The Folk Hero and Class Interests in

Tamil Heroic Ballads

By

Stuart H. Blackburn

Department of South and Southeast Asia Studies

University of California3 Berkeley

While various phenomena of folklore are simultaneously claimed

by literalists and symbolists，there seems little disagreement that the
“hero” is an explicit statement of cultural values. The study of the hero
is of immense value to the student of culture，yet comparatively little
scholarly attention has been directed to it (and even less in recent years).
This paper attempts to show that previously studies have revealed only
one class of hero, the courtly, or in India “puranic， ” hero. The ballads
of the Tamil-speaking people of India, however, evidence another type
of hero, hereafter the “local hero， ，
’ who differs from the courtly model
precisely because he represents a different social class. The second intent
of this paper is to reveal that common assumptions about the evolution
of the ballad are inadequate. It has usually been argued that ballads，
indeed all folk genres，develop according to impersonal，natural laws.
This theory is contradicted by the evidence adduced here and the role
of the conscious, human, class-motivated interests is examined.
More specifically, it is this writer’s position that the folk hero is one
who protects what the folk group values and/or challenges what the
group devalues. Hence a bank president is a hero to some groups because
he protects what they value— private property—while social revolution­
aries are heroized by others because they challenge what oppresses them.
Alternately, the validity of the definition is confirmed by the fact that
different groups view the same figure differently. For example，the social
bandit, a widely distributed hero type (Robin Hood, Gregorio Cortez,
Jesse James), represents anarchy and violence to the priveleged classes,
but defiance and strength for the lower classes. One Tamil ballad de­
scribes how poor folk perceive a bandit condemned by the then British
police:
132 STUART H. BLACKBURN

He passes by the rich with an air of contempt，

Here comes Jambulingam— our Nadar Jambulingam.
The rich run helter-skelter to save their skins,
He frightens the police in broad daylight,
He leads the poor against the rich,
He loots the rich to share among the poor,
Here comes Jambulingam— our Nadar Jambulingam.1
If ，as our definition posits, it is true that folk heroes reflect the values
of the heroizing group, how are we to account for the fact that Hahn,
Rank, Raglan, Campbell,et al.have found a relatively stable biographical
pattern among heroes of various cultures?2 First it should be noted that
these heroes have been chosen from almost exclusively Caucasian cul­
tures, with a predominant Greek Roman bias. The occasional addition
of an Egyptian, Indian or Persian name to avoid just this criticism does
little to affect the already established cultural hegemony. It is not sur­
prising then that Oedipus should be the only hero to receive the full 22
points in Raglan’s scale. It is even more indicative of the class bias of
the scale that of those whose full biographies which were surveyed，the
hero who scored the least points is the social bandit— Robin Hood. The
bias of these “comparative” studies was demonstrated without even
crossing the Bosporus when Alfred Nutt applied Hahn’s criteria to Celtic
material and found it wanting.3
The biographical patterns of these heroes are similar not only be­
cause they have been selected from one tradition，but also because they
represent the values of one segment of society. The congruence among
their class values is in fact greater than the divergence between their
cultures. They are the aristocrats of courtly society— the princes, knights,
religious leaders and titled persons. Indeed，the very biographical motifs
from the hero patterns reveal this slant rather clearly. “The hero’s
mother is a royal mother,’’ “The hero is usually . . . the son of a king/’
“He marries a princess,” “His father is a king， ” “becomes a king.”4
1 . Na. Vanamamalai, “Dacoits and Robbers in Tamil Ballads， ，Folklore,
，
(Calcutta), (Feb. 1971) ，p. 66.
2. For a good summary of these hero studies see Archer Taylor’s “The
Biographical Pattern in Traditional Narrative,” Journal of the Folklore Institute
(Bloomington) , 1， （1964)，p p . 114—129. Citations for each of the studies may
be found there. References for Raglan are from The Hero: A Study in Tradition,
Myth, and Drama (New Y ork:1 9 5 6 ) . A study which the Taylor article does
not survey is Jan de Vries Heroic Song and Heroic Legend (London:1 9 6 3 ) .
All these citations with editorial comments may be also found in Alan Dundes ，
The Study of Folklore (Englewood Cliffs: 1965), pp. 142—4.
3. Alfred Nutt, “The Arayan Expulsion-and-Return Formula in the Folk
and Hero Tales of the Celts， ，，The Folklore Record, 4 (1881), pp. 1-44.
4. Raglan, pp. 174-5; Taylor，pp. 115-6.
 T AM IL H ER O IC BALLADS 133

This prejudice is prominent also in folk hero studies from the Indian
tradition. Like everything else in Indian studies, folklore research has
been overwhelmingly based on classical，almost exclusively Sanscritic，and
largely literary sources. Moreover，the fact that many early Sanscritists
came from Classical studies made the jump from Perseus to Krishna
easy. Thus Bloomfield’s 1913 monograph on Muladeva, the trickster of
tricksters of Sanscrit fiction, and von Buitenen’s 1950 article on the hero
are based entirely on classical traditions and suggest that the courtly
hero is the “Indian hero”, N. K. Sidhanta’s 1930 study of heroic lore
is a warmed over version of Bowra a la India and thus deals only with
puranic materials.6 Kailasapathy’s 1968 study of Tamil heroic poetry,
Parry and Lord applied to South India, is one of the few studies to treat
Tamil material，but it is confined to literary sources only.7
Predictably it was the civil servants who actually lived in India and
knew local languages who collected heroic ballads from non-Sanscritic
sources. But the heroes of these minor epics，e.g.，Raju Rasalu and Gopi
Chanda are only variants of the courtly model exemplified by Krishna
and Rama.8
This puranic hero as an Indian parallel to the Hahn-Raglan hero
would seem a neat observation were it not for the existence of another
hero ty p e .1 his hero is largely unknown because there is a connection
between those classes that patronize the puranic hero and those that con­
trol the institutions of learning，publishing houses and other means of
communication. If we know that scholars have neglected folklore gen­
erally, it is understandable that，identifying with the classes represented

