The

Hidden Origins
of

ISLAM

EDITED RY KARL-HEiNZ OHLIG AND GERD-R. PUIJV

 The
Hi d den Origins

<>f

ISLAM
 e

Hidden Origins

ISLAM
NEW RESEARCH INTO IT'S EARLY H1 STORY

P DII EH BY KAR1.-13K3NZ OHUG AND GE&D-K PU1N

Prometheus Books
Julin (iltnn Drive
Amherst, New Yurie 14228-21 19
 CONTENTS

Foreword 7
Islam’s "Hidden” Origins
Kari-Heinz Ohtig

PART I. THE EARLY HISTORY OF ISLAM

1. The Early Hi story of 1 si a ill, Fol 1 ow i ng I n scrip l iomi l f1

and NumismaticTestimony
Volker Popp

2. A New Interpretation of the Arabic Inscription in 125

Jerusalem’s Dome of the Rock
Christ! >ph Litxen berg

3. On lhe Origin of the Informants of the Prophet 153

Claude Giiliot

4. 'Abd al-Malik b, Marwan and the 189

Process of the Quran’s Composition
A tfrerf-i niiix tin Pfemare

5
6 Contents

PART IL NEW ASPECTS FOR THE EMERGENCE

AND CHARACTERISTIC OF ISLAM

5- A Personal Look at Some Aspects of the History of 225

Koranic Criticism in The Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries
Ihn Warraq

6. Pre-Islam ic Arabic—Koranic Arabic—

Classical Arabic: A Continuum? 263
Pierre Lurcher

7. From Syriac to PahlavL The Contribution ol ihe Sassanian Iraq 283

to the Beginning of the Arabic Writing
Sergio Nojit Nosedn

8. Farly Evidences of Variant Reading* in Quranic Manuscripts 311

Atha Fedeli

9. Leuke Koine = Laykah, the Arrians = 'Ashab al-Rass, and Other 335
Pre-Tslamic Names in the Qur'an: A Way Out of the “Tanglewood11?
Gend-R. Pain

10. Syrian and Arabian Christianity and the Quran 361

Kari-Heinz Ohlig

Contributors 403
 FOREWORD

ISLAM’S “HIDDEN” ORIGINS

Karl-Heinz Ghlig

T1 his volume of collected essays seeks to bring a bit of light into the
Ju hidden beginnings of a major world religion, namely, Islam,
This i men Lion, as well as my calling Islam’s beginnings “hidden,” may
well astound many, for the beginnings and later development of only a few
religions seem to be as clearly known as those of Islam.
In the early sixth century, the prophet Muhammad (570-632) arose; he
proclaimed the revelations of Allah in Mecca and Medina and eventually
united all the tribes of the Arabian peninsula into one tannin under his reli¬
gious and political leadership. The life of the prophet, his upbringing and
marriages, his work, the Hijra from Mecca to Medina in 622, and his battles
are narrated in detail in Muslim publications as well as those concerning the
academic discipline of Mamie studies.
After his death, the story continued with successes in war and in religion.
This early period gave binh to large Islamic empires, beginning with the four
“rightly guided” caliphs (632-661), continuing under the 11 mayyad caliphs,
with their capital in Damascus (661-750), and culminating under die
Abbas ids (beginning in 749), who had their political seat in Baghdad begin¬
ning in 762. Why, then* "hidden" origins?
(t is well known that there are only a few bits of information to he found

7
8 Foreword

in the Qur’an that offer biographical material ah out l lit' Meccan prophet;
however, the consequences of this fact are drawn out by only a few scholars
of Islam. All the biographical “information” we have can be Found in two
types of sources. The first consists of the biographical works of the early
ninth and tenth centuries. These include; l) the “Sira” of Jbn Hi sham (d.
834). which claims to be related to u non extant text of Ibn Is-haq (d. 768);
2) a history of military campaigns by al-Waqidi (d. 822); 3) a book called
‘'Classes” or “Generations” by Ibn Sit'd (d. 845); and 4) a book called
“Antuds" by al-Tabari (d. 922). The second type of source consists of the six
canonical collections of haditlt, which date from the late ninth century; these
arc ascribed to the following redactors: I) al-Bukhari (d. 870); 2} Muslim (d.
875); 3) Abu Dawud (d. 888); 4) al-Tinuidhi (d. 892); 5) al-Nasa'i (cl. 915);
and 6) Ibn Maja (d. 886).
Following the canons of historical-critical research, these reports,
written approximately (wo hundred years after the Fact, should be taken into
consideration only with great reservations.1 They wore collected at a time
when Muhammad was the paradigm of identification for a large and pow¬
er! ul empire; consequently, the reports about him were appropriately styl¬
ized. Their legendary character forces itself on the reader who comes to the
text uncritically; certain questions are asked in ways that become thematic,
despite the fact that some of the questions could not have played a role
during the suggested lifetime of the prophet; and so on.2
Nonetheless, these sources are the first to depict the life of Muhammad
and I race the Qur’an back to his proclamations in Mecca and Medina, so dial
the shape of the Arabian prophet and his life remains historically in shadow.
To put the issue more sharply, the problem of the sources casts doubt ott the
entire question of Muhammad’s historicity: “Muhammad is not a historical
figure, and his official biography is a product of the age in which it was
written."3 In the same vein, only in the ninth century was it first claimed that
the proclamations of Muhammad were brought together into the current,
complete (ext of the Quran by a commision of three Meccans under the lead¬
ership ol Zayd ibn Thabit from Medina. This editorial work is thought to have
occurred in the caliphate of Uthman (644 656), specifically between 650 and
656—that is, eighteen to twenty-four years after the death of Muhammad.
Rudi Faret writes the lollowing in the introduction fti his translation of
the Qur'an, and in doing so he gives expression to a consensus practically
unanimous among scholars ot Islam: “We have no reason to accept die idea
 Oklig: Islam's “Hidden” Origins 9

that even one single verse in the whole Koran does not stem from
Muhammad,”4 But why? How does lie know this to be true? On what
sources does he build his argument? Such a claim highlights many issues,
including: the many tensions within the Qur'an; the placement alongside one
another of varying, sometimes even contradictory, traditions; its apparent
redactions! editorial work; the late date of its emergence as the Qur’an we
know (as lhe earbest manuscript fragments indicate); and the much later date
of the ascription of the text to the Arabian prophet.5 The way that Pare! and
others simply pass over all these literary-critical problems is, quite frankly,
shocking.
The Islamic literature of the ninth century also contributes to current
narratives of the later history of the spread of Islam, although only a few
“witnesses” from the first two Muslim centuries are extant. Usually, the diifi-
cultics these sources create are not mentioned, Josef van Ess is a notable
exception. Ho admits that there are only a few early witnesses and, for the lirst
century after the Hijra, only a few inscriptions, such as those on the Dome of
the Rock in Jerusalem, on the Umayyud mosque in Damascus, and in numis¬
matic legends. Further, he admits that alt (later) Islamic texts stand “under
suspicion of projection."6 Consequently, he refuses to present the first century
at all; rather, he begins with llie second, although he also slates that the same
problems exist for this century, in that there arc hardly any “original texts" to
be found.7 In other words, the first two “Islamic” centuries lie in the shadows
of history, and it remains inexplicable how the development of a large Islamic
empire could have left behind no witnesses whatsoever, even among groups
from whom wo might expect such traces, such as the enemies of the Arabs,
the many Byzantines known for their literary skills and output, and die Jews
and Christians living under the alleged Islamic authority.
With help from the few datable and localizablc extant witnesses, namely,
coins and inscriptions, the contributors to ibis volume undertake the task of
explicating the contours of this development in the first two centuries. It will
be proven that the numismatic discoveries from this period, as well as the
inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock, actually concern Christian texts and
symbols, which document Syrian-Arabian theological ideas: that God is one
and single, and that the one he has sent (Jesus) is to he praised (muhetmmad).
Such statements were aimed at demarcating the texts’ communities from
Byzantine conceptions of the Trinity and of Christology, They document the
proud attempt of an Arabian Christianity and (lie empires shaped by it to create
ID Foreword

and defend their own identity. In addition, it will become clear that, long
before the appearance of the idea of a Hijra, (here was an Arabian-Chrj s t i an
reckoning of time, which began with the year 622 and was only later “con¬
vened" to a Muslim meaning. Until approximately (be end of the eighth cen¬
tury, so it seems, Arabian-Christian tribal leaders governed the regions of the
Near East and of North Africa—indeed, the Umayyad leaders and even the
early Abhasids were Christians.
It was not until the second century after the Hijra I hat the idea of
Muhammad seems to have been loosened from its original connection
(namely, to Jesus) and then isolated as a conception unto itself. Further, this
process of detachment seems to have experienced both an expansion of the
idea, to include a Christian apostle-prophet named Muhammad, and an inter¬
mediate stage ihat served as a conceptual bridge, namely, the worship of a cer¬
tain 'Ali (“exalted"), who took over normative functions in a more concrete
way and in the place of the distant and transcendent Muhammad (Jesus). In the
eighth century, and more fully in the ninth, the developing independence of the
Muhammad idea made it possible to bind it with (or to establish it as the foun¬
dation lor) the idea of an Arab prophet of Lhis same name, an idea that had
already been transmitted through history to some degree, and through this
process gained its own independent shape. This also bound the Muhammad
idea to the Arabian holy places of Mecca and Medina. All of this seems to have
served the interest of die creation of an Arabian identity for the Abbas id
Empire. At this lime, Lhen, Lhe biographical works and the collections of
Hadith about the Sunn a appeared. All of the available traditions concerning
earlier Arabian rulers and controversies were then woven into a continuing Ins-
lory of the Islamic religion and the development of its empire. The older ven¬
eration of'Ali was repressed and survives only among the Shiite traditions.
From the perspective of the history of religions, one recognizes here a
fascinating process in the emergence of a new religion. The individuals in
question, just like the redactors of the Pentateuch, infused their religion into
a “canonical" time of beginnings, in which they then grounded and legiti¬
mated it.
This interpretation, argued among these contributions most strongly by
Volker Popp, and deepened by Christoph Luxenberg {although already sug¬
gested by Yehuda D. Nevo and Judith Korcnh is not simply a subjective
opinion; rather, it is supported here by the only sources able to express them¬
selves in terms of history.
 OKlig: I slims "Hidden* Origins 11

What is the relationship, though, between this thesis and the Qur'an,
whose texts* are attested—wiili a few exceptions—only in (he early eighth
century and in. a defective script ^ and whose Muslim "canonization" was not
complete until approximately one hundred years later? One should always
remember that the Quran appeared in a time and a place (Iraq) when the
entire surrounding region was still Christian (and Jewish). Can it have been
created as (he foundational document of a new religion at that time? Or did
it become so only later?
Gunter Lading10 has most recently argued that- before Muhammad, there
was a sort of “Ur-Qur'an,” consisting of hymns arising from an Asian milieu;
these hymns were later edited by Muhammad anti early Muslim communi¬
ties, These initially hypothetical arguments have been supported through the.
work of Christoph Luxenberg, albeit using completely different method¬
ological starting points.11 Luxenherg has shown the following: 1) the Qur'an
emerged in a region that was Unguis ion] ly A rubie/Sym-Aramaic; 2) a mul¬
titude of passages represent Syriac words and sentences written in Arabic let¬
ters; 3) (has the grammatical structure of (he Arabic of the Quran betrays
Syriac influences throughout; and 4) some original Arabic words were mis¬
interpreted through (he development of the "fuller^ writing, that is, the fixing
of the. consonants through diacritical points, a process that took place as
much us two hundred years later.12 Completely new readings and expres¬
sions often emerge from those investigations into the. Qur’an ic text, readings
which point to a Christian background.
Luxenherg has; also found that the Quran not only stems from a region
linguistically Syro-Aramaic, but that it is also, at least in large parts, based
on an originally Syriac text. He points to four written characters that were
either nearly identical or extremely similar i n the Syriac and Arabic scripts—
and therefore capable of being mistaken for one another—but which served
as indicators of different consonants in the two written languages. He argues
that these characters were preserved lei the transfer of the original Syriac text
into Arabic, which means that they were not then converted into the correctly
corresponding Arabic characters. This phenomenon points to the use of a text
originally written in Syriac.
If this is correct, then (he Qur'an must have had a somewhat longer pre¬
history in Syro-Aramaic, a possibility also suggested by, for example, the
material in the Punishment Stories. Had the Christianized Arabian tribes put
together a lection ary or lection arks—in Syriac, naturally, following the
12 Foreword

usage of the period—lor the validation and certification of the Scriptures

(Old and New Testaments), which were then later translated into the Arabic
language? And does “later” here mean perhaps only in the time of the
Umayyad caliph Abd a I-Malik (d. 705) or his successor at-VValid (d. 715),
who established Arabic as their new official state language?1’ When did
those texts come together whieh certainly cannot be traced back to Christian
roots or that seem to point to an Arabian prophet? There is the famous com¬
ment from the ninth century concerning 'Uthman’s destruction of all Quranic
manuscripts except for the full text that he caused to he put together. Is it
possible that This refers much more in reality to the elimination of die foun¬
dational Syriac text in die early eighth century?
There are further perspectives, from both linguistics and from the history
of religions, that should he considered and will be taken up in the contribu¬
tions to this volume. Most of these articles were known beforehand to the edi¬
tors only in the proposals of their topics, not in their content. The authors and
their publications allow us to expect, however, that many new aspects of these
concerns will be developed, aspects which have not yet received enough
attention in the scholarly world. Naturally, though, these perspectives have
nul yet been drawn together into one over arching concept or even necessarily
harmonized; for such to occur, one would need a long symposium.
Consequently, the editors understand this collection as a spur toward dis¬
cussion and further research, not as a delineation of an already complete
idea. Hopefully, though, the collection can make clear that the beginnings of
Islam will only be able to he understood on the basis of historical sources,
mil from later interpretations, and when historical and philological questions
are investigated on lhe basts of those sources,
11 may be. difficult for the discipline of Islamic studies to call into ques¬
tion rubrics of interpret at ion hundreds of years in ihe making. Whether the
articles in this volume will be accepted immediately cannoi be determined at
the present time. In the long run, though, the Held will not be able simply to
pass over or interpret away the “facts of the case,” meaning the historical
sources and philological insights.

NOTES

I. O. Yehuda D. Nevo and Judith Keren, Crossroads to Islam: The Origins of

the Arab Religion tmd ike Arab State (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books. 2003). p.
 Oklig: Islam's "HidJ-en" Origins 13

9: ^Nim-consemparary literary sources are. in our opinion, inadmissible as histor¬

ical evidence. If one lias no source of knowledge of the 7ill century except lexts
wrillen in the 9a h century nr later, one cannot, know anything about the 7 111 century :
one can only know what people in She 9lh eeniury or later believed about the 7th.Hh
2. Cf. the author's Wdtreligion Islam: Efrie EinfUhrung (Main/: Exodus,
2mm 7 pp. 28^1.
3- Nfivg and Kuren, Crossroads la Islam, p. LI.
4. Rudi Pa rut, Bar Koran (SEUEEgart: Kohl has timer, 1979), p. 5.
5. Ohlig, Weltreligion Islam, pp. 42-92.
6. Josef van Bss, Thenlopje ttmJ Gesellsi'hafi im 2. and /?. Jahrhumtdri liiil-
sekra: Bine Gesi hichie des religi&scn Denhens im friihen Islamr vol. I (Berlin and
Mew York: Walter de Gniytcr, 1991k p. vtti.
7. Ibid,
8. li is a scholarly curiosity that, up tmlil lhe present day, all conlemporary
Qur'amc exegesis has relied upon the 1924 Cairo edition of (he Qur an and lias never,
as opposed to all oiher lields of “book studies,” undertaken an attempt to produce a
critical edition til at least large portions of ihe Quran with die assistance of the early
Qur'an fragments still available. Two requests by the central German foundation for
Research (the “Deutsche lfeischungsgernein,sc:bafd? or lLDFGSa) to support such a
critical textual analysis have been rejected by experts in Islamic studies, although
normally iill further exegesis must begin with an attempt at coming closer to the
“original” lb mi of the text.
9. The fragments in question, the oldest known fragments of the Quran, are
available to the public at Ihis time in faesiElide editions—one each from Samarkand,
from Paris, from St. Petersburg, uml from London—ax well as in (he photographic
documentation of the San1 a1 manuscripts at lhe University of Saarland. Their script is
considered “defective" because it lacks noi only the marks of vocalixaiion but also,
and nearly throughout, she diacritical points. Although the Arabic script contains
twenty Height consonants (this is also true of lhe oldest version of the Hija/.i scrips),
only seven of them are written unequivocally, while the other characters can refer to
more than one consonant—indeed between two and live. Consequently, tho charac¬
ters were clarified and attached firmly (o [he various consonants through (he use of
diacritical points (one lo Ehrco doas under or over lhe character). See the author's HWf-
reUgien Islam, pp. 60-61,
10 Giinter [.filing* Oker den Ilr-Quran: Ansfitzr zur Rek/msirtikiitm vans -
lumischer christlicher StropheaUeder Im Quran (Erlangen: I-filing, 1974 ]lst cd.J
and 1993 [2nd ed.]). This texi has since appeared in an expanded English version- A
Challenge to Islam: For Reformation (Delhi, 2003).
I 1, Christoph Luxe n berg, Die. xyroairamnischc Lesart ties Koran: Ein Beil rag
u*r Enfstehung der Koransprache (Berlin: Das Arabasche Ruch, 2000 [1st ed.], 2004
14 Foreword

[2iuled.|, Lind 2005 [3rd ed.f). An extended English version appeared in Berlin:
.Subtler 2007 with die lilie The Syro-Aramaic Reading of I he Koran. A Contribution
so the Decoding of the Language of the Koran.
J2. The fixing of the many consonants by means of diacritical points, as well
as [he addiLion of vocalization points, was achieved hy a long process that was not
completed until the ninth century, or possibly even later. It is dear that the fixation
of the text, which also occurred at a later date, rested upon ihe interpretations of the
individual scribes, which were often wrong. When one places The diacritical points
in different locutions, the resulting texts give readings that make scn.se and also fit
into their contexts (cl. here, above all, Luxcnbcrg, Die sy ro - a m n i ilis di e Lt'SOit),
13. It would be most helpful in searching for ;m answer to ihi.^ question if the
available fragments of the Quran could be dated more precisely. The fragments that
until now have heen published in facsimile editions are probably to be reckoned to
the second half of the eighth century; further there arc good reasons to believe the
Sana' fragment to be more recent, as was initially accepted.
 PART I.
THK KARLY HISTORY OF ISLAM
 1
THE EARLY HISTORY OF ISLAM,
FOLLOWING INSCRIPTION A L
AND NUMISMATIC TESTIMONY
Volker Popp

THE FICTION OF A UNIFIED HISTORY OF EARLY ISLAM

s early as 3 9Q2T Julius Well hausen brought attention to she fact that
A A,the Syrian tradition of the Arabs had been lost.3 In fact, it was not
only the Syrian tradition that was lost, but also the tradition of the eastern
regions of the Arabian Empire, One finds references to This lass in Chinese
sources.2 Wellhausen also indicated that the historical reports of the Islamic
historians do not satisfy the standards that Theodor Mommsen (1817-19U3)
established for historical sources-* Further, the traditional Islamic historians
did not state what the specifically “Arabian” pun of rile Islamic history was.4
Should one desire to reconstruct the historical circumstances in Syria,
Mesopotamia, and Iran in I he seventh century, this author would not suggest
turning to die reports of the Islamic historians. Numerous holdings in
inscriptions and visual portrayals from this region can lie found in both
public and private archaeological collections. With these materials at hand—
by using the material witnesses that are extant—it is possible to reconstruct
the historical contexts in question. As Well hausen said, las everyone knows,
one must always construct history. . T .The only difference is whether one
constructs it well or poorly” (my emphasis}.5

17
18 Part I: The Early History of hlim

in terms of a method of reconstruction, I will follow the path that

Michael Bales suggested in 1976. Following this method, the mi mis malic
materia] will be considered one mint at a lime, before proceeding on to con¬
sider provinces and then regions as a whole. Only then will I attempt to draw
out conclusions which are valid for all the extant material. I also suggest this
method of “small steps'’ for the handling of protocols and ti tula lures on coins
and in inscriptions.6
I will not offer here a detailed presentation of the history of pre-Islamic,
Christian Arabs in Syria and the western Arabian peninsula, nor will there be
a full presentation of the history of Christianity under the Arabs in the
eastern peninsula, in Bahrain, in Qatar, and in Oman beginning with the mis*
sions of the Syrians in the third century. Of special importance is the history
of Christian Arabs in Mesopotamia and in the Ja/Tra ("the island”). This area
in the curve of the Euphrates was a homeland for Arabs quite early, and as a
official diocese, it was called by contemporaries (in Aramaic) Hot Arabdye.
For the sake of this presentation, it is absolutely necessary to point to the
central historical event of the first half of the seventh century, namely, the
surprising victory of the Byzantines in 622. The massive political changes
that folio wet I were later described by the traditional Islamic literature as the
results of the l lijra (“emigration") of the Prophet of the Arabs. This Hijra
supposedly look place in 622, and with it supposedly began the Islamic reck¬
oning of time. This is not historical- In reality, though, a new era did begin:
the period of the self-government of Christian Arabs,

ON THE PREHISTORY OF “ISLAM”

7 he Religious War between the Byzantine a and the Sassanians

At least as early as 1952, Georg Ostrogorsky could not avoid the conclusion
that [lie drawn-out conflict between New Iran and New Rome had taken on
the character of a war ol religion, beginning with (he government of
('h os roes II (591-628).7 This change in the war was also embodied in its
protagonists. Chosroes 1 f hail a precise understanding of the structure of the
Byzantine system of authority. He knew that the legitimation of (he imperial
authority rested in its function as protector of the Church. As a young refugee
at the imperial court in Byzantium, he had enjoyed the protection of the
 Tim Early History of Islam 19

