Al-Ghazālī's Virtue Ethical Theory of The Divine Names: The Theological Underpinnings of The Doctrine of Takhalluq in Al-Maq Ad Al-Asnā
Al-Ghazālī's Virtue Ethical Theory of The Divine Names: The Theological Underpinnings of The Doctrine of Takhalluq in Al-Maq Ad Al-Asnā
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Abstract
Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī’s (d. 505/1111) al-Maqṣad al-Asnā fī Sharḥ Maʿānī Asmāʾ Allāh
al-Ḥusnā (“The Highest Aim in Explaining the Meanings of God’s Most Beautiful
Names”) is more than just a commentary on the ninety-nine names of God. In set-
ting out to expound on a virtue ethical theory of the divine names, the Maqṣad in
effect amounts to a sustained theological meditation upon one of the most fundamen-
tal paradoxes of monotheism: how to locate and affirm both divine incomparability
(tanzīh) and comparability (tashbīh). In order to avoid any semblance of theological
immanentism, or “the affirmation of God’s comparability” (tashbīh), al-Ghazālī begins
by positing that an unbridgeable chasm, or irreducible “disparity” (tafāwut), separates
the Lord from the servant. This chasm accounts for a disconnect not only between
God’s unqualified Essence and the human being, but also between the transcendent
meanings (maʿānī) that reside in the Essence and our limited apprehension of those
transcendent meanings in the mind. At the same time, he insists that this chasm does
not annul the ethical relevance and ontological reality of the attributes (taʿṭīl). Rather,
the latter are somehow comparable (tashbīh) and do serve as prototype for human
ethical conduct. In addressing this apparent paradox, al-Ghazālī’s Maqṣad exudes a
palpable theological anxiety. This article explores the ways in which he addresses this
theological conundrum by grounding his treatise in Ashʿarī theology and Sufi ethics.
It closely analyses his cautious use of diction, hyper-systematised exegetical meth-
odology, and staunch commitment to a set of hermeneutical principles which serve
to undergird his virtue ethical theory of the divine names. Later generations of com-
mentators picked up on al-Ghazālī’s theological anxiety, and critiqued the work for
excessive immanentism (tashbīh), excessive transcendentalism (tanzīh), or excessive
hermeneutical systematisation (takalluf ).
Keywords
الخلاصة
كتاب المقصد الأسنى في شرح معاني أسماء ال� ل�ه الحسنى لأبي حامد الغزالي (ت )1111/505 .ليس مجر ّد
شرح لأسماء ال� ل�ه الحسنى التسعة والتسعين ،بل إنه يرتقي في عرضه للأخلاق الفضيلة المستنبطة من
الأسماء الإلهية إلى تأمّل كلامي لمفهوم التوحيد في ح ّد ذاته ،بمعنى أن ّه يفصل في كيفي ّة تحديد وتقرير
التنز يه الإلهي من جهة والتشبيه الإلهي من جهة أخرى .ومن أجل تجن ّب تهمة التشبيه ،يُصرّ الغزالي على
ن هذا التنز يه الإلهي لا يفصل بين ذات ال� ل�ه المطلقة والإنسان مبدأ التفاوت بين الرب والعبد ،وعلى أ ّ
فحسب ،بل كذلك بين المعاني المنزه ّة للذات وبين إدراكنا المحدود لتلك المعاني في العقل .وعلى الرغم
ن جميع الأسماء قابلة للتخل ّق،
ن الغزالي يحذّر من خطر تعطيل الصفات تماماً ،و يؤكّد أ ّ من هذا الفصل ،فإ ّ
وأنّها تمث ّل المثال الأرقى في السلوك الأخلاقي الإنساني .ويستشعر القارئ ،خلال تتب ّعه لهذا التناقض
ِض هذا جلي ّا في كتاب المقصد .و يعر ُبين التنز يه لصفات ال� ل�ه وإمكانية تخل ّق الإنسان بها ،توتّر ًا كلامي ًّا ً
ق التي يعالج بها الغزالي هذا التناقض الظاهر من خلال الكلام الأشعري والأخلاق الصوفية. ل للطر ِ
المقا ُ
كما يحل ّل استخدام حجة الإسلام الحذِر َ للمصطلحات ،ومنهجه التفسيري البالغ التنظيم ،والتزامه لمجموعة
من المبادئ التأو يلية التي تدعم نظريته الأخلاقية للأسماء الحسنى .وقد لاحظت أجيال لاحقة من
المفسرين مخاوف الغزالي الكلامية ،وانتقدوا المقصد إما باتهامهم له بالإفراط في التشبيه أو قولهم بمغالاته
في التنز يه ،أو كذلك على أساس قولهم بتكل ّفه البادي في التأو يل.
الكلمات المفتاحية
الغزالي – أخلاق الفضيلة – الأسماء الإلهية – الأشعر ية – التخلق بأخلاق ال� ل�ه – التأله – التصوف – القشيري
1 Introduction
Al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111) repeatedly emphasises in his writings that the intrin-
sic value of every branch of knowledge is judged by its subject matter. From
his perspective, knowledge of God’s names and attributes is the most exalted
science. For its subject is God, and God is only knowable through His names,
which serve as a prototype for human ethical conduct.1 Taking his lead from
generations of Muslim scholars before him, and urged by multiple requests
from his students, al-Ghazālī set out to expound on the theological significance
and ethical implications of God’s ninety-nine most beautiful names in his aptly
titled treatise, al-Maqṣad al-Asnā fī Sharḥ Maʿānī Asmāʾ Allāh al-Ḥusnā (“The
Highest Aim in Explaining the Meanings of God’s Most Beautiful Names”).
As an eminent theologian and Sufi ethicist, al-Ghazālī had already earned
himself a wide readership when he set out to write this treatise. He was thus
acutely attentive to the dangers of drawing lessons for human comportment
from the transcendent meanings (maʿānī) of the divine names; or in the bold
words of a purported Prophetic Tradition: “characterising oneself by the char-
acter traits of God” (al-takhalluq bi-akhlāq Allāh).2 For in contrast to deriving
1 See al-Ghazālī’s discussion of the divine attributes and names in Mīzān al-ʿamal, authored
in 488/1095, five years before the Maqṣad, and prior to al-Ghazālī’s departure from Baghdād.
See also his Jawāhir al-Qurʾān where he identifies knowledge of the Essence and attributes as
the highest portion of the Qurʾān (al-Ghazālī 2013, 61).
2 The transmission of the purported ḥadīth, “characterise yourself by the character traits of
God” (takhallaqū bi-akhlāq Allāh) does not meet the standards of ḥadīth criticism, and is re-
jected by most ḥadīth experts as a forged, or baseless ḥadīth that has no origin (lā aṣl lahu). See
for example the modern ḥadīth specialist Muḥammad Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Albānī (d. 1420/1999),
Silsilat al-Aḥādīth al-Ḍaʿīfa wa-l-Mawḍūʿa, 6:346, no. 2822 who upholds this view citing au-
thoritative works Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī (d. 911/1505) and Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328). Al-Suyūṭī
upholds this view of its having no origin in his Taʾyīd al-Ḥaqīqa al-ʿAliyya which, to the best of
my knowledge remains in manuscript. Evidently, al-Albānī was able to consult this work for
he states that this view is stated on folio “1/89” of Taʾyīd al-Ḥaqīqa al-ʿAliyya. Ibn Taymiyya’s
opinion is to be found in his Talbīs al-Jahmiyya fī Taʾsīs Bidaʿihim al-Kalāmiyya, 6:518. Therein
he too states that this ḥadīth has no origin and further claims that the statement made in
the alleged ḥadīth is of the same class as the doctrines of “theosis” (al-tashabbuh bi-l-Bāriʾ,
al-taʾalluh) taught by philosophers and Sabian star-worshipers. Interestingly, the alleged
ḥadīth is also quoted in Shīʿī sources in a similar context. See Muḥammad Bāqir al-Majlisī
(d. 1110/1699), Biḥār al-Anwār, 61:131 wherein he cites the ḥadīth in passing without giving
any source. This occurs towards the end of ch. 42 of the book which is devoted to the na-
ture of the human soul (Fī Ḥaqīqat al-Nafs wa-l-Rūḥ wa-Aḥwālihimā) and al-Majlisī mentions
that this ḥadīth expounds a doctrine identical to that of the falāsifa, namely al-tashabbuh
bi-l-ilāh. At the same time, many scholars argue that the meaning of the ḥadīth is acceptable
because it is affirmed by a variety of other authentic reports and narrations and in this sense
would count as being good in substance, or “affirmed by external reports” (ḥasan li-ghayrih).
an ethics of action from the Qurʾān and Prophetic Tradition through the re-
fined filters of jurisprudence ( fiqh) and legal theory (uṣūl al-fiqh), contemplat-
ing a virtue ethics of character in light of the divine names is a much riskier
undertaking. After all, God and His attributes are not analogous to anything.
Humans, as he puts it, are as blind to the perfection of God’s qualities as bats
are to the light of the sun. Al-Ghazālī’s Highest Aim is therefore to reveal the di-
vine root of human ethics. But in reflecting upon the nature of this divine root,
he would also challenge the prevalent theological approaches to the names.
This in turn would force his readers to think about and relate to both the divine
names, and human behaviour, in a different way, and therein lies a risk of being
misunderstood (al-Ghazālī 1971, 11–12).
In order to avoid any semblance of theological immanentism, or “the af-
firmation of God’s comparability” (tashbīh), al-Ghazālī begins by positing that
an unbridgeable chasm, or irreducible “disparity” (tafāwut) separates the Lord
from the servant. This chasm, or affirmation of God’s incomparability (tanzīh),
accounts for a disconnect not only between God’s unqualified Essence (al-dhāt
al-ilāhiyya) and the human being, but also between the meanings (maʿānī) that
reside in the Essence and our apprehension of those meanings in the mind.