5. Hans von Buitenen，“The Indian Hero as "Vidyahara， ，’ JA F 7 1 (July—

Sept. 1958), pp. 305-311;Maurice Bloomfield, “The Characters and Adventures
of MGladeva， ” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 52, No. 208
(Jan.-April 1913), pp. 616-650.
6. N. K. Sidhanta, The Heroic Age of India— A Comparative Study (New
York: 1930).
7. K . Kailasapathy，Tamil Heroic Poetry (Oxford: 1968).
8. R. C. Temple, Legends of the Punjab, 3 vols. (London: 1884-1901)，
v o l . 3. x-xiv. (Contains Temple’s early typology of his heroes) ; G. A. Grierson，
“Two Versions of the Song of Gopi Chand， ” Journal Royal Asiatic Society of
Bengal, 54, p t . 1 ( 1 8 8 5 ) ，pp. 135-238; Mary Longsworth-Dames, Popular Poetry
of the Baloches (London: 1907); D. C. Sen, Eastern Bengal Ballads, 4 vols.
(Calcutta: 1923-32). A later article by Grierson, “The Popular Literature of
Northern India,” Bulletin of School of Oriental S tu die s,1:3 (1920) ，pp. 87—122，
describes the ballad of H ir and R anjha as the most popular in Northern India
and one which runs counter to all caste prejudice in the Punjab. This is im ­
portant because it indicates that lovers crossing the caste barriers are heroized
in parts of India other than the Tamil region (see also footnote 29).
134 STUART H. BLACKBURN

by the puranic hero, they would ignore the local hero even more.
As the protector of the lower classes, the local hero necessarily differs
from the puranic hero in the content of his acts. While the puranic hero
protects the chastity of princesses or does battle for the king, the local
hero protects cattle or crops of the village. While the puranic hero
challenges forces that threaten to upset the status quo of the kingdom,
the local hero opposes casteism and social injustice. Further, the heroism
of the local hero is a function of his humaness, not his approximation
of a god as with the puranic hero.9 Thus the local hero, unlike the
puranic，has little recourse to magic, divine intervention or the super­
natural in his exploits. Likewise, questions of fate, re-incarnation, and
astrological calculations affect little the life of the local hero.
Before examining the local hero in Tamil ballads, certain intro
ductory information would be useful. Heroism is deeply rooted in the
cultural traditions of the 40 million plus Tamil speakers in southern
India. Their earliest literature, dating from the first centuries A.D .，
contains 400 poems in the heroic mode and reveals an extraordinary
preoccupation with honor and the intrinsic value of a warrior’s death.
Corpses were slashed to give the appearance of a death from combat
and one poem proudly describes a mother, having found her son’s
mutilated body among those fallen on the battlefield, as more joyful
than on the day she birthed him.10 In another poem a king ritually
starves himself to death because he is ashamed that he was wounded
in the back. Thus，to claim an heroic age for the Tamils is ungain-
sayable. Yet the heroes remain within the priveleged classes, the kings
and generals，that patronized the literature, which itself is courtly and
classical and not of the oral tradition.
Luckily veneration of heroes has been preserved in Tamil areas by
other means— hero stones set up as monuments to fallen warrious and
propitiated according to proscribed rites. Inscriptions etched in these
stones，some as recent as the 13th century，have been published and
provide us with more information about the heroes.11 Significantly，here，
9. C. M . Bowra, Heroic Poetry (London: 1952), p. 5. Relevant to our
discussion, Bowra qualifies this view later (p. 94 ): “The greatest heroes are
thought to be so wonderful that they cannot be wholly human but must have
something divine about them.” This tendency to identify the hero is part of
the process we have termed “puranicization•”
ID. George Hart, The Poems of Ancient Tamil (Berkeley: 1975)，p. 88.
1 1 . Vanamamalai, “Hero Stones and Folk beliefs，” Journal of la m il Studies
(Madras) 2 (1972) ， pp. 37-44. See also R. Nagaswamy， s Cenkam Naturkal
(Dept, of Archeology Madras n.d.) which contains inscriptions of more than 60
hero stones.
 T A M IL H E R O IC BALLADS 135

too, there are two classes of heroes. One is from the puranic tradition^
the king, general，courtier who fell fighting for his king or kingdom;
and the other is a local hero, a watchman, a common foot solider or
common citizen who died defending against marauders, cattle-lifters or
robbers. Here is the origin of the local hero tradition which has sur­
vived in oral ballads. That these ancient local heroes suffered death at
the hands of cattle-raiders forges a strong link to the local heroes of the
latter ballads. Two of the most popular ballads recount how the hero
dies in the same manner. One dies defending against cattle-raiders and
the other defending a city against robbers.
I propose now to survey the ballads in order to, first, delineate the
local hero and, second，to show how this type is transformed toward the
puranic model. The story of the Ballad of Mutuppattan, hereafter
Mutuppattan, is as follows: Mutuppattan, one of five Brahmin brothers,
quarrels with his family and leaves to seek his fortune elsewhere. After
finding employment in a nearby kingdom, his brothers seek him out to
marry him off to a particular girl so that the family will acquire certain
property rights. They find him and convince him to return. O n his
return, however, he is mesmerized by the singing of two women. He
runs to them, declaring his love for them, and pleads with them to marry
him. As members of an untouchable caste, Paraiyar, they are shocked
and, since he could only be joking, insulted at his play. The energy of
the narrative, which has building up to this scene, bursts with their
dramatic reply, “You are like the great Siva himself, my Lord! Would
the earth bear our impurity?12 With this，they run away and tell their
father who，angry at the Brahmin’s joke, starts out to punish him. He
comes upon Muttuppattan who has fallen down with dispair and ex-
haustation after unsuccessfully chasing the women. Mutuppattan ex­
plains that he is serious. The father is shocked, but moved by his sincerity
and agrees to the marriage if Mutuppattan performs certain tasks: cut­
ting off his sacred thread and top knot (the symbols of his Brahmin
birth)，transport the carcass of a dead cattle, skin the body and sew
sandals from the hide (all the work of the Paraiyar untouchables).
Muttuppattan completes the tasks，in effect renouncing his Brahmin birth
and becoming an untouchable, and marries the women. He is sleeping
blissfully on his marriage night when a messenger comes and informs
him that raiders are stealing his father-in-law’s cattle. Despite the pro­
tests of his wives, he leaves to do battle with the intruders and slays