Byzantine emperor M auric ins (582-602), After a Byzantine army had helped
him in his return to Iran and his achievement of the throne, he later avenged
the fate of his previous protector after Mauritius, along with the entire i mpe¬
rial family, was murdered in 602 by the usurper Fhocas, Chosroes was mar¬
ried to two Christian women, the Byzantine princess Maria and the Syrian
ShMn; further, his finance minister, YazdTn. was a Christian.8 His relation¬
ship io the cult of St. Sergius of Rusafa—not merely as a devotion
speciale—is attested by a report of his donations in the cult and through a
note saying that he restored its sacred objects which had been stolen by his
ancestors,9 In the face of die appropriation of Persian traditions by the Nesto
rian Church of Tran (marriage for priests, its self-understanding as a national
church), “people in the Sassanian court had to admit that they could no
longer avoid the Nestorians. For a short time, a Nest on an Church stood right
next to the royal palace in Seteucia on she Tigris."30
The result was a coexistence of two religions, a situation with which we
are familiar in contemporary Japan, where the emperor is the chief of the
national cult, while all those under him practice their own private religions,
which show themselves to be true to the stale. Jusl as in c on temporary Japan
Shintoism serves as the national religion, and Buddhism and Christianity
exist as private religions, so in Iran the Mazdean religion of the Zoroastrian
national cult was the official religion of the empire, with the King of Kings
as its protector, while alt his subordinates including the aristocracy were
practitioners of the living religion of Christianity, which remained true to the
state. The Arabians connected with the Nestorians of Iran were the kings of
a! Him from [lie chm of ihc Lakhmids, Already in die inscription of die Sas-
sanian ruler Narses at Paikuli (293-302), we see one of these Arabian vas¬
sals menikmud: TAmnv Ujmdyn r, king [innlik] of (he Lakhmids).11
With Chosroes5 return to the throne in 595, the Arabian ruler in al-HJra
was baptized. 'That Numan became a Ncstorkiu when he decided to become
a Christian is completely understandable, not only because his surroundings
were Neslorian but also because the Nestorums, alone among the Christian
confessional groups, were in any way acceptable to the Persians, as opposed
to [he ‘Roman* Mon ophy sites and Me I kites."13
The Gh assan it is. on the other hand, Arabian rulers of Syria* were supporters
of the Monophysite confession. At the end of the sixth century, in questions of
Christian doctrine, this group existed in opposition to both their Byzantine over¬
lords and to their enemy Arabian brothers under S ass a man authority. As the
2D Part I; The Early Hr story of Islam

lociU holder s of high office, the Ghassanids were part of I he aristocracy of

Byzantium. Their lender bore the title Bitrlcj (from the Latin pat rictus).'* At the
end of the sixth century, then, two Arabian dynasties were pitted against one
another, with both serving as the representatives of foreign empires, taking the
roles of regional rulers, and defending differing Christian confessions. Both
groups’ own religions differed from that of their respective national culls (the
Zoroastrians in Inin and the imperial church in Byzantium). The war between
the two great empires was essentially, in large part, a war of their re preset da¬
tives, ted by their Arabian Christian vassals and their successors.
The position of the emperor of Byzantium. Heradius (610-641), son of
the exarch of Carthage, was precarious in ways similar to that of his opponent
in the cast. Although he was a Christian emperor, he was haled by large parts
of Christendom. The western Armenians, the Laz. and other Georgians fol¬
lowed him only under threat. The eastern Armenians hud bound themselves
to the cast Syrians at a 541 synod in Dwm. The Monophystte Arabs and Copts
joined this taction, as well as the Ethiopians, who had accepted missionary'
preaching from Syria. Even in the emperor's homeland of North Africa, the
church of the emperor was in distress. Controversies between the Roman pop¬
ulation and the native Numklians played a significant role in these difficulties.
The separatist church of the Don ah sis had made the efficacy of the .sacra¬
ments dependent upon ihe holiness of the minister (a catastrophe for every
church hierarchy, but St. Augustine had come to the rescue here, developing
the rudiments of an official Catholic doctrine of the sacraments).
Also in the West, the western Goths mourned again the loss of their
spiritual independence as Arians. In 587, the royal house had chosen to con¬
vert from Ariart to Catholic Christianity in order to avoid the late of the
eastern Goths in Italy (by 562 the Byzantines had finished annihilating Lhcm
in battle). The emperor could only be certain of what was happening with
the Roman pope as long as the presence of a Byzantine garrison of troops
in the fortress of Ravenna constantly reminded the latter of the conse¬
quences of the possibility of insubordination.

The Sassanians in the Footsteps of Their

Iranian Predecessors in Syria and Egypt

Occupations ot Egypt by Iranian overlords look place even in ancient times

(525-404 and <43-332 net;), flic Sassanians, in their period, held on to the
 The Early History of Islam 21

dream of the previous reach of Iranian authority; indeed, under Shlipur II

(309“37y) l hoy had integrated eastern Arabia with the central Arabian land¬
scape of al-Yamama, and they later advanced as far as the Hijaz, overpowering
Yemen in 572. Consequently, they made use of the conflicts among Christians
in die Byzantine Orient in order to proceed to Syria and Palestine in 614.
As a result of the persecution of Monophysile Christians, the Byzantine
emperor Mauritius (582-602) stripped iiis Arabian vassals in Syria and western
Arabia of their power. It was well-known that Arabian Monophysitu Christians
had already begun to imitate (he Byzantine system of authority through the
ruling Ghassiinids. The connections between the Jacobite Church of Syria and
the Ghassanids was a reflection of the relationship between Orthodox Chris-
tianlty and Lhe imperial palace in Byzantium. At this point, the emperor began
seeking to hinder the Monophysites from strengthening their position in the
Byzantine east. ] le accused the Ghassunid phyktrehs of treason during a battle
against Iran in 5S1; based on Lhis accusation, he dissolved the Ghassanid buffer
state in 584. and the Ghassamd federation hroke up again into fifteen tribes.
Consequently, one should not be surprised to learn that die Sassanian armies
appeared he fore Antioch as early as 604- One hundred years earlier, Byzantium
had withdrawn its military presence from Syria14 (excepting a few religious
centers, like Jerusalem ami Rusafa). The border with tire area occupied by the
Arabian vassals proceeded eastward from Antioch. One further indicator that
Byzantium had given Syria over in the sixth century is the fact that the Arabian
'"barbarians11 had erected building inscriptions in their own languageJ5
Consequently Arabic appeared first as a language of authority. Aramaic
remained (he language of literature and the church liturgy. One sues evidence
of the latter in the reestablishment of the Syrian Church under the Ghas-
sanids. The language of (he Jacobite Church remained Ariunaie; while (he
Jacobite Church was supported by the Arabian lords of Syria, it remained a
church of Syrians. The Arabian leader Alxl al-Malik was the first to found
the Arabian church in Jerusalem as a foil to the church of the emperor, as a
defender of orthopraxy against Orthodoxy.
That Byzantium gave Syria over to die Arabians is further attested in the
papyri of Nessana in the northwest Negev, These Greek papyri arise from the
period 460-630. Until 601 they reflect the traditions of the imperial chancellery
and the names of the scribes appear in their Greek form. In 601 r however, this
tradition was given up, and in the eight papyri dated after 601 the scribes no
longer used the Greek Forms of their names but rather (he Arabic forms.
22 Part I. Tke Early History of Islam

Clear evidence of these changes cun be found in the (merely) regional

dimensions of the reforms of Heracltus; these dimensions also reflect the
sell-understandjug of Byzantium. Alter the attempt of Justinian J (527-565)
lo resurrect Lhe Roman Empire in its former splendor and glory, an attempt
that faltered because of an overextension of the empire's means, the results
of the intervening catastrophes forced Heraclius into a reform of the empire
in a geographically restricted manner The reorganization of the empire no
longer involved Syria, and with the conclusion of the reforms* Syria was
excluded from the empire along with the rest of the Byzantine cast. One
should think here of an exact demarcation. Those regions not included in the
reforms no longer belonged to die nucleus of the empire. In other words,
whoever was not inside, was outside! Only the ecclesiastical officials of the
former Byzantine east now stood in connection with the emperor, am! yet
Byzantium gave up even these contacts at a later period.37
The conquest of Syria and Egypt seems not in have meant much more to
the Sassanians than a military exereise. After they had stopped Idling epis¬
copal sees in Syria with Nes tartans loyal to the stale* they contented them¬
selves with pursuing the supporters of the Byzantine Empire and replacing
them with Monophysitc bishops; it was through this latter action that the.
Sassanians won over the Syrian population. The Iranian presence consoli¬
dated the federation of the oriental Christians against Byzantium. The Jews
who had been repressed by the Byzantines were able to make gains under
their leader Neherniah, the son of Hushiei. After the conquest of 614, they
were given Jerusalem as their own. The churches of Jerusalem were
destroyed and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre devastated. The majority of
the inhabitants of Jerusalem had already been shipped off so Persia, among
them the patriarch Zacharias with the reliquary of the True Cross.
The Sassnnians had coins minted m Egypt between 617 and 62Hi; these
coins show Cl ms roes II iti die form of a Christian ruler. This depiction could
have arisen from the fact that the eastern Chrisliuns could no longer imagine
him in any other way, for he took part as a Christian ruler in the conflict
between the Christians of the imperial orthodoxy and those of the supporters
of orthopraxy. It could also be. that the depiction of a non-Christian ruler was
no longer possible in the realm of Sassanian coin-minting in Egypt, and so
I he Persian ruler was seen as a Christian and as a supporter of the Egyptian
Monophy st te Christi a ns.] 9
This manner of proceeding on the pari of the Persians must have struck
 The Early History of I si din 23

ihe Byzantines right in the heart, for il was an attack on the institution of
limp ire. The emperor, as the protector of holy places {which he was. as the
protector of the liaram in Jerusalem in the eyes of those Arabians bound in
alliance with the Sassanians), had experienced an incalculable loss of legiti¬
macy.20 Constantinople did not remain quiet, in 622, the emperor set out
from Constantinople, with the Church having made its treasures available to
the impoverished state.21 This last appears to be a euphemism for a forced
appropriation by the emperor of the church’s treasures.
“The war began in a spirit of religious excitement, a spirit unknown in
former limes, li was die first ‘typical’ medieval war. reminiscent of the later
Crusades. The emperor placed himself at the head of the army and, in his
absence, turned over die ruling authority in the capital to the patriarch
Sergius and the patrician Bonos, as regents for his son who was at the time
still too young to rule. . . . This action was unusual to the highest degree, and
as had once been the case with Muuricius, so too H cruel ins immediately
encountered a great deal of opposition from his advisors, for no emperor had
been seen personally on a bailie field since the time of Theodosius the Great.
.,, On the second day of the Easter octave, April 5, 622, Herudius left the
capital alter a celebratory wots it ip service.”22
The later history of the battle bore unexpected consequences. The
emperor had concerned himself for quite a long time with military theory,
and Iris military leadership defied convention and confused his opponents.
For example, instead of using the summertime for battle, he used it simply
for training; it was when the season was nearly over that lie attacked, Hera-
dins organized the Byzantine army in such a way as to aim at the strengths
of die Persian amiy. Instead of using inl'anlry, he employed reinforced cav
airy, especially emphasizing horses ridden by lightly armored archers. The
emperor marched directly toward Armenia, so (hat Ihe Persians had to follow
him “like a dog on a leash,... The eventual battle between the two armies
on ihe Armenian landscape ended with a glorious victory for the Byzantines
over the great Persian general Shahrwaraz,"23
The Byzantine victory in 622 was sensational primarily because of its
uniqueness. A lifty-year-long portion of the conflict between East and West
was ended by one side's surprising conquest, a military victory' for the group
which had not, throughout the duration of the conflict, been able to enjoy a
single convincing success. What is more, this phenomenon is even reflected
in die Quran. The Arabian Christians of al-Hira had suffered under Bas-
24 Part I. The Early History of Islam

sanian lordship ever since Chosroes 13 had pushed the local ruling dynasty of
the Lakhmids off so one side. The loss of their high place among the Arabs
of Iran must have injured them badly, for, with the events of 622, [hey saw
the Byzantines as their savior in a time of need. Piekthall has translated the
beginning of sera 30 (ar-Rum: "the Byzantines") thus: li2) The Romans
[author's note: '‘the Byzantines1'] have been defeated 3) In (he nearer land,
and they, after [heirdefeat will be victorious, 4) Within ten years—Allah’s is
she command in the former case and in site latter—and in that day believers
will rejoice.11 The text concerns a loss on the part of the Byzantines, to be fol¬
lowed by a vie lory.
The final scries of Byzantine losses had begun in 613 at Antioch, con¬
tinued with the Sassartiaris: conquest of Jerusalem in 614, and ended with The
Sassanians1 conquest of Egypt in 617. If it is at all possible to understand an
event mentioned in the Quran as “historical T then it seems that what we
have here concerns a theological mastery of the situation between 617 and
622 from the point of view of the Arabian Christians.
Further, HeracHus avenged the Sassai nans’ attack on Jerusalem, the
attack on the legitimacy of Byzantine authority, with a like reaction. In 623T
with the help of the Chrisliiin peoples of (he Caucasus, he carried out a sort
of guerrilla attack on the cliief holy place of the Iranian Zoroastrians. He
went u> Ganzak, the residence of Ardaslur, (he first Sassanian overlord,
burned its fire-temple to the groundT and thereby took his revenge for the
destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the attack on die. legit¬
imacy of the Byzantine imperial authority as the protector of (he Church and
its holy places.-4
The Sassatuans’ strong resistance led to yet another counterattack, this
time bv the Persians as far as the Bosporus, The weak point in the Persian
attack strategy was again the lack of its own naval Heel, which they could
have used to blockade Constantinople- For this, the Persians had to turn to
another enemy of the Byzantines, namely, the Avars. Although the Aval
Khaqan appeared before Constantinople with a huge mob of Avars, Slavs,
Bnlgars, and Gepkls. and thus besieged the city by land and by sea, she battle
with the Byzantine fleet led to the defeat of the Avars at sea. They were like¬
wise defeated on In tub With ihts loss, the Persian attack crashed to she
ground in Its entirety.25 The course of the war ultimately led to new confed¬
erations, During his stay in the Caucasus, Ileiaclius cemented new relation¬
ships with the empire of the KJiazars. “From this point one can date the joint
 The Early History of Islam 35

efforts of the Byzantines ami Khazars, which over rime became tin important
support for Byzantine politics on its eastern frontier.”
After I lie crushing defeat of the Iranian imperial armies, iirst in Armenia
in 622 and then in Nineveh in 627, Chosmes II was first defamed and then
murdered by die courtiers and the Zoroastrian clergy, A controversy over the
throne followed these events. One of Chosroes's sons ascended the throne,
bin just a few months later, on his deathbed, he declared the Byzantine
emperor to be regent in the place of bis own young sun. This sun, Ardashlr
NT was killed by she famous general Shahrvaraz in 630. The murder of the
Sassartian ruler Ardashlr 1 li was already the second and most effective attack
on the legitimacy of the authority of the Sassanmn dynasty, Chosrocs II had
lost his Shrone in 590 to the usurper Bahrain Cobin and was only able to return
to [ran with the help of the Byzantine army in 595. A Further pretender to the
throne, a certain Wislfihm, who did not belong to the Sassanian dynasty, had
coins minted in the north under his own name. A foundational Idea of the Sas-
sanian dynasty was thereby cast into doubt, namely, that only the family of
Sasan could rule over the Eran-ShahrT because their heritage could be traced
back to dm original race of gods, and because they consequently possessed
Lhe .warrah, the glory of kings. It was because of this doubt that Boran, the
daughter oT Ch us roes II, had good reason to emphasize her own descent from
the gods. A gold medallion dating from the second year of her ruler ship
bears the inscription Boran i yazddn tohm wimmiar f*LBoran, renewer of the
race of the gods).27 The Arabian Christians, as new rulers in Iran, directly
countered this conception with their title 'Abit Allah (Servant of God and
Christ), in the sense of the old Syrian theology.
At the end of the hostilities a settlement between the Sassanians and the
Byzantines was agreed upon. This event saw the return to the emperor of all
lands that had once belonged to lhe Byzantine Empire—Armenia, Roman
Mesopotamia, Syria. Palestine, and Egypt This shows that He radius had not
planned any son of conquest to be followed by a long-term occupation;
rather, he was interested only in a reestablishment of the legitimacy ol the
Byzantine imperial authority. Consequently, he visited Jerusalem only once,
in 630, when he erected again lhe True Cross (or rather what was left of it in
its reliquary), which had been returned by the Persians.^
Heraclius also hdd to I his political policy of sett lement concerning the
rebellious Christians of the Byzantine East. The attack on the Armenian cap¬
ital of DwTn had in short order led to discussions of unification with repre-
26 Pj.rt I: Tkts Early History of Is! fim

sen I stives of the Armenian Church. However, the confederation of Oriental

Christians, created by the Sassanians, caused all attempts at unification to go
to naught. The Arabs of Iran who remained in the areas held by the Sassa-
nians defended a community of Christians that would not accept the theo¬
logical possibilities for resolution which Heraclius had suggested. The
attempt at bringing the results of the Council of Chalcedon nearer to the
eastern Christians (based on a compromise formula) also met with strong
rejection. Even the compromise formula of 638 (the Ekshesis). defended only
grudgingly by the church of the emperor, met with no success among the
Christians of ihe Byzantine east. The text containing the compromise for¬
mula, inscribed in the n art hex of Hagia Sophia, was answered in writing only
later, by 'Abd al-Malik, when he had his own Ekthesis inscribed in the Dome
of the Rock in Jerusalem in ihe year 72 of the Arabian era (691-692 ciO-39
The local church leaders in the Byzantine east made use of this opportu¬
nity. The region had been emptied of Byzantine troops, except for a few
merely symbolic continents. The military's abandonment of die areas for¬
merly occupied by Iran, as well as the presence of the previously Sassunian
Arabs, now rulers in their own right, enabled the church officials of the East
to effect a total withdrawal of Byzantium from the Byzantine cast.
In the year in which Heraclius published his Ekthesis, the compromise
olfered to the Monophysitc east, the patriarch of Jerusalem had already
caused the Byzantine force occupying the city to withdraw. In addition, the
Byzantines also gave up their positions in Mesopotamia, for die mixture of
Monophysitc and Ncstorian Christians living in northern Mesopotamia had
developed into a common anti-Byzantine front, which had a natural ally in
Armenia. Only the withdrawal from Egypt remained, but there Byzantium
had interests to protect. The harbor of Alexandria, with its trade and tolls,
was important for Byzantium; and although the empire had already with¬
drawn its authority from ihe mainland, it defended its maritime interests in
the region that much more passionately. After the war with the Sassimians
and the accompanying loss ol the Iasi imperial reserves, namely, the treasury
ol the church, attention to the control of maritime trade in the eastern
Mediterranean, and the consequent control of its harbors, was of absolute
importance. Only the influx of tolls would be able to supply the means that
the imperial palace needed to maintain its power.
The widow of Heraclius, Martina, continued this politic of compromise
with the Byzantine east, and consequently encouraged the patriarch of Alcxan-
 The Early History o\ Islam 27

dria 10 conclude a treaty with the Arab military leaders that would allow the
Byzantines to make an orderly retreat from the city, Lbln carrying out the terms
of that treaty which the patriarch Cyrus of Alexandria had signed with the
Arabs based on the encouragement of Martina, and which envisioned a total
Byzantine withdrawal from the country within a certain period of time, the
Byzantine troops Left Alexandria on September 12, 642, and sailed to
Rhodes By this point, however, Martina had already been deposed,
manned and exiled. The period of Byzantine compromise with the Christian
Arabs had passed. Consequently, a Byzantine battalion attempted to hem in [he
path of Arabian expansion, and—again—occupied Alexandria; however, they
were not able to maintain the occupation in Lhc face of the opposition of local
Chris turns under the Monophysiie patriarch, Benjamin, as the locals preferred
the Arabian Christian yoke to that of Byzantium's A1
With the deposition of Martina, the attempt to find a compromise on
matters of Christo logy with the Christians of the cast ended. The war of reli¬
gion between the Arabian lords of Iran and the emperor in Constantinople
now Look on clear contours. In the fn Litre, [he defender of Orthodoxy, the
church of the emperor, would stand against die defenders of the Christian
confessional fellowship of the East, Christo-logical questions determined the
controversy in large park

THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST U MAYYAD RULERS

The Arabian Empire at the Time of MtTdwiya (641—682?)

The dates diat concern Mu'awiya are: 1) After the death of I lerachus In 641,
the Arabs began to rule in Syria in 641—dial ht year 20 of die Arabian era,
2) 661-662: Amir al-Muminim 3) 674: Attack on Constantinople. 4) 674:
Loss of [he East alter the failure be lore Constantinople. 5} Year 63 of the
Arabian era: “Abd Allah bn al-Zubayr becomes ruler of die East-
Dated coins bearing the name of Mu'awiya are known only from the
mint of Darubjird, located in ancient Persia. The ruins of the Sassanian city
Darabjii d lay in the Iranian province of Fars, in the district of Fasa. The Sas-
s uni an stone relief of Naqsh-i Rustam can be found not far away. That die
location is in Old Persia, in the heartland of the Iranian dynasties from die
Aehaemenids Lc> the Sassanians. as well as the minting activity in Darabjird.
28 Part IrThe Early 11jstory of Islam

suggests! I hat the coins should he understood us part of a desire for the con¬
tinuation of the Persian tradition of authority.
Concerning the naming of Mu'awiya on the Darabjird coins, his Aramaic
name is written following I he East Aramaic (Mandaean) tradition. The ques¬
tion must remain open concerning how much the name MAAWIA, that is,
“The Wee per,’f is a nom tie guerre in the sense of a “malcontent.’' lliis type
of name is known from the late Sassanian period. For example, the Sassanian
general and eonquerer of Jerusalem (f:.!4) called himself ShuhT-vamz. that is,
“Boar of the Slate.” who inhabited the city in such a way that he lived up to
his uom de guerre?2 One should also consider the possibility that the name
MAAWIA could be a iaqab (Arabic for a nickname, an epithet, sometimes also
in Lhe sense of a conversion name},33 If this is the case, then we must reckon
with llie possibility that the true name of the ruler remains unknown to us, and
that only a personal characteristic of his, or perhaps the opposite thereof, has
been transmitted to us. It is also possible that the nickname “The Weeper”
should be considered under the rubric of t he nomimi bind a itguns. Behind this
derogatory' nickname may lie the extremely old, and not only Semitic, con¬
ception that a derogatory nickname serves as a deception and provides a
protection against the evil eye (c(. Qur'an sura 113:5). In addition, she lack of
a personal name could stand in the old Semitic tradition, in which silence
concerning one’s actual name can minimize the possibility LhaL someone else
can manipulate the bearer of the name.
The coins from Dlrabjird arc dated to the year 41, The depiction on the
coins follows the Sassanian tradition. Mu'awiya is cal loti Amiri
whvyxhnykn24 on his coins made in Darabjird.

