211

scullery room and a porch, and measured 105m2. Finally, there were chalets with lateral or

front gardens and backyards.

With the exception of collective buildings with dormitories for single workers, all the

housing typologies described above were designed for single-family use. The only

example of collective residence identified by our research program was the apartments

built by the Fábrica de Tecidos São José in the 1940s. There were thirty-two small

apartment buildings: sixteen on the ground floor and sixteen on the first floor. They were

furnished with a front garden and comprised two living rooms, two bedrooms, kitchen,

pantry, bathroom, laundry, and maid's room.

Finally, apart from housing for laborers and employees, the vila operária generally

also included the house of its founder/owner. These houses presented great variety of

style and size, but they had in common the fact that they stood out either for their

grandeur, esthetics or size and thus constituted significant symbols of power in the town’s

architecture. In Rio Tinto, the house of the Lundgren family – know was Palacete – was

an imposing construction in red bricks that sat astride the hill overlooking the community

below. The exterior was very plain, unadorned, and nearly rustic; there was a fortress-like

quality to it, which was enhanced by its heavy gates. The sober exterior contrasted with

the interior was richly furnished with Italian carpets, chandeliers and decorated tiles

(Panet 2002: 110). In Paulista, the Lundgrens also had an imposing manor in red bricks

called “the Casa-Grande”. It comprised two contiguous buildings dating from different

periods. The first is a one story-house of nearly 400m2 surrounded by porches and built in

the early decades of the twentieth century; the second house was erected later in the

beginning of the 1930s and it was an imposing four-story construction with 1,164 m2.

Adjacent to the Casa-Grande there was a large park, the “Jardim do Coronel”, which used

to be open to the workers on Sundays and hosted a zoo and an amusement park in the
 212

1940s and 1950s. Like its counterpart in Paulista, the house of José Albino Pimentel,

head of the Companhia Industrial Fiação e Tecidos Goyanna, combined private

residential areas and areas for public recreational use, namely the cinema.190 In fact, the

public use of the mill owner’s private residence by workers and their families was not so

unusual in the vilas operárias. Pedro Philomeno Gomes used to grant laborers’ children

access to the swimming pool in his elegant villa located next to the vila operária of the

Fábrica São José in Fortaleza. Opening these spaces that materialized the presence and

the power of the mill owner to laborers were often read as gestures of kindness and

concern for the latter’s well-being and certainly contributed to reinforce paternalistic

bonds.

The architecture of these settlements has been thoroughly examined by Correia in

a series of published papers191, and her work has prompted an academic interest in this

topic in Brazil. In the past years, a number of studies have analyzed aspects related to the

architectural features of vilas operárias, namely Campagnol (2008), Balleiras (2003),

Freitas (2005) and Almeida (2007).

The architecture of company towns in the Northeast presented a typically industrial

aesthetic, grounded in notions of economy, efficiency, utility and functionality. It was

marked its simplicity and it was for the most part deprived of ornaments, restricted to its

essential constructive elements. Unlike the average housing for the underprivileged in the

region, they were generally built with industrially produced materials, particularly bricks

(Correia 2011: 13)

190
Correia (2008: 91-92) provides a thorough analysis of the architecture of this dwelling.

191
See Bibliography for a complete list of references.
 213

It was common for the “door-and-window” houses to present reliefs around doors

and windows that were accentuated by the painting; this effect was sometimes also

applied to plaster strips on the façades, like in the Vila Yolanda. The most important

ornamental difference within typology appeared in vilas operárias built in urban contexts.

Due to the implementation of the Códigos de Posturas, the use of the platband – a

horizontal strip which frames the top of a building and serves to hide the roof – was

introduced. This element is found is found in the vila operária founded by the Companhia

de Fiaçõa e Tecidos de Pernambuco in the Torre and the in the Vila Diogo in Fortaleza; in

the latter, the houses facing the street present platband, while the ones towards the

internal alleyways do not.

Some vilas operárias built in the 1930s and 1940s also carry elements associated

to the Art Déco architectural language. The school building built by the Companhia de

Tecidos Paraibana is one example. The building consists of a regular single block of pure

geometry, on which rises another simple volume with a clock tower; the Art Déco

influence is incorporated in the relief ornaments following a zigzag pattern. In Ceará, the

facades of the houses built by São José mill in Fortaleza adopt simple decorative details

of geometric shapes; in Natal, the facades of the houses of the Jovino Barreto mill have

geometric ornamental designs, inspired by the Art Déco language, set to emphasize the

scaling resulting from the strong sloping of the terrain. In Pernambuco, the Art Deco

vocabulary emerges on the premises of Fábrica Peixe in Pesqueira with its succession of

staggered pediment, in some houses in the vila operária in of the Companhia de Tecidos

Paulista, and in the club of the Cotonificio Othon Bezerra de Mello, marked by the scaling

the façade and other ornamental features. In the Northeast, the most noteworthy use of

the Art Déco esthetics is found in the vila operária of the Companhia Indutrial de Fiação e

Tecidos Goyanna. The Art Déco influence appears simplified and expressed solidarity

with the industrial utilitarianism and the pursuit of an effect of ensemble. These themes
 214

are expressed in geometrical forms, the use of cylindrical columns, decorative geometric

details of the facades (friezes and marquees), of staggered vertical forms (gables and

parapets in the details), walls with curved surfaces and openings (Correia 2008).

