The Spartan krypteia.

Some thoughts

Markus Handy (Graz)

Sparta! Much has been written about this famous Greek city. A quick glance at
recent research is proof enough, that Sparta, situated on the banks of Eurotas,
already in antiquity fascinated contemporaries. Even critical observers like
Thucydides confess, that many parts of the interior life of Sparta remain
unknown. Little information was available, hereinafter the probably best-known
details of the Spartan way of life, which are known from the works of
Herodotus, Thucydides and Xenophon: We are talking about a military state, the
foundation of which is the military power of its citizen, the Spartiates. Two
kings were at the head of the state. Both were controlled by the ephors and the
Council of Elders, the gerousia. The life of a Spartiate was rather monotonous:
Already at the age of seven, a young Spartan boy was removed from his family
and entrusted to the state for further education. From now on, he spent his time
with his peers.
As a young man, the Spartiate could participate in the krypteia. Ancient
writers had scarcely any knowledge about this institution. This is one of the
reasons, why modern historians tend to speculate about the Spartan krypteia.
First of all, we need to understand the basics. I proceed from the communis
opinio, that is presented in the article on this subject by Paul Cartledge, which
can be found in Der Neue Pauly:1 As Cartledge writes, during the krypteia
young Spartans had to undergo challenging training and had little equipment.
This image of the krypteia as an endurance test results from a short note in the
Laws of Plato and a corresponding scholion. Another source says that young
men, equipped with knives were sent away from the city, acted against Helots,
the slaves of Sparta. During the day they usually hid, during night time they left
their hiding-places and killed slaves or a least the strongest slaves. This version
is essentially based on Aristoteles.2 According to Plutarch, who follows

* This essay is the English version of an article, that was origionally published in German. Cf.
Handy 2005.
1
Cf. Cartledge 1999, 872.
2
Plut. Lyc. 28,8.

157
 Markus Handy

Aristoteles, this brutality towards slaves arouses after the revolt of the Helots on
Mount Ithome in the 460s BC. The participants of the krypteia, the kryptoi, were
young elected Spartans, who were on the verge of becoming full citizens. By
killing Helots during the krypteia, young Spartans could finish their education,
as has been suggested by Paul Cartledge. During the latter period of Spartan
history, especially in the year 222 BC, the krypteia is attested as unity among the
troops of Cleomenes III.3

The krypteia in scientific research: A short overview

Let us now consider the different points of view in the ancient research: the vast
majority of authors think, that the krypteia had to fulfil its purpose of oppressing
the Helots.The list of publications starts with Johann Friedrich Reitemeier
(1789), who regards the krypteia in his work Geschichte und Zustand der
Sklaverey und Leibeigenschaft in Griechenland as the result of a cruel and
inhuman policy. The hunt for slaves was compared with the situation in America
during the 18th century.4 The krypteia and the resulting violence against Helots
gave rise to criticism on Sparta during the age of Reitemeier.5 Johann Caspar
Friedrich Manso (1800-1805), who for the first time wrote a German
monography on Spartan history,6 also stresses the function of the krypteia as an
appropriate measure to make seditious Helots disappear. Lycurgus, the Spartan
lawgiver, invented the krypteia to train young Spartans for war.7 George Grote’s

3
Cf. Cartledge 1999, 872.
4
Cf. Reitemeier 1789, 125, criticises the brutality against the helots. However, he finds the
slavery in America legitimate. Cf. Deissler 2000, 240.
5
Cf. Schulz-Falkenthal 1986, 103; Deissler 2000, 148; 30, 33f., 51f., 64, 123f., 131, where
other authors are cited.
6
Cf. Christ 1986, 11: “Sein dreibändiges Werk über Sparta stellt jedenfalls die erste solide
wissenschaftliche Bearbeitung der spartanischen Geschichte in deutscher Sprache dar, deren
quellenkritisches Fundament die Zeitgenossen ebenso stark beeinflusste wie die Bemühung
um eine genaue und zuverlässige Chronologie.”
7
Cf. Manso 1800, 141ff. As well as Reitemeier, Manso refers to the contemporary conditions
in America: “Warum finden wir überhaupt die Helotenjagd der Spartaner so unglaublich?

158
 The Spartan krypteia

A History of Greece (1846-1856) became important for German science:

According to Grote, the sole purpose of the krypteia was to control the Helots. It
is precisely this reason that occasionally young men, armed with small knives,
were sent out to kill those slaves, who were known to be dangerous.8 The
interpretation of the krypteia as a kind of secret police dominated research in the
19th century. It can be manifested in the works of Max Dunker (1888)9, Jakob
Burckhardt (1898)10 and Georg Busolt 1893)11, the latter expressing his opinion
in his Griechische Staatskunde (1926) in greater detail: one must imagine the
krypteia not only as a secret service but as a method of enhancing the andreia of
young Spartiates.12 Besides this point of view, the interpretation of the krypteia
as an effective method of oppressing slaves is common. An important proponent
of this thesis was Helmut Berve (1937), who equated the krypteia exclusively
with the violent measures against the Helots.13
Similar views were shared by historians of Marxist tradition: Detlev Lotze
(1959) sees the krypteia as an institution how to best protect themselves.
Especially after the outbreak of the Third Messenian War, the Spartans lived in
constant fear of slave revolts. Therefore all suspect Helots had to be removed.14
Pavel Oliva (1971) paid very particular attention to the text of Plutarch, who
connects the krypteia with the murder of Helots. Since the 5th century BC, when
the Spartans became aware of slave revolts, the state entrusted the kryptoi, the