12. Muttuppattan K atai (ed. Na. Vanamalai) (Madurai: 1971)，p. 36.

136 STUART H. BLACKBURN

them all，except one. The survivor conceals himself in a bush and when
Muttuppattan turns away kills him with a lance. The wives mourn his
death and go to a nearby king to ask permission to light a funeral pyre.
He refuses and tried to entice them to join his harem. They manage
to leave and join their husband on the fire and all are transported to
S iva，
s heaven.
The skeleton story is universal— journey to another land，tasks per­
formed for marriage, villain/ monster slain. However, in contrast to
puranic stories, the tasks are skipped over almost completely and the
battle commands but a few lines. More important is the astonishing
fact that none of the 22 biographical motifs which define the courtly hero
in Raglan’s scale is found in this ballad. Muttupattan a very different
hero，the local hero par excellence whose heroism is essentially the re­
nunciation of the very thing which would connect him to the courtly
world of the puranic hero: his Brahmin status. Moreover, his marriage
to the untouchable women strikes at the very heart of the caste hierarchy
which the puranic heroes and their patrons benefit from and support.
Finally, he is a hero because, like those commemorated in the stone
inscriptions, he defended against marauding cattle thieves, protecting
the property of his untouchable father-in-law.
Ginnatampi is another local hero who is venerated in Tamil ballads.
His heroism is that he saved his village from famine because he drove
off the mountain pigs that threatened the crops. He is an untouchable,
but is rewarded for his valor with the post of local watchman. This is
the traditional calling of another, higher caste whose members become
jealous of his power and kill him.
There are several other local hero ballads which should be sum­
marized briefly. The Katavarayan ballad is the reverse of Muttuppattan;
he is an untouchable who is seduced by and elopes with a Brahmin
woman. He, too，is later killed by caste prejudice. Kautalamatan is a
Muslim youth who defends the rights of an untouchable woman against
sexual harassment from higher castes and dies for it. Cinnanatan is a
hero who is ritually betrothed to a child bride for reasons of property
interitance’ but lives with a low-caste woman. His family tolerates this
until it is time to consummate the childhood marriage and acquire
the proper rights. Cinnanatan refuses to desert his lover and is treacher­
ously slain by his own family. Pallicciyamman is a tribal woman who
comes down from the hills to meet per Hindu lover. They are both
killed because they transgressed sex-caste norms.
Also, Tamil possesses a number of historical ballads，of more recent
 T AM IL H E R O IC BALLADS 137

origin，whose protagonists are local heroes writ large for all segments of
Tamil society because they die fighting against the military invasions
of the British. Finally, the social bandit type claims three ballads in
Tamil and represents the local hero by his defiance of social authority.
Two important observations emerge from this survey of the ballads.
First, none of the heroes can claim even one of Raglan’s points. Sec-
ondly^ every one of them is venerated for protecting the interests of the
lower classes and/or opposing sexual and caste norms that oppress them.
Omitted from this survey is perhaps the most popular of all Tamil
ballads, Madurai Viran (The Hero of Madurai)，hereafter Vlran. I
introduce it here because it affords an instructive comparison with
Muttuppattan through which we can now approach our second goal—
examination of the development from the local to the puranic hero.
Viran is an untouchable who elopes with a higher caste woman whose
father, a local king, sends an army to retrieve her. Viran defeats them
and is called to Madurai to defend against robbers who are plundering
within the walled city itself. This he does and is honored. But then the
story takes a strange twist. Viran is caught making off with one of the
King’s women and is summarily quartered. Later，learning who it is
that he has ordered quartered, the repentant King requests a goddess to
restore his limbs. This is done, but Viran is unhappy and declares that
he must die as he has sinned in a previous birth. Later he is unhappy
because propiatory rites are not performed satisfactorily. O n the god­
dess5 advice, he communicates this to the king in a dream and the latter
arranges a daily worship and Viran becomes deified.
Viran is essentially a local hero (the only Raglan point he scores，his
marriage to the king’s daughter, is，in fact，a defiance of the caste hier­
archy of the puranic, courtly world). Moreover，the core of the story
is quite similar to the Muttupattan story, the model for the local hero
story: the hero crosses sex and caste barriers, defends against robbers and
is killed. This is the essence of Viran’s heroism and the reason he is con­
sidered a hero by local audiences. Yet，embellishments in style and
content have so obscured this that the ballad presents a world very differ­
ent from that of Muttuppanan.
Most obviously3 the physical setting of Viran, largely in three courts^
is quite different from that of Muttuppattan which, except for two short
scenes, remains in the village, in the fields, and in the hut of the untouch­
able. Consequently, the personnae in Viran are kings，ministers, courtiers
and princesses, while in Muttuppattan all the main characters are un­
touchables (except the hero who eventually becomes one).
138 STUART H. BLACKBURN