Yet, in spite of this chasm, he affirms at the risk of denying the attributes (taʿṭīl)
altogether, that the names are somehow comparable (tashbīh) and do serve
as prototype for human ethical conduct. Divine mercy, for instance, is com-
parable to human mercy not only in a metaphorical sense (majāz) or because
both divine and human traits are described univocally, i.e. by the same word
(ishtirāk lafẓī), but also in a spiritual sense that goes beyond semantics. The
servant, he argues, experiences three stages of grace, or “shares” (sing. ḥaẓẓ) in
the names in progressive stages as he increases in self-knowledge. The first is
to cross from abstract belief in a name to concrete certitude of it. For instance,
a servant may understand God’s power by experiencing his own utter help-
lessness. The name the Powerful thus becomes immediately evident through
“demonstrative unveiling” (inkishāf burhānī). This demonstrative unveiling
Many sound and weak reports invite the servant to assume the traits of God, and as such,
the takhalluq tradition is used not as a prooftext but a catch-phrase in the Maqṣad and other
commentaries on the divine names to refer to this cluster of more reliable scriptural refer-
ences. According to al-Qushayrī, the expression is found in God’s statement to His prophet
David: “Characterise yourself by My character traits” (takhallaq bi-akhlāqī) (al-Qushayrī
2003, 310). This statement is ascribed to al-Wāsīṭī and cited by al-Sulamī in his Ḥaqāʾiq
(Gramlich 1995, 407). The expression is ascribed in various forms to a number of early figures
including ʿUthmān Ibn ʿAffān (d. 35/656), al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (d. 110/728), Dhū l-Nūn al-Miṣrī
(d. 245/859 or 248/862), Sahl al-Tustarī (d. 283/896), al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī (d. ca. 318/936),
Abū Bakr al-Wāsiṭī (d. ca. 320/932), Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī (d. 421/1021) (Chiabotti
2017, 170–177).
picked up on al-Ghazālī’s theological anxieties, and critique the work for ex-
cessive tashbīh, excessive tanzīh, or excessive hermeneutical systematisation
(takalluf ).
3 Al-Ghazālī cites the Iḥyāʾ in the Maqṣad (e.g., al-Ghazālī 1971, 115, 127), and the Maqṣad in the
Munqidh min al-Ḍalāl which was composed at least one year after the Maqṣad in 500/1106.
4 The ḥadīth that lists the ninety-nine names has a rather complex transmission and reception
history. The text (matn) is narrated (rāwī) on the authority of Abū Hurayra and contains two
parts. The first part reads: “Verily God has ninety-nine names, whoever reckons them (man
aḥṣāhā) enters the Garden.” This statement is transmitted through multiple chains of repu-
table Followers (tābiʿīn) and is listed in the soundest ḥadīth collections. In most reports, the
prophetic invitation to reckon (iḥṣāʾ) the ninety-nine names is followed by a second part that
lists the ninety-nine names. It is this second part that the narrations of the ḥadīth generally
differ. Abū Hurayra’s ḥadīth is narrated by way of (ṭarīq) three transmitters: (1) ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz
b. al-Ḥuṣayn (weak), (2) ʿAbd al-Malik b. Muḥammad al-Ṣanʿānī (weak); (3) and al-Walīd
b. Muslim (soundest—but still a weak ḥadīth with two to four intermediaries on the chain).
Within each of the lists, there are considerable discrepancies. These discrepancies are under-
standable given that the oral transmitters retained the first portion of the ḥadīth, but could
not retain all the names in the list. However, the lists are not always ascribed to the Prophet
and are considered by many ḥadīth authorities to be interpolations (mudraj) added by the
transmitter (rāwī), in this case, by al-Walīd b. Muslim from his ḥadīth teachers. Al-Ghazālī
bases his Maqṣad on the locus classicus of this celebrated ḥadīth narration found in the col-
lection of al-Tirmidhī wherein we find four narrations. His ḥadīth narration goes through
al-Walīd b. Muslim and the names in the list are considered to be weak. Moreover, there
are names in Tirmidhī (e.g. the Lord al-Rabb; et al) that are not mentioned in other lists.
See Muḥammad b. ʿĪsā b. Sawrah al-Tirmidhī (d. 279/892), Sunan, 2:899–900, no. 3847, 3848,
3849, and 3850. Of these it is only no. 3849, related by Abū Hurayra, which actually lists the
99 names discussed by al-Ghazālī. The list is found in this form only in al-Tirmidhī’s Sunan.
The isnād is Ibrāhīm b. Yaʿqūb al-Jūzjānī—Ṣafwān b. Ṣāliḥ—al-Walīd b. Muslim—Shuʿayb
b. Abī Ḥamza—Abū l-Zannād—al-Aʿraj—Abū Hurayra. It is also to be found in three places
(with varying isnāds but all going back to Abū Hurayra but without listing the 99 names) in
Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870), Ṣaḥīḥ, 1:527–528, no. 2774; 3:1302, no. 6485,
Al-Ghazālī was not the first to produce a sustained meditation on the divine
roots of human ethics (takhalluq), nor does he claim to be. In fact, the Maqṣad
and 3:1492–1493, no. 7841. There are also two places (again with varying isnāds but all going
back to Abū Hurayra but without listing the 99 names) in Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, al-Musnad,
3:1578, no. 7618; III:1599, no. 7738. Finally, it is also to be found in two places (again with vary-
ing isnāds but all going back to Abū Hurayra but without listing the 99 names) in Muslim
b. al-Ḥajjāj al-Naysabūrī (d. 261/874), Ṣaḥīḥ, 2:1133, no. 6985, 6986. See also Jamāl al-Din Yūsuf
al-Mizzī (d. 742/1342), Tuḥfat al-Ashrāf, nos. 14,674; 14,536; 13,727; 13,674.
5 There are several substantial discussions of the theory of takhalluq in the Iḥyāʾ. See his
“Book on Poverty and Renunciation” under the heading “On the excellence of poverty over
affluence” (bayān faḍilat al-faqr ʿalā l-ghinā); and his “Book on Love” (kitāb al-maḥabba),
under the heading “Making clear that God alone is worthy of love” (bayān anna l-mustaḥiqq
liʾl-maḥabba huwa Allāh). In line with al-Makkī, al-Ghazālī describes fasting as “an assump-
tion of the divine character trait of self-sufficiency (ṣamadiyya)” in his “Book on the Secrets
of the Fast” (asrār al-ṣawm).
6 This ḥadīth, known as the ḥadīth of Mercy (al-Raḥma) or al-ḥadīth al-musalsal biʾl-awwaliyya
(lit. “The ḥadīth that is narrated first”) is traditionally the first ḥadīth that is taught to chil-
dren, and it is customary for ḥadīth lessons to begin with it. Al-Tirmidhī categorises it as
ḥasan ṣahīḥ in his Sunan (kitāb al-birr wa-l-ṣila).
7 Qushayrī’s Taḥbīr is extensively cited by al-Samʿānī (d. 535/1140) in his massive Persian com-
mentary on the divine names. See Chittick’s introduction to The Repose of the Spirits (Rawḥ
al-Arwāḥ) (al-Samʿānī 2019).
8 The earliest lexicographic compilations, including al-Khalīl b. Aḥmad’s (d. 170/786) Kitāb
al-ʿAyn, already showcase linguistic discussions of the divine names. Important in this
context is Abū Isḥāq al-Zajjāj’s (d. 311/923) short treatise, Tafsīr al-Asmāʾ, which consists of
linguistic analyses of the divine names from al-Tirmidhī’s list, with references to relevant
verses of poetry and scriptural prooftexts. Building upon the latter, Abū l-Qāsim al-Zajjājī’s
(d. 340/951) Ishtiqāq Asmāʾ Allāh (“Etymological Derivations of God’s Names”) highlights
the etymological roots of the names and incorporates materials from tafsīr literature into
his commentary. Divine names commentaries also build on definitions in Abū Sulaymān
al-Khaṭṭābī’s (d. 388/998) Shaʾn al-Duʿāʾ (“Matters Related to Supplication”), a work on the
proper etiquette (adab) of supplication with an important section dedicated to linguistic
analysis of the names, which was popular in al-Andalus. Furthermore, al-Farrāʾ’s (d. 207/822)
Maʿānī l-Qurʾān (“The Meanings of the Qurʾān”) and al-Ṭabarī’s (d. 310/923) Qurʾān exegesis
are important early linguistic sources, as is Ibn Fāris’ (d. 395/1004) Arabic lexicon, Maqāyīs
al-Lugha.
9 Al-Bāqillānī (d. 402/1013) wrote his work from an Ashʿarī perspective, building upon
al-Khaṭṭābī’s Shaʾn al-Duʿāʾ and a section on the names from al-Ḥalīmī’s (d. 403/1012) three-
volume theological work, Shuʿab al-Īmān (“The Branches of Faith”). Prior to al-Bāqillānī,
treatises and chapters on the divine names were usually included within larger theological
works, such as Ibn Khuzayma’s (d. 311/923) Kitāb al-Tawḥīd (“Book on Divine Oneness”) and
earlier philological discussions as its starting point and tries to work out the
meanings of the names within the Ashʿarī school of theology. The theological
texts, for their part, were often penned by Sufi-inclined theologians. These au-
thors were attentive to the fact that analysing the ultimacy of God’s names and
attributes also generates an awareness of His intimacy. Thus, al-Qushayrī, and
al-Ghazālī in his wake, exemplify the third vector in bringing their expertise in
Sufism to bear upon the divine names tradition.
From a broader historical developmental perspective, it is also important to
emphasise that the Maqṣad still represents a relatively early text in the genre.
