CHAPTER ONE

1.1 Introduction

A woman is an adult female human. Prior to adulthood, a female human is referred to as a girl.
The word woman can be used generally, to mean any female human, or specifically, to mean an
adult female human as contrasted with girl. They perform the role of wife, partner, organizer,
administrator, director, re-creator, disburser, economist, mother, disciplinarian, teacher, health
officer, artist, etc and queen in the family at the same time. Apart from it, women play a key role
in the socio-economic development in the society.
Chaplains have traditionally served as professional clergypersons conducting divine services and
providing religious education; officers managing the Command Religious Program, facilitating
free exercise of religion for all, providing pastoral care, and advising on religious, ethical, and
moral issues; leaders for the command in areas of faith and moral values, professional ethics,
personal growth, and adjustment; and subject matter experts providing input on issues affecting
morale, values, ethics, suicide, and trauma/stress. Chaplaincy is the office or position of a
member of the clergy attached to a private chapel, institution, ship, regiment, etc. Adedapo
(2012) revealed that chaplains are bonded together for the sake of our calling in Christ Jesus and
Muhammad. The calling is to maintain or build a bridge between a person and God when that
person in separated from traditional sources of Pastoral and Islamic care. He revealed that a
person get separated by becoming physically or spiritually unable to maintain their connection to
God, their pastor or imam and the community. They may be in a prison, a hospital, a ministry
installation, a nursing home or even in their own, but, whenever separation exists, a chaplain
becomes the bridge. Adedapo (2012) added that the Chaplain performs the pastoral or Islamic
functions of healing, sustaining, reconciling and guiding the persons in his or her area of service
as a faithful witness to Christ or Muhammad. The Chaplain becomes priest, prophet and wise
counselor as the situation demands.
Advocacy is defined as any action that speaks in favor of, recommends, argues for a cause,
supports or defends, or pleads on behalf of others. Peace is a concept of societal friendship and
harmony in the absence of hostility and violence. Peace advocacy is any policy that advocates
maintaining peaceful international relations. This study therefore wishes to analyze the roles of
women in chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy.

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1.2 Rationale:
Chaplaincy is situated in the interaction of faith, and faith communities, with other areas of the
life of society. Characterized, on the one hand, by being a pastoral presence in diverse settings,
chaplaincy is also a significant aspect of the church’s contribution to civil society. Chaplaincy is
therefore a distinctive ministry undertaken in the public square by representative and authorized
ministers (lay & ordained), embedded characteristically in social rather than church structures
and focusing the vocation of the church to serve the mission of God in the world. Roles are
publicly recognized and validated by both the host organization/network and the faith
community; and chaplains are appropriately accountable to both the host organization/network as
well as to their faith community. They contribute to the mission of the context in which they
work (e.g. to the work of education or to healthcare), as well as to that of the church, working in
a professional way with specific knowledge, skills and training relevant to their work context
Historically, chaplaincy developed significantly in education, health, prisons the military and, to
a lesser extent, government, serving the needs of those who might otherwise be detached from
the congregational life of churches, through incarceration or membership of closed communities.
This gave rise to a continuing tradition of public sector chaplaincy, jointly resourced by churches
(and more recently faiths other than Christianity) and public sector organizations and institutions.
There is a long tradition here not only of pastoral care, but also of supportive critical engagement
with the development of the public sector, for instance, with the development of modern
approaches to the role of prisons within criminal justice; or with approaches to education, or
health and well-being. More recent developments in this area include chaplaincy to the police
(and other emergency services) and to courts of justice. Other roots of chaplaincy lie in the
engagement with industry and commerce. These roots would include industrial mission, railway
missions, the international phenomenon of port chaplaincy and agricultural chaplaincy. Once
again, this is a tradition of both the extension of pastoral care to groups that might otherwise be
untouched by the mission of the churches, and one of engagement with the life of society, in this
case with its economic life in an industrial and post-industrial era. This is an area of chaplaincy
that is changing, diversifying and growing. Diverse areas of commercial life are now touched by
chaplaincy, including: industry (at least in some areas); retail (shopping centres, supermarkets,
etc.); financial services; transport (notably airports); leisure (theatres and sport, especially

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football clubs); and those areas where there is chaplaincy in the community (including in town
centres, areas of economic regeneration and rural areas). Engagement with commerce has also
given rise to some examples of the commercialization of chaplaincy, with chaplaincy
organizations, and a few small companies, offering chaplaincy services commercially. A third
strand of chaplaincy, with its roots in the middle ages, is represented by clergy in non-parochial
roles, serving particular aspects of church life. These would include chaplains to bishops and
religious communities, and possibly cathedral chaplains. This area of chaplaincy is not a primary
focus of this research, unlike the two mentioned above.
Those involved in chaplaincy, as further explored in this report, include: full-time chaplains paid
by faith communities, and/or by host organizations; part-time chaplains paid similarly; volunteer
chaplains (who are often engaged in other areas of ministry as well); and significant numbers of
volunteers working alongside chaplains, in both the public sector and commercial settings. Part
of the genius of chaplaincy lies in chaplains living out their dual membership of faith
communities and other organizations; paying attention to the identity, language, organization and
values and beliefs, not only of their faith tradition, but also of the hospital, shopping centre,
regiment or other organization they serve; and making practical and theological connections
between faith and society. This is often articulated by chaplains as about ‘presence’, in Christian
terms as an incarnation ministry that seeks to discern and live out the presence of God in the
midst of society, in partnership with others who work for the common good.
As part of this approach, chaplaincy has played an interesting and significant role within aspects
of the secularization of UK society, especially the changing roles of faith communities within
civil society. Significant features of the changes in which chaplaincy has played a part include:
the continued involvement of churches, and the new involvement of other faith communities, in
the public sector, through the persistence of chaplaincy’s public role, set against the background
of decreased faith organization responsibility for governance and management in the sector; the
accommodation of chaplaincy to the prevalent norms of public life (human rights, respect for
diversity and provision of equal opportunity); the involvement of chaplaincy in government
approaches to both shared values and preventing ‘extremism’; the development of multi-faith
models of chaplaincy, partly in interaction with public policy; and ways of doing chaplaincy that
offer faith perspectives as a resource, but avoid imposing them on those served by chaplaincy,
rather seeking to discern and respond to their needs and aspirations.

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The Church of England continues to play a major role in chaplaincy of all kinds and has a
continuing commitment to sustain the work of chaplains. Church of England involvement in
chaplaincy has, however, changed, as well as persisted. The trend in ecumenical and multi-faith
models of chaplaincy has been from Anglican dominance, through models of ‘brokerage’ (where
Anglican influence has enabled the involvement of other faith traditions, while continuing to lead
in the management of chaplaincy), to a more equal partnership (in which different faith traditions
exercise leadership). In areas where Anglicanism has contributed historically to the
establishment of chaplaincy (as in prisons and the Armed Forces, where chaplaincy is statutory),
more recently that ‘establishment’ has been to some extent redistributed. For example, in prisons
the 1952 Prison Act requirement for an Anglican Chaplain in every prison in England and Wales,
while still acting to preserve Anglican involvement, also appears to underpin the current
requirement for multi-faith teams (enshrined in prison policy), whose leadership is shared
amongst Christian chaplains of different churches and denominations and by Muslim chaplains
and potentially chaplains of other world faiths.
Chaplaincy has a very long history of being another aspect of the mission of the Church,
alongside parochial ministry. More recently chaplaincy has been joined by other kinds of
mission-orientated ministry and approaches to mission, including fresh expressions of church
and pioneer ministry. It often shares with such aspects of church life a concern to engage with
contemporary society, and with those who are unfamiliar, or disenchanted, with traditional
approaches to religion and spirituality.
The research reported here investigates the Church of England’s involvement in the diversity of
contemporary chaplaincy. It is concerned with chaplaincy as an aspect of the ministry of the
church that makes a distinctive contribution to its mission. It seeks to elucidate the way in which
the Church of England engages with contemporary society through chaplaincy, in partnership
with other faith communities, and with a variety of partner organizations and institutions. It
identifies chaplaincy as an important connection between the Church of England and a variety of
areas of the life of society, including some that are not much connected in other ways. The
research is in keeping with the Church of England’s commitment both to support and develop
chaplaincy work and to learn from it in relation to other aspects of its life and work. However,
the research also carries with it an assumption that the needs and significance of chaplaincy can

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be somewhat hidden. For example, because chaplains are both lay and ordained and may be
office holders, or employees paid by the church, employees of other organizations (such as the
NHS), or volunteers, therefore clear statistics of the involvement of Anglicans in chaplaincy are
difficult to assemble. Further, because the primary focus of chaplains is rightly on their practice,
and the study of chaplaincy is a new and emerging field, the narrative of chaplaincy is under-
developed. It is variable (better developed in relation to health than criminal justice, for
example); selective (sometimes focusing on professional concerns, at other points on history, and
often based on accounts of personal experience); and has resulted in relatively few publications
that offer a wider critical perspective (as opposed to critical reflection on specific aspects of
chaplaincy practice). This research project was designed to address the above in the following
specific ways: by clarifying and developing understanding of the quantitative evidence available
to the Church of England concerning its involvement in chaplaincy; and by qualitative research
designed to establish a practitioner perspective and narrative, through investigation of the
practice of Church of England chaplains in different settings and partnerships. This report is
therefore designed to offer insight into chaplaincy that will develop understanding of its
significance; enable strategic thinking about the support and development of chaplaincy; and
feed wider strategic thinking about other aspects of the Church of England’s work. The aim of
the research was to investigate the Church of England’s involvement in chaplaincy across the
variety of contexts by building on current research, undertaking case studies and consulting with
practitioners, in order to provide: a coherent account of the extent and nature of the Church’s
chaplaincy work; a narrative of the work that can represent chaplaincy in both church and non-
church contexts; recommendations for how chaplaincy can be supported and developed as part of
the Church of England’s strategy for mission and ministry.
1.3 Research problem

Historically, women have had to carve spaces for themselves in a society that hasn’t always
welcomed their inclusion. In a world that isn’t eager to make room for you, there is no other
choice but to fearlessly inhabit these typically patriarchal spaces and make them your own. In a
1960s census by sociologist Wilbur Bock, women made up only 2.3 percent of U.S. clergy. In
the ensuing decades that would define and influence modern-day feminism, Rev. Flohr recounts
the 1980s with extraordinary vividness. She remembers the theologians who would reconstruct
the church’s “strong patriarchal” identity during a time marked by women’s struggle in the name

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of visibility and equality. As she recounts, “Those were years of activism for me . . . I have been
involved for decades locally, in my national organizations, and with the World Council of
Churches (WCC) to make a difference.”

The push for change that has defined Rev. Flohr’s life is most evident in her career path as a
Chaplain. When a severe accident left her hospitalized for weeks as a teen, the experience of
isolation and loneliness propelled her into a life of spiritual and emotional service.“At that time,
there were no chaplains in the hospital to offer emotional and spiritual support. I had just entered
the university on the path to becoming a minister. After completing my studies, I worked in the
church first. I then specialized in hospital chaplaincy 16 years after my accident in the hope to
support others as they were going through traumatic hospital experiences, coping with illness,
and finding the strength to continue.”

There is something inherent about marginalized communities’ experiences, defined by trauma

and adversity, which calls for a level of strength and poise that is incomprehensible considering
the odds. Perhaps this tradition of resilience is one best learned and modeled through the
educational history of those who have come before. Chaplain Keanu-Reichel finds her power by
looking to her “ancestors who survived colonization and cultural genocide.” Noting the women
who came before her, she lists Queen Liliuokalani and Ruth Keeliklani as two of her most
significant influences; not only for their grace but also their unwillingness to venture from the
essence of who they were.

Despite the painfully gradual pace that marks women’s involvement in ministry, there is still
much progress to be made. According to a 2016 American Communities Survey Census, 20.7%
of professional clergy in the U.S. were women; a statistic that illustrates the disparity among
genders but fails to encompass the often-colorful experiences of women. Chaplain Keanu-
Reichel recalls having to prove her worth to others who discounted her because of her identity,
something universally expressed by others aiming to make these spaces home. As she notes, “It
is okay if some do not want your services, there will be others for whom your ministry will be a
balm to their soul. Pace yourself.”

For some, the inspiration to become a Chaplain hits closer to home. In seeing the strength and
inherent goodness in female role models within the household, Chaplain Lee thanks her mother

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for instilling the virtues necessary for a career like hers. “My mother has been a big influence.
She genuinely cared for others without judgment and with loving-kindness. That’s what I try to
bring with me every visit.”

There is a level of emotional intimacy that defines Rev. Lee’s work, which requires a significant
level of empathy and compassion. These qualities in which she has made it her mission to
embody are noteworthy for the level of care they suggest. Having the opportunity to share advice
with her younger self, she explains her desire to let that young woman know that the struggles
she has been through will not be in vain. “I would tell her that the most painful parts of her
journey will be redeemed, and provide her the tools she needs to the person she is today,”
Chaplain Lee says.

Looking toward the future, there is hope that diversity will continue to intersect itself into this
space. This goal of course is made increasingly possible by the stories of these three spiritual
leaders. It is with deep gratitude and respect that their stories are laid bare in this article as a
testament to their resilience, strength, and the hope they have instilled in others through their life
of service.

Throughout human history, traditional gender roles have often defined and limited women’s
activities and opportunities; many religious doctrines stipulate certain roles for women. With
restrictions loosening during the 20th century in many societies, women have gained access to
careers beyond the traditional homemaker, and the ability to pursue higher education. They are
now involved in conflict resolution and peace advocacy. According to a recent study of the
Council on Foreign Relations (CFR, 2017), women are rarely included in peace negotiations. In
the peace negotiations from 1990-2017 women represented 2% of the mediators, 5% of the
witnesses and signatories and 8% of the negotiators. Of the 1.187 peace agreements during the
same time, 19% mentioned and made references to women, 5% made references to gender based
violence. Experts on the area of creating lasting peace stress the need to include women in the
peace negotiations since women’s needs are different to those of the men and they are often more
vulnerable which is overlooked or forgotten in the negotiation process. This in turn leads to the
peace agreements being less effective and less likely to be sustainable since the humanitarian
responses are limited (CFR, 2017: IPI, 2013: Kumalo, 2015: UN Women, 2012).

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In the example of Burundi peace building and conflict resolution process, provisions in peace
accords fail to make reference to women as actors and agents of change for peace. The language
of the agreement was weak, and deprived women of a political space where they could contribute
to the building of peace as recognized partners, not only as mothers or dependants on a male
relative. Women are generally defined as members of vulnerable groups, together with the
elderly and the handicapped, as part of the category “women-and-children”. They are first and
foremost considered as hopeless victims unable to take charge of the lives, and this approach
deprives them of the agency as responsible.
Also, in the Christian faith and circle, women are asked to be quiet and keep silent in the church.
They are often seen as weaker vessels whose roles are confined to the home and the kitchen. This
has inevitably led to less women vying for chaplaincy positions. This gap has affected the
women folk greatly because there are some ethical and moral issues that are best handled by
them. Women tend to be free to open up about pressing issues regarding their personal lives
amongst themselves. The presence of women in chaplaincy has not been felt in the Nigerian
society. Women are also good advocators of peace. Their emotional approach to conflicts have
often aided in conflict resolution. This study therefore wishes to analyze the role women play in
chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy.
1.4 Research Objectives
The broad objective of this study is to analyze the roles of women in chaplaincy in relation with
peace advocacy. The specific objectives are to:
i. Determine the requirements of becoming a chaplain
ii. Investigate the need of women in Chaplaincy
iii. Determine the role of women in Chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy
1.5 Research Questions
This study wishes provided answers to these following questions;
i. What are the criteria of becoming a chaplain?
ii. Why do we need women in Chaplaincy?
iii. What are the roles of women in Chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy?

1.6 Justification

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Today, chaplaincy as an essential expression of ministry to people in circles is often overlooked
or not easily entered by traditional church pastors and denominational programs. As institutional
and organizational life becomes more important in societal life, leaders and members of those
groups look to chaplains for spiritual, religious, moral and ethical guidance and support
(Councell, 2018). With more females in college and university campuses, female chaplains can
be more easily trusted to understand claims of date rape, sexual hazing or harassment, to provide
counseling on ethical and moral questions and pregnancy etc. They can serve as advisors to the
university on policies and standards that could be overlooked by males. With increasing numbers
of females in detention facilities, female correctional chaplains are critical to the institution
populations as “safe ears” (Councell, 2018). In healthcare arena, female chaplains can establish
rapport with patients and advise the medical staff on issues that can sometimes be awkward for
males. Female patients feel more comfortable and open discussing concerns about birthing,
breastfeeding, certain surgeries, etc., with a female chaplain.

During the past few years, there has been an increasing recognition by government, international
organizations, and civil society of the importance of gender equality and empowerment of
women in the continuing struggle for equality, democracy and human rights, as well as for
poverty eradication and development (El-Bushra, 2000). In nearly every country and region of
the world, there has been progress on achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment,
although this progress has been uneven and the gains remain fragile. A great challenge facing the
world today is the growing violence against women and girls in armed conflict. In today’s
conflict, they are not only the victims of hardship, displacement and warfare, they are directly
targeted with rape, forced pregnancies, and assault as deliberate instruments of war. Women are
deeply affected by conflicts, which they have had no role in creating.
Armed conflict and its aftermath affect women’s lives in ways that differ from the impact on
men. Men in communities under attack tend to abandon public spaces to avoid being conscripted,
attacked, or taken hostage. This increases the burden placed on women to hold communities
together in the absence of men at war. On the other hand, women as symbols of community
and/or ethnic identity may become the targets of extensive sexual violence. Conflict in some
places has highlighted the use of rape as a tool of warfare. In Rwanda, women were raped as a
means of ethnic cleansing, serving not only to terrorize individual victims but also to inflict
collective terror on an ethnic group. An intensive literature explores the interconnections

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between the roles of women and men in conflict situations and the politics of identity and
agency. Literature on Rwanda, Mozambique, Palestine, and Sri Lanka shows that women may be
victims, but they also often participate actively as soldiers, informants, couriers, sympathizers,
and supporters.
Conflict brings with it terrible human rights consequences for all involved – children, women
and men. The impact of conflict on the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of
women, in particular, is often devastating. In spite of the fact that conflict has a high level of
impact on the lives of women, it is disheartening to note that they are not fully involved in the
peace building process because of its gendered nature. Women’s interests have been neglected
by the peace process, which has resulted in male-centered approaches to peace and security. The
intrinsic role of women in global peace and security has remained unrecognized since the
creation of the United Nations. In the past decade, many countries have embarked upon the
difficult transition from armed conflict towards resolution and peace building. The international
community’s role in this transition has shifted from narrow humanitarian and relief activities to
more comprehensive efforts to foster sustainable peace. At the same time, the community has
shifted from a stepped approach from relief to development to one that combines a broader
package of concurrent steps. Development organizations have become increasingly engaged in
activities during post-conflict, devoting time and resources to supporting this transition.
Building a lasting peace that sustains post-war economic, political, and social development
requires the full participation of all citizens. Yet it is increasingly recognized that the role of
women in post-conflict settings has received inadequate policy attention. According to Theo Ben
Gurirab, Namibian Minister of Foreign Affairs (cited in Organization for Security and Co-
operation in Europe, 2005), attempts to address the human rights consequences of conflict,
including the particular impact on women, can only be comprehensive and long-lasting if women
play active part in all the relevant processes and mechanisms given the gender-differentiated
impact of war on women.
It is important to know that preventing a war is entirely different than resolving one once it has
begun. In order to prevent conditions that give rise to violent conflict from coalescing, capable
societies must be created. These societies are characterized by three components: 1) security, 2)
well-being, and 3) justice for all of its citizens, including its women. According to Lute (2002),
women’s roles in promoting these three causes provide examples of their activities towards

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preventing the emergence, spread, or renewal of mass violence. The belief that women should
be at the center of peace building and resolution processes is not based on essentialist definitions
of gender (Lisa & Manjrika, 2005). The field of sociology makes a distinction between sex, and
gender. Human beings are not born ‘men’ or ‘women’. Masculinity and femininity is learned,
rehearsed, and performed daily (Butler, 1999). It would be naïve to assert that all women
respond in a similar manner in a given situation or that women are ‘natural peace builders’ (Lisa
& Manjrika, 2005). Gender identity is performed differently in different cultural contexts.
Gender identity must always be viewed in relationship with an individual’s other identities such
as his or her ethnicity, class, age, nation, region, education, and religion. It is important to note
that there are different expectations for men and women in various sector of the society and
gender roles shift with social upheaval. In conflict situation, men and women face new roles and
changing gender expectations. Their biological and sociological differences affect conflicts and
peace building. In all, most societies value men and masculinity more than women and
femininity (Lisa & Manjrika, 2005).
Despite this existence of ‘sexism’ or ‘patriarchy’, there are some widely accepted reasons why
women are important to all peace building processes. Women are important because they
constitute half of every community, and the task of peace building, a task which is so great, must
be done in partnership with both women and men. Secondly, women are the central caretakers of
families in most cultures, and everyone is affected when women are oppressed and excluded
from peace building. Therefore, it is essential that women be included in the peace building
process. Women play important roles in the process of peace building, first as activists and
advocates for peace, women wage conflict nonviolently by pursuing democracy and human
rights. Secondly, as peacekeepers and relief aid workers, women contribute to reducing direct
violence. Thirdly, as mediators, trauma healing counselors, and policymakers, women work to
‘transform relationships’ and address the root of violence. Lastly, as educators and participants in
the development process, women contribute to building the capacity of their communities and
nations to prevent violent conflict. This is made possible as a result of socialization processes
and the historical experience of unequal relations and values that women bring to the process of
peace building (Lisa & Manjrika, 2005).
This study therefore tries to interconnect the roles of women in chaplaincy in relation with peace
advocacy by providing useful information about the criteria of becoming a chaplain, why the

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need for women chaplaincy and the roles of women in chaplaincy in relation with peace
advocacy. This information can be useful in creating awareness so that women can be
encouraged and mobilized to attempt career in chaplaincy. This study will also help to project the
role of women in peace advocacy so that they can impact their societies as change agents in
conflict resolution.

1.7 Research Structure

The first chapter in this thesis consisted of the research problem, research objective, research
questions and a brief overview of the thesis. The second chapter presents a review of the existing
literature on the concept of agency, historical background, theoretical framework as well as the
chosen methodology which was explained further and in more detail. The third chapter consists
of the methodology used for the research. In the fourth chapter the analysis of the results and
findings were carried out and in the fifth and last chapter, the summary, conclusion and
recommendation of the research was presented.

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 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The chosen theoretical framework for this study uses a feminist theory combined with the
concept of agency. The concept of agency was used to understand women as agents of change
compared to the role of victimhood that is often linked to women in armed conflicts. The
feminist theory was used to help to understand the gender roles that are present in a society and if
women are considered different from men and what this would indicate for women if they are
not considered in the same way as men in the peace agreements and peace negotiations.
2.1.1 Feminist theory
There are multiple feminist theories. One of the common grounds for all feminist theories is to
highlight the gender roles. Gender roles are the basic way of how society is symbolically
divided. Gender can be explained as how the society reproduces the individuals raised to be
masculine or feminine. In different countries, what is feminine and what is masculine can be
different from one another and thus one explanation is not universal for all societies. However,
the understanding that femininity is constructed from masculinity, to where the two are
opposites, the woman is what the man is not, is a basic understanding for how the gender roles
are constructed. For example, if the man is active, the woman is passive; if the man is rational
the woman is emotional (Hjälmeskog, 1999). Feminist theory is to identify these roles and
question these by the consequences that may arise. Pateman & Grosz’s (2013) understanding of
the feminist theory, namely of the patriarchal society will help to analyze the findings in this
research. The authors argue that in the existing society, only people with male attributes can
engage in masculine activities. A woman, who does not have the male attributes can thus not
engage in the same activities and never as an equal. This since the patriarchal society does not
have the place for women in the normative role of women. Powell (1885) cites Sir Henry
Maine’s work from 1861, where he argues that the eldest male in the family were the supreme
power over the rest of the family.

Judith Butler (1988) considers the difference between sex and gender and the psychological
explanation to women’s social existence. The psychological reasoning to women’s subordination

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to men can be explained through the so-called gender schema. Gender schema is the way people
address the incoming information and select how we react and act on certain information.
Through this selective intake of information the individual can impose the current structures of
the society. All this is learned from childhood, where the society teaches girls and boys the
gender roles that are associated with their sex. For example, boys are taught to be strong and
powerful while girls are taught to be nurturing and caring. This results in that there is an
internalized motivation to why women and men behave in different ways and how they regulate
their behavior to adapt to their gender schemas and the gender roles that are existent in the
structure of a society (Bem, 1981). By understanding the psychological explanation to how
gender is taught, Judith Butler (1988) argues that gender is something we do rather than who we
are, meaning that by accepting and acting in a gender appropriate way, we become women and
men. Butler argues that with the help of feminist theory we can begin to understand the structural
ways that culture and politics are constructed and reproduced.

Feminist theories have been used in many different types of research, from how children are
taught gender in pre-school, (Bronwyn, 2003) to El-Bushras (2007) research on women’s peace
activism and if women and men actually follow their assigned gender roles in peace building. El-
Bushra means that the roles women take in peace building does not simply follow one structure
where women only work in professions that are stereotypical for their gender roles. Women and
women’s organization, El-Bushra means, engage in all types of work in the societies and
understanding the feminist theory on war as gendered can help to understand the norms in which
war and conflict are seen as masculine when it in reality engage and affects all people in the
society. To be able to explore women’s role in peace building and in which areas they are
included a feminist theory is applied. The gender roles present in the societies in the cases
examined help in the analysis to outline the underlying reasons for why women are not
represented in peace process at the same level as men. By applying the feminist theory on gender
roles and the assumption that conflict and violence are masculine attributes this will seek to
explain the findings of why women are excluded from formal peace processes but take large part
in the peace building work since the peaceful work is considered to be a role that fall under the
female gender. By trying to understand women’s gender roles, this will help to understand what
women can actually do and to what extent they are recognized. When evaluating these structures

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and making them visible this can help to empower women and their roles in peace building.
When seeing femininity as the opposite to masculinity where women are what men are not, this
can work as an explanatory factor to why women are excluded from certain parts within the
peace building area.

The concept of agency and the feminist theory of gender roles will be used in this research as
complimentary to each other, since the research will follow two aspects to study women and the
role they have in the peace building process and if the roles follows normative roles that exist in
the society. These two aspects will help to understand if women are only participating in the
areas by which they are placed in for the peace agreement or if women are participating in more
areas and if these are limited to areas that are normative to women’s roles in society. These two
aspects will in the analysis chapter be compared and discussed through a feminist theory and the
concept of agency to understand if women are seen as agents in the peace agreements, if they act
as agents in the peace building process, with the work they take upon themselves and if they are
trapped in gender roles that limit them in their work.
2.1.2 Women in peace building and the concept of agency
The subject of women in peace building has received much attention in research. For example,
Agbalajobi (2009) has done research that focuses on women’s roles in peace building in Africa
in which she is doing a case study of Burundi. The author outlines the common understanding
that women are often seen as victims in conflict-areas. Agbalajobi, however wants to outline the
other roles women can play in conflicts they may also be part of, for example as soldiers,
supporters, informants and so on, where women rather should be perceived as agents in conflict
and peacemaking than as victims. Discussing these issues further are Schirch and Sewak (2005)
who argue that since women so far, have had little participation in peace negotiations and peace
building, women’s interests have been ignored often based on the perception that women’s role
is that of the victim. The authors also discuss the sociological theory about sex and gender that
we are not born into men and women but masculinity and femininity is socially constructed and
taught during childhood and throughout life, a theory that will be developed in the section below
and used in this research. Schirch and Sewak also underline the need to adapt to an intersectional
perspective where more than just being a woman or a man determines on how you are going to
act. They argue that the importance of women in peace building should not consist of women

15
being seen as more naturally peaceful and thus being able to create a sustainable peace, instead
women need to be part of the peace building for the simple reason that they are approximately
half of the population. Furthermore, they consider the different activities women do in peace
building. These include; waging conflict non-violently, building capacity, reducing direct
violence and transforming relationships. The authors outline that women especially engage in
four kinds of peace building, for example they work as advocates and activists for peace, they
pursue democracy and human rights, they are peacekeepers, relief aid workers and work as
mediators, counselors and policymakers and in education. Furthermore, the authors discuss the
importance of moving beyond the idea of women as victims since this creates hardship for the
women to engage in the peace-process as workers and having influence in the negotiation
processes, an idea that will influence this research further in this chapter.
Jordan (2003) examines the phenomenon that women who are present in peace building seldom
get the same recognition as the men who are present. She says that women are to a large extent
present, however, they are not as visible. Jordan argues that the women who work in peace
building often use their knowledge and power to help other women and increase their influence.
This is further explored by Manchanda (2005) who discuss that since women are the subordinate
gender and thus disempowered and is not recognized in the same way as men. Manchanda cites
the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM, 2004), who says that women are
recognized as important in peace building but in the area of reconstruction they are not seen as
legitimate, often based on the previous discussed idea that women are seen victims.
Pankhurst (2003) highlights the issue that in recent years’ women have been included more in
the process to achieve peace, unfortunately this have not lead to a better life for women in the
aftermath of a conflict. She discusses the widespread assumption of women being advocates for
peace and peaceful by nature. She underlines that the assumption of the roles of women and men,
where the two are opposite to each other. Based on this, the author concludes that work
performed by women is often seen as feminine and empowerment of women in working life is
enhancing and extending the pre-existing female work. This in turn makes women who have
grown up and live in these societies take on these type of works and keep on performing these
types of work. This will lead to, according to Pankhurst, that the effectiveness of the peace
process is limited. The authors, mentioned above, all focus on women being perceived as victims
after a conflict where they are the ones who suffer from sexual abuse, rape and being displaced

16
due to the conflict. However, they also conclude that this opinion of women in the aftermath of a
conflict is highly controversial since women often partake in the conflict in various ways,
bringing the conflict forward or working towards peace. This however, they seldom get
recognition for and are therefore often stuck in the perception of them as victims. To understand
the issue further it can be considered through the concept of agency. A commonly used definition
is that agency is the capacity humans have to shape the circumstances for their own life and how
the actions people think of as free, untainted by others, often are a result of the structures in the
society one live in (Hitlin & Elder, 2007). One example of this is that women are seen as victims
of war rather than agents of change. This is based on the general assumption that war is gendered
and often ascribed as a masculinized story. The discourse of agency is depreciated from what it
means to be a woman (Shepherd, 2016). To understand the concept of agency, it is important to
discuss power and how power is linked to the masculine, therefore, women can only be
subsidiary partners of power to the men. Women can get access to the spheres in which power is
exercised, however, this is in the male sphere and women cannot get equal access to the power
(Davies, 1991). Laura Shepherd (2016) discusses women as agents of change rather than victims
of violence. She argues that previously many scholars argue that men are the perpetrators while
women are the victims of violence in conflicts. However, Shepard means that the masculinized
story of war does not describe the complexity of men’s and women’s role in war. Further, she
means that by only letting women be represented as victims of violence undermines their agency
and thus the development of peace building activities, in which women can participate and all
their experiences of conflict is addressed is undermined. Another scholar who have used the
concept of women as agents in conflict is Rita Manchanda (2005). She, as Shepherd want to
change the way women are perpetuated in conflicts, where women are solely seen as victims,
which she means is not the truth. Women in conflicts often take part as decision makers,
negotiators, peace activists and participating in the military struggle. The struggle she means is to
start identifying women as agents instead of victims and strengthen their roles as agents for
social transformation.

The concept of agency will be incorporated throughout this research. In the findings chapter, the
concept of agency will help to analyze the findings and examine if women are seen as victims or
agents. This will be done by researching how women in Chaplaincy are mentioned in peace

17
advocacy. Women as agents for change will be used in the sections of this research to understand
if women in Chaplaincy are seen as victims in the peace agreements or if they are seen as agents
who can be part of and create change in the peace process. Further, the feminist theory will be
added to understand the gender roles that limit or make it possible for women to participate in
the peace building process. The feminist theory will be complemented by the concept of women
as agents for change to understand if women are limited by their gender roles or if their roles as
females make it possible for them to be agents of change or if their gender roles make them
being understood as victims.
2.1.3 Peace agreements and Peace building from a feminist perspective
In the peace agreements, both in general and in the five cases examined in this research, women
and their role in the peace building process are not very elaborated upon. In the peace
agreements for Yemen, Somalia and Libya, the focus on women’s role in peace building is on
the political sphere and their participation within the politics as a solution for women to take part
and be represented in the peace building process. In Sudan and Zimbabwe, the focus of the peace
agreements is instead concentrating on achieving gender equality and how to improve women’s
livelihood as citizens.
Women’s actual work in peace building, however, stands in stark contrast to the lack of attention
paid to women in the peace agreements. Within the field of peace building, women engage in
several different types of work. One of the most typical works they engage in is the
reconciliation process where the women often mediate for the different communities and the
different tribes and open for the possibility of ending the conflict between the different actors.
However, women do not only engage in reconciliation and mediation but as the findings show,
they are also engaged in work concerning human rights, aid, psychological help, security,
disarmament, political advocacy and mapping of IDPs. The feminist theory says that women are
seen as peaceful and thus not participating in work that focuses more on the warfare but instead
working towards reconciliation and healing the communities. Considering gender roles, women
would be foreseen to work within typical female work, in these cases it would considered to be
aid, human rights and reconciliation, however, this research shows the contrary. Women are not
only engaging in the typical female activities but also engage in security and disarmament and
mapping of IDPs, which can be considered as typical male work in the sense as it does not focus

18
on reconciliation and healing the society. This is seen in the cases of both Somalia and Yemen
where women actively engage in all of these activities in the peace building process.
2.2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The term Chaplain comes to us from a fourth-century legend of Marin of Tours. St Martin of
Tours, a member of the Roman army, who was born about 316 A.D. In Pannonia, a Roman
Province that included modern Hungary, to a pagan family. Approximately, at age 21, one very
cold day, he passed the gates of Amiens in Gaul (what is today called France) and saw a man
freezing on the side of the road. Martin moved with compassion after seeing and hearing the
pleas of the beggar to help. Martin had little himself. He took the one valuable possession he
owned “his-cape”, and cut it half. He kept half as his own shelter from the cold and gave the
other to the beggar. That night, as the story goes, Martin had a vision in which he came to
understand that the beggar was none other than Christ Himself! The vision shook Martin to the
core.
After that experience, he decided to follow the Christian faith and was baptized by Bishop St.
Hillary. When he related the story to others, the remaining half of the cape became a relic and an
object of value as a reminder of the event. The cape (Latin-Cappa) was kept in a special
container made for it. The container was called the Cappella. Thus, we get the term Chapel – that
place where the robe of Christ is shared, not stored. The keeper of the cape was known as the
Cappellanus (the keeper of the cape). The Cappellanus is where we get the word Chaplain, for
chaplains are the ones who share God’s love and care with those in need wherever people are.
Thus, Pastoral or Islamic care refers to the ministry offered by men and women committed to
foster the psycho-social-spiritual growth, and peace of each human being God sends to them.
The Chaplain member of the Unity Chaplains and Humanitarian Missions (UCHM) is a
Christian or Muslim minister called to serve God’s people as commissioned by the sacred Word
of God. The mission is to respond with love and compassion to people’s needs in their holistic
existence. The chaplain is a person with a deep experienced knowing of the God who loves
sinners, redeems failures, expresses His power in the weak, and delights in second chances and
fresh starts.

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2.2.1 The Chaplain in the U.S. Navy Today
Commanding officers in the U.S. Navy or U.S. Marine Corps are given a very clear
understanding of the duties of their chaplains prior to assuming command. The foundation for
the place of chaplains in the military and the duties they are expected to perform dates back to
the American Revolutionary War, wherein citizen soldiers and sailors “felt the need for the same
kind of parochial religious leadership in war to which they were accustomed at peace” and
brought their own parsons into battle to provide this leadership. Specific guidance is provided to
the commander in written Department of Defense policy and doctrine: Operational Naval
Instruction (OPNAVINST) 1730.1C, Religious Ministries in the Navy; Secretary of the Navy
Instruction (SECNAVINST) 1730.7B, Religious Ministry Support within the Department of
Navy; SECNAVINST 1730.8A, Accommodation of Religious Practices; Marine Corps Order
1730.6D, Command Religious Programs in the Marine Corps; Marine Corps War fighting
Publication (MCWP) 6-12, Religious Ministry Support in the U.S. Marine Corps; and Marine
Corps Reference Publication (MCRP) 6-12A,Handbook for Operational Religious Ministry with
Marine Expeditionary Forces. This guidance, and that in multiservice documents to be discussed
later, therefore finds its way into materials prepared for commanding officers. For instance, the
brief summarized below reinforces for prospective commanding officers that their Navy chaplain
will be:
1. A professional clergyperson conducting divine services and providing religious education.
2. An officer managing the Command Religious Program, facilitating free exercise of religion
for all, providing pastoral care, and advising on religious, ethical, and moral issues.
3. A leader for the command in areas of faith and moral values, professional ethics, personal
growth, and adjustment.
4. A subject matter expert providing input on issues affecting morale, Core Values and ethics,
suicide and Critical Incident Stress Training (addressing battle and accident trauma).
These elements embody the traditional role of the U.S.Navy chaplain today.
2.2.1.1 The Chaplain’s Role in Historical Perspective
Despite understanding their chaplain’s characteristic duties, most experienced commanders
would never hesitate to turn to their chaplain for assistance in unexpected or nontraditional
situations or circumstances. In fact, whether acting at the command’s direction or on their own
initiative, Chaplain Corps history provides many instances of chaplains acting in roles outside of

20
these traditional ones. Below are certain examples. During the Civil War, it became apparent that
black people freed from slavery would need education in order to be able to join and flourish in
the new society. Army chaplains stood out in terms of strongly supporting this viewpoint and
providing education to black soldiers in the Union Army whenever possible. The movement
became institutionalized when Chaplain John Eaton Jr. of the 27th Regiment Ohio Volunteers
was appointed general superintendent contrabands (ex-slaves) for the Freedmen Department,
which later evolved into a school system numbering more than 113,650 students. With
America’s westward expansion,Army chaplains manning territorial posts “were often called
upon to perform duties as librarian, post gardener, commissary and bakery manager, post
treasurer, and defense counsel.” They supervised and taught at the post schools for children.
Some chaplains ministered to Native Americans, “baptized them and even lobbied in
Washington for them.” The Spanish-American War of 1898 was the first war in which chaplains
accompanied American troops overseas. During the short conflict, Chaplain William
D.McKinnon, with the consent of Brigadier General Thomas M. Anderson, attempted to visit the
archbishop of Manila and negotiate a peace settlement. Although fired upon, he kept walking,
reached the enemy line, and with a Spanish escort, met with the archbishop. Unfortunately, his
mission failed. However, hostilities in the Philippines lasted only 14 days and battle casualties
were relatively light. Chaplain McKinnon would later be appointed superintendent of the Manila
public schools. In 1915, the United States established a refugee camp for those fleeing Mexico
because of political uncertainties and border violence. “Though food, shelter, and medical care
were provided, Chaplain John T. Axton published appeals for clothing and received support from
throughout the U.S.”7 Chaplain Axton further set up a “shop where refugees could purchase
inexpensive necessities, the profits of which he used to purchase milk for the children, buy
school supplies for them, install electric lights and wooden flooring in the hospital, and secure
tools for workers in an industrial plant he had established.” Battlefront chaplains serving in
World War I were required to collect the dead and provide them with decent burials, ensuring
that the graves were marked and information matched unit records for subsequent location and
reburial. They drafted sympathy letters to next of kin and served as unit postal officers and
censors. Some chaplains conducted religious services for prisoners of war. Others provided
citizenship training to foreign troops seeking naturalization.

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During World War II, chaplains ministered to U.S. Armed Forces serving in Europe and the
Pacific. Again, they tended to the dead and assisted in graves registration. Transport chaplains
organized boxing matches, orchestras, and athletic events, showed films, and arranged classes.
Some chaplains aided refugees, in one case providing Christmas parties for 3,000 Irish
children.10 Other chaplains worked with German, Italian, and Japanese prisoners of war. Eastern
Orthodox chaplains ministered to Russian prisoners of war released from German labor camps.
Still others ministered to those released from concentration camps. In the Korean conflict, some
chaplains worked extensively with orphans. Navy Chaplain Edwin R. Weidler noted there were
“3 UNCACK (UN Civil Assistance Commission, Korea) and 1 Catholic orphanage with a total
of over 250 children depending on us for fuel, clothing, and food. The chaplains serve as liaison
between the Air Group and the UNCACK and civil relief personnel in making assistance
available where most needed.”1 Chaplains solicited supplies from their stateside churches and
distributed items to the local population. Chaplain Robert M. Schwyhart wrote to Chief of
Chaplains S.W. Salisbury on February 16, 1951: A portion of this week has been devoted to the
distribution of 800 boxes of Marine Corps League gifts of clothing, shoes, and toys given by the
children of American Marines to the children of Korea. In cooperation with the civil affairs
officer, we made distribution in five cities and villages to an estimated 15,000 children. It was an
experience I shall not soon forget. Chaplains and servicemen also contributed their money and
time to help Korean relief work.

