their indepen-
(Tagai-biy) and dence. During this period, important political
Consolidation events took place in Central Asia, Kazakh-
of the Kyrgyz People stan, and Mogulistan. Uzbek tribes, who
roamed the western regions of Kazakhstan,

147
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
took advantage of the weakening state of Amir Temir, attacked it, and
then completely dominated the country. Nomadic tribes from the eastern
part of the Golden Horde were called “Uzbeks” after the Uzbek Khan.
Nomadic Uzbeks, who formed the basis of the troops of Sheibani Khan,
exercised power over Amir Temir’s descendants.
One of Amir Temir’s fifth generation descendants, Zahir al-Din Mu-
hammad Babur (1483-1530) built up a resistance against the power of
the Uzbek nomads. Babur was the last scion of the Chagatai Dynasty
and the nephew of Ahmed Khan, known as the “King of the Kyrgyz
people.” At the age of twelve, he inherited the reign of Fergana from
his father. He was multilateral in his disposition, highly educated, and
possessed an outstanding personality. He was a famous philosopher, his-
torian, and gifted poet; on the battlefield, he was a courageous soldier
and a talented military leader. Under his command, a small house was
erected on the slopes of the Sulaiman Mountains in the vicinity of Osh
city, where he liked to rest and study poetry. This building is still a place
of pilgrimage.
In his battles against the nomadic Uzbeks, Babur repeatedly inflicted
defeat upon them. However, the Uzbeks completely destroyed most of
Babur’s forces. After crossing the Hissar Mountains, Babur left for Af-
ghanistan (Kabul). Anyone who did not want to serve their Uzbek-Shay-
banid rulers, followed Babur. Gathering a large force, Babur made a
campaign from Kabul to West India (ca. 1510). He was victorious and
founded one of the most brilliant Muslim kingdoms, the Mughal Em-
pire (1526-1858), which included northern India and Afghanistan. In his
book, The Babur-Nama, which covers the period from 1493 to 1529, he
presented detailed autobiographical information and extensive historical
information about Central Asia, Afghanistan, and northern India. The
book includes important information related to the political history of
Kyrgyzstan and the Kyrgyz tribes in the mountainous regions of south-
ern Kyrgyzstan. Babur died at the age of forty-eight in Agra, the capital
of his empire. His remains are buried in Kabul (Afghanistan).
Great changes took place in Mogulistan. At the beginning of the 16th
century, northern regions of the country were seized by the Kyrgyz. Ac-
cording to one chronicler in 1510, “because of the Kyrgyz, no Moguls
remained in Mogulistan.”106 In 1514, the Mughal Khan, Sultan Said,
captured Kashgar and removed Abu Bakr from the throne. Muhammad

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Kyrgyz (Tagai-biy) was of great assistance in this coup d’etat. Eventu-
ally, however, Sultan Said exacted his revenge upon the Kyrgyz (1517).
Muhammad Kyrgyz united the Kyrgyz tribes in
the face of an irreversible collapse of Mogulistan
and used by disagreements between lords and the
constant threat of external attack to his advan-
tage. Consolidation of the Kyrgyz tribes led to the
strengthening of their forces and the development
of an ethnic identity and national self-conception.
Attempts by the Moghul Khans to occupy north-
ern Kyrgyzstan were unsuccessful, as the Kyrgyz
people, together with Kazakhs, bravely fought for Muhammad
their independence. The heir of Sultan Said, Abd Kyrgyz
al-Rashid (1533-1560), in alliance with the Shaybanids, repeatedly at-
tacked the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs. Haqq Nazar (son of Kasim, the young-
er brother of Tahir) led an allied militia of Kazakhs and Kyrgyz against
the alliance; later on, Kazakh troops were
led by another brother of Tahir, Buydash
Khan (ca. 1560).
English explorer Alexander Jenkinson,
who visited Central Asia in 1558, wrote
that he heard rumors about a Kazakh attack
against the Tashkent Kyrgyz, or Kashgar.
Indeed, during the reign of Abd al-Karim
Khan (1560-1591), the successor of Abd al-
Rashid, Mughal rulers repelled the Kyrgyz
advance. Nevertheless, the Kyrgyz were
actively involved in the campaigns of Ka-
zakh Khan Tahir against Tashkent, Andijan,
Sairam, Turkestan, and other cities. There
is evidence that a two hundred man army
from Tahir marched on Tashkent and Fer-
gana (against Shaybani Sultan Muhammad
Khan) consisted of a number of Kyrgyz
soldiers. However, as the leaders of the
northern Kyrgyz tribes strengthened their
alliance with the Kazakh khans, the Kyrgyz Fight against Mogols

149
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
leaders in the south preferred to maintain good relations with the Shay-
banids.
By the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th century, the Shayba-
nids power collapsed in Bukhara and the Ashtarkhanids took over from
them. The history of the Ashtarkhanid Dynasty (1599-1767) is closely
linked to the political struggle of the Uzbek tribes, Karakalpaks, Ka-
zakhs, Kalmaks, and representatives of the ruling elites of the Kyrgyz
tribes.
The new rulers of Bukhara, the Ashtarkhanids, had difficulty stopping
the onslaught of Kyrgyz-Kazakh troops. Raids by Ashtarkhani Baki Mo-
hammed Khan (1603) and Wali Muhammad (1606-1610) did not bring
the desired results. Their successor, Imankul Khan (1611-1641), was
forced to acknowledge the authority of the Kyrgyz and Kazakh lords
in Tashkent and Turkestan. In 1635, however, after thorough training,
Imankul Khan seized control of the right bank of Syr Darya.
At the beginning of the 17th century, southern tribes of the “left”
wing of the Kyrgyz people living in Karategin (on the southern ridge of
Hissar Mountains in Tajikistan) and Alay began to move westward to
Hissar and Kulob. From ancient times, the people of Pamir-Alai, Fer-
gana, and northern Afghanistan had used this mountainous region and
maintained close relations. The Kyrgyz people could come here in the
13th century. In 1636, twelve-thousand families, or about sixty-thou-
sand people moved to Hissar. Most likely, this large group of Kyrgyz
came from the Altai Mountains and Irtysh. In the 15th century, most of
the Kyrgyz tribes moved to Ala-Too. The new Kyrgyz arrivals adopted
Islam and were in frequent contact with local Uzbeks.
The Altai and Karategin Kyrgyz were a constant threat to the
Ashtarkhanids. In 1642-1643, the leaders of the “left” wing, Kutlug
Said, Tilek-biy, and Karakytay-myrza, defeated Andijan which, in
turned, meant that local rulers had to bow to whims of the Nadir Mu-
kambet Khan and Ashtarkhanid Dynasty.
Kyrgyz During the 17th to 18th centuries, Oirot-Kalmak
Hostilities invaders made continuous forays into Kyrgyzstan.
against the Since ancient times, Turkic peoples referred to the
Jungars “left” wing of the Mongolians as Kalmaks, Jun-
gars, and Oirots (the latter occupied vast areas in the
western part of Mongolia).

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In the 15th century, the independent Oirot Khanate was formed.
Gradually becoming stronger, the Oirots (by the 16th century) allied
with the “Derben Oirot” (“Four Oirots”), which included the Tyrgoot,
Derbeth, Hoshut, and Choros tribes. The Kalmaks then moved west,
creating a real threat to the Kazakhs and Kyrgyz. According to the his-
torical record, the Kyrgyz clans (at that time) were headed by Doolos
Batyr and had rebuffed the aggressive claims of the Kalmaks.
The Oirot Khanate posed a serious threat against the united forces
of the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs, who rendered mutual support to each oth-
er. This union was especially strong during the first quarter of the 17th
century and during the reign of Kyrgyz-Kazakh Khan Eshim. He was
known for his fierce resistance against outside invaders. Although the
exact year of his birth unknown, sources indicate that he died in 1628.
His success can also be attributed to the support of local Kyrgyz rulers.
Other great leaders, including Manap-bii, his son, Jarban Baatyr, Tursun
Khan Kokum-biy, Tugel-biy, and Chaa, strengthened the Kyrgyz-Ka-
zakh coalition and effectively resisted Jungar in-
vaders.
In 1627, internal strife within the Oirot ranks
led to the collapse of the Kalmak union: the Tyr-
goot (later called Kalmaks) moved west to the Vol-
ga. The Hoshut moved to Tibet, while the Choros
stayed in Jungaria. In 1635, the united states of
the Oirot-Kalmaks and Jungar Khanate was es-
tablished; at this time, their scattered tribes came
under the leadership of Khun Tayishi Erdene-Ba-
tur (who reigned from 1635 to 1653). In 1643, an Eshim Khan
Oirot army of fifty strong invaded the land of the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs.
Destroying and pillaging, the forces made it to the heart of Central Asia.
Opposition forces fought valiantly for an entire year. The Kyrgyz, to-
gether with Kazakhs, courageously deflected the attack, and finally, the
combined forces of the Kazakh Sultan, Jangir, and the governor of Sa-
markand, Jalantosh, struck a decisive blow, forcing Oirot to retreat.
The next battle of Kyrgyz and Kazakhs against the Jungars occurred
in 1652.During this battle, perhaps one of the bloodiest encouters be-
tween these forces, both sides suffered incalculable losses. After the
death of the Khun Tayishi Batur in 1653, a struggle for power ensued

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
between various Oirot-Kalmak marshals. The rulers of Central Asia de-
cided to take advantage of this and, in 1658, an Uzbek army of some
thirty eight thousand soldiers, led by Abdy-shukur, marched into Ta-
las Valley and engaged the Kalmaks at the Kulan-Jylan Hollow. In that
battle, the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs fought on the side of the Uzbeks. Ab-
dy-Shukur was killed, leaving them without a leader; accordingly, his
soldiers retreated. The Kalmaks, thoroughly beaten, lacked the forces to
pursue the enemy.
The Kalmak lords contin-
ued their campaigns against the
Kazakhs and Kyrgyz during the
reign of the Khun Tayishi, Galdan
Boshoktu (1670-1697). In 1678,
he made an attempt to take over
Central Asia and eastern Turke-
stan, capturing Jarkent in 1680.
From 1681 to 1683, he surrounded
Sairam (near modern-day Chym-
kent), but failed to take the city.
Stung with defeat, Galdan Boshok-
tu moved his troops to Andijan. On
The monument to Manap biy the way, the Kalmak army attacked
in Tokmok Osh. The Uzbek and Kyrgyz liv-
ing there courageously defended the city. Unable to take the city, the
Kalmak army returned to Sairam and, after a fierce battle, managed to
storm the city and take it. Thousands of the city inhabitants were taken
captive and sold into slavery. Despite great effort and some success, the
Kalmaks failed to establish their authority over the Kyrgyz. The need to
defend themselves against the encroachments of the Manchus who ruled
China complicated matters; the conflict between the Manchus and the
Kalmaks continued until 1697.
The Kyrgyz and Kazakh relations with the Jungars deteriorated
sharply during the reigns of Tsevan Rabdan (1697-1727) and Galdan
Tseren (1727-1745).
At the beginning of the 18th century, sensing the weakening of the
Jungar Khanate in their war against the Manchus, the Kazaks and Kyr-
gyz attempted to regain lost territory. In 1727, however, they were de-

152
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
feated by an army of sixty Jungar invaders and were forced to retreat.
The Tenir Too Kyrgyz headed by Kudayar Khan promptly migrated to
the Ferghana, while the majority of Kazakhs took refuge in Bukhara,
Khujand, and Samarkand. The capital of the Kazakh Khan, Turkestan,
remained under the control of the enemy. Prior to this, in 1723, Tsevan
Rabdan had occupied the eastern part of Issyk-Kul.
The aggressive policies of the Kalmak lords made the Kyrgyz at-
tack. Passive defense was not an option. In 1747, a Kyrgyz detachment
of ten thousand soldiers, led by Akmat-biy, successfully attacked the
Kalmyk camp.
In 1748-1749, clashes arose be-
tween the Kalmaks and the Kyrgyz.
These raids were led by the Kash-
gar Kyrgyz. Jungar forces led first by
Zaisan Dorji and then by Dorji Lama,
were soundly defeated. In 1749, the
Kalmaks sent an army of twenty sev-
en thousand soldiers to subdue the
Kyrgyz. However, after fighting for
three months, they proved to be un-
successful. Such warfare was crucial
to Kyrgyz-Kalmak relations, as well
as liberation of the Kyrgyz from under ‘Zharban biy before the battle’
Kalmak rule. Nevertheless, the Jun- by Kyrgyz artist A.Alakunov
gar Khanate represented a severe threat to the independence of frag-
mented Kyrgyz and Kazakh tribes at this time.
Moreover, those tribes defeated by the Jungars
would pay a hefty tribute which lasted from the
latter half of the 17th century to the early part
of the 18th century.
Political discord within the Khanate, in con-
junction with a relentless struggle for indepen-
dence by the natives of Central Asia and east-
ern Turkestan (including the Kyrgyz, Kazakhs,
and Uzbeks) undermined the former power of
the Jungar Khanate. Such leaders as Mamatkul,
Tynai, Janbolot, Kachyke, Koshoy, Nyshaa, Mamatkul

153
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Berdike, Chong Mambet, Bazyl, Tuubiy, and Karaboto seemed to en-
courage revolt on the part of the Kyrgyz in particular.
In 1757-1758, the Jungars came under attack
by the Chinese. As a result, the Khanate ceased to
exist as a ruling body. About one million people
and thus seventy percent of the population (ac-
cording to other sources only fifty percent) were
brutally killed. Those who survived fled to Russia
and Central Asia. Some took refuge among the
Kyrgyz people and later became the Sart-Kalmak
tribe. After capturing eastern Turkestan, the Qin
Chong (big) Dynasty renamed the region Xinjiang—which
Mambet translates from Chinese as “new edge” or “new
ownership.” The former ruler of the Kashgar,
Kojo, hid in the Ferghana to keep from being
killed.
Having destroyed the Jungar Khanate, the rul-
ers of the Qin Dynasty chose eastern Turkestan
and Central Asia as the next logical step in their
imperial quest for power. Once again, the peoples
of Central Asia came under the threat of a foreign,
occupying power.
Bazyl-Baatyr Since the late 1750s, the Kyrgyz represented
a significant force and provided substantial sup-
port to the peoples of eastern Turkestan in their
fight against the Chinese. The Qin Dynasty rulers
were particularly cautious in their relations with
the Kyrgyz, hoping to bring them to their side, or
at least pacify them.
The campaign of the northern Kyrgyz tribes
against their Kalmak invaders, led by Atake-
Berdike-Baatyr Baatyr, Er-Soltonoy, and Berdike-Baatyr, had
united the Kyrgyz people after the attempted in-
vasions of their enemies—a successful mobilization of the people in
their struggle for independence.
There were no regular troops, military forts, or residential buildings
in Kyrgyzstan. Regardless, the Kyrgyz managed to repel the brutal Chi-

154
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
nese. The first confrontation between the Kyrgyz and Chinese was in
1758.
Under the pretense of pursuing the Kalmaks, the Qin Dynasty Gener-
al, Zhaohui, made his way through the valley of the Ili River and Santash
pass on to the Issyk-Kul basin. However, the Kyrgyz in the region met
the Chinese army on the battle field and forced them to retreat. Realizing
that open intervention with the Kyrgyz would cost too much, the Chi-
nese chose the path of negotiation. By the initiative of General Zhaohui,
in 1758, the northern Kyrgyz sent a delegation to
Beijing. The delegation included Nyshaa-Baatyr
from the clan of Solto, Cherikchi Temir-uulu from
Bugu-Sarybagysh, Toroke from Chekir-Sayak,
and Shukur from Kushchu. The costs of organiz-
ing and equipping the delegation were covered
by Mamatkul-biy, the ruler of northern Kyrgyz.
Qianlong, the Emperor of China, welcomed the
Kyrgyz delegation and pledged to consider return-
ing Kyrgyz pastures and camps captured by the
Jungars. The Kyrgyz who occupied these lands
neither expected the return of the delegates nor
an answer from the Emperor. With the establish-
ment of Chinese rule in eastern Turkestan, part
of the Kyrgyz people immigrated to what is now
Kyrgyzstan. Staying in eastern Turkestan, the
Kyrgyz, together with Uighurs, Kazakhs, Uzbeks,
and Dungans, continued to a participate actively
in the struggle against the imperial claims of their
Qin Dynasty rulers.
Andijan, Aksy, and Alai Kyrgyz, worked to-
gether with Uzbeks. In 1759, their combined
forces dealt a crushing blow to Manchu troops in
Fergana. In the course of this skirmish, as many
as seven thousand Chinese soldiers were killed.
The unity of Kyrgyz, Kazakh, and Uzbek people
against a common enemy worked well to prevent Kyrgyz Armor
the subjugation of Central Asians. The memory of warriors
this struggle is preserved in the national memo- (17th century)

155
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ry of these people; additionally many battles that occurred between the
Kyrgyz and the Manchus in the Epic of Manas.
After the fall of the Jungar Khanate, the alliance of Kyrgyz and Ka-
zakhs (who opposed the Oirot-Kalmak in the 17th and 18th centuries)
was severely tested. A dispute between Kyrgyz and Kazakh feudalists
over the ownership of pasture land and camps liberated from the Kal-
maks increased the tension between these two forces. Qin Dynasty of-
ficials sought means to exacerbate the situation, in order to break down
unity amongst these allies.
Kyrgyz-Kazakh In the early 1760s, the Kazakh Middle Juz in-
Clashes: Late vaded Kyrgyzstan, seizing resources and treasure.
18th to Mid- In response, the Kyrgyz feudal lords attacked (a
19th Century total of three times) the Juzes who inhabited the
valley of the Ili River. In the same year (1764), the
Middle Juz raided the Kyrgyz settlements in Chu and Talas, but was
stopped by Karaboto-biy, the leader of the Talas Kyrgyz.
In 1770s, Kazakh Khan Ablai finally asserted
his authority over the Middle Juz and attempted to
subdue the Senior Juz. His successful raids against
the Kyrgyz lent him credibility and a greater sense
of importance among his people.
In 1770, Ablai Khan led an expeditionary force
of three thousand soldiers and attacked the Talas
and Chui Kyrgyz. All the Kyrgyz tribes under
attack, including the Solto, Sarybagysh, Sayak,
Er Sadyr Bugu, Chon Bagysh, and Azyk defended their
lands. Er Sadyr, the leader of the Sayak tribe, and
Kebek of the Solto tribe, led their troops. Jai-
yl-Baatyr (1705-1770), was distinguished for his
participation in this series of conflicts. Later on,
the fighting between the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs
came to be called the “Battle of Jaiyl.” Starting
from Talas, Ablai reached Kara-Balta and Soku-
luk, robbing people in villages along the way. A
decisive battle took place where the valleys of Ak-
Jaiyl-Baatyr
Suu and Kiz-Tuugan meet the Chu River.

156
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In the bloody battle that ensued, Jaiyl-Baatyr
and his sons Usen and Teke, fought and died he-
roically. In the campaign, Ablai Khan defeated
the Kyrgyz tribes of the Chu and Kemin valleys,
taking part of Issyk-Kul, the Kochkor Valley,
and Son-Kul. Esengul-Baatyr, Burgo-Baatyr,
Jamanak-Baatyr, Atake-Baatyr, and Bish-
kek-Baatyr were actively engaged in the battles
with the troops of Ablai. Although the confronta-
Esengul-Baatyr
tion between the Kazakh and Kyrgyz ended in the
defeat of the Kyrgyz, the latter did not consider
themselves to be a conquered people.
Between the end of the
The Raids 18th and the middle of the
of Kenensary 19th centuries, the relations
between the Kyrgyz and Ka-
zakhs became much calmer.
The leaders of the Younger and Middle Juzs were Bishkek-Baatyr
trying to create a unified Kazakh government, and
in 1841, they put their protégé, Kenensary, on the
throne. In 1846, Kenensary sent ambassadors to
Ormon, the Khan of the northern Kyrgyz, with a
proposal to unite in a fight against the impending
expansion of the Russian tsarist regime. Ormon
refused after consulting with the elders of the
clans. In the spring of 1846, a dissatisfied Kenen-
sary, together with Noruzbai, Erzhan, and Agybai
leaders, brutally raided Solto and Sarybagysh. Burgo-Baatyr
In 1847, Kenensary undertook a new cam-
paign against the Chu Kyrgyz with the army of
twenty thousand soldiers and having reached
the village Mai Tube (near the modern city of
Tokmok), set up camp to prepare for a decisive
attack against the enemy.
Having gathered their troops, the Kyrgyz lead-
ers decided to fight back. Ormon Khan, Jantay,
Zhamangara-baatyr

157
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Jangarach, Zhamangara-baatyr and Ajybek-Baatyr led the fight. Ormon
Khan showed himself to be a talented, resourceful, military strategist,
who quickly and efficiently responded to the situation. He suggested
tricking the Kazakh army. After dividing soldiers into groups of ten
or fifteen, he ordered them to go quietly into the mountain gorges of
Shamshy and Onbir-Jylga, chopping down shrubs and tree branches and
dragging them to a specified location; he ordered raising as much dust
as possible in the process. In addition, with the onset of darkness each
soldier had to put out his individual fire. Having accomplished his plan,
Ormon Khan managed to give his enemy the false impression that rein-
forcements had marched through the mountain passes and so now they
had a significant military advantage.
Kazakh military leaders were dismayed and
confused by such a turn of events. In a fierce bat-
tle, the Kyrgyz were able to push the enemy to
Kara-Suu, a quagmire near Mykan where many
of the Kazakh soldiers involved met their doom.
The Kazakh leaders Kenensary and Noruzbai were
captured and killed. Thirty two Kazakh sultans
died in this battle.
Jangarach The Russian government was satisfied with
getting rid of Kenensary, who was a serious threat
in the region, and even generously rewarded those
Kyrgyz leaders who participated in the defeat of
the Kenensary’s troops. Ormon Khan and Jantay
were awarded with gold medals and gold embroi-
dered robes. Gold medals were also given to thir-
teen soldiers, including Dayyrbek (from the clan
of Tynai), as well as Kalcha and Aksakal (from the
Ajybek-Baatyr clan of Jarban).
Six months after the end of the war, on August 22, 1847, the Kyrgyz
and Kazakhs signed a peace treaty with the Russians in Kopal (now
Taldy-Korgon). The “Treaty of Friendship between the Kazakhs of Se-
nior Juz and Kyrgyz, 1847” reads:

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

A) “August 22, 1847, we, biys, attached below tamgas of

Kyrgyz people, sent by the proxy of our nation to the border
chief, Major-General Wisniewski, and give these things un-
der the condition that:
1st. We, together with Kyrgyz (ie, Kazakh - auth.) of the
Great and Middle Hordes, as subjects of the Russian Em-
peror, pledge to live in peace, not to do barants (cattle theft
- auth.), robbery, and murder; mutually meet minor critiques
arising between us according to the resolve of our steppe
law;
2nd. Not to make any harassment to caravans and traders
passing through our nomadic camps but rather protect and
provide them with possible benefits.
We pledge to comply with this condition sacredly and not to
break it, and in case of default, we expose ourselves to the
retribution of God’s wrath.
The original seals were put by: Umetaaly Urmanov, Jantay
Atekin,
Tamgas: Jalantush (probably a slip, rather Jangarach -
auth.), Ishozhin and Toktor Karachunurov.
Right: Secretary Ivan Yatsenko.
B) August 22, 1847, we, sultans and biys of the Great
Horde, attach below our seals and tamgas in the presence
of the Border Chief of the Siberian Kyrgyz, Major General
Vishnevsky with manaps, and the honorable Kyrgyz people
and have concluded the following conditions between us:
1st. We pledge to live in peace with the Kyrgyz people, not
to do barants, looting and murder; to mutually consider dif-
ferent claims between us according to the resolve of our
steppe laws.
2nd. If we violate our mutual peace with baranta (cattle
theft - auth.), looting, or murder, we subject ourselves to the
wrath of God and the penalty of Russian law.
Signed and affixed tamgas by: Ali Adilov, Akish Ablaev,
Rustem Abul Faisov, Suyuk Ablaev, Bulen Shankaev, Tu-
ganbai Kongeldin, Acheke Dairbekov Supatay Alibekov,
Dyikanbay Kobzalov, and Sary Altaev.”107

159
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The cruelties of war led to the realization for the urgent need of peace-
ful coexistence and practical efforts to achieve it. As a result, peaceful
and friendly relations between the two nations continued unabated until
the 19th century and establishment of the Soviet Union. Several Kyrgyz
leaders, such as Shabdan-Baatyr, Sooronbai uulu Dur (of Sarybagysh)
Baytik-Baatyr, Boshkoi uulu Ozubek (of Solto), the leader of the Talas
Kushchu clan, Kyrgyz Bolokbay-biy, and the ruler of the Bagysh clan,
Shatman Bolush Sartbiy uul played an important role in the keeping of
the peace. For example, the diplomatic efforts of Bolokbay-biy solved
the Kyrgyz-Kazakh border problem peacefully, returning Kyrgyz the
land that was previously occupied by Kazakhs.
In the 1750s, after the defeat of the Jungar Khan-
Kyrgyz- ate, Chinese rulers of the Qin Dynasty initiated
Chinese plans to conquer eastern Turkestan and its peoples
Relations and (Kyrgyz, Kazakhs, Uzbeks, and Uighurs).The Kyr-
Revolt gyz tribes of the Kipchak, Jaman Teit, and Cherik
inhabited the northwestern part of Kashgar. Mean-
while the Adigine, Teits, Sayak, Cherik, and Monoldor tribes lived in
the neighboring regions of eastern Turkestan--Alai, Alaykuu, Ak-Tala,
At-Bashy, and Naryn. These tribes and peoples maintained close rela-
tionships and had unbreakable economic and political ties.
The first anti-Chinese movement was a revolt led by Zia-ad-Din in
1814-1816. The Kyrgyz of eastern Turkestan were actively involved in
this uprising along with the Uighurs. Turdumambet, biy of the Kypchak
tribe, led the Kyrgyz troop. Other participants included the Jaman Teit
and Chon Bagysh tribe. Well trained and well-armed, the Chinese Army
outnumbered these forces and had little trouble suppressing the revolt;
the leaders of the opposition were quickly put to death.
A new spirit of insurrection against the hegemonic aspirations of
the Qin Dynasty erupted in Eastern Turkestan during the first half of
the 19th century. Janger Kojo, one of the descendants of the Kashgar
Dynasty, headed the struggle and was supported by Kyrgyz biys Jan-
garach, Tailak, Atake-Baatyr, relatives of Kypchak Turdumambet, the
leader of the Chon Bagysh Suranchy, and others. The Monoldor tribe,
headed by Mamatkul, soon joined the rebels. A squad of Suranchy-biy
was especially famous for its courage in 1820. Although Janger Kojo
was eventually defeated, the fighting continues until 1828.His resistance

160
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
was common for this era in relations with the Chinese – similar uprising
would continue until 1840.
The Kyrgyz The establishment of Kyrgyz-Russians relations
and the goes back to the second half of the 18th century.
Russian In Russia, the first real knowledge about the Kyr-
Empire gyz, including a schematic map of Issyk-Kul, was a
consequence of the work of Ivan Unkovsky (1722-
1724), the ambassador of Peter I. In 1749, P. Rychkov collected infor-
mation about the Kyrgyz from traders who had visited the region. Both
the ambassador and merchants described the Kyrgyz as courageous in
their relentless fight against the Jungar invaders. F. Efremov, a traveler
who visited the Alay-Fergana region in 1780 and wandered about the
steppes of Central Asia for some ten years published memoirs describ-
ing his travels when he returned to St. Petersburg in 1786. During his
time in Central Asia, he dedicated himself to studying the language and
customs of the local population. The first Kyrgyz attempts at establish-
ing political relations with the Russian Empire occurred by the initia-
tives of Tynai-iy uulu Attake Baatyr of the Chu Valley.

Kyrgyzstan during the Rule of the Kokand (Qoqon) Khanate

In 1709, Shahrukh-biy, one of the descendants of the legendary Ba-

bur (who died in 1721), supported by powerful landowners, was pro-
claimed the governor of the central part of Ferghana Valley (with its
center in Kokand City). Thus, Shahrukh-biy became the founder of the
Khanate of Qoqon (Kokand).
A cursory reading of the historical sources sug-
gests that Shahrukh-biy came to power as a con-
sequence of substantial assistance from Kyrgyz
chieftains. The ruler of Khujand was Akboto-biy,
Kuljigach-biy, Koshkor-biy, a native Kyrgyz and
the son-in-law of Shahrukh. According to the tra-
ditions of the nomads, only someone equal in sta-
tus and position could marry a noble and sovereign
person; therefore, Akboto-byi played an important
role in Shahrukh’s ascension to the throne. Akboto-biy

161
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
From the beginning of the 16th century, the
Qoqon Khans was referred to as hereditary biys
of the Ming tribe (“a thousand tribes”). In So-
viet sources, they were seen as biys of Uzbek
nomadic origin. In fact, the heads of the Qoqon
Khanate, from 1709 to 1803, were paternal de-
scendants of Tamerlane and maternal descen-
dants of the Ming tribe.
The nearly two-hundred-year-old history
(1709-1876) of the Kokand Khanate can be di-
Kuljigach-biy vided into three eras:
1) The formation of the Kokand government
(1709-1800). During this period, the administra-
tive and political systems were formed, and so-
cial and economic foundations of the state were
strengthened. Definitive unification and consol-
idation of separate sovereign territories of the
Ferghana valley, culminating in the Kokhand
government, took place during this period.
2) The development and flourishing of
the Kokand Khanate (1800-1840). This stage
is characterized by further development and
Kochkor-biy
strengthening of the political-administrative
system of the state and domestic and foreign policy. Economic status
was strengthened and ownership boundaries of the Kokand Khanate ex-
panded.
3) The socio-political crisis and the fall of the Kokand Khanate
(1842-1876). Contradictions between social groups, feudal strife, weak-
ening of state control, and strengthening of feudal oppression led to po-
litical crisis and the rise of a national movement. Popular uprisings from
1873 to 1876 and the eventual collapse of the Kokand government cre-
ated favorable conditions for the Russian colonization of the Ferghana
Valley.
From 1741 to 1750, the Kalmaks repeatedly invaded the territory of
the Khanate. A real threat of external aggression forced the rulers of Ko-
kand to seek support and thus, the Kokand-Kyrgyz Union was created.
With the support of the Kyrgyz and Qypchaqs, Kokand biy Abdukarim
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and the ruler of Oro-Tube (present-day Tajikistan), Fazil-biy, ousted the
Kalmaks from the Ferghana. Particularly intense fighting occurred in
Aqsy when Kyrgyz soldiers of the Kuttuk Seyit tribe resisted the Ko-
kand.
The final liberation of Ferghana from the
Bukhara Khanate was directly related to the ac-
tivities of Irdan-biy (1751-1770). In 1754, the
Emir of Bukhara, Mohammed Rahim, togethere
with the ruler of Kokand, Irdana-biy, and the head
of the Kyrgyz tribe of Kushchu, Kubat-biy, orga-
nized a joint campaign against Oro-Tube. Hissar
bek Mohammed Eminbay (Madamin), however,
managed to split this alliance before they were
able to realize their ambitions. Kubat-biy
One of the most respected leaders of the Kyr-
gyz tribes of the second half of the 18th centu-
ry was Kubat-biy. After the end of relations with
Irdana-biy, Kubat-biy, who owned vast territories
in the vicinity of Andijan, participated in political
intrigues in Kashgar, siding with Khojas from Ak-
Too (east Tenir-Too). He was a wise politician who
enjoyed the great respect of his countrymen, as
well as nearby Kyrgyz tribes. Kubat-biy showed
Ajy-biy
considerable concern for the Kyrgyz tribes that in-
habited the areas of Andijan and Aqsy. In an effort to improve the life of
the Kyrgyz people and ensure their independence, he ran an independent
policy which did not allow the rulers of Kokand, Bukhara, and Kashgar
to interfere in his affairs or manipulate his decisions. In recognition of
his authority, independence of thought, and courage, the rulers of neigh-
boring lands respectfully called him “Bahadur biy.”
Another prominent leader of the Kyrgyz, who led the struggle against
oppression and the claims of the Kokand Khanate in the second half of
the 18th century, was Ajy-biy, the head of the Kyrgyz tribe of Adig-
ine. According to Chinese geographers in the 18th century, two hun-
dred thousand Kyrgyz people inhabited the vast territories to the east of
Bukhara—the Alay and Osh regions. The same regions were subjugated
by Ajy-biy.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1758, Irdana-biy built a formal alliance with Ajy-biy. In 1759,
when the Chinese (who were attempting to capture Kashgarian rebels)
invaded the eastern foothills of the Ferghana, they were rebuffed by the
combined forces of the Kyrgyz and Kokand people; only two thousand
out of the original nine thousand Chinese soldiers survived.
According to Chinese geographers, in 1760 the Valley of Fergha-
na was divided into the following independent vilayes (an independent
administrative region): Andijan, Margelan, Namangan, and Kokand. In
Oro-Tube and Khujand, power periodically changed hands; both the
Bukhara emirs and Kokand khans ruled there for some time. Diplomatic
relations were established between China and Kokand after the Qing
Empire conquered eastern Turkestan in 1755-1758.
The Struggle The economic situation of the Ferghana Val-
of the Kyrgyz ley noticeably improved during the reign of Ir-
against the dana-biy, a result of the ordering of a system
Kokand Khanate of taxes and duties. In 1760, Kokand became a
major center, serving as the home for more than
twenty thousand families, as well as four madrasas and a caravanserai.
As a result of successful military campaigns and aggressive foreign
policies of Irdana-biy, the Kokand Khanate expanded significantly in
the 1860s. At the same time, the territorial possessions of the Kyrgyz
strengthened. The ruler of Kokand broke relations with his former Kyr-
gyz allies and started military campaigns aimed at seizing their lands.
In 1760, citing accusations directed against the leader of the Kyr-
gyz-Qypchaqs Aman-biy, the Kokand ruler Irdana-biy captured and held
Aman-biy in captivity. Despite the superiority of the enemy’s forces, the
brother of Aman-biy, Emir-biy, repeatedly went into battle against Ko-
kand in hopes of freeing Aman-biy.
Each year the relationships between the Kyrgyz and Kokand wors-
ened. In 1762, the ruler of the Sarybagysh tribe, Mamatkul, asked his
tribesmen, Cherikchi and Temirjan, to unite against Kokand, but his
plans were never realized. The same year, Irdana-biy organized raids on
the Kyrgyz cities of Osh and Uzgen. Ajy-biy led the Adigine and Monol
clans of the Ichkilik tribe in a stubborn resistance movement against
Kokand but their efforts were in vain. After several defeats, he retreated
into the mountains, having suffering great losses. The people of Kokand
returned, the Kyrgyz were defeated, and Ajy-biy was captured (Later,
however, he would manage to escape, returning to Osh.)

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
To capture other Kyrgyz lands, the Kokand rulers often used trick-
ery, giving local Kyrgyz honorary positions and court titles, granting
tax concessions, and promising them good pasture land. Some Kyrgyz
tribes were bought off with such gifts and voluntarily joined the Kokand
Khanate.
Most of the southern regions of Kyrgyzstan, however, were con-
quered by force. Those Kyrgyz clans who did not want to accept Ko-
kand protection, but did not have the means to resist the invaders, moved
to the northern part of the country. The Sarybagysh tribe moved from
Andijan to the Chu Valley in the 1760s and 1770s.
By the 1780s, the Kokand Khanate controlled most of the Fergha-
na Kyrgyz and the Kyrgyz tribes who inhabited the right bank of the
Chyrchyk River. Those who resided in the foothills of Fergana and Alay
remained independent. Only at the end of the 18th century was the Ko-
kand Khanate able to conquer them. Once Osh was occupied, Kyrgyz
lands were assigned to the Andijan province. Later, Osh was transformed
into an independent vilayet.
During the reign of Narboto-biy (1770-1800) and Alim Khan (1800-
1809), the Kokand Khanate made several attempts to capture the Ket-
men-Tube Valley. At first, such attempts were largely unsuccessful be-
cause of the desperate resistance of the local populations.In the winter
of 1821, during a particularly difficult time for the nomads, Omor Khan
sent his army, headed by a well-known ruler of Namangan Seyitkulbek,
to Ketmen-Tube. Seyitkulbek had participated in several campaigns
against the Kyrgyz people and, therefore, knew how to defeat the no-
mads. Victory was both sudden and decisive.
The internecine strife of the Kyrgyz feudal lords and lack of unity
among the tribes contributed to their downfall. The Kokands skillfully
pitted Kyrgyz lords against each other, using all the means available
to them. At the beginning of the fall of 1821, Omor Khan persuaded
Beknazar-Biy, the head of the Kuttuk-Seyit Kyrgyz clan, and the gov-
ernor of a Kokand city, to wage war against the Sarybagysh nomads
residing between Osh and Kashgar.
The Kokand khans played with the ambitions and poor judgments of
the Kyrgyz feudal lords and gradually seized Kyrgyz lands, establish-
ing their rule over the local populations. During the first quarter of the
19th century, the capture of southern Kyrgyzstan was largely completed.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Kokand Khanate began to conquer northern Kyrgyzstan as it raided
the villages of the Chui Valley. After the conquest of Tashkent, which
took ten years (1799-1809), the Kokands erected the Oluya-Ata Fort
(modern-day Taraz in Kazakhstan) in 1822 and prepared to attack the
residents of Chu and Talas valleys.
In 1825, a Kokand
army led by Lash-ker
Kushbegi (Kooshun-
begi means “warlord”)
invaded the Chu Val-
ley, quickly scattering
the local Kyrgyz tribes.
After several unsuc-
cessful attempts to re-
sist the invaders, some
Gumbez (cemetery) of Bishkek baatyr
of the Solto and Sary-
bagysh chose to recognize to the authority of the Khan. Other Sarybagysh,
unwilling to submit to the invaders, followed the sons of Atake-biy to Is-
syk-Kul. Desiring fertile lands, the Kokand conquerors settled in the Chu
valley and built the Bishkek Fortress on the Alamudun River the same year
their military unit was stationed there.
The Kokands then demanded that the Issyk-Kul Kyrgyz submit to
them, but their terms for surrender were soundly rejected. And so, the
Kokands organized another military campaign to Issyk-Kul and Naryn
in 1831. The army was led by Lashker Kushbegi and travelled to Is-
syk-Kul via Tashkent, Chymkent, Oluya-Ata, and the Chu valley. The
second army led by Hakkula started at Ferghana, passing through the
Kogart Pass and then Ak-Tala, At-Bashi, Naryn, Jumgal, and Kochkor,
plundering along the way.
The fragmentation of the Kyrgyz people, due in part to intertribal
conflict, facilitated the Kokand’s invasion of Tenir-Too. Some leaders,
blinded by selfishness and self-indulgence, assisted the Kokands in order
to remove certain unwanted relatives in their lives. To consolidate and
seize Kyrgyz lands, the Kokands built fortresses with military garrisons
on the trade routes of Bishkek, Tokmak, Ak-Suu, Chaldovar, Kara-Bal-
ta, Merka, At-Bashi, Kurtka, Toguz Toro, Kochkor, Jumgal, Suusamyr,
Ton, Jargylchak, Tamga, Barskoon, and Karakol.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Types of Kokand fortresses on the territory of Kyrgyzstan

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1825, the Bishkek Fortress was built on the ancient trade route
linking Central Asia and China, near the intersection of the Vernensk
Tract, making it the foundation of the future capital of Kyrgyzstan.
Shortly after its construction, bazaars, caravanserai, small artisan work-
shops, and residential quarters were all constructed next to the fortress.
The ashes of legendary Kyrgyz leader Bishkek baatyr (a descendant of
the famous Joochalysh) were kept in the fortress and a tomb was erected
in his memory. Over time, the fortress became synonymous with the
name of Bishkek baatyr. Later, after the Chui Valley came under Russian
domination, officials called the fortress and settlement around it by the
name of Pishpek (the Russian pronunciation of Bishkek).
Year by year, oppression was amplified, new taxes and duties were
introduced, their rates constantly rose, and the penalties for nonpayment
became stricter. All these hardships gave impetus to justifiable outrage
and hatred by the people. Mass demonstrations against the Kokand
Khanate began. In the 1830s and 40s, another attempt to liberate the
Kyrgyz from under the Kokand Khanate began.
Ruthless plunder and countless Kokand atrocities in 1831 only wors-
ened the situation. The Sayak tribes of Upper Naryn (the Ak-Tala, Toguz
Toro, Naryn and At-Bashi) furiously opposed the Kokand Khanate. Say-
ak warriors had gained extensive experience in the art of organizing
military campaigns and weaponry, playing an important role in the lib-
eration of eastern Turkestan against Manchuria and in the campaigns of
Janger Kojo in Kashgar.
Tailak and his older brother, Atantay (the leaders of the Sayak in
Ak-Talaa) led the revolt against the Kokand Khanate. Their father, of
the Choro clan, enjoyed a lot of credibility and respect from the right
and the left wings of the Kyrgyz people. There is evidence that in the
18th century he was a prominent commander in the conflicts with China
during the reign of Janbolot-biy.
Tailak and his jigits, the military personal guard, were considered
to be brave warriors. For example, when a rebellion, headed by Janger
Kojo against China in the 1820s was suppressed, he took shelter with
Tailak-batyr. A Chinese detachment of four-hundred soldiers under the
command of Bayan-Batu, took advantage of Tailak’s absence. Together
with his jigits, Tailak pinned down the enemy in the Oynok-Jar canyon
in Orto-Syrt (modern-day At-Bashy), decimating Bayan-Batu’s army

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
camped there. At the time of this feat, Tailak was only twenty-six-years
old.
In 1831, a Kokand army some seven hundred strong, commanded by
Haq Kula, suddenly invaded the Ak-Tala, defeating the Sayaks and cap-
turing Atantay and Tailak. Liberating themselves, however, they were
immediately able to gather a militia and besiege
the fortress of Kurtka.
After defeating the Kokands, the warriors of
Tailak released all the prisoners languishing in
the dungeons of the fortress, returned the cattle
taken, and ended the collection of taxes. When
the Khan sent five hundred armed Sarbaz led by
Arap-baatyr to suppress the uprising, Tailak’s
horsemen met them at Jailoo Bychan in Toguz
Toro and won. The enemy lost about four hun-
dred soldiers; not expecting fierce resistance Tailak-Baatyr
proved to be an erroneous mistake. Tailak-
Baatyr took Arap captive as he attempted to flee
with a group of soldiers and then killed him in a
duel with a spear. The place of this famous duel
has been preserved in folk memory and is called
the “Pass of Arap.”
For a long time Tailak-Baatyr and his sol-
diers resisted the Kokand Khanate, successfully
repelling their attacks. In 1838, however, a Ko-
kand spy entered their headquarters posing as a
healer and poisoned Tailak-Baatyr; he was only Tabyldy-Baatyr
forty two years old at the time of his death.
In the 1840s the struggle against the Kokand
intensified, covering a larger and larger territo-
ry. In 1843, the Kyrgyz of Issyk-Kul expelled
the Kokand garrisons in Karakol, Barskoon, and
Konur-Olen.A populist resistance movement in
Naryn led by Alyke uulu Tabyldy-Baatyr inflict-
ed serious damage to the Kokand invaders there.
Headed by Turduke, the At-Bashy Kyrgyz from
the Cherik clan refused to pay tribute to the Ko-
kand Bek. Torogeldi-Baatyr

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1845, the Ferghana and Alai Kyrgyz of Osh opposed the Kokands.
This opposition created a serious threat to the Khan’s central command
center. A large army, led by the warlord Musulmankul, was sent to Osh
to put down the Kyrgyz resistence movement. Outnumbered, but well
equipped and experienced, the Kyrgyz liberation army was nonetheless
defeated and, consequently, the rebellion brought to an end. Musul-
mankul settled in Osh and ruthlessly executed anyone for the slightest
infraction or disturbance of the peace.
Ormon Khan and Torogeldi-Baatyr played a huge role in the weak-
ening of the Kokand Khanate’s influence in the north of Kyrgyzstan.
In 1847, a squad headed by Torogeldi defeated the Kokand Sarbaz in
Ashpara (modern-day Chaldovar), who had occupied this territory after
the victory of the Kyrgyz over Kenensary.
The struggle of Kyrgyz people against the Kokand Khanate during
the first half of the 19th century was of great historical importance as
wave after wave of popular acts of civil disobedience weakened the
effective authority of the Kokand Khanate over the people. The rule
of appointed governors failed to completely subordinate of the Kyrgyz
people.
Oppression was motivated by strong local ambition for indepen-
dence. In the wake of fragmentation, tribal leaders came to appreciate
the importance of unification to the survival of the Kyrgyz people.

Gumbez (cemetery) of Taylak baatyr in Ak-Taala district, Naryn oblast

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Despite the fact that the Kokand Khanate was
Decline a unified state, feudal disunity and civil strife
of the Kokand were recurring problems for them. In the ongo-
Khanate ing struggle for supremacy and power, the bigger
clans and feudal lords removed the objectionable
khans, replacing them with khans who better served their needs.
Power struggles over the control of Kokand politics became espe-
cially strong in the 1840s; the Kyrgyz and Qypchaq feudal lords were
the most active participants. In 1842, the Madali-Khan was executed be-
cause of a conspiracy and, eventually, Nasrullah, the Emir of Bukhara,
captured the Kokand. Three months later, howev-
er, the Emir lost the throne and a power struggle
ensued. The Kyrgyz and Qypchaq lords decided
to enthrone their protégé, Sheraly (1792-1845),
who was the stepbrother of Alim Khan by his fa-
ther. A significant role in Sheraly’s ascension to
the throne was played by the Kyrgyz feudal lords,
Nuzup minbashy, Narboto manap, Ajybek Datka,
and Asperdi-Datka. In 1842, accompanied by a Nuzup minbashy
joint committee of Kypchaks, as well as the Talas
and Chat-Kal Kyrgyz, Sheraly took power.
At first, Sheraly followed the advice given
him by the Kyrgyz and Qypchaq feudal lords.The
subsequent withdrawal of Kyrgyz troops from the
capital dramatically changed the situation, under-
mining the influence and position of the Kyrgyz
feudal lords. The killing of Minbashy Nuzup,
which was organized by the Qypchaq leader Mu- Narboto manap
sulmankul (1794-1852) only made matters worse.
The leader of the Qypchaq aristocracy, Mu-
sulmankul, remained one of the most influential
leaders at the time. In 1844, his well-organized
and well-armed troops defeated the forces of the
Kokand and took the capital. By the laws of war,
Musulmankul received the title of Minbashy and
Sheraly Khan became his puppet, dutifully carry-
ing out even his most capricious orders. Musulmankul

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1845, Uzbek and Kyrgyz leaders replaced Sheraly with Murat,
one of the sons of Alim Khan. Having returned to Kokand, an enraged
Musulmankul immediately executed Murat, who ruled for only eleven
days. He then declared Kudayar, the thirteen-year-old scion of Sheraly,
as the new Khan. Musulmankul performed the duties of Atalyk (regent)
as ruler of the state.
In order to keep Kudayar Khan under his influence, Musulmankul
arranged a marriage between Kudayar and his daughter. The mother of
Kudayar Khan, Zharkyn Aiym, a native of the Talas Kyrgyz, maintained
warm relations with the Kyrgyz feudal lords. Over time, the dissatisfac-
tion of the young Khan became more evident and problematic. In 1850,
Kudayar Khan appealed to the bek of Tashkent, Nurmagambet, to help
him overthrow his father-in-law. The bek of Tashkent immediately sent
his army to Kokand, but the army of Musulmankul proved too powerful.
Tashkent was defeated and Kudayar Khan was captured, although he
would ultimately be pardoned for his deeds.
In 1852, Kudayar Khan again tried to unseat Musulmankul. On the
8th of October, Sarbazy khan met the army of Kypchaks which he
defeated at the Battle of Bylkyldama. Following the victory, Sarbazy
marched through various Qypchaq villages, carrying death and destruc-
tion at every turn. Musulmankul was eventually captured near Naman-
gan, in the village of Uychi and brought back to Kokand, where he
was executed.
A debilitating war of attrition brought to an end the rule of the Qyp-
chaq feudal lords of the Kokand Khanate. Political power fell to Uzbek
dignitaries, although Hanzada (prince) Mala-bek, who enjoyed the sup-
port of the Kyrgyz and Qypchaq lords, soon joined in the struggle for
power. Having lost the battle against Mala-bek, Kudayar Khan sought
the assistance of the Emir of Bukhara as the Kyrgyz-Kypchak coalition
declared Mala-Bek their Khan.
In the middle of the 19th century, during the
The Socio- rule of the Kokand Khanate, the Kyrgyz were
Economic Situation still living on their ancestral lands. Kyrgyzstan
in Kyrgyzstan had a population of more than eight hundred
in the 18th and thousand people. According to the estimates
mid-19th Century of V. Radlov, there were eighty thousand yurts
spread over the Kyrgyz population. A charac-

172
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
teristic feature of the Kyrgyz people was their tendency to be divided
into many tribes and clans without first establishing close relations and
stable economic relationships. Feudal in-house fighting constantly un-
dermined the Kyrgyz people and prevented them from uniting into an
integrated state. Although the power of the Kokand Khan was spread
over a vast territory, he did not attempt to interfere in clan or tribal pol-
itics. At the tribal level, power resided exclusively in the hands of the
chieftains.
Feudal In the first half of the 19th century, patriarchal-feu-
Relations dal relations prevailed in Kyrgyzstan. Despite the fact
that their society was based on a feudal system of pro-
duction, the society still maintained traditional patriarchal and tribal
ways of life.
The membership of the Kyrgyz in the Kokand Khanate led to the
emergence of new forms of land tenure, such as, Ashlyak (public lands)
and Mulk (private property). They also had borrowed institutions in
place that they borrowed from Islam, including the Vakyp or Waqf (ten-
ured Muslim clergy), madrassas, and mosques. It is important to note,
however, that Kyrgyz concepts and practice of land ownership was dis-
tinct from the system established in Kokand.
Although the Kokand Khan technically owned the land, it remained
in the possession of the indigenous population. Kyrgyz feudal lords,
biys, and manaps, supervised the grazing and wintering of cattle.
Land provided the Kyrgyz with their principle means of sustenance.
Cattle served the as the principal source of wealth and socio-economic
status for both nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples that made up the
Kyrgyz economy. Keeping livestock was another form of production
which was common amongst nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples.
The issues of land and water resources were much more complicated
in southern Kyrgyzstan and the Ferghana than in the northern regions.
The Khan’s dignitaries constantly interfered in the use of arable land and
pasture. There were times when the Khan simply confiscated the best
land from the Kyrgyz people and sold it.
In accordance with established ancient traditions of the nomads, the
land was owned by the community, clan, or tribe. However, the distribu-
tion of pasture land, control of its use, and regulation of the summer and
winter migrations were carried by feudal lords (manaps), who resolved

173
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
disputes and claims at meetings, especially concerning the use of pas-
ture land.
It is known that wealthy, influential Kyrgyz manaps, or tribal chiefs
had slaves, known as kul (male slave) and kutz (female slave), who
were mainly the captives of war. Manaps often used their slaves, along
with their cattle, to pay dowry, they also used it as a means of rewarding
victors of organized competitions. They also reserved the right to grant
their slaves freedom on occasion. The institution of slavery, however,
was never a crucial component to the economy of the Kyrgyz people.

“Division into classes: Manaps and their significance. Ac-

cording to status, people are divided into two castes: the
lords (Manaps) and the people (Kara-Bukhars). As direct
descendants of the ancient forerunner of a Horde, Manaps
originally honored the patriarchal law of the father, but grad-
ually this power increased, becoming a despotic “ruler–
slave” relationship. Now the power of the Manaps was not
limited to their clan: he was the owner of black people and
could sell or kill them.... Urman (Ormon-aut.), the manap of
the Sarbagysh tribe had gallows on the Kaskalen River and
where a thief was hung not cut down for an entire year to
instill fear.... The respect of ordinary people for the manap
was infinite (although based on a fear): one dare not pass
by the yurt of a manap on horseback without maintaining
a facial expression of the utmost respect, especially in the
presence of the Manap….Urman was particularly famous
for being a aanap ... and his son, Umbet Ali (Umetaly-aut.),
who inherited such power over the clan....”108

The most basic form of oppression by the Kokand Khanate was ex-
orbitant taxation to be paid by a form of tenant farming. The worst of
these taxes was the zeket, a tax on livestock. At first, the Kyrgyz paid
the Kokand Khanate one lamb as tunduk zeket (a zeket for a yurt) and
one cow as adal zeket (a zeket for a cow)—one for every forty sheep and
goats, and horses, but one for every thirty horned cattle, that is, cows or
yaks. If the owner had more than forty horses, he had to pay an addition-
al forty coins (the price of a lamb) for each additional head of livestock.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The owner paid one lamb for every five camels. The amount to be paid
by the tax, however, frequently changed Sometimes, the ratio was 1/20,
making no distinction for the different types of livestock.
Farmers paid a land tax, too, the kharaj; the
tax equaled to one tenth of the harvest. Those
who were engaged in horticulture paid taxes in
cash money. From time to time, each yurt, or
family, paid a war tax of one gold coin or three
sheep.
In addition to the above mentioned taxes,
many other taxes existed. The famous oriental-
ist, A. Kuhn, explained that, during the last years
of the Kokand Khanate the taxes left a huge Kudayar Khan
burden on the local population. During the
reign of Kudayar Khan, there were more than
twenty taxes in all. Akims, or local governors
of the Kokand Khanate, were allowed to raise
funds for their own “food supplies” and, as a
result, they increased tax rates at the expense
of the people. These taxes included a percent-
age of the wood used to heat yurts. Through the
ashar (collective work), the people were also
expected to build the forts, roads, etc., with lit-
tle or no pecuniary remuneration. Kokandian warrior
From the earliest years of the Kokand Khanate, feudal lords, as well
as generals, ministers of the clergy, and their henchmen, seized the lands
and territories suitable for farming in southern Kyrgyz. For example,
without any warning, Omor Khan sold Kyrgyz irrigated lands in the
Namangan lowlands to Uzbek feudal lords. Driven from their ancestral
homeland, thousands of Kyrgyz people were forced to resettle in the
arid foothills and begin anew. Such mass deportation and deprivation
reduced the Ferghana Kyrgyz to poverty, exacerbating their hatred of
the ruling Khan.
Another form of oppression local Kyrgyz suffered was at the hands
of Kokand merchants, who bought goods at low prices, only to sell at
much higher prices. Having no opportunity to purchase such necessary
commodities elsewhere, many (especially those living in the mountain

175
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
areas) were forced to trade their fattened cattle for substandard goods
and services. The poor purchased domestic goods on credit, which in-
creased their financial dependence on the biys and beks. To pay off their
debts, the poor might sell their children into slavery or as indentured ser-
vants to the manaps. Despite the suffering of the Kyrgyz people under
his care, the Kudayar Khan spent three hundred thousand rubles a year
to support his thirty six wives.
Kyrgyz Economy The main occupation of the Kyrgyz was cat-
in the First tle breeding. However, this varied according
Half of the 19th to historical conditions. During the rule of the
Century Kokand Khanate, feudal warfare was common,
which, in turn, made horse breeding an import-
ant and lucrative business.
In such a harsh, mountain-steppe environment, the horse was indis-
pensable. Warriors relied on horses in their military campaigns. The
horse was a universal form of transportation, essential to overcoming
near impassable mountain trails, steppes, and the deserts. They also
played an important role in the transportation of goods. Horse meat and
mare’s milk were common staples in the nomadic diet. Kyrgyz horses
were of the Mongolian breed, famous for their endurance, as well as
their tolerance of sudden changes in the weather.
In comparison to horses, camels and sheep were less valuable to the
Kyrgyz. The people nevertheless bred such animals. Local breeds of
dairy cattle were known for producing poor (if any) milk. Kyrgyz sheep
had coarse wool and were accustomed to surviving the harsh winters.
As life in southern Kyrgyz gravitated towards agriculture, horses,
cows, goats, and horned cattle occupied a special place on farms. Don-
keys and mules became the principal means of transportation and were
also used in farming practice. The Kyrgyz of Eastern Pamir, the moun-
tainous regions of Osh, and the central regions of Tenir Too were known
to breed yaks.
Each clan roamed the countryside in keeping with
Nomadic the theory of “vertical movement” and thus repeated-
Life ly moved from the valley to alpine pastures. During
the spring time, cattle were driven from their winter
quarters in the valleys to nearby spring pastures—the hills, meadows,
and foothills from which the snow had receded. At the same time, the

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
sheep were left to propagate. To escape the heat and flies, the cattle
were gradually driven upwards to high alpine pastures, many of them
close to the glaciers. In the cool, mountain air, the cattle tended to gain
weight. Going back to ancient times, the Kyrgyz people have known the
life-giving powers of the melting water of their mountainous terrain and
climate, as well as the medicinal qualities of alpine herbs which can be
found in abundance. In late summer, the cattle were then driven to the
water meadows and even lower down the mountain ridge to autumn pas-
tures in the foothills at the first sign of cold weather. In late autumn, after
gathering the harvest, the cattle-breeders returned from their winter huts
with their cattle, who had gained weight and a solid layer of fat which
would make them impermeable to the coming winter frost.
In winter, the Kyrgyz tended to feed their livestock with the grass
they harvested in canyons and gorges. In the case of a heavy snowfall,
they let their horses lead the way and shovel a path through the snow
with their hooves, followed by their cattle and sheep. Often, the shep-
herds purposely caused avalanches to clear away the snow, allowing
their sheep to graze.
After long winter, migrations from the winter huts to their spring jai-
loo were cause for a particularly festive and a long-awaited holiday. This
included special ritual ceremonies. Participants would pack all of their
belongings to pack horses. Everyone would dress in their best clothes;
atop their luggage they packed carpets, strap sacks, and samovars. Even
the horses themselves were decorated with elegant harnesses and car-
pentry. The heads and necks of their camels were also decorated.
Cattle-breeders often traveled different distances and to different re-
gions--tens of miles in some cases, hundreds of miles in other. Wealthy
pastoralists lived in summer huts, leaving the job of grazing their cattle
to local herdsmen under their control. The poor and middling herdsmen
grazed their cattle together. Those without cattle stayed in the valley and
engaged in farming.
Of the smaller livestock, the Kyrgyz preferred to breed sheep. In
winter, they grazed them on sunny pastures. During severe winters,
livestock were kept in fenced paddocks with sheds. At the edge of the
paddock was the yurt, which was insulated with bundles of reeds. Poor-
er pastoralists built round, dirt-floor huts (alachyk) instead of yurts and
covered the tops with felted cloth.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
To prevent the death of livestock, cattle (showing signs of weakness
or illness) were fed the hay collected from the previous autumn. It was
mowed with sickles and scythes, gathered, knotted, and then transported
to the winter camp by horse and camel. The hay was stored in specially
constructed sheds.
Spring was the most critical period in sheep farming because of the
birth of lambs. This was a labor-intensive process for all involved; ac-
cordingly, relatives and neighbors provided much needed mutual support
to ensure that as many of the new-born livestock as possible survived.
During this period of life, sheep grazed at low slopes close to camp.
In cold weather, newborn lambs could be taken inside the yurt to get
warm. But, as Kyrgyz sheep are used to their harsh climate, most new-
born lambs quickly adapted. During the freezing nights, they were
placed in holes in the ground; young lambs were typically separated
from the rest of the sheep. Only in the morning and evening were they
allowed to be with the ewes in order to feed. After ten to fifteen days,
they were weened and expected to graze. As May approached, the sheep
began to be milked.
After twenty to thirty days, the lambs were castrated. To do this,
specifically designed knifes (called nashtar in the south) with wooden
handles were manufactured by craftsman. The Kyrgyz people living in
the vicinity of Issyk-Kul Lake were known to invite experts to castrate
their sheep.
Closer to November, the mating of the sheep took place. This was,
of course, of great importance to the financial well-being of the cat-
tle-breeder. Thus, in the south, for example, a practice that involved ju-
niper twigs was performed on the sheep to increase the likelihood of
breeding.
The sheep were sheared twice a year –in the spring and in the au-
tumn. Special scissors used for this were called zhuushan. Wool that
was sheared in the autumn was distinguished from wool sheared in the
spring .Wool sheared in the spring was called daaky, and, wool sheared
in the autumn was referred to as kuz. The autumn wool was especially
valued because of the high-quality felt and yarn that it was used to pro-
duce.
A cattle breeding was often dependent on the forces of nature. Harsh,
late winters caused massive loss of livestock from starvation (in local

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
lahguage djut). Animal diseases also had negative effects on the num-
bers of the herd. Traditional methods passed on from nomadic herds-
men generation by generation assisted in the maintenance and care of
animals.
Because of the varying landscape in different parts
Agriculture of Kyrgyzstan, agricultural development varied great-
ly. For example, the Ferghana and Chu Valleys were
known as centers of developed agriculture in ancient
times. However, after the Mongolian invasion, many of the farming tra-
ditions and practices in Kyrgyzstan were lost.
Convential Russian wisdom held that agriculture in the Chui Valley
and Issyk-Kul only began after the resettlement of Russian peasantry to
Kyrgyzstan. However, as the archaeological evidence clearly shows, ag-
riculture played an important role in the economy of the Kyrgyz people
much earlier. From historical sources it is clear that local farmers of the
Fergana Valley and Tenir Too employed a variety of sophisticated irriga-
tion systems in their agricultural endeavors. According to the testimony
of modern historians, agriculture was well developed in Chui, Talas,
Issyk-Kul, Ketmen-Tyube, and even in alpine At-Bashi.
At its core, Kyrgyzstan was an agricultural society that had much in
common with that of neighboring Uzbeks, Tajiks, Uighurs in Xinjiang,
and Dungans. Favorable conditions meant that southern agriculture was
much more developed. Southern farmers grew cotton, wheat, corn, rice,
as well as a variety of fruits and vegetables. Northern farmers mainly
grew wheat, barley, and oats.
Irrigation canals, aryks, were built in the mountainous areas, as well
as in the lowlands. If the course of rivers ran through a rocky ledge
or crevice, then the rocky ground beneath was hollowed out. Special
spruce trenches, called noo, were installed, which then brought water
to fields nearby. The main instrument for the construction of irrigation
ditches were the ketmen (hoe), balka, (chukulduk) (hammer), and the
iron shovel. To remove huge boulders in the way of the irrigation ditch,
canals were dug out and then the boulders were rolled aside using long
wooden levers (known as keltek). In places where a lot of water would
flow, two trenches were built. These trenches were held together with
iron clamps, (changek) and were secured at the bottom with props. The
construction of irrigation canals was a very delicate operation and thus

179
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
supervised by the elders of the clan and craftsmen experienced in canal
construction techniques. Before opening the canal, a ceremony was per-
formed; the ceremony sought to summon the protection of earth spirits.
The main instrument of land tillage was a wooden plow with a fixed
iron tooth at the tip (called buurusun in the south and omoch in the
north). Archaeological findings indicate that, during the 8th century, this
“tooth” was made of juniper and was seasoned with oil. Another com-
mon tool of immense value to the farmer was the ketmen, a type of hoe
which is used till today.
Sewing was performed by hand. Caps, clothing, leather sacks were
used to carry seeds during planting. In some places, people sowed their
fields while sitting on a horse. The fields were tilled and harrowed using
bundled spruce branches, known as mala, or shak mala. In the latter part
of the 19th century iron, plows and harrows were used.
During harvesting the Kyrgyz used different types of sickles (known
as orokand mangel). Compressed bundles were linked and brought to
the threshing-floor with the help of scrapers (chiyne, Jer oguz). The Kyr-
gyz people threshed the grain with the help of animals, including horses,
donkeys, and oxen. In the middle of the threshing-floor, a pole with a
wooden ring (or flexible rods) was constructed. Several animals were
tied to it and driven around on spread sheaves. This was called temin.
Straw was removed by wooden pitchforks and the rumps winnowed in
the wind by means of wide shovels. The Kyrgyz also used a stone roller
(molo tash) hewed out of stone by hand. Water mills, as well as hand-
held stone grinders (jargylchak) were also used to grind wheat and other
grains. At the end of the harvest, farmers typically offered a sacrifice in
honor of the patron of agriculture, Baba Dyikan.
Since ancient times, the Kyrgyz people have been
Hunting skilled hunters (mergenchi). In addition to cattle
breeding and farming, hunting was practiced up until
the 20th century. Different traps, snares, and flintlock
rifles (myltyk) were widely used. Trained birds and dogs frequently ac-
companied hunters. The Kyrgyz often hunted in groups.The most expe-
rienced hunter, knowledgeable of the local terrain, usually led the hunt.
He would set shooters (tozot) for the ambush and manage special beat-
ers (aydakchy). The animals were divided among the participants in the
hunting party, but seniority played a role in this process. The one to take
the beast down received the head, breastbone, and hide.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Long-term collective hunting involved the groups of ten or more.
Such hunts were called salbyryn or salbuurun. Those without guns were
the “beaters” (salbyrynch). If a hunting party
was quite small, then there might be “assis-
tant-beaters,”(karasanchy). It was customary to
give the karasanchy the leg of the animal, hence
the popular saying, “A back part for the beater.”
The Kyrgyz people developed a variety of
traditions, rites, and rituals because they be-
lieved it affected the success of a hunt. For ex-
ample, any person meeting a mergen returning
from the hunt could ask for a share of the kill
(shyralga). To share was a way to elevate one’s
status and prestige in the community. It was
believed that refusing to share ensured failure The rich hunter with
on subsequent hunts. It was not uncommon for falcon by Russian
a hunter to return home with nothing, having artist V.Vereshagin
shared his entire booty with friends and strang- (1869)
ers who he encountered.
Another tradition commonly practiced by
hunters is related to the Kyrgyz cult of Kayber-
en, the saint patron of all mountain ungulates.
They believed that names of the month corre-
spond to the so-called life of animals--Jalgan
Kuran (February), Chyn Kuran (March), Bugu
(April), Kulja (May), Teke (June). Perhapes,
they hunt these specific animals during these
months.
In the hunt, the Kyrgyz used a special breed
of hound (taigan). Raising such hounds was a ‘Kyrgyz’
complex task.From birth, puppies were kept on by V.Vereshagin
a special diet; they werefed raw meat because (1869)
it was thought to support the development of dexterity, courage, and a
strong devotion to the master. The fastest taigans were called jolbors,
while the best of these were called kumayik. The Kyrgyz had a myth ex-
plaining the origin of the taigan. They believed that taiganwere hatched
from the egg of a blue gryphon. If they saw a man within three days of

181
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
their birth, they would turn into a kumayik; if, however, they did not,
they became vultures. It should be noted that hounds were not the only
animals used in hunting; eagles and falcons, which were trained by edu-
cated people, munushker, were also highly esteemed.
The nomadic and semi-nomadic way of life of the
Kyrgyz people, and the development of cattle-breed-
Handicrafts
ing as their principal way of farming, determined the
type of handicrafts they created. Domestic handicraft
production associated with the care of livestock was most important.
Yarn, cloth, felt mats, rugs, and felt to
cover the yurt were made from sheep
and camel wool. Leather and animal
skins were used for clothing, shoes,
hats, and kitchen utensils. Craftsmen
used different types of wood to manu-
facture the frame for the yurts, as well
as saddles, household utensils, and
other homewares. Masters of iron and
metal works made tools and weapons;
copper, silver, and gold were also
used in the manufacture of jewelry
and other ornaments.
Although most of the Kyrgyz
economy was a subsistence economy,
there is some evidence of trade rela-
tions among people. Trade in Kyrgyz-
stan involved a variety of simple ex-
changes. The mountain tribes usually
exchanged livestock for necessary
household goods. Traders from Fer-
gana, Kashgar, and Kuldja brought
tea, rice, tobacco, dried fruit, match-
es, and paper tissue to trade with the
local populations. Russian merchants
brought with them cloth, calico, leath-
er, and iron goods, which they traded
for livestock, leather, felt, wool, fur,
Women’s jewelry and animal hides.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The economic, political and cultural life of Kyrgyz people in the
body of Kokhand state can be thus characterized by the two features.
First, on one hand, the Kokands imposed the tax policy to Kyrgyz pop-
ulation and military control through the built fortreses in the valleys of
present day Kyrgyzstan, but on the other hand, Kyrgyz chiefs led the
comparatively independent politics and even some of them were award-
ed by the administrative ranks of Kokand state.
Kyrgyz Culture
The ancient Turkic nomads who lived in Kyrgyzstan left unique
monuments, including many stone sculptures depicting the spiritual na-
ture of the country, the stories of foreign invasion, the awareness of
their own identity and strength, the role of humanity in history, and the
meaning of life.
The meaning of many of these stone
sculptures still remains a mystery. Social
scientists believe that they are related to
burial rituals since they are found near buri-
al mounds in the intermountain valleys and
plains. The sculptures were carved from
specifically suitable granite, colored gray
stone, and limestone. Most often, the stones
were oval or flat in shape. In some cases,
they were carefully polished, but often the
images were carved on an unprepared sur-
face.
Typically, these ancient stone monu-
ments celebrate male characters. Fearsome
warriors holding a vessel in one or both
hands with a sword or dagger on their belts
were common. Some statues depicted only
the head of a given figure; statues of women
were very rare. Stone statues were a prod-
uct of the individual craftsman’s imagi-
nation. Artists clearly attempted to depict
a particular Turkic ethnic type: fused eye-
brows, prominent cheekbones, narrow al- Balbals, stone sculptures

183
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
mond-shaped eyes, and wedge-shaped beard and mustache. Such dis-
tinctive details as headwear, clothing, and other items conform to schol-
arly conceptions of the people of that time. The statues accurately reflect
their customs and traditions.
Researchers divide stone sculptures into two main groups: The first
group consists of round sculptures with clear contours, body parts,
clothing, jewelry, or weapons. The second classification consists of flat
sculptures that convey the contours of the head, face, and, sometimes,
the entire body. Stone sculptures of the second type are more frequent,
but much simpler in shape and design.
Stone monuments first appeared in late 6th to 10th centuries and con-
tinued until the 12th century. After the 13th century, such artistry was
brought to a halt, due to the spread of Islam in Kyrgyzstan, which for-
bids the illustration of human beings, animals, and birds. The boundary
of the Turkic nomadic tribes can be distinguished by the appearance
of these statues—Naryn and Issyk-Kul on one side and Kemin, Chui,
and Talas on the other. In addition to Kyrgyzstan, many of these stone
sculptures can be found in Altai, Tuva, Khakassia, and Mongolia. Two
hundred have been unearthed in China and more than forty in India.
Such findings suggest that Turkic-speaking nomadic tribes inhabited all
of the above mentioned regions.
The stone sculptures of these nomads are a valuable source for the
study of the early medieval history and culture of the region. Such a
small number of these monuments have been recovered because many
of the ancient graves in Kyrgyzstan have been looted throughout history.
Social scientists have tendered a number of hypotheses regarding the
appearance of the stone balbals. Some argue that the statues represent
nomads who died. Others believe that the images carved on stones rep-
resent their dead enemies. On both sides of the Kultegin (for two kilo-
meters) many of these statues were erected; the number of statues seems
to discredit the theory that they were dedicated to vanquished enemies.
Consequently, scholars have suggested that ancient Turks carved the sil-
houettes of their enemies as a gift to the deceased.
The stone balbals of Kyrgyzstan became known to the Russian
Scientific Society in the middle of the 19th century. Since then, many
studies of these ancient monuments have been conducted by Russian
researchers. An increase in land usage for agriculture interfered with

184
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
such study, as many statues were dumped into ditches by local farmers.
During Soviet rule, some monuments were removed by locals, while
others were moved to schools or collections. The preservation and study
of these statues is one of the important issues still considered in pres-
ent-day Kyrgyzstan.
Not many architectural monuments from the Mid-
Medieval dle Ages remain in Kyrgyzstan. Evidence of religious
Monuments buildings in the cities (minarets, mosques, and mauso-
leums) can be found in historical sources, proof of the
architectural achievements of the societies that lived during that time.
Endless destructive wars, natural disasters, and general passage of
time saw the destruction of such buildings. Burana Tower, the Uzgen
architectural complex, the mausoleum of Shah-Fazil, and the Gumbez
Manas are among a select few historical monuments and architectural
wonders of Kyrgyzstan that continue to attract considerable attention
and interest.
The introduction of Islam as the state religion played a significant
role in the development of medieval monumental architecture in the
region. Buildings and places of worship were widely constructed af-
ter Islam came to the regions. The tall towers attached to mosques, or
minarets (from which Muslims are called to prayer), often served as the
center of architecture in a city.
According to medieval historian Nershahi, minarets were initially
built out of adobe and had hardwood floors. Remains of ancient min-
arets excavated by archaelogists in Central Asia prove that, beginning
in the 10th century, they were constructed using stone and fired brick.
In contrast to the majority of minarets built in the Middle East, Central
Asian minarets were constructed with the iconic spiral staircase located
inside the structure.
The Burana The Burana Tower and the Uzgen Minaret are
Tower and considered to be two of the most striking examples
Uzgen Minaret of medieval minarets in Kyrgyzstan. The Burana
Tower and Uzgen Minaret were built during the
reign of the Karakhanid Dynasty (10th to 12th centuries). The construc-
tion of the Burana Tower and other structures made of brick seem to
have influenced the construction of the Uzgen Minaret. It is clear that
the Uzgen Minaret, which appears to have been built after the Bura-

185
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
na Tower, suggests a flourishing of architecture during the reign of the
Karakhanids.
According to some reports, the height of these minarets was not a
distinguishing feature prior to the 10th century. However, both the Bu-
rana Tower and the Uzgen Minaret were the exceptions to the rule, tow-
ering some forty and forty-five meters respectively. Unfortunately, both
minarets were partially destroyed in an earthquake, the upper stories of
both now missing. Today, the height of the Burana Tower is about twen-
ty four meters. The Uzgen Minaret stands at about twenty seven meters.
The Burana Tower is a minaret from the
11th century and one of the first religious tow-
ers in Central Asia. It is located fifteen kilome-
ters south of modern Tokmok in the ancient fort
of Burana. Its name, “Burana,” is apparently a
misreading of the Arabic word, “monara” (from
which minaret comes). The tower was built en-
tirely of bricks and consists of a podium, oc-
tagonal base, and trunk. All these parts stand
on a foundation some six meters deep, with a
multi-level podium—the first 12.3 meters x 12.3
meters and 1.2 meters high, and the second ele-
vation 9.4 meters x 9.4 meters and 24 centeme-
The Burana Tower ters high. On its northern and eastern sides are
after reconstruction marble blocks, giving it a ceremonial appear-
ance and sense of solemnity, whereas its southern and western sides are
faced with ordinary stones. The masonry from top to bottom is brick, but
set on edge in a herringbone design and thus highly ornamental.
Its second story has a lined podium in the center and the base of the
tower is inscribed. The base an octagon and each of its faces is framed
using brickwork and inscribed arched niches. At one time, each niche
was filled with ornamental stonework.
From the base, the minaret tapers upwards. Alternating smooth and
textured surfaces give it a a certain delicacy in appearance. On the
southern side, at the height of 6.45 meters, is the entrance to the minaret
which, at one time, included a stone step. From the entrance to the top
of the tower, a spiral staircase must be used, with steps made of baked
brick and wooden planks to protect the brick. At a height of fourteen
meters is a window.
186
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
There are many aspects in the ornamental decoration of the tower which
make it similar to the Uzgen minaret. For example, figures of the third pro-
trusion of the tower are similar to the figures of the lower ornamented ledge
of the Uzgen minaret.The fragments of ornaments of the second protrusion
of Burana resemble the thin relief ledge at the top of the Uzgen minaret.
Relief brick ornaments of the Uzgen minaret are mixed with the ornaments
made according to masonry technique of figured bricks lying on the same
plane. It should be noted, however, that the decor of the Burana tower does
not match the level to the décor of the Uzgen minaret.
The Uzgen Tower is part of
The Uzgen the Uzgen architectural complex
Tower and has captured the attention
of scholars worldwide. The minaret, which was
built in the 11th century, has been preserved in
its original form. Like the Burana Tower, it con-
sists of a square podium 8.7 meters. An octagonal
base stands 5.1 meters in height, 6.2 meters wide
at the top, and 8.4 meters wide at the bottom. The
height of the tower is about 27,5 m.
The Uzgen Tower amazes spectators with its
wealth of ornamental patterns and varied artis-
tic techniques and applications. Its base is faced The Uzgen tower
with ornamental stonework and decorated using
shallow rectangular niches framed with block and stucco accents. The
trunk of the minaret is ornamented with stucco accents that alternate
using wide belts of smooth brick.
The entrance is at the southern edge of the base and is designed as an
arched lancet doorway. There is a spiral brick staircase from the door-
way to the lantern.
In 1923, following an earthquake, a five-meter lantern was added. A
major restoration and renovation was undertaken in order to preserve the
tower’s original artistic imagery. The reconstruction of the base, for ex-
ample, used the same type of bricks that were used by medieval artisans.
There are about thirty monuments of sedentary
Koshoy
farming culture in Central Tenir Too. Archaeolog-
Korgon
ical traces of sedentary settlements can be seen in
Settlement
Suusamyr, the Djumgal, the Kochkor valleys, and

187
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
near the Naryn River and its tributaries. The Koshoy Korgon settlement
is located some eight kilometers from modern-day At-Bashy. The sheer
size of such monumental ruins suggests that it was once an impregnable
fortress.
Kyrgyz tradition associates this settlement with the name of Ko-
shoy, the namesake of the mentor and associate of the legendary Baatyr
Manas. According to one story, the city of Koshoy is where the leg-
endary Koshoy buried his wealth, whereas another legend holds that he
ordered the construction of a fortress to repel the attacks of foreign in-
vaders. In reality, however, the history of the Koshoy Korgon settlement
does not corroborate either of these stories.
In 1894, the eminent Russian Orientalist, V. Barthold, researched the
settlement in the excavation to At-Bashi Valley.He then compared it to
medieval written sources, which enabled him to identify the architecture
as that of the ancient capital of Tenir Too and city-fortress of At-Bash.

Koshoi Korgon monument

Similar studies continued during Soviet rule. In 1937, the fort’s re-
mains were studied by the archaeological division of the Kyrgyz State
Pedagogical Institute, headed by B.M. Zima. In 1944, the Tien-Shan-
Alai archaeological expedition led by A. Bernshtam was the first bona
fide historical and topographical study of the settlement. The studypro-
vided the first professional renders of a planned settlement. The materi-
als collected in previous archaeological excavations made it possible to
accurately date the settlement (to the 8th and 14th centuries), as well as
the location and nature of other architectural monuments in Tenir Too.
According to A.N. Bernshtam, the Koshoy Korgon served not only as a

188
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
trade center in the region. Its principal role was to stand as a fortress and
camp for the Turkic Khans. Behind its walls were tents where the people
and their cattle took shelter.
Given the historical and archaeological importance of the Ko-
shoy-Korgon settlement, the Department of Archeology and Ethnogra-
phy of the Kyrgyz State University conducted its own study in 1980:

A fortified town Koshoy-Korgon was located in the heart of

the At-Bashy Valley on strategically important and conve-
nient trade and embassy pathways used by the Timurids
on the way to China and allowed Turkic Khans to keep the
trade routes under their control, as well as to collect trib-
ute from the caravans. The Settlement Plan is a rectangle
245 x 250 meters. The height of the preserved walls is 4-8
meters. The walls around the perimeter are reinforced with
60 towers designed to repel the attacks of the enemy: 19
towers on the northern side, 13 on the southern, 17 on the
eastern, and 11 on the western. The walls and towers are
made of large blocks (creased clay) and long clay bricks.
The thickness of the walls at the base is 7-9 meters, while
narrowed at the top and reaching a height of 8 meters. In
some parts, the walls and towers have visible signs of con-
struction works that have been done at a later time and the
remains of thick logs used as building material. Powerful
fortification provided a reliable defense of the population
during the attacks of their enemies. At a distance of 12 me-
ters, the fortified town was surrounded by a moat which was
formed, most likely, after building the walls of the fortress.
Each of the four sides of the fortress had its own gate. It is
suggested that the first settlement had only one entrance,
while others were built later. According to A.N. Bernshtam,
entrances on the east and west sides appeared in 1375
when Emir Timur captured the city; at the same time the
fortress was strengthened with additional walls on its east-
ern and western sides. However, the walls have been com-
pletely destroyed due to agricultural work in the region.

189
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

During the archaeological excavations, the remains of con-

struction works and traces of fire were discovered in the
city. Fragments of a pattern painted in blue, red, and yellow
were found at the doorways of buildings, as well as on vari-
eties of objects, such as graters, ceramic, stone, and bone
spindles (some of them were decorated with different orna-
ments), and metal objects, such as arrowheads and frag-
ments of knives. Copper plaques used for the decoration of
the kurdzhun (a woven shoulder bag) and horse harnesses
were of considerable interest as these were typical of Turkic
nomadic tribes of the 6th to 10th centuries. Of particular in-
terest was a copper ring with the picture of two ducks look-
ing at each other (because is is the only of its kind to have
been discocered on the territory of Kyrgyzstan).109

Subsequent research on Koshoy-Korgon confirmed that the artifacts-

date from the 10th to 12th centuries, the height of the activityat At-Bash.
Proof of its existence after the 13th century was not found and perhaps
for the following reasons: the name, “city of At-Bashi,” is not found in
the histories of the 13th and 14th centuries, but “At-Bash” is frequently
mentioned. It can be assumed that, like many ancient cities of the Mid-
dle Ages, it was deserted after the invasion of the Tatar-Mongolians.
Further studies of Koshoy-Korgon may open new and unexplored pages
in the history of this ancient settlement.
The Fortress of Shirdakbek is an architectural
Fortress of monument from the 10th to 12th centuries. It was
Shirdakbek built on the banks of the Alabuga River in the south-
ern part of the Cholok- Kaiyn village in the Ak-Tala
district. The fortress had a rectangular shape and was oriented according
to the cardinal points of the compass—north, east, west, and south. Its
southern walls were one hundred seventeen meters long and were built
of clay blocks (of which only six meters remain). Powerful towers rein-
forced the walls at the corners of the fortress. At each corner there were
arrow slits built in for archers. Entrance porches were built in the towers
on the southern and western sides. The fortress was surrounded by a
moat which was twenty meters from the castle.