Architectural styles and differentiated materials were often used in the company

towns to mark and highlight the company’s power and thus and contributed to the

promotion of the social order and hierarchy. In Rio Tinto, collective buildings were singled

out by the use of red bricks and the application of ornamental brickwork details on the

façades. In the vila operária of the Companhia de Fiação e Tecidos Goyanna, the mill

owner’s house incorporated and synthesized two different decorative elements used

throughout the town: the cylindrical columns, employed in some buildings, such as the ice

cream parlor and the chalet houses, to denote prestige, and the vertical stripes in relief

used on industrial buildings and workers’ dwellings. It was the only building that presented

this combination which symbolically materialized the industrialist predominance over the

town.

The urban layouts of the vilas operárias were also characterized by their simplicity.

The same notions of economy and rationality that dominated the industrial facilities were

applied to their plans. Even though they presented a great variation, some features were

common to the plans of the vilas operárias, which were guided by a concern of promoting

social control and hygiene. Like the modern habitat, the mill plan also sought to specialize

and hierarchize spaces, establishing appropriate spaces for different activities, separating

work and living areas. The factory was the center of the plan, with its imposing chimneys;

it ruled the space and the life of its residents. They generally presented large non-

constructed areas, like squares or wide streets, which favored the circulation of air and the

exposure to sunlight. Health concerns also motivated implementation of basic sanitarian

 215

services, with simple water and sewage systems.192 The concern with economy was often

translated into standardized plans, deprived of any element deemed superfluous, which

often led to monotony and uniformity, only broken by the singularity of the houses built for

higher-ranking employees and the houses of the mill owners themselves. As we indicated

above, this strategy not only followed an economic rationale, but also aimed at reinforcing

company hierarchy and power.

In the Northeast, we have not identified any example of what Crawford (1995)

labeled the “new company town”, that is, settlements that were the fruit of professional

design task, undertaken by architects, landscape architects and city planners.193 The

tendency was that mill

owners themselves conceived the plans of their towns, sometimes following complete and

conceptually justified urban projects, other times responding to the moment’s needs.194

Even the company town of the Companhia Industrial de Fiação e Tecidos Goyanna, which

presented an interesting application of Art Déco elements, was designed by the mill

owner.

Nevertheless, concerns with esthetics, hygiene, and salubrity were not completely

absent. The Companhia Industrial Pernambucana wrote in its Report in 1908:

192
Until the 1930s and 1940s, most company towns in the Northeast did not furnish workers’
dwellings with running water or toilet facilities.

193
At a national level, however, architects and urban planners had already become involved in
company town planning since the second half of the 1930s. A national architectural contest was
held for the Monlevade company town in 1934 promoted by the Companhia Siderúrgica Belgo-
Mineira. Another example was the town designed by the architect Aberlado Caibuí, inspired by the
garden-city movement, in Paraná for the Fábrica de Papel e Celulose Klabin in 1943. For more on
the Monlevade constest, see: Lima, Fábio José Martins de. Cidade Operária de Monlevade: Novos
Conceitos de Morar. Available at: http: //www.docomomo.org.br. Access on 23 March 2013.

194
One exception were two groups of houses built in the vila operária of the Fábrica da Torre in
1948 whose design was overseen by the engineer David Litover. (Diário Oficial do Estado de
Pernambuco. Recife, 28 April 1949, p. 1780).
 216

A Villa Operaria de Camaragibe foi edificada n’um planalto a 25m acima do nível
do mar a pequena distancia da fábrica e 13m acima da explanada d’esta.
O local elevado, em optimas condições hygienicas bem ventilado e favorecendo
o escoamento rapido das aguas torna a villa secca e saudável, discortinando ao
mesmo tempo um bello panorama.
A arborização geral e regular e a proximidade das mattas, que cobrem o resto da
propriedade amenizam os rigores do sol, concorrendo muito para
embelezamento e salubridade da mesma.
Boas estradas e ladeiras suaves offerecerem fácil communição com a fábrica e as
localidades vizinhas.
A construção da villa operaria obedeceu a um alinhamento regular, fugindo
apenas a esta disposição um grupo de casas de taipa edificadas no inicio dos
trabalhos da Companhia, com caracter provisorio e, devendo desaparecer dentro
em breve.
(Companhia Industrial Pernambucana 1908: 23; emphasis added)

Concerns with hygiene were at the very core of the signification of the vila operária

– a housing model promoted to oppose the unsanitary substandard dwellings occupied by

the underprivileged in Brazil. However, this goal seems to have been at times more

present in the rhetoric than in the reality of company-built housing in the Northeast.

In its first report, dating from 1892, the company declared that it was building

“habitações comodas, higienicas e confortaveis” for its employees; these houses were

isolated in the lot and offered all the advantages that the cluttered cortiços could not offer.

The latter, the company stated, were “verdadeiros sepulcros de gente”.195 However, the

Report in 1908 indicates that the construction of mocambos was authorized by the

Company:

A Companhia permitte aos seus operarios edificar casas de taipa em terernos de

sua propriedade mediante uma licença previamente requerida. Não cobra taxa
alguma sobre os terrenos ocupado, estabelecendo porem, que essas casas
destinadas exclusivamente a moradia das familias de quem as possue, e em caso
de retirada d’esses serão vendidas aos seus companheiros de trabalho.
Existem 129 casas construidas sob essas condições sendo 53 cobertas de telha, 4
cobertas de zinco e 72 cobertas de palha.
(Companhia Industrial Pernambucana 1908: 23; emphasis added)

195
Companhia Industrial Pernambucana. 1º Relatório, 1892, p. 11. Fundação Joaquim Nabuco:
Carlos Alberto de Menezes Collection, Series Produção intelectual, Folder 10.
 217

The company’s main concern does not seem to be the substandard housing, but to

maintain the occupation of the company town reserved to its workers.