These same types of activities were performed in Vietnam. Early on, Chaplain Calvin J. Croston
administered a fast-growing humanitarian assistance program by distributing Project Handclasp
materials delivered from San Diego by Navy ships. By the end of 1964, materials were being
distributed “all over the country to schools, orphanages, leper colonies, military and civilian
hospitals, missions, and district penal confinement centers.” Chaplain Croston viewed
humanitarian efforts among the people of South Vietnam “as a strategic medium for helping to
help themselves.” He exclusively directed Project Handclasp until the spring of 1965. Rear
Admiral Withers M. Moore, Captain Herbert L. Bergsma, and Lieutenant Timothy J. Demy
made two observations regarding the civic actions of chaplains serving in Vietnam. First, they
noted it “was not the chaplains’ function to assume the position of civic action officer of any
unit, but where commands were willing, the chaplain often acted as an advisor in suggesting

22
projects and encouraging them to completion on subsequent visits.” Second, they found
“wherever chaplains were, they were involved in helping with civic action. The special projects
initiated by them far exceeded the number of chaplains present and through their efforts they
broadened their ministry to the servicemen to whom they were assigned.” Considering the
breadth of these activities, it is no wonder that people today familiar with Chaplain Corps history
from all the services continue to hear anecdotal material about chaplains acting outside their
traditional role. The preceding is just the tip of the iceberg when it comes to describing military
chaplains as women and men who provide, as mandated by Congress, religious support to their
troops while at the same time never closing their hearts to the cry of human need wherever it
occurs. On a professional level, this history also demonstrates that while the chaplain’s role has
been clearly defined, there has been a consistent tradition of going outside these defined
boundaries. These evolving roles may best be understood as a consequence of the ever-changing
role of the U.S. military of which the chaplain is a part.
2.2.1.2 A Changing U.S. Military
In the past two decades, the U.S. military has often been called upon to move beyond its warrior
role and become heavily involved in peace and humanitarian relief operations. The traditional
mandate for the U.S. military has been one of protection, or destroying or capturing the enemy.
Today, military commanders and personnel participating in military operations other than war
(MOOTW) must develop partnerships and coordinating mechanisms with the civilian sector,
noncombatants, humanitarian agencies, multinational forces, and others to successfully complete
their mission. This shift in mandate has not left military chaplains untouched. They have not
abandoned their traditional functions, but more and more frequently they have been assigned and
have accepted responsibilities and roles they have never before executed. Until recently, it was
not uncommon to find the chaplain involved only in various community relations (COMREL)
projects, but in recent times chaplain humanitarian involvement has become much more
extensive.

At the strategic level, U.S. European Command chaplains have been directed to engage chaplains
of the newly emerging Eastern European democracies and their militaries in order to assist them
in developing a Western-style chaplain corps. Thus, at the operational level, Chaplain Mike
Lembke was recently directed to serve as liaison between the U.S. military, local military and

23
religious leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A series of meetings resulted in the convening of
the first Armed Forces in Bosnia Herzegovina Religious Support Conference in 2001. At the
same time, another chaplain held a position within the Civil-Military Operations Center (CMOC)
in the city of Tuzla, while another served as an adviser in a Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC)
unit in the capital city of Sarajevo. Thus it is clear that there is an expanding role for chaplains
within the Department of Defense today. A constructive response to this trend would be to
prepare and train each chaplain in those skills needed to accomplish effectively whatever the
command or situation requires in the area of operation. More specifically, with greater military
involvement in peace and humanitarian relief operations, chaplains are likely to engage more
frequently with NGOs, PVOs, and international organizations (IOs).While involvement with
such organizations will never become the primary role of the military chaplain, training
chaplains to know how these organizations respond to a humanitarian crisis will prepare and
allow chaplains to contribute significantly to the success of the military mission beyond their
traditional duties.
2.2.1.3 Military Policy and Doctrine
When Navy chaplains assume a role and accept responsibility during a MOOTW, official Navy
policy and doctrine, and the commander’s vision for the mission, direct their initial efforts.
Additionally, a number of Joint Publications (JPs) offer guidance to chaplains involved in what
are referred to as “Joint Military Operations.” Other information and direction can be found in
various local instructions, unofficial military publications, research papers, and civilian
publications. SECNAVINST 1730.7B and OPNAVINST 1730.1C provide clear policy regarding
the chaplain as adviser to the commander, which can be understood in various ways, but they do
not specifically address chaplain involvement in peace or humanitarian relief operations except
as regards the traditional chaplain’s role regarding religious affairs. It is helpful to keep in mind
that higher-echelon military policy is deliberately not specific, allowing for the specificity to rest
at the subordinate level and within service doctrine. The following lower-level doctrine
publication is a good example of this latter, more specific guidance. In MCWP 6-12, the section
entitled “Nongovernmental and Private Voluntary Organizations” states: Proactive coordination
and positive working relationships with NGOs and PVOs are essential for successful MOOTW.
A chaplain’s experiences and working relationships with NGOs and PVOs are vital assets for the
commander. As principal advisers, chaplains can facilitate support and working relationships

24
with NGOs and PVOs on site and/or in country. However, it is the civil affairs officers, not
chaplains, who are trained and prepared to effect this NGO/PVO coordination. A forthcoming
publication, MCRP 6-12A,Handbook for Operational Religious Ministry with Marine
Expeditionary Forces, repeats similar guidance in the section entitled “Humanitarian Assistance
and Noncombatant Evacuation Operations”: The chaplain’s experience and working relationship
with nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and international organizations are vital assets for
the commander during HA [humanitarian assistance] missions. As principal adviser to the
commander, the chaplain can facilitate support and working relationships with NGOs and on-site
and/or in country. The command’s Civil Affairs Officer, not the chaplain, is tasked with
coordination of military support to NGOs during Humanitarian Assistance operations,
noncombatant evacuation operations (NEOs), and other MOOTW. Chaplains are excellent
sources of information about the needs, requirements, organizational structures, and the support
NGOs may be able to offer in the cooperative efforts involved in these operations.

JP 3-07.6, Joint Tactics, Techniques, and Procedures for Foreign Humanitarian Assistance,
states that along with their traditional duties,“ chaplains may serve as liaison with NGOs that
have a religious affiliation. Additionally, chaplains can assist in the coordination for distribution
of HA supplies arriving from churches and other religious organizations.” JP 3-08, Interagency
Coordination During Joint Operations, also advocates chaplain involvement, indicating that the
“HAST [humanitarian assistance survey team] should include representatives from the
combatant command intelligence officer (J-2), J-3, J-4, . . . chaplain section, and civil affairs
section.” The same instruction recommends that the chaplain be a member of the Joint Task
Force (JTF) assessment team. JP 3-57, Joint Doctrine for Civil-Military Operations, has several
references regarding the organizational position of a chaplain. In Chapter II, Section
8,“Organizing for Civil-Military Operations,” the chaplain is designated as one of the members
of the Joint Civil-Military Operation Task Force (JCMOTF).25 This task force is established to
aid the Joint Force Commander (JFC) in planning, coordinating, and conducting civil-military
operations in support of the overall mission.26 Chapter III, Section 15 repeats the
recommendation for chaplains to conduct liaison with NGOs and international organizations that
have religious affiliation. It also adds two other areas for chaplain engagement: “Maintaining
liaison with chaplains of international forces and appropriate HN [host nation] civilian religious

25
leaders” and “working with the CMOC in providing advice to the JFC in situations where
religious groups want to send representatives to work with detained persons.”

Finally, in two doctrine instructions the observation is made that there will be times when a
chaplain may be called upon to move outside of the traditional role and become involved in other
mission-essential related duties. JP 3-57 notes: Because there may be no precise boundary where
one condition (military operations other than war and war) ends and another begins, changes in
religious ministry support activities will be more a matter of changing intensity and emphasis
than of dramatically altered duties. Chaplain and enlisted religious support personnel support the
accomplishment of operational objectives through one or more of the following activities:
advising, supporting, coordinating, analyzing, planning, writing, training, supervising, and
evaluation. JP 3-07.6 recognizes: JTF organization for FHA [foreign humanitarian assistance] is
similar to traditional military organizations with a commander, command element, and mission
tailored forces. However, the nature of FHA results in combat support and combat service
support forces (i.e., engineers, legal, chaplain, civil-military affairs, and medical) often serving
more significant roles than combat elements. The material referenced above starting with
OPNAVINST 1730.1C and SECNAVINST 1730.7B cites the traditional role a chaplain is
expected to fill during peacekeeping or humanitarian operations. The chaplain is also expected to
be an adviser to the commander, especially in but not limited to areas related to religion. The
traditional role is further expanded in recent Marine Corps and Joint Task Force doctrine
publications. Specifically, the chaplain is to serve as liaison with religiously affiliated NGOs,
maintain lines of communication with chaplains of international forces and appropriate host
nation religious leaders, and be active in such groups as the CMOC or HAST. Leaving open the
possibility for broader engagement and accomplishment of operational goals, the chaplain and
enlisted religious support personnel are to be prepared for engaging in the activities under JP 3-
57 as listed in the excerpt above. There seems to be an effort in existing military guidance to
limit the chaplain’s efforts and attention primarily to serving as liaison with religiously oriented
NGOs and leaders. Yet there are other sections in the same material that leave open the door for
the chaplain to engage with or address other groups as well. The commander who does not
maximize the skills that the chaplain may be able to bring to a mission may be leaving out a very
valuable tool. In summary, policy and doctrinal guidance for the military chaplain to become

26
engaged along with other military personnel contributes to the possibility of a more efficient
military/NGO relationship.

There is tremendous value for all parties if a strong working relationship exists between the
military and NGOs operating in a peace or humanitarian relief operation.30 NGOs, PVOs, and
IOs on the scene possess considerable information that may be essential to the success of the
military operation. Relief workers have perhaps the most comprehensive understanding of the
needs of the threatened population. Working closely with people of the host nation, they have a
better understanding of local culture and practices. As a consequence, the relief community is an
important source of information regarding the following:
1. Historical perspective and insights into factors contributing to the situation at hand.
2. Local cultural practices that will bear on the relationship of military forces to the populace.
3. Local political structure, the political aims of various parties, and the roles of key leaders.
4. The security situation.
5. The role and capabilities of the host nation government.

Particularly important to the operation is the expertise these actors have in humanitarian
assistance and relief and development work. They perform disaster assessments and can
calculate more accurate analyses of the assistance needs of the affected population than the
military. However, an important caveat directed at military participants is included in the JP 3-08
instruction: The manner in which information is treated by military forces and the humanitarian
assistance community can be sensitive. Handled properly, NGOs and PVOs will be active
participants in the interagency team seeking to resolve the crisis. Handled
Improperly, the relief community can be alienated by a perception that, contrary to its
philosophical ideals, it is considered no more than an intelligence source by the military.

The experience of Chaplain Steve Smith, a U.S. Navy chaplain working with Marines in
Somalia, reinforces this point. Chaplain Smith worked with the NGO Irish Concern in Somalia
and observed that their meetings enabled him “to get a historical background of the work done,
political and social issues, a foundation for understanding cultural values and mores, and making
connections with local Somalis of importance.” Moreover, chaplains and the military must

27
appreciate that “allowing the NGOs to do what they do best also contributes significantly to a
quicker exit for the military.” Similarly, NGO communities may find value in a positive
relationship with military elements engaged in a peace or humanitarian relief operation. If a
mission area becomes dangerous, an NGO can turn to the military for security services, such as
extraction of its personnel. The military provides security briefs, and NGOs accessing this
information receive knowledge of safe or unsafe areas on the ground. The military has provided
NGOs with convoy support so the latter can move their relief supplies. NGOs have turned to the
military for technical assistance, including mine clearing. They also have obtained military
assistance to access remote areas, ports, and airfields. As noted previously, JTF doctrine and
policy recognize the value of good relationships and highlight and direct the chaplain to help in
their optimization. At the same time, as chaplains join with nonmilitary actors to help them
accomplish their individual missions, their presence allows them to be more informed advisers to
the commander. Chaplain Smith’s experience in Somalia demonstrates how the military and
NGO, while remaining independent of each other, can develop a positive and constructive
relationship. The chaplain believed that his awareness of these issues helped to make a
difference: My work with Irish Concern was established with an open dialogue so Pauline (the
NGO representative) could speak frankly about her issues or concerns. One of my first activities
was to bring Pauline onto our compound to speak to the Colonel and staff. Next, I arranged for
the Colonel to visit the Irish Concern’s intensive care feeding center in the same area. This laid
the groundwork for mutual trust and respect. Pauline was worried that we’d move in and direct
her work—nothing of the sort. Communication and open dialogue was the key.
2.2.1.4 The Chaplain’s Role in the Chain of Command
Chaplains’ positions in the military organization are not rigidly defined, but they are a factor that
influences the level and type of involvement they are likely to maintain with NGOs and other
private and governmental organizations. Thus there are certain similarities and marked
differences between the chaplain who has responsibilities on the staff of a CC (Combatant
Commander), which is always a Joint Command, and the chaplain who has responsibilities at the
battalion level. Most chaplains have responsibilities at one or more of the three levels:
1. Strategic: where policy is developed (for example, a CC chaplain).
2. Component: where one implements policy and supervises (for example, the JTF staff
chaplain).

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3. Tactical: where one is engaged in local operations (for example, the regimental chaplain).

In general, chaplains’ responsibilities at each level frequently require them to respond

“internally” to their command and “externally” to the world outside their command. Thus a
chaplain serving on a CC’s staff may spend more time and energy providing advice to the
commander regarding religious/cultural issues and serving as liaison with religious or NGO
leaders (external) and less time addressing the needs of personnel within the command (internal).
On the other hand, a chaplain serving in a battalion will likely spend more time and energy
leading or facilitating worship, addressing the needs of command personnel, and advising the
commander (internal) rather than coordinating COMREL projects or liaising with local religious
leaders or NGO personnel (external). It is not uncommon, however, for chaplains, regardless of
their place in the command structure, to become heavily engaged with COMREL or HA projects
and with the NGOs participating in those projects. Chaplains should begin with an understanding
of the military’s mission objectives. Next, taking into consideration their position in the military
command structure, they should be clear about their role regarding working with either religious
leaders or NGO personnel. Such an approach will help chaplains direct their efforts more
efficiently within the context of the entire mission and avoid interfering in areas inappropriate to
their level of responsibility or the commander’s expectations. This is not to suggest that
chaplains who work at the higher levels of the chain of command will have more to do regarding
engagement with significant religious or community leaders or NGO personnel than chaplains at
the lower levels. The reality is that at each level, the opportunity exists for chaplains to become
meaningfully or purposefully engaged with personnel or organizations outside of the command
itself who are essential to the operation and success of the mission. Mindful of this, it is
incumbent upon chaplains to be prepared to respond to every facet of the operation where they
can employ their special skills to contribute to the operation’s success.
2.2.2 The History of Women Chaplain in the U.S. Army Corps
During the Civil War, Ella E. Gibson Hobart served as the chaplain of the 1st Wisconsin
Regiment of Heavy Artillery, but Secretary of War Edwin Stanton refused to recognize her
status. It would be more than 100 years before the first female chaplain was officially
commissioned into the military, when Reverend Dianna Pohlman Bell became a Navy chaplain
in 1973. "This was the time of early feminism, a time to create new roles for women," Bell said

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about becoming the first official female military chaplain in a 2013 Orange County Register
article. "I was attracted because I'm a creative, strong woman who believes women are partners
with men and bring fresh gifts. I felt we could be equal with men during those very specific
cultural times." Reverend Alice M. Henderson, a minister in the African Methodist Episcopal
(AME) Church, became the first woman to officially serve in the U.S. Army Chaplain Corps in
July 1974. She was sworn in at a ceremony at U.S. Army Forces Command (FORSCOM) at Fort
McPherson, GA and served for 13 years.

In 2014, 448 female chaplain assistants make up almost a third of the total force within the
Military Occupational Specialty (MOS) of 56M. There are also 69 active duty female chaplains,
82 Guard and Reserve female chaplains, and approximately 50 female chaplain candidates.
Chaplain and chaplain assistant Unit Ministry Teams (UMTs) provide religious support to units
all over the globe -- and the roles of women in the Chaplain Corps have expanded to match the
changing diversity of the U.S. Army.

2.2.2.1 Diverse Faiths

Female Army chaplains are endorsed by a variety of faith groups including Christian, Jewish,
and Hindu traditions. Women of the Chaplain Corps achieved many firsts not only in the Army
but across the military -- to include the first female Rabbi and first Hindu chaplain in the
military. Chaplain (Col.) Bonnie Koppell became the first female rabbi officially endorsed as a
military chaplain in 1981. In May 2011, Chaplain (Capt.) Pratima Dharm became the military's
first Hindu chaplain.

"I was leading a Passover Seder at FOB Taji [Iraq] in 2005 and a Soldier told me, 'It's almost like
being home,'" Chaplain (Col.) Bonnie Koppell said. "It is especially meaningful when you are so
far from home to be able to participate in the rituals and traditions that connect you to your faith.
At Bagram Air Field for Chanukkah, another Soldier confided, 'I didn't know how much I longed
to connect to my people.' Religion provides depth and meaning in our everyday lives and these
qualities are magnified exponentially in remote and sometimes frightening locations. How
amazing it is to be the rabbi who gets to bring Jewish tradition to our brave service members.
What an honor and a blessing!"

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2.2.2.2 Unique Perspectives

Chaplain (Lieut. Col.) Julie Rowan is the first female Deputy Personnel Manager at the Office of
the Chief of Chaplains, but early on in her career she received some pushback for her role as a
minister. During her first overseas assignment in the late 1990s, a male chaplain approached her
with materials outlining why he didn't agree with women serving in the pulpit. "I never dreamed
it would be an issue, being a female chaplain. I didn't know what to do with that," Rowan said,
recalling this confrontation. "I kept it to myself, actually, trying to figure out my place in the
Corps if there were other chaplains that disagreed with my stand or what I bring to the table. I'm
not here to try to change anybody's theology along the lines of what they believe. But I have
been called by God and I have seen how God has used me as a female chaplain." Like all women
in the Corps, Rowan brings perspectives and skills that allow her to provide religious support in
areas where men may be more limited. Rowan's ministry has included being present during the
birth of a child and counseling female prison officers who were victims of sexual harassment and
assault. Women chaplains bring a unique perspective to counseling Soldiers -- male or female --
and may be specifically able to support female Soldiers through relationship and marital topics,
women's health issues, pregnancy, and sexual assault or harassment.

Chaplain (Capt.) Mel O'Malley, regularly shares her unique experience as a female in ministry
with potential future chaplains in her position with the South Central Chaplain Recruiting Team.
"You do have to be prepared for some to question your presence or who are looking to see if you
will be the weak link," O'Malley said. "It has been an adjustment to get used to being the only
female Chaplain in the room and even to work with colleagues who don't affirm women in
ministry. But if I do my job well and I make a difference in my unit, those same doubters may
have a change of heart. In the military, maybe more than anywhere else in the world, we are all
thrown together and have to find a way forward." "I had service members come to talk to me in
Afghanistan because I was the female chaplain," she said. "Whether it is a young husband who
has come to me for a female perspective or a female Soldier who is dealing with the aftermath of
sexual assault, I discovered that being a woman doesn't bar me from ministry, it actually helps.
Female Soldiers have confided in me and said they would have never felt comfortable going to a
male chaplain."

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2.2.2.3 Diverse Roles

Though women serve in leadership positions at all levels of the Corps today, now-retired
Chaplain (Col.) Janet Horton was the first woman promoted to Colonel in the Army Chaplain
Corps. She entered the U.S. Army in June 1976 and served for 28 years as chaplain, endorsed by
the Church of Christ, Scientist. She became the first female chaplain to serve as a division
chaplain (1st Armored Division). Horton and her non-commissioned officer in charge (NCOIC),
Iraida Velazquez, were the first Division-level all-female Unit Ministry Team. Among the most
recent milestones, women of the Chaplain Corps reflect the expanded roles of women in the
Army, to include serving in combat units. In 2012, Chaplain (Capt.) Delana Small, became the
first female Chaplain assigned to a combat arms battalion unit - the 101st Airborne Division.
Chaplain (Capt.) Vivian Keady Yanquoi-West is another of the first females -- assigned the 1st
Cavalry Division. "Yes, sometimes I feel like all eyes are on me but I am just the right person at
the right time, I was placed here," Small said in a 2012 Army news article. "This opportunity is
something God has done and been in his making. I just said 'Yes.' It doesn't matter if I am a male
or a female, I will be out on the gun-line counseling and providing Soldiers with religious
support."

Female Chaplain assistants have broken new ground within their MOS and continue to serve as
leaders and unique resources in their unit at all levels of the Corps and Army today. Sgt. Maj.
Pamela Wilson became the first female to win the Military History Award at the United States
Army Sergeants Major Academy in 2002. She was also the first African American female to
serve as proponent Sergeant Major and later as the 56M Sergeant Major for Multi-National
Forces Iraq. In 2010, she became the 1st 56M to serve as faculty advisor at the U.S. Army SGM
Academy. In 2004, Master Sgt. Deitra A. Alam became the first Chaplain assistant to graduate as
the Distinguished Honor Graduate of the U.S. Army Drill Sergeant School and first to serve as a
drill sergeant leader there. Sgt. Maj. Monica Dixon became the first female chaplain assistant to
achieve jumpmaster status in 2008, and in 2011, Sgt. Kelly Velasco became the first female
chaplain assistant to join the USASOC Parachute Team ("Black Daggers"). "You have to feel
this MOS," Wilson said about being a chaplain assistant. "It has to challenge you and encourage
you to take care of the mission of the chaplaincy and the Army. You need the willingness to

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work longer days and hours, to be selfless and encourage others within your sphere of influence.
You have to be a role model, even as a private."

2.2.2.4 Calls to Service

Though they bring diversity to the Corps and the Army, women of the Chaplain Corps all have a
relatively similar reason for joining -- a calling to serve. "I became a chaplain in response to the
events following 9/11," said Chaplain (Maj.) Kari Maschhoff, NETCOM Deputy Command
Chaplain. "I saw Soldiers preparing to go to war and my heart said to go with them. As a
Chaplain Personnel Manager (CPM) I have the opportunity to help chaplains and their Families
transition between assignments and prepare for the next challenge ahead." For the other half of
the Unit Ministry Team, the call to serve others is just as strong. "My most memorable
experience as a Soldier happened very early on in my career while at my first duty station,"
Master Sgt. Annie J. Jackson said. "I was able to put my skills, training, and talents to use when I
was able to intervene and save a Soldier from committing suicide. The Soldier entered my chapel
with a knife in his possession and intentions of harming himself. I was very young at the time
(18) and this particular Soldier was an NCO who outranked me, but I didn't let that deter me
from doing what I had been called to do: help others." Becoming a 56M wasn't necessarily
always part of their plan for some chaplain assistants, though. "In some cases you have no choice
of the job you choose in the Army. That was the case for me," said Staff Sgt. Toya N. Alexander-
Cruz, who was originally a 42A, Human Resources NCO and was chosen to reclassify to 56M to
fill critical shortages during the height of the War on Terror. "Since becoming a chaplain
assistant, I have grown to love what I do for our Soldiers and Families. Do not become a
chaplain assistant because you think it is a easy job, because it is far from easy...do it because
you care, have a love to serve and provide to our Soldiers and Families."

The same skills that make great chaplains and chaplain assistants, though, can be a threat to
personal resilience. By definition of their role, chaplains and chaplain assistants are built into
every unit to help Soldiers manage their burdens. "I think my biggest challenge is finding a sense
of balance," Sgt. Maj. Dianne Ellwein said. "We are nurturers by nature and have an
extraordinary passion to care for others. We continually give our very best to others (it makes us
feel good!), and many times neglect ourselves. It's important to monitor ourselves, otherwise we
will be bankrupt emotionally and spiritually and unable to truly take care of others.

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2.2.2.5 Sisters in Service

Two women brought new meaning to the concept of "sisters in service" in 2010, when biological
sisters Chaplain (Capt.) LeyAnne Ward and Chaplain (Capt.) Alison Ward were commissioned
as chaplains. They both graduated from CH-BOLC in August 2009, were commissioned as
USAR chaplains in June 2010, transitioned to Active Duty in September 2012, and began
serving at Fort Bragg together in January 2013. "God equips women in His service," Alison said.
"We bring a great, yet different dynamic to the fight. My sister and I look to Deborah of the Old
Testament. In many ways, she was the first female chaplain! She was an advisor to a military
leader (Barack), she deployed with them into battle, and she commemorated their victory. We,
too, can have a viable ministry of presence in our units and to our commanders."

2.2.2.6 Serving the Diverse Army

All chaplains and chaplain assistants must display great flexibility to serve the religious needs of
all Soldiers from every background. As women, members of the Chaplain Corps bring unique
skills and perspectives that meet the needs of a diverse Army where men and women serve side
by side at all levels and types of positions. "An ever diverse, transforming force demands
chaplains whose arms are wide enough to reach out to its furthest bounds," said Chaplain (Capt.)
Mel O'Malley. "So far in my ministry in the Army, I have been most proud of the relationships I
have made with Soldiers who come from different backgrounds than me and who, very often,
have no religious affiliation. My cross stays affixed to my uniform, but I never let it get in the
way of connecting with a Soldier. When they trust me with their authenticity, even if it clashes
with mine, I know that I have been all things to all people. This is what the chaplaincy is all
about."

2.2.3 The History of Chaplain in the Nigeria Army as Published by the Public Relations
Department Lagos

The history of the Roman Catholic Chaplaincy of the Nigeria Army is as old as the Army itself.
The extent of the chaplaincy’s responsibility ranges from simple conducts of administrative
concerns to providing for the spiritual well being of the Roman Catholic soldiers of Nigerian
Military forces. The early priest who managed the chaplaincy were Reverend Fr. Cyril Donnelly,
the senior chaplaincy to forces while Rev. Fr. M. Convey, his assistant. Rev. Donnelly stayed in

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Lagos while Rev. Fr. M. Convey operated from Kaduna. The difficulty of getting Nigerian
priests to join the Nigeria Army Roman Catholic (NARC) Chaplaincy has been a long standing
one. However, it must be established immediately that this difficulty stems from the fact that
Roman Catholic priests are comparatively few not only in Nigeria but the world over mostly
because of the long and arduous but necessary period of their training.

Nevertheless the struggle to get a Nigerian priest into Nigerian Army yielded positive result in
1950 with the enlistment of Rev. Fr. M. Obiukwu. But it was Msg P. martins who, because of his
seniority in ordination to priesthood, wider knowledge and experience, inherited the reins of
control of the Chaplaincy from Rev. Fr. M. Donnelly when he finally retired in 1965. No other
priest enrolled into the Chaplaincy until 1966 when Rev. Fr. Obiukwu was called to his
archdiocese in 1965 while Rev. Frs. P. Emonyon and J. Ohieku were seconded by their bishops
administration of the sacraments.

The Catholic Chaplain administers sacraments to deserving soldiers and conducts padre hours.
He visits the soldiers in the barracks and helps to solve their moral problems. He pays special
attention to the sick soldiers and the families in military hospitals by paying them frequent visits.
In fact, experience has shown that many soldiers have confided much of the disturbing but
private problems to their chaplains because of the trust and confidence they have in their priests.
As expected, the role of the RC chaplains is more difficult during wars as they accompany the
troops to war fronts and make sure that their spiritual well-being is catered for. It goes without
saying that the presence of the chaplains on the battle fields serve significantly as a moral booster
to the fighting troops.
2.2.3.1 The Directorate of Chaplain Services (PROTESTANT)
Directorate of Chaplain services (Protestant) formerly known as C of E (Church of England) is
as old as Nigeria Army itself. It developed from its pre-war “Three man department”: with one
Chaplain Officer for each Brigade, the third remaining at the Headquarters. During the civil war
period, more chaplain officers enlisted to provide spiritual ministration and moral support to the
troops. With them, the Nigeria Army Chaplain administered the holy Sacraments, conducted
church worship and imparted religious instructions to troops, refuges, the wounded, prisoners –
of – war and confronting and strengthening those whose were weak at hear in the war front. In

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the Nigeria Army, the chaplain performs basically the same duties as the Civilian counterpart. It
can as well be said that he does more owing to the nature of the organization with which he
operates.

The Directorate of Chaplain services perform, among many others, the following duties: he
conducts Sunday services in every unit church in the local dialect in addition to English, Hausa
and Tiv every Sunday. Very often the chaplain conducts naming ceremonies, christening of
infants and churching. He also conducts Sunday schools for children and holds daily morning
and evening meetings. It is also part of his daily duty to administer the Holy Communion: this is
done every Sunday in each unit with an ordained chaplain. The midweek Holy Communion is
administered every Wednesday and the Litany every Friday. Like every other Christian body, the
Directorate’s primary aim is to win and retain more souls for Christ. The chaplain conducts
services of baptism after proper preparation. He also prepares and presents candidates annually
to the Bishop for confirmation. The Chaplain encourages and prepares intending couples and
later performs their Holy matrimony for them. The most demanding of this engagement is his
pastorals’ visitation. He visits and prays for the sick in Hospitals and at home as well as attended
to the disabled ones. Conducting befitting burial services for the dead, comforting the bereaved,
the widows and children of the dead are vital aspects of the responsibility. The Chaplain’s
residence is the common center where family disputes are resolved. He is always around to guide
and advise young couples. It is remarkable to note the confidence officers and men have in him
as their spiritual leader. The Chaplain Officer is one who is easily accessible to officer and the
other ranks and members of their families in their barracks. He imparts on the officers and men
in the units, love and fear of God as they discharge their duties to the Nation, the Nigerian Army
and their families.

The above functions, though inexhaustible, with the post war re-organization of the Nigerian
army, became very demanding. Priests were needed to carry out these functions in our barracks:
but were not forthcoming from civil churches either because the churches themselves did not
have enough priests or where they have could not afford to lose the good ones among them. The
Nigeria Army Chaplain Directorate then requested the authorities to embark upon a training

36
programme to meet its needs. The chaplain has two-tier programme leading to ordination into the
priesthood.
a. A 3-year Catechist training course followed by a year of practical work for both academic
and moral qualification, and
b. Additional 3-year Ordination course at the end of which the candidates are ordained if
found suitable for the vocation
As of now, nine of such young priests are successfully serving the Army. The candidates-in-
training are doing excellently well enough. Opportunity has been provided also for chaplain
officers to soon go on course abroad to widen their knowledge and experience in their duties to
the troops. Every unit church in the barracks is made up of Christians from nearly every city,
town and village in Nigeria. it should be noted that church in Nigeria army remains as an
effective unifying factor for the various peoples in the army ro live beautiful common family
together in the barracks.
Chaplaincy runs Christian Women Fellowship for our women folk with branches in all the
formations of Nigeria Army. This is a body of Housewives of our officers and men whose
activities include weekly Bible study, lectures on Christian education, home economics, health
education, childcare, and drama and visit to hospital. These activities are intended for the
fellowship and other interested women in barracks under the guidance of the chaplain officer to
improve both their spiritual and moral life and their role as housewives in the barracks. The
Chaplain Directorate does not limit its activities to the army alone. It gives moral aid to the
needy, the destitute and humanitarian organizations outside the Nigerian army. The chaplaincy
donated thousands of Naira to help army revive and rehabilitate the churches in the war-affected
area immediately.

The co-operation and understanding existing between the arms of the chaplaincy, i.e. the Roman
Catholic, Muslim and Protestants in every barracks in the Nigeria Army today is highly
commendable. We hope it will continue to grow and remain powerful force in maintaining
mutual love, stability and unity within the Nigerian Army in particular and the entire nation in
general. The Chaplaincy is confident of better pastoral services in our return to barracks and
when we shall cease to be scattered as of now.

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2.2.3.2 Imam Directorate in the Nigerian Army
The Imam Directorate is one of the major religious components of Nigeria Army providing all
the necessary spiritual needs to Moslem soldiers. It has a Director in the Army Headquarters
advising the Chief of Army staff on all matters relating to Islamic affairs. He has under him four
Divisional Imams to carry out spiritual functions in units under the Divisions. The Directorate, in
its service to Nigerian Army has always recognized that lack of faith is the beginning of fear for
men to do their duty when it involves danger. It therefore continuously strives to inculcate in
soldiers and their families all necessary elements that would ensure strong faith in God. Also, the
Directorate upholds in the sermonic aspect of its functions that nothing would happen if not
willed by God. it thus inspires courage in troops, in effect to continue with their legitimate duties
without regard for whatever danger there seem to be in the process.
The teaching of Islam to the troops by Imams in barracks therefore readily gives every individual
soldier the moral code of conduct regarding civic, military and social relationship with the
civilian population and among soldiers. Obviously, the concept of UNITY infused in troops by
the Imam Directorate comes naturally in every sphere of the Islamic religious policies. One of
the activities carried by the Directorate is the organization of the daily prayers for the troop in the
barracks. This is associated with a consensus of spiritual thought and impulse. Other functions
include naming children of soldiers, officiating in the celebration of Moslem marriages and
funerals, teaching of Islam in Army Children’s schools, officiating in the celebration of the Eid-
ul-fitr and Eid-ul-Mubarak, visiting Military hospitals and guard rooms. These hopefully will
transcend tribal and language learning. The Directorate also coordinates the Pilgrimage of
Moslem soldiers to Mecca.
2.3 TEXT ANALYSIS
When conducting text analysis there are several approaches where one can analyze the content,
the argumentation or the concepts. However, one of the most important aspects to text analysis,
and that will be central in this study, is how we interpret the text written which is one of the most
commonly used methods when writing a social science study. When interpreting a text, one need
to consider several different objectives, for example who was the text written by, for what
purpose, in what context, is there one person writing the text or is there an organization who are
responsible for the publication of the text. Depending on who are the recipients of the text, a
researcher may interpret the text different than for the purpose the text was written. By putting

38
the text into a context one can understand for what purpose the text were produced and thus
understand why it highlights some specific points. A good text analysis is when it helps to
underline a social science problem (Bergström & Boréus, 2012).
When conducting a text analysis, one need an approach on how to answer the research questions
and it is in this part the different approaches on how to read a text comes in (Bergström &
Boréus, 2012). Bryman (2012) examines three different ways to interpret different kinds of texts,
qualitative content analysis, semiotics and hermeneutics. In this research the chosen approach is
hermeneutics which means that one interprets the text written in order to understand in what
meaning the text was written. By doing a qualitative text analysis, it is hermeneutic when it is
considerate towards in what context the text was written. Further, as explained by Bernard and
Ryan (1998) the method of text analysis will be used to understand the topic and what the
context of the text is. In the first part of the research, the text analysis will help to analyze the
peace agreements, in the second part it will be used to analyze the articles by other researchers
concerning the cases in this research. The text analysis will help to identify different themes on
the topic and in this case, which are the patterns in the peace agreements concerning how women
are mentioned and how their roles in peace building is addressed.
The text analysis of this study covers a range of important subjects. They consist of the
Missiology of Chaplains, women as victims of war or agents of change, obstacles to the
involvement of women in the peace process and importance of women involvement to peace
building.
2.3.1 The Requirements of becoming a Chaplain
Chaplains represent their respective religion within specific institutions, such as prisons and the
military. They carry out religious services and provide support to the members of their
institution. A specialized education is required, including a graduate degree. Chaplains are
trained to provide counseling and pastoral services to those needing spiritual or emotional
support. A strong desire to help others and faith in one’s chosen denomination are important
attributes for this profession. Formal education at the graduate level in divinity studies, religion,
theology or a similar field is typically required. Certification is also available to chaplains and
may be required by some employers. Candidates may also need to earn an endorsement from
their particular faith to become chaplains, and employers may prefer to hire those with prior
work experience.

39
 Required Education Master’s degree or doctorate
Other Requirements Work experience, ecclesiastical
endorsement, spiritual vocation
Certification Required by some employers
Projected job growth (2019-2029)* 4% for all clergy
Median Salary (2020)* $51, 940 for all clergy
Source: *U.S Bureau of Labour Statistics
2.3.2 Definining and Operationalizing Chaplain’s Presence: A Review
Chaplains often use the word presence as a key descriptor for what they uniquely bring into the
patient and family encounter. In defining presence for other healthcare providers, chaplains often
use concepts such as active listening, advocacy, communication, interactions free of personal and
professional agendas, and spending time with patients and families. These general definitions are
vague and describe an aspect of care also provided by many healthcare professionals across all
disciplines. Massey et al. (2015) contend that chaplains generally do not have a consistent way of
describing what they do. It also can be difficult for chaplains to identify and articulate the impact
of chaplain presence on healthcare outcomes. In a qualitative study interviewing pediatric
physicians and chaplains regarding chaplain contributions, “…physicians see chaplains as part of
interdisciplinary medical teams where they perform rituals and support patients and families,
especially around death. Chaplains agree but frame their contributions in terms of the
perspectives related to the wholeness, presence, and healing they bring. Chaplains have a broader
sense of what they contribute to patient care than do physicians (Cadge et al. 2011, p. 300).”
Lyndes et al. (2012) describe this as chaplains’ contributions to outcomes (physician perspective)
versus the process of chaplain work (chaplain perspective). Fitchett and Grossoehme note that,
“The current healthcare climate, in which chaplains are a limited resource, means they must
decide how to ration their time (Roberts 2012, p. 388).” If chaplains can be specific and concrete
in articulating what they do and can relate this work to the impact on care and outcomes, other
healthcare vocations may develop a better understanding of what chaplains do (Lyndes et al.
2012). Yet, according to Mowat, “…the research literature as it currently stands does not directly
or substantially address the issue of efficacy in healthcare chaplaincy (Mowat 2008, p. 31).” If
spiritual care positively affects healthcare outcomes, if chaplains are the primary providers of
this care in the healthcare context, and if presence truly is a central component in the chaplains’

40
provision of spiritual care then chaplains need to be able to adequately define presence and its
role in the provision of spiritual care.
The concept of chaplain presence is part of chaplain training and continues to be expressed in
their ongoing professional development and identity. The literature review is divided into five
groups: identification and understanding of presence by a professional chaplaincy training
organization and a professional chaplain cognate group; common definitions of the word itself;
the role and function of the chaplain articulated by professionals both within and outside
chaplaincy; presence in other healthcare disciplines, specifically physicians and nurses; and
consistent articulation of chaplain presence in the inter-professional context.
2.3.2.1 Professional Organizations
The Association for Clinical Pastoral Education (ACPE) is one of the principle organizations that
train professional chaplains. Standard 312 Outcomes of Clinical Pastoral Education (CPE) Level
II Pastoral Competence 312.6 says the student will, “demonstrate competent use of self in
ministry and administrative function which includes: emotional availability, cultural humility,
appropriate self-disclosure, positive use of power and authority, a non-anxious and
nonjudgmental presence, and clear and responsible boundaries (Association for Clinical Pastoral
Education, Inc. 2016).” This standard encourages a presence guided by self-disclosure and
emotional availability while maintaining a clear sense of boundaries. The Association of
Professional Chaplains (APC) is the largest chaplain cognate group in the USA. APC identifies
eight overarching principles in its guidelines for the chaplain’s role in healthcare ethics. In its
interpretation of Principle V, chaplains provide pastoral and spiritual care to those involved in
the ethical reflection process, APC identifies yet does not define presence, stating, The ministry
of Chaplains includes a wide repertoire of services including pastoral presence, pastoral
conversation, pastoral/spiritual care, and pastoral counseling. Experiencing such services,
patients, families, health care staff, and employees feel affirmed, understood, and supported in
their particular predicament and in their right to have a particular ethical perspective. Those
involved in the process can be enabled to explore the relationships of the physical issues of
health and illness, psychological dimensions of the situation, i.e., anxiety, fear, trust, etc., and the
spiritual issues, i.e., meaning, hope, ultimate concern, and God’s presence. Issues vary greatly
from person to person depending upon the situation and belief system of the individual.
Pastoral/spiritual care offers support for all involved and creates an atmosphere of sensitivity and

41
trust in the context of health care ethics decision-making (Association of Professional Chaplains
2015).
2.3.2.2 Common Definitions
Broadly, presence is “the fact or condition of being present; the state of being before, in front of,
or in the same place with a person or thing; being there; attendance, company, society,
association (The compact edition of the oxford english dictionary 1971, p. 2284).” While this
may be applicable to most, if not all, relationships with the patient/family system in the
healthcare context, to chaplains, presence seems to carry a special significance. Presence is a key
descriptor and concept in both chaplaincy education and chaplain professional identity, yet
appears to lack a concrete comprehensive definition. The Dictionary of Pastoral Care and
Counseling says the ministry of presence, “has come to mean a form of servanthood (diakonia¸
ministry) characterized by suffering, alongside of and with the hurt and oppressed—a being,
rather than a doing or telling…The ministry of presence in the pastoral office means
vulnerability to and participation in the life-world of those served (Dictionary of pastoral care
and counseling 1990, pp. 950–951).” It should be noted that this description is grounded in a
specifically Christian context. Other dictionary definitions of presence include spiritual and/or
religious themes implying there is a connection between spirituality and the concept of presence:
• “A supernatural influence to be felt nearby (Morris 1976, p. 979)”
• “an influence or a supernatural or divine spirit felt to be present (Guralnik 1980, p. 1124).”
• “In reference to the manner in which Christ is to be held present in the Eucharist (The compact
edition of the oxford english dictionary 1971, p. 2284).” “Something present, a present being; a
divine, spiritual, or incorporeal being or influence felt or conceived as present (The compact
edition of the oxford english dictionary 1971, p. 2285).”
2.3.2.3 Role and Function of the Chaplain
In a reflection on presence based on 30 years of work as an Episcopal priest, spiritual director,
and chaplain, Guenther sees presence as response to suffering and the hope for healing that may
or may not include cure from disease (Guenther 2011). This healing is tied to a willingness to let
go of a specific outcome, implying a certain passivity in healing. Healing presence for her is
fundamentally about listening, simply absorbing as the other is telling their story. And for
Guenther, telling the story is the centerpiece of healing. Further, she notes that the work of
healing requires the listener to be vulnerable, to, “give ourselves in compassionate presence

42
and then let go (Guenther 2011, p. 654).” In a reflection article, Cooper (2018) identifies a
chaplain role as that of Story Catcher, the intentional listening and hearing of another’s story as
both fundamental and peculiar (Cooper 2018). There is an implication that listening to
someone’s story is unique to the chaplain. She also asserts that sharing in the story involves a
level of risk and vulnerability for both the teller and the hearer. Since the patient narrative, or
story, is important to all members of the inter-professional team, the uniqueness of the chaplain
role hearing the story may lie in the manner in which the story is framed in the chaplain
interaction. For Cooper, identifying the potential for transcendence through storytelling in a
spiritual context is a key component of chaplain interactions.
In the discussion of a case study of a chaplain providing nonreligious spiritual care, Nolan (2016)
identified the chaplain response to the patient’s and family’s religious/spiritual instincts (Nolan
2016). For Nolan, presence is core to spiritual care describing it using Buber’s non-rational,
“I-Thou” communication and Frankl’s, “unconscious connection that transcends objective
rationality and communicates without words in the subjective and immediate (Nolan 2016, p.
14).” “In every encounter, I aim to communicate that my attention is focused fully on the person
I am with and that, for those few moments, I am entirely with them (Nolan 2016, p. 14).” In a
qualitative study of chaplains working in palliative care settings, Nolan (2011) focused on the
patient and chaplain responses to presence (Nolan 2011). The initial evocative response to
chaplain presence may be positive or negative. After negotiating the initial response, the chaplain
established an accompanying presence which was an ability to stay with the patient and do so
without a therapeutic aim or professional agenda. This accompanying presence, “…allows the
patient to be the being they are rather than the being the chaplain, or anyone else, may need them
to be (Nolan 2011, p. 24).” This seems to imply that having a therapeutic aim in a spiritual care
conversation is contraindicated for effective spiritual care. Next, the patient may derive spiritual
strength through a comforting presence with the chaplain building trusting relationships and
remaining authentic to the patient experience. Finally, a hopeful presence may help the patient
find a sense of hopefulness that is focused on the importance of relationships in the present. For
Nolan, understanding presence is found in the activity of responding to and negotiating the
relationship between the patient and the one present. Parameshwaran (2015), a psychiatrist who
completed a 1-year CPE residency, likens chaplain listening presence to mindfulness-based
interventions (MBI). He describes mindfulness as a, “meditative art of being in a state of

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nonjudgmental, compassionate and purposeful awareness of thoughts and feelings that arise in
the present moment within an individual (Parameshwaran 2015, p. 22).” For the chaplain, this
awareness includes not only care of the recipient but also of the chaplain him/herself and this
awareness has the potential to bring healing for both the recipient and chaplain. This implies a
vulnerability in the process not only for the recipient but also for the chaplain offering this
listening presence. As part of a qualitative study of pediatric palliative care (PPC) programs,
researchers interviewed chaplains and medical directors regarding the role and contributions of
chaplains to the PPC teams (Lyndes et al. 2012). Chaplains focused on the process of their work
while medical directors focused on contribution to outcomes. Chaplains described the
perspective they bring, while the medical directors described the tasks chaplains perform.
Chaplain self-descriptors focused on presence. The medical directors described chaplain
contributions to three key outcomes: relieving the spiritual suffering of patients and family,
improving family–team communication, and addressing the spiritual needs of the PPC team
(Lyndes et al. 2012). These outcomes represent a more operationalized understanding of chaplain
presence. While the article does not directly address the meaning of presence, it does identify
activities and perspectives the chaplain’s presence offers. In a qualitative study by Cadge et al.,
chaplains described the activity of being present. They used descriptors such as, “…there’s a real
need to hold people in crisis,… We don’t provide answers…we provide companionship…there’s
a kind of freedom to be with a person as opposed to having to accomplish something (Cadge et
al. 2011, p. 308).” Again, this manner of interpreting the chaplain’s work is broad and general.
This is in contrast to the physicians interviewed who saw the chaplain contribution in the specific
functions of rituals, support, and counseling. A qualitative study of patient and family
perceptions of chaplain presence by McCormick and Hildebrand identified three principle
concepts: presence, relationship, and meaning (McCormick and Hildebrand 2015). Patients and
families described these concepts by first listing desired traits then desired chaplain qualities and
actions. For the participants, presence begins with simple availability, the willingness to
unobtrusively be there. Once the chaplain is there, desired qualities are: sensitivity to the level of
interaction needed; being positive and hopeful but with regard to patient suffering at a given
moment; a consistently calm, gentle, and respectful demeanor; ability to listen and follow the
patient’s lead without being too talkative or assertive; and demonstrate compassion and empathy
without judgment. “The kind of chaplain presence patients spoke of most favorably required an

44
evolving balance of qualities dictated by the changing needs of the participants in each encounter
(McCormick and Hildebrand 2015, p. 68).” It is not known from this study if these desired
qualities and traits were unique to chaplains as there was no discussion of qualities patients and
families desired of other members of the inter-professional team.
2.3.2.4 Presence in Other Disciplines, Physicians, and Nurses
Using a health services framework of structure, process, and outcome Daaleman reviewed three
studies of spiritual care (Daaleman 2012). It noted that nursing studies have already begun
qualitative work on process in spiritual care, “describing nursing provider perspectives and
reporting activities such as referring to others, facilitating religious rituals and practices, and
being present to patients (Daaleman 2012, p. 1027).” One of the three reviewed studies, a
qualitative study of healthcare professionals who provide spiritual care identified three domains
of spiritual care-giving: presence, opening eyes, and co-creating. Presence was a dominant theme
and was marked by intentionally and purposefully providing care beyond medical treatment
attending to emotional, social, and spiritual needs. Key components were physical proximity,
facilitating communication that was fully attentive, and sometimes transcended verbal and
non-verbal communication (Daaleman 2012). This suggests that spiritual care is an
interdisciplinary form of care, and the provision of that care includes presence regardless of the
discipline providing it. The writings of physician authors Abraham Verghese and Atul Gawande
imply a reflective aspect in the care provided by physicians. There is an element of care that
transcends the science of medicine requiring the physician to establish a listening presence that
explores a patient’s questions of hope and meaning (Gawande 2014; Verghese 1994). In a
qualitative study of interviews of 25 nurses at a single medical center, Bone et al. (2018)
identified both chaplain presence and nursing presence to be important components of patient
care. “Given the large amount of time that nurses spend at the bedside with their patients, their
presence was considered to be a manifestation of their spiritual care (Bone et al. 2018, p. 217).”
They define spiritual presence as accompanying and comforting. Citing Doona et al. (1999), they
further defined nursing presence as, “uniqueness, connecting with the patient’s experience,
sensing, going beyond the scientific data, knowing what will work and when to act, and being
with the patient (Doona et al. 1999, p. 57).” The authors consider presence to be an important
aspect of nursing practice in much the same way physicians and chaplains consider it to be an
important aspect of their respective practices.