It lacks at least two important approaches to the names which had yet to be
formulated and absorbed into the mainstream divine names commentaries
for obvious historical reasons. One is the ontological turn in the tradition that
was instigated by Ibn ʿArabī (d. 637/1240) and his students, who engage with
the names not from an Ashʿarī volitionist perspective but as ontological rela-
tionships (sing. nisba) between God and creation. This ontological turn raises
a host of new questions, and solves some of the theological anxieties that are
so clearly palpable in the Maqṣad. Thus, whereas al-Ghazālī treats names like
the Ever-Merciful (al-Raḥīm) or the Inflictor of Harm (al-Ḍārr) as aspects of
God’s will to bless or punish a servant, Ibn ʿArabī and his school prioritise the
servant’s subjective response to God’s singular reality depending on his ca-
pacity, or “preparedness” (istiʿdād) for that encounter. The servant responds
to the disclosed properties of these contrary names, displaying “agreeability”
(mulāʾama), “disagreeability” (munāfara), “readiness” (tahayyuʾ), or “prepared-
ness” (istiʿdād) for the divine self-disclosure. As such, God as “The Inflicter of
Harm” is really a manifestation of an unprepared servant’s response to His dis-
closure. Al-Ghazālī briefly evokes the concept of “agreeability” in the Maqṣad.10
But he prioritises Ashʿarī definitions of divine mercy and wrath as God’s will to
bless or punish in order to avoid the implication that God is qualified by im-
perfect human emotions and psychological states. In contrast to the Ashʿarīs,
7th/13th century commentators like Ibn ʿArabī, al-Qūnawī (d. 672/1274), and
ʿAfīf al-Dīn al-Tilimsānī (d. 690/1291) equate divine mercy (raḥma) with the act
Ibn Manda’s (d. 395/1004) Kitāb al-Tawḥīd wa-Maʿrifat Asmāʾ Allāh (“Book on Divine
Oneness and Knowledge of God’s Names”). Other important theological material
on the names is found in ʿAbd al-Jabbār’s (d. 415/1025) summa of theology al-Mughnī,
al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī’s (d. 463/1071) Qurʾān commentary; al-Juwaynī’s (d. 478/1085) Kitāb
al-Irshād; al-Bayhaqī’s (d. 458/1066) Iʿtiqād and al-Jāmiʿ li-Shuʿab al-Īmān; and Ibn Fūrak’s
(d. 406/1015) Mujarrad (Gimaret 1988, 15–35).
10 See al-Ghazālī’s discussion of the name the Majestic (al-Jalīl), and the perception (idrāk)
of God’s beauty and majesty (al-Ghazālī 1971, 126).
of creation (ījād) and privilege the doctrine of the Breath of the All-Merciful
(nafas al-Raḥmān).
In addition to this ontologising approach, the Maqṣad is also virtually de-
void of a second approach: occult meditations on the names and the symbol-
ism of the letters (ʿilm al-jafr). These approaches—which are both an outcome
of the ontological turn in the tradition and a result of the re-introduction of
elements within early Sufi thought that were cautiously filtered out of the
classical Sufi treatises up to al-Ghazālī’s time—occupy an important place in
commentaries written after the 7th/13th century. Instead of emphasising the
ethical implications of the names, later commentators also tended to include
discussions of the talismanic, magical, and healing properties of the names as
remedies to ailments in the soul. These remedies, which are acquired by invok-
ing the names, are a common feature of divine names commentaries in the
later Islamic Middle period. Traces of this discourse are found in earlier Sufi
and Shīʿī texts, and are featured prominently in al-Būnī’s (d. 622/1225) writings,
but are completely absent from the Maqṣad. From a broad historical perspec-
tive, therefore, the Maqṣad can be defined as a work of “theological Sufism”
that prioritises and synthesises three early interpretive strands in the pre-Ibn
ʿArabī commentary tradition: philological, theological, and Sufi-ethical.
11 Compare with commentaries by al-Qushayrī, Ibn al-Uqlīshī, Ibn Barrajān, or Abū Bakr
b. al-ʿArabī. Moreover, the text features various types of subheadings, such as a “subtle
point” (daqīqa) that usually offer a theological insight; a “beneficial tip” ( fāʾida) regard-
ing a name; or a moral hortatory section (tanbīh) where the servant’s “share” in a name
is typically discussed. The Maqṣad even features question-and-answer sections which
al-Ghazālī likely wrote after oral interactions with students during his composition of the
One of al-Ghazālī’s main goals in this work is brevity, clarity, and concision.
This he achieves with remarkable eloquence and often in rhyming prose. Many
of al-Ghazālī’s concise entries are summaries of al-Qushayrī’s lengthier entries.
These borrowings are so frequent that they are hardly worth citing, and a brief
comparison between the two texts is sufficient to show the extent of his in-
debtedness to the Taḥbīr. However, al-Ghazālī’s ethical insights are selectively
appropriated and abridged from the Taḥbīr on the basis of his theological pri-
orities. As a result, the names that receive shorter commentaries in the Maqṣad
tend to be heavily informed by the Taḥbīr, whereas the names that al-Ghazālī
dwells upon at length tend to be his own original compositions. Although it
may be tempting to assume that the Maqṣad is most original in these long tan-
gents because they mark a clear departure from al-Qushayrī’s commentary,12 I
would argue that the instances of filtration and synthesis are equally revealing
of al-Ghazālī’s authorial creativity.
text. Furthermore, internal cross-references within the treatise indicate that the Maqṣad
was written sequentially from beginning to end, a fact which would explain some of the
inconsistencies between the introductory chapters and the concluding chapters over the
question of whether or not the divine names are limited to ninety-nine.
12 See for instance his extensive discussion and illustrative examples of the All-Preserving
(al-Ḥafīẓ), and how God preserves a drop from evaporating by means of an angel
(al-Ghazālī 1971, 119–22).
Al-Ghazālī’s departures from the Taḥbīr feature themes and sections that ex-
cite him and he cannot resist devoting more attention to them (al-Ghazālī 1971,
75, 92, 101). For instance, al-Ghazālī gives special attention to the problem of
theodicy under the names the All-Merciful (al-Raḥmān) and the Ever-Merciful
(al-Raḥīm) (al-Ghazālī 1971, 67), explaining how God is Ever-Merciful yet
permits so much misery in the world. Or again, the name the Determiner
(al-Ḥakam) features an extended and ingenious water clock metaphor to illus-
trate how God engineers the cosmos, while and the name the Exalted (al-ʿAlī)
receives extensive discussion on spatiality, and what it means to say that God
is not spatially determined or qualified (al-Ghazālī 1971, 115–118). Al-Ghazālī is
also keen to provide detailed explanations of the concept of divine governance
(tadbīr), decree (qaḍāʾ) and determination (taqdīr) (al-Ghazālī 1971, 98–105).
The shorter condensations of al-Qushayrī’s work feature patterns of theo-
logical filtration, synthesis, and selective appropriation. The first mode of
synthesis is simply when al-Ghazālī wishes to be brief (al-Ghazālī 1971, 136),
or to avoid redundancy (al-Ghazālī 1971, 140) or to avoid stating an obvious
point (al-Ghazālī 1971, 146). He dispenses with the poetry, the anecdotes, the
scriptural roots of the names in the Qurʾān, and instead offers his own illustra-
tive metaphors. When he senses that more discussion is in order, he typically
points his reader to a relevant book in the Iḥyāʾ or to a different divine name
within the Maqṣad. In other instances, however, one detects the suppression
of material that the author considers to be theologically objectionable or ratio-
nally inchoate. For instance, he finds much of the accumulated material on the
name the Light (al-Nūr) to be vague, incoherent, and not worth engaging. Thus
al-Ghazālī brushes this genre of mystical reflection aside and provides his own
tightly framed insight. (al-Ghazālī 1971, 158).
In some cases, al-Ghazālī chooses to be succinct in order to filter out mys-
tical discussions that he seems to approve of, but which he considers to be
too esoteric to be divulged in his book (al-Ghazālī 1971, 134). These moments
of self-censorship are meant to be revealing, at least to the educated reader,
since he informs the reader that he is cautiously filtering out material from
the text. These instances also suggest that like the Iḥyāʾ, al-Ghazālī wrote the
Maqṣad for a broad readership. For instance, in his discussion of the names the
Powerful (al-Qādir) and the Potent (al-Muqtadir), al-Ghazālī ends his discus-
sion with the tight-lipped statement: “and beyond this lie depths that a book
such as this one cannot bear” (al-Ghazālī 1971, 145). This seems to suggest his
tacit approval of statements by early Sufis such as al-Tustarī (d. 283/896) who
blur the lines between the annihilated servant and the eternal Lord. Al-Tustarī
speaks of himself as having aligned his desires with God’s will to the extent that
the divine-human volitional binary is no longer discernible and the servant
acts by and through God’s will. Al-Tustarī proclaims Qurʾānic verses, such as
God’s command is to say be and it is, as being applicable to himself since he
is completely aligned with God’s will. Al-Ghazālī seems to tacitly approve of
this idea of complete annihilation in God’s will, but considers it to be too risky,
confusing, or misleading to share in his treatise.
Al-Ghazālī’s authorial resourcefulness is also on full display in his discus-
sions of polysemic names of God. His linguistic definitions of these names
are typically based on selections from al-Qushayrī’s text. However, al-Ghazālī
puts philology in the service of theology and his selection process is guided
by his theological priorities. For instance, when al-Qushayrī explores poly-
semic names like the Guardian (al-Muhaymin), he offers several definitions
and notes how several of its meanings converge with other names such as the
Watchful (al-Raqīb), the Preserver (al-Ḥāfiẓ), or the Trustworthy (al-Amīn).
Having set the stage, al-Qushayrī enters into a multifaceted theological and
ethical discussion of the name. In contrast, al-Ghazālī begins with the a priori
theological assumption that each name only carries one meaning (see below),
and his discussion of al-Muhaymin is framed in such a way that the meanings
of other names do not overlap with it.
In addition to the theological filters that al-Ghazālī imposes upon philo-
logical discussions, he is also dismissive of certain classical discussions that
typically attract extensive commentary. These departures from convention
are revealing as well. For example, lengthy discussions over whether the all-
encompassing divine name Allāh (al-ism al-jāmiʿ) is etymologically derived
from a triconsonantal Arabic root receive lengthy treatment in al-Qushayrī
and other commentaries. Discussions over the dozen possible roots of Allāh
tend to span several pages in the major commentaries and offer a space for
reflection. But the debate is dismissed in the Maqṣad as futile and passed over
in silence. Whereas an author like al-Qushayrī would capitalise on the plural-
ity of meanings and possible etymological roots to reap abundant theologi-
cal and ethical insights, al-Ghazālī sees such discussions as opening the door
to arbitrariness. These discussions complicate his ethical project which relies
on a stable set of semantic principles (non-synonymity, monosemy); i.e., that
each divine name can only be associated with a single meaning and must have
a single root. Following al-Juwaynī’s (d. 478/1085) lead in the Irshād (al-Juwaynī
1950, 144), he simply states:
It seems most likely that the denotation of this name follows according to
the manner of proper names; thus everything that has been said about its
etymological derivation and its [multiple] definition[s] is arbitrary and
artificially imposed.
al-Ghazālī 1995, trans. Burrell and Daher with some modifications, 51
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Al-Ghazālī ’ s Virtue Ethical Theory of the Divine Names 169
13 E.g., the Source of Safety (al-Muʾmin) and the Guardian (al-Muhaymin), or the Living
(al-Ḥayy) and the Self-Sustaining (al-Qayyūm).