THE TITLE AMlR-l WLWYSHNYK’N

One notices immediately that the inscriptions on the earliest dated coins of the
Arabian Empire arc written in the tradition of the Sassanian Empire. Tire Ara¬
bian name of the ruler mentioned on the coin as MAAWIA is not given; further,
die name MAAWIA is not Arabic, but rather Aramaic. In addition, the Aramaic
script is used throughout, as was normal at that time for the writing of Middle
Persian, lhe title of the lord is a mix turn comppsitum from the Arabic Amir,
and a descriptor of occupation in Pahlavi, which was the official language of
the previous Persian dynasty, following the rubric “Emir for/of X.”
 Trie Early History of Islam 29

The expression wlwyshnyk'n is clear at least in als meaning. Formally

speaking, il is the plum I Conn of an adjectival derivation from a verbal sub¬
stantive. The infinitive form of the corresponding Middle Persian verb is
towroyistan (“to believe/* or perhaps also “lo be true/ftiithfuI"). The writing
of this infinitive is presented in a way unique to Pahlavi, with an Aramaic
ideogram bound to a Middle Persian infinitive ending. The Pahlavi hetero
gram is f lYMNNsln, which contains the Aramaic root h-m-n ("to trust");35
The heterogram contains an Aramaic word, which is preserved even
today in Arabic, The Arabic word is {imam, which corresponds to the Ara¬
maic HYMN. This form also appears in the Quran, at sura 49:14: “The
Bedouins say, 'We are believers (ciniantta).* . . /" The institution of am&nu
("certainty, security") grew From a pre-lslamic institution, namely, ihe jiwar*
or “right of asylum.” Through this practice, a foreigner who had no protec¬
tion outside his own tribe or group could receive such from a member of
another group lo which he did not belong. As a result, ibe group of the pro-
tee tor committed itself as a whole to the protection of the stranger.3£* This
pre-lslamic, institutionalized way of behaving with regard to strangers and
I heir best interests is suggested here by the use of a title that connects with
the term amdna. The Amir i wlwyshnyk'n is, therefore, the predecessor of the
"Protector/* in the sense of rite old Arabian tradition.
John Walker hay translated the legend on ihe coin (MA/WM, Amtr-i
whvy\shnyk*ri) as "Mifawiya, Commander of the Faithful/*3? With a great
deal of self-confidence, he sees in this person the Amir at-mu'minin of the
later Islamic historiographical literature, and he translates the title following
ihe Islamic understanding. Here ii becomes clear how much the Inter Mamie
use of this title in constructing an Islamic, rheological historiography has
made ihe recognition of specifically Arab inn elements of the early history ol
Islam difficult/*** Some two hundred years after the time of Mu'awiya’s reign,
a theological function from wilhin a theological understanding of history
was given to an institution of Arabian tribal law. In the early period of
Arabia's independence, decades before the first historically tangible use of
the term Islam* there existed no Islamic understanding of history. The prac¬
tice of authority succeeded much more through the use of Arabian tribal law.
This law understood the Amir-i wlvi-ysfoiykn only as the overlord of those
individuals who worked in their own territory For security, in the sense of
Arabian tribal law and thereby, very generally speaking, carried out “jus¬
tice/' However, the original conception of “protection’' is also preserved in
3D Part I: Tins Early History op Islam

the rheological view of the title Amir al-mu mimn, whieli in translated today
as “prince of (he believers”:

Mot everyone was authorized tn ensure protection, This activity was tlie
responsibility only of those who were considered as mu mm. In die under¬
stand irigs of later Islamic theology, Allah was given die attribute al-mumin.
In (his perspective Allah ensures the security (amdna) of the believers
against unjust treatment.10

Tn this area of former Sussanian rule. Mti'awlya continued to use the offi¬
cial language of his deposed Persian predecessors. In Arabia, though, he was
an Arabian. There we see the Arabic writing of the title Amir i wtwvshnyk'n
in the building inscription dared to the year 58 of the Arabian cm (677-678
ce) and found on n dam in tlie vicinity of al-Ta'if.Jft Here the title Amir al-
nuiminin is subjoined to the name Muawiya. In Mu'awiya’s Greek inscrip¬
tion in Palestine an indication of itniiMio imperii in the former Byzantine
east?—we find the Greek writing of the title Amir al-mumininA*

THE TITLE fA HD ALLAH IN THE

PROTOCOLS OF THE ARABIAN RULERS

L.The complete protocol of Muawiya (41-60? of the Arabian cra/661-

6807) is found in the Arabic building inscription of al-Ta’if. 11 reads: ii-Ahd
Allah Mufiwtya Amir al-tnti'mbiTn. Fu r| hern tore, the protocol is found in the
Greek building inscription of Ham mat Gader.4-
2. The complete protocol of *Ahd al-Malik (60-86? of the Arabian era/
680-705 Cli) is extant in the inscriptions on the coins from the mints at
Ba'labakk, Jibrin, Halab, Hints, Sarmln,’Amman, Qinnasnn, and Qtirtts.43 It
reads; ti-'Ahi! Allah 'AM al-Malik Amir ai-mu'mimn. One also finds the
variant Abd Allah ‘Abd al-Malik Amir al-muminin.
3. The complete prottx:ol of al-Walld (86? 96? of the Arabian era.
705 714/715) is found in the text of the coin inscription from Damascus fur
the year 87 of the Arabian era (705-706) and reads:
'Abd Allah al-Waiid Amir al-mumininA* In the text of the building
inscription of (he Umayyad mosque in Damascus, dated to the year 86 of the
Arabian era (705), al-Wylid’s protocol reads:
Abd Allah Amir al-mu'muun al-WalicL in the text of another building
 Thi? Fairly Histbry of Islam 31

inscription of the Umayyad Mosque, this one dated so die year S7 of (he Ara¬
bian era (71)5-706)., the protocol of al-Walld reads:
'Ahd Allah al-Waltd Amir at-rmt'mimn.45
4r The complete protocol of Sulayman (967-UH? of the Arabian era,
7]4/7 (5-7 E9/720) is found on a lead seal, with which an Umayyad courier's
mail sack was sealed. (To my knowledge, approximately one thousand such
informative witnesses exist in private and public collections, almost all of
which arc unpublished.) There one can read:
'Abd Allah Sidaymdn Amir al-mtiminin^
5, The complete protocol of Hishatn (1057-125 of the Arabian era,
723/724-742/743) is found in a building inscription on a fortress (Qasr al-
Khayr). It reads:
'Abd Alldh Hishdm Amir al mu'mifun. The inscription is dated to "the
yea r ten - a nd-o n e-hu ndred.1 ?47
6. The complete protocol of Marwan is extant on a lead seal dated to the
year 127 ot‘ the Arabian era (744-745). It rends:
Ahd Allah Marwrln Amir id-mu mining The complete protocol of
Manvan is also found on [lie text of a coin inscription, undated and from Atrib
(the ancient Atribis in die Nile delta, not far from Benha) in Egypt: it reads:
'Ahd Allah Manvan Amir til-nmmimn.

The expression 'abd Allah is translated today as “Servant of God.1'49

However, the Encyclopaedia of Islam does not yet share the “social-treaty**
translation of 'Abd as “Servant/* There, in the opening to an extensive article
on this topic, one reads the following: “'Abd is die ordinary word for ‘slave3
in Arabic of all periods (the usual plural in this sense is 'abid. although the
Quran has ibdd. xxivT 3 2)/150 The author of Ihis article protects the possi¬
bility of a translation like “servant/’ in that he emphasizes that in all periods
1 he Arabic wonl ‘ahd meant “slave.” In die Qur'an one finds a plural form of
the word ahd thaE differs from that of the classical High Arabic of the 'Ara-
biyya. The peculiarity of [lie Quranic use of l he word (in I he singular \ihdr
in the plural 'ihad) could be connected with a dialectical or regional pec Li¬
lian Ly. T his; Quranic plural Ibrns of the Arabic word ahd is found only in
Mesopotamia, not in the dialect of Mecca. In Mesopotamia there was an Ara¬
bian group who used this term for their name: the “tribe” of die ihdiL
32 Part T. The Early Hisiory of fr-lani

THE *IBAD, THE ^TRIBE” OF THE

ARABIAN SERVANTS OF GOD

The presence of this Mesopotamian form for the plural pninls tuilic Arabs
living there as the “Arabisers^ of the Qur'anie materials. The most wide-
ranging presentation of the relationships of the "thad can he found in the writ¬
ings of Guslav Rothstein:

The "Jbad are tribes made up of different Arabian families that became
. I hat is, they were a mixtum com-
connected with Christianity in al-HTrn .
pasiinm made up of various Arabian tribal eon federations. The group
consisted of members of various tribes; these individuals were called by a
common name because of their common religion.... It has been said that
“being a Christian” was (lie main characteristic of the lbadh but that does
not automatically mean that all Arabian Christians were 3bud. The Tamim,
for example, were considered so he Christians in their entirety, but the
'Ibatiic Tnmim were something completely different. The difference which
obtained between lhc Tbad and the niher Arabian Christians can be seen in
the phrase ... "in al Him" in the explanation above: they were the Arabian
Christians from al-HTra, ... These Christians who lived in Him and came
together from different iribes were known by one common name; that is.
al-ibdd. One can only hypothesize about the .source and original meaning
of Ltiis name..,brf is the terns used normally, even among pagan Ara¬
bians, for the slave (that is, the religious worshiper) of a divinity „. , al-
ibud is therefore purely an identifier of religious worshippers. From this
the suggestion arises that <d-libad was a term of self-ideittifteaiion on the
part of the HTra Christians against their pagan surroundings. They under*
stood themselves as the true erri neligiasi, because they had lhc true God,
etc. Nonetheless, it is noteworthy that the term nl-'ikdd was treated like the
name of a tribe, in that ihe “nisbe" adjective was first built, and the term
then became like a proper name—just like, for example, temfmi, etc. CL
e.g., 'Adi h. Zaid al-'lfriidL tile name by which a famous poet has always
been known., -. The HTra Christians who came from various tribes thus
built up a noticeable uni tied from toward the outside based on their
common religion. What is interesting here, then, is that we have a religious
community that reached across boundary lines between tribes_If one
places what developed here in Iraq nexl to what Muhammad (the Prophet
of the Arabians) achieved in principle, afterwards and among much more
difliculi i riba l re la rion ships, it is interesting that one finds here a definite
analogue.-*
 Tilt’ Early I listory of Islam 33

Such ;i posiLive judgment on Ihe achievement of (he prophet of the Ara¬

bians namely, the creation of I lira-like conditions £n Medina., continues to
reverberate m the lines that ihe eminent scholar of Arabia* Murad Wi[fried
Hofmann, dedicated ro the political abilities of the prophet of the Arabians:

Beginning in 622 h Muhammad and his followers were able to emigrate in

small groups lo Yathrib, which From then on became known as “Medina,"'
which translated means “the city" [Lb at isT of the prophet). The Islamic cal¬
endar began wfih this key dale. Here Muhammad created a federation of
states which brought together the Muslim and Jewish iribes of the oasis and
for which tie published die first written national constitution in the world.
This state was revolutionary, in that, for the first time in world history,
membership was not determined hy clan* race* skin color, or I Ling u age, but
rather by religious affiliation alone. In at least bus respect, Medina was an
^ideological .state.I7?2

The Prophet of the Arabians received his revelation when he retreated into
Lhe cave with the name Him. He made it his practice to return to this cave
yearly, spending one month in religious prac rices A1 There were approxi¬
mately Iwo hundred years between the affairs of the Uhdd in aldTiru lii Iraq,
about which Roth stein wrote, and the revelation in the cave Hurt, if one fol¬
lows She traditional history and lbm HisbSm's (d, S2S or 833, depending on
one's source) possibly fictive biography of the prophet. The conception of al-
Hlra as a place in which revelation was communicated apparently became an
independent tradition, and ultimately became the topos of the location of the
revelation, regardless of which revelation was intended.
Should one not want to follow this connection of the Title’ 'Abtf Aliafi to
the tradition of the Him “Servants of God”—ror indeed other Arabian Chris¬
tians called their God Allah—perhaps a note from the Old Testament will
provide a further spur; namely, Deuteronomy 9:27: 'Think on your servants
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob!” In this way we are squarely in the middle of the
Old Testament perspective, which obtains in the Quranic presentations. The
rulers saw themselves in the tradition of the prophets. Whoever called him¬
self Abd Allah paid the prophets respect.
34 Part [■ I ke Early History of Islam

THE TITLE 'ABD ALLAH AS A SIGN OF ABANDONING A

CLAIM OF DESCENT FROM THE GODS FOK THE RULER

Consequently, the term 'Abd Allah replaced the Sassanian official lilulaturc
tjizdysii bag . .. sbfihan shah eriht ke eihr hue yazddu in (lie inscription of
Muawlya. The .S as simian litnlature read: "The worshipper of | Ahura-j
Mazda, the divine..., the King of Kings of Iran, whose heritage is from
the £od:%/':iJ Against this presentation, Muawiya placed his title: “The servant
of Got! {a human and a Christian), MAAW1A, the leader of the protectors.”
Tile term Abd Allah thus stands in opposition to the long-standing claim
of 1 lie Iranian rulers that lheir heritage was from among the gods. One can
see chat the question of the term Abd Afitih concerns a title of authority from
its use in connection with the naming of the ruler. A brother of the ruler 'Abd
al-Malik ordered the building of a canal bridge in Fustat in Egypt: the name
oi lhe brother was 'Abd ul-‘Aziz bn Marwan, al-Amir. His function was that
of an emir, and so his name was not preceded by any title; the title of ‘Abd
Allah was reserved for the rulers of the Arabian Empire.55 We can, therefore,
take away from the inscriptions that the title of ihe Arabian rulers in the
former Sassanian Empire and in ihe former Byzantine east was ‘AbdAllah.
The title cal iph/kJuil ifa, given in the literature of Islamic studies and in the
historical literature of the time of the Abbas ids, does not appear in the written
witnesses tit die early period.
This opposition—divine nature and heritage on the part of the Zoroas-
trian god-kings of Iran, human nature and heritage on the part of the Arabian
Christian leaders of the protectors—is also of interest for the meaning of the
term ‘Abd Allah in tin; inscription on the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem.
There One reads: rniduummcdim ’Abdullahi wti-nisiilufitt (= “praised [ml be
the servant of God |a human being in the tine and the understanding of the
prophets] and his apostle”).

THE ERA OF THE ARABIANS IN A GREEK INSCRIPTION

The way in which a building jn script ion of Mu'iiwiya in Palestine was car¬
ried out reveals how the term ‘AbdAllah is to be understood during his time.
This inscription, from die year 42 of (he Arabian era, bears the sign of the
 The Early History of Islam 35

cross at the beginning of its first line. Tills cross is pan of the inscription,
which then follows in the Greek language and scrips:

fn the orMuuuia, lhe servant of God, the leader of she protectors, the hot
baths Iclibffmw] were preserved and renovated by the councillor |£otn>|
'Abdallah, son of Abuasemos, on the fifth of December, on the second day [of
she week], in the sixth year of the induction, in The year 726 from the founding
of the city, in the year 42 following die Arabs [662/31. for the healing of the
sick, under the supervision of Johannes, ihe magistrate of GadaraJ^1

The title of “council I or1* (symbonlos) mentioned in the inscription certainly

corresponds to the Arabian emir. From this correspondence has surely arisen
the misunderstanding that Mu'awiya held the Byzantine Lille of protosyrn-
hgutos, or “prime councillor." Wellhausen is misunderstood here, in that he
invoked only Theophanes as a witness to illustrate the way in which
Mu'awiya had conducted the business of government, namely, as a prime
councillor among councillors, or to use Wei I hausen's words, ELlike an old
Arabian sayyicL"*-'?
The emir who carried out this public building project was named Abd
Allah, as is still the case todEiy among many Christians in Syria, His title
shows him lo have been a member of a bureaucracy, carried forward from
the traditions of Rome and Byzantium, just eis the tradition of the Arabian
authorities in Syria was carried over from the previous century. Already in
the sixth century, officials in the Arabian government in Syria had borne high
Byzantine titles. The fact that the inscription was made in Greek is a sign of
Lhe imitaiio imperii (imitation of the Byzantine ideas of “doing empire")
employed by Mu*£wiya's government in Syria. In this sense, one can say that
Mu'awiya appears lo have also furthered lhe Sussnnicm practice of govern¬
ment in the East. In Arabia he was an Arabian Arab. There lie followed die
practice of the Ghassanids, his Arabian predecessors in this region, who
tended to make their inscriptions in Arabic,58
36 Part 1: Tlie R.trly History of hi Alii

4 -etllABAAflMHAAVIAAMPA
mms Me NUAfie/iyeH k<aN6
N6U6H0KAIBAHOC TOJH 6HTAV
0AA/AA8AAAAAV/5AB3AC£MS
CVMBSA5ENMHNHAeK£MgPI<*J
neMHTH H M£PAA£ VT6 PA/NA'S
£ rjc THC K0A6)film' KATAAPA8A
£TSCMeiClACHNTCJNNOCSN
TCdNCnXAHI6JANN&ftrAAAPMX

Fig, l: “The Greek inscription of Mtnkwiya on she hu.ttis of Gadqra, with a date
following the “Fra of the Arabians” (arcriraj)”

PROBLEMS OF DATING

'Hie method of dating the inscription on the baths of Gadara is of great impor¬
tance for marking off a “historical1' history for this region, from a Theological
one, as is handed down, for examplep in the Islamic traditional literature. Thar
Mifawiya continued Roman traditions by renewing a historical hot bath, and
that his inscription (apart from the sign of the cross set at the beginning) con¬
tained no elements of religious consent, allows some definite conclusions to
be drawn concerning Ins self-understanding and style of life. It is not without
good cause Shat his successor, ‘Abd al-Malik, presented him as a "'Sauk" in the
sense of the Old Testament tradition, while presenting himself as a “new
David," indeed, naming his own son Sulaymtltt (Solomon).
In the place of a religious opening formula—an element that would not
have been uncommon at tire time—.stands, the sign of the cross. Concerning
the problem of dating, one notices that first place at the appropriate point in
the inscription Is given to noting the RamamRyzanlmc las year. Following
this method of dating, the era of the city (cofonia) is given, followed only
then by a date giving “the year .,, following the Arabs.” The “year. . . fol¬
lowing the Arabs," then, does not replace die date following the system of
 Tke Early History of Islam 37

the empire; the era of the Arabs is, one method of dating among many but
complementing the traditional date-forms without replacing them.
This pointer to the existence of an era of Arabian authority allows a new
evaluation of many datings given in the region of former Sassanian rule, Until
now scholars have accepted the thesis that datings given there were to be con¬
sidered as either still in the era of the last Sassanian ruler, Yazdgatd, or else in a
“post-YazdganJ ei';iP'"-t? Til is acceptance, however, has caused the dates deduced
to be off by many years. By means of this (faulty) interpretation, scholars have
been able in harmonize the dates given ott extant coins with ihe dales provided
in the hi stone i zing Islamic literature. An example of this synchronization with
the information given by the historicizing literature (e.g.T Balidliinh Tabari) is
the date given for the beginning of the rule of Mu’awiya’s direct successor, JAbd
al-Malik. A coin in tiic name of 'Abd al-Malsk from DFirabjii'd in Iran gives iis
date as the year 60/^ Since the discovery of the Greek inscription of Gudina, we
know that this dating follows ihe Arabian era. The historicizing literature of the
Abbasid period, though, has 'Abd al-Malik assuming rule in the year 65 of the
Hijra. This was possible in die hi satirizing presentation of Tabari because, in
die meantime, Ibn Hishanfs edition of the biography of ihe Prophet bad
appeared; consequently, the cireumstances of the Hijra of the prophet of the
Arabians have become known to the public, in the early period of Arabian self-
governance, people were not concerned with such points of connection; since
the biography of the prophet of the Arabians was not yet known, and since
people had not yet heard of die Hijra of die prophet of the Arabians, they could
not name a method of dating after it.
At the time of Mu'uwiya’s rulership, the exciting life history of the
pugilistic prophet of the Arabians was not yet known. People were content
with (and historically correct in) calling their method of dating "of the- Ara¬
bian era ” This method began with the takeover of power in Iran by the Arabs
following the battle of 622, il total loss for the Snssanians. Mu awiya dearly
had no problem with writing his Aramaic name MAAVIA in the context of
the inscription, for he did not yet have to be an Arab, following the ideal type
of "the Arabian Arab from the Arabian peninsula11 created by the later his-
toricizing literature □!'ihe Abbasid period. In hrs inscriptions ho was still able
lo embody the Christian Arabs of Mesopotamia, to whom Greek was not a
Foreign language either (the philosophers of the Athenian Academy had emi¬
grated to the Sassanian Empire after ihe school was closed in 529 by (he
order of the Byzantine emperor Justinian 1).
38 Part I: The Early History of Islam