In fact, the very heroes themselves represent different personalities

though their social acts are similar to the local hero type. The bold，
swashbuckling，amorous, daring，sometimes suprahuman Viran is much
closer to Bloomfield’s Muladeva, the Sanscrit puranic hero，than is
Muttuppattan.13 Viran seduces women， changes into a fly to enter
bedchambers，sprinkles magic powder to cause watchmen to fall asleep，
while Muttuppattan remains a common man who, though beautiful, is
extraordinary because of his revolutionary act.
Other elements in Viran which are conspicuous by their absence in
Muttuppattan and the other local hero ballads include the use of magic
by the hero, references to and appearances by gods, hyperbolic descrip­
tions of armies, battles, and the arming of the hero. There are also
subtle differences in style which are best seen by comparing translations
of similar episodes. Here is a translation of the battle scenes from
Viran:
Leaping into the ranks of the elephants like a yali，
Leaping into the ranks of the army like a small tiger,
He came and surrounded these inferior armies,
All the armies broke rank and ran there.
All the king’s armies are dying away,
Scattering a thousand in front,
Scattering a thousand behind.
All the armies thought they were dying then,
They were “our life is going because of the king.”
They were lamenting as they were dying then,
Look, like a rain of flowers upon the Lord,
Viran continued on against the wicked king’s troops.
And he bravely cut them up into pieces then.14

Another section repeats lines 1-6 and then continues:

That terrible Viran laid them completely low,
All the thieves，armies lost their consciousness.
Body weakened, they fell saying, “it，s the hand of fate.”
Crying to Great Siva for refugee, they fell.
All the gods were happily watching him there,
The Viran who had conquered all the armies that day.
Eminent in the four directions, Viran sat in state，
Look, he victoriously comes atop the white elephant!^5

The only battle scene from Muttuppattan is as follows:

Some he cut and killed with his sword.

13. Bloomfield, p. 619.

14. M aturai Vira Cdmi Katai (The story of God Madurai V iran) (Madras:
1972) ，p. 44.'
15. Ibid., p. 57.
 TAM IL H E R O IC BALLADS 139

Some he killed stabbing with his spear.

Some he cut down, letting out a howl,
Some he smashed, destroyed and cut down,
Some，wounded, cried, “don’t cut me， ’
，
Some, wounded by the dagger，
Stabbed themselves, losing wife and fame,
Some lost their arms and their trunk.1^

The contrast between the repetition of the phrase “thousand” in

Viran and “some” in Muttuppattan points up a difference both in setting
and style. In the first ballad, the scope is greater，armies clash, and the
hyperbolic “thousand” is frequent. In the second, there is a clash of
individuals and the description is more realistic and concrete. Also, the
comparison of Viran to the yali, a mythical animal, and the references
to fate and gods illustrate the puranic style of that ballad. The Viran
battle creates an aura of phantasmagoria，while Muttuppattan focuses
on detail in a brisk， action-oriented narrative.
A comparison of description of another episode, the marriage， re­
veals further this stylistic variance. Here is the Viran passage:
Great Siva and Mother Parvati with her herd,
And the 30 million sages and gods, ^
And the elephant-faced Pillaiyar, son of Siva,
They all plaited various yellow threads
Around this marriage badge, seen by all.
Taking sandal wood paste and correctly applying it,
And sitting Pillaiyar on his shrine,
Bringing sacred grass and showering dear Pillaiyar
W ith flowers, greatly worshipping and praising,
Placing the correct marriage badge before his feet,
They all bowed and paid obeisance.
They lit incense from the sacred tree
W hile the gods watched happily.
And then the lion-like Viran
Carefully took the threaded marriage badge,
And bowing down, towards the gods
Repeating “Siva ，Siva， ，，that Viran
Placed it on the woman’s lovely neck.17

A similar scene from Muttuppattan translates thus:

Leaving the marriage room, the two women blessed with fortune,
Wearing bangles, beads, ear ornaments, annointed with sandal paste,
A tilak on their forehead, penciled eyes and nose rings,
And the affectionate M uttuppattan were placed in the marriage dais
After singing for a full nali* they brought in Pillaiyar

16. Muttuppattan Katai, p. 44.

17. Viran, p. 33.
* a nali equals 24 minutes.
140 STUART H. BLACKBURN

And with the moon, sun and gods as witnesses, Muttuppattan

Tied the marriage badge on the necks of Timmakka and Pommakka.18

Although both these passages contain the same basic elements，

Pillaiyar，the tying of the marriage badge and presence of the gods，I
hope the greater importance given to the deities and the more high
blown style in Viran is clear in the translations.
Finally，we can look at one more episode from these two ballads，
the wife grieving over her dead husband’s body. In Viran，the wife
comes looking for him and finds him having been quartered at the king’s
order:
Walking like a swan, she came close and stood，
Looking at Viran she heaved and heaved in tears，
“Is this what I, sinful one，came to find you for?
D id I come to see your arms and legs cut off?
Oh, I was not aware of what was written. (fate),
Oh, my Lord，who did this crime to you?
Oh, my King, is there someone to remember your line ?，
，
As Pommi (his wife) lamented thus angrily,
Her husband opened his mouth and spoke to her, 、
“O h ，my Queen, can even Siva or Vishnu
Change what has been written?
No one can destroy what has been w ritten，，19