The coexistence of “hygienic” houses and the mocambo was, in fact, tolerated in

most company towns. Lopes (1988) pointed out how the Companhia de Tecidos Paulista

for twenty years the company had allowed workers to build small shacks for themselves

before launching a movement to progressively eradicate them in the 1920s – movement

that was intensified from the 1930s onwards. The description of Paulista provided by

Elliot’s (1921: 232) indicates that the company not only tolerated, but also tried to obtain

profit from the mocambos, although they were built by the workers:

The majority of the workmen’s dwelllings are built and owned by the company, and
are rented out cheaply, while in some cases modest cottages of sun-dried brick,
thatched with palm or covered with a zinc or tile roof, have been erected by the
workmen themselves, their only obligation to the company being the payment of
ground rent of two to four mil-reis a month, the palm-thatched house paying the
lowest and the zinc-roofed paying the highest.

The “agglomeration of bodies” – argument so often use to condemn cortiços and

mocambos for resulting in promiscuity – did not become an issue when the company’s

interests were at stake. In 1944, at the peak of industrial production prompted by World

War II, the Cotonificio Othon Bezerra de Mello established that due to housing shortage,

workers living in houses with more than one bedroom had to allow the cohabitation of

another laborer or leave the house. Those who did not agree to the measure were

denounced to the Departamento de Ordem Política e Social196 as subversives (Ricardo

2011: 96).

The sanitarian rationale seems to have often been put in second place in order to

make adjustments to economic profit, even though industrialists constantly proclaimed

196
The Department of Political and Social Order (DOPS), created in 1924, was the Brazilian
government agency, used mainly during the Estado Novo and later the military regime in 1964,
which aimed to control and repress political and social movements opposed to the regime in power.
 218

their engagement with the reform of the underprivileged classes via the promotion of the

hygienic vila operária.

As Stein (1957: 100) highlighted, these company towns of the “golden age”

developed “along the pattern established by the early cotton manufacture” and

paternalism underpinned labor-management relations. In the Northeast, three general

trends regarding company town paternalism emerged in the early twentieth century, which

we look into below.

The first trend, which we defined as “Catholic corporatism paternalism”, was

introduced and implemented in Camaragibe by the Companhia Industrial Pernambucana

(CIPER). It greatest advocated was the factory’s manager (and minor shareholder) Carlos

Alberto de Menezes, an engineer from Rio de Janeiro who had graduate from the Escola

Politécnica Fluminense in 1878.197 As other Brazilian industrialists during his time,

Menezes was deeply concerned about the “social issue”. He considered, in general, that

at the root of the state of agitation and revolt of the working classes laid the errors of both

industrialists and workers who had moved away from Christian principles and teachings.

The former driven by greed and forgetting the

são e puros princípios de justiça e caridade, que devem inspirar aqueles que têm a
missão de dirigir homens, seus irmãos, no conseguimento de um trabalho coletivo
qualquer; o princípio de exploração injusta e iníqua do trabalho do homem, como

197
Gilberto Freyre pointed out in that Menezes, however, was not “quixotically” alone in his
enterprise: “he worked in collaboration with Antonio Muniz Machado, Pierre Collier, and with the
future federal deputy Luis Correia de Brito (Freyre 1986: 326; first edition in Portuguese in 1957).
 219

se tratasse de uma simples máquina; a ganância que levou os industriais a

procurarem para si grandes lucros (Menezes apud Collier 1996: 70-71)

In their turn, in the state of oppression, workers fell into the trap of the

abandono do terreno calmo, de justa e santa reinvindicação dos seus direitos

conculcados, para se atirar nos braços do socialismo, com todo o seu cortejo de
princípios falsos e práticas violentas: a negação do direito de propriedade, o
nivelamento social, o esquecimento do princípio de autoridade, os assassinatos,
as revoluções, as greves barulhentas para reclamar o justo e o injusto (Menezes
apud Collier 1996: 72).

And the consequences of departure from the principles of religion would be

detrimental to both:

Sem Deus, por conseguinte, os patrões opprimiram, exploraram, sugaram o

sangue do operario enquanto poderam; sem Deus, os operarios, desde que
poderam levantar a cabeça, se revoltaram violentamente, reclamaram o justo e o
injusto, pretendem tudo nivelar, para morrerem todos junctos sobre os
escombros da revolução (Menezes apud Correia 1998: 31; emphasis added)

To Carlos Alberto de Menezes in Brazil, however, the state of affairs was not yet

as severe as in Europe, due to a series of reasons. First, in Europe the excessive number

of workers had rendered work mere merchandise, subject to the rules of the market and

the law of supply and demand, and therefore depreciated to an extreme. In Brazil, on the

other hand, due to the insufficient number of workers the emerging industry had to

compete for working hands, preventing such devaluation of workers. Second, the great

number of industrial establishments in Europe had sparked a severe competition for

markets, which regarded initially the quality of products and ultimately their price. Since it

was not always possible to lower prices through the improvement of production

processes, the solution was to exploit the workers by reducing wages to revolting lows,

demanding a very high-quality output, an immoral number of working hours, and the work

shift on Sundays. In Brazil, industrial production was still quantitatively below the demands
 220

of the consumer market and thus prevented competition between industrialists. Moreover,

he considered that the ignorance and the simple habits of the Brazilian people kept them

in a state of “primitive purity”. “Operario brasileiro não foi ainda trabalhado, pervertido,

como o europeu.” (Menezes apud Correia 1998: 32)

Nonetheless, those were merely contingent and accidental causes and therefore

their influential benefits would rapidly be diluted with the aggravation of the antagonisms

that generated the “social issue”. If the Brazilian industrial development had not yet

yielded an wide-ranging and deep social issue as in Europe, the “deprorável situação

moral e material do nosso proletariado” would heat up the situation. “(…) si a situação não

existe, existirá dentro em pouco tempo; o terrivel vírus nos é trazido por muito vehiculos.