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2.3.2.5 Consistent Articulation of Chaplain Presence
In a study of chaplain documentation patterns in the electronic health record (EHR) at a single
quaternary care medical center, chaplains used document flow sheets containing descriptors that
could be selected individually or in combination with each other as part of the documentation of
patient and family visits. In the sample (n = 5153), 69% recorded at least one pastoral service
descriptor. In 66.22% of these records, a chaplain chose “relationship building” and in 34.38% of
these records a chaplain chose “non-anxious presence” (Adams 2015). Both terms could be more
broadly understood to indicate presence, yet none of the descriptors the chaplains used in the
EHR were defined, including relationship building and non-anxious presence. The descriptors’
definitions and intended usages were left to the interpretation of individual chaplains, making
consistent application of the descriptors in succinctly communicating spiritual care problematic.
Idler et al. (2015) studied, through self-reported data, how chaplains in a religiously diverse
healthcare setting use their own specialized knowledge in caring for patients and families facing
serious illness (Idler et al. 2015). In 1140 total chaplain encounters the activity labeled “ministry
of presence” was recorded in 48.1% of the encounters, second only to “active listening” (92.0%).
The chaplains in the study were trained to use the instrument used in the study, a digital diary,
but it is unclear if training included discussion of the appropriate use of terminology describing
these activities. The authors spoke of the frequency of these two activities as evidence of, “the
consistency of training and common language”. (Idler et al. 2015, p. 731) of the chaplains in the
hospital. While that may imply that presence is a common descriptor of what chaplains do it does
not reveal what presence is or its importance as a chaplain activity. In a qualitative, textual
analysis, retrospective chart review of 255 chaplain chart notes in the adult intensive care units at
a major academic medical center, Lee et al. (2017) identified four primary themes of chaplain
notes; frequent use of code language, describing observations rather than interpreting their
clinical significance, passive follow-up plans, and sometimes providing insights into particular
relationship dynamics (Lee et al. 2017). In code language, chaplains use recurrent words and
phrases that seemed to reflect a larger commonly understood concept or activity. Cited examples
of code language include compassionate presence, meaning-oriented presence, and continued
presence and follow-up. The authors concluded that, at that institution, the use of these and other
similar ambiguous terms were encouraged as means of communicating the work chaplains

46
do (Lee et al. 2017). In “Paging God, Religion in the Halls of Medicine,” Cadge (2012) observed
that chaplain relationships are less about religion and more about building a supportive
relationship with someone, whoever they are, as they are. Cadge observes that the “emphasis on
presence is much more general and much less concerned with any effort to validate that it has an
effect (Cadge 2012, p. 94).” This makes it difficult to distinguish chaplain presence from that
provided by nurses, doctors, social workers, and other members of the inter-professional team.
In summary, an accompanying and comforting presence that helps patients explore their sense of
hope and meaning is provided by many healthcare disciplines. Chaplains tend to articulate their
role, in general, and presence, specifically, by focusing on the process in the interactions with
little consideration of the impact or outcome of the process while physicians tend to focus on
outcome. There seems to be no concretely defined understanding of the concept of chaplain
presence as something unique within healthcare. The next section synthesizes the literature into a
working definition of chaplain presence in the healthcare setting.
2.3.2.6 Presence: A Working Definition
In “Thomas Jefferson: the Art of Power,” Meacham (2012) records the first meeting between
Thomas Jefferson and Mrs. Margaret Smith in the parlor of her and her husband’s home. The
manner in which Mrs. Smith recounts meeting appears to have implications for the environment
and substance of chaplain use of presence in interactions. In this encounter, she did not know
who he was and was being hostess to this visitor while her husband was concluding some other
business. Such was his charm that though she did not know quite why, here she was, saying
things she had not meant to say. “There was something in his manner, his countenance and voice
that at once unlocked my heart.” The caller was in a kind of control, reversing the usual order of
things in which the host, not the hosted, set the terms and conditions of the conversation. “I
found myself frankly telling him what I liked or disliked in our present circumstances and
abode,” Mrs. Smith said. “I knew not who he was, but the interest with which he listened to my
artless details…put me perfectly at my ease; in truth, so kind and conciliating were his looks and
manners that I forgot he was not a friend of my own (Meacham 2012, p. 25). In recalling her
conversation with Jefferson, Mrs. Smith used descriptors such as his ability to make her feel safe
through his manner, countenance, and voice. She noted his interest was evidenced through his
listening and this put her at ease (Adams 2015). In the conversation Jefferson created an
atmosphere of ease for Mrs. Smith. Even though she did not know him, this sense of ease gave

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her the freedom to share important aspects of her personal life. This environment and exchange
echo the care chaplains describe as presence. In providing presence, the chaplain seeks to quickly
create an atmosphere of trust and ease conducive for sharing what the patient/family finds
meaningful and important, often in the context of tense and terrifying circumstances. The
chaplain’s interactions are expected to have a high degree of flexibility with no apparent agenda.
This flexibility and lack of agenda in an atmosphere of trust are meant to facilitate the
patient/family sharing those meaningful and important parts of their story that they need to tell as
opposed to the story the chaplain may otherwise want or need them to tell. This kind of presence
allows for a wide variety of sharing out of the patient/family story begging the question of the
non-medical dynamics directly and indirectly associated with a disease progression and course of
treatment. The lack of agenda and high degree of flexibility may contribute to creating an
atmosphere of ease and trust. Still they would not, of themselves, establish an atmosphere in
which the patient and family can share and explore those meaningful and important parts of their
story that they need to tell. The key component is emotional availability and emotional
vulnerability. Further, they imply a lack of structure in chaplain interactions. A working
definition of chaplain presence, then, is a process through which the chaplain creates an
atmosphere of ease and trust so that the recipient of the chaplain’s care can share their own story
in an environment that is nonjudgmental and compassionate. This presence has no apparent
agenda and a high degree of flexibility allowing for conversation that includes and transcends
present health concerns. A key component in creating this environment is the chaplain’s own
emotional vulnerability in the interactions making the conversation a more mutual exploration
into the stories of both the receiver of care and the care provider/ chaplain.
This definition presents certain problems. First, to some degree, all members of the inter-
professional healthcare delivery team provide presence in accordance with this definition. While
there is typically more of a stated agenda with other disciplines, building an atmosphere of trust
is vital to the caring relationship. Medical conversations explore family social dynamics and
there is emotional vulnerability any time a provider gives an honest, thoughtful response to one
of the most commonly posed questions to a healthcare provider, “If you were in this situation,
what would you do?” A second problem is the lack of agenda in the process. This is most
concretely evidenced in Nolan’s assertion of the need for no therapeutic aim in a chaplain
conversation (Nolan 2011). The purpose of the conversation evolves and emerges on its own.

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Until an atmosphere of trust can be developed and an objective emerges, the conversation is
largely dependent on the chaplain’s emotional vulnerability. With no other structure to rely upon,
maintaining appropriate boundaries in an interaction dependent upon a chaplain’s emotional
availability and vulnerability is problematic. Even if the chaplain has a high degree of self-
awareness and practices a high degree of emotional, mental, spiritual, and physical self-care,
there is an elevated risk of blurring the boundaries between professional and personal
interactions. This can be especially problematic when the bulk of professional interactions
concentrate on intense spiritual and emotional themes. One approach to addressing this concern
may be focusing more on sensitivity to the emotional and spiritual dynamics in the interactions
than on the chaplain’s emotional and spiritual vulnerability and availability. In discussing
cultural competence, Kodjo identifies principles guiding competence which include, “…
empathy, curiosity, and respect, with which comes a heightened understanding and appreciation
of the social context of the patient (Kodjo 2009, p. 58).” Using these same principles in
providing chaplain presence could also provide more specific descriptors of this presence. A
third problem is communicating the importance of presence in patient/family interactions and its
impact in healthcare. In an environment increasingly driven by evidence-based practice and
health outcomes, it is even more important that chaplains articulate the impact of their care in
these terms. Like other members of the Inter-professional team, a chaplain’s scope of practice
occurs within certain parameters. Presence does not exist without bounds, but operates within
parameters. These parameters, however, have yet to be defined. By defining these factors and
operationalizing them to point to specific outcomes, chaplains could more effectively
demonstrate the impact of practice. In addition, the structure that this would offer may provide
more intentional guidance through chaplain conversations and minimize the impact of emotional
vulnerability on professional boundaries. Further, clearly defining the parameters of presence,
what it is as well as its actions and goals, may contribute to articulating the unique qualities of
chaplain presence. Finally, two central features of the role of the chaplain are the exploration of
sacred presence and that of meaning making. Any discussion of the definition of presence, its
parameters, and its outcomes should include these two features. Fourth, this definition makes it
difficult to concretely assess specifically how chaplain presence is applied, what it does, and how
to articulate it within an inter-professional context. In a qualitative study, Massey et al. (2015)
developed taxonomy of chaplain activities and interventions as a step to creating a common

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language for communicating care to other chaplains and to the inter-professional team. Out of
the study, they organized chaplain activities into a grouping of Intended Effects, Methods, and
Interventions they referred to as a pathway. Chaplains choose items in each of the categories to
create a specific pathway of care. There are no stated inherent relationships between items across
the three categories and are selected according to chaplain assessment of the individual situation.
The items in the taxonomy, therefore, “can be grouped and associated in nearly infinite
combinations… (Massey et al. 2015, p. 5)” in the creation of care pathways. This approach
maximizes flexibility for the chaplain generating these pathways. On the other hand, the lack of
relationship between terms across these three categories would make evaluating a pathway’s
effectiveness and impact on patient care problematic. In addition, the lack of definitions for the
terms in the taxonomy increases difficulty in consistently applying them in practice. Adams
(2015) emphasized that the lack of definitions for terminology and the lack of defined
relationships limited the evaluation of what chaplains were communicating in the EHR.
2.3.2.7 Presence: An Operational Definition
Building on the work of Massey and others, a next step in articulating what chaplains do in ways
that can be effectively incorporated into evidence-based practice is to define key terms in ways
that can be tested for their impact on patient care. Working within the existing structure for
healthcare outcomes chaplains need to articulate Well-defined specific goals, or Massey’s
intended effects, that can be evaluated to determine their direct or indirect impact on existing
healthcare outcomes. The interventions used also require definition as well as connection to
specific goals that can be determined through consistent assessment models. Following this
reasoning, a definition of chaplain presence is warranted that includes basic parameters for care
and intended outcomes of this care. An operational definition of chaplain presence is establishing
an environment of care based on empathy, curiosity, and respect in which the chaplain is
attentive to the verbal and non-verbal two-way communication and assessing questions of the
spiritual, the sacred, and of meaning providing concrete and appropriate psychosocial-spiritual
interventions. This operational definition includes four components: environment, care receiver
and care giver response, chaplain assessment, and chaplain intervention (Table 1). Rather than
depending on the chaplain’s emotional availability and vulnerability she/he establishes an
environment of care grounded in Kodjo’s consideration of empathy, curiosity, and respect for the
care receiver’s specific psychosocial-spiritual context (Kodjo 2009). Much like other healthcare

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disciplines, the chaplain is fully attentive to the verbal and non-verbal responses of the care
receiver using both verbal and non-verbal communication in his/her responses (Daaleman 2012;
Nolan 2016). If the care receiver is non-responsive, for example an unconscious patient in an
intensive care unit, an understanding of the care receiver’s context may be acquired through a
third-party such as family, staff, or the patient chart. These first two components are a common
expectation of all healthcare providers. The latter two may be unique to the role and function of
the chaplain.
Table 2.1 Operational definition of presence
Components Environment Care receiver/ Chaplain Chaplain
care giver assessment intervention
response
Descriptors Empathy, Non-verbal Sacred linkage, Intentional
curiosity and exchange, Verbal meaning-making processes in
respect exchange response to
assessment

As the literature consistently demonstrated, spirituality and a sense of what is sacred to the
patient/family are underlying components of presence and are often accompanied by the theme
of meaning making. The chaplain assessment is unique in that spirituality, the sacred, and
meaning-making are central to the chaplain interpretation of an encounter. Chaplain
interventions would be concrete responses to the assessment intended to address specific
outcomes. Examples of three such outcomes were identified by Lyndes et al. (2012); relieving
spiritual suffering, improving family-team communication, and addressing spiritual needs. This
definition identifies presence as one approach to the provision of spiritual care. It could then be
argued that, while important, presence is not a central component of the chaplain’s professional
identity. Some chaplain interactions would require different assessments and interventions. How
and when presence is used would depend on the needs presented in a specific situation. It may be
more accurate, then, to view this activity whatever its terminology, as a specific type of approach
to the chaplain encounter. Defining presence in terms of an operational approach to care allows
the opportunity to build testable constructs that can be used to assess the impact of chaplain
interventions. This more operational approach to defining, articulating and evaluating presence

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as well as other dynamics of the chaplain role could add to the growing body of evidence
demonstrating the impact of spirituality on health as an important non-medical component in the
patient context.
2.3.3 The Missiology of Chaplains
Todd et al. (2014) revealed that there is a need to review the ways in which those involved in
chaplaincy are strategically connected to church structures and other areas of mission and
ministry, considering in particular:
 representation of chaplaincy at deanery, diocesan and national level;
 greater consistency of provision across dioceses and at national level for support,
appraisal/review and ministerial development which takes into account parallel and
complementary provision offered by host organizations and which does not rely only
on a pro-active member of the Bishop’s senior staff;
 the development of models of support and ministerial development that take into
account the different needs of chaplains working to different models (5.1 above) and
in different settings;
 the provision of opportunities at local, diocesan and national levels for the sharing of
good practice and critical reflection involving chaplains from different settings, and
chaplains together with those involved in other areas of ministry;
 Reviewing support for chaplains paid for by the Church of England to coordinate
chaplaincy in their role of representing, managing, training and developing other
chaplains who are ordained, lay, full-time, part-time and voluntary.

They further revealed the benefits of addressing these implications to include:

 Improved and consistent connections between Anglican chaplains and the Church of
England to which they belong, and which they represent;
 Improved connections between chaplains and others involved in mission and ministry to
their mutual benefit;
 Improved connections through chaplains between individuals and organizations they
serve and the Church of England.
In each interview they asked ‘What notion of mission drives the chaplaincy work here in this
context?’ They had a range of responses, sometimes well-considered and at other times the

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chaplains seemed caught off guard by the question. Some chaplaincies had formal mission
statements that the chaplains sometimes referred to, but other chaplains seemed stuck for the
language to express what it is that drives their work. On chaplains and mission, see further
(Brown 2011; Slater 2012; 2013; Todd 2011b; 2013a: ch.9).
2.3.3.1 Public Perceptions of Evangelism
A few chaplains objected to the use of the word ‘mission’ to describe what they are doing,
particularly hospital chaplains. And across the different contexts, chaplains were for the most
part in agreement that proselytism was unacceptable within chaplaincy work. A part-time clergy
chaplain in the commercial sector said, “I’m not trying to convert people or make people more
religious. If they want to be, I’d be delighted to help them.” Indeed, it was not unusual for
chaplains to unequivocally state that proselytism was not only inappropriate within the context,
but it could cause them to lose their right to work within their institution. But some chaplains
expanded the notion of evangelism beyond proselytism to include:
 evangelism through action, not a message
 walking alongside people and being persistent with that
 “being who we are, by what we do, by what we say, by the support that we show, by
the kindness, by the compassion”

Two chaplains explained that their work as a form of ‘pre-evangelism’, articulated by one here:
“I think a lot of chaplaincy is pre pre- evangelism often people are much further back than [a
Christian basics course] and the further back from that is the sort of – Paul, in Acts 17, where he
stands up in the Areopagus and says, ‘You worship someone and you don’t know who it is.’ And
often in chaplaincy we are helping people to understand that God is there, that God actually does
love them. Most people you don’t need to tell that they’ve screwed up, because most people do
know, most people need to know that they are loved and accepted. I think, for me, part of the
mission of chaplaincy is extending God’s grace and welcome and hospitality, and that is what
Jesus did in the gospels.”

2.3.3.2 Incarnation and a mission of presence

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Almost every chaplain spoke of his or her own missiology in terms of the incarnation. For
example, a hospital chaplain said, “I hope that through my presence, and any interventions I
carry out, I incarnate something of God’s grace and love (as seen in Jesus) for that person.”
Sometimes it was simply stated as a mission of presence, as this volunteer fire service chaplain
said: “Like all chaplaincy work, it’s the being there.” A parish priest explained the notion of
mission that drives his police chaplaincy work in this way: “I would talk in terms of
incarnational theology, in terms of God being everywhere and perhaps the job of the priest to
help to draw the veil back a little bit and help people see the presence of God or Christ in those
situations.” The language of incarnation that chaplains employ ranges from being an expression
of pastoral presence alongside people, to a stronger articulation of incarnating the presence of
God in particular situations. Other areas of the research data suggest that even sharper
connections could be made, for example with the redemptive effect of such an incarnational
presence, seen in workplace chaplains’ involvement in enabling people to work with issues
arising out of their employment.
2.3.3.3 Demonstrating God's love through actions and sowing seeds
Chaplains across the settings spoke of their work in terms of revealing the love of God through
their chaplaincy activities. For example, the line manager for the lead university chaplains said,
“I think that’s the mission of the chaplaincy; to seek to find a way to allow everybody’s soul to
be touched by the love of God.” A lay volunteer chaplain in a shopping centre explained that
their presence is often enough to communicate God’s love, without even using words. She said,
“In terms of taking God’s love out, I would feel that we are taking the love of God out to people,
even if you never mention his name, it is recognized that’s what we are doing...” Another lay
volunteer chaplain, this one serving within the industrial sector, spoke about mission in similar
terms: “This is about sharing God’s love, this is a practical outworking of that. Not with an
agenda to bring people to faith, but because that’s what I feel called to do in response to my
faith. And it is mission in the sense that you are going out to where people are.” Building on this,
at the consultation the chaplains noted that if mission is about sending out, not gathering in, then
certainly the work of the chaplain is about going out into the world and meeting people where
they are. Along these lines, a lay volunteer police chaplain related the acts of kindness to the
growth of God’s kingdom in terms of sowing the seeds of the gospel. She said, “I mean, you
never quite know the seeds you might sow – and they might think – I mean it might be years

54
later – people may think that you were caring and gave time to them, because you are a
Christian. So, it is very gradual, but you know, there is something there that can plant a seed in
people.
2.3.3.4 Impact
Chaplains found it difficult to quantify the impact of their work and were challenged by the
increasing demand to provide evidence of the effect of their work. The lead hospital chaplain
spoke about how his team keeps records of interactions with patients on a database. The director
of an umbrella group for industry chaplains also spoke about keeping a log of people spoken to,
as a means of charting the demographic variety of people that he and his chaplains reach.
However, chaplains from all contexts spoke about how it is almost impossible to quantify the
impact of chaplaincy, usually because the work is located within one to one encounters – so how
would one decide which conversations are spiritually meaningful and which are not? One retail
chaplain spoke about how her only interaction over six months with one shop assistant was
smiling once a week. Later, this person asked to speak to the chaplain about a recent
bereavement, and noted that the chaplain’s friendly face made her seem accessible. So, the
chaplain spoke about how difficult it is to measure impact when a smile might really matter
sometime in the future. Of course chaplains are not alone in finding it difficult to measure the
impact of ministry. As this industry chaplain, formerly a parish priest, said, “It is hard enough as
a parish priest if you ask the same question about what impact do you have, I wouldn’t be able to
come out with many more – again that is why we end up with this ridiculous situation of
measuring the numbers of people who come to church, because it’s the only thing you can
measure. But then, why? It’s the classic thing of measuring the only thing you can, when actually
there are other things you should be measuring but you don’t know how to do it.” Of course,
apart from adding up the numbers of encounters that chaplains have, impact can be measured in
the sense that institutions want to have chaplains. An industry chaplain said, “One of the
evidences is the demand – people want us.” The lead commercial sector chaplain spoke about the
openness of corporations in providing resources such as venues, lunches and speakers for
chaplaincy events as evidence that the chaplaincy is having a positive impact. An archdeacon
who serves on the steering committee for an industry chaplaincy group said this about
institutions’ perceptions of impact: “Some businesses, a few businesses, do make donations to
the cause, and they wouldn’t do that if they didn’t see there was some actual value there. People

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don’t dish out money to charity from businesses just out of a whim or kindness. There has got to
be some point to it, not just it being tax deductable for them. It is a modest expense for them, but
an expense nonetheless. And very often people are making provision, a room for a chaplain to be
based in, that kind of thing, so space in buildings costs money, so that is an indicator.”

The chair of a steering group for a commercial sector chaplaincy spoke in broader terms about
the impact of the chaplains. “The biggest impact is the calming influence, the normalizing
influence, the dilution of the intensity of work. And the next one is that it allows religious faith
into the workplace, without it being extraordinary or somehow odd. And I like to think there is a
larger purpose, but this may just be philosophical, that it does more to socialize religion and faith
into everyday life as against something set apart.” Additionally, the line manager for the
university chaplaincy believed that the chaplaincy has the potential to impact the entire
institution as a whole, saying, “I would say it has an impact whether the institution realizes it or
not, because it prays for the institution, through the Eucharist it brings Christ into the institution
through the sacrament, so at that kind of sacramental level, it has an impact whether people
realize it or not.” Indeed, an industry sector chaplain stated that chaplaincy has the opportunity to
transform situations. Referring specifically to the way that companies are changing their
employment strategies within the current financial climate, he said, “So, when things are
changing, we have an opportunity to make that change as faithful as possible.”
2.3.3.5 Discipleship and Quinquennial Goals
As part of the consultation with research participants following the initial analysis of the case-
study data, two specific areas of thinking were probed by the research team in discussion with
participants. A comparison drawn between chaplaincy and Fresh Expressions had earlier raised
the question of how chaplaincy worked with understandings of discipleship. And conversation
with the research steering group had raised the question of chaplaincy contributing to the
realization of the Church of England’s Quinquennial Goals. In relation to discipleship, the initial
thought was that whereas chaplaincy and Fresh Expressions easily found common ground in
their aim of relating to contemporary society and culture, they might have quite different
approaches to nurturing discipleship. This was borne out by the conversation at the consultation.
Discipleship is not a word that chaplains orientate to in talking about their mission. Nonetheless,
it is a word that chaplains can work with. Chaplains thought of nurturing discipleship not so

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much in terms of working with converts, more in terms of supporting people on their spiritual
journey. This could be about deepening faith, or it could be about working with “those who have
become disenchanted with the church to rediscover God in their lives and find a new spiritual
home.” As one person put it, “A fair part of my time is spent discussing; responding to questions
such as… Who am I? Where am I? What are the important values in my life? Is this role
vocational?” Two very specific areas of ‘discipleship’ work undertaken by chaplains were
discussed in the consultation. The first of these was nurturing discipleship in the context of work.
This was about: “discussion meetings with Christians at work about issues like ‘management’,
‘failure’, ‘honesty’”; “holding on to values of disciples in the workplace”; “chaplaincy helps
Christians to integrate their faith and work lives – disciplining them to become mature
Christians”. Chaplains could see this work extending into the parish setting if they were better
used as a resource to connect congregational life and the world of employment.
The other significant area discussed related to the interaction between full-time, typically
ordained, chaplains and lay volunteers. There was a clear sense that enabling volunteers to
engage in chaplaincy could be understood as nurturing their discipleship and stimulating their
spiritual growth. This underlines the points made above about seeking to understand and map lay
volunteer chaplaincy; and about resourcing chaplaincy team leaders to work in this enabling
way. The Church of England Quinquennial goals were introduced into the consultation to
stimulate conversation, particularly around the question of spiritual and numerical growth. It is
clear that aiming to stimulate numerical growth of those attending churches is not on the agenda
of most chaplains. They are, however, very serious about stimulating spiritual growth in the
ways already referred to above. Further, they identify a number of ways in which what they do
might lead to numerical growth, although not necessarily in predictable ways. This is about
people responding to the distinctive presence of chaplaincy; the “pre-pre-evangelism” that
chaplains do; or the public theology in which chaplains engage. Connections between
congregational life and the workplace were again cited: “resourcing churches to enable working
congregation members talk about faith at work appropriately may lead to more church goers”;
“helping churches do more about ‘faith & work’ helps them to grow/nurture their congregation”.
Further, discussion and various chaplaincies considered in the research indicate connections
between chaplaincy and particular generations that offer opportunities for spiritual growth, that
might in turn lay foundations for connection with congregational life and numerical growth.

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One of the barriers to numerical growth developing from the “seeds” sown by chaplains is the
disconnections between chaplaincy and other areas of ministry, especially parish ministry.
Positively, one chaplain said that, “chaplains should be part of the going for growth in
partnership with parish clergy.” However, participants were clear that this required a more
integrated ecclesiology and that new models of ministry are needed to realize this integration, for
example, the minster model referred to by one participant. This clearly has implications for the
way in which chaplaincy might be integrated into and contribute to the realization of the third
Quinquennial goal: “To reshape, re-imagine and re-energize ministry in the Church of England
so that it is equipped both to grow the church in every community and contribute to ‘the common
good’.”
2.3.3.6 Locating the Mission and Impact of Chaplaincy
In considering the impact of chaplaincy three issues emerge: quantifying impact; being sensitive
to timescale; and considering where the impact is felt or perceived. Chaplains characteristically
play a long game, knowing that the influence they have through various kinds of encounter may
bear fruit in ways that they cannot know, or will only know after some time. Further, the effect
of chaplaincy may be felt in a range of different contexts at a distance from the locus of
chaplaincy. This is not to argue that chaplains should not continue to respond to the challenge to
evidence the impact of their work, but it is an argument for also taking a wider view of the
impact, and investigating it alongside, and interwoven with, the impact of other areas of mission
and ministry.
For that to happen, the sharpening of the missiology of chaplaincy also needs to be located
within a wider frame – the missiology and mission strategy of the Church of England.
Chaplaincy offers particular dimensions of missionary activity; they need to be connected with
the missionary activity which characterizes parish ministry and other specialist missionary
activities (such as Fresh Expressions of Church). This location needs to be both theoretical,
offering an understanding of how the diversity of mission (of which chaplaincy is a part)
coheres; and it needs to be practical. In relation to the latter, the questions to be addressed might
include: how can spiritual exploration in, for example, the workplace, be connected with
opportunities to deepen the exploration provided by parish ministry? How can this kind of
conversation be part of mission action planning in particular locations? Would a minster model

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of collaborative ministry (as discussed by one research participant) support this kind of joined-up
thinking?
2.3.3.7 Chaplains as Resource
This section draws together the findings of the research that cast light on chaplaincy as a
significant resource: for the church; for the common good; and for the future. As part of the
consideration of chaplaincy as a resource for the future, this section highlights the potential
return on Church investment in chaplaincy, including the potential for partnership between the
Church of England and organizations that employ or host chaplaincy.
2.3.3.8 A Resource for the Church
Implicit in the discussion in various sections of this report is the conclusion that chaplaincy is a
resource for the wider church, but one which is significantly untapped (in the experience of
chaplains). This resource includes a range of areas of knowledge and expertise. The line manager
for hospital chaplains, ordained within the Church of England, said, “A lot of theological
reflection goes on within a chaplaincy, but this is not fed back into the wider church.”
More specifically, a hospital chaplain argues that chaplains have a wealth of resources that could
be put at the disposal of the wider church. “But it’s noticeable that there are no chaplains on any
of the worship and liturgy committees, and yet we are the ones who are having to come up with
and create new liturgies for situations where there isn’t anything written. We could be offering
placements for people exploring Fresh Expressions to work in that context, again, you see so
many things being offered around concerning health and healing, and yet there is no chaplaincy
input, and yet presumably we are the people who are faced with the realities of that, and
understand the realities of people living in the conditions and questions around ‘why am I not
being healed?’ ‘why is this happening to me?’ So there could be a much greater synergy between
that. I think there could be ways of connecting people who are exploring or reconnecting with
faith back into church communities as they leave the hospital. So there’s all sorts of things at
different levels that could be explored and could be where better links could happen. So, right
from the very simple act of linking people into church communities, back to input into why
church discussions on ethical issues around health around genetics all those aspects, as well as a
theology of life – Chris Swift has a line in his book, he talks about a theology written out of
critical care might look very different to a theology written out of an academy. And I think that’s

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very true. Just that very honest and lived experiential theology that comes out of chaplaincy
could have much to offer the church.”
The lead industry chaplain spoke about the demographic reach of chaplains as wider than the
parish church. “I mean we can keep – and some of the other chaplains do as well – keep a log of
the number of people I have talked to and also for me in terms of demographics is that I believe
we reach a wider range of people than the church generally, and also a younger range as well, so
I am deliberately keeping a score of the ages of the people we deal with, because I think that is a
selling point of the work we do, back to the church, this is one of the things we are doing, we are
touching some of the demographics that you are not touching.” These perspectives underline the
ways in which, within an integrated understanding of mission and ministry, chaplaincy could
offer resources to the whole Church’s nurturing and shaping of discipleship and ministry. The
resources to be drawn on include:
 Expertise in pastoral care, liturgy and ritual responsive to contemporary culture
 Lived public theologies of health, employment, education and the economy
 Experience of nurturing spiritual exploration and growth in contexts, generations, socio-
economic groups and individual people who are less well connected with the
congregational life of the Church of England
 Expertise in encouraging and enabling lay Christians to take their discipleship into a
range of contexts beyond the congregational life of the church
2.3.3.9 A Church resource for the common good
The resource for the Church is also, significantly, a resource of the Church for the common
good. It was not unusual for the line managers of chaplains to speak of them as the visible
presence of the church in their institution. Chaplains themselves spoke of themselves in this way,
sometimes referring to themselves as 'the human face of the church', etc. There were also
perceptions that chaplaincy has to be ‘authorized public ministry’ and that the role of chaplains is
often to cut across stereotyped perceptions of what chaplains/clergy are like and what they do.
There was a sense among the participants that within the public sphere the chaplain is a symbol
of something good - of the value of religion, tradition and morals.
A full-time ordained hospital chaplain spoke of his role as an apologist within the public sector.
The full-time ordained army chaplain saw the distinctive character of a chaplain as being that he
is a ‘public theologian’, enabling people to reflect theologically on their lived

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experience. This emphasis was seen as being different to that of parish clergy who were seen as
focusing more on worship and internal church affairs.
Chaplains therefore represent an important aspect of the Church’s engagement with the secular –
that way of understanding public life that holds that religion’s contribution must be constrained
and controlled. Chaplaincy continues to resist that political pressure; to respond to it creatively;
and to persist in living faith publically and in interaction with civil society and the commercial
world. Albeit in particular small ways, chaplains work for the good of society as part of the
mission of the Church of England. Furthermore, this is a resource that is valued by the
organizations in which chaplaincy is embedded. This was indicated in part by section 4.1, which
highlighted the proportion of chaplains employed by someone other than the Church of England
(for example, around 93% of full-time ordained chaplains). On its own, this represents a
significant investment in chaplaincy, which enables the Church of England’s continued
engagement with and in civil society. And the costs of employment represent only one aspect of
chaplaincy resourced by secular organizations. This research can only offer a glimpse of other
costs met, in relation to office space and resources, worship spaces, training beyond that offered
to directly employed chaplains, etc. This is an indicator of the value of the Church of England’s
contribution through chaplaincy to the common good.
2.3.3.10 Chaplaincy as a resource for the future
One of the most important messages to emerge from this research is that chaplaincy is a resource
whose potential is not fully realized. One of the challenges for the Church of England is to make
more of this resource in the future. On the one hand, this might be to do with reconnecting the
valuable work of chaplaincy with other aspects of the Church’s work. This would include
learning from chaplaincy’s engagement with the world of work, and with particular demographic
groups. It would also include exploring how chaplaincy’s engagement with those disenchanted,
or simply unconnected, with congregational church life, could lead to new, or renewed,
connections between people touched by chaplaincy and the wider Church. A starting point for
addressing this opportunity would be to bring together the insight and experience of chaplaincy
and of those involved in fresh expressions of church.
In order to maximize the potential referred to above, and chaplaincy’s potential to continue being
and focusing the Church of England’s contribution to the common good, a review of the way
chaplaincy is resourced is indicated. As will be seen from the recommendations in section 8, this

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would be, on the whole, a matter of making best use of existing resources to ensure consistent
support for chaplaincy across the Church of England. The return on this refocusing of the
investment of the Church of England in chaplaincy has the potential for significant returns. For
example, continued investment in the work of lead chaplains would offer significant returns in
the development of lay volunteer chaplaincy and its impact on civil society and church
congregational life. More widely, the investment by the Church in chaplaincy is already more
than matched, by what appears to be a significantly greater investment by other organizations (at
least in terms of employment costs). This indicates a potential for exploring partnerships between
the Church of England and host organizations, drawing together, for example, the partnerships
represented by chaplaincy and the work of bishops with responsibility for key areas of public
life.
2.3.3.11 Spiritual Care
Many of the chaplains spoke about their mission in terms of inviting people into an awareness of
transcendence. A full-time ordained police chaplain said, “That is exactly what my mission is –
helping people to identify the sacred both within themselves and outside. And outside comes to
mean as a worshiping person within a congregation.” A full-time hospital chaplain stated this
even more explicitly, that mission is facilitating “a real sense of being opened up to greater
awareness of transcendence, the ‘other’, and keep searching and wrestling with questions of
meaning and purpose... to connect, re-connect or deepen their connection with a loving divine
presence (or at least that which is transcendent or ‘other’ to them).” An ordained part-time
industrial chaplain stated that his understanding of mission is to help people “to view the whole
of life as something which matters to God, it’s not segmenting it into different compartments.” It
was argued that the mission of the chaplain is to speak into the human condition and offer
wholeness. As the line-manager for hospital chaplains put it, “Doing the work of God, to make
people not more religious, but more human. Facilitating from a standpoint of faith, helping
people to understand who they are; what life’s about.”
2.3.3.12 Other Research and Missiology of Chaplaincy
As a contrast to the relatively under-developed missiological thinking reported in these research
case studies, one of the case studies in Victoria Slater’s doctoral research (Slater 2013) provides
an instance of how developed missiological thinking can underpin the development of
chaplaincy roles. The qualitative case study was of the development of chaplaincy roles within a

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market town Anglican-Methodist ecumenical Project. From the Church of England point of
view, the impetus for fresh missiological thinking came from a diocesan structural reorganization
that threatened the reduction of full-time stipendiary clergy. The question of how to engage
effectively with the community with limited resources became acute. After a major consultation
across the three parishes during which the practical and theological issues were discussed, the
three parishes in the town amalgamated into one and a covenant was signed with the Methodist
Church signaling a joint commitment to mission and ministry in the area.
This required the development of new structures and governance to enable the planning of new
shared mission initiatives that included: a full time worker with children and young people; a
shared administrative post; a part-time Chaplain to the Further Education College; a part-time
2.3.3.13 Chaplain to Older People
The structures of ministry had to be re-thought and clergy took on ‘functional responsibilities’
e.g. education and discipleship, rather than being responsible for a particular building and
congregations. In the case of education, given the number of schools and the size of the FE
college community, it was recognized that in order to be effective, there needed to be someone
embedded in the context and a full-time parochial clergy person did not have the time or
resources to do this. Hence, in order to fulfill the church’s missional vocation, negotiations were
opened with the college and a joint funded part-time chaplaincy post developed.
One of the interesting things about this study is that it exemplifies serious theological thought
being given to how the church can engage missionally with the community and then, the
practical implications are worked out, specifically in relation to the development of chaplaincy
roles. Mission is understood not as something separate but as integrally bound up with vision,
structures, governance and ecclesiology – what everyone thinks the church is for, what they think
it should be doing in a community and how it can begin to do that.
2.3.4 Women as Victims of war or agents of change?
In the peace agreements, women are in most cases considered to be victims of war and of sexual
abuse. Looking into the cases used for this research, two of the five peace agreements mention
women in the sense that the society needs to focus on improving women’s roles in the
communities. When discussing women and their empowerment, women are again considered
victims since they are not equal to the men in the society and can thus not work for change until
they have a greater impact in society. In the other three peace agreements, women are assigned to

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roles in the political sphere in the country to improve the livelihood in the country. In these peace
agreements, women are rather considered as having the possibility to create change in the society
by taking part in the politics. However, their roles are still in a minority to the men and thus
limited. The peace agreements focus on improving women’s role in the political sphere and
therefore also showing the result of women being considered as victims but with the possibility
to be agents of change.
In the peace building process, the findings show that women are not limited to the spheres of
work that they are assigned to in the peace agreements; instead, they work in several different
areas of work. In the mediation and reconciliation process, women are active as agents of
change, they use their role as women to try and mediate between the different actors. This shows
that, to some extent, women do accept their roles based on gender and stay within the limitations
for that role. By working in several different spheres concerning peace building work that is both
related to what is considered female work, but also in the areas that are considered male spheres.
For example, they are taking part in work that is both dangerous and where women are targets
for abuse show that women in these cases does not back down for the threat of violence. Based
on this, women cannot be seen as helpless and only living as victims. Instead, we can see
evidence of women working as agents in peace building where they influence several; if not all
parts of the peace building process in the countries they live in. Most commonly women in the
five cases all engage in the mediation and reconciliation processes, for example through the more
direct way of influencing the male leaders or the elders as in Libya and Somalia. In Yemen and
Sudan women have a more direct impact on the reconciliation and mediation process where they
participate with the men and elders and by speaking with women from other tribes. In
Zimbabwe, women also have a more direct role concerning reconciliation; however, by using the
church as a channel to affect the leaders in the community they get more respect and legitimacy
than before. In Somalia and Yemen there are evidence that women engage and are successful in
working with disarmament and security. In Sudan, women use threats towards the men to
influence them to put down their arms and thus engage to the extent possible for them in their
roles as women in the issue of disarmament. So even in the cases where women are limited by
their gender roles, they do what they can to affect the peace building with the means that they
have access to. While at the same time staying within their spheres as women, making them
agents of change while to most part appearing to remain within the assigned normative roles. The

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aim with this research what to see the role women are assigned to in peace agreements and then
compare that to the types of work they do in peace building. This to see if the work women
engage in is following normative roles or if they work within areas that are considered to be
masculine. When conducting the research, the findings showed that women do work in several
different areas that is not considered to be stereotypical female work. What was found beyond
the type of work women engage in was that, in some of the cases, where women are more limited
by their gender roles, in what type of work they are allowed to engage in. The findings showed
that women use their roles as women to affect the men in their communities and tribes to work
for peace. This was done, for example, by having the possibility to mediate with other tribes
because of the bond women have with other women in different tribes. Another example is the
women of Sudan who use their nakedness to threat the men in the community to put down their
arms, this since the women’s nakedness is seen as a curse. These examples shows that even if
women are limited in the type of work they can engage in they use their roles as women to take
part in the peace building process. Women are often assigned roles as victims, this is based on
the sexual abuse they are targets of, amongst other things. They are also victims of war as
civilians since they in many cases do not partake in the conflicts as agents. Further, women’s
gender roles place them as subordinate to men where they are considered to have limited or no
impact on conflict or reconciliation since this is something that has to be dealt with by the men.
Due to these factors, women are often placed in a box where they are perceived as only victims,
rather than as victims and as agents. Women do suffer from sexual abuse and are victims of war,
however, this is only one part of the roles women have in conflict and in the peace work
afterwards. The women in the five cases in this research all participate in peacebuilding
processes as agents where they work to achieve peace in their communities in various ways. Not
only as agents in their work but also in the different ways they can persuade the men and the
ones that are the decision makers in their society to advocate for peace.