In Muttuppattan the wives find the hero dead from a wound in

the back:
Beating themselves they fell down in the dust，
Pained，they threw down the rice and the pot,
They beat their stomachs hurting the spleen，
They picked him up and held him to their chest,
“The tilak* hasn’t worn off, the mark hasn’t faded!
The smell hasn’t been taken down, the people haven’t gone!5,20

(the passage continues with a number of similar lines，a ll to express the

extreme suddeness of the death of their new husband.)
In the Viran passage the dramatic intensity of grief is transformed
into a sermon on the inexorable nature of fate. The bard manipulates
the situation to pontificate about one of the ideological underpinnings
of puranic culture. This is particularly instructive because we know
that one of the tendencies of the puranic ballad is to subordinate
the powers of humans to that of the gods. Again, in contrast, the
Muttuppattan passage is detailed, realistic and avoids any mention of
18. Muttuppattan, p. 41.
19. Viran, p. 62.
* mark placed on bride’s forehead during marriage.
20. Muttuppattan^ p. 46.
 T AM IL H E R O IC BALLADS m
gods or fate. Instead, the actions of the women closely resemble true
lamentation in Tamil culture and the poet uses a moving series of state­
ments implicity expressing the tragedy of murder on the marriage night.21
Having compared the ballads in terms of setting, characters, plot
and style，it remains to examine the point of view. Since the central focus
in both ballads，somewhat obscured in Viran, is the highly charged theme
of inter-caste sex, the point of view of the narration could significantly
alter the perception of the action. More specifically，the ballad’s attitude
toward the untouchables，or Chakkilis，reveals its class identity and that'
ox its patrons. In Viran, for example, the untouchables are first intro­
duced by their caste name, Chakkili，and are repeatedly referred to as
such throughout the story (although Viran’s father’s name is occasion­
ally used, partially out of deference for his age). Also, Viran’s Chakkili
caste stigma is precisely what terrifies the chieftain5s daughter when he
pleads with her to make love with him. At one point, she wails, “Am
I fated to be spoiled by a Chakkili?”22 In this scene the poet acmeves'
dramatic tension by exploiting the fears, anger and anxiety that this
“black rapist，，threat represents to the upper classes. It is only after
Viran convince that he was only raised by Chakkilis, and is actually of
noble birth himself, that.she consents.
Ih is constrasts neatly with the point of view in Muttuppattan.
There the only use of the term “Chakkili” occurs when the untouch­
ables themselves use it to thwart Muttuppattan5s intentions— a remark­
able attempt to utilize the caste prejudice against them for their own
ends. Otherwise, throughout the ballad the women and the other
Chakkilis are referred to by personal name. In fact, at the marriage,
the names of the Chakkili guests are reeled off in catalogue fashion— —a
congregation of impurities that would cause a courtly audience to shrink
in horror! Moreover, the feelings and thoughts of the Chakkilis are
expressed through their own articulations. By contrast，in Viran, we
learn about the Chakkilis from statements of others, high caste people
who, like the king’s daughter, are afraid of their impure touch.
Muttuppattan encourages us to emphathize with the Chakkilis (as
the translations show) in their joy in marriage and grief at death. The
sense of identity with them is perhaps most dramatically revealed when

2 1 . Bowra, pp. 8-13，states that the lament，as a genre, has a close connec­
tion to the evolution of the heroic genre.
22. Vian, p. 30. Another printed version of the story as a drama (Maturai
Vlra Natakam, n.d.) emphasizes this fear of defilement at the hands of an un­
touchable.
142 STUART H. BLACKBURN

the father meets Muttuppattan. Looking at the outcaste，whose very

touch would defile him，the Brahmin Muttuppattan addresses him, “O h ，
dear maternal uncle!” Thus the Chakkilis become fully human, sym­
pathetic beings，whereas in Viran they remain dark shadows behind the
opprobrious label “Chakkili.”
This contrast between the two ballads is also revealed in the heroes，
act of renunciation and the subsequent movement of the plot. The un­
touchable Viran renounces his Chakkili birth to marry the princess, while
Muttuppattan renounces his Brahmin birth to marry two Chakkilis.
After Viran’s renunciation the story steadily moves away from his low-
caste home，his parents and toward the court. After Mutuppattan^
repudiation of his Brahmin birth the story moves to the hut of the
Chakkilis and remains there.
Another significant difference lies in the beginnings of the ballads.
Viran follows the traditional Indian puranic and universal heroic pattern
and begins with a detailed section regarding the circumstances of his
birth and youth. Muttuppattan and all the other local hero ballads in
Tamil begin in medias res and proceed directly to the action.
Likewise，the final scenes, the death and funeral，in Viran reveal
its puranic nature (see translations, p. 138). There the acceptance of
fate, of what has been “written， ” is the theme and the scene proliferates
with gods and goddesses. These elements are absent in the Muttuppattan
funeral scene which takes only 13 lines compared to more than 100 in
Viran.23
Another post-mortem motif found in Viran and not in Muttuppattan
is the propitiation of a soul wrongfully killed in order to prevent it from
taking revenge. This is widespread in Indian，and particularly Tamil，
folklore and is found even in the two great literary Tamil epics.24 Its