14 Sufyān b. ʿUyayna (d. 198/813–4) and other scholars have derived ninety-nine names from
the Qurʾān, and Ibn al-Uqlīshī lists these names and their location in the Qurʾān (Ibn
al-Uqlīshī 2017, 1:177). ʿAfīf al-Dīn al-Tilimsānī apparently structures his commentary on
the names on the basis of Ibn ʿUyayna’s list.
15 In his conclusion to the first chapter ( faṣl 1), al-Ghazālī holds that the names are not nu-
merically limited (maḥṣūr) by the ḥadīth of ninety-nine names, since many names that
are mentioned in the Qurʾān and ḥadīth are not in the list. However, in the second chapter
( faṣl 2), al-Ghazālī attempts to demonstrate the benefit of specifying ninety-nine names,
and here he seems to contradict himself regarding whether there are ninety-nine names
or more. Then in part three ( fann 3) he holds that the names are not confined to ninety-
nine. Al-Ghazālī’s thought seems to have evolved over the course of his composition of
the text.
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to the theological hermeneutics that guide his approach to the names, and
therefore devotes relatively little consideration to their scriptural foundations.16
16 After al-Ghazālī, Sufi-Ashʿarī commentaries on the names including Abū Bakr. b. al-ʿArabī,
Ibn Barrajān, al-Qurṭubī, and Ibn al-Uqlīshī tend to engage a longer list of names. These
authors also ordered them differently. For instance, Ibn al-Uqlīshī’s commentary is al-
phabetically arranged; Abu Bakr b. al-ʿArabī’s is ordered hierarchically according to the
name’s proximity to God; Ibn Barrajān groups his names into theological categories; and
al-Tilimsānī’s follows the names as they appear in the Qurʾān.
1971, 42–43). In responding to the early Muʿtazilī debates with Ahl al-Ḥadīth,
the succeeding Ashʿarī scholars such as Ibn Fūrak (d. 406/1015), al-Qushayrī,
and al-Baghawī (d. 516/1122), side with the Ahl al-Ḥadīth in affirming that the
name is identical to the named. That is, the name is what is intended by the
verbal utterance (al-murād bi-l-lafẓ). They affirm an identity relation between
God and His names in order to avoid the implication that the Qurʾān is cre-
ated. In effect, they collapse the name (ism) and the named (musammā), and
refuse to identify the names of God with mere temporally originated vocables
(sing. lafẓ).17
Departing from the classical Ashʿarī position over the identification of the
name and the named, al-Ghazālī affirms the position that the name and the
named are distinct. He sides with theological outliers—Muʿtazilīs and Ibn
Ḥazm (d. 456/1064) whom he mentions in the Maqṣad—but is followed by
many late Ashʿarī thinkers including al-Rāzī (d. ca. 544/1210) in his commentary
al-Lawāmiʿ (Gimaret 1988, 27–30; al-Rāzī 1905, 21–28). Al-Ghazālī affirms that
the name, the named, and the act of naming are three distinct things (umūr
mutabāyina), unless the “name” is loosely employed to denote the mean-
ing of the name; and the thing named is its essence or quiddity (māhiyya).
He explains that words that human beings employ to signify various entities
may vary according to time and convention, whereas the existence of those
entities-in-themselves (aʿyān), and how they are experienced and conceptual-
ised within the human mind remains the same (Kukkonen 2010, 68).
Just as the maʿnā of a thing is an object of knowledge (maʿlūm) whose reali-
ty resides in the thing-in-itself (ʿayn), the maʿnā of God’s name resides in God’s
very entity (ʿayn); His Essence. This maʿnā is the eternal (qadīm) origin (aṣl)
of the name, or an attribute (ṣifa) of God. The Qurʾān twice criticises idolaters
for worshipping nothing but names that they have named (Q 12:40; 53:23). For
idols have names (ism); names that possess no reality (musammā). They are
unreal (bāṭil) since there is no maʿnā within the idols’ entities (aʿyān). In con-
trast to empty names of idols, the most beautiful names of God (ism) convey
17 Later Sunnī traditionists, such as Ibn Taymiyya and his followers, contend that a name
is for, or belongs to, the named (al-ism lil-musammā), as per the Qurʾānic verse to God
belong the most beautiful names (Q 7:180). According to this position, a name is not the
named, but it conveys the named. The mystic Ibn ʿArabī’s position in this semantic de-
bate, however, is that the name is identical with the named if by “name” we mean the
primordial eternal names that have no qualification nor etymological derivation. That is,
the name of the name. But if we mean the names that are contained in human language,
then they are other than the named. Ibn al-ʿArabī’s solution to the problem of the name
and the named is thus to affirm both the Ashʿarī and the Muʿtazilī positions at different
ontological levels (Ibn ʿArabī 2010, 10).
the knowledge that humans can grasp through the human mind (dhihn) about
the named (maʿlūm) realities in divinis. Being a mental form of cognition, this
knowledge is a non-eternal (ḥādith) form (ṣūra) of the eternal maʿānī in God.
For instance, the uttered expression, “the Merciful” (al-Raḥīm) is an indicative
signifier (dalīl) of what humans can grasp and vocalise (lafẓ) on the tongue
(lisān) about the maʿnā of mercy in the Essence.
However, al-Ghazālī’s semantics also affirms the early Ashʿarī position to a
certain extent. For these non-eternal names that are inspired on the tongues
of humans and affirmed in scripture were also known by God in pre-eternity.
Gesturing to the early Ashʿarī identification of the name and the named,
al-Ghazālī affirms that while the names are non-eternal because they are ut-
tered, they are also pre-eternal (azalī) in the sense that they pre-exist in God’s
knowledge prior to their manifestation. The names were hidden in the world
of non-manifestation (buṭūn) or in potential (bi-l-quwwa). Even names like the
Creator (al-Khāliq) are pre-eternal in potential (azalī bi-l-quwwa) prior to cre-
ation (al-Ghazālī 1971, 30–32).
By appealing to his semantic concept of maʿānī as immutable realities,
transcendent attributes, or ineffable meanings of the Essence in pre-eternity
(thābita fī l-azal), al-Ghazālī anticipates the classical Ashʿarī criticism of his
position. He affirms that the eternal maʿānī precede the non-eternal designa-
tions of those maʿānī on the tongue, through the Arabic language, in the form
of the divine names (al-Ghazālī 1971, 30–31). Yet the “names of the names” exist
in pre-eternity in God’s knowledge prior to the names. Thus, God was all-holy
and all-knowing in pre-eternity before He took on or was worshipped through
the names the All-Holy (al-Quddūs) and the All-Knowing (al-ʿAlīm). The now
created names al-Quddūs and al-ʿAlīm were known to Him “in potential” in the
world of non-manifestation (buṭūn).
Al-Ghazālī’s semantics is already discussed in his “Intentions of the Philoso
phers” (Maqāṣid al-falāsifa). Moreover, as Kukkonen has shown (Kukkonen
2010), the semantics in the Maqṣad bears traces of the Peri hermeneias and
Organon tradition, mediated through al-Farābī (d. 339/950) and Avicenna’s
(d. 427/1037) philosophies of language. His semantic discussion on what it
means to assign a name (ism) to a thing (shayʾ) is built on the Graeco-Arabic
Peri hermeneias tradition, and al-Farābī’s commentary on Aristotle’s theory
of signification is treated as a theoretical problem in Peripatetic Avicennan
fashion.
But how does his Avicennan-inspired semantic position have traction in
al-Ghazālī’s commentary on the names? The answer lies in the ethical aims
of his treatise. Al-Ghazālī enters into the age-old debate over the theory of sig-
nification with not only a new philosophical toolkit, but a different agenda
in mind. He echoes al-Ṭabarī’s complaint about the futility of this debate, but
delves into the discussion with an aim to establish a semantic principle that
creates theological stability for his ethical theory of takhalluq. To be clear:
al-Ghazālī’s Avicennan-informed semantics that posits a difference between
the divine name and the named reality reinforces his insistence on transcen-
dentalism and incomparability of the maʿānī of God’s names, or the “divine
character traits” (akhlāq) even as he affirms the ability of the human servant
to acquire those traits to a certain extent. The maʿānī of the divine names, or
the character traits of God, correspond to the universals in divinity (al-maʿānī
al-ʿulā of Avicenna), while the character traits (akhlāq) acquired by perfected
human souls are the particulars. Al-Ghazālī’s semantics provide the theological
foundations for his claim that humans can acquire virtue and ethical guidance
in light of the names without running the risk of theological immanentism
(tashbīh) because it enables him to draw a line between the higher and in-
expressible metaphysical maʿnā in divinis and the divine name which actual-
ises that maʿnā in the believer on the mental and ethical planes. Al-Ghazālī’s
semantics thus affirm the sublimity of the names on the one hand, and the
imperfection and non-eternity of human embodiment of those maʿānī on the
other. This point will be explored further below.
is not on the list;18 or (2) commentators have failed to show different meanings
of names, instead only underscoring differences in emphasis and scope.19
Al-Ghazālī accepts affinity (tanāsub) among the names, but not synonym-
ity (tarāduf ), and he holds that most mistakes and confusions in the divine
names tradition arise from the failure of commentators to distinguish between
the meanings (maʿānī) of the equivocal names (al-asmāʾ al-mushtaraka). The
names, he contends, may share qualities—e.g., the quality of majesty is com-
mon to the Great (al-Kabīr), the Exalted (al-ʿAlī), and the Supreme (al-ʿAẓīm)—
but there are significant modal differences between these names. Furthermore,
differences between the names are sometimes due to differences in scope. For
instance, the Independent (al-Ghanī) is subsumed under the King (al-Malik)
since all kings are independent, but not all independents are kings. This prin-
ciple, to al-Ghazālī’s mind, acts as a deterrent against theological and ethical
ambiguity. Moreover, it is theologically substantiated by a concluding chap-
ter in the Maqṣad where he demonstrates how each name traces back to the
Essence through one of the seven essential attributes (al-Ghazālī 1971, 172–74).