To divide women in to the two groups of victims or as agents can be a bit more complex than
first believed. Women are victims of war, but they are also agents of change and in these cases,
women use their agency to end the conflicts and work towards reconciliation. If women were
agents of war instead of victims of war they may not use their agency to work for peace but
rather for war. Thus, by considering women as victims of war that use their experience as victims

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to create change and be agents for change and peace this creates an understanding of women as
not only being victims or only agents, but instead both. Women act as agents to the extent
possible for them in the society they live in. In the instances where women are limited by their
gender roles they use what means they have to implement change and using what agency they
have to affect the conflict and the one’s leading the conflict and when they have more
possibilities they use them and show that once again, they have agency.
2.3.5 The Comprehensive Female Soldier
Women are a minority group in the armed forces and the military chaplaincy. A total of 85%_of
the U.S. military and 95%_of the U.S. Army chaplaincy is male (2011 Demographics Profile of
the Military Community, 2012; The United States Army, 2014). Working in a male dominated
industry, military women often confront rejection, prejudicial treatment, and harassment
(Sasson-Levy, 2011; Tarrasch, Lurie, Yanovich, & Moran, 2011). Taylor (2010) found that
women who worked in an organization where they were underrepresented perceived a lower
level of support than men. Chaplains are embedded in every battalion in the U.S. Army (Howard
& Cox, 2008) and are often sought by soldiers who are in crisis (Besterman-Dahan, Gibbons,
Barnett, & Hickling, 2012). Based on previous research that showed women prefer to receive
support from other women (Chowdhury-Hawkins, McLean, Winterholler, & Welch, 2008;
Furnham & Swami, 2008), it was assumed that female soldiers would prefer to receive support
from female chaplains. The U.S. Army chaplaincy does not have a gender-specific model for
providing support to women soldiers. Traumatized service members who do not receive adequate
emotional support may experience prolonged PTSD, depression, alcohol or drug abuse, and
relationship problems (Cameron et al., 2011; Mattocks, Haskell, Krebs, Justice, & Yano, 2012).
Women face a variety of stressors in the military and part of the chaplain’s role is to provide
support to soldiers suffering from the strain of army life (Besterman-Dahan et al., 2012). During
World War II, military women worked many jobs that were considered non-traditional at the
time, such as driving trucks, flying airplanes, and fixing vehicles (Devilbiss, 1990). After World
War II, women were relegated to only administrative or medical roles in the military (Devilbiss,
1990). The role of women in warfare significantly changed after the Persian Gulf War in 1991.
Now, female soldiers perform many dangerous jobs, such as driving trucks, flying aircraft, and
manning heavy weapons (Cater & Koch, 2010). In the Persian Gulf War, six military women
were killed by enemy action (Sherrow, 1996). By contrast, Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF),

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Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), and related operations killed more than 100 women and
wounded over 1,000 (Defense Manpower Data Center [DMDC], 2016). Physical injuries can
lead to mental health concerns. Injured veterans reported posttraumatic stress disorders (PTSD)
three times more often than those who had not been injured (Baker et al., 2009). Women soldiers
are diagnosed with PTSD at twice the rate as military men (Feczer & Bjorklund, 2009). PTSD
can also lead to relationship, parenting, and sexual problems (Cameron et al., 2011; Goldzweig,
Balekian, Rolon, Yano, & Shekelle, 2006).
Disfiguration due to war wounds can be more troubling for women than men. Women with
severe burns expressed a higher level of body dissatisfaction 1 year after they were released than
when initially hospitalized (Thombs et al., 2008). By contrast, men who had been disfigured
reported a lower level of body dissatisfaction over the same period (Thombs et al., 2008). For
soldiers struggling with their injuries, chaplains might be called on to provide emotional support.
Despite policies meant to enforce gender equality, female soldiers often feel alienated, rejected,
and discriminated against (Sasson-Levy, 2011; Tarrasch et al., 2011). In a study by Elw’er,
Harryson, Bolin, and Hammarström (2013), women experienced greater psychological distress
associated with gender inequality in the workplace than men. Women generally have greater
family responsibilities than men and this may exacerbate the stress women feel in an
organization in which they are the minority (Elw’er et al., 2013). Scholars identified helping
people talk through difficult issues as an important role for chaplains (Mayer, Buchanan, &
Brunko, 2009; Parameshwaran, 2015; Piderman, Marek, Jenkins, Johnson, & Buryska, 2008).
Virtually no studies were found that investigated the differences between officers and enlisted
members in terms of pastoral help-seeking behaviors. Gibbons, Barnett, Hickling, Herbig-Wall,
and Watts (2012) conducted a study of male and female officers and enlisted military health care
professionals. Participants were asked about their preference for counselors and could choose
between military mental health professionals, military general medical doctors, military
chaplains, civilian mental health professionals, civilian general medical doctors, civilian pastors,
and self-help groups (Gibbons et al., 2012). Compared to male enlisted soldiers, female enlisted
were significantly more likely to seek counseling from self-help groups, civilian mental health
professionals, and military general medical doctors (Gibbons et al., 2012). Women officers were
overwhelmingly more likely to seek help from a military health professional than male officers
(Gibbons et al., 2012). Female officers were also more likely than male officers to think that

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seeking mental help would damage their career (Gibbons et al., 2012). There was no significant
difference in the likelihood of female enlisted soldiers or officers to seek help from a military
chaplain as compared to males (Gibbons et al., 2012).
Spirituality and religion can play a role in the health and well-being of people. Previous studies
showed that religion and spirituality can reduce PTSD symptoms (Bormann, Liu, Thorp, &
Lang, 2012; Bormann, Thorp, Wetherell, & Golshon, 2008) and the number of migraines a
person experienced (Wachholtz & Pargament, 2008). Spiritual meditation can increase a
person’s tolerance for pain (Wachholtz & Pargament, 2008). In Wachholtz and Pargament’s
study, spiritual meditation had a greater effect than a nonspiritual relaxation method. Harris et al.
(2008) demonstrated that seeking spiritual support, praying, and meditating were related to
posttraumatic growth. The act of killing another person or witnessing atrocities can cause
veterans to experience an overwhelming sense of guilt (Worthington & Langberg, 2012). As a
result, soldiers may find it difficult to perform their jobs or have healthy relationships with other
people (Worthington & Langberg, 2012). Religious activities related to finding forgiveness and
accepting oneself can reduce feelings of guilt (Worthington & Langberg, 2012). As religious
professionals, chaplains provide pastoral counseling and help soldiers connect to spirituality and
faith (Bedsole, 2009; Besterman-Dahan et al., 2012; Otis, 2009; Ramchand, Ayer, Geyer, &
Kofner, 2015; Seddon, Jones, & Greenberg, 2011). Performing religious rites, counseling, and
helping soldiers in distress were activities that formed part of the comprehensive support model
in this study. The Delphi process consists of a series of rounds in which a panel, or panels, of
experts provide their opinions on a problem (Charlton, 2004). Each person provides input
through an anonymous forum (Charlton, 2004). The purpose of anonymity is to minimize the
possibility of peer pressure (Von der Gracht, 2012). This study used two panels: wounded female
soldiers (Group 1) and female chaplains (Group 2). Group 1 consisted of 10 military women who
had been wounded overseas due to combat, accident, or sexual assault. The average age was 42
and the most frequent deployment location was Iraq. All of the participants described themselves
as believing in God or a higher power and six of the women said that they were Christians who
attended church frequently. Group 1 participants described the emotional and spiritual support
needs they experienced from the time they were wounded until they had recovered or until the
time of the interview. Some of the women said that they were still in the process of recovering.

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Group 2 consisted of 11 female chaplains who had been deployed overseas. All participants
served in the Army and seven of them were reservists. The women provided recommendations
on how chaplains might provide support for wounded military women. The Delphi process relies
on the use of industry experts who have a “deep understanding of the issues” (Okoli &
Pawlowski, 2004, p. 20). Group 1 participants were considered experts by way of their personal
experience. Female chaplains were chosen because the theoretical framework of the study was
feminist system theory and it was assumed that female chaplains would understand the female
soldier experience better than male chaplains.
Participants were recruited through three organizations: the Fort Bragg (North Carolina) Warrior
Transition Unit (WTU), the U.S. Army Chief of Chaplains office, and the United States Army
Reserve Command (USARC). The WTUs were set up by the U.S. Army to provide
comprehensive care to soldiers who were wounded in war (Wright, 2013). To recruit participants
for Group 1, flyers were posted in the WTU and women who agreed to participate in the study
referred other women they knew. For Group 2 participants, the Chief of Chaplains office sent
invitation e-mails to female chaplains and the researcher e-mailed Army Reserve chaplains
directly, using the list provided by USARC. Female soldiers who responded to the flyers were
contacted to determine if they met the inclusion criteria. For those chaplains who responded to an
e-mail invite, a follow-up e-mail was sent explaining the purpose of the study. All 10 female
soldiers and 11 chaplains who met the inclusion/exclusion criteria were invited to participate.
In the first round of Phase 1, semi-structured interviews were conducted with Group 1
participants to develop a list of emotional and spiritual support needs that soldiers experienced at
the time they were initially wounded and throughout their recovery period. Each person was
asked 14 base questions and follow-up questions were asked as appropriate. The three following
questions were key since they generated much of the data: (a) from the time you were wounded
or injured, and during the period of your recovery, what emotional and spiritual support needs
did you have; (b) did you receive emotional or spiritual support from a chaplain; and (c) given a
choice, would you have a preference for the gender of the chaplain or other support provider? In
the second round of this phase, Group 1 participants reviewed the list of needs and confirmed
that their own needs were present in the list. In the first round of Phase 2, open-ended interviews
were conducted with Group 2 participants after each participant reviewed the emotional and
spiritual support needs developed in Phase 1. Interviewees were asked to respond to each need

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with a list of actions chaplains could take to provide support for the need. Chaplains were also
asked what actions could be taken by male chaplains if the female soldier requested support from
a woman chaplain. Nine of the 35 recommendations provided by the chaplains were innovative
in that they were not currently in practice. In the second round, each Group 2 participant voted
on the nine innovative items. Table 2 provides a summary of the items.1 The research plan called
for the inclusion of any item that received at least six votes. Since at least six chaplains agreed
with every item, all were included in the model. The result of this phase was the Comprehensive
Female Soldier Support (CFS2) model. Two inputs contributed to the development of the model.
The first input was the emotional and spiritual support needs developed from Phase 1. The
results from Phase 2 provided the second input.
Table 2.2 Nine Innovative Recommendations
Recommendation Number of votes
Chaplains should receive more training on healthy coping mechanisms 10

Better screening of potential chaplains before accessioning 10

Recruit more female chaplains by sending female chaplains to their 9

alma mater once a year to talk with seminary students about what it
is like to be a female chaplain

Foster discussions about gender 9

Create a directory that lists all chaplains 8

There should be an annual chaplain conference 8

There should be an annual female chaplain conference 8

Be intentional about female chaplain assignments 6

Senior chaplains should advertise and encourage the use of female 6

chaplains for providing support to female soldiers

The final result of Phase 1 was a list of emotional and spiritual support needs (table 3). Four
themes also emerged from the data provided by Group 1 participants. In the next section, the
themes are detailed and participants are referred to using pseudonyms. Fictitious first names have

70
been given to the wounded women and female chaplains are designated as Chaplain and a false
first name (e.g., Chaplain Emma).
2.3.5.1 Need to Talk to a Trusted Person
The first theme was that every soldier needed a trusted person to talk to during her deployment.
Female soldiers provided several reasons why they needed to talk to someone confidentially.
These reasons included processing their emotions and anxiety, talking about specific incidents
that occurred, and de-stressing. Four of the soldiers stated that female soldiers should have
access to a female chaplain if they preferred to speak to another woman.
TABLE 2.3 Emotional and Spiritual Support Needs
List of Emotional and Spiritual Support Needs
- help processing my emotions and unloading emotional baggage
- a listening ear
- to tell my story
- to talk to a female chaplain
- to talk about my mental struggles and injuries
- to be affirmed and not judged
- to distress by talking to someone I trust
- help making sense of the poverty and violence I witnessed
- to talk to a neutral person (like a chaplain) who was not in my chain of command
- to know that I was forgiven
- to know that God was in control and that He will always be there for me
- help overcoming PTSD
- reassurance that everything was okay—with me, my family, and unit members
- a chaplain who met some or all of the following criteria: warm and caring; knew the right
questions to ask; knew what it was like to be deployed; made me feel comfortable talking to
him or her; would not be traumatized themselves; skilled in handling trauma; built relationships
with all the soldiers in the unit; trained and experienced in dealing with soldiers who have been
sexually assaulted; and willing to engage the chain of command on behalf of soldiers
- a faith community to provide encouragement, support, healthy relationships, and learning
opportunities
- help with anxiety and depression
- leaders and support providers to understand that there were mental injuries too
- to be validated by the chain of command as someone who was injured, but still valuable as a
soldier and a person
- to know that I was not alone, that there were people who cared about me
- help discovering my personal faith
- help processing my feelings about God
- to attend religious activities, such as chapel service, Bible studies, and prayer groups
recreational activities to reduce stress
- peer support groups for military women to share stories, experiences, and feelings; mentor
each other; and provide a place of refuge

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 - a warm, individualized approach to health care and mental care
- a catalog of support agencies that shows the kind of care available to a soldier based on his or
her injuries.
- frequent visits from the chaplain while in the hospital
- to be visited by a chaplain after experiencing a traumatic event

Two participants stated that chaplains were valuable for this purpose because chaplains provided
confidential counseling outside of the person’s chain of command. Six of the participants
experienced problems trying to talk to a chaplain. Both Julie and Michelle had similar
experiences in their first deployments. Both were wounded by enemy action and neither recalled
a visit by a chaplain while in the hospital. In Julie’s second deployment, she thought that her
chaplain was too young and inexperienced to be helpful. Cheryl was injured by a roadside bomb.
Because she had no visible external injuries, her supervisor did not think that she was actually
hurt. She tried to talk to a chaplain about her problem, but the chaplain did not seem to be
interested in hearing her. Other soldiers were disappointed by the lack of chaplain support. Mary
was present when a fellow soldier killed himself. The unit chaplain never came by to see how the
soldier was doing. Alice was hurt when she was sexually assaulted. The soldier never officially
reported the incident and did not talk to the chaplain because she perceived him to be someone
who was not very interested in helping people. Patricia received emotional support from her
fellow soldiers because she had no trust for the chaplain. According to her, the chaplain never
seemed to be available.
2.3.5.2 Chaplain Care-giving Traits
Group 1 participants expected chaplains to possess specific care-giving traits. These traits
included being amiable and caring, skilled in helping soldiers through trauma, capable of
building positive relationships with all soldiers in the unit, and advocating for soldiers with the
chain of command. For Julie, a chaplain with deployment experience was invaluable. Good and
2.3.5.3 Bad Experiences with Chaplains
Three out of 10 female soldiers reported positive experiences with chaplains. Jesse described
how a chaplain helped her understand the process of overcoming trauma and receiving
forgiveness. During Michelle’s second deployment, both the chaplain and chaplain assistant
worked as a team to provide excellent support to the soldiers of the unit. Beth was very pleased
with her experience of receiving support from a chaplain. The chaplain was a caring person who
took the time to get to know her, helped her understand the Bible, and made her feel safe. Four of

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the 10 soldiers recounted experiences in which the chaplain was either not available for them or
was indifferent. Patricia stated that the soldiers in her unit did not trust the chaplain because no
one knew him and he was never around. Mary felt that she was not being properly cared for by
the hospital staff. She complained so much that the chaplain talked to her once to calm her down,
but never revisited her again. Mary’s expectation was that a good chaplain would have visited
her on a regular basis. Cheryl tried to talk to a chaplain once about her emotional stress, but he
did not seem to care; and Alice said that her chaplain seemed to have no interest in helping her or
any of the other soldiers.
2.3.5.4 No Preference for the Gender of the Chaplain
Four of the Group 1 participants stated that female soldiers may be more comfortable talking to
women chaplains about sensitive issues. However, when each participant was asked if she had a
personal preference for the gender of the chaplain, nine out of 10 said, “No.” For 90% of the
participants, a male chaplain who had a warm disposition and genuinely cared for their needs
would be fine. Only one participant stated that she would require a female chaplain if she needed
to discuss something very personal. During Phase 2 of the project, women chaplains reviewed
the list of emotional and spiritual support needs developed from Phase 1 and answered two basic
questions. The first question was what action a chaplain, regardless of gender, could take to
provide for each emotional and spiritual support need. The second question was what action a
male chaplain could take if a female soldier preferred to receive support from a female chaplain.
The first question generated three themes and the second question generated two themes.
2.3.5.5 Chaplain Characteristics
Women chaplains identified eight characteristics that chaplains should possess to be effective.
These attributes are listed in Table 4. Previous literature supported all of the characteristics
except external agency expertise. External agency expertise was a new finding not discovered in
the literature and it referred to chaplains knowing the best reference sources to aid soldiers.

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Table 2.4 Chaplain Characteristics
Characteristics Description
Self-knowledge Knowing one’s own capabilities, imperfections, and emotional triggers
Role knowledge Understanding the role chaplains can play in helping soldiers and
knowing that chaplains are not mental health professionals
Referral advocate Chaplain can refer soldiers to mental health professionals or other
chaplains
Non-judgmental Suspending judgment and embracing the perspectives and experiences
of others
Self-healing A chaplain can work on his or her own spiritual healing so that he or she
is emotionally available for soldiers
PTSD familiarity Knowing the signs and symptoms of PTSD
External agency Knowing the best agencies to refer soldiers to
expertise
Experience Titrating one’s own experience to find common ground with a soldier
adjustment

2.3.5.6 Chaplain External Actions

Group 2 participants described actions chaplains can take to provide emotional and spiritual
support to female soldiers. Nine categories of actions were developed. Table 5 lists the categories
and actions within each category of this theme. Four of the actions were new findings not
supported in literature. The first action was to provide a comfortable office space. This action
referred to creating a space that a soldier can feel comfortable sharing her problems, letting the
soldier talk without interruption, and presenting a caring attitude to the soldier. Some Group 1
participants described poverty and tragedies they saw during their deployments. Group 2
participants stated that chaplains can help soldiers who witnessed tragedy overseas. Helping
activities could include aiding soldiers in verbally processing their experiences, understanding
that the poverty and violence is often a result of systemic problems in a country, and doing
charitable projects to help poor people in the area of operations. Partnering with other chaplains
was identified as a meaningful action that chaplains should undertake to work as a team when
caring for soldiers. Each chaplain may have a different set of skills and experiences that might be
brought to bear in a situation. Chaplains should be willing to refer soldiers to each other. The
fourth action recommended was to mentor unit leaders in supporting soldiers. Many of the skills
that chaplains use to provide support to soldiers can be learned by other military leaders.
Normalizing conversations regarding emotional issues is an important subject that chaplains can
teach unit leaders. One special thing that female chaplains can teach male soldiers is what it is

74
like to be a female in the military. According to Chaplain Emma, women experience the military
differently than men: “It is dangerous to think of everyone as being the same. Women have
different experiences.” Reflecting on working in a male dominated environment, Kathy,
wounded while serving in Iraq, did not feel safe in expressing her emotions for fear that she
would be seen as being weaker than the men.
Table 2.5 External factors
Category Actions
Good counseling Establish bonds with unit members
methods Provide a comfortable office space
Use open-ended questions in counseling sessions
Help soldiers understand the chaplain’s role

Help soldiers find faith and/or forgiveness

Religious activities Lead worship services

Help soldiers who have been wounded

Assisting functions Provide care for soldiers with mental issues, such as anxiety,
depression, or PTSD
Help soldiers who witnessed tragedy overseas

Partner with others Partner with mental health professionals, the chain of command, and
other chaplains

Be involved in sexual Support groups

assault cases Critical incident debriefings

Run group activities

Mentor unit leaders in

supporting soldiers

Participate in group
recreational activities

Maintain personal well-

being

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2.3.5.7 Chaplain Training
Group 2 participants identified four types of beneficial training for chaplains. The first type was
annual chaplain conferences. Within this type, chaplains named two categories of conferences:
general conferences for all chaplains and women only chaplaincy conferences. Other types of
training chaplains should receive include clinical pastoral education (CPE), trauma skills
training, and instruction on the use of healthy coping mechanisms. The next two themes were
generated from the second question to Group 2 participants, which was: what action could a male
chaplain take if the female soldier had a preference for the gender of the chaplain?
2.3.5.8 Chaplaincy Institutional Actions
Female chaplains described four actions the military chaplaincy institution could take to improve
its capabilities of providing emotional and spiritual support to female soldiers. All four of the
measures were new findings not described in previous literature. The first finding was an all-
inclusive directory of chaplains. An all-inclusive chaplain directory should include chaplains on
active duty, the reserves, and the National Guard. The directory should also include special skill
sets so that chaplains could more easily make referrals. As a second action recommendation,
participants commented on the need to develop a better method for selecting chaplains.
According to female chaplains, the process should screen for chaplains that have skills or
training in handling trauma and possess a high degree of people skills. The third
recommendation was that the chaplaincy institution creates opportunities to dialogue about
topics related to gender. Dialoguing with male chaplains regarding the experiences and problems
of female chaplains and soldiers might inform the chaplain corps and lead to more empathetic
care. Finally, participants strongly recommended that the chaplaincy consider establishing a
policy of placing female chaplains such that at least one female chaplain is assigned to every
installation.
2.3.5.9 Actions Specific to Gender
Three recommendations were included in this theme. All of the findings in this theme were new.
The first was that male chaplains may refer women soldiers to female chaplains for emotional
support. The second recommendation was that male chaplains should take responsibility for all
soldiers in his unit. This means that male chaplains should not automatically refer all female
soldiers to a woman chaplain, but should attempt to provide the needed support. The final
recommendation was that the chaplain recruiting branch should make an effort to recruit more

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female chaplains into the force. One way to do this would be to send current female chaplains to
their alma maters to speak to women regarding their experiences as a female chaplain. The
Comprehensive Female Soldier Support (CFS2) model was created during Phase 3. CFS2 is a
gender-specific model for providing emotional and spiritual support to women soldiers and
describes the next steps the chaplaincy should take to implement systematic change. six steps for
the military chaplaincy institution to initiate include (a) female chaplain recruiting programs to
increase the number of women ministers in the corps; (b) assignment of at least one female
chaplain to each military installation; (c) applicant interpersonal skills, compassion, and trauma
experience assessment; (d) comprehensive directory of all military chaplains; (e) extended
professional development to receive training on healthy coping mechanisms for trauma and
attend annual conferences that foster collaboration and learning; and (f) gender competency
training as an integral part of conferences. In addition, the CFS2 model identifies three
implementation steps for chaplains. First, male chaplains must take responsibility for providing
the initial spiritual care for all service members in their units. Second, if a female soldier does
request access to a woman chaplain, then the male chaplain should quickly comply and use his
chain of command or network to find an available female chaplain. Finally, all chaplains should
take advantage of as much training as is available to hone their skills. Male chaplains should not
hesitate to enhance their understanding of military women’s issues by engaging in gender
discussions with female chaplains.
Most of the findings from this study were supported by previous research. One theme from each
of Phase 1 and Phase 2 were not found in the literature. Some portions of each theme in Phase 2
were new findings. Three of the four themes generated from the wounded soldiers were
supported by earlier studies. Compassionate listening is a key role for chaplains (Mayer et al.,
2009; Parameshwaran, 2015; Piderman et al., 2008; Russell, 2014; Winter-Pfändler & Flannelly,
2013). Soldiers are more likely to seek support from a chaplain they trust (Howard & Cox,
2008). Parameshwaran (2015) described a model of chaplain care that included active listening,
acceptance, emotional awareness, and client focus. Hospital patients described chaplains as
compassionate, respectful, nonjudgmental, and confident (Sørenson, Lien, Landheim, & Danbolt,
2015), while historical documents showed that not all military chaplains earned the respect of
their soldiers (Seddon et al., 2011). The fourth theme, that soldiers had no preference for the
gender of the chaplain, came as surprise. This was a new theme not found in previous literature

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and ran counter to the assumption that military women would prefer to get care from a female
chaplain. Some of the participants did not know that there were female chaplains in the military
and had not considered the possibility of seeking support from a woman chaplain. One soldier
said that female chaplains should be available for soldiers who requested one, but this soldier did
not herself have a preference. Another participant said that more female chaplains in the ranks
might increase the level of respect male soldiers have for military women in general because the
men would see female chaplains as capable leaders. Otherwise, this participant did not have a
preference for female chaplains as support providers. Previous literature confirmed the
characteristics that participants identified chaplains should possess to be effective. Self-
awareness helps a chaplain be emotionally present when listening to a soldier’s story and
feelings (Parameshwaran, 2015). Literature suggested that chaplains play a variety of roles,
including connecting soldiers to mental health providers (Besterman-Dahan et al., 2012; Howard
& Cox, 2008), consulting with doctors on patient care (Carey & Cohen, 2008), addressing patient
and family nonmedical issues in a healthcare setting (Lewellen, 2015), and being present with
people when they are in crisis or pain (Mayer et al., 2009; Piderman et al., 2008; Seddon et al.,
2011). Chaplains can respect and help soldiers of all faiths while keeping their own religious
convictions (Otis, 2009; Ramchand et al., 2015; Rennick, 2010; Rosman-Stollman, 2008). CPE
training teaches chaplains to mitigate their own internal trauma (Jankowski, Vanderwerker,
Murphy, Montonye, & Ross, 2008). Chaplains who know the signs and symptoms of PTSD can
more readily identify the condition and provide support to soldiers (Hughes & Handzo, 2009;
Sigmund, 2003).Many of the external actions that the women chaplains of this study
recommended were found in previous literature. Good counseling techniques include
establishing trust by being emotionally present with clients (Howard & Cox, 2008; King, 2011;
Pesut, Riemer-Kirkham, Sawatzky, Woodland, & Peverall, 2012), asking open-ended questions
(Cooper, 2011; Parameshwaran, 2015), and maintaining confidentiality (Besterman-Dahan et al.,
2012; Howard & Cox, 2008; Ramchand et al., 2015; Seddon et al., 2011). Chaplains can get
involved with sexual assault cases by providing a safe environment for soldiers to process their
trauma (Northcut & Kienow, 2014; Williams & Bernstein, 2011) and by using the Department of
Defense Sexual Assault Prevention and Response (SAPR) program (Krul, 2008; Williams &
Bernstein, 2011). Chaplains can facilitate support groups (Sigmund, 2003; Willis & Limehouse,
2011) and critical incident debriefings (Besterman-Dahan et al., 2012; Maloney, 2012; Santiago

78
& Abdool, 2011; Seddon et al., 2011). Women chaplains stressed the importance of ongoing
training. Various types of ministerial training were described in the literature. This training
included CPE (Jankowski et al., 2008), training that enhances the professional competencies of
chaplains and helps them understand how to maintain emotional balance (Besterman-Dahan,
Lind, & Crocker, 2013), and cross-training with mental health professionals (Willis &
Limehouse, 2011). The second phase of this current study produced results that were not found
in previous studies. These findings included actions chaplains can take, things ministers should
know, and chaplaincy institutional changes. Table 6 provides a summary of the chaplain
recommendations that are not found in literature. An important implication from this research is
that the chaplain’s gender is not as important as his or her demeanor and expertise. Empathetic
listening skills, relatability, and trustworthiness were all identified as being more important than
gender. A highly capable, caring, relationship-oriented male chaplain can effectively provide
emotional and spiritual support to female soldiers. However, it is important that he recognize that
military women may have experiences and needs that are different than male soldiers.
Table 2.6 Chaplains Recommendation
Recommendation Description
External agency expertise Knowing the best agencies to refer soldiers to
Provide a comfortable Creating a space that a soldier can feel comfortable
office space sharing their problems
Help soldiers who Helping soldiers cope with the violence, poverty, and tragedy they
witnessed witnessed overseas
tragedy overseas
Partner with other Taking care of soldiers through chaplain teamwork
chaplains
Mentor unit leaders in Teaching soldier support skills to unit leaders
supporting soldiers
All-inclusive directory of Chaplain directory that includes special skills so that chaplains can
chaplains more easily make referrals
Develop a better method Screening for chaplains that have skills or training in handling
for trauma and possess a high degree of people skills.
selecting chaplains
Dialogue about topics Formal conversations within an institutional framework about the
related to gender experiences and problems of female chaplains and soldiers
Placing female chaplains Assigning at least one female chaplain to every military installation

Male chaplains referring Male chaplain can refer soldiers to female chaplains for special
women soldiers to female requests
chaplains
Responsibility Male chaplains should feel responsible to provide emotional and

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 spiritual support to all soldiers in the unit, male and female
Recruit more female Developing programs specifically for recruiting female chaplains
chaplains

2.3.6 Obstacles to the involvement of women in the peace process

Agbalajobi noted the following as challenges being faced by women in peace process taking the
Burundi experiences as a case study:
 Lack of political strength and political vision: Women suffer from “political illiteracy”.
They lack an ideological framework that could give teeth to a strong position adopted by a
collective women’s. Peace building as a political activity and therefore requires political
strategy for engagement (Rono, 2000).
 Lack of experience, exposure and skills in negotiation, advocacy and lobbying
techniques: Women have always been kept secluded from the political arena and sphere of
decision-making; therefore, in many situations they are unable to participate.
 Lack of a political platform: Without a political platform, women are on the margins of
action and lack confidence in participating in the peace building process.
 Lack of visibility: Women’s conflict-resolution activities are confined to the informal
sector, very often at the periphery of official peace negotiation. In addition, even if women
contribute to the promotion of peace, they are not invited to participate in formal negotiations.
 Lack of resources (material and financial): Most of the time women’s groups lack the
means to back up their actions. In some instances, they are unable to get across to the media
network to enhance their peace campaign because they do not have a budget for multi-
dimensional activities. Further, they are not part of main fund raising channels and networks.
They work on a voluntary basis at the grassroots levels, pooling their own resources together to
get an office, desk, and phone line.
 Lack of sustainability in political participation: Representation does not necessarily
mean meaningful and recognized participation that has an impact on substantial inputs in peace
agreement. In addition, once a peace process is over, women often return to more traditional
activities, losing their gains and public presence. These losses make it very difficult for women
to return to the public stage later when resolution begins.

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2.3.7 Importance of Women's Participation in Peace process
O’Reilly et al. (2015) highlighted that between 1992 and 2011 only 2% of chief mediators and
9% of negotiators in peace processes were women. They argued that a leading barrier to
women’s participation is that the goal is often merely to end violence, where women play a small
part and that if the focus were instead on building peace, women would play a more prominent
role. Moreover, women’s security needs and priorities for peace differ from international
system’s focus on state security. Finally, organizations that prioritize women’s participation, for
example the UN, often have little power to influence the direction of the process.
Nonetheless, state building in conflict-affected and fragile contexts provides opportunities for
implementing greater gender equality, as it offers a window for change. Post-conflict state
building can provide women with the opportunity to mobilize, be heard, and become more
politically active due to the opening of a democratic space. However, at the same time, this is not
always the case and these spaces can also end up being dominated by men and omit gender
equality in the agenda (Khodary, 2016).
O’Reilly et al. (2015) stress the importance of including women in peace building. The Geneva
Graduate Institute’s Broadening Participation Project examined the roles of women's groups in
40 peace and transition processes and found that the involvement of women made it more likely
for an agreement to be reached and increased the probability that the peace agreement will last
longer. Nonetheless, tensions exist between the levels of actual change fostered in the processes;
the inclusion of gender sensitive language is not the same as the inclusion of women and it is
important that this differentiation is made clear. Moreover, the inclusion of women does not by
virtue mean that gender issues will be addressed or included and a very important point that
O’Reilly et al. (2015) make is that the quality of women’s participation is more important that
than the quantity of women participating and thus quotas are not necessarily beneficial. This is
often discussed in terms of women’s descriptive (women’s presence in politics) and substantive
representation (the promotion of women’s interests), whereby substantive representation
‘requires that legislators have certain attitudes and preferences when acting as representatives’
(Franceschet & Piscopo, 2008, p. 397). Goetz and Jenkins (2016) echo this point by highlighting
that there is no correlation between women’s participation and gender-equality provisions in
peace building agreements and that the degree of impact rather depends on the form of women’s
engagement.

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Goetz and Jenkins (2016) also argue that the most effective way to increase gender-equality
content in peace agreements is through pressure on delegates and mediators by women’s civil-
society organizations. Thus, it is important that steps are taken to encourage and enable the
participation of women’s civil-society organizations in peace building.
Women’s rights are often sidelined in the rush to achieve a political settlement to end conflict.
Both exogenous and endogenous actors have to be willing to confront and deal with the root
causes of gender-based discrimination and inequalities across multiple levels in order for these to
be part of the society going forward. Although challenging, addressing women’s citizenship
helps introduce and remove inequalities from security and gender-responsive development.
O’Connell (2011) argues that gender mainstreaming by the donor community focuses on placing
gender components within mainstream programmes, rather than developing a comprehensive
strategy for including, and targeting, women in development. O’Connell also critiques the lack of
attention to the roles local women’s organisations play as agents of change, and highlights that
donors rather tend to view these merely as implementers. To promote women's empowerment
and gender equity in conflict-affected and fragile contexts action must be taken on various levels
including constitutional and legal frameworks that enshrine gender equality and equity, inclusive
and equitable political institutions and gender-responsive economic and social policy-making,
and clear accountability mechanisms. These should be locally driven (with attention to existing
ethnic, religious and economic divisions) however international actors should build capacity and
support local women’s organizations, rather than give programmes for them to implement
(O'Connell, 2011).

Finally, Khodary (2016) argues that women should not be given roles based on stereotypes; men
should not be viewed as dominant and violent, and women as subordinate and peaceful. Rather,
identities overlap and experiences are contextually based. This is particularly relevant in the Iraqi
case and the fight against the Islamic State, where women (mainly Yazidi and Kurdish) played
an active role in the combat against the Islamic State, challenging gender stereotypes (Nilsson,
2017).

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2.4 THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN RELATIONS TO PEACE ADVOCACY
This review highlights a variety of ways that women, specifically, have experienced conflict and
peace building, and offers new insights and provides important lessons for international and
national agencies promoting democracy reform and peace building. Its purpose is twofold: first,
to increase the visibility and recognition of women from marginalized communities as
stakeholders in peace- and state-building activities, as actors who both disrupt (‘spoilers’) and
work toward (‘facilitators’) peace and security; and, second, to raise awareness about strategies
and practices to enhance their participation. International IDEA has identified Political
Participation and Representation as one of its four key impact areas, and the strengthening of
democratic governance structures to manage and accommodate diversity as a crosscutting
objective of all its work. To this end, this study explores ways in which peace building and
democratization processes can be supported and strengthened to improve their capacity to
generate greater participation by, and inclusion of, marginalized groups. In particular, the study
will: identify constraints to and opportunities for the inclusion of women from marginalized
communities in peace building initiatives; examine the consequences of women’s inclusion and
exclusion for democratic practice and development; and formulate recommendations for the
increased inclusion of women from marginalized communities in peace and democracy-building
initiatives.
2.4.1 From conflict to democracy: why diversity and gender matter
International recognition and acceptance of women’s inclusion in peacebuilding activities has
increased globally, bolstered by the development of a policy framework on women, peace and
security that began with the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR)
1325 in 2000, followed by a further six resolutions on women and peacebuilding. While a
consensus among international actors has been built around the need to involve women in peace
processes more proactively, their experiences in both peace and conflict remain largely
unnoticed by international actors and policy makers. For instance, it is remarkable that more than
a decade after the adoption of UNSCR 1325, women have participated as negotiators in peace
agreements in only 9 per cent of cases. Less than a third of agreements signed during this period
contain any references to gender (UNPO Secretariat 2011: 12; Noma, Aker and Freeman 2012:
21; Ellerby 2013). As a consequence, women’s agency and their contributions to peace and
democratization processes have been severely restricted. Where women have taken part in peace

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negotiations and peace agreements including gender-sensitive provisions, these processes tend to
reflect the concerns of women from dominant and elite communities only. Limiting women’s
participation in peace building processes excludes the opinions of women from poor and
marginalized communities, denying them the opportunity to define and address their own
concerns and needs and erasing their experience and knowledge of the conflict in question
from the public agenda. Moreover, evidence suggests that women’s activities impact the state of
security in their societies. As a result, women need to be included in discussions on conflict and
reform processes for them to be effective. For instance, following Sierra Leone’s civil war and
the signing of the Lomé Peace Accord in 1999, the gendered application of disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration initiatives meant that a significant proportion of women
combatants were largely excluded and thus neither demobilized nor de-securitized (MacKenzie
2009). In Northern Ireland between 1974 and 2006, women set out to disrupt four peace
negotiations that they believed were not conducive to their interests (McEvoy 2009). And in the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the framing of women’s inclusion in the state security
apparatus as having a pacifying and ‘humanizing’ effect risked destabilizing the reforms enacted,
as violence committed by women soldiers has been ignored (Eriksson-Baaz and Stern 2013).
Research undertaken for these case studies indicates that nationalist identities and politicized
ethnic and religious cleavages inform choices made by women to participate in war efforts in
places as geographically and politically diverse as Myanmar, the Philippines and Rwanda. As
such, they have an impact on the state of security in their communities and should be identified
as stakeholders in the respective conflicts.
2.4.2 Understanding conflict
A straightforward definition of armed conflict is ‘a contested incompatibility that concerns
government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least
one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths in one calendar year’.
Similarly, a violent or deadly conflict can occur with only one armed party as in the case of
genocide. If a broader approach is taken, however, it is important to recognize that security and
insecurity are connected to the concept of conflict. For this study, they are considered to be
related to intrapersonal security, which implies that, although conflict between armed groups
may have ceased, violence and insecurity can still prevail (Chinkin and Charlesworth 2006;
Jarstad and Sisk 2008; True and Krook 2012). As conflict is often triggered by behaviours and

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events at the community level, understanding and addressing discrimination, marginalization and
insecurity experienced by women at that level is crucial for the development of sustainable peace
(Barnes 2009: 7). In addition, as the case studies on Afghanistan and the Philippines show, local
understanding of what conflict is varies from context to context. Given the influence that this
will have on the success of democratic interventions, or lack thereof, international actors must
consult and include local communities in conflict resolution and state-building activities for them
to be successful.
In the context of gender and women’s rights, it is also important to recognize the productive
qualities of conflict: there is a general consensus in the literature on gender and conflict that
conflict has the potential to transform gender relations and may create opportunities for women
to challenge restrictive gender roles and assume leadership positions (Rehn and Johnson Sirleaf
2002; Cheldelin and Eliatamby 2011; Mannergren Selimovic, Nyquist Brand and Söderberg
Jacobson 2012). A positive example of this can be seen in the Rwanda case study, where the
country’s pre-genocide norms of gendered behaviour were disrupted in parallel with the
breakdown of society and the rule of law in general. However, several studies have highlighted
how these opportunities are typically missed, as the return to ‘normalcy’—including in regard to
gender roles—is heralded as a key priority in times of transition and peace, and gendered
stereotypes about women’s and men’s roles usually resurface at the end of the conflict (Lukatela
2012). Accordingly, women who have gained increased space to act during a conflict tend to be
marginalized and disempowered (Alison 2009; Qazi 2011: 42), and their access to power in post-
conflict processes is restricted (Weber 2011).
2.4.3 Understanding peace
This study applies a broad and ambitious idea of peace that takes into consideration values and
norms related to gender, human rights, justice and conflict resolution. The construction of this
broader notion of peace includes processes of democracy and state building, acknowledging and
addressing ‘sources of inequality and injustice based on ethnicity, religion, gender, and class’
(Björkdahl 2012: 309). Such an understanding of peace reflects shifts in international norms and
strategies on peace and conflict management, from an exclusive focus on conflict prevention
toward an emphasis on what has come to be referred to as peacebuilding (Diehl 2006; Mason and
Meernik 2006). In the landmark report An Agenda for Peace, former Secretary-General of the
United Nations Boutros Boutros-Ghali defined peacebuilding as the ‘construction of a new

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environment’ (UN General Assembly 1993). In other words, the term evolved from a singular
focus on the cessation of hostilities to include issues concerning reconciliation, justice and trust
building, as well as economic development and social welfare (Mason and Meernik 2006). Given
that, on average, a country coming out of civil war has a 50 per cent chance of relapsing into
conflict in the first five years of peace, it seems that more comprehensive peacebuilding
strategies that encompass all of the aspects mentioned above would be better able to support the
development of sustainable peace than a focus on military intervention alone (Ramsbotham,
Woodhouse and Miall 2009).
However, peacebuilding processes are gendered processes that often reinforce existing power
structures and elites by upholding the influence of recognized (male) stakeholders (Björkdahl
2012: 291). Consequently, Boutros Boutros-Ghali’s ‘new environments’ tend to exclude women
in general and women from marginalized groups in particular, resulting in a perpetuation of
gendered inequalities and political cleavages (Björkdahl 2012: 290). Moreover, in such
environments, the insecurity and violence faced by marginalized communities are often ignored.
Indeed, ceasefire and peacebuilding negotiations are often premised on the need to end (male)
public violence, although gender-based violence in other spheres (including the home) continues
(Ní Aoláin and Rooney 2007) and, in some cases, actually increases after peace agreements
have been signed (True 2009). For example, recent investigations into the occurrence of conflict-
related sexual violence by state and non-state armed groups found that violence committed by
state troops against women lasts an average of five years beyond the discontinuation of public
conflict (Cohen, Nordås and Wood 2014). The impact of this violence is typically multiplied by
the absence of psychosocial support for survivors, the lack of accountability, the stigma related
to rigid socio-cultural norms and the shame caused to the victims’ families and communities.
Moreover, as research from the former Yugoslav republics has found, domestic violence tends to
increase during and after conflict (Ćopić 2004). It is therefore important to recognize a gendered
continuum of insecurity that does not end when the formal conflict ends (or indeed begin when a
public conflict commences), but that exists on both sides of ceasefire and peace agreements and
encompasses both the public and private spheres (Chinkin and Charlesworth 2006; True and
Krook 2012).