Was uns an den alten Zeiten befremdet, entdecken wir in den neuern wieder. Auch die
Amerikaner sind von christlichen Spartanern mit Hunden gejagt worden; auch die entlaufenen
Negersklaven werden heute noch, wie Raubwild, aufgesucht und erschossen, anderer sie
treffenden Grausamkeiten, die schmerzlicher, als dreyfacher Tod, sind, nicht zu gedenken.”
(Manso 1800,146; quoted from Deissler 2000, 336, Anm.174).
8
Cf. Grote 1880, 603. On Grote as a critic of Sparta cf. Christ 1986, 22f.
9
Cf. Duncker 1888, 364f.
10
Cf. Burckhardt 1898, 102.
11
Cf. Busolt 1893², 527.
12
Cf. Busolt – Swoboda 1926², 670.
13
Cf. Berve 1937, 40, who emphasises the aspect of cunning and deceit for Greek history as a
whole: “Es ist nicht bloß eine allgemeine, sondern eine typisch griechische Freude an der List,
die sich in diesen Maximen ausspricht.”
14
Cf. Lotze 1959, 45f.

159
 Markus Handy

members of the krypteia, with the guarding and assassination of slaves.15 Moses
I. Finley (1986[1975]) is of a similar opinion: The krypteia is considered to be a
Spartan rite of passage, which has changed over time. Originally the krypteia
should prepare young Spartans for the adult world. Over time security aspects
gained further importance, so that young men primarily had to control the
Helots.16
Different researchers interpret the krypteía as a rite of passage, which
enabled young Spartans the transition into a new phase of life. In this regard,
Henri Jenamire is a pioneer, who, adopting ideas from Martin P. Nilsson,17
draws historical comparisons. In an article, published in the Revue des Études
Grecques (1913) he interprets the krypteia as an initiation rite and he
underpinned his statement by comparing it with specific ethnological
examples.18 The same method is used by Jeanmaire in his monograph Couroi et
Courètes (1939).19 Some French authors are said to be supporters of Jeanmaire’s
method. Dominique Briquel20 and Pierre Vidal-Naquet21 see the krypteia as a
survival of an old initiation rite. A notable part of researchers, even within
Marxist research, took this position.22 The interpretation of the krypteia as an
initiation rite can also be found in English and German-speaking works in later
times: In a study of hunting in Spartan society, Ephraim David understands the
23
“notorious krypteia” of Classical times as an old initiatory rite with newly
assigned tasks in the course of time.24
Among German-speaking researchers, we can refer to the theses of Lukas
Thommen and Mischa Meier. In his presentations on Spartan constitution and

15
Cf. Oliva 1971, 47.
16
Cf. Finley 1986(1975).
17
Nilsson draws some conclusion from the comparison between Spartiates and indigenious
peoples: Cf. Nilsson 1986(1912).
18
Cf. Jeanmaire 1913, 121ff.
19
Cf. Jeanmaire 1939, 550ff.
20
Cf. Briquel 1982, 460.
21
Cf. Vidal-Naquet 1989, 113.
22
Cf. Lotze 1959, 45f.; Oliva 1971, 47;Finley 1986(1975), 333.
23
Cf. David 1993, 407.
24
Cf. David 1993, 407.

160
 The Spartan krypteia

society, Lukas Thommen stresses that state actions against Helots followed the
events of 5th century BC. Helots were killed, but the extent of this murder
remains questionable. Even though he considered the krypteia as the survival of
an archaic rite, it cannot be ruled out, that the krypteia, as it is portrayed by
Platon and Aristoteles, could be recent.25 On the other hand, Mischa Meier
interprets the krypteia of Classical times as an earlier secret service consisting of
young noblemen, who were on the threshold of adulthood.26 We can conclude
from this that the krypteia was not part of the state’s education, which all young
Spartans had to participate in.27 The murder of slaves, attested by Plutarch, was
not following a certain strategy or command structure. Instead, the slaves were
killed arbitrarily.28 Paul Cartledge, who has already been mentioned, thinks that
the most important task of the kryptoi is the killing of insurgents, especially of
rebelling Helots in Messenia, where the willingness for starting a riot was much
stronger than in Laconia.29 As to the connection between krypteia and military
education, Stephen Hodkinson stresses an important point: The krypteia
consisted of selected young Spartans and did not prepare them to fight in the
phalanx.30
The link with the murder of slaves cannot be neglected: That is also the
position being taken by Charlotte Schubert, who considers the krypteia within
the context of tensions between Spartiates and Helots in general in Classical
times.31 According to Ernst Baltrusch, the krypteia’s primary task was to
discover and eliminate conspiracies against the Spartan rule.32
The second group of scientists emphasises the aspect of training: Already
in the 19th century, Karl Otfried Müller (1844)33 doubted the validity of Plutarch

25
Cf. Thommen 1996, 128; Thommen 2017, 114; Thommen 2019, 97.
26
Cf. Meier 1998, 163f.
27
Cf. Meier 1998, 168f.
28
Cf. Meier 1998, 214.
29
Cf. Cartledge 1987, 31. He considers it possible that the Spartan King Agesilaos II. has
taken part in this training (Cf. Cartledge 1987, 32).
30
CF. Hodkinson 2006, 141.
31
Cf. Schubert 2003, 59f.
32
Cf. Baltrusch 2001, 8f.
33
It is well known, that Müller describes Sparta in an idealised manner (Cf. Christ 1986, 17).