The principle of non-synonymity moulds the Maqṣad in creative ways.
In order to adhere to this principle, he either appeals to names’ contextual
usage in the Qurʾān, emphasises morphological (ṣarf ) distinctions, or assigns
names to specific cosmological levels. He appeals to Qurʾānic context, for in-
stance, when he engages with two pairs of contrary names: the Exalter and
the Abaser (al-Muʿizz, al-Mudhill) on the one hand, and the Lowerer and the
Uplifter (al-Khāfiḍ, al-Rāfiʿ) on the other. In order to distinguish between these
two pairs of names, al-Ghazālī highlights that the Exalter and the Abaser are
used in the Qurʾān (Q 3:26) to refer specifically to the giving or taking away of
sovereign ownership, in contrast to the Lowerer and the Uplifter which refer
to eschatological felicity and wretchedness, or proximity and distance from
God (al-Ghazālī 1971, 94–95). Al-Ghazālī also appeals to morphological dif-
ferences between the names to highlight the subtle but meaningful distinc-
tions between divine names that share the same triconsonantal root, such as
the names of concealment and forgiveness, al-Ghāfir, al-Ghafūr, al-Ghaffār
(Gh-F-R).20 As for employing cosmology, al-Ghazālī rejects synonymity among
names that refer to God’s creation and devising (ikhtirāʿ), including the Creator
(al-Khāliq), the Maker (al-Bāriʾ), and the Form-Giver (al-Muṣawwir). He places
18 E.g. al-Aḥad, the Only, is not included in Abū Hurayra’s list, because al-Aḥad and al-Wāḥid,
the One, denote divine oneness (tawḥīd).
19 E.g., al-Ghāfir, al-Ghafūr, al-Ghaffār (al-Ghazālī 1971, 36).
20 Al-Ghazālī points out differences in meaning between al-Ghāfir (root of concealment of
sin, maghfira), al-Ghafūr (intensity of concealment of many types of sin), and al-Ghaffār
(the repeated concealment of sin) (al-Ghazālī 1971, 41).
each name at a distinct cosmogonic level: (1) the Creator measures out and
determines all things (taqdīr), (2) the Maker brings things forth from nonex-
istence to existence (ikhrāj min al-ʿadam ilā l-wujūd), and (3) the Form-Giver
imparts each existent thing its unique form (taṣwīr).21
In Chapter Three, al-Ghazālī drives his point home by insisting that each
name carries only one meaning. The names are “most beautiful,” for each car-
ries a meaning of perfection, mercy, glory, grandeur, or eternity that befits it.
Pushing against al-Shāfiʿī’s position in al-Uṣūl, he appeals to early Arab conven-
tions of speech to make his case. For instance, when Arabs use a polysemic
word like ʿayn (spring-source, essential identity, eye, etc.), they intend one of
its dozens of meanings, not all of them at once. Al-Ghazālī objects to the posi-
tion adopted by most commentators who take a name to mean multiple things,
to have many maʿānī, as long as those maʿānī are not rationally or theologically
problematic. He ignores scholarly debates over the “differences of meaning”
(ikhtilāf fī l-maʿnā), and in contrast to al-Qushayrī, al-Ghazālī tends to provide
narrower and monosemic definitions of names.
However, there are passages in the Maqṣad where morphology, Qurʾānic
context, or cosmology do not lend themselves to al-Ghazālī’s principle of non-
synonymity. This is the case for groups of divine names that are close in mean-
ing yet do not share the same root. These include names of divine majesty such
as the Tremendous (al-ʿAẓīm), the Majestic (al-Jalīl), and the Great (al-Kabīr).
In this case, al-Ghazālī finds creative ways of defining each in light of the other.
However, these names are also more complicated because they tend to lend
themselves to multiple definitions. Al-Ghazālī’s most common hermeneutical
move in such cases is to find a way of amalgamating the various meanings
into one compounded concept. It should be noted that there are tensions be-
tween al-Ghazālī’s monosemic interpretation of names of majesty and the way
they are used in the Qurʾān. For instance, the name al-Ḥakam is Qurʾānically
associated with divine judgment, whereas in al-Ghazālī’s commentary it is
associated with God’s meticulous perfection of the cosmos.22
When al-Ghazālī comments on a name that has a plurality of maʿānī, e.g.
al-Salām—which denotes both God’s freedom from flaws and the safety of
creatures by Him and through Him—he exerts independent thinking (ijtihād)
to determine (taʿyīn) the most appropriate meaning for this name and weaves
both meanings brilliantly into a single constructed concept (al-Ghazālī 1971,
21 See also al-Ghazālī’s discussion of the difference in meaning between the Firm (al-Matīn)
which denotes intense power (shadīd al-quwwa) and the Strong (al-Qawī) which denotes
complete power (qudra tāmma) (al-Ghazālī 1971, 140).
22 I am grateful to my student, Ashhar Malik, for this insight.
23 Likewise, the name al-Laṭīf, the Subtle, combines the meanings of kindness in action
(al-rifq fī l-fiʿl) and subtle perception (al-luṭf fī l-idrāk).
24 See also his commentary on the Ruler, al-Wālī, as an amalgamation of the meanings of
governance (tadbīr), power (qudra), an activity ( fiʿl).
25 See also his discussion of the two meanings of the name al-Shahīd (al-Ghazālī 1971, 137).
creative, albeit rigid text. While other authors celebrate polysemy and attempt
to understand multiple valid interpretations of the divine names, al-Ghazālī
establishes the maʿānī as eternal attributes in the Essence, then proceeds to
argue that each of the ninety-nine scripturally affirmed divine names corre-
spond to one single maʿnā in divinis. Paradoxically, while al-Qushayrī holds the
rigid position that the name and the named are identical, he has a more flex-
ible and open-ended treatment of the names, and is receptive to a broader set
of ethical possibilities for each of them. In contrast, al-Ghazālī insists that the
eternal maʿnā and the non-eternal name are distinct, yet he fences each name
semantically and limits its theological and ethical ramifications.26
Despite his claims to its originality, al-Ghazālī’s doctrine of non-synonymity
also has its own long and complex genealogy. Historically, it was adopted by
some Ashʿarīs as an anti-Muʿtazilī move. For most Muʿtazilī theologians had ar-
gued that the multitude of names are reduced to mere redundancy. Accordingly,
divine unity can only be secured if the names are collapsed onto the attributes,
and the latter onto the attribute of knowledge (ʿilm), which for its part stems
from the Essence. Some went so far as to argue that the divine names are like
frozen proper names (asmāʾ al-aʿlām) that denote the Essence but carry no
meaning. An extreme—though non-Muʿtazilī—case appears to be Ibn Ḥazm,
who, according to Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), claimed that the divine names
all correspond to proper names that do not carry any meaning (Ibn Taymiyya
1965, 76–77).27 For al-Ghazālī, the names are both proper names (aʿlām) in
the sense that they denote the same Essence, yet they carry distinct meanings
(awṣāf ) and specific denotations. The names are synonymous (mutarādifa)
in respect of the Essence, since they denote a single divine reality; but they
are distinct (mutabāyina) in respect of their specific attributes (Frank 1978,
55–56). Al-Ghazālī adopts this principle of non-synonymity and polysemy in
light of his philosophically-informed semantics, and in an attempt to remove
ambiguity from his commentary on the divine names. Each name has a clear
and single meaning that corresponds to a single human ethical ideal. For him,
ambiguity over the root of any name, even the name Allāh, or debates over the
meanings of the name, destabilise and complicate his ethical project.
7 What Is a Maʿnā?
Al-Ghazālī’s semantic theory dovetails with his concept of maʿnā. Indeed, the
central concern of the Maqṣad is expressed in its title: Al-Maqṣad al-Asnā fī
Sharḥ Maʿānī al-Asmāʾ al-Ḥusnā (“The Highest Aim in Explaining the Meanings
of God’s Most Beautiful Names”). The key term here is maʿnā (pl. maʿānī),
whose significance is evidenced by my lack of translation. It is often glossed
as pure, transcendent, or supra-sensory meaning; concepts which describe it
in contrast to a tangible or intelligible “form” (ṣūra). At the most basic level,
a maʿna, or “meaning” refers to a thing that one intends to convey primarily
through language. But the Arabic word that comes closest to this sense of the
term maʿnā is al-murād, or “what is intended” by the speaker. In contrast to the
speaker’s intended meaning (al-murād), the maʿnā exists within an individual
entity ( fī l-aʿyān). If it pertains to the sensory realm, then the maʿnā of Zayd for
instance inheres in Zayd. If it pertains to the intelligible realm, then it exists in
the mind: my concept of Zayd has a maʿnā in my mind ( fī l-dhihn).
In theological terms, what al-Ghazālī means by maʿnā of a divine name is
a unique, inexpressible, inaccessible, inexhaustible, unqualified, and eternal
reality, trait, or attribute of God’s Essence. Each divine name has a maʿnā to
which it corresponds, which is to say that it has a reality within the unqualified
Essence of God. These maʿānī are distinctions not divisions, differences not
separations, in divinis. They are unique to God in their fullness and perfection.
Being supra-formal, they are not observable and cannot be comprehended by
the human intellect. The maʿnā of the divine name in the human mind is in-
commensurably limited in relation to the maʿnā of that name in the Essence.