How can traditional Islamic numismatics proceed with the dating of a

coin of 'Abd sil--Malik to the year 60? Because this dating makes no sense in
light ol the historic!zing literature of the Abhasid period, scholars emphasize
that it must be understood in terms of a Persian era, the former is seen as
unreliable. With this emphasis, it is possible to understand a number "60" on
the coin as the Persian version of the year 72 of the Hijra. Such an under¬
standing would also allow the date to square with the dates of 'Abd al-
Malik's rule as made known by the traditional literature.
To speak clearly: it is from the perspective of the traditional literature
that the numbers given on the coins are evaluated If a ditto squares with die
dates made known by the traditional Islamic literature of later centuries, then
scholars consider it to be a dating after the Hijra of the prophet of the Ara¬
bians; if ii does not, then it is made to fit by adding twelve years and
explaining it as following the Persian tradition.61
Whoever holds fast to the chronology presented in the theological history
has no other choice. Because the literature of the Abbas id period also mentions
the reigns of the sons of Mu’awiya, who were condemned to be destroyed, a
period of live years must be added to his reign in the construction of the theo¬
logical history. As a result, the literature allows 'Abd al-Malik to enter the
scene in the year 65 of the Hijra, However, this is not historically accurate. If
there had been a reign of the sons of Mu'awiya, 1 hen ihis was not of significant
length in .Syria/Palestine. No coins or inscriptions are known that name any
sons of Mu awiya as leader of the protectors.
The synchronization of the dates given on the coins with those given in the
literary sources demands a high degree of intuition from the editors of those
sources. Occasionally, scholars cat mot avoid statements of conscience.62 This
phenomenon linds expressions in evaluations of the following type: “The coins
dated according to the Hijra would thereby be followed by a 'post-Yazdgard
era’ dating on the coins hero under consideration. Although a clear sequence of
coins issues results, it seems incredible that dating would begin by following
the Hijra, only to be followed by a switch to a ’post-Yazdgard era’ system."63
After the dubiousness of Ihis manipulation of dates becomes known to
the editor, he consoles himself with a reference to a “last analysis," This
scholarly insurance policy results here in a reference lo ;i yet-to-be-created
“system of coordination of primary data.”64 This ■’system" is supposed to
become the definitive tool for making clear 1 lie “often hidden contours” in
the literary sources. By means of this revelation of the hidden contours, the
 The Early History of TsUm 39

good news will be passed on concerning the connection between literary

sources in the (merely) affirmative function of Ibe numismatic texts.^
In his attempt to bring light into the darkness of the second civil war,
which is purely a dramatic notion un the part of die Abbasid authors in an
attempt to master the historical situation of great change after Muawiya,
Gemot Rotter suddenly found himself in a difficult si Unit ion: 'The historians
leave us completely in the lurch concerning the first years of the second civil
war in the provinces of Pars and Rinnan; here we are completely dependent
upon the numismatic evidence. HowevcrT this evidence provides surprising
perspectives. The numismatic finds present the information Lhus. , . .==66 One
immediately recognises, though, that Rotter's table docs not give the numbers
found on the coins; rather* it lists numbers for year?: based on the processing
of the numbers in Gaube's work. Tins processing is at least as questionable as
that previously provided by Walker. In Rotter’s table, the coins appear Fol¬
lowing the evaluation of their dates in Gan be, so dial it is possible for them
to be incorporated into the traditional hi story—the editing of which was com¬
pleted in the Abbas id period. The numismatic documents, processed in this
fashion* consequently become supports for the literary tradition. This method,
were i l to be carried over into central European situations, would mean that
scholars could use late antique and early medieval coin discoveries to bring
together the documentary proofs for Wagner's Bayreuth show, by means of
"clear sequences of issue” in terms of a “coordination system for primary
data,” and thereby take the contours of the festival plays, often hidden by the
Ittcrary sources* and lay them open in black and while.
In order to meet the standards established by the literary tradition. Rotter
synchronizes the coins according to varying eras. The normal places in Iran
dale their coins after the Hijra of the prophet of the Arabians, but the royal
residence in Persia, Darabjird, always dales its coins following the era of the
last Sudani an ruler. Thanks to This game with ihe Hijra era and the Yazdgartl
era, one finds the dates in the order previously given by Tabari. Conse¬
quently, in order to force l he data given on the coins into the proems turn bed
uT a chronology following Tabari, one must employ l he help of These various
eras—YEizdgard, posL-Yazdgard, and Hijra.
The discovery of Mifawiya’s inscription on die baths of Gadara, dated to
the year 42 of the Arabian era, makes it possible Lo pass by Lhe commonly
accepted chronology and lo understand the data on the coins, us datings Fol¬
lowing the era of the Arabians. Followers of the traditional conceptions may
40 Part I: The Early History of Islam

want lo note tbit the sign ufihc cross at the loginning of Mnawiya’s inscrip¬
tion seizes as a sign of "Islamic tolerance,” What may be difficult for the fol¬
lowers of the traditional concept ions lo explain h the naming of the era as (he
"era of the Arabians/1 In the understanding of the traditions of Islam and Islamic
studies, Muawiya is hardly an exemplary Muslim, even if he is undoubtedly
Muslim, because he belonged to the Quraysh of the theological history, the holy
family of the prophet of the Arabians. He is also one of the founders of the
toqiyyd*because he*—following the traditional literature—knew haw to conceal
Ills support for the prophet of the Arabians for quite a long time.
Even if Mn awiya's use of Christian symbols and behavior toward Chris¬
tians as an extremely Christian ruler may have made obligatory his under¬
standing of the use of raqiyyu. by naming his own method of dating as an
"era of the Arabians” rather than as an "era of Islam” or an "era of the Hijra/5
he nonetheless betrays the fuel that the prophet of the Arabians, as well as
the "era of the Hijra/1 are not yet known to him.

rse oi a Christian Arabian coin

ms, with the monogram of the
■jidius over the denomination M.
Fig. 3: Obverse of a Christian A rail i an coin
from Damascus, with a frontal image of
the Christian Arabian ruler follow ing the
typical depict ion of the emperor of Byzan¬
tium, and with a bird {of prey?) on the left.

WHY DID MU'AW IYA CHOOSE DAMASCUS

AS HIS RESIDENCE?

It may have been quite pragma tie considerations that moved Mu'awiya to
choose Damascus ns liis residence. Rule by Arabians in this area of formerly
Sassanian authority was no Longer in danger. Further, rule by Arabians in die
formerly Byzantine east was not yet ensured for Lhe future, as long as the
Byzantines had not yet shared the late of llie Sassunhm, In this environment,
Mu'awiya continued the political policies of the Sassanians against the Byzan¬
tines, In addition to an army from the formerly Sassuuiuii cast, he also took
hold of the deer from the formerly Byzantine east and thereby avoided the ear¬
lier weaknesses of the Sassanian plan of attack against Constantinople. It was
under Mu'awiya that such a two-pronged attack was possible for the first time.
 The Early History of Islam 41

However, Mifawiya was only able to ensure his authority in the West by
returning to an Arabian tradition of the exercise of authority, namely, the
connection of aushority with the protection t>f a holy place. As a Christian,
he naturally chose a Christian holy pluco—the lomb of John the Baptist and
his basilica in Damascus.
One can already see this traditionally Arabian practice in the exercise of
authority during the time of Muawiya’s Arabian predecessors in Syria. The
Ghassanids sponsored the holy place of the martyr Sergius in Rusafa. 3-ol¬
io wing older Roman tradition, they built up the water supply of litis desert
locale. Because the emperor and his church still controlled the holy place,
they were only able to erect a church of their observance outside the walls.
It was only in Rusafa that the Gh ass an ids would meet with messengers of
their Byzantine overlords; this was because the stalus of the holy place pro¬
tected them from threats of compulsion.
This type of care for a holy place also led to increased revenue. Pilgrim¬
ages to the tomb of she martyr Sergius in Rusafa constituted a thriving busi¬
ness, so much so* in fact, that the Byzantine emperor Anastasias took for
himself a portion of die income by bringing one of the martyr's thumbs from
Rusafa to Constantinople* and the reputation of the wonder-working power
of the reliquary made its way from the capital city as far as distant Gaul, as
Gregory of Tours reports in his chronicle of the Franks.
Others went further east quite aggressively and erected a substitute holy
place of [he same style and size, in order to cut off the How of pilgrims from
the S ass a Eiian Empire in the East and redirect them to a holy place for which
they themselves served as pafmnes.67
In Damascus, Mu'awiya was able to put himself Forward as the protector
of the holy places of the grave of John the Baptist, The holy place of ihe Bap¬
tist lay in a crypt in a former temple district, where the reliquary of the head
of the Baptist was kept safe. The Arabs held John Elie Baptist in their memory
as a prophet “who encouraged the Jews to strive toward perfection by
exhorting them to practice righteousness toward one another and piety
toward God and, thereby, to come to baptism. Gtily then, as he said, would
baptism be pleasing to God, because they practiced baptism for the healing
of [he body but dol lbr the forgiveness of sins- the soul would then have
already been cleansed by means of a righteous lifeT1^
42 Part i: The Parly History of Islam

Fig. 4: Reverse of a coin with the denomination M

(4G n uni mi a); above appears [lie monogram of em¬
peror HeracliuSn Lo die right 17, the number of the
year according to the era of she Arabians (ft39), and
below DAM (Damascus), Lhc name of she mi nr.

Fig. 5: Obverse of an
anonymous coin from
Damascus* with [he image
of the Christian Arabian
ruler depicted in [be
typical manner of a
Byzantine emperor.

Such teaching of “right action" must have made a significant impact on the
Arabians; it. must also have struck a chord with the tenor of their Quranic
materials and with their understandings of the Din Allah. As a holy place, the
crypt with the head of John the Baptist stood in competition with the Church
of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. The emperor in Constantinople served
Christology, so to speak, as the representative of Christ on lhe earth. Without
the Baptist, however, Lite history of Jesus, in terms of prophethood, made no
sense. The Baptist was the prophet and the defender of right action He stood
for “prophedroodf1 an institution that would become a. central idea of the Ara¬
bian Church in the Arabian Empire/^ Mulawiya was able to treat (lie place of
the Baptist^ tomb, located in a temple district of Damascus, as a haram; the
Arabian tribes' control of Syria made it possible for him to protect it.

Mg. 6: Reverse of an anonymous coin from Dam¬

ascus, with the denomination M: above appears n
variant of Heraulius’s monogram, in lhe right infor¬
mation in Arabic concerning lhe name of she mint
(from above right to below right). This type of
wriling corresponds So the S as sail inn tradition, where
one finds inscriptions written in the held, lo the right
and left of I lie I ire-altar, from above lo below.

The respect that was paid to the holy place {ihurdm) also passed over to
the protector of lire location, making is possible for him lo turn so tribal hiw
and thus ensure security (amfui).7U
 The Early History of Islam 43

Fig. 7: Obverse of an anonymous coin from Damascus,

with the image of John the Baptist; to the right appears
a reliquary tor a head in a container, and to rhe left
appears a globe-cross* i a palm branch above it.

Fig. 8: Reverse of an
anonymous Christian Ara¬
bian coin with ihc dent uni
nation M; above appears a
cross, and to the left a
crowned head (of John she
Baptist?}.

Images of the reliquary of John Lite Baptist's head appear on coins from the.
Damascus of ribs period- On the obverse of the coins, one typically finds the image
of the ruler, facing front, with a lance in his right hand. To his right in the portrayal,
one sees a bird,, perhaps a dove. The left hand of die ruler rests upon a vessel
containing the head of the Baptist. The connection between the depiction of the
dove and the Gospel narrative of the baptism of Jesus by John is obvious.71
There arc also many coins that, until new, have been ascribed to the caliph
Umar and his general KMlid ibn al-Walld, both known from Islamic historical
literature; these coins Eire most likely also connected with the eult of Ihc Bap¬
tist in Damascus. As a destroyer of idols and leader of a military division cm
its way from Mecca to cast Arabiel through Ur in Chaldea to Harran and Dam¬
ascus in Syria, General Khalid Ibn al-Walld took the role of an Islamic
Abraham in ihc revival production oi'lhe history
of Israel as Ihe history of the Arabians.
These coins depict the agmts Dei (“Iamb of
God") and should be connected with the cult of
the Baptist., as (he lamb was attested as an
attribute of the Baptist from as early as the sixth
century. The depict ion oT the lamb in ways
other than as a portrait of Christ was forbidden
in canon 82 of the Council in TmEio of 692.^
Fig, 9: Depict inn of John die In accordance with this canon, Byzantine
BaptistP preaching on an coins begun to depict Chrisl els Ptmtitcraiar as
anonymous Christian eitrly as 692. The answer to this break in tradition
Arabian coin of the seventh,
was the miming of gold coins by the Arabians in
century, found in Syria.
693-694, the year 74 of the Arabian era.
44 Part T: T!lc H.irly History o[ Is! am

Fig. EC): Obverse

and reverse of a
coin of Khalfcd of
Tiberias. Hi is
Christian Arabian
ruler is depicted
along with the
lamb of God,

Fig. 1 ]: iobverse and

reverse of a Chrisiian
Arabian coin from
Damascus with I he
image of a Christian
Arabian ruler with
Lbc lamb of God* a
symbol of John the
Baptist,

THE IDEA OF “ZION” AT THE TIME OF MLFAVVIYA

There is one coin known from Jerusalem at (he time of Mu'awiyn. The
inscription is in Greek, which shows Mifawiya's respect for die heritage of
the empire, as the Roman provincial coins of the region also bore Greek leg¬
ends. The obverse bears the image of a standing ruler* shown Frontally,
holding the globe-cross in his left hand. On she reverse one sees the denoni-
ination M, surrounded by the Greek legend IERO/SOT.J/MON, or
"belonging to Jerusalem."73

Fi^. 12: Obverse and reverse of a

Christian Arabian coin from
Jerusalem with the image oi a Chris¬
tian Arabian ruler and, on die
reverse, the nidi cat inn of the mint
surrounding the tie nomination M.
 The Early History of Islam 45

'The main hagiopulltc holy place for (lie Byzantines was the Cl lurch of
the Holy Sepulchre. Whether MuTiwiya already had plans ['or a new sacred
building on i he Temple Muiml is nut known. Conjectures that lie had already
begun erecting the Dome of the Rock are based on accepting particular cal¬
culations for the building's construction time, Because ihe beginning of‘Abd
al-Malik’s reign is put at the year 65 (following the Islamic historiography),
one often thinks one has to accept the remaining lime, that is, until the date
“72” from the inscription, as insufficient for the erection of a monument of
this type and of imperial size. The construction time of seven years, however*
as given in the Islamic literature, may only have symbolic meaning.
Further, because the beginning of Abd al-Malik's reign, following his
coinage in Iran, actually occurred in the year 60 of the Arabians (679/80), I he
number of years during which the building was erected (in this case* twelve)
is symbolic once again. Nevertheless, this increases the likelihood that 'Abd
id-Malik was the only erector of the Dome of the Rock, as is conjectured
from the gap in the building's inscription (where his name was most likely
originally found),
The conception of a “New Zion” was anchored in the Syrian church tru-
dir ions of fhe "true Israel/' One Fit ill sees the resultF; of this in Ethiopia, where
die capital city of Ax uni was called a "New Zion.”74 Further evidence of the
continuing influence of this Syrian tradition in Ethiopia can be seen in the
“Zion Festival" that began each month in the Ethiopian church. Copper coins
found in Palestine and bearing the legend “Zion” are a sign of the self-
conception of Arabian Christians al the lime of the reign of Muuwiyu in
Palestine, They saw themselves as heirs of the tradition of Israel and con¬
sidered themselves to be the Litme Israel.”75

Fig. I 3: On the obverse of a Syrian coin, a frontal depict ion of an enthroned

Christian Arabian ruler; on the reverse the denomination M above a defec¬
tive. and retrograde text giving the location of the mint as CfDON.
46 Pari I: Tlte- Early History of Islam

MU‘AWIYA’S MILITARY VICTORIES

The political policy through which Mifawiya was able 10 bind the Iranians
to himself was tlte continuation of the series of S assail inn conquests of
Byzantium, as well as the expectation of a filial victory. The eventual loss on
the part of the Sassanians at Nineveh in 627 actually helped the Arabian
emirs of Iran achieve rulcrship; however, (hey were only able to tide ml this
authority by pursuing a project of an Iranian revenge. In the eyes of the Ira¬
nians, the dynasty had changed, but the long-term interests of die Iranians had
not. The dissolution of the Sassanlan dynasty sealed the fate of Zoroastri¬
anism. and the living religion of Iran was from now on only the Nestorian
version of Christianity. '^ Buddhism also held a prominent place in eastern
Iran.

Fig. 14: Arabic imitation of a copper coin leamring the Byzantine imperial
couple Justin and Sophia. On I he obverse, under the imperial couple,
facing front and enthroned, one sees the Arabian countermark "tayyib”; on
ihe reverse there is the denomination M, with I he sign Of ihe cross above.
The dating follows the Byzantine system of indiclions on the right and
left, with the location of the mint, namely, CION {Zion? underneath.

Consequently, it may no! be shocking that the metropolitan of (he Nestorian

Christians from Merv caused the last Zoroastrian king of Iran, ihe Snssauitm
Yazdgard, to be borne to his grave, Tito sign of the cross on the Arabo-
Sassaniun silver coins from Merv amaze only (hose who follow an Islamic
history derived from Lhe literary sources from the ninth century.77
 The Early History of I slim. 47

When the Lakhmid. rulers nl' al-HTra accepted Christianity the Arabian
Christians from that area saw the completion of the development of their
Arabian-Christian state. The great king of the Sassanians, who as overlord
was the defender of the Zoroastrian national cull, saw this as well, and he
summarily ended the authority of the Lakhmids in al-HTra. The demise of the
Sassanian empire also brought the Zoroastrism national cult to an end. The
Arabs, defenders of Christianity (the living religion in west Tran),™ took
power in the continuation of she war against Byzantium. The course of this
tong conflict between Iran and Byzantium had already changed into a war of
religion by the time of Chosroes ]L This development was aided by the
behavior that Byzantium hud exhibited for a long time with regard to its Ara¬
bian vassals. The resuscitation of the Syrian Church in the mid-sixth century
was a project of ihe Syrian Arabs. When Byzantium learned that (he Oh as*
sail ids were threatening to succeed in (his project of authority, which was
(also) ecclesiastically independent it put them aside as a political player in
Syria. The developing alliance of MonophysUe* in hie Byzantine east, which
had been under the leadership of the Ghas^anids, was greatly hindered by
their removal. The full consequences, however (see, for example, the
removal of Byzantine troops from Palestine and Egypt in the seventh cen¬
tury, negotiated by the local leaders), did not occur until the time of
Mu'Iwiya’s reign, but they could no longer at this point be reversed.
The dominance of the military during Muawiya's reign is likely one
main reason that he implemented no drastic changes in (he governmental
structures in the areas fie controlled. He was not an Arabian Arabizer of
freshly conquered regions, hut rather an Arabian Iranian in areas u] ready
conquered by the Sassanians. His goal must have been the consolidation of
the circumstances concerning the tradition of Persian rule. The imperial
army of Iran was first defeated in 622 in Armenia, and in 627 it was pushed
to the brink of annihilation by the Byzantines at Nineveh, However, the
troops of the Arabian vassals of Iran, serving ns occupying forces in Syria
and Egyptv survived this catastrophe unscathed. The Persians abandoned
(heir posts of authority In Syria In 628, following a truce forced by the
Byzantines. There seems io have been no official communication so the Ara¬
bian vassals of Tran to the effect that they should pull out of Syria and Egypt.
Mu'awiya showed himself to be a benefactor to s he peoples of the occu¬
pied lands by rebuilding many public buildings and institutions. He was able
to build on she local populace's aversion so Byzantium. Other Shan the small
48 Part 1: I fie Early History of Islam

minority ol Mclkilcs who belonged to the church uf the emperor, there was
no Christian community or church in the former Byzantine east that had not
been made to cm lure imperial sanctions.
The situation at the lime of Mu'Uwtya was nos a conflict between Arabian-
Islamic conquerers and a Byzartfinc-Christian emperor, as the later, histori-
cizing literature of the Abbasid period would have its readers believe. Rather,
as shown by documents in the form of inscriptions by the Arabian rulers, the
conllict involved the Christians of lliu former Byzantine cast—natural allies
oi' the Nestoritm Christians of Iran and under the leadership of Arabian Chris¬
tians of Iran—on the one side, and the Christians of the emperor in Constan¬
tinople (as leader of Greco-Roman Christianity) on the other. The conllict
played out as a war ol religion between the eastern devotees of a Semitic
understanding of Christianity and the defenders of the Hellenistic and Roman
counter-development. Questions of Christology were still the central
problem. Consequently, the inscription from l he year 72 of the era of t he Ara¬
bians (691—692) inscribed on the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, addresses
Christianity as a whole: Yu uhla al-kilab, or "Oh. you people of the BOOK!"
The Bible is undeniably meant as the “book” in question, and not the mes¬
sages of the prophet ol the Arabians, whose biography would he written one-
ami-a-half centuries later in the style of an Arabian “savior,"

MU AWIYA CONTINUES THE POLITICAL POLICIES OF

IRAN IN SYRIA AND ATTEMPTS TO REESTABLISH
IRANIAN AUTHORITY IN THE REGION

Muawiya remained in Syria at this time, and he busied his followers with
raids into the Byzantine and Armenian borderlands. He also took spoils from
Cappadocia. He must also have been active at sea, given his control of the
Syrian harbors. Occupied with these affairs, he came to understand the value
of a licet for future undertakings against Constantinople. Joining Iran’s mil¬
itary power by land with a Syrian and Egyptian fleet would offer him the
possibility of encircling Constantinople by land and blockading it by sea. All
Iran's previous military actions had ialtered as a result of its inferiority at
sea. Muawiya began to systematically bring (he islands of the Aegean Sea
under his control, so that he might eventually reach the Byzantine imperial
capital by “island-hopping." After conquering Cyprus, lie look Rhodes in
 The Early His Lory of Islam 49