161
 Markus Handy

and Pseudo-Herakleides Pontikos, and wrote about the Helots: “Und doch hätten
diese, die in manchen Gegenden ganz für sich lebten, die Verzweiflung nicht zu
gemeinsamer Abwehr vereinigt, und nicht alle Jahre einen blutigen
Vernichtungskrieg durch ganz Lakonien entzündet?”“34 Had there been regular
assassination attempts against Helots, the consequences would have been
rebellions in regular intervals. Therefore, we have to endorse what Platon says,
who interprets the krypteia as an endurance test.35 Lorenz Grasberger shares a
similar point of view by interpretating the krypteia as “Polizei– und
Spionirungssystem”36 within the Spartan army.37 Martin P. Nilsson also belongs
to this group of scientists: Apart from police tasks, the purpose of the krypteia
was to train young Spartans in disguising and exploring.38 Among English-
speaking historians, Humfrey Michell regards the krypteia as an endurance test,
that was part of the military training in Sparta. The kryptoi only occasionally had
to make rebellious Helots disappear.39 Karl-Wilhelm Welwei argues that the
kryptoi were young Spartans who had already finished the agoge, the official
Spartan education and questions the regular use of violence as testified by
Plutarch. Large-scale massacres would have caused a rural population decrease,
whose farming products were essential prerequisites for every Spartan citizen.40
Michael Whitby pursues a similar relativizing approach by emphasising that
Plutarch and Pseudo-Herakleides never speak about an obligation to kill.
Furthermore he takes a critical look at Jeanmaire’s position on the krypteia.41
Towards the end of our literature review we will now concentrate on the
works of three French historians, who could feed new ideas into the debate on
the Spartan krypteia: At first, the article of Edmond Lévy La kryptie et ses
contradictions, where the contradictory statements are discussed, has to be

34
Cf. Müller 1844², 37.
35
Plat. leg. 1,633bc.
36
Cf. Grasberger 1881(1971), 101.
37
Cf. Grasberger 1881(1971), 101f.
38
Cf. Nilsson 1986(1912), 138.
39
Cf. Michell 1964², 162ff.
40
Cf. Welwei 1974, 114f; Welwei 2004, 320-323.
41
He disagrees with Michell 19642, who thinks, that the kryptoi are recruited on a special
occasion (Cf. Whitby 1994, 105f.).

162
 The Spartan krypteia

mentioned.42 There are various elements common to all texts such as crossing
the territory, the absence of servants or hiding. Apart from that, there are some
contradictory points, particularly in the light of the killing of the Helots.43 Lévy
is of the opinion that only those kryptoi, who had finished the krypteia
successfully had the licence to kill.44 As well as Edmond Lévy, Jean Ducat
discusses the ancient text passages thoroughly:45 During the krypteia, young
men had to leave the urban area and settle in the mountains.
The kryptoi had to manage their lives without servants and were only
equipped with small knives.46 During this phase of life, the young Spartans had
to hide and should not be seen by anyone. Therefore, they lived on hunting,
gathering and stealing and received an education that enabled them to serve later
as scouts in the Spartan army.47 Ducat thinks that after the Third Messenian War
in the 5th century BC the kryptoi had to take on further tasks: They had to kill
Helots, whereby this murder only shows symbolic character.48
Jean-Christophe Couvenhe introduces a new aspect: He compares Spartan
kryptoi with Athenian kryptoi, known from inscriptions of the 3rd century: In
both cases, the kryptoi made reconnaissance services as special units.49 This
means further that the krypteia is considered to be a special unit of the Spartan
state, which was used to observe certain districts since the 4th century BC.50

42
Cf. Lévy 1988, 245ff.
43
Cf. Lévy 1988, 251.
44
Cf. Lévy 1988, 252.
45
Cf. Ducat 1997a, 61ff.
46
Cf. Ducat 1997a, 65f.
47
Cf. Ducat 1997a, 67ff.
48
Cf. Ducat 1997a, 71.
49
Cf. Couvenhes 2014, 59.
50
Cf. Couvenhes 2014, 70-71.

163
 Markus Handy

The killing of the Helots: Fact or fiction?

Plutarch writes that the kryptoi killed all Helots that they met, but often they
deliberately went through the fields and killed the strongest slaves.51 Pseudo-
Heraklides summarised, that the young Spartans had to kill as many Helots as
possible.52 The question that arises here: as for the Spartans was there an urgent
need to kill their slaves? Do we have to presume difficult relationships between
the masters and the slaves?53 There are good reasons to reject this point of view:
The mere fact that Helots are often mentioned as soldiers of the Spartan army is
a reason for the contrary. We find Helots in the year 494 BC participating in the
military operation against Argos.54 At Plataeae (480 BC), the Spartan army
consists, inter alia, of 35000 Helots, although it is not clear how they
participated in the battle.55 Towards the end of the 5th century BC, at the latest
from the year 424 BC, the Helots were used for fighting in the phalanx.56 Three
years later the neodamodeis are mentioned for the first time.57 During that period
the number of Spartiates was declining so that the state was forced to recruit
neodamodeis.58 These measures contradict the assumption, that the kryptoi had
to kill Helots. In the year 424 BC the Helots show themselves always ready to
help when the state faces a difficult situation: Some of them took upon