The chasm between the divine maʿnā in the Essence and human appre-
hension is usually described in the Maqṣad as one that is absolute. Although
knowledge of the meanings of the divine names is inferred from observing
that this world necessitates a Creator who possesses essential attributes of life,
knowledge, will, and power, these attributes that we grasp from empirical ob-
servation only hint at, yet do not truly correspond to God’s actual qualities. To
illustrate this chasm, al-Ghazālī compares the human attempt to grasp God’s
qualities to a prepubescent child’s attempt at understanding the pleasures of
the conjugal act. The best an adult can do to explain it is to compare it to the
sweetness of sugar. Until the child attains puberty and experiences adult plea-
sure, he or she cannot know what it is in itself. Analogously, unless one is God,
one cannot fully know Him, for there is no correspondence between God and
other-than-God. Therefore, only God knows God (al-Ghazālī 1971, 162).
Al-Ghazālī thus affirms not only that the Essence is unknowable, but so are
the attributes, or the maʿānī. A maʿnā is God’s exclusive possession and as such
it is inconceivable in itself. Why are the maʿānī inexhaustible and incompre-
hensible? To answer this question, al-Ghazālī typically points to the “names of
divine acts” (sing. ism fiʿl) such as the Creator (al-Khāliq). This name encom-
passes all of existence, for God’s acts engulf all knowledge. A name like the
Determiner (al-Ḥakam) or the Equitable (al-ʿAdl) would exhaust all sciences
of humankind (ʿulūm) to be thoroughly explained. The reality of the name the
Creator is only known by the one who knows the reality of divine acts (afʿāl).
This name of act can be known in summary (bi-l-jumla) not in detail (bi-l-tafṣīl)
and not in an exhaustive manner (bi-l-ḥaṣr). Other names of act, like al-Bāʿith,
the Resurrector, are in the realm of the unseen and will only be fully disclosed
on the Day of Resurrection (al-Ghazālī 1971, 133). Due to their incommensura-
bility, al-Ghazālī endorses the Ashʿarī position that our knowledge of the di-
vine names is conditional upon revelation. They cannot be rationally inferred,
and we must call God by what He calls Himself (tawqīf ) in scripture. For by
naming God on the basis of reason, the caller inevitably commits tashbīh by
projecting human states and anthropomorphic assumptions onto Him.28
28 The Ashʿarī doctrine of tawqīf was articulated against the backdrop of internal Muʿtazilī
debates on whether the human intellect can assign names to God. The Baṣran Muʿtazilīs
held that the intellect can name Him, thus violating the principle of tawqīf that the
Baghdād school of Muʿtazilism adhered to (al-Ghuṣn 1996, 62). Imām al-Ashʿarī’s Baṣran
Muʿtazilī teacher al-Jubbāʾī (d. 303/916) held that if the intellect (ʿaql) deems a certain
meaning (maʿnā) to be admissible for God, then it is obligatory to name Him by that
meaning, even if there is no revealed text to confirm it (al-Ashʿarī 1969, 2:207–208). The
Baghdād Muʿtazilīs differed with al-Jubbāʾī on this point. They insisted, for instance, that
God called Himself al-ʿĀlim (The Knowing) not al-ʿĀrif (The Recogniser) and that His
self-designation should be respected. The doctrine of Tawqīf was also articulated by the
early Ahl al-Ḥadīth scholars. For instance, al-Khaṭṭābī (d. 388/998) held that one must
describe, name, and affirm God in His incommensurable beauty and perfection just as He
describes, names, and affirms Himself, not through the intellect (al-Ghuṣn 1996, 47). For
instance, one should not call God the Eternal (al-Qadīm) or the Essence (al-Dhāt) since
He does not call Himself that. Likewise, one should not name God on the basis of synony-
mous terms established by scriptural names or by linguistic analogy (qiyās lughawī). For
instance, God cannot be called Teacher (muʿallim). In similar vein, the Ashʿarīs in general
adhered to the principle of tawqīf. They maintain that the process of ascribing names to
the divine Essence must be moderated by scripture, for naming God is an act that per-
tains to the unseen realm and therefore must be conditioned by the Qurʾān and Prophetic
8 Anthropopathism
Tradition. The Ashʿarīs therefore “stop” at the names found in scripture. Al-Ghazālī
agrees that the final arbitrator in naming God is the soundness of the transmission of
the revealed text. In this spirit, al-Ghazālī holds that it is not permissible to extract divine
names from Qurʾānic verbs ascribed to God, despite the fact that divine names stem from
verbs (al-Ghazālī 1971, 165).
29 Following his introductory chapters on theology, semantics, and takhalluq, al-Ghazālī in-
cludes an apologetic concluding section following his commentary on the ninety-nine
names to refute immanentist heresies of transferal (intiqāl), unificationism (ittiḥād), in-
dwelling (ḥulūl), and characterising oneself by the actual attributes of God (al-takhalluq
bi-ʿayn al-ṣifāt), and he proclaims that his orthodox position is the “assumption of the
likenesses of the attributes of God” (al-takhalluq bi-mithlihā) which affirms a correspon-
dence between divine and human attributes in a broad sense (munāsaba ʿalā al-jumla)
Just as His mercy means that He wills the good for His object of mercy,
and that He gives him all that he needs while being free from the bind-
ing empathy that is [commonly associated with human] mercy, so His
intense love (wudd) is His will to honor and bless, as well as His benefi-
cence (iḥsān) and favor (inʿām). Yet He is free from the natural inclination
[that is commonly associated with human] love and mercy. For He only
wills love and mercy for the sake of their fruits and benefits, and He is
not [motivated by] binding empathy and inclination. For benefit is the
very kernel of mercy and love; it is their spirit. This is what should be
not in the full sense of the term (mumāthala tāmma), and a sharing of common names
(mushāraka fī l-ism) (al-Ghazālī 1971, 163–71).
30 He calls attention to the dangers of corporealism when discussing names like Al-Samīʿ,
the Hearing, and al-Baṣīr. For instance, the Seeing is easily prone to anthropomorphic
interpretations (tashbīh). There is mumāthala: we hear and see, as does God; but we can
only conceive of sight through our limited faculty of vision.
conceptualized in the case of God’s [mercy and love], glorified and ex-
alted, setting aside all aspects associated [with human experience] and
which are not a condition for bestowing benefit [in the first place].
al-Ghazālī 1971, 132; English trans., 119
At first blush, this cold Ashʿarī language seems to strip God of all positive at-
tributes. Indeed, Ibn Taymiyya criticised the Maqṣad on this very point, ac-
cusing al-Ghazālī of denying the attributes (see below). For al-Ghazālī, the
Ashʿarī framework is not reductionist, but rather enables a non-literal yet faith-
ful interpretation of anthropopathic names and verses of the Qurʾān and the
Prophetic Tradition. In al-Ghazālī’s way of looking at things, this volitionist
language does not deny God’s attributes due to their perceived imperfection.
Rather, volitionism affirms that His attributes are so perfect that they are ab-
solutely distinct from human traits. That is, although stripping mercy of its
anthropopathic and emotional connotations seems excessively transcenden-
talist, it is not a deficiency in the meaning of mercy. Rather it is a perfection,
since perfection of mercy rests in the perfection of its result, and an emotion-
ally invested Lord is a deficient one. What would God’s emotional investment
add to the maʿnā of His mercy? An emotionally invested Lord seeks through
His mercy to relieve His own pain and hurt, and is thus merciful for human
“selfish” reasons. For al-Ghazālī, the perfection of divine mercy entails that He
is merciful purely for the sake of His servant and that He is not motivated by
self-relief. If God were emotionally and affectively invested in His relationship
with humans, then His attributes of mercy, kindness, and love would be in-
complete and transactional. It is for this reason that “God is hallowed beyond
the sympathetic tenderness of mercy (riqqat al-raḥma), and the affective in-
clination of mutual love (mayl al-mawadda)” (al-Ghazālī 1971, 132). He is the
All-Holy (al-Quddūs), and therefore is hallowed beyond human imperfections,
attributes, traits, feelings and psychological states.
Some divine names which have anthropopathic connotations are real with
respect to the servant, and metaphorical with respect to God. These include
names such as the Grateful (al-Shakūr) and the Patient (al-Ṣabūr). Human pa-
tience implies constraint and torment of the self, whereas divine patience is
identified with God’s will and power (qudra). That is, God’s patience is His will
to arrange all things according to their proper time (al-Ghazālī 1971, 84, 161).
Hence there is no suffering (muqāsāt) of God doing something that is contrary
to His will (irāda). He is not pulled in two directions so that He would have to
resist or suffer from the pull, or desire for another action. His patience is His
determination of all things in their appropriate preordained time (al-Ghazālī
1971, 161). God is the Forbearing (al-Ḥalīm), but does not react emotionally
31 For an excellent analysis of anthropopathism, to which this section of the paper is in-
debted, see Güleçyüz, Mütekaddimîn Dönemi Eş’arî Kelâmında Beşerî Duyguların Allah’a
Nisbeti Meselesi. As Güleçyüz argues, an extreme transcendentalist position is adopted by
al-Juwaynī in the Irshād, who reduces anthropopathic verses and traits to the transcen-
dent will of God, and proclaims that God neither loves nor is loveable in the normal emo-
tional sense. “When we say that God, exalted, loves a servant, we do not mean that He has
affection (taḥannun) and inclination toward (mayl) him. Similarly, the servant’s love for
His Lord is his submission and obedience to Him. For God is hallowed beyond inclining or
being inclined toward” (al-Juwaynī 1950, 238). Thus, God is too transcendent to offer emo-
tional affection, nor can He be the subject of human affection, since that would imply
a dependency in God. Ashʿarī Qurʾān commentators, such as al-Bayḍāwī (d. 685/1286),
apply this theological principle to their exegetical approach to verses that ascribe human-
like emotional states to God, such as verses that speak of God as Lover: He loves them and
they love Him (Q 5:54), or Prophetic Traditions that describe God as having jealousy.