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2.4.4 Understanding democracy
Democracy is commonly understood as a system in which diverse interests are managed through
ongoing negotiations and accommodated by accountable and legitimate institutions (Jarstad
2008: 18). There is no single and universally applicable mode of democracy, but the key
democratic principles are, according to International IDEA (Landman 2008), those of popular
control and political equality. Although conflicts are seldom fully resolved—instead, they exist
on various levels throughout society—democracy (in theory) manages them by peaceful means
(Commission on Global Governance 1995; Przeworski 1991). In this way, democracy and peace
reinforce each other. Democracy is only consolidated when peaceful means of conflict
management are accepted as ‘the only game in town’ (Linz and Stepan 1996: 5). Sustainability
presupposes a system of governance in which diverse interests and grievances are accommodated
by negotiations and compromises (Licklider 2005: 35; Wallensteen 2002: 139–44).
Democratization and peacebuilding have been thought of as mutually beneficial processes, and
democratic peace theory holds that consolidated democracies do not go to war with one another.
Interestingly enough, researchers have identified an apparent paradox: while democracy is
associated with peaceful conflict management (both within a state and between states), the road
to democracy is often conflict-ridden (Brass 1991; Brown, Lynn-Jones and Miller 1996;
Gleditsch and Hegre 1997; Mann 2005; Mansfield and Snyder 1995; Maoz and Russet 1993;
Snyder 2000). This is evident in our case studies, which highlight the difficulties policymakers
face in managing transitions from authoritarianism or conflict to stable and inclusive
democracies. In Afghanistan, the rushed transition to a democratic system has resulted in a
fragile state that is unable to resolve political grievances by democratic means, while in
Myanmar, the absence of strong and sustainable institutions to accommodate ethnic and religious
diversity—despite a return to democratic practice by the central government—means that armed
conflict is continuing in many parts of the country. In Rwanda, the failure of the 1993 Arusha
Accords and the rush to establish a multiparty system accentuated political cleavages,
culminating in the 1994 genocide. In the Mindanao region of the Philippines, the central
government failed to deliver on its promises of development, rights and security in the region,
thus further marginalizing the populace. Existing research has found a strong and significant link
between gender equality and lasting peace, showing that countries where women are
experiencing high levels of violence are more likely to engage in conflict and war (both within

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and between countries) compared to countries with low levels of violence against women
(Hudson et al. 2012). Countries where women have greater equality and greater political
representation are also less likely to become involved in wars (Hudson et al. 2012). As there
is a relationship between marginalization, gender inequality and conflict (Caprioli 2005; Hudson
et al. 2012), and studies have shown a correlation between the organized participation of
women’s groups and greater gender sensitivity of the text of negotiated peace agreements (UN
Women 2012a: 4), there is a need to increase women’s participation in peace talks and in post
conflict recovery in order to make visible and address exclusive normative gender roles and
behaviours (Ellerby 2013). As these case studies illustrate, the failure to do so can compromise
the legitimacy and sustainability of post conflict democratic institutions and increase the risks of
further conflict.
2.4.5 Synopsis of the Case Studies
This section provides a short overview of the case studies that were chosen for this report,
presented within the framework of gender and conflict. It briefly discusses overlapping
commonalities and convergent points that have emerged from the research. By drawing on the
voices of women from diverse backgrounds, these studies show how women’s experiences are
integral to the wider goals of state building and sustainable peace and development, and
demonstrate that women are protagonists with the ability to actively shape not only narratives but
also developments in conflict and peace.
2.4.5.1 Afghanistan
In this case study, Anna Larson documents how women’s roles in conflict and peace building in
Afghanistan have often been overlooked in favour of a view of Afghan women as passive
victims. The conflict in Afghanistan over the past 40 years can be broken into roughly four
periods: resistance to Soviet occupation (1978–89), the civil war (1992–5), the Taliban regime
(1995–2001) and the post-2001 insurgency (2001–15). As Larson writes, women’s roles have,
not surprisingly, evolved with the change of regimes despite a widespread narrative portraying
Afghan women as victims without political agency: from women enjoying greater access to
public spaces during the relative security in earlier periods, through active participation in the
resistance against the Soviets, to the restrictions placed on women under the Taliban regime.
The category of ‘woman’ has typically been applied as a one-dimensional concept, used to
justify both international and local interventions, which illustrates how gender is at the heart of

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the conflict in Afghanistan, as it is in the other country case studies in this publication. The US
invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, for instance, was partly justified as a necessary step in the
‘liberation’ of Afghan women. Larson cautions against treating women as a homogeneous entity
in this way, and stresses the importance of recognizing diversity, which in Afghanistan includes
different age, ethnic and social groups; urban and rural geographical areas; family groupings
(qawms) and levels of educational attainment. These identities inform women’s ability to
exercise agency in both the family and the community. Larson notes, for example, that older
women are typically afforded greater space in which to act, and women from minority Hazara
communities exercise relatively high levels of agency in comparison with women from other
ethnic groups. Recognizing this highlights the importance of taking the intersection of identities
into account in order for democratic interventions to be successful. Interestingly, she notes that
local forms of conflict resolution in the Afghan context are neither inherently peaceful nor static,
but may provide marginalized groups with space in which to act if change is leveraged from
within. For example, women are most effective as participants in conflict resolution at the family
and village levels. This is in contrast to their presence at the national and provincial levels,
which, as in the Philippines, is largely symbolic due to prevailing societal attitudes and the
existence of powerful tribal networks. National and international efforts to encourage peace and
democracy, Larson argues, would have a greater chance of success if they involved local
communities and were responsive to the diversity inherent in these communities. Despite these
limitations, certain democratic practices have served to create legitimate public roles for women,
for example as civic educators or election monitors. Larson believes that this could potentially
lead to women accessing greater public space in the future, such as in Rwanda where political
space for women after the genocide was greatly expanded.
2.4.5.2 Myanmar
In this study on the conflict in the state of Kachin, Jenny Hedström highlights the involvement of
women in both the peace movement and the armed struggle, and argues that the exclusion of
women from formal peace talks is undermining the possibility of achieving sustainable peace
and obstructing the development of democratic practices and processes. The Kachins in
Myanmar are predominantly Christians—a minority religion in a country where close to 90 per
cent of the people is Buddhists—who live in an area rich in natural resources. The territorial
conflict over the Kachin region dates back to 1961, when the Kachin Independence Organization

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(KIO) launched an armed struggle for independence, provoked by the central government’s
attempt to establish Buddhism as the state religion and to ban the use of minority languages in
state schools. In 1989, the leadership of the KIO changed its goal from independence to self-
determination, and in October 1993 signed a ceasefire agreement with the government, which
allowed the group a degree of local autonomy. Violence reignited in 2011, however, as the
political reasons for the conflict had never been addressed. Hedström argues that the
participation of women from religious and ethnic minority groups in the armed struggle is
motivated by their experiences of injustice, oppression and gender-based violence, framed by a
language of ethno-political nationalism. As with women in the Moro armed struggle in the
Philippines, women’s participation in the KIO is motivated largely by political and ideological
purposes closely related to their marginalized position in society vis-à-vis majority groups. This
means that the women have expectations for what peace and security mean to them, and as
political agents, are able to act on their motivations when the opportunity arises. Normative
gendered expectations have served to limit women’s access to leadership positions, within both
the civilian and military administrations. As women are expected to retire upon marriage or
childbirth, a gendered dichotomy of the roles of women and men in Kachin society is upheld
despite women’s widespread active participation in the conflict. These gendered restrictions also
ensure that women are prevented from taking up combat positions, or that their combat
experience is not recognized as such. Women have been excluded from the ongoing ceasefire
discussions, although they hold leadership positions in informal peace discussions initiated by
civil society groups. Hedström argues that Myanmar’s peace process demonstrates significant
gender biases. In its focus on (male) public violence, the process fails to address security issues
as experienced by women. However, the interviews conducted for this case study reveal that
gender-based violence not only informs women’s participation in the conflict as violent actors,
but also influences women’s groups’ tacit support for armed ethnic minority organizations. This
illustrates how ignoring gendered concerns can undermine opportunities for sustainable peace.
2.4.5.3 The Philippines
In this study, Rosalie Hall and Joanna Pares Hoare examine opportunities and challenges for
women to influence peace- and state-building processes in the aftermath of the civil war, arguing
that, although access to formal political institutions is important, gendered networks of elites
have obstructed women’s ability to shape and benefit from reforms. Mindanao, the second-

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largest island in the Philippines, is rich in natural resources. However, it is also the most
underdeveloped of the major islands, with the lowest literacy rates and shortest life expectancy.
Although multiple conflicts can be identified in the south of the country, an entanglement of
Moro Islamic identity, shared grievances, regional and global struggles, and the existence of a
common enemy in the Armed Forces of the Philippines have provided common ground for
diverse groups to mobilize for a joint cause and fight for independence. The study focuses on
women within the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF). Echoing the experiences of female soldiers in the Kachin movement, women can
be found across these organizations and in the armed struggle, albeit not in leadership positions.
The authors call attention to how clan, religion and ethnicity have shaped women’s experiences
and expectations of conflict and peace settlements within the context of an overarching Moro
identity. Women’s participation is then informed by their experiences of social injustice and
the lack of recognition of their distinctiveness as Muslims. Despite the widespread involvement
of female combatants, reintegration programmes have not provided equal opportunities, with
many women excluded from participating in rehabilitation measures and from accessing benefits.
Applying a broad definition of security, Hall and Pares Hoare argue that women have
disproportionately borne the adverse consequences of conflict in Mindanao. Armed
confrontations between government troops and non-state armed groups have produced large-
scale displacements, primarily affecting women and children. Gendered roles and expectations
ensure that women, rather than men, remain in camps, responsible for the welfare of their
extended families, as in the state of Kachin in Myanmar. In addition, rido (inter-clan violence)
have gendered impacts, as women are left as single heads of households, thus exacerbating their
financial insecurity. However, these experiences have occasionally had a positive impact on
women’s leadership roles in civil society and in the camps. The study notes that formal electoral
and governance structures are now in place to ensure women’s effective political participation.
However, given the current realities of clan- and family-dynasty-dominated elections and the
short time frame for regional party building, the study indicates that it is unlikely that the number
of women will increase in the immediate future. Parallels can be drawn with the experiences of
women in Afghanistan, for whom substantial inclusion has been circumscribed by the existence
of informal tribal and family networks exercising power in their own interests.

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2.4.5.4 Rwanda
Sara Brown’s study documents women’s participation in the Rwandan genocide, as well as the
accompanying shift in gendered norms and restrictions that led to the active inclusion of women
after the genocide. She argues that women played and continue to play important roles as both
spoilers and facilitators of peace and development in the country, and, as such, must be taken
into consideration for any attempts at long-term state building to be successful. Divide-and-rule
tactics used by colonial rulers served to entrench ethnic distrust in Rwanda, contributing to a
post-independence period characterized by violence and polarization along ethnic lines. Brown
argues that without the buy-in of powerful elites, subsequent peace talks failed to resolve any
underlying grievances. Without a functioning political environment that includes established
institutions able to resolve conflicts peacefully, the ushering in of a multiparty system led to the
development of extremist Hutu political parties and facilitated the formation of neighbourhood
defence units under the Rwandan armed forces, which later made up the core of the killing
militias during the genocide. As seen in the other case studies in this publication, gender in
Rwanda was used for nationalist purposes. For instance, Brown shows how, in the run up to the
genocide, Tutsi women were portrayed as sexually promiscuous, and thus as threatening
outsiders, while Hutu women were positioned as the keepers of the family, responsible for
ensuring the ‘purity’ of their male relatives by preventing relationships with Tutsi women.
Contrary to common perceptions of women as victims or innocent bystanders, women living
through the genocide in Rwanda exercised considerable political agency as both perpetrators of
violence and rescuers, although gender-based blindness has facilitated women’s impunity for
crimes that they committed. Often, gendered essentialist perceptions served to facilitate certain
actions during the genocide, such as women hiding Tutsis in their kitchens or bedrooms
(considered female domestic spheres and thus, places male militia members would not enter), or
using their maternal roles to lure and then expose or kill children. Brown argues that the
upheaval of the genocide created temporary space for the inclusion of women in previously
restricted public spheres. Leveraging the momentum for change, women in public office
introduced a number of policies to ensure the continued presence of women in democratic
processes, such as parliamentary quotas. Drawing on gendered assumptions of women’s
maternal nature, these women were also able to successfully organize women across the country
in interethnic community groups to care for orphaned children, contributing to the development

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of several multi-ethnic women’s organizations. However, the silencing of women genocidaires
and the perpetuation of ethnic hatred threatens sustainable and lasting peace. Without
acknowledgement of the crimes committed by women during the genocide and individual
ownership of agency, meaningful rehabilitation and reconciliation is compromised, not least
because women are the primary gatekeepers of the home and the transmitters of culture to the
next generation.
2.5 THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN PEACE INITIATIVES
The Nigeria Stability and Reconciliation Programme (NSRP) is a five year programme funded
by the UK Department for International Development (DFID). It seeks to deliver interventions to
reduce the impact of violent conflict and to promote reconciliation processes. Consisting of four
‘outputs’, the programme operates at national level and in eight focal states across four zones of
Nigeria, namely, Bayelsa, Borno, Delta, Kaduna, Kano, Plateau, Rivers and Yobe States.
Strategic conflict assessments and conflict mapping work undertaken by NSRP have identified a
wide range of factors shaping conflicts locally. All zones experience violence as a result of
disputes over land and water, access to (government) resources including jobs, and over
chieftaincy titles. Religious tensions and militancy amongst Muslims and Christians have been
particularly pronounced in the North, but are negatively affecting intergroup perceptions in all
parts of the country. Issues of social exclusion fuel resentment and reduce alternatives to
violence. This is evidenced by young men’s vulnerability to recruitment by armed groups or
gangs, the exclusion from conflict management mechanisms experienced by women, girls, male
youth and ‘non-indigenes’ and a security sector that is often viewed as-at best-unresponsive to
the needs of the majority of the population. It is well known that women and girls are profoundly
affected by violent conflict. As well as experiencing the same as their male counterparts, their
experience is different and they experience particular, gender-based violations or abuse of their
human rights. For example, conflict-induced displacement has a differential impact on women,
men, girls and boys, while the type of violence experienced during violent conflict frequently
differs according to gender as well as other factors such as age and ethnicity. The Beijing
Declaration and Platform for Action in paragraph 112 states “Violence against women both
violates and impairs or nullifies the enjoyment by women of their human rights and fundamental
freedoms. In all societies, to a greater or lesser degree, women and girls are subjected to
physical, sexual and psychological abuse that cuts across lines of income, class and culture”.

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According to the 2012 Gender in Nigeria report, Nigeria’s 80.2 million women and girls have
significantly worse life chances than men and also their sisters in comparable societies. Violence
compounds and reinforces this disadvantage and exclusion. Women and girls are, however,
largely excluded from participating in conflict management, mediation or inter-group
negotiations. In some areas, women are almost universally excluded from public life per se, a
situation that may be exacerbated in situations of violent conflict. On the other hand, women
have the capacity to take action with regard to conflict and in some areas have already done so.
The challenge for both national and international programmes, therefore, is to remove the
obstacles to women’s effective participation and organising.
2.5.1 History
Historically, the situation for women in Nigeria has been one of marginalisation. The
constitution speaks of gender equality which is not practiced in reality. When the Presidential
Technical Committee on the Review of the Constitution was set up by the President on 19th
October, 1999, women were completely excluded but as a result of outcry by the civil society,
the membership of the committee was increased to include women. The 1999 Constitution of the
Federal Republic of Nigeria states that ‘The security and welfare of the people shall be the
primary purpose of government’. The Constitution also states that ‘In furtherance of the social
order, every citizen shall have equality of rights, obligations and opportunities before the law’
creating a basis for women’s and girls’ equal participation in public life, including in matters to
do with peace and security. It is also a universal principle that the primary responsibility for
protecting security and human rights lies with national governments. In addition to the universal
principles of non-discrimination and that the state bears primary responsibility for the security
and human rights of its citizens; Nigeria is a state party to major human rights instruments. These
include both the UN Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against
Women and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights and its Protocol on the Rights of
the African Woman, although neither has yet been domesticated. Nigerian women are constantly
called upon and indeed see it as their duty to maintain peace in the home, compound or in the
extended family. These informal roles are recognised and expected of women by all and sundry,
including predominantly male traditional and religious institutions. However, when it comes to
more formal initiatives towards the actualisation of peace they are left out. Women are missing
in peace commissions, committees, or as signatories to peace pacts. The United Nations Security

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Council (UNSC) adopted Resolution 1325 in 2000 acknowledging the under representation of
women in peace processes and calling on member states to take action to rectify this. Nigeria
came on board in August of 2013 by launching her National Action Plan 1325 with the support
of the Nigeria Stability and Reconciliation Programme (NSRP) and UN Women. This resolution
was followed most recently by Resolution 2242 in 2015.
2.5.2 Resolution 2242 (2015)
Adopted by the Security Council at its 7533rd meeting, on 13 October 2015, recognizing the
significance of the fifteen-year anniversary of resolution 1325 (2000), the progress made as well
as the opportunity and need for far greater implementation of the women, peace and security
agenda, remaining deeply concerned by the frequent underrepresentation of women in many
formal processes and bodies related to the maintenance of international peace and security, the
relatively low number of women in senior positions in political, peace and security-related
national, regional and international institutions, the lack of adequate gender-sensitive
humanitarian responses and support for women’s leadership roles in these settings, insufficient
financing for women, peace and security, and the resulting detrimental impact on the
maintenance of international peace and security, The Security Council Urges Member States, in
light of the High-level Review, to assess strategies and resourcing in the implementation of
the women, peace and security agenda, reiterates its call for Member States to ensure increased
representation of women at all decision making levels in national, regional and international
institutions and mechanisms for the prevention, and resolution of conflict, encourages those
supporting peace processes to facilitate women’s meaningful inclusion in negotiating parties’
delegations to peace talks, calls upon donor countries to provide financial and technical
assistance to women involved in peace processes, including training in mediation, advocacy.
In addition the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in
October 2013 came out with a General recommendation No. 30 on women in conflict prevention,
conflict and post-conflict situations. “Participation (arts.7-8) 42. While women often take on
leadership roles during conflict as heads of households, peacemakers, political leaders and
combatants, the Committee has repeatedly expressed concern that their voices are silenced and
marginalized in post conflict and transition periods and recovery processes. The Committee
reaffirms that the inclusion of a critical mass of women in international negotiations,
peacekeeping activities, all levels of preventive diplomacy, mediation, humanitarian assistance,

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social reconciliation, peace negotiations at the national, regional and international levels as well
as in the criminal justice system can make a difference. At the national level, women’s equal,
meaningful and effective participation in the various branches of government, their appointment
to leadership positions in government sectors and their ability to participate as active members of
civil society are prerequisites for creating a society with lasting democracy, peace and gender
equality”.
2.5.3 Barriers to Women’s Participation
Barriers to women’s participation include cultural and traditional practices. Other barriers-
include lack of money, access to loans as well as the more structural issues like fear of women
being away from home and playing non stereotypical roles. At 5.9%, Nigeria ranks significantly
below the sub-Saharan African average of 20% regarding women’s representation in the national
legislature. At 5.9% female representation in the Federal House of Representatives (the lower
chamber) stands below neighbouring Niger (12.3%), DR Congo (8%), Ethiopia (27%) and
Cameroon (20%) as well as Uganda, South Africa and Rwanda (34%, 43.2% and 56%
respectively). The profile does not improve at the Senate (upper legislative house) where Nigeria
at 9% stands below the global average of 15%. The situation in the North of Nigeria is worse. In
a study commissioned for DFID in Yobe, Bauchi, Zamfara and Jigawa states, the findings were
that ‘women were only 2% of political office holders at state level in 2007’. The attitudes
towards women in leadership are evident in a 2015 study “Nigerian men and gender equality
survey (NiMAGES)”. In the NiMAGES studies while the percentage of male survey respondents
who practices. Other barriers- include lack of money, access to loans as well as the more
structural issues like fear of women being away from home and playing non stereotypical roles.
The attitudes towards women in leadership are evident in a 2015 study “Nigerian men and
gender equality survey (NiMAGES)”. In the NiMAGES study while the percentage of male
survey respondents who agreed that both men and women can make equally good leaders was
77%, those who said that men should be elected rather than women because they make better
leaders were 56%. The Being a Man in Nigeria study also looked at attitudes towards women in
politics –30% men believed Female politicians sometimes deserve to be harassed to discourage
them from going for men’s positions.
In another 2016 study ‘’Teacher Education, Teacher Practice, Approaches to Gender and Girls’
Schooling outcomes’’ funded by MacArthur and co-ordinated by the British Council, views on

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women’s leadership between men and women student teachers were quite polarised. Those who
strongly agree that women have the right to hold leadership position in the community were 60%
female and 20% men. Those who strongly agree that a female president can be as effective as a
male president were female 55% and male 15%. The other barriers-include lack of money/time
etc. as well as the more structural issues e.g., around women being away from home etc.? The
factors already mentioned above, mean that any participation by women is in itself a significant
achievement. While it would be ideal to examine the impact of women’s involvement as women,
this assumes a level of participation above that of most Nigerian institutions. It also risks
subjecting women to greater scrutiny than their male counterparts; it is rare to ask whether men
have had an impact in institutions as men. This study has found, nevertheless, that when women
are included, they can make a difference to the process and results of conflict mechanisms.
A word of explanation about women’s leadership is helpful here: Women’s leadership takes
many forms. It may include active participation in public institutions such as the legislature or
panels of inquiry; activism using traditional roles such as motherhood or marriage or activism
based on women’s particular experience such as gender-based violence. Women’s leadership,
particularly in situations where women are systematically silenced and made invisible in the
formal, public domain, may also mean that women use their informal networks and organisation
such as loans committees, mothers’ groups or neighbourhood alliances to speak out on conflict,
to resolve conflicts non-violently or to influence the conduct of more formal mechanisms. This is
not to say that ‘behind the scenes’ participation is adequate, but to state that in seeking to identify
and support women’s active role in peace building, it is often necessary to look beyond the
formal and overt to the roles that women play in communities.
2.5.4 Peaceful Protests by Women
The Women without walls Initiative is an initiative of Pastor Esther Ibanga in Plateau State,
Nigeria. She mobilized a peaceful protest march in March 2010; of about one hundred thousand
Christian women within the state came out to lend their voices to putting a stop to the killings.
According to Ibanga” We marched the streets of Jos to the State House of the Assembly and
Government House dressed in black, expressing our grief over the wanton loss of human lives,
especially those of women and children, and demanding that the government fish out the
perpetrators of this evil and bring them to justice. The protest brought women to the forefront of
the call for peace and for putting an end to violence in Plateau State. In response to the protest

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march by Christian women, Muslim women held their own peaceful protest demanding that the
killings of Muslims in Jos also be stopped, as these women, too, had lost loved ones in the
violent killings. In spite of the two protest marches, the killings continued. On the premise that
we would be more effective if we joined forces, I decided to reach out to the Muslim women,
enjoining everyone, irrespective of religion and tribe, to come together as one body in the fight
against ethno religious violence”. Women without walls continues to reach out to women across
the religious divide.Women mobilized in their hundreds from the adjourning Local Governments
of Enugu-North, Enugu-East, Udi and Ezeagu Local Governments Areas of Enugu state on a
protest march to the state government. “Having complained to the law enforcement agencies
to no avail, the pastoralists who are usually armed with sophisticated weapons have become even
more daring, defying even the community vigilante groups. Women and young men are now
afraid to go to the farm unless they are in groups for fear of rape or outright killing”. Women in
Borno State including those belonging to the Women, Peace and Security Network organised a
protest to the Shehu of Borno when the attacks in the North East started. They were the first, to
condemn the abduction of girls from Government Secondary School, Chibok in Borno State. In a
press statement by Hauwa Biu, who acted as the spokesperson of both the Borno women and the
Rights group, said that the abduction violates the girls’ human rights. She also said that he act is
a crime against humanity, prohibited under the international humanitarian law. In Biu, in Borno
State, women alongside their Emir came out with sticks and stones to chase out members of JAS.
Women blocked the gates of a military base to stop their husbands going to fight book Haram.
In August 2014, about 300 women and 500 children gathered for two days at the gates of a
military base in the Borno State capital, claiming that their spouses were ill-equipped to take on
the Islamist militants. One soldier who spoke on condition of anonymity said that the troops in
the barracks in Maiduguri relied on run-down equipment. “Our wives are speaking our minds we
are grossly underequipped,” the soldier said. “Our guns are weak and armoured carriers not
serviceable”. Nassarawa widows, In May 2014, over one year after over 60 policemen who were
brutally murdered in an ambush by the Ombatse cult members in Nasarawa State, their widows,
most of them young women, took to the streets to protest the deaths of their husbands. The
widows were joined by hundreds of sympathizers and together they created a chaotic traffic
situation at Squadron 38 Mobile Base, Ubbe Junction, as they blamed the state governor for
exposing their husbands and breadwinners to undue risks by sending them on a highly risky

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assignment, without the requisite intelligence backup. Governor Al-Makura sympathized with
the widows and assured them that the perpetrators “shall surely be brought to book,” just as he
also promised that government would compensate them. Due to their persistence they were
eventually received cheques of about 450,000 naira each as compensation in December 2014
from the Northern Governors Forum. Women staged peaceful protests asking for release of
corpses following the Shiite uprising in Kaduna State. The Sisters Forum of the Islamic
Movement of Nigeria staged a peaceful protest to demand for the immediate release of their
leader, Sheik Ibraheem El-Zakzaky and his wife. The women marched to the Secretariat of the
Kaduna State Council of the Nigeria Union of Journalists on Tuesday in northwest Nigeria.
According to the spokesperson of the Forum, Aisha Hassan, the group also wants the immediate
release of the corpses of members of the Islamic Movement of Nigeria, who were killed during a
clash with soldiers.
2.5.5 Landmark Appointments of Women
• Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar is the former Chief Justice of Nigeria and served from July
2012 to November 2014. In her career, Mukhtar has been many firsts: she is the first female
lawyer from Northern Nigeria, first female judge of the High court in Kano state judiciary, the
first female justice of the court of Appeal of Nigeria, the first female justice of the Supreme
Court of Nigeria and the first female Chief Justice of Nigeria.
• The Inspector General of Police, Solomon E. Arase, appointed Acting ACP Olabisi Alofe
Kolawole as the first female police officer to be appointed as National Police spokesperson.
“This appointment is geared towards harnessing the enormous potentials among Nigerian female
Police officers,” Arase said in a statement signed by CSP Abayomi Shogunle, the deputy Force
Public Relations officer.
• Recently a panel of inquiry was set up in Kaduna state. The Kaduna State Government has
announced the composition of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the 12th-14th December
2015 clashes in Zaria between the Islamic Movement in Nigeria and the Nigerian Army. The
judicial commission of inquiry is established under Section 2 of the Kaduna State Commission of
Inquiry Law, 1991. “In a statewide broadcast last month, Governor El-Rufai had promised to
establish a judicial commission of inquiry into the Zaria clashes, as a matter of utmost
importance to the public interest. During the broadcast, the governor regretted the loss of lives
and detailed what the Kaduna State Government had learnt about the immediate build-up to the

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clashes. The government also took steps to begin the prosecution of the people that were arrested
during the clashes for crimes, including obstruction of public highways and possession of
dangerous weapons. The women and juveniles among the detainees were swiftly processed and
released. “The members of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Zaria clashes were
chosen for their professional competences as lawyers, jurists, scholars of religion, human rights
activists, security experts and media practitioners”. The Judicial Commission of Inquiry had 14
members with only two females. Mrs. Khadijah Hawaja Gambo –a gender rights activist, social
entrepreneur and conflict resolution expert and Mrs. Desire Deseye Nsirim CP (Rtd.) –.a retired
commissioner of police of Niger State.
• In Benue State, Justice Margaret Kpojime was head of the panel of enquiry Justice Margaret
Kpojime who led the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the income and expenditure of the
state from 2007-2015 submitted the panel’s report to Governor Samuel Ortom Monday, February
5th, 2015 where it made far reaching recommendations. The Commission recommended that 52
individuals and 10 corporate bodies should refund over N107 billion to the coffers of the state
government. It also recommended deeper investigations and possible refund of over N44 billion
from transactions they found not in compliance with the laid down financial guidelines. Kpojime
told Governor Ortom that during the period covered by the assignment, N1. 21 trillion accrued to
the state from about 27 identified sources out of which N802 billion was appropriated while
N219 billion was expended but not appropriated.
2.5.6 Women in Elected Positions
In a recent ranking by the inter parliamentary union of women in National parliaments Nigeria
ranked 130 out of 190 countries with 5.6% in the lower house and 6.5% in the house or senate.
Rwanda ranking number one with 63.8% in the lower house and 38.5% in the upper house or
senate. Nigeria came close to having her first elected Governor of a State in the case of Aisha
Alhassan of Taraba State. She had challenged the alleged improper conduct of her opponent in
the primary elections. The court dismissed an appeal by the candidate of the All Progressives
Congress, Aisha Alhassan, saying it lacked merit. A five-member panel of the Appeal Court in
Abuja had on December 31 nullified the ruling of the Taraba State Election Tribunal on
November 7, which declared Mrs. Alhassan winner of the April 11 election of the state. Today,
Aisha Alhassan is the Minister of Women Affairs. In a community in the Niger Delta where it is
unusual to have female community leaders, the chief pledged to allow the women duly elect their

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own representative to be recognised as The Woman Leader for Omokwa community. An election
was done and Mrs. Diseph Isreal emerged the Woman Leader for Omokwa community on the
19th of September 2015. Mrs. Diseph Isreal is a farmer and is married with children. Being
married with children was a criteria decided upon by the community for the selection of the
Woman Leader in Omokwa. Mrs. Diseph Isreal is also perceived as a peacemaker and a
respectable woman in the community. The community recognised her as such because of the role
she played in ensuring the peace and unity within her polygamous family was preserved. She
thus far has participated as an active member of the Executive Council of Omokwa community
and was part of the Executive Council members that inaugurated the Omokwa Youth Movement
in 2015. There have been reports of increased cult activities in Omokwa community in Abua-
Odual Local Government Area. Feedback from the community also highlighted the increased
incidence of armed robbery and kidnapping. This prompted the newly elected Woman Leader of
Omokwa community to organize a town hall meeting, geared towards appealing to the good
conscience of the various cult groups within the community, in order to restore peace to the
community. The Woman Leader, Mrs. Diseph, moved to organize a town hall meeting on the 7th
of February 2016, in Omokwa community. She met with the Community Development
Committee and the Chief’s council members and the youth leadership body, who also supported
the idea of the town hall meeting and made it possible. The town hall meeting was held to
address the issue of cult activities and kidnapping in the community. The town hall meeting was
attended by the CDC, Chief’s Council, Youth Leaders and members of the community out of the
two cult groups invited; only one was in attendance. The Chiefs and CDC members also
addressed the cult group present. At the end of the day the cult group present made a
commitment to desist from violent activities in the community. The community is currently
monitoring their activities to ensure they keep to their promise of not carrying out violent
activities within the community.
2.5.7 Women, Peace and Security Networks
Globally, women are increasingly coming together as networks to bring about peace. In South
Sudan for example, there are Women Peacekeeping Teams (WPTs). Members of the WPT are
from the very community that they’re trying to help, they are more readily accepted by people—
and are thus able to solve many issues at ground level, without those from outside the region
having to get involved. NSRP has facilitated the coming together of Women Peace and Security

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(WPS) networks at Federal and in eight states. Their role is three pronged, firstly to sensitise
members of the public on the existence and essential of the National Action Plan on Women
Peace and Security; secondly to act as an interface with the State Ministries of Women Affairs
towards the drafting of state action plans on WPS; and thirdly to monitor the implementation of
the National and state action plans. As part of their sensitisation efforts WPS networks have
achieved transformation as peace builders being active citizens who participate in media
engagements. WPSN in Borno made the first public press conference six days after abduction of
over 200 Chibok school girls at a time when some members of the public were in denial
regarding the incident. WPSN have been active in domesticating and implementation of NAP,
popularizing the internal commemorative days – international day of Women Widow, Refugees,
Human Rights, Day of Peace etc., creating awareness and sensitizing the society on the flights of
survivors and urging adequate response from Working in needs assessments and provision of
humanitarian assistance in IDP camps. WPSN have also played a key role in the launch of state
action plans on women, peace and security.
2.5.8 Women as Combatants
In Borno state, at the height of the JAS insurgency, women in Bama, Gwoza and Konduga had
very little to wear themselves having given out all their clothes to men in order to disguise
themselves to rescue them from their JAS captors. Two women paid using their own money to
rescue civilians in Bama, until they were discovered and eventually killed. Women hunters are
also involved as combatants. In one account, Mai Bintu (translated as King Bintu) who was the
daughter of a late king hunter, (who succeeded her father, being a hunter herself), on several
occasions led the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) on an operation against JAS in Bama. She
then had to go into hiding in Kellumiri after the fall of Bama. Sadly, in retaliation JAS captured
her daughter and forced the daughter to reveal her whereabouts. Mai Bintu was then trailed,
captured taken to Bama and slaughtered in front of her community. In February 2016, the
daughter of a well-known hunter, the late Mai Durma, captured five JAS members from the
Sambisa Forest area and brought them to Maiduguri. On lookers rushed to the scene along
Damboa road to catch a glimpse of the brave woman, holding tight to her den gun, surrounded
by other hunters and with their captives laying on the ground before they handed them over to
security agencies. In Adamawa State, female hunters are all part of a civilian vigilante coalition
known as Ibn Fadlallah’s forces. Barely literate and armed with dane guns as well as bows and

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arrows, they risk lives helping the armed forces to hunt members of the sect in the jungles of the
North-East states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe. Ladi is part of the large army of hunters and
CJTF which battled Boko Haram after it tried to install Amirs (leaders) in Maiha, a town in
Adamawa State. Asked why she mustered the courage to join the effort, Ladi replied: “Boko
Haram’s days are numbered. We are not afraid and we are ever ready to fight them. These
accounts are limited to the conflict in the North East of Nigeria, however, there are accounts of
female militants in the Niger Delta who are allegedly engaged in militancy and gang violence. In
addition, Nigeria is the highest contributor to peace keeping forces in ECOWAS, and according
to the Peace keeping contributor profile of February 2015, of the two thousand nine hundred and
sixty one troops, two hundred and thirty three were women.
2.5.9 Women Working to Stop Violence against Women in Elections
NSRP teamed up with UN Women Situation room through its WPS network to monitor election
violence in the 2015 Nigeria Elections. High profile women and role models made up the
eminent persons group. As a means of instituting the initiative the Women Situation Room
Nigeria (WSRN) was launched to ensure women’s participation in peaceful electoral processes.
The WSRN also has an all-female observer team for observing elections. National Democratic
Institute (NDI) came up with the stop VAWIE (Violence against Women in Elections). The
brand Ambassador was Stephanie Linus who is a Nollywood movie star. She used her position as
a Nollywood star to advocate for peace and being a role model to many in the campaign against
election related violence. Unity in Bayelsa took her message of peace by dancing as a means of
attracting the attention of community members. She was able to mobilize up to 500 people to
listen to her message of peace which was to “stop violence”.
2.5.10 Women Peace Builders and Activists
In Borno State, Hajiya Hamsatu Allamin has been the courageous voice as a peace builder and
activist. Hamsatu who is the Regional Manager of NSRP lives and works in Maiduguri, Borno
state. She had resisted all persuasions to move out of Borno even at the height of the insurgency.
Apart from being the eyes on the ground regarding media reports which filtered out and needed
verification, she has become the reference point for new actors wishing to operate in the North
East of Nigeria. Hamsatu made a historic presentation on behalf of the NGO Working Group on
Women, Peace and Security at the UN Security Council open debate on SGBV in April 2015 and
participated as a panelist at the UN Conference on Countering Violent Extremism in February

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2016, both at the UN Headquarters in New York. Above all, Hamsatu Allamin is a pioneer
gender activist, advocate and human rights defender, who has not only provided leadership to
African women and youth, but has motivated and mentored them to discover and develop their
potentials in the post conflict development and peace building efforts across North Eastern
Nigeria. Recently, Hajiya Hamsatu was selected as one of the four outstanding peacemakers for
the Women Peace Makers Program at the Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace and Justice (IPJ) at the
University of San Diego (USD) for 2016. Ann-Kio Briggs, Nigerian environmental and human
rights activist. She is the founder and executive director of non-governmental organization
Agape Birth rights. As of 2011, she was spokesperson of the Ijaw Republican Assembly (IRA)
as well as the United Niger Delta Energy Development Security Strategy (UNDEDSS) 35. Ann-
Kio recently condemned the attacks by a new group of Militants in the Niger Delta called the
Niger Delta Avengers for their recent attacks on oil and gas installations which have resulted in
power outages due to reduced supply of gas to power stations. Maryam Uwais, served as
member on the Judicial Commission of Enquiry on Pfizer in Kano State and after the work of the
Commission she donated all her entitlement to form and established Isa Wali Empowerment
Initiatives. Today Isa Wali seeks to give the children and women of Nigeria an opportunity to
escape from the cycle of poverty fostered by long-held traditional beliefs through economic
empowerment programmes and access to healthcare. Hajia Atine Abdullahi, Chief executive of
Voice of Women, Divorcees & Orphans (VOWAN) made significant efforts towards peaceful
elections during the 2015 elections. These programs are:
• Conducted 53 Radio programmes to sensitise members of the public on peaceful elections
featuring on Freedom Radio, wazobio Fm, Rahama Radio, Express Radio as well as social media
on the individual’s right to vote and how to prevent violence during elections.
• Community/radio awareness campaign on men to allow their wives to go out and vote as
women also have the right to vote. Awareness campaign to young people on the negative effect
of violence during elections. Hajiya Altine’s peace interventions also include Identification of
rape survivors and ensuring perpetrators are well prosecuted, rehabilitation of young people who
abuse drugs. In addition to all these efforts, she provides a safe haven and counselling services to
the rape survivors. At a focus group discussion held in Katsina, to mark the Commemoration of
the 15th anniversary of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, Hajiya Hassu Inko
was recognized by stakeholders, both men and women, for her mediation initiatives. According

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to Dame Pauline Tallen, (OFR) in Plateau state “While I was home I tried to unite the various
ethnic groups and association in Shendam for peaceful co-existence .as a member local govt.
management committee. I used my position to use both wards heads and district heads to
organize peace and unity forum. I also encourage peace clubs in primary, secondary and our
tertiary institutions. The aftermath of the Yelwa/Shendam conflict of 2004 in the southern zone
left the communities segregated along Muslim / Christian divide. Women from both religions
were invited by me to form the pre-campaign team preparing for our election in 2007. This is
because the conflict had divided the people along religious lines. I was appointed as the inter-
faith matron for the inter-faith mediation centre (IMC) Kaduna’s inter-faith Rice miller’s
Association. 2007-2011 – As Deputy Governor of Plateau State, I handled the mediation process
of the conflict that erupted after the controversial 2008 chairmanship election of Jos North Local
Government Council. The violence migrated into the hinter lands of most of the Northern zone
of the state ,my interventions were in the forms of; Organizing meetings with community
leader’s women, youth and religious leaders in my office; visiting conflict zones to call on
warning parties to stop the violence; Directing relief materials to be taken to most affected areas;
visiting internally displaced persons and encouraging them to be patient with government as it
looks into their plight as an individual’s; Dame Tallen continues the personal relationship to
dialogue severally with the herdsmen leadership on the conflict within the farming communities
of Riyom and Barkin Ladi Local Government Areas.
2.5.11 Community Participation of Women in Peace Building
NSRP conducted a study on community conflict management mechanisms to determine types of
traditional and cultural practices. Some individuals resort to both traditional religions and
Christianity, depending on the nature of the case. The sulhu mediation process is often used by
communities in the areas under study for settling disputes. Community leaders constitute the
sulhu committee, which calls the disputants to the negotiating table and listens to the stories on
both sides of the conflict. It is after listening to both sides that the sulhu elders offer their
suggestions for resolving the conflict. In some parts of Northern Nigeria, Alwali is an important
mediator in family conflict. The alwali represents the father of a bride and groom during
marriage. The alwali, is called upon to mediate conflict in marriages. In a conflict analysis of
Ekurede Urhobo community, neither women nor girls were involved or participated in
community governance. The women are relegated and deprived from governance except for the