654. Booty uf all kinds was welcome; even the bronze scraps from the
colossal statue of Helios at Rhodes* harbor entrance, which had collapsed in
225 BCEh were taken and sold to a scrap-metal dealer in Ldessa.
However, die proper Lime for the action against Const an I inn pie had not
yet come. Mu'iwiya first had to secure his leadership among the Arabian
emirs. For (his reason, he effected a cease-fire in the West and concluded a
treaty with Byzantium in 659. although the latter did subject him. to the pay¬
ment of tribute.79 In Iran, ihc last Sassanian, Yazdgard 111, began to reign in
632t after four years of conflict over the throne—and ten years after the sur¬
prising beginning of (he decline of the Sassanians as a world power. In the
year 20 of the Arabian era, the year Heradius died, and nine years before
Yazdgard met his end in Merv, coins were already being minted for Arabian
generals in the Sassanian style. Further* in the year 26 of I lie Arabian era. the
emir Salim b. Ziyad had coins minted lei Darabjirdt the former Sassanian
royal residence in the region of Persia. His relative 'Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad
was also minting coins in this year in Zaranj. In the year 41. Ziyiid b, Abl
Sufyan had coins minted in Darftbjird as well.*0
The Arabian emirs fought over Darabjird as the former royal residence
of the Sassanians, In she year 41, Samura b. Jmidab was able to bring die
residence under his control for a short time.yi Then, however, Muawiya
appeared and was acclaimed [is the first Amlr-i wurroyhhnifian.m
It is interesting that the names of the Arabian “mint lords’* give no indi¬
cation of a heritage in the Arabian peninsula; among all the names of the
Arabian emirs of the Sassanian region, neither a YamanT. nor a MakkI, nor a
Hi my ark nor a Hadraml, nor a Qahtam ever appears.
Abd al-Malik appears to have already been an important person of high
social rank before the beginning of his dawn for the imthammad, Tlis descent
from the Marwaniin shows him to have been a noble among the Arabians.B3
The false understanding of the names of families has long made it easy for
scholars of Islamic studies to present the Iranian Arabs as new Islamic chi-
zens of Iran, flow else could one explain the readiness of the ’’Islamic con¬
querors" to adopt die Iranian traditions of the writing of names? The Arabian
family-name ZUPJL +■ (per* A -an looks like a Pah lav i heterogram, What
moved the "Islamic conquerors,1* I hen. to give up the Arabian way of writing
their names? Reasons for this phenomenon will likely be difficult to find.
50 Pctrt I: The Early History of Islam

MU'AVVIYA IS A SUCCESSFUL ORGANIZER

OF THE WAR AGAINST BYZANTIUM,
BUT “GREEK FIRE” IMPEDES AN ULTIMATE VICTORY

Alter his election ns Amlr-i wurrcifishnigan, Mu'Swiya returned to the West

and renewed his military action against Byzantium, “In the year 663 the
Arabs reappeared in Asia Minor; from then on, each year for fifteen years,
they repeal !y pushed forward."84 The year 663 is also year 42 of the Arabian
era, as Mu'awiya’s inscription in Gadara tells us.
Muawiya continued his policies of conquest from just that poinl at
which lie had to break it off a decade before. After the relationships of power
had been clarified among ihe emirs, Muawiya was able to work toward his
goals as the princept inter pares, following an old Arabian tradition; his
principal project was that of the Persians, one that had so often faltered in the
past, namely, the attempt to push the Byzantine Empire out through an attack
on Constantinople. His goal was now to possess authority over Christendom
in the East.85
Oslrogorskv describes the course of the attack on Constantinople:®

After the line of islands controlled by the Arabs | Cyprus-Rhodes-Kosl was

completed by the taking of Chios, mie of Muawiya's generals took power
in 070 on (he peninsula of Cyzicus, in the immediate vicinity of the Byzan¬
tine capital. [Jy this action the Arabs secured a base of operations against
Constantinople. However, hi ft72, before the Arabs made the main attack
against the city center, a part of die caliph's fleet besieged Smyrna, white
another part occupied the Lyciuri and Citieian coast lines.
hi the spring of 674, Ihe main action began, us a powerful squadron
appeared before the walls of Constantinople. The battles lasted through the
summer, in the autumn the Arab licet retreated to Cyzicus, They appeared
again the following spring, hoping to hold the Byzantine capital under
siege for the entire summer; I his sequence of events repeated itself in the
coming years. However, all the Arabs’ attempts at storming the most well-
protected fortress in the entire w'oild of that time remained without success.
After suffering severe losses in sea battles fought before the walls of Con
stantinople, they ultimately had to give up their light and, in 67ft, leave
Byzantine waters. This was the first time that the famous "Greek lire” was
used, a weapon which would from that time on serve the Byzantines in
extraordinary ways.
 The Early History of Islam 51

ll is not difficult to describe the effects shat the introduction of Lhis “super-
weapon” of the time had on [he hearts of the Arabs. Fire made from a mix-
lure of chalk and sulfur rained down on die attackers from above. So-called
siphons were able to cast the incendiary blasts u “real distance toward the
Arabs1 ships. If one were to think of the apocalyptic conceptions current at
the time, the expectation of the end-time that was still virulent in 1 he Abbiiskl
period; when Lhe apocalyptic expectations of Hirnj were written down, and
the expectation of the Messiah through the miihajirtltt of lhe Abbaskl litera¬
ture, then one can begin to imagine how the attacking Arabs thought that
they were literally looking into a hell-hole. L1n their retreat, Lhe Arab Heel
suffered still further losses as a result of a storm on lhe Pamphyliari coast. At
the sumo time* the Arabian army was suffering a major loss in Asia Minor”*17
As a result of all this, Mu'awiya conceded with a peace treaty with
Byzantium. He sent the emperor a yearly gift of three thousand gold pieces
in addition to horses and slaves. The Byzantines considered this to be tribune
and registered ii appropriatelyFor Mtfawiya’s tme motives for making
peace in the West, one can consult lhe coins minted by the Iranian Arabs.

MIPAWTYA LOSES HIS SUPPORT IN THE EASTERN

PORTION OF THE REGION OF ARABIAN AUTHORITY

The expectation of a total victory had motivated the Arabs to their maximum
expenditure of energy. However, when hell opened up and spewed out fire,
all their apocalyptic nightmares of Gog and Magog seemed to be confirmed.
Murawiy;Ts opponents used this opportunity to carry our a coup in the East.
The legitimation of Mu'awiya's authority depended upon the continuation of
the war against Byzantium. By means of his previous action In this regard,
he was able to rally Lhe Persians tinder his banner. However, gelling rid of
the humiliation the Sassanians had suffered by losing the battle against their
religious enemy was a national problem for many Iranians.
After the unexpected failure at Constantinople and the retreat of autumn
674, the first year of lhe war, the opposition to Mtfawiya came together.
First, Abd Allah of the family Al Zubayr was elected AmiW warroyish-
nigan. His coins minted In Dambjird begin in the year 53.^ Following the
era of the Arabians, as the inscription from Gadara communicates it to us,
ihis corresponds lo the year 672-673,
52 Rirt T; The Early History of Isl am

‘ABD AL-MALIK’S JESUS IS MUHAMMAOUN *

THE APPEARANCE OF MUHAMMADANISM:

‘ABD AL-MALIK’S MISSION THAT JESUS BE
UNDERSTOOD AS THE “ClIOSEN/FRAISED”
(MUIIAMMADUN) SERVANT OF COD ( ABD ALLAH)

While the Byvanline empire discovered new unity' in terms of both authority
and confession during these years—those oat si do its confession in Antioch and
Alexandria had been pushed owl, and the Roman pope had been marginalized—
the authority of the Arabians suffered from a limited legitimacy. This limitation
came as a result of a separation of secular and spiritual power. The Iranian
national church; the Nestorian version of Christianity, had been rejected in the
western portion of the area of Arabian rule, 1 lore, Monophysirism continued to
carry the day, practiced by Armenians, Syrian Jacobites, and Egyptian Copts,
The church of die emperor was present as well in the midst of the Melkiies.
A new Christian movement, intended to unite all the Christians of the
Arabian Empire, was announced by the demand that an understanding of
Jesus as the mukummad be adopted. This demand was preceded by another,
namely, that Jesus he conceived as 'Abd Allah. The point of this demand was
to give Christian theology in the Orient a leitmotif that could be employed
over against Byzantium as a unifying program for the Christ in ns in the
former Byzantine east and the former eastern Sassanian Empire.
The idea of Jesus as 'Abd Allah is reminiscent of the position of Arius, who
came from Antioch; it also can be found later, in the inscription in the Dome
of the Rock, which states, along with a date of 72 following the Arabian era
(691 - 692); imthammadun 'Abdu Haiti wa-raxuluhu (referring to Jesus).50
The group surrounding the Amir‘Abd at-Malik provoked his opponents
Mu'awtya and Tbn at-Zubayr with this demand concerning the muhammad.
MuTtwiya lost power around the year 60 of the Arabian era (679-680), as his
loss at Constantinople and the humiliating peace treaty with the Byzantines
—especially the renewal of tribute—had discredited him. Tbn al-Zubayr was
able to project an image of himself as Amir for another ten years, but his
sphere of influence was limited to Rinnan and Persia,*1 The confession of
(he muhammad formula can he found on many dated and undated coins from
the region of Arabian rule in both the East and the West,
 The Early History of Islam 53

THE MUHAMMAD MOTTO IN THE EASTERN PORTION

OF THE AREA OF ARABIAN RULE

Gaube has described Aiabo-Saxsanian drachmas LhaL bear the inscription

niuhammcid; these come from Shirajan, dated in the year 38 of the Arabian era
(655-655)); and From Rayy (the ancient Ragae, today a southern suburb of
Tehran h dated to the year 52 of the Arabian era (672). He connects the use of
the form Lila intthcimmad with the name of the prophet of the Arabians.1*2 As in
the case of the Ahd Allah formula, however, this question concerns an inscrip¬
tion that expresses an ideology of authority. The example of Queen Boran's
medallion has already made clear that coins can also bear inscriptions that
define the idea of authority. This was always she case among she Sassanians,
as one sees in iheir Litulature, which emphasized Lheir descent from the gods.
Consequently* it is not necessary that we assign coins with the in script tori
'abd Allah to an emir named 'Abd Allah b. Amin If what appears on a coin is
intended as a name of an emir, generally speaking, Lhe name of the father also
appears. This is true of Muhammad b. Abd Allah, who minted coins in Herat
in year 67 of the Arabian era. This is the hrsi time that the personal name
Muhammad appears in historical records. The use of this name became current
among the Arabians only after the mission of EAbd a| -Malik. Further, it is only
the coins bearing the name of the 'abd Allah ;md the tmihammad that appear
wiihom any names of ancestors, Gaube also recognized this phenomenon in
the case of the muhammad\ he avoided assigning its meaning lo an emir named
“Muhammad b, (name),” While, according to him, it is possible that this title
does concern the prophet of the Arabians himself. Gaube's recognition at least
remains in the realm of history and not that of speculation.
The coins of the Sassanians were a means of royal propaganda* as they
publicly proclaimed their heritage from The gods. Consequently, it should not
surprise us that the ideology of the Arabian rulers manifested itself in lhe
same way on their coins. Instead of a note on divine descent, however, one
finds here a declaration of the human nature of the ruler and the human
nature of the one making the proclamation. The ruler is £abd Allah, for Jesus
had already been 'abd Allah. A Christian who saw in Jesus lhe ubd Allah
called himself by the name 'Ahd Allah. His tribe called themselves the Ibad
(Allah). However, the Messiah, al-rtuisth, was, for (he Arabs of the East, not
only abd Allah, he was also muhammadJ® At the end point of his dawa*
where Abd a I Malik erected a shrine as his huam, one can read in the
54 Part T- The Early History of Islam

cupola of the Dome of the Ruck, in the third line on the inside of the octagon,
on the south-east side, the following: mtthammudiin 'abdii ikihi \vu-riijnlliihu
(“The servant of God and his apostle may be praised**}.

COINS WITH THE MUHAMMAD MOTTO IN THE

EASTERN PORTION OF THE AREA OF ARABIAN RULE

The catalog of the Berlin “Sammlung Oriental]scher Miinzen’* (“Collection

of Oriental Coins”) which appeared in 1S9S contains the first mention of an
Arabo-S ass ami an coin with the in scrip Li on MIJMT in Pahlavi writing using
I he Aramaic script.94 Another coin like I his one came to tighl in 1984, lhe
held of which also be ary Lhe Arabic inscription muhammad alongside the
inscription MHMT in Pahlavi.95
Scholars until now have rarely understood the inscriptions with Lhe motto
*abd Allah and lhe motto muhammadun as pointers io Jesus and Ids stums as
dhd Allah (the “Servant of God" in the sense of East Syrian theology); jusL as
[■arely have they understood the categorization of Jesus as tmihuuwitidun
(“chosen” or “praised”). Consequently, they have typically explained these
ascriptions as names of jailers, emirs* or governors who simply forgot to
include the names of their fathers when minting coins (contra the general
practice in the field of Arabo-Sassanlan coin minting). For example, Gaulic
lurns the motto 'abd Allah into the name *Ahd Allah h. Amir
Stuart D. Sears has suggested that scholars .should seek the origin of
these coins in Azerbaijan, and that they should see their minting history in
connection with she activities of Muhmmad b. Marwan. a brother of'Abd al-
Malik.97 Sears distinguishes between four different variants of Arabo-
Sassanian drachmas with Lhe motto mnhammadan:

Variant 1. Pahlavi inscription MHMT in the lield, with she Arabic

legend wtffin:
Variant It. Pahlavi inscription MIJMT in she Reid, with Lhe legend
midiammadtm in Arabic script:
Variant HL Palilavi inscription MfJMT in (he field, with die legend
mnhammad in Arabic script; a number 60 is given, repre¬
senting the year 60 of she Arabian era (there are also exliiul
coins with this year given, minted by 'Abd at-Malik in
Dariibjirch and so it was quire nut uni I for Sears to connect
 The Early History of Islam 55

these coins with Muhammad, the brother of'Abd al-Malik,

as this would agree with the traditional Islamic literature):
Variant IV. Pahlavi inscription Kb IY„S7?\VY in the field, with the legend
nmhammad in Arabic script.

He explains the richness of the variants as imitations of various Sassanian

examples, namely, the second and third issue of the coins of Chosroes II,9S

THE MINTING OF COINS WITH THE MUHAMMAD

FORMULA IN SYRIA AND PALESTINE

An image of a copper coin with the timhamrmid motto was published by Sir
Alec Kirkbridge i n 1947.^ This coin was part of an issue of irregular; square,
poorly-minted copper coins. On their obverse they depict the standing figure ot
a ruler, crowned with the cross and holding a long cross in his hand. On the left,
from top to bottom, there is an inscription that has until now been read as infor¬
mation concerning die mint of origin, namely, 'Amman, On the reverse one
finds the denomination, a cursive capital M (-40 nununia). The denomination
also bears a cross, and under the M there appears the motto muliammtu7.1TO
Another coin from antique Yavneh/Yubna has become known; this coin
depicts a ruling figure, facing front. On the right of the figure, on (he coin’s
obverse, the motto muhamfnad appears, and on the left the motto bis mi Hah.
Following our interpretation, the inscription would then read, "He is chosen
in die name of God” or “Let him be praised in the name of God.” The cur¬
sive capital M appears on the reverse us its denomination, surrounded by the
inscription F a Iris Yubna, or “money from Yavneh.”101

THE MUHAMMAD MOTTO AND THE

“STANDING CALIPH” IN HARR AN:
THE DEPICTION OF TIIE CROSS IS
REPLACED BY THE “STONE” BETH-EL

Along with the followers of'Abd ai-Malik. the muhammad motto migrated from
East lo West.102 1 .ike the battle call of a da'wa, the nmhammad motto stood for
a change in the inner conditions of the Arabian Empire. If die reign of Muawiytl
56 Pai l: I: The Early History of Islam

Hg. E zi: Araba-Sassanian Coin wiili men [ion of the (fmf/jmnHzaf/}

on the right next lo the bust, with the Arabic legend wdfin.

Fig. 16: Araho-Sassanian Coin with Fahtavj MHMT in the field, on the right
nexi lo the bust: the mithamrmid motto appears in Arabic script as the legend.

Fig. I7i Obverse of

a Syrian coin with
the muhmnmad
motto; on the left nf
the standing Chris¬
tian ruler, from top
to bottom, is ihe
i nsc ript ion 'Amman. I:ig_ IS: Reverse of Lite Syrian
coin with I he muhaurnmd mono.
 The Early History of Islam 57

stood for a continuation of Iranian militaristic expansion under the leadership of

a new elite and by means of a preservation of the sttirus quo in the abilities of
religions communities to live together, then the arrival oFAbd al-Malik signaled
an entirely new perspective. Syrian religious conceptions returned to the place of
their birth after a nearly two-hundred-year exile following the flight of their
defenders (Barsainms of N is ibis el al.) into she Sassanian east.
'Abd al-Malik wanted to strengthen the Arabian empire front within, by
erecting an Arabian Church of the Arabian Empire This church was to be an
imperial church in the Iranian sense* following the example of the NdUorian
Church in Iran and its role as I he Christian imperial church of Iran toward [he
end of the reign of the Sassanians. To advance this attempted consolidation, he
renewed the peace treaty wilh Byzantium and accepted a significant increase in
the tribute demanded. The treaty also allowed us lvvc parties to divide the rev¬
enues from Cyprus, Armenia, and the Caucasian Iberia (Georgia)
'Abd a!-Malik had recognized that further victories against his confes¬
sional enemies could only occur if the military efforts were accompanied by
an internal consolidation. Thus, he pul the emphasis of his own work on the
development of ideological armament.His goal was to unify, under the
banner of the nuthammad motto, the adherents of the old Syrian theology
who had been driven into the Hast. Syrian theology, in its Arabian under¬
standing, was to regain its former homeland under this banner.
One finds connections Lo the old Syrian theology in an anonymous Jewish
work on the history of Jesus (Ibldot Vestin'). One passage from the last section
concerns Nestorius* who was condemned as a heretic at the Council of Ephesus
in 431, ft is reported here that Nesterms lived in the empire of the Persians, anti
that in opposition to the apostle Paul, lie directed the Christians under his care
to follow (he Mosaic laws. He is said to have taught that Jesus was no God, but
rather a human being inspired by [he Holy Spirit, equal to the prophets.m
The Muhammadanism of "Abd al-Malik cannot simply be equaled with
Ncs to nanism. Ills Muhammadanism derives much more from the Arabian
understanding of Syrian theology* Further, this Arabian understanding of
Syrian theology did not arise in the Nestors an imperial church of Iran; rather,
as the tribal religion of the Mesopotamian and Iranian Arabs, it became a
constitutive pan of their ethnicity.
Just as Syrian theology was manifested among the Arabs in its Arabian
understanding-—and thus became their tribal religion—so also it existed*
even into the modem period, in Ethiopia as a constitutive factor of the
Ethiopian kingship. The first missionary work in Ethiopia began at the end
58 fort I; Hie Early History of Islam

of <hu ihird century with the work of the Syrian Fru men tins and his col¬
leagues, The central dogma of the Ethiopia church is the tawdhedo, the con¬
fession of the unity of the Godhead.106 On the coast of the Red Sea opposite
from Ethiopia, the central dogma of the local Wahhabi teaching is called
tawhuL This group's expression, colored by the Hebrew, can be found in a
historically graspable form in the inscription in the Dome of the Rock in
Jerusalem, litis inscription reads, Aliafui abaci |corresponds to Hebrew
cidoncu ehad, which is the ending ol the Shemci, the Jewish expression of
faith], AHahu t-scwuui. The meaning and understanding of this formulation
appears to have been current among the Arabizers of the Quranic material,
as (hey did not experience it as “un-Arabic."107
Following the Mosaic law has not seemed any Jess “un-Christian’* to the
Christians of Ethiopia. A custom in the Ethiopia church is tunable here,
namely, that they read the Song of Songs on Holy Saturday morning, just as
it occurs in the synagogue during Passover. This corresponds to the
hermeneutical understanding of medieval Europe;!]] Christians in makintr the
Old and New Testaments congruent. The Ethiopian Church still practices cir¬
cumcision in accordance with the Mosaic law. It is understood as a visible
sign of the covenant between God and his people, and it is carried out on the
eighth day after birth.108
In defending Muhammadanism, 'Abd al-Malik’s autocephalous Arabian
Church of the Arabian Empire saw the possibility of keeping the Christo log¬
ical debate open. During this period it had seemed that the emperor and his
primary church officer, the patriarch of Constantinople, had fought and
directed the Chrislologica! controversy; indeed, at the end of die Sixth Ecu¬
menical Council, held in Constantinople in 681, the collection of church
leaders had acclaimed Emperor Constantine IV thus: “Many years to tire
emperort You have expressed the essence of the nature of Christ. O I ,ord, pro¬
tect this lamps)and of the world!" However, in Abd al-Malik the Tradition of
the Sec (Patriarch) of Antioch reentered the scene. He made the emperor
understand that he saw himself as a competitor in the debate over ihe nature
ot Christ. He entered the debate with an Ekthesis of his own and, in the year
12 of the Arabian era (691-692). had it inscribed in the Temple shrine he had
built in Jerusalem called Qubbal a| Sakhra (“The Repository of the Rock”).
The enemy ol the Arabian ruler. Emperor Justinian II (685-695), was a
very pious nobleman. On his coin inscriptions he called himself senses
Christi (servant of Christ), and he was the firs! among the Byzantine
emperors to include the portrait of Christ on his coins’ obverse side.10,1'1
 The Eiriy History of Islam 59

Abd al-Malik answered this practice, calling himself, on his own coins.
Khalifat Allah, or "Speaker for God.”s 10
The Eli intake n belief that the mler of the
Arabian Empire had understood himself ns a
caliph, and that the tide of the caliphs had been
Amir tit-mn'minm, arises from lhe limes of lho
Abbasid caliphs after al-Ma'mun. This leader
called himself Khalifat Allah as well, but for
totally different reasons. In a visit to Jerusalem
in the year 217 of ihe Arabian era, he put his
own name into the text in the Dome of the Rock,
and lie instrumental! zed (nr interpreted anew)
Fig, 19: The coin From
HarrUni die Beth-El in the the content of the text in [ho sense of the Muslim
form of ihe Ycgar Sahaduta theology, which he himself had initiated.
with lhe rmihammaii motto In a bronze coin from Hamm, one can see
on the obverse. Abd a I -Malik's competitive stance against the
emperor in Constantinople. This typo of coin
though instead cast in copper, had already been known in Europe for cen¬
turies; this particular exemplar, described by Walker, made its way into the
Vatican holdings by way of rhe Borgia collection. The connection between
Abd al-Malik and the nuthatumud motto is made clear from the representa¬
tion on the coin's obverse of the pile of stones called the Yegar Sahaiiuta
WWTtolT—Gen. 31:45-47), The anonymous Muhammad coin from
1,1 anan> bearing the image of the Ihah-Fl (“House of God,” Gen. 28:15-19)
in [he form of the Yu gar Sahaduta as a “witness in stone*” points to the later
coins from the region bearing the name of1 2 Abd al-Malik.
ft is interesting that, before the appearance of Abd al-Malik's name and
litultUurc, it is only the movement's imihammnd motto that appears on coins
of this type. With regard to the order of events of the clawa of the followers
of Muhammadanism, one sees the following picture by bringing together the
sequence of coin-issues:

1. The appearance of anonymous drachma coins in the region of former

Sassanian Rile, bearing the motto Ahd Allah from the yeai 41 of the
Arabian era (661-612).
2. The appearance of anonymous, occasionally dated (to She year 60 of
the Arabian era [679-680] ) drachma coins in the region of former Sas-
Siinhin rule, bearing the motto mtthanimad, and:
GO Part I: The Early History of I si am

3. I’hc appearance of the anonymous copper coin from Harrin (the sym¬
bolic power of this place-name has been known since the days of the
biblical patriarchs) in the region of former Byzantine rule, bowing the
motto muhammad anti the image of the new national religious
symbol, the Beth-FJ in the form of the Yegor Safuuiitta.
4. These are followed by the appearance of copper and gold coins with
the image of the new national religious symbol, the Beih-Et in the
form of the Yegur Sahmhtta. and of the Arabian ruler with the pro¬
tocol of Abd al-Malik. The image of the Beth FJ as Yegar Sahadum
spreads toward the West, from which resulted:
5. The appearance of inscribed coins in north Africa with the represen¬
tation of the new national religious symbol, the Beth-FJ in the form
of the Yegar Sahetdutn.