51
Plut. Lyc. 28,4f.
52
Aristot. frgm. 611,10 (Rose).
53
Cf. Baltrusch 2001, 10.
54
Hdt. 6, 80.
55
Hdt. 9, 28, 2. Cf. Cartledge 1979, 175, who doubts the validity of Herodotus talking about
35000 helots. Paul Cartledge thinks that the Spartans were afraid of rebellions and did not
take with them as many slaves. There are different opinions as to whether the slaves were
really involved in the battle. Kromayer – Veith 1928, 40 and Welwei 1974, 122 take the view
that the helots were used as weapon carriers. Lotze regards them as lightly-armed soldiers,
who had to participate in the battle (Lotze 1970, 277f.). There is a quite similar consideration:
Perhaps the helots were standing in the last few rows of the Spartan phalanx (Cornelius 1973,
503). Hunt and Whitby think, that the helots were used as hoplites (Cf. Hunt 1997, 143f.;
Whitby 1994, 94).
56
Thuc. 4, 80, 2.
57
Thuc. 5, 34, 1.
58
Thuc. 5, 64, 2; 7,19,3; 8,5,1; Xen. hell. 3, 1, 4; 3, 4, 2; 4, 3, 15; 5, 2, 24.

164
 The Spartan krypteia

themselves the risk of swimming to the island of Sphakteria in order to provide

Spartan hoplites with food.59
Considering these facts, we have to review all the rebellions of Helots
during the Classical age. Our survey starts with the year 490 BC, with the battle
of Marathon. Platon justifies the absence of Spartan troops by speaking of riots
in Messenia.60 According to Herodotus, widely believed to be the most reliable
source as far as this event is concerned, mentions religious reasons, that prevent
them from arriving at the plain of Marathon in time. He does not know anything
about an uprising of the Helots.61 At this time the struggles between Helots and
Spartiates had possibly the nature of skirmishes. At the same time, we know that
the Spartan king Cleomenes I. was guarded by a helot.62 This confidence serves
as another cause against the Messenian uprising in 490 BC.63
We are talking about a real rebellion in the year 464 BC: After an
earthquake, the Messenian Helots rebelled and were able to fend off the attacks
of the Spartan army for ten years. According to Thukydides also some Perioec
cities renounced Spartan rule. The Athenian writer speaks of a war, that was let
by Messenians and Spartans.64 This corresponds to some statements of
Herodotus: he declares that Messenians were particularly involved in the
struggles.65 While it is the case that some later authors write about an uprising of
Laconic Helots against Spartan rule: Diodorus, for example, says that Helots of
Laconia took action against their masters.66 King Archidamus II. was able to
intervene quickly and prevented the slaves from conquering Sparta.

59
Thuc. 4, 26, 5; On Sphacteria, the Spartiates had helots at their disposal (Thuc. 4, 8, 9): The
slaves were used as therapontes (Cf. Welwei 1974, 125).
60
Plat. leg. 3, 698e.
61
Hdt. 6, 106,1f.; Garlan 1982, 193 says that a Messenian uprising could exclude the absence
of the Spartans at Marathon in 490 BC. Perhaps, this legend was developped in the time of
Platon (Meier 2000, 56).
62
Hdt. 6,75,2.
63
Cf. Huxley 1962, 88 has a different view. He assumes a helotic rebellion in 490 BC.
64
Thuc. 1, 101, 2-3, who mentions two perioec cities: Thuria and Athaia; Welwei 1974, 113,
n.29, localises both settlements in the plain of Pamisos. Oliva 1971, 152 however localises
Athaia in Laconia.
65
Hdt. 9, 35, 2; 9, 64, 2.
66
Diod. 11, 63, 4.

165
 Markus Handy

The insurgents then withdrew to Ithome.67 A similar report can be found in the
biography of Cimon by Plutarch: During the fourth year of King Archidamus, an
earthquake hit the territory of the Lacedemonians.68 Sparta was destroyed,
except for five houses. Precisely in this situation, the slaves turned against their
masters. Because Archidamus correctly recognized the danger, the rebels
withdrew and united with the Perioecs.69
While there are some historians who think that the events of 464 BC arose
primarily from Laconic Helots,70 it should be mentioned, however, that the
Spartan state immediately beforehand was not concerned with the stability in
Laconia and Messenia. The Spartans took the necessary precautions to send
troops to Thasos.71
It must therefore be assumed, that the participation of Helots from
Laconia had hardly any impact on the uprising.72 On Mount Ithome, the rebels
were able to resist Spartan hoplites for ten years, who had little experience in
siege warfare.73 Despite the fact that the Spartan government asked for military
help,74 the rebellion could hardly threaten the existence of helotage.75