32 Al-Qushayrī’s commentary on the Loving-Kind (al-Wadūd) is illustrative (al-Qushayrī
1986, 176). His loving kindness is His mercy, will, and praise of His servants. It may also
be an attribute of act such as bestowal and excellence toward servants. In return, the
servant’s love is to remain steadfast in obedience. Al-Qushayrī then offers heartwarming
anecdotes, and hyperliteral mystical interpretations of the roots of key words, to person-
alise the name al-Wadūd. Similarly, God’s clemency (raʾfa) is intense mercy according to
al-Qushayrī (al-Qushayrī 1986, 239).
between God and creation is not absolute, what serves to bridge the discon-
nect? Al-Ghazālī’s first step toward answering this question is to rationally
refute Muʿtazilī theological transcendentalism (taʿṭīl) which affirms some at-
tributes (Creator, Necessary Being) and the Jahmīs who purportedly deny all
attributes. He thus devotes two chapters to critiquing of the negative theology
of Muʿtazilīs who deny the divine attributes (taʿṭīl) by collapsing them into the
Essence; as well as Avicennan philosophy which reduces God to a philosophi-
cally abstract “creation machine” that believers cannot relate to ethically.33
Like other Ashʿarī theologians, he describes this negative theology as a “her-
esy regarding God’s names” (lit. “deviating in the names,” al-ilḥād fī l-asmāʾ,
Q 7:180) since one is adding beyond what is permitted, or falling short of what
is commanded.34
33 Al-Ghazālī is so concerned about the risks of negative theology that after his commen-
tary on the ninety-nine names, he devotes two chapters to the core Maqāṣid wa-ghāyāt
to explain how each name resolves to the seven attributes and the Essence according
Ashʿarism, and how all the divine names fall under ten categories. These chapters are
similar to his discussion in the Iḥyāʾ, Kitāb Qawāʿid al-ʿAqāʾid (al-Ghazālī 2011, 1:331–380)
which begins with a basic Ashʿarī creedal proclamation for children, explaining the two
shahādas in terms of the seven essential attributes and the basics of prophecy. Moreover,
in the Iḥyāʾ, from al-Risāla al-Qudsiyya (al-Ghazālī 2011, 1:381–424) onward, there is an
expansion on his creed. He discusses qualities of the divine Essence, attributes, acts, es-
chatology, as well as political leadership and the status of the companions, and the text
is framed against the Muʿtazilīs and Shīʿīs. He divides names into those that denote the
Essence alone, such as Allāh; or names that denote the Essence with negation, such as
the Independent (al-Ghanī); names that resolve to the Essence with a relationality, such
as the Exalted; names that resolve to the Will with a relationality or an act, such as the
All-Merciful (al-Raḥmān), or the Loving-Kind (al-Wadūd), for according to Ashʿarī voli-
tionist theology divine mercy stems from will and God’s excellence and bounty.
34 These two chapters of the Maqṣad are reminiscent of al-Ghazālī’s Chapter Six from the
Tahāfut al-Falāsifa, in which he refutes the philosophical and Muʿtazilī doctrine of the
attributes. A similar discussion is found in al-Iqtiṣād fī l-Iʿqitād. In the second quṭb of
the Maqṣad, al-Ghazālī discusses the properties (aḥkām) and dictates (lawāzim) of the
attributes. After a description of the Muʿtazilī position, he refers the reader to his refuta-
tion in the Tahāfut. He adds with hesitation: “should anyone wish that it not be included
in this book, he may drop it, since it is of no importance to the [argument] of the book.”
This chapter is followed by a discussion of how the philosophers and Muʿtazilīs reduce
all the attributes to divine knowledge (ʿilm), which is reduced to the Essence. They claim
that the attributes coincide with the single Essence of God, thereby denying the attributes
(taʿṭīl) and claiming that they cannot be fathomed by the intellect (al-Ghazālī 1971, 139).
All names contain an attribute; but not all attributes comprise a name (e.g. Hand, Eye,
Speech). Al-Ghazālī also refutes Avicennan philosophy of emanation and eternity of the
universe, which also reduces God to an eternal, impersonal, philosophical abstract that
functions as an emanative “creation machine.”
of the self which we perceive not through outer sensory perception but the
witnessing of our inner senses. This demonstrative unveiling is captured by
his discussion of the names the Manifest (al-Ẓāhir) and the Non-manifest
(al-Bāṭin). God is the Manifest (al-Ẓāhir) by way of demonstrative proof
(istidlāl), since we can prove God’s existence cosmologically and teleologically.
Yet He is the Non-manifest (al-Bāṭin) in relation to our senses, for everything
points to Him and there is no way to contrast an existent thing that points to
God from one that is completely devoid of divine signification. Thus, God is
so manifest that He is non-manifest, and if something did not point to Him
it would be possible to understand how the rest points to Him. (al-Ghazālī
1971, 147–149). This point about God’s manifestness and non-manifestness,
according to al-Ghazālī, is grasped through contemplative study that leads to
“demonstrative unveiling.”
There is thus a strong rational streak to al-Ghazālī’s discourse on direct
taste, or the fruitional experience of Sufis (dhawq). In effect, al-Ghazālī ap-
plies the Aristotelian methods of demonstration that are employed in the
works of Avicenna to Sufi discourse on unveiling. As such, the indubitable
standards of demonstration of falsafa apply to the Sufi “science of unveiling”
(ʿilm al-mukāshafa), such that the unveiled person has an ineluctable certainty
about God’s assumption of the eternal traits that is as self-evident as his own
assumption of human virtues. In al-Ghazālī’s Maqṣad, Avicennan burhān is
mysticised, and mysticism is Avicennised in this process of “demonstrative
unveiling” (inkishāf burhānī) (al-Ghazālī 1971, 54–55). For in contrast to Latin
logic, al-Ghazālī’s burhān is the highest form of conveying truth and a demon-
strative knowledge that brings with it ineluctable intellectual and illuminative
certitude.
Al-Ghazālī’s idea that the direct recognition (maʿrifa) of the meanings of
the names by way of unveiling (mukāshafa) and witnessing (mushāhada) op-
erates through a demonstrative knowledge (burhān) that does not allow for
error (al-burhān al-ladhī lā yajūz fīhi l-khaṭaʾ) stands in contrast to the notion
of mystical knowledge (maʿrifa) in other schools of Sufism. In the school of
Ibn ʿArabī, for instance, maʿrifa is understood as the beginning of the oblitera-
tion of the servant’s trace (maḥw al-rasm). It is where the line of demarcation
between divine and human traits begin to blur, and the beginning of annihila-
tion. To realise a name is to obliterate an aspect of one’s self. In the Maqṣad,
this anarchic moment is never entertained: the lines between servant and Lord
are never complicated.
ascribes the human spirit (rūḥ) to Himself, teaches Adam all the names, allows
him to speak about what can be named (including God), commands the angels
to prostrate to him (and to God), and appoints Adam and his children as His
vicegerents on earth (khalifa). This status of vicegerency is also why Adam’s
children are given the power to represent God’s beauty and splendour, or, alas,
to destroy themselves and the earth (Q 2:30–42, 15:29, 30:41).
As the ancient Greek philosopher Xenophanes (d. 475 BCE) said: “It takes a
wise man to recognise a wise man.” Echoing a similar sentiment, al-Ghazālī
illustrates his point with the following metaphor: both an advanced student
and a door keeper know that al-Shāfiʿī is arguably the greatest legal theorist
of Islamic history, but the student’s knowledge of al-Shāfiʿī surpasses that of
his door keeper. Thus, al-Ghazālī concludes, we can only truly understand the
maʿānī of the divine names in relation to a purified self. After all, the names
were coined by God in order for us to understand them from our subjective
standpoint. The verse nothing is as His like, and He is the Hearing, the Seeing
(Q 42:11) captures this fundamental paradox. Our experience of sight (baṣar)
For all its brilliance, the Maqṣad as an ethical project is not a particularly unique
or groundbreaking intervention in the divine names tradition. Sufi theologians
had been meditating on the ethical dictates of the divine names long before
and after Ḥujjat al-Islām’s meteoric rise to prominence.35 The Maqṣad might
not have acquired extraordinary fame had it not been for the well-merited
fame of its author. However, the commentary was widely read throughout the
35 Aside from meditations on the ethical applicability of the names in Qushayrī’s taḥbīr,
this theme is also found in the early writings of Abū Bakr al-Wāsiṭī (d. 331/942) who con-
sidered takhalluq bi-akhlāq Allāh to be the definition of Sufism itself (Shahzad 2004).
Moreover, as Atif Khalil notes, the concept of takhalluq is not only generated by medita-
tions on, and interactions with God through His divine names, but by early Sufi ethi-
cists who observe how humans interact with each other. Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī writes: “If
someone were to prepare a meal for you, and you found fault in it and criticised it, he
would detest that from you. Similarly, God detests that from you. And this falls into the
knowledge of [divine] attributes, and in the meaning behind what has been said, that
‘the one most knowledgeable of God is the one most knowledge of himself.’” Al-Makkī
concludes, “If you were to understand your own attributes through your interactions with
created beings, you would come to understand from them the attributes of your Creator”
(Khalil 2014). See also al-Makkī’s discussion of “assuming the character traits of lordship”
(al-takhalluq bi-akhlāq al-rubūbiyya) in Qūt al-qulūb (al-Makkī 2005, 2:362).
Ibn ʿArabī,36 and the Ḥanbalī champion Ibn Taymiyya.37 For the latter’s fol-
lowers, such as Ibn al-Qayyim, the term takhalluq indicates that the Maqṣad is
a philosophically contaminated text.38 The term, moreover, is reminiscent of
the terms al-taʾalluh, “deiformity” and al-tashabbuh bi-Llāh “striving to achieve
similarity with God” that are used by Avicenna in his writings.39 Many me-
dieval Islamic authors were also uncomfortable with philosophical ethics
because it suggests that ethics can be intellectually reasoned, and that one
can therefore dispense with revelation and prophecy. Complaints of this na-
ture are also echoed by Ibn Barrajān.40 To be sure, philosophical ethics was
36 See Addas for a discussion of Ibn ʿArabī’s understanding of takhalluq (Addas 2015, 24).
One of Ibn ʿArabī’s earlier works is a commentary on the names which follows tripar-
tite division “realisation, self-characterisation, and attachment” (taḥaqquq, takhalluq,
taʿalluq), entitled Kashf al-Maʿnā ʿan Sirr Asmāʾ Allāh al-Ḥusnā. (Ibn ʿArabī 2010). He re-
stricts himself to the ninety-nine names mentioned by al-Ghazālī in the Maqṣad. In his
later Futūḥāt, however, Ibn ʿArabī uses the term takhalluq quite regularly but expresses
some discomfort with it, especially insofar as it is used by al-Ghazālī because he felt that
it inevitably implied a tashbīh, or correspondence between the eternal Lord and the cre-
ated servant: “If I ever ascribed correspondence (munāsaba) [between servant and Lord]
as Imām Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī does in his books and elsewhere, it is a sort of forced
explanation (takalluf ) and a far cry from the realities [that we intend to express], for what
correspondence is there between the temporally originated and the eternal, and how can
one compare anything to that which resists all comparison?” The passage in question is
found in the first “part” or faṣl of the Futūḥāt, known as al-faṣl al-awwal, fī l-Maʿārif, which
is spread over the first 73 chapters; see Chapter Three (al-bāb al-thālith), entitled Fī tanzīh
al-Ḥaqq.