The spread of this new national religious symbol, the “Stone,” also
answers the question concerning the absence of the depiction of the cross on
the coins from the Arabian Empire. The national religious symbol, the Beth-
FJ, in its function as the treaty-guardian Yegur Sahaduta, marks a return to
the tradition of iconic stone idols. The fixation of‘Abd al-Malik*s movement
on the muhammad idea, as a pan of its self-understanding as a "true Israel,”
explains this return to the Semitic tradition.
The disappearance of the sign of the cross in the area of Arabian rule did
tiot, therefore, result from an Islamic rejection or prohibition of the figure of
the cross, as Lhe historic)zing Islamic literature claims. Thai the cross does
appear on the coins of Mu'iiwiya and those of the Syrian emirs before ’Abd
al-Malik has equally little to do with a sort of “Islamic tolerance" (as empha¬
sized in the literature) toward those Christians who were necessarily
employed in the government as a help to the new rulers.
What scholars of Islamic studies have tun yet recognized in this realm is
the connection—noted in the Islamic literature—of an Islamic cultural blos¬
soming with a signiiicant percentage of government functionaries being
Christian. This blossoming distinguishes the Christian-Arabian early period
of Arabian authority from the Mesopotamian-Iranian orientation after al-
Mamun's visit to Jerusalem in the year 217 of the Hijra, the era of the
Muhammad who, in the meantime, had been appropriated as the prophet of
the Arabians.111
The replacement of the sign of the cross with the image of the Beth-Ft
in the form of (lie Yegur Sttfuutuui was a part of the ideological controversy
 L'ke Early History op Islam 61

with Byzantium. The return to a symbol reminiscent of the founding of Israel

as noi a suggestion of a Jcwish-Chiisttan tradition of the (Christian) Arabian
Church of llie Arabian Empire; rather, it points to the Dim the understanding
of the interaction between God and his creation as die result of the keeping
of a contract.112
What tot Sows is the traditional description of I ho coin from Harran,
which allows far-reaching conclusions of lhe type described above to be
drawn. It is a copper coin with the inscription mithammad on [lie left, the
location of the mint Harrow on the right, and in I he middle the frontal depic¬
tion of the Arabian ruler following the Mesopotamian schema with kitjiya
and the sword of judgment on the obverse. On the reverse one sees a
“stepped cross'" to its left is a monogram, to its right the motto muhamtmitl.
Under the stepped cross is the Greek number IS {16).s 13
This traditional description of this coin assumes that the side, of the coin
with the depiction of the ruler is the coin's obverse. However, in reality, the
national religions symbol of the Ye:gar Sohtuhita is the most important ele¬
ment andT consequently, adorns the side that should properly he called the
obverse. The depiction of the Arabian ruler is the motif for the reverse, as
was the case on the contemporary coins bearing the image of the Byzantine
emperor, which in the same way gave over their obverses to that empire's
religious symbol, namely, the depiction of Christ as Paniocrator*

Fig, 20: Image of the Arabian ruler on ibc reverse of the coin
from Hamm, To ihe left one sees the inscription imthaminad„
and on l lie right the mint location Hnrrun. On ihe obverse
thcEc is die depiction of tike ^Slone/' To the right there is the
inscription muhtminmtt. underneath the number 16 using Greek
letters, ^ind nn ihe lell the dcpielinn of a rhomboid betyt.
62 Part I; The Early History of Islam

Clive Foss held the depiction of the A rabbin ruler to be the prophet of
l lie Arabians* just as Gan be believed the motto tmihununad to be a mention
of the prophet of the Arabians on Arabo-Sassaniun coins.114 It is unques¬
tionable, however, that the coins actually bear a depiction of an Arabian
nrfer* The similarity of the image to dial of the Arabian ruler in Kin dan ui-
Mafjar speaks strongly in favor of this opinionJ15 Further evidence in this
regard is the sword of judgment, which is depicted in a pronounced way and
is greatly oversized. This Jong sword is reminiscent of the swords of the
guardians at the fire-altar, depicted on the reverse of earlier Snssanian
drachmas. Here lhe ruler is depicted as a guardian over the ' "contract”
between God and humanity. The sword is an indication of the understanding
of Dm as a result of a contractual relationship.
The depiction of the Arabian ruler is a reaction to a new type of coin in
Byzantium: Jussi nirm 11 had depicted Christ as the Rex regmwtium on the
obverse of the third type of his gold sotidi\ on the reverse one sees [lie
emperor standing with a long cross in his right hand J36
This depiction renders il necessary to view
the side of the coin bearing the1 image of the Ara¬
bian rider as the reverse of the coin. Numisma¬
tists concerned with Islamic coins luive not yet
recognized this fact, despite die fact that numis¬
matic conventions dictate that the religious mes¬
sage always appears on the obverse. In Byzan¬
tium it was the view of Jesus as the Christ, Rex
regiumuim}, while in the former Byzantine cast it
Pig. 21: Hie Byzantine was the depiction of the “witness in stone.” the
model of lhe Arabian gold
Yegar Safuithtia. The depiction of the Beth-El in
coin. 'Die ob1verse has a
the form of the Yegar Sahiuhtta is found on the
religions image; the
obverse of all the coins oFAbd a] Malik bearing
reverse, shown here, bears
the image of the /Arabian ruler, even in North
the i mage of the standing
errlpcnjr> JusSijrian IE. wlLb Africa, in connection with otherwise purely
a long cross. inscriptions] types.117
 The Lirly History oj Islam S3

Fig. 22: A gold coin of'Abd iil-Mfllik following ihe Ry/anime pattern:
on ihc obverse (right in the figure) the national religious symbol (ihu
“Stone” in the form ot ihe Yegur Sahaduta)t mnl on (he reverse {left in
ihe figure) the depiction of [he.Arabinn ruler with sword (of judgment?)

MVHAMMAtWN RASULU ’LLAH—

“PRAISED/C110SEN IS THE APOSTLE OF COD”

This expanded definition of the conception of Jesus as the mufyammad is

found first on Arnbo-Sassamau coins in Iran. The earliest known coin from
tills period is dated to the year 66 of the Arabian cm and comes from
Bishipur in Persia. Coins were also minted at this location during the reign
of the Sassanians in Iran.,jaAs opposed to the anonymous Abd Allah and
muhannnadcoins, this coin was mimed by a named leader. The legend on the
coin is in Arabic and reads: Bismi llahi rmihammaditn rasftlu Hah ('In die
name of God, the apostle of God is chosen/praised"),
TIier expanded formula, which calls the muhammad a vasal* can also be
found six years later in the text or the inscription on the Dome of the Rock in
Jerusalem; There, in the text on the inner facade of the octagon, one learns
that rasidaka wa-'abdaka 'Isa bn Maryam (“your Eiposlle and servant, Jesus,
i he son of Mary11) is the one whom the preceding Christologieul explanation
concerns. The Quran uses the descriptor rastll alongside that of nabi
(“prophet”).1^ Biblical characters and prophets are called rasuL especially
those that carry a special meaning in the Qur anic interpretation of history;
these include Noah, Lot, IshmacJ. Moses, Slm'ayb, Hud, Salih, and Jesus.
These are authorized representatives of God, hearing a mission to save the
64 Part l: Tlie Early History of [slam

community of [he faithful. Regarding Jesus as the muhammad, one sees here
an ami-Pauline view of the community of the faithful; namely, that the
Semites—and most especially the Arabs—constituted the community of [he
faithful because they were relatives of Jesus, of the Aramaic one from Galilee.
One sees this expressed in the connection of biblical saviors (Noah—from the
flood. Lob—from the lire, and Moses—from the sea) and ex Ira biblical, Ara¬
bian savior-conceptions (the earth will swallow during an earthquake
whomever does not accept the God-given order of things., etc.) in the world
of ihe Quranic materials. As the muhammad. Jesus joins the group of She
"Seven Saviors/’ He is the plenipotentiary in she sense of contract law {wall
al-'ctmr) and the deputy or representative of God (wait Allah) r Here again, the
Arabian worldview as a weh of contractual relationships becomes visible.

4 AU AS THE VIZIER OF THE “PRAISED/CHOSEN ONE”

This assessment is foreign to scholars of Islamic studies. They know the con¬
ception of a wait Allah only in connection with I he Shi a, which they (falsely)
hold to be a secondary development. The Shi'a know the expression All waif
Allah. This shows a specifically Christian Arabian development; the idea of
a MHMT wait Allah (from the first centuries of ihe Arabian era) becomes a
general Semitic conception (Aaron/HarOn) of an rAU wall Allah, an ^Excel¬
lent One as Representative of God.”

THE PR A TSED/CHOSEN ONE

AS THE BEARER OF THE LOGOS

The contemporary epigraphic materials allow one to reconstruct die contents

of Ahd al Malik's thnva (mission), namely, ihe understanding of Jesus as
the tmthammad. who as r&siti is the apostle of the (Sassanian) Arabs,
Because Jesus did not die on die cross (so [he Quranic materials claim), he
took up the function of a "hidden imam" after his translation into heaven. He
is able to appear to the community aruL as ihe authorized representative, pro¬
tect them from the threatened catastrophe. On this point one should also
compare the apocalyptic ideas from Hi ms. These may trace hack to Syrian
models, but they also show that, among the Arabians, and even in the period
 Tke Early History of Islam 65

of the Abbasids, people were constantly forced to reckon with the appear¬
ance of Jesus.
To quote from these apocalyptic texts:

The Maslh 'M b. Mariam shall descend at the white bridge at the eastern
gate of Damascus in the direction of [he ircc. A cloud wifi carry him while
tie will place his hands on the shoulders of two angels. On him wilt be two
White cloths, one of which he will wear as a loin wrap, the other as a loose
cloak. When tie bows down his head, drops will fall from it like pearls, . . .
Then he will come to the gathering of the Muslims, wherever they are. He
wilt find their caliph praying with them. The Maslh will stand behind him
when he secs him and (Lhe caliph) will say, LlO Maslh of God, lead the
prayer for us.” [Here the Messiah's function as imam has become clear. 1
But tie will say, “Rather. you lead the prayer for your companions, for God
is pleased with you. 1 have been sent only as an assistant (wavr)* 1 have not
been sent as a commander (amir)T12^

Then the process of authorization continues.. To judge from [he in Seri pi ions
on (he Araho-Sassanlan coins, Jesus is the muhamnuid u-fi/J al-’amr (“autho¬
rized representative*’).
The presentation of translations contemporary to Abd al-Malik will
simplify Lhe dari hcation of the expression rasnl in this special context.
Because ‘Abd al-Malik did not limit his tmtha?nmad-mi$siQfi by using only
Arabic terminology, but rut lie r preached in lhe lingua franca of the Near
East, lhe message was also proclaimed in the eastern portion of the lands of
Lhe Iranian empire in Middle Persian (Pahlavi). For example, there exists a
coin from Slstan/Sakastan, minted in the year 70 of the Arabian era which
beans the inscriptions] I [ext M/fMT PTGAMhi YyuzdL]1]
Here die expression Paygambar appears, a term Mint depicts the connec¬
tion between a Persian infinitive form and a related Aramaic expression
already in use in the Persian spoken language for centuries. The Pahlavi
bcieiogram contains the Aramaic PTGM for paiigmm (message, word}.822
The component -bar is the present infinitive of [he verb bunhm (to bear).
The Pahlavi term PTGM-bar means "bearer of the message/word/" Fully
translated, the inscription reads, "The hearer of lhe message/word from God
is chnsen/is tn he praised/" It would also be possible to understand the
expression Paygamhar ay "bearer of the Word/’ or the Logos. In this under¬
standing the bearer would be seen as a “vessel/" into which God "has cast his
66 Fart I: The Early History of Islam

Word and from his Spirit,” as iL is said of Mary in the inscription on the
Dome of the Kook. Here one secs the ancient conception of humans and
prophets as vessels of the divine. And once again we find ourselves in the
realm of old Syrian theology.
This Middle Persian formulation will ho clarified further elsewhere. To
avoid misunderstandings, those minting the coins added Arabic legends that
precisely defined the function of die Paygambar from an Arabian perspec¬
tive. There is extant a silver coin from a mint in the region of Kirman in the
southeast of Tran, dated to the year 70 of ihe Arabian era; in addition to the
Middle Persian motto MHMT PGTAMbl Y YazJ, this coin has the Arabic
legend bismi Hah wall ai-'amr (“in [he name of God, lie is (lie authorized rep¬
resentative"),^ Another silver coin, this one from a different mint in
Kirman hut also dated to 70 of the Arabian era, has die Middle Persian motto
MHMT PGTAMbl Y Ytizcl and the Arable legend bis mi 'bah \mli Allah (“in
the name of God, he is the representative of God"),1-'4

FROM THE EPOCH OF (ABD A E-MALIK UNTIL

THE END OF THE REIGN OF HIS SONS IN THE
YEAR 125 OF THE ARABIAN ERA (742-743)

THE ARABIAN EMPIRE AND TIIE SUCCESSION

OF THE IM PER TIT M (CONSECUTIO IMPERII)

Ihe controversy between 'Abd al-Malik and the emperor in Constantinople

reached a high point when the Arabian Empite began to mint gold coins.
Until that time, the Arabs in the former Byzantine east had been satisfied to
mint local, copper coins, and also drachmas, following ihe Sassanian pattern.
However, the mi riling of gold coins threatened the high position of the
emperor in Constantinople, who had continued to enjoy the privilege of fur*
Ihering the tradition of the Roman Empire in the East by means of the
minting of gold coins. By releasing his own gold coins, 'Abd al-Malik ended
the monopoly of the emperor and his ability to control the flow of gold coins
in Ihe former Byzantine east. At the same time. ‘Abd al-Malik displayed his
position as a competitor of the emperor in Constantinople through his own
independent ability to mint coins.
 The Ea.rly History of [slam 67

Begineimg in the year 74 of the Arabian era (693—694), 'Abd al-Malik's

gold coins were totally dedicated to propaganda concerning his Muham¬
madanism. These coins set hfs relationship with the "true Israel” against the
Christologieal relationship indicated by the image on the Byzantine coins: on
the one hand, the depiction of the symbol of the founding of Israel through
Jacob, the "Stone” in the form of the biblical Ye gar Sahadnta\ and on the
other, the depiction of Christ as Paniocrator, The inscription on the Arab
coins rends: Ifi Hahn it Id Allah wah&i/itt mithanmiadun rasuhi tlah (“There
is no God but Allah, him alone, and the apostle of God is to be praised/ls
chosen”),125
The introduction of gold coins also visibly illustrates the practice of Abd
al-Malik concerning the integration of structures adopted from previous
regimes. There were no new and revolutionary practices and methods in the
government of the Arabian Empire; rather, the tendency was to fuse what
had been inherited from both East and West.
Silver coins were minted in die Formerly Sassanian regions of the East,
and copper coins were minted in Syria, This situation was supplemented by
the independent minting of gold coins, following the tradition of the West,
especially of Egypt. In this way, a system of coinage emerged, minted from
three different metals, but ill is system did not lead to a unified use of the
minted coins throughout the empire. The eastern portion retained its adopted
silver currency, the western regions retained their preference for gold, and
Syria continued to use its traditional copper.126
This pragmatic approach was necessary to ensure smooth activity at the
governmental level in a region that was unified for lhe first lime in a millen¬
nium (since Alexander the Great and his DiadochiJ, It was a land mass front
Egypt in the west to centra! Asia, on she border of China, in the east. This
corridor re materialized as a res all of the radical change initiated by the
victory of Heraclius over the Persian armies tn 622. This victory led to I he
dissolution of the Samnian dynasty and, as a result, ended the nearly
thousand-year division of the Near East into an Iranian portion and a
Hcllenistic/Roman portion. The result of this change, which has endured
even until today, was the migration of the Arabian Muhammad an bin from
the East into the West, This dynamic movement, which according lo tradi¬
tional Islamic scholarship had its origin in the preaching of the prophet of the
Arabians, did not spread to Syria from Arabia, in fact, but from Iran. Or
rather. Mu ham mud an ism did not move front south to north, but rather from
88 Part T: The Early History op Islam

to west. 1 tie idea i>J a south to north movement, an idea arising from the
early third century of Islam, is actually a portion of the religious history of
the movement. The protagonist of this conception is Khali d l>. al-Walld,127
who understood the connection of Mecca to this historical dynamic. The his¬
torical literature of the third century portrays this hero as the leader of a
conquering army from Mecca into eastern Arabia. The army continued under
his leadership imo the homeland of Abraham in Chaldea, and then to al-Hira,
(he center ol the Ncstoriiln Christians in Mesopotamia. Prom there they pro¬
ceeded further west to Arran, the endpoint of Abraham's migration as
pod rayed in the Bible. Crossing the Jordan River at Ynrmiik. they went on
into Palestine, which was the “Promised Land” to the Arabians as well—as
descendants of Ishmad. Finally, they conquered the Arabian {Nabataean)
city of Damascus. It is important to note that victory in battle is a lopos in
this historical literature as divine approval of the conquest.
The religious history actually overtook the historical process. In terms of
an Arabian “salvation history.” the Mesopotamian-Irauian Arabs became
connected with a lictive ancient homeland in Arabia, which gave iheir
entrance into ihe pages ol history added chronological depth. The beginning
point lor these “salvation-historical” ideas later became Mecca, in the south
of (he old Nabataean lands. Al ter the year 138 of the Arabian era (736), these
salvation-historical ideas replaced the knowledge of the actual historical
process: first, that Arabian aristocrats in the Sassanian Empire received their
power as military chieftains in occupied Syria and Egypt after the fall of the
S ass an i an dynasty, which resulted from the defeat of 622; second, that they
then remained with their contigents of Arabians in those places rather than
returning to Lheir Mesopotamian homelands; and finally, that in conceit with
the non-By/an line hierarchs of the formerly Byzantine east, they effected the
withdrawal of the Byzantine troops who had stayed behind.

IMPERIAL ACTS: STATUARY, THE BUILDING OF ROADS,

A CENTRAL SHRINE OF THE NATIONAL CHURCH,
AND T HE IDEA OF “ZION”

As a competitor with the emperor in Constantinople, Abd al-Malik did not

shy away irom the continuation of Sassanian and Roman traditions of
authority. Although the nearly life-size statue of an Arabian ruler, found in
 The I:illy History of Islam 69

the vicinity of Jericho in Khirbat ai-Mafjm; cannot he unquestionably attrib¬

uted to him. it shows nonetheless that the traditional ideas concerning the
depiction of a ruler, as well as those concerning the construction anti elec¬
tion of statues of a ruler had not disappeared even by the end of the first cen¬
tury of the Arabian era.128
The development and fusion of adopted practices also occurred with
regard to palatial arc hi Lecture among ihe ruling elite of the Arabian Empire
in Syria. In the- nonhem portion of the east wing of the palace in Khirbat al-
Mafjas', one sees primarily decorations whose motifs one knows from Sas-
sanian textiles. In the southern portion of the palace, however, decorations
from the storehouse of Rom an-Byzantine Forms dominate. The two types of
decoration are not mixed; similarly, ns in the minting of coins, the various
dements are simply placed side-by-side. People lived in what was first a
"country home” in the vicinity of she Dead Sea, but which later became an
entire building complex, in which both Rom an-Syrian and Mesopotamian-
I rani an traditions had been integrated,
Funhei; in connection with the building of the Dome of the Rock, the
road from Damascus to Jerusalem was improved, A milestone hearing an
Arabian inscription dating from the year 73 of the Arabian era (692-693)
exists.1-5 The Dome of the Rock itself is n building of imperial size* com¬
pering in its dimensions with the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. The Dome
of the Rock embodies the Syrian conception of (lie church as a structure that
follows the plan of the temple of Solomon. This, is still the case among the
churches of Ethiopia.
The inside of the Ethiopian churches is divided into ihree concentric
areas. The innermost portion is the shrine with the Tuhot (the Ark of the
Covenant), or else the tablets (of stone), which stand in for the Tabot as a part
for the whole. Only priests and die king are allowed to enter this area. The
middle area is reserved for the sacraments and the other sacred rites+ while
the choir fills the outer area. The faithful stand in the square in front of the
church and follow what is happening Inside through the open doors.
The division of space in the Dome of the Rock follows this mode of divi¬
sion, The Rock lakes the place of die Tabnt. The innermost portion of the
building is fenced in by four massive posts, between which are twelve
columns in groups of three. Tile four posts are reminiscent of .Sassaniau
shrine tradition, the Chahar Tag. This building took as its basis the plan of
the Persian lire-iemple. Ii is also fount! in Armenian churches.130
70 Fart Jr The Early History of Islam

Fig. 23: Cutaway isometric drawing of the Dome of the Rock, showing the
arrangement of the four posts and twelve columns in the center under die cupola.