67
Diod. 11, 64, 1.
68
Plut. Cim. 16, 7.
69
Plut. Cim.16, 7f.
70
Cf. Lotze 1959, 72f., who believes that the first rebellious Helots were of Laconian origin.
This assumption cannot be verified. Pavel Oliva and Paul Cartledge pursue a similar approach
(Oliva 1971, 153f.; Cartledge 1979, 219): Both assume that only the Laconic helots have been
able to fight against the Spartiates after the earthquake.
71
Thuc. 1, 101, 1f.
72
Cf. Jones 1967, 10: According to him, there was never any helotic rebellion against Spartan
rule during Greek history. Michell shares this opinion: He regards the tradition of Spartan acts
of violence against Laconians and Messenians as extreme (Cf. Michell 1964, 82). Various
other historians do not believe in a high number of Laconic rebels (Welwei 1974, 113);
Roobaert 1977, 147f.; Ducat 1978, 28; cf. Thommen 1996, 128).
73
Thuc. 1, 103, 1. The period of ten years is in doubt: to the debate on the duration of the
struggles: Cf. Oliva 1971, 155ff.; Baltrusch 2001, 17.
74
Thuc. 1, 102, 1: Even the Athenians, whose troops already had gained experience with
siege warfare, were called for assistance. Some years later the Athenian population
remembered a scared Spartan, who had asked the Athenian government for help (Aristoph.
Lys. 1137ff).
75
Cf. Klees 1991, 42.

166
 The Spartan krypteia

Let us now look at the events of 425 and 424 BC: In the year 425 BC, Athenian
troops and soldiers from Naupactus occupated the place of Pylos under the
command of Demosthenes. As a consequence, the Spartans feared a rebellion of
their slaves. In fact, some Helots defected to the enemies.76 In the summer of
425 BC, Athenian forces occupied the island of Cythera. This means that the
Delian League could create a second basis to attack Spartan territory.77
Certainly, the Athenians appealed to the Helots of Laconia to separate from
Spartan rule, unsuccessfully, however.78 It was obvious that the majority of the
slaves kept faith in their masters, when Sparta was facing a time of crisis.79
Some of them subjected themselves to the risk of reaching the island of
Sphacteria by swimming to provide the Spartan hoplites with flour, wine, cheese
and other food.80
All things considered, however, there is one story in Plutarch’s biography
of Lykourgus which is surprising: for the next year he writes about a massacre
of 2000 Helots. Thucydides was named as an informant.81 The Athenian
historian indeed tells this episode: in a time of military weakness – the
Athenians were currently occupying Pylos and Cythera – 2000 Helots, who
struggled courageously, were looking forward to their immediate release. After
they had arrived at the temples, they completely disappeared. Nobody knew
where the Helots lost their lives.82 In ancient scholarship, there is some
controversy about the connection between this mass murder and the krypteia83

76
Thuc. 4, 41, 3.
77
Thuc. 4, 52, 1.
78
Cf. Jones 1967, 10, who denies any rebellions of Laconic helots. Meier 1939(1962), 31f.
expresses a similar opinion: He thinks that the Laconic slaves resigned themselves to their
fate.
79
Cf. Roobaert 1977, 149.
80
Thuc. 4, 26, 5. Even those Spartan soldiers, who were stationed on Sphakteria, had Helots
at their personal disposal (Thuc. 4, 8, 9), who did not take direct part in hostilities (Cf.
Welwei 1974, 125).
81
Plut. Lyc. 28, 6. See in this regard Paradiso 2004, 179-198.
82
Thuc. 4, 80, 3f.; Plut. Lyc. 28, 6.
83
Cf. Lotze 1959, 45: He thinks that those 2000 helots were killed by the kryptoi. Busolt –
Swoboda 1926, 670, note 1 suppose a big krypteia, which was responsible for the mass
murder. See also Welwei 1974, 115, note 35, who doubts that this mass murder was

167
 Markus Handy

and over the historicity of the event at all.84 First of all, we have to state that
Thucydides does not mention the term krypteia in his text. There are various
historical facts to consider that 2000 Helots did not disappear in the year 424
BC: In 425 BC the Spartan commander Brasidas was sent to Thracia with 700
Helots. In 425 BC, when Pylos and Cythera were occupied by Athenian troops,
the Spartan commander Brasidas was sent to Thracia.85 Just in this difficult
situation, the Spartans were interested in having good relations with the helotic
population.86 Mass murder does not fit in the historical context of 425 / 424 BC,
it could be assumed that “the information in Thucydides derives from a
propagandistic manipulation of reality”.87
Towards the end of our digression, we return to the initial question: Was
there any need in Archaic and Classical Sparta to kill Helots? Our overview of
the history of helotage demonstrates that the Spartans only during the Third
Messenian War took actions against insurgent slaves. Apart from that, we do not
have any relevant evidence to support the view of rebellious Helots. There are

committed by the kryptoi. He bases his reasonning on the fact that the kryptoi were not yet
able-bodied men and were therefore not in a position to perform such duties.
84
However, there are some historians, who do not doubt the historicity of the event: Meier
1939(1962), 34: According to him this event is an indication of the insidious policy of the
Spartans towards their slaves. Without mentioning any relevant documents Diesner
1953/1954, 222 states that the Spartans often caused the death of helots in the army. The
episode, transmited by Thucydides, was by no means the only case in Spartan history.
According to Cartledge 1979, 247 it was an extraordinary and single event. Various other
historians regard this massmurder as unhistorical: Roobaert 1977, 150 states that after the
mass murder there was no outbreak of a rebellion. That would have been the logical
consequence of such a perfidious attack. Whitby 1994, 99 thinks that this story is not true.
Moreover the question arises whether Thucydides could know so many details about this
massacre, particularly as hardly any confidential information leaks out from Sparta.
According to Annalisa Paradiso, it is hard to imagine, that young soldiers, rather
unexperienced in war, committed such a massacre (Paradiso 2004, 183).
85
Thuc. 4, 80, 2. Following Annaliso Paradiso, the recruitment of the armed slaves was “not
only a preventative measure, but also the start of a long-term collaboration.” (Paradiso 2004,
184).
86
These helots were trained on their weapons, as Annalisa Pardiso declared (Cf. Paradiso
2004, 187).
87
Paradiso 2004, 188. Against this conception: Cf. Baltrusch 2001, 10.