O nosso dever é prevenil-a, é applicar ao nosso organismo social, ainda isempto, a

vaccina que o torne immune” (Menezes apud Collier 1996: 74; Menezes apud Correia

1998: 32).

Although two major solutions had been offered to the “social issue” – the socialist

path and the Christian path –, Menezes believed only in the second one. Socialism to him

was founded on the subversion of the eternal principles, denying both God and the divine

laws, and hence was “solemnly and formaly” condemned by the Church. The latter, by

contrast, provided the real solution, the “only capable of producing real good and the

effective happiness of laborers”, which was embodied in the Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII

Rerum Novarum (1891).

Leo XIII criticized both capitalism for its tendency toward greed, concentration of

wealth, and mistreatment of workers, as well as socialism, for what he understood as a

rejection of private property and an under-emphasis on the dignity of each individual

person. He was particularly concerned about harmony in society; class should not be

hostile to class, the wealthy and the workingmen were not intended to by nature to live in

mutual conflict. Instead, harmony and agreement could be reached through Christian
 221

moral and the observation of their respective duties by both classes. For the worker,

obligations included:

Fully and faithfully to perform the work which has been freely and equitably agreed
upon; never to injure the property or to outrage the person, of an employer; never
to resort to violence in defending their own cause, not to engage in riot or disorder;
and to have nothing to do with men of evil principles (…) (Rerum Novarum §20)

And as for those who dealt with the working poor, they had the obligation of caring for

their material and moral well-being. Guided by the Rerum Novarum, Carlos Alberto de

Menezes proposed employers should abide by the following program:

1º Proteção legal à propriedade legítima;

2º Garantia de vida moral ao operário, não o absorvendo completamente na
materialidade do trabalho;
3º Equidade no número de horas de trabalho, atendendo aos sexos, idades e às
Estações do ano;
4º Regularização do trabalho das mulheres e das crianças;
5º Repouso diário e repouso dominical;
6º Fixação do salário, obedecendo aos princípios da justiça, da equidade e das
necessidades da vida;
7º O direito garantido ao operário de prever e acautelar o futuro;
8º Estabelecimento de todos os meios e obras capazes de melhorar a situação
material, própria e da família, acudir nas doenças e invalidez, prevenir o futuro dos
operários, proporciona-lhes a instrução que lhes eleve o espírito e a alma;
garantir-lhes o bem estar e as Distrações lícitas.
(Menezes apud Collier 1996: 92-93)

It was thus in this spirit that the CIPER was founded in 1891 with the guiding

principles of the Rerum Novarum incorporated into the company’s goals laid out in its

Statutes:

VIII. (...) Em compensação do trabalho activo, esforçado e intelligente que de

todos exigirá e para chegar a formar um pessoal escolhido e superior, fará a todas
as maiores vantagens, desde a installação em habitações commodas e
confortáveis, segundo os typos mais aperfeiçoados conhecidos, até o
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estabelecimento de escolas, hospitaes, instituições economicas, beneficentes, de

auxilio mutuo, divertimentos, etc.198

In Camaragibe this company aim would be translated into a structure built on the

pillars of Christian corporatism. A decisive influence in this project was the experience of

spinning mill of Val-des-Bois, located near Reims in France, managed by the Catholic

entrepreneur Léon Harmel. Trimouille (1974) argued that Harmel’s desire to save workers

though Christianization and moralization was not a very original paternalist perspective;

rather, what rendered Val-des-Bois a “unique social laboratory” was the method proposed

to achieve this goal: the establishment of Christian “corporations” – religious and

economic societies formed freely by employers and workers.

During a trip to Europe in 1892, Carlos Alberto de Menezes met with Léon Harmel,

of whom he had heard and who enjoyed great prestige with the Pope Leo XIII. The

Brazilian entrepreneur visited Harmel’s factory and discussed his plans for the CIPER,

with “still undecided and blurry desires”; Harmel encouraged him and showed him

solutions (Menezes apud Collier 1996: 124). Impressed with what he had witnessed in

France, Carlos Alberto de Menezes decided to adapt that labor management model to his

enterprise. Harmel put him in touch with priest Léon Dehon, founder of the Congregation

of the Priests of the Sacred Heart, which was in charge of the religious assistance in Val-

des-Bois, to also overview religious services provided to the workers of Camaragibe.

Moreover, he also sought to engage the sisters of this Congregation to be charge of

health and education services.

The friendship between Menezes and Harmel continued throughout the years, as

some of the surviving letters exchanged between them attest. On 4 November 1891,

Harmel wrote : “Pour moi, très excellent ami, je remercie Dieu de m’avoir procuré votre

amitié. Si nous arrivons à implanter le règne de Jésus Christ dans une usine ai Brésil ce

198
A Província. Recife, January 30, 1981, N. 24, p. 8.
 223

sera la plus grande joie de notre vie. Et c’est vous que l’aurez donné” (Collier 1996: 96);

later on 28 February 1896: “Nous considerons votre fondation comme la fille bien-aimée

du Val-de-Bois. Une fille qui dépassera sa mère quand les années auront accumulées les

actes de dévouement” (Collier 1996: 98). After Menezes passed away in 1904, Harmel’s

interest in Camaragibe motivated him to correspond with Pierre Collier, the former’s son-

in-law and successor.