23. W m. Hugh Jansen, “The Esoteric-Exoteric Factor in Folklore， ” in

Dundes ，pp. 43-56.
24. The epics are Cilapatikkaram and Manimekalai ( 丁he former has been
ably translated by V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, The Silapatikkaram (London:
1939)，and S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar has summarized the second in Manimekalai
in Its Historical Setting (London: 1 9 2 8 ) . I n addition，an article by K . P. S.
Hameed ( “Structural Pattern of Two Traditional Narratives in T am il/* in R. A.
Asher, ed., Proceedings of the Second International Conference— — Seminar of Tamil
Studies [Madras: 1971]， 1，pp. 196-204) shows that this motif of exacting re­
venge is also part of another epic, Nlkalkeci. Emeneau's vast collections of tribal
folklore in S. India reveals only one example of this motif— a dead man demands
proper funeral rites (cf. V iran), Kota Texts, University of California Publications
in Linguistics, I I (1946) ，pp. 196/7-198/9. As a final note, this seems to be a
prevalent folk beliei in S. India as there are numerous M ata aami temples in the
southern districts o i 1'amilnatu erected to appease the soul of one unjustly killed.
 T AM IL H E R O IC BALLADS 143

presence in Viran, where it is the focus of the last 350 lines，and absence
in Muttuppattan is further evidence of puranic accretions in the former.
To this point we have delineated the puranic and local hero types,
the first purpose of this article, illustrating differences in style and plot.
We have also noted a difference in movement of the plot away from
Chakkili life to courtly life. This part of the transformation of a ballad
from the local to puranic models, is the second purpose of this article. To
describe this process more carefully, we return to the fact that Viran
commences with the standard puranic motif of the miraculous birth and
youth of the hero.
This motif in Viran is a later addition, however，and has the effect
of redirecting the entire story, in essence that of a local hero，toward
the puranic model. Viran is said to be actually bom of Brahmin parents
who abandoned him in the woods because there were omens that he
would bring ruin to the kingdom. Then，we are told, he is found and
raised by the Chakkili family with whom he is associated in the rest of
the story. This falsified heritage for the hero earns him three new Raglan
points (royal father, virgin mother，and abandonment) and brings him
into agreement with the principal features of Hahn’s Aryan expulsion
and return formula.
The various details of Viran’s new birth (omen of calamity, aban­
donment in the forest) are common in Indian folklore and provide the
means by which a local ballad may be transformed into a more puranic
story. Moreover，this insertion of a Brahminical birth is particularly
connected with “puranization” because it cancels the essence of the
ballad，the daring defiance of the social system. Suppression of such
defiance of sex-caste rules is crucial because it is what threatens the
patrons of puranic lore most. Other additions which we have noted in
Viran, emphasis on fate, dharmic order, and the influence of gods, serve
to nullify another aspect of the local hero，the belief in the efficacy of
human actions, and contribute to puranization.
It is significant that these several puranic insertions occur, primarily,
at the beginning and end of the ballads where such additions are easiest.
Indeed, if these insertions are not addition, but part of the original story,
we have to believe that the story was about how a Chakkili was, in fact，
not a Chakkili. In other words, the purpose of the ballad，we must be­
lieve, was to nullify itself. More importantly, the substituted birth is not
confined to Viran; the same device is used in other ballads to precisely
the same ends.
Kattavarayan is like Viran, an untouchable who marries a Brahmin
144 STUART H. BLACKBURN

woman* However, there is a section inserted (less skillfully than in

Viran) in the middle of the story which explains that he is，in fact, not
an untouchable, but a celestial who suffered a curse by Siva, This forced
him to be born in the guise of an untouchable and commit this terrible
sin3 i.e.，marrying a Brahmin, for which he is righteously murdered. Sincer
he is actually of divine origin，the miscegenation is an illusion and his
murderers are exonerated because it was a god’s decree that he should die.
This also neatly removes the threat of the unjustly killed soul taking
revenge on the murderers.
This third and most conclusive instance of the use of this insertion
device to purge the local hero ballad of its threat to high castes and
transform it into a more acceptable puranic model is Muttuppattan itself.
The version I summarized above is the standard version of the ballad,
but the research of Vanamamalai has revealed that certain sung versions
show variance.25 Iri the oral renditions of the ballad performed for
festival at a temple, mentioned in the text itself，the cross-caste sex is
eliminated by a substituted birth. It is sung that a cow of a Brahmin
falls into a well and dies. Learning of this, the Brahmin goes to Benares
to atone for his greatest of sins (death of a cow). His wife，left behind,
performs various penances to remove guilt from him. Siva answers her
prayers by causing her to birth two children. Since her husband is away,
she fears the village will assume illicit sex and abandons them in a forest.
A snake protects the children and eventually a Chakkili comes3 takes
them home arid raises them. The children are given the names Timmakka
and Pommakka, the women whom Muttuppattan later marries. Thus,
the Chakkili women whom the Brahmin Muttuppattan marries, are not,
in fact, Chakkilis，but Brahmins.
Noting these important differences, Vanamamalai went to interview
the singer of this version in whose family the ballad has been sung for
at least three generations. The singer admitted that pressure from high
caste patrons of the festival at which he sings forced him to introduce
these changes.
It is more than coincidental that this substituted birth section is
exactly the same as that in Viran. Even the incident of the snake raising
its hood to protect the abandoned child from the sun is found in both
ballads.26 More importantly, the function of the additions in both ballads