The four posts support a drum, over which stands an arched wooden
ceiling, traditional for Syrian shrines. The cupola is essentially a wooden
ceiling. There were people at that time with the ability to erect massive
cupolas ol brick or stone, but (heir abilities were not employed because of
the sacred necessity for a curved canopy (a bahtacchino) of very temporary
material. The reference point of the twelve columns becomes clear from the
meaning of the building as the temple of the “New Zion"; they are the
Twelve, the disciples of Jesus.
 The Early History v\ I slim 71

TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE INSCRIPTION

IN THE OCTAGON OF THE DOME OF THE ROCK
AS eAKD AI--MALIK'S EKTHESIS

Abel al Malik had his Christologicai theses inscribed on ihe inner octagon of
this building. Here, Ibr the first time ins historically verifiable form, one can
see a text exhorting the duty of Islam.3 31 This texi corresponds to she proce¬
dure followed a half-century before by Emperor ITeraclius who had his
tkthesh hnng on the inner walls of the llagia Sophia in Constantinople, in
Jerusalem, as in Constantinople,, the goal of the Bhhesiy was to have an
impact within the congregation. The preservation of Christianity was sworn
upon Yd ah hi l-khdh (“You people of the Book!'*).
lAbd aUMalik was certain that Dm, as a contractual system for the rela¬
tionship between God and humanity, had “Islam" as its prerequisite. Natu¬
ral I y, this demand did not relate to the htdividxtal behavior of the faithful, but
rather to the behavior of the community of the faithful A community dis¬
persed and divided could not stand before the One God; a contract was not
possible with this type of community. Consequently, the conflict over the
interpretation of scripture had to end, and agreement had to be reached con¬
cerning Its understanding. The community of ihe faiihful had to be of a
quality that reflected the idea of Allah ul-samtid. The idea of the One God
demanded the One Community as its counterpart in a contractual relation¬
ship h and this One Community had to he shaped by a unified understanding
of scripture. Consequently, religious duly (din), as the result of li con tract
with God* is the restoration of the broken contract and er effected through
(renewed) submission (al-isldm) under ihe contract. This then would ulti¬
mately also lead to a unified understanding of scripture.
However, if one pursues further the meaning of the term al-Islam given
by Horovitid33 as Llu surrender, betray oneselfthen die competitive rela¬
tionship between the Muhammadanism of'Abd al-Mislik and Ihe dogmatics
of the church of the emperor returns to die foreground, In this conception,
the church of ihe emperor, deco rated with images, hail fallen to the worship
of idols, and its members were nmshrikun f'Lservuni.s of idols, assoc i a tors"1).
The reformer, Ahd al-Malik, did not shy away from the use of powerful
images, just as Luther would do, conceiving of his religious opponents as a
"world lull ul devils." in the Sight of the characterisation found in the Old
Testament, the Quranic Abraham/Ibrahim had an exemplary function.
72 Pari I: The Early History of Islam

showing Ihe faithful the way that must bo taken: it is only because of the
“falling away" of the church of the emperor (who is therefore an “apostate"
[Syriac hanpil]) that one can find the way to the true Din Allah, to behavior
toward God appropriate under the contract. That Abraham/Ibniblm is called
Hunt/in. the Qur'an should be understood theologically, not historically. His
betrayal (that is, legitimate opposition) of the servants of idols allowed him
to find a new spiritual home. Alter the act of falling away, he became like a
noble, rugged follower of the unfalsified ancient religion, which had existed
since the time of Adam. Having escaped from the brainwashing of the ser¬
vants of idols, he was able to recognize the duty to the Din Allah, file Syrian
word of contempt hanpti, in Arabic ha n If (apostate), becomes a title of honor
(in the sense ot “resistance"). This cull to Islam makes sense in connection
with the exhortations and warnings expressed in the inscription on the Dome
of the Rock. These warnings concern the adoration of the "Three," from the
perspective of Muhammadanism: Mary, as “Bearer of God”; Jesus, as
“Christ" and “Pantocrator"; and the Holy Spirit, in a form far above Ihe idea
of al-samad (hound, connected).

THE DEPICTION OF TEMPLE VESSELS FROM

THE SOLOMONIC TEMPLE ON THE COINS OF
ABD AL-MALIK: THE SEVEN-BRANCHED LAMPSTAND
WITH AN ISLAM IC INSCRIPTION

In connection with the erection of the Dome of the Rock as the temple of the
“New Zion" and as the center of an Arabian-Muhammadan-Christian impe¬
rial church, we must make mention of the depiction of the Solomonic
temple’s “hardware" on Arabian copper coins oft hat Lime. There was a spe¬
cial issue of copper coins concerning 'Abd al-Mai it's ha ram, the Dome of
the Rock, which replaced Mu'awiya’s hetratn, the shrine of John the Baptist
in Damascus, as the central holy place of the Arabian Empire. The coins
from Damascus had pointed to the veneration of John in Damascus by
depicting ihe “Head ot the Baptist"; the new coins, however, in depicting the
various vessels of the temple, no longer pointed to a single prophet, but quite
broadly to the entire "Zion" complex.
Multiple exemplars of these copper coins are known, nil coming from
finds in Palestine and all bearing the inscription Id ifaha ilia ihth wahdahu.
 The Early E listory of IsIatu 73

running from below to above lo the right of lhe depiction of ei seven-

branched iiiinpstand- The reverse of the coin bears the same inscription in
three lines. As early as 1886, J. G, Stiekd published die exemplar from Lhe
Jena collection, but his publication seems to have been largely Ignored,13 J
What is most noteworthy is the absence of a mention of the muluimmad on
these coins with the image of the seven-branched kmpstand, Consequently,
one could reckon their appearance to the reign of Mu'awiya. The appearance,
however, of an Arabic inscription (Id ilaha Uhl Hah wahdahu) would then
contradict the hypothesis of Islamic studies that 'Ahd al-Maltk was lhe one
who was the =*Arabizer "
In my opinion, Arabic was primarily the language of the ruling Arabian
elite at this lime. A result of this was the ""Arabizing" of the sacral sphere.
Educated Syrians would have then conducted themselves just like iheir
ancestors in the Haw run. The languages of all areas of life were current for
them: they spoke the Nabataean village dialect at home, Greek at school,
Aramaic in church, and Arabic in the military and as the lingua franca at
coust. This functional multilingualism had a long history,
Ei weis only wilh die development of modern Islamic studies that scholars
first soughi to definitively establish the use of a unified “national language,"
in I he way that such languages shape modem, centralized nation-states.
Here, Islamic studies reveals itself once again as a descendant of colonialism
and the nationalistic thought of the nineteenth century. In late antiquity, how¬
ever, it would not have bothered anyone that well-known and current expres¬
sions, like Alldhu ahad (Quran 112:1), allhough colored by the Hebrew,
would have been understood hy Arabs as Arabic expressions and used in the
presentation of religious concepts.
'Abd al-Mallk defended the “Zion idea" just as much as his predecessor
Miriiwiya. In doing this, though, EAbd al-Malik weis not only acting as a
zealous supporter of the old Syrian theology, but also as ei competitor wilh
Byzantium. The Byzantines had begun to interpret world histoiy from a
Christian perspective: they no longer saw* themselves as the inheritors of a
world empire, but rather as the “chosen people/1 ringed about by anti-
Christian enemies.l^ However, U is important to note that, eu the lime of Abd
al-Malik. the imitation of the Jewish prototype of lampstand (one with seven
lights) had begun n> decline in favor of ei five-branched lampstand. The
process of adoption and fcransfonnadon is visible throughout the iconography
of the period. First, the Jiswish-style lampstand was preserved, but it was
74 Pu t I: The Tarly History of (slam

transformed into a I amps tan d of the

temple of the "True Israel'' and "New
Zion.” 't hen, one prime number (seven)
was exchanged for another (five): the
seven-branched 1 amps Land of the
temple became the five-branched lamp-
stand of the “New Zion.” The tradition
of Israel was thereby continued, but in
a Christian-Arabian undcrslanding,
rather than in a Jewish one. Il would be
a mistake to see here a type of Jewish
Pig- 24: Thu Jjvi> branched lampsland
Christianity, for the depiction of the
willi Muhammadan inscription.
Christian Arabian lampstand was
bound up with the naming of the muhammad. In at least this respect the lamp-
stand was also ’‘Islamic,” following the stipulations established by scholars of
Islamic studies up to now. However, the five-branched lamps land with the
naming of Jesus as the muhammad was a pan of the Zion-complex, just as
much as was the Dome of the Rock, which bears the inscription on the inner
portion of its octagon that mentions Lhe word "Islam” for the ft rst time in a
historically verifiable manner.1^

*ABD AL-MALIK AS THE “NEW DAVID”

If the Byzantine emperor Heraclnls bad been celebrated as a “new David” a

hall-century earlier—after the end of the war against Chosroes II1-’6- ‘Abd
al-Malik presented himself as the lather of a new Solomon. By means of his
son Sulayman, then, 'Abd a!-Malik defined himself as a “new David,” As
such—seen through the lens of the Old Testament—he replaced the regime
of a “King Saul.” This is yet another example of the competitive behavior
between Constantinople and the Arabian Christians from the East, the new
rulers of the formerly Byzantine Orient,
The emperor called himself “Servant of Christ'’ {ser\'its Christi) on his
gold coins: his, opponent in Jerusalem called himself “Speaker for God”
(Khalifat Allah). The emperor was a “new David" as the conqueror of the Per¬
sian "Goliath”; in replacing the regime of a King Saul, the Arabian ruler was
a ‘new David,” making use of the conceptual world of the Old Testament. Of
 The Eirly History of Islam 75

course, Mt/uwiya was intended in this mention of "SauP: a prince warring

and ye| erring (in the view of the Arabian Church of the Arabian Empire). Just
as for the emperor in Constantinople, so also for the Arabian ruler of the East,
the Old Testament was the source for the idea of the role of the emperor.
The definition of the Arabian ruler's authorization as the ^Speaker Tor
God1' [Khalifat Allah) presupposes a change in the Byzantine emperor's
understanding of his own role. Beginning in 629, Heraclius no longer called
himself autokrator, in imitation of the idea of the Roman emperor but rather
basileus, or "king/1 This change is only understandable when one brings in
the religious background of the new form of legitimation of authority. The
use of die title hustlettsT a term in itself connoting a lower rank (rulers had
formerly bestowed this title upon their vassals), not only represented a Hel-
kmization of the form, but also an understanding of authority based upon a
subordination under the authority of Christ, The (vassal-title) basilens was to
be underwood as that of an earthly, Christian vassal of a heavenly ruler. The
Christian background is clear as soon as one quotes the title in its entirety:
pL'stos trn Chrintiri hit sit cits (“the king who is faithful in Christ**).
It was only as a mu min (Gk. pistos) in Christ that Heraclius was
equipped for rtilership. It was only as a “Speaker for God?t (Khalifat Allah)
that 'Abd al-Mnlik could rule following the understanding of his Arabian
Church of the Arabian Empire. The orthodox emperor was justified in exer¬
cising rule by virtue of his sub ordination so a heavenly ruler; the Arabian
lord of orthopraxy, on the other hand, received his legitimation to rule
through a defense of the interests of I he muhammad. The uitilmnmacl stood
in the tradition of authorization, which Allah had distributed since the time
of Adam to his representatives {will al-Yimr) and deputies (wall Allah) r

THE SPREAD OF “MUHAMMADANISM”

IN THE WEST AS FAR AS SPAIN

While the ability to mint coins, initiated during she periods ofr Abd ah Malik
and his successors, allowed many mints in the eastern portion of the Arabian
Empire (the area of former Sassanian authority) to blossom once again, it is
clear that Egypt lost much of this power. No dirhams are known to have been
mi tiled during the lime of ‘Abd uTMalik and his successors in either Egypt
or in the areas of Arabian authority lying further to the west.
76 Part I; TKe Early History of Esl am

Egypt

One of 'Abd a]^Malik's brothers was emir in Egypt. An inscription on a

bridge over the canal of Flistar bears witness to bis building activity,137 The
text of the inscription conspicuously lacks a reference to the “Muham¬
madanism” of his brother in Jerusalem. The text contains only a pica For
divine blessing oil the building project, as well as on (be project’s donor and
his family. The inscription, dated to the year 69 of the Arabian era, reads as
follows; "this is the bridge-arch {al-qanium), which 'Abd al-'A/Tz bn
Marwtin, the emir, has had erected. May Allah bless him in all his efforts,
confirm him in his ‘sultanate' {that is, “his authority”], and make him in be
at peace with himself and his household. Amen. Sa'd Abu l Jihman built this;
‘Abd a I-Rahman wrote it in the month of Safar, m the year 69.”138
Consequently, we should see the religions movement that proceeded
under the banner of the mnhammud motto in the light of the development of
Syrian theology in the eastern portion of the Arabian Empire. Those Arabian
tribes which came into contact with Syrian theology quite early (ca. third
century) saw a badge of identification in the protection of this theology. Once
they had converted to Christianity, they saw the beginning of a new tribal tra¬
dition in protecting the form in which Christianity had come to them. The
specific type of Christianity at the lime of the miss ionization became the new
tribal religion. This phenomenon explains their lack of interest in further
developing this theology. The practitioners of the tribal religion were not
interested in orthodoxy, per se, as much as in orthopraxy, in order to ensure
security in the legal system as a result of the immovable religious justice of
the tribal religion.
Outside of this region of the old Syrian theology, no one was talking at
all about narrowing the Christo log tea I discourse to focus on the question of
whether Jesus was muhammad, that is, one praised/chosen among humans,
and consequently also ‘Abd Allah, a servant of God in the sense of a “Chris¬
to logy of worthiness,1 or a Hellenistic “Son of God” in the sense of the the¬
ology of the councils. The continuing discussion of Christo logical themes at
1 he councils had already left this question aside centuries before. Iri the eyes
of the imperial conciliar theologians, this way of posing the question was
already an element of ‘history.”
To the Monophysite Copts in Egypt, the intentions and goals of'Abd al-
Malik’s missionary work—thaL is, the dawa for the recognition of Jesus as
 The Early History of Islam 77

muhtimmad-—must have seemed like a eon Elia between two Iranian

brothers, one of whom considered the ihoology known to the Egyptians by
[he mi me of its protagonist. Nest onus, its “Arabian,” while the other consid¬
ered it ^Iranian*1 in the sense of the Nestoriiin Iranian imperial church. This
discussion had no effect among die Monophysite Copts, As a result, the Ani-
h\m powerrnnnger Ahd al-Aziz avoided [he fruitless controversy and
remained neutral. It was far more important to him that his followers remain
united against their common opponent* the emperor of Byzantium, than to
find commonalities in Chrislolngy.

Tripolitama at the Time of Ahd al-Malik

The Tripoli tan i an copper coins from tills period only communicate to us the
name of the local ruler; this individual was Musa bn Nusayr. Just what rela¬
tionship he had with any overlord cannot be adduced from the coins1 inscrip¬
tions; one can only come to such an understanding from the image on the
reverse of the coitus. We find here, again,, the national religious symbol of
Abd al-Malik- -the Yegar Safunhiti^ the “Stone,’1 Musa bn Nusayr does not
appear to have been a rabid Arubizer* for he preserved the tradition from
Roman Africa of using Latin inscriptions* The. legend on the obverse of Ins
coins reads In nomine Domini mtm(m)us in Tripoli fakttts (sic!) ('This
minimus was made in Tripoli sn the name of the Lord?11). The inscription on
the reverse reads Muse Filins Nnsir Amir A(fricae) (“Musa, son of Nusayr,
Emir of Africa”), Musa bn Nusayr also communicated information useful for
learning about his religious convictions, for the obverse of a different issue,
of coins reads In nomine Domini Units Dens' (Tu the name of the Lord,
[there is] One God”)J^
This evidence dearly shows that, at the time of ‘Ahd al-Malik, the
Arabic language enjoyed no special authority in this region, either in sacral
or in secular areas of life. The religious message was spread in the language's
of the various local authorities. Eu the eastern portion of Iran, in
STstaii/Sakastan and Rirman, ihis was Pahkivi, written in the Aramaic script.
In Syria die language of rule had been Arabic since the sixth century, for the
Gliassanids, having emigrated from Arabia, did not enjoy the background of
a Hellenistic education, hi ihe West, however, Latin remained the language
of authority.1,111
Thai the mint in Tripoli belonged to Abd nLMalik's sphere of rule can
78 Part lr The Early History of Islam

be deduced Irom the presence of the image of the sahaduto, Where, though,
is the confession of Jesus us the tnuhammad'l As was already the case in the
Egypt ot that period, one does not see the muhtttnnuul motto in Tripolitania
at the time of 'Abd al-Malik. Is the explanation that 'Abd al-Malik did not
want to, or could not, achieve the goals of his missionary work in the name
of the mufuiintticicn
One must remember that North Africa was primarily an area of retreat
lor those Arabian powers who had previously been connected with
Mu'itwiya. ‘Abd al-Malik could not expect anything more from them than the
acknowledgement of his authority. That they look on the national religious
symbol of the so hadsitu satisfied this expectation.
There are coins extant from this region, coins dated to the year 80 with
Arabian inscriptions. The governor Nu man did not pul his own titulature on
his coins. The inscription on the obverse merely gives the dale: “in the year
80" (ot the Arabian era). The inscription on the reverse begins with the Ara¬
bian translation of the phrase in nomine Domini (“in the name of the Lord").
It reads ;is follows: “In the name of Allah. al-Nu'intin has ordered it." As a
concession to local tradition, the reverse of the coins also hears the image of
an imperial bust (Constans 117), while the obverse has the image of the
sahOfliila, in recognition of the balance of power in tire region,141

The Former Homan Province of Africa, with Its Capital City

of Carthage, at the Time of 'Abd al-Malik

Gold coins with the image of the sahaduto were also minted in North Africa.
One can ascribe these coins to the lime of'Abd al-Malik due to their depic¬
tion of rhe national religious symbol of the sahaduta. These gold coins com¬
municate a great deal to us concerning the meaning of the dominant religious
conceptions ol the day. The inscriptions are written as abbreviated coin leg¬
ends. Mere arc the lexts in their fuller forms:

NON EST DEUS NISI UNUS CUl NON EST ALIUS SIMIUS-141

NON EST DEUS NISI UNUS CUJ NON SOCIUS ALIUS SIMILIS.141

Other statements on the nature of God, found in the coin legends front
the lime of'Abd al-Malik, road as follows:
 The Early History of Islam 79

DEUS ETERNUS DELIS MAGNUS DEUS OMNIUM CREATOR,144

DEUS ETERNUS DEUS MAGNUS OMNIA NQSCENS QMNIUM

CREATOR fdLLt^d “in the fourth year of the indiciion = the year 87“ [of the
Arabian era, that is, 705-706] k 14:5

Still other coins bear the depiction of the sahaduta and an Inscription,
giving the location of the coins' mint:

[N NOMINE DOMINI MISERICORDIS SOLIDUS FER1TUS IN

AFRICA-N6

Should one wonder whether the coins

can be seen as the work of the “eont'jucring
Arabs" under the banner of the muhammad,
one must consider the coins' system of
dating. Simply put, the dating system fol¬
lows that of the Byzantine tax year, and. the
given tax year dates fall during the dine of
the reign of Wbd al-Malik. The rulers were
simply not yet as free in the province of
Africa as they were in Tripolitania, where
Fig. 25: A north African gold
the general Human was already able at this
coin with n Latin inscription
time to date his coins following the era of the
and the Yegor Sahaduta from
Arabians. The following examples bear this
the time of al-Walld
statement out:

IN NOMINE DOMINI MlSERlCfJRDIS SOLIDUS FERfTUS IN AFRICA

INDICTTONE II (Lhut is. in year 84 [of ihe Arabian era, approx. 703]).147

IN NOMINE DOMINI MISER ICORDTS SOLIDUS FERITUS IN AFRICA

INDICTIONE III (that is. in year 85 [of the Arabian era. approx. 704]L*451

Analyzing these coins does not allow one to make any conclusions con¬
cerning a new religion of a prophet of the Arabians with the name
Muhammad. Hot even Lhe miihammmi of Abd al-Malik's missionary work
is named. The "Islamic” hasmula appears here as the Christian phrase IN
NOMINE DOMINI MISERlCORDIS Pin she name of the merciful Lord").
SD Part 1: The Early History o[ Islam

Even if the depiction of Llie siihaduui dues not appear on the gflkl coim of
the province of Africa (n.b,, the trad it ion a! name is hero appropriated;
'7/Wgjyfl” is not in play), this tells ns nothing of a connection with the
authority of (he Arabian Empire in the East. The muhammad motto is
nowhere mentioned* and I his at a time when the ‘"MuhEimmadanizing** car¬
ried out by ' Abd a I-Malik had reached it highest point. The coins from the
same period that were minted in (he eastern portion of the Arabian Empire
used the muhamtuad motto without fail.
What caused the missionaries of the conception of Jesus as (he
Hwhanwuid to fail in North Africa? What hindered them from establishing
Muhammadanism there as well? Was Abd al-Malik simply satisfied to carry
out his mission in die homeland of the old Syrian theology? The leadership
in the West consisted only of an alliance of Christians opposed to die
emperor. The Christians of Egypt and North Africa could not have been
opposed to old formulae like the basmalu J4-J They were also not opposed to
(he idea of ftm-7ihl, as it appeared in the Latin inscriptions on the coins of
Abd a I-Malik from the province of Africa.
The sentence NON ESI DEUS NfSI UNUS CUI NON SOCfUS ALIUS
SIM I US {“There is no God but otic; there is no other associate like him”)1™
not only represents an understanding of Allah like the one given in the
inscription in the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, it can also be seen as a
pointer to the presence of Monophysit.es, MonarchiansT Nestoriansp and
Aria ns among the inhabitants of Africa.151
This is also true of the leaders who were ordering the minting of the
coins. On their coins one funis legends such as IN NOMINE DOMINI NON
DEUS NISI DEUS SOLUS NON DEUS SIMMS (“In llw name of I he Lord,
there is no God hut God id one, no God (like him The doctrine of a
single nature of the God-man had been condemned at the Council of Chal-
cedon in 451. This condemnation led to an irreparable breach between the
church of the emperor and the Monophy sites in Egypt (Copts), to be fol¬
lowed soon by parts of Syria (the Jacobites). One can see in the behavior of
Abd al-Malik a double role, or perhaps different policies for different places.
I le defended I he mission of the muhammad in his own homeland, the for*
rriurly Sassanian Hast, and in the region that was the source of Syrian the¬
ology, in order to emphasize his Arabian understanding of Christianity, Out¬
side of this region, he led the alliance of the emperor’s Christian opponents
without influencing their theological ideas. This means (hat lie limited the
 The Early History of Islam 81

.sphere of authority for his Arabian church of the Arabian Empire, with i!s
center in Jerusalem, in the regions of settlement for the Arabian tribes in
Iran, Mesopotamia, and Syria. In the areas surrounding this region of mis¬
sionary work, he accepted (he status quoM not only in order to keep from
stretching his power too thinly, but also in order to make possible oppor¬
tunistic conquests. This was important because, contrary to an extremely
common opinion, what the "'conquering Arabs1' had in hand was not a
wealthy Roman province of Africa. The testator had already consumed the
inheritance, so co speak, before the Kerberized province was broughl within
the sphere of authority belonging to 'Abd al-Malik.