168
 The Spartan krypteia

further arguments against organized murder: the slaves were used as important
employers in Spartan agriculture. Moreover, since the Peloponnesian War, we
find them doing their military service in the Lacedaemonian army.88
As far as the connection between krypteia and Helots is concerned, it thus
follows that the acts of violence, which were allegedly committed by the kryptoi,
are in sharp contrast to the constant and sometimes even selfless commitment
for the Spartan State. This claim should not deny that Helots were killed by the
krypteia. Violence against Helots, however, was not the most important aspect
of this institution.

Interpretation of the text passages

As mentioned earlier, the ancient sources speak of two different forms of the
krypteia: Platon, an associated scholion, Pseudo-Herakleides and Plutarch,
whereby the latter two are based on Aristotle, see this as a preparation for war.
Some selected Spartans were trained to become scouts. Phylarchos, Plutarch’s
source for his Cleomenes-biography, knows the krypteia as a military unit, that
was not in training, but already scouting. The disparity between the ancient
sources is evident. Therefore modern research on Spartan history concludes in
chronological order of both variants: in the 5th and 4th century BC, the krypteia is
interpreted as specific training for elected young Spartans. During the
Hellenistic era, the krypteia was said to be a military unit, whose members
served as scouts. On the other hand, the possibility of some kind of coexistence
of both variants exists: the kryptoi probably kept themselves concealed in the
mountains. Apart from that, they had to perform duties as scouts of the
Lacedaemonian army.89
To resolve this discrepancy, we must consider the following: It is quite
conceivable that Phylarchus, the informant of Plutarch for his biography of
Cleomenes III., made a mistake: He mistook the krypteia for the 300 hippeis,

88
Cf. Handy 2005, 112f.
89
Cf. Ducat 1997a, 54.

169
 Markus Handy

who – reading the text of Xenophon correctly – really served as scouts in the
Lacedaemonian army.90
To sum up our interpretation of the reports of the krypteia: Young
Spartans, between twenty and thirty years old, had to spend one year in the
mountains. During this time the participants of the krypteia, the kryptoi, were
under the supervision of officials. The training was said to be an endurance test.
Long marches and walking barefoot in winter confirm this impression. The
long-term objective of the krypteia was to train young Spartans for serving as
scouts in the army. The hidden life during the krypteia and the prohibition of
being caught serve as proof for this view.91

Summary

To draw up a summary, the association between the kryptoi and the 300 hippeis
is essential. The latter served as scouts in the Spartan army, as we have already
said.92 They otherwise were known to be elite soldiers, for example in the year
479 BC, when they accompanied the Athenian Themistocles up to the border of
Sparta.93 In 418 BC the hippeis fought close to King Agis II. in the battle of
Mantineia.94 Whereas they were commanded by the kings in war, they had to
serve the college of the five ephors in internal affairs.95
There are some striking similarities between the kryptoi and the hippeis:
firstly, both groups of people belong to the age group of neoi, eirenes und
hebontes. In other words, they were young Spartans, between twenty and thirty
years old.96 Secondly, in both cases the special character was obvious. Only the

90
Xen. Lak. Pol. 13, 6.
91
Cf. Handy 2005, 116f.
92
Xen. Lak. Pol. 13, 6.
93
Hdt. 9, 64, 2.
94
Thuc. 5, 72, 4.
95
Xen. Hell.: 3, 3, 9.
96
Xen. rep Lac. 4, 1. On the neoi see further Wiesehöfer 2000, 823f.

170
 The Spartan krypteia

most talented Spartans participated in the krypteia and only those, who were
considered to be capable of scouting, served in the ranks of the 300 hippeis.97
We conclude that young Spartans, who participated in the krypteia, had to
undergo intense training for the period of one year, to get a place in the elite
corps of the 300 hippeis. Each year, at least five kryptoi gained access to the
ranks of the hippeis. The assertion of Herodotus, that the five oldest hippeis had
to leave their unity each year, shall be considered as evidence of our
hypothesis.98 As hippeis the young Spartans enjoyed the privilege of fighting
close to the king. Furthermore, they were used as military observers, whose
reports had some influence on the strategic decisions of the commander.99
Are the reports of the murder of the Helots, known from Plutarch and
Pseudo-Herakleides, unsubstantiated? Violence against slaves did happen. This
is all the more true when we localize the undertakings of the kryptoi in the
mountainous border area between Arcadia and Messenia. There the climate was
harsh, so that the kryptoi had to spend a really challenging time in the
mountains. Furthermore, there were some opportunities to be trained as military
observers: they had to explore, capture and kill fleeing Helots. This view
corresponds with relevant passages in those contracts, which were made by
Sparta and her allies: The Tegeatans were prohibited from granting protection to
escaping slaves.100 The Aetoloi Exardieus too were not allowed to help refugees,
provided that these were accused of a crime against Sparta.101
This means that young Spartans had to serve during the krypteia as
lightly-armed soldiers in the mountainous border area between Arcadia and
Messenia. Here, special attention was paid to physical fitness, the ability to carry
out work alone and silently and border security in general.102 As a consequence,
it can be expected that the kryptoi prevented Messenian Helots from fleeing to
Arcadia. Therefore, we cannot deny the fact, that Spartan slaves were killed by
the members of the krypteia. Nevertheless, the murder of the Helots never was