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Ewheya or Emete age groups. These are traditional women age groups responsible for discipline
among women and also other rites such as marriages and festivals. The youth group of the
community has no record of involvement of the female youths in its deliberations and activities
though in the past, they had one female in the executive body. In the conflicts experienced by the
community, women have played a key role in resolving and preventing conflict. In the clash
between the community and Itsekiris from Ajamimogha, women took to the streets of the
community, beating drums and other objects chanting that they want peace and their children
should desist from fighting. Most of them sent out their sons from the community for safety.
They also went out massively to the King of Agbarha- Warri Kingdom asking for his
intervention.
2.5.12 Men Standing Up for the Inclusion of Women in Peace Building
As part of the growing efforts to include men as part of the solution to prevent and end violence
against women, the United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon launched in 2009 his
Network of Men Leaders. The Leaders in this expanding Network-current and former politicians,
civil society and youth activists, religious and community leaders, cultural figures and other
prominent individuals – work in their spheres of influence to undertake specific actions to end
violence against women, from raising public awareness, to advocating for adequate laws, to
meeting with young men and boys, to holding governments accountable. The Network supports
the work of women around the world to defy destructive stereotypes, embrace equality, and
inspire men and boys everywhere to speak out against violence. At a meeting of stakeholders in
April of 2016 looking at the rebuilding of Borno, NSRP made a presentation on the need to
involve women in the physical and psychosocial rebuilding. It was refreshing to hear the
following from the current Governor of Borno “We are going to liberate the women of Borno
from the yoke of debilitating subjugation” - H.E. Governor Kashim Shettima.
2.6 THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN GLOBAL SECURITY
Women are often viewed as victims of conflict. But this view masks the important roles women
play as leaders, especially in helping end conflict, developing post conflict reintegration efforts
and economic life, and even in leading the organization of camps for internally displaced
persons. Participants at the conference on The Role of Women in Global Security identified
recommendations for ways to provide assistance, tools, and motivation to encourage women to
become such leaders in their communities. In conflict zones, women are active participants in the

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conflicts that affect their countries. They may become combatants. They may become the sole
providers for their families, more active in the informal or formal sectors of the economy, or
more active in peacemaking groups as a result of conflict. They also suffer disproportionately
from sexual violence and displacement. Yet during war and in its aftermath, women too often are
excluded from activities aimed at resolving the violent conflicts that so deeply affect them.
Those conflicts cannot be brought to a lasting end without making women’s lives more secure,
and it is women who are best positioned to determine how that security is achieved. This report
focuses on three key areas in which women could foster security: peace decision making and
peacekeeping; reconciliation, reintegration, and rule of law; and economic development.
Recognizing that sustainable security is not possible without the involvement of women, the
United Nations in October 2000 passed Security Council Resolution 1325. The resolution calls
for increased representation of women at peace negotiations and at all levels of decision making
regarding security; inclusion of women in post conflict reconstruction efforts and in
disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration efforts; increased protection from sexual
violence; and an end to impunity for crimes affecting women. “We are fortunate that the unique
role of women as key contributors to peace and security is growing,” said Lene Espersen,
Denmark’s minister of foreign affairs. “And we already possess substantial knowledge about the
critical importance of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in post conflict
reconciliation and reintegration.” Despite these advances, women in zones of conflict and in
reconstruction efforts, and those working on their behalf, emphasize that they often have little or
no voice in negotiating peace or planning reconstruction, lack economic opportunities, and
continue to be the primary targets of ongoing sexual violence. It is therefore critical to pool the
knowledge of those working on issues of gender equality and inclusion to determine what
measures and practices have proved effective or ought to be tried in countries emerging from
war. To that end, three hundred military, diplomatic, academic, nongovernment organizations
(NGO), the United Nations, and business sector experts at a 2010 conference in Copenhagen on
The Role of Women in Global Security shared experiences in conflict zones, offered
recommendations for ways to increase women’s participation in global security, and cited
barriers to putting those recommendations in practice. Participants from Afghanistan, Liberia,
and Uganda attended, as well as from Europe, the United States, NATO, the United Nations and

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the European Union. Their discussions were organized around three themes: peacemaking and
peacekeeping, reconciliation and reconstruction, and economic development.
2.6.1 Peacemaking and Peacekeeping
Women are typically excluded from formal peace processes. They tend to be absent at the peace
table, underrepresented in parliaments that are developing policy in countries emerging from
conflict, and underrepresented in peacekeeping forces. Melanne Verveer, who heads the State
Department’s Office for Global Women’s Issues, noted that thirty-one of the world’s thirty-nine
active conflicts represent recurrences of conflict after peace settlements were concluded. In all
thirty-one cases, women were excluded from the peace process. The United Nations reckons that
fewer than 3 percent of signatories to peace agreements have been women and that women’s
participation in peace negotiations averages less than 8 percent for the eleven peace processes for
which such information is available. Such agreements typically do not address sexual violence.
Rosalba Oywa, executive director of the People’s Voice for Peace in Gulu, a Ugandan NGO,
makes clear that exclusion of women is not due to a lack of women’s desire or ability to be
active in negotiations. She cites her experience in Uganda, where the Ugandan government and
the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) engaged in a brutal conflict characterized by abductions of
thousands of girls and boys by the LRA, displacement, and widespread rape and other atrocities.
“Women activists and women-led organizations mobilized to lead not only peace building at the
community level but to play a direct role in finding a negotiated settlement,” Oywa said. During
peace talks to end the war in northern Uganda, women marched hundreds of miles, from Uganda
to the site of the talks in Juba, Sudan, to press for observer status at the talks, but they played no
direct role in the negotiations. Likewise, women in Liberia were not invited to peace negotiations
with the rebel groups in 2003. But, added Liberia’s minister of gender and development, Vabah
Gayflor, “Women made their voices heard by sheer will,” marching, praying, and singing at the
site of negotiations. Women were subsequently mobilized to give support to national elections
that led to Ellen Sirleaf Johnson becoming president of Liberia. The momentum built during
those efforts continues, she said, as rural women take leadership in farm cooperatives and
managing micro-credit groups to help reduce rural poverty. Even in the difficult circumstances of
refugee camps, women have demonstrated an ability to organize, lead, and communicate the
needs of other women in the camps, said Maria Otero, undersecretary for democracy and global
affairs at the U.S. State Department. With this input, international groups can provide responsive,

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practical tools for women’s protection, such as water purification tablets and cookstoves, which
have proved critical in reducing the amount of time women spend gathering wood, the resultant
environmental harm, and their exposure to violence, she said. Representation in parliament is
also critical to ensuring that women’s concerns are taken into account in countries rebuilding
after war. Although there is debate about whether quotas are the best means to achieve increased
representation, many experts believe quotas are essential, and they have been instituted in several
countries, including Uganda (where women constitute 31.5 percent of the legislature), Rwanda
(56 percent of the lower house), and Afghanistan (27.5 percent in the upper house). Betty
Amongi, a member of Uganda’s Parliament, ran for office in 2001 as an independent determined
to help bring peace to northern Uganda, an area where she grew up and one that had seen
continuous war though out her life. She has worked to build a network of women
parliamentarians to advocate for an agenda that takes gender into account in Uganda’s ongoing
reconstruction and reconciliation efforts. For instance, women have pressed strongly for adding
maternity wards to planned hospital construction, according to Amongi, and for higher priority
for trauma counseling and startup capital for women to build businesses. “When you have a
critical mass of women in power, legislation tends to get passed that favors women,” said Judy
Cheng-Hopkins, assistant secretary-general for the UN Peace building Support Office. She cited
a rise in health care spending in Rwanda and changes elsewhere to women’s ability to own and
inherit land and to criminalization of sexual abuse. Another area for women’s participation in
peace building lies in peacekeeping operations. Those advocating for increasing the number of
women in peacekeeping missions argue that the prospects of sustainable peace are improved by
providing those living in conflict areas with positive female role models, facilitating good
relations between traumatized civilians and security services, giving authority a female face, and
offering an alternative perspective on conflict resolution. Yet participation of women
peacekeepers is negligible. In missions directed by the UN’s Department of Peacekeeping
Operations, women represented 3 percent of total military contingents in 2010.7 Low numbers of
women acting as military peacekeepers reflect the low overall rates of participation of women in
the armed forces of countries that contribute peacekeeping forces. Even in Denmark, one of the
first countries to adopt a national action plan to implement resolution 1325, women make up
around 5 percent of Danish military forces and a similar percentage in peacekeeping missions.
Limited numbers of women recruited overall mean limited numbers available to deploy.

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Consequently, removing barriers to overall recruitment efforts in troop-contributing countries is
seen as key to improved recruitment in peacekeeping, along with more incentives for women to
join peacekeeping missions. Raymond E. Mabus, U.S. secretary of the Navy, cited U.S.
experience: the military is more likely to retain younger women when they observe older women
being promoted to top officer positions. He also pointed to the success of the Marines’
experiment with a female engagement team in Afghanistan, where a team of forty women
soldiers were deployed for six months this year to meet with women and children, learn about
their needs and concerns, and build trust as part of the overall counterinsurgency strategy in the
region. The existence of such teams recognizes the importance of local women’s perspectives
and their influence on local situations, to which the all-male forces in these cultures have limited
or no access. “As the first deployment of the U.S. Marine female engagement team came to an
end, one of the commanders of the relieving unit brought all the patrol leaders from the Marine
brigade with seven months of experience into a room and asked them what they needed to make
the deployment more successful,” Mabus said. “He expected the answer to be more guns, more
ammunition, or more logistical support, but the number one answer from these young infantry
corporals and sergeants was instead more female engagements teams.” Participants also stressed
the need for all peacekeeping forces to receive training to make them more aware of the gender
dynamics of the conflicts to which they are deployed. Many also pointed to the salutary effects
of joint male-female forces in reducing the potential for sexual abuse of civilians by the
peacekeeping troops themselves, as has occurred in several conflict zones.
2.6.2 Reconciliation, Reintegration, and Rule of Law
One consequence of the view of women’s roles in war as primarily passive victims is that little
thought is given to the role women ought to play in the reintegration of combatants into the
societies from which they came. In addition, women’s views are typically not incorporated when
post conflict governments set up mechanisms for reconciliation between armed groups and
civilians. But women and girls have played many roles in conflict in different parts of the world,
as fighters, supporters of rebel groups, spouses, or slave labor. Women’s participation is
therefore critical in processes of DDR, and by excluding them, critical opportunities for
rebuilding communities are lost. DDR is inexorably linked to reform of rule of law, security
sector, and justice systems, and in all these areas the needs of women, girls, men, and boys must
be taken into account so that government adequately addresses every group’s need for protection

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from ongoing violence. Uganda’s Amongi puts it in stark terms when she asks how justice is to
be defined for families in which rebel groups forced sons to rape mothers, and fathers their
daughters, before those fathers and sons were abducted and forcibly conscripted. The purpose of
this brutal tactic was to prevent conscripts from rejoining the community at a future date, where
they knew they would not be welcome. Amongi argues that everyone in the community,
including women, has the task of making the tough decisions about how to balance restoration of
community life and retribution for crimes committed during the war. Such decisions may include
amnesty, more judges at the local level, persuading leaders to set aside land for mothers raising
children born of wartime sexual violence, or, as occurred in Uganda, a ritual cleansing of ex-
combatant boys to help them shed their roles as perpetrators of atrocities and pave the way for
their return to community life. Whatever the choices, participants agreed that successful DDR
requires more gender-inclusive, local participation. Where cases of sexual violence worldwide
have been documented (and recognizing the likelihood that many cases are never reported), the
numbers are staggering: More than 200,000 cases have been documented in the Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC) since 1996 and a present daily average of 40 in the DRC province of
South Kivu alone, as many as half a million during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, at least 50,000
in Sierra Leone, and between 20,000 and 50,000 in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the early 1990s.
Prosecutions for these crimes have been rare. In conflicts marked by high levels of sexual and
gender-based violence, the end of the conflict may not bring an end to that violence. In the
aftermath of some conflicts, sexual violence actually rises as a consequence of a culture of
impunity and in the absence of institutions to protect communities and apprehend and try
perpetrators. In such settings, women can be prevented from getting education, regaining
physical and psychological health, gaining a stable financial footing, and participating in all
aspects of governance and peace building. Some pointed to the role technology can play.
“Women have been known to use mobile phones, for instance, to report crimes perpetrated
against them and to testify in situations where they would be otherwise unable due to distance
and difficulties in traveling,” said Juliet Asante, the chief executive officer of Eagle Productions,
Ltd., in Ghana.

2.6.3 Economic Development

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It is widely understood that economic recovery is important for stability in countries
transitioning out of conflict. Determining who has access to economic opportunity has important
implications for sustainable peace. Because wars create more female heads of households and
force more women to become active in informal markets so their families can survive,
reconstruction offers countries the opportunity to take a new look at the constraints women face
in building businesses. By investing in the half of their human capital that is most underutilized,
countries that institute gender-aware reforms can also realize important macroeconomic benefits.
A key area for new policy is removing legal constraints, including restrictions on women’s
ownership of land. Land is one of the more important assets for households in developing
countries, but women in these countries are less likely than men to own and control it.
Worldwide, women own 1 to 2 percent of registered land.9 In Uganda, where women are the
primary cultivators, women own 7 percent of the land they till. Because they access land through
male relatives, women’s economic security is weak, and any decisions regarding investment or
selling land typically require the signature of a husband or other male relative. Conflict
magnifies the difficulties that such legal restrictions place on women, where men may be absent
and more women become widows and thus heads of households but cannot inherit the land on
which they work. Another important constraint in post conflict settings is the difficulty women
face in starting businesses. When the Taliban came to power in Afghanistan in 1996 and barred
women from public life and work, Afghan women turned to informal enterprises for their
livelihoods, and the importance of the informal economy for women continues to the present.
The World Bank reports that more than half of Afghan women in female-headed households are
sewing, embroidering, or washing laundry for others.10 As one Afghan participant put it,
“Economic activity is critical to the empowerment of women, especially in Afghanistan, where
women are confined to the four walls of the house” and where weak, broken, corrupt institutions
make it critical to allow women to build enterprises at home. “Doing business anywhere in the
world is difficult, but add conflict and that makes it even more difficult,” said Rangina Hamidi,
president of Kandahar Treasure, which employs women artisans in Kandahar. The benefits of
informal enterprise are manifold, she added. “Instead of depending on the aid world for short-
term, ill-visioned projects that are decided outside your community and country, business allows
us to own the work we do,” and therefore to benefit society and to pay for educating their
children. While expressing admiration for the resilience and creativity of women operating in

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informal sectors of the economy, many experts call for removing barriers to women’s entry into
formal enterprises as well. In post conflict Liberia, half of all enterprises are informal. A Foreign
Investment Advisory Service survey of barriers to converting informal businesses to formal ones
in Liberia confirmed that women are more likely than men to own informal enterprises, fewer
women had taken steps to formalize their enterprises, and those that tried to obtain licenses or
permits reported more difficulty in dealing with government officials. Because informal
businesses were less likely to experience increased employment, the analysis suggested that the
preponderance of informal enterprise was an impediment to business growth. Limited access to
finance and capital is another constraint facing female entrepreneurs, and this constraint becomes
more acute during war. Microcredit has proved a key mechanism for helping women in small,
informal enterprises, both in building businesses and dignity in difficult circumstances. Unlike
traditional finance mechanisms, microfinance takes into account women’s inability to use land or
other resources as collateral. “It also means they can begin to plan longer term,” said Otero. The
ability to save and plan their spending increases the economic security of women. NATO
Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen summed up the themes of the conference: “Women
are not just victims of conflict. They must also be part of the solution. If women are not active
participants in peace building and reconciliation, the views, needs, and interests of half of the
population in a conflict area are not properly represented. That is simply wrong. It can also
undermine the peace. . . .”
Resolution 1325 is a landmark resolution because it not only recognizes the impact of conflict
on women, it also recognizes the important role that women can play—and indeed must play—in
preventing and resolving conflict and in building peace. Verveer added that Resolution 1325
“cannot and must not be seen as a favor to women. Women’s exclusion from the peace processes
undermines the long-term post conflict transformation that must take place.” According to the
United Nations, twenty-three nations have adopted action plans to implement resolution 1325 in
the ten years since it was adopted, and several only recently. The United States announced in
October 2010 that it will develop a national action plan as well. To mark resolution 1325’s
anniversary, the United Nations Security Council in October 2010 declared its support for a
report by the secretary-general that includes twenty-six quantitative and qualitative indicators to
measure progress on implementing 1325. While citing myriad actions taken over the last decade
to increase women’s role in global security, the secretary-general’s report acknowledged that

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these efforts have lacked coordination and have been hampered by the lack of measurable
results.13 Conference participants expressed the hope that better data collection efforts would
lead to more effective gender equality and mainstreaming in peace and security efforts. The
UN’s Cheng-Hopkins cited two salient elements of the secretary-general’s action plan for
implementing 1325: a target of 15 percent of post conflict spending going to gender equality
efforts and a recommendation that countries that have instituted a quota system for women in
parliament share best practices. Another participant spoke of her own experience with quotas in
Afghanistan: “It was mandated [in Helmand Province] that five out of the thirty members of the
Gerishk Community Council must be women,” said Charlotte Brath, a Danish civilian military
cooperation officer. “Everyone was skeptical of this idea, even the Danish female officer who
was working with them. But it worked. The women were well educated, well respected, and able.
Because of these five women role models, more women are now politically and publically
active.” But, she added, “Since I left Helmand Province in February 2010, it has not been
possible to deploy another female officer to work with the women. When we are so eager to have
the Afghan women become more actively involved, why are we so afraid to have more women
actively participate ourselves?” Although the conference workshops parsed the issues of gender
and security into their economic, political, justice, and human rights components, many
participants stressed the futility of countries, NGOs, and international organizations focusing on
only one or two elements, as all components are integral to an effective, whole-of-government
approach to increasing security for women. As such, the best practices discussed at the
conference are not part of an a la carte menu, but part of one recipe for progress on women’s
inclusion. For example, there is no way to increase women’s participation in the formal economy
if it is not safe for them to leave the house, and reconciliation is not possible where a culture of
impunity for crimes against women prevails. Yet if women are allowed to take leading roles in
reconstruction, peace building, and the economy, they can change the gender dynamics and
attitudes of their societies. “We are often told that women can’t be mediators, they can’t be
negotiators, and they can’t play significant roles in the [peace] process because there are no
qualified women,” Verveer said. “Experience tells us otherwise. Therefore, we need to make
sure that when we are told that qualified women are not available, we have lists ready.” Many
experts have emphasized that post conflict environments can offer women a window of
opportunity to consolidate wartime gains in entrepreneurial or peace building skills and to

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redefine traditional gender roles in war’s aftermath. Another common theme stressed by those
who work on gender and security issues is that the goal of gender-based programs and national
action plans is not only to improve women’s lives but to affect the relationship between men and
women, particularly in fragile societies, where cultural barriers to women’s participation in
security tend to be high. “Women and men are both partners and should work hand in hand,”
said Jani Jallah, youth representative of the Angie Brooks International Centre in Liberia. “In
programs that focus on women, at least one day should be dedicated to educating men on the
importance of empowering their wives. We have to have a balanced society. If we focus only on
women, in the future we will see that we have the problem that more women are educated than
men.” Although cultural norms may appear immutable, participants stressed that in many
societies struggling for stability after war, power relationships in old regimes and prevailing
cultural barriers become more malleable and subject to change. The key to women taking
advantage of the fluid period new regimes may offer is thus to convince government officials
and local leaders that involving women is critical to creating lasting peace. As Søren Pind,
Danish minister of development cooperation, said, “You won’t find a fragile state that supports
the rights of women. You won’t find a stable society that neglects the rights of women. I believe
that the stability and development of a society are directly interlinked with the rights and
activities of its women. We must take up the dual challenge of working in fragile states and of
pursuing the women, peace, and security agenda.”
2.7 CASE STUDIES ON WOMEN INVOLVEMENT IN PEACE AVOCACY
The method used in this research will be a multiple case study that examines several cases and
will try to compare them by looking at women’s different roles in all of these cases (George and
Bennett, 2005). Case studies have the advantage that the method can help to create new
hypotheses and variables in a research field. George and Bennett identify a case study as “a well-
defined aspect of a historical episode that the investigator selects for analysis” (2005, pp. 18).
The researcher thus chooses what event to investigate and what theories to use which will
present a possible answer and hypothesis to the research questions. Using a multiple case study
approach will help to gain a more in depth knowledge of the research problem and help to
answer the research questions of how women are incorporated in peace agreements and what
they actually work with (Yin, 2014). This can be done since a case study can help to understand
the decisions that were taken, how they were implemented and with what result (Schramm, 1971

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in Yin, 2014, pp. 15). When conducting multiple cases in a study this can work as a way to draw
out characteristics from all the cases to find an answer to the research questions. One of the
advantages of using a comparative case study is that the evidences collected to draw conclusions
are more compelling and creates more vigorous findings to analyze.
408 peace agreements are available at the UN Peacemaker website for the time period from the
year 2000 to 2016. Of these, ninety of the peace agreements are picked up by the key search
word ‘Women and Gender issues’ from the year 2000-2016. This showed that there are several
peace agreements that discuss the role of women. However, the way they address women and
their part in the peace process are very varying and can be divided into two categories based on
to what extent they are mentioned in peace agreements. The first category is the one that does not
mention women’s roles in the society in any elaborate way. These peace agreements only make a
reference to women as wives or victims of war. In the second category women are mentioned in
a more elaborate way where the inclusion of women or the need for women to have more
equality are mentioned, their roles in the society and how women shall be included to create a
sustainable peace. From the second category five cases, all addressing women in different ways
that is more elaborate than just concerning victimhood or equality has been chosen as case
studies for this research.
In the peace agreements which were examined, 67 of the agreements falls under category one,
where women are not mentioned in any elaborate way or are only considered as victims of some
sort. 23 of the peace agreements mention women’s equality or reference the need to be
considerate of the UN resolution 1325 and the fair representation of women, some to a higher
extent than others. Only six peace agreements - Libya, CAR, Somalia, Yemen, Zimbabwe and
Sudan - elaborate somewhat on women and their roles. The remaining five cases were thus
selected to be compared in this research based on the peace agreements that were signed in these
countries include women in a more elaborate way. The following part will discuss how women
are mentioned in the peace agreements that are signed for each country and then following, how
and what women actually work within the informal setting to see if women are limited to the
aspects that they are assigned to or if they work in other areas as well.

2.7.1 Women’s Peace Work in Libya

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In Libya, women have been excluded from the formal work in the peace process and especially
the mediation and reconciliation part. The organizations that work with mediation in the area
state that the inclusion of women is difficult as the male elders who are the ones who usually
take part in the mediations would not allow for women to participate. In some cases, there have
been separate meetings for women and men, where the group of women shares their strategies
with the men and thus influencing the mediation (Larsson & Mannergren, 2014).
One of these meetings where women met to discuss peace took place in November in 2017.
Women from the major cities in Libya came to participate in a workshop set up by the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL)
and during these days the women discussed the issue of how to create a sustainable peace in the
region. The women participating found that even though they were of different tribes and with
different political belongings their goals were similar and decided to work together by
influencing their societies and start the reconciliation process between their different tribes
(UNDP, 2017).
One organization in Libya that works for and with women is known as the National Movement
for Libya (NML). They have over 80 female leaders from several different tribes and of different
ethnical groups. The organization organized a so-called tent movement, where they have camps
in the areas where the conflict is played out for women who have lost their husbands or sons to
engage and meet other women in the same position. The aim with this is for women from
different tribes to meet and form bonds so that they can help with the mediation and spread the
message of reconciliation in the different tribes. The women working in the organization are also
active in negotiating cease-fire with the military leaders so that the wounded can get
humanitarian help and the aid they need in the midst of the battles, this is however not without
risk as the women who have these roles often become targets and are being killed because of
their engagement (Athie, 2017). Another NGO in Libya concerning women and peace is the
Libyan Women’s Platform for Peace (LWPP) and was created in the year 2011. The women who
are active in the NGO comes from several different cities and work for women’s rights in the
post Qadhafi Libya. The work they engage in is centred around women’s rights, leadership by
the youth in the country as well as advancement and security regarding women’s empowerment
in the political and economic sphere (LWPP, 2016).

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One of the major problems that women who are participating in peace processes are facing is that
women who advocate for gender equality are targeted for slander, abuse and threats. Even
women who work in politics and who advocate for equality are targeted where they experience
violent attacks and are even in some cases assassinated. These crimes are rarely seen as having a
political agenda and thus women’s roles in the formal sphere are threatened based on
conservative and patriarchal cultural practices. Further, women are seen as the individuals who
hold the family’s honour, this limits women in how they can act since they do not act on as an
individual but on behalf of the whole family (Larsson & Mannergren, 2014).
Even though women in Libya experience hardship for their role in society, they have since the
revolution been able to engage in the political sphere, especially as informal actors. Women were
a powerful force in the overthrowing of the dictator Qadhafi, they were also active in the
revolution in which aftermath, and they have pressed for the rights to engage in the mediation
processes, even if only to a smaller extent (Larsson & Mannergren, 2014).
2.7.2 Women’s Peace Work in Somalia
In Somalia, the advocates for peace have traditionally been male and often amongst the elders.
This since they have the means to have dialogues and mediate for peace and in the formal peace
talks, women, however, are often excluded all together from these processes due to patriarchal
structures (UN Women, n.d.). Despite this, women are often effective in influencing the elders in
how to engage in the peace processes. A reason for this is due to women’s affiliation to multiple
clans, for example, through their fathers, siblings and so on, resulting in a view where women are
not trusted as advocates for their clan in formal peace talks. However, when it comes to peace
building, women are often included because of their affiliation with other clans where they can
help to build relationships with these clans (Jama, 2010). In some of the clans in Somalia,
women have more power than in others, especially if they are related to an elder, have wealth or
come from a respected family. These women can often influence and pressure the men and
especially the elders in the clan to take part in peace building. Unfortunately, women do not get
to participate in the formal negotiations for peace that they have lobbied for. There are many
examples of what women in Somalia engage in peace building, for example they work with;
Human Rights, Disarmament, Peace and Security and political advocacy (Jama, 2010). In a field
study done by Joyce Gichuru in 2014 in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, the researcher asked
the women who participated in the study several questions considering their role in peace

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building. For example, questions such as; if they had any training and how they engaged, with
the help of organizations or if there was a culture of peace building in the societies they lived in,
were asked. Gichuru found that the women in Somalia had several roles in peace building where
the main focus were found at the community level. These roles were amongst other, dismantling
illegal checkpoints that were controlled by different armed militia groups and creating groups
that consisted of women and youths that worked for peace and security in their communities.
One major role that the women had were to bring the opposing parties together to start the
reconciliation process, both on a local and a national level. Gichuru’s (2014, p. 37) research
further consisted of a quantitative study were the women answered how included they were in
different areas, on a scale used by the researcher. Two of these being participation in conflict
resolution and prevention and participation in post conflict peace building. Both of these scored
very low, where women felt like they played little to no part in these areas and then specifically
in the Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR), Security Sector Reform (SSR)
and post conflict elections and governance areas. One reason for this is that women are not
regarded as combatants and are thus neither part of armed groups. Instead women in Somalia
have focused on advocating to end harmful cultural practices, these being female genital
mutilation (FGM), child marriage, affirmative action and the use of effective conflict resolution
mechanisms.
The NGO Somali Women Development Center (SWDC) that works for women in Somalia can
be found in many areas. Amongst these, one can find peace building and reconciliation where
they work with female volunteers. One of their projects between the year of 2011 and 2012 went
through a first phase where women from five different districts were engaged in strengthening
the peace and security between the neighborhoods’ in their districts. Over 500 women in the five
different districts did work with both arrange activities and reporting incidents to the police as to
restore basic rule of law (SWDC, 2016).
2.7.3 Women’s Peace Work in Yemen
When the Arabic spring came to Yemen in 2011, the Yemini women were at the front of the
revolution, where they engaged in a non-violent protest and demanding a better future for
themselves. When the conflict became violent, some women became combatants or smuggled
arms. However, most women decided to serve the combatants by delivering food and water to
them, caring for the wounded and guarded checkpoints. Later women have helped to engage in

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humanitarian relief, mapping internally displaced persons (IDPs), providing aid to by smuggling
medicine and food. They have also demonstrated for the detained civilians and kidnapped
persons to be released, negotiated for release of detainees who have been kept on all sides.
Further, women have worked to reintegrate child soldiers back into society (Anderlini, Jarhum,
Allam & Cowick, 2017, Saferworld, n.d.).
Due to the cultural roles in Yemen, women are seen as passive beings who does not have the
expertise or capacity to engage in the peace process. In the formal peace talks in 2016, only a
few women from Yemen were allowed to participate. The women who were participating were
regulated to only partake in the unofficial discussions and these had limited impact and relevance
to the main negotiations that were held. Even though the national peace reconciliation process
has not included women in a meaningful way, when it comes to the work regarding the peace
building and mediation on a local level, women are very much engaged and have big impact in
the society. For example, women are consulted and provide representation in tribal mediation in
front of both men and community leaders (Oxfam, 2017).
UN Women, who work in Yemen for women’s participation in humanitarian aspects and
empowerment in the political sphere did in 2015 gather women from Yemen in Cyprus back to
discuss their vision for their country (UN Women, 2017). This gathering also resulted in the
creation of the Yemeni Women Pact for Peace and Security (YWPPS). Their goal is to increase
the number of women who participate in the formal peace building process. Unfortunately,
women are still excluded from and ignored from the formal peace work and rarely get any
meaningful right to participate in the peace process (Anderlini, Jarhum, Allam & Cowick, 2017).
In Yemen, both during the conflict and after, women have helped to organize humanitarian aid,
mapping of the IDPs and the households that were affected by the war. Further the women have
also helped to organize the relief assistance to the vulnerable places. The efforts of assistance
made by women have not been easy, this since there have been resistance towards their help
where they have faced threats and restrictions by certain groups who want to limit the
participation of women in the public sphere (Heinze & Baabbad, 2017).
Even though women are limited in the areas of which they can engage in, the women
participating in the study by Heinze & Baabbad (2017) did point out that they do engage in
several activities in order to have a positive impact on their communities. For example, women

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do help and work with promoting school and the enrolment rate amongst the youths, they also
work to achieve better security from the threats that are present in the community.
2.7.4 Women’s Peace Work in Zimbabwe
At the International Conference on Women’s political and Economic Empowerment and Peace
building that was held in April 2011, prior to the signing of the peace agreement. At the
conference the women of Zimbabwe adopted a resolution that demanded for a minimum of 30%
representation within the executive, legislative and judicial branches of the government (UN
Women, 2014).
In both the rural areas as well as on a national level, women have several entry points to where
and how they can participate in peace building in Zimbabwe. For example, the women in rural
areas engage in village-committees, women’s clubs and churches that work as a place for more
traditional peace resolution. The church was chosen as a place for women to engage in peace
building and particularly in mediation since women was considered to get more respect and
legitimacy through the church and thus enhance women’s role in peace building. Women in
Zimbabwe are often engaged in activities that work towards community healing and
reconciliation, however, this is rarely referred to as peace building in the country (UN Women,
2014).
In the rural areas, women are an important part for the peace building. They engage in various
parts in the community and then especially at the grassroots level where they for example
provide for the basic needs for those living in the community. These needs being child care,
psychological help, advocating and lobbying for human rights and the issue of gender inequality.
However, these efforts are rarely recognized as important parts in the peace building process and
thus, get no formal recognition as peace work (Rukuni, Shanyisa, Madhuku & Maxwell, 2016).
One NGO called Women’s Action Group Zimbabwe (WAG) work for women and their rights
and have different projects to enhance women’s status in the society. One focal point of their
projects is the prevention of violence and sexual abuse towards women. Another project that
have been completed is concerning a peace building project. In this project women from several
different communities are taught mediation and other skills as to help solve conflicts. However,
the peace building project is not one in itself but is instead incorporated in all their work towards
women’s rights and building a more sustainable society. The work continued by incorporating

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peace building skills in all their activities which has led to women being more confident in their
roles as peace builders (WAG, n.d.).
Another issue for women in Zimbabwe is the maternal mortality rate. This has led to a project for
women to engage in, which is a midwife project to create a safer space for women to have
children. In 2009, the maternal mortality rate was 980 deaths per 100.000 births. To lower these
numbers, the elderly women are training each other in midwifery skills. Further, the women who
are active in this project wanted to make a difference and help to end the violence against
women, and therefore women from several provinces gathered for the 16 Days of Activism to
End Violence against Women (UN Women, 2014).
In Zimbabwe, an organization called The Women’s Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ) includes 60
organizations and has eight offices around the country. The WCoZ works for women and helping
women to lobby and advocate for activities concerning women’s participation in the constitution-
making process. Zimbabwean women have lived in a country that does not in the constitution
secure their human rights as citizens to a full extent. This is evident in section 23 of the current
constitution that opens up for the possibility of women being discriminated due to cultural
practices. This in turn lead to the women of Zimbabwe coming to the realization that they need
to participate in the re-making of the constitution which in turn has led to that during the past
years, the women of Zimbabwe have been an active part of this process (Mushonga, 2011).
2.7.5 Women’s Peace Work in Sudan
Historically, women in Sudan have had a big impact on conflict resolution and have also had a
significant role in peace building, especially concerning healing, reconciliation and building
bridges between divisions created by the conflict (Freitas, 2016). Women were in the 1990’s
involved in peace building at the grassroots level where they were part of the ”People to People”
initiative which was an initiative to heal the internal conflicts that were present in the country at
the time. In 1994, over seven hundred women attended a women’s conference for civic groups. It
was also one of the first times that the military institution had to recognize the women as a part
of the civil society and thus attempted to co-ordinate their operations with the civilian group
created (Itto, 2006 & Faria, 2011). Since the 1990s, many of the peace building initiatives
worked on by women have focused on grassroots levels of the conflict, by using their mediation
skills and establishing indigenous peace processes women have worked towards a more peaceful
society. The forums that the women created have been used to working towards ending inter-

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ethnic conflicts. However, the focus has also been on a national level where many women in
Sudan were engaged in groups, NGOs and different networks. This as a way to spread a message
where they advocated for peace and wanted to draw attention towards the conflict in their
country, which then often was referred to as ‘the forgotten war’ (Itto, 2006).
Women in Sudan have contributed to peace building in several ways, some of the practices used
are songs, dances, peace missions and marriage. In some areas women used the threat of their
nakedness to force impact since women’s nakedness is regarded as a curse in Sudan. For
example, were this used as a way for women to force their sons to give up their arms and protest
against the conflict. Further, the women wanted to bring in women from other communities than
their own to try to build relationships and create peace and they have been especially useful in
the inter-ethnic reconciliation processes (Itto, 2006 & Ogunasnya, 2007). The Sudanese women
realized that the conflict in their country was without end. This resulted in women organizing
themselves into groups to advocate for peace on an international level. In these groups they
brought attention to what the consequences are of civil war and attempted to be incorporated in
the peace building (Ogunasnya, 2007).
There are several organizations working for women’s rights in Sudan. For example, in the north
of Sudan, a group called Women Empowerment for Peace and Development Network has
worked for women’s democratic rights and encourages women to take a bigger part in decision
making. Further, they work with analyzing the laws that discriminated women to create a change
in the legislation. Another group called Nuba Women work on issues concerning women’s rights
and advocate for peace. The Nuba women organization is also carrying out their work through
the church and their network. Additionally, they also engage in mobilizing the community as to
increase women’s role in politics and have economic empowerment (ElSawi, 2011).
2.7.6 Role of women in Burundi’s conflict resolution
Women’s participation in the Burundi’s conflict resolution helped to integrate gender equality
into democratic governance and the peace building framework. This was as a result of the quotas
in the peace agreement and Burundi’s new constitution. Pressure from women’s organization
contributed to a culture of negotiation for national peace. The participation of women was
initially inconsistent due to lack of political will by all sides and in some cases strong resistance
by political parties. The Arusha peace process began with 17 different political parties meeting
for the first round of talks in July 1998. When no civic organizations were authorized to

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participate, Hutu and Tutsi women decided to join force to protest against this exclusion and to
call for a place at the peace table. Their initiative led to the creation of numerous women’s
NGOs, among them the Group of Associations and Feminine NGOs of Burundi, Women’s
Network for Peace and Non-Violence, and the Women’s Association for Peace. These groups
organized a wide range of activities, including workshops on non-violent conflict resolution, a
forum gathering women from different ethnic backgrounds, uniting women from the Diaspora
and women living in the country to discuss strategies for national reconstruction. The
Dushirahamwe [Let us reconcile] network succeeded in bringing together displaced and refugee
women, with the aim of identifying obstacles to peaceful cohabitation within the country.
The various activities carried out in the name of peace have slowly helped reconstruct networks
of committed women, networks that were shattered during the conflict. According to Alice
Ntwarante and Marie-Goretti Ndacayisaba (2000): “The mobilization for peace has brought
together women from all walks of life; intellectuals and farmers, young and old, rich and poor
women. The relations between them improve thanks to the atmosphere of harmony and
transparency that prevailed during the different meetings.” A breakthrough was reached when
UNIFEM and the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation sponsored the All-Party Burundi’s women
peace conference held July 17-20, 2000 in Arusha, Tanazania. As requested, each of the 19
Burundi organizations represented at the peace negotiation sent two women delegates. More than
50 Burundi women and observer participated in the event. The women’s proposals were
presented at a meeting with former South African President Nelson Mandela, who was
designated to replace the late Mwalimu Nyerere, one of the patriarchs of the national liberation
movements, as the facilitator for the Burundi peace negotiations. Among the steps of action
requested were the following:
 A women’s charter to be included in the constitution and the elimination of all laws
discriminatory to women;
 Special measures for women’s security;
 Women’s right to land and inheritance;
 Equal access to education for women and girls; and
 An end to impunity for gender-based war crimes, including domestic violence.
All the women’s recommendations were accepted by the 19 parties and were integrated into the
final document of the peace accord – with the exception of a clause requesting a 30% quota to

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promote women’s representation at all decision making levels (UNIFEM, 2001).
It took almost four years of persistence for the Burundi women to get their voice heard on the
peace process. In the first round of the negotiations, women were absent. Burundian women felt
this should not be so, and found way to join in the negotiations, angering the male delegates.
Eventually women were allowed in as observers but with no right to take part in the talks.
Further, when the negotiation began, women were prevented from entering the negotiating room.
Determined to make their voices heard, they had to adopt a different tactic and decided to
intercept representation of political parties in the corridors of government buildings after
meetings, urging representatives to integrate women’s perspectives into the peace process. Their
efforts were finally acknowledged.
The mobilization of women in the peace process led to the creation of structures that helped
women asserts their right and come to terms with the consequences of the civil war. The women
of Burundi are still struggling to be integrated into the formal setting of the peace process,
trapped in their traditional role that does not allow them to be visible in the public sphere.
Despite the mobilization of women, the country is still divided along ethnic lines, impeding any
attempt to bring peace and reconciliation.

2.7.7 Women’s participation in peace building and reconciliation in Iraq

This is a rapid case study review which synthesizes data from academic, policy and NGO
sources on women’s participation in peace building in Iraq by Driscoll, (2017). Driscoll (2017)
defined Peace building as a ‘range of measures targeted to reduce the risk of lapsing or relapsing
into conflict by strengthening national capacities at all levels for conflict management and to lay
the foundation for sustainable peace and development’, and reconciliation will be included under
this term (Khodary, 2016, p. 499). He opined that there is a severe lack of focus on women and
peace building, which is mirrored by the limited role women have played in institutionalized
peace building in Iraq. Moreover, there is little disaggregation in the literature between the
various religions, ethnic groups or class structures and women are categorized together as
uniform.
Driscoll (2017) made his key findings as follows:
 Women are hugely underrepresented in peace processes as core actors and when they do
participate their role is limited and the quality of their participation is extremely

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 important.
 There are several opportunities to increase gender equality in the immediate aftermath of
conflict and it is important that these are harnessed whilst the window is open.
 Research points to the increased likelihood of reaching an agreement and of the longevity
of the agreement if women are involved in the peace process (O’Reilly et al., 2015).
 It is important that women’s peace building is locally driven with international support,
and civil society has a significant role to play in this through pressuring political actors.
 To gain rights, Iraqi women have a history of using civil society, rather than the political
sphere, which is still seen to mainly be the domain of men.
 Following the invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iraqi women continued to utilize civil society
spaces to pressure for political gains, as they were not granted through the coalition.
 Women’s civil society organizations in Iraq are able to engage with more people at a
local level and are an important actor in pushing for political change.
 Although the launching of the Iraqi National Action Plan (INAP) to implement
Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security was a significant step, the plan ignores
women’s participation in conflict resolution and reconciliation.
 Whilst women’s participation in peace building in Iraq is limited, at a local level there are
a number of important initiatives led by civil society that are gradually increasing
women’s role in peace building at a micro level.
 There remain a number of obstacles to women’s participation in the political sphere,
including the security situation, cultural barriers, and the tribal/high ranking nature of
negotiations.
 The partisan nature of Iraqi politics often means that the women who get involved are not
promoting women’s interests, or that it is not in the power of these women to raise issues
that go against their party.
Iraq has a history of women’s participation and early in the 1900s women were pushing for
independence and equal rights. In the 1920s and 1930s women from privileged families were
enrolling in universities and entering the job market. During this period, women were also
aiming to gain the rights of full citizens and to be permitted in public without a veil. By 1952 the
Iraqi Women’s League (IWL) was founded with the aim of defending the rights of women and
children. IWL also established literacy centers focusing on women’s education and encouraged

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their involvement in politics through civil society. In 1958 the Kurdish Women’s Federation
(KWF) was established, which focused on national independence and Kurdish autonomy. These
organizations encouraged women’s participation in politics and campaigned for their social and
economic rights. IWL managed to successfully campaign for laws granting women employment,
education, and inheritance rights following the 1958 revolution. As part of the socialist
revolution post-1958 education became mandatory for all under 16s, and women were
encouraged to attend universities. As a result more women joined the work force and this was
particularly high when men went to fight in the Iran-Iraq War (Brennan, 2003).
Under the Baathist regime, with increased wealth from oil, Iraq underwent considerable social
sector expansion in the 1970 and 1980s. As a result, by the 1990s primary school attendance
reached 93% and women became prominent actors in the workforce. Although women’s
employment rates remained low, there was a considerable increase from 13% in 1997 to 21% in
1993. Women also constituted 79% of the services sector, 43.9% of the professional and
technical sectors, and 12.7% in administrative and organizational posts (Pina, 2006: 2).
However, women still suffered political repression and mainly used civil society to pressure for
gains, rather than the male dominated political system. In 1972 the Baathists formed the General
Federation of Iraqi Women (GFIW), which became the only legally sanctioned women’s
organization in Iraq. However, in his later years Saddam Hussein began restricting the activities
and rights that the GFIW secured for Iraqi women and as the economy constricted in the late
1990s women were pushed out of the labour market. Following the fall of the Saddam regime,
women’s rights and participation in politics was not granted at the levels expected by some
actors, and some women felt they were actually worse off (Moghadam, 2005). It is also argued
the invasion led to Iraqi women activists losing all they had achieved and that the justifications
of the invasion as being empowering for women was thus completely false, as the opposite
actually occurred (Thompson, 2013). In July 2003 the US-led Coalition Provisional Authority
(CPA), unveiled the 25-member Iraqi Governing Council (IGC), which included only three
women. Additionally, one of the female members of the IGC, Akila al-Hashimi, was
assassinated in September 2003. Moreover, there were no Iraqi women on the nine-member
committee drafting the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL), which acted as Iraq’s interim
constitution (Pina, 2006).