190
 A History of Kyrgyzstan

The Shah- The Shah-Fazil Mausoleum is one of the most re-

Fazil markable monuments in Central Asia. The complex
Mausoleum dates back to the 11th-14th centuries and is located
at the ancient Muslim cemetery in Gulistan Village
(the medieval town of Safed-Bulan), fifteen kilometers from Ala-Buka.
The monument has a dome design and its base is square in shape. The
walls and dome are constructed out of brick tile. The walls are about 165
centemeters thick and 15.37 meters high. The mausoleum had a small
door on the west side, three doors on the north side, and contains no win-
dows. Based on Central Asian studies of the architecture, the Shah-Fazil
Mausoleum seems to conform to a typical pattern. It contains a central
opening and lancet arch.The dome itself is divided into two parts, with a
skylight and an arched fenestration.
The unusual décor of the
building and interior of the mau-
soleum is impressive. The va-
riety, elegance of drawing and
composition are done with an
optimal sense of location and im-
peccable attention to workman-
ship, making the mausoleum one
of the architectural treasures of
Central Asia. Many inscriptions
The Shah-Fazil Mausoleum
in Arabic and Farsi are added to
the elaborate beauty of the interior. For centuries, the Shah-Fazil Mauso-
leum has been wonderfully maintained; as a result, it has not lost much
of its original beauty and magnificence.
The Tash Rabat Caravanserai stands out among the architectural
monuments discussed thus far, mainly because it is located far from
other developed centers of medieval Central Asia. It is the largest ar-
chitectural stone building of the 15th century in Central Asia and is dis-
tinguished with complex architectural buildings. It was first mentioned
in the second half of the 16th century by Islamic historian Mohammed
Haidar in his book, History of Rashid Khan. Haidar compared the Tash
Rabat with similar monuments in Kashmir and believed that it was built
by Mughal Khan Mohammad who ruled from 1408 to 1416. The exact
location of the monument was not provided in his work.
In 1859, when coming back from Kashgar, the Kazakh scholar, Ch.
Valikhanov, visited the monument and wrote the following: “The con-
191
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
struction was built from flat slabs of stone-slate, 12 yards in length and
7 yards wide. A long corridor extends to the central domed hall (a radius
of 5 yards). From the hallway, a low narrow door led to small square and
rectangular rooms. Construction was once plastered inside and outside
as well.”110 In addition, he noted that Arabic inscriptions could be found
on the walls of the inner rooms. According to local residents, there were
about forty rooms and the building served as a place of worship and
sacrifice.
In 1867, a prominent Russian scholar Nikolai Severtsev also visited
Tash-Rabat. That same year, a Russian architectural historian F. Osten
Sacken took up the task of sketching and measuring the structure. He
also wrote about the lay-out and the materials used in the monument’s
construction.
In 1878, the caravanserai was studied by A. Fetisov. After his study,
he published an article in which he argued that Tash-Rabat was a free
“road hotel” for passing caravans and travelers. He also noted the simi-
larity of the monument to rabats located along the Shymkent-Tashkent
road.
In 1886, Dr. N.L. Zealand examined Tash-Rabat and made sketches
which were later donated to the Society of Turkestan Department of
Archaeology in Tashkent. Contrary to earlier studies of the site, Zeland
assumed that Tash-Rabat was probably not a caravanserai, but a reli-
gious cult temple.
The prominent Russian Orientalist V.V. Barthold, who visited the
valley of At-Bashi in 1894, was greatly interested in the monument. Al-
though he had not seen it, there were two pictures of Tash-Rabat in his
“Report on a Trip to Central Asia with a Scientific Purpose” which was
published in 1897. In his “Sketches of Semirechye,” Barthold agreed
with Haidar that Mohammed Khan, an ardent missionary of Islam, built
Tash-Rabat in 1416.
The connoisseur of the Oriental architecture, N.N. Pantusov, also
conducted extensive studies of his own on the monument. In 1902, he
published a detailed description of Tash-Rabat, along with drawings, in
sections, and the general form of its architecture. According to Pantusov,
Tash-Rabat was a monastery where the destitute might find shelter.
Studies of the monument were also conducted during Soviet times.
In 1937, for example, an expedition led by B.M. Zima investigated the
ancient monuments of Tenir Too, including Tash-Rabat.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In 1944, the Tien-Shan-Alai archaeological expedition led by A. Ber-
nshtam studied the monument. This resulted in the publication of an
entire chapter on the subject in the 1950 book, Archaeological Sites in
Kyrgyzstan. According to Bernshtam, Tash-Rabat was a caravanserai
and its architectural features were influenced by the culture of the no-
mads themselves. “Looking at the dome of Tash-Rabat,” he wrote, “you
imagine a camp with a richly furnished yurt in the middle of it and no-
mads who have turned into stone idols.”111
In 1952, an arti-
cle published by P.A.
Pugachenkova on the
same topic (which is
now considered one
of the most in-depth
and unique studies in
the field), also con-
cluded that Tash-Ra-
bat was a caravan-
serai. The work ar- Tash Rabat Caravanserai after reconstruction
gues that it was had a
mosque erected in the 1420s and 30s. B.N. Zasypkin devoted an entire
chapter to Tash-Rabat in his book, Monuments of Kyrgyzstan (1955),
contending that Tash-Rabat was a 15th century caravanserai.
In hopes of reconstructing this Central Asian architectural wonder,
the Ministry of Culture of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic carried
out an extensive architectural and archaeological study from 1978 to
1980. Their conclusion can be found below:

“The Fortress-caravanserai Tash-Rabat (11th to 14th cen-

turies) is located 70 km from the historic fortress of Koshoy
Korgon (the medieval town of At-Bash) in the picturesque
canyon of Kara-Koyun on the Tash Rabat River at 3,000
meters above sea level. Tash Rabat is a square, 34.8 x
32.4 meters. It was built on an artificial platform cleared out
of a hillside. The main facade of this fortress is effectively
separated and oriented to the east; its walls are flanked at
the corners with minaret-shaped columns with an entrance,

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

which acted as a monumental portal with two rectangular

pillars and arched niche in the center. There is a long hall-
way that runs from the main entrance to the central hall,
with the places to congregate on both sides: on the right
side of the corridor, two doors lead to these premises with
three doors on the left side. The central corridor ends with
an arched opening leading into the main hall. The latter,
being the center of the entire complex and around which
a group of buildings is assembled, is square in shape. Its
northern wall is 9.32 meters and its southern wall is 8.95
meters, containing three niches. The southern and north-
ern niches are blind, whereas the western niche has two
openings that lead to another room. The hall is covered with
a giant dome that rests on an octagon. In ancient times,
apparently, the dome had a skylight. In addition, windows
were oriented to the cardinal points and used to light the
dome. In total, there are thirty-one rooms (along with the
niches in the central hall). The rooms are dome shaped and
plastered. Skylights were the chief source of light for the
domed rooms and corridors. Deep pits filled with clay were
found under the central hall in rooms №23 and 27”.112
Despite the small number of such monuments in Kyrgyzstan, their
importance to understanding and the study of Kyrgyz history is im-
mense. They evidently show, the richness and talent of masters and
builders of that period
Nomadic and patriarchal tribal life left an in-
Housing, Clothing, delible mark on the material culture of the Kyr-
and the Folk-Art gyz people. Their lives, including housing, uten-
of the Kyrgyz sils, clothes, food, and guns, were consequence
of their nomadic lifestyle. The necessities that
came with a life of migration and season farming influenced many de-
cisions of their lives.
Many archaeological studies of southern Siberia, Altai, Tenir Too,
Semirechye, and the Pamirs confirm that the Kyrgyz people were the di-
rect successors of the nomadic traditions of the Saks, Usuns, Huns, and
Mongolians. Similarities between the transportable yurts of the Usuns

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and Kyrgyz are striking. The closeness between the ancient Turks de-
picted in ancient stone monuments to the samples of clothing and foot-
wear found in the burial mounds of the Kenkol also suggests a close
ethnic tie of the Kyrgyz people with other nations of this region.

Kyrgyz yurts
The Kyrgyz lived in both portable and stationary dwellings. The main
dwelling of the nomadic and semi-nomadic Kyrgyz was the portable
yurt. The Kyrgyz yurt was meant to be quickly and easily disassembled,
in order to suit the needs of a migratory society. The wooden structure
of the yurt, its felt mat, and other necessary parts fit easily on the backs
of horses, camels, or yaks.
Yurts were made of wood and felt and were circular in shape. The
skeletons of yurts were made of wicker grown especially for this pur-
pose. The wooden frame of the yurt consisted of folding lattice walls,
kerege, and was designed with circular shape.
A small yurt contained five or six walls; for a larger yurt, the number
was eight to twelve kerege, which were tied together at each end. Poles
(which were two to three meters in length and two to five centimeters
wide) were connected with rawhide leather straps of one centimeter
which then passed through a special hole. The doorframe (bosogo) was
made from several components and designed to support double doors.
The diameter of a middle yurt was five meters and three to three-and-
a-half meters in height. A massive wooden hoop known as the tyunduk
served as the chimney, as well as the principal source of light for the
yurt.
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

The Interior of the yurt

Once the kerege and tyunduk were secured, wooden poles (called
uuk) (200-350 centimeters long and three centimeters in diameter) sup-
ported the tyunduk. The uuk were attached to the lattice of the kerege,
thus forming a dome. Outside, the lattice undercarriage was covered
with mats and a special felt coating. The dome of was covered with
several layers of the same felt matting. At night, or during rain or snow,
the tyunduk was covered with felt matting. Although the Kyrgyz yurt is
similar in construction to that of Kazakhs and other Central Asian no-
mads, the design and decoration, with fur curtains, woven carpets, and
rugs, make them unique.
Various home accessories, bags, a kurjun for clothes, could be hung
on the lattice work of the kerege. In the middle of the yurt was a fire-
place, kolomto, for heating, cooking, and lighting.
Functionally, yurts were divided into several parts. The right side is
a female quarters, epchi jak. Here the dishes were kept and the food was
prepared. The left side, er jak, was intended for the men and stored all
kinds of weapons, the supplies for the cattle and for hunting, as well as
the harnesses for horses. Self-made oil lamps from ceramic or metal,
with a wick made of cotton, were used to illuminate the yurt. Kerosene

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
lamps appeared in Kyrgyzstan only at the beginning of the 20th century.
Opposite the entrance to the yurt was the tör, the place reserved for
honorable guests. Rugs, blankets, pillows, and baggage with clothing
were laid neatly on chests, benches, and stones. The tör also served to
showcase anything that might indicate wealth. Exterior and interior dec-
oration of yurts always clearly reflected the social status of the owner.
The yurts of feudal lords were notable for their size and rich ornamenta-
tion. From the outside, their yurts were girded with several rows of wide
braid, woven with various colorful designs and covered in dense white
felt. The inside was decorated with lavish carpets, embroideries, furs,
woven patterns, and expensive equestrian and military accoutrements.
The Bais were renowned for having several yurts, which were intended
for family members, guests, newlyweds, for cooking, and even a servant
quarters.
Size and decor depended on the owner’s social status. Bais and
manaps lived in large white yurts, whereas the overwhelming majority
of nomads lived with their families in a small yurt. Research has shown
that many in Kyrgyz society lived in poverty, either living in yurts or a
small hut (alachyk).
The Kyrgyz people settled in tribal communities, known as ayils.
For the winter, they lived in sheltered foothill ravines near to water and
suitable pasture land. Corrals were made of stone, clay, or braided fenc-
ing. Gradually, more permanent housing were erected, forming perma-
nent settlements for inhabitants and their livestock; some of these areas
became settlements and villages over time. It is important to note, how-
ever, that many inhabitants of such settlements still used yurts through-
out certain parts of the year.
A vast array of settlements and dwellings in Kyrgyzstan were a con-
sequence of geographical and historical factors, local traditions, as well
as scattered instances of sedentary ways of living. Permanent settlements
in the south and southwest appeared in the first half of the 19th century,
whereas in other regions they did not appear until the beginning of the
20th century. Feudal nobility erected large estates, with large houses and
many outhouses. Servants of the nobility often lived in yurts or earthen
huts nearby.
Sedentary life was also increasingly common in mountainous regions
during the 19th century. Various tribes constructed housing without any

197
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
major planning. Construction of streets, for example, was still rare at
this point. In the south, many villages were relocated to the foothills,
usually stretched along roads or river banks.
The style and décor of Kyrgyz dwellings from this period show that
the Kyrgyz learned the art of house construction from Tajiks, Uzbeks,
and Uighurs. The exact level of technology and methods of construc-
tion, however, vary by region. In the north, the Kyrgyz built earthen
houses using the tamping system known as sokmo. In Issyk-Kul, both
earthen buildings and log houses were common. In the south, clay lumps
(gualyak) or battered clay (paksa) were the main material used to build
dwellings; frame construction was commonly used.
Later, in the 18th century people began to build houses out of mud
bricks in all parts of Kyrgyzstan, and used fired bricks when possible.
The first residential buildings were small. They consisted of one or two
rooms with no basement, dirt floors, and rough plastered walls. The fire-
place, just like in yurts, was arranged in the middle of the room with
a hole for a chimney in the ceiling. Window openings were small and
usually closed with wooden shutters.
Clothes Changes in lifestyle led to changes in the style
and cut of clothing. Traditional methods of fabrica-
tion underwent radical changes, some of them dis-
appearing entirely. Neighboring sedentary peoples, such as the Tatars,
Uzbeks, Tajiks, and Kazakhs, influenced the diversity in dress. In those
areas where a cattle breeding was the prevailing occupation, clothing
tended to be more conservative and was manufactured from homemade
materials. Hand-processed skins of domestic and wild animals, felt fine-
ly knitted from sheep and camel wool, as well as fabrics produced at
home were all commonly used materials. As time passed, of course, im-
ported goods, such as silk, velvet, and broadcloth, were increasingly.
Factory cloth gradually replaced the homemade variety. Poor peo-
ple wore clothes made of the cheapest fabrics (mat), while rich people
bought produced clothing. In remote areas, such clothing was very ex-
pensive. A wedding brocaded chapan (robe), for example, was the price
of a camel, whereas a silk gown might cost as much as two sheep.
At the beginning of the 19th century, men’s underwear was a swing
shirt and trousers, known as dambal. Shirts were made of coarse cali-
co or mat.The sleeves often covered the fingertips. The neckband was
turned down or open (if there was a neckband at all).

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Traditional dress of Kyrgyz

Men’s trousers were made of different materials, including colored
or striped homespun fabric, soft tanned sheepskin, skins of wild ani-
mals, handicraft factory fabrics, and coarse cloth. Pants of soft tanned
leather, embroidered with silk designs, were called kandagay shym and
were worn only by the rich on holidays, revels, or during the grand hunt.
Outdoor clothing was very important to the Kyrgyz tribes. The ton
was a large dressing gown with a big neckband and made of lambskin
or fur. The edges of the ton were trimmed with black satin, velvet, or
lambskin. The ceremonial winter coat, ichik, was sewn out of the skins
of wolf, lynx, or otter; the exterior was covered with fabric. In the north-
ern and northeastern part of Kyrgyzstan, people wore kementai (a kind
of outer clothing) made of white or gray felt. White kementay was a sign
of prosperity; it was velvet trimmed with fringes and patterns. Chep-
ken was another example of commonly worn outerwear. It was spacious
with long sleeves and a cloak-like neckband, typically worn on top in
order to protect cattle breeders, hunters, and hikers from the rain and
snow. During the warmer seasons, the Kyrgyz wore beshmant (a close
fitting coat) made of thick fabric.
Men girdled their outerwear with a belt (kur). The ancient traditional
belts were later replaced by factory cloth straps or leather belts. From
the beginning of the 19th century, the southern Kyrgyz girdled them-
selves with folded diagonal handkerchiefs just like the Uzbeks and Ta-
jiks. Wealthy Kyrgyz had wide leather belts with silver studs and buck-
les (kemer). The belt was worn with a knife and other accessories.
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Kyrgyz had a large variety of hats. In the 19th century, most men
wore the national headdress of white felt, known as ak kalpak. During
the summer time, or inside the house, older men wore a headdress that
resembled a skullcap. In the south, the topu skullcap, tiubeteika, was so
popular that it was mass produced. Different names for the topu existed:
margilan, kokand, andijan, and chust. The most popular headwear of
the Kyrgyz was the tebetey. The upper part was in the form of wedges
and the lower part was made from fox or lambskin. Furs from martens
or otters were also used to decorate the tebetey to commemorate special
occasions.
Traditional The most common footwear used Kyrgyz were
Kyrgyz soft boots made of rawhide or shoes made of animal
Footwear skins. Shoes with solid soles whipped in the stocks
were also commonly worn. Later on, the Kyrgyz
were known to buy manufactured shoes. Leather overshoes with heels
(kaiysh kepich) were often purchased and were made of fine soft leather,
(ichigi or maasy). Ready-made shoes, often boots of red or green color
on the heel, were usually bought for women.
Women’s underwear was similar to men’s—a straight dress shirt and
trousers. Girls and young women wore dresses of bright colors. Accord-
ing to tradition, dresses had a tunic shape with seams on each side. In the
19th century, girls in the south began wearing dresses with a horizontal
slit on the neckband. Later, the basic style of women’s clothing was a
dress with a vertical cut on the neckband, which was tied using hand-
made laces and covered in special velvet embroidery, known as ongur.
In the second half of the 19th century, dresses had a small neckband
fastened with a button in the Tatar style. Over time, northern Kyrgyz
women switched to dresses cut through the waist, but with the same
neckband. The cut of their outer clothing did not differ from the men’s.
The dress of a Kyrgyz married women was a swing skirt with a wide
belt (beldemchi). It was specially designed for the nomadic lifestyle; it
was comfortable whether sitting in a saddle or working in the house.
Usually, it was made from black velvet and then decorated with silk
embroidery and lambskin. Of course, the beldemchi varied in their cuts,
fabrics, and embroidery.
The hats that Kyrgyz women wore were unique, in terms of their
originality and complexity. Traditionally, girls wore the tebetey, a cap

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
with a high top. The top of the tebetey was made of velvet of different
colors; the bottom was decorated with otter fur. The headpiece of the
bridesmaid, shokülö, was a conical tall hat adorned with silver, coral,
and pearl beads with pendant coins that hung on either side of the head.
Sometimes the shokülö was a helmet.
The main Kyrgyz headdress of a married woman was the elech-
ek (ileki, kelek) which was a turban. A round hat, called takyya, was
wrapped with a light white cloth layer by layer. The elechek was worn
in winter and summer, and even when doing the housework. Over time,
the elechek was replaced by a handkerchief, which was tied much like
the elechek. Peculiarities in design varied based on the region in which
it originated.
National decorations complemented women’s’ dresses, giving them
ethnic character. Earrings, rings, bracelets, and pendants for braids were
commonplace. By the end of the 19th century, different coins were used
as decoration. They were usually attached to the headgear and braids or
sewn onto clothing.
Since ancient times, Kyrgyz applied arts have
Decorative been highly developed. The processing of animal
and Applied products, wood, and metals served as the basis for
Arts the applied arts. Every member of the family was
involved, regardless of age.
The emergence and development of various crafts was due to the
practical needs of the nomadic way of life. A significant role was also
played by spiritual needs, people’s need for beauty, perfection, aesthet-
ic requirements, and opportunities for improvement and decoration in
everyday life. The nomadic way of life naturally gravitated against the
development of crafts. Regardless, many items used by the Kyrgyz (in-
cluding utensils, jewelry, harnesses, yurt decorations, and clothing) ex-
emplified a high level of artistic creativity.
Useful items were usually created in the home and were tailored to
the needs of everyday life. In the minds of many people, the applied arts
were an integral part of life. Often, the artistry and originality shown in
many artifacts were, logistically speaking, impractical. Therefore, Kyr-
gyz folk art can be seen as more cultural than practical and, perhaps, an
expression of the people’s spiritual life. Folk art was connected to poetry
and music, evident in the profound relationship between its natural style
and high artistic value, as well as its rich imagery and mastery.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The secret to the creation of such artworks was passed down from
generation to generation and contributed to continuous development,
reaching its height of creativity and perfection in the 19th century.

Shirdaks

Tush kiyiz
The main forms that artistic expression took were creations that un-
derscored the spiritual potential and talents of the common people. Cen-
turies of practice gave impetus to a color culture and a set of ornamental
graphics. As a result, colorful shirdaks, ala kiyiz, various woven goods,
pile carpets, embroidery, and ornamented mats were unique in their sim-
plicity and beauty. Predominant colors were red and blue; paints used

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
for decoration were usually made from plant extracts. Ornamentation
found in cultural artifacts testifies to the imagination and creativity of
the Kyrgyz people. It should be noted that Kyrgyz artistry shows influ-
ence and interaction with the art style of the peoples of Central Asia,
Kazakhstan, the Volga, and the Caucasus.
The motives and stylistic patterns of these ornaments were diverse.
Their simplicity can be seen in the art made by nomadic people, vividly
reflecting the colors of nature, flora, and fauna. They used elements and
colors of ancient ornaments which are still used today.
The arts of Kyrgyzstan have always been heavily reliant on the use of
wool and felt. As one of the artistic staples of a nomadic, cattle-breeding
people, wool and felt were central to the people’s lives. It was used in
the production of stackable carpets, national felt rugs (shirdaks and ala
kiyiz), various household items, bags for storing and transporting prod-
ucts, housewares, horse equipment, the interior décor of the yurt, and
clothing.
The most common type of decoration was ornamented felt with a
rolled pattern, the ala kiyiz. Pieces of colored wool were put into a felt
base of black, gray, and white. After rolling and tamping the materials,
the felt was pressed very tightly in order to imprint a design. Usually, ala
kiyiz were made from muted colors.
Another type of felt carpets was the shirdak. It was made using a
mosaic technique and cut out from paired pieces of felt of equal size
and contrasting colors. The pieces were sewn in such a way that the
ornamentation and background were not the same color. In contrast to
the ala kiyiz, the shirdak was of two contrasting colors, usually blue and
red or white and brown.
Felt ornamentation has been practiced as an art by the Kyrgyz people
for a long time. Overtime, new elements were introduced, ultimately im-
proving the creativity expressed in such products. Despite the fact that
many Kyrgyz decorative ornaments are similar to that of other Central
Asian peoples, a degree of independence and originality can be seen—
indicative of a national character.
The most popular type of needlework was embroidery. One of the
most distinctive examples of Kyrgyz embroidery is the wall carpet, tush
kiyiz. It was rectangular shape and the central was made of velvet or silk,
the top and sides framed by a wide border ornately embroidered. The

203
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
tush kiyiz was made of woolen or silk threads on woolen cloth, black
and cherry velvet, silk, or some other fabric. As a consequence of the
skillful hands of Kyrgyz embroiders, saymachi, a number of patterns
were developed, including cells (chymyn kanat), wave-like stalks with
leaves (kyial), three-toed bird’s footprint (karga tyrmak, zigzag–iyrek),
and horn-shaped tendrils and outgrowths (kochkor muyuz/muyuz).
In addition to the decora-
tive tush kiyiz, household goods
(sacks, bags, and other house-
hold items) were also embroi-
dered. Embroidery occupied an
important place in the design of
clothing.
The Kyrgyz also made or-
namented mats from the stalks
of canes. They were laid under
the felt carpets to guard against
moisture, but also served to in-
sulate the yurts.
Because of their nomadic
way of life, the Kyrgyz people
Leather handicrafts
also used leather goods in their
homes. Dishes, pouches, harnesses, trunks, and chests were all made
from leather and were distinguished for their originality and decoration.
Different methods were used to decorate leather, such as hot stamping
and adding metal components of gold, silver, and copper.
Jewelry and metal handicrafts were also common amongst the Kyr-
gyz. Folk artisans used various techniques of metalwork, including sil-
ver inlay, stamping, forging, and delicate carving. People especially val-
ued ornamentation made of silver. Silver was used for rings, earrings,
bracelets, pendants for braids, buttons, and buckles.
In addition to the manipulation of metal for artistic purposes, wood-
carving was commonly practiced by the Kyrgyz. Decorative carvings
adorned yurts, chests, wooden utensils, musical instruments, and eques-
trian accessories. Sometimes, carvings were combined with the painting.
Thus, the decorative arts of the Kyrgyz people are an inseparable part
of their national culture, reflecting their material and spiritual world,
artistic vision, and historical and ethnic ties to other nations.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Pre-Islamic Upon the arrival of Islam in Central Asia, pre-Is-

Religious lamic religious beliefs coexisted with Islam in the
Beliefs life of the Kyrgyz. Prior to Islam, however, religious
consciousness was fairly developed amongst the
Kyrgyz. The custom of worshiping animals, totemism, was the earliest
form of religious consciousness. Totemic representations were based on
an understanding of kinship groups, each tribe having a certain animal
totem. Hence, there are traditions and customs of fetishism. Some ani-
mal body parts (head, skin, feathers, claws, etc.) were venerated as sa-
cred amulets.
Many Kyrgyz tribes took their namesakes after certain animals. For
example, one of the clans of northern Kyrgyzstan was called the “Sary-
bagysh” (elk); another was called the “Bugu” (deer). The ancestors of
these families have preserved the legends and stories, customs and tradi-
tions associated with the worship of beautiful and noble animals. There
was a myth that the ancestors of the Kyrgyz people were a combination
of the deity and (elk or deer). Some of the better known totems were the
golden eagle, the wolf, and the mountain goat.
The Kyrgyz veneration of
animals comes from the reli-
gious beliefs of Zoroastrian-
ism. According to this ancient
belief system, many animals
are to be considered sacred.
Such animals include the
white camel, snow leopard,
bear, owl, and snake.
Pre-Islamic beliefs were
developed beyond a religious
reverence for animals; the
Kyrgyz also had developed
certain cultic beliefs centered
Gumbez (Cemetery) of Manas
on various forces of nature.
One such example was the sky cult of Tenir. In difficult situations, the
Kyrgyz asked the spirit of the sky god to support them. In a blessing to
the young, the elders would say: “may Tenir bless you.” In addition to
deifying the force of the sky, the Kyrgyz placed special importance on

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
the moon, stars, water, and earth. Therefore, making a sacrifice, people
asked earth and water for mercy and benevolence. The Kyrgyz revered
the mountain peaks, lakes, springs, and trees because, as nomads, they
were at the mercy of nature and its unpredictable elements.
They also deified fire and the forces of the hearth, which they associ-
ated with the preservation and strengthening of families, understanding,
happiness, health, and welfare of children. The Kyrgyz people venerated
the ancient Turkic god of Umai-Ene, the patron of the hearth and children.
In the Epos Manas, Umai-ene helped to father the legendary Manas.
Echoes of Umai-Ene worship can still be heard today. Many mothers,
while praying for their children, or putting them to sleep, will say: “Let
your sleep be strong! Let the hands of Umai-Ene save you.” Shamanism
is still part of the spiritual lives of the Kyrgyz people and often associ-
ated with the practice of folk healing. The bakshi (healer) and byubyu
(female healer) heal the sick. Shamans treated diseases of the nervous
system through divination. It was believed that these abilities were in-
herited. Kyrgyz shamanism resembles shamanism practiced in to that
of southern Siberia, not to mention the mystical form of Islam, Sufism.
The ancient beliefs of the Kyrgyz people were closely intertwined
with the everyday life of the people and firmly entrenched. In compar-
ison to Islam, such beliefs were firmly linked to tribal custom and a
long-developed system of patriarchy. The elemental forces of nature
were often a factor in the welfare of livestock and bringing in the har-
vest, giving rise to various religious and mystical concepts related to
mother earth.
A cult of ancestors and spirits developed, particularly in pre-Islam-
ic times, evidenced by numerous archaeological discoveries and eth-
nographic studies of the folklore. There are many episodes in the Epic
Manas that talk about how the people, and their heroes, turned to ances-
tral spirits for assistance in difficult. For example, in one episode, Jakyp,
the father of baatyr Manas, learns in a dream that his son will be under
the patronage of dead spirits, known as arbak.
Traditionally, the Kyrgyz remembered the dead by offering up kind
words in their memory on occasion. Cemeteries, individual graves, and
Gumbez were always considered sacred; sacrifices were made in mem-
ory of the dead. This was due to the belief in an afterlife, as well as
confidence that the disembodied spirits of the dead wandered among

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them in order to keep watch over the tribes and clans in difficult times.
Such beliefs and the worship of the dead were characteristic of a tribal
way of life. For example, many folk epics include the following lines:
“This sacrifice is devoted to ancestral spirits. May they support us!” Ch.
Valikhanov has written extensively on the worship of ancestral spirits
among the Kyrgyz people and their belief in an afterlife.113

The Kyrgyz cemeteries of the 19th century

Proof of this is the custom of the “Tul” (a clay doll) which is made
after one dies. The Tul was worn on the chapan (outerwear) or placed
under a hat. According to K.K. Yudakhin, it was also placed next to a
grieving widow. This practice, like many beliefs in magic and supernat-
ural forces was common among Turkic peoples, including the Kyrgyz.
People often perceive natural phenomena as a consequence of magical
forces rather than natural phenomena, attributing them to spiritual forces
known as jaychy. In the epic of Er Tabyldy, special magical powers are
attributed to the main character who sends snow to the enemy’s camp on
a clear day using a magical stone.
Mahmud Kashgar (in the 11th century.) wrote extensively about
the supernatural qualities and abilities of the Kyrgyz magic. Historian
Rashid al-Din also dedicated a fair amount effort to such studies. In
the folklore of most Turkic-speaking tribes, supernatural qualities are
attributed to certain animals in constant contact with humans.
In Kyrgyz, Altaic, Yakut, and Khakass legend, animals play an im-
portant advisory role. For example, in the Kyrgyz poem, entitled “Kur-
manbek,” a horse by the name of Teltoru bestows Baatyr with the gift of
great courage and good fortune. Kurmanbek is full of strength and cour-
age until he loses his horse and is seriously injured as a consequence.
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Not surprisingly, for nomads who lived in a state of constant warfare, a
horse cult makes sense—surely, it is difficult to imagine the life of the
Kyrgyz people without a highly developed reverence for the horse.
In the patriarchal-feudal social system of the
Islam and Kyrgyz, religion played an important role in lives
the Kyrgyz of the Kyrgyz. Islam may have been their official
religion, but their religious beliefs was not limited
by Islamic norms. The leftovers of the traditional
animistic beliefs existed along with Islam.
Islam first came to Kyrgyzstan in the 9th century and quickly spread
thereafter. Information about the adoption of the Muslim faith by the
Kyrgyz can be found in the writings of such 16th Islamic writers as
Tarikh-i Rashidi, Majmoo al-Tawarikh, Dzhalis i Mushtadin, and Ziya
al Kulub. The 16th century Ottoman historian, Turk Seyfi, wrote that the
Kyrgyz were both “Muslims and kafirs” (unbelievers). Thus, as already
mentioned, the Kyrgyz took on the tenets of Islam without sacrificing
their previous held notions developed in their pre-Islamic history. It is
telling that the 17th century Islamic historian Mahmud ibn Vali con-
tended that “the Kyrgyz accepted Islam only with the advent of the Uz-
beks.”114
In the 17th century, the Jungars forced the Tenir Too Kyrgyz to move
to the Ferghana Valley and its surrounding area. This migration helped
the rapid spread of Islam. The subsequent fall of the Jungar Khanate was
met with a mass exodus by many of these Kyrgyz, who returned to their
homes and to many of their native, animistic ways.
The spread of Islam among the Kyrgyz people was simultaneous
with the Kokand Khanate’s expansion. The clergy was a powerful vehi-
cle of social control; the feudal lords used the clergy to exploit the peo-
ple. Their preaching emphasized the virtues of strict obedience to elites.
Huge fortresses were erected with mosques to house the new religious
authorities and the imams. However, because the mosques were largely
placed in sedentary towns, many Kyrgyz (nomads who largely resided
in pastures and mountains) did not place special importance on them.
Most of the time, the Kyrgyz would only become generally acquainted
with the basics of the religion and its rituals.
The influence of Islam was more meaningful in the southern re-
gions and in scattered parts of the Chui Valley. The imams compelled
the people to pray and observe the other five pillars of the religion. On

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
the other hand, Eshens, or the practitioners of Sufism in the region,
were particularly zealous. They exacted religious taxes on livestock
and property, which was collected by their followers known as murids.
The first to embrace Islam were the bais, manaps, and other members
of the feudal ruling classes. Conversion by ordinary people was a sub-
sequent trend.
Islamization was a slow and complicated phenomenon. The canons
and postulates of Islam were incomprehensible (and therefore inacces-
sible) to most people. Poor farmers and townspeople alike did not take
to the religion’s pious emissaries, often responding with fear and resent-
ment. Tatar missionaries came to Kyrgyzstan around this time with a
similar message of Allah and His prophet, Muhammad. But theirs was
a more tolerant version of Islam. Because it lacked the zealous or of-
fensive tone of the Arabs, the Tatars were more successful in spreading
Islam in the region.
The majority of the Kyrgyz did not take all the commandments of
Islam as seriously as the emissaries of the religion had hoped; what de-
veloped was a very unorthodox version of Islam in which they only
followed certain tenets. The syncretistic nature of Kyrgyz Islam was
observed by such 19th century scholars and travelers as M.I. Venyukov,
G.E. Grumm-Grzhimailo, N.I. Grodekov, and Ch. Valikhanov.
The Kyrgyz did not observe the customary Five Pillars: the strict
profession of faith (shahada), prayer (salah), fasting (saum), almsgiving
(zakat), and the pilgrimage (hajj). Kyrgyz elites were known to pray
five times each day, as required, but fasting was rare. During Ramadan,
many only observed the fast for a few days, rather than the entire month.
Moreover, the pilgrimage was too expensive for any but the wealthiest
of the Kyrgyz to perform. Even then, the travel expenses to the Holy
City of Mecca was often achieved with the help of donations from com-
mon people.
“The Kyrgyz profess the Muslim religion, or better to say, call them-
selves Muslims without truly knowing the requirements or essence of its
doctrine. All the rituals and beliefs of shamanism still remain, which is
justly considered the first religion of Central Asia ... neither imam, nor
hodja and other Muslim teachers have been yet among these people....
Bakhshi, the shaman priests, have great honor in this horde, and the
manaps are proud of this title....”115

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Other provisions of Islam took strong root amongst the Kyrgyz. For
example, after Orozo Ait, (a month of fasting), the Kyrgyz commemo-
rated their sacred dead, reciting prayers and lighting candles. They also
were known to give alms to the poor. For Kurman Ait, they sacrificed to
the gods, asking for health and happiness.
In the development of the philosophical
Social and thought of medieval Turkic peoples, and
Philosophical the Kyrgyz people in particular, Mahmud
Influences: al-Kashgari and Zhusup Balasaghyn (em-
Mahmud inent Turkic scholars of the 11th century)
al-Kashgari and played an important role.
Zhusup Balasaghyn Mahmud al-Kashgari’s Dīwānu
l-Luġat al-Turk (Dictionary of Turkic Di-
alects) is important to the intellectual development of Central Asia. The
exact dates of al-Kashgari’s birth and death are not known; it is only
known that he lived sometime during the 11th century. He was from
Issyk-Kul (Barsgan). But he moved from Barsgan to Kashgar and wrote
under the name of Mahmud al-Kashgari. He received an excellent edu-
cation in Arabic philology at recognized centers of science and culture
in Kashgar, Bukhara, Samarkand, Nishapur, and Baghdad. He spoke
fluent Arabic and studied the history of the lives of Turkic peoples. He
wrote in Dīwānu l-Luġat al-Turk:
While I am descended from Turks, who
speak the purest language, who by birth
and family occupy the first place ... I pro-
ceeded inch by inch ... all villages, steppes
of the Turks. I totally imprinted in my mind
the alive, rhymed speech of the Turks, Turk-
mens, Oguz, Chigil, Yagma, and Kyrgyz....
And after such long study and searching, I
wrote a book in the most elegant way, in the
Mahmud clearest language.116
al-Kashgari His dictionary is a medieval encyclopedia on
the lives of Turkic peoples in the fullest sense of the word. According to
A.N. Kononov, Dīwānu l-Luġat al-Turk is one of the “the only source[s]
of information on the life of the Turks in the 11th century.”117 It is an im-
portant source for studying the history of early medieval Turkic peoples

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
in Central Asia. Thanks to al-Kashgari, we know about the material cul-
ture, the realities of everyday life, ethnonyms and toponyms, tribal divi-
sions, kinship terms, titles and the names of various officials, food and
drink, domestic and wild animals, birds, plants, astronomy, the neces-
saries of the folk calendar, names of diseases and of the drugs that cured
them, heroes, children’s games, and the variety of amusements which
were popular at the time. Al-Kashgari is also a source of information on
the social structures of 11th century Turkic peoples, their primary and
secondary economic sectors, and the broad cultural achievements of the
Turks, but also the Kyrgyz, Kazakhs, Uighurs, Karakalpaks, Turkmens,
Uzbeks, and Altai.
Of course, the dictionary itself is hugely important as a primary phil-
ological and historical source, documenting the social and philosophical
thinking of Turkic peoples generally. The work reveals beliefs surround-
ing ethical standards of conduct and provides the reader with a compre-
hensive world view from a contemporary of the 11th century. Studying
the vocabulary of medieval Turkic peoples, al-Kashgari’s writing is in-
dicative of the level of thinking at that time.
Some of the ethical principles that al-Kashgari elucidates and defends
include work, friendship, and the primacy of reason as the foundation
of moral perfection. A significant place in the dictionary is dedicated
to the author’s reflections on physical work. In his view, morality is a
corollary of environment. Work is a necessary and essential aspect of
human existence. The value and meaning of life are inextricably linked
to work. People should be evaluated by their practical usefulness rather
than social status and wealth. For example, in Dīwānu l-Luġat al-Turk,
al-Kashgari explains that “[w]ork is never wasted…[He w]ho is work-
ing in the summer eats joy in winter.”118
As mentioned, friendship was a concept which is discussed in detail
in al-Kashgari’s work. He expresses his belief that friendship is a moral
precept of vast importance. Al-Kashgari’s ingenious analysis of medi-
eval Turkic aphorisms suggests that friendship for the author is one of
the most trustworthy spiritual qualities a person can possess. It is clear
that he finds importance as much as it involves a great deal of personal
sympathy and affection for others.
The dignity and nobility of being human, according to al- Kashgari,
is to aspire to be virtuous and thus find happiness, or the “good.” He
considered spiritual improvement to be a prerequisite to happiness. A

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
man acquires perfection only with the help of science and an in-depth
knowledge of the world. Knowledge empowers a man and makes him
kind and reasonable. Stressing the importance of knowledge in becom-
ing a moral person, he writes: “A sign of happiness is knowledge….
My son, take good advice, get dignity and excellence, be a true scientist
among the people, spread your knowledge.”119 He believed that the basic
personal qualities of any man of reason were humanity, generosity, and
goodness. He also believed that science must be studied for its own sake
and not to satisfy mere desire or personal benefit; he also believed that
it could be used to help others. For al-Kashgari, the principle aim of sci-
ence, and the education of the people, was to instill in one and all such
moral virtues as benevolence, generosity, courage, and respect. Thus,
it is clear that al-Kashgari was as much a student of Islam as he was a
student of Plato, Aristotle, and the Kalam.
Jusup Balasaghyn Kutadgu Bilig (Beneficial Knowledge) can also
be seen as a watershed in the intellectual history of medieval Central
Asia. The historical record is remarkably absent of information about
the life of Balasaghyn, the author of one of the greatest Central Asian po-
ems of all time, “Kutadgu Bilig” (Beneficial Knowledge). He is thought
to have been born sometime between 1010 and 1018 in the capital of
the medieval Karakhanid state of Balasaghyn on the outskirts of mod-
ern-day Tokmok. He stood out as highly educated for his times, pos-
sessing a profound knowledge of astronomy, mathematics, medicine,
literature, history, philosophy, aesthetics, ethics, Arab and Iranian-Tajik
poetry, Turkic folklore, and the Persian language.
According to R. Arat, Balasaghyn was fifty four
when he produced his famous poem. He worked on
it for eighteen months and donated it to Tavgach
Buura Karahan Abu Ali Hassan, the ruler of Kash-
gar. An enlightened man himself, Ali Hassan ap-
preciated its depth and poetic craftsmanship. As a
consequence, Balasaghyn was awarded the title of
Ulugh Hass-Hajib (a respected man of the court),
Jusup which was reserved for only the most famous, influ-
Balasaghyn ential, prized members of the Khan’s royal attaché.
The poem “Beneficial Knowledge” is about
the formation of the interrelated nomadic and sedentary modes of life.

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During the 10th century, Islam spread not only among the sedentary, but
the nomadic populations of the Karakhanid State. As a result, the Arabic
language was used and why “Beneficial Knowledge,” by Zhusup Bala-
saghyn, and the Dictionary of Turkic Dialects, by Mahmud al-Kashgari,
are preserved in Arabic transcription.
Currently, there are three preserved copies of Balasaghyn’s’s manu-
script. The first is stored in Vienna. The library director of Hidiv City,
German scholar B. Morin, discovered a second copy in 1986, in Cai-
ro. Because the manuscript was poorly preserved, V.V. Radloff made a
photocopy for the Museum of Asia in the St. Petersburg Academy. This
manuscript copy can be found at the Institute of Oriental Studies in the
St. Petersburg Branch of Russian Academy of Sciences.
The most complete version of the manuscript is a copy found in
Namangan. Initially, it was found by A.Z. Validov in 1913 in the private
library of Mohammed Khoja Eshen Lolyarshit. It was lost until 1925,
when Uzbek scholar Fitrat managed to locate its whereabouts and pub-
lished it. In 1928-1929, fragments were published as “Samples of Uzbek
Literature” and stored at the Institute of Oriental Studies in the Uzbek
Academy of Sciences. The Namangan and Cairo copies are in Arabic
and contain all the root words of the modern Kyrgyz and Uyghur lan-
guages. They differ only in certain phonetic constructions. The original
was written in perfect Turkish. Consequently, it can be argued that the
linguistic material is based on the spoken languages of the Turkic trib-
al associations of Karluk, Chigil, Yagma, Tuhsi, Kyrgyz, and Kipchak,
which constituted the Kara-Khanid Khanate.
The poem is written with rhymed couplets, beits, which suggests
that the author had knowledge of “Shahnameh” written by Firdausi.
The names of the main protagonists of the “Shahnameh”—Anushirvan,
Afrasiab, and Rustam—appear in “Beneficial Knowledge” and repre-
sent universal virtues such as justice, wisdom, and kindness. Balasaghyn
knew the works of Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina, evident by his philosophical
and ethical bent. “Beneficial Knowledge” reflects the personal outlook
of a poet-philosopher for whom rationality and a supreme reverence for
knowledge was paramount.
“Beneficial Knowledge” is ethical and didactic, which educated
themselves and others, tracing its origins to the written and oral tradi-
tions of ancient literature of Egypt, India, and Iran, In Europe, this was

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
synonymous with a literary genre known as the “Mirror” and was adja-
cent with trends of the Renaissance.
Balasaghyn’s poetry can be seen as a gift to literature, as well as a
spiritual, moral, and ethical encyclopedia which reflects the history, cul-
ture, and religious views of the society that gave it birth. A.N. Kononov,
an expert on “Beneficial Knowledge,” contends that the poem is an epic
in which such questions as the meaning of life and social and personal
relationships are viewed through a philosophical prism.120
The ethical and moral principles of the author are extremely pro-
nounced, especially when it comes to his discussion of justice, reason,
happiness, and humility. In the story, the governor Kuntuudu symbolizes
justice, while the vizier Aytoldu represents the forces of happiness. The
son of the vizier, Akdilmish, is the living embodiment of reason; on the
other hand, the brother of the vizier, Otkurmush (Etkurmush), is analo-
gous with modesty.
The Balasaghuni believed in the power of individual
Philosophy improvement and social progress through education.
of Balasaghyn As he saw it, nature had endowed man with reason,
but man could not reach a higher level of prosperi-
ty without constant acquisition of knowledge, positive character traits,
and the skilful use of experience from generation to generations. He
believed that enlightenment and wisdom were corollaries of honor and
respect. Reason and knowledge, in his understanding, are inextricably
linked to dignity, which is beyond the reach of the uninformed man.
One of the main ideas in Balasaghyn’s
moral philosophy is the concept of happi-
ness. Like many thinkers, he sees happiness
as a morally ideal. Considering such moral
quandaries as morality versus immorality,
good manners versus bad, he concludes that
only the man who is virtuous can be happy.
“Beneficial Knowledge” contains valu-
able information about the social structures
of the time, including the places and roles
Monument of various social groups and the nature of
of Jusup Balasagyn their social norms and rules. It discusses a
in Bishkek wide range of dialectic concepts, such as

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good and evil, truth and lies, greed and generosity, as well as prudence
and inconsistency. The author’s ethical views are closely related to epis-
temological and social concepts. He advocated the idea that the main
criterion of good governance was the human nature of those in power.
Balasaghyn reflects on the meaning of life, its essence and purpose,
concluding that everyone, regardless of social position, must live a dig-
nified life and strive to bring joy to others. Only in this way, will he be
remembered and venerated by his people.
Balasaghyn also considered human beings to be most fragile and
yet the greatest of the deity’s creations. In his view, reason and knowl-
edge, and high moral and ethical ideals, are able to change the world. Of
course, he understood that everyone was different—the world is a mix-
ture of intelligence and good manners, but also ignorance and a lack of
decorum. Both could be seen in the speech of the individual. Intelligent,
kind words elevate a speaker, adding to his prestige and fame. Converse-
ly, language that was simply bad, envious, and insincere led inexorably
to suffering and grief.
In his work, Balasaghyn discusses the problem of matching words
with deeds and the harmony of the internal and external worlds of man.
If his words are confirmed by his deeds, such a man deserves respect,
praise, and honor. In this vein, he cites the traditional Kyrgyz proverb:
“Let me die, but not my word.”121
Balasaghun appreciated human qualities as humility and politeness.
He stressed that these character traits should be common to all, regard-
less of a man’s place in the social hierarchy, the degree of his power,
status, position, and material wealth, as everything is transient in this
world. So, there is nothing better than to be good, for respecting the
human dignity of others is the very essence of goodness and happiness;
the returns of such behavior, as he argued, are incalculable. By the same
token, arrogance, conceit, boastfulness, greed, and envy are character
flaws that promise no such rewards.
Balasaghun considered many timeless individual and social issues.
His writing was full of unease regarding the fate of society and prob-
lems of a ‘modern world.’ As a pious Muslim, it is not surprising that he
blamed alcohol for the moral failings of man, impoverishment of moral
values in society at large, and often the cause of evil and suffering. As
far as a man is clever and educated, alcohol slowly, step-by-step, de-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
stroys him as a rational and moral being. With deep regret, he admits
that alcohol does not spare anyone and dooms children and families to a
life of poverty. He also condemned the consumption of magical potions
as unwise and a threat to individual and social well-being.
Much attention is paid to human behavior in society. One must know
and abide by certain standards of conduct and morality. Children must
be taught from the childhood to respect their elders, paying attention to
their attire and table manners. He observed that reverence for elders dat-
ed back through the centuries and should continue be an integral part of
day-to-day contact, especially because the older generations were, in his
opinion, a brilliant source of practical life experience and knowledge.
Balasaghyn emphasizes the responsibility of parents to bring up their
children properly. The home should be built on a foundation of moral
values, practical skills, and self-reliance. Having a family should in-
clude taking full responsibility for the welfare of those under one’s care.
Parents should set an example for their children and demand that rules
of conduct be respected at all times.
Work is essential to all of this. Only hard work, in the opinion of
Balasaghyn, can lead to happiness, whereas idlers and slackers are to be
ashamed. He was convinced that only a creative work ethic will result in
an educated and highly moral person.
Folklore: During its long history, the Kyrgyz can be seen
the Epic as a high epic culture. The most unique of these cre-
Manas ations is the Epic Manas, a monument to the spiritual
culture and poetic creativity of the Kyrgyz people. It
tells the story of the battle of Kyrgyz people against foreign invaders and
celebrates the legendary baatyr, Manas, who united disparate tribes thus
smoothing the way for Kyrgyz independence. The epic recounts military
campaigns conducted by Manas against the enemy in fine artistic form,
underscoring the link between the poetic and heroic in Kyrgyz history. It
tells of a relentless struggle, full of courage and heroism that ultimately
rescued them from slavery, if not genocide. The Epic Manas also chron-
icles the millennial histories of various Kyrgyz tribes and clans in both
political and military terms.
This national poem has become a kind of encyclopedia of the life of
the Kyrgyz people, documenting their economic way of life, traditions,
cultural and trade relations, language and customs, as well as their phil-

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
osophical and religious beliefs. Some of the ethnographical information
contained within it includes the geography, medicine, architecture, and
astronomy of the Kyrgyz people, as well as such issues as love, welfare,
and ethics. All this and more are discussed using a range of literary genre,
from the simplest satire and humor to deep psychological analysis. Real
life is expressed side by side with fictional themes of fantasy or fairytales.
The Epic Manas contains some five-hundred-thousand rhyming
lines. Other Central Asian nations also have such large-scale epic and
national poems, but they are the works of several peoples. Examples
include the Alpamysh and the poetic heritage of Uzbeks and Turkmens.
Kazakhs, Uzbeks; Tajiks consider the Kor-Uulu’ to be their national
epic. The Epic Manas lends itself to the Kyrgyz identity and is invalu-
able to the Kyrgyz national self-understanding.
The original version differs from the one that has been popularized
today. Passed by word of mouth from generation to generation, the lyri-
cal virtuosi of the Kyrgyz nation was both preserved and modified over
many centuries. As a result, the folk bards (manaschy) who maintained
the story also added to the story lines, making it more
complex with new sets of protagonists and antagonists.
A unique fusion, involving many talented manaschy,
helped to make the Epic Manas what it is today, truly
an immortal work of Central Asian popular imagina-
tion.With their breadth of epic narration, versatility of
subjects and resplendence of phrasal forms the ver-
sions of Sagymbai Orozbak Uulu (1867-1930) and Sagymbai
Sayakbai Karala Uulu (1894-1971) are considered Orozbak Uulu
today as unsurpassed patterns of artistic performance.
The main plot and its characters are all connect-
ed to Manas, who embodies the idea of a united and
strong Kyrgyzstan. The trilogy begins with the birth
of Manas, the grand baatyr. It tells of his childhood
and youth, how he came to lead the Kyrgyz, and his
campaigns against their enemies. It ends with the de-
feat of Manas, the death of his faithful companions, Sayakbai
Almambet, Chubak, Syrgak, and the mighty Kokcho, Karala Uulu
and the death of the protagonist himself. As Manas lies dying, he in-
structs his people to cease all tribal strife because it will only weaken

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
the state and their chances of victory. The ending of the first book in the
trilogy leaves the reader with anticipation for a continuation of the story.
The birth of Semetey, the son of Manas, and his vow to avenge the death
of his father serves as a bridge between the first and the second parts of
the trilogy.
The second book tells the story of Semetey, the son of Manas. Se-
metey follows in his father’s footsteps, performing a number of great
military feats as he fights for independence and attempts to defeat his
enemies. All of it takes place on the vast steppes of Central Asia during
the 16th to 17th centuries, when Jungar invaders swarmed the regions
of the Kyrgyz. Again, the hero dies, but this is meant to underscore the
original thesis, that internal strife is the enemy (and not the Jungar in-
vaders). Resistance against internal enemies and internal political bat-
tles is the central theme of the “Epic Seitek.” Semetey embodies the
ideal Kyrgyz hero, whereas Manas, in the popular mind, is synonymous
with the spirit of independence and the unity of the Kyrgyz people in the
face of impossible odds.
The protection and love of country, glorification of heroism in the
name of freedom and defense of the Motherland, and human values such
as friendship, loyalty, generosity, honesty, and fairness, are threads than
run through the Epic Manas. It has also been an invaluable linguistic
resource, playing a key role in the preservation of the Kyrgyz language,
including its dialects and vocabulary. For centuries, it has led the way
in the formation, and reformation, of
the Kyrgyz national character, its mor-
al and ethical ideals, and standards
of public conduct. For contemporary
Kyrgyz society, it is a timeless national
shrine, giving impetus to regeneration,
unity, and development in the modern
Books on Manas Epic
and post-modern era.
In terms of its basic structure, the Epic Manas is
The Epic divided into a series of mini-epics that are either he-
Structure roic or social in nature. The heroic epics, such as the
story of Manas, are historical and focus on the lives
of the people concerned, their exploits and their courage on the field
of battle. For example, the heroic tales of Kurmanbek, Janysh-Baiysh,

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Er-Tabyldy, Janyl Myrza, and Er-Eshim are reflections of real people
and events. They attempt to comment on the struggle of the Kyrgyz
against the aggressions of the Mongolians and Kalmak feudal lords,
as well as the deep social contradictions in Kyrgyz society which had
weakened the nation.
A certain number of these mini-epics belong to the genre of social
and domestic commentary. The main theme is love and the struggle of
young men and women to find true love in a feudal society, despite its
conservative, patriarchal, and tribal predilections. The stories of Oljo-
bay and Kishimjan, and Sarinji-Bokoy stress the tragic confrontation
between man and nature, inevitability of retribution for predation, and
the human need for social justice. Many of the poems are presented as
mythological fairy tales. Even if they contain elements of fantasy, they
document the essential characteristics of life during this period and the
worldview of a nomadic and tribal people at an early stage of national
self-realization and development.
The philosophic worldviews of the Kyrgyz, in concert with these
epic poems, owe a great debt to such legendary thinkers as Asan Kaigy,
Tolubai-Synchy, and Sanchy-Synchy. Although their original thinking
was changed over time, these historical figures, as well as their ideas and
legacies, remain somewhat mythical to this day.
…Until Manas reaches the age of twelve,
The excerpt Until he grows into manhood,
from Manas epic Achieves the stature of a brave man,
about the birth And takes a spear in his hand
of Manas And thrusts it at someone,
Until he can ride his horse faster than a bullet,
Until he puts his bullet-proof mail on,
Until Manas becomes real Manas,
Until he mounts his horse
And freely travels among the people,
Until he establishes an ordo
Among the noble Kyrgyz people,
Until he reaches the age of twelve,
Don’t tell anyone,
Don’t tell any Kalmyk
That your son’s name is Manas!

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
If you tell someone boastingly
That your son’s name is Manas,
Manas’ name will be known
And seven years ahead of time
He will surely be inscribed in the record book
of the Kakan.
Your famous son Manas will indeed be he,
On the hearing of whose name
The khan of Beijing became furious
And caused mayhem among the people.”122
A great place in Kyrgyz national culture is occupied
Lyrical by its oral and poetic traditions, reflecting its original-
Hymns ity, daily life, hopes, and dreams. The artistic life of
the Kyrgyz people, in the form of national poems, have
been subject to special rules that have been passed down from generation
to generation. Such compositions were originally the product of a small
group of people. As they passed through centuries of poetic distillation,
a select few of these works became folk works in the truest sense of the
word – their origins and owners were lost in time and collaboration.
Kyrgyz lyrical songs were divided into several groups. The first
group contained songs of the didactic type (kalys or yrlar) which con-
tained sermons or instruction set to music (nasyiat, sanat), as well as a
moral and ethical message. The second group included compositions
that reflected the events of everyday life (kara yrlar), as well as songs
for contests, songs of praise or ridicule, songs about complaints, and
labor songs. The final group were ritual songs (salt yrlar) sung for tra-
ditional ceremonies, which might include songs about the will, laments,
and lullabies.
Labor and domestic songs stand because of their thematic content.
They are also the most ancient of the oral hymns. They owe their origin
to those times when the people would herd cattle, grind grain, and hunt
animals. In these songs, the people expressed their hopes for a good
harvest and annual increase in the size of their herds. Nomadic pastoral-
ists, for example, gave us the bekbekey and shyryldan, which are idyllic
songs. The bekbekey was performed by shepherdesses, young women
who usually guarded the sheep at dusk and night. The singing was ac-
companied by cries which were intended to scare away predators and

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
was used to warn each other of danger. These songs document the plight
of Kyrgyz women, how they tended their flocks, and how they passed
the time without falling asleep. The shyryldan was sung by shepherds
from distant pastures, travelling to villages for supplies. Many of these
ancient Kyrgyz labor songs were influenced by animistic beliefs and
practices.
Among the labor songs which are still sung today, the op-maida,
or the threshing song, is one of the most popular. While chasing their
animals, farmers repeat the op-maida at regular intervals. It is both a
rhymed poem and a shout, which is designed to herd animals.
Musical incantations and spells set to music are based on natural phe-
nomena, living conditions, and a desire to influence persons and events.
They were performed prior to battle and the hunt, at the beginning of
spring planting, when caring for animals, and in the event of some di-
saster.
Because the main economic activity of Kyrgyz was cattle breeding,
many of of these songs were intended to ensure the safety of livestock
and prevent disease. For example, they could be used to help a lamb left
without a mother to take to a new mother.
Songs accompanied rituals associated with the natural cycles of the
seasons. Accordingly, before the spring planting, a sacrifice to the gods
was performed to insure a good harvest. During the Nooruz (New Year)
celebration, special ritual feasts were held. They were known asköjö
(in the north) and sümölök (in the south). When old people fumigated
homes, corrals, and barns with the smoke of the juniper, songs, spells,
and rituals were performed in the hopes of continued health and happi-
ness. Thus, song was a part of every sphere of life.
During the long and difficult process of social de-
Ritual velopment, the Kyrgyz people have managed to pre-
Hymns serve many of their ceremonial songs. Their hymns are
a composition of their troubles, cultures, worldview,
social relationships, tribal attitudes, and economics. These ritual songs
include the koshoki (sung at weddings and funerals), seketbay, kyuygen
(love songs), arman, (songs that offer a chance to complain), koshtoshuu
(farewell songs), aitysh (contest songs), maktoo/kordoo (songs of praise
and ridicule), akyi/akyinek (songs for girls), joktoo (another funeral
hymnody) and songs that celebrate the seasons, jaramazan.

221
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The koshok is a domestic song that expresses grief, sadness, and the
bitterness of parting. They are among the oldest of the Kyrgyz hymnody
and recorded in the Orkhon-Yenisey script. Some are funeral laments.
Mourners usually performed them. Like akyns, they were improvised
and recounted the life of the deceased. Koshoks were performed sitting
in a yurt. They were prolonged and expressed deep anguish. As one of
the women wailed, the other silently listened. Their cries were intended
to be heard by all people nearby. These koshoks often had an important
social context and message: they described the social status of the de-
ceased, his or her credibility, and material accomplishments.
Another type of koshok consisted of melancholic lyrics and melo-
dies dedicated to a young woman about to marry. The uncertainties of
nomadic life, harsh realities of patriarchal despotism, and the power-
lessness of Kyrgyz women not only frightened the bride, but her mother
and friends as well. The koshok was a way of giving advice to the young
wife-to-be on how to adapt to her new conditions and, most important of
all, how best to follow the rules in her new environment.
Jaramazan is a type of oral poetry that arose from Islamic thought.
Children, adults, and sometimes akyns sang these ceremonial songs
during the fast and usually in the evening. Moving from one house to
another, the jaramazan would extend to their neighbors wishes of good
health, prosperity, a good harvest, and large progeny of cattle. Their
neighbors, in turn, would express their gratitude with gifts.
The aitysh is a very old and popular song contest between akyns.
A poetic duel in essence, it was performed on a big stage where Kyr-
gyz singer-poets demonstrated their expertise in the use of figurative
speech, biting satire, wit, and comedy. Improvised aitysh compositions
were accompanied by the national instrument, komuz. The aitysh con-
tributed to the growth of a poetic tradition and the musical virtuosity of
the competitors, many going on to become well-known akyn, or master
improvisers.
Last Will The Kyrgyz also have a musical tradition for that
and time when a dying man gathers his family to express his
Testament last wishes, known askerez. Relatives and friends were
determined to carry out a man’s dying hopes for his
family. The kerez itself was highly social in nature and contained many
references to clan or tribe members. It contained the teachings of tribal

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
leaders and others of notable character. Most of the hymns were poetic
and usually performed by well-known akyns. The kerez of Kanykey,
Manas, Koketay, Bokmurun Ormon Khan, and Balbai-baatyr occupy a
special place in the hearts of the Kyrgyz people. However, kerez were
also satirical and humorous as in the case of Togolok Moldo.
In everyday life, the Kyrgyz people had many other songs. Each
piece of oral improvisation was a literary masterwork that also served an
important social function. It gave impetus to a certainty of purpose and
a variety of musical styles, themes, images, and a good deal of poetic
license. Historical events, the appearance and disappearance of certain
aesthetic notions, customs, and ceremonies can all be connected to the
Kyrgyz love of poetry and music.
Kyrgyz Kyrgyz music is a priceless art form, which reflects
Folk the outlook, culture, history, daily life, aesthetics, and
Music ethnic self-understanding of the Kyrgyz people.
The origins of the Kyrgyz folk music date back to
antiquity. The Chinese religious leader and politician, Xuan Zang, vis-
ited Kyrgyzstan in 630 and wrote the following: “Celebrations on the
occasion of my visit began with the performance of a very enjoyable,
lyrical melody deeply exhilarating to the heart.”123 Unfortunately, folk
music is largely absent from the historical record, making it difficult to
connect it to exact historical periods and thus chart the course of the
country’s artistic and musical evolution.
Music in Kyrgyz culture is close to that of other Turkic-speaking
peoples, especially Kazakh, Khakas, and Turkmen. Unlike the case of
Uzbeks and Tajiks, Kyrgyz folk music was somewhat fabricated, likely
because of the lack of cultural centers and developed tradition in musi-
cal training, as found elsewhere in Central Asia.
Performances were primarily by individuals, rarely accompanied or
polyphonic, and a tradition of musical collaboration was slow at devel-
oping. A strong predilection for improvisation and competition meant
that with each new performer a new musical variation was created.
Folk songs are the very heart and soul of the Kyrgyz musical tradi-
tion. Indeed, 19th century Russian scholars Ch.Ch. Valikhanov, V.Rad-
lov, N. Przewalski, G. Almashi, and N. Severtsov were unanimous in
their praise of Kyrgyz composers and musicians. Russian scientist and
geographer Alexander Levshin had this to say: “The Kyrgyz sing songs

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
about what they see around them. Each of them is a singer-improvis-
er.”124
The creativity of the akyns (folk-singer improvisers) was a special
feature of Kyrgyz vocal music. Famous akyns enjoyed tremendous pop-
ularity among the people. Their art was an organic fusion of vocal, poet-
ic, and artistic skills. Unlike manaschy, akyns performed songs accom-
panied with komuz and music.
Great contribution to the development of culture of music was made
by such talented artists and melodists as Muzooke, Arstanbek, Burulcha,
Belek, Kurenkey, Baldystan etc. Such musical pieces as “Kambarkan,”
“Ket buka”, “Botoi”, “Kerbez”, and “Shyngyrama” include not only the
treasury of the folk music culture, but also continue to appear in reper-
toire of musical groups.
The traditional musical instruments of Kyrgyz-
Kyrgyz Musical stan are closely related to everyday activities, cer-
Instruments and emonies, and the nomadic way of life. Any musi-
National Culture cal instrument--its design, construction materials,
and acoustics--is important to understanding the
history and culture of a people.
The first written account of Kyrgyz instruments are from the Tang
Era and describe, in detail, the musical instruments of the Yenisei Kyr-
gyz, living in the 7th to 10th centuries. Information about musical cul-
ture of the Kyrgyz has also been preserved in the memoirs and scientific
papers of such historical geographers and ethnographers as P.P. Semen-
ov-Tian-Shansky, N.A. Severtsov, Ch. Ch. Valikhanov, F.V. Poyarkov,
G.S. Zagryazhskyi, and S.E. Dmitriev. The musician A. Eichhorn, and
French ethno-musicologist G. Kapyu came to Kyrgyzstan in 1870 to
conduct a thirteen-year study of local musical instruments and make
sample recordings of select national melodies.
The most common musical instruments of the Kyrgyz are the komuz
and kyl-kyiak. The komuz is a three-stringed instrument. Among other
Turkic peoples, there are also stringed instruments that are similar to
the komuz, such as the kobus/hobus, the komys, and the kumyz. These
likenesses are proof of the legacy and connection of these instruments
among the Turkic peoples.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
These instruments were usually constructed from the wood of apri-
cot, pear, elm, spruce and other trees; the strings were typically made
from the gut of sheep.

Kyrgyz musical instruments:

1. Komuz. 2. Kerney. 3. Zhigach-ooz komuz. 4. Dobulbas.
5. Temir-komuz. 6. Chopo-choor. 7. Surnai. 8. Kyl kyyak

The entire construction process is long and arduous. Famous masters

of the komuz paid special attention to the manufacture of the strings and
sometimes the gut of an entire sheep might have been required to pro-
duce one string of the necessary quality and craftsmanship.
The kyl-kyiak was also a stringed instrument, but played with a bow
rather than strummed as in the case of the komuz. It was made of wood
and was pear-shaped with an elongated neck. The lower half was cov-
ered with camel skin and served as the sounding board. Its two strings
and bow were made of horsehair. The music played on a kyl-kyiak called
for the protection of Kyrgyz lands from foreign invaders. It is a prom-
inent feature in the works of Uraan and Ker Ozon. The kayak usually
included a performance of one of the mini-epics, legends, or fairy tales
and was accompanied by a musician playing the kyl-kyiak, the komuz,
or the temir-komuz. These improvised group performances became the
prototype of future musical collaborations and performances.
Along with the national instruments mentioned above, the Kyrgyz
were also proficient on the choor (flute), ooz komuz(harp), sybyzgy
(flute), dobulbas (drum), and kernei and surnai (types of wind instru-
ments). Many of these are still in use today.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Part II.
KYRGYZSTAN AS A PART OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE
AND THE USSR

The Annexation of the Territory of Kyrgyzstan by Russia

The beginning of Russian expansion into Central Asia was triggered
by a wide array of political and economic problems facing the Russian
Empire in the middle of the 19th century. The attempts of neighboring
eastern countries, as well as the British Empire, to seize Turkestan ef-
fectively pushed the Russian Empire into a race to colonize the region.
Realizing the political potential of Turkestan, Russia sought to gain a
foothold in the region to ward off the attempts of other nations, espe-
cially the British Empire. Until the end of the 19th century, the regions
of Turkestan could not export enough to benefit the Russian economy
in any meaningful way. Consequently, Turkestan represented secondary
interest as a market and as a source of raw materials for Russia.
Beginning its quest for expansion during the Middle Ages, Russia
began to build up its fortresses and expand its borders. By the end of
the 18th century, the Orenburg and Siberian ranges were formed as part
of the eastern expansion campaign. Russified settlements formed in the
Kazakh steppes were surrounded by chains of fortresses.
To seize the areas of the Syr-Darya and Chu, the Russian government
of the 1830s developed a preliminary plan to annex the areas of Jeti-Suu
(Semirechye). Officials carefully considered strategic importance of the
area, noting its potential usefulness in a Russian penetration in Asia and
India. However, the Russian government cautiously expanded into Cen-
tral Asia. The overlapping interests of the empires of Russia and Great
Britain became the point of fervent debate; government officials and
scholars have come to refer to this as the “Eastern Question”.125 Steady
southern advance of Russia through the Siberian and Kazakh steppes
seriously troubled Britain.The Russians, aiming to control Afghanistan
and Central Asia, sent massive waves of agents in order to speculate the
territory. At the same time, the Empire began to export goods from the
Southern Caucasus to Turkestan. As British goods started to flow into
Turkestan, however, the British and Russian governments were in fierce
economic competition over the markets of Central Asia.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In order to successfully confront the British trade, Russia devel-
oped two main strategies. Firstly, they sought to continue to expand the
boundaries of the Empire. Secondly, they sought to develop political
relations with the Khans of Central Asia. The Russian government used
its expansive array of agents and ambassadors to develop contact with
these political rulers. Of course, this was not unnoticed by England;
across Europe and the world, public attention was increasingly focused
on the “Russian threat to India.” Under the pretext of “protecting their
interests,” the British invaded Afghanistan in the spring of 1839. The
invasion prompted an anticolonialist uprising in the autumn of 1840,
which led to the expulsion of the British from the country. At the same
time, the Russians had begun its plunge into Central Asia. With the per-
mission of Nicholas I, the Governor of Orenburg, V.A. Perovskiy led
five thousand soldiers to Khiva in the winter 1839.However, the rapidly
organized expedition, having lost more than half of its soldiers in the
cold of winter, was forced to return before it had reached its destina-
tion. After the failure of military operations in Central Asia, England
switched to active deepening of trade relations, thus striving to consoli-
date its influence in the region.
In 1846, Russia achieved the recognition of its protectorate on the
Kazakh Uluu zhuz. By 1847, three fortresses were built in the lower
reaches of the Syr-Darya River and the Kopal fortress (the modern
city of Taldykorgon) was erected near Jeti-Suu. This exacerbated Rus-
sian-Kokand relations; Kokand Musulmankul’s intensified harassment
of Kazakh villages led to the breakdown of ties between Russia and the
Kokand state.
At the same time, Russian authorities set out to gradually move to
the areas of Northern Kyrgyzstan, which were located on a trade route
between Russia and Kashgar. As a result of actions against Kokand in
1853, the fortress Ak-Mechit (Ak-Mosque), located on the lower reach-
es of the Syr Darya, was occupied. In 1854, the Russians established
the Vernyi fort (now Almaty) on the banks of the Almatinka River. A
garrison and an inspector, overseeing Uluu zhuz, were put in charge at
the fort.
Following defeat in the Crimean War, Russia stopped halted its at-
tempts to expand into Europe. Accordingly, the Empire refocused its
attempts to politically and economically control the regions of Central

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Asia. Starting from the second half of 1850s, the Russian government
started to change its strategy in the region. Instead of a direct military
intervention it broadly started to study the political-economic situation
in Turkestan.
To find the ways to neutralize the influence of England in Central
Asia, the Russian Empire sent three missions to the region in 1858, in-
cluding a scientific expedition of N.V. Hanykov to Herat and eastern
Iran, a diplomatic delegation of N.P. Ignatiev to Khiva and Bukhara,
and reconnaissance trip of Ch.Ch. Valikhanov to Kashgar. These expe-
ditions provided the Russian government with extensive material on the
states and peoples of Central Asia, their history, culture, manners, and
customs. The results of the expeditions served as a source of valuable
information in the coming years of Russian colonization.
These missions, rather surprisingly, helped to improve relations be-
tween the Tsarist state and the Central Asian Khans. Russian merchants
started to arrive in Bukhara. At the same time, Bukharians visited Oren-
burg and Nizhny Novgorod exhibitions and markets; mutual trade be-
tween these regions thrived. However, economic and political relations
between Russian and Kokand continued to struggle.
In the early 1860s, Russian military leaders, industrialists, and entre-
preneurs advocated for a more proactive policy in Central Asia. In De-
cember 1863, Alexander II addressed these concerns, adopting a more
active Russian role in the region. In 1864, Turkestan was formally intro-
duced into the Russian Empire, increasing the military role of Russia on
its border regions.
Political and strategic motives aimed at combating British power in
the region continued to be the driving force in Central Asian policy.
Although serfdom in Russia was legally abolished as early as 1861, the
country only began to develop modern capital relations in the 1890s.
Therefore, in the 1860s, Russian interests in Central Asia did not expand
into the sphere of economy. As time passed (and modern production de-
veloped in Russia), Turkestan would become much more economically
important to the Russian Empire.
Before further analyzing the development of colonialism in Central
Asia, it is important to note the following. Turkestan became a Rus-
sian colonial aspiration largely due to political motivations – economy
was a second thought. In the colonial confrontations between the British

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and Russians, these interests took different forms and messages without
changing its basic character.
Even though Russia had a clear goal of conquering Central Asia,
there was never a specific long-term plan for implementation of such
rule. This represents a degree of disorganization and ineffectiveness on
the part of the Russian Empire.
The abolition of serfdom in Russia played an important role and con-
tributed to the transformation of Turkestan into an aspiration of colonial
goals. A sharp increase of dissatisfaction among peasants left without
the land after the 1861 reform allowed the Tsarist government to en-
courage migration of Russian peasants. During this time, many of these
peasants from central provinces of Russia migrated to Turkestan.
The Russians ultimately ended up using Turkestan to suit its eco-
nomic interests. Subjugation of Turkestan to Russia stopped blood feuds
among nomadic tribes and opened a direct trade route to Afghanistan,
India and China through the territories of present Kazakhstan and Kyr-
gyzstan. Thus, Turkestan, as a focus of political and economic interests,
became one of the main objects of Russian colonization in 1830-60s.
The political situation in Kyrgyzstan and Kyrgyz-Russian relations
in the second half of the 18th-mid-19th centuries
In early years of Kyrgyzstan’s accession to Russia, the dominant
factor in Kyrgyz social relations was a patriarchal feudal construction.
Taking into account certain historical conditions prevailing from the end
of the 18thcentury until the middle of the 19th century, it is clear that
this period essentially “prepared” the regions of Kyrgyzstan for colonial
possession.
In the second half of the 18th century, the Kyrgyz community lived
under a complex arrangement of political alliances. Due to the constant
clashes and warfare of the Middle Ages, the Kyrgyz people had not yet
developed a single state. During this period Kyrgyz tribes lived under
the influence of several political associations.
The Southern tribes of Kyrgyz (a group of internal Adigine, Munduz,
Basyz, Kushchu, Saruu, Bagysh, Jediger, Sayak, etc.) along with the
native neighbors in the Ferghana Valley - Uzbeks, Kipchaks, and Tajiks
- were actively involved in the creation of the Kokand Khanate (1709)
and in its management (Akboto-biy, Kubat-biy, Ajy-biy, etc.). The final
unification with the peoples of the Ferghana valley (the Pamirs, Bada-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
khshan, Oro-Tube, Khujand, and Jizak living under the Kokand State)
caused the Kyrgyz tribes residing there to become an integral part of its
population.
At that time the northern part of Kyrgyzstan was under the authority
of sovereign manaps - tribal leaders, who traditionally wielded authori-
ty. In 1770, as the result of the invasion of Khan Ablai in Talas, Chu and
Issyk-Kul, the northern Kyrgyz tribes became the vassals of the Kazakh
sultan until 1781 (death of Ablai Khan). From 1780-1830 they existed as
individual feudal groups, free of loyalty to any specific ruler.
This era was marked by collections of tribes in various regions. In
Talas, the tribes included the Kushchu, Saruu, Kytai, and the Munduz; in
Chu and Suusamyr, the tribes were the Solto and the Sayak; in the upper
parts of Chu, Kochkor and Jumgal, the Sarybagysh and Sayak coexisted.
On the western and northwestern coasts of Issyk-Kul and its foothills
lived the Bugu and the Sayak. In Naryn, one would have found many
tribes, including the Sarybagysh, Sayak, Cherik, and the Karabagysh.
Eastern Turkestan saw many Kyrgyz tribes, such as the tribes of the Say-
ak, Chonbagysh, Doolos, Solto, Sart, Teyit, Naiman, Kipchak, Bugu,
Cherik, and the Noygut.

1. Adygine. 2. Bagysh. 3. Bugu. 4. Basyz. 5. Boston. 6.Zhediger.

7. Kytay. 8. Kushchu. 9. Кypchak. 10. Kesek avat. 11. Monoldor.
12. Munduz. 13. Mongush. 14. Naiman. 15. Noigut. 16. Saruu.
17. Solto. 18. Sarybagysh. 19. Sayak. 20. Teyit. 21. Cherik
Historians including Doolotbek Saparaliev believe that until the mid-
19th century the Kyrgyz had autonomous states consisting of a single
tribe or their associations (like small city-states of ancient Greece).126
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The population of Northern areas of Kyrgyzstan, though politically in-
dependent, was, to some degree, influenced by its neighbors and, thus,
participated in their political life. Tashkent beks and those of the low-
er reaches of Syr Darya played a role in the affairs of the Talas Kyr-
gyz. Orto Juz Kazakhs were active in the lives of the Chu Kyrgyz. East
Turkestan could not separate itself from the affairs in Issyk-Kul and
Naryn. At the same time, the northern and southern Kyrgyz tribes were
spiritually and ethno-politically united by common customs, language,
and ethnogenesis.
Political disunity of Kyrgyz tribes at the end of the 18th century did
not allow them to exercise one common foreign policy. Threat from
external enemies was constantly hanging over the northern Kyrgyz.
Chinese invaders tried to establish power over the Kyrgyz tribes after
the defeat of Qing Empire by the Oirot State in 1758-1760. They of-
ten attempted to turn Kazakh sultans against the northern Kyrgyz clans
(1760). They supported the campaign of Ablai Khan against the Kyrgyz
in 1770. At the end of the 18th century, the Kokand Khanate also began
to put pressure on the northern Kyrgyz.
This situation prompted some Kyrgyz biys to
consider working with the Russian Empire. Kyr-
gyz biys understood that they would be able to re-
tain their power and political independence only
by establishing relations with Russia and enlisting
its support. Initially, Atake-Baatyr from the Sa-
rybagysh clan, who occupied the foothills of the
Chu, attempted to establish political relations with
Russia. Atake-Baatyr was an extraordinary person Atake-baatyr
of his time. He was a wise, far-sighted, and expe-
rienced man and had a great authority among the
people. He was convinced that only strong ties with
Russia could help his people to maintain indepen-
dence. On behalf of the Kyrgyz, Atake-Baatyr sent
an embassy to the Russian capital of St. Petersburg.
Abdyrahman Kuchakov and Shergazy were se-
lected as ambassadors. Abdyrahman was born with
the name Karyganbay in 1739 to the family of the Abdyrahman
Aksuu Kyrgyz Alkuchak Buinakov. Abdyrahman Kuchakov

231
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
was the descendant of those Kyrgyz who lived in the vicinity of Naman-
gan in the first half of the 18th century. About 200 Kyrgyz families to-
gether with Oirots fled to Siberia and accepted Russian citizenship after
the defeat of Jungaria by the Qing Empire; later they lived in Astrakhan
province. In 1770, A. Kuchakov (a descendant of those who fled after
defeat), together with the Kyrgyz who were subservient to him, returned
to his former home Ak-Suu and began to serve Atake-Baatyr. He settled
with his people in the vicinity of the Chu and Kemin in 1780. Atake-
Baatyr appointed Abdyrahman to the first Kyrgyz embassy to Russia
because of his familiarity with Russia, its customs, and its people.

The Kyrgyz embassy arrived to Omsk and

handed official letters (one of them addressed
to Catherine II) to the governor-general of Si-
beria on August 23, 1785. The Empress was
given a slave, three leopard skins and five lynx;
the Governor-General was given two horses.