97
Cf. Handy 2005, 116.
98
Hdt. 1, 76, 5.
99
Cf. Handy 2005, 116.
100
Aristot. Fr. 592 (Rose) = Plut. Quaest. Graec. 5.
101
SEG 26,461; cf. Hampl 1938, 67-68; Tausend 1992, 175.
102
Lukas Thommen develops a similar pont of view (Cf. Thommen 2017, 114).

171
 Markus Handy

part of the kryptoi’s everyday work. Various historical reasons are against such a
view.

Bibliography

Baltrusch 2001 = E. Baltrusch: Mythos oder Wirklichkeit? Die Helotengefahr

und der Peloponnesische Bund, Historische Zeitschrift 272 (2001) 1–24.
Berve 1937 = H. Berve: Sparta. Darmstadt 1937.
Briquel 1982 = D. Briquel: Initiations grecques et idéologie indo-européenne,
Annales ESC 37 (1982) 454–464.
Burckhardt 1898 – 1902 = J. Burckhardt: Griechische Kulturgeschichte. 4 vol.
Basel 1898–1902.
Busolt 1893 = G. Busolt: Griechische Geschichte bis zur Schlacht von
Chaironeia (Handbücher der Alten Geschichte 2,1). Gotha 1893 – 1903².
Busolt – Swoboda 1926 = G. Busolt – H. Swoboda: Griechische Staatskunde.
Vol. 2: Darstellung einzelner Staaten und der zwischenstaatlichen
Beziehungen (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 4,1). Munich 1926².
Cartledge 1979 = P. Cartledge: Sparta and Lakonia. A Regional History 1300-
362 BC. London 1979.
Cartledge 1987 = P. Cartledge: Agesilaos and the crisis of Sparta. London 1987.
Cartledge 1999 = P. Cartledge: Der Neue Pauly 6 (1999) 872 s.v. Krypteia.
Christ 1986 = K. Christ: Spartaforschung und Spartabild, in: K. Christ (ed.):
Sparta (Wege der Forschung 622). Darmstadt 1986, 1–72.
Cornelius 1973 = F. Cornelius: Pausanias., in: Historia 22 (1973) 502–504.
Couvenhes 2014 = J.-C. Couvenhes : Les kryptoi spartiates, Dialogues d’histoire
ancienne (2014) 45–76.
David 1993 = E. David: Hunting in Spartan Society and Consciousness, Echos
du Monde Classique 12 (1993) 393-413.
Deissler 2000 = J. Deissler: Antike Sklaverei und deutsche Aufklärung im
Spiegel von Johann Friedrich Reitemeiers “Geschichte und Zustand der
Sklaverey und Leibeigenschaft in Griechenland” (1789) (Forschungen zur
antiken Sklaverei 23). Stuttgart 2000.

172
 The Spartan krypteia

Diesner 1953/1954 = H.-J. Diesner: Sparta und das Helotenproblem,

Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universität Greifswald. Gesellschafts–
und Sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe 3/4 (1953/1954) 219–225.
Ducat 1978 = J. Ducat: Aspects de l’Hilotisme, Ancient Society 9 (1978) 5–46.
Ducat 1997 = J. Ducat: La cryptie en question, in: P. Brulé – J. Oulhen (ed.):
Esclavage, guerre, économie en Grèce ancienne. Hommages à Yvon
Garlan. Rennes 1997, 43–74.
Duncker 1888 = M. Duncker: Griechische Geschichte bis zum Tode des
Perikles. Sonderausgabe der dritten, vierten und fünften Auflage der
Geschichte des Alterthums. 5 vol. Leipzig 1888.
Finley 1986(1975) = M. I. Finley: Sparta. In: M. I. Finley (ed.): The Use and
Abuse of History. London 1975, 161–177, 238–240; reprinted in: K. Christ
(ed.): Sparta (Wege der Forschung 622). Darmstadt 1986, 327–350.
Garlan 1982 = Y. Garlan: Les esclavages en Grèce ancienne. Paris 1982.
Grasberger 1881 = L. Grasberger: Erziehung und Unterricht im klassischen
Altertum. Vol. 3: Die Ephebenbildung oder die musische und militärische
Ausbildung der griechischen und römischen Jünglinge. Würzburg 1881
(reprint Aalen 1971).
Grote 1880 = G. Grote: Geschichte Griechenlands. Berlin 1880.
Hampl 1937 = F. Hampl: Die lakedaimonischen Perioiken, Hermes 72 (1937) 1–
49.
Handy 2005 = M. Handy: Bemerkungen zur spartanischen krypteía, in: K.
Strobel (ed.): Die Geschichte der Antike aktuell: Methoden, Ergebnisse und
Rezeption, Akten des 9. gesamtösterreichischen Althistorikertages 2002
und der V. Internationalen Table Ronde zur Geschichte der Alpen-Adria-
Region in der Antike (Klagenfurt, 14.11.-17.11.2002). Klagenfurt /
Ljubljana / Vienna 2005, 99-120.
Hodkinson 2006 = S. Hodkinson: Was Classical Sparta a Military society. In: S.
Hodkinson – A. Powell (ed.): Sparta & War. Swansea 2006, 111–162.
Hunt 1997 = P. Hunt: Helots at the Battle of Plataea, Historia 46 (1997) 133–
144.
Huxley 1962 = G. L. Huxley: Early Sparta. London 1962.
Jeanmaire 1913 = H. Jeanmaire: La cryptie lacédémonienne, Revue des Études
Grecques 26 (1913) 121–150.