The economic and moral organization of the CIPER was thus – in the words of

Carlos Alberto de Menezes – grounded on Christian sentiments. “as primeiras

associações estabelecidas foram as religiosas, desde 1893. Logo depois de concluído e

formado o primeiro grupo de homens formado no espírito cristão, nos animamos a nos

lançar em outros empreendimentos” (Menezes apud Collier 1996: 142-143). The

association he referred to was the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul, which he had joined

in 1886.

Encouraging joint participation of employers and workers as Vincentian confreres

probably contributed to strengthening the social role that according to Menezes was

reserved for the employers: the paternal protection of their workers in order to promote

their moral education and the social progress. In this regards, Menezes declared at the

Catholic Congress of Bahia: “a tal respeito não se iludam os industriais católicos: nós

temos cargo de almas; nós temos que responder perante Deus por essas almas, como

temos de responder pela alma de nossos filhos. (...) O patronato é uma segunda

paternidade” (Menezes apud Collier 1996: 111).

Harmel advised Pierre Collier that, in this role as the “head of the proletarian

family”, the main occupation of the employer should be to form their workers by means of

study groups and the management of associations in order to render them more capable

of conducting their own affairs (Collier 1996: 106). It was thus on education and the

principle of association that the labor-management relations were founded. Workers

 224

congregated in associations, which were incorporated into a Corporation; then the

Corporations into Unions and Federations.

In Camaragibe, the Corporação Operária, founded on 1 July 1900, was the

structuring element of the company town. This institution stemmed from the associations

that had been founded throughout the years. In January 1895, the Sociedade Cooperativa

de Consumo, and the Associations Associação das Filhas de Maria and Associação dos

Santos Anjos, of economic and religious scope, respectively, were established. Then,

during that same year, the girl’s school, the Musical Club and the Apostolado da Oração

were also founded. In 1896, religious associations geared towards youngsters and boys,

the associations of São Miguel and São Luiz Gonzaga; in 1897, the associations Santana

and Santa Filomena for mothers and girls; finally, in 1899 in 1899, the workers’ Drama

association (Clube Dramático dos Operários de Camaragibe) was created. Noteworthy,

with the exception of the Apostolado da Oração, all the other religious associations

avoided mixing of the sexes and age groups (Aguiar and Lima 2012: 168).

The Corporation took over the execution and the costs of the firm’s social program,

which heretofore had been under the responsibility of the CIPRE, comprising the chaplain,

the chapel, the religious service, the teachers of the schools, the tenements, the medical

services, medication, and as soon as possible, aid in case of prolonged illness and

accidents. To tend to all these obligations, the Corporation was organized into a central

part and two branches: the Sociedade Cooperativa and the Sociedade de Mútuo Socorro.

The central part was in charge of the religious services, the schools, police, cleanliness

and salubrity of the vila operária and leisure (music club, drama club, celebrations). The

Cooperativa maintained a grocery store, a shop, a butcher shop and a bakery. The scope

of the Sociedade de Mútuo Socorro was providing health care, pay allowance in case of

serious and prolonged illnesses and carrying burial expenses (Companhia Industrial

Pernambucana 1908: 29-34).

 225

In order to carry out its programs, the Corporation received a yearly subvention of

15:000$000 from the CIPER, contributions from the workers (the equivalent of half day of

work per month and a part of their cooperative bonus) and part of the profits of the

Cooperativa. The corporation was run by a president, the factory manager; a vice-

president, the manager’s assistant engineer; and a council composed by twenty

members, out of which ten were indicated by the president and the remaining ten elected

by the laborers (Companhia Industrial Pernambucana 1908: 29-34; Collier 1996: 138-

139). Even though it was set up as a mean to promote workers’ autonomy, the company’s

preponderant presence in the direction of the Corporation was evident. However, workers’

were also represented at the direction of the factory through the Conselho Profissional

Consultivo, charged with indicating and requesting any measure deemed necessary to

their well-being.

Organization of labor in the Camaragibe factory drank from the fountain of the

Rerum Novarum. To avoid the mixing of the sexes in workshops and factories that could

jeopardize morality and present harmful occasions of evil (§36), in Camaragibe labor

division prevented “confusão e aglomeração de pessoas de sexo e idades diferentes”

(Companhia Industrial Pernambucana 1908: 36). To ensure the material well-being of the

proletariat (§5, §6), higher-paying positions were preferably given out to fathers of large

households and widows, who had to work to provide for their families. To respect the

authority of the father and his natural role as family provider (§13), the company

established the payment of the family wage system, which pooled the wages of all family

members and handed it over to the father. To take great care that children are not

engaged in industrial work before an adequate development of their bodies and minds

(§42), the workingmen’s children only had the right to join the factory after completing their

primary education. And finally, to ensure the necessary rest which disposes men to turn
 226

his thoughts to God (§41), the factory worked in shifts of ten hours during the weekdays,

eight hours on Saturday and there was no shift on Sunday.

To reach the full extent of his mission, Carlos Alberto de Menezes also considered

that it was important to disseminate the program developed in Camaragibe and to seek to

reproduce its benefits. An important step in this direction was the Catholic Congress of

Pernambuco that convened in Recife during 22-29 June 1902, with a session dedicated to

the “social issue” and its solutions.199 The success of the Congress can perhaps be

measured by the fact the tramway company had to ensure supplementary service during

the days of the event in order to cater to all the attendees.200 The main outcome of the

Congress was the establishment of the Federação do Trabalho Cristão (Christian

Federation of Workers) whose scope was to coordinate the associative organizations.

Gilberto Freyre highlighted the role of the Federação Operária Cristã in the passing of the

Decree-Law n. 1637 of 5 January 1907, which enabled professional unions (sindicatos

profissionais) and cooperatives (sociedades cooperativas). First, the Federation,

representing seven affiliated organizations, together with other fifteen labor organizations,

presented a petition to the Chamber of Deputies in 1904; in the following year, Bahian

deputy Joaquim Inácio Tosta, connected with the Social labor movement since 1900,

reintroduced the ideas of the petition in a bill which eventually became the aforementioned

law (Freyre 1986: 326).