Catherine II
The embassy was
instructed to enlist the
support of Russia. They
were also ordered to de-
velop new trade routes
between Turkestan and
Russia (so that they
would pass through the
areas of Kyrgyzstan).
The delegation arrived
Saint Petersburg, 18th century to St. Petersburg on
December 29, 1785 but
was received by Catherine II only on March 15, 1786. The embassy
finally gained an audience with Catherine II, but prepared for return on
September 14, 1788 because of the illness of one of the heads of the
embassy.
Atake-Baatyr was summoned to the reception of the Empress from
Omsk in October 1787. Without waiting for the return of his first em-

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bassy, Atake-Baatyr sent the second mission to Omsk, which was led
by Abdyrahman uulu Satymbai in summer 1788. Soon Kyrgyz envoys
heard a rumor that the sons of Atake-baatyr, Soltonoi and Baishugur, al-
legedly looted a Russian caravan. By this time Abdyrahman had already
reached Omsk. The members of the embassy were held captive while
the investigation took place. Abdyrahman Kuchakov died in Omsk in
1789. The investigation had determined that the raiders were Kazakhs
and ended in 1793. Only then Satymbay Abdyrahman uulu was able to
return to Chu. Thus, the credibility of tsarist authorities to Atake-Baatyr
was restored and the first embassies of Kyrgyz to Russia, overcoming
significant challenges, successfully completed their tasks. Although per-
manent connections were not established, the first step in the formation
of subsequent diplomatic relations was already made.
There is no information in historical sources about the relationship
of Kyrgyz with Russia from 1790 to 1813. The reason for the growth of
Kyrgyz-Russian relations was the growing aggression from the Kokand
Khanate. Russian authorities also began to show interest in establishing
closer contacts with the Kyrgyz. Several Russian convoys were sent (on
missions of intelligence) to the area of Issyk-Kul Lake in 1811, 1812,
1813. The byis of the Bugu clan took obligations to ensure the safety of
caravans on the way to the borders of China.
In late autumn 1813, the embassy from the Issyk-Kul Kyrgyz headed
by Kachybek, son of Sheraly-byi, and Jakypbek, son of Niyazbek-byi,
traveled to Semipalatinsk. The Governor-General of Western Siberia
G.I. Glazenap received them, assured the loyalty of the Russian gov-
ernment to the Kyrgyz, and promised full support. Kyrgyz ambassadors
were granted the ranks of captains of the Russian Army, awarded nom-
inal sabers and other valuable gifts, and received an official letter from
Russian authorities to Kyrgyz biys. Since then, political and economic
relations between the Kyrgyz and the Russians began to develop steadi-
ly. In autumn 1825, byis of Bugu tribe gathered on the Jyrgalan River for
kurultai to discuss the question of whose allegiance to accept: Russia’s
or Kokand’s. Since the supporters of Russian orientation at the Congress
were the vast majority in comparison with the Kokand supporters, it was
decided to accede to Russia.
As a result of established relations between 1813 and 1825 between
Russia and the Issyk-Kul Kyrgyz, the latter promised to provide Russian

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
merchants with open and duty-free trade in the Issyk-Kul basin, to ac-
company them on the path from Kazakhs of Orto Juz and Uluu Juz to the
cities of Eastern Turkestan, to protect convoys from armed robberies,
and, if the situation arose, to inform the Authority of the West Siberian
governor-general who committed such robberies. Thus, a desire of large
feudal nobility of the Issyk-Kul region to be under the protection of
Russians led to initial diplomatic relations of Kyrgyz with the Russian
Government.
Joining of Northern Kyrgyz tribes with Russia
In the 1840s, the political goals in Northern Kyrgyzstan were set
on consolidating the tribes of the region. Of course, the leaders who
sought to unite the tribes faced several challenges; many of the local
tribes were against such a unity. For instance, while the leader of Sary-
bagysh tribe manap Ormon Niyazbek uulu made attempts to consolidate
northern tribes in one union, the chiefs of kins of
the same tribes led the policy of disintegration and
separatism.
Confrontation between nobilities of Sarybagysh
and Bugu tribes influenced the relations with Rus-
sia. Bugu manaps did not support the aspirations
of Ormon-Khan to national consolidation and as a
result, Russian administration pursued closer rela-
Ormon-Khan tions with the Bugu Kyrgyz and incorporated them
into its protectorate.
Perpetual opposition of biy-manaps of Sary-
bagysh and Bugu tribes led to an open clash in
the 1850s. Ormon-Khan, leading military action
against the Bugu people, wanted to rule over the
Kyrgyz of Issyk-Kul. In addition, Ormon did not
like unsolicited rapprochement of the Issyk-Kul
Kyrgyz with Russia. In 1854, Ormon was captured
and killed in one of the battles. Revenging the death
of the Khan, Sarybagysh under the leadership of the
Boronbai manap governor Torokeldy-baatyr and Umetaaly (the son
of Ormon) organized raids on Bugu. Fleeing persecution, several ai-
yls of the Bugu tribes led by Borombai, were forced to retreat towards
Karkyra and Tekes.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In order to avoid destruction in such troubled times, Boronbai (the
main manap of Bugu) came to the decision to take join Russia. On Sep-
tember 26, 1854 the embassy of the Bugu people headed by manap
Kachybek Sheralin was sent to Omsk, the center of West-Siberian Gen-
eral - Governorship. On January 17, 1855, Kachybek Sheralin, as a
trusted and plenipotentiary ambassador of his people, made a vow on
the Koran to move under the Russian protectorate.
Official accession of the Issyk-Kul Kyrgyz to Russia is an important
stage in the history of Kyrgyz. After this event, the confrontations be-
tween Sarybagysh and Bugu tribes began to decline. However, clashes
between two clans continued to flare up until the full accession of North-
ern Kyrgyzstan to Russia in 1868.
Unlike the southern Kyrgyz, the northern
Adoption of Russian Kyrgyz were passive observers of the political
Protectorate by life of the Kokand Khanate. From 1860 to 1862,
the Chu and Talas manaps of the Tynai, a branch of Sarybagysh
Kyrgyz tribe, attempted to actively participate in the pol-
itics of the Khanate. However, because they had
no sense of direction in the political processes, the initiative ended shortly
thereafter. The proxies to the throne, who were continually changing, did not
inspire much confidence.
In early 1860s, the Russian Government
decided to confirm the annexation of Kyrgyz
clans from the Chu foothills if Russian troops
conquered the Kokand fortress in the valley.
The Kokand Khan knew about those intentions
and took counter-measures by attracting troops
of Sarbaz to Chu. During the standoff of the Ko-
kandians with Russians, the Chu Kyrgyz took a
neutral stance and many of them moved to the
mountains and to nearby pastures. On August
23, 1860 Russian troops under the command
of Zimmerman traveled to Vernyi. On August
26, they captured the Tokmok fortress, and, on Kyrgyz embassy
August 28, completely destroyed it. One hun- in Omsk city
dred Sarbaz were captured. A detachment of by Kyrgyz artist
Cossacks led by the chief of Alatavskii district Zh. Khozhakhmetov

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
and the Kyrgyz of the Elder Horde G.A. Kolpakovsky arrived the same
day. The next day, a combined army came towards Pishpek and, on August
31, the fortress was taken. Most of it was destroyed; 627 Sarbaz headed by
Atabek-Datka and Alisher-Datka surrendered. A year later, Mala Khan sent
his army led by Kanaat-Sha and Alymbek-Datka to re-
store his authority in Pishpek and Tokmok.
Clashes between Russian troops and Kokandi-
ans ended with the battle on October 20, 1861 at
the Uzun Agach battle in Kara Kastek. Well-known
Alymbek-Datka and his unit were not involved in
this battle. During the war, the Russian army, un-
der the command of A.G. Kolpakovsky, inflicted
Jantay-biy the Kokandians with heavy losses and forced them
to retreat. A detachment of Kyrgyz jigits127 under
the command of Shabdan Jantay uulu fought hero-
ically against Russians in the battle. Shortly after
the battle at Uzun-Agach in 1862, a prominent Ty-
nai manap Jantay Karabek uulu visited Vernyi and
proposed the unification of Kemin Kyrgyz of the
Chu valley to the protectorate of Russia. Jantay and
his son Shabdan then began to work for Russian
Baytik-Baatyr authorities. After the death of Ormon Khan, Jan-
tay became the acknowledged head of Sarybagysh
manaps. In 1867, he was awarded the rank of colo-
nel and received a gold medal.
In the summer of 1862, Baytik Kanai uulu, a
prominent manap of Solto, inhabited the Chu val-
ley from Pishpek to Talas and started the strug-
gle against Rahmatulla, the Kokand akim. Bay-
tik-Baatyr lured Rahmatullo to a feast and killed
him. After that, the Kyrgyz unsuccessfully besieged
Shabdan-baatyr the Pishpek fortress for a few days. Seeing the fu-
tility of his attempts, Baytik sent his younger brother Satylgan to Vernyi
to A.G Kolpakovsky to ask for help. Preparing for the final accession
of Northern Kyrgyzstan to Russia, the commander of Russian troops
immediately ordered the intervention and arrived to the Pishpek fortress
with troops on October 13. As a result of joint actions of Russian troops

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and a detachment of Kyrgyz led by Baytik, the fortress was taken on
October 24 and was destroyed in two days. Later Baytik-Baatyr with his
200 jigits together with the Russian troops took part in the capture of the
Kokand fortresses of Merke, Aulie-Ata, and Shymkent, among others.
The Kyrgyz who had settled in Talas obeyed Russia only in 1865.
Following them, native Talas clans of Saruu and Kushchuu acknowl-
edged Russian authorities as well. Thus, the accession of the Chui and
Talas Kyrgyz to Russia was a result of both voluntary motion, as well
as force.
Prior to the joining to Russia, one part of
The recognition
the Tenir Too Kyrgyz was under the rule of
of the Russian
the Kokand Khanate, which periodically lev-
protectorate by the
ied tribute from them. Another part of the Te-
Tenir Too Kyrgyz
nir Too Kyrgyz was in contact with Kashgar,
which was under the influence of the Man-
chu-Qing rule of China. The Russian government attached great impor-
tance to extend its influence in those two regions of Kyrgyzstan, as Rus-
sian merchants traded with Kashgar through the Kokand Khanate and
across the Kuldja from Vernyi. The Russians understood the importance
of these regions—annexation of Tenir Too by the Russians would open
a direct trade route to Eastern Turkestan and Kashgar.
In the spring of 1863, a so-called “Kashgar detachment” formed and
was sent to Central Tenir Too. They arrived in the Jumgal valley on May
3rd. Guarding a small fortification, fifty six Kokand Sarbaz quickly fled
without any attempts of resistance. Protsenko’s (the leader of the Kashgar
detachment) squad approached the Kurtka fortress through the jailoo Son-
Kul. There, they met the Kokandians who retreated without any fight.
The annexation of the Tenir Too Kyrgyz, as well as of other regions
of Northern Kyrgyzstan, took place during a time of controversial and
complex social and political conditions. Many of the Kyrgyz either stayed
neutral or refused to join the protectorate. For example, in July 1863
manap Osmon Tailak uulu went to the open armed struggle against Rus-
sian troops. With his jigits, Osmon surrounded a small unit of Major G.
Zryazhskyi. Only the intervention of Shabdan Jantay uulu, who had the
rank of a captain at that time, rescued the Russian squad from being killed.
Osmon took refuge in Eastern Turkestan. In 1868 he returned to his home-
land and decided that his people (which numbered around three thousand)
would join the protectorate.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Sarybagysh manap Umetaaly Ormon uulu openly fought against
Russian domination. On June 19, 1863, he attacked the unit of Lieu-
tenant Zubarev, which consisted of 40 soldiers near the Kurtka fortress
in the Eki-Chat tract. The only help came in two days and prevented
the jigits of Umetaaly from being beaten by Russian soldiers. After a
bad collision in the Ak-Talaa, Umetaaly Ormon uulu moved to Eastern
Turkestan to get the assistance from Kashgar. However, the local ruler
Jakyp-bek refused to protect Umetaaly.
The recognition of the Russian protectorate by
the Kyrgyz clan Cherik (which occupied the ter-
ritory from the Naryn River to the Kuyko-Turpan
Mountains in the south) was crucial to the Rus-
sians’ goals of controlling the region. The Cher-
ik clan paid tribute to the Kokand Khanate, the
Qing-Manchu rulers, and to the governor of Kash-
gar Jakyp-Bek. Understanding that working with
Umetaaly the Russian protectorate would rid the problem of
Ormon uulu paying tribute to these three forces, the heads of
the Cherik clan decided to take action. In the spring of 1863, byis of
Cherik clan (which consisted of six thousand tents) sent a letter to the
“White Tsar”, the governor of Ala-tau district Kolpakovsky, request-
ing to join the Protectorate. The request of the Cherik clan was granted
shortly thereafter.
In the autumn of 1863, Cherik ambassadors arrived in Omsk and
swore allegiance to the Russian authorities. At the time of inception of
the Naryn fortress in 1868, most Cheriks belonged to the district of Ala-
Too.The rest were under the patronage of the Kashgar governor Jakyp-
bek. After the elimination of his state in 1877, his part of the Cherik
passed to the authority of the Emperor of China. A vast territory occu-
pied by the Cheriks eventually became part of Kyrgyzstan.
During 1864 and 1865, Russia included the Bugu and the Tynymseit
tribes (who lived in the upper reaches of Naryn and Sayaks and occu-
pied the regions of Kochkor, Jumgal, and Ketmen-Tube). However, the
Sarybagysh, ruled by Umetaaly, continued to resist Russian authorities
up until 1867 when Umetaaly obeyed, having realized the futility of
his struggle. After the construction of Russian fortresses in Naryn and
Karakol in 1868 and the subsequent establishment of permanent garri-

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
sons, the power of Russia in northern regions of Kyrgyzstan was finally
established.
The Turkestan General-Governorship consisting of the Syr-Darya
and Semirechie (Jeti-Suu) regions was established in July 11, 1867. Tak-
ing into account the strategic importance of a new administrative-terri-
torial unit, the Russians referred to as the Military Ministry. Thus, the
foundations of the colonial apparatus for the military and civil adminis-
tration were laid in Turkestan. Together with the organization of admin-
istration, the Russian government began to pursue its policies to create a
new domain of military, political, and social support for Tsarist policies.
By sending Russian immigrants to newly annexed areas they were able
to keep their interests in check. In 1867, resettlement locations were or-
ganized in Karakol (Issyk-Kul) and Tokmok (Chuy); Russian peasants
began to arrive very shortly after their organization.
Unlike the initial phase of the penetration of Russia into Central
Asia (1855-1863), its actual power in Kyrgyzstan was established only
during the years of 1863-1868. Annexation of the northern Kyrgyz to
Russia during 1863-1868 was completed with the final establishment of
the Russian government there.
Russia increased its attention towards Kyrgyz-
Conclusion stan as an object of colonization in the first quarter
of the 19th century and started to implement the
plans to develop its presence in the region during
the 1860-1870s. During the first phase, from 1853-1855, the phase of
colonialism was realized in commercial relations and oral agreements.
On January 17, 1855 and October 13, 1863, it was documented by the
oath of some Kyrgyz clans on their inclusion to Russian protectorate.
From 1860-1863, the regions of Chu and Tenir Too were subordinated
by a military-political process. Annexation of the North of Kyrgyzstan
to the Russian Empire was completed in 1868.
The complexities of the international situation and internal political
situations forced some Kyrgyz manaps to turn to Russia. In accordance
with their relation to Russia, the northern Kyrgyz manaps can be divid-
ed into three groups: a) those willing to agree to Russian patronage, b)
publically claiming to support pro-Russian direction (but offering some
resistance to their mandates), and c) not accepting Russian expansion
and directly resisting. In sum, the annexation of the northern Kyrgyz

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
to Russia was carried out mainly through contracts, agreements, and
direct-armed suppression.
Revolt in 1873-1876. Russian conquest of Southern Kyrgyzstan
The Socio- At the beginning of the 1850s, the political
political Situation situation in the Kokand Khanate reached criti-
of the Kokand cal proportions because of internal strife of the
Khanate and horde, frequent uprisings and coups, and in-
Southern cessant change of rulers. As a result, it allowed
Kyrgyzstan Russia to capture the Fergana Valley and south-
ern Kyrgyzstan.
During these years, the Kyrgyz people continued to be an active
force in the political life of the Kokand Khanate. All possible candidates
for the Khan’s throne, as a rule, looked for the support from Kyrgyz
and Kypchak lords. For example, to take away the power from Kudayar
Khan, Hanzaada (the successor of Khan) Mala-bek asked for help from
influential Kyrgyz Datka Alymbek, de facto ruler of Alai. Having won
the confrontation with the army of Kudayar Khan, Mala-bek took pow-
er into his own hands (1858-1862) and appointed Alymbek-Datka as a
Governor (akim) of Andijan to express gratitude for his support.
Alymbek was a prominent figure in the political
life of the Kokand Khanate even during the time of
Madali Khan. In 1831, he received the title of the
Elder of the Alai Kyrgyz and the title of Datka from
the Khan. Alymbek-Datka, the representative of the
Bargy clan (one of the main branches of Adigine
union) enjoyed the respect of the people. He stood
out among others for his wisdom, honesty, fairness,
Alymbek-Datka and courage. He repeatedly led popular movements
against the tyranny of the Kokand. With characteris-
tic foresight, Alymbek maintained permanent relationships with famous
manaps among the Northern Kyrgyz, including Ormon Khan, Jantay,
Jangarach, Umetaaly, and Osmon. After the Russian capture of the for-
tresses at Pishpek and Tokmok, Alymbek-Datka and his jigits joined the
Kokand Governor Kanaat Sha to restore the situation.
In 1861, the Kokandian khan believed the rumors spread by ene-
mies of Alymbek and sentenced him to death. Datka fled to Alai and
organized a rebellion against the Kokand Khanate, but was defeated and

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
forced to hide in the mountains of Tenir Too. A punitive detachment of
Kokandians was sent after him, but was defeated by the local Kyrgyz.
As a result of the next plot in the Khan’s palace in 1862, Mala Khan
was killed and the grandson of Sheraly Khan, Shah Murad, was erected
to the throne instead of him. As an active participant of this revolution,
Alymbek-Datka became a vizier (atalyk). Eventually, however, this key
position was taken over by his rival – a protégé of Kipchaks by the name
of Alymkul.
Meanwhile, Kudayar Khan fled to Bukhara with
the help of Emir of Bukhara, Muzaffar. While he
was away, the Kokand Governor, Kanaat Sha, again
seized the throne in March 1862. It is clear that Ku-
dayar Khan held his power only with the direct sup-
port of the Emirate. In 1863, seeing the impossibility
of holding the reins of government, Kudayar Khan
was forced to return to Bukhara. The power of the
Kokand Khanate then passed to the Kyrgyz and Ky- Alymkul
pchak feudal lords. The 12-year-old son of the killed Mala Khan (1863-
1864) was enthroned and Alymkul, an experienced politician and chief
adviser to the Khan, was appointed as a regent ruler.
In 1865, the Russian government felt that the conditions were right
to annex Tashkent; the largest city of Kokand. The city had a strategic
importance as the war started between the Bukhara Emirate and the Ko-
kand Khanate. Understanding the rarity of such a chance, Gen. M.G.
Chernyaev with his great army moved towards Tashkent in May 1865.
Treacherous bullets killed Alymkul, who commanded the Kokand army
in the battle for the city. After three days of fierce battle, Tashkent was
captured by Russian troops on May 17.
Following these events, the power of the Kokand Khanate was limit-
ed to the Ferghana Valley. Kyrgyz villages spread across the Pamirs and
Alai. Russian conquest of Tashkent was a step towards the collapse of
the Kokand Khanate. Nevertheless, at this stage Russian authorities de-
cided not to continue its expansion and total elimination of the Kokand
Khanate.
After the death of Alymkul, Kyrgyz-Kypchak nobility, headed by
Bekmamat and Atabek, announced 16-year-old Kudaykul-Bek (the peo-

241
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ple called him Belbakchy because he traded lap shawls) as their Khan.
After some time the Emir of Bukhara, Muzaphar, attempting to return
the power to Kudayar, entered Kokand on July 15, and Kudayar Khan
sat on the throne for the third time.
In spring of 1867, two years after the acquisition of Tashkent, the
Tsarist government transformed the region into Turkestan General-Gov-
ernorship and Tashkent was chosen to be its administrative center. Tsar
Alexander II appoint-
ed K.P. von Kaufman
to be the first Gover-
nor-General of Turke-
stan and gave him
broad powers to in-
dependently carry out
diplomatic relations
with the Khans and
byis of Central Asia
(until the declaration
The palace of Khudayar Khan of war and conclusion
of peace treaties).
After the events of 1865, the Kyrgyz and Kypchak tribes constant-
ly struggled against the domination and tyranny of Kudayar Khan. An
example of their struggle is many rebellions in Alay (1868-1870) and
Sokh (1871).
A People’s Uprising 1873-1876
In contrast to disparate rebellions, a truly popular uprising took place
in the spring of 1873. This uprising of the residents of the Ferghana val-
ley during 1873-1876 is known in history by many names, including the
“People’s Movement”, the “Rebellion of Polot Khan”,
and the “Kokand Rebellion”. It was headed by the Ish-
aq Hasan uulu, who was known as Polot Khan.
The people’s uprising in 1873-1876 can be divid-
ed into two time phases. The first phase, from 1873-
1874 was fairly progressive in its aims. Although this
phase was characterized by mild, unorganized flares
Polot Khan of violence, it was anti-feudal movement against the

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
usurping power of Kudayar Khan and mainly took place in four regions,
Alai, Aksy, Aqsy, and Leilek.
The main reason for the uprising of Kyrgyz villages
The Alai was the Khan’s policy of taxation. Kudayar Khan sent a
Rebellion great punitive expedition to Alai. In the mountains, the
Kyrgyz militia inflicted them with a crushing defeat. To
end persistent unrest, the Khan sent the second unit of 100 Sarbaz led
by his faithful satrap Abdyrahman-abtabachi (one of the most important
court positions) in May of 1873. Pretending that he came to fulfill the
needs and conditions of the rebels, Abdyrahman invited 40 biys of Kyr-
gyz and Kypchak clans headed by Sher-Datka to the horde to talk to the
Khan. However, the envoys that arrived there were brutally executed.
In response, thousands of outraged Kyrgyz and Kypchak rebels flocked
to the Fergana Valley in July 1873 and destroyed the Sokh fortress. The
bek of Margalan, Sultan Murad (who was sent to deal with the rebel-
lion) fled; the rebels occupied Osh, Uzgen, Aravan, Uch-Kurgan, Andi-
jan, and Bulak-Bashi. In the autumn of 1873, however, the rebels were
forced to gradually retreat to the mountains.
The beginning of the uprising in this region is asso-
The Aksy ciated with the name of Ishaq Asan uulu. In early spring
Rebellion of 1873, Ishaq took Aqsy with the help of 200 Kyrgyz
jigits and the assistance of Sher-Datka, Musulmankul,
Musabek, Sulaiman-udaychy, and Abdymomun-atalyk. Under the pres-
sure of Ishaq, the people agreed to oppose to Kudayar Khan. In spring of
1873, in presence of thousands of people, a 29-year-old Ishaq was raised
on a white felt carpet as “Polot Khan” and was declared the Khan in
the village of Safid-Bulan. Under the onslaught of an army commanded
by Abdyrahman-aptabachi, Aksy rebels retreated to
Ala-Buka and went further to Chatkal. Having learnt
about the execution of 40 biys in Kokand, the rebels
recaptured the Ala-Buka. The army of Ishaq, howev-
er, did not withstand the onslaught of punitive expe-
ditions and again retreated to the mountains.
The uprising began in spring 1873 on the left
bank of the Naryn River in the tract called the Aqsy
interfluve. The rebellion was headed by Mamyr Mamyr
Mergen uulu, who came from a simple family of a Mergen uulu

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Munduz clan of the left wing of the Kyrgyz. Rebels occupied the valley
of Kok-Art and captured the villages of Jalal-Abad and Khanabad and
the city of Uzgen was taken in July. After a fierce resistance, big forces
crushed the uprising.
Leilek rebellion is one of the clearest manifesta-
The Rebellion tions of a general uprising in 1873. Mamyrbay head-
in Leilek ed this movement in the southwest of Kyrgyzstan.
Having returned from Chatkal, Abdyrahman-aptaba-
chi was sent to suppress the rebels. During the ruthless suppression of
the rebellion, around 400 people were captured and driven to Kokand,
where they were hanged. By autumn, the rebellion had subsided. None
of the Kyrgyz or Kypchak clans stayed aloof from the uprising in 1873-
1874, which lasted for year and a half. Historical sources indicate the
representatives of 42 clans and 132 thousand yurts participated. Despite
class distinctions, the uprising involved all segments of the population,
mainly Kyrgyz and Kypchak nomads.The sedentary populations - Sarts,
Uzbeks, and Tajiks - did not join the uprising during its first stages, al-
though they identified with the frustrations of those involved.
The second phase of the movement started in the spring of 1875 and
lasted until 1876. Kudayar Khan increased the size of taxes by three
times and it served as a new impetus for the development of this national
movement. The second stage of the uprising differed from the preceding
one by its purpose, nature, and scale as well as by the ethnic composition
of the participants.
In 1875, Polot Khan moved to Leilek from Chatkal. There he contin-
ued to lead the uprising, which grew into a nationwide movement in Uz-
gen by July. It included the representatives of other nations - Kipchaks,
Uzbeks, Turks, and Tajiks. Under such conditions, Abdyrahman-apta-
bachi asserted his power in the Khanate of Kokand by taking the side
of Polot Khan. With Polot Khan’s consent, he began to prepare for the
proclamation of Kudayar’s son, Nasirdin-bek, to be the Khan. With the
transition of Abdyrahman-aptabachi and a large group of his followers
to the side of the rebels, Kudayar had nothing to do but finally quit the
horde and join with the Russian authorities to seek for refuge on July 22.
On July 24, 1875, Nasirdin-Bek was proclaimed the khan in the vil-
lage of Sary-Talap near Kokand. Feudal-conspirators led by Abdyrah-
man-aptabachi arrested Polot Khan and threw him into prison. Later,

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Polot managed to escape and go to Chatkal. After the proclamation of
Nasirdin Khan, Abdyrahman-aptabachi decided to strengthen the inde-
pendence of the Khanate by sending the rebelled forces against Russians
and declaring a “jihad”, “a holy war against infidels.” The rebels man-
aged to seize some Russian territory during this offensive.
In response to these actions, K.P. Kaufman with 5000-well-armed
soldiers struck a crushing blow to the rebels near Kokand. On August
26, Nasirdin Khan was forced to sign a treaty dictated by the Russian
side. Under the agreement which came into force on September 23, Rus-
sia gained the territory of Namangan, Kasan, Aqsy, and Ala-Buka; the
territory would now be called the Namangan branch. M.D. Skobelev,
who just received the rank of a general, was appointed as its Governor.
Justifying the confidence placed in him, Skobelev did his best to drown
the rebellion in blood.
Polot Khan and Abdyrahman-abtabachi met in the vicinity of Jalal-
abad again and decided to conduct a joint struggle against the Russian
invaders. On September 27, 1875 under the name of Polot Khan, Ishaq
was proclaimed the khan for the second time. Now, the rebellion was
aimed against Russian colonizers and Nasirdin Khan.
On October 9, Polot Khan seized Kokand while Nasirdin Khan fled
to Khujand. In October, the rebels moved their anti-Russian forces and
bloody clashes continued until January 5, 1876. In that massacre pro-
voked by K.P. Kaufman and M.D. Skobelev, Russian forces were par-
ticularly cruel. Skobelev’s own words are a clear illustration of their
mentality: “... peace and order in Asia is directly related to the number
of massacred people and the cut off heads.”128
Russian troops took Andijan during a raid on January 8-10. About
twenty thousand people were killed during this assault. The place Asake
was fully occupied on January 18. Forces of the rebels had been un-
dermined. Seeing the impossibility of further resistance to the Russian
army, Abdyrahman-aptabachi surrendered to M.D. Skobelev on January
24 while Polot Khan was forced to flee to Chon-Alai. Deciding to re-
main the conqueror of the Kokand Khanate, the ambitious M.D. Sko-
belev hurried to seize Kokand. As a result, Russian troops finally took
the possessions of the Kokand horde under their command on February
8, 1876. On February 19, Tsar Alexander II signed a decree on the liqui-
dation of the Kokand Khanate.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Ishaq-Polot Khan was captured on that day and was hanged by the
order of K.P. Kaufman on March 1 at central bazaar of Margilan. The
Fergana region was formed on the same place of former possessions of
the Kokand Khanate and General Mikhail Skobelev was appointed its
governor “for outstanding service”.
The Kokand Khanate fell, but the mountain-
The Annexation of ous areas of Southern Kyrgyz - Alai and others
Alai Kyrgyz by the - were captured by Russia. The newly appoint-
Russian Empire. ed military governor of the Ferghana region,
Kurmanjan-Datka Skobelev, set out to destroy the remnants of
rebellion and steadily continue the aggressive
policy of Tsarism.
To achieve his goals, Skobelev organized the
so-called “Scientific Alai Military Expedition”
which, in addition to military forces, included a
large group of scientists. Although their official
task was to conduct various barometric observa-
tions, collect zoological and statistical data, and
prepare topographic maps, the essence of it was
a colonialist military expedition aimed to finally
conquer the Alai Kyrgyz. The Governor-general
Kurmanjan-Datka
commanded the expedition.
The struggle of the Alai Kyrgyz was led by the sons of Alymbek
Datka and Kurmanjan Datka - Abdyldabek, Omorbek, Mamatbek, and
Asanbek. Due to harsh conditions of warfare in the Alai Mountains, the
complexity of the expedition, as well as its political and strategic im-
portance was equivalent to the battles throughout the Ferghana Valley
in 1875-1876. In fights with regular Russian troops, rebels showed a
stubborn and self-sacrificing resistance. The invaders did not spare any-
one; children, women, old men were all brutally punished. Jantay uulu
Shabdan-Baatyr with his brother Baibosun, nuker Bayake, and 40 jigits
were involved in this expedition. As a mediator between the Russians
and the Alai Kyrgyz, Shabdan tried to guide the expedition in a peaceful
course as long as possible. Because of his efforts, bloodshed in many
places was prevented.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Not wishing to submit to Russians, Kurmanjan-Datka with all her
aiyl carried over to Kashgar at the beginning of June 1876. Local gover-
nor Jakypbek met this news with great displeasure and Kurmanjan-Dat-
ka was forced to go back to Alai. Datka then attempted to migrate to
the Afghan Pamir. However, her caravan was overtaken and captured
by Russian troops on the road from Kashgar to Afghanistan on July 29.
Kurmanjan-Datka was brought to the Chon-Alai camp of M.D. Sko-
belev. He was impressed by her intelligence and insight, for what he
called her “the queen of Alai.” At that meeting Kurmanjan expressed her
surrender to Russian authorities and was forced to facilitate the transfer
of her sons to Russian overlordship. The Alai scientific military expedi-
tion of 1875-1876 was a step of great political and military importance
in the campaign of joining the Fergana Valley to Russia. As a result,
17.4 thousand families were introduced to Russian citizenship; volosts
(the administrative units) were established in Alay and included to Osh
district. Four sons of Kurmanjan-Datka were appointed volost elders.
Thus, the annexation of southern Kyrgyzstan by the Russian Empire
was completed.

Documentary From the letter of Kurmanjan Datka to the mili-

Materials tary governor M. Ionov

“When the Muslim state in Ferghana [the Khokhand Khan-

ate] was not subordinated to Russia, I resisted and argued
with you ... At this time, a general [M.D. Skobelev] arrived in
Alay. The general expressed me the courtesy and hospital-
ity. ... I was pleased with it …
... Now, at this quiet time, I want to say: all my people and
I myself, and my family never plan to speak against you.
There is no harm from my side. If my people do bad or do
treason, I will punish guilty people in a most rigorous way,
and I will suffer pangs of torment for the rest of my days...
Mamatbay kyzy Kurmanjan-Datka.”129

247
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

Monument to Kurmanjan-datkha in Bishkek

In summary, it should be noted that the conquest of
Conclusion the Fergana Valley was due to both internal (the op-
pression of the Kokand Khanate) and external (Rus-
sian-Chinese, Russian-Kashgarian Agreement in 1868-1873) pressures.
The annexation of the southern regions of contemporary Kyrgyzstan by
Russia differed with its bloody character and was accompanied by pop-
ular uprisings in 1873-1876. The uprisings were first held against the
Kokand Khanate and then expanded the social scope and gained status
as a fight for national liberation. In this movement, Ishaq Hasan uulu -
Polot Khan gained fame as a folk hero and statesman.
The annexation of the southern part of Kyrgyzstan by Russia was
accomplished by a direct invasion. With the suppression of people’s
movements in 1873-1876 and the recognition of Russian citizenship by
the Alai Kyrgyz, the South of Kyrgyzstan was finally annexed to Russia
by the end of 1876.
Russian annexation of Kyrgyzstan has historic importance for the
following reasons:
• The introduction of Russian administrative and political manage-
ment led to the weakening of secular dictatorship of nobility; a bar-
rier for bloody inter-generic clashes was raised.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
• It provided sustainable preconditions for economic development
and the formation of capitalist relations and social differentiation in
mountain regions appeared.
• The growth of sedentary population in towns and cities accelerated.
• Natural economy began to adapt to the market economy.
Tsarist Colonial Policy.
The National Liberation Struggle in Kyrgyzstan
Russia systematically propagated their political
Governmental system of governance in the newly annexed territo-
system ries. In northern Kyrgyzstan, this reform was initi-
ated immediately after the accession to Russia (i.e.
already in the 1860s). The Kyrgyz clans who recognized the protector-
ates of Russia were identified in Ala-Too Semipalatinsk region and were
placed under the authority of the West-Siberian General Governorship.
In February 1865, Turkestan Oblast, a vast territory, which included the
land from the Aral Sea to Lake Issyk-Kul, was established. It also in-
cluded the valleys of Talas, Ketmen Tube, Chu, Issyk-Kul, and the Cen-
tral Tenir Too later. The first military governor of Turkestan running the
military and civil authority was General M.G. Chernyaev.
In 1867, the area was transformed into the Turkestan general-gover-
norship and was divided into two areas, the Syrdar’inskaya (an adminis-
trative center in Tashkent) and the Semirechenskaya (an administrative
center in Vernyi). Areas within the governorship were divided into coun-
ties. In turn, the counties were divided into volosts, to which aiyls were
subordinated. Volosts consisted of two to three thousand households;
aiyls contained about one or two hundred households. The heads of vo-
losts were elected at township congresses and the heads of ayils (called
starshyny) were chosen at aiyl gatherings.
Starting from 1886, the Regulation “On the Control of Turkestan
Boundary” came into action and the Turkestan General-governorship
was renamed the “Turkestanskyi krai,” which included the regions of
Samarkand, Syrdarya, and Fergana. The Semirechenskaya Oblast was
included in the Steppe General Government in 1882, but was reorga-
nized under Turkestan in 1899. As a result of the administrative-territo-
rial reforms, which were carried out by the imperial government, Kyrgyz
lands were distributed among different counties; Tokmok, Issyk-Kul,

249
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Aulie-Ata, Namangan, Margalan (Skobelev), Kokand, and Khojent
were included in the Syr Darya, Semirechye, Samarkand, and Fergha-
na regions. The population of Kyrgyzstan occupied the territories of 73
volosts and was directly ruled by the volostnoy and starshina (elders),
who were elected for three years. Management was of semi-military
character. Tsar’s officers and district police officers were at the head of
provinces and districts. Under their supervision, local bais and manaps
were elected to the starshinas and volostnoys. Over the time, military
governors were given the discretion to hold an election or individually
appoint Volostnoys and elders. Volost managers monitored strict exe-
cution of orders of tsarist officials and timely collection of taxes and
duties. Elders obeyed and complied with the instructions of volost man-
agers. Aksakals, byis, and kazy ( the Islamic judge) were involved in the
implementation of local governing. While district and military courts
considered significant crimes, byis and kazy considered the minor crim-
inal cases according to Kyrgyz customs and Sharia.
The administrative-territorial division of the territory of Kyrgyzstan,
of course, pursued the goal of strengthening the tsarist colonial power
though at the same time it brought several innovations to the lives of
Kyrgyz people. For example, ancient tradition of tribal relations and
the consequential dependence of the population on their tribal leader-
ship gradually began to lose its force. With the introduction of election
management, the institution was destroyed by hereditary succession
of power formerly exercised exclusively by biys-manap. Management
conducted by Russian law stopped the tyranny both of the upper eche-
lons of traditional and local authorities.
Land policy Colonialist policy of the tsarist government was
of the tsarist especially pronounced in solving the land question in
government Kyrgyzstan. As soon as Kyrgyzstan was annexed by
Russia and continuous migration of Russian peasants
to its territory began, a special land management system was created for
the settlers. Tsarist authorities resettled Russians and Ukrainians in the
best locations (with access to farming and water sources in mind). The
interests of Kyrgyz people were completely ignored during the land al-
lotment. For example, 36 Russian-Ukrainian settlements consisting of 2.5
thousand households were mainly located along the Golden Valley of Chu
(Sary Özön) and around the Issyk-Kul Lake in Semirechenskaya Oblast.130

250
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The Tsarist government deliberately sought to affirm the support of
rich peasants. Initially, thirty acres of land were allocated for every peas-
ant-settler. They were exempt from taxes and military service for fifteen
years. In addition, immigrants were provided with a “loan,” which they
were not required to pay back to the state. Peasant migration saw its
highest influx in the 1890s when famine broke out in the central regions
of Russia.
Twenty six Russian villages were built in Pishpek and Przhevalsk
in 1896 and the number of immigrants in comparison with the 1880s
increased by two. By the end of the 19th century, Russian peasants
appeared in the regions of southern Kyrgyzstan. The first Russian set-
tlements were established in Osh and Pokrovskyi counties in 1893. In
addition to Russian peasants, a huge number of Uighurs, Dungans, and
Sart-Kalmaks, who fled from the oppression of Chinese feudal lords,
moved to Kyrgyzstan from 1877-1884. Many were resettled in the areas
suitable for farming in the Fergana, Issyk-Kul, and Chui valleys.
Afraid of growing discontent of the Kyrgyz population due to the
lack of irrigated land, the Tsarist government imposed a ban on migra-
tion of Russian peasants to Turkestan from 1896-1906. Nevertheless,
by the beginning of the 20th century spontaneous migration of peasants
from the central provinces to Semirechye (which included northern Kyr-
gyzstan) persisted. For example, early as in 1902, 2.7 thousand families
came to the area and 1.2 thousand of them settled in Pishpek County. At
the beginning of the first Russian revolution in 1905-1907, the Tsarist
government again allowed the relocation of Turkestan in order to dis-
tract the peasants of central provinces from the ongoing class struggle
in the country. To accommodate new arrived peasants, special resettle-
ment procedures in Semirechenskaya and Syr-Dariinskaya regions were
formed. In 1906, Semirechenskaya had forty thousand settlers; Syr-Da-
riinskaya had reached twenty thousand new settlers, while the Fergana
Oblast saw around four thousand new peasants.
Exclusion of lands from Kyrgyz people reached new levels as a re-
sult of Stolypin’s agrarian reform. In 1906, there were seventy seven
thousand peasant settlers in the Turkestan region, forty thousands of
which have settled in Semirechenskaya Oblast. The remaining twenty
seven thousand settled in Fergana. Thus, 83% of migrants were rooted
in Kazakhs and Kyrgyz lands. For example, 289 thousand acres of fer-

251
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
tile land were allocated for peasant settlers in 1907 in Semirechenskaya
Oblast. As early as 1914, the local population there lost more than 4
million acres in this area. In addition, the Tsarist system planned to take
away another seven hundred sixty two thousand acres of arable areas
from Kyrgyz people in the Fergana Valley.131
In order to legitimize the annexation of land from the local popula-
tion, the Tsarist government approved a so-called “Steppe Regulation
(ulozhenie)” in 1891. Under the authority of the regulation all lands
where Kyrgyz lived and roamed were reclassified as state lands. More-
over, the law, which set this provision, provided a right to confiscate not
only the arable land but also the pastures at the same time. As a result,
local poor people who lived by the means of agriculture suffered the
most. Kyrgyz-jatakchis or farmers were removed from their lands and
lost not only the roof over their heads but also the wintering grounds.
With the accession of Kyrgyzstan to Russia, it was planned to in-
crease the number of its inhabitants. According to the national census in
1897, six hundred sixty thousand people lived in the new administrative
boundaries set in modern-day Kyrgyzstan. This number is one hundred
sixteen thousand more people in comparison with 1865 (an increase of
21.2%). In addition to the arrival of Russian and Ukrainian peasants,
some Uighur and Dungan rebels from Eastern Turkestan, previously
under China, fled from persecution to Kyrgyzstan. The number of Dun-
gans numbered close to eight thousand people. In 1913, the number of
residents of Kyrgyzstan reached eight hundred sixty four thousand. This
was a 30% increase from 1897.132
Economy
Livestock was the basis of Kyrgyzstan’s economy
Cattle- after its accession to Russia - 84.9% of local popula-
breeding tion in Pishpek County and 80.7% in Karakol were
engaged in nomadic pastoralism. In southern Kyr-
gyzstan, the number of population engaged in nomadic pastoralism was
somewhat lower. In Osh and Kokand counties, for example, only 65%
of local Kyrgyz population had nomadic and semi-nomadic lives.
Kyrgyz people had sheep, goats, horses, cows, yaks, and camels. The
number of bais, who had more than a thousand animals, was approx-
imately 5-10% of the local population. Due to the lack of productive
forces and imperfect tools, hay for the winter was often not gathered;
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
during prolonged winters, great numbers of cattle died from starvation
(jut).
Colonial policy of Tsarist Russia turned Kyrgyzstan into the Russian
market of industrial goods and a source of cheap raw production mate-
rials. The livestock sector actively became engaged in trade relations.
For example, 91.6% of the cattle in Pishpek and Przhevalsk were pro-
duced at Kyrgyz farms. In general, the commodity cattle in these two
districts were 54.8%. If in the second half of the 19th century the sale
of the livestock in the markets of northern Kyrgyzstan prevailed. At the
beginning of the 20th century emphasis was placed on the leather and
wool supplies.
During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the number of horses
at Kyrgyz farms ceased to occupy the dominant position, as sheep and
goats were moved to the first place. At the beginning of 1916, there
were 2.5 million of sheep and goats, seven hundred thousand horses,
five hundred nineteen thousand large-horned cattle, and twenty seven
thousand pigs in Kyrgyzstan. Feudal lords owned the vast majority of
the cattle. For example, in 1913 in Pishpek and Przhevalsk counties the
poor owned only 11% of all the cattle, middle peasants owned 55.5 %,
and bai-manaps owned 33.5 %. Paddock animal housing, hay for the
winter, veterinary treatment, and the improvement of breeds appeared as
a result of the influence of foreign farmers. In 1913, eight veterinary sta-
tions staffed by six paramedics and six nurses were built in Kyrgyzstan.
The tax After joining the bureaucratic system of the Rus-
policy under sian state, the Kyrgyz paid the same taxes as the Ko-
Tsarism kand Khanate to the Tsarist authorities. Later, in ac-
cordance with local conditions, new mechanisms of
taxation were developed. According to the accepted norms, those Kyr-
gyz dealing with nomadic pastoralism paid the tax of 2 rubles and 75
kopeks for each yurt. Since the land was considered a public domain,
Kyrgyz had to pay the tax of three kopeks for each sheep, 30 kopeks for
each horse, and 50 kopeks for each camel. The tax rate increased steadi-
ly beginning in 1882 and reached 15 rubles during the World War I.133
The settled population was imposed to two types of taxes. They had
to pay kharaj for the grain areas and tanap (a measure of area) for gar-
den and vegetable fields. Kharaj was one-tenth of the harvest. In 1886,
the procedure for levying the tanap was a little bit changed. This new tax

253
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
which replaced it was called obrok (quit-rent) and was paid for all the ar-
able lands whether they were cultivated or not. This method of taxation
brought great benefit to the Tsarist Government, aggravated the plight of
ordinary people, and intensified the process of impoverishment.
Apart from the imperial government taxes, local bai-manaps relied on
traditional patriarchal and feudal laws and charged common people with
more taxes and levies. For grazing they paid the chöp ooz. They were
forced to pay the chygym to honor the manaps. Additionally, they had to
pay the jurtchuluk for livestock and grain, the soyush for sustenance, the
tuyak pul for cattle walking through their territories, and the koschumcha
for weddings and funerals. The servants of religion had their own system
of taxation. Because of the array of taxes, bribery of local officials became
commonplace. The colonial policy of Tsarism and the unbearable yoke of
local bais and manaps caused discontent and anger.
Under the influence of agricultural practices, Rus-
Agriculture
sians, Ukrainians, Uighurs, Dungans, and represen-
tatives of other nations who moved to Kyrgyzstan
changed the traditional methods of cultivation of Kyrgyz people. New
segments of the population engaged in farming appeared among the Kyr-
gyz. They were mostly poor jatakchi. Kyrgyz farmers (dehkans) cultivat-
ed wheat, barley, millet, oats, and other cereals. In the south of Kyrgyz-
stan, farmers preferred cotton, tobacco, rice, fruits, and vegetables.
With the introduction of capitalist market relations in some areas of
Kyrgyzstan, farmers began to grow crops not only for their own needs,
but also to sell in markets. They also began to develop beekeeping.
Commercial production of agricultural products and its implementation
were better developed among Russian, Ukrainian, and Dungan peasants.
In the south of Kyrgyzstan, peasants started to produce such im-
portant commodity as cotton. In Noygut-Kipchak, Naiman, Bagysh,
Bayastan, Ak-Buura, Nookat volosts people began to grow grains spe-
cifically for sale.
Since the second half of the 19th century, the Kyrgyz gradually be-
came more sedentary. This trend was especially manifested in the Fer-
ghana Valley where, by 1917, two hundred six thousands of the three
hundred sixty two thousand had developed a sedentary or semi-seden-
tary lifestyle. At the beginning of the 20th century, there were only sev-
enty Kyrgyz villages in the northern part of Kyrgyzstan and more than

254
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
one hundred Russian and Ukrainian villages in addition to five German
and three Dungan settlements. The villages in southern Kyrgyzstan had
about five hundred people; some large villages reached one to two thou-
sand residents. In northern Kyrgyzstan, the number of residents of Kyr-
gyz settlements was less than two hundred.134
Resettled peasants took over specific methods of irrigated agricul-
ture, irrigation ditches, canals, and mountain pastures from the local
population. In households of the bais, iron plows, harrows, and steel
spits became commonplace. In 1913, there were nearly twenty four
thousand horse-drawn plows in Kyrgyzstan, one hundred seventy-two
thousand wooden plows, eighty-nine thousand of iron and wooden har-
rows, sixteen planters, one hundred eighty-nine mowers, and four thou-
sand four hundred seventy-nine grain threshers. However, despite the
advent of technology, its amount was insufficient and farming was car-
ried out mainly by hand. Cropland fertilizers were poorly used. Fields
were not treated thoroughly and were overgrown with weeds. Lack of
crop rotation led to the depletion of the soil.
In 1913, crops were collected from five hundred fifty-five thousand
hectares, 86.8% of total cultivated area. However, the harvest comprised
only 7.8 centimeters per hectare. On 29.2% of the whole area fodder
crops were grown. Approximately 5% were taken up by industrial crops.
In all, four hundred thirty-six tons of cereals, nineteen thousand tons of
potatoes, and twenty-eight tons of cotton were annually collected on
the territory of Kyrgyzstan. The increased demand in cotton caused a
corresponding expansion of the areas where it was grown. For example,
cotton fields in Osh district increased by ten times from 1889-1913.
In 1914, there were four hundred thirty-four thousand hectares of
irrigated lands in Kyrgyzstan, which were fragmented into small plots
and processed manually. Crops and clover were cultivated on these al-
lotments in the most primitive way. Cotton was grown on twenty-two
hectares, whereas potatoes and vegetables were grown on 14 hectares.
There were no engineering structures in the irrigation system and agri-
culture was more or less small-scale production (because it relied main-
ly on manual labor).
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, industry
Industry began to develop in Kyrgyzstan. People widely used
domestic processing of cattle-breeding and agricul-

255
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ture. If the initial focus was targeted on the needs of own producers, over
time the emphasis shifted to commodity production. The end of the 19th
century was marked by the growth of small individual capitalist proces-
sors along with small-scale home-based businesses in small towns. The
majority of these belonged to Russian, Ukrainian, and Uzbek merchants.
In some cases, the Kyrgyz owned small mills and creameries.
An intensive period of research and development of the coal and oil
industries began in early 1890s in the south of Kyrgyzstan. Starting in
1898, the coal industry was developed in Kyzyl-Kiya, the home of the
mining industry in Kyrgyzstan. Coal and oil had been discovered in oth-
er regions where its gradual development was organized. However, the
absence of significant productive forces, poor working conditions, and
scarce payment prevented an extensive development of this industry.
On the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan, there were more than thirty
of these factory enterprises by 1913. By researchers’ calculations, in
the thirty years between 1883 and 1913, the number of enterprises (in-
cluding small businesses) increased from one hundred sixty-five to five
hundred sixty-nine. The share of industrial output was about 5% of all
produced public goods and only 0.3% of the population was occupied in
industrial production. The development of industry was colonial in na-
ture and primarily aimed at agricultural processing and the procurement
of raw materials.
Military and administrative centers based in the vicinity or in former
Kokand fortresses eventually grew into real cities like Tokmok, Pishpek,
and Karakol. These cities were in the regions and acted as political, cul-
tural, industrial, and commercial centers. Such cities as Osh, Uzgen, and
Jalalabad rapidly evolved in southern Kyrgyzstan. Pishpek, the largest
city in the Chu Valley, had a population of 6.6 thousand people by the
end of the 19th century.
Thus, rapid development of capitalism in Russia in the late 19th cen-
tury turned Kyrgyzstan into a staging area for the resettlement of the
surplus of peasant population and became the source of cheap raw ma-
terials for the Russian industry and the market for industrial goods. In
accordance with production relations, the Kyrgyz gradually began to
adapt to the commodity-money system perpetuated by capitalism. All
these created the conditions for the loosening of age-old foundations of
a subsistence economy. However, innovations in industrial production

256
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and commodity-money relations at that time still could not reach all
segments of the Kyrgyz people.
Economic changes associated with the joining
Social of Kyrgyzstan to Russia introduced changes in
Composition the social structure of Kyrgyz people. The Kyr-
of the Population gyz were initially divided into two unequal social
groups. One social group contained the feudal
lords (bais and manaps). The rest of the population
made up the bukara, working part of the population.
Major bais and manaps, as the supporters of colonial authorities,
were involved in the Russian administration and were appointed to the
posts of township managers, and elders. Byis served as military and
some sort of juridical officials and received various awards for the ser-
vices to the Tsarist government.
Economic development was expanded by the discovery and imple-
mentation of mail, the telephone, and the telegraph. The increase in va-
riety and number of vehicles, together with the expansion of road con-
struction, favored the development of linkages between Kyrgyzstan and
other regions and, thus, increased trade.
At the beginning of the 20th century, three kinds of trade relations
existed: exchange, trade fairs, and permanent sale. The layer of the com-
mercial bourgeoisie began gradually to stand out among the local pop-
ulation and immigrant entrepreneurs. Before the World War I, 36.3% of
the traders in Pishpek and Przhevalsk (not counting the “shuttle” trad-
ers) were Kyrgyz.
With the development of industry in Kyrgyzstan, a working class (al-
beit in small numbers) was formed. Its ranks were constantly filled with
the settlers and bankrupted local artisans. The most skilled workers were
those who came from central Russia. Since the production had mainly
an artisanal and semi-artisan character, the workers were divided and
poorly organized. Many companies had only one to five workers while
few larger enterprises employed from sixteen to forty people. In 1913,
the handicraft industry employed 12.6 thousand workers, while the en-
terprises of factory-type were around 1.9 thousand people strong. In
subsequent years, the number of workers in large enterprises markedly
increased. For example, in 1917 the coalfields of Kyzyl-Kiya employed
1.2 thousand professional workers. About 20 thousand of workers were

257
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
employed in agriculture. For the most part they were from the impover-
ished local population. Thus, in 1917 there were about thirty thousand
members of the working class in Kyrgyzstan.
The basis of the working population was the so-called kara-bukara
(commoners). The poorer layer of the population had only one or two
sheep, a cow, or a horse. The poor were divided into a number of social
groups, including jakyry (the poor), jalchy (laborers), jatakchy (horse-
less), malai (wage workers), mar-dyker (day laborers), and chayryker
(sharecroppers). In the south of Kyrgyzstan, in the areas with developed
agriculture, smallholder or landless farmers became chayrykers. They
took the land, seeds, working cattle, agricultural implements for rent
and had to pay a large portion of the crop in the fall. Farmers hired
mardykers in the growing season. Part of the population engaged in the
cattle breeding was divided into wealthy, rich, and middle peasants; they
were the backbone of the Kyrgyz people. In general, in 1917 65% of
peasants and livestock farms were poor, 26% were average, and 9%
were rich.135
Thus, one result of the Tsarist policy in Kyrgyzstan was the beginning
of the formation of capitalist relations which deepened the social strat-
ification of Kyrgyzstan’s population. Elements of progressive changes
began to take shape along with the costs of the colonial regime in the
socio-economic life of the mountainous regions.
National-liberation struggle in Kyrgyzstan
The Andijan Uprising went down to history as the largest popular
movement in Central Asia in the late 19th century. The main causes of
the revolt were the colonial policy of Tsarism, strengthening of social
and national oppression, and tyranny inculcated by the Russian admin-
istration in respect to the local population.
Representatives of Kyrgyz, Uzbek, and Tajik ethnic groups and dif-
ferent social strata attended the uprising; ministers of religion headed
the uprising with conformist slogans and appeals. Most of the popu-
lation of the region professed Islam for centuries; indeed, the religion
was deeply entrenched in people’s minds. The rebellion was aimed at
protecting interests and aspirations of general population and was of a
nationalist character.
The Andijan Uprising broke out in May 1898. About 200 Uzbeks and
Kyrgyz gathered together in the evening on May 17 in the Tajik village
(Min-Dube); the ishan of that village, Madali Dukchi (iyikchi – spindle
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
man), headed them while the ideological leader of the rebellion was Zi-
yadin Maksym uulu (Ziyautdin Magzumi).
The rebels marched to Andijan, cutting the tele-
graph wires which connected the city with districts.
Villagers of Kutchu, Kara-Korgon, and other villag-
es joined them. Soon the number of rebels reached
two thousand. At three o’clock in the morning, the
rebels came to Andijan and attacked the camp of
the 20th Turkestan Line Battalion. The forces were
unequal and a crowd armed with sticks and sickles
was dispersed by the well-trained and armed Rus- Madali
sian troops. Over twenty soldiers and officers of Dukchi Eshen
the Tsarist army had been killed in a fierce battle;
the rebels also suffered heavy losses. Crossing the
Kara-Darya River, they moved to Hakim-Abad. In
the Charbak village located ninety kilometers from
Andijan, the leader of the rebels, Madali, was cap-
tured and hanged on June 12, 1898.
However, the rebellion did not subside and spread
to the Fergana Valley. The population of Andijan,
Margilan, Osh, and Namangan counties took active Ziyadin
participation in it. About three hundred people from Maksym uulu
Karakol-Say, Tamchy-Bulak, and Japalak aiyls of
Osh district gathered in the Ak-Terek village of
Noo-kat county on the day when unrest broke out
in Ming-Dube. Armed only with sticks and knives,
they intended to attack a military garrison in Osh.
Omorbek-Datka Alymov headed them. However,
the former volost manager Karabek informed the
head of Osh County about it and Omorbek Alymov
and his assistant Satybay Rakymbaev were arrested
together with fifty three people. Omorbek
Headed by Shadybek Shergazy uulu, people also Alymov
began to gather in Ketmen-Tube of Suusamyr volost to join the rebels in
Andijan. A punitive squad with more than a hundred bayonets was sent
to act against the conspirators and about fifty people headed by Shady-
bek were captured and driven to Namangan. Shadybek Shergazy uulu

259
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
was sentenced to death penalty but then it was replaced by the penal
servitude for life. His assistants Umetaly Bagyshbek uulu and Tulebai
Beshkempir uulu were sentenced to twenty years in prison. In addition,
fifty-four people were deported to Siberia for seven years. Among them
was a well-known akyn by the name of Toktogul Satylganov.
Thus, the rebellion was not headed by a strong leader. It was disorga-
nized and included a number of small groups; therefore, it was quickly
extinguished.
Numerous special units of the Turkestan Military District were used
to defeat the rebellion. Seven hundred seventy people were arrested,
four hundred fifteen were prosecuted, and eighteen people were hanged.
The death penalty of three hundred sixty people was replaced by long
terms of penal servitude.
Despite the defeat,
the uprising was the first
manifestation of people’s
struggle against colonial
and nationalist policies
implanted by the Tsarist
government in Turkes-
tan. It was a struggle for
people’s independence
and their defeat could
not extinguish the move-
The Andizhan Uprising by R.Isakov
ments for freedom.
The russification of Turkestan, as the basis of co-
The uprising
lonial and nationalist policies, was increasingly in-
of 1916
tensified at the beginning of the 20th century. A good
example is an excerpt of a published circulation of the Governor-Gen-
eral of 31 October 1911, in which all the provincial governors were in-
structed that
“... [W]e are interested in local people as a material for fu-
ture works of Russian peasants, so you need to soak them
in a blood to honor all Russians; and if someone does not
wish to comply, he will be deprived of land and will eke out a
miserable existence, or Russia will say goodbye to them.”136

260
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
One of the main causes of the uprising of 1916 was the massive mi-
gration of peasants from Russia and the strengthening of arbitrariness
during their resettlement. Around two hundred thirty seven million ru-
bles were spent for the resettlement campaign of Russian peasants from
central regions only for the period of 1896-1916. In 1916, Russians,
comprising 6% of the population of Kyrgyzstan, received 57.7% of all
arable lands while 94% of local people were possessed only 42.3% of
the land. Peasant settlers scornfully referred to the Kyrgyz, seized their
water sources, and blocked water flows (effectively forcing locals to
leave their land and migrate). During the Russian trade transactions, us-
ing the poverty of Kyrgyz, they bought lambs for only eighty kopeks;
calves were sold for 1-1.5 rubles. Often, cattle was just taken away un-
der various pretexts.
Anticipating expressed frustrations by the local population, the Rus-
sian Government decided to arm Russian peasants (on top of the already
present Russia in military in the region). On November 29, 1891, the
Tsarist government approved a document on the arming of peasant set-
tlers. Only the Syr-Darya region received 1500 rifles for distribution
among the peasants. After the Andijan uprising, the armament of Rus-
sian peasants was even more intensified. During the same year, in 1898,
300 rifles with ammunition were distributed to the settlers in Jeti-Suu
area. According to historical data, 18.7 thousand rifles with ammunition
were in the hands of peasant settlers in Turkestan in 1901. Before the
uprising in 1916, 43% of peasant settlers were armed. This means that
every immigrant capable of bearing arms had a rifle.137
World War I began in 1914 and a heavy burden was imposed on
all impoverished people already oppressed by the colonialist regime.
The difficulties, which had fallen upon all nations, did not spare the
Kyrgyz either. Money, clothes, and horses for the cavalry were sent to
the front. The decree of a Tsar on June 25, 1916 claimed to enlist men
of Turkestan (from 19 to 43 years old) to military defensive works and
triggered a wave of outrage from the people who could hardly tolerate
the the persecution and humilitation of the decree.By the order of Tsar,
thousands of people were mobilized in the regions of Turkestan: In the
Syr Darya - sixty thousand; in Samarkand - 32.5 thousand; in Fergha-
na - 51.3 thousand; and in Jeti-Suu - 43 thousand. Driven to despair by
colonial oppression, the people of Turkestan were compelled to rise to
an open struggle for liberation.138

261
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The uprising, which began on July 4, 1916 in Khujand of Samar-
kand Oblast, quickly spread to the Syr Darya and Ferghana Oblasts. The
Kyrgyz actively participated in the July uprising in the Fergana Oblast.
Residents of the Andijan district openly refused to carry out the Tsarist
decree, destroyed special mobilization lists, and attacked government
officials. The mountain Kyrgyz of Kokand and Namangan counties also
took an active part in the uprising as Talasbay Alybaev led the revolt in
Namangan district.
The liberation movement spread to the valleys of Ketmen Tube,
Chatkal, and Toguz Toro. The uprising in Osh district began in early July
with the gathering of ten thousand disgruntled people at the foot of the
Sulaiman Mountains. By the beginning of August most of the southern
part of Kyrgyzstan was up in arms.
The uprising in the north of Kyrgyzstan was particularly acute and
dynamic. The armies they fought against were well prepared and were
equipped with modern imperial weapons. Representatives of other eth-
nic groups, including Kazakhs, Uighurs, and Dungans took part in the
rebellion together with the Kyrgyz people.
The initial gathering attended by the representatives of various na-
tionalities living in the Jeti-Suu area was held on July 10 in the area of
Kaman-Karagaj near Karkyra fair. At that meeting it was decided: not
to send people to the army; if necessary, to stand up to fight against the
imperial authority by the force of arms.
The uprising, which began in July, gained momentum in August. The
Kemin Kyrgyz were one of the first in Northern Kyrgyzstan, who stood
on the path of armed struggle. The Khan and the leader of the uprising
were proclaimed the manap Mokush Shabdan uulu; this was associated
with the deep-rooted tradition in the minds of people when they had to
choose their leader or Khan from the feudal lords. Most of the wealthy
people who had experienced the oppression of colonial policy were on
the side of common people.
On August 8, the population of nearby aiyls of Tokmok joined the
movement; on August 9, a small detachment of rebels led by Ybraim
Tülö uulu ambushed the Russians in the Issyk-Kul tract and seized a
train with one hundred seventy-eight rifles and more than thirty thou-
sand patrons.
At the same time, the rebels from Sarybagysh and Atake volosts be-
sieged the Novorossiysk village and Cossack village Samsonovka. By
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
mid-August, the uprising spread to 12 volosts of
Pishpek County, as well as the Issyk-Kul and Talas
regions.
The Tenir Too Kyrgyz also played an important
role in the uprising. The Kochkor valley became
the center of the uprising of that region. The reb-
els raised bolush Kanat Ubuke uulu (Kanat Ubukin)
on a white felt mat, and proclaimed him their Khan,
giving him an oath of obedience. The Khan, together
with three thousand soldiers armed with rifles and Kanat Khan
30-40 wick guns, moved to the Chu valley through Shamshy pass in
early August.
There were no military professionals or experienced politicians in
the army of Kanat-Khan. His advisers were chauvinist-minded manaps
and mullahs, who promised the eternal paradise for the destruction of
the infidels. Kanat’s army spread out the Chu valley and exposed the
massacre nearby Russian villages. At the beginning, the rebels captured
the old Tokmok and from the 13th to 22nd of August they besieged the
city of Tokmok itself. However, after suffering heavy losses from one
thousand six hundred Russian soldiers who came from Vernyi (Almaty)
and Tashkent, the rebels could not resist and had to retreat.
The uprising in the Issyk-Kul basin was also distinguished by great
acuteness and intensity. Starting on August 5, it spread throughout the
valley and reached Karkyra in only five days. The Kyrgyz, Kazakhs,
Uighurs, and Dungans participating in the events in Karkyra took over
more than 500 stores and shops. Combined forces of Kyrgyz and Dun-
gans stormed Karakol on August 11; Sart-Kalmaks inhabiting the aiyls
of Chelpek and Borubash actively participated with the rebels on August
13th and 14th.
Suppression of The tsarist government, fearing the spread of
the Uprising the rebellion throughout Turkestan, withdrew
and its Historical General A.N. Kuropatkin from the army and ap-
Meaning pointed him as a governor-general of Turkestan.
On July 17, 1916, the state of martial law was im-
posed in Turkestan, by the order of the Minister
of War, eleven battalions, three thousand three hundred Cossacks, forty
two cannons, and sixty nine machine guns were sent there.

263
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
By the end of June,
the Tsarist government
was able to suppress the
main agitations in the
Syr-Darya, Samarkand,
and Ferghana regions.
In the Jeti-Suu area, the
situation was more diffi-
cult because many more
immigrants resided on
its territory, making the
The 1916 Uprising by S.Chuikov rebels much more hos-
tile in the region. Even as the unrest subsided in other regions, the Tsarist
government had a particularly difficult time calming the uprising there.
A total of six thousand five hundred thirty well-armed troops of the
Turkestan Military District participated in the suppression of the upris-
ing in Jeti-Suu. Later, by the order of the Minister of War, two additional
Cossack regiments and two hundred forty cavalry scouts armed with
forty machine guns came from the front lines of the “Western” front of
World War I. Prior to deployment events, 43 percent of peasant settlers
were armed. On August 15, 1916, the Military Governor of Jeti-Suu,
M.A. Filbaum, was instructed to suppress the uprising by the means of
horse and foot guards of Russian peasants. To improve the efficiency of
punitive measures against the rebels, the Governor-General of Turke-
stan, A.N. Kuropatkin, ordered to establish temporary military field
courts on August 12, 1916.
Russian troops did not make much effort to suppress spontaneously
rebellious people, armed with pitchforks, scythes, clubs, and swords.
Well-armed and trained in military tactics, Russian Cossack troops bru-
tally destroyed the hotbeds of insurrection. In late August, the last ma-
jor battle between the rebels and chasteners took place near Karakol.
On August 21, about four thousand rebels attacked the enemy with two
wings, left and right, several times. More than seven thousand rebels
took part in the battle in Tüp on August 28. By September, except for
minor clashes with punitive squads, the uprising was largely suppressed.
The Tsarist government gave direct instructions to ruthlessly sup-
press the rebels, punish and destroy local communities, and loot and

264
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
burn their villages. Settlers were allowed to recover the losses incurred
as a result of the uprising at the expense of cattle and property of the
rebels. Military courts sentenced participants in the uprising to be shot;
punitive forces and peasants-settlers helped to punish not only the reb-
els, but also those who did not participate in the uprising, including the
elderly, women, and children. For example, over five hundred people of
the Kyrgyz village Belovodskoye had been locked in a shed and brutally
murdered the next day. The same thing happened in Issyk-Kul in the
Teploklyuchenka village - about five hundred people were killed and
more than 100 human corpses were thrown into the Ak-Suu River. In
Przhevalsk, only six out of the seven hundred local Dungans survived.
Fleeing from the cruel violence and indiscriminate destruction, the Kyr-
gyz began to migrate to China in late September, leaving behind their
native land, livestock, and property. As winter approached, many froze
to death, fell into the abyss, or starved.
The population of the Chu and Issyk-Kul valleys
was particularly affected by the excesses of the puni-
tive expeditions. In such a difficult time, folk heroes
tried to save their people from extermination by all
means. Among them were Dur Sooronbai uulu – the
Volost manager from the Chu Valley, Kydyr ake – a
well-known figure of the Issyk-Kul region, and Turk-
mon - the volost manager from Suusamyr. Each of
Kydyr ake
them were able to arrange talks with the representa-
tives of the Tsarist power to prevent flight of their neighbors and relatives
to China and thus saved 400-500 families from certain death. However,
most of the Kyrgyz could not escape death. Those who miraculously
survived found their refuge in China. According to Chinese sources,
three hundred thirty-two thousand people (130 thousand of whom were
Kyrgyz) fled to China from Jeti-Suu. The population of Northern Kyr-
gyzstan decreased by 41.4% and two hundred thousand Kyrgyz were
killed in the uprising in 1916.139
Thus, the national liberation struggle of the Kyrgyz people was defeat-
ed and brutally suppressed. However, despite the failure, the rebellion was
of great historical importance. The Tsarist Government met the resistance
from the local population. People of different nationalities realized that
only by joint efforts they could fight against oppression.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The uprising of 1916 was not only a great national liberation move-
ment in Kyrgyzstan, but also became one of the most significant events
in the political life of Kyrgyz people. Other representatives of local pop-
ulations took part in the uprising along with the Kyrgyz. Despite the
defeat and brutal suppression, the rebellion largely shattered and weak-
ened the colonial regime in the Turkestan region.140 The masses gained
unprecedented experience in the fight for freedom. This struggle of the
Kyrgyz people for their
native land, justice, and
independence became one
of the most tragic pages in
the history of Kyrgyzstan.
In summary it should
be noted that the nation-
al liberation struggle was
caused by the dissatisfac-
tion of the colonial-na-
tionalist policy of tsarism,
increased oppression, ex-
‘Urkun’, the exodus of Kyrgyz to China
tortion, and various crip-
pling taxes. The first and the largest display of discontent of the peoples
of Turkestan in the beginning 20th century was the Andijan uprising,
which was populist and of a national liberation character. Regardless of
the outcomes, the 1916 rebellion gave a powerful impetus to the awak-
ening of national consciousness and further struggle for the liberation.
The Culture of Kyrgyzstan in the middle
of the 19th – early 20th centuries
Russian and Ukrainian villages appeared all over Chu and Issyk-Kul
and differed from poor peasants Kyrgyz villages by the quality and the
appearance of buildings, streets, and the landscape of yards. New way
of life did not pass unnoticed; the Kyrgyz learned to build tall buildings
with hipped roofs, windows to the streets, porches, and steps. Estates were
fenced and all the necessary household buildings were erected. For exam-
ple, in Kyrgyz villages, such as Tash Dobo of Chui and Darkhan of the
Issyk-Kul valley, Kyrgyz houses were built along the streets lined with
trees, evidence of the first instances of larger scale urban planning.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Since the beginning of the transition of Kyrgyz to the sedentary way
of life in the 18th century, traditional dress had witnessed some changes.
Uzbek, Tajik, Tatar, Russian, and Ukrainian style, of course, influenced
the change. Indigenous people started to use a more European style of
clothing. However, in areas with nomadic and semi-nomadic way of
life, clothes were still handmade from skins of domestic and wild ani-
mals, thinly rolled felt, and sackcloth woven from the wool.
In the 19th century, consumption of cereals and other agricultural
products increased; the range, quality, and forms of household utensils
changed. For example, cooking utensils that were previously adapted
to nomadic life were much lighter and were usually made of leather or
wood. Ceramics were widely used in all areas of Kyrgyzstan, but espe-
cially in the south among the sedentary population. Even after the acces-
sion of the regions of Kyrgyzstan to Russia, however, material culture,
arts, and crafts of the Kyrgyz were still changing fairly slowly.
Customs Since ancient times, such features as respect for el-
and Rituals ders, reverence for ancestors, mutual assistance, hos-
pitality, and respect for customs and rituals were an
integral part of the material and spiritual life of the Kyrgyz. Every sig-
nificant event of the Kyrgyz was traditionally accompanied by a variety
of folk games, such as er-saiysh, jamby atysh, at-chabysh, ulak-tartysh,
oodarysh, kuresh, arkan-tartysh, tyiyn-enish, ordo, kyz kuumay, ak-
cholmok, jooluk tashtamai, jashynmak, dumpuldok, or toguz-korgool.
To the extent that they could (according to their income and opportu-
nities), all social strata of the population tried to follow the customs and
rituals associated with birth, naming, circumcision, cutting the bonds,
payment of bride price, dowry, and gift giving.
Traditions and rituals of folk and religious festivals seem to be very
peculiar to the modern observer. The Kyrgyz celebrated the eastern New
Year (Oruzdama) solemnly and pompously. On this holiday (March 22),
people wished each other all the best, happiness, and prosperity. They
reconciled with each other and forgave each others’ offenses. People
gathered in groups and cooked holiday barley porridge (köjö) or soups
from wheat germ (sümölök). They also cooked delicacies from dried
sausages and invited honorable guests.
Like all Muslim nations, the Kyrgyz followed the rites of Orozo Ait
and Kurman Ait - religious holidays of abstinence and self-purification.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Great importance was attached to the observance of rituals associat-
ed with the last journey of the deceased, including the sacrifice of ani-
mals, janaza, dooron, jyrtysh, and funerals for the dead. The number of
cattle killed at funeral and memorial service depended on the financial
and social status of the deceased. Usually, dozens, and in some cases,
hundreds of cattle were killed.
According to the Russian scholar V.V. Radlov, the
Folklore
Kyrgyz in the 19th century were in the prime era of
development
their epic art. This is confirmed by the creative work
of manaschy, storytellers of the epic “Manas,” which reached its climax
because of relentless dedication. Performance of the epic was particular-
ly honorable and popular among the Kyrgyz.
The most prominent performers of this genre, Balyk, Keldibekov,
Nazar, Chonbash, Teltay, Kalmyrza, Suranchy, Choodan, Jandake, were
called “great manaschy” and enjoyed great respect. These talented peo-
ple improved the imperishable legacy of previous narrators. Each mana-
schy felt obliged to pass his skill and art to other talented performers. For
example, students of manaschy Japyi uulu Tynybek (1846-1902) were
storytellers Sagymbay, Kalygul, Togolok Moldo, Baybagysh, Donguz-
bay, among others. The fascinating skills of these story tellers is proved
by the fact that once well-known manaps Shabdan, Baytik, Ozbek, and
Sooronbai listened to the epic “Manas” by storyteller Tynybek for 30
days in the garden named after Sooronbai near Tokmok.
During the performance of “Manas”, great storytellers got the feel
of their characters and epic situation as if they themselves became com-
plicit in the events. One of such manaschy was Sagymbay Orozbak uulu
(1867-1930). Sagymbay-manaschy was from Kabyrga aiyl of Issyk-Kul
region. He learnt about the epic from contemporary storytelling masters.
Highly artistic content, complete songs and patriotic directions charac-
terized his versions of the performance of the epic “Manas.” The version
of Orozbak was distinguished from others with its rich factual saturation
and colorful folk setting.
During this period, small epics were finally formed and artistically
polished. The need to preserve the balance of nature, respect for animal
life, and the development of environmental culture is reflected in dastan
“Kojojash”, a tale about daring and foolish hunter.141
The epic “Er Töshtük” embodied the most ancient ideas of the Kyr-
gyz about the structure of the Earth and Universe. It was a poetic guide,
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
where human relations and concepts of good and evil were discussed
and which, at that time, served for the development of social conscious-
ness.
The political situation in Central Asia and the selfless struggle of the
Kyrgyz against the Oirot invaders were narrated in small heroic epics
“Janysh-Baiysh”, “Kurmanbek”, “Er Tabyldy;”they were widely spread
throughout the region in the 17th – 18th centuries. The dastan “Janyl
Myrza” glorified the struggle of women for freedom and equality during
the ancient martial era.
The creative nature of the people was instilled in the works of akyns
and national thinkers. Akyns and singers proved their word skills at
match-improvisations. One of them, Jenijok (Ote Koke uulu, 1859-
1918), gained particular people’s respect for his highly artistic works
and philosophical understanding of life.
The great bard of the Kyrgyz people (1864-
1933) earned wide recognition for his songs about
the plight of people and ideas of justice. He ex-
posed the existing class structure and social con-
tradictions, as well as denounced powerful peo-
ple. Toktogul became a mentor and a wise coun-
selor of many well-known akyns of his time. For
the passionate song in defense of common peo-
ple against the arbitrariness of bais and manaps,
the Tsarist authority on a false denunciation of
enemies sent him to Siberia as a member of the T. Satylganov
Andijan uprising. Toktogul was not only a perfect
improviser, but also a vivid epos storyteller and a
folk thinker.
The famous poet-improviser Barpy Alykulov
(1884-1949) was born in the village of Achy (ter-
ritory of modern Suzak region). His songs were
characterized by deep philosophical reflection. In
addition to acute social works, he created a num-
ber of epics which told about the nature of the
world, human life, the vicissitudes of the epoch,
and contained many lyrical songs. B. Alykulov

269
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
One of Toktogul’s students was a poet-impro-
viser Eshmambet Bayseit uulu (1867-1926). His
songs always featured imagery, philosophical sub-
stance, and sharp polemic. Great poetry and im-
provisation skills were clearly expressed during
competition with such well-known akyns as Kal-
myrza Sarpek uulu, Jenizjok, Janybay, Kuran,
Naymanbay, Barpy, and Kalyk.
Lyrical, labor, household, and heroic songs
Kalmyrza were very popular among the population. People
Sarpek uulu conducted group poetry competitions (sarmerden)
and comical song gatherings (yr kese), where individuals could show off
their talent and wit.
Skills of playing musical instruments were de-
veloped and transferred from generation to genera-
tion. The komuz stood out as the most honorific of
these instruments. Rich spiritual culture of the na-
tion found its expression not only in the epics, oral
folklore, and songs of the akyn, or improvisers, but
also in the legacy of popular thinkers.
A significant mark in oratory and philosophical
thought of the Kyrgyz of the 19th century was left
Kalygul Bai uulu by Kalygul Bai uulu (1785-1855).He gained great
reverence of the people due to the depth, signifi-
cance, and wisdom of his thought, not to mentionhis
ability to anticipate events. He was named Kalygul-
oluya (Kalygul-seer). Before Kalygul, such people
as oluya Asan Kaigy, Sanchy-synchy, Tolubai-syn-
chy, Jeerenche-chechena, and many others were
known for their artistic expression. Known mana-
schy Sagymbay talked about Kalygul: “Kalygul-
akyn is the father of Kyrgyz akyns. His didactic
Arstanbek works, such as “The Word of Kalygul”, “End-age”,
Buylash uulu “Instructions”, and “Praising Issyk-Kul” were per-
ceived as wise advice and therefore had enormous popularity among the
people.
One of the followers of this form of east poetic eloquence was Ar-
stan-bek Buylash (Boylosh) uulu (1824-1878). In popular memory, he

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
was the author of the komuz tunes and song melodies. His main work
“Tar Zaman” (“downtrodden world”) told (with poetic reasoning) about
society and politics. Reflecting on the contemporary political life of the
Kyrgyz, Arstanbek largely condemned the accession of Kyrgyzstan to
Russia. According to him, it was expedient to accede to Jeti-Shaar, a
state established by Jakypbek in Eastern Turkestan. Such thoughts of
akyns were actually the reflection of conflicting attitudes which largely
existed in Kyrgyz society during that time.
The deep essence of everyday occurrences is very vividly and clearly
expressed in the poetic works of Kalygul and Arstanbek. Each line of
their songs is characterized by high artistic quality, concise sound, and
informative pithiness. This is evident in the fact that people still use
many sayings, proverbs, and phraseologies of these bright thinkers.
Poetry One of the first akyns to write his works in native Kyr-
Writing gyz language (earlier Chaghatai was typically used), was
the prominent Moldo Niaz (1823 -1896). He was born
in Kyzyl-Bulak aiyl near Osh. He was educated at a local madrasah
and then in another at the city of Kashgar. His works were known to
southern Kyrgyz as well as northern Kyrgyz. The author’s own perfor-
mance was highly appreciated. In his fine works from the philosophical
position of Sufism, Moldo Niyaz wrote about people, good and evil,
life and death, and the essence of being. The content of his work was
borrowed from the influences of Oriental poetry. The works of Moldo
Niyaz reflected the philosophical views of various
social strata and their moral and ethical standards.
We have heard only three out of seven of his manu-
scripts, “Sanatyrlary” (“Poetic instruction”), unique
(like much Kyrgyz poetry) for its artistic value.
After the accession to Russia, other masters of
word, who could read and write, continued the tra-
dition of Kyrgyz written poetry started by Moldo
Niyaz. One of them was Baiymbet Abdyrakmanov Togolok Moldo
(Togolok Moldo 1860-1942). He was born in the
countryside of Kurtka in Naryn. His uncle from the paternal side, song-
writer Muzooke, introduced him to poetry, while a local mullah taught
him to read and write. Accompanying the famous manaschy Tynybek,
the young poet memorized the entire fragments of the epic “Manas”.
Manaschi Tynybek praised his literacy and gave him a creative name To-
golok Moldo. As a teacher, he strongly promoted the development of his
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
student’s talent. Togolok Moldo composed melodious songs of different
genres and creatively reworked folk ritual songs, legends, and stories.
In addition, he left us with the number of his own-recorded scenes from
the epic “Manas”.
The most famous akyn of the Kyrgyz people was
Moldo Kylych Shamyrkan uulu (1868-1917). Hav-
ing started his education with the mullahs, he further
studied on his own. He was interested in Eastern po-
etry, as well as the history of literature and philoso-
phy. In 1911, he published a collection of gazelles
titled “Zilzala” (“Element”, literally - “Earthquake”)
in Kazan. It was the first printed work of Kyrgyz
poetry. In his works, Moldo Kylych, like other Kyr-
Moldo Kylych gyz thinkers, sought to highlight the most pressing
questions of social life. It is clear that his philosophical and ideological
positions were largely determined in terms of the feudal-patriarchal ide-
ology and social inequality existing in the society. With the accession
of Kyrgyzstan to the Kokand Khanate, the influence of Islam on the
local population increased. In this regard, the work of Moldo Kylych
quite clearly manifested religious motifs. During the years of religious
ideology domination, the development of spiritual culture in the main-
stream of religion was a natural phenomenon. He even tried to explain
such philosophical concepts as “good” and “evil” by using the basis of
religious rules.
Moldo Kylych preached that human happiness was not in materi-
al wealth but in the spiritual world and the breadth of one’s heart. He
emphasized that the evil, lazy, mean, and vengeful man could never be
happy. Moldo Kylych called for goodness, temperance, modesty, and
justice and to avoid vanity, conceit, and immoral intentions. Moldo Ky-
lych considered the family welfare to be the foundation of good and
happiness. He said that a good wife was the light in the house and the
source of support in life; on the other hand, he held that a bad wife was
a forerunner of misfortune and sorrow in the family. The basis of Moldo
Kylych works was, first of all, his great desire to cultivate spiritual and
moral qualities, to push the boundaries of human vision and the relation
to the society.