37 Ibn Taymiyya criticises the term takhalluq for being a carry-over from philosophy, and had
a strong distaste for Ghazālī’s hyper-theologised understanding of God’s attributes and
his doctrine of takhalluq. Ironically, he critiques the anti-anthropopathism of Ashʿarīs
and accuses them of taʿṭīl, or denying essential attributes of God that He ascribes to
Himself, such as mercy, love, and anger. (Ibn Taymiyya 2005, 7:413–416).
38 Ibn al-Qayyim objected to the project as it seems to build off philosophical ethics of
Miskaway’s Tahdhīb al-Akhlāq (“Refinement of Character Traits”).
39 See Avicenna’s Risāla fī l-ʿishq (“Treatise on Love”) where he speaks of achieving confor-
mity with qualities of the Necessary Being as a process of “deiformity” (taʾalluh). He de-
scribes the Necessary Being as the True Lover, and the process of becoming characterised
by its qualities as an actualisation of Necessary Being’s love for beauty, and affirms that
the attributes of the Necessary Being (unity, generosity, wisdom, eternity etc.) can be con-
formed to (Chittick 1995).
40 Ibn Barrajān (d. 536/1141), who did not read the Maqṣad when writing his own massive
and seminal commentary on the divine names, had theological misgivings about the
term takhalluq because ascribing “character traits” to God struck him as anthropomor-
phic, and he found such discourse to be uncomfortably close to philosophical discourse.
(Casewit 2017, 136–55). For a study of theological responses to this theological problem
(see Gimaret 1997).
certainly part and parcel of the educational background that al-Ghazālī inher-
ited, and Greek ethics easily lends itself to Islamic ethics. Like so many authors,
it impacts how he formulates, codifies, and classifies ethics. He found Plato’s
tripartite division of the faculties of the soul in The Republic, the four cardinal
virtues, and Aristotle’s virtue as a golden mean between excess (ifrāṭ) and de-
ficiency (tafrīṭ) to be a useful way of discussing and framing the virtues. But
despite common terms and the use of parallel formulations in philosophical
ethics and takhalluq discourse, as well as al-Ghazālī’s demonstrable familiar-
ity with philosophical ethics in the Iḥyāʾ, this accusation is a red herring that
distracts from the core theological concerns and dynamics that undergird
al-Ghazālī’s Maqṣad.41
Hesitations over using the term takhalluq are expressed by al-Ghazālī’s own
student, Abū Bakr b. al-ʿArabī. The latter is alert to the problematic nature of
the term takhalluq in his ethical meditations on the names, and expresses his
reservations in his remarkable commentary, al-Amad al-Aqṣā (“The Furthest
Limit”) (Ibn al-ʿArabī, 2015, 1:230–231). Tellingly, Ibn al-ʿArabī introduces his
ethical discussion with a section devoted to “the exclusively divine traits of
God” (ikhtiṣāṣāt ilāhiya), and under the heading: “supreme station of the Lord”
(al-manzila al-ʿulyā lil-Rabb) in contrast to the “lowly station of the servant”
(al-manzila suflā lil-ʿabd).42
It seems that this terminological use incited the ire of the Tunisian Mālikī
jurist al-Māzirī (d. 536/1141).43 Al-Ghazālī is the first to concede that some
“shares” of a servant in names is by way of a “far-fetched metaphor” (majāz
41 Our author was surely aware of al-Rāghib al-Iṣfahānī’s Kitāb al-Dharīʿa ilā Makārim
al-Sharīʿa, a book that influenced al-Ghazālī’s Mīzān al-ʿAmal on science of the soul, the
house, and society. It may have also played a role in informing al-Ghazālī’s takhalluq,
since it mentions the notion of “emulating God to the extent of one’s ability” (al-iqtidāʾ
bi-Llāh bi-qadr al-ṭāqa). Miskawayh’s Tahdhīb al-akhlāq would have been known to him
as well.
42 Abū Bakr b. al-ʿArabī devotes a section to the distinctive features of God’s akhlāq
(ikhtiṣāṣāt ilāhiya) to stress the Lord’s transcendence (al-manzila al-ʿulyā lil-Rabb) in con-
trast to the lowly station of the servant (manzila suflā lil-ʿabd). The Amad is structured
much like the Maqṣad with theological introductions, and commentaries on Qurʾānic
verses like the Taḥbīr of al-Qushayrī. The names are listed in degrees of ascent (taraqqī)
in devotion. Each name receives four separate commentaries: 1) scriptural root (mawrid);
2) philological analysis (lugha); 3) theological analysis tracing each name’s relation to the
attributes and Essence; 4) divine assumption of traits (takhalluq) and al-manzila al-ʿulyā
lil-ʿabd; to address how God shares in the character trait without being anthropopathic,
followed by 5) human share in the name.
43 See Ibn Taymiyya 2010, 6:124–126. According to Ibn Taymiyya, Makkī’s discussions of
takhalluq in the Qūt al-Qulūb were also refuted by the Shāfiʿī Sufi traditionist Abū l-Bayān
al-Dimashqī, known as Ibn al-Ḥamrāwī (d. 551/1156).
baʿīd), such as the Creator (al-Khāliq) and the Author (al-Bāriʾ); we employ
our power in light of our knowledge, just like God. For al-Māzīrī, the names
of majesty are specific to God, by consensus, and the servant has no share in
them. One can emulate the character traits of the Prophet but not of God, for
nothing is as His like (Q 42:11). Hence holy sayings such as “Majesty is My cloak,
and greatness is My robe, and he who competes with Me in respect of either of
them, I shall punish.”44 When discussing the servant’s share in God’s name the
Compeller (al-Jabbār), he states that the Prophet embodies this name because
he is followed, emulated, obeyed, imitated, peerless in rank and in behaviour,
for he cannot be matched by anyone (al-Ghazālī 1971, 78–79).
Al-Māzirī’s criticism foregrounds the criticism of traditionalist Ahl al-Ḥadīth
scholars. The latter, who are not committed to the Ashʿarī doctrine, raise objec-
tions regarding the extent to which takhalluq can be applied to all the names.
Can the servant acquire a share in all divine character traits, including those
of majesty and grandeur? Generally speaking, most scholars accept that the
servant can take on some characteristics of God. But while the principle of
takhalluq is generally accepted, extending it to all the names including those
of majesty and transcendence is criticised by many as being a “forced explana-
tion,” or a stilted exercise in enforced clarity (takalluf ).45 From the perspec-
tive of Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn al-Qayyim, for instance, al-Ghazālī’s theological
systematisation of takhalluq in the language of Ashʿarī volitionism failed to
make a convincing case for how all the divine names—including the names
of majesty and transcendence—can be used as a source of moral guidance.
Ahl al-Ḥadīth authors were wary of the Maqṣad’s heavy layer of Ashʿarism and
11 Conclusion
Meditations on the significance of the divine names can be traced back to the
earliest period of Islamic thought. However, by the Islamic Middle Period, the
divine names genre takes on a life of its own, as evidenced by the composi-
tion of independent commentaries rather than sections of larger theological
works. These commentaries, moreover, tended to be meditative texts pro-
duced at the hands of well-rounded and senior scholars. By their very nature,
the divine names tradition falls somewhat outside the realm of formal theol-
ogy. It attracts less polemics and is not primarily concerned with establishing
tight theological proofs. For the commentators, “reckoning the names” (iḥṣāʾ
al-asmāʾ) was often understood as a door to paradise by applying all of one’s
learning and spiritual training to understand an aspect of God’s relation to the
human soul and creation.
Al-Ghazālī’s drive for systematisation produced a commentary that was
both valued for its concision and clarity, as well as criticised for the limits it
placed on interpreting the divine names. Despite its heavy-going theological
concerns, however, it should be emphasised that the Maqṣad was also written
with devotional ends in mind. Al-Ghazālī often sets aside polemics and tech-
nical theological debates.46 But in affirming the divine roots of human ethics,
46 Al-Qushayrī too has theological arguments and refutations in his Taḥbīr, but they are sec-
ondary to his purpose (e.g., al-Qushayrī 1986, 103). Abū Bakr b. al-ʿArabī also refutes the
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Al-Ghazālī ’ s Virtue Ethical Theory of the Divine Names 197
he can never fully put his theological concerns to rest. He employs the theo-
logical, philosophical, and juridical (uṣūlī) tools at his disposal to systematise
the analogical process of reasoning about the divine names. This Ghazālian
drive in the Maqṣad (completed ca. 495–499/1101–1105) is also detectable in
his approach to the Qurʾānic exegetical tradition in his Qānūn al-Taʾwīl (“The
Rule of Interpretation,” completed ca. 490/1097). For in the Qānūn, he seeks
to determine the correct reading of the Qurʾān, just as in the Maqṣad he seeks
to determine the only correct meaning of a name by laying out “rules of inter-
pretation” of the names.47 These hermeneutical principles guide his approach
to acquiring character traits of God through analogical knowledge. Al-Ghazālī
thus approaches virtue ethics almost as a legal theorist (uṣūlī) would, by draw-
ing analogy from the visible (i.e., the human ethical share in the meaning of a
name) for the unseen (the transcendent maʿnā of the name) (qiyās al-shāhid
ʿalā al-ghāʾib). But in the end, the transcendent names are resistant to such
meta-hermeneutics and cannot be confined to neat rational categories.
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