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Henrizi (2015) argues that women’s rights and participation were sidelined to other priorities
following the invasion of Iraq by the coalition forces. However, hybrid spaces of agency for
women in civil society have been created since the invasion. Women have been able to utilize
these spaces to address security concerns, make efforts to overcome sectarian ideas, and to add a
longer-term perspective of transformation process. According to Henrizi (2015) international
help eventually proved crucial to helping Iraqi women recreate civil society and develop agency,
which suffered under the later years of Saddam’s regime. In 2005, a quota of 25 % for women in
parliament was introduced and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) increased this quota
to 30 % in 2009. However, women remain underrepresented in local and national government
and women’s needs are not part of the political agenda, pointing again to the issue of descriptive,
rather than substantive representation. When in 2006 Iraq adopted a national reconciliation
programme, there were no women in the coalition and instead a separate, much less prominent
Office for Women was formed (Moghadam, 2005).
According to Kaya (2016) a significant step towards enabling women’s participation and
protection in the processes of conflict resolution and peace-building was taken with the launch of
the Iraqi National Action Plan (INAP) to implement the United Nations Security Council
Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in 2014. INAP mainly focuses on political
participation and improving women’s rights. It largely ignores some of the key areas of
Resolution 1325, such as women’s participation in conflict resolution and reconciliation,
prevention of violence against women, and women’s specific relief needs in conflict and post-
conflict. Additionally, INAP was not drafted by the wider political community, thus making it
lack the legitimacy necessary for its implementation; it also lacks a defined timeline, budget, and
monitoring mechanism. Without consulting civil society the Iraqi government removed sections
on social and economic empowerment and of legislation and law enforcement, which makes it
difficult to improve women’s participation in peace & security issues.1 However, Iraq is the first
country in the Middle East to launch a programme to implement Resolution 1325 and it is a step
in the right direction towards furthering women’s interests in the country (Kaya, 2016).
Khodary (2016) highlights the importance of civil society for women engagement in Iraq and
argues that it is as important as their engagement in the formal levels of government. Civil
society organizations at the local level are able to appeal to more people, include more women,
and can mobilize people and decision makers to pressurize for women’s rights. Women’s civil

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society played an important role shaping INAP, even if some important pillars were later
removed without their knowledge. Seven Iraqi women civil society organizations played a major
role in the development of INAP over a two-year period. Additionally, in May 2015, the Al-
Amal Association organized the Regional Feminist Security Forum on Resolution 1325 in the
Middle East and North Africa region. The Forum resulted in the “Arbil Declaration” and stressed
solidarity among women against violence, terrorism, and extremism, as well as the need to
increase the role of women in peace building, conflict resolution, and negotiations (Khodary,
2016).
In July 2017 the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), in collaboration with UN
Women and the Government of Iraq National Reconciliation Committee, Office of the Prime
Minister’s Women and Gender Affairs Department organized a meeting with leading Iraqi
women to discuss women’s participation in Iraq’s National Reconciliation process. The
participants called for a smooth transitional justice system following the defeat of the Islamic
State and for accountability for those who committed crimes against women during the conflict.
Importantly, they called for the Political Parties law to be amended to ensure representation of
women in the parties’ leadership. However, women are still under-represented in decision-
making positions and in national peace building forums, and actors, such as the Swedish
government, are working to build the capacity of women’s rights organizations and media actors
in this regard.

Civil society has become an important space for women to organize, as access to the political
structures is restricted. Again, despite the 25% quota for women in the parliament, it is argued
that this just ensures women are represented numerically, but does not lead to them having any
real impact on decision-making and thus Henrizi (2015) argues that women rather see NGOs as
places for political agency. Moreover, due to the turbulent political situation and no means of
accountability for political parties, female MPs are hindered from advancing women’s rights
(Davis, 2016). In Iraq politics is often considered a space for men and civil society, as a space for
women to exercise their agency. From a feminist perspective, it is not only important to push for
a greater involvement of women in politics, but also it is crucial to recognize these other spaces.
Therefore, these other, civil, spaces need to be viewed as political, as women’s political agency
is enacted in them and this can transcend into formal political spaces. Henrizi (2015) also argues

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that formal international spaces created by organizations such as the UN where women’s agency
is central, allows for Iraqi women to balance power imbalances and gives them the opportunity
to force state institutions to fulfill its obligations with regards to women (Henrizi, 2015).
Although the post-conflict period opens up opportunities for increasing women’s participation in
politics and peace building, it is important to note the damages done to women’s rights under the
Islamic State’s rule. For instance, women had limited options to work, were expected to dress a
certain way in public (Niqab, black and without decoration), were no longer allowed in public
without a male relative, there were forced marriages (including of young girls), and most girls
stopped attending school. These dynamics created a shift in gender norms that in turn need to be
renegotiated post Islamic State and thus humanitarian interventions that take this shift into
consideration can contribute to more egalitarian renegotiation of gender roles (Dietrich & Carter,
2017).
Currently, in a project run by PAX and funded by the United Kingdom Embassy in Baghdad,
nine Iraqi Women parliamentarian members are engaging with citizen platforms and women
groups in the newly accessible areas of Nineveh. The aim is to develop an action plan with the
community on gender sensitive social reconstruction, community reconciliation and transitional
justice. The idea is to create a safe space for women to air their grievance and articulate their
ideas with the MPs acting as role models. The plan will be presented to stakeholders and through
this platform the aim is to include women’s priorities in post-ISIS reconstruction and
stabilization (PAX, 2017). At a local level the current conflict in Iraq and the resulting dynamics
have opened up a number of opportunities for women to participate in peace building. In Kirkuk
province a local organization, Iraqi Al-Amal Association (IAA), has been training IDP women in
camps to become mediators to solve local conflicts. As a result of the training a number of
women ran in the camp elections to become local mediators (a role traditionally occupied by
men) and 60 women were elected in Laylan camp, most that went from very traditional gender
roles to becoming community leaders. IAA has also facilitated interactions between women and
the police force in Kirkuk with the aim of uniting the efforts of women with the police in peace
building. In November 2016, they organized a conference with the Kirkuk police where 55
police officers and 50 women activists attended, along with several judges, members of the
Kirkuk Provincial Council and representatives of the university (Cordaid, 2017).

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In August 2017 in Mosul, the Iraqi Women Network held a conference with Iraqi civil society
from throughout the country on women as peacemakers in Iraq. The conference gave women
from Mosul the opportunity to share their experiences and discuss their role in confronting
extremism in the city during the Islamic State’s control of Mosul. The conference stressed the
determination of Iraqi women to play a role in the process of political reform, resolving conflict,
as well as building peace and justice (Iraqi Women Network, 2017).
In the Kurdish Region of Iraq and the Yazidi parts of Nineveh Province women have taken up
roles in fighting the Islamic State, which in a traditionally conservative society plays an
important role in challenging the perception of women’s roles throughout society. It also contests
the perceived norm of women as caregivers and even objects when they become perceived as
spoils of war, which transfers into the peace building process. Moreover, women as combatants
challenge the patriarchal society itself (Nilsson, 2017).
Insecurity in Iraq is a significant obstacle to women’s political engagement and participation and
this has led many women to leave politics or activism. Social and cultural barriers also often
hinder women’s participation in Iraq, particularly the patriarchal cultural norm whereby women
often need permission to engage in activities outside the home. These barriers inform decision-
making and are thus reinforced in post-conflict reconstruction and political settlements. These
attitudes are not solely the domain of men and are transferred to women too. According to a
study carried out by the UN only 67.7 % of Iraqi women believe that women should participate
in elections as candidates and 84.8 % believe that women should vote. Moreover, 41.5 % said
they did not want to participate in political affairs as this was the domain of men (Khodary,
2016, p. 503). Finally, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) found that only about half
of men aged 10-30 in Iraq supported women’s right to work (Guthrie, 2017).

Peace building in Iraq also often relies on tribal hierarchy, religious leaders and the established
political actors, thus restricting women’s room for involvement. Additionally, for women to
become involved in Iraq’s peace building and post-conflict reconstruction, they often have to
rely on partisan support and thus become an extension of their sponsor. As a result women who
could promote women’s interests and/or have a history of campaigning for women’s rights and
participation are often overlooked and as a result these issues are sidelined. Therefore, it is
argued that in order to advance women’s role in peace building a key challenge is to shift the

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mind-set of Iraqi society and thus considerable support and capacity building is needed for
women’s organizations. Suzan Aref, Director of the Iraqi Women’s Empowerment Organization,
argues that it is pointless having new laws for women, or services if women cannot take
advantage of or access them. Thus, education is needed in order for these laws to be internalised
by the wider society, so that they can actually be implemented.4
Sanad for Peace building, a local peace building organization in Iraq, carried out focus group
discussions with women on the lack of women’s participation in peace building. They key
obstacles women mentioned were the lack of women’s capacity-building measures, family and
social pressure to conform to traditional gender roles, pervasive use of negative stereotypes in
the media, and a lack of civic and human rights education programmes. Thus, Sanad argues for a
range of actions to increase the role of women in peace building:
1. Identify influential women actors and map them
2. Train women in multiple different roles across the peace building spectrum
3. Collect gender disaggregated data on the participation and impact of peace building initiatives
4. Set up a monitoring framework for the National Reconciliation Committee to ensure women
play a role (Guthrie, 2017).

In June 2012, the United States Institute for Peace USIP brought together a range of Afghan and
Iraqi women leaders for dialogue in Istanbul, Turkey. From this workshop both Afghan and Iraqi
women shared their experiences with regards to best practices for increasing women’s
participation and role within peace building.
Afghan best practices:
 Mobilize early during conflict rather than wait for the post conflict period
 Lobby to join the legislation drafting processes
 Take advantage of transition periods to advocate for legal reforms that benefit women
 Bring together women from diverse sectors, provinces, ethnic groups, and backgrounds
 Ensure advocacy on key issues is timely
 Reach out to men to form partnerships, especially religious and tribal elders.

Iraqi best practices:

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 Work quickly to establish a wide range of civil society groups focused on women’s
empowerment.
 Establish effective communication and networking systems between women’s groups.
 Establish clear goals and develop effective lobbying and advocacy campaigns.
 Use mass media effectively.
 Establish parliamentary quotas at the provincial and national levels (Kuehnast et al.,
2012).

Based on her report on the implementation of Resolution 1325, Kaya (2016) gives
recommendations for best practices for international actors in Iraq:
 Implement 1325 in all peace building, humanitarian and military activities in Iraq and
ensure implementation is monitored
 Train military and relief staff on Resolution 1325
 Provide funding to women civil society organizations and ensure that diversity (including
class, ethnicity, political affiliation and geographical location) is included in distribution variety
of backgrounds.
2.8 METHODOLOGICAL REVIEW

Given the research aim of this thesis, this section discusses the chosen methodology for this
research. The chosen methodologies are the use of qualitative comparative method and an
abductive approach.
2.8.1 Quantitative Comparative Analysis (QCA)
Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) is an analytic approach and set of research tools that
combines detailed within-case analysis and formalized cross case comparisons. In the course of
the last decade, the method has become more and more widely used (see RIHOUX, ÁLAMOS -
CONCHA, BOL, MARX & REZSÖHAZY, 2013, for an overview of journal publications). As a
result, there is an increasing demand for literature introducing the method to prospective users.
One aspect crucial that has hardly been addressed so far is how to incorporate QCA's analytic
tools and results in actual data analysis.
In general terms, QCA can be described by two main principles: complex causality as an
underlying assumption, and the combination of detailed withincase analyses with formalized

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cross-case comparisons as the modus operandi. Each principle feeds into what kind of research
profits from using QCA.
2.8.1.1 Complex causality as an underlying assumption of QCA
The central goal of QCA is an exhaustive explanation of the phenomenon under investigation.
Using QCA, researchers ask questions such as: Is factor X a causal condition for a given
phenomenon or event Y? What are combinations of conditions that produce a given phenomenon
or event? What groups of cases share a given combination of conditions? That is, QCA's main
focus is to explain how a certain outcome is produced; this focus is in contrast to the goal of
most regression type analyses, which ask what influence a given causal factor has on some
variable net other causal factors (GEORGE & BENNETT, 2005, p.25; MAHONEY &
GOERTZ, 2006, p.229; RIHOUX, 2009a, p.379). An underlying assumption of QCA is that
social phenomena involve "complex causality." Complex causality means that 1. causal factors
combine with each other to lead to the occurrence of an event or phenomenon, 2. different
combinations of causal factors can lead to the occurrence of a given type of event or
phenomenon, and 3. causal factors can have opposing effects depending on the combinations
with other factors in which they are situated (MAHONEY & GOERTZ, 2006, p.236;
WAGEMANN & SCHNEIDER, 2010,p.382). This focus on the explanation of a given
phenomenon or event as well as the assumption of complex causality underlying social
phenomena bear on the kind of research questions and data QCA is best applied to. First, QCA is
strongest and most adequately used when studying social phenomena of "complex
causality" that can be formulated in set-theoretic terms, i.e., asking about necessary and
sufficient conditions. For such research questions, QCA's sensitivity to causal complexity gives
it an analytic edge over many statistical techniques of data analysis (SCHNEIDER &
WAGEMANN, 2010, p.400). Second, in-depth case knowledge is a prerequisite and integral part
of the research process in the understanding of QCA advocated in this article. Familiarizing
oneself with the cases and engaging in intensive within-case analysis takes up an important share
of the analytic work. Thus, QCA should be understood not as an alternative but an addition to
intensive within-case analysis.

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 2.8.1.2 QCA as a combination of within-case analysis and cross-case comparison
QCA combines detailed within-case analyses and formalized, systematic cross case comparisons.
As Figure 1 illustrates, the research process with QCA is iterative, usually involving several
rounds of within-case analysis and cross-case comparisons. The first results obtained through
formalized QCA induce further case selection and/or redefinition of the fuzzy sets that describe
the conditions and the outcome. Most importantly, the results will inform further within-case
analyses and expand the knowledge of the case.

Defining (Re)Defi
Case Within- Formaliz
research -ning Final
selection case ed cross-
question fuzzy results
analysis case
sets
analyses

Figure 2.1: Research Process with QCA

It is important to note that the results obtained through formalized QCA analyses do not "prove"
causal relations. Rather, they reveal patterns of associations across sets of cases or observations,
thereby providing support for the existence of such causal relations (SCHNEIDER &
WAGEMANN, 2010, p.412). However, an association might reveal an ontological relation (i.e.,
two events or factors are linked because one constitutes what the other is, rather than causing it;
GOERTZ & MAHONEY, 2005) or a spurious causal link (i.e., two events or factors are
associated because they are both caused by a third, unobserved factor; e.g., BRADY, 2008,
p.229). Hence, whether it makes sense to interpret associations as causal relations depends on the
insights derived from within-case analyses, as well as existing empirical and theoretical
knowledge of the phenomenon under investigation (BLATTER, 2012, p.3; GEORGE &
BENNETT, 2005, pp.206f.). In short, QCA does not work as a "push-button" process, but relies
on the copious efforts of the users to reflect on whether identified patterns could describe a
causal link (RIHOUX, 2009a, p.368; SCHNEIDER & WAGEMANN, 2010, p.410). Henceforth,
when I refer to necessary or sufficient conditions being "identified" by QCA, I refer to the
respective patterns of association and assume that they make theoretical and empirical sense as
such conditions.

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2.8.1.3 Advantages of using QCA
QCA offers many benefits for qualitative researchers: a unique set of tools for tackling research
questions that are based on set-theoretic notions and for analyzing causal complexity; a boost in
analytic potential for cross-case comparisons that is especially useful for medium-N data sets;
help in making research more systematic and transparent; and insights into causal and/or
typological patterns that assist the development of mid-range theories. First, many theoretical
models and research questions in the social sciences, at least implicitly, draw on set-theoretic
notions by assuming that there are conditions that are necessary or sufficient for the occurrence
of a given phenomenon (GEORGE & BENNETT, 2005, p.212; RAGIN, 2008, p.13;
WAGEMANN & SCHNEIDER, 2010, p.380; for an explanation of the notions of necessity and
sufficiency, see below). Moreover, just as set-theoretic notions underlie much of social science
thinking; many social phenomena can and should be understood as instances of complex
causality. In most cases, factors that influence the occurrence of an event or phenomenon do so
in conjunction. Different combinations are able to lead to a given event or phenomenon, and
factors can have differing effects depending on the situation they work in (LIEBERSON &
LYNN, 2002; RAGIN, 2008, pp.23-25, 177f.). QCA offers the most systematic way to analyze
complex causality and logical relations between causal factors and an outcome (SCHNEIDER &
WAGEMANN, 2007, p.41).
Second, QCA's potential for systematic cross-case comparison is especially helpful for
qualitative researchers working with medium-N data sets (about fifteen to 50 cases). If
researchers are interested in what produces a certain event or phenomenon (causality), or want to
know what different variants of a given phenomenon exist (typology), QCA provides the unique
possibility to combine classic in-depth qualitative analysis with systematic cross-case
comparisons. It identifies patterns as well as cases deviating from these patterns using clear
logical operations. Its formal language provides a useful way to convey a study's central findings
to the reader or audience. In short, QCA helps qualitative researchers to handle the considerable
amount of data of a medium-N case study, both during the analytical process and when
presenting the findings.
Third, the described systematization and formalization of the QCA research process entails a
number of advantages for qualitative researchers. For one thing, it increases the transparency of
analyses by making explicit a number of choices researchers have to face, e.g., regarding their

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concept formation and the use of counterfactual analysis (EMMENEGGER, 2010, p.10; RAGIN,
2008, p.167; RIHOUX, 2009a, p.369). Such transparency makes data analysis and findings more
retraceable for the reader, which increases the persuasiveness of argumentation and is a
characteristic of good (qualitative) research (GEORGE & BENNETT, 2005, p.70; KING,
KEOHANE & VERBA, 1994, p.26). For another, by formalizing concepts as conditions and
assigning membership values to the cases, QCA helps to focus the attention on key issues of
conceptualization and helps to detect blurry or problematic aspects in conceptualizations that
might have been overlooked otherwise (GOERTZ, 2006a, pp.37, 101).
Lastly, QCA allows identifying patterns in the data that help to guide the development of
detailed explanations of social phenomena. By pointing to the different (combinations of)
conditions that can produce an outcome, the method helps abstracting from the idiosyncrasies of
single cases and developing comprehensive accounts of these phenomena. Through the iterative
refinement of these accounts using a close dialogue between detailed within-case analyses and
formalized cross-case comparisons, QCA is a powerful tool for the development of cutting-edge
mid-range theories.
Despite its many merits, the usefulness of QCA depends largely on the type of research one
wishes to conduct. In small-N studies, QCA cannot be employed because the method requires a
minimum number of cases (approximately ten cases). Also, for certain research interests the
method's focus on complex causality and identifying combinations of conditions might not be
helpful (e.g. hermeneutic approaches in which the individual production of meaning is the focus
of attention). Thus, as with all research methods, whether it makes sense for a researcher to
employ QCA ultimately depends on his or her research.
2.8.2 Abductive Approach
Researchers are confronted with the dilemma of choosing the appropriate approach to apply in
their attempt to establish a link between theory and research (Ali and Birley, 1999). This has
resulted from the perceived inadequacies of two most widely used approaches, the inductive and
deductive approaches. Bryman (2012) posits that the task of establishing a definite connection
between theory and research remains an onerous one for qualitative researchers. This critical
position arises due to the fact that theory forms the bedrock of any social enquiry and provides a
rationale for the research being performed. Also, it provides a framework upon which social
phenomena can be understudied and findings interpreted (Bryman, 2012). Saunders et al. (2012)

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assert that theory may not seem crucial at the inception of a research activity. However, they
maintain that its relevance during the presentation of the research findings and conclusion stages,
respectively, makes it imperative that the researcher decides at the inception of his investigation
on whether he wants to test existing theory or develop a new one. Furthermore, Easterby-Smith
et al. (2008) adduce reasons why the choice of research approaches remains essential. They state
that the structure of a research design is dependent upon the research approach adopted. Blaikie
(2009) advises that the choice of a particular research approach at the initial stage of a research
activity should be based on the need to provide answers to the study’s research questions,
effectively.
Increasingly, researchers are being confronted with the dilemma of mixing different research
strategies as it concerns theory testing or building within the context of a particular study. This
has led to the inherent polarization of researchers along deductive and inductive lines as well as a
mixture of both approaches. This imbroglio seems to have been resolved by the abductive
approach (Blaikie, 2009; Bryman, 2012; Dubois and Gadde, 2002; Saunders et al., 2012). They
agree that this approach enables the researcher’s engagement in a back and forth movement
between theory and data in a bid to develop new or modify existing theory. Yet, there appears to
be a slow uptake of the abductive approach within the community of qualitative researchers in
the built environment discipline. Adducing reasons for this perceived apathy happens to be
beyond the scope of this particular study, but the authors will attempt to share their experience
on the applicability of the approach in a recently completed study. It is expected that such insight
will contribute towards bringing about, more awareness to the abductive approach. Furthermore,
this study seeks to stimulate a debate into the suitability of this approach in the conduct of
qualitative research in the built environment. To attain these objectives, a concise discourse on
abductive approach is conducted. This is followed by a background to the main study which this
reportage forms an integral part. Subsequent parts of the study reflect on the application of the
abductive approach in understudying the phenomenon mentioned. Besides rendering a step-by-
step account of the considerations which led to the selection of the abductive approach, the
inherent reflections provide a narrative on how the research process was guided by the approach,
especially as it pertains to the use of an extant theory, the viable systems model (VSM).
According to Reichertz (2004), the evolution of the abductive approach can be traced to attempts
at translating the Aristotelian apagoge. He attributes the contemporary knowledge of abduction

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to the attempts of C.S. Peirce (1839-1914) in this regard. According to Novak (2001), Pierce’s
seeming discontent with the theory of balancing likelihoods (TBL) approach which was being
utilized by nineteenth century historians in translating Aristotle’s apagoge, motivated him to
propose a scientific approach towards achieving the same purpose. Such discontent stems from
issues mentioned by Novak (2001), which are portrayed in subsequent paragraphs. Significant
among the concerns raised by Pierce is the apparent unsuitable scenario where an author, seeking
to relate to and report historical events, relies on the testimonies rendered by another author. He
argues that it would be illegitimate to present all of such testimonies as if they were of equal
standing and independent value, a move encouraged by TBL. Second, the absence of a
methodology for exploring the credibility of an author when he narrates a particular event is a
problem as the author is often “considered as standing in a unique relation to each state of affairs
that is narrated, and therefore statistics are of no help in ascertaining where what is being
reported in a particular case is true or false” (Novak, 2001, p. 4).
Finally, the adoption of a demonstrative kind of reasoning in the study and narration of history.
To counter these shortcomings, Pierce proceeds to proffer a scientific approach (a mix of the
abductive, deductive and inductive approaches), which carefully frames a hypothesis, outlining
the consequences of such hypothesis and subsequently testing those consequences through a
comparison with facts that were not taken into consideration during the formation of the
hypothesis. Novak (2001) highlights Pierce’s attempt to distinguish between abduction and
induction whereby he describes the former as proceeding from facts to an explanatory hypothesis
whereas the latter proceeds from a hypothesis towards supportive facts. Having utilised this
scientific methodology in translating Aristotelian Corpus, Pierce is recognised as making
significant contributions to the advancement of the abductive approach. Patokorpi and
Ahvenainen (2009) maintain that Peirce sought to highlight the fact that there existed after all, a
logic for scientific discovery. However, this fact has been heavily disputed by inductivists and
deductivists alike (Patokorpi and Ahvenainen, 2009).
The abductive approach has been trailed by criticisms (Kapitan, 1992; Reichertz, 2010). Kapitan
(1992) mentioned various inconsistencies which surrounded Peirce’s works especially as it
concerns the difference between his earlier works and his later ones. Furthermore, he insists that
these inconsistencies were capable of engendering apprehension over the use of abduction.
Similarly, Reichertz (2010) states that the abductive approach was originally thought of as

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nothing more than an act of inferring from guesses and most researchers did not want to be seen
as engaging in such. Paavola (2004) also admits to the existence of several criticisms against
abduction as the logic of discovery. Probing further into the process of abduction, Svennevig
(2001) cites Pierce (1955, p. 151) as reiterating that “the surprising fact, C, is observed; But if A
were true, C would be a matter of course. Hence there is reason to suspect that A is true”. This
description of the abductive process happens to be analogous to the views espoused by Aliseda
(2007) who describes abduction as the reasoning that proceeds from an observation to its
possible explanations or better put its most plausible explanations. As a result of this, the
question concerning what constitutes the best explanation in an abductive approach sticks out
like a sore thumb (Lipscomb, 2012). Lipscomb further avers that for findings from abductive
approach to be considered as valid and credible, it must be supported by deductive and
inductively sourced evidence. Similarly, Plutynski (2011) observes that the plethora of criticisms
surrounding the abductive approach as propounded by Peirce have largely been centred the
formalization indeterminacy problem, the boundary problem, the justification problem and the
descriptive problem, respectively. Going into these challenges are beyond the scope of this study
as the study seeks to reflect on how the authors were able to successfully apply the abductive
approach in a contemporary research study.
2.9 EMPIRICAL REVIEW

This section reviewed different literatures concerning the role of women inchaplaincy in relation
with peace advocacy its relevance to the study.
2.9.1 Empirical Review Concerning Chaplaincy Research: Its Value, Quality, and Future
Should chaplaincy become more scientific? That was the basic question posed in a 2002 issue of
the Journal of Health Care Chaplaincy. While several of the contributors to that issue answered
with a resounding ‘‘Yes’’ (e.g., Burton, 2002; Fitchett, 2002; Handzo, 2002), many were
ambivalent, and others were opposed to chaplaincy becoming scientific. Some, such as
McCurdy, were concerned that science was too reductionistic, and that measurement might not
capture and might ‘‘even distort the very nature of pastoral care itself’’ (McCurdy, 2002, p. 157).
Is chaplaincy becoming more scientific despite such resistance? A review of all the articles
published in the major pastoral counseling journals from 1980–1989 found that only 5.3% of
them were quantitative studies (Gartner et al., 1990). Of the articles published in the Journal of
Pastoral Care—the flagship journal for the various chaplaincy and clinical pastoral care

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associations in the United States—only 4.7% were quantitative studies. We conducted a similar
survey for the years 1990–1999, but we used a more restrictive definition of what to count as an
article and we did not report the results for individual journals (Flannelly, Liu, et al., 2003).
Therefore, we decided to redo our survey of 1990–1999 for the Journal of Pastoral Care, using
the identical criteria used by Gartner and his colleagues. Based on new analysis, it appears that
the proportion of quantitative studies more than doubled to 11.9%in the 1990s. Another 4.7%
were qualitative studies, which would generally be excluded under Gartner et al.’s criteria of
what constitutes an empirical study. If we exclude personal reflections from the base count of
articles, as Flannelly, Liu et al. (2003) did, the percentage of quantitative studies rises to 18.4%.
Their findings suggest that chaplaincy is becoming more scientific.
2.9.1.1 Why Chaplains Should Do Research
O’Connor (2002) offered four reasons why chaplains should do research. First, since healthcare
chaplains function within the culture of evidence-based medicine, chaplaincy, like other
healthcare professions, must be evidence-based. Second, since science and religion both seek
truth, the two are compatible with one another and share common concerns, including the
physical, mental, and emotional health of individuals. Professionals in various disciplines are
doing research on these common points of interest in order to integrate spirituality into their
theory and practice of health care. It is natural, therefore, that chaplains should do research on
these areas of commonality too. Third, chaplains already do research in their practice to the
extent that they utilize clinical evidence from client=patient cases. O’Connor (2002) is certainly
correct in stating that case studies constitute one level of research on a continuum of research
sophistication (Greenhalgh, 2001; Flannelly et al., 2004). In addition, we agree with him that the
case-study method can be a valuable research tool, but more methodologically sophisticated
research is needed. There is some evidence that research on chaplaincy and pastoral care is
becoming more methodologically sophisticated (Flannelly, Liu et al., 2003), as is research on
religion and health, in general (Flannelly et al., 2004; Weaver et al., 2005). We will return to the
question of research sophistication later. O’Connor’s fourth reason for chaplains to do research
is, essentially, that failing to do so will have profound implications for professional chaplaincy.
In his own words: ‘‘The focus of chaplaincy in caring for the spiritual, soul needs of the sick has
proven its worth’’ and ‘‘other health care disciplines are now seeing its worth’’ (O’Connor,
2002, p. 190). However, ‘‘the other health care disciplines have taken it one step further and

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have been engaged in doing scientific research on spirituality and health’’ (O’Connor, 2002, p.
190). This has created a situation in which ‘‘investigators in other disciplines have taken over
research on spirituality and chaplains are the followers’’ (O’Connor, 2002, p. 191). Given this
situation, ‘‘it is easy to imagine in the near future when a nurse who specializes in spirituality
will be teaching chaplains on spirituality and health care using the research in the field’’
(O’Connor, 2002, p. 191). Whether or not that day will come, surveys of the healthcare literature
from 1965–2000 show a dramatic increase in research on spirituality, but there continues to be
little research about chaplaincy (Weaver, 2003; Weaver et al., 2006). The concept of spirituality
has long been of interest in nursing (Flannelly et al., 2002; Weaver et al., 2001) and interest in it
appears to be increasing in social work as well (Modesto et al., 2006). Although both fields share
some common professional goals with chaplaincy, there is a degree of professional competition
among the fields. This competitiveness appears to be stronger between social workers and
chaplains than nurses and chaplains (Flannelly, Galek, et al., 2005). Indeed, in many ways nurses
are the natural allies of chaplains. But, do chaplains want to leave it to nurses to define the
spiritual needs of patients (Emblen & Halstead, 1993; Galek et al., 2005; Flannelly et al., 2006)
or what constitutes spiritual care (Babler, 1997; Cavendish et al., 2007; Ross, 2006)? Fitchett
(2002) offers three other reasons for integrating research into professional chaplaincy. The first is
to strengthen the practice of ministry and improve services to patients. We certainly agree that
the major purpose of research in chaplaincy should be to improve the spiritual care provided to
patients and families by chaplains and other healthcare professionals. Chaplains should not limit
themselves to research on chaplaincy, however, nor should they limit themselves to doing to
applied research. Chaplains have come to us with research ideas about such diverse topics as the
relationship between religion and depression in the elderly (Springer et al., 2003), the extent to
which religious beliefs influence death anxiety (Harding et al., 2005), the kinds of psychological
problems for which parishioners seek help from clergy (Moran et al., 2005) and secondary
traumatic stress among chaplains and other clergy after the September 11th attacks (Roberts et
al., 2003; Flannelly, Roberts et al., 2005).
The second reason Fitchett (2002) suggests chaplains do research is to increase awareness of
what chaplains contribute to the healthcare team. Just doing research is likely to get the attention
of your colleagues and administrators. Publishing research definitely gets their attention and

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enhances their respect for you and the profession. If the published study catches the eye of a
reporter, the findings may reach a much wider audience, increasing the visibility of chaplaincy
among the public. The third reason Fitchett gives is to promote interdisciplinary relationships.
Collaboration with other healthcare professionals increases a chaplain’s opportunities to do
research (especially basic research) and, perhaps, to do better research than a chaplain may have
done on his or her own. Finally, VandeCreek (1992) sees at least three personal and professional
benefits to doing research. The prime benefit, according to VandeCreek, is that the process itself
acquaints a researcher ‘‘with what others are thinking’’ (VandeCreek, 1992, p. 66), as well as
knowing what others are thinking and doing helps improve one’s own pastoral care. The second
benefit is that ‘‘research work opens unique doors and creates relationships that would otherwise
not be possible’’ (VandeCreek, 1992, p. 67). This is especially true in large hospitals in which
other healthcare professionals do research. Chaplains who do research are more likely to be seen
as peers by other healthcare researchers, which raises the status of pastoral care. ‘‘Third, research
stimulates creativity,’’ which can be ‘‘an antidote for the boredom and burnout that accompanies
a heavy pastoral care load’’ (VandeCreek, 1992, p. 67).
2.9.1.2 The State Of Current Research
Before we look at the state of the art in research in chaplaincy and pastoral care, we will give a
brief overview of the research on religion and health in general. The following discussion does
not address qualitative research. Qualitative research was included in Flannelly et al.’s (2003)
analysis of the field to some extent, but the most thorough assessment of qualitative research in
chaplaincy is provided by O’Connor et al. (2001). Flannelly et al. (2004) assessed the
sophistication of research on religion and health in four major areas covered in the Handbook of
Religion and Health (Koenig et al., 2001): anxiety, depression, wellbeing, and coping with
physical disorders. A sample of 283 studies was selected and evaluated on four criteria: (1) the
number of questions they used to measure religiosity; (2) their research design; (3) their
sampling methodology; and (4) their use of statistical controls. We will review some of their
findings. Much of the early research on the relationship between religion and health could hardly
be called research ‘‘on religion and health’’ at all. They primarily were epidemiological studies
of various diseases that included some measure of religion for demographic purposes (Levin &
Schiller, 1987). It is not surprising, therefore, that Flannelly et al. (2004) found that studies such
as these, in which religion was not a major focus of the study, used less sophisticated measures

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of religiosity than those that were designed to examine the association between religion and
health, specifically. Levin and Schiller say in their historical analysis of the research up to the
mid 1980s: ‘‘Although many epidemiologists continue to collect some information about
subjects’ religious preference, background, or practice as part of their inquiries, next to nothing
has been accomplished in terms of the refinement of concepts or measures (Levin & Schiller,
1987, p. 9–10). However, Flannelly et al.’s (2004) analysis of studies published through the year
2000 found that the number of questions used to measure religion increased over time,
suggesting the sophistication of the religious measures that researchers use has increased over
the years. As mentioned earlier, the various types of research methods or designs (case studies,
cross-sectional surveys, experiments, etc.) can be thought of as forming a hierarchy. This
hierarchy at least partly reflects the degree to which different designs provide the capacity to
make causal inferences (Greenhalgh, 2001; Flannelly et al., 2004). Case studies form the lowest
rung of the ladder and true experiments form the top rung. Cross-sectional studies, which include
most survey research, are located just above case studies in terms of their sophistication.
Longitudinal surveys, in which individuals complete the same questionnaire at two or more
points in time, are considered more sophisticated because being able to track changes over time
is very important for making causal inferences. Flannelly and his colleagues (2004) found that
the research designs of studies on religion and health have become more sophisticated over the
years, partly because of an increase in the number of longitudinal studies. Flannelly et al. (2004)
did not find any improvement in the sampling procedures used in the field, such as the use of
random samples instead of convenience samples; they did find a significant increase in the use of
statistical controls, however. Statistical control means that characteristics or attributes (i.e.
variables) of a sample of people are measured and analyzed that might not be of interest in and of
themselves (such as age, gender, income, education, etc.), but may confound or obscure the
relationships that one is interested in studying. For example, if one wanted to look at the
relationship between private prayer and health, one would have to control for age of study
participants since older people are more likely to be religious and they are more likely to be ill.
One should always try to control for gender, age, other major demographic characteristics, and
any factors that are known to be associated with either religiosity or health. How sophisticated is
the research published in chaplaincy and related specialty journals? Flannelly, Liu et al. (2003)
tried to answer this question using a number of different criteria. Most (86.7%) of the

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quantitative studies in their 1990–1999 sample from three journals (Journal of Pastoral Care,
Journal of Religion and Health and Pastoral Psychology) were cross-sectional surveys, so the
research is relatively unsophisticated, at least by medical standards; cross-sectional surveys
are widely used in sociology and other social sciences. However, since very few studies used
statistical controls, the research tends to unsophisticated by the standards of both medicine and
the social sciences. Ignoring one study that collected data on over 42,000 chaplain interventions,
and another that examined religious themes in over 17,000 articles published in medical journals,
the sample size of the survey studies ranged from 4 to over 5,000, with the median being 160
participants. Sample sizes between 100 and 200 participants are common in psychology, but
larger samples are needed for surveys when research questions are complicated, and many of the
questions one might ask about chaplaincy and pastoral care are inherently complicated,
especially in healthcare settings. Flannelly, Liu et al. (2003) also evaluated the research in the
field using a set of criteria that were exactly the same criteria as those used by Gartner et al.
(1990). This allowed them to compare the results of the two analyses directly, to see if research
in the field was more sophisticated in 1990–1999 compared to 1980–1989. Table 1 makes that
comparison. Six measures of research sophistication are shown in the table, which are broken
into three categories: internal validity, external validity, and interpretation. Internal validity is a
concept introduced by Campbell (1957), which refers to the degree to which one can be
confident about making causal inferences from research conducted in experimental and quasi-
experimental settings. Whether or not a study used a control group bears directly on this
question. Control groups were very rare in the 1980s and the 1990s because very few studies
used experimental or quasi-experimental designs. The internal validity of a study also rests on
the consistency or reliability of the measurements made during an experiment. In the case of
mechanical and electronic equipment or instruments, this entails their ability to measure
something accurately and to do so consistency. The same issues arise with respect to survey
instruments or scales. Do they measure what they are supposed to measure reliably and
consistently? As used in Table 1, the term reliability simply refers to whether the authors of a
study used a survey instrument whose reliability had been previously documented, and whether
they reported that documentation in their study. As seen in Table 1,
there was no difference in reporting the reliability of the instruments used in the two samples:
1980–1989 versus 1990–1999. Campbell (1957) also introduced the concept of external validity,

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which refers to the degree to which one can be confident about generalizing about the general
population from the findings of experimental and quasi-experimental research designs. The
concept of external validity can also be extended to surveys and other kinds of studies. It mainly
hinges on the extent to which the sample under study is representative of the population to which
one wants to generalize a study’s findings. A random sample is considered to be more likely to
be representative of the population from which it is drawn than a convenience sample, although
this is not necessarily so. Similarly, the higher the percentage of people who agree to participate
in a study when asked to do so (i.e., the response rate), the more likely it is that the sample is
representative. Sample size is also part of external validity, but we were not able to make a direct
comparison of sample sized of the studies published in the 1980s and the 1999s. The measure
‘‘sampling method’’ in the table simply records whether the sampling method was described, not
the sophistication of the sampling method used. Likewise, the measure ‘‘response rate’’ simply
records whether the response rate was reported, not the quality of the response rate. As seen in
Table 1, the reporting of sampling methods and response rates increased significantly between
the 1980s and the 1990s. Although these two measures are crude, they indicate the research
published in the 1990s was more sophisticated that published in the 1980s, or at least that there
was greater awareness of the standards of sound research in the 1990s. Gartner et al. (1990) and
Flannelly, Liu et al. (2003) used another measure of external validity, which did not change over
time and is not shown in Table 1. That was the use of repeated measures designs, which was
7% and 8%, respectively, in the 1980s and 1990s. The last category in Table 1 relates to a
researcher’s sophistication in interpreting his or her results. The last two measures in Table 1
(under Interpretation) record whether researchers stated and tested explicit hypotheses and
whether they discussed the limitations of the methodology they used. Specifying a hypothesis
indicates that the author designed the study with a specific rationale in mind, and that the results
can be interpreted in light of the hypothesis being testing. The last measure indicates that the
author realizes there are methodological problems or issues in any study and they limit one’s
interpretation of findings. Both measures increased over time and the increase in the latter was
statistically significant. A similar comparison of research published in four gerontology journals
in the 1980s and 1990s allows us to put some of the Flannelly, Liu et al. (2003) results in a
broader context. Three of the journals examined in that study were medical journals and one was
a sociology journal. The sophistication of research on religion and health in all four journals

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improved between 1985–1990 and 1997–2002, in terms of reporting the reliability of
instruments, reporting response rates, and specifying hypotheses. The percentages of studies that
did so were higher in the gerontology journals, however, than in the journals represented in
Table 1. Compared to the journals in Table 1, 64% of the studies published in the four
gerontology journals during 1997–2002 reported the reliability of scales they used, 82% reported
response rates, and over 78% tested specific hypotheses.
Our analyses indicate that the research published in pastoral care and related specialty journals is
relatively unsophisticated by the standard of other disciplines, but it is improving. While we wish
to encourage this trend, we do not suggest that chaplaincy research needs to follow the path
taken by other disciplines who are investigating the link between religion and health. The
methodology of chaplaincy research still needs to improve, but there is plenty to learn by
surveying, interviewing and simply observing patients, families and others in both healthcare and
community settings. Indeed, we have noticed that most of the people who suggest that chaplains
need to conduct experiments on the effectiveness of chaplain interventions, are not sophisticated
about research, they are naive about it. Studying processes must necessarily precede studying
outcomes, particularly when the processes and the outcomes are so complex, and they are linked
to many other factors.
TABLE 2.7 Percentage of Studies Meeting Gartner et al.’s Validity Criteria in the 1980’s
and the 1990s, According to Gartner et al. (1990) and Flannelly et al. (2003)
Criteria Gartner et al. (1990) Flannelly et al. (2003)
1980-1989 (%)`` 1990-1999 (%)
Internal Validity
Reliability 40 34
Control group 4 12
External Validity
Sampling method 20 63**
Response rate 33 43*
Interpretation
Hypothesis Stated 25 32
Limitations Stated 4 58**

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Significant differences between the two samples: _ p < .05; __ p < .01. Adapted from Flannelly,
Liu, Oppenheimer, Weaver, & Larson (2003).