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Musical art continued to develop. Folk musicians
reached the highest skills of playing the komuz, kay-
ak, temir-komuz, choor, kerney-surnay, sybyzgy, and
other musical instruments. They created highly ar-
tistic works. Some musicians stood out with their
striking skills and professionalism. They included
Kurenkey Belek uulu (1826-1960), Nyyazaaly uulu
Borosh (1860-1949), Karamoldo Oroz uulu (1863-
1960), Boogachy Jakypbek uulu (1866-1935), Ybray Karamoldo
Tuman uulu (1885-1967), and others. They made an Oroz uulu
imperishable contribution to the spiritual culture of the Kyrgyz people
with their songs of various genres. They had songs which were solemn
and joyful, sorrowful and sad, deeply philosophic and emotional. Many
works were later recorded and their music entered the treasury of the
Kyrgyz art.
First With the accession of Kyrgyzstan to Russia, the
Historians and relations of the Kyrgyz with other Turkic and Mus-
Educators lim peoples who resided on the
territory of Russia were intensi-
fied, especially with Tatars and Bashkirs. These ethnic
groups played a significant role in the development
of Kyrgyz culture. They served as a catalyst for the
beginning of its research, supported talented represen-
tatives of Kyrgyz people, and contributed to the print
edition of their works. One of these gifted people was Osmonaaly
the first Kyrgyz historian Osmonaaly Sydyk uulu. Sydyk uulu
A prominent scholar and a chronicler of Kyrgyz
history was Belek Soltonkeldi uulu Soltonoev. Pre-
served in a manuscript the work of B. Soltonoev
“Kyrgyz-Kazak taryhy” (“Kyzyl-Kyrgyz taryhy”) is
an important source of the history of Kyrgyzstan. For
his time, B. Soltonoev was a highly educated man. He
wrote several works of poetry and was well acquaint-
ed with the historical, philosophical, and ethnograph-
ic works of prominent Russian and world cultures. Belek
In describing the history of the Kyrgyz people, B. Soltonkeldi
Soltonoev made significant strides in understanding uulu

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
its development. His division of society into social groups, manipulation
of the concepts of classes, and class struggle showed great familiarity
with the Marxist-Leninist literature.
His works give information about the epic “Manas,” prominent
manaschy, the famous Mahmud of Kashgar, legendary thinkers of the
Kyrgyz people (like Tolubai-synchy and Asan-Kaigy), and well-known
bards such as Kalygul, Arstanbek, and Moldo Kylych. In his manuscript,
Soltonoev paid special attention to the evolution of Kyrgyz world-views
on astronomy, mathematics, society, and nature.
After the joining of Kyrgyzstan to Russia, the educational movement
in Kyrgyz society quickened. Prominent educators of that time, includ-
ing Ishenaaly Arabaev, Ybrayym Abdyrahmanov, Dur Sooronbai uulu,
and Umet moldo Tugelbay uulu made a great contribution to the educa-
tional and cultural development of Kyrgyz people.
Education and Public Health
Having joined Russia, Kyrgyz society began to witness radical
changes in education. The number of schools was growing, the level of
education became better, and its content changed as well. If previously,
the Kyrgyz, like other Muslim nations, taught their children in religious
schools – (madrasahs), from the beginning of 1886, the so-called Rus-
sian-native schools were organized along with the madrasahs. In Rus-
sian-native schools, in addition to traditional Islamic disciplines, stu-
dents studied the Russian language, literature, and the bases of secular
culture. The program also included such subjects as arithmetic, geogra-
phy, history, and the natural sciences. In 1883, three hundred ninety-one
students attended forty-one Russian-native schools in the Osh district. In
1914, the number of schools increased to two hundred twenty nine and
the number of students reached three thousand two hundred (only thirty
of them were girls).Fifty-nine schools with one thousand three hundred
students operated in Pishpek County. One hundred twenty-eight schools
with two thousand three hundred students operated in Karakol Coun-
ty. Since the beginning of the 20th century, new-method schools with
sound study of literacy became widely spread throughout Kyrgyzstan.
During this period, the increase of the number of madrasahs was
also observable. For example, if in 1892 there were only 7 madrasahs
throughout the southern part of Kyrgyzstan, by 1914, already 88 madra-
sahs operated only in Osh district. Graduates of these schools became
muftis, kazi, and school teachers, among other professions.
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
As the initial link of a specific training, agricultural schools were
opened in Karakol and Pishpek where Kyrgyz youth studied Russian,
the basics of arithmetic, history, physics, botany, zoology, and other sub-
jects, along with new methods of management.
From 1870, secular and church primary schools for children of Rus-
sian immigrants were opened. In 1889, the educator Dur Sooronbai uulu
opened a school after the Russian-native model in
the Saylyk Village of Tokmok County; the school
was for Kyrgyz children. The initial progymnasium
was founded in Pishpek in 1897. Men’s Gymnasi-
um was founded in 1910 while the first progymna-
sium for girls was opened in Karakol in 1911 where,
though in small numbers, Kyrgyz boys and girls
were educated.
Despite the limitations imposed by the colonial
policy, there were some temporary benefits. Centers Dur
of education and libraries where people could read Sooronbai uulu
the periodical literature, magazines, and newspa-
pers were opened all over the territory of Kyrgyz-
stan. New books in Russian, Tatar, Kazakh, and Uz-
bek languages were also available. From 1911, the
works of such Kyrgyz poets and educators as Moldo
Kylych, Ishenaaly Arabaev, and Osmonaaly Sydyk
uulu began to be published in hard copies; Kyrgyz
readers read them with great warmth and interest.
In 1914, the first “Edison” cinema began working
in Pishpek. I. Arabaev
Big changes occurred in health care services during this period as
well. Stationary garrison hospitals started to operate. Centers for the ci-
vilian population appeared later in the cities. The first municipal hospi-
tal was opened in Osh in 1900. By 1913, 4 urban and 2 rural hospitals
operated in Kyrgyzstan and its patients were provided with professional
medical care and received vaccinations against the smallpox and typhoid
fever. Some representatives of the Kyrgyz population were involved in
health institutions; this was their first introduction to the fundamentals
of certain areas of scientific medicine.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

Dur School in Saylyk village, Chui oblast

The Beginning The period of the second half of the 19th – early
of Scientific 20th centuries is known not only for technical and
Research in scientific inventions, but also for the discoveries of
Kyrgyzstan new lands and peoples which were mainly carried
out within the framework of international colonial
project. In this regard, Central Asia was not an exception. Major Powers,
particularly Britain and Russia, considered it as an important geopolit-
ical and strategic resource for broad and deep capital accumulation and
dissemination. To implement imperial projects, military and diplomatic
affairs of these countries used the help of travelers, scientists, military
people, and missionaries. We believe that the travelers and explorers of
the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries were also the develop-
ers and key figures in global network of communication and network-
ing. They connected distant worlds and continents, different peoples and
cultures, and new and old ideas and concepts. During this period, scien-
tific discovery flourished in Kyrgyzstan too.
The “Great Game” is not a new phrase for anyone today. It has a long
lineage of almost two centuries; its field of play under the name of Cen-
tral Asia comprises of 5.8 million km., and includes Kyrgyzstan, Ka-
zakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan; it has own players
and on their economical and political positions and interests the future
of our region is dependant.
Contemporary geopolitics of the countries participating in the New
Great Game, of course, differs from those stated at the beginning of the
19th century. Tens of professionals are engaged into their comprehen-

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sion today while here we will emphasize the main points only. First of
all, the team has expanded and main players have been “reshuffled”. The
main forces are the USA and Russia; their geopolitical interests are dis-
tributed not only to our region, but also to the Balkans and the Caucasus.
Japan, the European Union, and Turkey are also the players who have
come to the region after the collapse of the Soviet Union and claimed
international and regional dominance.
China’s interest in the region was motivated, particularly by Great
Britain in the 19th century. Today, though, the need for new energy
sources, the need for economic growth, and a desire to achieve a posi-
tion of the regional and international leader keep China in Central Asia.
Few years ago, a well-known American political scientist Z. Brzezinski
distinguished Central Asia as a possible area for regional dominance of
China; today this dominance is manifested in the activities of the Shang-
hai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the leading role of China in it.
Returning back to the 19th century Great Game, we have to indi-
cate its importance in the process of globalization; it is the period when
countries entered an uncompromising struggle for the allocation of cap-
ital and the search for markets, continuous source of raw materials and
cheap labor, and the ability to implement own cultural values in a dif-
ferent space and time. The most severe struggle ensued between the two
axes of international politics - Great Britain and Russia, and was largely
manifested in military and scientific expeditions to the regions of Cen-
tral Tien Shan, Pamir-Alai and the Hindu Kush. Their main aim was to
investigate economic, geopolitical, and cultural perspectives for further
imperial colonization.
Who were those people who fearlessly took these distant voyages and
deprived themselves of comfort and composure? Well-known scientists,
such as Petr Semenov-Tyan-Shanskii, a Russian ethnographer, Chokan
Valikhanov, a Kazakh ethnographer and an officer of the Russian army,
the American geographer Ellsworth Huntington and British archaeolo-
gist Aurel Stein. There were also British military agents – like Francis
Younghusband and Thomas Gordon, and missionaries like Lansdell and
Lord Charles Dunmore. Here we should not neglect some female travel-
ers like Olga Fedchenko, Ella Sykes and Lady McCartney who traveled
in Central Asia along with anonymous pundits (“a teacher” in Hindi).
These Pundits, mostly Hindus Muslims, carried out reconnaissance ac-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
tivities in the region on behalf of British Em-
pire. However, there is one thing they all have
in common and this thing is that they left for us
written and visual information about peoples of
Central Asia, including the Kyrgyz. Their ex-
peditions, first of all, sought to accomplish the
military and intelligence purposes; on the other
hand, researchers gathered the information and
Ch. Valikhanov materials in their own field of studies necessary
for their own research.142
One of the most prominent research-
ers in Central Asia was Chokan Chyn-
gyzovich Valikhanov, who made in-
valuable contributions to the initiation
of previously ignored areas of research.
Data collected by him is of great impor-
tance for the study of geography, histo-
ry, and Kyrgyz folklore.143
P.P. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky (1827-
1914) made big contributions to the
study of Tenir Too and Issyk-Kul and
composed the orographic scheme of the
Monument region in 1856-1857. During his expedi-
to P. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky tions, Semenov-Tyan-Shansky collect-
in Balykchi ed a vast scientific and reliable material,
proving the falsity of the information of
European scientists about the volcanic
origin of Tenir Too Mountains and the
river flows from Issyk-Kul Lake. His
research served as an important source
for the study of the Tenir Too mountain
system and several research expeditions
to study the region were later initiated
by Semenov-Tian-Shansky.
Subsequently, Nikolai Mikhailovich
Przhevalsky (1839-1888) played an in-
valuable role in a comprehensive study
Monument to of Central Asia from 1870-1888. During
N. Przhevalsky in Karakol his fifth expedition, he died of typhoid

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
fever and was buried in Karakol near Issyk-Kul where his monument
was erected. Karakol town was renamed to Przhevalsk from 1889 to
1920 and once again from 1939 to 1991.
Special attention of Russian scientists in the research of this poorly
studied region was attracted by a monumental creation of the Kyrgyz
folklore, the epic “Manas”. For example, famous Russian scholar, V.V.
Radloff and Kazakh orientalist Ch.Ch. Valikhanov even founded a sep-
arate branch of the study of Kyrgyz epic. They opened the first page
of Kyrgyz folklore in their preliminary researches of texts of the epic
and its historical content. A fragment of the “Koketeydin ashy” (“Com-
memoration on Koketey”) epic recorded by Ch.Valikhanov in 1856 was
first published in Russian in 1901 in his posthumous work “Jungarian
essays.”144
In 1862, V.V. Radloff wrote another great episode of the epic
“Manas” while listening to the narrator of the Bugu clan and then over
the period of 1864-1869 he kept a record of all three parts retold by the
manaschy of the Sarybagysh clan. Fragments of the “Manas” consisting
of fourteen thousand lines recorded by him were published in Russian
transcription (though originally in Kyrgyz language) in St. Petersburg
and in German in 1885 in Leipzig. That was a particularly significant
event in the history of the Kyrgyz culture.
The region was also explored by Western scholars. Ellsworth Hun-
tington probably was the most prominent among them. He grew up
in the United States, in a religious family where the achievements of
modern science were highly respected. After graduating from college
in 1901, he started his studies at Harvard University and soon became a
disciple of William Davis, a famous geography professor. A combined
field work in the south-eastern part of America gave Huntington an im-
petus to study the causes of aridity. The relationship between environ-
ment and social events, introduced by Raphael Pumpelly, famous for
his geological and geographical research in East Asia, influenced him
as well. In 1903, Raphael Pumpelly received financial support from An-
drew Carnegie, a famous American patron, and arranged an expedition
to Central Asia.
The rapid growth of scientific, technological, cultural and territorial
discoveries in the 19th cultures intensified debates in the West about hu-
man civilization and the aspects of its development. Proposed theories

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
were being extrapolated from evolutionism to development of human
society, while anthropologists and historians supported the idea of unity
of the human race and, therefore, uniformity of cultural development
of tribes and peoples. Another theory, called geographical determinism,
reflects the social history of dependence on the environment.
According to the theory, the most basic and main
determiner of economic, socio-political, and cultural
development of human civilization, as well as the rise
and decline of nations and peoples, is nature and its
local geographical features. In this sense the idea of
Huntington to examine various systems of environ-
ment and their impact on the development of human
history and culture was right-on and in the manner of
scientific environment. But he made it more specific.
E. Huntington Huntington proposed a theory on the impact of cli-
mate change and adaptation of human society to such a change.145
He argues “…the importance of climate and its change in history
and other related sciences is never fully reflected. It is the climate that
induces wide difference between the Innuits and Eastern Indians; it is
the climate that tempts the Arabs be nomads and simultaneously rob;
it allows Italians to easily cultivate the land”.146 To prove the theory he
went to the region of Central Asia and visited Kyrgyz nomads in their
pasture lands in Issyk-Kul, Son-Kol and Pamir.
Ethnographic The information about the epic “Manas” was
information published in Russian and European literature as ear-
about the ly as 1861. Those were the works of academician
Kyrgyz V.V. Barthold, Hungarian researcher G. Almashi,
and Russian traveler P.P. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky.
In their works, they gave general characteristics of the masterpiece of
the Kyrgyz folk art. For example, Russian scholar P. Melioransky wrote
about historical layers of the epic; F.E. Korsch expressed his view about
the identity of the poetics and genre features of the epic.
In 1903, an artist by the name of B.V. Smirnov came to Kyrgyzstan
together with the scientific expedition organized by the Russian Geo-
graphic Society and wrote down an excerpt from “Semetey” (second part
of the epic “Manas”) heard from a famous storyteller and kyyakchy (the
player on the accordion) Kenje Kara. He translated it into Russian and

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
included it in his book “In the steppes of Turkestan” published in 1914.
In addition, Smirnov made a record of the performance of Kenje Kara
and drew several sketches about the life of the Kyrgyz.147
Scholars V.V. Bartold, N.A. Aristov, and S. Malov
made invaluable contribution to the historical system-
atization of Kyrgyz people. The works of such Rus-
sian researchers as A.N. Severtsov, A.V. Kaulbars,
A.P. Fedchenko, and I. Mushketov, as well as western
scholars M. Friedrichsen. G. Kapyu, Bonvalout, B.
Davis, E. Huntington, A. Vambery and others served
as the foundation for understanding Kyrgyzstan as
a scientific phenomenon. Thus, namely after the an-
nexation of Kyrgyzstan by Russia, its systematic and V. Bartold
comprehensive research began.
As part of the Russian Empire, the Kyrgyz received an opportunity
to acquaint with scientific and cultural achievements of Europe. Accord-
ingly, Kyrgyz national writings began to develop at a new level. Despite
the well-known chauvinistic attitude of the colonial authorities, the re-
forms of education and public health were accomplished. A network of
secular and religious educational and cultural institutions also began to
develop; books and the first works of science and fiction were published
in Kyrgyz language.
During the unification of Kyrgyzstan to Russia in the late 19th and
early 20th century, an extensive scientific study of society, history, culture,
and nature of Kyrgyzstan was accomplished. Scholars from Russia and
elsewhere began to study
the geography, ethnogra-
phy, folklore, and history
of this region through var-
ious military and scientific
expeditions. They laid the
foundations for further de-
velopment of Kyrgyzstan.
Aside other costs of colo-
nial policy, it was a pro-
gressive side of the annex- Migration of Kyrgyz
ation of Kyrgyzstan by the by V.Vereshagin (1869)
Russian Empire.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Fall of Tsarism.
The Establishment of the Soviet Power
The February bourgeois-democratic revolution of
February 1917 became an important event in the history of the
Revolution in peoples living in Russia as it overthrew the Tsarist
Kyrgyzstan regime and granted political freedoms to a greater
number of people. Political parties ‘revived’ from
the underground and the first Kyrgyz Bolshevik-revolutionary Taabaldy
Zhukeyev was released from prison along with other political prisoners.
General democratic reforms, such as the proclamation of the principles
of a democratic republic, the idea of the nationalization of land, the in-
troduction of an eight-hour workday, and others largely met the antici-
pations and expectations of the Kyrgyz people.
News about the victory of the February Revolution
reached Kyrgyzstan only by the beginning of March.
Mass rallies and demonstrations, in which protestors
demanded the elimination of the Tsarist power, the
introduction of an eight-hour working day, the end of
the war, and the liberation of political prisoners were
held in Pishpek, Osh, and other county centers with a
high concentration of industrial proletariat. On March
11, one hundred thirty political prisoners were freed
T. Zhukeyev after a rally gathered near the prison building in Pish-
pek. Three hundred people were released in Osh after a gathering held
on March 10.Thirty-four people were released in Karakol around the
same time. On March 6, 1917, Kyzyl-Kiya miners formed the Soviet of
Workers’ Deputies; similarly, miners in Sulukta organized another So-
viet on March 16. Along with the workers’ Soviets, Soviets of Soldiers’
Deputies were set up in the cities and military units of Kyrgyzstan. Sovi-
ets of Soldiers’ Deputies were formed on March 6-7 in Pishpek and then
on March 14 in Osh; shortly after, similar Soviets appeared in Tokmok,
Naryn, and Przhevalsk.
Bourgeoisie and feudal manaps, supporting the Provisional Govern-
ment, in parallel with the Soviets started to establish their governments,
the so-called executive committees and public security committees. On
behalf of the Provisional Government, they intended to exercise the pol-
icy of the former Tsarist administration.

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On March 7, the Executive Committee was formed in Pishpek and
the majority of the seats were occupied by the representatives of the
bourgeoisie, Tsarist officials, Mensheviks, and Social Revolutionaries.
These committees were created in the Ferghana Valley, Osh, and in other
volosts and village administrations.
Though the February revolution played an important role in Russia’s
history as it provided political freedoms and led the path away from the
Tsarist system, it did not solve the fundamental questions and concerns
of workers and peasants.
The system of colonial oppression in Central Asia, as in other nation-
al regions, was not eliminated. Moreover, the last head of the Provision-
al Government, Kerensky, ordered to treat Turkestan only as a colony.
The same Governor-General of Turkestan, Kuropatkin, who performed
the duties of a Commissioner of the Provisional Government, as well as
former military governors, the heads of the counties, and their adminis-
trative apparatus, remained in power.
Shebolin, the former manager of Przhevalsk County, was the head
of the office for immigrants and was appointed as a commissioner in
the Jeti-Suu Oblast and northern Kyrgyzstan. Lieutenant Zanemovsky,
who distinguished himself in suppressing the rebellion in 1916, became
a county Commissioner in Pishpek. As expected, he, along with his con-
temporaries, continued the policy of nationalism and great power chau-
vinism, frequently attempting to incite the people against each other.
Local people created their own organizations and united the force to
advocate for national liberation, equality, and the elimination of colo-
nial oppression. For example, a Kyrgyz public committee was created
in Pishpek in April 1917. Such committees were formed in other cities
of northern Kyrgyzstan. As a rule, they were led by bais and manaps
who earlier served under the Tsars. In August, the Soviet of Deputies of
Muslim Workers and Farm Laborers were formed in Osh. Nationalist in
character, these committees, however, were largely disorganized.
Thus, in contrast to the central regions of Russia, Kyrgyzstan had
formed three institutions: the Soviets of Workers and Soldiers’ Deputies,
the Committee of the Provisional Government, and the nationalist force
of the public committees. However, any efforts of the parties to estab-
lish and consolidate constructive relationships for the joint management
brought no effective outcomes. The real power remained in the hands of
the Provisional Government.
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In Russia, despite the triumphant accomplishment of bourgeois dem-
ocratic revolution, most social and economic problems remained unre-
solved. The ongoing World War I and isolating policies of the Provisional
Government worsened the plight of the population. The February Rev-
olution did not decide national and agrarian questions, which were very
important for the Kyrgyz.
Economic ruin and impoverishment of the people of Kyrgyzstan fol-
lowed by the 1916 uprising exacerbated the food crisis. The resulting de-
cline in the production of industry dramatically worsened the situation of
the workers. The growing dissatisfaction with the policy pursued by the
Provisional Government strengthened the calls for sabotage and mobili-
zation of the population.
As a result of those grievances, four hundred ninety Kyrgyz from Osh
(who worked at the Moscow factories “Provodnik” and “Tushino”), to-
gether with a large group of workers from the logging camps of the Minsk
province and many people mobilized by the enterprises in Siberia and
Turkestan returned home from the war front, ignoring the prohibitions of
the Provisional Government. By the fall of 1917, about thirty thousand
people had abandoned their posts. People engaged in the Chu irrigation
system were part of this mass movement. Moreover, many workers re-
fused to continue their work in construction.148
To sabotage of the policies of the Provisional Government, eight hun-
dred service workers held a great meeting in Tashkent on June 2, 1917,
creating an organizational office to achieve their goals. The military Gov-
ernor of Jeti-Suu Oblast was forced to admit that a new wave of confron-
tation was approaching in a report from June of 1917.
Receiving the news about the dissolution of the Tsars, Kyrgyz refugees
began to return home from China. Having experienced great suffering in
exile, they were subjected to new tests on the way back, many of them
dying along the way. By May 1917, about sixty-four thousand people had
returned home. They hoped that the new government would return their
lands and protect their rights, but only the Soviets of Workers’ and Sol-
diers’ Deputies spoke in favor of the returned refugees. The Turkestan
Committee of the Provisional Government issued a special decree prohib-
iting refugees to return to their lands. The interim government, in terms of
their treatment of the Kyrgyz (and other peoples of Central Asia) followed
policies which were continuation of the former Tsars.

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Political In the spring and summer of 1917, the entire popu-

Organization lation of Kyrgyzstan became actively involved in pol-
in Kyrgyzstan itics. Different groups of social democratic direction
were formed in Sulukta in March, and then in Pish-
pek, Osh, and Kyzyl-Kiya in April, May, and June. Members of these
groups were not fully aware of the political views of their leaders, who
usually were the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries.
In the summer of 1917, the local branch of the national party “Alash,”
under the leadership of Abdykerim Sydykov, was organized in Pishpek.
This bourgeois-democratic party was found in Kazakhstan and headed
by Kazakh intelligentsia representatives, such as Alikhan Bukeikhanov
and Ahmed Bektursynov. The party also consisted of representatives of
the Kazakh and Kyrgyz intelligentsia, as well as democratically-minded
petty bourgeoisie, bais, workers, farmers, and ministers of religion.
The main purpose of the national party “Alash” was the creation of
an independent state of the Kazakh and Kyrgyz people. Kyrgyz intel-
lectuals including I.Arabaev, K.Tynystanov, N. Tulin, D. Soronbaev,
S. Chukin, and others took an active part in the organization of local
branches of the party which were mainly founded in northern Kyrgyz-
stan. In 1918, “Alash” was eliminated although its progressive represen-
tatives conscientiously served for the Soviet regime.
In southern Kyrgyzstan, the local branch of “Shuro-i-Islam” (Islamic
Kenesh) was created and brought together the Uzbek and Kyrgyz bais,
the servants of the Muslim religion, and intellectuals. The party was
founded in March 1917 in Tashkent and was meant to form Turkestan
Islamic national autonomy within the Russian Empire. Their ideas had
some influence among the population. Tash Kudaibergenov led the local
branch of the party in Kyrgyzstan. After the defeat of the “Kokand Au-
tonomy” in 1918, the branch was liquidated.
Several attempts were made to organize a local party “Social-Turan”
on the territory of Kyrgyzstan. Its members were supposed to be the
representatives of the commercial bourgeoisie, teachers, students, and
translators who supported the party line on the establishment of a sover-
eign united Turkic state. However, even before the final formation of the
party, it was banned for being too reactionary.
The party of the Left Socialist Revolutionaries had significant influ-
ence on many Russian rural immigrants, as well as some Kyrgyz farm-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ers. It proposed the idea of equal division of the land. Upon accession to
power (if it ever happened), the party promised to allocate thirty acres
of land to each farmer. It was under this slogan that all local branches of
the Party performed their activities.
All these parties were fairly populistic in their approach – they tried
to advertise policies which would attract the widest possible audience so
they could use their support in their struggle for political power. They
were mainly supported by the clergy and rich nationalist segments of
the population. Many individuals had membership in more than one of
these parties.
Alliances to protect vital interests of workers
and ordinary people were formed as well. One of
these democratic organizations, a”Bukara” union,
was organized in May 1917 by Imash Kobekov and
Bakretdin Saipbaev. The party brought together the
poor and middle peasants of Pishpek County. Its
members, besides Kyrgyz, were the poor representa-
tives of other ethnic groups, including Kazakhs, and
Tatars. The program of the union included the pro-
K. Sarykulakov tection of the interests of working people, the raising
of political consciousness of Kyrgyz people, and the establishment of
democratic principles in all spheres of the Kyrgyz society. The found-
ing congress of the “Bukara” union was held in Pishpek on September
9-10 in 1917 and K. Sarykulakov was elected its chairman of the board;
J. Kobekov was elected as its Deputy. The congress adopted a charter
and established co-operative consumer societies that operated within the
union. In the fall of 1917, the union’s members reached about seven
thousand inhabitants of the Pishpek County. In May 1918, the “Bukara”
union was transformed into the “Soviet of the Kyrgyz Proletarians”.
Other unions uniting the workers of different professions and social
strata were established in Kyrgyzstan. In the spring of 1917, “The Al-
liance of Workers and Artisans” was created in Pishpek and brought
together the construction workers of the Chu irrigation system. Accord-
ingly, “The Union of Mine Workers” and the biggest union of the poor,
“The Alliance of Workers and Laborers”, were formed in Kyzyl-Kiya
and Sulukta.
Under the leadership of political organizations, the masses demand-
ed to free the captive nations, to stop the imperialist war, to return land
to the peasants, to take actions against the hunger and devastation, and
to shorten the length of the working day.

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As we have already mentioned, the Provisional Government lacked
the coordination to solve these problems. The Bolsheviks were able to
take the initiatives in leading the masses by the use of the complex polit-
ical situation (in the period from February to October 1917).
At the beginning of autumn, all Soviets were active in preparing
for the second All-Russian Congress of Soviets. D. Dehkanov from the
workers and A. Frolov from the soldiers were elected to be the delegates
at Samarkand Regional Conference from the Soviet of Sulukta. Voters
instructed them to present their mandates to the Congress; these man-
dates included: to give all power to the proletariat, to confiscate the land-
lords and private land, to establish workers’ control over the production,
and to democratize the social and political life.
Thus, the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia was an import-
ant event in the history of all the former citizens of the Empire. Over-
throw of the imperial autocracy via revolution opened the way for the
constitutional system. However, the February Revolution failed to meet
such goals. Issues of peace, land, and national issues remained unre-
solved. Dual power was established in central Russia; in Kyrgyzstan,
a triple power was shared among various institutions. As a natural con-
sequence, various bourgeois, social democratic, and nationalist-patriot-
ic parties and organizations began to emerge in Kyrgyzstan and took
over the leadership of the national revolutionary movement. At the same
time, influence of the Bolsheviks increased.
The Establishment of Soviet Power and the
“Dictatorship of the Proletariat”
By the fall of 1917, the role of the Bolshevik Party in Russia had
increased. The growth of its influence was particularly reflected in the
work of the Soviets. The defeat of Kornilov’s campaign, which attempt-
ed to establish a military dictatorship, raised the prestige of the Bolshe-
viks and weakened the counter-revolutionary forces. In such a situation,
V.I. Lenin put forward the slogan “All Power to the Soviets,” which was
a call for armed uprising of the masses, overthrow of the Provisional
Government, and the establishment of the so-called “Dictatorship of the
Proletariat.” On October 24 (6 November according to new calendar)
1917, an armed revolt broke in Petrograd. The next day, on October
25 (November 7), the workers, soldiers, and sailors seized all the im-
portant sites of the capital, and the Military Revolutionary Committee
announced the fall of the Provisional Government.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The All-Russian Second Congress of Soviets elected the first work-
ers’ and peasants’ government (the Soviet of People’s Commissars),
which was headed by V.I. Lenin. At that historical moment, the Bol-
shevik Party became the ruling party. The congress discussed the issues
of peace and land and made the first decrees of Soviet power. In accor-
dance with the aspirations of millions of people in Russia, the own-
ership of land was eliminated; land that was previously state property
was distributed amongst the people. Additionally, the Bolsheviks took a
preemptive course, declaring universal peace.
The establishment of Soviet power in Kyrgyzstan was implemented
with great difficulty. Weak development of productive forces, small size
of an industrial proletariat, lack of the influence of the Bolshevik Party,
and hostile relations between Russians and the Kyrgyz were already ac-
tive forces. Many of these problems stemmed from the colonial relation-
ship between the Tsars and the people of Kyrgyzstan. This undoubtedly
hindered the state-building efforts of the new government.
The establishment of Soviet power in Tashkent on 31 October (13
November) in 1917 accelerated this process for the whole of Central
Asia, including Kyrgyzstan. The Third Congress of the deputies of
workers, soldiers and peasants on November 28 announced the transfer
of state power in Turkestan to the Soviet of People’s Commissars, which
approved the transfer of the power to the field workers, soldiers, and
peasants’ deputies.
In Kyrgyzstan, the first Soviet government
was announced in Sulukta and Kyzyl-Kiya.
The Fergana Region VI Congress of the So-
viets greatly influenced the acceleration of the
formation of Soviet power in the south of Kyr-
gyzstan. At the Congress held on December
6th and 7th, the Bolsheviks had the numerical
advantage. As a result, they adopted a resolu-
tion to transfer power to the Soviets. After that,
Soviet power was established in all regions of
the Ferghana Valley. In December 1917, Soviet
power was victorious in Jalal-Abad; in January
The Monument of 1918 power was established in Osh.
to A. Ivanitsin In northern Kyrgyzstan, the Soviet gov-
in Bishkek ernment was first established in Talas in early

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December in 1917. This was made possible because of the active assis-
tance of the workers of the Tashkent-Alma-Ata railway and the garrison
of Aulie-Ata. Pishpek likewise played a significant role in the estab-
lishment of the Soviet power in northern part of Kyrgyzstan. However,
in October 1917, the Bolsheviks of Pishpek did not represent a single
organization and continued to cooperate with the Left SRs. Growing
discontent of the workers, artisans, poor Kyrgyz people and the victims
of the 1916 uprising led to the sharp increase of revolutionary activity in
November-December in Pishpek and contributed to the growing influ-
ence of the Bolsheviks.
In the fall, several underground Bolshevik groups were created in
Pishpek County. For the construction of the Chu irrigation network, a
group was led by the worker A.I. Ivanitsyn. Pishpek enterprises were
led by a mechanic M.S. Merkun. The garrison in Pishpek headed by
G.Shvets-Bazarnyi. At the same time the first National Bolshevik Party
of Kyrgyzstan was organized in Pishpek under the leadership of K.Kha-
sanov. The first members of that Party were K. Sarykulakov, I. Khudai-
bergenov, R. Soltonbekov, S. Baubekov, and J. Bapanov. The main pillar
of support of the Bolsheviks was a “Bukara” union which had great
influence among the villagers of the county.
The establishment of the Soviet power in Pishpek County met fierce
resistance among the counterrevolutionary forces. A turning point in the
course of revolutionary events was a meeting of 1,000 people held on
December 31 in Oak Park in Pishpek. The meeting brought together all
the revolutionary forces led by the Bolshevik party. At the meeting, they
organized their forces and decided to create the Red Guards. On Janu-
ary 1, 1918 the Bolsheviks achieved another important victory; they re-
placed the military leadership of the Pishpek Soviet and G.I. Shvets-Ba-
zarnyi was appointed its chairman. On January 5, 1918 the Congress of
the Soviets of Pishpek County officially announced the establishment of
Soviet power in the region.
In February, the Soviet power was declared in Tokmok; at the same
time, a Red Guard force consisting of three hundred people was estab-
lished there. The organization of the Soviet government in the Pishpek
County contributed to the overthrow of the bourgeois government in
the regional center of Jeti-Suu Vernyi on March 3, 1918. This helped to
create the conditions for rapid establishment of Soviet power throughout
the entire region.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The establishment of Soviet power in Przhevalsk and Naryn took
place under amidst complex circumstances. The residents of these re-
gions who sympathized to the Soviet government appealed for help to
the Jeti-Suu regional and Pishpek county Soviets. In response to the
Kyrgyz of Naryn, a detachment of Red Guards from Tokmok defeated
local counter-revolutionary forces and the remnants of an armed detach-
ment of Kokand Autonomous Government under the command of F.
Dubovitskii. The Congress of Soviets of Naryn Oblast announced the
establishment of Soviet power on their territory on April 8, 1918.In the
Issyk-Kul basin, especially in Przhevalsk, Tyup, Teploklyuchenka, and
other villages with large Russian-Cossack populations, the reactionary
forces exerted fierce resistance to Soviet power and the fight against
the counter-revolutionary forces lasted until the summer of 1918. The
Red Guard detachment which arrived from Vernyi at the end of June in
1918 liquidated the Przhevalsk authority of the Provisional Government
and facilitated the convening of the district Congress of Soviets on June
26. Old members were dissolved and new members were elected. Thus
Soviet power in Przhevalsk was finally established. By the mid-summer
of 1918, Soviet power had been established throughout every region of
Kyrgyzstan.
The establishment of Soviet power at central and
Civil War local levels led to armed resistance of the overthrown
exploiting classes, resulting in Civil War which was
waged throughout the territories of the former Russian Empire. Accord-
ingly, it is difficult to distinguish the Russian Revolution from the Civil
War; many historians argue that the Civil War was a mere continuation
of the Revolution.
Bloody relentless war began in the second half of 1918 and lasted
until the end of 1920. In Turkestan, and therefore Kyrgyzstan, the war
was characterized by particular ferocity, distinct from the fighting that
took place in other regions.
In the summer of 1918, the Civil War became quickly spread due
to purposeful activities of imperialist powers. Having united with the
Whites (White Guards), the interventionists of England, France, USA,
and Japan began open military actions to overthrow the Soviet regime.
Their main strike force was a force of Czechs and Slovaks that had
fought in World War I. The number of fighters in the rebel corps reached

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
forty thousand. The capture of Orenburg by the Ataman Dutov on July 3,
1918 cut communications between Turkestan and Central Russia.
Aimed at defeating the counterrevolutionary forces, the Aktube (Ak-
Tube), and trans-Caspian Semirechensky (Jeti-Suu) fronts were formed
in Turkestan in July, 1918. The Turkestan headquarters of defense led
military actions while the Revolutionary Military Council of the Repub-
lic of Turkestan led the fronts. Particular focus was given to the forma-
tion of new units of the Red Army. In southern Kyrgyzstan, the Civil
War was aimed primarily at fighting the Basmachis, a national liberation
group who, over time, turned into a reactionary force.
The sedentary populations of southern Kyrgyzstan were located very
closely to each other. These societies, however, were fairly stratified (in
part because of the difference in allocated wealth within these sedentary
locations).Local authorities, bourgeoisie, and top Muslim clerics were
the main driving force behind the Basmachi movement. The anti-reli-
gious stance of the Bolsheviks and the persecution of the clergy irritated
the masses; the counter-revolutionary forces skillfully took advantage of
people’s desire for national independence and played upon their defense
of sensitivity towards the protection of religious beliefs.
The armed forces of Basmachi consisted mainly of deceived or intim-
idated farmers. The Basmachis actively embraced Sharia and promoted
counter-revolutionary ideas, often taking advantange of the ignorance
of the population at large. The policies of “War Communism”, which
sought to seize surplus grain and livestock, was introduced by the Soviet
government amidst the chaos of the Civil War. Much to the chagrin of
the Bolsheviks, these policies served as the impetus for some farmers to
move to the side of Basmachis.
The Basmachis should not be considered just as the nationalist move-
ment led by reactionary feudal lords and the bourgeoisie. The count-
er-revolution carried out because the Basmachis were supported by the
imperialist countries, especially England. Widely spread in Southern
Kyrgyzstan, the Basmachi movement was coordinated by such kurbashi
as Ergesh, Kalkojo, Madaminbek, Moydunbek, Shermuham-med (Kör-
shermat), Aman- Palvan, and Janybek-kazi, who were actually subordi-
nated to the White Guard officers and foreign interventionists.
The ideologues of Basmachis gave a political color to the anti-popu-
list movement and used appeals and slogans of pan-Turkism and pan-Is-

291
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
lamism. Basmachi terror was expressed in the robbery of working peo-
ple, the wanton destruction of thousands of innocent people, the burning
down of entire aiyls and kishlaks, the destruction of small enterpris-
es, and the executions of workers; such destruction does not logically
equate with a liberation movement. On the contrary, the movement was
actively supported by those loyal to the Tsar, as well as foreign imperi-
alists. Basmachis were a special form of a class struggle of local count-
er-revolutionary forces against the Soviets.
To protect Soviet power in Turkestan, the Central
The Defense Executive Committee of the Turkestan ASSR adopted
of Soviet a resolution and organized its defense headquarters on
Power July 10, 1918. The Committee sought to employ the
help of the local population; thus, expansive enlist-
ment campaigns for the Red Army began. In Kyrgyzstan, Kyrgyz jigits,
such as U. Abdrakhmanov, K. Baialinov, S. Karalayev, J. Saadaev, and
I. Tokbaev joined the ranks in defense of Soviet hegemony. Some of
the first Kyrgyz soldiers to join the ranks of the Red Army were J. N.
Logvinenko, A. Osmonbekov. J. Saadaev, S. Kuchukov, N. Orozaliev,
M. Masanchin, K. Kamchybekov, and J. Karabekov.
The first armed clashes of the Red Army in Kyr-
gyzstan occurred against the internal counter-revo-
lutionary forces in Vernyi in the summer of 1918.
Called to arms, the Red Army detachment of Kyr-
gyzstan showed a high sense of determination and
training in the suppression of the Russian-Cossack
counter-revolution.
In the summer of 1918, the Red Army attacked
the White Cossacks on their way from Xinjiang to
J. Logvinenko Przhevalsk County. Active struggle for the elimina-
tion of the Soviet power was carried out between kulaks of the White
Guards and foreign interventionists. The rebellion of rich kulaks oc-
curred in August in the village of Dmitrievka (in the Aule-Ata District);
many peasants of the Talas valley joined them. The rebels attempted to
attract farmers from Merke, Chaldyvar to their side and create new units
but were destroyed by the detachment of the Red Army from Shymkent.
In September 1918, a detachment of the Red Army consisting of two
hundred fifty soldiers was created in Pishpek and was sent to the Semire-

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
chensky front (later that detachment was transformed into the first Pish-
pek Soviet regiment commanded by the Bolshevik J. N. Logvinenko).
Strong detachments were also formed in Tokmok, Przhevalsk, Naryn,
Osh, Jalal-Abad, and Kyzyl-Kiya.
Basmachi gangs continued their counterrevolution in southern Kyr-
gyzstan despite the overwhelming forces that were pitted against them.
They plundered and burned several Russian villages. To fight with the
groups of bandits, the so-called “Peasant Army of Dekhans” was formed
in Andijan and Osh. However, the White Guard officer K. Monstrov and
former Tsarist General A. Mukhanov succeeded in opposing the Soviet
regime by subversive activities and propaganda in the summer of 1919.
Under the guidance of the Left SR, the counterrevolutionaries muti-
nied in Belovodskoye village on December 7, 1918. The Soviet govern-
ment established in the village was overthrown and its representatives
were hanged. On December 14, joined by the immigrants from peasant
villages of Sokuluk, Kara-Balta, Sadovoe, and Aleksandrovka, the rebels
attacked and captured the western part of Pishpek. In order to suppress
the rebellion, the units of Red Army gathered from all areas of northern
Kyrgyzstan and the famous First Pishpek Regiment was recalled from
the Semirechensk front. Marching over six hundred kilometers in only
nine days, the regiment arrived in Pishpek on December 22.The com-
bined forces of the Red Army inflicted a crushing blow to the rebels and
seized Belovodskoye village on December 23. By December 29, the
county was cleared of counter-revolutionaries. Red Army Soldiers that
died in battle were buried in Oak Park in Bishkek.
In July 1919, a
regiment of the White
Guard moved into
Przhevalsk County
and took over Tup
Village. The forces
were immediately
joined by rich peas-
ants and migrants
from the villages of
Nikolaevka, Pokrov- The Monument of Military Glory
ka, Mikhailovka, and in Oak Park in Bishkek

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Semenovka. On July 20, the Whites, with the support of rebellious peas-
ants, launched an attack on Przhevalsk. Prior to the arrival of Red Army
detachments from Vernyi and Tokmok, the inhabitants of the city stead-
fastly defended it. On July 26-27, the forces of the Red Army inflicted
a crushing blow to the invaders; the remnants of the defeated forces
retreated to China.
To strengthen Soviet power in Turkestan, the Soviet government or-
ganized the Turkestan front on August 14, 1919. Mikhail Frunze was ap-
pointed its commander and all military forces of the Turkestan Republic
now were under his direction. After fierce battles with the White Guard
forces, the Red Army joined the troops of Turkestan in September 1919.
Communications between Tashkent and Russia were restored.
In February 1920, by the order of M. Frunze a special brigade of
the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs of Jeti-Suu was formed. Osmonbekov A. and
N. Orozaliev organized the teams of Kyrgyz volunteers in Namangan
district. The formation of national units in the Civil War had a special
function of gathering support for the Soviet government.
In September 1919, the commander of the peasant army, K. Mon-
strov, along with the kurbashi Madaminbek, formed an alliance to
create an “Autonomous Government.”
On September 8, their combined forces
seized the city of Osh and on September
17 besieged Andijan. The troops of the
Red Army, who came to help the citi-
zens in late September, struck a crushing
blow to the armed forces of K. Monstrov
and Madaminbek. The remnants of their
forces retreated to Gulcha, where they
established the temporary government of
Ferghana. In October 1919, Madamin-
The Monument bek convened a group of kurbashes to
to M. Frunze in Bishkek the meeting, at which he was declared
a new Khan. After several armed clashes, K. Monstrov was captured
on January 17, 1920. Sensing the inevitability of defeat, Madaminbek
agreed to negotiate and, on March 6, 1920, accepted the Soviet power.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In early 1920, the Entente organized another campaign against the
Soviet regime. Polish troops joined the forces and attacked Ukraine in
May. At that time, a campaign targeted at Turkestan had already been
planned.
On May 7, 1920, the Commander of the Turkestan troops, M. Frun-
ze, ordered that thirty thousand people from the local population (aged
between 19 and 35 years) to join the Red Army. This
was the first large-scale mobilization of the peoples
of Central Asia that succeeded.
The remains of the counterrevolutionary forces
quickly recovered from defeat and gathered their
forces on the outskirts of the country in a last at-
tempt to destabilize the new government. A coun-
terrevolutionary uprising, headed by D. Kiryanov,
a former tsarist officer, and Bondarev, a merchant,
took place in November 1920, in the valley of At- А. Osmonbekov
Bashi. With the support of local bais and manaps, they carried a count-
er-revolutionary coup in Naryn and captured the commanders of the
23rd Regiment stationed there. Several Soviet leaders were killed, while
forty-seven party and government officials were arrested. Royal orders
were restored and a new campaign was prepared to march to Tokmok
and Pishpek to seize the power throughout the Jeti-Suu area.
The units of Red Army met the
rebels on the outskirts of Kochkor.
After a fierce battle on Novem-
ber 16, the enemy was outflanked
and D. Kiryanov was captured.
The remnants of the counterrevo-
lutionaries fled to China. By late
November, the Naryn district was
completely cleared from anti-revo-
lutionary groups and Soviet power
was restored. Thus, the civil war The Monument
was completed in Kyrgyzstan by to the fighters of Revolution
late 1920. However, the Basmachi movement in the south of Kyrgyz-
stan continued until 1924, when it had finally lost popular support of the
local population.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Socio-economic construction during the development
of the soviet socialist system (1917-1940)

With the establishment of the “Dictatorship of

The the Proletariat,” the Communists led by V.I. Lenin
Agrarian quickly started to solve one of the most pressing
Policy problems – the land question. In accordance with the
needs of the vast majority of peasants, who formed
the basis of Russia’s population, mass socialization of land was adopted.
According to the decree “On the land” adopted by the Soviet govern-
ment, all the lands were declared the state property. The decree outline
the following mandates in regard to the reorganization of land elimina-
tion of the private ownership of land and the confiscation of land from
large landowners; division of land between the farms in equal install-
ments, thus adhering to the principle “land to those who cultivate it;”
secure land rights for business executives; cancellation of all the debts
of peasants to creditors and landlords; the elimination of natural and
money taxes; provision of logistical and financial assistance to farmers;
and, finally, organization of primary agricultural co-operatives for the
joint cultivation of the land.
These provisions of agrarian reform were implemented on the out-
skirts of Russia. From the first days of the Soviet power in Kyrgyzstan,
agrarian relations began to undergo fundamental changes. Poor peasants
and middle peasants were freed from the natural and money taxes and
their debts to credit institutions and moneylenders were nullified.
Land, which was not in individual use, was declared state property
and passed to the supervision of local authorities. As a result, three hun-
dred twenty-six thousand acres of land in Kyrgyzstan were confiscated
by the new government. The Soviet government rendered special assis-
tance to peasants in the restoration and construction of irrigation sys-
tems. A decree, “On the Organization of Irrigation Works in Turkestan,”
was initiated by V.I. Lenin and was adopted on May 17, 1918. Accord-
ing to the decree, ninety-four thousand acres of land in the Chu Valley
were set aside for the irrigation system. The government allocated fifty
million rubles for the development of irrigation systems of Turkestan,
3 million of which were planned for the development of water resourc-
es of the Chu River in Pishpek County. All facilities, equipment, and

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
machinery of the Chu hydraulic system were transferred to state owner-
ship. Local Soviet government, committees of the poor, and water-land
commissions played an important role in the agrarian reform. Altogether
they distributed the land to resolve the disputed issues.
The Soviet of People’s Economy of Przhevalsk County decided to
confiscate the property of the Issyk-Kul monastery on September 17,
1918. As a result, one thousand seven hundred seven acres of monastery
lands were redistributed amongst landless peasants; Forty acres were
given for the organization of a children’s home and nine hundred thirty
three acres were given to the Przhevalsk Agricultural School.
The Water and Land Committee of Pishpek County confiscated land
from former Tsarist officials and large landowners. This included five
hundred acres from the chief of land management Archangelskyi, one
hundred eighty acres from the former head of the county of Rymshe-
vich, one hundred acres from the county police officer Grubanovskyi,
seven hundred acres from the capitalist Ivanov, three hundred acres from
Fetisov, eight hundred acres from Pankov, six hundred acres from Al-
mazbekov, and six hundred acres from the Laptevs brothers. In total, six
hundred seven landless families were relocated on confiscated areas.149
Two hundred thousand Kyrgyz refugees returned from China and
were placed on one hundred thousand acres of land confiscated from
kulaks in Przhevalsk County. The rest of the land was passed to landless
peasants. Similar occurrences were common in Tokmok County.
Due to strict national control over the distribution of land, special
attention was paid to fair and equitable land allotments for Kyrgyz and
Russian peasants. This measure contributed to the smoothing of al-
ready-strained relations between the Russians and Kyrgyz in the region.
In Russian villages, people began to voluntarily accept Kyrgyz farmers
to their communities.
Land allotments were distributed on the basis of equal rights. Land
reforms, however, were conducted until the 1920s and affected only a
small part of large landowners, such as the kulaks, manaps, and bais.
Most of the land remained in private ownership. The variety of land
issues in Kyrgyzstan and strong influence of implications of Tsarist co-
lonial policy complicated the solution of this problem. During the period
of 1917-1920, many kulaks, bais, and manaps intensified the occupation
of peasant lands, to the further aggravation of the peasantry.

297
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
At the 1st Congress of the Kazakh and Kyrgyz Poor Folk of the
Turkestan ASSR held in January 1921, participants emphasized that “...
without the return of the land occupied by migrated settlers, the position
of Kyrgyz people cannot be restored.”150 To reinstate the order and jus-
tice in reference to the land question, the Revolutionary Committee of
Jeti-Suu Oblast signed a decree which put the land and water reforms of
1921 into motion.
The land and water reforms conducted in the early 1920s were set
out to correct the conditions of inequality inherited from the Tsarist pe-
riod. Several measures were taken to withdraw the surplus land from
Russian peasants; to displace Russian villages settled in watersheds and
on the intersections cattle ranges, and to give the pastureland of local
bais to the poor and landless refugees. In addition to pastures, nomadic
demanded more cropland, cash assistance, and to be provided with the
necessary tools of agriculture.
The land and water reforms were implemented in 1921 and 1922
and were carried out in the regions which were most affected by the
policies in place under the colonial era. These included Vernyi, Pishpek,
the Karakol counties of the Jeti-Suu Oblast, Aulie-Ata (Talas Valley),
Chimkent, the Tashkent counties of the Syr-Darya Oblast, Jalal-Abad,
and the Marhamat counties of the Ferghana Oblast.
In the beginning of November in 1920, experienced Communists
were sent to rural areas to conduct reforms and explanatory work. They
led special courses to train the specialists of land and water cultivation.
The reforms were accomplished alongside fierce class struggle. Bais and
kulaks were spreading the rumors that the Soviet regime sought to de-
stroy Kyrgyz villages under the pretext of reform. Other rumors spread
stating that all Russian villages would be eliminated, to be followed by
the eviction of all residents from the region. Local nationalists perceived
all Russians as colonists and demanded their return to Russia. Chau-
vinistic attitudes of Russian peasants meant that they refused to return
the occupied territories and fought for the preservation of the existing
provisions.
Special commissions consisting of three authority representatives
(Troika) and two hundred eighty five county and aiyl land committees,
who included the representatives of all public associations, were en-
gaged in the implementation of reforms. They conducted the inventory

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of land, agricultural implements, seeds, and animals. They also carried
out most of the work to empower the poor soil. By the beginning of the
spring of 1921, the first phase of the land and water reforms was com-
pleted.
In the course of reform, however, serious flaws and excesses started
to show themselves. Because of tight deadlines and hasty reform, not all
land was completely inventoried. In addition, there was no comprehen-
sive data on the number of landless peasants. In many cases, Russian
settlements were completely removed and Kyrgyz villages were built in
their places. In these circumstances, the interests of individual farmers
were totally ignored; many farms of middle peasant were destroyed be-
cause they were mistaken as farms of kulaks or bais.
As a result of land and water reforms in 1921 and 1922, as well as
the socialist policies of land distribution, land areas occupied by Russian
and Kyrgyz peasants were divided equally while the number of Kyrgyz
sedentary farms increased. All this led to the expansion of arable areas
and the improvement of their cultivation. Not only political problems
were solved during these reforms, but also some positive changes in
the economy were made. Equal distribution of land to the peasants ac-
celerated their integration into the collective farms. The new policies
also improved the conditions for producing large scale agricultural. The
reform was accompanied by a determined struggle against bai-manap
and kulak elements.
In the spring of 1923, the second stage of reform and implementation
of public land management began in the Jeti-Suu region. The reforms of
1923-1926 were socialist in nature and sought to reorient farmers into the
collective. By decision of the Soviet government, every farmer was free
in selecting individual or collective forms of land use. In addition, farmers
were granted the right to use a hired labor. Population that had become a
settled household was provided with agricultural tools, animals, and seeds
for a period of ten years and with building materials free of charge to build
houses and barns. Settled farmers were exempt from any state and local tax-
es for five years and were also given the rendered agrotechnical assistance.
In Kyrgyzstan, the People’s Commissar of Agriculture of the Turkes-
tan ASSR led the activities on land management in 1923-1924. After the
demarcation of Central Asia into nation-states, the further land manage-
ment in Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast and the Kazakh ASSR demanded

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
a unified coordination and supervision. In connection to this, a special
commission on settled land management of nomadic and seminomadic
farms of the Kyrgyz ASSR was organized under the All-Russian Exec-
utive Committee of the USSR in October 1924 and successfully existed
until October 1926. In Kyrgyzstan, for the transfer of agriculture to so-
cialist principles, the conversion of nomadic and semi-nomadic econo-
my to the sedentary was important.
Most peasants met land policy of Soviet power with approval and
enthusiasm. Kulaks, bais, and manaps accustomed to hosting the best
lands rendered desperate resistance. In 1923-1924, Kyrgyzstan had 91.9
thousand households, which merged in five hundred ninety agricultur-
al associations. In the course of agrarian reform, four hundred ninety
four landlord possessions and three thousand four hundred forty-seven
households of various exploiters were liquidated. However many ex-
cesses were carried out during the implementation of these measures;
some middle peasants were persecuted.
The Central Executive Committee and the Soviet of People’s Com-
missars of the Kyrgyz ASSR issued a decree “On Holding the Land and
Water Reforms in the South of Kyrgyzstan” on November 12, 1927.
As a result of this reform, the land fund in the region was increased to
forty six thousand hectares of irrigated land and 2.3 million hectares
of dry-farming land; 18.6 thousand of peasants were provided with the
land. All chayrykers (sharecroppers) and 75% of the poor peasants re-
ceived the land as well as agricultural implements and tax incentives.
Because of the reforms, feudal landlord possessions, which profound-
ly undermined the patriarchal-feudal relations, were abolished. In the
course of the reforms, sixty collective farms were organized.
The land reform impacted on the settlement of the nomadic people.
Even before complete collectivization, forty thousand Kyrgyz nomadic
livestock keepers adapted to a sedentary lifestyle. As a result, workers
of natural cattle-breeding increasingly shifted to work within the com-
modity economy.
Cooperative Competing opinions about the organization of co-
Societies and operatives of nomadic people were proposed during
Collective the years of the reforms. Some offered to organize
them on a “clan” or “relative” basis, whereas others
Farms
proposed the “class” construct. In areas with settled

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
populations, cooperative societies were formed on the cooperative mod-
el from the central regions of the USSR.
Intensive cooperation was held together with the agrarian reform.
Kyrgyz peasants, who had not passed the pre-revolutionary school of
bourgeois co-operatives, began to organize in different forms of socialist
cooperation. Even during the Civil War the simplest forms of coopera-
tive societies already existed. Livestock associations such as “Cholpon”
(1924) and “Aksai” (1925) were organized in Kyrgyzstan. The number
of cooperatives increased after the formation of the Kyrgyz Autonomous
Oblast. By October 1925, two hundred thirty two agricultural coopera-
tives with 21.8 thousand members existed in Kyrgyzstan. In early 1926,
the cooperative movement in Kyrgyzstan was headed by the Soviet of
Cooperatives of the Kyrgyz ASSR, which played a major role in its de-
velopment, building relations with government authorities and fighting
against individualistic tendencies.
Livestock credit unions were popular among the nomadic population
as they supplied cattle breeders with food, clothing, thoroughbred live-
stock, fodder, and hay and organized specialized farms enterprises such
as sheep and horse breeding).
The state paid due attention to the credit cooperatives. 35% of poor
peasant households were completely exempted from agricultural tax.
Starting in 1929, all households of the poor were tax-free. In 1926-1928
the number of cooperatives increased from 29.2 to 34.9 thousand. In
1926, 23% of farms in the country were collective; by 1928 this figure
rose to 42.2%. Based on natural conditions of Kyrgyzstan, the party and
the government paid more attention to the creation and development of
livestock cooperatives.
According to the decree on the establishment of specialized coop-
eratives, “Kyrgyzhlopok”, “Kyrgyzskot”, and “Kyrgyzkolhoz” associ-
ations were formed in Kyrgyzstan in 1929 and became the connecting
bodies between industry and farmers. These specialized associations
played a major role in the formation of the primary forms of coopera-
tion, including partnerships of joint land cultivation. This process was
facilitated and gained the strength as many collective farms were created
during the seizure of land from bais and kulaks.
In 1925, sixty four collective farms and six Soviet farms151 operated
in Kyrgyzstan with the full support of the Soviet government. In the Chu
valley and in Karakol County, the “Alamedin” and “Toktoyan” farms

301
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
were organized in 1924 and showed high economic results. They be-
came the model for all farms in Kyrgyzstan as farms for cattle and dairy
were developed. By the end of 1928, five communes, one hundred three
partnerships for the joint land cultivation, and one hundred agricultural
cooperatives operated in the Kyrgyz ASSR. However, these associations
comprised only 1.7% of all farms (5.7 thousand in all) and only 2.9%
were organized into collective farms.
The Organizational Congress held in January 1928 in Frunze was
crucial to the growth of the collective farm movement. Thirty-six dele-
gates from thirty-four agricultural collectives attended it and discussed
the state of collectivization in the region.
To implement this important task, special attention was paid to the
strengthening of the material-technical base of agriculture in the field,
familiarizing farmers with technology, and improving their educational
level. For this purpose, special courses, seminars, and exhibitions were
organized.Established in 1925, “Kyrgyzselsklad” regularly supplied
peasants with farming equipment and already 55% of households had
agricultural equipment and machinery in 1926-1927. Over the period of
1924-1929, Kyrgyz peasants received 32.4 thousand plows, 16.6 thou-
sand harrows, 6.3 thousand thresh-
ing machines, 1.4 thousand seed-
ers, two thousand of cultivators,
and 3.6 thousand mowers from the
industrial regions of the USSR.
In 1924, the first three tractors
arrived to Kyrgyzstan. By 1928,
there were forty-eight tractors in the
Chu Valley, four in the Issyk-Kul
Basin, eight in Talas, and forty in
the south of Kyrgyzstan. Nearly six
hectares were cultivated with the
use of tractors. The new machinery,
however, was not enough to supply
all of Kyrgyzstan and farmers had
to unite in cooperatives to fully and
The first tractors in Kyrgyzstan. efficiently use the existing machin-
1924-1925 ery, tractors, water, and land.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Water and land reform, as well as collective and cooperative con-
struction carried out in Kyrgyzstan created favorable conditions for the
development and recovery of the agriculture sector. In 1925, the ara-
ble land of the republic comprised three hundred twenty-five thousand
acres, or 58.3% of the cultivated area before the war. In 1925-1926,
gross volumes of agricultural products comprised 50.3% of all products
produced in 1914. The growth of agricultural output was associated with
the wider cultivation of industrial crops and through the intensification
of sheep farming.
In 1924 and 1925, there were about two billion seven hundred nine-
ty-four thousand cattle in Kyrgyzstan, i.e. 58.7% if compared with 1914,
though in 1925-1926 the number of cattle reached four billion two hun-
dred one thousand heads, or 90.3% of growth if compared with 1914.
Thus, two sectors of agriculture reached the prewar level in 1928.
As a result of the reforms in agricultural sector, the share of the exploit-
ing classes dropped from 12.7% to 3.5%. However, overall agricultural
production of Kyrgyzstan was still low; much effort was needed to raise
overall levels of production.
Under the New Economic Policy (NEP), the share of middle peas-
ants in the structure of farms increased. A slow decline of the number
of poor peasant households appeared. Nevertheless, the unemployment
rate in villages and aiyls during this period was still high. Despite re-
ceiving the land, many farmers were unable to cultivate it, as they had
no seeds and agricultural equipment.
The State In the formative years of Soviet power, Kyr-
of Industry gyzstan, unlike most autonomous entities of the
during the New country, was perceived as an agrarian, stock-rais-
Economic Policy ing region. At the initial stage of industrialization,
only a few low-power enterprises of light and
food industries, as well as several small cotton
plants operated in Kyrgyzstan.
In April 1925, the international co-operative partnership “Intergel-
po” was organized in Pishpek by the initiatives of Czechoslovakian
Communist workers. For this purpose, forty-three hectares of land were
allocated near the Pishpek station by Kyrgyz authorities. The workers
of ‘Intergelpo’ (Intergelpovtsy) promptly built and commissioned brick,
timber, and factories as well as a cloth factory, several shops, and a pow-

303
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
er station. This group of workers consisted of 14 nationalities and con-
tributed to the development of industry and training of workers.
NEP provided home enterprises with the freedom of production.
Great benefits and the lack of competition from the state-owned enter-
prises created favorable conditions for the development of a handicraft
industry. If in 1922-1923 there were just two thousand handicraft en-
terprises in Kyrgyzstan, in 1925-1926 their number reached just over
four thousand five hundred. At the same time, albeit more slowly, the
process of developing cooperatives took off; in 1925, thirty industrial
cooperatives, which consisted of 11% of all artisans in Kyrgyzstan, were
organized. From 1920 to 1924, total outputs of small producers in the
Kyrgyz Republic rose by 41%. Goods produced by artisanal enterprises
in 1925 comprised 55% of total output in 1914.
In general, however, Kyrgyzstan maintained its role as an agricultural
country. In 1926, the share of industrial production was only 2.3% while
the remaining 97.7% of products were from agriculture or cattle-breed-
ing. To carry out the tasks of socialist construction, it was necessary to
shift the economy to large-scale machine industry as soon as possible.
The 14th Congress of the Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU),
held in December 1925, did not put a special issue of Soviet industry on
the agenda; nevertheless it determined the course of industrialization of
the country. In accordance with the All-Union Plan, the transformation
of the Kyrgyz Republic into an agrarian-industrial region started. The
measures taken sought to eliminate the technical and economic back-
wardness of the Republic, increase the growth of the workforce of local
nationalities, and create a community of scientific and technical intel-
lectuals.
On December 10, 1929 the second session of the Supreme Soviet of
the Kyrgyz Autonomous Republic adopted the first Five-Year Plan, de-
veloped on the basis of the All-Union Plan. In February 1930, the Soviet
of People’s Commissars of the USSR approved the plan. The first Five-
Year Plan was based on the principles of the New Economic Policy.
However, the realization of industrialization in Kyrgyzstan, a coun-
try which had not developed any capitalist industries, was fraught with
difficulty. The nomadic way of life of the Kyrgyz people, the dominance
of entrenched patriarchal attitudes, the backwardness of social order,
the total illiteracy of the population, and the activities of class enemies

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
hindered the pace of industrialization. By the beginning of the first Five-
Year Plan, the base of industry in Kyrgyzstan became the processing of
agricultural products, leather, cotton, and food.
In 1926, about twenty state-owned enterprises functioned in the
country. In addition, many small private enterprises and handicraft orga-
nizations in urban and rural areas were formed. The Soviet Government
granted three million rubles for the development of industry of Kyrgyz-
stan in 1926-1927 and provided long-term loans from the State Bank
which made it possible to build and put into operation a number of im-
portant industrial projects of the national economy. By 1928, the country
had thirty-three new enterprises; fourteen of them were big factories or
mills. The construction of the Turkestan-Siberian railway in 1930 was
an important contributor to the economic development of Kyrgyzstan.
This railway directly linked Central Asia and Kazakhstan with the Urals
and Siberia.
As a result of the continuous support of workers and the Soviet gov-
ernment in 1928, the Kyrgyz ASSR reached the prewar level of produc-
tion in all sectors of the economy. The ranks of the working class in-
creased respectively with the development of industry. According to the
Soviet census, there were 16.4 thousand workers in Kyrgyzstan in 1926,
only 4 thousand of them were Kyrgyz. This is most easily explained by
the fact that most Kyrgyz workers were employed in home-based busi-
nesses in rural areas. Most of the workers of Kyrgyzstan (61%) worked
at coalmines. Out of 8.5 thousand employees in all industrial establish-
ments in 1926, only 0.8 thousand were ethnically Kyrgyz. In addition
an acute shortage of professional workers and technical personnel was
noticed in all sectors of the economy.152
As early as 1930, the principles of new economic policies were radi-
cally revised as the Stalinist command system began to gain momentum.
Bureaucracy, imposition of subjective plans, and strict requirement for
their implementation increased. All these destroyed economic account-
ing and commodity-exchange relations.
Despite the difficulties in Kyrgyzstan, forty-one industrial enterpris-
es were implemented over the first few years of the 1930s. A metal fac-
tory, a meat factory, a flour mill, a rise processing factory in Frunze, a
sugar factory in Kant, a mechanical-repair factory in Kara-Suu, and a
tile factory in Talas were part of this wave of construction. Five brick

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
factories started commercial production; construction of sugar factories
began in Novo-Troitsk and Kara-Balta. Eleven large and small pow-
er stations started to operate in Kyrgyzstan during the first phase of a
Five-Year Plan (1929-1932) and became the basis of the development
of industrialization. In 1932, the country already had 1.5 thousand en-
terprises. Over the years of the Five-Year Plan (1929-1932), the gross
industrial output grew 3.5 times and the share of industry in national
economy rose by 23.5%.
In January 1935, the 4th Congress of Soviets of the Kyrgyz ASSR,
in accordance with the All-Union Plan adopted the second Five-Year
Plan of economic development. Under that plan, major investments
were made to the industry of the Republic, especially to the coal mining
industry. During the second Five-Year Plan, special attention was fo-
cused on the commissioning of new factories with the use of advanced
technologies.
In 1935, the renovation of the Tash-Kumyr coal deposit began; mines
were renovated and equipped with new mechanisms. This caused a large
increase of coal production in the country. Production of oil became the
new focus of the Soviet state in Kyrgyzstan. A stable increase in light
and food industries was noticed and thus the industry in Kyrgyzstan rose
to new heights during the first and second Five-Year Plans.
Industrial development in Kyrgyzstan scheduled during the third
Five-Year Plan (1938-1942) also accomplished many aspirations. Forty
new industrial enterprises were commissioned. In 1940, the volumes of
manufactured industrial products were 1.5 times higher than in 1937.
The share of industry was 50.3% of the gross national product of the
Republic. The main concern of the development was given to machine
building, power engineering, development of deposits of non-ferrous
metal and coal, and production of building materials.
NEP, declared in 1920s, was considered as a long-
Collectivization
term development strategy of the USSR. Industrial-
of Agriculture ization of the country, cooperation of farms, as well as
an increase in material and cultural standardswere to
be met, according to the principles of the New Economic Policy.
The focus on industrialization resulted in direct and indirect expro-
priation of the peasants. Methods of requisitioning were again revived.
The peasants were deprived of the freedom to sell surplus grain; instead,
they were made to sell it to the state at low prices. Those who resisted

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
were declared kulaks and were prosecuted; their grain was almost al-
ways confiscated.
Along with the liquidation of the exploiting classes, the policy of
suppressing any independent farmers was conducted as all the means of
production were removed and transfered to the jurisdiction of the state.
In order to achieve this objective, Stalin proclaimed the policy of “total
collectivization” of agriculture in the summer of 1929. On January 5,
1930 the Central Committee of All-Union Communist Party (CC VCP)
passed a resolution “On the Rate of Collectivization and Government
Measures to Support the Collective Farms,” which set a detailed sched-
ule for the collectivization process.
The collectivization process was carried out under the direct super-
vision of the Stalinist administrative-command system. Local Party and
government organs of the Republic tried to surpass each other on the
scale of collectivization in the field and made every effort to complete
it ahead of time. This led to rapid collectivization of the Republic; in
January and February 1930, the Republic saw a particularly strong push
towards modernization. In 1929 only 6.6% of peasants were involved
in collective farming; by March 1930, this figure had reached 37.2%.
There were reports from areas with the nomadic population explaining
that the livestock farms had been overtaken by collective farms. How-
ever, many of these reports were untrue. Collective farms were often
hastily organized and, as a result, quickly fell apart.
Citizens, particularly from the working-class, were sent to the villag-
es to implement the policy of collectivization. Individual cities, facto-
ries, and mills took nearby villages under their patronage. In addition to
the people previously sent for harvesting the grain, there were an addi-
tional twenty-five thousand workers, who were the so-called “dvadtsati-
pyatitysyachniki” (literally, the twenty-five thousand-ers). They were
very active in the collectivization of peasant regions. Sixty-nine of these
dvadtsatipyatitysyachniks from Ivanovo in Russia arrived to Kyrgyz-
stan on February 8, 1930. They were later joined by some two hundred
workers, who were divided between northern and southern Kyrgyzstan.
Most of these activists were elected as chairmen of collective farms or
members of boards and made a definite contribution to the collective
construction of the Republic. Some, though, were unable to work under
local conditions and returned a year later.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In the course of socialist construction, abuses and excesses were no-
ticed in the villages of Kyrgyzstan. Many peasants were forced to work
on the collective farms. Those who refused to join collective farms were
declared kulaks and left without electoral rights. The fact that Kyrgyz
farmers and cattle-breeders were not yet ready to join the collective
farms was not taken into consideration.
Strengthening of the tyranny and violence during the collectivization
led to the ruin of agriculture, as well as collapse of mass amounts of
livestock. As a result, the number of cattle in 1930 decreased by 24.4%.
The amount of horses decreased by 18.5 %. The number of sheep and
goats fell by 15.5 %. Because of the total forfeiture of grain, no seeds
were left for the spring sowing.
In March 1930, Joseph Stalin criticized the excesses that occurred
throughout the process of collectivization in his article “Dizzy with Suc-
cess”.153 However, there was no revision of the principles of collectiv-
ization and the same mistakes were made the next year. By the decision
of the Regional Committee of the Kyrgyz VKP in 1931, collectiviza-
tion was not carried out in Alamedin, Rybachinsk, Karakol, Kara-Bal-
ta, Kirov, Stalin, and the Chui regions, as the majority of farmers in
Kyrgyzstan had already moved to the Collective Farm Development.
The same injustices practiced since the beginning of the campaign of
“total collectivization” were repeated in 1932-1933. In 1932, there were
around one thousand five hundred collective farms, but only fifty-three
associations for joint cultivation of land in Kyrgyzstan.
Meanwhile, the experience showed that a simplified form of associ-
ations for joint cultivation of land was the most affordable for nomadic
and seminomadic households. Taking this into account, more attention
was given to such organizations in 1933-1934. In 1934, seven hundred
thirty-eight joint associations and one thousand sixty-seven agricultural
cooperatives comprised 68.5% of farms in Kyrgyzstan.
However, in 1937 all associations of joint cultivation of land were
transferred to agricultural cooperatives. In the same year, 89.1% of
farms were united with the collective farms; additionally, 97% of the
arable lands belonged to collective and state farms and were served by
fifty-three MTSs (Machine and Tractor Stations) with four thousand
tractors and five hundred harvesters. In 1940, collective and state farms
comprised 98.9% of peasant farms. After the enlargement of farms, each

308
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
of them had about one hundred six households. Thus, the process of
collectivization of agriculture in Kyrgyzstan provided by the third Five-
Year Plan was completed before the start of the Great Patriotic War.
Transition of The collectivization of agriculture in Kyr-
gyzstan was carried out in conjunction with
Nomadic and Semi-
the transfer of nomadic and semi-nomadic
nomadic Households
households to a settled way of life. The pro-
to Sedentary
cess of resettlement of the nomads to perma-
Settlements
nent places of residence began with the provi-
sions of the Land and Water Reforms. By the
end of the 1920s, forty-two thousand households were transmitted to
sedentary ways of life. To successfully complete collectivization, it was
necessary to force the settlement of many nomads. To guide the cam-
paign of settling nomadic and semi-nomadic households, the Committee
on Settlement under the Soviet of People’s Commissars of the Kyrgyz
ASSR was organized.
The 2ndPlenum of the Regional Party Committee held in February
of 1931 planned a phased settlement of nomadic and semi-nomadic
households. In 1931, as they decided, ten thousand households would
be resettled; in the following year, thirty thousand more would be tied
to land. The process would continue with twenty-two thousand in 1933
and twenty-three thousand in 1934. It was very difficult to settle Kyrgyz
nomads, but long-term loans from the budgets of the Union and Russia
were given to implement this task. Large amounts of building materials,
as well as agricultural and household resources were sent to the area.
In 1931, the campaign was conducted in four districts. Another mas-
sive settlement of nomadic households in twelve districts of the repub-
lic was implemented in 1932. Houses, schools, hospitals, libraries and
corrals for livestock were built quickly. By the decision of the Kyrgyz
Government, nomadic farms were transferred to settlements and were
provided with significant benefits. In 1933, 43.4 thousand households
were settled and one hundred forty-eight villages were formed. 2.5 mil-
lion hectares of arable land and meadows were used as places for pas-
ture; 34 million rubles were spent for these measures during the course
of four years.
The active phase of relocating nomads into settlement lasted until
1937.From 1931-1937, seventy-eight thousand nomadic and semino-
madic households were settled and eight hundred forty-two collective

309
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
farms were merged. A total of one hundred forty-two thousand house-
holds and six hundred thirty thousand people were settled over a 20-year
period (1918-1937). The population was provided with the housing and
necessary conditions for the growth of agriculture.
As a result of these initiatives, Kyrgyzstan had acquired permanent
villages, stationary economic centers with their own infrastructure, vari-
ous educational institutions, schools, as well as public and domestic en-
terprises. Feudal and patriarchal consciousness of the population started
to be replaced by a new social ideology.
However, the process of transfer of the population to a sedentary life
was also conducted with errors. The leaders were instructed to focus
on building standard kishtaks (villages) similar to Russian settlements.
Typically, new kishtaks were located away from pastures, making it dif-
ficult for grazing livestock. This forced Kyrgyz people to change the
traditions and habits of cattle breeding.
Forced settlement
and collectivization of
nomads caused popu-
lar discontent. At the
same time, those no-
mads who refused to
settle or join collective
farms were persecuted.
In some regions, Eu-
ropean-style dwellings
Kyrgyz women. The beginning of 20th century
were constructed. De-
spite the excesses and failures, however, the transition of the Kyrgyz
people to sedentary way of life created the preconditions for further de-
velopment of their social, economic, and cultural consciousness.
The formation of the Kyrgyz statehood.
Totalitarian regime
Long before gaining power, the Bolshevik Party
Solving
declared the elimination of social and national oppres-
the National
sion as its main goal. One of the first decrees of the
Question
Soviet government was the “Declaration of the Rights
of Peoples of Russia” on November 2, 1917, which stated the bases of a

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
new system of national policy.
Before the October Revolution, the Tsarist colonial policy, region-
al divisions, and the dictates of the feudal-patriarchal ideology were a
hindrance to the establishment and strengthening of sustainable national
relations among the peoples of Central Asia. In order to strengthen its
influence in the region, the Soviet Government issued an appeal “To
All Working Muslims of Russia and the East,” on November 22, 1917
which announced the full equality of Muslim peoples of Russia.
However, some distrust existed between the peoples of Turkestan
and the Soviet State in the first stages of Soviet power because of the na-
tionalist or chauvinistic attitudes expressed by both Russians and Cen-
tral Asians.
One such example occurred during November of 1917. From the 15-
22 of November, at the 3rd Congress of the Soviets of Turkestan, the su-
preme governing body of the region (the Soviet of People’s Commissars
of Turkestan) (SPC) was officially formed with a membership of fifteen.
The Chairman of the SPC was elected Bolshevik F.I. Kolesov; there
were no representatives of local nationalities present in the Soviet. The
proposal of the Regional Congress of Muslims to establish a coalition
government in Turkestan on a multiparty basis was rejected and thus the
Congress was accused of bourgeois nationalism.
In response to the call fora regional committee of the “Shura-e-Is-
lam” party, which was headed by Mustafa Chokaev, the 4th Extraor-
dinary Congress of the Muslims in Kokand was held on November
26-29 in 1917. It proclaimed the “Kokand Autonomy” as a part of
Russia and elected the government headed by M. Chokaev and M.
Tynyshpayev. The meeting consisted of the representatives of local
ethnic groups, including Russian and other immigrants from central
Russia. The new government set to create a national government in
the form of the bourgeois-democratic republic within the former Ko-
kand Khanate.
Thus, dual power in Turkestan was established. One power was rep-
resented by the Soviet Government formed by the Bolshevik party in
Tashkent; the second was represented by the government of the “Ko-
kand Autonomy” and consisted of the representatives of different ethnic
groups and political parties (such as “Shura-e-Islam” and “Alash”). The
Kokand government and its many supporters conducted extensive cam-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
paign against the Soviets. Armed forces were created under the leader-
ship of Colonel Chanyshev. The strengthening of the “Kokand Auton-
omy” alarmed the Bolsheviks of Tashkent and the 4th local Congress of
Soviets held on January 19-26, 1918 declared the “Kokand Autonomy”
illegal; its leaders were arrested shortly after.
On February 19-22, 1918, the Red Army in fierce fighting entered
the Kokand. Armed forces of the “Kokand Autonomy” were defeated
and the government was disbanded. The remains of the followers of
autonomy fled to the mountains; part of autonomists opposed the Soviet
regime during the Civil War in Kyrgyzstan. Thus, the attempts of local
intelligentsia to reach national and state independence were suppressed.
Part of the local community condemned the actions of the Bolsheviks
against the “Kokand Autonomy”.
In 1918, the “Declaration of the Rights of Workers and Exploited Peo-
ples,” which contained a plan of building a socialist multi-ethnic state
on the principles of the federation, was adopted at the 3rd All-Russian
Congress of Soviets. Based on these decisions, the peoples of Central
Asia merged into the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic
in 1918 and Turkestan became a member of the Russian Federation.
The Commission of Turkestan was formed by the Soviet Govern-
ment on October 8, 1919 and played a big role in strengthening of Soviet
power in the region. It consisted of Mikhail Frunze, V.V. Kuibyshev, J.
E. Rudzutak, G.I. Bokyi, and F.I. Goloshchekin and Sh. Z. Eliava led the
Commission. The Commission was tasked to correct the mistakes made
by the leaders of Party and governmental organs, especially in reference
to the national question, streamline the government’s activities in the
field, and increase people’s trust to the Soviet government.
The Commission suspended the work of any Party and governmental
personnel who conducted the chauvinistic line in relation to the local
population. They also attempted to include the local population in the
management of the regions. In order to stop the looting of the peasants
and farmers of the Red Army, the Commission began to strictly han-
dle anyone engaged in such activities. The support of a national policy
carried out by the Bolsheviks played a crucial role in the defeat of the
counterrevolutionary forces and the approval of the Soviet government
by the population of Kyrgyzstan.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Return The Kyrgyz began to return to their native lands

of Kyrgyz after the February Revolution of 1917. However,
Refugees to as a result of the policy of the Provisional Gov-
their Homeland ernment, repressions and persecutions of returnees
only intensified. In the end, weary and exhausted
refugees were beaten and subjected to a new violence and a massive
wave of oppression.
Prosecution and punishment of the participants of the 1916 uprising
were stopped with the establishment of Soviet power in Kyrgyzstan.
Purposeful policy of Soviet power led to the gradual decline of inter-eth-
nic mistrust and confrontation. The executive committee of the Jeti-Suu
Oblast established the Regional Commissariat for Nationalities, which
had a special committee to regulate Russian-Kyrgyz relations on July
5, 1918. The committee carried out an extensive propaganda campaign
among the local Russian and Kyrgyz population.
Despite the difficult situation facing the Republic, the Soviet govern-
ment paid special attention to assisting the starving population. Commit-
tees to support famished peasants were opened all over Kyrgyzstan. On
October 29, 1918, the Jeti-Suu Regional Executive Committee grant-
ed one thousand rubles to the Tokmok Food Committee for organizing
meals for the hungry population.
The Soviet government sent a special commission to western Chi-
na to assist the remainder of the returning Kyrgyz refugees. This com-
mission was approved by a special resolution of the Central Executive
Committee of Communist Party of Turkestan on February 2, 1920 and
was entrusted with the return of refugees to their homes, restoration of
their land rights, prevention of harassment, rescue of enslaved, and the
establishment of equality between Russians and the Kyrgyz. After the
fall of Tsarism and the establishment of Soviet power, an overwhelming
majority of Kyrgyz who fled to China in 1916 returned home. To pro-
vide grant assistance to the returnees, the Soviet government allocated
one hundred million rubles to purchase cattle, agricultural implements,
tents, and building materials for the refugees. In 1920, forty-six thou-
sand acres of arable land and eighty thousand acres of dry-farming land
were given to Kyrgyz returnees. All refugees were exempt from state
taxes for five years.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

Attempts to The Kyrgyz who were part of the Turkestan

Create the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic were
Mountain Oblast assigned to Jeti-Suu, Syrdarya, Ferghana, and
Samarkand Oblasts and did not have their own
government. In those areas, the Kyrgyz were a minority and therefore
appropriate attention was not paid to their interests.
In this regard, the issue on the establishment of the Mountain Kyrgyz
Oblast in the Turkestan ASSR was raised at Alma-Ata meeting in 1921.
However, the issue was not resolved because the Jeti-Suu and Syr-Darya
regions were supposed to pass to the Kazakh ASSR. Such a decision
complicated the political situation of the Kyrgyz people - if before they
were part of one of autonomy, now they had to be divided into two re-
publics. Kyrgyz intellectuals such as J. Abdrahmanov, I. Arabaev, and
A. Sadykov disagreed with the state of affairs and again put forward a
proposal on the allocation of all the counties and its population into the
Mountain Kyrgyz Oblast in March 1922.
On March 25, 1922 the Secretariat of the Communist Party of Turke-
stan decided to form the Mountain Kyrgyz Oblast as part of Turkes-
tan and on March 26 the low-CEC Presidium of Turkestan approved
a decree on the establishment of the Mountain Kara-Kyrgyz Oblast-
which included Pishpek, Karakol, Naryn and the mountain districts of
Aulie-Ata. In other words, this Oblast included only the northern part
of Kyrgyzstan. The fate of the Kyrgyz of Southern Kyrgyzstan was tem-
porarily unresolved. Nevertheless, the acquired status gave Kyrgyz peo-
ple a real opportunity to unite in one area and build their own national
autonomous statehood.
However, at the very beginning of the creation
of the Mountain Kyrgyz Oblast, the issue quickly
divided the population along tribal and factional
lines. One faction, headed by A. Sydykov, actively
advocated for the Mountain Kyrgyz Oblast. Anoth-
er one, headed by R. Kudaykulov, was against it.
Leaders of the Kazakhs in Tashkent and Alma-Ata
supported R. Kudaykulov.
A. Sydykov On June 4, 1922, the Jeti-Suu Regional Party
Committee convened a congress with the partici-
pation of four hundred twenty five delegates in Pishpek. Even before

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
it started, however, the Congress was dissolved by the direct order of
Stalin. In December 1922, the Central Committee of the Revolution-
ary Committee of Communist Party of Soviet Union declared illegal all
previously adopted documents on the creation of the Mountain Kyrgyz
Oblast and the initiators of the Congress were accused of bourgeois na-
tionalism and anti-revolutionary activity. Thus, the first attempts of Kyr-
gyz people to form their own regional governmental association were
not implemented.
Formation and Development of the Kyrgyz State
With the elimination of counter-revolutionary forces, especially of
basmachi movements, conditions for the people’s demarcation for na-
tional states were created in Central Asia.To establish the boundaries of
future republics, the government of Turkestan ASSR widely employed
Uzbek, Turkmen, and Kyrgyz departments that did a lot of work to re-
fine the ethnographic composition of the population, the definition, eco-
nomic, and geographical characteristics of the region. Representatives
from all major peoples living in Central Asia were involved in the work
of regional and district committees of nationalities. On December 30,
1922 the 1st All-Russian Congress of Soviets announced the establish-
ment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) consisting of
Russian Soviet Federative Socialistic Republic, (RSFSR), Ukrainian
Soviet Socialistic Republic (USSR), Belarusian Soviet Socialistic Re-
public (BSSR), and Caucasian Soviet Federative Socialistic Republic
(CSFSR). This provided the legal basis for the approval of a new form
of cooperation between the national republics. On January 31, 1924,
the 2nd Congress of Soviets adopted and approved the first Constitution
of the USSR. The formation of a single union state on the principles of
federation accelerated the formation of national public associations.
The Kyrgyz, who participated in the delegation of the Turkestan Au-
tonomous Soviet Socialist Republic during the 2nd Congress of Soviets,
requested that the Soviet government give Kyrgyzstan the status of a sep-
arate autonomous unit. However, the issue of the formation of Kyrgyz
autonomy could be solved only with giving the same status to Uzbeks,
Turkmens, and Tajiks living on the territories of the Turkestan Autono-
mous Soviet Socialist Republic, the Bukhara, and Khorezm republics.
By September 1924 it was found that eight hundred sixty thousand
Kyrgyz people resided on the territories of Fergana, Syr-Darya, Jeti-Suu