173
 Markus Handy

Jeanmaire 1939 = H. Jeanmaire: Couroi et Courètes. Reprint New York 1975.

Jones 1967 = A. H. M. Jones: Sparta. Oxford 1967.
Klees 1991 = H. Klees: Zur Beurteilung der Helotie im historischen und
politischen Denken der Griechen im 5. und 4.Jh.v.Chr., Laverna 2 (1991)
27–52.
Kromayer – Veith 1928 = J. Kromayer – G. Veith: Heerwesen und Kriegführung
der Griechen und Römer (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 4,3,2).
Munich 1928.
Lévy 1988 = E. Lévy: La kryptie et ses contradictions, Ktèma 13 (1988) 245–
252.
Lotze 1959 = D. Lotze: Metaxy eleutherōn kai doulōn. Studien zur
Rechtsstellung unfreier Landbevölkerungen in Griechenland bis zum
4.Jahrhundert v.Chr. Berlin 1959.
Manso 1800 = J. C. F. Manso: Sparta. Ein Versuch zur Aufklärung der
Geschichte und Verfassung dieses Staates. 3 vol., Leipzig 1800–1805.
Meier 1998 = M. Meier: Aristokraten und Damoden. Untersuchungen zur
inneren Entwicklung Spartas im 7. Jahrhundert v.Chr. und zur Funktion der
Dichtung des Tyrtaios. Stuttgart 1998.
Meier 1939 (1962) = T. Meier: Das Wesen der spartanischen Staatsordnung.
Nach ihren lebensgesetzlichen und bodenrechtlichen Voraussetzungen
(Klio Beiheft 42). 1939, reprint Aalen 1962.
Michell 19642 = H. Michell: Sparta. Cambridge 1964².
Müller 1844 = K. O. Müller: Geschichte Hellenischer Städte und Stämme.
Vol.2: Die Dorier. Breslau 1844².
Nilsson 1986 (1912) = M. P. Nilsson: Die Grundlagen des spartanischen
Lebens, Klio 12 (1912) 308–340; reprint in: K. Christ (ed.): Sparta (Wege
der Forschung). Darmstadt 1986, 104–143.
Oliva 1971 = P. Oliva: Sparta and her Social Problems. Prag 1971.
Paradiso (2004) = A. Paradiso: The logic of terror. Thucydides, Spartan
duplicity and an improbable massacre. In: T. J. Figueira (ed.): Spartan
Society. Swansea 2004, 179–198.
Reitemeier (1789) = J. F. Reitemeier: Geschichte und Zustand der Sklaverey
und Leibeigenschaft in Griechenland. Berlin 1789.
Roobaert 1977 = A. Roobaert: Le danger hilote?, Ktèma 2 (1977) 141–155.

174
 The Spartan krypteia

Schubert 2003 = C. Schubert: Athen und Sparta in klassischer Zeit. Ein

Studienbuch. Stuttgart 2003.
Tausend 1992 = K. Tausend: Amphiktyonie und Symmachie. Formen
zwischenstaatlicher Beziehungen im archaischen Griechenland (Historia
Einzelschriften 73). Stuttgart 1992.
Thommen 1996 = L. Thommen: Lakedaimonion Politeia. Die Entstehung der
spartanischen Verfassung (Historia Einzelschriften 103). Stuttgart 1996.
Thommen 2017 = L. Thommen: Sparta. Verfassungs- und Sozialgeschichte
einer griechischen Polis. 2. Auflage. Stuttgart 2017.
Thommen 2019 = L. Thommen: Archaisches und klassisches Griechenland.
Stuttgart 2019
Vidal-Naquet 1989 = P. Vidal-Naquet: Der schwarze Jäger. Denkformen und
Gesellschaftsformen in der griechischen Antike. Frankfurt – New York –
Paris 1989.
Welwei 1974 = K.-W. Welwei: Unfreie im antiken Kriegsdienst 1. Athen und
Sparta (Forschungen zur antiken Sklaverei 5). Wiesbaden 1974.
Welwei 2004 = K.-W. Welwei: Sparta. Aufstieg und Fall einer antiken
Großmacht. Stuttgart 2004.
Wiesehöfer 2000 = J. Wiesehöfer: Der Neue Pauly 8 (2000) 823f. s.v. Neoi.
Whitby 1994 = M. Whitby: Two Shadows: Images of Spartans and Helots. In: S.
Hodkinson – A. Powell (ed.): The Shadow of Sparta. London – New York
1994, 87–126.

175