2.9.1.3 Some Suggestions for Increasing and Improving Research by Chaplains

Fitchett (2002) suggests three steps for increasing research in chaplaincy. The first step may be
the hardest, to convince chaplains that research is valuable for their practice of ministry. This can
be achieved through educating chaplains and CPE students about research, as is done at The
HealthCare Chaplaincy. Fitchett and his colleagues (2003) reported that chaplains’ negative
attitudes about research could be changed even by a one-day research workshop. At the start of
the workshop, most of the chaplains who attended felt inadequate and inexperienced or anxious
and apprehensive. By the end of the workshop, however, most chaplains felt more positive about
research itself; some felt it was possible that they could do research themselves; and others
expressed ‘‘cautious excitement’’ about the possibility. Fitchett’s second step is to increase the
research literacy of chaplains to the level where they understand the basic elements of research,
know where to find relevant high-quality research, and read at least a few relevant studies per
year. The third step is for chaplains to do research as part of their regular job description. Van de
Creek (1992) makes several practical suggestions for conducting research. Start small and do not
set your sights too high on you first try, ‘‘then gradually work into more complicated projects’’
(Van de Creek, 1992, p. 66). Maybe the second or third project will be worth publishing or
presenting at a conference. If you want to try to publish it, submit it to ‘‘a journal whose
standards match the sophistication of the project’’ (Van de Creek, 1992, p. 66). Van de Creek
wisely suggests seeking help on a research project from the very start. If you are not familiar
with statistics or research design it may be hard to believe, but you can collect quantitative data
in a way that makes them impossible to analyze in a meaningful way. If you have not done
quantitative research before, make sure you seek help from a statistician or an experienced
researcher in advance to plan the design and analyses. If possible, take a college-level research
methods course. Van de Creek also suggests finding research minded peers or working with an
experienced researcher, and we totally agree. Flannelly, Weaver, and their colleagues (2003)
describe several examples of their collaboration with chaplains who had their own ideas about
research topics. Van de Creek’s (1994) Research in Pastoral Care and Counseling is a very useful
for beginning researcher in chaplaincy. It walks the reader through the research process and
covers both qualitative and quantitative research methods.

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2.9.1.4 Some Suggestions for Future Research
It is not for us to say what kinds of research chaplains should pursue, but there are some current
avenues of research that we believe should be continued and expanded in the future. Naturally,
we focus on those with which we are most familiar. To start, much more research like the studies
reported in this issue of the Journal of Health Care Chaplaincy need to be done, from which,
among other things, standards of practice might evolve. This research should include studies of
the spiritual care provided by chaplains to patients, families, and staff. Such studies should also
help to better define spiritual care. Obviously, chaplains should conduct more research on the
relationship between spirituality and health in patients. Most of the current research is done by
nurses, physicians and other healthcare professionals. More disturbing, perhaps, the major focus
of the discussion about spirituality in the medical literature is whether physicians should address
spirituality with patients. We believe research is needed that will help shift the discussion away
from physicians and focus it on patients and their spiritual needs. There is substantial qualitative
research on this topic and scales have been developed to assess patients’ spiritual needs
(Flannelly et al., 2006; Galek et al., 2005; Peterman et al., 2002), but much more research needs
to be done with various patient populations (cardiology patients, oncology patients, etc.). This
research would not only help us understand the spiritual needs of patients, but show the
pervasiveness of patients’ spiritual needs. In a market economy, healthcare institutions will not
supply services for which they perceive there is little demand. We believe the demand is there,
but often goes unnoticed. Beyond that, further research will be necessary to determine the extent
to which patients’ needs are being met, who is meeting them, and what are the best ways of
meeting them. Fitchett and his colleagues have been doing very valuable research on two related
concepts: spiritual risk (1999a, 1999b, 2000) and religious struggle (Fitchett et al., 2004).
Religious struggle, which has been found to be associated with poorer health outcomes among
patients (Pargament et al., 2001), refers to negative religious coping, such as feeling abandoned
or punished by God. Although this sense of abandonment or punishment is relatively low in the
general U.S. population (5%) it appears to be higher (9–11%) among the few patient populations
in which it has been studied (Fitchett et al., 2004). Spiritual risk is the term Fitchett and his
colleagues have used to characterize patients whose religious needs are high but their religious
resources are low. Since these patients are less likely to make self-referrals to the pastoral care
department (Fitchett et al., 2000), screening tools must be developed to help identify them and

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their unique needs. After an extensive review of the literature on religion and health he
conducted for the Metanexus Institute, Hufford (2005) noted in his analysis of the field that it
was dominated by social scientists and physicians that it lacked a theological perspective, and
that chaplaincy was glaringly absent. The last point echoes the words of Van de Creek (1999)
that chaplains have little voice in the growing research field of religion=spirituality and health.
For chaplains to have a voice, we think they should try to get involved in basic as well as applied
research. In recent years, even neuroscientists have entered the field, exploring how spirituality is
represented in the brain. It would be worthwhile for chaplains to collaborate in this kind of
research to give it theological grounding. Evidence that spiritual=religious practices and beliefs
affect the brain will go a long way to showing how religion=spirituality can influence health. For
example, Flannelly et al. (2007b) have proposed a theoretical model of how religious beliefs and
other kinds of beliefs can moderate certain classes of psychiatric symptoms by influencing brain
systems involved in assessing threats in the environment. The goal of such theory and research is
to identify the biological causal mechanisms by which religion influences health. This research
should help to show how chaplains help patients and may point to the best kinds of interventions.
The last avenue of research we would like to discuss concerns measuring the effectiveness of
chaplains. No doubt, questions about chaplains’ effectiveness will be asked in the future whether
or not chaplains choose to ask them. When addressing this issue, chaplaincy as a whole should
follow Van de Creek’s (1992) advice to new researchers to start small and have limited
expectations. There are a myriad of possible approaches to this question, and each chaplain may
have his or her perspective about how to pursue it. Flannelly et al. (2007a), for example, h
ave developed a preliminary scale to measure the effectiveness of pastoral care with family
members of hospitalized patients. Several other related lines of research are being pursued by our
colleagues at The HealthCare Chaplaincy. Some chaplains have adapted items from Van de
Creek’s (2004) patient satisfaction questionnaire to explore what chaplain activities are
correlated with patients’ perceptions that their spiritual and=or emotional needs have been met
by the chaplain. Other chaplains have adapted items from several sources to create their own
scales to measure the quality of their work—one for patients and family members and one for
hospital staff. For clinical and methodological reasons, research on chaplain effectiveness
probably should concentrate on patients who fall into Fitchett’s category of being at-risk – those
whose religious needs are high and whose religious resources are low. The most important things

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to keep in mind when pursing this question or any other research question is that there is no one
right approach, or one best approach to studying it. Nor is there a way of knowing in advance
which avenue of research will have the greatest or most important impact on a field. The clinical
research process does not work well when the questions asked and the methods used to answer
them are selected by those outside the field, or directed from the top-down. Clinical research is at
its best when the research ideas are generated by those working on the frontlines. Chaplains must
decide what questions to ask and how to try to answer them. When doing so, it may be
worthwhile to keep in mind that medical journals do not contain studies about the effectiveness
of physicians or surgeons; they contain studies about the effectiveness of specific medical
treatments and procedures.

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 CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Types and Sources of Data

There are two types and sources of data, the Primary and Secondary sources of data. The primary
source of data was used majorly for this thesis through the use of structured questionnaire
administered to various respondents randomly.

3.2 Sampling Technique

Few worship centers were purposively sampled and questionnaires were randomly administered
to each of the respondents in them. The sample size used in this research was 100 respondents.

3.3 Analytical Technique

The analytical technique used in this thesis is the descriptive statistics with major focus on
qualitative comparative analysis method and an abductive approach. This research uses a
qualitative comparative method and an abductive approach. According to Danermark et al
(2001), an abductive approach can help to see if the rule that is already established is true or if
new interpretations concerning the issue can be researched with the new observations. The
abductive approach is thus used to help explain a phenomenon by looking at it through different
theoretical lenses. In this case, the abductive approach is used as a way to answer the research
questions, as the answers can be different depending on the choice of theory. Based on the
knowledge that the abductive approach presents one possible answer to an issue with several
answers depending on choices made by the researcher it does not give one conclusive answer but
instead helps to create a new insight and a new possible way to explain the phenomenon
discussed in this research.
The research is carried out using a qualitative methodology that examines multiple cases to
understand the role of women in Chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy. Bryman (2012)
outlines qualitative research as research that focus on words rather than numbers, something that
quantitative research does. In qualitative research he underlines that we want to see and
understand and interpret how the participants in the study understand the social world. There are
many methods that are linked to the qualitative method. For example, interviews, observations,

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focus groups, discourse analysis and the method this research will focus on, a qualitative
collection and analysis of texts and documents. This methodology facilitates answering the
question if women follow normative gender roles assigned to women in chaplaincy and the peace
building work they engage in or if they are engaged in multiple areas that do not fall within those
predetermined gender roles. The two parts of this research will be compared in the analysis
section to help understand the roles which women play in peace building and if they are limited
by the tasks assigned to them in peace agreements or if they take part in more and different
activities to build peace. This research helps to structure the data collected and answer the
research questions on whether women are treated as victims of war, or agents of change. This
research also helps to examine the roles women are assigned to compare to what they actually do
in peace building. In order to find out the roles assigned to women, the research looks into peace
agreements to then be able to compare these and answer the question if women do more than
they are assigned to in the peace agreements. The research is conducted through a text analysis
method to see how and where women’s role is outlined in peace agreements. Further, a
comparative case study is conducted where all cases is compared in the analysis to answer the
research questions and to see what role women are assigned to in the peace agreements and more
importantly, what role and what type of work that the women have when working with peace
building.
3.4 Scope of the Study

The study covered Ibadan metropolis, Oyo state but was streamlined to the University o f Ibadan
and Olodo axis. The information covered includes Demographic characteristics of the
respondents such as sex, age, educational level, marital status, and employment status. It also
covered the requirements of becoming a chaplain, the need of women in Chaplaincy and the role
of women in Chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy. 100 questionnaires were produced and
randomly distributed to the respondents. The respondents were students, clergy, civil servants,
and those who are self-employed and unemployed.

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 CHAPTER FOUR
Results and Discussions
4.1 Demographic Characteristics
This section discussed the demographic characteristics among the respondents. The demographic
characteristics discussed include sex, age, educational level, marital status, and employment
status.

4.1.1 Sex

Sex distinguishes between male and female among the respondents. As shown in Figure 4.1,
67.35% of the respondents are males while 32.65% are females. This indicates that there are
more males than female respondents. This may be due to the fact that representations of the
respondents overwhelmingly tend to be male.

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4.1.2 Age

The age distribution of the respondents was presented in a pie chart in figure 4.2. As shown in
Figure 4.2, 19.39% of the respondents are between 17-20yrs. 73.47% of them are of ages 21-
40yrs, 5.1% of them are within ages 41-60 and 2.04% of them are greater than 60yrs of age. This
indicates that majority of the respondents are within the age range of 21-40yrs, which implies
that most of the respondents are of the young generation and they are known for their agility and
vibrancy.

155
4.1.3 Educational Level

The distribution of the educational level of the respondents was presented in figure 4.3. The
educational level distributions discussed are respondents with no formal education, primary
education, secondary and tertiary education. The distribution is presented in Figure 4.3 which
shows that 0% of the respondents have primary education, 13.27% have secondary education.
86.73% have tertiary education while 0% has no formal education. This indicates that majority of
the respondents are graduates with tertiary education whereas none of the respondents are
identified with primary education and no-formal education.

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4.1.4 Marital Status

The marital status of the respondents was presented in a pie chart in figure 4.4. The marital
statuses discussed are respondents who are married, widowed, single and divorced. In the
distribution as shown in figure 4.5, 14.29% of the respondents are married, 0% of them are
widowed, 85.71% of them are single and 0% of them are divorced. This indicates that majority
of the respondents are single whereas there are no respondents who are divorced or widowed.

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4.1.5 Employment Status
The employment status of the respondents was presented in a pie chart in figure 4.4. The
employment statuses discussed are respondents who are self-employed, clergy, civil servant,
unemployed, and students. In the distribution as shown in figure 4.5, 14.29% of the respondents
are self-employed, 4.08% of them are clergy, 10.20% of them are civil servant, 15.31% of them
are unemployed and 56.12% of them are students. This indicates that majority of the respondents
are single whereas there are no respondents who are divorced or widowed.

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4.2 Requirements of Becoming a Chaplain
This section discussed the requirements of becoming a Chaplain. It tried to find out from the
respondents whether they have idea of who a chaplain is and what it takes to serve in a
chaplaincy. It also investigated whether they would like to serve in the chaplaincy and whether
they will allow their close relative to serve in the chaplaincy.
4.2.1 Idea of who is a Chaplain
Figure 4.6 shows the distribution of the number of respondents who indicated that they have idea
of who a chaplain is. 85.71% of the respondents indicated that they have an idea of who is a
Chaplain and 14.29% do not have any idea of who is a Chaplain. This indicates that majority of
the respondents have idea of who is a Chaplain.

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4.2.2 Privilege of Serving in the Chaplaincy
Figure 4.7 shows the distribution of the number of respondents who are willing to serve in the
Chaplaincy if given the privilege. Among the respondents, 59.18% of them are willing to serve
in the Chaplaincy and 40.82% are not willing to serve in the Chaplaincy. This indicates that
majority of the respondents are willing to serve in the Chaplaincy if given the privilege to do so.

160
4.2.3 Allowing a Close Relative to Serve in the Chaplaincy

The distribution showing the percentages of respondents who are willing to allow a close relative
to serve in the chaplaincy is presented in Fig 4.8. As shown in Fig 4.8, 55.10% of the
respondents indicated that they are willing to allow a close relative to serve in the Chaplaincy.
18.37% are will not allow their close relative to serve in the Chaplaincy and 26.53% indicated
that they are undecided as to whether they will allow a close relative to serve in a Chaplaincy or
not.

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4.2.4 Idea of what it takes to serve in Chaplaincy

The distribution of respondents who have idea of what it takes to serve in Chaplaincy is shown in
Figure 4.9. Among the respondents as shown if figure 4.9, 38.76% of them indicated that they
have an idea of what it takes to serve in Chaplaincy. 29.59% have no idea and 31.63% are not
sure if they have the idea of what it takes to serve in the Chaplaincy. This indicates that a higher
number of the respondents understand what it takes to serve in Chaplaincy.

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4.2.5 Distribution of the Requirements of Becoming a Chaplain

The requirements of becoming a Chaplain were given as seminary degree, Ecclesiastical

endorsement, pastoral experience, familiarity with the Bible and other religious texts and
excellent interpersonal skills. These requirements were distributed into options of “strongly
agree”, “Agree”, “Undecided”, “Disagree” and “Strongly disagree” for respondents to pick. The
distribution of each requirement is discussed below.

4.2.5.1 Seminary Degree

The distribution of seminary degree as a requirement for becoming a Chaplain was presented in
Fig 4.10. The result presented in the pie chart showed that 29.59% of the respondents strongly
agree, 48.98% agree, 17.35% are undecided and 4.08% disagree that seminary degree is a
requirement for becoming a Chaplain. This indicates that majority (78.57%) of the respondents
believe that seminary degree is a requirement for becoming a Chaplain.

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4.2.5.2 Ecclesiastical Endorsement

The distribution of Ecclesiastical endorsement as a requirement of becoming a Chaplain was

presented in a pie chart in Fig 4.11. The result as shown in Fig 4.11 revealed that 19.39% of the
respondents strongly agree and 36.73% agree to ecclesiastical endorsement as a requirement of
becoming a Chaplain. 40.82% were undecided about it whereas 3.06% disagree that
ecclesiastical endorsement is a requirement of becoming a Chaplain. This indicates that majority
(56.12%) of the respondents believe that ecclesiastical endorsement is also a requirement of
becoming a chaplain.

164
4.2.5.3 Pastoral Experience
Pastoral experience was also given as a requirement of becoming a Chaplain. The distribution of
the responses of the respondents about pastoral experience as a requirement of becoming a
Chaplain was presented in Fig 4.12. The result of the pie Chart showed that 31.63% strongly
agree, 38.78% agree, 22.45% are undecided, 5.1% disagree and 2.04% strongly disagree that
pastoral experience is a requirement of becoming a Chaplain. This indicates that majority
(70.41%) of the respondents believe that pastor experience is needed for becoming a Chaplain.

165
4.2.5.4 Familiarity with the Bible and other Religious Texts

This was also given as one of the requirement of becoming a Chaplain. The distribution of the
responses of the respondents about familiarity with the bible and other religious texts as a
requirement of becoming a Chaplain was presented in Fig 4.13. The result showed that 60.20%
strongly agree, 22.45% agree, 15.31% are undecided and 2,04% disagree that familiarity with the
Bible and other religious texts is a requirement for becoming a Chaplain. This indicates that
majority (82.65%) of the respondents believes that familiarity with the Bible and other religious
is a requirement of becoming a Chaplain.

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4.2.5.5 Interpersonal Skills to Listen

The distribution of the responses of the respondents about interpersonal skills to listen as a
requirement of becoming a Chaplain was presented in a pie chart in Fig 4.14. The distribution as
shown in this figure revealed that 48.98% of the respondents strongly agree, 36.73% agree,
11.22% are undecided, 2.05% disagree and 1.02% strongly disagree that excellent interpersonal
skills to listen is a requirement of becoming a Chaplain. This indicates that majority (85.71%)
believe that excellent interpersonal skills is a requirement of becoming a Chaplain

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4.3 Need for Women in Chaplaincy

This section discussed the reasons why women are needed in Chaplaincy. Questions were asked
to know the respondents view about the need for women in Chaplaincy and why women scarcely
fulfill a career in Chaplaincy. Further questions were asked to know whether the respondents will
allow their girl child fulfill a career in chaplaincy. Results of the findings were presented in a bar
charts.

4.3.1 Respondents View of Women Serving in Chaplaincy

Respondents view was sought to know what they think about women serving in Chaplaincy. The
result of the findings was presented in a bar chart in Figure 4.15. The result showed that 41.84%
and 39.80% of the respondents think that it is very good and good for women to serve in
Chaplaincy. 14.29% were undecided, 3.06% think it is bad and 1.02% thinks it is very bad to
allow women serve in the Chaplaincy. This indicates that majority (81.64%) of the respondents
believe that women should be allowed to serve in chaplaincy.

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4.3.2 Respondents’ View on why Women Scarcely Fulfill Careers in Chaplaincy

Respondents were given some range of options to choose from, that stated the reasons why
women scarcely fulfill career in chaplaincy. They were given the permission to select more than
one option among the reasons why women scarcely fulfill career in chaplaincy. The distribution
of their responses was presented in table 4.1. The findings from their responses revealed that
64.3% of the respondents selected traditional gender roles as a reason why women scarcely
fulfill career in chaplaincy, 50% of them selected religious doctrines and 33.7% selected
discouragement from friends as part of the reasons why women scarcely fulfill career in
chaplaincy. Only 10.2% selected “others” as a reason for women not fulfilling career in
chaplaincy and gave their personal reasons as multipurpose roles, cultural practices and beliefs,
limited empowerment, biasness and personal problems.
Table 4.1 Responses Showing why women scarcely fulfill career in Chaplaincy

Traditional roles Freq. % Valid % Cum.

%
Valid traditional gender roles 63 64.3 100.0 100.0
Missing System 35 35.7
Total 98 100.0
Religious doctrines Freq. % Valid % Cum.
%
Valid religious doctrines 49 50.0 100.0 100.0
Missing System 49 50.0
Total 98 100.0
Discouragement from friends Freq. % Valid % Cum.
%
Valid discouragement from 33 33.7 100.0 100.0
friends
Missing System 65 66.3
Total 98 100.0
Others Freq. % Valid % Cum.
%
Valid Others 10 10.2 100.0 100.0
Missing System 88 89.8
Total 98 100.0

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4.3.3 Respondents View on allowing their Girl Child Fulfill Careers in Chaplaincy
Respondents were asked if they will allow their girl child fulfill a career in chaplaincy. The result
of their responses was represented in a bar chart in Figure 4.16. From the result shown in Figure
4.16, 50% of the respondents indicated that they will allow their girl child fulfill a career in
chaplaincy. 13.27% indicated that will not allow their girl child fulfill a career in chaplaincy and
36.73% are not sure if they will allow their girl child fulfill a career in chaplaincy. This indicated
that majority of the respondents will allow their girl child fulfill a career in chaplaincy.

170
4.3.4 Respondents View on Whether Chaplaincy needs Women serving in it
From figure 4.17, it can be seen that 69.39% of the respondents are of the opinion that the
chaplaincy needs women serving in it. 5.10 % of them don’t see the need for women serving in
chaplaincy and 25.51% indicated that they are not sure to support women serving in chaplaincy.
This indicates that majority of the respondents believe that the chaplaincy is in need of women
serving in it to cater for the peculiarity of the women folk.

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4.3.5 Responses on the Reasons why Women are needed in Chaplaincy
The reasons why women are needed in chaplaincy was given as to provide counseling to
sensitive gender issues, meeting spiritual needs of the female folks, bring to ministry a presence
of understanding and caring that is readily accepted by female clients and most males, to serve as
advisors on policies and standards that could be overlooked by males, to establish rapport with
patients and advise the medical staff on issues that can sometimes be awkward for males and for
effective peace advocacy and conflict resolution. These requirements were distributed into
options of “strongly agree”, “Agree”, “Undecided”, “Disagree” and “Strongly disagree” for
respondents to pick. The distribution of each requirement is discussed below.
4.3.5.1 To Provide Counseling to Sensitive Gender Issues
As shown in Fig 4.18, 55.10% strongly agree and 32.65% agree that providing counseling to
sensitive issues is a reason why women are needed in chaplaincy. 11.22% are undecided and
1.02% disagrees to it. This indicates that majority (87.75%) of the respondents are of the opinion
that women are needed in chaplaincy to provide counseling to sensitive gender issues.

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4.3.5.2 Meeting Spiritual Needs of the Women Folk
This was one of the reasons given as to why women are needed in chaplaincy. The distribution of
the respondents who selected this reason was presented in Figure 4.19. The result of the
distribution showed that 38.78% strongly agree and 42.86% agree that meeting spiritual needs of
the women folk as one of the reasons why women are needed in chaplaincy. 16.33% are
undecided and 2.04% disagree to the reason. This indicates that majority (81.64%) of the
respondents are of the opinion that the chaplaincy is in need of women to meet the spiritual
needs of the women folk.

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4.3.5.3 Bringing to Ministry a Presence of Understanding and Caring Readily Accepted by
Female Clients and most Males
The distribution of the respondents over this reason why women are needed in chaplaincy was
presented in Figure 4.20. As shown in Figure 4.20, 41.84% strongly agree and 36.73% agree that
women are needed in chaplaincy to bring into the ministry a presence of understanding and
caring that is readily accepted by female clients and most males. 19.39% are undecided and
2,04% disagree to the reason. This indicates that majority (78.57%) of the respondents believes
that “bringing to the ministry a presence of understanding and caring that is readily accepted by
female clients and most males is one reason why women are needed in chaplaincy.

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4.3.5.4 To Serve as Advisors on Policies and Standards that could be overlooked by Males
The distribution of the respondents who selected the above reasons as why women are needed in
chaplaincy was presented in Figure 4.21. The distribution showed that 42.86% strongly agree
and 34.69% agree to the reason that women are need to serve as advisors on policies and
standards that could be overlooked by males. 16.33% are undecided and 6.12% disagree to the
reason. This indicates that majority (77.55%) of the respondents believe to the stated reason
above.

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4.3.5.5 To Establish Rapport with Patients and Advise the Medical Staff on Issues that can
sometimes be awkward for Males
The distribution of the respondents who selected the above reasons as why women are needed in
chaplaincy was presented in Figure 4.22. The distribution of their responses showed that 38.78%
strongly agree and agree to the reason that women are needed in chaplaincy to establish rapport
with patients and give medical advice to medical staff on issues that can sometimes be awkward
for males. 19.39% are undecided and 3.06% disagree to the reason. This indicates that majority
(77.56%) believe to the stated reason above about why women are need in chaplaincy.

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4.3.5.6 Effective Peace Advocacy and Conflict Resolution
The distribution of the respondents who selected the above reasons as why women are needed in
chaplaincy was presented in Figure 4.22. The distribution of their responses showed that 31.63%
strongly agree and 45.92% agree to effective peace advocacy and conflict resolution as a reason
why women are needed in chaplaincy. 18.37% are undecided, 2.04% disagree and strongly
disagree to the stated reason. This indicates that majority (77.55%) believe to the stated reason
about why women are needed in chaplaincy.

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4.4 Roles of Women in Chaplaincy in Relations with Peace Advocacy
This section discussed the roles of women in chaplaincy in relations with peace advocacy.
Questions were asked to know whether respondents have an idea of what peace advocacy is and
to get their view about how effective women are in peace advocacy. Further questions were also
asked to seek respondents perception to allowing women in chaplaincy be recruited as
champions of peace advocacy. All these and more responses were graphically represented in a
pie chart.

4.4.1 Respondents’ View of whether they know what is Peace Advocacy

Distribution of respondent’s view on whether they know what is peace advocacy was presented
in Figure 4.24. The results of their responses showed that 85.71% of the respondents know what
peace advocacy is and 14.29% of them do not. This indicates that majority of the respondents
know the meaning of peace advocacy.

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4.4.2 Effectiveness of Women in Peace Advocacy
Respondents’ view was sought to know the effectiveness of women in peace advocacy. The
distribution of their responses as shown in Figure 4.5 revealed that 30.61% of the respondents
indicated that women are very effective in peace advocacy and 51.02% of them indicated that
women are effective in peace advocacy. 14.29% are undecided and 4.08% indicated that women
are not effective in peace advocacy. This indicated that most of the respondents (81.63%)
believed that women are effective in peace advocacy.

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4.4.3 Recruiting Women as Champions of Peace Advocacy

As shown in Figure 4.26, 68.37% of the respondents indicated that women should be recruited as
champions of peace advocacy. 10.20 % indicated that women should not be recruited as
champions of peace advocacy and 21.43% were undecided about it. This indicates that majority
of the respondents are of the opinion that women should be recruited as champions of peace
advocacy.

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4.4.4 Reasons Women in Chaplaincy should be involved in Peace Advocacy

Four reasons were given as options for why women in chaplaincy should be involved in peace
advocacy and respondents were permitted to select more than one option out of them. The result
of their responses was tabulated in table 4.2. Table 4.2 showed that 32.7% selected that women
are disproportionally affected by conflict as a reason why women in chaplaincy should be
involved in peace advocacy. 63.3% selected that women in chaplaincy should be involved in
peace advocacy because they are agents of change. 70.4% selected the option that states because
women are primary caretakers of children and elders in every country of the world as a reason
why women in chaplaincy should be involved in peace advocacy. Lastly, about 67.3% selected
that the reason why women in chaplaincy should be involved in peace advocacy is because
women are important agents for creating stability in the lives of their families and to promote
reconciliation and peace. This indicated that majority of the respondents are of the opinion that
the major reason why women in chaplaincy should be involved in peace advocacy is because
women are primary caretakers of children and elders in every country of the world.

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Table 4.2 Reasons Women in chaplaincy should be involved in peace advocacy
Because women are Freq. % Valid % Cum. %
disproportionally affected by
conflict
Valid Because women are 32 32.7 100.0 100.0
disproportionally affected by
conflict
Missing System 66 67.3
Total 98 100.0
Because women are agents of Freq. % Valid % Cum. %
change
Valid Because women are 62 63.3 100.0 100.0
agents of change
Missing System 36 36.7
Total 98 100.0
Because women are primary Freq. % Valid % Cum. %
caretakers of children and
elders in every country of the
world
Valid Because women are 69 70.4 100.0 100.0
primary caretakers of children
and elders in every country of
the world
Missing System 29 29.6
Total 98 100.0
Because women are important Freq. % Valid % Cum. %
agents for creating stability in
the lives of their families
Valid Because women are 66 67.3 100.0 100.0
important agents for creating
stability in the lives of their
families
Missing System 32 32.7
Total 98 100.0

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4.4.5 Reasons Women in Chaplaincy are not often used in Peace Advocacy
Three reasons were given as options for why women in chaplaincy are not often being used in
peace agreement/ advocacy and respondents were permitted to select more than one option out of
them. The result of their responses was tabulated in table 4.3. Table 4.3 showed that 24.5%
selected that the reason why women are not often used in peace advocacy is because they are
regarded as victims in peace agreement. 65.3% selected because of some perceived traditional
gender roles and 48% selected because they are seen as weaker vessels as the reasons why
women are not often used in peace agreement and advocacy. This indicates that majority of the
respondents are of the opinion that the reason why women in chaplaincy are not often used in
peace agreement/advocacy is because of some perceived traditional gender roles.
Table 4.3 Reasons women in Chaplaincy are not often use in peace agreement/advocacy
Because they are regarded as Freq. % Valid % Cum. %
victims in peace agreement
Valid Because they are 24 24.5 100.0 100.0
regarded as victims in peace
agreements
Missing System 74 75.5
Total 98 100.0
Because of some perceived Freq. % Valid % Cum. %
traditional gender roles
Valid Because of some 64 65.3 100.0 100.0
perceived traditional gender
roles
Missing System 34 34.7
Total 98 100.0
Because they are seen as Freq. % Valid % Cum. %
weaker vessels
Valid Because they are seen as 47 48.0 100.0 100.0
weaker vessels
Missing System 51 52.0
Total 98 100.0

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4.4.6 Respondents’ view on Roles of Women in Chaplaincy in relations to Peace Advocacy
Five roles were highlighted and under listed into five options of “strongly agree”, “agree”,
“Undecided”, “Disagree” and “strongly disagree” from which respondents were permitted to
choose only a single option. The distribution of their responses was graphically represented by a
pie chart.
4.4.6.1 To Work with Peacekeepers to help detect and prevent conflict-related sexual
violence
The distribution showing the responses of the respondents concerning this role was presented in
Figure 4.27. Their responses revealed that 42.86% indicated that they strongly agree and 41.84%
indicated that they agree that one of the roles of women in chaplaincy in relations to peace
advocacy is to work with peacekeepers to help detect and prevent conflict-related sexual
violence. Only 15.31% are undecided about it. This indicated that majority (84.7%) of the
respondents believed this point to be a role of women in chaplaincy in regards to peace
advocacy.

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4.4.6.2 To Support in Building Justice and Security Institutions that Protect Women and
Girls from Violence and Discrimination
The distribution showing the responses of the respondents concerning this role was presented in
Figure 4.28. Their responses revealed that 36.73% of the respondents strongly agree and 44.9%
agree that one of the roles in chaplaincy in relations to peace advocacy is to support in building
justice and security institutions that protect women and girls from violence and discrimination.
17.35% were undecided and 1.02% disagrees to it. This indicates that majority (81.63%) believe
in this point as a role in chaplaincy in relations to peace advocacy.

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4.4.6.3 To Respond to Women’s needs, and ensure women’s access to economic
opportunities

The distribution showing the responses of the respondents concerning this role was presented in
Figure 4.29. Their responses revealed that 36.73% the respondents strongly agree and 41.84%
agrees that to respond to women’s needs and ensure women’s access to economic opportunities
as a role of women in chaplaincy in relations to peace advocacy. 18.37% of them were undecided
and 3.06% disagrees to it. This indicates that majority (78.57%) believes that this point is a role
of women in chaplaincy in relations to peace advocacy.

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4.4.6.4 To Address the Impact of Sexual Violence

The distribution showing the responses of the respondents concerning this role was presented in
Figure 4.30. Their responses revealed 47.96% strongly agree and 31.63% agree that the role of
women in chaplaincy in relations to peace advocacy is to address the impact of sexual violence.
18.37% were undecided and 2.04% disagree to it. This indicates that majority (79.59%) of the
respondents believe that this point is a role of women in chaplaincy in relations to peace
advocacy.

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4.4.6.5 To Engage with Civil society more comprehensively and Enabling an Improved
understanding of Gender Dynamics of Conflict

The distribution showing the responses of the respondents concerning this role was presented in
Figure 4.31. Their responses revealed that 31.63% strongly agree, 44.90% agree that the role of
women in chaplaincy in relations to peace advocacy is to engage with civil society more
comprehensively and enabling an improved understanding of gender dynamics of conflict.
22.45% were undecided and 1.02% disagrees to it. This indicates that majority (76.53) believes
that this point is also a role of women in chaplaincy in relations to peace advocacy.

188
 CHAPTER 5

SUMMARY, RECOMMENDATION AND CONCLUSIONS

This section discussed the summaries and conclusion of the findings of this study and gave some
recommendations that will be useful to the various stakeholders saddled with the responsibility
of ensuring that women in chaplaincy be given roles during peace advocacy, negotiations and
agreement.
5.1 Summary
This study discussed the role of women in chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy. The
specific objectives determined the requirements of becoming a chaplain, investigated the need of
women in Chaplaincy and determined the role of women in Chaplaincy in relation with peace
advocacy. The results of their demographic characteristics revealed that a majority of 67.25% of
the respondents was males, 73.47% were between ages 21-40yrs, 86.73% had or were
undergoing tertiary education and 56.12% were students.
Results from the requirements of becoming a chaplain revealed that a majority of 86.71% had an
idea of who a chaplain is. A majority of 59.18% was willing to serve in the chaplaincy if given
the privilege to do so and a majority of 38.8% knew what it takes to serve in chaplaincy.
Concerning the requirements of becoming a chaplain, a majority of 78.57% of the respondents
believed that having a seminary degree is paramount. 56.12% believed that ecclesiastical
endorsements another requirement and 70.41% indicated that pastoral experience is another
important requirement. A majority of 82.65% and 85.71% chose familiarity with the Bible and
other religious texts and interpersonal skills as a very important requirement of becoming a
chaplain.
Results from the need of women in chaplaincy revealed that a majority of 81.64% of the
respondents wants women to be allowed to serve in the office of a chaplain and 50% of them
indicated that they will allow their girl child to serve in the office of a chaplaincy. A majority of
69.39% saw the need for more women occupying chaplaincy roles but a majority of 64.3%
believed that the main reason women are restricted from fulfilling a career in chaplaincy is
because of traditional gender roles that has existed in the society. 87.75% indicated that women
are needed in chaplaincy to provide counseling to sensitive gender issues, 81.64% believed they
are needed to meet the spiritual needs of the women folk, 78.57% believed it is for bringing to

189
the ministry a presence of understanding and caring readily accepted by female clients and most
males. 77.56% believed that they are needed to establish rapport with patients and medical
advice on issues that can sometimes be awkward for males and 77.55% believed that they are
needed for effective peace advocacy and conflict resolution.
The results for the role of women in chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy revealed that
85.71% knew the meaning of peace advocacy, 81.63% believed that women are effective in
brokering peace if given the opportunity to do so and 68.37% wants women to be recruited and
included as champions of peace advocacy. On why women should be involved in peace
advocacy, a majority of 70.4% of the respondents believed that it is because they are primary
caretakers of children and elders while 65.3% indicated that traditional gender roles is the main
reason why women are not often used in peace advocacy. A majority of 84.7% believed that the
role of women in chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy is to work with peace keepers to
help detect and prevent conflict related sexual violence. 81.63% believed that their role is to
support in building justice and security institutions that protect women and girls from violence
and discrimination and 78.57% believed that it is to respond to women’s needs and ensure
women’s access to economic opportunities. Lastly, a majority of 79.56% of the respondents
believed that their role is to address the impact of sexual violence and a majority of 76.53%
believed that it is to engage with civil society more comprehensively and enabling an improved
understanding of gender dynamics of conflicts.
5.2 Conclusion
From the observations and findings of this study, the requirements of becoming a chaplain are
having a seminary degree, pastoral experience, familiarity with the Bible and any other religious
texts, interpersonal skills and ecclesiastical endorsements. Women are needed in chaplaincy to
provide counseling to sensitive gender issues, to meet the spiritual needs of the women folk, for
bringing to the ministry a presence of understanding and caring readily accepted by female
clients and most males, to establish rapport with patients and medical advice on issues that can
sometimes be awkward for males and for effective peace advocacy and conflict resolution. The
roles of women in chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy are to work with peace keepers to
help detect and prevent conflict related sexual violence, to support in building justice and
security institutions that protect women and girls from violence and discrimination, to respond to
women’s needs and ensure women’s access to economic opportunities, to address the impact of

190
sexual violence and it is to engage with civil society more comprehensively and enabling an
improved understanding of gender dynamics of conflicts.
5.3 Recommendation
The role of women in chaplaincy in relation with peace advocacy cannot be over emphasized. It
is very important for women to be involved in every peace process. For women to be actively
involved in every peace process, below are some of my recommendations that would help
encourage our women to be more involving in chaplaincy and peace advocacy.
 The different understanding, experiences and capabilities of women into all aspects of
peace operations should be acknowledged and integrated for the success of peacekeeping
efforts and sustaining peace.
 Resolutions on women, peace and security across all peace functions should be
judiciously implemented by relevant stakeholders across all peace functions. Security
Council Resolution 1325 (2000) was the first resolution that recognized the
disproportionate and unique impact of armed conflict on women and girls, acknowledged
the contributions women and girls make to conflict prevention, peacekeeping, conflict
resolution and peace-building and highlighted the importance of their equal and full
participation, as active agents in peace and security.
 Women should be sensitized and encouraged to vie for leadership positions in chaplaincy
and participate meaningfully in the prevention and resolution of conflicts.
 Women should be more involving in addressing the impact of sexual violence.
 The development and use of measures and standards for monitoring the implementation
of women, peace and security mandates should be promoted by relevant stakeholders.
 Civil society should be engaged more comprehensively for an improved and enabling
understanding of gender dynamics of conflict.
 Training and capacity building on gender equality and women in chaplaincy, peace and
security for chaplains and peace-keeping personnel should be initiated and rigorously
encouraged.

191
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 Appendix 1

Questionnaire

This questionnaire was prepared to help me analyze the roles of women in chaplaincy in
relations with peace advocacy as part of a mandatory requirement for this dissertation.
Information provided promises to be confidential and solely be used for its intended purpose.
Please kindly help me fill them appropriately. Thanks.

SECTION A

Socio-demographic Characteristics

Tick from the available options the ones that best fit you

1. Sex M[ ] F[ ]
2. How old are you? 17 – 20 [ ] 21 – 40 [ ] 41 – 60 [ ] > 60 [ ]
3. What is your highest educational level? No formal [ ] Primary [ ]
Secondary [ ] Tertiary [ ]
4. What is your marital status? Single [ ] Married [ ] Divorced [ ]
Widowed [ ]
5. What is your employment status? Self employed [ ] Clergy [ ] Civil servant
[ 10 ] Unemployed [ ] Students [ ]

SECTION B

Requirements of Becoming a Chaplain

Tick from available options the ones that best answer the questions

6. Do you have an idea of who a chaplain is? Yes [ ] No [ ]

7. If given the privilege, would you like to serve in a chaplaincy? i. Yes [ ] ii.
No [ ] iii. Undecided [ ]
8. Will you allow any of your close relative to serve in a chaplaincy if you have the power
to do so? i. Yes [ ] ii. No [ ] iii. Undecided [ ]
9. Do you have an idea of what it takes to serve in a chaplaincy? i. Yes [ ]
ii. No [ ] iii. Not sure [ ]
10. From the under listed requirements of becoming a chaplain given, tick only one from the
sets of opinions

Requirements Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly

Agree Disagree
Seminary Degree
Ecclesiastical
Endorsement

219
 Pastoral
Experience
Familiarity with
the Bible and other
religious texts
Excellent
interpersonal skills
to listen

SECTION C

Need For women in Chaplaincy

11. What do think of women serving in Chaplaincy? i. Very good [ ] ii. Good [ ]
iii. Undecided [ ] iv. Bad [ ] v. Very bad [ ]
12. Why do you think women scarcely fulfill careers in Chaplaincy? (You can tick more
than one here) i. Traditional gender roles [ ] ii. Religious doctrines [ ] iii.
Discouragement from friends/family [ ] iv. Others? Please
Specify_______________________________________________________________
13. Will you allow your girl child fulfill a career in chaplaincy? i. Yes [ ] ii. No [ ]
iii. Not sure [ ]
14. Do you think the chaplaincy needs women serving in it? i. Yes [ ] ii. No [ ]
iii. Not Sure [ ]
15. From the under listed reasons, choose by ticking only one option of what you think are
the reasons why women are needed in chaplaincy.

Need for women in Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly

Chaplaincy Agree Disagree
To provide counseling
to sensitive gender
issues
Meeting spiritual
needs of the female
folks
Bring to ministry a
presence of
understanding and
caring that is readily
accepted by female
clients and most males
To serve as advisors
on policies and
standards that could be
overlooked by males

220
 To establish rapport
with patients and
advise the medical
staff on issues that can
sometimes be
awkward for males
For effective peace
advocacy and conflict
resolution

SECTION D

Roles of women in chaplaincy in relations with Peace Advocacy

Peace advocacy is any policy that advocates maintaining peaceful international relations.

16. Do you have any idea what peace advocacy is before now? Yes [ ] No [ ]
17. How effective are women in peace advocacy? i. Very effective [ ] ii. Effective [ ]
iii. Undecided [ ] iv. Not Effective [ ]
18. Should women in chaplaincy be recruited as champions of peace advocacy? i. Yes [ ]
ii. No [ ] iii. Undecided [ ]
19. Why do you think women in chaplaincy should be involved in peace advocacy? (You
can tick more than one here)
i. Because women are disproportionally affected by conflict [ ]
ii. Because women are agents of change [ ]
iii. Because women are primary caretakers of children and elders in every country of
the world [ ]
iv. Because women are important agents for creating stability in the lives of their
families and to promote reconciliation and peace [ ]
20. Why do you think women in Chaplaincy are not often used in Peace agreement and
advocacy?
i. Because they are regarded as victims in the peace agreement [ ]
ii. Because of some perceived traditional gender roles [ ]
iii. Because they are seen as weaker vessels [ ]

21. From the under listed roles of women in peace advocacy, tick only one option on what
you think the roles of women are.

Roles of women in Strongly Agree Undecided Disagree Strongly

Chaplaincy in Agree Disagree
relations to Peace
Advocacy
To Work with

221
peacekeepers to help
detect and prevent
conflict-related sexual
violence
To Support in building
justice and security
institutions that protect
women and girls from
violence and
discrimination
To respond to women’s
needs, and ensure
women’s access to
economic opportunities
To address the impact
of sexual violence
To engage with civil
society more
comprehensively and
enabling an improved
understanding of
gender dynamics of
conflict

222