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Oblasts of the Turkestan ASSR, and in Samarkand Oblast. In addition,
about two hundred ten thousand Kyrgyz lived in the Pamir, Bukhara,
and Western China.
On October 14, 1924, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee
of the RSFSR adopted a resolution on partition of the peoples of Cen-
tral Asia into nation-states in accordance with the will of the population
of the Turkestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Bukhara, and
Khiva Republics. Thus, the territories shattered before the revolution
and inhabited by the Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Turkmens, Kazakhs, and
Kara-kalpaks were re-united according to ethnicities of the population.
As a result of voluntary redistribution of the boundaries, the Turk-
men Soviet Socialistic Republic, the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic,
the Tajik Autonomous Oblast, the Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast
within the RSFSR, and the Kara-Kalpak Autonomous Oblast within
the Kazakh SSR were established. While determining the boundaries of
capital facilities, the factories, land, water, and agricultural resources,
which previously were subordinated to the Turkestan ASSR, as well as
the Bukhara and Khorezm republics, were distributed between the new-
ly formed republics and autonomous regions. With the acquisition of
statehood, the peoples of Central Asian gained greater control over the
questions of policy that pertained to them.
The Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast of the former Turkestan ASSR
included the Jeti-Suu Oblast, 10 volosts of Namangan County, 2 volosts
of Kokand County, and 14 volosts of Aulie-Ata county (Talas region) in
the Syrdarya Oblast.
According to the Regional Bureau of Statistics, the population of
the Kara-Kyrgyz AO was 828.3 thousand people - 63.5% were Kyrgyz,
15.4% were Uzbeks, 16.8% were Russians, and 4.3% were made up oth-
er nationalities. The territory of the Kara-Kyrgyz AO occupied approx-
imately two hundred thousand square kilometers. It had six cities, three
hundred twenty-one villages, and five farms (khutor). Thus, the Kyrgyz
people who had been fragmented throughout the centuries, united into a
consistent state, albeit an autonomous Oblast.154 Nonetheless, it became
the most important event in the modern history of the Kyrgyz people.
After the formation of the Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Region, party
organizations and bodies of the Soviet power were established on the
territory of present-day Kyrgyzstan. On October 18, 1924 the Politbu-

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
ro of the RCP approved the temporary party offices and Revolutionary
Committee of the Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast. Michael Kamensky
was appointed First Sec-
retary of the Regional
Committee of the Com-
munist Party. The Sec-
ond Secretary was Yu-
suf Abdrakhmanov. The
Chairman of the Revolu-
tionary Committee was
Aidarbek Imanaliev.
The commission for- The administration of the Executive
med by the Revolution- Committee of Kyrgyz Autonomous Region,
ary Committee (later 1925
named the State Planning Commission), which was
in charge of geographic, economic, and financial is-
sues, began to record geographic and statistical area,
its ethnic composition, crop areas, livestock numbers,
timber, and other resources.
Because of the lack of an appropriate regional
administrative center, the Revolutionary Committee
was originally held in Tashkent. Insufficiency of local A. Imanaliev
management staff, as well as a shortage of business executives during
the early years of statehood gave rise to great difficulties. In December
1924, the government was transmitted to Pishpek (and has remained the
capital of Kyrgyzstan ever since). To encourage more effective manage-
ment of Kyrgyzstan, the Oblrevkom (Oblast Revolutionary Committee)
was formed in the regions of Pishpek, Karakol, Naryn, Osh, and Ja-
lal-Abad. The regional revolutionary committee had a special commis-
sion for the development of personnel for state and economic bodies. On
December 22, the Oblrevkom appointed Turdaly Toktobaev as a repre-
sentative of the Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast in the All-Russian Central
Executive Committee in Moscow. This office was designed to protect
the interests of the Kara-Kyrgyz Oblast in political, economic, and other
issues at the Headquarters of the USSR and the RSFSR.
On January 15, 1925 the oblrevkom adopted a declaration on the
formation of the Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast and solemnly pro-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
claimed its statehood in Kyrgyzstan. The day of Declaration - January
16 –became awidely-celebrated holiday.
During the next stage of statehood formation, it was necessary to
create the state apparatus, conduct elections to the founding congress
of the Soviets, and solve certain economic and social issues. Elections
to local Soviets were successfully carried out. The founding Congress
of the Autonomous Oblast began its work in Pishpek on March 27,
1925.One hundred thirty-five delegates including eighteen workers,
twenty-five farmers, eight employees, and eight students attended the
Co0ngress. The Congress was also attended by the representatives of all
nationalities residing on the territory of Kyrgyzstan. The founding Con-
gress elected the executive body of the Kyrgyz Autonomy, the so-called
Oblast Executive Committee of the Soviets. The organization was made
up of fifty-one people. The permanent presidium of the Oblast Execu-
tive Committee was composed of eleven members who were elected at
the First Plenary Session of the Oblast Executive Committee on March
31, 1925. Its chairman was the former worker and activist of Soviet
power Abdykadyr Orozbekov.
The founding congress of the Soviets was a
milestone for subsequent development and affirma-
tion of the statehood of Kyrgyz people. This orga-
nization further united the territory, economy, and
culture of the Kyrgyz and set the stage for subse-
quent national revival. Destroyed under the blows
of the Mongolians in 1207, the statehood of the
Kyrgyz people was restored after seven centuries.
This event generated great expectations for the fu-
A. Orozbekov
ture and inspired to build a new life.
M. Kamensky, the first Secretary of the Oblast
Struggle for
Committee of Kyrgyzstan appointed by the Central
Power
Committee of the CPSU, was largely ineffective in
the management of the region. Kamensky’s main aspiration was to es-
tablish personal rule by the same methods used by Stalin. Kamensky
was known for manipulating competing factions for his own political
gain. Having supported semi-literate R. Kudaykulov and his followers,
the First Secretary of the Oblast aggravated an already tense situation.
With the help of Kudaykulov groups, Kamensky sought to defeat the

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
supporters of A. Sadykov, who had great influence in Kyrgyzstan. At
the regional party conference held in March 1925, Kamensky dismissed
the Second Secretary of the Oblast Committee Yu. Abdrakhmanov, a
close associate of A. Sadykov. Then, Kamensky and Kudaykulov ac-
cused Aydarbekov, the Chairman of the Revolutionary Committee of in-
volvement in criminal relationships with bays and manaps, corruption,
and bribery. As a result, I. Aydarbekov was not elected Chairman of the
Oblast Executive Committee.
These charges, of course, alarmed honest party members. To correct
the distortions in the policy of the Oblast Committee, thirty Soviet and
party officials sent a letter to the Central Committee of RCP and the
Central Asian Party Bureau in June 1925 and criticized the style, meth-
ods, and recruitment policies of the Kyrgyzstan Oblast Party Commit-
tee. This document was referred to as “tridtsadka” (“thirty”) in accor-
dance with the number of signatories.
The appeal to the Asian Bureau of the Central Committee of the
CPSU (b) was treated by as an attempt of bai-manap elements to break
down the cohesiveness of the party. The signatories were fired from their
posts while some were even expelled from Kyrgyzstan. A. Sadykov and
I. Arabaev, as the organizers of the “thirty”, were excluded from the par-
ty. R. Kudaykulov, who led the second group of the struggle for power,
was left alone with a warning about his political
activities. Shortly after (in 1926), he was excluded
from the party and sent to trial for political crimes.
Other active participants were fired from the
Oblast Party Committee in the district committees
of Osh, Karakol, Naryn, and Frunze. Graduates of
the Communist University of the Workers of the
East and other educational institutions, including
T. Aitmatov, Kh. Shorukov, E.Esenamanov, Kh.
Jeenbaev, K. Kambarov, S.Kulmatov, and A. Ali- T. Aitmatov
yev were appointed as their replacements. Newly
appointed First Secretary of the Regional Committee of the CPSU N.A.
Uzyukov began to carry out consistent work to consolidate the party and
Soviet activists of the region; active confrontations subsided.
The struggle for the unity, conducted by the Party in mid-1920s, end-
ed with the prohibition of any associations, publications, opinions or

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
statements that were inconsistent with the party line and its policies. All
these measures helped to strengthen the authority and the influence of
the party.
Kyrgyz At the founding Congress when the Kara-Kyrgyz Au-
ASSR tonomous Oblast was proclaimed (March 1925), Kyrgyz
delegates already appealed to the Federal Government
with the request to change the name of the Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous
Oblast into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast. The region was named the
Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast by the Resolution of the All-Russian Cen-
tral Executive Committee on May 25, 1925.At the same Congress, some
delegates proposed the reformation of the autonomous oblast to the Kyr-
gyz Autonomous Republic.
On February 1, 1926 the All-Russian Central Executive Commit-
tee, taking into account the adequacy of the territory of the Kyrgyz Au-
tonomous Oblast, its contiguity with foreign countries, own economy,
language, and culture, passed a resolution on the transformation of the
Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Oblast into the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet
Socialist Republic. The resolution was legitimized at the 1st Congress
of Soviets of the Kyrgyz ASSR on March 7-12, 1927. This declaration
determined the right of the Kyrgyz people to self-determination and ap-
proved the basic principles of mutual consent of the peoples living in
Kyrgyzstan. In addition, the declaration outlined the main activities of
the Government of Kyrgyzstan - to raise the agricultural, industrial, po-
litical, and cultural levels of the Republic. The formation of the Kyrgyz
ASSR was enthusiastically accepted throughout
the country and in neighboring states.
On March 12, 1927 the Presidium of CEC of
the Kyrgyz ASSR and its seventeen members were
elected. The Chairman of the Presidium was Ab-
dykadyr Orozbekov. The Kyrgyz Government, the
Soviet of People’s Commissars, was formed at the
same session; Yusup Abdrakhmanov became its
Chairman. The Soviet of People’s Commissars
J.Abdrahmanov consisted of the Commissioners of Land, Finance,
Education, Labor, and Peasants’ Inspection. Public policy and statistical
control departments were also established.
The supreme organ of state power of the Kyrgyz ASSR and the sym-
bol of the sovereignty became the All-Kyrgyz Congress of Soviets. It

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
elected the Central Executive Committee and checked its reports. The
supreme authority was accountable to the government of the Republic.
In addition, the Congress elected the representatives to the Soviet of
Nationalities of the USSR Central Executive Committee and delegates
to the Congress of Soviets. In accordance with the Constitution of the
RSFSR, the All–Kyrgyz Congress of Soviets performed lawmaking
functions and was granted the right to develop and approve the Con-
stitution of the Kyrgyz ASSR. Elected by the Congress, CEC convened
its session every three months. The permanent Presidium of the Central
Election Commission issued decrees and regulations.
The CEC appointed a Board of People’s Commissars, determined
the directions of its activities, and developed the plans of economic de-
velopment. As the executive branch, the Congress of People’s Commis-
sars of Kyrgyzstan regulated the activities of central and local author-
ities. Soviet power was regulated by district and volost congresses and
their committees, as well as city and aiyl Soviets. The First Congress of
Soviets is a monumental event in the history of the Kyrgyz people. It
proclaimed the Kyrgyz Autonomous Republic, summed up the achieve-
ments of the Kyrgyz people throughout the first years of Soviet rule, and
set new objectives for the future.
The First The process of drafting of the Constitution
Constitution of of the Republic began with the formation of the
the Kyrgyz ASSR Kyrgyz ASSR. The 2nd Congress of Soviets of
the Kyrgyz ASSR was convened on April 25-30,
1929 after the elections to local Soviets. Two hundred twenty delegates
listened to the officials reports of the government and, after extensive
discussions; they adopted the Constitution of the Kyrgyz ASSR.
The Constitution set the course for continued development of the
Republic. Thus, the Kyrgyz ASSR became the authority on all questions
of public and political rights. Equal rights of all peoples and freedom
of language of instruction were proclaimed in Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyz and
Russian languages were chosen as the state languages of the Kyrgyz
ASSR. Civil servants were obliged to know both languages. As a result,
the Kyrgyz language was provided with the necessary conditions for its
popularization and development.
In accordance with the Constitution, the Congress received the au-
thority to approve the constitution and amend it, to demarcate (specify)

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
the boundaries of the republic, approve the budget, hold governmental
elections, choose delegates to the congresses of the USSR, and address
the issues of national importance. Public authorities in Kyrgyzstan were
subordinated to the central authorities of the Republic (the highest au-
thorities of the RSFSR and the USSR). State symbols such as the flag
and the national emblem of the Kyrgyz ASSR were approved by the
Constitution. Pishpek became the capital of the Kyrgyz ASSR.
Proclamation It was necessary to reflect the social and eco-
of the Kyrgyz nomic changes taken place in the country during
SSR. The Second the Soviet era in the various constitutions of the
Constitution USSR. The first Soviet Constitution adopted in
of Kyrgyzstan 1924 and the Constitution of the Kyrgyz ASSR
in 1929 was largely outdated and no longer met
the demands of the present situation. After
the necessary preparations, the 8th Congress
of Soviets held on December 5, 1936 ad-
opted the second Constitution of the USSR.
The flag of the Kyrgyz SSR From that day, Kyrgyzstan was converted
to the Kyrgyz SSR and became a member
of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
This event was a great achievement in the
history of the Kyrgyz people. Many indi-
viduals, including CEC Chairman A. Oroz-
bekov and Chairmen of People’s Commis-
sars of the Kyrgyz ASSR Y. Abdrakhmanov
The state emblem
made great contributions to the formation of
of the Kyrgyz SSR the Kyrgyz SSR.
The Totalitarian Regime and the Formation
of the Administrative-Command System
Archaic autocratic traditions and the fragility of the underdevelopment
of democratic foundations of the regions of Soviet Union led to the for-
mation of a rigid administrative-command system. According to Marxist
doctrine, socialist revolution was to win in several advanced capitalist
countries, but the revolution occurred in economically underdeveloped
Russia. It did not receive further spread in the world, contrary to the
Marxist doctrine of world revolution. Even many Bolsheviks (earlier

322
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
on), had anticipated that the revolution in Russia would cause a spread
of revolution across Europe. By the time Stalin had risen to power; he
understood that the Soviet state was surrounded by many hostile coun-
tries, leading to a sort of capitalist encirclement. Because the Bolshevik
Revolution triumphed in an economically backward country, it had an
actual task to build industry, a necessary task on the path to socialism
and communism. This task, of course, required efficiency and direction;
a well-disciplined command system seemed to be the ideal aspiration for
the Bolshevik leaders.
Prior to the shift to a direct command economy, a mixed economy
was spread throughout Russia and, therefore, inequality amongst the
population was commonplace. Irreconcilable terms of this conflict led
to the Civil War and the Communists faced a tough dilemma: either
to abandon any plans to build socialism, or plant the principles of the
socialist system in a backward state through the establishment of a to-
talitarian regime.
The Bolshevik party led by V.I. Lenin from the earliest years of
Soviet power chose a one-party system to disengage the enemies and
strengthen their positions. As a result, all other parties were outlawed
and, under various pretexts, their activities were banned. For the rigid
control of industry, strict accounting was imposed and profit distribution
was centralized. The agricultural sector was tightly restrained with the
system of the food tax.
The political regime and the administrative-command system of eco-
nomic management were designed to promote the political stability in
the country. Direct funds were spent on production without the over-
whelming hindrance of bureaucracy. The accelerated growth of heavy
industry and transport through the centralized distribution of funds in
highly profitable industry was one of the main aims of the Soviet gov-
ernment.
The Soviet state abolished foreign private property and refused to
pay the debts of Tsarist Russia to western countries. As a result, Euro-
pean states declared the blockade of Soviet Russia; foreign investment
was discontinued. The whole weight of the industrial development of
the young state laid on the agrarian sector.
Under the conditions of the one-party system and the lack of an op-
position, corruption and bureaucracy widely developed in governmental
bodies. Lack of control created the conditions for abuse of power by

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
some party and governmental officials. To prevent these phenomena,
V.I. Lenin put forward concrete proposals to expand the party’s Central
Committee through the involvement of its workers and specialists, as
well as reorganization of the Workers and Peasants Inspection and the
strengthening of control over the work of the party-state apparatus.
Lenin gave a principled characterization of his intentions to his close
associates. He made suggestions to move Stalin from the post of Secre-
tary-General of the Party Central Committee and to establish collective
leadership of the Party and State. In order to preserve the unity of the
party, intraparty groups and factions were banned. As a result, the way
for mass purge of party ranks of random elements and opportunists was
opened. Stalin and his associates refused Lenin’s proposal on collective
leadership of the country; after his death, the “legacy” of Lenin became
an effective tool of the Stalinist leadership; by overplaying the continui-
ty between Leninism and Stalinism, Stalin was able to build up his own
legitimacy.
New Economic Policy began to falter during this period and the con-
tradictions between social interests of the society and the authoritarian
system of the government of the Bolsheviks was intensified. As a result,
intra-party factional movements and the power struggle between Stalin,
Trotsky, Zinoviev, and other members of the party increased.
The discontinuation of foreign capital and failures of the New Eco-
nomic Policy led to the slowdown of economic development in all sec-
tors of industry. The internal struggle of the Party regarding the issue of
economic development intensified. As a result, there was an intentional
tightening of the administrative-command system via repressive poli-
cies of the centralized state.
To avoid deepening the economic crisis, the Bolsheviks rejected the
continuation of NEP (based on market relations) and decided to move
forward with a truly planned economy; thus began the era of the Five-
Year Plans. Economic crisis and financial difficulties accelerated the
transition to the administrative methods of management in industrial-
ization of the country. In accordance with the decision of the CPSU of
March 1930, a campaign to nominate the representatives of proletari-
an social stratum for the executive positions in the Soviet, cooperative,
business, and civil organizations was launched.
In Kyrgyzstan, only one thousand representatives of this social class
were put forward to the management positions in 1931 and 1932. Seven

324
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
hundred ten of them were from poor peasant families. The social activity
and general educational level of the population prospered. Though, at
the same time, many newly-appointed managers lacked the necessary
skills to effectively manage. As a result, all the mandates expressed by
the administration were excessive and could not be carried out by the
work force.
Mass Repressions Recognizing the demands of the industri-
and its Consequences al drive, the Stalin-Bukharin bloc defeated the
Trotsky-Zinoviev group, the so-called “left op-
position”. What followed was an extensive campaign to clean up the
party from “Trotskyists”. Once Stalin and Bukharin rid themselves of
the Trotskyist faction, the “Right Opposition” was attacked by Stalin; it
was defeated and its members were persecuted.
At that time, the Soviet government pursued an active policy of dis-
engagement from the kulaks. On December 27, 1929, Stalin proclaimed
“the liquidation of the kulaks as a class,” effectively starting a wave of
mass repressions against the peasantry. Many local administrative of-
ficials distorted the statistics regarding the number of local kulaks As
a result, many middle peasants, and in some cases the poor, were sub-
jected to dispossession. Many kulaks were exiled and resettled. All of
them were deprived of property and voting rights. Many suffered from
starvation or even died.
The decree of the prohibition of kulaks in collective farms worsened
their situation. Peasant discontent, as well as theft and violence of the
Issyk-Kul, Naryn, At-Bashy, and Balykchi districts ended up in armed
conflicts; the situation was similar in the southern regions of the Kyrgyz
SSR.
In response to the violence and tyranny committed during collectiv-
ization, peasants destroyed the livestock and ownerships, made arsons,
escaped to China, and organized other disruptions. In turn, the Soviet
authorities intensified repression in the villages. In the autumn of 1931,
six thousand families were deported to Ukraine and the North Caucasus.
In 1933, over two thousand households were arrested. Thus, the fight
with kulaks and bais during collectivization resulted in their elimination
as a class; at the same time, much of the rural population innocently
suffered from massive repression.
All this did not simply pass by Kyrgyzstan where the “search” and
“revelations” of “ideological renegades” were intensified. In accordance
325
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
with the policy of the center, governmental officials began the hunt for
the “Trotskyists” and other political deviants among the leaders and in-
tellectuals of the Soviet party. Innocent people were “discovered” and
punished as a result. For example, the Secretary of the City Committee
of Kyzyl-Kiya was expelled from the party and subjected to persecu-
tion for the correspondence with the chief of political department of
the “Dry Ridge” farm. Many agricultural leaders were prosecuted under
the pretext that they sympathized with the kulaks; they were charged as
“right opportunists-Bukharinists”. A well-known scholar and linguist, E.
Polivanov was “unmasked” as a Trotskist.155
The Soviet party-apparatus demanded the search for opportunists not
only among the lower-level employees, but also among the policy-mak-
ers. As a result of such searches, the first “right opportunist”, who was
“unmasked” in Kyrgyzstan, was the Head of Agricultural Department of
Oblast Party Committee, O. Tynaev.
In the midst of the “competition” of Party committees of Kyrgyzstan
with other regions of the country for identifying left and right opportun-
ists organs of the GPU (Main Political Administration), direct work to
eliminate the “counterrevolutionary” and “sabotage” groups was con-
ducted. In 1932, five “counter-revolutionary sabotage” organizations
were “exposed” in the State Planning Commission of the Republic.
The political situation was worsened by the economic condition
caused by the mass famine. In 1932, Kazakhstan faced the famine;
entire auls were dying. To prevent the confusion in the emerging bud,
Stalin gave direct instruction to the Kazakh Regional Committee of the
CPSU (b) to strengthen “an uncompromising struggle against the Ka-
zakh nationalists”.156 Thus, the wave of “revelations” and “cleansing”
appeared in national regions.
On September 4, 1937, the Executive Bureau of the Central Commit-
tee of Communist Party of Bolsheviks of Kyrgyz SSR claimed the work
of a prominent scholar K. Tynystanov as one which was “bourgeois-ku-
lak-nationalistic” and subjected him to harsh criticism, declaring him an
“enemy of the people”. In June, a nationalistic, counter-revolutionary,
insurgent, and anti-Soviet organization of communist leader A. Sadykov
was unmasked. In September 1933, Y. Abdrakhmanov was accused of
nationalism and fired from his job. In fact, he was punished for critical
remarks about Stalin in his “Diary”.157

326
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Prior to 1934, the Soviet government punished
the “enemies of the people” with expulsion from the
Party and the removal from office. After the 17th Par-
ty Congress, Stalin went on to the direct destruction
of his opponents, following the assassination of Ser-
gei Kirov on December 1, 1934. The Military Colle-
gium of the Supreme Court of the USSR examined
the case of the “anti-Soviet Trotskyi-Zinoviev united
center” in August 1936 and sentenced sixteen peo- B. Isakeev
ple including Zinoviev, Kamenev, Evdokimov, and Bakayev to death (It
should be noted that most of these men were Stalin’s former associates).
Many people in Kyrgyzstan were eliminated as the opponents of the
Stalinist line. To show their activity, security offices again opened the
case of “Social Turan Party,” which was considered and closed in 1933.
Innocent people associated with the party and sentenced to death. Such
wonderful representatives of the Kyrgyz people as Yu. Abdrakhmanov,
I. Aidarbekov, T. Aitmatov, M. Ammosov, B. Isakeev, E. Esenamanov,
T. Joldoshov, A. Orozbekov, J. Saadaev, K. Tynystanov, A. Moldoga-
ziev, O. Aliev, A. Jeenbaev, S. Chonbashev, and O. Tynaev were among
those who were shot in 1938.
More than forty thousand people were repressed in the Kyrgyz Re-
public as a resut of the excesses of Stlainism. Because of total cleansing
and mass repressions, the Kyrgyz party organization fell from fourteen
thousand to six thousand in the
spring of 1934 alone.The ad-
ministrative-command system
and mass repressions likewise
inflicted heavy blows to goals
of socialist construction. How-
ever, neither mass terror nor
the cult of personality were
able to irreversibly distort the
essence of the Soviet society
and stop the massive labor up- The monument to victims
surge brought about by the pro- of repressions
gressive policies of the Soviet at the Ata-Beyit memorial complex
state.

327
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Kyrgyzstan during the Great Patriotic War and the World War II

Kyrgyz During World War II in 1939, Nazi Germany

captured a number of European countries, includ-
Soldiers on the
ing Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, France, Bel-
Battlefield
gium, Holland, Denmark, Norway, Yugoslavia, and
Greece. As a result, the economic situation and the
military power of Germany continued to increase. In a quest for the world
domination, Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941.
Having launched “Operation Barbarossa, ”the Germans intended to de-
feat the Soviet Union in just a few short weeks and to fully capture the Eu-
ropean part of the USSR by the winter of 1941. A huge well-equipped army
of one hundred ninety divisions numbering 5.5 million people invaded the
Soviet Union. Finland, Italy, Romania, Hungary, and Spain fought together
with Germany against the USSR. Treacherous attacks of fascist aggressors
had violated the peaceful life of Soviet people and plunged it into innu-
merable troubles and trials. Thus began the Great Patriotic War, the Soviet
Union’s defense (and later, offensive rallies) against Hitler’s Germany.
The news about the outbreak of war was met with a deep sense of
indignation among the people of multi-national Soviet Union. In Kyr-
gyzstan, for instance, thousands of meetings and rallies were held in
towns and villages where workers, collective farmers, and intellectuals
expressed their willingness to protect their homeland.
Regardless of age, nationality, or profession, people volunteered to be
sent to the front. In the two days following the surprise attack by Germa-
ny forces, the City Military Commissariat in Frunze received two hundred
seventy applications. Two hundred fifty miners (volunteers of Kyzyl-Kiya
mines) went to the front. Another one hundred forty patriots of the Tien
Shan Oblast arrived to military commissariat, demanding to be sent to the
front.
From the earliest days of the war, the warriors of Kyrgyzstan fought
heroically against the Nazi invaders. The frontier defense of Brest For-
tress was one of the most important events of Kyrgyz involvement in
the Great Patriotic War. Soviet soldiers were defending the fortress more
than a month without passing it to the enemy. V.I. Furtsev, who grew up
in Przhevalsk and graduated from the Lenin School there, was among
them. In the defense of the Belarussian city of Borisovoon, July 10,
1941, N.M. Dmitriev, who worked before the war in Frunze, knocked
out two enemy tanks. He was the first soldier from Kyrgyzstan to be

328
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet
Union on August 31, 1941.
Since the first days of the war the
government of Kyrgyzstan worked to
quickly train the population for partici-
pation in the war; organization of mil-
itary units became a priority. By the
decree of the Presidium of the Supreme
Soviet of June 22, 1941 the country be-
gan a general mobilization. During this
campaign, the 385th Infantry Division
was formed in Kyrgyzstan. The 40th and
153rd Infantry Brigades, as well as two
national cavalry divisions were later
formed and outfitted by enterprises and
collective farms of the republic.
Under the command of the military
commissar of Kyrgyzstan, Major-Gener- The Monument
al I.V. Panfilov, the 316th Infantry Divi- to I. Panfilov, Bishkek
sion was the first among new units joined
the battle. The new division was formed by the governments of Kazakhstan
and Kyrgyzstan; it consisted mostly of farmers and workers of the two re-
publics. During the battle for Moscow in November 1941, the soldiers of this
division opposed enemy forces, even though they were outnumbered by four
to one. Within one month, the division broke the 2nd Armored, 29th Motorized,
and 11th and 110th Infantry Divisions of the Germans, killing a total of nine
thousand German officers and soldiers; the division also managed to destroy
eighty enemy tanks.
For the exemplary fulfillment of the command, the 316th Infantry Divi-
sion was named the 8th Guards Army, and awarded the Order of Red Star.
I.V. Panfilov was killed in a Guskovo village of Volokolamsk district on
November 18, 1941. He was posthumously awarded the title of the Hero
of the Soviet Union and the division was named after him. In addition, the
title of Hero of the Soviet Union was given to 28 soldiers of Panfilov’s
division. Among them are Kyrgyzstan nationals Duyshenkul Shopokov,
Nikolay Ananiev, Gregory Shemyakin, Gregory Konkin, Ivan Moskalen-
ko, Grigory Petrenko, and Ivan Dobrobabin. In March 1942, Panfilov’s di-
vision pursued the retreating enemy and was awarded the Order of Lenin.

329
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Pilot Lieutenant Timur Frunze (M.V. Frun-
ze’s son) died heroically while serving on the
North-Western Front. He was later awarded
the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union. For-
mer secretary of the Communist of Kyrgyzstan,
Asankul Rysmendiev, was distinguished for his
courage and organizational abilities in the bat-
tle for Moscow. He served as commissioner of a
cavalry regiment. On February 8, 1942 Asankul
died in a bloody battle for the Pastiha village of
Bust of D.Shopokov the Smolensk Oblast.
In the winter of 1941-1942, the Red Army
began to pressure the Nazi forces along the
front. The regions of Moscow, Tula, (some of)
Leningrad, Kalinin, and Smolensk were finally
freed from the control of the Nazis.
Hitler’s army suffered the first major defeat
at Moscow. The so-called “blitzkrieg” plan was
finally disrupted. From November 16 to Decem-
ber 5, 1941 the enemy lost fifty-five thousand
soldiers and officers; one hundred thousand were
Bust of I.Moskalenko wounded. Additionally eight hundred tanks, one
thousand five hundred aircrafts, and three hun-
dred guns of the enemy were destroyed. The
Soviet troops also suffered heavy losses. After
the Battle of Moscow, neither Turkey nor Ja-
pan dared to join in an attack against the Sovi-
et Union. The Soviet people strengthened their
own confidence and were reassured in their abil-
ity to defeat the fascist invaders.
Participation of In 1942, the Germans
reinitiated with a new attack
Bust of N.Anan’ev Kyrgyz Soldiers on the USSR in an attempt to
in the Battles of
1942 and 1943 seize the strategic initiative.
By May 1942, the Nazis and
their allies refocused two hundred thirty-seven divisions and brigades to the
Soviet-German Front, a substantial increase from the previous year. The en-

330
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
emy’s army numbered 6.2 million sol-
diers and officers and was armed with
more than fifty-six thousand guns and
mortars, more than three thousand tanks
and assault units, more than three thou-
sand aircrafts, and sixty-three ships. The
number of soldiers in the Red Army, as
well as artillery, and combat aircraft did
not compare to the numbers seen in the
German forces. The Monument to the heroes
In 1942, the German High Com- of Panfilov division, Almaty
mand aimed to reach the banks of Volga, capture the city of Stalingrad,
as well as the North Caucasus, Transcaucasia, and Leningrad. They
hoped to victoriously end the war against the USSR with a final blow
on Moscow. In July 1942, the German army crossed the Don River and
seized several cultivated regions of the USSR. On July 28, Stalin issued
the infamous Order No. 227, which proclaimed a new rule for all mili-
tary personnel, “Not one step back.” The Red Army, with immeasurable
courage, bravely defended the Caucasus, as well as every quarter, street,
and house in Stalingrad. The dedication of the Red Army allowed them
to keep both of these regions from being captured.
The Red Army developed a plan for strategic counter-offensive,
which became known as “Uranus.” The South-Western on Don Fronts
(on November 19, 1942), together with Stalingrad Front on November 20
launched the counter-attack after a powerful artillery barrage; On Novem-
ber 23, they were able to surround German forces of 330,000 soldiers.158
On February 2, 1943, the Don Front succeeded in another great vic-
tory. Twenty-four generals, two thousand five hundred officers, and
ninety-one thousand soldiers were captured. The Battle of Stalingrad
was the turning point in both the Great Patriotic War and the broader
conflict of World War II. The victory in this battle raised the internation-
al prestige of the Soviet Union and the Red Army, helped to strengthen
the anti-Hitler coalition, and reinforced the national-liberation struggle
of the peoples of Europe against fascism. Turkey and Japan were forced
to change their military plans against the USSR.
The Red Army, emboldened by the victory near Stalingrad, proceed-
ed to advance on the broad front. In the attack, which lasted for four and

331
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
a half months, Soviet troops advanced to the west for about 600-700
km, released Leningrad from the blockade, and increased the losses of
enemy forces.
They delay of Soviet allies in opening a second front, meant that
Germany pulled over two hundred divisions (about 5.2 million soldiers)
armed with the newest strategies to the Soviet-German front. In accor-
dance with the plans of the “Citadel” and “Panther” operations, the forc-
es were scheduled to strike a new blow to Soviet forces in the Kursk area
and breakthrough to the east. On July 5, 1943, the German army started
the attack. The largest tank battles took place
in the areas of Kursk, Orel, and Belgorod. On
July 12, after a bloody week-long battle, the
Red Army finally received the necessary ar-
tillery and aviation support to launch a count-
er-attack. On August 5, Soviet troops released
Orel and Belgorod. An artillery salute was
made for the first time in Moscow in commem-
oration of the victory at Kursk (such military
salutes would later become a Soviet tradition).
As a result of the continued campaign during
the summer and autumn, the enemy continued
Bust of Ch.Tuleberdiev to be driven westward. It should be noted that
the Kyrgyz people played a significant role in the contribution to these
victories.
The Don River to the south of Voronezh was also a place which testi-
fied t the incredible bravery exemplified by Kyrgyz soldiers in the Great
Patriotic War.On August
6, 1942 Cholponbay
Tuleberdiev performed
a feat. He destroyed an
entire bunker of enemies
by closing it by his own
chest. On February 4,
1943 he was awarded the
title of the Hero of the
Heroism of Cholponbai Tuleberdiev. Soviet Union.
August 6, 1942

332
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Such instances were commonplace. For example, on May 16, 1942,
the Kyrgyzstani G.I. Vyglazov and the warriors of his headquarters
stopped the attack of eight enemy tanks on the North-Caucasian Front.
The squad leader personally knocked out three tanks and killed twenty-
Germans. On February 22, 1943 he was awarded the title of the Hero
of the Soviet Union. On the Western Front, this title was awarded to the
Kyrgyz native, A.I. Volkovenko.
Artillery gunner Dayyr Asanov heroically
fought at the Stalingrad front. In January 1943,
he was the first who knocked out a tank. He then
took out an entire mortar battery, before moving
on to a group of Germans. In the battle for the
Pyatnickoe village near Kharkov, D. Asanov’s
squad successfully attacked eight tanks with the
support of gunmen. In the battle, Asanov knocked
out three tanks, forcing the rest to retreat. After
a twenty-five minute air strike and shelling, the
enemies once again tried to attack. By this time, D. Asanov
Asanov was left alone but knocked out two more tanks. During the four
hour battle, Asanov personally destroyed eight tanks, six armored vehi-
cles, and killed forty Nazi soldiers. On October 26, 1943 he was award-
ed the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union.
Political instructor Kubat Jumatayev showed heroism on the Trans-
caucasian Front. On September 16, 1942, Jumatayev led fighters to
attack the Fascist fortification, after his own commander had been
wounded. Under his command, the squad released some of civilians.
Unexpectedly, fifteen enemy tanks attacked the squad, which had been
largely depleted by that time. Although the forces
were outnumbered, the Red Army soldiers man-
aged to destroy two enemy tanks and eighty sol-
diers. Jumatayev, surrounded, tied himself with
grenades, threw himself under a tank, effectively
demobilizing the tank. After the fact, the young
Kyrgyz Communist was awarded the Red Star.
In December 1942, squad commander Akun
Sadyrbaev caught and threw back sixteen gre-
nades flying from the enemy in a battle for the A. Sadyrbaev

333
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Caucasus. Sadyrbaev was killed by the seventeenth grenade, which ex-
ploded in his hand. His comrades held the position for twenty-four hours
before the reinforcement came and killed sixty Nazis. For this feat, A.
Sadyrbaev was awarded the Order of the Red Banner. The squad’s po-
litical instructor Jundubaev Sulaiman, senior lieutenant Temirkul Umet-
aliev, and riflemen Kyrbakbaev Kerim, Tynybay Beyshenbaev, and Ab-
dykalyk Jumakeev showed courage while defending the Caucasus. In
the battles in 1942-1943, the multinational 8th Guards Division named
after Panfilov made a worthy contribution to the defeat of the enemy
(18.5 percent of its soldiers were the Kyrgyz). Divisional snipers Tok-
togul Shabekov, Alymkul Abibuldaev, and Bozjigit Turdubaev killed up
to one hundred fifty Nazi soldiers.
When crossing the Dnieper River, the sol-
diers of Kyrgyzstan showed miracles of her-
oism; the detachment of sergeant Anvarbek
Chortekov particularly distinguished. Having
crossed over the river, his division repelled
four enemy attacks, resulting in thirty enemy
casualties. Chortekov was awarded the title of
the Hero of the Soviet Union for his courage
and heroism. In one battle for the Dnieper, ri-
fle-man Sadiq Alinazarov killed twenty one
A. Chortekov
soldiers and two enemy officers. He was also
awarded the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union. This high award was
given to many Kyrgyzstan natives, including W. Krikun, V. Belyandr,
M. Sapozhnikov, E. Mazkov, G. Tikhonov, and M. Teshebaev.
Many soldiers from Kyrgyzstan fought in partisan groups. For ex-
ample, the partisan group of Kovpak, Ukraine, contained 17 Kyrgyz
people. Ishenkul Beyshenaliev, who participated in six confrontations
as a partisan is remembered for his great deeds. Other Kyrgyz natives,
including M. Murzakulov, S. Sarybaev, B. Uzbekov, and A. Adashev
fought against the German enemy in the squads of Belarusian partisans.
Many Kyrgyz were courageous and resilient, fighting behind enemy
lines in Crimea, Leningrad, Smolensk, Pskov, Orel, and other areas tem-
porarily occupied by the Nazis.

334
 A History of Kyrgyzstan

Kyrgyz Soldiers Beginning in 1944, the Soviet armed forces

during the Final had increased personnel by 1.3 times as much,
Stages of the Great 1.7 times as much in artillery, and 2.7 times in
Patriotic War aircraft. As a result of a total mobilization, Ger-
many’s forces continued to remain strong, de-
spite repeated defeats. Since the second front had not yet been opened
by Great Britain or the United States, Germany held 63.2 percent of
its troops at the Soviet-German front. During January and February of
1944, Soviet troops took the strategic initiative and destroyed large ene-
my groupings near Leningrad, Novgorod, and the Left-Bank of Ukraine.
They also penetrated the border of Romania and Czechoslovakia. In the
spring of 1944, they relieved the Crimea. Finland, stunned by the blows
of the Soviet Army, left the war. Belarus and Poland were freed from the
German control.
In a battle near the Estonian town of Narva on March 18, 1944, a
Kyrgyz bomber, Ismailbek Taranchiev, flew into the midst of enemy’s
tanks at a filling station. The explosion destroyed six tanks, several mo-
tor vehicles, and dozens of invaders. Taranchiev was not immediately
recognized for his contribution; only in 1991 was he awarded the title of
the Hero of the Soviet Union.
Victory of the Soviet Army and the strengthening of the national lib-
eration struggle of those enslaved in Europe forced the United States
and Great Britain to open the second front on June 6, 1944. However, the
main forces of the fascist army continued to fight on the Soviet-German
front. In August 1944, Soviet troops liberated Moldavia and Romania;
on October 20 Belgrade, the capital of Yugoslavia, came under Soviet
control. The Nazi invaders were driven out of Baltic countries. Thus, in
1944, all military operations were eventually confined to Germany.
The soldiers of all nations of the USSR fought valiantly in the final
military operations in 1944 and 1945. In the fighting near Leningrad in
1944, O. Zhetikashkaev, J. Rustamov, M. Yunusaliev, and others were
distinguished among the soldiers. In April 1944, the rifleman K. Jarkym-
baev destroyed two enemy vehicles with guns and twenty-five enemy
soldiers in Moldova around the town of Dubossary. For his bravery, he
was awarded the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union.

335
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In the battles for
Belorussia in June
1944, corporals A.
Yakubov, Jhumash.
Asanaliev, Lieutenant
D. Pichugin, Major
N. Kalashnikov, Ser-
geant E. Kurochkin,
Lieutenant L. Tsaren-
ko, the rifleman R.
Azimov, Lieutenant
S. Sukhin, and the
soldier A. Khimen-
The Monument to Jumash Asanaliev ko honored the glory
in Minsk, Belorussia, 2005 of Kyrgyzstan when
they were awarded the titles of the Hero of the So-
viet Union for courage and valor.
The Kyrgyz 660th and 664th air regiments of
night bombers actively participated during the lib-
eration of cities such as Leningrad, Rzhev, Velikie
Luki, Novgorod, Pskov, and Narva. The member
of this regiment, the Kyrgyzstani pilot E.Pasko
dropped 93 tons of bombs to the positions of Na-
zis for 780 night raids. Well-aimed blows to im-
portant objects of the enemy caused over one hun-
E. Pasko dred fires. The Hero of the Soviet Union, E.Pasko
and her students repeatedly inflicted heavy losses to the enemy.
On October 13-15, 1944, Soviet troops liberated Riga. During this
operation, Panfilov’s division was awarded the 2nd class Order of Su-
vorov for special military merit. During the war, thirty-four soldiers of
the 8th Guard of the Panfilov Division became the Heroes of the Soviet
Union. Eighteen thousand eight hundred six men were awarded orders
and medals. In addition, the flag of that division adorned the Order of
Lenin and the Order of the Red Flag. These honors are testament that
the soldiers from the lands of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan that made up
Panfilov’s division showed great courage and heroism during the war.
At the final stage of the war - the battle for Poland – the rifleman
A.Otorbaev was awarded the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union.
336
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Crossing the Oder River, he fought off five enemy attacks and killed
twenty-five Nazi soldiers. When the battalion reached the coast, the Ger-
man self-propelled gun opened a withering fire. Realizing the impor-
tance and seriousness of the situation, Otorbaev ran under the tracks of
the self-propelled gun and blew the enemy with two anti-tank grenades.
The victories of the Soviet Army immeasur-
ably raised the international prestige of the Soviet
Union. Nazi Germany was defeated and all its al-
lies were driven from the war. On April 16, 1945
the Red Army started the attack on Berlin.The
Politruk (political leader) of the battalion, Kalyin-
ur Usenbekov, participated in this battle. On Feb-
ruary 14, Usenbekov killed seven enemy soldiers
and captured two. For his valor K. Usenbekov was
awarded the title of the Hero of the Soviet Union. K. Usenbekov
The Battalion of Usenbekov was one of the first who came to Berlin and
took part in the storming of Berlin’s town hall. For this battle Usenbekov
K. was awarded the Red Flag.
Thus, during the Great Patriotic War the Soviet people selflessly
fought not only for their freedom and independence, but also for the
liberation of other countries that had fallen to the Germans. More than
three hundred eighty thousand citizens of Kyrgyzstan showed courage
and adequately fulfilled their duty of defending the Fatherland. More
than ninety thousand Kyrgyz citizens died on the battlefields. More than
one hundred fifty thousand Kyrgyz soldiers were awarded the orders
and medals for their military
exploits. Seventy-three of
them were awarded the title of
the Hero of the Soviet Union,
while thirty-four became the
holders of the Order of Glory.
The majority of Kyrgyzstan
soldiers did not return from
the battlefields and sacrificed
their lives for the freedom of
the people and their country. Victory Square in Bishkek

337
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Workers of Kyrgyzstan during the War.

Industry during Because Germany seized the most economi-

the War cally developed regions of the USSR at the be-
ginning of the war, the situation, from the start,
was quite difficult for the Soviet Government and its people. To meet
the demands of the front, the Soviet government set a target to turn the
communal republics into an incredible force of military-industrial pro-
duction in the shortest possible time. A strategic framework had been
developed whereby the Urals, Western Siberia, Kazakhstan, and Central
Asia became the rear units of machinery, equipment, industrial products,
and food production; they also would serve as an evacuation zone once
the Germans had pushed into Soviet territory.
From the very beginning of the war, the industry in Kyrgyzstan was
organized to execute military orders. Already in June 1941, the Frunze
mechanical factory was redirected to meet the special orders that come
from the front. The production rate of factory workers was between
200 and 400%. Nearly 65% of factory workers became Stakhanovites
(Stakhanovtsy), shock-workers who sought to break industrial produc-
tion records. The former spheres of the light and textile industry in Kyr-
gyzstan became refocused to address the demand for creating military
uniforms.
Organization of industrial enterprises evacuated from the central re-
gions of Russia became the most important economic task during the
war. Two thousand five hundred ninety-three industrial enterprises were
relocated to the eastern regions of the USSR from July to December
1941; three hundred eight of them were moved to Central Asia and
Kazakhstan and twenty eight large factories were transferred to Kyr-
gyzstan. These included the Berdyansk Machinery Factory from the
Zaporozhye region, a Mercury factory from the Donetsk region, leather
and glue factories from Odessa, a sewing factory from Kharkov, tex-
tile factories from Kursk and Kharkov, five shoe factories, several sugar
factories, a mechanical repair factory from Kursk, and a shoe factory
from Kiev. Thus, it is clear that Kyrgyzstan, as well as other regions of
Central Asia, was crucial to the continued operation of many of these
relocated industries.
As a result of the German attack during the summer of 1942, another
thirty large industrial enterprises were evacuated to Kyrgyzstan. Huge
338
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
initiatives were undertaken which allowed for the reconstruction of the
factories, preparation of new workers to run the factories. The local au-
thorities also made sure that supplies of raw materials, energy, and trans-
port were available. Ninety percent of the evacuated enterprises were
located in the Chui valley; the rest were placed in the regions of Osh,
Jalalabad, and Issyk-Kul.
Much like the process of relocating industry to Central Asia, the pro-
cess of evacuating and resettling citizens in Kyrgyzstan from the areas
captured by the Germans was a huge undertaking, only made possible
by the dedication of many citizens. From July 1941 to January 1942
more than 61.8 thousand people arrived in Kyrgyzstan. By December
1942, 138.9 thousand people had been evacuated. Most of them were
from the regions of Moscow, Leningrad, Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania,
the Karelo-Finnish SSR, Kursk, Orel, Tula, Rostov, Voronezh, Stalin-
grad, Crimea, Stavropol, and Krasnodar. In addition to Soviet citizens,
12.9 thousand Polish citizens were also evacuated to Kyrgyzstan.
Provincial and district committees were established and provided
practical assistance to the arriving refugees. The people of Kyrgyzstan
did everything possible for receiving evacuees and, together with the
newcomers, they did their best to support the front.
From the first days of the war, the industry in Kyrgyzstan suffered
from the lack of electricity. To solve the problem, it was decided to re-
start the unfinished construction of the Lebedinovskaya Hydro Power
plant at the Big Chu Canal. Work started on June 6, 1942 and finished by
the end of the year; from that point on the Lebedinovskaya HPP provid-
ed the necessary electricity. As Nazi Germany seized the coalfields and
coalmines near the front, the extraction of coal was also reassigned to
eastern regions. Thus, the coalmines of Kyzyl-Kiya, Sulukta, Kok-Jan-
gak, and Tash-Kumyr were united in the so-called “Kirgizugol” trust.
The miners of Kyrgyzstan worked faithfully by the slogan ‘not less than
1.5 rates for the shift’. Most miners fulfilled 2-3 rates for one shift. In
1942, twenty four miners were awarded with prestigious honors for their
valiant work.
Throughout the war, workers on the home front did not spare any
efforts and worked selflessly towards victory. Young people helped to
organize “front line teams”. The ‘home front like the war front’ move-
ment had a countrywide scale. Individuals often took to breaking work

339
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
records in their respective fields. For example, M. Chernyshov, the lock-
smith of the Frunze Engineering Factory, overreached the standard rate
by 1171%. Soon, J. Mambetov achieved a new rate record - 1197%.
In May 1942, the
construction of the
Big Chu Canal, which
was suspended at
the beginning of the
war, was started once
again. The builders
were able to lay eight
km of the canal and
dug four hundred fifty
thousand cubic me-
ters of earth during
Construction of Big Chui Chanel, 1942s the war. In 1943,
sugar factories started to operate in Tokmok, Novo-Troitsk, and Belo-
vodskoye village; the country began to produce fifty-five tons of sugar
by the day. New factories, including the Kara-Balta distillery factory,
the Tokmok cannery factory, a new bakery, two creamery factories, the
Voroshilovskaya Hydro Power plant in Frunze, and a cement factory in
Kant were commissioned. From 1941 to 1943, the production of mercu-
ry increased by 10 times; the production of antimony saw a two hundred
percent increase in the same period. For 1943-1944, the Khaidarkan
mercury factory won the Republican Transferable Red Flag four times.
In 1945, the Frunze Instrument Factory was awarded the Order of Red
Flag.
During the Great Patriotic War, thirty-six large industrial companies
in Kyrgyzstan went into operation and new branches were formed. The
number of employees increased by ten thousand. The share of industry in
the economy of Kyrgyzstan rose from 50.2% in 1940 to 67.5% in 1945.
Growth of During the war, not only the industry but
also the USSR’s agriculture suffered huge
Agriculture
losses as the enemy captured 38% of the crops
in the War Effort
land; nearly 84% of land for sugar beet was
lost. Tractors and horses previously used in agriculture were sent to the
front.

340
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
A number of men employed in agriculture decreased by 51%. The
burden of agricultural work was put to the shoulders of women, chil-
dren, and elderly. Day and night they worked for the front; non-stop
harvesting of grain in the procurement centers of the Republic was per-
formed under the slogan “Every ton of grain is a shell to the camp of the
Nazis!” In 1941, 203.6 tons of grains were collected in Kyrgyzstan, a
dramatic increase in comparison with the previous year.
In 1942, the condition of the agricultural industry was still problem-
atic. The Soviet Union was cut off from the rich with grain and livestock
Ukraine, Don, Crimea, and Kuban. The main tasks of providing the food
to the front were assigned to the regions of Central Asia and Kazakh-
stan. To enhance the management of agriculture, political departments
were established in all MTS (Machine and Tractor Stations) and state
farms. Agricultural workers showed unprecedented prowess and over
fulfillment of standard rates became commonplace. Due to the lack of
technology, many works were carried out manually.
Headed by Kerimbubu Shopokova, the “Kyz-
yl-Asker” farm in Sokuluk district achieved re-
markable success in the cultivation of industrial
crops. They obtained six hundred eighty four of
quintal of sugar beets per hectare, surpassing the
amounts expected, which were about 210 quin-
tal. Under the leadership of A. Joldoshbaeva, the
“Kayyrma” farm in the Chuy region grew 565
quintal per hectare. The Narimanov farm in Osh
collected 23.3 centners of cotton per hectare.
Headed by I. Ismailova, the Stalin farm in Su-
zak district of Jalal-Abad Oblast achieved a high
yield of cotton - 35 quintal per hectare. K. Shopokova
During the war, much attention was paid to the
development of livestock. A marked increase in this sector was achieved
in 1941-1942. The number of cattle in 1942 was 20.6% greater in 1940.
As a result of such increase, the Republic managed to exceed the state
expectations of the amount of meat sent to the front. Central authorities
of the USSR positively assessed the achievements of the Kyrgyz SSR in
the development of livestock in 1942.
In summary, the Great Patriotic War took a significant loss on the
agriculture of Kyrgyzstan. For example, if in January 1941 the republic
341
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
had 555.4 thousand heads of cattle, on January 1, 1946 their amount was
only 440.3 thousand - i.e. the number was decreased by 18%. The ratio
of pigs during this period decreased from 87.2 thousand to 19.4 thou-
sand (by 70%).The number of goats and sheep dropped from 2529.1
thousand to 2272.3 thousand (by 12%). The amount of horses in the
country dropped significantly, from 407.7 thousand to 209.2 thousand
(by 29%).
Gross agricultural output
over the period of 1940-1945
decreased by 76%, animal
products - by 71%. Crop
supplies suffered too; de-
livery of grains to the State
decreased from 207.7 to 24.5
thousand tons. Tobacco and
potatoes saw similarly cata-
“A Letter from the front”
strophic decline. Despite the
by G.Aitiev, 1943 difficulties, the workers of
Kyrgyzstan selflessly provided the front and the industry with food and
raw materials.
Conclusion: During the war, the people of Kyrgyzstan provid-
National ed the Soviet Army with the industrial and agricul-
Contributions tural products and also helped the front with personal
to the Front resources and savings. Despite the difficult economic
situation, ordinary Soviet people gave the front their
savings, parts of the wages, gold and silver ornaments, and food. Even
during the early days of the war, the Kyrgyz workers transferred their
1-2-day salary to the nationwide defense fund and developed the system
of transfer of funds earned overtime, during the weekends and holidays
to protect the homeland.
Collective farmers actively participated in the support of the defense
fund. For example, the member of the agricultural cooperative T. Saty-
baldiev gave fifty sheep from his own farm to the fund.
To support such national initiatives, a special account (№ 14) was
opened in Frunze State Bank of the USSR and received two million
rubles from the population in August 1941, one million six hundred
thousand rubles in September, and one million five hundred seventy

342
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
thousand rubles in October. By the end of 1941, this special account
received nine million rubles, 38.9 kg of gold and silver jewelry as well
as an additional sixteen million rubles from the government. During the
winter time, the country began to send warm clothes to the front.
This movement continued until the end of the World War II. For the
construction of tanks, B. Begalieva, a 75 year-old mother of 20 children,
contributed fifty-five thousand rubles. Thousands of Kyrgyz people gave
all their savings for the victory of the Soviet Union. For the construc-
tion of tank column, youth of Kyrgyzstan collected 15 million rubles, 3
million rubles of which were given by high school students. During the
war, in addition to the assistance with food, clothing, and other provi-
sions, the Kyrgyz people raised money for the construction of 93 tanks
or 186 military aircrafts. The tank column “Soviet Kyrgyzstan” created
for these deposits struck the enemy as early as November 1942.
During the Great
Patriotic War, people
of Kyrgyzstan col-
lected and transferred
189 million rubles to
the defense fund, pur-
chased government
bonds for a total of
57.3 million rubles. The ‘Soviet Kyrgyzstan’ tank column
They sent nearly two hundred cars with food, five hundred fifty thou-
sand pieces of warm clothing, and more than thirty-eight thousand indi-
vidual packages were sent to the front.
In 1942-1943, Kyrgyzstan sent more than one hundred wagons of food
to the surrounded by blockade Leningrad. Collective and state farms of
the republic passed 4.5 million pounds of grain and five hundred thou-
sand tons of meat to the defense fund and donated one hundred thirty
thousand heads of cattle, goats and sheep to the regions freed from the
Nazis.
Kyrgyzstan during 1946-1953
State Industry In contrast to western regions of the Soviet Union,
in the Kyrgyz the weakened economy of Kyrgyzstanwas not com-
SSR pletely destroyed. On the contrary, at the expense

343
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
of enterprises evacuated from the war zone, the industrial base of the
Republic significantly strengthened. Now, the Republic was given the
complex task of shifting from military production to production which
focused on the needs of a population now at peace.
Starting in 1946, the industry of the Kyrgyz SSR began to manu-
facture civilian products, which were necessary for national economy.
Eight-hour workday, weekends, and paid leaves were restored at mills
and factories; overtime compulsory labor was abolished.
In August 1946, the XI session of the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz
SSR, in accordance with the All-Union plan, adopted a new Five-Year
Plan for 1946-1950 to restore the national economy. In 1950, the Five-
Year Plan Industry of the Republic had to produce products equal to 360
million rubles, 94% more than in 1940.
During this first post-war Five-Year plan, particular attention was
paid to the development of heavy industry. Industry of electric power,
machine tools, silk, leather shoes, and canned food grew at a rapid rate;
new mines in Kyzyl-Kiya and Sulukta as well as oil wells in Maili-Suu
were opened. Mechanical-repair and asphalt-concrete factories started
to operate in Frunze. The second phase of the Lebedinovskaya Hydro
Power Plant was completed. Such similar plants as Alamedinskaya,
Przhevalskaya and Jalal-Abadskaya were constructed. The Kadamjay
metal factory, “Ak-Tuz” and “Kok-Jangak” mines also started to pro-
duce the needed goods. The construction industry was further developed
when the Kyzyl-Kiya and Kurmenty brick factories and the Talas tile
factory began to work.
Food and light industries were also expanded. The Jalal-Abad cotton
factory, the Frunze shoe factory, and a hat factory in Sosnovka village
were opened in the post-war years. Over ten mechanized and seventeen
semi-mechanized butter and cheese factories, as well as three meat fac-
tories were opened in the Republic. The Belovodsk sugar factory, the
Jalal-Abad and Tokmok dairies, the Novo-Troitsk grain mills, and the
Rybachinsky meat factory also started to operate at the same time.
During the years of the fourth Five-Year plan much work was done
to repair and build roads. Capital restoration of the highways of Frun-
ze-Rybachie, Frunze-Lugovaya, Frunze-Georgiyevka, and Osh-Khorog
roads was completed. During the plan, the total length of roads in Kyr-
gyzstan increased by two thousand seven hundred km. One thousand

344
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
two hundred forty bridges were built. The rail line between Kant – Ry-
bachie, which was very important for the economy of Kyrgyzstan, was
put into operation during this time. The length of all railways in the
Republic reached 368 km in 1950. Water transport on Issyk-Kul Lake
was improved too. Two streamers, two motor ships, and four barges reg-
ularly carried freight shipments. In November 1945, a separate Kyrgyz
Squadron was founded; it was later transformed into the Department of
Civil Aviation. It offered regular flights to Moscow. Significant progress
was made in the field of communications and broadcasting: Oblast cen-
ters were connected by telephone lines with 60 regional centers. Addi-
tionally, 152 offices of rural soviets, 69 MTS, all state farms, and most
collective farms acquired telephones.
Of course, the new progress in industry was not without fault. En-
terprises and transport were often inactive and worked without proper
efficiency. Some local companies failed to comply with the Five-Year
Plan for oil and coal extraction. Due to the slow labor productivity, cer-
tain branches were even unable to reach the prewar level. Industry grew
by increasing the number of enterprises and working personnel. The
number of people employed in industry grew from thirty-six thousand
in 1940 to just over sixty-six thousand in 1950. At the same time, the
pace of industrial development of the republic required a constant re-
plenishment of the industry’s professional staff. The bulk of the Kyrgyz
population, however, lived in rural areas which reduced their chances to
break into a professional field. As a result, workers from the industrial
areas of the Soviet Union migrated to Kyrgyzstan.
Agriculture: Following the war, as briefly mentioned above,
Achievements the state of agriculture in Kyrgyzstan had suffered
and huge losses. Out of one hundred eighty-six thousand
Disadvantages men employed in agriculture before the war, only
sixty thousand made it through the war alive. Tech-
nical equipment of collective farms dropped the mid-1930 levels. Many
fertile lands were not cultivated and crop yields reduced because of in-
sufficient manpower and lack of technology. Mineral fertilizers were
almost not received by the Republic. The agricultural base was weak;
organic fertilizer was accumulated at livestock farms and state farms
were used inefficiently. Lack of preventive maintenance led to a rapid
destruction of irrigation and water control structures.

345
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The plight of agriculture was due to some miscalculations of the
agrarian policy conducted at that time. Kolkhoz statutes were grossly
violated everywhere. Board Chairmen were not chosen by farmers, but
directly appointed by the higher organs of power. This inevitably sup-
ported the development of an inefficient bureaucracy slowing the proper
functioning of the agricultural industry.
Salaries to farmers were paid out during the workdays. However,
this order of payment was only true on paper. Every year the number
of farmers who did not receive any payment for work their increased.
As a result, this led to the indifference of farmers and their own labor
discipline waned. Specific steps to remedy the plight of agriculture and
its recovery were taken in 1949.
First of all, planners sought to bring the arable lands to previous pro-
duction level and to increase total number of livestock. They hoped to
increase the number of horses to four hundred ninety thousand and the
number of large-horned cattle to five hundred sixty thousand. They also
declared that the number of goats and sheep should reach 4.3 million.
Pigs were to increase to six hundred thousand by 1950.
During the postwar years, much attention was paid development of
collective farms. Government decisions sought to secure of the property
of the collective farms, increase their productivity, and ensure that col-
lective farmers were paid. In September 1946, the Soviet of Ministers
adopted the decree, “On Measures to Eliminate the Violations of the
Charter in Agricultural Cooperatives.” In February 1947, the Plenum of
the CPSU (b) examined the question of the increase of the agriculture
in the postwar period and, in 1948, the Soviet of Ministers of the USSR
adopted a decree “On Measures to Organize and Increase of Productiv-
ity in the Farms and the Order of Payment in Collective Farmers.” In
accordance with these and other decrees, the Kyrgyz Republic distrib-
uted tractors, combines, farm machinery, necessary spare parts, and fer-
tilizers. The government also provided collective farms of the Republic
with financial assistance.
All farmers of Kyrgyzstan were actively involved in the movement
of competition. The government proclaimed a competition among
collective farmers and pastoralists in order to increase labor, harvest,
and livestock productivity. In the course of the competition, workers

346
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
were shown the sam-
ples of a valiant work.
The brigade Zuurakan
Kainazarova, the Hero
of Socialist Labor and
Deputy of the Supreme
Soviet of the USSR,
delivered over five hun-
dred centners of sugar
beet per one hectare.
During these years, for-
ty-seven experts of ag- Z.Kainazarova going to the shugar plant
riculture were awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor in Kyrgyzstan
for their success in production; over five hundred rural workers were
awarded with other orders and medals.
Financial Implementation of a monetary reform, weaken-
Situation of ing of prohibition on state and cooperative trade, and
the Local abolition of the rationing system by the end of 1947
Populations contributed to the improvement of living standards.
If during the war the level of general prices increased
by three times, in 1946-1950, the prices for goods of broad consump-
tion were brought back to the pre-war levels. Pensioners, labor veterans,
mothers of large families, and single mothers were provided with con-
stant material aid. Much attention was paid to housing construction and
the improvement of urban and rural areas.
In 1950, fifty-three percent of the national budgets were spent for
social and cultural needs of workers. As a result of such measures, real
incomes of population increased. One hundred seventy-seven out of one
thousand thirty-five collective farms in Kyrgyzstan received an income
totaling 3-5 million rubles. Additional 16 million rubles were paid to
collective farmers of Kyrgyz Republic for the over-fulfillment of pro-
duction plans. Besides, farmers received grain and cattle. Many farms,
however, were unable to pay wages to its members in time because of
very low purchase prices for agricultural products. In addition, the av-
erage wage of farmers was more than 3 times lower in comparison with
the workers and employees of other industries. Farmers did not have
pensions; they were not paid benefits for temporary disability.

347
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

The Yssyk-Ata Resort

During the postwar years, more attention was paid to the health of
the population. Such resorts as “Jalal-Abad,” “Jeti-Oguz”, “Koi-Sary”,
“Issyk-Ata”, and “Ak-Suu” were improved. “Issyk-Kul” and “Chol-
pon-Ata” sanatoriums were built for the treatment of tuberculosis pa-
tients. Every year, thousands of workers and children improved their
own health there.
In 1950, Kyrgyzstan had one hundred thirty-six hospitals, nine-
ty-eight of which were located in rural areas. More than one thousand
six hundred physicians, as well as 4.7 thousand specialists with sec-
ondary medical education were employed in medical institutions of the
Kyrgyz Republic.
Gradually, housing and living conditions of the population began to
improve. In five years, two hundred thousand square meters of housing
were built. Power systems in Frunze, Przhevalsk, and Jalal-Abad were
reconstructed. Extensive plumbing and trolleybus lines were put into
operation in the capital.
Kyrgyzstan during the Voluntarist Reforms (1953-1964)
In March 1953, I.V. Stalin died and “the Stalin era of socialist de-
velopment” ended; steps were taken to revive the principles of socialist
democracy. In this regard, an important role was played by the exposure

348
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
of a political adventurer, L.P. Beria. Using the confidence of Stalin, Be-
ria carried out large-scale repression eliminating state, party, and Kom-
somol cadres who were objectionable to him. He frequently used false
charges to achieve political ends. The July Plenum of the CPSU Cen-
tral Committee branded the criminal activity of Beria and his support-
ers. The participants at the Plenum took steps to
strengthen the leadership of the party at all levels
of government.
In September 1953, N.S. Khrushchev was
elected as the First Secretary of the CPSU. Under
his leadership, the CPSU launched a campaign to
overcome the negative effects of the Stalin cult,
as well as to reform economic, political, and cul-
tural spheres of social life.
Iskhaq Razzakov, who led the Central Com-
mittee of the Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan in I. Razzakov
1950s, made a huge contribution to the implementation of democratic
principles of the party leadership in the country.
At the same time, Ministries managing road transport and highways,
farms, water, as well as meat and dairy industries were formed in the
country. An important prerequisite for further development of indepen-
dent Kyrgyzstan was the decision made by the Soviet of Ministers May
4, 1955, “On Amendment of the State Planning and Financing the Econ-
omy of the Union Republics.” In accordance with this resolution, the
Soviet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz SSR received the right to plan and
allocate industry production; certain rights on budget usage were also
extended.
On February 11, 1957 the Supreme Soviet of the USSR adopted a
law expanding the rights of republics in lawmaking which created favor-
able conditions for the rapid solution of topical issues in local regions.
During the same year, according to the decision of the Soviet of Min-
isters, the governments of the Soviet Republics were granted the right
to solve the issues of economy and culture, which further expanded the
powers of national and local government.
Following Stalin’s death, special commissions began to review cas-
es of innocent citizens repressed during the years of the Stalin person-
ality cult. Thousands of unjustly convicted people were released from
prisons. About thirteen thousand people, who were executed on false

349
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
charges of the “enemies of the people”, were rehabilitated. Among them
were A. Orozbekov, I. Aidarbekov, B. Isakeev, J. Saadaev, M. Belotsky,
M. Ammosov, M. Salikhov, T. Aitmatov, O. Aliev, and many others. As
the result of the reforms conducted in 1950s, it became possible to coor-
dinate efficiently, while observing democratic principles. The rights of
the individual republics to solve the questions of management of their
socio-economic and cultural spheres were significantly expanded.
Reforms conducted in 1950s left a positive im-
The Economy pact on the economy of Kyrgyzstan. In the period
of Kyrgyzstan from 1951 to 1955, 3.6 billion rubles of capital in-
vestment were spent for the economic development
of the republic. During the fifth Five-Year Plan (1951-1955), Kyrgyz-
stan’s priorities were the development of mining, metal processing, pow-
er generation, and light and food industries. 2.5 billion rubles of capital
investments were appropriated for the development of industry in the
country. As a result, forty-eight new industrial enterprises were commis-
sioned. These included enterprises such as the Frunze weaving-spinning
mill, the third and fourth branches of the Alamedin hydroelectric station,
brick factories in Osh and Kyzyl-Kiya, the Kyrgyz mining factory, and
a cream factory in Kara-Suu. One thousand four hundred eighty-three
state and eight hundred eighteen public cooperative enterprises worked
in Kyrgyzstan in 1955. The Five-Year Plan for industry development
during the mid-1950s surpassed set expectations. Even amidst such suc-
cesses, one hundred eighty-eight companies in 1954 and one hundred
seventy companies in 1955 were unable to accomplish their manufac-
turing tasks.
During the sixth Five-Year Plan (1956-1960), more attention was
paid to the construction of large industrial enterprises in Kyrgyzstan.
National economy received 7 billion rubles of capital investments. The
Soviet of National Economy of the Kyrgyz SSR was established in June
1957 to improve the management of construction industries. It ran the
management of two hundred twenty-five companies producing 74% of
industrial output in the country. This management improved the inter-in-
dustry specialization and cooperation within the Soviet Union.
However, a purely territorial isolation seriously hampered produc-
tion links with other economic enterprises of the country. In this regard,
the Soviet of Economy was disbanded in 1965 and its functions were

350
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
transferred to the newly formed ministries. The sixth Five-Year Plan
witnessed a widespread movement of integrated operational teams and
the udarnik of communist labor (shock-workers who broke records in
productivity). In 1960, one hundred forty-nine teams of the republic, or
1.7 thousand people, were awarded the title of “Udarnik of Communist
Labour”.
In the 1950s, Kyrgyzstan commissioned fifty-nine industrial enter-
prises and forty-six shops and departments. In 1959, by the initiative
of N.S. Khrushchev, the government decided to change the Five-Year
Plan of 1956-1960 to a seven-year plan of development, extending it
until 1965. In 1961, six hundred sixteen republic enterprises from dif-
ferent branches of industry, construction, and communications partici-
pated in socialist competition to fulfill the production plan. As a result
of the competition, in early 1960s already Kyrgyzstan had a good pace
of development in mechanical engineering and light industry; industrial
products were exported to thirty countries.
In April 1952, the Soviet of Ministers adopted a decree “On Mea-
sures to Assist the Kyrgyz SSR in the Development of Cattle-breed-
ing” and “On Measures to Assist the Kyrgyz SSR in Agriculture”. These
regulations identified specific necessary activities to raise agriculture in
Kyrgyzstan. To implement identified tasks, a large number of agricultur-
al machinery was sent to the republic; thirteen new machine and tractor
stations (MTS) were founded.
In the early 1950s, the Soviet Union initiated a campaign for the en-
largement of farms. As a result, from 1951-1953 the number of farms in
the country decreased from over one thousand six hundred to just seven
hundred twenty five. This policy of consolidation of the collective farms
played an important role in raising their economy.
Significant boost for intensive development of agriculture in the
USSR, including Kyrgyzstan, was promoted by the decisions of the
September Plenum of the CPSU (1953). According to these regulations,
state purchase prices for agricultural products were increased, collective
farms were exempted from the existing debts to the state, taxes were
greatly reduced, and the restrictions on the conduct of private subsidiary
farms. Compulsory delivery of the agricultural products surplus to the
State was abolished. Farmers were free to sell the products of their labor
in the markets.

351
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The successes of agriculture in Kyrgyzstan were of immense value
and were recognized by the Soviet government. In 1957, the Kyrgyz
SSR was awarded the Order of Lenin, titles of Hero of Socialist Labor
were given to fifty-two of the best workers in agriculture and almost
three thousand people were awarded many orders and medals. Z. Kay-
nazarova and Kh. Tashirov were named Heroes of Socialist Labor. In
accordance with the decree of the CPSU Central Committee, the Ma-
chine Technical Stations (MTS) in collective farms were converted into
Repair and Technical Stations (RTS) in 1958.
Despite achieved suc-
cess, in the early 1960s,
Kyrgyz agriculture could
not keep in pace with
overall economic growth
of the Union. The admin-
istrative-command sys-
tem of consolidation of
collective farms, forced
relocation of “unprom-
On the collective farm field ising” villages, ill-con-
ceived restriction of private farms, policy imposition without consider-
ation of local conditions, compulsory cultivation of maize in all farms,
the system of postscripts, and fraud at all levels led to the stagnation of
agriculture in general.
Nevertheless, contradictions began to appear in the administrative-com-
mand system between central authorities and national governments. In
1959, the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee severely criticized the
leaders of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Latvia for the “abuse of rights” and
for ignoring national interests for the sake of “separatism” and “parochial-
ism”. In May 1961, Kyrgyzstan leaders of party and government, I. Raz-
zakov and K. Dyikanbaev, were removed from their posts because of their
attitudes towards the enhancement of the independence by the republic.
The Soviet of National Economy of Central Asia was formed in 1963
and was entrusted with the task of economic management of the region.
With the formation of the Soviet of National Economy, the rights obtained
by the national republics in the course of reforms in the 1950s were can-
celed.

352
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Kyrgyzstan during the period of “developed socialism”
(1964-1985)
Reforms initiated by N.S. Khrushchev during
Social and
the 1950s began to lose their relevance over time.
Political Life
Signs of economic recession in the country become
more and more evident. The “broad construction of communism” slo-
gan proposed by the Soviet leadership in 1964 became insolvent. N.S.
Khrushchev was dismissed from the post of the First Secretary of the
CPSU and the Chairman of the Soviet of Ministers; He was succeeded
by Leonid Brezhnev as the First Secretary of the CPSU. A.N. Kosygin
was appointed to the post of the Chairman of the Soviet of Ministers.
The new appointments brought about a new era in the leadership of the
Soviet Union.
Leaders of local parties became autocratic
governors who obediently implemented instruc-
tions from the center. In the Kyrgyz SSR, par-
ty and government reigns moved to Turdakun
Usubaliev in 1961. I. Razzakov, his predecessor,
was dismissed under various pretexts and allega-
tions; he was excluded from active participation
in the social life, as well as strengthening the in-
dependence of Kyrgyzstan and the protection of
national interests of the local population. T. Usubaliev
During the period of “developed socialism”, bureaucracies of the
CPSU were finally formed and then concentrated power in their own
hands. Since the bureaucracy in Soviet republics was strongly controlled
by central power in Moscow the Party and Soviet leaders, the First Secre-
taries of Regional Committees and the directors of large enterprises were
appointed only by Moscow.
With the spread of “developed socialism” the problems that previously
plagued the party-government supervision in the administrative command
system penetrated public organizations. During the early Brezhnev years,
the initiatives of the Komsomol bodies became a mere formality as all
the activities were carried out under the guidance of the Party. Signaling
a clear tightening of the state’s political apparatus, the bureaucracy had
expanded in comparison to the conditions in place under Khrushchev.

353
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Similar problems appeared in the trade unions, despite many at-
tempts to raise their central role in the society. Unions were available in
all sectors of the economy and, since the mid-1960s, trade union orga-
nizations were found in the kolkhozes all of the Republics of the Soviet
Union (including Kyrgyzstan).For the preparation of trade-union staff,
the KyrgyzSovProf organized special courses. Profaktiv (profession-
al activists) schools with regular seminars were opened in cities, dis-
tricts, and large enterprises. Trade union leadership sought to improve
labor discipline, family living conditions, and productivity. However,
the adoption of unrealistic plans and false registration in trade unions
hindered such efforts.
In the 1960s, a number of measures to enhance the
role of the Soviets as the public authorities were tak-
en throughout the entire Soviet Union. The Supreme
Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR devoted considerable at-
tention to this matter; specific attention was given to
improving the functioning of the local Soviets. The
Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR,
T. Kulatov, was known for his dedication to this very
important matter.
T. Kulatov A new version of the “Constitution of the USSR” was
adopted on October 7, 1977 to consolidate the role of the Communist
Party in the political system of the USSR and to distinguish the essence
of “developed socialism”. Accordingly, a new version of the “Constitu-
tion of the Kyrgyz SSR” was developed and adopted on April 20, 1978.
Most notably, the new laws stated that the Communist Party was the
“leading and guiding force of Soviet society, the core of the state and
public organizations.” Thus, the absolute power of the CPSU was legal-
ized through the adoption of the new Constitution in the various repub-
lics.
The use of the legal system to maintain the new system of government
that had been created continued throughout the Brezhnev era. On June
of 1979, the Law “On Elections to Local Soviets” was adopted; the law
effectively fixed the previous order of elections. As before, candidates
were determined from the top. The citizenry “chose” the candidates as
a formality; everything was predetermined internally. This resulted in a
barrier for creative discussion of topical issues and rid the higher author-
ities of accountability to the populations which it controlled.

354
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Starting in the 1960s, the Soviet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz SSR,
which held status as the supreme executive and supervisory authority of
the Republic, began to pay more attention to the socio-economic devel-
opment of Kyrgyzstan. It took active steps to implement national eco-
nomic plans, to execute planned state and local budgets, and advocate
the country. In this direction, a great contribution was made by such
state leaders as A. Suyerkulov, B. Mambetov, A. Suyunbaev, S. Ibrai-
mov, and A. Duisheev.
Starting from the 1980s, there was a significant decline in the activ-
ity of the Soviet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz SSR. They began to deal
primarily with relatively small, everyday issues. When they did take
on problems of larger scale, they were not able to effectively carry out
the solutions that they had decided upon. Thus, inefficiency on part of
the Soviet of Ministers took a huge toll on the progress of the Kyrgyz
Republic.
The In 1965, the Soviet Union began to reform its
Development economy. This reform, named after its initiator, the
of Industry Chairman of the Soviet of Ministers A.N. Kosygin,
was called the “Kosygin Reform.” The initial stage
of the reform started with the abolishment of the Soviet of National
Economy (which had been formed and initiated by the insistence of
Khrushchev). It was also met with the restoration of branch ministries.
In accordance with the set-
tings of the reform, a barrier
for unwarranted interference
in the production activities of
enterprises implemented. The
reforms formally declared that
authoritative planning “from
above” was to be eliminat-
ed; measures were taken to
increase the material interest
and the financing of enterpris-
es by providing loans (as op-
posed to grants which would Agricultural machines
not be returned). by the Frunze plant

355
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
At first glance, it seemed that the reforms were improving the econ-
omy of the Soviet state. Soviet-wide state industry, including that of
Kyrgyzstan, was accelerated. During the years of the eighth Five-Year
Plan (1966 – 1970), the economy of the country experienced an un-
precedented level of recovery. Because the government officials under
Kosygin were unwilling to continue with more radical reforms, the re-
form movement gradually lost its productivity and failed to address the
problems which were facing the USSR’s economy.
During the years of “developed socialism”, sixty percent of gross
output, more than half of the Republic’s GDP, came from large scale
industry. One hundred fifty new industrial enterprises were built during
this era. The main industries which were built up in the Kyrgyz SSR
during this period were energy, metallurgy, machine building, electron-
ics, and construction. Other industries, including that of light, food,
meat, and dairy were either reorganized or rebuilt.
In early 1980s, for-
ty percent of coal pro-
duced in Central Asia
was from the Kyrgyz
SSR. This level of pro-
duction was only made
possible by the exten-
sive investments in the
industry which took
place during the 1970s.
Kadamzhai antimonial plant The growth of ener-
gy in Kyrgyzstan was provided by the Naryn cascade construction in
Uch-Korgon and the Toktogulskaya Hydro Power Plants. By the mid-
1980s, hydro-electric power stations of the republic produced 11 billion
kilowatts per hour of electricity every year. Hydropower, which would
continue to play an important role in the economy of Kyrgyzstan, found
its origins in this shifting of industrialization which occurred during the
mid-1980s.
Kyrgyzstan was also known throughout the Soviet Union for its pro-
duction of precious metals. Antimony generated by the Kadamjay fac-
tory was recognized as a standard of quality by the international market.
Production of the Khaidarkan mercury factory was also a major compet-

356
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
itor on the global market. These products were exported to about forty
different countries. In addition, new deposits of gold, copper, mercury,
and other metals were discovered; the construction of mining companies
became an important asset to Kyrgyzstan.
During the period of “developed communism” mechanical industry
rapidly developed in both the entire Soviet Union and the Kyrgyz SSR.
Kyrgyzstan produced agricultural machinery, trucks, machine tools,
electrical machinery, and powerful electric motors, as well as physical,
and test equipment, pumps, washing machines, light bulbs, and other
products. The Frunze Machine-Building factory and “Tyazhelektro-
mash” were completed during this time. Because of the modern techni-
cal equipment, the quality of measuring and control devices produced
at Frunze factory reached new heights. The “Ala-Too” device designed
by the team of the Frunze factory was awarded the gold medal at the
International Leipzig Fair.
While heavy industry boomed, the lag of light industry was ever
more apparent. As a result of insufficient attention to reconstruction,
expansion of light industry was of poor quality; the products had low de-
mand and were often left unsold in warehouses. Similar situations were
often found in the food industry. The development of industry came to
a halt by the 1980s and stagnation had taken hold of the Kyrgyz (and
Soviet) economy.
With the development of industry in the USSR, the working class
grew accordingly. Three hundred ten thousand workers were employed
in all sectors of the economy of Kyrgyzstan in 1960; by 1985 their num-
ber exceeded by eight hundred sixty-six thousand. Thirty one percent
were employed in industry; the rest worked in agriculture, construction,
transport, communications, and service.
The number of workers grew at the expense of the local population.
In 1970, the work force was made up of one hundred seventy-two thou-
sand Kyrgyz workers; this was about 2.4 times greater than in 1959.
If in 1963-1985 the number of workers and employees in industry in-
creased by 2 times, the number of Kyrgyz among them grew by 4 times.
Government programs, however, were not focused enough to provide
opportunities to Kyrgyz workers to become professionals or special-
ists. Industrial sectors were mostly occupied by workers from the cen-
tral regions of the USSR. Instead of preparing skilled workers from the

357
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
representatives of indigenous
people, during those years the
professionals from other repub-
lics were attracted and then pro-
vided with a higher standard of
living. This situation prevented
the social and professional de-
velopment of the local popula-
The Toktogulskaya Hydro Power Plant tion of the Kyrgyz SSR.

The decision of the Plenum of the CPSU Central

Agricultural
Committee in March 1965 “On Urgent Measures for
Production
the Further Advancement of Agriculture in the USSR”
revealed the main barriers to the development of industry and set targets
for a long-term comprehensive program to improve the scope of agri-
culture across the Soviet Union. Decisions of the Plenary were subse-
quently developed and supplemented by the provisions of congresses of
the Communist Party, the Soviet government, and the Soviet Republics.
To implement a comprehensive program of improvement of agri-
culture, the government of the republic allocated funds from national
income, which was increased from the previous years. Financing of the
agricultural sector of Kyrgyzstan received increased attention through-
out the country. For example, from 1966-1975, two billion five hundred
eighty-six million rubles of capital investments were allocated to ag-
riculture of the Kyrgyz Republic from the public and collective farms
funds, and in the next decade, (1976-1985), the number increased to four
billion thirty-three million rubles. These funds were used to strengthen
the material-technical base of agricultural production.
These new allocations, however, did not compare to the funds al-
located in other Republics; as a
result, the agriculture of the Kyr-
gyz SSR suffered. Available tech-
nology of the Republic was not
used at full capacity and efficien-
cy. Due to the negligence of farm
managers and indifference of pro-
fessionals, the rules of storage
Sheep of fine-wool breed and preventive measures, as well

358
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
as the timing and
methods of repair,
use were routinely
flouted. There were,
however, some suc-
cesses which should
be noted as a result of
the allocations at the
All-Union level.
As a result of the Harvest
proper use of allocat-
ed funds, new irrigation systems were constructed and commissioned.
Additionally, large hydraulic structures were adapted to store and man-
age water resources. The irrigation system included two hundred twen-
ty-four thousand hectares of arable land and one thousand seven hundred
eighty-nine hectares of pastures. The area of irrigated land exceeded one
million hectares. For the first time, the automated system of water distri-
bution for the irrigation of land was used in Kyrgyzstan.
Capital investments in agricultural production and other measures to
develop the relations of production ultimately increased the gross do-
mestic product of the Kyrgyz SSR. At the same time, however, the lack
of interest in the development of agriculture by workers resulted (on top
of the bureaucratic problems which negatively impacted efficiency) led
to a steady decline in agricultural production. The price of agricultur-
al products, in turn, steadily rose. Under the command economy, and
especially during the eleventh phase of a Five-Year Plan, agricultural
production fell into a deep crisis. By 1985, 60.6% of state and collective
farms were unprofitable.
During these years, several progressive reforms to
Social Life
raise the real income of rural residents were carried
of the Village
out. For example, the eighth Five-Year Plan intro-
duced a guaranteed payment of monthly salaries to collective farmers;
the payment was taken in hope that they productivity of the collective
farmers would increase. Because of such measures, monthly salaries of
collective farmers in Kyrgyzstan increased from sixty-six to one hun-
dred sixty rubles; the salaries of state farmers increased from sixty to
one hundred forty rubles. Regardless of the actual effects on productivi-
ty, the pay raises helped to improve the living standards of the collective
359
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
farmers of rural Kyrgyzstan. Effective measures taken in 1966-1985 to
improve the social welfare of residents of rural areas provided workers
with the substantial extra profit at the expense of the consumer pub-
lic funds. For example, as part of the eighth Five-Year Plan, collective
farmers began receiving pensions and benefits.
With the improvement of the individual living conditions of the rural
farmers, the level of services in the areas of trade, welfare, food service,
transportation, and communications similarly improved. OF course,
many unresolved problems remained. In 1985, two hundred sixty-nine
villages and towns of Kyrgyzstan had no grocery stores and four hun-
dred twenty-four villages had no access to industrial goods. Residents of
these settlements were forced to buy products in the stores located 3 – 10
kilometers from their homes.
Certain changes took place in the sphere of consumer services of the
rural population. In 1985, two thousand five hundred institutions of con-
sumer services operated in the villages. This number was remarkably
low—Kyrgyzstan was ranked thirteenth of fifteen in terms of mainte-
nance provided to the rural populations.
As supplies provided to rural populations remained low, some posi-
tive changes took place in the sphere of communications. The material
and technical base were improved; the mail system improved and tele-
phones become more widespread. Still, there were no communication
centers in about one thousand villages in 1985. The biggest concentra-
tion of these villages was in the Osh region; the others were spread about
the northeastern part of the Kyrgyz Republic.
Undoubtedly, one of the major social problems was the housing ar-
rangement of the population. During the period of 1964-1985, the Kyr-
gyz leadership paid appropriate attention to rural housing and improved
the infrastructure in rural communities. Housing construction and land-
scaping initiatives were carried out on a massive level.
In accordance with the administrative-command management poli-
cy, consolidation of settlements was intensively conducted. As a result,
the number of villages in Kyrgyzstan dropped from approximately three
thousand five hundred to about one thousand seven hundred during the
twenty years between 1965 and 1985. According to the results of “spe-
cial measures” taken to consolidate villages across the USSR, Kyrgyz-
stan ranked third after Moldova and Armenia in terms of improvement.