The “Camaragibe model” aspired to hegemony among industrialists. Nevertheless,

despite the intensive informative and formative work carried out by Carlos Alberto de

199
The second session of the Congress, entitled “Social Works”, proposed the following
conferences: 1) Social issue. The socialist solution and the Christian solution; 2) Christian labor
organization in large-scale industry or isolated factories; 3) Christian labor organization in small
industries or cities; 4) Christian labor organization in agriculture or among rural workers;5) The
Federação Operária Cristão or great general diocesan center. Its organization and foundation. (A
Provincia. Recife, N. 114, May 22, 1902, p. 1).

200
A Provincia. Recife, N. 141, June 24, 1902, p. 3.
 227

Menezes and his partners, the Camaragibe “Catholic corporatism paternalism” did not

gain ground in the Northeast. Associations, clubs and – later – trade unions were

established in different company towns, and the social catholic framework also inspired

industrialists (for example, Gustavo Paiva, director of the Companhia de Tecidos e Fiação

Alagoana), but the level of engagement with the catholic corporatism found in Camaragibe

was not replicated elsewhere; one exception was the CIPER’s Usina Goiana sugar mill,

where the cooperative was started in 3 Setember 1903.

Interestingly, it was the Companhia de Tecidos Paulista (CTP) that initially flirted

most with Menezes’ teachings, although later it would forge a labor management system

based on the authoritarian control of workers, as we discuss below. The CTP set up a

cooperative on 1 May 1902, through the initiative of the factory’s manager Custódio José

da Silva Pessoa, a disciple of Menezes. The former “prided himself on having risen from

the ranks of the textile workers and being therefore well acquainted with the needs and

aspirations of his former working companions (Freyre 1986: 237). In the beginning of the

twentieth century, a number of associations or “societies” could be found in Paulista,

inspired by the “Camaragibe model”. Among them, the Associação dos Filhos de São

José held an important place, “dealing with everything related to life of its members”. In its

“carefully painted building” it housed most of the services it maintained:

a bem montada pharmacia que fornece gratuitamente os remedies aos socios e as

suas familias; o consultorio medico com salas de espera de consultas, de exams e
operações; a biblioteca perfeitamente instalada e contendo além de bons números
de livros uma vitrina com uma interessante colleção de fibras têxteis; a escola do
sexo feminino, abrindo por duas portas de arco, numa outra sala reservada a aula
de costura. (...) Em outra parte da villa operaria tem sua sede a banda musical, e
ao lado da esplanada que se extende em frente da fabrica está collocada a capela
que é axtremamente linda e bem decorada.201

201
A União Operária. Recife, N. 4, April 10, 1906, p. 1-2.
 228

The Association also maintained a school for boys, and as the Corporation at the

CIPER, it gave awards to the students that distinguished themselves. Furthermore, the

Filhos de São José de Association was actively involved with the activities of the

Federação Operária Cristã.

It is not clear until when the Association was active. It had been founded in 1902,

before the Lundgren family took control of the CTP, but it still counted with the company’s

financial support after they became major shareholders. We located references to the

functioning of the Association up to the year 1911, when its president James Anderson

passed away. Lopes (1988: 622-623) affirmed that some of the Associations Paulista lived

into the 1930s, but throughout the years the reproduction of a model aiming at a

“bourgeois utopia” crumbled while the concern with the “invention” of a “system of

domination” over the large masses of workers recruited.

Behind the discourse of liberation and autonomy of the working classes and of

social harmony in the “Catholic corporatism paternalism” laid the employer’s desire to

determine the paths of the formation of the proletariat, preventing its self-construction as a

class. It did so by regulating workers’ lives inside and outside the factory; rejecting and

weakening social contestation; imposing a model of family and religious practices; and

using the medical-sanitarian discourse to regulate living spaces and habits.

The project of Carlos Alberto de Menezes and his supporters – part of the

“moralization enterprise” identified in Chapter 1 – perceived workers as wild, ignorant and

uncivilized. Menezes asserted that the “rebaixamento geral dos espíritos e dos costumes

do nosso proletariado” resulted largely from years of prevalence of the slave regime in

Brazil:

A ausência absoluta do sentimento do respeito de si e da sua dignidade de

homem; a aniquilação da ideia de família, que o escravo não podia formar; o
consequente desapego dos filhos que, como entre os animais, só lhes pertenciam
enquanto não podiam dispensar os cuidados maternos (...); a maior animalidade
 229

estabelecida em suas relações sexuais; a mulher considerando sua virgindade em

pequeno valor, a negociar com o primeiro pretende, se os olhos do senhor não a
tinham marcado com o estigma de sua preferência; a ignorância arvorada em
condição de existência; a ausência de sentimento religioso que não fosse uma
grosseira e supersticiosa devoção; nenhuma ideia de conforto, nenhuma
aspiração moral (Menezes apud Collier 1996: 75-76)

Hence, for Menezes from the institution of slavery, Brazilian workers had inherited

their intellectual and physical flaws – indiscipline, absence of paternal authority,

promiscuity, poor health and body strength. And based of these assumptions, the CIPER

sought to impose a new model of behavior and living on a workforce in an attempt to

“domesticate” it and shape hard-working, docile, submissive and economically productive

laborers. This perspective found wide support among the local elites; Freyre (1986: 327)

echoed the words of geographer and historian Tadeu Rocha in an article published in

1957 affirming that the Usina Goiana had to overcome a series of obstacles to set up its

cooperative and that it was not easy to “bring about this integration of employees, working

as he was with a very ignorant rural proletariat barely emerged from slavery and still

imbued with all the vices of that institution.” Workers’ resistance to the imposition of labor

management strategies that dismissed their traditions, system of values and habits,

symbolic representations, etc. is presented in the paternalist discourse as inferiority,

highlighting the prescriptive and discriminatory nature of the “Catholic corporatism

paternalism”.