25. M uttuppattan, pp. 15—16.

26. This motif is also found in an oral ballad adaptation of the Cilapati­
kkaram (see: Brenda Beck, “The study of a Tamil Epic; Several Versions of
Silappadikkaram Compared/5 Journal of Tamil S tu d ie s,1 ( 1 9 7 2 ) ，p. 33).
 T AM IL H E R O IC BALLADS 145

is identical, i.e.，to cancel the inter-caste sex of the local hero ballad. It
is interesting that in both stories it is the low-caste member of the pair
of lovers, the untouchable Viran and the wcmen in Muttuppattan, who
is given the new birth. One might ask why the alternative, strategy was
not used，e.g.，giving a low status birth to the high caste member. The
answer, I feel，lies simply in the fact that these ballads, whether by
patronage pressure or by a “natural” process, tend to approach a puranic
model, and a story about two low-caste，here untouchable, lovers would
tertainly not be that.
Before considering the implications of this puranization by sub“
stituted birth，I will discuss another heroic ballad (Tecinku Raj an) in
order to，by comparison, put Viran and Muttuppattan and puraniza­
tion in better perspective. The story of Tecinku Rajan is that the
Mughal Emperor in Delhi invites all his tributaries to his court to try
to mount a celestial，magical, swift horse. The father of Tecinku goes
and, with the others, fails and is consequently jailed. When Tecinku
attains maturity he goes to Delhi, successfully rides the horse and wins
his father’s release. Tecinku returns to the south and becomes ruler of
a petty kingdom under the Emperor and his subordinates in the area.
Later the Emperor sends an army against Tecinku because he has not
paid tribute. Tecinku is valorous in battle, but because his best friend,
a Muslim, is treacherously killed, he loses heart and kills himself.27
The motif of the magical horse and the task it presents dominates
the story and thus we have a very conventional ballad about a prince
who marries a princess, performs tasks, and dies nobly in battle against
the tyrant. Further, all the puranic elements which were found in Viran,
and absent or minor in Muttuppattan, are prominent. Tecinku is often
found in worship, the god of a large, influential temple is a key figure
and the action shifts between spacious courts and battlefields. Still,
however, there are features which place it within the general local hero
tradition. The hero’s friendship with a Muslim in this ballad is significant
because in it all Muslims are portrayed as infidels and the very thought
of their entry into a Hindu temple rouses anger. Such a challenge to
prevailing social rules is the mark of the local hero. Secondly，his bold
defiance of the Emperor is a rallying call for the other petty chiefs to
assert their independence from foreign domination. Thus, we may de­

27. Tecinku Rajan Katai (Madras: 1 9 7 2 ) . The remainder of the heroic

ballads in Tamil are of this puranic ，war-historical type: Irammappa Ammanai，
Kancakipu Ivarrasakal, Kattupommu, M arutu, Palaciraja, Katai, Iravikkutti Pillai
P5r Katai.
146 STUART H. BLACKBURN

scribe him as a character performing actions of the local hero on a large

scale. He is a local hero to the other chieftains just as Muttuppattan is
to the villagers. Hence, a continuum runs from the local hero of
Muttuppattan to the more puranicized Viran to the fully puranicized
local hero Tecinku.
Another aspect of this puranic transformation is the geographical
spread of the ballad as it “puranicizes.” This is revealed on three differ­
ent levels for the three ballads Muttuppattan, Viran and Tecinku.
In the first ballad，for example, the action is restricted to an area equal
perhaps to a small county, and never enters a large kingdom; in the
second the area is many times larger, encompassing two well-known king­
doms; and in the third the action covers the entire continent from the
south to Delhi (the very seat of Imperial power).
O n another level, the spread of the ballad is indicated by the rela­
tive spread of the cult of the deified hero. Thus，Muttuppattan is still
worshipped (under another name，given in the ballad) in certain small
temples which appear in the song itself. Viran, however，has become the
object of a cult spread across the entire Tamil-speaking area. Finally,
though he is not deified，Tecinku’s ballad is sung not only in the Tamil
region, but in a neighboring linguistic region as well.
O n a third level，the relative geographical range of the deities pro­
minent in the ballad also corresponds to the range of the ballad itself.
The most important god in Muttuppattan is Corimuttu, a very localized
god whose cult is restricted to the area described in the ballad. While
there is no one deity prominent in Viran, references to Siva are numerous
and there also occurs a list of kings and kingdoms that indicates the
spread of the ballad. In Tecinku, the central god is Rankanatan, an
influential god associated with an influential temple in a large city.
An examination of this geographical factor helps us to understand
why the local hero remains local. Because the nature of his heroism
earns the veneration of lower caste peoples，the local hero will not be
patronized by courts, nor the cults of the court. This means the range
of his ballad will not extend beyond the local area. Conversely, a ballad
which praises a widespread cult, like that of Rankanatan is more mobile
because it can garner the patronage of temple and court. Here then is
the explanation for the predominance of the puranic or courtly type in
international folklore scholarship on the hero.
This sociological aspect of the transformation process is worthy of
a separate study itself. We have noted the role of patronage and class
interests in puranization, but it is also noteworthy that the transforma­
 T AM IL H E R O IC BALLADS 147

tion of heroes from one type to another is relatively facile in Indian

society as compared with other social structures. Bowra’s scheme^ for
example，which bifurcates “primitive” heroic poetry into “proletarian”
and “aristocratic，’ poetry would not be conducive to such an easy trans­
formation because the bifurcated traditions do not share a common
culture. In India, however, Coomaraswamy has described how the folk-
classical continuum rests on a substrata of a shared culture and differ­
entiated economic status only.28 Consequently, the movement of the
local hero to the tatus of the puranic hero is eased by the particular
fluidity of the desi (folk) -marga (classical) continuum in India.
To recapitulate what has been presented here, the hero of most of
the heroic ballads in Tamil, or the local hero，does not conform to any
of the biographical patterns of heroes in Raglan ，Hahn, Rank, De Vries
or Campbell. Rather these standard biographies describe more accurate­
ly another class of Indian hero, the puranic hero. The closer the local
hero approaches the puranic, the closer he approaches the models of
Raglan et al. The points of contrast between the local and puranic hero
may be schematically summarized as follows:

Puranic Hero/Ballad Local Hero/Ballad

1 . Hero high-caste3 usually son 1 . Hero low-caste， usually un-
of a king. touchable.

la. substituted birth for local hero

gives him high birth of puranic hero.