360
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
During the period of “developed socialism,” huge achievements in
the health of the rural populations were reached. Significant efforts were
taken to strengthen the material-technical base of health facilities and
ensure that professional staff was equipped with specialized secondary
education. Of course, many problems remained. For example, in 1985,
the residents of almost five hundred fifty villages of the Republic had to
travel more than 10 kilometers for medical treatment. A study of mor-
tality among rural residents was found that most deaths occurred from
respiratory diseases and problems with the circulatory system; it was
found that men were at much higher risk to suffer from such diseases.
According to the average annual figures, 1.5 thousand of people died
from cancer in rural areas. Eighty percent of rural women and children
suffered from anemia; infants frequently faced many problems, includ-
ing malnutrition and rickets.
In accordance with the state of affairs to strengthen the material-tech-
nical base of culture the training of educational personnel for rural areas
was carried out. Totally inadequate funding of educational institutions,
meager wages of rural workers of culture, and the absence of any moral
incentives did not help to attract young people and professionals to this
area of social life. Thus, the progress of Kyrgyzstan suffered for a num-
ber of reasons during the Brezhnev era; the period, however, was not
without successes in medicine, housing, and industry.
Kyrgyzstan during the ‘Perestroika’ (1985-1990)

The Awakening Yuri Andropov, who made an attempt to revise

of Social the corrupted party-state apparatus and introduced
Consciousness strict measures to improve the situation in the
country, came to power after the death of Leonid
Brezhnev in November 1982. However, Andropov’s reign was short-
lived. Upon his death, he was replaced by Konstantin Chernenko, who
came to power in February of 1984. With Chernenko, a tightening of
the political apparatus brought a return to the so-called “Brezhnev era.”
During his rule, however, no major political decisions were taken; his
rule was largely a continuation of the policies of Brezhnev.
Forces of change, however, were soon to follow on. Smaller factions
of the party and state understood that the installed system in the Soviet
Union had exhausted its possibilities. This group believed that minor

361
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
changes to a flawed system would no longer suffice. It was in this envi-
ronment that Mikhail Gorbachev was elected as the Secretary-General
of the CPSU Central Committee on March 11, 1985. Understanding
political, economical and social problems in the USSR, Mikhail Gor-
bachev suggested several reforms at the Plenum of the Party in April
1985.
Under Gorbachev, the Plenum proclaimed a new strategy for so-
cio-economic development.
In order to eradicate corruption in the party and
government, a number of apologists of Brezhnev’s
policy were removed from the power; they were
quickly replaced by outsiders (those who had no
previous ties to the Brezhnev administration). The
replacement of the party leaders quickly took place
throughout the entirety of the Soviet Union. Turda-
kun Usubaliev, who headed the Central Committee
of the Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan for about a
A. Masaliev quarter of a century, was deposed in 1985; he was
promptly replaced by Absamat Masaliev.
In the ensuing campaign of redeployment, a number of secretaries of
provincial and district committees were also replaced. The main party and
state positions in Kyrgyzstan were “strengthened” by the candidate sent
from Moscow. Kiselev was appointed the Second Secretary of the Kyrgyz
Communist Party. Mikhail Gorbachev’s compatriots, Semenov and Va-
silenko, became the heads of the Secretariat of Industry and Department
of Personnel Selection and Placement, respectively. N. Chepelev was ap-
pointed as the Chairman of the Executive Committee in the Osh Oblast.
The supporters of Mikhail Gorbachev’s policies, mainly of Russian
nationality, also replaced managers of the party-state apparatus in other
republics and autonomous regions. This policy of placing pro-Moscow
(and often ethnically Russian) candidates in key positions caused wide-
spread resentment amongst the local populations of these regions. For
example, the replacement of the First Secretary of the Communist Party
of Kazakhstan (D. Kunayev) by G. Kolbin aroused violent protests and
demonstrations of the Kazakh people. This expression of discontent was
severely suppressed and was denounced as a “recurrence of nationalism”.

362
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The XXVIII Congress of the CPSU adopted a policy-document titled
“The Guidelines for Economic and Social Development of the USSR
in 1986 – 1990 and the period before 2000”. Encouraged by Mikhail
Gorbachev, the Congress identified the main objectives of the strategy
of acceleration. The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Kyr-
gyzstan fully endorsed the fundamental decisions of the Congress of the
CPSU and specified them in accordance of each portion of the Soviet
Union.
At the Central Committee Plenum in January 1987, Gorbachev an-
nounced a new policy of glasnost, a policy which called for greater
transparency of the political-state apparatus. The mass media began to
report the glaring disadvantages in all spheres of social life. However,
it was widely believed that all the failures and shortcomings of socialist
construction were associated with the removal of the Leninist norms.
The propaganda of the age explained that Stalin had deviated from Le-
nin, causing a betrayal of the revolution; thus, to improve the condition
of the Soviet Union, the society needed to “return” to its Leninist begin-
nings. Celebration of the 70th anniversary of the October Revolution
was just the sort of anti-Stalinism that Gorbachev was aiming for; in-
tensified calls for the construction of the ideal socialism were expressed
everywhere.
At the same time, Boris Yeltsin, who led the Moscow City Party
Committee, made a strong demand to expand the policy of glasnost.
The rehabilitation of victims of Stalinist repression was gaining mo-
mentum across the country. Marked changes in the ideology of the party
were made. The role of the Secretariat of the CPSU began to decline.
At the XIX Party Conference of the CPSU in June 1988, Mikhail Gor-
bachev took steps to reform the political system and approve the model
of “humane, democratic socialism”. The Party conference also adopted
a resolution on a new reform of the electoral system - an important step
in the implementation of democratic principles. As a result, NGOs were
able to vote on an alternative basis.
Political youth clubs, whose members hotly debated on current is-
sues of social life and openly expressed their opinions, appeared in Kyr-
gyzstan. The first of such clubs in the Republic were opened in the office
of the “Komsomolets Kirgizii” newspaper (the so-called “Demos” club)
and at the factory of electronic computers (the “Zamandash” club). At

363
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
that time, however, they did not make any direct opposition to the forces
in power.
By 1988, however, the debate movement in the country started to in-
tensify. Discussion clubs, including “Zamandash” at Kyrgyz State Uni-
versity, “Koz Karash” at the Institute of Economics of the State Plan-
ning Committee, “The Association of Active Youth” at the factory of
office equipment in Naryn Oblast, and the “Union of the Kyrgyz Youth-
Akyikat” in Moscow were especially active.
With the beginning of the election campaign in 1989, these organi-
zations moved from theoretical political discussions to practical actions
and were actively involved in the process of campaigning and elections.
During that period, independent associations and national unions were
established in Kyrgyzstan.
In the spring of 1989, the national movement in Kyrgyzstan inten-
sified; in June the youth from the different oblasts of country illegally
began to occupy the land in the southeastern outskirts of Frunze. In or-
der to solve the problems together, they decided to form the informal
organization “Ashar”. In Osh, Kyrgyz youth created a public associa-
tion called “Osh Aimagy;” at the same time, Uzbek youth united under
“Adolat” organization. They were also active in land allocation and pro-
tecting the interests of new owners.
In March and April 1989, national-democratic associations “Asaba”
and “Uluttuk Demilge” were formed in a coalition with the politicized
branch “Ashar.” This united group formed the core of the republican
democratic movement “Kyrgyzstan” (KDK) in May 1990. This organi-
zation became one of the most popular inspirations of the multinational
political movement in the country. Most political parties which were
later formed were organized on the basis of KDK. Later on, several pro-
gressive parties would splinter from the KDK party to form their own
respective parties.
During the reign of the Communist Party, such movements were
looked down upon and were referred to as “informal associations.”
Their leaders were labeled as “troublemakers of the people” and were
subjected to various persecutions. Such situation continued until the dis-
solution of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR.
Amidst the increased political activity among the population of Kyr-
gyzstan and the revival of national consciousness, the Supreme Soviet

364
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
of the Kyrgyz SSR, which was still under the full control of the Com-
munist Party of Kyrgyzstan, adopted the Law “On State Language of
the Kyrgyz SSR” on September 23, 1989. According to the adopted law,
the Kyrgyz language was declared the official language, and the Rus-
sian language was defined as a language of international communica-
tion; free development of languages of other nationalities living in the
country was guaranteed.
The Laws “On Changes and Amendments to the Constitution (Fun-
damental Law) of the USSR” and “On Elections of People’s Deputies”
adopted on December 12, 1989 at the XXII extra session of the Supreme
Soviet of the USSR created conditions for the fundamental restructuring
of the state system. Based on these documents, the supreme power organ
was approved by the Congress of People’s Deputies for the first time in
the USSR.
In accordance with the law, any citizen of the republic could nomi-
nate himself for parliamentary elections. The elections were judged to
be valid if more than half of registered voters participated. A given can-
didate to be officially elected as a deputy if more than half of the partic-
ipating voters voted for him. Elections to the Supreme Court and local
soviets of the Kyrgyz SSR were held in February 1990 and were the first
competitive elections in the history of the Kyrgyz Republic.
After the democratic elections, the Supreme Soviet of the Republic
underwent significant changes. The democratic elections brought about
a greater competence among officials who served in the government.
Because of these changes, the role and activity of the Soviets greatly
increased. Although ninety percent of deputies elected to the Supreme
Soviet were communists, the Party leadership could no longer impose
their views on the Soviets.
At the first session of the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR in April
1990, the First Secretary of the Central Committee of Communist Party
of Kyrgyzstan, Absamat Masaliyev, was elected as the Chairman of the
Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR and thus became the head of the
state. Session proposals were made to determine specific terms of the
rights of state powers, as well as to introduce a presidential republic.
In accordance with these higher-level decisions, the session of Su-
preme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR adopted a resolution on elimination
of Article 6 of the Constitution of the Kyrgyz SSR, which granted the

365
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Communist Party the power to rule over Soviet society. Thus, this ses-
sion sought to democratize Soviet Kyrgyzstan, vowing for political plu-
ralism, a necessary component of democracy.
Economy Reconstruction of the economy was marked by the
during transition to economic methods of management. As a
Perestroika result, the independence of enterprises and agricultural
production was broadened; the transfer began to com-
plete individual accountability on the basis of independent management,
financing, and profitability. In 1986, one hundred twenty-five businesses
and organizations that produced seventy percent of industrial output of
the country came under this new type of management. They employed
more than half of the workers throughout Kyrgyzstan. Starting in 1987,
similar reorganization swept all sectors of the economy.
To stop recession and stabilize financial relations in the Soviet Union,
the Supreme Soviet of the USSR made the decision to transition to-
wards a market economy. This decision immediately became the source
of heated controversy; the question of how to implement a market econ-
omy into the Soviet Union could not be agreed upon. Some suggested a
quick transition to the market economy, while others argued that such a
transition should come in stages. Many variations and forms of content
essence were suggested, ranging from a socialist market model to the
classical, western capitalist model.
In Western countries, the market economy evolved naturally over
the centuries and had many different stages before reaching its contem-
porary form. This development came about as the government was in-
creasingly disable from maintaining too much of a presence in market
relations. Despite its inevitable imperfections, nations with a market
economy have traditionally developed their economies to encourage in-
novation and incredible wealth.
On August 7, 1991 the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz Republic ad-
opted a law “On General Principles of Denationalization, Privatization,
and Entrepreneurship in the Kyrgyz Republic” for legislative approval
of transitioning to a market economy. As a result of the changes in man-
agement and economy, local party authorities gradually played a lesser
role in the management of the economy. As managers had to be elected
on an alternative basis by their own workers, local party authorities were
increasingly losing their ability to intervene in economic life.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In 1989, the Government of Kyrgyzstan approved the concept of
transition to the principles of self-government and self-financing. These
changes were scheduled to take place in 1991. By 1990, the construc-
tion of the Tash-Kumyr Hydro Power plant was completed, the Shamal-
dy-Sai and Kambar-Ata hydroelectric stations had been rapidly com-
pleted, and the Tash Kumyr semi-conductors factory began to work at a
full power. In the same period, the gold-production complex “Makmal”
started to operate and the development of gold deposits in Sary-Zhaz
and Talas was accelerated. In the course of economic reform, almost all
industrial enterprises of the Republic became independently managed
and financed (without state assistance).They increased transparency in
management and reduced private meetings and conferences of respon-
sible workers. These changes in management style noticeably increased
the productivity and the industrial production of the Republic (17.5%
during the era of perestroika).
Enterprises which were part of the Soviet-wide economy had sus-
tainable profitability in industrial production. They employed roughly
two hundred thousand workers who produced 40% of whole produc-
tion. However, only 3.7% of extracted profits reached the budget of the
Kyrgyz SSR. Under the new changes, it was planned to redirect 70%
of profits to the national budget of the Kyrgyz Republic. However, the
pace of industry’s development sharply declined in 1990, bringing about
an economic depression. The major problem with the Kyrgyz economy
was that it was simply meant to provide other parts of the Soviet Union
with either raw or partly-finished products (usually parts for other type
of production). As the Soviet Union’s structure began to fall apart the
necessesity of enterprenurial cooperation became evident. The cooper-
ation also was considered as a means for backing the system of produc-
tion.
Agriculture It was necessary to establish a legal basis to con-
during the duct coordinated reforms in important sectors of econ-
omy. With this purpose, relevant laws on land, lease,
Perestroika
land ownership, and land use were issued in the years
of perestroika, 1986-1990. New methods of farming were introduced on
a massive scale. Self-sufficiency and self-financing become the basis of
the farms run throughout the Kyrgyz SSR. Free competition in the pro-
cess of production and its implementation were established.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
To improve the efficiency of agricultural management of the repub-
lic, seven former ministries, including agriculture, meat and dairy, food
processing, and construction, were transformed into the State Agro-in-
dustrial Committee of the Kyrgyz SSR. In 1987, the Office of the Com-
mittee oversaw one hundred seventy-eight collective farms and almost
three hundred state farms. In addition, six companies were assigned to
the processing of agricultural products. Similar decisions were made in
other sectors of the agricultural economy—the new Committee decided
which firms would be involved in production. Thus, even as market rela-
tions opened up, the planning, financing, and management of agriculture
became more streamlined and centralized. The former managerial staff
was reduced by half.
During this era, more than five hundred specialized commercial
farms, state breeding centers, as well as seed and off-farm establish-
ments were formed in the villages. For the development of agriculture,
nearly one billion rubles of capital investments were granted to the re-
public in 1990 and significantly strengthened the material base of agri-
culture. Irrigation works were tremendously expanded.
To improve agriculture, in 1986-1990, the state bought manufac-
tured products for 50-100% higher than the initial price. In addition,
the state began to offer contracts to individual (family) and collective
farms; this was intended to increase production and support innovation.
In 1989, 90% of all farms in the Republic worked according to rental
contracts. Such measures contributed to the substantial rise in the agri-
cultural sector of the economy.
In 1988, the law “On Cooperation” was adopted. According to this
new legislation, freedom to operate independent farms was legalized.
Pilot cooperatives and new farm prototypes were quickly established
throughout the country. In 1990-1991, only a small number of individu-
als ventured to rent land and equipment, take long-term loans, and form
independent farms. At the beginning of January, the number of farms
that had taken an independent route numbered at about four thousand
five hundred. The socialist economy, however, still continued to hinder
the efforts of farms which were independent of the state.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The Rise of Social Problems and the Osh Events
Social Harm The propaganda of the former totalitarian sys-
and Alcoholism tem firmly implemented the belief in peoples’
minds that personal shortcomings were uncharac-
teristic of a socialist society. Such propaganda explained that any so-
cial ills and problems were only temporary and, in the future, would
disappear from society. However, reality showed that these many of
these problems occurred in the depths of “infallibility” of socialist con-
struction, as a result of miscalculations and mistakes, unresolved urgent
problems of distorted principles of socialist management, distribution
of goods, and connivance relation to the violation of laws. If we analyze
the main negative social problems that faced Soviet society, drunken-
ness and alcoholism was perhaps the most noticeable, making its ap-
pearance in society during the periods of “developed socialism” and
“perestroika.”
The level of alcoholism, which undoubtedly brought rise to other
social problems, had reached new heights by the time of perestroika;
rampant drunkenness interfered in the work and social lives of many
citizens (mostly men). Attempting to address the issue, the Gorbachev
government launched a campaign to fight drinking and alcoholism. At
first, certain regions were declared “zones of sobriety.” This quickly be-
came a Soviet-wide phenomenon; alcohol could not be found stores for
some time. The policy, however, failed to deal with the issue of alcohol-
ism and also carried out a significant toll on the nation’s economy.
The problem of alcoholism was present in Kyrgyz society as well.
Taking into account only the patients registered in health care institu-
tions, for every one hundred thousand people there were more than eight
hundred patients with alcohol addiction in 1985. This figure in Kyrgyz-
stan was two times higher than in other Central Asian republics.
As a result of the shortcomings and failures in
The Spread the “sobriety” policy, substance abuse and drug
of Substance addiction increased in our country. Kyrgyzstan
Abuse and Drug was at the second place in the USSR by the num-
Addiction ber of drug-addicted people registered during the
period of glasnost.
The analysis of medical service records shows that the number of
patients began to increase at the beginning of the 1980s and the number
of drug addicts increased with the unprecedented speed.

369
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1980, it was found that the cannabis served as a raw material for
drugs and grew in different regions of Kyrgyzstan on four thousand hect-
ares. To eliminate the growth of wild hemp, every part of the land where
cannabis grew was certified; the terms and procedures for its destruction
were defined, and people had to receive special permits to maintain its
production.
Due to the lack of proper control over the use and possession of nar-
cotics for the treatment of patients in health care, drugs became more
easily accessible to drug users. Such incidents took place in medical
institutions of the Issyk-Kul and Talas Oblasts, as well as the Panfilov
and Kalinin districts. One of the causes of the spread of drug addiction
was the lack of competent authorities with certain experience and skills
in this area. Lack of medical facilities and necessary apparatus for anal-
ysis of the first signs of the disease also contributed to the spread of drug
addiction in the Republic.
The Growth Information on the extent of crime in the country
of Crime and information about drug addiction were concealed
and restricted until the late 1980s. The government
thought (mistakenly) that providing such information would serve as a
form of propaganda advocating drug use or crime. Only in 1987, was it
legal to publish statistical data on some types of crime; by 1989, many
of these sweeping restrictions had been removed.
In the 1980s, Kyrgyzstan was one of the four most “criminal” re-
publics along with Moldova, Lithuania, and Uzbekistan. Throughout
the Soviet Union, crime generally increased during the perestroika. The
most common crimes included theft of state, public, or private property.
For example, more than one thousand cases of theft of state and public
property and more than two thousand cases of theft of private property
were registered in 1985. By 1989, these figures had increased to almost
three thousand and more than nine thousand cases, respectively.
The Osh Insufficient and untimely responses to the accu-
Events mulated social problems in the country affected oth-
er spheres of social life. The growth of crime and the
weakness of the government in fighting against it quickly brought on
more serious problems, including violence and bloodshed.
Movements to obtain the land for private housing, which culminated
in the confrontations between Kyrgyz and Uzbek residents, gained mo-

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
mentum near the city of Osh in the summer of 1990. Instead of properly
assessing the situation and finding an appropriate way of resolve the
tension, the party-state leadership showed carelessness and bureaucratic
indifference to the issues at hand.
Open conflict broke out when the political inexperience and unstable
worldview of the “Osh Aimagy” and “Adolat” organizations (who unit-
ed the Kyrgyz and Uzbek youth) became realized in political actions.
The fighting and bloodshed allegedly began with the incitement of a
group of retired labor and war veterans.
This was confirmed by the letter of twenty-three veterans from the
Obslasts of Jalal-Abad and Osh, which was sent to federal and republi-
can authorities on March 2, 1990.The letter consisted of fabricated facts
that the majority of the population in the Oblast was Uzbeks subjected to
inconceivable oppression; it was proposed to form the Osh autonomous
region in the Kyrgyz SSR to protect national equality in the region. The
text of the letter was multiplied and specially selected people distribut-
ed it among the population. Such shortsighted actions of the group of
veterans served as an impetus to the excitation of separatist sentiment
of Uzbek youth and increased the confrontation between two nations.
The fact that seven hundred families renting apartments in Uzbek
neighborhoods were driven to the street worsened the situation. On June
4, two hostile crowds gathered at a nearby field, facing each other. As a
result, irreconcilable conflict escalated into a massacre and local author-
ities were unable to pacify the embittered youth. Kyrgyz from one end
of the city and Uzbeks from another initiated a bloody march in Osh.
One hundred fifty-five people were brutally killed and eight hundred
forty-five were injured in clashes in urban areas. Two hundred sixty-two
houses, twenty-four shops, and sixty-seven vehicles were crushed and
burned. On June 5, Osh was completely blocked off; military units were
introduced to the city. On June 6, the situation in the city was taken
under control.
Unrests in Uzgen on June 5 were of massive character and bloodshed
and arsons of homes took place. With the introduction of troops on June
6, the clash subsided. On June 7, the situation in Osh, the capital, and
elsewhere remained tense.
As a result, a state of emergency was announced in Frunze on June 7.
After that, fighting, looting and plundering of the inhabitants of the Uz-

371
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
bek communities took place throughout the country. According to some
information, rural Uzbeks in Myrza-Aki village were particularly target-
ed because most of the inhabitants of this village were Kyrgyz. Reports
indicate that many murders, gang rapes, and robberies took place. Such
attacks were organized at the headquarters of the State Farm Office.
Because of massive brawls which took place at the bazaars, the situ-
ation in the city rapidly deteriorated. The police did not have the power
to stop the conflicts which took place. On June 8, the religious officials
of both nationalities were brought together by residents and the military;
the hope was that this would calm the tensions of the conflicts. During
subsequent interviews with the population of some villages, people ex-
pressed their discontent with district leaders, the lack of outreach, and
distorted interpretation of events by the media. The Osh events were not
analyzed by party-state leadership with due diligence. This gave rise to
the discontent of people with their power structures and lack of confi-
dence to the leaders of the Republic.

Development of Culture in Kyrgyzstan during the Soviet Era

(1917-1940)

Public An important part of the socialist construction was

Education the cultural development of the people. Combating mas-
sive illiteracy and old traditions became the strategies
used by the Soviet state to modernize the regions of Central Asia. Thus,
public education became the cornerstone of Soviet society. In April 1918,
the Commissioner of Education, under the Soviet of People’s Commissars
of Turkestan, was formed and the offices of education began working.
In Kyrgyzstan, the Board of Education was formed with the participa-
tion of public representatives; they effectively undertook the organization
of the school systems. In 1918, Pishpek County had sixty-nine schools
and eight thousand students. Przhevalsk County had fifty-six schools and
there were thirteen schools with thirty-six teachers in Osh County. About
half of these schools were opened after the revolution.
With the advent of the Soviet power, all cultural and educational in-
stitutions were taken over by the state. The Pishpek printing house, the
cinema “Edison”, and all libraries of the city were nationalized. New
libraries, red yurts, and agitkruzhki (agitation centers) were organized

372
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
everywhere. The first newspaper “Pishpekskyi Listok” (Pishpek Sheet)
was published in Kyrgyzstan on March 9, 1918. The second county
newspaper “Golos proletariata” (Voice of the proletariat) was published
in Przhevalsk at the end of 1918.
Songs and poems of such educators as Toktogul Satylganov, Togolok
Moldo, Barpy Alykulov, Kalyk Akiyev, and Isak Shaibekov played a
large role in shaping a new social consciousness of the Kyrgyz people.
In the years of New Economic Policy (NEP), all schools of the Turkes-
tan ASSR were transferred to the local budgets. This, however, severely
restricted the quality of the schools—materials could not be obtained
and teachers (if paid at all) were paid very poorly.
Regardless, four hundred sixty-five primary schools, as well as sev-
eral boarding schools and secondary schools already operated in Kyr-
gyzstan in during the 1924-1925 academic year. More than thirty-two
thousand children were gaining all types of practical knowledge. The
number of girls among the students was still relatively small. Because
of the lack literature in the native language, Kyrgyz children studied
by Kazakh, Tatar and Uzbek textbooks. I. Arabaev
and K. Tynystanov made particular contribution to
creation of textbooks in Kyrgyz language. In 1924, a
textbook by I. Arabaev “Kyrgyz alippesi” (The Kyr-
gyz Primer) was published in Tashkent and was the
first textbook in the Kyrgyz language. Another twelve
books with the circulation of twenty-eight thousand
copies were published in the same year; a textbook in
Kyrgyz language by K. Tynystanov was among them. K. Tynystanov
Talented young men and women were sent to educational institutions in
Tashkent, Alma-Ata, and Moscow.
The pioneers of local teachers in Kyrgyzstan, noted for their status
as devotees to education included I. Arabaev, M. Baizakov, A. Isaev,
E.Syuticherov, Z. Kydyrbaev, and A. Koygeldiev. Russian teachers like
N. Ivanovskyi, A. Lobanov, I. Loktionov, A. Sapozhnikov, and others
made a great contribution to the organization of schools and improve-
ment of education. A wonderful portrayal of the crucial role played by
the early educators of Kyrgyzstan was brilliantly and accurately written
in the book, First Teacher by the well-known Chingiz Aitmatov.

373
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The Pedagogical College win Osh was opened
in 1925 and operated on six month training courses.
In the same year, nine-year schools in Pishpek and
Karakol were converted to agricultural colleges.
The first Kyrgyz Institute of Education was opened
in Pishpek in 1925. In the 1925-1926 academic
year women’s vocational schools were organized
in Pishpek, Karakol, and Jalal-Abad. In addition,
Soviet party schools began working and trained the
Kh. Karasayev future cadres.
In 1929, one hundred alumni graduated from
the secondary special educational institutions of
Kyrgyzstan. Many of the graduates, including A.
Maldybaev, G. Aitiev, K. Zhantoshev, M. Elebaev,
W. Abdymomunov, K. Malikov, J. Bokonbayev, A.
Osmonov, and M. Alybaev. Particular emphasis was
placed on the training of rural residents, especially
cattle-breeders and farmers. One hundred fifty-six
A. Shabdanov schools called likbez (schools established during
the campaign of eradication of illiteracy in theSo-
viet Union in 1920s and 1930s were opened in the
first half of 1925. Eight thousand people learned to
read and write in these schools. In the 1925-1926
academic year, the number of these schools reached
two hundred forty-six.
Manuals for the eradication of illiteracy were
composed by Kh. Karasayev, A. Shabdanov, and S.
S. Naamatov
Naamatov in the Latin alphabet. A real struggle for
the eradication of illiteracy in Kyrgyzstan was started under the slogan
“The literature will teach the illiterate”. Particular attention was paid to
the issue of illiteracy among the female population.
In 1936, the Kyrgyz Government opened the Department for chal-
lenging illiteracy. Before 1940, the campaign for combating illiteracy
had made quite some progress; however, the problem of illiteracy still
remained, especially in rural regions. In the prewar years in Kyrgyzstan,
attention was not only focused on quantitative growth of education, but
on its qualitative improvement as well. For example, the country had

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
one thousand three hun-
dred primary schools, over
three hundred seven-year
schools, and sixty-two
secondary schools in the
1937-1938 academic year.
Although the number of
teachers doubled, most of
them had no pedagogical
training; the low quality of
the teachers impacted the
overall quality of the edu- Illiteracy liquidation
cational system. in the 1920s
In the 1932-1933 academic year, the first institution of higher educa-
tion in the history of Kyrgyzstan, the Kyrgyz State Pedagogical Institute,
opened its doors. Scientists and educators that arrived from Moscow,
Leningrad, and other cities helped to raise the quality of the teachers
that were trained at the Institute. In 1936, the Institute had forty-six new
graduates. Thirteen of them were girls.
The Kyrgyz State Medical Institute in Frunze and several universi-
ties in other cities began operating in the 1938-1939 academic year. In-
stitutions of higher education began the training of scientific personnel
of the Republic. In 1937, the Kyrgyz government formed the Committee
of Science, which became the scientific center of the Republic. Before
the war, thirteen research institutions operated in Kyrgyzstan and em-
ployed three hundred twenty-three scientists, including thirteen doctors
and forty-five candidates.
The foundation of national writing and printing was a special event
in the cultural life of the people. In 1924, Kyrgyz writing based on the
Arabic alphabet was developed and the first newspaper “Erkin Too”
was published in Kyrgyz language on November 7.The newspaper “Ba-
tratskaya Pravda” (Farmhand Truth) in the Russian language began to
be published on March 12, 1925. In November 1926, the “Leninchil
Jash” (the Lenin Youth) newspaper and a “Communist” magazine were
founded. Other periodicals, such as the”Jany Madaniyat Jolunda” (On
the New Cultural Way) and “Dyykan” (Peasant) magazines began to be
published in 1928.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Writers like K. Tynystanov, K. Baialinov,
M.Elebaev, J. Turusbekov, T. Umetaliev, J. Bokon-
baev, K. Jantoshev, S. Karachev, M. Tokobayev, A.
Tokombaev, T. Sydykbekov and akyns T. Satylgan-
ov, Togolok Moldovan, B. Alykulov, I. Shaybekov,
A. Zhutakeev, K. Akiyev, and O. lead the rise of the
Kyrgyz literature movement and made great contri-
butions to its development. The First Congress of
Writers, held in Kyrgyzstan in April 1934, summa-
А. Tokombaev rized the previous years and outlined new opportu-
nities and challenges. The Congress approved the
Writers’ Union of Kyrgyzstan.A Tokombaev was
elected as Chairman of the institution; he was later
succeeded by T. Umetaliev, who served from 1937-
1941.On his initiative, folk compositions, especial-
ly the epic “Manas”, were collected and recorded.
Other areas of national professional arts, such
as theater, music, and painting, grew and devel-
oped along with the literature. The Music and
Drama Studio for professional actors was opened
T. Umetaliev in 1926. Such known performers as A. Kuttubaev,
A. Botaliev, and K. Eshimbekov were among its
first graduates. The state-sponsored theater crew
involved prominent members of folk art, such as
komuzists Kurenkeev M. and K. Orozov, akyns
Akiyev K. and O. Bolebalaev, manaschy Musul-
mankulov M., and the humorist S. Termechikov.
In 1930, the republic’s Music and Drama Stu-
dio was transformed into the State Drama The-
atre, which had an orchestra of folk instruments.
J. Bokonbaev The Russian Drama Theatre was opened in Frun-
ze in 1935. In the following year, the Kyrgyz State Theatre was trans-
formed into the Kyrgyz Music and Drama Theater. In the same year, the
Kyrgyz State Philharmonic Society began working. Such performances
as “Altyn Kyz”, “Ajal orduna”, and “Aichurek” were presented on the
stage of the Kyrgyz State Drama Theater during the years of 1937-1939.

376
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Another celebrated step in the development of
national music education was the formation of the
Union of Composers in 1939 under the leadership
of Maldybaev. A.V. Zataevich did a lot of work in
researching and recording of Kyrgyz folk music un-
der the guidance of this institution.
The Union of Artists of Kyrgyzstan, headed by
S. Chuikov, was formed in 1933. By his initiative
the Kyrgyz State Art Gallery was opened in 1935. A. Maldybaev
Works of such talented artists as S. Chuikov, G.
Aitiev, and S. Akylbekov were presented during
the opening of the gallery. The first art educational
institution was opened in 1939. Sculptor O. Manui-
lova and other masters of art came to the Republic
during this period.
The Decade Celebration of the Kyrgyz Art and
Literature was held in Moscow from May 26 to
June 4, 1939 and was a particularly significant event S. Chuikov
in the cultural life of Kyrgyzstan. More than five
hundred masters of folk art attended it. Thus, the
Soviet Culture of Kyrgyzstan, despite the short time
of formation, reached great creative and organiza-
tional success in the 1920 and 1930s.
Cultural Construction during
the War and the Postwar Period (1941-1964)

Science and During the Second

World War, Kyrgyzstan G. Aitiev
Culture during
sent more than fifteen thou-
the World War II
sand intellectuals to fight
valiantly on the battlefields. Those scientists who
stayed at the home front, worked tirelessly on the
military-economic issues attributed to the defense
of the homeland. By the beginning of the war, the
Kyrgyz SSR had thirteen research institutions em-
ploying over three hundred research staff, thirteen
doctors, and forty-five candidates of science. A.V. Zataevich

377
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The scientific po-
tential of the country
grew stronger due to
the scientists and schol-
ars that were evacuated
to Kyrgyzstan. With
the arrival of academ-
ics such as A. Bach
‘Akyny’ and A. Borisyak, M.
by Kyrgyz artist Zh. Kozhakhmetov Keldysh, A. Bernshtam
and K. Yudakhin, the level of scientific and ap-
plied research in the republic was dramatically
improved.
Geologists in Kyrgyzstan tirelessly searched
for minerals of military value. During 1941-
1944, they organized three hundred twenty-one
expeditions, during which they identified one
hundred ten deposits of nonferrous metals and
eight deposits of ferrous metals. They also un-
covered seventy-one deposits of coal and oil.
K. Yudakhin The production of a number of Kyrgyz mines
containing materials such as mercury, antimony,
tungsten, and other rare earth elements were of
strategic importance during and after the war..
Evacuated to Frunze, the Biological Division
of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, togeth-
er with the branches of the Kyrgyz Academy ran
important military and economic research. On
January 5, 1943 the Soviet of National Commis-
sars founded the Kyrgyz branch of the Academy
of Sciences of the USSR, which became a huge
K. Skryabin source for the enhancement of research in Kyr-
gyzstan. On August 13, 1943 the new organization began working; its
first chairman was academic, K.I. Skryabin; J. Shukurov and B. Masen-
ko were the Chairman Deputies. P. Vlasenko was the Scientific Secre-
tary. The branch employed one hundred fifty-eight scientists including
one leading academic of the USSR, a member-correspondent, twelve
doctors, and twenty-two candidates of sciences.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Literature and art was an important ideological
weapon in the struggle against the fascist invaders.
Many members of the Writers’ Union of Kyrgyz-
stan (M. Elebaev, J. Ashubaev, N. Chekmenev, J.
Shivaza, J. Turusbekov, U. Abdukaimov, and oth-
ers) were sent to the front. Some of them became
political officers of military units, while others
worked in the front press, conducting propaganda
and educational work. J. Turusbekov, M. Elebaev,
and K. Esenkozhoev heroically died on the battle- A. Osmonov
field. Soviet patriotism, defense of the Motherland, military valor, and
selfless work at at home were the main themes of creativity of the Kyr-
gyz writers during those years. A. Tokombaev, K. Jantoshev, A. Osmon-
ov, K. Malikov, T. Umetaliev, T. Sydykbekov, J. Bokonbayev, and others
urged their readers to resist the enemy; they also helped to inspire them
and strengthen their faith in eventual victory over the enemy.
From the first
months of the war,
artists and singers
of Kyrgyzstan de-
voted their talents
and energy to the
approaching victory.
For example, a bri-
gade of republican
singers held over
seven hundred con-
certs at the front, in ‘Returning back from work’
hospitals, and mobi- by Kyrgyz artist Zh.Kozhahmentov
lization centers from July 1941 to April 1, 1942. In November 1941, the
premiere of the Kyrgyz “Patriots” opera was dedicated to the heroes of
the Great Patriotic War. On August 17, 1942 the Musical Theatre was
transformed into the Kyrgyz State Opera and Ballet Theater.
The works of S. Chuikov - “For the Motherland”, “Portrait of Chol-
ponbay”, “Farewell to the front” and of A. Ignatov (“Meeting with the
mother,” “Guest from the front”, “Letter from the Front” of G. Aitiev”).

379
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The development of culture in the postwar period was run under the
ideological wing of the Stalin administrative-command system. As a re-
sult, a number of intellectuals were again subjected to persecution.
Other works, like those of the famous bars of the late 19th and early
20th century, Moldo Kylych, were considered too “bourgeois-national-
ist,” which led to the repressions of researchers of his works (including
T. Samanchin, T. Baydzhiev, and Z. Bektenov). Scholars J. Shukurov,
K.Sooronbai, and K. Karasaev were removed from their positions for
their so called ‘nationalist writing’. The Kanduu jyldar book by A.To-
kombayev and the Balbai poem by K. Malikov were criticized and
banned. In 1951, the government and party leaders launched a campaign
of criticism of national folk epics. The highest achievement of spiritual
creativity of the Kyrgyz people, epic “Manas”, was banned as a product
of “religious and anti-national content, which preached the exploitative
interests of the war.” (Moldobaev, 1995).
Kyrgyz intellectuals, however, did not accept such interpretation
of the national epic and a fundamental debate was raised by the mass
media. After numerous discussions, as well as the conference on the
national epic of “Manas” held in June 1952, the folklore masterpiece
was protected from any reprisals. Great patriotic contribution to the pro-
tection of the epic was made by M. Auezov, A. Tokombaev, K. Malikov,
T.Sydykbekov, A. Bernstam, B. Yunusaliev, and B. Kerimzhanova.
During the immediate post-war years, substantial improvements were
made to public education. The Kyrgyz SSR continued the publication of
textbooks and teaching manuals suspended during the war.Eighty-nine new
textbooks for schools were published in 1950. The Kyrgyz-Women Peda-
gogical Institute was opened around the same time. Two-year educational
institutions in Przhevalsk, Osh, and Jalal-Abad began the trainings of spe-
cialists in 1950-60s; industrial, veterinary, food technical schools, cultur-
al-educational, music, dance, and art schools intensified their operations.
The post-war years also witnessed a growth in the research of the
Kyrgyz SSR. The Kyrgyz branch of the USSR Academy of Science suc-
cessfully employed five hundred researchers, including thirteen doctors
and eighty-three candidates of science. Forty-six professors and doctors
of sciences, together with three hundred fifty associate professors and
candidates of sciences worked in higher education institutions and re-
search institutes. In 1950, several medical and agricultural institutions,

380
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
as well as four educational training institutions operated in the Kyrgyz
Republic; 19.2 thousand students studied in 29 post-secondary educa-
tional institutions (Osmonov, Asankanov 2002).
Five national, ten regional, and seventy district and municipal news-
papers with the circulation of one hundred sixty thousand copies were
published in Kyrgyzstan. In addition, the “Communist” and “Bloknot
agitatora i propagandista” (The Notebook of the agitator and the pro-
pagandist) magazines were published in Russian and Kyrgyz languages.
In the 1950s and early 1960s the culture of the Republic continued
to evolve in a new way
Kyrgyz literature received
a new impetus to the de-
velopment. The novel of
T. Sydykbekov “Bizdin za-
mandyn kishileri” (“People
of our Day”) was awarded
the USSR State Prize. Such
talented writers and poets
as Ch. Aytmatov, U. Abdu- Ch.Aitmatov in his cabinet
kaimov, S. Eraliev, C. Kai-
mov, A. Toktomushev, and T. Umetaliev enriched the literature during those
years. The collection of stories by Chingiz Aitmatov, Tales of the Mountains
and Steppes, was awarded the Lenin Prize in 1963.
Art workers of Kyrgyzstan demonstrated their
achievements at the second Decade Celebration of
Art and Literature in Moscow in 1958. Six art work-
ers of the republic - S. Kiyizbaeva, B. Beishenalieva,
M. Ryskulov, B. Kydykeeva, A. Myrzabaeva, and D.
Kuyukova - were awarded the title of People’s Artist
of USSR. Three hundred artistic people were award-
ed other orders and medals; nine of them received the
Order of Lenin.S. Chuikov and G. Aitiev portrayed S.Kiizbaeva
the labor of their contemporaries and the beauty of in Ai-churok opera
their native land in Daughter of Soviet Kyrgyzstan and Noon. Kyrgyz art
was replenished by young artists such as A. Usubaliev, K. Kerimbekov, and
J. Kojohmatov, who were the graduates of art colleges in Moscow, Lenin-
grad, and Tashkent.

381
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Positive developments in the national educa-
tion system continued throughout the 1950s. In the
1953-1954 academic year, compulsory secondary
education was introduced throughout the country
(schools were usually in cities or towns). Howev-
er in 1955, more than twenty thousand children
were not brought to school, especially in rural ar-
eas. Starting in 1958, compulsory eight-year educa-
tion replaced seven years of education. In second-
B. Kydykeeva ary schools the training period was extended to 11
years.
Prior to the 1950s, central universities of the
USSR prepared specialists with higher economic
education. The opening of the Kyrgyz State Uni-
versity on the basis of the state teacher’s college in
1951 was an important event for the Kyrgyz state.
The Frunze Polytechnic Institute was opened on the
B. Beishenalieva basis of geological and technical faculties in 1954.
The Kyrgyz Institute of Physical Culture began the
recruitment of students in 1955.Colleges of light in-
dustry and Soviet trade were opened in Frunze in
1954 and the agricultural college began the training
in Naryn since 1956. Thus, whether in the realm
of primary or secondary education, the immediate
post-war era witnessed significant progress in the
life of the people of Kyrgyzstan (Beyshembiev,
D. Kuyukova 1995).
Cultural Development from 1964-1990
Deeply understanding the role of public school ed-
Education ucation in raising the cultural level of the population,
and the party-state leadership set a target to add compulsory
culture secondary education to the eighth Five-Year Plan (1966-
1970) and finally complete the reform during the ninth
Five-Year Plan (1971-1975). To fulfill these tasks, large-scale activities were
undertaken to strengthen the material-technical base of schools launched in
Kyrgyzstan: Eight hundred fifty-nine schools for more than seven hundred
thousand students were built in the Kyrgyz Republic from 1966-1985.
382
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
A decisive role in the improvement of education belonged to school
teachers. In the 1984-1985 academic year, fifty-eight thousand teachers
and tutors worked in the Republic; forty-one thousand of them worked
in rural schools. From 1966-1967, the schools of Kyrgyzstan set new
plans and programs. In 1980, all students were fully provided with text-
books and teaching manuals.
During this period, the management of the school system focused its
efforts on providing secondary school students with the preparation for
future careers. Schools set up proper training and production complexes
and trained more than thirty professions, such as welders, mechanics,
electricians, tractor drivers, builders, and tailors.
In May 1966, the General Department of Vocational Education at the
Soviet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz SSR was transformed into the State
Committee of the Soviet of Ministers of the Kyrgyz SSR. As a result of
fruitful work of the committee, vocational education in the country was
brought to new levels. Particular attention was paid to training in the
agricultural sphere as it was the mainstay of the economy of the coun-
try. In 1965, seventeen rural vocational and technical schools with an
enrollment of 5.2 thousand students operated in Kyrgyzstan. By 1990,
the number of vocational school reached one hundred eighteen; whereas
fifty-seven thousand students studied fifty-six professions. One problem
was the attitude expressed towards the vocational schools; society gen-
erally viewed the vocational school as an option for students who did
not excel in their studies – as a result, the jobs found from the vocational
schools lacked in prestige and compensation. .
During this era, the Frunze Polytechnic Institute became a major
center for training engineers. Nearly one thousand teachers worked
there and trained twelve professions to 11.2 thousand students. Simi-
larly, the Kyrgyz-Women Pedagogical Institute, the Institute of Russian
Language and Literature, Przhevalsk Pedagogical Institute, and the Osh
State Pedagogical Institute served as the basis for training teachers in
the region. In 1985, one hundred nine thousand students gained knowl-
edge at higher and secondary special educational institutions. Each year
9.5 thousand specialists graduated from higher educational institutions,
while 13.6 thousand of students graduated from technical schools and
colleges.
Emphasis on science and research intensified from 1964-1990. The
study and application of the technical, physical, mathematical, mining,
383
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
chemical, biological, and social sciences increased throughout the coun-
try. The main efforts of scientists involved the economy of natural and
social resources of the Kyrgyz SSR, as well as rational and efficient use
of them in the interests of nation and state. On December 20, 1979, the
Academy celebrated its 25th anniversary. At that time it had three offic-
es bringing together seventeen research institutions which employed 1.2
thousand scientists; among them were twenty-six academics, thirty-two
member-correspondents, seventy-five doctors, and five hundred twelve
candidates of science.
From 1971-1975, scholars of the Academy made sixty major scien-
tific discoveries, which brought the profit of 130.5 million rubles to the
national economy of the Kyrgyz SSR and the USSR. In the period of
1976-1980, researchers made a number of valuable scientific and prac-
tical recommendations for the development of mining and processing
of nonferrous and rare metals, mining, and automated irrigation sys-
tems. Successful research on productivity of livestock and crop farm-
ing, were conducted in the late 1970s. The Academy of Sciences of the
Republic won fifty-two medals and one hundred eighty diplomas at the
All-Union Exhibition of Economic Achievements. The Scholars of the
Academy were twice awarded as many as forty of the State Prizes of the
USSR and the State Prizes of the Kyrgyz SSR.
In the 1980s, a revitalization of research in higher education was
implemented. In 1987, higher educational institutions participated in the
development of nineteen integrated scientific and technical programs;
these programs participated within Kyrgyzstan, but also in collabora-
tion with other regions of the Soviet Union. In 1988, these programs
involved one hundred sixty-six doctors and more than one thousand sev-
en hundred candidates of science
working in 10 higher education
institutions in Kyrgyzstan.
The relationship of the educa-
tional process with the direct pro-
duction was of great importance
for the institutions of the Kyr-
gyz SSR in late 1980s. For this
purpose, industrial associations
‘Utro’ by S.Chuikov opened their branches in institu-

384
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
tions of higher education and organized industrial and scientific centers.
For example, in 1988, the Frunze Polytechnic Institute formed its own
branches in nine industrial enterprises. Such initiatives were supported
by the majority of the institutions of higher education.
Literature In the mid-1960s, more than thirty masters of ar-
and Art from tistic expression joined the Writers’ Union of Kyrgyz-
1964-1990 stan. Works by artists such as M. Abylkasymova, M.
Bularkieva, O. Danikeev, T. Kojomberdiev, M.Bay-
dzhiev, and B. Sarnogoev, gained great popularity. In accordance with
the party ideology, literature and art were focused on the portraying
cultural and economic achievements, education of workers, the com-
mand-administrative system, and its leaders. Much attention was paid to
the translation of works of writers of other nationalities into the Kyrgyz
language. Kyrgyz readers had ample opportunity to get acquainted with
the works of Soviet writers and other peoples of the world. By 1984,
almost five hundred works of Kyrgyz literature were translated into
many languages of the USSR and other foreign countries. The number
of members of the Writers’ Union of Kyrgyzstan was growing: in 1966
there were one hundred fifteen. By 1981 the number had reached one
hundred seventy, and then two hundred fifty-four by 1985.
During this period, works of the Soviet writer Chingiz Aitmatov
reached the climax and were published in more than fifty languages
with a circulation of eight million copies. Literary studies and literary
critics flourished during this period. Literary studies of Asanaliev K.,
K. Artykbaev, Bobulov K., B. Malenov, E. Ozmitel, A. Sadykov, and
J.Tashtemirov made great contributions to the study and theory of Kyr-
gyz literature.
From the 1960 to the 1980s, Kyrgyz cinematography, which began
to form in 1950s, produced a number of films, including “Pasture of
Bakay,” “Mother’s Field,” “Early Cranes,” “Heat,” “A Shot at Karash
Pass,” “Scarlet Poppies of Issyk-Kul”, “Urkuya”, “Deep”, “Red Apple”,
“White Ship”, “Ulan,” and “Wolf Creek,” among others. These movies
won prestigious prizes at All-Union and international film festivals. Such
talented directors as M. Ubukeev, T. Okeyev, B. Shamshiev, G. Baza-
rov, and D. Sadyrbaev, together with famous actors and actresses like S.
Chokmorov, M. Ryskulov, S. Jumadylov, B. Kydykeeva, D.Kuyukova,
T. Tursunbaeva, B. Beishenaliev and S. Kumushalieva, contributed to
the development of Kyrgyz cinematography.
385
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
In 1980s, eight specialized theaters (including the
Opera House), six drama and music theatres, and a Re-
publican puppet theater worked in Kyrgyzstan. Talented
players set world-famous performances such as “Othel-
lo,” “Julius Caesar,” “Hamlet,” “Twelfth Night” by Wil-
liam Shakespeare, “The Inspector General” by Gogol,
and “The Optimistic Tragedy” by Vishnevsky. Theaters
М. Ryskulov presented pieces of historical, social, and other lyrical
themes, which were based on the works of writers re-
flecting the life, ideological values, customs, and spir-
it of the Kyrgyz people. Different performances of the
Kyrgyz authors were presented at about 100 theaters of
the USSR between 1970 and 1980.
Musical compositions of the Kyrgyz composers be-
came widely known in the 1970s and 1980s. Along with
T. Tursunbaeva the extensive development of song genre, much atten-
tion was paid to operas, ballets, theater performances,
and movies. During this period, the Composers’ Union
of Kyrgyzstan involved a number of talented musi-
cians, such as J. Maldybaev, S. Osmonov, T. Salama-
tov, AJeenbaev, and M. Begaliev. In 1984, M. Begaliev
won the first place at a show of the All-Union Young
Composers and was the first Soviet composer who won
S. Jumadylov the UNESCO Fellowship in 1991. Thus, in a variety of
spheres, the culture of the Kyrgyz SSR witnessed a great flourishing
from the 1960s to the 1980s.

Kyrgyz drama theater

386
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Part III.
THE SOVEREIGN KYRGYZ REPUBLIC
Collapse of the Soviet Union.
Formation of the Sovereign Kyrgyz Republic

Presidential In March 1990, the Congress of People’s Deputies

of the USSR introduced the presidency for the first
Elections
time. The establishment of the new form of government
was brought about with a series of radical, democratic reforms, includ-
ing an objective evolution of international relations, the introduction of a
multi-party system, and the development of pluralism in the society. With
the elimination of the command-party system, the CPSU was removed
from the power and all its supremacies were transferred to the Soviets.
However, for many reasons - financial, ethnic, political, and organization-
al – the Soviets were unable to function at an adequate level of coordina-
tion of government powers formerly belonging to the Communist Party.
Presidential power was designed to determine and control the govern-
ment and all its branches. The powers of President also included the right to
oversee the implementation of laws, the legislative and judicial control of
economy, the fiscal system, pricing, and matters concerning state payments.
With the introduction of presidential power in the Soviet Union, this institu-
tion was adopted in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and other republics.
Askar Akayev was elected as the first President of
Kyrgyzstan on an alternative basis at the session of the
Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR on October 27,
1990.He was left with the burden of many critical prob-
lems from the previous government. National relations
in the summer of 1990 were very tense after the bloody
Uzbek-Kyrgyz ethnic clashes that took place in Osh.
Declaration On December 15, 1990, the Su-
preme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR A. Akayev
of State
Sovereignty adopted the “Declaration of State Independence of the
Republic of Kyrgyzstan.” A number of proposals for
the restructuring and strengthening of state power were expressed the
numerous discussions of the future of state power in Kyrgyzstan. As a
result, the state was split into three administrative branches –the legisla-
tive, the executive, and the judicial.
After the removal of the Communist Party, the Soviets, perceived as
the new expression of state power, completely failed in the new envi-
387
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ronment. The strengthening of state power became vital for the country.
Deeply aware of the fundamental situation at hand, Askar Akayev sent the
appeal “On Urgent Measures to Reorganize the System of State Power”
to the Supreme Soviet and introduced a bill “On Improving the Regional
Division of the Kyrgyz SSR and the Formation of new Oblasts” to the
parliament. In accordance with these documents, the Chu and Jalal-Abad
Oblasts were established on December 14, 1990; at the same time, the
Naryn and Talas Oblasts were restored.
On January 22, 1991, the President announced the program for further
development of state power at the session of the Supreme Soviet. In ac-
cordance with this program, the law “On the Cabinet of Ministers of the
Republic of Kyrgyzstan” was adopted and the posts of Prime Minister and
Vice Prime Minister were introduced. The legal framework and responsi-
bilities of local authorities were concretely established. In contrast to its
predecessor, the Soviet of Ministers of the new government was subor-
dinated to the President and operated all activities under his leadership.
Instead of eight Chairman Deputies of the Soviet of Ministers, five posts
of state secretaries were approved. The session approved Isanov N. as the
first Prime Minister of the Republic; Koychuev T., Jordan A., Dyusheev
E., Fisher J., and Muraliev A. were approved as state secretaries. Candi-
dates for ministers and chairmen of state committees were also approved.
As a result of the reformation of the political system of the USSR,
the principles of democracy began to develop and various democratic
organizations were formed. Inter-ethnic relations, however, continued to
worsen. Struggles for sovereignty broke out in all of the republics; some
representatives of the republics openly spoke about their intention to with-
draw from the Union. Contradictions between federal and republican laws
appeared and economic difficulties increased.
By decision of the IV Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR and
in accordance with the decision of the Supreme Soviet on January 16,
1991, the issue of the preservation of the USSR as a renewed federation of
equal sovereign republics was nominated for national referendum. It was
held on March 17, 1991 under confrontations between the forces fighting
for the preservation of the Union and those seeking its destruction.
Following the referendum of March 21, 1991, the USSR Supreme
Soviet passed a special resolution. It was noted that the referendum was
attended by one hundred forty-seven million people, of whom 112 mil-
lion, or 76%, voted for the preservation of the Union. Nine of the repub-
lics (those of Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Azer-

388
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
baijan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan) confirmed their de-
sire to remain in the Soviet Union, while in the other six republics (those
of Georgia, Lithuania, Moldova, Latvia, Armenia, and Estonia), only 25
percent of the population voted for the preservation of the USSR.
The results of the referendum led to the need of a new treaty of the
Soviet Union. In March 1991, draft of an agreement was developed.
The new treaty made it so the central government provided the various
republics with a much great autonomy. In 1991, the Supreme Soviet of
the Kyrgyz SSR adopted a number of important pieces of legislation.
On February 5, the session of the Supreme Council decided to restore a
historical name of the capital: its historical name, Bishkek, was returned
to the city of Frunze. By the end of 1990, a constitutional commission
for the development of a new constitution was established. It was led by
the President Askar Akayev.
In order to ensure equitable development of all forms of ownership to
transition to a mixed economy, the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR
adopted the Law “On Land Reform” on April 19, 1991. On June 26,
1991, the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz SSR approved the draft treaty
of the alliance of sovereign states. At the same time, conservative forces
in Moscow regarded the Union Treaty as a betrayal and made numerous
efforts to restore the old order. The State Emergency Committee of the
USSR, which was established on August 21, 1991, attempted to launch
a revolution. This event completely undermined state power and, thus,
stirred controversy in the USSR. President Akaev condemned the action
of the Emergency Committee and made a statement that the Kyrgyz Re-
public did not support its policy. Other Soviet republics also perceived
the activities of the Emergency Committee as an attempted military
coup and openly expressed their intention to separate from the USSR.
Declaration On August 31, 1991, a session of the Supreme
of Independence Soviet of Kyrgyzstan adopted the “Declaration
of the Kyrgyz SSR on State Independence of the Republic of Kyr-
and Formation gyzstan”, which solemnly declared the Kyrgyz
of the CIS Republic as an independent state. Thus, a new in-
dependent sovereign state, the Kyrgyz Republic,
emerged on the world map. In a situation of civil and patriotic enthusiasm,
Akaev was elected President by a public vote on October 12, 1991.
The declaration of independence meant that Kyrgyzstan was freed from
the tutelage of the institutional bodies of the Soviet Union; all powers were

389
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
transferred to the new government. The Decree of the President of the State
Security Committee was disbanded on October 20, 1991.In its place, the
State Committee on National Security was formed and the National Guard
and troops of the Interior of the Republic were formed in December.
On December 8, 1991, Belarus Republic, the Russian Federation, and
Ukraine signed an agreement on the Establishment of the Commonwealth
of Independent States (CIS) in Bialowieza Forest (Belovezhskaya Push-
cha) near Minsk. This event marked the beginning of the USSR disinte-
gration process. On December 21, 1991, an agreement on the formation
of the CIS was signed in Almaty by the Republic of Belarus, the Russian
Federation, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Moldo-
va, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. On December
25, 1991, the Soviet Union was formally dissolved when M.S. Gorbachev
announced the resignation of the President’s power.
For a joint and eq-
uitable solution of the
CIS issues, the Coun-
cil of Heads of States
and the Council of
Government Heads
were established.
Russia was assigned
to protect the inter-
ests of the CIS at the
Security Committee
‘White house’of the Kyrgyz Republic of the United Nations
(UN). Even when
meeting in Almaty, leaders of the various republics applied to the UN to
adopt the CIS states as UN members. This ascertained that all external and
internal borders of the CIS were inviolable and indivisible. All this opened
new opportunities for equitable cooperation of the CIS countries.
Social and Political Transformation

State The formation of a sovereign Kyrgyz Repub-

Establishment lic was the greatest event in the history of Kyr-
gyz people and was the result of major reforms
of social and political systems of the USSR.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Having gained its own sovereignty, the Kyrgyz Government found it
necessary to define the principles of its state structure, as well its foreign
and domestic policy. For this purpose, it was essential to develop and
adopt the Constitution of the Republic.
In May 1991, the Supreme Soviet approved the composition of a
commission for drafting a new constitution. In a year and a half, the
project was developed and then presented to public discussion.
On May 5, 1993, the XII session of Jogorku Kenesh, (the Parliament)
approved the new Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic after a thorough
discussion. This day is still celebrated as a national holiday in Kyrgyzstan.
The new constitution defined the Kyrgyz Republic (Kyrgyzstan) as
a sovereign unitary democratic republic built on a basis of legal secular
state; the sovereignty of the Kyrgyz Republic extends throughout its ter-
ritory and the people of Kyrgyzstan are the bearer of sovereignty. Peo-
ple exercise their power directly and through government in accordance
with the Constitution and the law of the KR. The parliament and the
president are elected by people have a right to speak on behalf of them.
Within the authority of a Constitution, the state power in the Kyrgyz
Republic is exercised by the President and the Parliament consists of two
chambers - the Legislative Assembly and Assembly of People’s Represen-
tatives, the Government of the Kyrgyz Republic and local state administra-
tions, the Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court, the Supreme Arbitration
court, and the courts and judges of the justice system. Legislative, execu-
tive, and judicial authorities perform their functions both independently and
cooperatively. The president, as head of the state, guarantees the unity of all
branches of government and ensures that the Constitution is upheld and that
human rights and freedoms of citizens are protected.
The President of the Kyrgyz Republic is elected for a five-year term.
The same person can be elected for not more than two consecutive terms.
The President of the Kyrgyz Republic should be a citizen of Kyrgyzstan,
not younger than 35 years old, but not older than 65 years; he must know
the state language and must have been living in the country for at least
15 years before his or her nomination for office. The president now may
not be a member of Parliament (Jogorku Kenesh) or hold any other pub-
lic office, he also may not be engaged in entrepreneurial activity.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
According to Constitution, the structure of government is deter-
mined by the President; he/she is granted the right to appoint the Prime
Minister with the consent of the Jogorku Kenesh. Due to the changes
occurring in the country, the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz Republic
adopted the Law “On the Government of KR” on February 26, 1992;
as a result, on February 28, the VIII session of the Supreme Soviet ap-
proved T. Chyngyshev to be Prime Minister. Vice-prime ministers were
introduced instead of the Secretaries of State. Such known statesmen as
G. Kuznetsov, A. Erkebaev, and R. Otunbayeva were appointed as vice-
prime ministers. Some ministries were liquidated under the new law; in
their place, fourteen new and seven state committees, six state agencies,
and five state inspections were formed. In 1992, the country reformed
local executive bodies: akimiats were created on the basis of the execu-
tive committees of local soviets.
Legislative power in Kyrgyzstan was
delegated to the Jogorku Kenesh, which
was elected for a term of five years and con-
sisted of three hundred fifty deputies. The
parliament adopted a number of important
documents that were required for the ap-
The Flag of the Kyrgyz Republic proval of the sovereignty of the republic,
had fundamental political importance, and
included the “Declaration of State Sov-
ereignty of the Republic of Kyrgyzstan”
(December 15, 1990) and the “Declaration
on State Independence of the Republic of
Kyrgyzstan” (August 31, 1991). A signifi-
cant role in the development and adoption
of the new Constitution of Kyrgyzstan was
played by the Parliament which approved
The state emblem the National Flag (March 3, 1992), the Na-
of the Kyrgyz Republic tional Anthem (December 18, 1992), and
the National Emblem (January 14, 1994) of
Kyrgyzstan. During the transitional period, the Parliament developed laws
governing the stabilization of the socio-economic life of Kyrgyzstan.
The dynamics of social life during the transitional period required rapid
establishment of an appropriate legal framework. The construction of vari-

392
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
ous laws, however, did not
lead to the stabilization of
the state. Some of the laws
adopted by the Jogorku
Kenesh were inactive or
unenforced. As a result, it
lost legitimacy and author-
ity amongst the population,
promoting the develop-
ment of an already seem-
The Building of the Kyrgyz Government
ingly imminent crisis.
First of all, the representatives of the new government did not work
out a definite strategy or set of legislation. Many laws were poorly
planned. This partially stems from the fact that the effects of the tran-
sition to a new government and economy had not yet been fully inter-
nalized by the population. Legal rules did not anticipate the problems
which arose in the social life of the country.
Second, the majority of deputies had no legal training and experi-
enced great difficulties in the design and interpretation of new laws.
Professional deputies made up a small portion of the Parliament. Finally,
people were unable to perceive and realize haphazard and unregulated
flow of laws; executive branch often irresponsibly in the execution and
implementation of these laws.
After the adoption of the new constitution, various political intrigues
began in the upper echelons of power and led to a crisis in all branches
of government, especially within the law-making body. In September
1994, the Parliament was divided into two parts. The majority of dep-
uties were officials who had previously worked in executive or judicial
branches of government. They were afraid of losing their parliamentary
immunity and opposed the elections to all branches of power in 1993,
roughly violating the provisions of newly adopted Constitution. On Sep-
tember 13, 1994, they refused to take part in the Jogorku Kenesh ses-
sion, attempting to paralyze the parliament from the inside. As a result,
Kyrgyzstan was left without a Parliament; the government during this
period was legally retired and only formally fulfilled its duties. Reform
of the judiciary had not yet been completed and the President exercised
all powers in the country. Under such circumstances, the President is-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
sued a decree on the formation of the Central Election Commission and
held a referendum on the creation of a bicameral parliament to ensure
political stability in the country. During the referendum on October 22,
1994, the Kyrgyz population voted in favor of a bicameral parliament.
Elections to the Parliament were held in February 1995 and both houses
of a newly elected Jogorku Kenesh, the Legislature and the People’s
Congress, began to work on March 28.
The crisis of state power, the dissolution of the previous parliament,
and the formation of a bicameral Jogorku Kenesh led to the need of
constitutional amendments. In this regard, on February 10, 1996, an-
other republic referendum was held and the Constitution of the Kyrgyz
Republic was amended accordingly. Presidential rule was introduced in-
stead of parliamentary form. The president was provided with sweeping
powers. He came to define the structure of government; he also appoint-
ed the Prime Minister, the Attorney General, and the Chairman of the
Board of National bank of the Kyrgyz Republic (with the consent of the
Assembly of People’s Representatives).
The parliament had a two chamber: the Legislative Assembly with
thirty-five deputies, permanent and elected by the population, and the
People’s Congress of seventy deputies working by sessions and elected
on the basis of territorial interests. However, in February 2005, elections
to the unicameral Parliament were held and led to a serious aggravation
of political situation in the country.
The State Power in 2005-2010
During the first years of independence, the Kyrgyzstan population
faced many difficulties. There were huge shortages in bread and other
food, but the people endured them, firmly believing in their own path.
The predecessor to the new government worked considerably to estab-
lish an independent state, to enhance its international prestige, and im-
prove living standards. However, its inefficiency in recent years gave
rise to legitimate grievances in the society. To appease the interests of
the country’s leaders the Constitution was amended several times. The
government used weapons against demonstrators of Aqsy, who arrived,
demanding improved living conditions. As a result, on March 17-18,
2002 six people were killed and more than a dozen were injured. Popular
discontent of the government (which used weapons against its own peo-

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
ple) was growing by the day. Improper use of administrative resources,
manipulation, and distortion of votes during the elections to the Jogorku
Kenesh further aggravated the situation. Their unbridled pursuits of prof-
its were endless, while more than 70 percent of the population lived
below the poverty line.
In March 2005, residents of Jalal-Abad, Osh, Talas,
The Tulip and Issyk-Kul rose up against the government. Their
Revolution protests swiftly overtook the center of Bishkek. On
of 2005 March 10, the “National Unity” movement was created
to establish justice and reforms in all spheres of society.
It was headed by ex-prime-minister of Kyrgyz government Kurman-
bek Bakiev. On March 24, the “National Unity” organized a peaceful
demonstration on the streets of Bishkek.
On the “Ala-Too” square the participants of the “National Unity”
movement met with the supporters of the previous government and the
standoff may have turned into a bloodbath. President Askar Akayev
resigned and left Kyrgyzstan so did Prime Minister N. Tanayev r. Thus,
the conflict at the “Ala-Too” square resulted in a victory for the partic-
ipants of “National Unity”. The movement called the Tulip revolution
was the culmination of the end of the corrupted and authoritative regime
of Akayev. During the Revolution, Akayev fled to Kazakhstan and then
Russia and on April 4 he signed his resignation statement in the presence
of a Kyrgyz parliamentary delegation. At that time, the principal issue
was to determine the head of Kyrgyzstan. It was clear that Akaev’s re-
turn was impossible and people asked K.S. Bakiyev to serve as the head
of the state and the government; parliament deputies also supported him.
On July 10, 2005, elections of the President of the Kyrgyz Republic
were held and K.S. Bakiev won. The inauguration of the elected presi-
dent was held on August 14, when he officially took the office.
On July 10, 2005 a new presidential election
The 2010
was held. At that time, K. Bakiyev announced that
April Uprising
he supported a “mixed” form of parliamental and
and Fall
presidential powers. However his attempt to change
of Bakiev’s
the Constitution showed his real aim to increase his
Regime
own presidential power. In late April 2005, at one
of the largest demonstrations in Bishkek since the
change of government, protestors made constitutional reform a central

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

demand. Within a few days, President Bakiyev called for the creation
of a draft constitution (to be completed by August 2006) that would be
submitted to parliament by September. Prime Minister Kulov confirmed
the necessity of carrying out the constitutional reform. In an interview
with the Kyrgyz News gency, 24, he reported that, “It
is essential to create a system of checks and balances
that will not allow for the dictatorship of one person.”
In September 2007 the draft of new Constitution
was taken to the people in a referendum. On 21 Oc-
tober 2007 the new constitution was approved. The
new constitution allotted for many new changes, in-
cluding an expanded parliament size from 75 mem-
bers to 90, and the right of the parliament’s ruling
K. Bakiyev party to select members for the Kyrgyz Government.
On 22 October 2007, by the order of Bakyev, the Kyrgyz parliament
elected in 2005 was dismissed before they had finished their term. On
16 December 2007 there was an election to the fourth convocation of the
Kyrgyz parliament. The election was based on party-list voting. Twen-
ty-two parties filed to run in the election; some, however, reconsidered.
Another six of the parties were rejected by the authorities (one of these
was the Taza Koom or “Clean Society”). As a result, the following par-
ties contested the election:
• Ata-Meken Socialist Party (“Fatherland Socialist Party”)
• Party of Communists of Kyrgyzstan
• Ar-Namys (“Dignity”)
• Aalam (“Universe”, party of independent people)
• Erkindik (“Freedom”)
• Asaba (“Flag”)
• Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan
• Jangy Kuech (“New Force”, a party of women and youth of Kyrgyzstan)
• Ak-Zhol or Ak-Zhol Eldik Partiyasy (“Bright Path Popular Party”)
• Erkin Kyrgyzstan (“Free Kyrgyzstan”)
• El Dobushu (“People’s Voice”)
• Turan
According to first results, voter turnout was over 60%, but no party apart
from Ak-Zhol had managed to pass both thresholds (an election threshold
is a rule that requires that a party must receive a specified minimum per-
centage of votes (e.g. 5%). Ak-Zhol Party apparently received 47.8% of

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

the vote. Ata-Meken received 9.3% of the vote nationwide, but failed the
regional thresholds in three regions. International observers from the Or-
ganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe seriously criticized the
election. Experts from Commonwealth of Independent States, however, de-
clared that the election met a fair amount of democratic standards. Later,
results showed that two other parties, the Social Democratic Party and the
Communist Party, barely passed the national threshold.
Finally, the Central Electoral Commission announced the results.
Ak-Zhol received seventy-one seats, the Social Democratic Party re-
ceived eleven seats, and the Communist Party received eight seats. It
was uncertain whether the CEC was ignoring or reinterpreting the Su-
preme Court ruling which would have given the Ata-Meken party to
seats despite failing to win at least 0.5% of the vote in the various re-
gions of the country. According to officials, Ate-Meken failed to gain the
necessary votes in Osh. This became a source of controversy as party
activists claimed to have proof that they had achieved enough votes to
be seated in the Parliament. The newly elected parliament made its first
assembly on 21 December 2007.
Even amidst the controversy surrounding the elections, the effective-
ness of the Supreme Council did not suffer. Roza Otunbaeva, leader
of Social Democratic Party, in a statement, declared that the “Kyrgyz
parliament was weakened
by the absence of party po-
lemics and discussions. The
initiatives of the parliamen-
tary minority, among which
there were SDPK and Com-
munist Party, were swept
aside by the parliamentary
majority represented by Ak-
Jol Party. This situation was
observed in deciding very The 2010 People Revolution
serious and important questions in the Supreme Counsel; for instance,
there was no compromise between factions regarding the determination
of state borders in Karkyra place.” (Osmonov, 2015, p. 271).
The majority of deputies from the Ak-Jol Party did not support dem-
ocratic principles in the parliament and sought to increase the authori-

397
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
tative power of Bakiyev’s regime. K. Bakiyev had consolidated power
not only through the Parliament, but also through the appointment of his
family to high positions within the government. His sons and brothers
were deeply involved in diplomatic, economic, and military affairs. In-
creasing prices for utilities and corruption led to deteriorating socio-eco-
nomic conditions, increased regionalization and criminalization, and
encouraged an exodus of the Russian-speaking population, as well as
labour migration of local Kyrgyz to Kazakhstan and Russia. Bakiev’s
support of clanship and nepotism increased the authoritative ruling and
in a practice all branches of state power were in the hand of Bakiev’s
direct and non-direct relatives. Moreover, his regime put control over
economic enterprises, political organizations and it had connections
with the organized crime groups.
Besides the economic and political violations in the domestic sphere,
Bakiyev provoked some serious tensions with the US in regards to the
Manas Airbase and Russia according to the Dastan Armament Facility,
as well as training facilities in Batken. All these and other violations of
constitutional rights had provoked the peaceful protests in March and
April of 2010. In lieu of hearing problems of the protestors and attempt-
ing to find a solution, the Bakiev’s government fired shots on protesters,
resulting in the death of eighty-seven people; among them were minors,
more than five hundred people were wounded. Bakiev resigned from the
Presidency and fled to Belarus.
Comparing two events of 2005 and 2010, it is necessary to indicate
some common and particular characters and signs. Both of them are
obviously similar in the increase of the unconstitutional violations of
the rights of people, pressure of the oppositional forces and individuals,
and mass corruption in all spheres of life. The familial power of Akayev
was changed by deeper clanship and tribal networking and politics of
Bakyev. Life of more than 70% of all population worsened. According
to statistics, the unemployment rate increased around 2005 and stayed
relatively constant during
the following years.
People got lost trust
and believe in any posi-
tive change.
According to the par-
ticularities, it is need to

398
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
say that the level and dynamics of mass mobilization in
two events were different. In the 2010 Kyrgyz Revolu-
tion, mass mobilization, was socially more diverse and
radical than in the so-called Tulip Revolution of 2005
and this fact obviously indicated the deterioration of the
economic and political situation in five years.
Following the events of 2010, the Interim Govern-
ment took a decision to conduct constitutional reform
in country. The reform was supposed to form the law-
ful base for development of a parliamental republic. R. Otunbaeva
On 27 June 2010, a referendum confirmed the adoption of a new consti-
tution. It clarified the question of the parliamentary nature of the Repub-
lic. At the referendum, Roza Otunbaeva was appointed President of the
country in the transitional period.
The economic and social situation was deteriorated by the intereth-
nic conflict between the Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in the Osh and Jalal-Abad
provinces. According to several experts and commissions, which inves-
tigated and analyzed the event, the conflict was a sequence of local il-
legal and informal fights and competition over resources and power in
the respective regions. The events brought about the significant loss of
life and injury. In total more than 470 people died, about 1,900 people
received medical assistance at hospitals and many thousands of people
were displaced. About 111,000 people were displaced to Uzbekistan and
a further 300,000 were internally displaced. In total about 2,800 proper-
ties were damaged’.
Following the events of 2010, there have been several forces work-
ing to increase the harmony between the ethnic groups of the south-
ern regions. These initiatives and projects have been created by several
governmental and international organizations and agencies. The interna-
tional organization IREX, for instance, has an ongoing project called the
“Facilitating Inter-ethnic Tolerance and Harmony (FAITH)” program,
which partners with religious leaders to promote
inter-ethnic understanding, dialogue, and interac-
tion in southern Kyrgyzstan.
Along with the reconciliation of the inter-eth-
nic conflict in the South, the Interim government
worked on the Presidential election, which took
part on October 30, 2011. Among 16 candidates
was Almazbek Atambaev, who, during the 2010
Revolution, was one of the leaders of the oppo- A. Atambaev

399
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
sition; he became Prime-Minister of the Interim Government. He re-
ceived 62% of the vote and, on 1 December 2011, officially became
President of Kyrgyz Republic.
Widespread poverty and unemployment are still the main problems
facing Kyrgyzstan. Since 2010, the poverty rate has increased. Roughly
38% of the population lives below the poverty line. 65.9% of these peo-
ple are villagers. People who live below the poverty line typically spend
about 72 som per day, the lowest among any of the CIS countries. The
unemployment rate in Kyrgyzstan is 8.6%. This is comparatively high
in contrast to the other countries of Central Asia. For instance, the rate
in Tajikistan was 2.4% and 4.8% in Uzbekistan. Turkmenistan had a rate
of 2.6% and Kazakhstan was slightly higher at 5.3%.
The The Government of the Kyrgyz Republic is the
Government supreme body of executive power in the country. The
of Kyrgyz Prime Minister of the Kyrgyz Republic determines the
main activities of the government. The Government
Republic
consists of the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Min-
isters, Ministers, and Chairmen of State Committees.
The President determines the composition of the Government in part with
the Prime Minister and then the Jogorku Kenesh approves it. As the su-
preme executive authority, the Government organizes, supervises, and
provides solutions of all social, economic, financial and other issues.
In late 2007, Jogorku Kenesh adopted the Law of the Kyrgyz Repub-
lic “On the Structure of the Government of the KR,” according to which
it confers the functions to fourteen ministries, five state committees, and
twelve administrative departments. The governors in each oblast, local
state administrations, and akimiats in regions and cities, and aiyl okmotu
in villages were approved under this law. In addition, in regions, dis-
tricts, cities, and villages operate local keneshes or parliaments.
The aiyl okmotu, as an executive local administration, implements
programs on socio-economic development of its territories, approves
the budget and arranges its execution. It also controls the economy of
the village, carries out the social welfare of the population, as well as
activities related to environmental protection. The approval for the elec-
tions to local governments of the Kyrgyz Republic was introduced in
2001. As a result, voters have an opportunity to choose the most worthy
leader who is able to carry out mandated tasks from several candidates.
Since the Independence, the Kyrgyz government has been unreason-
able and frequently reformed and changed. As a result, it changed 13

400
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
times during 1991-2010 and such an political and administrative insta-
bility did not give much potential to the socio-economic development
of country.
Prime-Ministers of Kyrgyz Republic in 1991-2010
1. N. Isanov (1991) 8. N. Tanaev (2002-2005)
2. T. Chyngyshev (1992-1993) 9. F. Kulov (2005-2006)
3. A. Zhumagulov (1993-1998) 10. A. Isabekov (2007)
4. K. Zhumaliev (1998) 11. A. Atambaev (2007)
5. Zh. Ibraimov (1998-1999) 12. V. Chudinov (2007-2009)
6. A. Muraliev (1999-2000) 13. D. Usenov (2009-2010)
7. K. Bakiev (2000-2002)
In the years of independence, the Kyrgyz repub-
Political
Parties lic has formed socio-political organizations which, in
and Public accordance with the Constitution, have a right to free-
Organizations dom of actions. New political parties, trade unions,
and associations have appeared in Kyrgyzstan. Their
rights, political freedoms, and legal activities, as outlined in the Con-
stitution, are respected by the state. However, political parties can par-
ticipate in public affairs only in the form of nominating candidates for
the elections to the House of Jogorku Kenesh, public office, and local
governments; they can also act as formation of factions in representative
bodies.
The latest Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic, which was adopted
in 2010 by the results of a national debate and referendum, cemented the
new principle of the formation of the Jogorku Kenesh; according to the
provisions of the Constitution, it should be formed according to the list
of political parties.
On October, 10, 2010, an election was held. There were fifty-sev-
en political parties, and only candidates from 29 political parties were
registered. The gained results showed that one hundred and twenty
Parliament seats were spread among a number of political parties. The
political parties that occupied several seats could now form factions
within the parliament. In December 2010, the parliamental coalition was
formed by the leaders of SDPK, Republica, and Ata-Jurt. Seventy-sev-
en new deputies became members of the coalition. The leader of the
coalition was Kanatbek Isaev, who, at that time, was a member of the
party Respublica. The leaders of Ata-Meken Party (O.Tekebayev) and
the Ar-Namys Party (F.Kulov) were in the opposition. By the decision of
coalition Akhmatbek Keldibekov became a speaker of Jogorku Kenesh.
401
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Due to some political changes in the coalition in 2011, a new alliance was
formed. The new alliance included parties such as SDPK, Republica, Ata
Meken, and Ar-Namys. Ata-Jurt was in the opposition. Ninety-two deputies
out of one hundred and nineteen were in the new coalition of the majority.
Asylbek Jeenbekov became the new speaker. Since
then, special attention has been given to the renova-
tion of principles of formation and mechanisms of
effective work of the Jogorku Kenesh as a supreme
legislative and representative power in country. On 4
October 2015 Kyrgyzstan witnessed the parliamen-
tal election with a new technological innovation. For
the first time in Central Asian region, in Kyrgyzstan
the election was conducted with the biometric regis-
tration system. It was used in order to prevent voter
A. Jeenbekov fraud. The voters who did not registered biometrical-
ly, prevented from taking part in the poll. Fourteen parties competed for
seats in the 120-member parliament and according to the preliminary report
of OSCE, the election was “competitive and provided voters with a wide
range of choice.” Six parties-Social Democratic Party (SDPK) (38 seats),
Respublika-Ata-Jurt (28 seats) Kyrgyzstan (18 seats), Onuguu-Progress (13
seats), Bir Bol (12 seats), and Ata-Meken (11 seats) – cleared the threshold
to gain entrance into the parliament but which candidates specifically would
take seats has been in flux. On 5th November 2015 A. Jeenbekov was relect-
ed as a speaker of Gogorku Kenesh of Kyrgyz Republic.

The meeting hall of Jogorku Kenesh

402
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The emergence of civil society in Kyrgyzstan led
to the activities of hundreds of nongovernmental or-
ganizations (NGOs). Some of them have become very
influential social forces in Kyrgyz society. Proclama-
tion of the protection of human rights in the Republic
was the impetus for the establishment of many human
rights organizations.
Among these organizations there are some that
represent the interests of disabled citizens. This has
been a long-time imitative in Kyrgyzstan; in order K. Mambetakunov
to provide disabled citizens with state support, the
Council for the Disabled was formed by the President in 1998. To support
people with disabilities, the National Program was adopted in 1999. Since
1991, the Kyrgyz Blind and Deaf Society has been headed by K.B. Mam-
betakunov. In 2009 three nine-story housing structures were built and one
hundred thirty-five apartments were given to disabled citizens.
Socio-economic and Spiritual Life of Sovereign Kyrgyzstan

Economic Despite the acquisition of political independence,

Kyrgyzstan has remained largely economically depen-
Policy
dent upon other states. This largely stems from the fact
that the industry and economy of the country was mainly specialized
in supplying the raw materials and semi-finished products; since it no
longer operated in the Soviet-wide system, its specialized economy was
no longer useful. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, economic ties
were broken and Kyrgyzstan found itself in a dire material and financial
situation.
By the end of 1991, the average growth of industrial production fell
sharply, funds invested in construction and agricultural complexes were
not paid off. Investment and construction in the energy, coal, machinery,
food, and light industries remained unfulfilled.
In January 1992, the Russian Federation led a radical liberalization
of prices, setting the course for free products of fuel and energy com-
plex, metallurgy, and engineering industries. As a result, all CIS coun-
tries, including Kyrgyzstan, burst a new stage of economic crisis. In
1992, production in Kyrgyzstan decreased by 27%. Economic relations
deteriorated and the national economy fell into depression.