The second trend we refer to as “Authoritarian paternalism” is represented by the

labor management strategies implemented in the company towns of Paulista, Rio Tinto

and Pedra, which constitute perhaps the company-induced settlements more strongly

engraved in the regional collective memory.

Paulista and Rio Tinto were cotton spinning and weaving mills controlled by a

family of entrepreneurs of Swedish origin, the Lundgrens. As aforementioned, the former

factory had been founded in 1891 in the state of Pernambuco, but it was when it came
 230

under the control of the Lundgrens in 1904 that it began to flourish; the latter was pre-

planned company town founded ex nihilo in Paraíba in 1917 and inaugurated 1924. They

stood out due to their dimensions: set within areas of approximately 240 km2 and 600 km2

and achieving a number of approximately 6,000 and 2,600 company houses, respectively.

Despite not equaling the size of the aforementioned industrial settlements, the town of

Pedra, home to the Agro Fabril Mercantil, a cotton thread factory, was also a noteworthy

experience that attracted much attention in Brazil. Pedra was built in 1913 in the dry

hinterlands of Alagoas by the entrepreneur Delmiro Gouveia.

The “Authoritarian paternalism” emerged in Paulista, Pedra and Rio Tinto in

different moments. In the Lundgren company towns, as we indicated before, its framework

of action was defined during the period 1930-1940; the social project in Pedra, on the

other hand, was a short-lived experience that disappeared together with its founder,

murdered in 1917 in the midst of a political dispute. Nevertheless, despite these

chronological differences, they adopted similar approaches to the management of its

workforce, as we discuss below.

Rule in these company towns were built upon the foundations of systems of

authority forged within the broader framework of mandonismo (“bossism”) – a form of

traditional politics built upon oligarchic and personalized power structures (Carvalho 1999:

133). In the Northeast, mandonismo has generally identified with the socio-political

phenomenon of the coronelismo, which gained ground during the First Republic and

persisted for decades. A body of literature has acknowledged this phenomenon as the

result of a compromise between local political bosses – the colonels202 – and the

202
The term “Colonel” was often employed in Brazil to refer to important people. Its use came from
the colonial order when wealthy “homens bons” required military honors backed by the justification
of having carried out "war services". The high military patents they were granted did not furnish
them with wages or training, but they legitimized their power and ensured them privileges. Later,
the creation of the Brazilian National Guard contributed to extend the use of the word to denote the
powerful chiefs of rural areas. This paramilitary force recruited members among the most
 231

government (state and federal): the colonel maintained his base of domination in small

towns with “expressions of private power” and, in an exchange of mutual benefits,

provided the government with electoral support.203 Though its roots could be found in the

past colonial practices, the coronelismo stemmed from the superposition of developed

forms of representative government to an inadequate social and economic structure; it

was an adaptation of the overreaching Brazilian private instances of power to the new

federative republican regime (Leal 2012: 43). Roniger (1987: 74) summed up the

dynamics it assumed:

As the government adopted liberal institutions during the “Old Republic” (1889-
1930) and developed parliamentary politics on the basis of a narrow but expanding
franchise, political clientelistic networks emerged around the so-called coroneis
(“colonels”). The latter bargained with political forces at the regional and state-
capital levels, handing over the votes they controlled in exchange for access to
office-holders and concomitant benefits like jobs, health and credit facilities, and
exemption from regulations. The coroneis thus could offer various services and
commodities for fostering positions of social and political authority as well as
diffuse relationships with followers at municipal and regional levels. Within their
sphere of influence, coroneis could obtain jobs, lend money, secure lawyers and
influence judges, "persuade" witnesses, prevent the police from confiscating their
clients' weapons, legalize land rights, grant fiscal exemptions, settle interpersonal
disputes, act as godfathers, and give recommendations.

Even though it is primarily regarded as localized patron-client relations were

established between landowners and their rural workers and tenants, as Domingos (2000:

prestigious and wealthiest local patriarchs, who then formed their own corps. Hierarchy followed
the socioeconomic structure with the Colonels were at the top. After the extinction of the National
Guard in 1922, the title was still used by the population to set apart those who had great political
and economic power.

203
A thorough examination of the phenomenon of coronelismo is beyond the scope of this
research, as our interested in limited to the light it can shed to better understand paternalistic
relations in the company towns of the Northeast. For more on coronelismo, see Victor Nunes Leal’s
classic Coronelismo, enxada e voto: o município e o regime representativo no Brasil, first published
in 1957; Queiroz, M. I. P. de. O mandonismo local na vida política brasileira. São Paulo: Instituto
de Estudos Brasileiros/ USP, 1969; Janotti, M. O Coronelismo, uma política de compromissos. 2ª
ed. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1981; Saes, D. Coronelismo e Estado burguês: elementos para uma
reinterpretação. In: Estado e Democracia: ensaios teóricos. Campinas: UNICAMP, Instituto de
Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 1998.
 232

4) indicated the term coronelismo has been widely applied to forms of reproduction of

power involving diverse administrative spheres, geo-economics areas and social relations

– from powerful landowners to professors, merchants, industrialists, and so on; men

designated as colonels presented an extraordinary variety of social backgrounds,

economic interests, wealth, educational background, and political influences:

Havia coronéis senhores de grandes e pequenas glebas, empresários modernos,

comerciantes e banqueiros; analfabetos, doutores e intelectuais refinados; com
grandes parentelas, de famílias ancestrais e aventureiros récem-chegados. Havia
coronéis cuja autoridade derivava da força armada, da ascendência moral, da
capacidade de prestar serviços, do uso de recursos e instrumentos públicos ou de
tudo isto combinado em diferentes proporções. Coronéis mandavam em parte do
município, no município inteiro, em conjuntos de municípios e mesmo em todo o
estado (...) (Domingos 2000: 4).