2. Protects social ordeろ interests 2. Defies social order, protects

of priveleged classes. interests of low classes.
3. Role of magic， s u p e r n a t u r a l , 3. Role not important.
fate important.
4. Role of deities，Brahmins im- 4. Role not important.
portant.
5. Associated with widely spread 5. Associated with local deity.
deity.
6. Action focuses on court and 6. Action focuses on village, low-
battlefield. caste quarter.
7. Point of view external to low- 7. Point of view internal to low-
caste life. caste life.

28. A. K . Coomaraswamy, “The Nature of ‘Folklore’ and ‘Popular A rt’，

”
Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society (Bangalore) 27 (July—Aug. 1936)，
pp. 1-12. Also printed in Indian Arts and Letters, I I : 2 (1937), pp. 76-84,
148 STUART H. BLACKBURN

After delineating these two types of heroes，we analyzed the process

by which the local hero ballad became transformed into the puranic
type. Transformation of this kind has been traditionally regarded as the
result of the anonymous processes of history. However，the Tamil ballads
present us with another force, more human and more conscious. The
•transformation in Tamil ballads proceeds not only according to “law s， ”
but also according to human class interests. Indeed, as we have seen，
the most crucial and influential changes in these ballads have resulted
from this pressure.
Other research in India has shown that the role of class interests is
not an eccentricity of the Tamil region. As one example, D.C. Sen has
demonstrated that Brahminical orthodoxy has suppressed the same threats
to -ex-caste rules in Bengali ballads that are found in the Tamil mate­
rial.29 Beyond India, Paredes’ study of Gregorio Cortez provides a fasci­
nating Darallel. Not onl ydoes this hero of the border corridos conform
to our definition of the local Tamil hero，but in a passing note we learn
that the only Anglo-American version portrays him as a common crimi­
nal.30 From what we have found in India it is entirely predictable that
this local hero of Mexican-Americans would become a mere horse thief
in the eyes of the dominent culture whose values he challenged. The
lack of further data of this nature is only the result of the class bias of
folklore and folklorists themselves who seek such explanations.31
Developing out of the scientism (Marx, Freud，Darwin) of the 19th

29. D. C. Sen, I I ，p: 5; I V ，p. 367. Other studies re: the folk hero in India
available to me in translation are all from South India: K. K . N. K urup，“The
Cult of Teyyam and Hero Worship， ，，F olklore (Cal.) 14:1 (Jan. 1973)，pp. 1—25;
2 (Feb. 1973), pp. 45—69; 3 (March 1973) ，pp. 85- 1 0 1 ; N. V. Kamesvara and
V. Sundaresan, “Hero in Andhra Folklore," Folklore (Cal.) 16:6 (June 1975)，
pp. 204-213; Na. Vanamamalai, "Tamilnattuk-Kataip-Patalkalil Coka Mutivu**
(trans. “Tragic Ending in Tamil Folk Ballads/5 Araycci 2:2 (March 1971)，
pp. 129-151. K urup’s heroes are taken from the oral tradition in the rural areas,
yet, only one, Pottan Teyyam (an outcaste who instructs Siva on the fine points
of philosophy and the illusion of caste) is akin to the heroes found in the Tamil
ballads. For the social rebel as hero in the Muslim tradition，see Ralph Russell,
“The Urdu Ghazal in Muslim Society/3 South Asian Review, 3:2 (Jan. 1970)，
141-149.
30. Americo Paredes, With His Pistol in His H and (Austin ： 1958), p. 113.
Also Orrin K lapp’s “defender type” （“Thp Folk Hero， ’，JA F 62 (Jan.—March
1943，pp. 17—25) approaches the local hero theoretically.
3 1 . A valuable study of the role of the group pressure in influencing oral
material in the puranic tradition is provided by V. S. Sukthankar’s “The Bhrgus
and the Bharata: A Text-Historical Study,” Journal of the Bhandikar Oriental
Research Institute, 18 (1937), pp. 1-76 and Robert Goldm an’s， . Gods， Priests, and
Warriors: The Bhrgus of the Mahabharata (Princeton: 1977). ■ .
 TAM IL H E R O IC BALLADS 149

century, the early folklorists, too, “discovered” impersonal laws they felt
governed evolution in folklore.32 This lent an air of legitimacy to the
fledgling disclipine and perhaps underlined the universality of folk
literature (in contrast to the isolated, time-bound elite literature) by its
connection to these greater, wider forces that shape human destiny. The
findings of this paper present a counterweight to this still influential bias
toward the impersonality of the lore over the human motivations of the
folk. While we readily admit selfinterest and class interest in other areas
of life，somehow the folk are sublimely unscathed by such motivations.33

32. See for example the Chadwicks5 The Growth of Literature ( Cambridge:
1932—40 )， 3 vols. Other examples include: K nut Liestol, The Origins of the
Icelandic Family Sagas (Cambridge: 1930)，pp. 62-70; Moltke Moe, De Episke
Gundlove (Oslo: 1914), English trans. unavailable; Alex Olrik, The Heroic
Legends of Denmark (New York: 1919), p p . 1—7; A Book of Danish Ballads
(Princeton: 1 9 3 9 ) ，trans. E. M . Smith-Dampier, pp. 7◦- 71.
33. Although Jan Vansina’s book, Oral Tradition: Study in Historical
Methodology (trans. H . M . W right) (Chicago: 1966, French ed. 1961)， (see
(pp. 33，77-78，89 )，does document certain distortions an falsifications in African
folklore, it is chiefly concerned with dynastic genealogies and not the private or
caste interests found in the Tamil ballads.