403
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
By July 1992, the Supreme Soviet of the Kyrgyz Republic had dis-
cussed and adopted a program of economic reforms for the rest of 1992
and the following two years, initially developed by the Government at
the IX session. It provided the continuation of economic reforms begun
in 1990 in line with the overall strategic direction of the country and
continued on a path towards specific steps to privatization, land reform,
social protection, and public investment.
As a primary task, it was necessary to resolve the macroeconomic
situation and create conditions for the stabilization of production. This
required a closer look at many objectives, including reforming the in-
dustrial sector, increasing the role of market prices, creating conditions
for free competition by the gradual elimination of the monopoly system,
and limiting the scope of state intervention in economic enterprise. It
was decided to develop the privatization of the industrial sector by 50%
in construction; by 25-30% in agriculture; by 70% in housing; and, by
100% in service. This wave of privatization was scheduled to be com-
pleted by the end of 1993.
To develop a strong and flexible market system, the Kyrgyz Govern-
ment provided industries with the opportunity to establish free commer-
cial relations with the countries of the CIS and elsewhere. On January
1, 1993 the practice of governmental orders in industry was terminat-
ed. Kyrgyzstan refused to continue with a planned economy and final-
ly chose the path of an accelerated transition to the market economy
through radical reforms.
The legislative basis for privatization in Kyrgyzstan was the law
“On General Principles of Denationalization, Privatization, and Entre-
preneurship of the Republic of Kyrgyzstan” adopted on December 20,
1991. The Fund of the State Committee for the State Property Manage-
ment and Support of Entrepreneurs (SPC – Goskomimushchestvo) was
established to oversee the process of privatization. However, as it was
defined in the Constitution, land, soil, air, water resources, forest, flora,
fauna, and other natural resources continued to be under the special state
protection and were not subject to privatization.
According to the new law, privatization should have taken into ac-
count the interest and rights of the citizens of Kyrgyzstan. The prepared-
ness of the population, labor groups, and individual actors was to be
an operating force during the process of privatization; of course, these

404
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
principles were largely ignored throughout the process. Government of-
ficials and heads of enterprises and farms began to sell property, which
were subject to privatization.
A variety of stock companies and firms (which were either just cre-
ated or altogether fictitious) openly deceived the population and grew
rich very quickly. Certain groups of people who had the power or certain
access to large funds managed to purchase or sell the most significant
state property in a short period of time. Because of the inability to or-
ganize relevant work, the State Property Committee caused irreparable
damage to the country and people. Basic civil rights of workers were
violated. In the process of privatization, concern for the preservation of
jobs or production itself was overlooked. Thousands of people instantly
became unemployed, a result of the closing of some industry or factory.
Companies, which had been converted into joint stock companies, lost
profit with each day; production levels fell by 40-55%. Despite this, the
leaders of newly appointed organizations assigned the highest salaries
for themselves, pocketed most of the shares, and, sometimes, actually
owned the companies.
To alleviate the situation and fix some of the failures of the process
of privatization, the President instructed the Attorney General’s Office,
the Committee of National Security, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and
the State Financial Inspections Department (Gosfininspektsii) to thor-
oughly check the violations of laws during privatization. The inspec-
tion confirmed serious miscalculations of facts and gross violations of
laws during the procedure of denationalization and privatization of the
Fund of the State Property Committee. The documents accompanying
the privatization were often altered or rewritten after some transaction or
transition had taken place. Some fund managers of the SPC took bribery,
ignoring the recommendations or approval of their commissions.
During the first stage of privatization (1991-1993), 32.6% of pub-
lic facilities and 17.5% of enterprises transformed into privatized joint
stock companies. Denationalization of 39% of industrial properties,
67.5% of construction, 98.7% of consumer services, and 80.7% of trade
and public catering was completed by the end of 1993.To avoid a repeat
of the early stages of privatization, the presidential decree “On Urgent
Measures to Strengthen the State and Financial Discipline” approved
the Regulation “On Sale of State and Public Companies at Auctions”.

405
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The new program of privatization of state property was developed for
1994-1995. This program was discussed and adopted at the January ses-
sion of the Jogorku Kenesh in 1994. Thus began the second stages of the
privatization process.
The main goals of the new stage included fundamental restructuring
of the economy and education. The reformers sought to develop a stable
layer of private owners and a market by the principle of capitalist market
relations. The pace and scale of privatization were somewhat limited. In
accordance with the program of privatization, state property began to
move into joint stock, private ownership, mixed ownership, and other
forms of ownership. As a result, more than 50% of the economic po-
tential of the Kyrgyz Republic was composed of non-state enterprises.
Under the terms of the program, medium and large enterprises began
to be sold to private individuals or organizations on the basis of alterna-
tive privatization. This meant that potential buyers were now required
to report their plans and projects for future development of privatized
enterprises.
The new privatization program determined the order of the coupon
and cash auctions. However, most ordinary people did not realize that
the coupon was a security backed by a guarantee of the fund of SPC, and
that the price of coupons would go up. Not knowing how to use the cou-
pons, people sold them for very low prices; at the same time investment
funds took advantage of the situation.
Starting in mid-1994, massive privatization began in Kyrgyzstan.
The program of “people’s” privatization was jointly developed by the
Government of Kyrgyzstan, the Republic Fund of State Property Com-
mittee, and with the participation of American professionals. Even be-
fore 1994, the country privatized 378 businesses. Mass privatization
lasted until 1996; many people became the owners of various properties
through coupon auctions during this period. As a result, the non-state
sector began to produce more than 50% of all industrial output.
New Without the development of agriculture, which is
Agricultural the foundation of the economy of Kyrgyzstan, our sov-
Policy ereign republic would never have been able to develop
effectively. If we consider that the scale of the rural
population of the CIS does not exceed 30% of the total population and,
in Kyrgyzstan today, more than 60% of the population lives in rural
406
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
areas, it becomes clear how important the question of agriculture is to
the management of the Kyrgyz economy. In order to turn the agriculture
into a market economy, the government of Kyrgyzstan launched land
and agrarian reforms in 1991.
At the time of the reforms, the government sought to run the simul-
taneous and equal functioning of collective farms, state farms, and co-
operative agricultural associations, preserve the state’s monopoly in the
production of tobacco, cotton, meat, wool, fruits, and vegetables during
the transition period, and to develop and expand small businesses, both
urban and rural.
One of the basic principles of agricultural reform was gradual prog-
ress in the local context; the government sought to serve the interests of
residents, and to keep in mind their degree of preparedness. During the
first phase, the economically untenable collective and state farms were
supposed to be disbanded, while and their land would be passed to the
farmers with the right of inheritance. Thus, a broad network of indepen-
dent farms was planned to be established.
However, these plans were never realized due to the miscalculations
of some local leaders and their gross violations of the Land Code, the
law “On Land Reform”, and “On the Farm”. The material-technical base
of farms was destroyed. The interests of farmers were often not taken
into account while their rights were infringed. As a result, agricultural
production fell sharply and difficulties started in ensuring the production
of food.
To streamline the agricultural relations, the President issued a special
decree on November 1 by which it was planned to allocate land to rural
and urban residents of all regions before December 1, 1992. It was also
proposed to convert all farms with the profitability of 15-25% to agri-
cultural cooperatives by the February 1, 1993.In November 1991, the
control and direction of the reform was entrusted to the State Commis-
sion on Land Reform of the Kyrgyz Republic, which was headed by the
Prime Minister. By the end of 1993, one hundred seventy-two collective
and state farms were dissolved and 17.5 thousand of farms, one hundred
ninety-seven cooperatives, one hundred twenty small businesses, one
hundred nineteen associations, and nine corporations were formed in-
stead of them. Newly formed structures produced 52% of all agricultural
products. In July of the same year, the state began buying farm products

407
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
by market prices. In 1995, the number of farmer facilities in the country
reached 21.1 thousand farms.
Some farms managed to adapt to market conditions for a short
period of time and began earning a profit, despite the hard econom-
ic conditions. The farmers who had received land usually had no
machinery, seeds, or necessary skills for the land processing and,
consequently, did not produce to the potential of the farms they
had received. As inflation increased, the farmers who had received
credits were in a hopeless situation. Many of them turned to subsis-
tence farming and, only with great difficulty, were able to extract
the means of subsistence. At the same time, the peasant associations
strengthened cooperative ownership and managed to achieve high
performance and high profits.
Severe recession in cattle-breeding, which was the basis of agricul-
ture of Kyrgyzstan, also developed into a huge problem in the early
1990s. Until 1992, sheep breeding brought 35% of agricultural income
of the Republic. In some highland areas, the income from breeding of
sheep and goats was 95%. Despite the low procurement prices for the
products of this industry, the country still received about half a billion
rubles of profit annually.
During the reforms, the number of sheep in Kyrgyzstan sharply de-
clined. By January 1994 all farms of the republic altogether had 7.5 mil-
lion sheep while by January 1995 their number decreased to 4.5 million.
Sheep turned into a living product. Sheep began to serve as a medium in
direct bartering; thus, they were traded on a daily basis.
Even five years after the start of the reforms, the agricultural sector
remained in a very difficult position. Grain and forage crops decreased
by about 23%. Compared with 1993, the gross grain harvest in 1994 fell
by 35% and the total yield of crops as a whole fell by 20%.The Govern-
ment of the Kyrgyz Republic developed a new program to deepen the
economic reforms in 1994-1995. In order to implement the Program,
the President issued a decree “On Measures for Deepening the Land and
Agrarian Reform in the Kyrgyz Republic” on February 22, 1994, which
determined the strategic direction of the reforming of the agricultural
sector. Farmers were given complete freedom in choosing the forms of
management; principles of openness and transparency in the implemen-
tation of reforms were approved.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The prerequisite for farmers was that they use their land exclusively
for agricultural purposes. In January 1995, a single tax was introduced
instead of the previously practiced system of multiple payments. During
the same year, the government developed a comprehensive program for
the improvement of agriculture for the years of 1996 – 1999; the pro-
gram was immediately brought into action.
Large-scale agriculture was impossible without major credit and fi-
nancial investment. Since the beginning of the reforms, the state start-
ed to distribute loans through Dyikan Ordo and Dyikan bank societies.
However, the intermediate courts generally plundered the multi-million
dollar loans and only a small part of them reached the farmers.
From 1992-1998, $234 million in overseas investments was invested
into the agrarian economy of Kyrgyzstan. Totally, the World Bank has
introduced $45 million for the privatization and development of agricul-
ture in Kyrgyzstan. The Asian Development Bank invested $40 million
for agricultural reforms; in addition, the World Bank provided $11.65
million for the development of sheep breeding.
In 1988, 15.5 thousand hectares of arable land turned into rain-fed
due to the poor state of irrigation networks; this was a clear indication
of the need to improve the irrigation system in the country. In 1998,
the World Bank invested $35 mil-
lion for the reconstruction of the
irrigation system in the Kyrgyz-
stan. Reconstructive and protective
measures of thirteen dams are held
for these funds; about 40 irrigation
systems are reconstructed on the
Ortho-Tokoi, Papan, Kirov, Kara
Buura, and other reservoirs. In
1999, the land area requiring urgent
drainage works reached more than
90 thousand hectares.
The Kyrgyz government is tak-
ing effective measures for the de-
velopment of the agricultural in-
dustry of the country. Since 1998,
land and agrarian reform in Kyr- New machines of Kyrgyz farmers

409
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
gyzstan have reached new levels. In this regard, a number of laws on
agriculture were revised and the Land Code, as well as the new laws
“On Cooperation in the Kyrgyz Republic” and “On Peasant Farms of
the Kyrgyz Republic” were developed and adopted by the parliament
in May 1999. These laws became an important legal basis in ordering
the industrial relations in agriculture and the problems that plague the
agricultural sector. On December 13, 2000, President of the Kyrgyz Re-
public introduced a proposal to amend the laws relating to land reform
to the parliament. After extensive discussions, the Legislature decided to
withdraw the article from the Land Code; the article established a five-
year moratorium on the sale of land. In August 2001, the regulations on
the sale of agricultural land were approved by the Government of the
Kyrgyz Republic. This was another decisive step to accelerate the tran-
sition of agriculture of the Republic to the free market relations.
Today, being a member of Eurasian Economic Union, The Kyrgyz
Government meets new challenges in the development of agricultural
industry and promotion of closer agricultural cooperation with EEC
partners.
Social Life and Social Structure of the Population
The highest population growth in the country was experienced during
the last thirty years of Soviet rule. According to the Soviet census of
1959, the population of the Kyrgyz SSR was 2.1 million people; in 1991
the population reached 4.4 million, meaning that it had doubled since
1959. Demographically speaking, Kyrgyzstan stands out among the for-
mer Soviet republics in the rate of natural increase (difference between
the born and died in one year).
Even during the first half of 1990s, an era of high rates of emigra-
tion from the country, the overall population increased. According to
the census of 1999, the population of Kyrgyzstan was 4.7 million. This
occurred mostly due to a natural increase. For example in 1990, about
twenty-nine children were born per one thousand people; in 1993, the
figure stood at about twenty-six children. By 1998, the figured had
dropped to twenty-two children. In general, the number of births in the
country has declined due to the economic and social difficulties of the
1990s.
The demographic situation in late 1990s was characterized by a de-
crease in infant and mother mortality. At the same time, the levels of em-
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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
igration out of the country had fallen. In 1998, 101.7 thousand children
were born in Kyrgyzstan. Decline in birthrates in Osh and Chui Oblasts
and an increase in Bishkek and Talas were observed near the turn of the
century. The natural increase was sixty eight thousand people. Sixteen
thousand peopled emigrated, but more than ten thousand people moved
back. As a result of the change in birthrates and migration practices, the
population had increased by sixty-two thousand.
Another feature of the demographic development in Kyrgyzstan in
comparison with other CIS countries is the prevalence of the rural pop-
ulation. In most CIS countries, about 60% of the population lives in
urban areas and 40% – in rural areas. In Kyrgyzstan in 1999, 64% of the
population lived in villages. Percentage of rural population in regions
was as follows: In Issyk-Kul Oblast 69%; in Osh Oblast – 70%; in Talas
Oblast – 76%; and, in Naryn –82%.
In the mountain regions, the percentage of rural population was
above 80% and was made up largely of indigenous people. Distribution
of the population of Kyrgyzstan tends to be very heterogeneous. The
population is concentrated in the lowlands and mountain valleys of the
rivers that make up 15% of the country. The population density in these
areas was 30-80 people per one square kilometer.
Another feature of the socio-demographic structure of the population
of Kyrgyzstan is the large number of elderly citizens. Thus, children
under the working age make up 39.7% of the total population. About
10.1% are residents of the post-employment (retirement) age. The work-
ing-age population is about 50.2% of the population. Compared with the
average performance of other CIS countries, the percentage of the elder-
ly and children in Kyrgyzstan is much higher than employed people. In
Kyrgyzstan, the number of able-bodied people, or labor reserves, com-
prises more than 2.2 million people. In 1990s, their number increased by
three hundred thousand.
In the 1990s, the workforce of the country was largely employed in
state and collective enterprises; many workers were also involved in
private enterprises. During this time, the number of employees in the
public sector decreased. In 1992, the workforce in the national economy
was as follows: 21.4% in industry and construction; 39% in agriculture
and forestry; 5% in transport and communications; 5.6% in trade, cater-
ing and services; and 20.2% - education, health, culture, art and science.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
13% of the working age population, basically women with many chil-
dren, were employed in the household.
One of the main responsibilities of the state is the efficient use of
labor resources and to provide the working population with gainful em-
ployment. However, the effectiveness of labor resources in Kyrgyzstan
varies by region. For example, the Naryn Oblast is specialized in cat-
tle-breeding; the bulk of the population is employed in this industry. Due
to the sharp reduction in the number of livestock in this region, provid-
ing people with work became a difficult task for the federal government.
The economic crisis closed most of the businesses and workers, even in
large cities.
Since independence, unemployment in Kyrgyzstan has increased
from year to year. In 1991, ninety-four unemployed people were of-
ficially registered in the Republic; in 1992, the number reached one
hundred thirty six. The number continued to increase and, by 1998, the
number of unemployed exceeded sixty-three thousand. This, however,
did not include all unemployed workers, just those who had officially
filed as unemployed. In reality, by this time more than one hundred fifty
thousand people were unemployed in the country. 70% of them were
young people under the age of 30; 48.7% of the total working-age pop-
ulation was women.
According to the National Statistics Committee, more than 60%
of Kyrgyzstan’s population was considered to be low-income in 1996
(715.77 soms per person per month). This means that in comparison
with 1989 the poverty rate had doubled. 18.2% of the population (220.61
soms of income per person per month) was below the poverty line.
People spend more than 70% of their income for food. The main
causes of loss of purchasing power of the rural population were the de-
cline in livestock numbers and crop areas, increasing of unemployment
and inflation, rising prices, delayed payment of pensions, and the lack of
wage indexation. The level of real income decreased year by year. The
elimination of poverty has, accordingly, became one of the main tasks
of Kyrgyzstan.
In Bishkek, the poverty rate was 26.1%; in Chui Oblast it was about
46.3% (the lowest figures in comparison with other regions of the re-
public).In the south of Kyrgyzstan, 38% of the population was under
the poverty line due to high population density, acute shortage of arable

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
land, and many large families. The standard of living is significantly
influenced by the condition of natural resources, the development of
industry, agriculture, and trade. It follows that the remote villages in
mountainous or foothill areas with underdeveloped economies were the
poorest.
With the transition from public ownership to the mixed economy,
Kyrgyz society began to stratify to a deeper extent than was realized
during the Soviet era. The owners of factories, banks, corporations,
trusts, corporations, joint stock companies, associations, and farms
emerged from privatization as a separate class. Another stratum of so-
ciety was made up of small private enterprises in the system of trade,
service, industry, and agriculture.
Skilled or educated works, who largely worked “white collar” jobs,
made up another part of society. The number of such specialists in the
country was growing and they worked in all sectors of the economy. In
1999, Kyrgyzstan had more than two hundred thousand employees. Of
those, ninety thousand were teachers and cultural workers, fifty thou-
sand were engineers, nineteen thousand were, veterinarians, livestock
specialists, and agronomists, 4.5 thousand were commodity experts, and
2.5 thousand were lawyers or represented in similar professions
There were notable differences in the social-class structure of the popu-
lation of the regions of the Kyrgyz Republic. Large cities with a developed
industry in Chui, Osh, and Jalal-Abad complicated the construction of a
class structure. The processes of differentiation there were taking place at
accelerated pace. In the mountainous Naryn region, Alai, Suusamyr, Ton,
Chatkal, and other remote areas the population was rather homogeneous
and consisted mainly of peasant farmers and rural intelligentsia.
National Policies More than eighty nationalities and ethnic
and National groups live in the Kyrgyz Republic. Uzbeks and
Composition Kazakhs are included in the people of Kyrgyz-
of the Population stan. Another part of the republic is Russians and
Ukrainians who resettled to Kyrgyzstan after its
annexation to Russia. Dungans and Uighurs who fled from the persecu-
tion of the pre-revolutionary Chinese authorities also make up a large
minority. In addition, the population consists of Germans who were per-
secuted in Ukraine and settled mainly in the Chu and Talas Valleys. An-
other part of the population is Dargins and other small ethnic groups that

413
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
resettled to Kyrgyzstan in the 1920s from the North Caucasus, as well
as the Chechens, Ingush, Karachai, Balkar, and Crimean Tatars deported
during the World War II.
The European regions of the USSR suffered from the Nazi occu-
pation (Belarusians, Ukrainians, residents of Leningrad, those injured
during the war, and the elderly), arrived to Kyrgyzstan during the war
years and immediately following the war. A significant number of high-
ly qualified professionals of different nationalities came to Kyrgyzstan
with their families. Thirty large enterprises were evacuated to our coun-
try. After the end of the war, most settlers returned to their homes but
some settled in Kyrgyzstan.
In addition to extensive development of industry, during the last thirty
years of Soviet power many professionals from Russia were invited and
provided with apartments and other preferential treatment. At the same
time, many voluntary migrants from Siberia, the Far East, and northern
Russia came to Kyrgyzstan in search of better living conditions. With
the socio-political changes in the USSR in 1980s, the stream of people
began to subside. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 (and
maybe a little earlier) there was a huge emigration out of Kyrgyzstan,
mainly by the Russian-speaking population. For example, the Russian
population in Kyrgyzstan reached nine hundred eighteen thousand in
1990 (21.2% of the population). This was the period when the largest
number of Russians lived in Kyrgyzstan. Between 1991 and 1994, one
hundred seventy thousand Russians emigrated from Kyrgyzstan. The
stream of emigration was especially high in 1993 – while twenty three
thousand of people entered Kyrgyzstan, more than one hundred forty
thousand emigrated (80.8 thousand of Russians, 10.5 thousand Ger-
mans, 10.6 thousand Ukrainians, 8.7 thousand Tatars, 6 thousand Uz-
beks, among others). The Russian population, which once comprised the
second largest nationality in the country, decreased to 17% in after 1994.
Due to the outflow of the population, the ethnic composition of Kyr-
gyzstan changed significantly. The census of 2009 accounted that Kyr-
gyz comprised 70.9% of the total population, Uzbeks - 14.3%, Russian
- 7.8%, Ukrainians and Germans - 1.5%. Additionally, tens of thousands
of Tatars (1.6%), Kazakhs, Uighurs, and Dungan (0.9%), Tajiks (0.8%),
Turks (0.5%), Azeri and Koreans (0.4%), thousands of Belarusians,
Jews, Kalmaks, Armenians, Georgians, Moldavians, Poles, Gypsies,

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and people of other nations continued to live in the country. The number
of the representatives of Asian peoples in Kyrgyzstan - Uzbeks, Tajiks,
Uighurs, Kazakhs, and Koreans - increased. The number of Russians,
Germans, Ukrainians, Tatars, and Jews decreased significantly.
Emigration of Europeans from Kyrgyzstan was due to the severe
economic crisis, the shutdown of many enterprises, difficulties of tran-
sition to market relations, among other personal reasons. Therefore, the
major and urgent task of the government was the need to halt the flow of
leaving population from the Republic and ensure the stability of interna-
tional relations. Having proclaimed the principle of ethnic cooperation
under the slogan “Kyrgyzstan is our Common Home”, the Kyrgyz gov-
ernment did everything possible for the citizens of the republic to feel it
as their homeland. President of the Kyrgyz Republic A. Akaev showed
an initiative in strengthening and stabilizing international relations. The
first Kurultai (meeting) of people of Kyrgyzstan was held on his initia-
tive on January 21, 1994 and brought together the representatives of all
nations, nationalities, and social strata of the country.
The People’s Assembly of Kyrgyzstan was established at the Kurultai.
The participants adopted its charter and elected its governing body - the
Council of People’s Assembly of Kyrgyzstan. They adopted the “Appeal
of the First Kurultai of the People of Kyrgyzstan” and “Declaration of
Unity, Peace, and Mutual Consent.” Currently, the People’s Assembly of
Kyrgyzstan, while managing around 30 national-cultural centers, is an in-
fluential forum and the basis of international and mutual consent.
National-cultural centers play a special role in the preservation and
development of inter-ethnic relations. S. Begaliev, A. Ismailov, A. Rai-
ymzhanov, R.A. Shin, and many others were and are active agents in
shaping important social structure in the country. The state strongly sup-
ports and promotes their peacekeeping activities. The Friendship House
was opened in Bishkek on September 24, 1996 to combine and coordi-
nate the work of centers. Currently, the main purpose of the multinational
people of Kyrgyzstan is the strengthening the country’s economy, devel-
oping market relations and international friendship, and the construct-
ing a sovereign and democratic state. However, the revenge-seekers and
outside forces managed to ignite the flames of interethnic conflict on
June 2010. Violence had been curbed in four days. Unfortunately, more
than 400 people were killed during the events.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

The Friendship House of Peoples of Kyrgyzstan

Social Welfare With the achievement of sovereignty, the many
of the Population social problems of Kyrgyzstan inherited from the
Soviet era became more acute and complex. Due to
the economic crisis, the standard of living declined year by year. By the
end of 1990s, most social groups were below the poverty line. As a result
of socio-economic transformation in the country, 50% of cash income was
concentrated in the hands of 20% of the population. The bottom 20% of
the country only received about 3.9% of all cash income. Thus, differenc-
es between rich and poor have increased during the transition to market
relations. The position of the elderly and the disabled has worsened.
To improve the security of these segments of population with pensions
and grants, the government of the Kyrgyz republic transformed a num-
ber of government bodies dealing with social issues into a single Social
Fund in December 1993. According to the government decree “On Ur-
gent Measures to Address Social Protection” a rise in pensions, benefits,
scholarships, and payments was introduced. To organize and address the
issues in this area, the parliament adopted the Law “On Pension Provision
of Citizens of the Kyrgyz Republic” on April 14, 1994. However, as early
as 1993 the pensions and allowances were not paid on time. In 1995, the
debt on this kind of payments amounted to 17.5 million soms.
In the mid -1990s, some measures were taken to address the provision
of housing. Large amounts of land were allocated for people wishing to
have individual housing in rural and urban areas. Property developers
were provided with concessional loans. In this regard, the total area of
the housing stock in the country was increased. To date, only 81% of the

416
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
housing stock is owned by the private sector and 2% is owned by co-op-
eratives. Public housing has gradually been privatized.
Communal services provide the foundation of urban housing with
93% of water network, 88% of sewage, 89% of central heating, 91%
of gas, and 72% of hot water. However, due to the effects of fuel and
energy problems, the population systematically experienced shortages
in natural gas and electricity. In rural areas, communal services remain
at a very low level. Many villages have not been supplied with running
water yet. At the present time, a lot of measures are taken to improve the
communal maintenance of the population. Foreign investments and lo-
cal resources are widely involved; and work on providing one thousand
villages with drinking tap water has been accomplished.
The Kyrgyztelekom Company was found in Kyrgyzstan in 1993 in
order to improve telecommunication infrastructure. In a short time it has
become a national center that provides public inter-
national, intercity, and local telecommunications. As
a result of purposeful activity of Kyrgyztelekom, plan
for the development of telecommunication systems of
the Kyrgyz Republic was worked out and successful-
ly implemented. As a result, the work was established
to ensure the population with public telephone, tele-
graph, fax communications, and internet.
With the introduction of new satellite stations in
1996, Kyrgyzstan connected with Russia, Japan, Chi- S. Alymkulov
na, India, Germany, England,
and other countries. The first
president of Kyrgyztelekom
S.A. Alymkulov and his staff
made a big contribution to
the establishment and devel-
opment of modern telecom-
munications in the country.
Health welfare is an-
other important aspect of
the social policy. During
the Soviet era, Kyrgyzstan
reached a relatively great
success in the field of medi- The Kyrgyztelekom Company

417
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
cine and public health. Currently, health care is provided to the residents
of out republic by the phased system. The first step is the rural medical
assistant and midwife posts. Medical care is provided in special clinics
and rural hospitals. The second step of providing health care is imple-
mented in district hospitals, specialty (infectious diseases, tuberculosis,
etc.) hospitals, clinics, and ambulance stations. The main centers for
the provision of medical services are central districts and city hospitals.
Some of them can treat 300-600 patients at one time. More than twen-
ty kinds of professional assistance are provided in these hospitals. The
next step is medical facilities of Oblast and national centers, maternity
hospitals, specialized hospitals and clinics, and pharmacies. All levels of
health assessment are functionally connected.
Negative effects of the economic crisis have left a painful impact on
the system of health care. Free medical care was reduced; some forms of
medical treatment were transmitted to a fee basis as a system of co-pay-
ment for inpatient treatment was introduced. The price of medication has
increased. The main parts of population have experienced great difficul-
ties in obtaining medical care. Recently, the activities of sanitary-epide-
miological institutions have decreased at an alarming rate. In this regard,
incidence of such diseases as tuberculosis and brucellosis has increased.
The spread of infectious diseases indicates a weak state of medicine in
the country. Investigations of causes of death showed that 38.4% were
due to circulatory system diseases, 16.6% to respiratory diseases, 11.6%
to homicide, suicide, and traffic accidents, 11.2% to cancer, 42% to di-
gestive tract diseases, and 3.8% to infectious and parasitic diseases. In
the second half of 1990s, the epidemiological situation in the country
was characterized by the rapid spread of measles, typhoid, tuberculosis,
and sexually transmitted diseases.
1999 was declared the Year of Health in Kyrgyzstan. In its frame-
work, the government carried out a reform of the health care system.
More attention was paid to expanding the network of hospitals, clinics,
and medical examinations of the population. The system of family doc-
tors was introduced and has produced many positive results.
With the proclamation of independence of
The Development Kyrgyzstan and the transition to market relations,
of Education, the reform of education was introduced as the for-
Science and mer ceased to meet new economic, technical, and
Culture cultural requirements and lost its effectiveness. In

418
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
this regard, in December 1992, the Jogorku Kenesh adopted the Law
“On Education”, which found that the primacy in education belongs to
the interests of the individual and that the purpose of education is a
comprehensive assistance to people’s desire for knowledge. 1996 was
declared the Year of Education; the national program “Bilim” was ap-
proved in its framework. Special attention was paid to democracy, hu-
manism, and differentiation of education of the Republic, not to mention
the strengthening of the material-technical base of schools.
As a result of educational reforms introduced in 1993, new types
of schools, including gymnasiums, lyceums, and school complexes ap-
peared in Kyrgyzstan. By 1995, seventy lyceums and gymnasiums, three
hundred two schools with specialized subjects, and more than twenty
private and public-private high schools operated in the country. Schools
widely introduced new teaching methods, such as non-standard training
classes, systematic rating of students’ knowledge, testing, introduction
of new subjects, and computerization.
In recent years, the support of education in the republic increased with
the help of international organizations. That support was in the form of
grants and loans. The “TACIS” (European Technical assistance to CIS
countries) and “Tempus” (European Higher Education Support Program)
programs actively assisted the educational institutions in Kyrgyzstan. In ac-
cordance with these programs, the focus was made on strengthening of the
material-technical base
of schools. The Asian
Development Bank
worked out a special
program “The General
Plan of Education and
Training” for the coun-
try and gave a loan of
$37.7 million to Kyr-
gyzstan for forty years.
The plan provided
schools, colleges, and J.Balasagyn Kyrgyz National University
universities with text-
books and study materials, constructed educational laboratories, created the
informative system of management, and developed the methods of teach-
ers’ training through distant learning.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
To stabilize the socio-economic situation in the country, the Govern-
ment of the Kyrgyz Republic took several measures to improve educa-
tion and science. The National Programme “Human Resources of the
XXI Century” (1995) aimed at further development of senior secondary
and higher education. On December 26, 2000 the Legislative Assem-
bly of the Jogorku Kenesh adopted a law “On the Status of Teachers”,
which assigned the task to create a legal framework for improving the
socio-economic status of teachers. That document provided school-
teachers with moral and material support, which were supposed to serve
as an incentive to improve the education of younger generation.
In accordance with the law “On Education”, the rights of institutions
of higher education were greatly expanded; new system of training and a
demand for specific occupations were introduced. The law gave univer-
sities the right of economic independence, allowed private educational
institutions, opened the way to paid education, eliminated barriers for
the use of foreign investment, and changed the status of some schools.
To strengthen scientific potential, some institutions of higher educa-
tion were converted into academies. Thus, the Kyrgyz Medical Acade-
my was opened on the basis of the Kyrgyz Medical Institute. Almost all
old institutions of the republic were transformed into universities.
Such uni-
versities as the
Kyrgyz-Russian
Slavic University,
American Uni-
versity of Cen-
tral Asia, and the
Kyrgyz-Turkish
Manas University
successfully oper-
American University of Central Asia ate in Kyrgyzstan.
State universities were opened in Naryn and Jalal-Abad; a new Kyrgyz-Uz-
bek University in Osh was also opened.
Despite the difficulties, there are ample opportunities for the development
of science in Kyrgyzstan. The government attaches great importance to the
development of research institutes and institutions of higher education,
strengthen their material and technical bases, and expand the relation-
ship of science and industry. For example, by the Presidential Decree of

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
April 1, 1996, the Kyrgyz Agricultural Institute was transformed into the
Kyrgyz Agrarian Academy. On October 31, 2001, the Center of Agricul-
tural Science and consulting services under the Ministry of Agriculture
and the Skryabin Kyrgyz Agricultural University were established on
the base of the Academy.
The newly established
Kyrgyz Agricultural Uni-
versity has the important
task of training specialists
for agriculture as the foun-
dation of the republic’s
economy. In 1992, a Pres-
idential Decree formed
the National Certification
Commission (NAC) of the National Academy of Sciences
Kyrgyz Republic for the of Kyrgyz Republic
first time in the history of Kyrgyzstan and was entrusted with all matters
of conferring academic degrees and academic titles (professor, associate
professor, senior researcher).
Today, the development of any country is largely determined by the
results of scientific and technological progress. The role of the Research
Center of Kyrgyzstan - National Academy of Science has been further
increased. One of the first acts issued by the President of the Kyrgyz Re-
public was the decree of December 7, 1990 “On the Status of the Acad-
emy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR,” which reflected a fundamentally
new democratic approach to scientific and organizational problems in
the new academy. A Presidential Decree of 1993 on the transformation
of the academy into the National Academy of Sciences allowed the ris-
ing of its status and role in the political and economic life.
The National Academy of Sciences became a full member of several
international associations and academies of sciences, including the In-
ternational Association of Academies of Sciences of the CIS countries,
the Association of Academies of Sciences of the Asian countries, the As-
sociation of Academies of Sciences of the Turkic States, and the World
Council of Academies of Sciences.
The First Congress of Scientists of Kyrgyzstan was held at the end of
the 20th century for the first time in the history of Kyrgyz science. A forum
of this magnitude has once again confirmed the great importance attached
to national science and scientists in our state. The congress summed up the
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
developmentalframework of science in the 20th century. The President of the
republic, stressing the importance of basic research, charged scientists with
the task ofcreating technologies that would completely cover the real costs
and would ensure maximum profit with access to international markets.
Programs associated with the propaganda of the masterpiece of the
Kyrgyz folklore - the epic “Manas” have a great value for the spiritual
revival of our society, revival of the best national traditions and customs,
education of younger generations, and general achievements of mankind,
in the spirit of patriotism, good neighborliness, and cooperation. These
are the programs of “Muras,” “Children of the World about Manas,” and
“Manas mektebi.” In order to acquaint children of various countries with
the epic “Manas”, colorful albums with illustrations of the epic adapted
children, and excerpts from the epic in prose in Kyrgyz, English, Turkish,
Russian, and other languages have been issued. In line with this initiative,
country-wide contests of children’s creativity are held.

Ak-Maral dance group

M. Asylbashev, a talented choreographer, and National Artist of the
Kyrgyz Republic, has headed the State Dance Ensemble “Ak-Maral” for
fifteen years. During these years, he formed the original repertoire of the
ensemble, educated talented dancers, developed a common style, and has
made an enormous contribution to the treasury of folk Kyrgyz dance. His
dance group has received international recognition of audience and ex-
perts during foreign tours to Mongolia, Portugal, Pakistan, Germany, In-
dia, France, Malaysia, the United States, and other countries.
The press, radio, and television make a major contribution to rising
of cultural level of the population of the Kyrgyz
Mass Media and
Republic. These forms of media pay much atten-
Propaganda tion to social and economic problems of sovereign

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Kyrgyzstan and the spiritual culture of the people.
In recent years, the State TV Radio Corporation (Gosteleradiokor-
poratsiya) of the Kyrgyz Republic has managed to achieve a significant
increase in the quality and diversity of television and radio broadcast-
ing. A number of new directions appeared in the activity of Gostelera-
diokorporatsiya. The corporation reorganized the management of state
television and radio, underwent major improvements in the preparation
of radio and television programs, strengthened their material base, and
significantly increased the daily volume and quality of television pro-
gramming. At present, the corporation actively operates the programs,
which enhance the people’s unity, stability, ethnic harmony, civil peace,
and order in Kyrgyzstan.
Spiritual life of the country between1990 and 2005 was associated
not only with positive changes. Many theaters, museums, libraries, and
other cultural and educational institutions have significantly changed the
content of their activities due to financial difficulties. Some, fortunately,
have managed to find their place in a market economy and continued
their creative life.
Lack of spiritual life in the transitional period caused a number of
adverse events in all spheres of social relations. Customs of feudalism
from the time of bai-manaps’ began to revive instead of native tradi-
tions from the long history of the Kyrgyz people. Particularly these dark
forces were introduced into family traditions and rituals of everyday
life. For example, the funeral rite of the Kyrgyz people has its own idio-
syncrasies, which are a manifestation of compassion, a sense of kinship,
and help to the family of deceased.
Community courts of aksakals formed in accordance with the Con-
stitution of the Kyrgyz Republic play a huge role in dealing with prob-
lems of alcoholism, domestic crime, and the distortion of the customs
and traditions. Currently, more than about one thousand two hundred
community courts of aksakals, which consist of about six thousand peo-
ple, successfully operate throughout the country. They have done a great
job of preventing and fighting the crime, educating the younger gener-
ation in the spirit of the progressive tradition, and reviving the national
spirit of the people of Kyrgyzstan.
Considering the 1000th anniversary of the epic “Manas” as an import-
ant social and political event in modern history of independent and sover-
eign Kyrgyzstan, the President of the Kyrgyz Republic issued a decree “On
Preparation and Holding of the 1000thAnniversary of the Epic” Manas”,

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Celebration which declared 1995 as the year of a nationwide

of the 1000th celebration of the 1000th anniversary of the he-
Anniversary roic epic of the Kyrgyz people.In accordance
with the decree, a national organizing commit-
of the Epic “Manas”
tee headed by the Prime Minister of the Kyrgyz
Republic was founded. The State Directorate for
the preparation and conduct of the anniversary was established as a work-
ing member of the National Organizing Committee, which was endowed
with appropriate powers and authority. Organization of the anniversary was
one of the forms and methods of self-affirmation of Kyrgyz people within
the international community. The 49th session of the UN General Assembly
adopted a resolution “On Celebrating the 1000th Anniversary of the Kyrgyz
National Epic “Manas”. In fact, it was the recognition of the importance of
the epic to the world of spiritual culture and international community.
The conference “The Kyrgyz: Ethno-
genetic and Ethnocultural Processes in
Ancient and Medieval times in Central
Asia” (September 22-24, 1994, Bishkek),
where questions of ethnogenesis and the
ethnic history of the Kyrgyz were raised,
was a great success. An international con-
ference dedicated to the 100th anniversary
of “Homer of the 20th century”, the great-
est contemporary manaschy Sayakbai
Karalaev was held in October 1994. The
conference participants had an interest-
ing conversation about the so-called phe-
nomenon of “manaschy”, raised issues of
The monument of Manas narrative skills and the role of storytellers
in Bishkek in preservation of the epic, as well as the
characteristics of spiritual culture of the Kyrgyz people.
With the direct involvement of the business project “Muras”, the
society “Sanzhyrachy” was created to organize expeditions to collect
sanzhyra - oral traditions of the Kyrgyz. The project sought to record,
classify, and study them, as well as conduct various competitions among
connoisseurs of sanzhyra.
The Year Following independence, questions of Kyrgyz state-
of Kyrgyz hood began to intrigue many scholars and intellectuals,
Statehood especially historians. In May 2002, the Kyrgyz National

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
University held the International conference on “Stages of Development
of Kyrgyz Statehood.” The papers at this conference covered the origins
and stages of historical statehood in Central Asia and Southern Siberia.
Well-known modern historical scholars from Russia, China, Kazakh-
stan, and Kyrgyzstan considered the problem at a round table discussion.

Resolution of 57 Assembly of UN on the celebration

of the Kyrgyz statehood
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The International Scientific Conference recommended to declare
2003 the Year of the Kyrgyz statehood. President KR Askar Akayev
agreed with the recommendation and sent a formal request to the United
Nations. The UN General Assembly, noting the wealth of Kyrgyz cul-
ture, as well as its national, regional, and international significance, ad-
opted a special resolution, recognizing the Year of Kyrgyz Statehood in
December 2002; the 2,200th anniversary of statehood was marked as an
event of worldwide significance. The Decision of the UN General As-
sembly to hold the Year of the Kyrgyz statehood in 2003 had a positive
impact on socio-political situation in the republic. Varieties of activities
dedicated to our history were held throughout the country in 2003.
Foreign Policy and International Relations
of Sovereign Kyrgyz Republic

Development The foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan is based on the

of Political following principles: the preservation of peace, the
Relations inviolability of the nation’s borders, strengthening
of multilateral relations with the CIS nations and the
world, ending ethnic conflicts in the CIS, preventing of their occurrence
in the country, attraction of foreign investment to the national economy,
export of domestic production to international markets, active involve-
ment in UN and other international organizations, denial of entering
military blocs and alliances and full neutrality.
In accordance with the principles and objectives of foreign policy,
Kyrgyzstan received recognition and support on the international scene
following 1991. The U.S. Embassy was opened in Bishkek in February
of 1992. After that, People’s Republic of China, Russia, Turkey, Germa-
ny, and other states formed their diplomatic missions in Kyrgyzstan. On
March 2, 1992, Kyrgyzstan became a member of the United Nations.
As early as 1993, one hundred twenty-eight countries had formally rec-
ognized the independence of the Kyrgyz Republic; diplomatic relations
with more than eighty countries were established. By 1998, the sover-
eignty of Kyrgyzstan was recognized by one hundred thirty-five coun-
tries. Diplomatic relations with more than ninety-one countries were
established. Eleven embassies and representative offices were opened
in Bishkek. Seventeen diplomatic missions abroad protect the interests
of the country. As an independent state, Kyrgyzstan became a member

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
of several international organizations, including the UN, OSCE, IMF,
UNESCO, etc.).
Special place in the foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan is given to the re-
lationships with Russia, a legacy of the historical, economic, and social
factors. The relationship between Kyrgyzstan and Russia after the col-
lapse of the Soviet was developed on the basis of friendship, coopera-
tion, mutual assistance, as well as the principles of interstate relations
between two countries. It was necessary to strengthen relations between
Kyrgyzstan and Russia to keep the military-strategic situation of the
country stable and to ensure the inviolability of state borders. A number
of agreements between two states were adopted to resolve these issues.
The Kyrgyz Republic concluded Treaties of Friendship, Cooperation
and Mutual Assistance with Ukraine, Belarus, and other former Soviet
countries. Many relationships established during the Soviet era were re-
newed and further developed in the conditions of a new market.
External In economic and social relationships the Kyr-
Economic and gyz Republic focuses on CIS countries, especially
Social Ties those of Central Asia. In the first half of the 1990s,
in export-import relationships of Kyrgyzstan the
first place was given to Russia, then, respectively, Kazakhstan, Ukraine,
Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Belarus. Kyrgyzstan exports
leather, wool, cotton, silk, carpets, cotton yarn, precious and rare metals,
granite, marble, and ceramics. In return, Kyrgyzstan receives fuels and
lubricating oils, coal, automobiles, agricultural equipment, ferrous met-
als, and natural gas. In 1990, imports exceeded exports. As a result the
main aim of economic reform conducted in the republic was the creation
of favorable conditions for the expansion of exports.
The focus of the reform was directed to the creation of core enter-
prises producing qualitative products competitive in the global market,
as well as prioritized development of industrial and economic sectors
to replace imported production. Funding from foreign investments is
sought after as the main sources in such projects. The World Bank, the
International Development Association and other international financial
institutions have consistently supported the rehabilitation of the econ-
omy, the establishment of enterprises for the production of exportable
goods made from local raw materials. In this respect, the Asian Devel-
opment Bank, the International Finance Corporation, and the Islamic
Development Bank provided a recent active assistance.
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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The number of companies and businesses established jointly with
foreign countries have increased and successfully operated in Kyrgyz-
stan in the post-Soviet era. The Kyrgyz-Canadian Corporation “Came-
co” started stable development of gold deposits in the “Kumtor” region
of Issyk-Kul. An oil refinery was built in Jalal-Abad together with the
U.S. firms. Similar operations were built with the assistance of England
and Russia in the regions of Kant. Internationally based corporations
have concentrated on leather processing, lines for bottling mineral wa-
ter, and the production of baby food on Kyrgyz soil.
International economic relations are important for Kyrgyzstan in im-
plementing agrarian reforms and in transformation of agriculture into
a profitable industry. Kyrgyzstan has yet to reach a sustainable level of
food production. However, research proved that Kyrgyzstan can pro-
duce agricultural products for export only if the resources are used ra-
tionally. In this regard, the World Bank provided $60 million for crop
production under local conditions.
Kyrgyzstan hopes to receive help from the international economic
community for the rehabilitation of sheep industry, which for centuries
has been the basis of life of indigenous people. Specific measures to
develop sheep were made together with the World Bank. However, $16
million allocated to restore the industry during the first stage were used
without a clear focus and often inappropriately. In 1995, the external
debt of the republic was $600 million; by 2000 it approached $21 bil-
lion. This once again reiterates the need to use the aid strictly according
to the purpose to achieve a long-term impact and cost effectiveness.
Kyrgyzstan has all the necessary features to become a reliable exporter
of wool, fermented tobacco leaves, cotton, perennial seeds, sugar beets,
corn hybrid, and garden crops to the international market in the near
future.
International relations have expanded in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan and
this, first of all, is reflected in education system. Today, more than three
thousand Kyrgyz citizens study abroad. More than one thousand foreign
students currently study in Kyrgyzstan (Jenish, 2012).
Formed in 1993, the Soros Foundation-Kyrgyzstan is currently work-
ing on 45 programs aimed at reforming education, improving the print-
ing industry, providing material support to undergraduate and graduate
students in a form of scholarships, etc. From 1994-1998 the Soros Foun-
dation invested $16 million to the cultural development of the country.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Huge strides in the development of international relations of the re-
public are achieved thanks to the National Library of Kyrgyzstan. To-
day, the library has more than six billion books in seventy languages.
The International Book Exchange Service works well to supplement the
library fund. Thanks to the book exchange, Kyrgyz readers have the op-
portunity to get acquainted with the achievements of science, literature,
and art from all over the world. In turn, National Library gives a splen-
did opportunity to foreign readers and researchers to learn about the
achievements of the Kyrgyz Republic. Political, economic, and social
relationships with other countries of Kyrgyzstan show true promise for
further development.
Cooperation As one of the main objectives of its for-
of Kyrgyzstan eign policy, the Kyrgyz Republic emphasizes
with other the further development and strengthening of
Central Asian States ties with the CIS states, particularly with the
countries of Central Asia. With the dissolution
of the Soviet Union, the heads of the central Asian states put forward
issues of intra-regional cooperation and mutual assistance. In this re-
gard, Kyrgyzstan signed an agreement with Kazakhstan on February 18,
1991, with Uzbekistan on February 18, 1991, and with Turkmenistan on
July 16, 1991.
Issues of friendship, cooperation, economic, scientific-technological,
and cultural mutual assistance received in-depth discussion at the meeting
of leaders of the five central Asian republics in Tashkent in 1991. Long-
term documents were adopted at this meeting.An agreement was conclud-
ed on the establishment of the Inter-Republican Advisory Board of Central
Asia and Kazakhstan. As a result, the integration processes in this region
were widely developed. In 1994, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyz-
stan signed an agreement on the formation of a Single Economic Area.
The idea of establishing a single central Asian economic space (OAES)
was launched after the meeting of the leaders of three republics in Almaty
in 1994. At that meeting was a decision on the formation of the Interstate
Council headed by the presidents and heads of governments of three states
was approved. The Council of Ministers, Council of Foreign Ministers,
and the Defense Ministers’ Council was founded for the purpose of carry-
ing the activities of the new organization. The Executive Committee with
headquarters in Almaty was elected as a permanent working body.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The regular meetings of the leaders of these three States approved
the Statute on the Interstate Council and its institutions on February 12,
1995. This alliance has an important mission to strengthen comprehen-
sive relationships of the three republics and the development of integra-
tion processes in Central Asia.
Multifaceted cooperation with the Republic of Kazakhstan is an in-
disputable priority of Kyrgyzstan’s foreign policy and can be explained
by the geographical proximity, deep historical related roots, as well as a
common language, culture, traditions, and historical fate. Since the col-
lapse of the Soviet Union, Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan have signed the
Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance, which laid
the foundation of bilateral relations. The main emphasis in the relation-
ships between two countries is made on the comprehensive deepening
of trade and economic cooperation.
An important factor in the development of bilateral relations is coop-
eration between the two countries within the CIS, CAEC, EurAsEC, and
in the format of the “Shanghai Forum” that allows to agree on practical
steps in the areas of global and regional diplomacy, collective security,
and threats to stability and security in Central Asia as a whole. The two
states tend to occupy similar positions on many issues of internation-
al policy initiatives, support each other on the international arena. For
example, Kyrgyzstan is among the first who supported the initiative of
the President of Kazakhstan on convening the Conference on Interac-
tion and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA) and became its
active participant. In turn, Kazakhstan also supported international ini-
tiatives of Kyrgyzstan in realizing the International Conference on Af-
ghanistan and in declaring Central Asia a zone free of nuclear weapons.
Priorities for trade and economic integration of the two countries are
determined by their strategic interests, goals, effective use of aggregate
economic potential, and accelerated socio-economic development.
The main export items between the two nations were electricity, mer-
cury, antimony, electric motors, light bulbs, tobacco, sugar, and slate.
Introduction of temporary protective duties between Kyrgyzstan and
Kazakhstan in February 2000 significantly affected the supply of slate,
which decreased in comparison to 1999 by 2.9 times. The chief imports
from Kazakhstan were wheat, coal, petrol, diesel, fuel, oil, and ferrous
and nonferrous metals.

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In contrast to the trade and economic relations, cultural relations are
developing actively and successfully. Both republics regularly host ex-
hibitions, concerts, artists, international scientific symposia, and semi-
nars with the participation of intellectuals and the public. Kyrgyzstan
widely celebrated the 100th anniversary of great Kazakh writer Mukhtar
Auezov, the 175th anniversary of Kurmangazy, the 150th anniversary
of Abai and Zhambyl. In turn, Kazakhstan celebrated the 1000th anni-
versary of the epic “Manas” and the 70th anniversary of the outstanding
Kyrgyz writer Chingiz Aitmatov. An international meeting of activists
of science, art and culture was held in Astana in September 1999 and
confirmed the future potential of cooperation between the peoples of
Central Asia.
Cooperation with the Republic of Uzbekistan, which evolves grad-
ually over the entire spectrum of bilateral relations, is a priority of the
Kyrgyz Republic’s foreign policy. At present, there are more than sixty
agreements between the Kyrgyz Republic and the Republic of Uzbeki-
stan. The most basic document governing the relationships between the
two states is the Treaty of Eternal Friendship between Uzbekistan and
Kyrgyzstan, which was signed on December 24, 1996 during the official
visit of President of the Kyrgyz Republic to the Republic of Uzbekistan.
Bilateral visits of President of Uzbekistan to Kyrgyzstan in January and
September 2000, as well as the President of Kyrgyzstan to Uzbekistan
in December 1996 and November 1998 are important as they havegiv-
en considerable impetus to the Kyrgyz-Uzbek relations.Another official
visit of President of the Republic of Uzbekistan to the Kyrgyz Republic
in September 2000 was a landmark event in the development of mutual-
ly beneficial and good-neighborly cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and
Uzbekistan.
In observance of the security threats on the southern regions of the states
of the CIS, relations with Tajikistan have become a crucial component to
the Kyrgyz foreign policy. Relations between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
were established on January 14, 1993 and have held great significance in
the development of the Kyrgyz Republic.Over the past decade Kyrgyzstan
has consistently maintained and continues to adhere to the policy of ex-
panding bilateral cooperation, as well as the promotion of peace in Tajik-
istan. The development of trade and economic relations between the two
countries is of particular focus of the ministers of Kyrgyzstan.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The international community highly appreciated the efforts of the
Kyrgyz Republic, which made it possible to achieve a positive result at
the meeting of the President of Tajikistan Emomali Rakhmonov and the
leader of the former United Tajik Opposition S. Nuri in Bishkek in May
15-18, 1997. Bishkek agreement greatly contributed to the signing of a
General Agreement on Peace in Moscow in June 1997.Another mile-
stone in the strengthening of bilateral relations was the opening of the
Embassy of the Kyrgyz Republic in Tajikistan in accordance with the
Presidential Decree from January 13, 1997.
Kyrgyzstan seeks to develop close cooperation with Turkmenistan.
Diplomatic relationships with this country were established on October
9, 1992. Today, however, bilateral relations between Kyrgyzstan and
Turkmenistan, unlike other three states in the region, have not yet truly
developed; and all official political contacts are usually at the level of
multilateral activities of the CIS, the Organization of Islamic Confer-
ence (OIC), Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO), and the Turkic
Summit.
The end of the 20th century turned out to be trou-
International
blesome for the international community in the sense
Terrorism
and Border that international terrorism had strengthened its forc-
Protection es throughout the world. The attempt of religious
extremist organizations to extend their expansion in
the regions of Central Asia (including Kyrgyzstan) continues to be a
concern of the international community.
A group of armed religious extremists under the guise of holy can-
ons for believers of Islam invaded the southern parts of Kyrgyzstan in
August 1999. Setting their camp in the vicinity of Batken, terrorists at-
tempted to gain a foothold in the region. They held employees of the
district’s administration, police, four Japanese geologists, and local resi-
dent’s hostage for some time. They even managed to seize a few villag-
es. Using popular rhetoric against the Uzbek state, these groups tried to
gain popular support among the local population.
Manipulating local youth, these terrorist groups tried to recruit them
into their ranks. The Kyrgyz government timely and properly evaluated
the actions of terrorists as an attack at the integrity of the sovereign na-
tion and decided to defeat these groups and expel them from the territory
of Kyrgyz Republic.

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To fight with terrorism on a regional scale, Kyrgyzstan was provided
with military and technical aid from Uzbekistan, Russia, Kazakhstan,
and Armenia as part of the agreement signed by the members of the so-
called “Shanghai Five”. Soldiers, volunteers, and contractors showed
great courage during the liquidation of these groups. Fifty-five officers
and soldiers heroically died in their efforts. Armed clashes in southern
Kyrgyzstan became a test of national unity. During those years, large
numbers of young people expressed a desire to defend their homeland.
The people of Kyrgyzstan played an important part in helping soldiers
and residents of the regions in question.
These events in southern Kyrgyzstan became a great lesson in raising
the defense of the Kyrgyz Republic. Weaknesses in the armed forces
were showed themselves in the struggle against these forces. Correct-
ly assessing the shortcomings, the government of Kyrgyzstan took a
number of necessary measures to
eliminate them. Taking into account
the strategic and socio-economic
importance of the region subjected
to the invasion, the President signed
a law on the formation of the Bat-
ken Oblast on October 13, 1999.
The new Oblast included Batken,
Kadamdzhay, the Leylek regions,
and Kyzyl-Kiya. Batken was identi-
fied as the administrative center of
the Batken Oblast.
To strengthen the southern bor-
ders of the republic, a southern group
of the armed forces, were placed near The monument
the southern border. Border guards of Batken-warriors in Bishkek
were reinforced and the training of
officers became more intensive. As a result of taken measures, an attempt-
ed resurgence of the terrorist forces was suppressed in 2000. Activities to
promote and protect the borders of the Kyrgyz Republic became one of
the main objectives of increased defense.
An international conference on “Enhancing Security and Stability in
Central Asia: Strengthening of Comprehensive Efforts to Counter Terror-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ism” was held in Bishkek on December 13-14, 2001 under the guidance
of the OSCE and the UN. Almost three hundred delegates and representa-
tives of more than sixty countries and twenty international organizations
participated in conference which adopted a final document entitled “The
Bishkek Declaration”, where concrete measures to ensure security in the
region were outlined. In order to eliminate the threat of international ter-
rorism and, above all, to ensure national security of the country, Kyrgyz-
stan joined an international anti-terrorist coalition along with the United
States, Russia, China, France, Korea, Canada, and Italy in early 2002.
To eliminate the threat of further spread of terrorism and to stabilize
the situation in Afghanistan as well as to provide necessary guarantees
of stability and security in Central Asia, the Kyrgyz government decided
to temporarily allocate the territory of Kyrgyzstan to the forces of the
anti-terrorist coalition. Thus, the strengthening of national security and
provision of the necessary guarantees of stability in Central Asia were
solidified as the most important tasks for the Kyrgyz Republic.
Independent Kyrgyzstan works hard to address the issues related to
the refinement of its frontiers. As a result, an initiative to settle bor-
der disputes with China was taken (these borders have been in question
since the 19th century). Research of historical sources suggests that in
the middle of the 19th century, China and Russia divided the lands of
Central Asia as a result of their colonial policies. The Beijing agreement
in 1860 and the Chuguchak Protocol in 1864 were supposed to clarify
the boundaries between the two empires.
Determination of the boundaries between China and Russia on the
territory of Kyrgyzstan was provided by the St. Petersburg (1881),
Kashgar (1882) and Novomargelansk (1884) regulations. It should be
noted that these negotiations were held without the participation of Kyr-
gyz representatives, as during the refinement of borders both empires
pursued only their own goals and objectives; the interests of Kyrgyz
people were not taken into account. As a result, the territory and people
of Kyrgyzstan were divided between two Empires, one part moved to
Russia, while the other moved to China. During Soviet times, especially
in the 1960s, China claimed new borders, but without much success.
With the acquisition of independence, Kyrgyzstan received an op-
portunity to address the issue of borders again. A number of bilateral
negotiations have been held since the mid 1990’s; documents on the

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Russian-Chinese borders were carefully studied. On June 4, 1996, the
delegations of the People’s Republic of China and the Kyrgyz Republic
signed a document stating that the solution of cross-border issues would
be defined on equitable terms. As a result of a meticulous work on both
sides, seventy percent of the four thousand square meters of disputed
territories were given to Kyrgyzstan and the other thirty percent was
given to China. This agreement was ratified by the legislatures of both
states. The recognition of the boundaries between the Kyrgyz Republic
and China is a fact of enormous historical importance. It was done with
regard to the interests of both parties, and most importantly, ensured
peace and harmony of the Kyrgyz-Chinese border. On August 16, 2007,
Bishkek hosted the Summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(SCO). Participation of the heads of 10 countries and representatives of
many international organizations was the evidence the respected status
of the forum and of its political and economic importance. More than
500 journalists who visited that summit were able to witness the changes
that have taken place in Kyrgyzstan. These all even further enhanced the
image of Kyrgyzstan in the world community.
From the History of the Kyrgyz abroad
The Kyrgyz people is one of the oldest peoples ever occupied Central
Asia in the reviewed period of history. The Kyrgyz that are mentioned in
historical sources in the 2nd century B.C. wandered in the vast expanses
of Asia for more than two thousand years. In the last millennium, Kyrgyz
people finally settled on the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan, which became
their historical homeland. Along with the fact that most Kyrgyz are concen-
trated in the area of the Ala-Too, a number of ethnic Kyrgyz live abroad.
Representatives of Kyrgyz Diasporas from China, Uzbekistan, Russia,
Turkey, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Europe, and even from faraway Australia
met at the World Kurultai held in Bishkek in August of 1992. Each of them
with a great sense of pride took part in a joyous event – Kyrgyzstan’s acqui-
sition of sovereign statehood. Until that time, relations with foreign Kyrgyz
were limited due to a number of political and social reasons. People of Kyr-
gyzstan had a rather superficial view about their history, culture, and social
life. Positive conditions for the development and strengthening of relations
of the Kyrgyz living abroad with their native homeland appeared recently.
Since ancient times, the Kyrgyz have lived in Eastern Turkestan.

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

The Kyrgyz Extensive research proves the fact that this region was
in China the ancestral homeland of the Kyrgyz people. Another
indication of this is Kyrgyz names of localities and res-
ervoirs, such as Manas city, Lake Manas. Written sources have shown
that, in the first half of the 18th century, the Kyrgyz controlled Eastern
Turkestan and northern part of the Fergana Valley. In 1638, the Khan’s
power over Mogolistan passed to the hands of Abdullah Khan, who or-
ganized the campaign against the Kyrgyz living in the area of Eastern
Turkestan. In response, the Southern, Fergana, and Kashgar Kyrgyz
tribes built a strong coalition and inflicted several substantial blows
to invaders. In subsequent years of the rule of Abdullah Khan (1658-
1670), Kyrgyz biys ruled in such major cities of Eastern Turkestan as
Kashgar, Jarkent, Jangi-Gisar, and Khotan. For example, the Kyrgyz
biy Satym was the governor of Jangi-Gisar, Koysary-biy – Kashgar.
Historical evidence suggests that Jarkent emirs were disgruntled with
the Kyrgyz byis and turned to the Kalmak kontaishi Tsevan Rabtan for help.
When Kalmak troops approached Jarkent, the Kyrgyz retreated towards
Kashgar, but immediately after the departure of Kalmaks they returned back
to Jarkent as if nothing had happened. After these events, the influence of
the Kyrgyz became even stronger and lasted until the conquest of Eastern
Turkestan by the Junggar Khanate. Later, according to Kyrgyz genealogical
legends, the Chonbagysh and Cherik tribes moved to China through Uzgen,
Tenir Too, Ak-Talaa, and At-Bashy, under the pressure of Kalmaks in the
17th and 18th centuries.
Currently, the Chonbagysh, Cherik, and Kyrgyz-Kipchak tribes repre-
sent the Kyrgyz of Kyzyl-Suu in the Kyrgyz autonomous region of China.
For example, 80% of Kyrgyz residing in Akchiy district are representatives
of the Cherik tribe.The Chonbagysh and Kushchu tribes also resie there.
Most Kyrgyz who were forcibly moved by Kalmaks to Jungaria re-
turned to Tenir Too after the defeat of the Kalmak Khanate. The descendants
of these Kyrgyz people are named Kyrgyz-Kalmak and these days live in
Dyurbeldzhin, Mongolian Autonomous County, in China (they total about
two thousand people). They are the representatives of such tribes and clans
as Sarybagysh, Baaryn, Munduz, Naiman, and Sart.
In the 18th century, the Kyrgyz influenced the political situation of East-
ern Turkestan. In 1754, the governor of Eastern Turkestan Jusup-Kojo, with
the assistance of Kyrgyz tribes, refused to obey to the Jungar Khanate

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
and Kubat-biy from Kushchu supported him.
Starting in 1757, the Empire of the Qin began to dominate in Eastern
Turkestan and Kyrgyz tribes took the most active part in the struggle of
peoples of Eastern Turkestan against Chinese invaders. Constant strug-
gle of the peoples of this region continued even after the approval of
Chinese hegemony and Turkic people of Eastern Turkestan (Kyrgyz,
Uighurs, Kazakhs, Uzbeks, and others) acted together in this struggle.
Kyrgyz and Uyghur tribes were the main driving
force of the uprisings in Kashgar in 1814 and 1816
and Turdumambet-biy was the one who led Kyrgyz
in this movement. Five hundred Kyrgyz warriors,
who were involved in a campaign of Janger-Kojo to
Eastern Turkestan, were led by Suranchy-biy. This
raid is known in history as a revolt of Suranchy-bu-
rut (Kyrgyz) but Janger-Kojo himself was defeated
in this campaign and had to retreat. Suranchy-biy
Kyrgyz tribes also actively supported the rebellion of Janger-Kojo
in 1820. In the end, the rebellion of 1825 was again led by Janger-Kojo
and finally reached success, Eastern Turkestan was temporarily relieved
from the occupation of the Qin Empire and Janger Kojo was proclaimed
the ruler. Atantay and Tailak played a large role in this. The government
of Qin sent a 70,000-strong army to Kashgar to defeat Janger Kojo and
the revolt was suppressed. Janger-Kojo fled to Kyrgyzstan. He was later
imprisoned and executed in Beijing.
In 1830, a brother of Janger-Kojo, Jusup-Kojo, led another revolt against
Chinese infidels. Baatyrs Tailak and Atantay from the Sayak tribe joined
him, as well as the representatives of Kypchak, Basyz, and Chon-Bagysh
tribes and clans. With the support of the Kokand Khanate, the rebels even
besieged the city of Kashgar. In 1864, the uprising broke out simultaneous-
ly in the cities of Urumqi, Kuchar, Kashgar, and Khotan where the pow-
er was transmitted to the local feudal lords. The ruler of Kashgar became
Sadykbek, the head of the Kyrgyz. From 1865-1867, Jakyp Beg (Yakup
Bek) seized the power in a number of cities in Eastern Turkestan (Kashgar,
Jarkent, Jangi-Gisar, and Khotan) and established the state of “Seven Cit-
ies”. Kyrgyz warriors were the most efficient part of Jakyp Beg’s cavalry.
In 1871, Russia expanded its presence in Eastern Turkestan and cap-
tured the Kulja, Bayanday, Khorgos-Kucho, Suyduk, and Telgi settle-

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
ments.Series of meetings were held to determine the boundaries between
Russia and China in 1880. In 1884, the boundary between two Empires
was determined and, as a result, most of the Kyrgyz lands became a
Russian protectorate and the rest was made part of China. Since that
time those Kyrgyz who stayed in China were called the Chinese Kyrgyz.
In China, Kyrgyz people settled by groups in the regions of Ak-Chyi,
Uluu Chat, Ak-Too, Artysh, Tekes, Lop, Ak-Suu, and Ghulja. Commu-
nities of Chinese Kyrgyz were formed from the tribes of both the right
and left wings. Noyguts and Kipchaks represented Ichkiliks. Historical
legends about Janyl Mirza, a heroic daughter of the Noygut tribe from
Kakshaal, are still presented in poetry of Chinese Kyrgyz.
The Kyrgyz were subjected to genocide after the defeat of a nation-
al liberation uprising in 1916 and were forced to flee to China. Some
Kyrgyz tribes from Kemin, Issyk-Kul, and Tenir Too overcame the
snow-covered mountain passes and glaciers and settled in Uch Turpan
and Ak-Suu in Eastern Turkestan. Kyrgyz tribes from At-Bashy moved
to Kakshaal; Kyrgyz tribes from Issyk-Kul moved to Ghulja through
Karkyra. About 500 families moved to Tekes. According to Chinese
sources, in 1916 more than three hundred thirty-two thousand Kyrgyz
and Kazakhs moved from Jeti-Suu region to China; after the establish-
ment of Soviet rule in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan almost three hundred
thousand refugees returned back home.
The Chinese Kyrgyz always participated in the liberation struggle of
the peoples of Eastern Turkestan. The Kyrgyz Ysakbek Moniev, while
leading the movement for the liberation of the Turkic peoples of Eastern
Turkestan in 1935, organized the regiment of Kyrgyz riders which in-
cluded 2.5 thousand of Kyrgyz jigits.
On November 12, 1944, the Independent Eastern Turkestan Republic
was proclaimed and its government was formed. On
April 8, 1945, the national army of the Eastern Turke-
stan Republic was created and the Major General
Ysakbek Mo-niev commanded it.In 1946, the gov-
ernments of the Eastern Turkestan Republic and the
Kuomintang signed an agreement. In August 1949,
however, all heads of the Eastern Turkestan Republic
(including Lt. Gen. Ysakbek) died in a plane crash
Y. Moniev during their flight from Moscow to Beijing.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan
In October 1949, the People’s Republic of China was formed. The
resolution of a new government on July 14, 1954 allocated northwestern
part of Xinjiang region (largely inhabited by Chinese Kyrgyz) as the
Kyrgyz Autonomous Region of Kyzyl-Suu. In February 1955, it was
given the status of Oblast and included the districts of Ak-Chyi, Ak-Too,
and Uluu Chat. Artysh city became an administrative and cultural center
of Chinese Kyrgyz.
The Chinese Kyrgyz, manaschy Jusup Mamay,
recorded “Manas” and published it in seven vol-
umes. Prominent historian Anvar Baytur studied
the history of the Chinese Kyrgyz and published
several monographs on this subject. His two-vol-
ume work “Lectures of a Kyrgyz history” was pub-
lished in Bishkek in 1992.
While speaking about Chinese Kyrgyz, we
should note those Kyrgyz who live in a Fu-Yu Jusup Mamay
county (Manchuria). There is historical evidence that these Kyrgyz were
forced to migrate from Irtysh and Yenisei by the end of the 13th centu-
ry by Mongol emperor Kublai Khan. It is believed that during Kublai
Khan’s rule Kyrgyz soldiers were obliged to protect northern borders of
the Empire. The Fu-Yu Kyrgyz still call themselves as “Kyrgyz” though
anthropologically they are closer to Europoids as they are light-skinned
and red-haired. The Fu-Yu Kyrgyz practice idolatry. Dairy products are
the bases of their food. They consider the Yenisei to be their homeland.
The Fu-Yu Kyrgyz are divided into six clans. Anvar Baytur, who
studied their language, found many archaic elements
preserved from the ancient language of Yenisei Kyr-
gyz. Of particular interest is the fact that despite the
alien language environment, the influence of other
cultures, and the impact of social and political as-
pects, the Fu-Yu Kyrgyz managed to preserve their
language and identity for centuries.
According to recent reports, China is home for
about one hundred seventy thousand Kyrgyz. Approxi- Anvar Baytur
mately one hundred twenty thousand of them live in the
Kyrgyz Autonomous Region of Kyzyl-Suu, while the rest in other regions of
Easternern Turkestan. More than one thousand Kyrgyz live in Fu-Yu.

439
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

The Kyrgyz With the closing of the borders of the Soviet Union
in Afghanistan in the first half of the 20 century, interaction between
th

the main part of Kyrgyz and their relatives, who re-

mained in the territories of the Afghan Pamir, was broken off. Having
become part of the Afghan Pamir population, these Kyrgyz had a tradi-
tional economy and were headed by Rakhmankul Khan, who was sub-
ordinated to the administration of Kabul until the coup in April 1978.
Afghanistan’s Khan Muhammad Zakir Shah trusted Rakhmankul Khan
and, in 1964, he included Rakhmankul to the Loya Jirga (Grand Assem-
bly) and granted the honorary title Kadiyar (the ruler of a district). As
a result of Rakhmankul Khan’s activity, the Afghan Kyrgyz received
extensive rights of autonomy, freedom from taxes, and military con-
scription. At the same time, however, they had to protect the borders
against the Soviet Union and China. Rakhmankul Khan made consid-
erable effort to conduct the electricity and build railroads to the Pamirs
but works started in this direction were discontinued after the so-called
“Afghan Revolution.”
The civil war in 1979 in Afghanistan violated
the established way of public relations of Afghan
Kyrgyz and sharply worsened their living condi-
tions. As a result, one thousand three hundredKyr-
gyz were forced to move to the Pamirs in Pakistan.
Refugees lost much of their property and livestock
on the way to Pakistan. Settling in an abandoned
mountain village, these Kyrgyz struggled to sur-
vive by selling off the remnants of their cattle. To
Rakhmankul Khan worsen matters, they suffered from numerous ill-
nesses; the mortality rate threateningly increased.
Unable to adapt to new conditions, many returned back to their homes.
Referencing the UN High Commissioner for
The Kyrgyz Refugees, a large group of Afghan Kyrgyz refugees
in Turkey received permission to move to Turkey in 1982. In
August 1982, more than one thousand Kyrgyz were
moved to Turkey on three planes and placed in Kara-Kunduz, 35 km
far from the city of Van, where Kyrgyz diaspora had lived compactly
for centuries. With the arrival of Afghan Kyrgyz, the social conditions
in Kara-Kunduz village were improved because of the diverse activities

440
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
of Rakhmankul Khan. Water pipe, electricity, telephone, and transport
links were conducted; a mosque was built. Thus, those nomadic Afghan
Kyrgyz who moved from the Pamirs to Turkey changed their lifestyle to
a sedentary one. As a result, public and interclan relationships, customs
and traditions, as well as the culture of migrants, underwent significant
changes. At present, there are about 4 thousand Kyrgyz in Turkey, in
addition to the undergraduate and graduate students, entrepreneurs and
employees of various offices who come to study and work Turkey from
Kyrgyzstan. Kyrgyz diaspora has its own small newspaper “Bulak”
spotlighting the life of Turkish Kyrgyz. The complex fate and history of
the Pamir Kyrgyz is covered in the work of French anthropologist Rémy
Dor “The Kyrgyz of the Afghan Pamir”, which was published as a book
in the Kyrgyz language in Bishkek in 1993.
The Kyrgyz It is known that from the ancient times the Kyr-
in Fergana gyz roamed the Ferghana Valley and its surroundings
valley and lived side by side with Uzbeks, Kipchaks, Tajiks,
and members of other nationalities. At the begin-
ning of the 18th century, the Ferghana region gained independence and
Shahrukh-biy came to power in 1709. He became the founder of the
Kokand Khanate and from that time until its accession to Russia, the
Kokand Khans ruled the Fergana Valley and its foothills.
First the Fergana Kyrgyz, and then the Mountain Kyrgyz became
permanent subjects to the Khanate of Kokand and took an active part
in its social and political life.Since the 19th century, the Ferghana
Kyrgyz have tried to influence the Khan’s environment to achieve
their goals. Clear illustration of this is the accession of the throne by
Sheraly Khan who was supported by Kypchaks, Kyrgyz, and their
leader Nusup (Nuzup-biy). Interestingly, Sheraly Khan was raised in
Talas under the influence of the Kyrgyz. Sheraly Khan’s sons, Ku-
dayar Khan especially, were also under the constant tutelage of Kyr-
gyz-Kypchak lords.
In this regard, the Fergana Kyrgyz were never oppressed or pushed
back in the history of the Kokand Khanate but, on the contrary, their
leaders took an active part in domestic and foreign politics. They
were equal with Uzbek and Kypchak leaders and they fought for the
reign of a Khan and considered themselves as an integral part of a
government. This confirms the tendency of Kokand khans and biys

441
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
to get closer and to have kin ties with Kyrgyz nobility by the means
of marriage. For example, Erdene-biy, Narboto-biy, and Azhy-biy
were married to daughters of major Kyrgyz lords. Azhy-biy had a
son Sheraly Khan from his Kyrgyz wife; Sheraly Khan had a son
Kudayar Khan from his Kyrgyz wife Jarkyn and a son Mala Khan
from the other Kyrgyz wife Sono. When in power, they were greatly
influenced by their Kyrgyz relatives.
According to some statistics of 1897, about 424 thousand Kyrgyz,
30% of the total population, lived in Fergana region. Most part of those
Kyrgyz considered themselves as indigenous inhabitants of Fergana as
their ancestors settled in this land in ancient times. Another part moved
to the Ferghana Valley from Eastern Turkestan, Tenir Too, and Talas.
Kyrgyz of the Fergana Valley and its foothills were engaged in agricul-
ture, while the inhabitants of mountains were cattle breeders.
In accordance with the national policy of Soviet rule, Central Asia
was separated into independent states in 1924. During this important
campaign, a number of voluntarist, subjective, and formal decisions
were made without taking into account the interests of local ethnic
groups and their areas of settlement. As a result, much of the Samar-
kand, Andijan, Namangan, and Fergana areas, which were inhabited by
Kyrgyz people for a long time, came under the borders of Uzbekistan.
Soviet rule did not pay attention to the appeals of Kyrgyz to rightly
determine the boundaries and transfer land, which was inhabited by the
Kyrgyz, to the new nation under the name of the Kyrgyz.
Thus, part of Kyrgyz people fell under the jurisdiction of the new
Republic of Uzbekistan. Currently, Kyrgyz people live in many regions
of Uzbekistan. There are large concentrations of Kyrgyz in Andijan,
Namangan, Ferghana, Jizzakh, Kokand, Tashkent, Samarkand, and
Syrdarya regions. As a rule, Kyrgyz villages are located in mountainous
terrain and have Kyrgyz names.
According to recent reports, Uzbekistan is home for about one
hundred seventy-five thousand Kyrgyz people. More than 40 Kyrgyz
schools operate there and textbooks for them are issued in Kyrgyz.
After the proclamation of independence, the two neighboring nations
signed a treaty of eternal friendship and have close relationships to-
day. Kyrgyz people of Uzbekistan are known for their industriousness.
They contribute to the culture and economy of a country in which they
live.

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 A History of Kyrgyzstan

The Pamir Kyrgyz have long inhabited the canyons and valleys
Kyrgyz of the sky-high Pamirs Mountains and today the south-
ern borders of Kyrgyzstan pass through them. There
are different versions of legends about the appearance of Kyrgyz in
the Pamirs. According to one of them, the Kyrgyz moved to the Pamirs
from Ala-Too and coexisted with Tajiks and had a leader Kyrgyz byi
Tegin-Ata. Subsequently the area inhabited by Kyrgyz settlers became
known as Kara-Tegin.
According to another legend, byi Kara brought the Kyrgyz to the
Pamirs and the land became known as Kara-Tegin on behalf of the byi
and his wife Tegin. Historical sources mention that in 1635-1636, about
twelve thousand Kyrgyz families, who lived in the vicinity of Kara-Ko-
rum and Kerulen, moved to Hissar through Kara-Tegin.
The next stage of resettlement of Kyrgyz people to the Pamirs was
associated with the Oirot expansion. Under the pressure of Oirot, about
one hundred thousand Kyrgyz families migrated first to Kara-Tegin and
then to the areas subordinated to Bukhara Khanate -Hissar, Kulyab, and
Pamir, and up to northern India and Kashgar. After the defeat of Kal-
maks, many refugees returned to Kyrgyz Tenir Too, but some groups
apparently stayed in these regions. In the 19th century, the Kokand Khan-
ate, the Emir of Bukhara, and the akim (mayor) of the Afghan Pamirs re-
gion divided the Pamirs among themselves; its population was formally
divided into three parts.
To consolidate his power in the Pamirs, the ruler of the Kokand
Khanate, Madali Khan, ordered to build Boston-Terek and Tash-Korgon
fortresses in 1832. Later they became administrative and commercial
centers of this part of holdings. To neutralize the nobility of the Kyrgyz,
Kokand rulers granted them different ranks and titles, such as Kushbek,
Lashker, Bek, Datka, and Elder. Influential Kyrgyz leaders were appoint-
ed to manage the regions.Pamir Kyrgyz, however, did not recognize the
authority of the Kokand Khanate. The same thing happened in other
domains, which were in the protectorate of Kashgar and Afghanistan.
For years, Sahip Nazar led Pamir Kyrgyz in the struggle for indepen-
dence. To attract him to his side, the Khan of Kokand gave him the title
of Datka. At the same time the Emir of Afghanistan appealed to Sahip
Nazar for help. Independent Datka spent summer in the jailoo among
inaccessible mountains; with the onset of cold weather he went down to

443
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
a remote winter cabin on one of the tributaries of Kuzari. In some years
he spent summer in the jailoo of Alai. The witnesses described him as
a heroic man who had a very lush beard and as an indomitable fighter
for the freedom and people’s interests. All oppressors of the peoples
of the Pamirs were afraid of him. After the conquest of this region by
Russia, Sahip Nasar was captured and shot as a “thief” in 1890. In fact,
he was one of the most outstanding people of his time fighting for the
independence.
Thus, at the end of the 19th century the Pamir Kyrgyz were deprived of
independence and separated into different states. Clenched by “closed”
borders without being able to roam along their traditional routes, the
Pamir Kyrgyz suffered great economic and social losses. Periodically
escalating the situation in the region exposed them to new troubles and
trials.
After the establishment of Soviet rule in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan,
the Pamir Kyrgyz were divided into Tajik, Afghan, and Alai Kyrgyz. In
determining the boundaries between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, some
part of the Pamir inhabited by Kyrgyz became part of a Tajik Republic
and they became known as the Tajik Kyrgyz. They belonged mainly to
the Ichkilik group and consisted of four tribal entities - Teyit, Kesek,
Naiman, and Kypchak.
The bases of the economy of Pamir Kyrgyz were yak and sheep
breeding. Their horses were bred a little as they poorly tolerated extreme
alpine conditions. The meat and milk of yaks were a useful food source,
high in caloric value. The Pamir Kyrgyz lived in flat yurts that were
wind-resistant. They traded grain and flour for livestock products. Their
clothes were mostly made of skin and felt. They had commodity-money
relations.
During the Soviet times, the Kyrgyz remaining on the territory of
Tajikistan lived in four districts - Jergetal, Murghab, Shaartuz, and Yaal.
The Tajik Kyrgyz came from the same clans as native Kyrgyz who lived
in Leilek, Chon-Alai, Kadamjay, and Batken regions. According to re-
cent reports, there are more than one hundred six thousand Kyrgyz peo-
ple in Tajikistan. Their children go to schools where the instruction is in
Kyrgyz language and books for them are published in Kyrgyzstan. Some
of the graduates of those schools continue education in Universities of
the Kyrgyz Republic. In Soviet times, many teachers from Kyrgyzstan
worked in Tajikistan.