In a word, the “colonel” was someone who, for different reasons, was considered to

deserve a respectful treatment.

Thus, not surprisingly, Frederico and Arthur Lundgren, as well as Delmiro Gouveia,

bore the title of “coronel”. If at the time, it was a sign of prestige and respect, later when

Levine (1978: 11) described the Lundgren brothers as “urban coronéis” it was not in the

same spirit. What the scholar wanted to highlight was the authoritarian and the clientelistic

nature of relations in their company town, which we look into further below.

We here do not apply the concept of coronelismo to describe the industrial

management relations under study; as Carvalho (1999) alerted, coronelismo was a

historically dated phenomenon and the over-application of the concept has weaken its

heuristic value. Nevertheless, parallels can be traced between these phenomena situated

within the spectrum of mandonismo, and coronelismo can be a relevant analytical

instrument to elucidate aspects of the “authoritarian paternalism”.

We derive many of our notions of the convergences between the coronelismo and

the Authoritarian paternalism from Dantas (1987). Challenging the idea that the main
 233

source of power of the colonel always laid in the control over a great number of voters,

Dantas (1987) considered the phenomenon to be set on a threefold base: the relations of

personal domination exerted by the landlords over peasants; the discourses and symbols

that reaffirm those bonds of loyalty and submission; and the colonels’ role as middle men

between State politics and the rural electorate.

The personal domination of those industrialists over the employees in their

company towns was the first element that configured the “authoritarian paternalism”.

Despite using similar strategies, the aim of this rule was not exactly the same in Pedra

and Paulista and Rio Tinto. In the Lundgren’s factories, concern was mainly directed

towards fostering industrial discipline in workers and to quieting down social and political

contestation in view of the large workforce they had to manage. In Pedra, while the

discipline factor was, of course, still central, it was backed up by a broader agenda of

social reforms.

The isolation of the company towns was an initial key strategy to ensure this

domination; as Crawford (1995: 30) remarked, isolation often encouraged near-feudal

control over those spaces. In Pedra it was imposed by its location far from the coastal

urban centers, while in Paulista and Rio Tinto the vast land surrounding the factories

belonging to the Lundgrens served to isolate the towns. Furthermore, to reinforce their

“closed town” nature, the central areas of the towns were enclosed by fences with a

checkpoint at the entrance, enabling careful monitoring and screening of those who were

granted access. Setting foot and staying in the company towns naturally depended on the

approval of the colonels. A well-known episode that took place in Rio Tinto involving

Frederico Lundgren and one of his employees is indicative of such control. In 1931,

Frederico became aware that a certain Mr. Sales was spreading around “talks” of

founding a trade union; the worker was immediately summoned to the boss’ office and

addressed in the following terms: “Mr. Sales, I am the union! I am the captain of my
 234

workers! I know the needs of the workers! I created all this, Mr. Sales!” He was then fired,

received some money for his travel expenses and also a warning: “As long as Frederico

João Lundgren has any business in Rio Tinto, do me the special favor of never again

coming close to the border of Rio Tinto!” (Fernandes 1972: 119-121). Of his visit to Pedra,

the famous Brazilian writer Graciliano Ramos also recorded that the factory and the vila

operária were surrounded by barbed wire and that government agents, municipal

employees, police officers stopped at the gate because they were not required due to the

“excessive” order that reigned in the town (Ramos 1969). Ramos’ assertion inadvertently

points to the total authority colonels’ had in the towns, managing them as “private

fiefdoms” (Crawford 1995: 30), to the extent that they could even obstruct or undermine

public authority.
 235

Company towns are the product of their owner’s hope that shaping the buitk

environment in particular ways would allow them to reach certain political, economic,

social and moral goals, whether there were greater control of the workforce, implementing

certain types of labor management relations or providing their workers with better housing

than then might otherwise be able to secure.

Our reseach examined the development of company towns in the Northeast region

of Brazil from the second half of the nineteeth century to the present-day. These

settlements largely remain a neglected theme in historical and heritage studies

scholarship, and this research sought address this gap by situating company towns in the

broad explanatory framework of the regional, social, industrial and labor contexts in which

they developed in order to remedy the predominance of overspecialized scholarship.

Through an extensive research program we managed to enlarge the number of identified

company towns in the region.

Since the materialization of each of these spatial settlements correspond to the

stages of industrial development, combining the specific conditions under which the

manufacturing enterprises with the the general conditions of capitalist development in

Brazilian society, we examined their phases of development. The main stages of their

development were identified according to the responses to the different economic and

social conjunctures.

We also examined the differences between the terms employes to describe the

company-bulilt settlements in Brazil – the “vilas operárias” and “company towns” in the
 236

international literature. This resulted in an analysis of the construction of housing negative

and positive archetypes for the working classes of Brazil and particularly in the Northeast.

Finally, we also produced a characterization of the phenomenon of the company

town in the Northeast, aiming to identify its structuring features. This yielded a complex

panorama of might constitute a regional model. Future research is now necessary to place

the Northeastern company towns into the national framework.

 237

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