444
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
The civil war which began in Tajikistan in 1990 brought many dif-
ficulties to the Kyrgyz living there. Part of the war-affected population
was forced to move to Kyrgyzstan. After the cessation of hostilities,
some refugees returned back to Tajikistan.
The Kyrgyz The origin of the majority of Kyrgyz living in Rus-
in Russia sian Federation goes back to the Yenisei Kyrgyz. The
Kyrgyz of the Upper Yenisei who were conquered by
Russia in the early 18th century were direct descendants of ancient and
medieval Yenisei Kyrgyz. Information about Kyrgyz tribes living there
is reflected in Russian historical sources dated back to 1567 and 1583.
These sources, in particular, noted that the Yenisei River flowed in the
middle of the Kyrgyz possessions, the princes ruled them, and the near-
est neighbors of them were the Kalmak (Kalmyk).
According to historical records, about seven thousand Kyrgyz fam-
ilies lived in the region of the Yenisei River in the 17th century. Their
main occupation was nomadic livestock. Hunting was an additional ac-
tivity. The Kyrgyz did not have a centralized state during that period
and their union was composed of several clans and divided into two
ulus - Altysar and Isar. Later, another ulus - Altyr was formed there and
later accumulated the greatest influence over neighboring ethnic groups
These Kyrgyz conquered several neighboring ethnic groups who
paid them the tribute in form of valuable furs (Kyshtym). Later the tribu-
taries were called by the same name (Kyshtym). Power was transmitted
by heredity. Over time, uluses were fragmented into small tribal owner-
ships; their rulers were also considered to be princes. The main author-
ity of Yenisei Kyrgyz was the Kenesh (council),
which included all the princes and representatives
of Kyshtyms.
At the end of the 17th century, Russia stepped
up the policy of conquest of Siberia. Thus, Rus-
sian fortresses appeared in places of the future
cities Tomsk and Krasnoyarsk, and those Kyrgyz
who lived there were driven to the south. Despite
these losses, the Kyrgyz still considered the land
annexed by Russians as their land and were mak-
ing sudden raids plundering peasants and burning Erenek
homes and crops.

445
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
The wise and resolute prince Erenek led the struggle of Yenisei
Kyrgyz against Russian invaders. In 1678, Erenek raided Krasnoyarsk.
Having burnt more than twenty Russian villages, the Kyrgyz captured a
large detachment of Tsarist troops. In 1680, a Russian brigade of 1,600
warriors, marched to the Kyrgyz, and were defeated, in a battle led by
Erenek. Erenek formally recognized Russian authority.However, gath-
ering troops during the truce; the Kyrgyz inflicted a crushing blow to the
Russian army in 1686.
Erenek died in a decisive battle against Mongolians, which took
place in 1687. His son Korchun, who also organized several successful
raids against the invaders, continued the struggle for independence.
The forces, however, were unequal. The last battle of the Kyrgyz
princes with Russians took place in 1700. This time, the Kyrgyz made a
foray to Kuznetsk city together with Kara-Kalmaks, but were forced to
retreat. In 1701, Russian troops, which were reinforced by the troops of
the Cossacks, opposed the Kyrgyz near Krasnoyarsk. In a fierce battle
the forces of the Kyrgyz tribes were finally defeated. After the defeat of
the Yenisei Kyrgyz, the Tsarist government relocated most of them to
the Altai in order to prevent new attacks.
After centuries of cruel warfare against Russian colonization, the
Yenisei Kyrgyz left the place where they lived for more than a millenni-
um. While Russian Cossacks occupied Siberia and came to Alaska, for
100 years they were forced to bypass the lands of the Yenisei Kyrgyz
and, moreover, perceived them a constant source of threat to Russian
rule in Siberia. During the fight with the Russian state, the Yenisei Kyr-
gyz lost more people than any other Siberian peoples.
Tsarism pursued a tough policy of colonization against the Kyrgyz,
they were forced to adopt Christianity and give their children Russian
names. As a result, people who for centuries preserved their identity and
“Kyrgyz” self-designation gradually assimilated with other oppressed
ethnic groups. The isolation of their language and culture led to the de-
cline in people who self-identified as Kyrgyz
According to some statistics from the last decade, about forty thou-
sand Kyrgyz people lived in Russian Federation. Currently, there are
more than five hundred thousand of the Kyrgyz in Russia who are en-
gaged in small and medium-sized enterprises. Some of them live there
permanently.

446
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
According to the same data, a number of Kyrgyz lived in all for-
mer Soviet republics. For example, fifteen thousand lived in Kazakhstan
and three thousand in Ukraine (mostly children and grandchildren of
the so-called “kulaks” who were forcibly deported from Kyrgyzstan in
the 1930s).Another six hundred lived in Belarus; six hundred thirty-four
lived in Turkmenistan; and, 200 resided in each of the following states:
Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
The Kyrgyz Republic, having gained independence, gave an oppor-
tunity to its citizens, regardless of ethnicity, to immigrate to any country
and obtain citizenship. Kyrgyzstan, however, is the support and hope for
its sons and daughters living in all parts of the world. The Constitution
of the Kyrgyz Republic contains a provision that the state consistently
defends the interests of its citizens, even those overseas.

State History Museum

447
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
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Internet Resources

Selected Reference Sites in History of Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia

from the World Wide Web
(Due to the temporary nature of some websites, we cannot guarantee
that the information and photos listed here will always be assessable).

Map of Turks and Kyrgyz in 6 century AD, http:/onlinehome.us/tur-

kic/btn_GeographyMaps, retrieved on 23 September 2015.
Map of Disintegration Hsiung-nu (Xiongnu), http://gumilevica.ku-
lichki.net/English/hph03.html, retrieved on 23 September 2015.
Map of Timurid empire, http://www.fsmitha.com/h3/timur.htm re-
trieved on 23 September 2015.
Map of Saka people on the territory of Central Asia, http://www.heri-
tageinstitute.com/ zoroastrianism/saka/, retrieved on 15 April 2014
New World Encyclopedia, http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/

458
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
entry/Paleolithic_Age, retrieved on 10 April 2015.
Stone tools, http://what-when-how.com/archaeology-of-an-
cient-egypt
Andronovo culture,
http://www.sno.pro1.ru/lib/avdusin_osnovy_arkheologii/8.htm
Saimaluu Tash, http://kirgizia.drugiegoroda.ru/19-_petroglify_
sajjmaluu_-_tasha/, http://www.paruskg.info/2012/03/10/58958, http://
www.uzbekjourneys.com/2014/06/kyrgyzstans-petroglyphs-2-in-
ner-tien.html
Sulaiman too, http://nomadic-travel.com/index.php?option=com_
content&view=article&id=35
The Osh settlement, http://testent.ru
Saka people, http://forum-eurasica.ru/index.php?/topic/4847-chir-
ik-rabat/
Sakas army, http://e-history.kz/ru/contents/view/261
Queen Tomiris at http://www.liveinternet.ru/community
The Behistun Monument, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Behistun_In-
scription
Persian kings, http://www.fouman.com/Y/Get_Iranian_History
Alexander the Great, http://blog.oup.com/2014/02/death-alexan-
der-the-great-poison/
Localization of Wusun state at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Eu-
ropean_migrations
The Xiongnu (Huns), http://civilization.uol.ua/text/1089116/, http://
www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/mongolia/history-xiongnu.htm
Atilla and his campaigns, http://www.zonu.com/full-
size-en/2009-12-09-11393/Barbarian-invasions-of-the-Roman-Empire-
100-to-500.html
About Turkic kaganates, http://www.admw.ru/books/V-YA--
Petrukhin--D-S--Raevskiy_Ocherki-istorii-narodov-Rossii-v-drevnos-
ti-i-rannem-Srednevekove/42
http://yujanka.ucoz.ru/news/tjurkskij_ehsperanto
http://s155239215.onlinehome.us/turkic/btn_GeographyMaps/
AD_600Kyrgyz.gif http://www.theapricity.com/forum/showthread.
php?92189-What-were-the-original-Turkics-racially www.turkicworld.
org

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Enisey Kyrgyzs, http://www.azattyk.org/content/article/1212157.
html
http://news.numizmatik.ru/kirgiziya_-1-i-10-somov-(barsbek-ka-
gan-kyrgyzov)__n5750.html
Kyrgyz vases,
http://secrethistory.su/550-proishozhdenie-kyrgyzskoy-kultury.html
Enisey Kyrgyz, http://www.amurklad.org
http://the-barbarians.ru/varvari-drevnego-kitaya/eniseyskie-kirgizi.
html
The Silk Road, http://monkeytree.org/silkroad/zhangqian.html
Mongolian Empire and Genghis Khan, http://edition.cnn.com/2011/
WORLD/asiapcf/08/19/mongolia.genghis.spirit/
Tamerlane, http://orexca.com/rus/people_uzbekistan3.shtml
http://backintorenaissance.tumblr.com/
Monument to Ulug Bek, http://e-tashkent.uz/index.php?arti-
cle=134&cat=Monuments&mod=article
Mukhamad Kyrgyz, http://www.open.kg/about-kyrgyzstan/history/
the-struggle-for-the-independence-of-the-kyrgyz/
Monument to Manap biy, http://yvision.kz/post/361346
Cemetery of Taylak baatyr, http://go.mail.ru/search_images
Kokandian warrior, http://www.efaun.ru/dostignutaya-cel/
A rich hunter with falcon by Vereshagin, http://www.artscroll.ru/page.
php?al=Bogatyy_Kirgizskiy_Okhotnik_S_Sokolom__1871_197110_
kartina
Kyrgyz by Vereshagin, http://www.artscroll.ru/page.php?al=Kir-
giz__1869_1870_197168_kartina
Kyrgyz women jewelry, http://boorsok.ru/2014/07/podarki-iz-kyr-
gyzstana-top-10/
http://osh-t.turmush.kg/ru/news:817
Burana Tower, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Burana.
JPG
The Uzgen Minaret, http://www.advantour.com/rus/kyrgyzstan/pic-
tures.htm
The Shakh Fazl Mausoleum, www.open.kg
Tash Rabat, http://www.galagrin.ru/articles/pohod-moskva-kazah-
stan-tjan-shan-moskva/etap-2/
Picture of Baytik baatyr, Boronbai-manap, Kurmanjan-datkha,

460
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
http://www.allkyrgyzstan.com/kyrgyzstan/history.htm
Atake-baatyr, https://ky.wikipedia.org
Ormon khan, https://commons.wikimedia.org
Monument to Kurmanjan-datkha in Bishkek, http://kyrgyzstantravel.
net/kyrgyzstan/bishkek
Karamoldo Oroz uulu, http://www.open.kg/about-kyrgyzstan/
art/music/1643-obschaya-harakteristika-instrumentalnyh-kyrgyzs-
kih-zhanrov.html
Chokan Valikhanov, http://atababa.kz/ru/famous/Chokan_Valihanov
Monument to P.P. Semenov-Tyan-shanskiy, http://silkadv.com/en/
content/semenov-tyan-shanskiy
Monument to M.Przhevalskiy, http://www.liveinternet.ru/communi-
ty/2425447/page2.shtml
E.Huntington, http://idp.bl.uk/archives/news17/idpnews_17.a4d
V.Bartol’d, http://dic.academic.ru/dic.nsf
The Monument to the fighters of Revolution, http://yiv1999.narod.
ru/ABC_0010.htm
I.V. Stalin, http://contrpost.com/bbf/viewtopic.
php?f=16&p=1526&t=39
The Monument to I.V. Panfilov, Bishkek, http://kyrgyzstantravel.net/
kyrgyzstan/bishkek/monuments/monuments.htm
The Monument to Zhumash Asanaliev in Minsk, Belorussia, 2005,
http://minsk.gov.by/ru/news/new/2014/05/07/786/
E.Pasko at http://eng-new.kafanews.com/novosti
Construction of Big Chui Chanel, 1930s, www. foto.kg
On collective farm field, www.open.kg
Picture of Masaliev A.M., http://www.foto.kg/galereya/1110-is-
toricheskie-lichnosti-absamat-masalievich-masaliev.html
Ch.Aitmatov in his cabinet, http://boorsok.ru/tag/kratkie-fakty-o-chin-
gize-ajtmatove
KNU by Balasagyn, http://www.visacomtour.ru

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Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
Notes

1
Herodotus was the first Greek author who wrote about Scythians,
http:// www.1902encyclopedia.com/H/HER/herodotus.html retrieved
13 September 2015.
2
See Gaukroger, Francis Bacon and the Transformation of Early-Mod-
ern Philosophy, p.46.
3
Carr, What is History?, pp.29-30.
4
Glessner, Confucius: The man and the myth, p.34.
5
Ibn Khaldūn.The Muqaddimah: An introduction to history. Translated
from the Arabic by Franz Rosenthal.
6
Stayer, The German Peasants’ War and Anabaptist Community of
Goods, p.23.
7
Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Mani-
festo.
8
Christian, A History of Russia, Central Asia and Mongolia, vol.1, p.71.
9
Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel, p.45.
10
Christian, Ibid., p.105.
11
See Zadneprovskii, The Osh settlement on the history of Ferghana in
the late Bronze Age, pp.42-87.
12
Kuzmina, Drevneishie skotovody ot Urala do Tian-Shanya,p. 14.
13
Frachetti M. Archeological Explorations of Bronze Age Pastoral Soci-
eties in the Mountains of Eastern Asia, http://www.silkroadfoundation.
org/newsletter/2004vol2num1/bronzeage.htm, retrieved on 12 Septem-
ber 2015.
14
Frachetti. M., ibid.
15
Puri, The Sakas and Indo-Parthians. In: “History of civilizations of
Central Asia, Volume II. The development of sedentary and nomadic
civilizations: 700 B.C. to A.D. 250”.,pp. 191-207.
16
The History of Herodotus by Herodotus, Trans.by George Rawlinson.
http://classics.mit.edu/Herodotus/history.html retrieved on 19 Septem-
ber 2015.
17
Bernshtam, Istoriko-archeologicheskie ocherki Tsentral’nogo
Tyan-Shanya i Pamiro-Alaya.
18
Ryskulov, Sobranie sochinenii, v 3-kh tom. Т.1.
19
Aristov, Usuni i Kyrgyzy ili kara-kyrgyzy. Ocherki istorii i byta
naselenia Zapadnogo Tyan-shanya i issledovania po ego istoricheskoi
geographii, pp.9-20.

462
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
20
Ibid., pp.9-20.
21
Ibid., pp.14-20.
22
Ibid.,pp.19-20.
23
Ibid., p.24.
24
Tashbaeva, K probleme lokalizatsii gorodov gosudarstva Davan’ in
Civilizatsii skotovodov i zemledel’tsev Centralnoi Azii.
25
Watson,Trans. Records of the Grand Historian of China: Han Dynasty
II. Translated from the Shiji of Sima Qian. Chapter 123.
26
Ibid., p.233.
27
Ibid., p.233.
28
Ibid., p.233-235.
29
Roudik, The History of Central Asian Republics, pp.17-18.
30
Aristov, Usuni i kyrgyzy ili kara-kyrgyzy: Ocherki istorii i byta
naselenia zapadnogo Tian-Shania, issledovania po ego istoricheskoi
geografii,pp.14-20.
31
Ibid., p.14-15.
32
Tashbaeva, K probleme lokalizatsii gorodov gosudarstva Davan’ in
Civilizatsii skotovodov i zemledel’tsev Centralnoi Azii, s.155-166.
33
Barfield, The Shadow Empires: Imperial State Formation Along the
Chinese-Nomad Frontier, in Empires: Perspectives from Archaeology
and History, pp.24-25.
34
Millward, Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang, p.20.
35
Beckwith, Empires of the Silk Road: A History of Central Eurasia
from the Bronze Age to the Present, p.397.
36
Gumilev, Istoria naroda khunnu, p. 30,Bichurin, Sobranie svedenii o
narodakh, obitavshikh v Srednei Azii v drevnie vremena, vol.1; Bernsh-
tam, Ocherk istorii gunnov, p.36.
37
Bichurin, Sobranie svedenii o narodakh, obitavshikh v Srednei Azii v
drevnie vremena, vol.1, p.106.
38
Ibid., p.101.
39
Ibid., p.101.
40
Barfield, The Perilous Frontier.
41
Bichurin, Sobranie svedenii o narodakh, obitavshikh v Srednei Azii v
drevnie vremena, vol. 1, p. 46.
42
Beckwith, Empires of the Silk Road: A History of Central Eurasia
from the Bronze Age to the Present Beckwith.ch.1.
43
Ibid., Ch.1.

463
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
44
Ibid., Ch.1.
45
Loewe, Zhang Qian. A Biographical Dictionary of the Qin, Former
Han, and Xin Periods (220 BC – AD 24), pp. 687–9.
46
Halsall, Barbarian migrations and the Roman West, pp.376–568.
47
Ibid., pp.376-568.
48
Peterson, Attila. The Catholic Encyclopedia vol. 2.
49
Kononov, Opyt analiza termina turk in Sovetskaya ethnographia,
pp.40—47.
50
Sinor, Klyashtorny,The Tȕrk Empire, http://en.unesco.org/silkroad/
sites/silkroad/ retrieved on 20 September 2015, p.328.
51
Watters, On Yuan Chwang’s Travels, I:74 and 77, see also Christian
D., p.260.
52
Khaidarov, Razvitie sovremennogo uygurskogo yazyka (T.1. Uygur-
skie dialikty I dialektnaya osnova literaturnogo yazyka), p.322 and see
Golden, An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples: Ethnogen-
esis and State-formation in Medieval and Early Modern Eurasia and the
Middle East, p.155.
53
Bartold, (Western) Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion.
54
Soucek, A History of Inner Asia. Ch.5.
55
Ibid., p.83.
56
Golden, The Karakhanids and Early Islam, in Cambridge History of
Early Inner Asia, p. 354.
57
Davidovich, The Karakhanids, in History of Civilizations of Central
Asia, 4 part I, pp. 119–144.
58
Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern
Iran 994–1040.
59
Davidovich, The Karakhanids, in History of Civilizations of Central
Asia, 4 part I, pp. 119–144.
60
Ibid., p.119-144.
61
Soucek, A History of Inner Asia,p.85.
62
Davidovich, The Karakhanids, in History of Civilizations of Central
Asia, 4 part I, pp. 119–144.
63
Turkic people, Encyclopedia Britannica, Online Academic Edition,
2010, http://academic.eb.com/turkic people, retrieved on 23 September
2015.
64
The inscription devoted to Kul Teghin, the ruler of Eastern Turkic
Kaghanate, www.turkicworld.org

464
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
65
Ibid.
66
Akerov, Ancient Kyrgyz and the Great Steppe, pp. 85-103.
67
The inscription devoted to Kul Teghin, the ruler of Eastern Turkic
Kaghanate, www.turkicworld.org.
68
Bartold, Kirghizy: Istoricheskii ocherk.
69
Akerov, Ancient Kyrgyz and the Great Steppe, pp. 85-103.
70
Bichurin, Sobranie svedenii o narodakh, obitavshikh v Srednei Azii v
davnie vremena, pp.351-352.
71
See Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, pp.120-121.
72
Kyzlasov, Drevneturkskaya runicheskaya pis’mennost’ Evraazii, p.5,
Drevnie runicheskie pismennosti Evraaziiskikh stepei, p.288, Malov,
Eniseiskaya pismennost, p.89.
73
Bichurin, Ibid., p. 351-2.
74
Ibid, p.351-52, Akerov, Karkyrakhan. Velikii Kyrgyzskii kaganate.
Rol’ ethnopoliticheskikh factorov v konsolidatsii kochevykh plemen Pr-
ityanshanya i sopredel’nykh regionov (VIII-XIV вв.).
75
The Kül Tigin Inscription (ca 731 AD), www.turkicworld.org ac-
cessed on 2 December 2007.
76
The Secret History of the Mongols tr. and ed.by F.W.Cleaves, p.4.
77
See, Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do na-
shikh dnei, p.141., Kychanov, Velikii Chinghiz khan. Kara Gospodnya,
http://www.rumvi.com/products/ebook retrived on 24 September 2015.
78
The Secret History of the Mongols tr. and ed.by F.W.Cleaves, p.24.
79
Morgan, The Mongols, Introduction.
80
Soltonoev, Kyzyl Kyrgyz taryhy, p.82-85.
81
Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, p.152, Manz, The rise and rule of Tamerlane.
82
Manz, Ibid., p. 109.
83
Khaidar, Tarihi-Rashidi, http://www.vostlit.info/Texts/rus14/Tarich_
Rashidi/frametext, retrieved on 24 September 2015.
84
Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, p.154.
85
Khaidar, Tarikhi-Rashidi, p.154, 461.
86
Bartold, Ulukbek i ego vremya, vol.2,pp.23-196.
87
Ibid., pp.23-196.
88
About nation, ethnicicty and nationalism see Barth, Ethnic Groups

465
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference, Intro-
duction; see, Anderson, Imagined communities: reflections on the origin
and spread of nationalism, Introduction.
89
Bartold, Kirghizy. Istoricheskii ocherk, pp. 14-16, Abramzon, Kirghi-
zy I ikh ethnogeneticheskie I istoriko-kulturnye svyazi.
90
Miller, Istoria Sibiri, Khudyakov, Borisenko, Izuchenie kultury eni-
seyskikh kyrgyzov nemetskimi uchenymi v XVIII-XIX vv., pp.20-22.
91
Bernshtam, K voprosu o proishozhdenii kirghizskogo naroda in
Sovetskaya ethnographia, pp.16-26.
92
See the most recent publication by Mokeev, Kyrgyzy na Altae i na
Tyan Shane, pp.9-24.
93
See Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, p.164.
94
The Kazakh writer O.Suleimenov first described the linguistically
link between ancient Turks and Sumerians, see Suleimenov, Az i Ya and
also see Kyrgyz scholar Omurzakov, Civilizatsia shumerov i drevnikh
kyrgyzov, http://www.pr.kg/gazeta/number381/188/, retrieved on 26
September 2015.
95
Mochoev, Akmataliev, Arabizmy v kyrgyzskom yazyke: etimologich-
eskii slovar’.
96
Omurzakov,Civilizatsia shumerov i drevnikh kyrgyzov.
97
The Russian academician Y.S. Khudyakov specializes on the Enisey
Kyrgyz, especially on their weaponry, see Khudyakov, Kyrgyzy na Eni-
see; Kyrgyzy na prostorakh Asii.
98
Bernshtam, Izbrannye Trudy po archeologii i istorii kyrgyzov i Kyr-
gyzstana, p.16.
99
Ibid., vol.2, pp.159-175.
100
Tenishev, Sravnitelno-istoricheskaya grammatika turkskikh yazykov,
p.30.
101
Abramzon, Kirghizy i ih ethnogeneticheskiei i istoriko-kulturnye
svyazi, p.22..
102
Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, p.171.
103
Ibid., p.174.
104
Yunusaliev, O sostoyanii issledovannosti kirghizskogo yazyka; Os-
novnye problem kirgizskogo literaturnogo yazyka.
105
Maanaev, Istoria kyrgyzskoogo naroda, pp.7-11.

466
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
106
Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, p.178.
107
Ibid., pp.198-9.
108
Valikhanov, Zapiski o kirghizakh, vol.2, pp. 7-8.
109
See, Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashi-
kh dnei, pp.238-9.
110
Valikhanov, Zapiski ob organizatsii poesdki v Kashgar, vol.3, pp.28-
9.
111
See, Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashi-
kh dnei, p.242.
112
See Peregudova, Tash-Rabat. Po materialam architecturno-archeo-
logicheskogo issledovanya, p.14.
113
Valikhanov, Dnevnik poesdki na Issyk-Kul, vol.1.pp.306-359.
114
Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, p.267.
115
Valikhanov, Zapiski o kirghizakh, vol.2, p.8.
116
Makhmud Kashgari. Divan Lugat at-Turk /Perevod, predislovie i
kommentarii Z.M.Auezovoi.
117
Kononov, Makhmud Kashgarskii i ego “Divanu lugat at turk” in
Sovetskaya turkologia, pp. 3-17.
118
Poslovitsy narodov Centralnoi Azii/per.N.I. Grebneva, p.209.
119
Ibid., p.209.
120
See Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashi-
kh dnei, p.260.
121
Ibid., p.262.
122
Birth of Manas trans.by E.Kochumkul kyzy, http://www.silkroad-
foundation.org/folklore/manas, accessed on 1 October 2015.
123
Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, p.279.
124
Ibid., p.279.
125
Anderson, The Eastern Question, 1774–1923: A Study in Internation-
al Relations. Ch.1.
126
Saparaliev, Vzaimootnoshenia kyrgyzskogo naroda s russkim i sosed-
nimi narodami v XVIII.
127
Jigits were the military personal guard consisting of young men.
128
Osmonov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana. S drevneishikh vremen do nashikh
dnei, pp.313-314.
129
Photo of Kurmandjan-datkha taken by K.G. Mannergheim see at
467
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
http://www.foto.kg/galereya/77-kurmanzhan-datka-na-kone.html re-
trieved on 2 October 2005.
130
Osmonov, Asankanov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana s drevneishikh vremen do
nashikh dnei, pp.259-260.
131
Ibid., p.258.
132
Ibid., p.259, see also Helimskii E., Pereselencheskoe dvizhenie i
formirovanie ukrainskoi diaspory v Kyrgyzstane (60-90-e gody XIX v),
http://refoteka.ru/r-88379.html retrieved on 2 October 2015.
133
On the joining the Kyrgyz tribes the Russian Empire see Dzhamger-
chinov, Ocherki politicheskoi istorii Kirghizii XIX v.
134
Osmonov, Asankanov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana s drevneishikh vremen do
nashikh dnei, p.262.
135
Ibid., p.265.
136
Ibid., p.268.
137
Ganin, Poslednya poludennaya ekspeditsia Imperatorskoi Rossii:
Russkaya armia na podavlenii Turkestanskogo myatezha 1916-17gg.,
in Russkii sbornik, Issledovaniya po istorii Rossii, red. O.R. Ayrapetov,
pp.152-214.
138
Abdrakhmanov, 1916. Dnevniki. Pis’ma k Stalinu.
139
According to the estimation of Prof. S.Batyrbaeva, during the 1916
uprising died 338 291 people. See Vosstanie 1916 gods. Vpervye vnyatno
o chisle pogibshikh, http://www.stanradar.com/news/full/16733-vossta-
nie-1916-goda-vpervye-vnjatno-o-chisle-pogibshih.html.
140
Vosstanie 1916 goda v Srednei Azii i Kazakhstane. Sbornik docu-
mentov, 1960, p. 5, Vosstanie 1916 goda v Kyrgyzstane. Sbornik docu-
mentov, pp.3-5.
141
Dastan is an epical genre in pholklore of Central Asia.
142
Turdalieva, Zapadnye puteshestvenniki i issledovateli o kyrghyzakh
i Kyrgyzstane, pp.5-10.
143
See, Turdalieva, Istoria i kutl’tura kyrgyzov v trudakh Ch.Ch. Va-
likhanova.
144
Valikhanov, Zapiski o kirghizakh, vol.2,pp.90-100.
145
Huntington, The Pulse of Central Asia, pp. VII–XXI.
146
Ibid.,p.6.
147
Osmonov, Asankanov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana s drevneishikh vremen do
nashikh dnei, pp.290-291.
148
Ibid.,p.294.

468
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
149
Ibid., pp.309-310.
150
Ibid., p.310.
151
Sovkhoz was a collective farm with hired peasants for fixed wages
and in a kolkhoz, the members were rewarded by results and payment
made in accordance with the number of ‘labour days’ during a year.
152
Osmonov, Asankanov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana s drevneishikh vremen do
nashikh dnei, p.319.
153
Stalin I,V. Golovokruzhenie ot uspekhov, vol.12.
154
Osmonov, Asankanov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana s drevneishikh vremen do
nashikh dnei, p.334.
155
Gorbanevskii, Evgenii Polivanov – Tragedia geniya pri totalitarizme.
156
Osmonov, Asankanov, Istoria Kyrgyzstana s drevneishikh vremen do
nashikh dnei, p.349.
157
Abdrakhmanov, 1916. Dnevniki. Pis’ma k Stalinu.
158
See about the Stalingradskaya bitva at http://www.encyclopaedia-rus-
sia.ru, retrieved on 3 October 2015.
159
Putz, C., Post-Election Politicking in Kyrgyzstan, http://thediplomat.
com/2015/10/post-election-politicking-in-kyrgyzstan/ retrieved on 24
October 2015.

469
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ................................................................................ 3
Introduction: What is History? ............................................................. 4
PART I. KYRGYZSTAN FROM ANCIENT TIMES
TO THE MID-19TH CENTURY
Prehistory on the territory of Kyrgyzstan ............................................16
Great Civilizations: Saka Tribal Unions and the Dayuan State .......... 31
The Ancient Empire of the Xiongnu .................................................. 54
The Emergence and Flourishment of the Turkic Qaghanate................ 73
The Struggle for Supremacy in Central Asia.
The Kyrgyz Great Power ................................................................. 95
The Mongol Empire in the History of Kyrgyzstan .......................... 116
Mogulistan and the State of Amir Temir .......................................... 127
The Formation of Kyrgyz People and their Relationships
with the Neighboring Peoples .......................................................... 135
The relationships of the Kyrgyz with the neighboring peoples
in the 15th to 19th centuries ............................................................. 147
Kyrgyzstan during the Rule of the Kokand (Qoqon) Khanate ......... 161
Kyrgyz Culture ................................................................................. 183
PART II. KYRGYZSTAN AS A PART OF THE RUSSIAN
EMPIRE AND THE USSR
The Annexation of the Territory of Kyrgyzstan by Russia ............... 226
Joining of Northern Kyrgyz tribes with Russia ................................ 234
Revolt in 1873-1876. Russian conquest of Southern Kyrgyzstan .... 240
A People’s Uprising 1873-1876 ...................................................... 242
Tsarist Colonial Policy. The National Liberation Struggle
in Kyrgyzstan ................................................................................... 249
Economy .......................................................................................... 252
National-liberation struggle in Kyrgyzstan ...................................... 258
The Culture of Kyrgyzstan in the middle
of the 19th – early 20th centuries ..................................................... 266
Education and Public Health ............................................................ 274
The Fall of Tsarism. The Establishment of the Soviet Power ........... 282
The Establishment of Soviet Power and the
“Dictatorship of the Proletariat” ...................................................... 287

470
 A History of Kyrgyzstan
Socio-economic construction during the development
of the soviet socialist system (1917-1940) ....................................... 296
The formation of the Kyrgyz statehood. Totalitarian regime ........... 310
Formation and Development of the Kyrgyz State ........................... 315
The Totalitarian Regime and the Formation
of the Administrative-Command System ........................................ 322
Kyrgyzstan during the Great Patriotic War and the World War II .... 328
Workers of Kyrgyzstan during the War. ........................................... 338
Kyrgyzstan during 1946-1953 .......................................................... 343
Kyrgyzstan during the Voluntarist Reforms (1953-1964) ................ 348
Kyrgyzstan during the period of “developed socialism”
(1964-1985) ...................................................................................... 353
Kyrgyzstan during the ‘Perestroika’ (1985-1990) ............................ 361
The Rise of Social Problems and the Osh Events ............................. 369
Development of Culture in Kyrgyzstan during the Soviet Era
(1917-1940) ..................................................................................... 372
Cultural Construction during the War and the Postwar Period
(1941-1964) ...................................................................................... 377
Cultural Development from 1964-1990 ............................................ 382
PART III. THE SOVEREIGN KYRGYZ REPUBLIC
Collapse of the Soviet Union.
Formation of the Sovereign Kyrgyz Republic ................................. 387
Social and Political Transformation ................................................. 390
The State Power in 2005-2010 ......................................................... 394
Socio-economic and Spiritual Life of Sovereign Kyrgyzstan ......... 403
Social Life and Social Structure of the Population .......................... 410
Foreign Policy and International Relations
of Sovereign Kyrgyz Republic ......................................................... 426
From the History of the Kyrgyz abroad ........................................... 435
Bibliography ..................................................................................... 448
Notes ................................................................................................ 462

471
Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

Oskon Osmonov and Cholpon Turdalieva

A HISTORY OF KYRGYZSTAN
(From Stone Age to the Present)

SCHOOL AND UNIVERSITY TEXTBOOK

Editors: E. Eshimova-Hall, D. Tyan and Nickolas Seay

Artist A. Alakunov
Designer T. Sarybaev

Signed for publication: 11.01.2016

Circulation 500 copies
____________________________________

PE “Sarybaev TT”
49 Razzakov Str., Bishkek

472
Total questions: 40; Correctly answered: 40;
Percentage of correct: 100.0%; Skipped question: 0; Assessment: excellent
skipped question

 1. 32. When was Soviet power established throughout Kyrgyzstan?

 By the summer of 1918
 In the fall of 1930
 In the winter of 1920
 In the spring of 2000

 2. 40. When was the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet

Socialist Republic Adopted?
 April 30, 1929
 May 20, 1919
 November 7, 1917
 May 5, 1993

 3. 38. In October 14, 1924 was formed...

 Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Region
 Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic
 Kyrgyz SSR
 Kyrgyz Mountain Autonomy

 4. 39. Where did the territory of the Kyrgyz people enter after joining Russia
 To the Turkestan Governor General
 To the Siberian Governor General
 To the Omsk Governor-General
 To the composition of the Eastern Governor General

 5. 26. The manap of the sarybagysh Atake-bi sent his embassy to Sankt
Petersburg in
 1785
 1825
 1760
 1777

 6. 30. The reason for the colonization of Kyrgyzstan by tsarism

 Environmental
 Demographic
 Economic, military-territorial
 Political

 7. 34. Features of collectivization in Kyrgyzstan:

 Creation of TOZs
 The creation of large collective
 Settling of nomadic and semi-nomadic
 Create collective and state farms

 8. 31. When was Soviet power established in Pishpek and Pishpek County?
 February, 1918
 April, 1918
 December, 1917
 November, 1918

 9. 1.What sources from history do you know?

 1) written
 2)oral
 3)matrial
 4)fashion

 10. 37. The first head of the government of the Kyrgyz Republic:
 J. Abdrakhmanov
 А. Orozbekov
 I. Arabaev
 K. Tynystanov

 11. 22. In what years did the Kyrgyz-Kazakh military alliance against the
Mughals exist?
 1510-1515
 1515-1520
 1518-1523
 1524-1550
 12. 3.What function of history do you know?
 1)educational
 2)informational
 3)world viewing
 4)politico-practical

 13. 27. What was the name of the head of the Sarybagysh tribe who sent
the first ambassadors to Russia in late 18th century?
 Tynaybiy
 Zhantai
 Mamatkulbiy
 Atake biy

 14. 15. Allegorical self-name of the Kyrgyz in the epic "Manas"

 herhiz, hirhiz
 Ak kalpaktuu. ("White cap")
 “Kyrgyz”
 “Kara kalpak”

 15. 35. The peak of mass repression fell on

 1932-1933
 1937-1938
 1939-1940
 1933-1939

 16. 14. Completion of the process of the formation of the Kyrgyz nationality
in the Tien Shan
 In the XII-c.
 At the end of the XV-beginning of the XVII centuries.
 In the XIII century
 In the XI century

 17. 33. Education of the Soviet statehood of the Kyrgyz people

 1924
 1926
 1936
 1940

 18. 5.Sak"S sivilization.

 1)tigrahauda
 2)haumavarga
 3)paradaraya
 4)huns

 19. 6.Wusune state.

 1)chigu-chen
 2)china
 3)enisei kyrgyz
 4)Turkestan

 20. 16. The most ancient people of Central Asia:

 Kazakhs
 Kyrgyz
 Uighurs
 Bashkir’s

 21. 7.Davan state.

 1)Ershi city
 2)tokmok
 3)balasagyn
 4)osh

 22. 25. Which Kyrgyz tribe was the first to accept Russian citizenship?
 Sayak
 Sarybagysh
 Bugu
 Cushu

 23. 21. In the XVI century. On the land of the Kyrgyz began to attack...
 Mughals
 Kazakhs
 Tatars
 Jungars

 24. 23. In what years did the combined forces of the Kyrgyz Kazakhs fight
against the Kalmaks?
 1620
 1524
 1626
 1628

 25. 29. Where was the first Soviet power established in Kyrgyzstan?
 In Pishpek
 In Talas
 In Sulukt, Kyzyl-Kie, Osh
 In Naryn

 26. 10.Who is Attila?

 1)general
 2)president
 3)writer
 4)diplomat

 27. 20. What is the state with which in the first half of the XVIII century.
Kyrgyz fought hard for independence
 Dzungarian Khanate
 Kazakh Khanate
 Kokand Khanate
 Khiva Khanate

 28. 2.What modern approaches of society study do you know?

 1)formation
 2)civilization
 3)biologization
 4)philosopherization

 29. 28. The nature of the uprising of 1916 in Kyrgyzstan...

 anti-English
 anti-Kokand
 anti feudal
 National liberation

 30. 36. The Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Kara-Kyrgyz

Autonomous Region was elected:
 I. Aidarbekov
 A. Sydykov
 A. Orozbekov
 J. Abdyrakhmanov

 31. 12.What role did women play in the history life of Kyrgyz people?
 1)strong
 2)nice
 3)speaker
 4)warrior

 32. 9.Who is Huns?

 1)Kyrgyz
 2)Kazach
 3)Chinese
 4)Dinling

 33. 17. Who is Taylak-baatyr?

 leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn
 Viceroy of the Kokand Khanate
 The leader of the Talas Kyrgyz
 Leader of the Bugu tribe

 34. 4.What Kyrgyzstan history periods do you know?

 1)prehistory
 2)ancient history
 3)mongol rule
 4)soviet rule

 35. 13.Why did Kyrgyz keep nomadic way of living?

 1)herders
 2)hunters
 3)fisherman
 4)travelers

 36. 18. What is the state, which included the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan
in the late XV-early XVIII century
 Dzungarian Khanate
 Khiva Khanate
 Kokand Khanate
 Mehtulin Khanate

 37. 19. What did the Kyrgyz call the native inhabitants of the Dzhungar
Khanate of Oirats?
 Kalmaki
 Noguy
 Kipchaks
 Kazakhs

 38. 24. The Embassy of Atake biy to Russia in 1785 was represented by:
 Tailak and Atantai
 Abdrahman Kuchakov and Shergazy
 Kachybek and Dzhakypbek
 Ormon Khan and Borombay

 39. 8.What is sanjyra?

 1)family tree
 2)legend
 3)fable
 4)form

 40. 11.What kind of a woman was Kurmanjan Datka?

 1)artist
 2)magician
 3)tsaritsa
 4)progenitor
4/10/2020 Test System

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2 History of Kyrgyzstan Test 1

History of Kyrgyzstan - Test 1

Total questions: 50; Correctly answered: 11; Percentage of correct: 22.0% Skipped correct incorrect skipped
question: 0; answer answer question

1. Determine the nature of accession of Northern Kyrgyzstan to Russia?

The threat of China, Kokand and Kazakhs

Conquest

Voluntary accession

Peace talks

2. Why did the North Kyrgyz tribes need to patronage of Russia?

Kokand aggression

Tribal war

The threat of Qing China

The threat of Genghis Khan

3. When did the Kokand khan capture the cities of Osh and Uzgen with their environs?

1762

2000

1924

1674

4. What was the name of the head of the Sarybagysh tribe who sent the rst ambassadors to Russia in late 18th century?

Tynaybiy

Zhantai

Mamatkulbiy

Atake biy

5. Who led the hostilities from Russia during the conquest of southern Kyrgyzstan?

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Conquest

The threat of China

Threat

Not voluntarily

6. When was the Kokand Khanate founded?

Mid-19th century

At the beginning of the XVIII century

At the end of the fourteenth century

At the beginning of the XVI century

7. Indicate the political and economic situation of Kyrgyzstan at the beginning of the XX century.

sovereign

A raw materials appendage and a market for a colony of the Russian Empire

Was a semi-colonial country

A colonial country

8. Completion of the process of the formation of the Kyrgyz nationality in the Tien Shan

In the XII-c.

At the end of the XV-beginning of the XVII centuries.

In the XIII century

In the XI century

9. Who of the Kyrgyz feudal lords managed to become a khan for a short time?

Alymbek

Atake biy

Shabdan

Ormon

10. The tsarist troops under the leadership of General Chernyaev took Tashkent in.

1863

1865

1870

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1879

11. Who led the uprising against the Kokand Khanate in 1862 in the Chui Valley?

Baytik Kanaev

Shabdan Baatyr

Bishkek Baatyr

Alymbek Datka

12. Indicate the purpose of the party "Turan"

Create an independent state of Kyrgyzstan in Turkestan

Create a single state Kazakhstan

Separate Turkestan from Russia, create a united Turkic state

Create a union of the Turkestan people

13. Baytik baatyr...

Led the liberation struggle of the Kyrgyz against the Mongol yoke

Led the liberation struggle in East Turkestan

Led an uprising in the Chuy valley against Kokand authorities

Leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn

14. What is the ruler of the Alai Kyrgyz, who became the rst vizier of the Kokand Khanate under Mallia Khan?

Alymbek Datka

Boronbai Manap

Shabdan Baatyr

Ormon Khan

15. Where was the Kokand Khanate founded?

In Central Asia

In Central Asia

In the territory of the Bukhara emirate

In the Ferghana Valley

16. Kyrgyz in the Kokand Khanate:

1822-1842

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1845-1875

1831-1876

1889-1890

17. Indicate the time of formation of the Kyrgyz people

The end of the XIV-beginning of the XV century.

The end of the 15th century and the beginning of the 16th century

The end of the 16th century –– the beginning of the 18th century.

The end of the X century - the beginning of the XI century.

18. The cause of the Andijan uprising of 1898 was:

Analogue and social oppression, national inequality in vesting land

Religious differences

The lack of a national working class and the bourgeoisie

) National inequality

19. Which Kyrgyz tribe was the rst to accept Russian citizenship?

Sayak

Sarybagysh

Bugu

Cushu

20. What is the name of the manap of the Sarybagysh who tried to unite the Kyrgyz tribes

Ormon

Tailak

Boronbai

Baitik

21. When was Northern Kyrgyzstan fully annexed to Russia?

1871-1876

1843-1848

1855-1868

1854-1860

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22. Allegorical self-name of the Kyrgyz in the epic "Manas"

herhiz, hirhiz

Ak kalpaktuu. ("White cap")

“Kyrgyz”

“Kara kalpak”

23. What is the state, which included the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan in the late XV-early XVIII century

Dzungarian Khanate

Khiva Khanate

Kokand Khanate

Mehtulin Khanate

24. Who owned the land after the inclusion of Kyrgyzstan in the composition Russian empire?

To the state

Tribal associations

Manap

Han

25. Where did the territory of the Kyrgyz people enter after joining Russia

To the Siberian Governor General

To the Turkestan Governor General

To the Omsk Governor-General

To the composition of the Eastern Governor General

26. At the end of the XVIII in the south of Kyrgyzstan, he actively fought against the Kokand feudal lords...

Azhybiy

Cubatbium

Akbotobiy

Aman Biy

27. Who played a big role in the political life of the Alai Kyrgyz in the second half of the 19th century?

Nusup

Kurmanzhan Datka

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Medet Datka

Sadir Datka

28. In what years did the combined forces of the Kyrgyz Kazakhs ght against the Kalmaks?

1620

1524

1626

1628

29. Name the Kyrgyz manap, an active participant in the conquest of Alai by Russian troops under the leadership of M. Skobelev

Shabdan

Madali Khan

Baytik

Boronbai

30. Which Kokand ruler captured the Chui valley?

Madali Khan

Shabdan Baatyr

Ormon Khan

Alymbek Datka

31. What is the name of the leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn in the 30s XIX century

Tailak

Kurmanzhan Datka

Alymbek-datka

Boronbai Manap

32. Northern Kyrgyzstan joined the composition of Russia...

In 1853-1863

In 1855-1863

In 1860-1873

In 1886-1887

33. What were the names of the ruler of the Alai Kyrgyz who accepted Russian citizenship in the summer of 1876?

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4/10/2020 Test System

Kurmanzhan Datka

Madali Khan

Shabdan Baatyr

Polat Khan

34. Who is Taylak-baatyr?

leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn

Viceroy of the Kokand Khanate

The leader of the Talas Kyrgyz

Leader of the Bugu tribe

35. What did the Kyrgyz call the native inhabitants of the Dzhungar Khanate of Oirats?

Kalmaki

Noguy

Kipchaks

Kazakhs

36. Against whom was the Chui Kyrgyz rebellion directed in the second half of the 19th century?

Russia

China

Bukhara Khanate

Kokand Khanate

37. What is the state with which in the rst half of the XVIII century. Kyrgyz fought hard for independence

Dzungarian Khanate

Kazakh Khanate

Kokand Khanate

Khiva Khanate

38. The manap of the sarybagysh Atake-bi sent his embassy to Sankt Petersburg in

1785

1825

1760

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1777

39. When was the territory of the Kokand Khanate annexed to the Russian Empire?

1876

2014

1974

1921

40. The Embassy of Atake biy to Russia in 1785 was represented by:

Tailak and Atantai

Abdrahman Kuchakov and Shergazy

Kachybek and Dzhakypbek

Ormon Khan and Borombay

41. Who was appointed governor of the a liated Ferghana region?

Major General Skobelev

General G.I. Shulgin

General V.S. Trubetskoy

General M.I. Boin

42. Who led the struggle of the Kyrgyz against Kenensary Kasymov?

Alymbek datka

Sherall Khan

Boronbai

Ormon Khan

43. The most ancient people of Central Asia:

Kazakhs

Kyrgyz

Uighurs

Bashkir’s

44. Indicate the Kyrgyz batyr who actively supported the liberation struggle of the peoples of East Turkestan in the rst half of
the 19th century.

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Borombay
Baitik

Tailak

Shabdan

45. In the XVI century. On the land of the Kyrgyz began to attack...

Mughals

Kazakhs

Tatars

Jungars

46. Indicate the name of the large manap of the Issyk-Kul Kyrgyz, on the initiative Whose Bugu tribe took Russian citizenship in
1855?

Osmon

Murataals

Borombay

Balbai

47. Who and when rst established diplomatic relations with Russia?

Atake biy, 1785

A.Sydykov 1924

Shabdan Baatyr, 1825

J. Abdyrakhmanov 1930

48. In what years did the Kyrgyz-Kazakh military alliance against the Mughals exist?

1510-1515

1515-1520

1518-1523

1524-1550

49. The leader of the uprising in 1898 in Ferghana was

Madali Ishan

Ishan Sultan Khan Turi

Muhammad Sabyr

www.test.edu.kg/trial/ 9/10
4/10/2020 Test System

Mamatkul

50. What was the difference between the processes of joining South Kyrgyzstan to Russia Northern?

Peace talks

Voluntarily

By conquest

Not voluntarily

www.test.edu.kg/trial/ 10/10
 When was the establishment of Soviet power in Kyrgyzstan
completed?
 summer 1918+
 spring 1918
 autumn 1917
 winter of 1918

 2. How many uprisings took place in the Kokand Khanate over the
entire period of its existence?
 15
 33+
 23
 40

 3. According to what laws did the Kyrgyz live at the end of the 18th
century?
 under Sharia law+
 under Soviet law
 according to the law of primitive societies
 by pagan traditions

 4. Indicate the year of the first campaign of Batur Khuntayshi to the

Kyrgyz and Kazakhs:
 1750
 1675
 1643+
 1640

 5. Who stood at the head of the Kyrgyz tribal associations at the

beginning of the 16th century?
 Haji Biy
 Mohamed Kyrgyz+
 Atake-biy
 Kubat Biy

 6. Who was the first to try to restore Kyrgyz statehood in the 20th
century?
 Arabaev I.
 Babakhanov Sh.
 Sarykulakov K.
 Sydykov A.+

 7. What is ethnogenesis?
 the mentality of one or another people
 the origin and further development of the people+
 invariance of once established procedures
 the political organization of life in nomadic civilizations

 8. Who is the author of the migration theory of the origin of the

Kyrgyz people?
 H.H. Valikhanov
 N.Ya. Bichurin
 V.V. Barthold
 A.N. Bernshtam+

 9. The traditional division of the Kyrgyz

 Yellow and black Turgeshs
 Middle, Old Juz
 Right, left, wing and Ichklik group+
 Bulak, karluk, chigil

 10. What form of power was established after the October

Revolution of 1917?
 communism
 interim government
 Sovets
 Commissariats+

 11. In which case did the strength and influence of manap increase
significantly?
 in peacetime
 during migrations
 when resolving any important issues
 during military conflicts+

 12. Why was the batyr title awarded?

 this title was hereditary
 batyrs called rich people
 for personal exploits and courage+
 it was appropriated by manapas to its supporters

 13. The plan for building socialism in the USSR, scheduled for 1933-
1937, is
 war communism, collectivization
 industrialization, collectivization, cultural revolution+
 dispossession, eradication of illiteracy
 the implementation of new economic policies

 14. When did the Kyrgyz language form?

 in the XII –XV century.+
 in the V-VI century.
 in the 9th-10th centuries
 in the XV-XVI century.

 15. What has changed with the formation of the Kyrgyz people in the
Tien Shan?
 tax system
 economic relations
 political environment+
 household structure

 16. What is an ethnonym?

 the name of the nomads
 name of the tribal apex
 the name of one of the Kyrgyz tribes
 self-name of the people+

 17. Who took the name of Pulat Khan and led the uprising of 1873-
1876?
 Baytik-baatyr
 Isk-Hassan Uulu+
 Kubat Biy
 Tylakbaatyr

 18. Who was the most dangerous opponent of the Kyrgyz?

 Kalmaks+
 Mughals
 Uzbeks
 Kazakhs

 19. Who is the common ancestor of the tribes belonging to the

Ichklik group?
 Kuu-uul
 Bulgachi+
 Ak-uul
 Tagay

 20. What was the nature of the entry of Northern Kyrgyzstan into
Russia?
 regular
 voluntary+
 forced
 random

 21. How many basic scientific hypotheses exist about the formation
of the Kyrgyz people?
 3 (three)+
 4 (four)
 5 (five)
 2 (two)

 22. Who owned the highest power in the Kyrgyz tribes?

 public assemblies
 manaps+
 aksakals
 batyrs

 23. The emergence of the first Soviets of workers, soldiers and

peasants' deputies in Kyzyl-Kie, Sulukt, Pishpek and Osh refers to
 September 1917+
 February1917
 March 1917
 January 1917

 24. What is a taboo?

 the orders of the elder
 religious rite
 prohibition system+
 tribe name

 25. What areas were formed as part of the Turkestan General -

Governor?
 Bukhara, Khorezm, Khiva, Chardzhou
 Trans-Caspian, Orenburg, Transcaucasian, Saratov
 Semirechye, Syrdarya, Ferghana, Samarkand+
 Alma-Ata, Talas, Tashkent, Dzhambul

 26. What is ethnogenesis?

 The mentality of one or another people
 Invariance of once established procedures
 Political organization of life in nomadic civilizations
 The origin and further development of the people+

 27. Who is the author of the migration theory of the origin of the
Kyrgyz people?
 Bichurin N.Ya.
 Valikhanov C.Ch.
 Bernshtam A.N+.
 Bartold V.V.

 28. When were Pishpek and Tokmok founded?

 1827
 1825+
 1829
 1831

 29. In what territory did the Dzungar Khanate arise?

 Maverannahr
 East Turkestan
 Northern Kazakhstan
 Western Mongolia+

 30. What monument is popularly known as "Gumbaz Manas"?

 Mausoleum of Manzhaly-Ata
 Mausoleum of Kanizek-Khatun+
 Taylak Batyr Mausoleum
 Mausoleum of Sadyr-ake

 31. Which of the following is the basis for the fact that the labor of
slaves did not become the basis of the economy of the nomads?
 the Kyrgyz did not want to follow the slaves
 slaves often rebelled
 nomadic farmers needed professional workers
 the Kyrgyz did not have permanent and sufficient sources of slavery+

 32. Can Barymta be considered a special form of regulation of social

relations?
 Barymta is a simple theft+
 it is possible
 it is possible, but with certain reservations
 not

 33. Which of the following can be attributed to the causes of

tribalism?
 cult of ancestors
 religious beliefs
 the specifics of nomadic cattle breeding
 culture features+

 34. Which of the theories about the origin of the Kyrgyz people is
most widely used today?
 Mixed
 Migration+
 Diffuse
 Autochthonous

 35. What was the name of the co-consecutive grazing of cattle that
the Kyrgyz used during the periods of non-feeding?
 jute
 jailoo+
 blackening
 kyshtoo

 36. What was the power of the manaps based on?

 on tradition
 personal excellence+
 origin
 military force

 37. Who and when first established diplomatic relations with

Russia?
 Kurmanjan Datha 1876
 Turchi-biy 1860
 Shabdan-batyr 1878
 Atake-Biy 1785+

 38. What is the essence of land-water reforms in the 1920s?

 the settlement of empty land, holding irrigation ditches
 the elimination of resettlement settlements, the allocation of land to
indigenous people+
 water system construction and enclosure
 redistribution of pasture land

 39. When did the Kyrgyz people form?

 in the 16th century+
 in the 15th century
 in the 14th century
 in the XIII century.

 40. Who of the Kyrgyz feudal lords managed to become a khan for a
short time?
 Atake
 Ormon+
 Alymbek
 Shabdan
 Indicate the talented Kyrgyz Soviet ballerina of the years 50-60:
 S. Aitbaev
 B. Beishenalieva+
 B. Bekboeva
 G. Artykova

 2. Indicate the prominent writer of Kyrgyzstan, who was the first of

the Kyrgyz writers to become a laureate of State Prizes of the SSR,
and in 1997 became Hero of the Kyrgyz Republic
 T. Sydykbekov
 T. Kasymbekov
 C. Aitmatov
 K. Akmatov

 3. What is the main feature of the physical and geographical

appearance of Kyrgyzstan?
 Steppes prevail
 Deserts prevail
 Mountains prevail+
 Forests prevail

 4. Which mountain system of the planet is the most promising in

terms of minerals?
 Tien Shan+
 Dolomites
 Atlas
 Pyrenees

 5. When did the democratic movement begin in Kyrgyzstan?

 At the end of the 80s+
 At the end of the 70s
 In the mid-80s
 In the early 80s

 6. On September 23-24, 1994 in Bishkek, the following took place:

 Kurultay of Kyrgyz people
 conference on the ethnogenesis of the Kyrgyz people+
 year of Kyrgyz statehood
 election of the Jogorku Kenesh

 7. Why did the Slavic population after the collapse of the Soviet
Union began to leave the republic?
 Ethnic persecution
 Fear of international terrorism
 The revival of Islam
 Violation of positions in the socio-economic and ethnocultural spheres+

 8. Kyrgyzstan declared its independence

 March 22, 1992
 April 2, 1990
 August 31, 1991+
 December 8, 1991

 9. Who was Duishenkul Shopokov?

 ajo
 writer
 hero of socialist labor
 hero of the Soviet Union+

 10. Which of the Kyrgyz Dzhigits heroically died during the defense
of Moscow?
 Shopokov D.+
 Tuleberdiev Ch.
 Shoshev P
 Zhumataev K

 11. In what work was the position of Soviet historiography formally

formulated on the origin of the Kyrgyz people?
 “Kyrgyz and their ethnogenetic and historical-cultural ties”+
 "The history of the Kyrgyz SSR from ancient times to the present day"
 “History of the Kyrgyz and Kyrgyzstan”
 “Kyrgyz and Kyrgyzstan: the experience of a new historical
understanding”

 12. Reasons for the collapse of the USSR:

 political, socio-economic crisis+
 territorial dispute
 national issue
 as a result of war

 13. What is the total area of the Kyrgyz Republic?

 162 thousand sq. km.
 150 thousand square meters Km
 198.5 thousand sq. km.+
 212.5 thousand square kilometers

 14. In what year did the Kyrgyz Republic become a member of the
United Nations?
 1991
 1993
 1992+
 1995

 15. Indicate the antimony and mercury mining enterprises of

Kyrgyzstan, which during+ the years of World War II became the
main suppliers of this strategic raw material for the defense
industry.
 Suluktu and Kyzyl-Kiya
 Ak-Tuz and Kaji-Sai
 Kadamjay and Khaidarken+
 Miley-Suu and Shakaftar

 16. When and where was the position that the Yenisei Kyrgyz are
not the direct ancestors of the modern Kyrgyz people refuted?
 at a joint scientific session of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR and
the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR in 1956
 at the 2001 International Congress “Actual Problems of the History and
Culture of Ancient Kyrgyz”+
 at a scientific conference dedicated to the 1000th anniversary of the epic
"Manas"
 at the international scientific conference "Stages of the formation and
development of the Kyrgyz statehood" in 2002.

 17. Which foreign state was the first to open an embassy in Bishkek?
 USA+
 Turkey
 Iran
 Germany

 18. What is the main feature of the climate of the republic?

 Continental+
 Subtropical
 Softness
 Moderation

 19. The renaming of the city of Frunze to the city of Bishkek took
place in ...
 1990
 1999
 1991+
 1995

 20. Indicate the number of countries with which Kyrgyzstan

maintains diplomatic relations.
 100+
 30
 50
 80

 21. In which country of the far abroad does the largest diaspora of
Kyrgyz people live?
 Turkey
 Afghanistan
 Pakistan
 China+

 22. The adoption of the first Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic

took place in ...
 November 7, 1992
 May 5, 1993+
 September 1, 1990
 August 31, 1991

 23. Kyrgyzstan joining the UN refers to

 1992+
 1994
 1997
 1995

 24. Where the feat of 28 Panfilov heroes

 Moscow+
 Leningrad
 Stalingrad
 Brest

 25. In what year was the law on the state language in Kyrgyzstan
adopted?
 1991
 1988
 1990
 1989+

 26. The Supreme Council of the Republic adopted the Declaration ...
of the State Independence of the Republic of Kyrgyzstan
 August 31, 1991+
 May 5, 1993
 November 7, 1990
 July 21, 1992

 27. Indicate the date of the introduction of the national currency -

the Kyrgyz som:
 May 1993+
 March 1994
 June 1992
 November 1991

 28. Millennium celebration of the epic "Manas":

 May 1990
 July 1989
 August 1995+
 June 1988

 29. The latest work of the great Kyrgyz writer Ch. Aitmatov
 The Brand of Casandra
 “When the mountains fall”+
 “Chopping block”
 "Gulsary"

 30. What is the name of the Memorial complex of memory of victims

of the totalitarian regime?
 Ata Beit+
 Kumbez “Manas”
 Tash Rabat
 Uzgen minaret

 31. Which of the theories about the origin of the Kyrgyz people has
received the greatest distribution today?
 mixed
 diffuse
 migratory+
 autochthonous

 32. When was the Constitution of independent Kyrgyzstan adopted?

 1993+
 1991
 1995
 1992

 33. Which of these personalities was called the “Homer of the 20th
Century”?
 S. Orozbakov
 Jusup Balasagyn
 C. Aitmatov
 S. Karalaev+

 34. The first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist

Party of Kyrgyzstan in 1950-1961?
 T. Usubaliev
 I. Razzakov+
 A. Amanbaev
 T. Kulatov

 35. What is the date of election of the first President of the Kyrgyz
Republic A. Akayev in the popular election?
 November 10, 1991
 September 15, 1991+
 August 27, 1991
 October 12, 1991

 36. On December 8, 1991 in Belovezhskaya Pushcha (Belarus),

representatives of three republics (Belarus, Russia and Ukraine)
signed an agreement ...
 on the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact
 the establishment of NATO
 all answers are correct
 on the dissolution of the USSR+

 37. When was the Law on the State Language of the Kyrgyz SSR
adopted?
 September 1989+
 February 1992
 March 1988
 November 1990

 38. When was the first World Kurultai of the Kyrgyz people
convened?
 1992
 1993+
 1995
 1991

 39. On what principle is the state policy of Kyrgyzstan in the field of

religion based?
 Islamic religion preferred
 Friendly attitude towards believers of all faiths+
 Christianity preferred
 State persecutes for religious beliefs

 40. What form of government does the Kyrgyz Republic have?

 Presidential Republic
 Constitutional monarchy
 Parliamentary Republic
 Parliamentary-Presidential Republic+
 Indicate the year of the first campaign of Batur Khuntayshi to the
Kyrgyz and Kazakhs:
 1643+
 1750
 1640
 1675

 2. In what year was the Dzungar Khanate defeated by the Qing

Empire?
 1760-1761
 1722-1723
 1757-1758+
 1746-1747

 3. . In 1847, an army led by the Kazakh sultan Kenensary Kasymov

was broken:
 Kokand troops
 Russian troops
 Ormon Khan+
 Baytik-Baatyr

 4. In what year were the Kyrgyz of Issyk-Kul and the Central Tien
Shan subordinate to the Kokand Khanate?
 1829
 1819
 1825
 1831+

 5. The emergence of the first Soviets of workers, soldiers and

peasants' deputies in Kyzyl-Kie, Sulukt, Pishpek and Osh refers to
 February1917
 January 1917
 March 1917
 September 1917+

 6. Who was the most dangerous opponent of the Kyrgyz?

 Uzbeks
 Kazakhs
 Mughals
 Kalmaks+

 7. What is an ethnonym?
 name of the tribal apex
 self-name of the people+
 the name of the nomads
 the name of one of the Kyrgyz tribes

 8. Who led the fight against Ablai Khan?

 Burgo-batyr
 Bishkek baatyr+
 Zhayyl-baatyr
 Atake of baatyr

 9. Who is the common ancestor of the tribes belonging to the Ichklik

group?
 Tagay
 Kuu-uul
 Ak-uul
 Bulgachi+

 10. Can Barymta be considered a special form of regulation of social

relations?
 it is possible
 Barymta is a simple theft+
 not
 it is possible, but with certain reservations

 11. Who and when first established diplomatic relations with

Russia?
 Shabdan-batyr 1878
 Kurmanjan Datha 1876
 Atake-Biy 1785+
 Turchi-biy 1860

 12. The plan for building socialism in the USSR, scheduled for 1933-
1937, is
 the implementation of new economic policies
 dispossession, eradication of illiteracy
 war communism, collectivization
 industrialization, collectivization, cultural revolution+

 13. Which of the following can be attributed to the causes of

tribalism?
 religious beliefs
 the specifics of nomadic cattle breeding
 cult of ancestors
 culture features+

 14. Who is the author of the migration theory of the origin of the
Kyrgyz people?
 Valikhanov C.Ch.
 Bernshtam A.N.+
 Bichurin N.Ya.
 Bartold V.V.

 15. How many basic scientific hypotheses exist about the formation
of the Kyrgyz people?
 2 (two)
 5 (five)
 4 (four)
 3 (three)+

 16. What areas were formed as part of the Turkestan General -

Governor?
 Trans-Caspian, Orenburg, Transcaucasian, Saratov
 Bukhara, Khorezm, Khiva, Chardzhou
 Alma-Ata, Talas, Tashkent, Dzhambul
 Semirechye, Syrdarya, Ferghana, Samarkand+

 17. How many uprisings took place in the Kokand Khanate over the
entire period of its existence?
 15
 40
 23
 33+

 18. The difference between the processes of joining southern

Kyrgyzstan from northern Russia:
 after the transfer of Kudayar Khan to the side of the Russian authorities
 peace negotiations
 voluntary entry
 by conquest+

 19. What form of power was established after the October

Revolution of 1917?
 communism
 Sovets
 interim government
 Commissariats+
 20. Who stood at the head of the Kyrgyz tribal associations at the
begin+ing of the XVI century?
 Kubat Biy
 Atake-biy
 Haji Biy
 Mohamed Kyrgyz+

 21. When did the Kyrgyz language form?

 in the XII –XV century+
 in the V-VI century
 in the IX-X centuries
 in the XV-XVI century

 22. When were Pishpek and Tokmok founded?

 1831
 1829
 1825+
 1827

 23. Which of the following is the basis for the fact that the labor of
slaves did not become the basis of the economy of the nomads?
 the Kyrgyz did not want to follow the slaves
 slaves often rebelled
 nomadic farmers needed professional workers
 the Kyrgyz did not have permanent and sufficient sources of slavery+

 24. Which of the theories about the origin of the Kyrgyz people is
most widely used today?
 Diffuse
 Migration+
 Mixed
 Autochthonous

 25. According to what laws did the Kyrgyz live at the end of the
XVIII century?
 according to the law of primitive societies
 by pagan traditions
 under Sharia law+
 under Soviet law

 26. What monument is popularly known as "Gumbaz Manas"?

 Mausoleum of Sadyr-ake
 Mausoleum of Kanizek-Khatun+
 Taylak Batyr Mausoleum
 Mausoleum of Manzhaly-Ata
 27. When was the establishment of Soviet power in Kyrgyzstan
completed?
 winter of 1918
 summer 1918+
 autumn 1917
 spring 1918

 28. Who owned the highest power in the Kyrgyz tribes?

 manaps+
 batyrs
 public assemblies
 aksakals

 29. Who led the anti-Kokand uprising of the Chui Kyrgyz in 1862?
 Zhantai Karabekov
 Baytik baatyr+
 Tylak baatyr
 Burgo baatyr

 30. What has changed with the formation of the Kyrgyz people in the
Tien Shan?
 tax system
 economic relations
 household structure
 political environment++

 31. When did the Kyrgyz people form?

 in the XVI century
 in the XIII century+
 in the XIV century
 in the XV century

 32. Why was the batyr title awarded?

 it was appropriated by manapas to its supporters
 this title was hereditary
 for personal exploits and courage+
 batyrs called rich people

 33. In which case did the strength and influence of manap increase
significantly?
 during migrations
 in peacetime
 when resolving any important issues
 during military conflicts+
 34. Who is the author of the migration theory of the origin of the
Kyrgyz people?
 V.V. Barthold
 A.N. Bernshtam+
 H.H. Valikhanov
 N.Ya. Bichurin

 35. Who was the first to try to restore Kyrgyz statehood in the XX
century?
 Sydykov A+
 Arabaev I.
 Sarykulakov K.
 Babakhanov Sh.

 36. In what year did the “Zhayyl Massacre” take place and with
whom did the Kyrgyz fight?
 1770 with the Kazakhs+
 1770 with the Chinese
 1771 with Kalmaks
 1775 with the Mongols

 37. A written monument of the XVI century, where the Kyrgyz

heroic epic Manas was first mentioned:
 Majmuat Tavarih+
 “Babur-Name”
 “Tarih and Rashidi”
 Farhad and Shirin

 38. What is ethnogenesis?

 the mentality of one or another people
 invariance of once established procedures
 the origin and further development of the people+
 the political organization of life in nomadic civilizations

 39. Who of the Kyrgyz feudal lords managed to become a khan for a
short time?
 Ormon+
 Alymbek
 Atake
 Shabdan

 40. What is the essence of land-water reforms in the 1920s?

 redistribution of pasture land
 the elimination of resettlement settlements, the allocation of land to
indigenous people+
 the settlement of empty land, holding irrigation ditches
 water system construction and enclosure

 41. What was the power of the manaps based on?

 origin
 military force
 personal excellence+
 on tradition

 42. What is a taboo?

 the orders of the elder
 tribe name
 prohibition system+
 religious rite

 43. Who sent the first embassy of the Kyrgyz to Russia in 1875
 Atake biy+
 Borombay Bekmuratov
 Alymbek datka
 Baytik baatyr

 44. The reason for the uprising of 1916 in Kyrgyzstan?

 Convening of the State Duma
 Cultural revolution
 Stolypin agrarian reform
 Decree of the king on mobilization of military rear work+

 45. In what territory did the Dzungar Khanate arise?

 Maverannahr
 Western Mongolia+
 Northern Kazakhstan
 East Turkestan

 46. The traditional division of the Kyrgyz

 Right, left, wing and Ichklik group+
 Middle, Old Juz
 Bulak, karluk, chigil
 Yellow and black Turgeshs

 47. What was the name of the co-consecutive grazing of cattle that
the Kyrgyz used during the periods of non-feeding?
 Jailoo+
 Kyshtoo
 Jute
 Blackening
 48. Who took the name of Pulat Khan and led the uprising of 1873-
1876?
 Tylak baatyr
 Baytik-baatyr
 Kubat Biy
 Isk-Hassan Uulu+

 49. The first Kyrgyz tribe to accept Russian citizenship

 Solto
 Naiman
 Bugu+
 Sarybagysh

 50. What was the nature of the entry of Northern Kyrgyzstan into
Russia?
 forced
 random
 voluntary+
 regular

 1. 39. Where did the territory of the Kyrgyz people enter after
joining Russia
 To the Omsk Governor-General
 To the Turkestan Governor General+
 To the composition of the Eastern Governor General
 To the Siberian Governor General

 2. 16. The most ancient people of Central Asia:

 Uighurs
 Kazakhs
 Bashkir’s
 Kyrgyz+

 3. 34. Features of collectivization in Kyrgyzstan:

 Creation of TOZs+
 Settling of nomadic and semi-nomadic
 The creation of large collective
 Create collective and state farms
 4. 24. The Embassy of Atake biy to Russia in 1785 was represented
by:
 Kachybek and Dzhakypbek
 Abdrahman Kuchakov and Shergazy+
 Ormon Khan and Borombay
 Tailak and Atantai

 5. 1.What sources from history do you know?

 4)fashion
 2)oral
 3)matrial
 1) written+

 6. 33. Education of the Soviet statehood of the Kyrgyz people

 1936+
 1926
 1924
 1940

 7. 22. In what years did the Kyrgyz-Kazakh military alliance against

the Mughals exist?
 1515-1520
 1510-1515
 1524-1550+
 1518-1523

 8. 12.What role did women play in the history life of Kyrgyz people?
 1)strong+
 2)nice
 4)warrior
 3)speaker

 9. 20. What is the state with which in the first half of the XVIII
century. Kyrgyz fought hard for independence
 Dzungarian Khanate+
 Kazakh Khanate
 Kokand Khanate
 Khiva Khanate

 10. 17. Who is Taylak-baatyr?

 Leader of the Bugu tribe
 leader of the anti-Kokand uprising in Naryn+
 Viceroy of the Kokand Khanate
 The leader of the Talas Kyrgyz

 11. 10.Who is Attila?

 3)writer
 4)diplomat
 2)president
 1)general+

 12. 37. The first head of the government of the Kyrgyz Republic:
 J. Abdrakhmanov+
 А. Orozbekov
 K. Tynystanov
 I. Arabaev

 13. 8.What is sanjyra?

 2)legend
 3)fable
 1)family tree+
 4)form

 14. 26. The manap of the sarybagysh Atake-bi sent his embassy to
Sankt Petersburg in
 1760+
 1785
 1777
 1825

 15. 40. When was the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet
Socialist Republic Adopted?
 May 5, 1993
 April 30, 1929+
 May 20, 1919
 November 7, 1917

 16. 15. Allegorical self-name of the Kyrgyz in the epic "Manas"

 herhiz, hirhiz+
 “Kara kalpak”
 Ak kalpaktuu. ("White cap")
 “Kyrgyz”

 17. 19. What did the Kyrgyz call the native inhabitants of the
Dzhungar Khanate of Oirats?
 Kipchaks
 Kalmaki+
 Kazakhs
 Noguy

 18. 5.Sak"S sivilization.

 4)huns
 1)tigrahauda+
 2)haumavarga
 3)paradaraya

 19. 30. The reason for the colonization of Kyrgyzstan by tsarism

 Environmental
 Demographic
 Political
 Economic, military-territorial+

 20. 11.What kind of a woman was Kurmanjan Datka?

 1)artist
 4)progenitor+
 2)magician
 3)tsaritsa

 21. 2.What modern approaches of society study do you know?

 3)biologization
 1)formation+
 2)civilization
 4)philosopherization

 22. 32. When was Soviet power established throughout Kyrgyzstan?

 In the fall of 1930
 In the spring of 2000
 In the winter of 1920
 By the summer of 1918+

 23. 35. The peak of mass repression fell on

 1933-1939
 1937-1938+
 1932-1933
 1939-1940

 24. 4.What Kyrgyzstan history periods do you know?

 3)mongol rule
 1)prehistory
 2)ancient history+
 4)soviet rule

 25. 18. What is the state, which included the territory of modern
Kyrgyzstan in the late XV-early XVIII century
 Dzungarian Khanate+
 Mehtulin Khanate
 Khiva Khanate
 Kokand Khanate
 26. 3.What function of history do you know?
 1)educational
 2)informational+
 3)world viewing
 4)politico-practical

 27. 25. Which Kyrgyz tribe was the first to accept Russian
citizenship?
 Cushu
 Bugu+
 Sarybagysh
 Sayak

 28. 7.Davan state.

 2)tokmok
 4)osh
 3)balasagyn
 1)Ershi city+

 29. 14. Completion of the process of the formation of the Kyrgyz

nationality in the Tien Shan
 In the XIII century
 At the end of the XV-beginning of the XVII centuries.+
 In the XI century
 In the XII-c.

 30. 38. In October 14, 1924 was formed...

 Kyrgyz Mountain Autonomy
 Kyrgyz Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic
 Kyrgyz SSR
 Kara-Kyrgyz Autonomous Region+

 31. 29. Where was the first Soviet power established in Kyrgyzstan?
 In Pishpek
 In Naryn
 In Talas
 In Sulukt, Kyzyl-Kie, Osh+

 32. 6.Wusune state.

 2)china
 3)enisei kyrgyz
 1)chigu-chen+
 4)Turkestan

 33. 36. The Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Kara-

Kyrgyz Autonomous Region was elected:
 A. Orozbekov
 I. Aidarbekov+
 J. Abdyrakhmanov
 A. Sydykov

 34. 21. In the XVI century. On the land of the Kyrgyz began to
attack...
 Mughals
 Jungars+
 Tatars
 Kazakhs

 35. 31. When was Soviet power established in Pishpek and Pishpek
County?
 February, 1918
 November, 1918
 April, 1918+
 December, 1917

 36. 27. What was the name of the head of the Sarybagysh tribe who
sent the first ambassadors to Russia in late 18th century?
 Tynaybiy
 Atake biy+
 Mamatkulbiy
 Zhantai

 37. 13.Why did Kyrgyz keep nomadic way of living?

 4)travelers
 1)herders+
 2)hunters
 3)fisherman

 38. 9.Who is Huns?

 2)Kazach
 4)Dinling
 1)Kyrgyz+
 3)Chinese

 39. 28. The nature of the uprising of 1916 in Kyrgyzstan...

 anti-Kokand
 anti feudal
 anti-English
 National liberation+

 40. 23. In what years did the combined forces of the Kyrgyz Kazakhs
fight against the Kalmaks?
 1626
 1628
 1620
 1524+

 1. Film actress of the Kyrgyz Republic ...

 B. Beishenalieva
 T. Tursunbaeva
 S. Kumushalieva+
 R. Chokoeva

 2. What is the main feature of the climate of the republic?

 Subtropical
 Softness
 Moderation
 Continental+

 3. Kyrgyzstanis - twice Hero of the Soviet Union in the Great

Patriotic War:
 T. Begeldinov+
 Ch. Tuleberdiev
 A. Koenkozov
 D. Shopokov

 4. From 1985 to October 1990, the first secretary of the Central

Committee of the Communist Party of the Kyrgyz SSR was:
 Razzakov I.R.
 Masaliev A.M.+
 Usubaliev T.U.
 Suyunbaev A.

 5. What is the date of election of the first President of the Kyrgyz

Republic A. Akayev in the popular election?
 September 15, 1991+
 August 27, 1991
 October 12, 1991
 November 10, 1991

 6. The award of I. Razzakov to the Kyrgyz Technical University took

place in ...
 1986
 1987
 1999+
 1995

 7. In which country of the far abroad does the largest diaspora of

Kyrgyz people live?
 China+
 Turkey
 Afghanistan
 Pakistan

 8. What is the total area of the Kyrgyz Republic?

 198.5 thousand sq. km.+
 212.5 thousand sq.km
 162 thousand sq. km.
 150 thousand sq.km

 9. When was the flag of the Kyrgyz Republic approved?

 March 10, 1992
 March 1, 1992
 March 5, 1992
 March 2, 1992+

 10. On September 23-24, 1994 in Bishkek, the following took place:

 conference on the ethnogenesis of the Kyrgyz people+
 year of Kyrgyz statehood
 election of the Jogorku Kenesh
 Kurultay of Kyrgyz people

 11. In what year did the first World Kurultay of the Kyrgyz people
take place?
 1992
 1993
 1994+
 1995

 12. Who was Duishenkul Shopokov?

 hero of the Soviet Union+
 ajo
 hero of socialist labor
 Writer

 13. Industrial products manufactured in the 70s in Kyrgyzstan,

which has become a standard of quality in the international market:
 light bulbs
 electronic computers
 Tungsten
 antimony+

 14. In what year was the law on the state language in Kyrgyzstan
adopted?
 1991
 1988
 1989+
 1990

 15. Indicate the number of countries with which Kyrgyzstan

maintains diplomatic relations.
 30
 80
 100+
 50

 16. Opening and first chairman of the Kyrgyz branch of the

Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR:
 1953, Yudakhin K.K.
 1943, Scriabin K.I+.
 1955, Karasaev K.K.
 1956, Yunusaliev B.M.

 17. Kyrgyzstan joining the UN refers to

 1997
 1992+
 1994
 1995

 18. Why did the Slavic population after the collapse of the Soviet
Union began to leave the republic?
 Fear of international terrorism
 Ethnic persecution
 The revival of Islam
 Violation of positions in the socio-economic and ethnocultural spheres+

 19. Famous film actor and artist of Kyrgyzstan of the XX century:

 M. Ryskulov
 K. Aliyev
 A. Botaliev
 S. Chokmorov+

 20. A Kyrgyz warrior who closed the embrasure of an enemy bunker

during the Second World War:
 Ch. Tuleberdiev+
 S. Taranchiev
 D. Shopokov
 M. Vanahun

 21. Millennium celebration of the epic "Manas"

 August 1995+
 June 1988
 May 1990
 July 1989

 22. Which mountain system of the planet is the most promising in

terms of minerals?
 Tien Shan+
 Atlas
 Dolomites
 Pyrenees

 23. What is the main feature of the physical and geographical

appearance of Kyrgyzstan?
 Deserts prevail
 Steppes prevail
 Forests prevail
 Mountains prevail+

 24. When was the Law on “Privatization” in Kyrgyzstan adopted?

 August 1991+
 February 1996
 March 1982
 January 1999

 25. On what principle is the state policy of Kyrgyzstan in the field of

religion based?
 State persecutes for religious beliefs
 Christianity preferred
 Friendly attitude towards believers of all faiths+
 Islamic religion preferred

 26. The first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist

Party of Kyrgyzstan in 1950-1961?
 I. Razzakov+
 T. Kulatov
 T. Usubaliev
 A. Amanbaev
 27. The renaming of the city of Frunze to the city of Bishkek took
place in ...
 1991+
 1995
 1999
 1990

 28. When and where was the position that the Yenisei Kyrgyz are
not the direct ancestors of the modern Kyrgyz people refuted?
 at a scientific conference dedicated to the 1000th anniversary of the epic
"Manas"
 at the 2001 International Congress “Actual Problems of the History and
Culture of Ancient Kyrgyz”+
 at a joint scientific session of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR and
the Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR in 1956
 at the international scientific conference "Stages of the formation and
development of the Kyrgyz statehood" in 2002.

 29. In what year did the Kyrgyz Republic become a member of the
United Nations?
 1993
 1991
 1992+
 1995

 30. What is the first Kyrgyz citizen who was awarded the title Hero
of the Soviet Union?
 V.I. Furtsev
 N.M. Dmitrev+
 I.V. Panfilov
 D. Shopokov

 31. Which of these personalities was called the “Homer of the XX

century”?
 S. Karalaev+
 Jusup Balasagyn
 S. Orozbakov
 C. Aitmatov

 32. The territory of the Kyrgyz, after joining Russia, was part of ...
 to the Omsk Governor General
 to the Turkestan Governor General+
 to the Trans-Caspian Governor General
 to the Siberian Governor General
 33. The adoption of the first Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic
took place in ...
 November 7, 1992
 May 5, 1993+
 September 1, 1990
 August 31, 1991

 34. Date of declaration of full independence of Kyrgyzstan and the

adoption of the Declaration of State Independence:
 August 1991+
 March 1991
 May 1991
 October 1991

 35. When was the Constitution of independent Kyrgyzstan adopted?

 1995
 1993+
 1992
 1991

 36. When was the first World Kurultai of the Kyrgyz people
convened?
 1995
 1992
 1991
 1993+

 37. When was the Law on the State Language of the Kyrgyz SSR
adopted?
 March 1988
 September 1989+
 February 1992
 November 1990

 38. In what work was the position of Soviet historiography formally

formulated on the origin of the Kyrgyz people?
 “Kyrgyz and Kyrgyzstan: the experience of a new historical
understanding”
 “History of the Kyrgyz and Kyrgyzstan”
 “Kyrgyz and their ethnogenetic and historical-cultural ties+
 "The history of the Kyrgyz SSR from ancient times to the present day"

 39. Indicate the talented Kyrgyz Soviet ballerina of the years 50-60:
 G. Artykova
 S. Aitbaev
 B. Bekboeva
 B. Beishenalieva+

 40. Which foreign state was the first to open an embassy in Bishkek?
 USA+
 Iran
 Turkey
 Germany

 41. Which of the theories about the origin of the Kyrgyz people has
received the greatest distribution today?
 Mixed
 Autochthonous
 Migratory+
 Diffuse

 42. Large hydroelectric power station, which is of great importance

for the republics of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan:
 Ak-Suy
 Toktogul+
 Tash-Kumyrskaya
 Uch-Kurgan

 43. Commander of the 316th Infantry Division during the Great

Patriotic War (WW) II ?
 General Karbyshev G.M.
 Major General V. Panfilov+
 D. Shopokov
 General K. Usenbaev

 44. What year was declared as the “Year of Kyrgyz Statehood"?

 2001
 2007
 2005
 2003+

 45. On which river was the Uch-Kurgan hydroelectric station built?

 Kara Suu
 Chui
 Naryn+
 Kara Darya

 46. The first cosmonaut of the Kyrgyz Republic

 S. Sharipov+
 V. Tereshkova
 Yu. Gagarin
 Y. Taranchiev
 47. In August-September 1992, the following took place:
 general meeting of nations residing in Kyrgyzstan+
 Dungan National Conference
 the first World Kurultai Kyrgyz
 congress of Germans living in Kyrgyzstan

 48. Prominent artist, one of the founders of Kyrgyz professional art:

 S.A. Chuykov+
 S. Akylbekov
 O. Manuylova
 G. Aitiev

 49. Indicate the date of the introduction of the national currency -

the Kyrgyz som:
 June 1992
 November 1991
 March 1994
 May 1993+

 50. Indicate the date and authors of the State Emblem of the Kyrgyz
Republic?
 March, 1992, J. Sydykov, M. Kuluyev
 January, 1994, A. Abdraev, S. Dubanaev+
 December, 1992, K. Akmatov, M. Rudov
 May, 1993, N. Davlesov, K. Moldobasanov