Coim in Maghrib

This flexible use of power made it possible io overlook disturbing details and
accept the traditional ideas of the region's inhabitants, both Christian and
non-Christian, Among these conceptions can be included the depiction of (he
bearded Punic Baal, found on contemporary coins from Berber Tlemeen.154
Coins arc also extant from Tangier that bear (he following inscription, sur¬
rounding the barbarized portrait of an anonymous ruler: DOM1NE DEVS
QU1 TIBI SIM ILLS ("Lord God, who is like you?”). On l he reverse one also
finds an Arabic text: bismi Uahfah durihu bi-Tunjah ('In the name of God,
[this] copper coin was minted in Tangier”).*55

1’HE REIGN OF £AR1) AL-MALIK’S SONS

Gen era l Ch aracteriz&tion

Here we are concerned with a reign, the effects of which can bo recognized
at two differem rales of change. The mission of the conception of Jesus as
die muhammad was already an element of Lhe past in Syria, while those
carrying the banner of ihis originally eastern dawn were still working to
establish their ideas In the western portion of the Arabian Empire. We can
establish the speed of the western spread of this Idea of .Jesus as the
muhammud of old Syrian theology, a theology which survived in the region
off ran and had enjoyed there a renaissance under the rule of the Arabs, with
she help of the dates given in the coin legends dml mention the nnihamnmd.
82 Part h l lie Parly History of Is him

However, concerning lhe reign in Syria, other emphases have already

emerged. After the mithammad idea had been firmly established in the
eastern portion of the Arabian Hmpire and in Syria, the Arabs saw Jesus (as
the mukammcid) as a patron saint for the ruling dynasty, following the under¬
standing of the Arabian Church. Following Arabian tribal tradition, material
and immaterial intervention only counted for blood relatives, Abd al-
Malik’s efforts concerning the conception of Jesus as the m uhummad laid the
groundwork for Muhammad, the prophet of the Arabians, to appear in the
Abbas id period as a relative of the Mar wan id ruling house, in the eyes of
those belonging to the Arabian tribes,[56
From this lime on. the Marwanids enjoyed a status in Syria as at least Ihc
spiritual relatives of the “Chosen One.*1 'Abd til-Malik was to be seen as the
guardian of his shrine. The shrine of the muhuinmad from the house of David
was the ha ram in Jerusalem, which enjoyed the protection of the reign of
Abd td-Malik. This authority received Its political legitimation by protecting
die shrine of the “patron saint A This renders the question moot as to whether
ihe Marwanids acted as kings or caliphs. Their name does not appear on
either gold or silver coins of (he Arabian empire after the years 77-7B of the
Arabian era. The avoidance of this attribute of the "Islamic” ruler—to be
named on coins—is unusual; following the general Islamic understanding of
ihc enthroning of the ruler, the practice of authority without exercising the
right of the slkka (coinage) was unthinkable.
Consequently, one can rightly deduce that a type of authority developed
under 'Abd al-Maiik that placed his successors in die role of Arabian
Sayykls,157 whose primary task was to organize pilgrimages to the tombs of the
saints and be present at those locations ess guardians of tine shrines. This portrait
accounts fur 'Abd aFMalikTs peaceableness: he never went to war against his
Christian brothers in Byzantium, ft also accounts for the fact that we never hear
anything in this period of military action described under the rubric of/rfaSrf.158
Muawlya had already protected the shrine of John the Baptist in Dam¬
ascus in order to gain influence in Syria. The MarwankJ al-Walld returned to
this idea. His reign was associated with the expansion of the “sacred
precinct.*1 The tomb of the Baptist was incorporated into the shrine, and the
sacred precinct was expanded so that it matched the area enclosed by the old
temple. The building inscription that a I -Walk! hud inscribed, diited to she
yeEir 86. informs us of this. Further, the kanlm ("church”) of John was par¬
tially torn down and replaced with a musjid ("place of prayer”).
 The Early History o[ Islam 83

This weis a port of abWalTdTs building program; One should not equate
sbis wish a mosque-building program. The expansion and improvement* i>1
buildings in Jerusalem and Damascus reflect development. In place of the
emperor5* basilic a-style church, and the crypt containing Lhc reliquary of the
Baptist's head that Say outside the church, al-Waltd built a structure con¬
necting the reliquary with its place of meniorializarinn, in the sense of a
“sacred precinct,” Further, al-WulTd\s brother lEisham took over the protec¬
tion of the ha ram of the Syrian Christian saint Sergius in Sergiopolis
(Kussifa). Be expanded the shrine there in the same way as his brother aU
WaJTd had already done in Damascus. In this way, the Marwanid Say y ids
controlled the centers of religious power in Syria and northern Mesopotamia.
After the death of die last of’Abd al-Malik's sous, which took place in
year 125 of the Arabian era, there was confusion among the Marwanid
Sayyids, and a different group of Arabian Sayyids from the east took over
[he religious leadership of the Arabs. Consequently, Ehe religious centers of
the Mar wan ids fell back a bit in rank. Their center in Damascus began to be
ignored, and Jerusalem had to take second place behind the new center in the
Hijaz, aL Medina.

77;e Coin s of Abd al-Malik’s Sons in the West

In the western portion of the empire, however, the models from the time oi
Ahd al-Mailk continued to have influence. Up to year 98 of the Arabian era,
there arc half-solidus gold coins from the province of Africa that bear the
image of the sahaduta and the inscription SOU DUS FFRIT US IN AFRIKA
ANNO XCVNf {sic)*M At the same time one also finds attempts among the
coins of the West to con Tom I to the [surely i n sc ri phonal forms found in the
East. For example, in Damascus, three lines of script had replaced the image
of Heraclius with his two Mins. Tim image of the Sassanian fire-altar with
two guardians, found an silver coins from the East, had given way to a three-
line text. In the same way, I he image of the mluiduttt on the held of the solidi
in the province of Africa was replaced by one line of text in the cent or of the
held. Behind the text, though, one can still see the old image. This method
seems symptomatic of The procedures of the administration of lhc Arabian
Empire. Not including the significant upheaval in the wake of the mission of
the muhammad, there were no revolutionary changes, bui rather a continuing
development toward an Arabian understanding of authority and its exercise.
84 Rtrt!: Tke Early History of Islam

Solidus' coins {their weight does not correspond to thut of the dinars from
Damascus) from the province of Africa were dated following die Byzantine
lax years up io the year 94 of the Arabian era From ihe year K4 (703) until
the year 94 (712-713), the solicit are of the purely inscription a l type and be nr
Latin legends.
The Latin legend on the coins comes to completion in the middle of the
field, so that one quickly learns that one has to deal wish one line of text in
The middle of the Held and also a text around the field. The texts read: DEUS
ETERNUS DEUS MAGNUS DEUS OMNIUM CREATOR. The reverse bears
a Lat in inscription following the same pattern: IN NOMINE DOMINI MIS-
ERICORDIS SOLIDUS FERITUS IN AFRICA INDICTIONE II (or ///, or
////, up so XIII for the year 94 of the Arabian era).16J It was only during the
reign of Sulayman that the leaders attempted to Arabize the coin inscriptions
tn the province of Africa. The methods of dating were changed in the year
95 of the Arabian era: ins teat l of the dating following the Byzantine lax
years, as had been common for the longest time and even under ul-WalTd, we
find for the first time datings following die Arabian cra.1(^
The eastern portion of the Arabian Empire had
known only gold coins that were purely mseriptional
and anonymous since the year 77 of the Arabian era;
Ihe same was true concerning silver coins beginning in
the. year 78. All of these coins mentioned the muham-
nuid as ms tit. In the West, however, it was only in the
year 97 of the Arabian era that gold coins were minted
Fig. 26: Arabic-Latinwith bilingual legends: Arabic and Latin
gold coin from North It is also possible to confirm the first mention of the
Africa with a Mu- muhamnuid in an official protocol in ihe western por¬
fmmmadan inscrip¬ tion of the Arabian empire. In the year 66 of the Ara¬
tion, dated to the bian era (685-6K6). this title had already appeared in
year 98 of the Ara¬
BishapOr in Iran; thirty-one years later the conception
bian era (716-717).
of Jesus as the muhammad found its place m the coin
legends of ihe western portion of Ihc empire. When the mission concerning
die muhammad arrived in the province of Africa in the year 97 of the Ara¬
bian era {715 716), the spread of the idea of Jesus as the muhammad had
finally reached the western portion of the Arabian Empire,164
 The Early History of Islam 85

Spanish Coins from the First Century of the Arabian Era

There is only one Spanish coin known from this period: a solidus from she year
93 of ilie Arabian era (7 [ 1-7! 2),165 This solidus bears a notable inscription; NIC
SOUDUS FERfWS IN SPAN1A ANNO XCIIISIM I US (“'111 is solidus was made
in Spain in ihe year 93; sirmtts'7). ITie word SIMIUS belongs to (he legend found
on the reverse, where one finds a seven-pointed Niar, not die image of the
sahaduta. Surrounding the star is the text IN NOMINE DOMINI NON DECS
NISI DEU$SOLUS NON ESTAUUS (the text continues on the obverse—'Tn the
name of the Lord, there is no God but God alone; there h no other [like him])."
If one follows the text of the inscription, it heeomes clear that ilie ^con¬
quering Arabs” knew that they had reached Spain; they had not yet conic into uF
Andaltts. The name al-Am hilt is appears first in coin legends in the year 98 of die
Arabian era (716-717), There are extant solidi from tire year 98 of the Arabian
era; in the center of die fields on these coins* obverses appears an eight-pointed
star surrounded by the inscription FEHJTOS SOLIDUS IN SIANIA ANNO X
(’This solidus was made in Spain in the year . ,[I he remainder is lacking]).
The inscription on the reverse is written in Arabic, in the center of (he field one
reads in two lines the following; muhcimmculim rasiil Allah. Surrounding this text
is the following legend: duri.hu hndd l-dinar hi-l-AwIalus sanaia ihatmiti wa¬
ds in ("this dinar was minted in al-Andalus in the year 98”)A^
The many notable features of the traditional presentation of the
Tslamic" conquest of Spain w ill not be analyzed here-. The historically com¬
pelling variation on this story, that of a common effort between Chrislian-
Rerber North Africans and the non-Catholie pop id alien of Spain against the
Catholic Visigothic ruling house does not appear in the narratives of Ibe
eastern chroniclers. The narrative of the couqucrer in the west, Musa bn
Nusayr aT Lakh ml [sic\—again, a connection to the Lakhmids, the dynasty
from al-IItrd), mirrors that of the conqueror of the east, Klialid bn al-Walld,
With a view toward the way of idling the Traditional story" from the
Abbasid period, one can see Umar 11, who followed the sons of eAbd al-
MaHk, al-Waiid+ and Su layman, as a pious tradition concerned with mas¬
tering the turn of the first century. After overcoming the dangers associated
with end-times (Umar Nss reign was 99-101 of the Arabian era; no coins or
inscriptions are extant bearing his name), the succession of Abd al-Mnlik's
sous could he continued in the traditional literature. In fact, it was never
interrupted until it met its end in year 125 of the Arabian era with the death
of she lasl of Abd al-Malik's sons.
86 P'art L T'ko Parly Hist pry of Islam

THE FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF THE

MUHAMMAD CONCEPT IN THE
SECOND CENTURY OF THE ARABIAN ERA

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ALI LDEA:

MOSES IS THE PRO CL AIMER; MUSA AND HA RIJN;
JESUS IS MUHAMMAD; TSA AND MUHAMMAD;
MUHAMMAD IS THE PROCL AIMER;
MUHAMMAD AND <ALI

Moses is mentioned 136 times in Lhe Quran, Jesus ('Isa) twenty-four times,
and Mary (Maryam) thirty-four limes, while the term rmtlwmniadfim) is used
four times.|fl7
In 1999, a hoard of treasure was discovered on the island of Gotland, a
Swedish county in the Baltic Sea. Among the 14,296 coins, which arc pri¬
marily Arabian,, there is one Arabian silver coin, dated to 766, hearing the
inscription Musa rassll Allah CfMoses is the messenger of Gud+I). Alongside
the exemplar from die discovery of this treasure, four other exemplars of
coins in the name of Moses are extant from finds of Viking coins,168
After the death of the last oEAbd al-MalikTs sons in year 125 of the Ara¬
bian era, MarwOnid bureaucratic practices continued to i unction unchanged
in Carthago in the western portion of the Arabian empire until the year 137.
The same was true in the eastern portion of Lhe empire, in G harsh is tail, until
the year 138.163
The erosion of the theocratic authority of the Marwankh helped to cause
'Abd a I-Malik's Muhammadani sm to lie overtaken by an Arabian (Mesopo¬
tamian '!) conception, which further developed that Muhammadanism. This
development succeeded in a way analogous to the patterns of thought that
appear in the Quranic texts. There, Moses asks for support during die audi¬
ence before Pharaoh. Moses reminds God that he is not rhetorically gifted.
Consequently, his brother Aaron is set up alongside him, and Aaron gives
forth the message before Pharaoh, This situation—Moses as ihe prophet and
Aaron as his vizier—also comes to expression in the early Arabic rock
inscriptions in she Negev. There one finds formulaic petitions So God fol¬
lowing this pattern: "You are the Lord of die world, the Lord of Moses and
Aaron” (amin rabh at-dlamin rahh Milsd wa-Hdriin},^ The prophet re-
 The Early History of Islam 87

ceives a vizier who is responsible for actualizing the revelation given lo ihe
prophet.
Tlie fnnher development of Muhammadanism required the creation of a
pairing that would represent the revelation and its actualization, (n this
process, the Chosen One (ituthutnntad) is a noble (’A/D and is given an
exalted associate, who is the representative of the prophet and the executor
of his will. Consequently, it is no wonder that this exalted one was called the
wall Allah. He look shape in connection with line Sassailian conceptions of
a prototypical Iranian knight, with elements mixed in from the veneration
given to the knightly saint Sergius from Rusfil’a (whose veneration reached
as far as Hadramawt)17] and to the Syrian martyrs, who were primarily
young members of the Sassanian aristocracy.
This vizier became a martyr in the same way as these oLhers, as did his
descendants, for the continued effects of the ideas of the cult of the Syrian
martyrs must have caused earthly life to end in catastrophe lor him and for
his family. The members or the exalted one’s family were able to gain inllu-
cncc in the eastern portion of ihe Arabian Empire; this look place after the
family of the Chosen One fell into a crisis of legitimacy in the empire’s
western portion. The Marwankl Sayyids in the West were not able to suc¬
cessfully maintain their theocratic primacy after the death of Abd al-Malik’s
sons. As the revolution proceeded, their mahrams were overcome. Pi I
gri mage practices to Jerusalem and Rusafa were stopped, and the city of the
Baptist, Damascus, lost its exalted status as the capital.
Following Arabian tradition, the leadership of the community passed on
to the descendants of the nearest relative of the Chosen One. Jesus did not
have any male descendants, and his heritage as the son ol Mary did noL lit
into the Arabs’ patrilinear system of family relationships. Further,
Muhammad, the form in which he appeared among the Arabs, also did not
have any mate children. One could work with this situation, but his birth
from Mary alone had to be corrected, either through adoption or through an
announcement of his earthly father. In ihe place of a “muhammad,” Isa bn
Maryam, who was an "'Abd Allah,” Muhammad bn 'Abd Allah entered the
scene. The exalted one became his son-in-law, in order to follow the Arabian
understanding of succession in terms of family relationships. The A lid
Sayyids directed the veneration of the saints lo new places, the shrines of Lhc
martyrs from 'All’s family in Mesopotamia, in Karbala and Najaf.
It is astounding I hut all these religious upheavals had an Iranian back-
88 Part 1: live Early History of Islam

ground. The mukamnwd mission of'Abd ai-Malik began in eastern Iran, and
the members of the family following ‘AIT had their center in Pars and the
Jihiil. Further, the powerful figures of the /I/ Muhammad could be found fur¬
ther in the east.172
The defender of the Al Muhammad {the family of Muhammad) called
himself A bit Muslim Amir Al Muhammad ("the arch-Muslim, the emir of the
family-group of Muhammad”) on a coin from al-Rayy dated to die year 131
of the Arabian era. Another coin dated to ihe year 132, hm without giving a
location, calls him Aim Muslim. These are the Erst historically verifiable
instances of the term Muslim being used on coin legends. In the following
year other coins appeared, again without a location given, referring lo al-
Atnir 'Abd al-Rniimtm bn Muslim. In the course of this mission, the identity
of the leader was lit it her developed. Nonetheless, it will likely prove impos¬
sible to pin him down as a historical personage. Again, we may be dealing
witli a nvm dc guerre.
The uncertainties underlying the ascription of these coins to the family
group of Muhammad become clear when one examines Wurtzed's material.
Here we see again an amalgam of early documents understood according to
the traditional historiography. Wurtzel describes a coin from Tmvmij, tinted
to the year 132 and allegedly in the name of “(Abu 1-Abbas) ‘Abd Allah al-
Saffah." Concerning this coin he notes: "It is the only known coin which
bears the name ul the first Abbasid caliph.” However, on closer inspection
one notices that this ascription rests solely upon the legend wAbd [Allah
AJmir al-nm mtnln In* Ihwwtjl" As I have already explained, the term 'Abd
Allah is nothing more than rite protocol of the Arabian ruler; the title Amir
al-mu minin shows that the person involv’d I is one who can guarantee secu¬
rity. What we arc then dealing with here is an already post-metaphysical
process; the duty of obedience in exchange for the granting of protection.
How, then. Ls alt of this to connect with the narratives of the traditional
reports concerning a spiller of blood by the name of al-Saffah. named as the
first defender of a new dynasty, the Abbas ids?
In addition, the building inscription from the year 135 of the Arabian era.
found on live shrine in Medina that would later be called the grave of the
Prophet, does not point clearly lo revolutionary changes in the early period
of the Abbasid caliphate, as the traditional reports would have us believe. In
the text of this inscription. Jesus is again mentioned as muhatnmadun, and it
repeats the definition of Jesus as “servant of God and apostle” from the
 Tta H^rly History of I5la.n1 39

inscription on the Dome of the Rockr One cun only speak of I he idea of
Muhammad as the prophet of ihe Arabians if the phrase ‘'servant of God" Is
no longer connected with him in inscriptions. Only then cun one proceed
with the idea that die Christum understanding of muhammadim has been
fully replaced by the Arabian tradition of the understanding of the Prophet.
The expression 'Abd Allah becomes, then, the father of the prophet of the
Arabians; the twofold description of Jesus eis “Chosen One” and “Servant
of God71 becomes Muhammad, the son of 'Abd Allah who died quite early.
Further on in the text of the inscription, one sees for ihe first time in a
historically verifiable way a mention of a surma nahawya* a “sunna uJ the
prophet."' The use of the expression xwnmi points to an understanding in the
sense of a “Deuteronomy/' The kitah Allah (the “written text concerning
God"-1 [n.b., not “the Qur'an'1]) is mentioned here in the same breath as the
stmna mihawlya. Tins is a sequence known from the Old Testament: the
book of Deuteronomy (from the Greek word meaning “second law") follows
upon the four hooks of Moses. What is to be understood concerning the
xtirwa of the prophet only became ctear after the inslninienialixmg of this
term at the time of al-Ma mim, after which the surma mibciwTya has been
understood as an Islamic Misha ah. Rut at the time that the inscription was
created in Medina, the idea was to be understood much more in the sense of
the Quranic tests, whose prophet is Moses as the eternal prototype of the
“savior,” In this understanding, the term would only be a pointer to Ihe
validity of the Mosaic lawT as is the case in Deuteronomy. Ethiopian Chris¬
tians sttll follow the Mosaic law in (his sense.
Otherwise, the inscription speaks at length concerning just and unjust
taxation, the just exorcise of authority; equal distribution of money: and the
care of widows, orphans, and the needy—but most especially of respect with
regard to family relation ships. What si difference between the “public-ness”
of‘Abd al-Malik’s Ektlwm on the Dome of the Rock, directed toward the
“peoples) of [he book/* and the hermetic position taken by this text! Just
how far has one come from the desire to come Lo Em understanding, as found
eii ihe time of al-Walld? From that period one may still read the note in the
text found in the shrine of John in Damascus Eind dated to ihe year K6 of ihe
Arabian cm.
After so many announcements of this kind in the Medina inscription, one
would expect to find somewhere the name of the new ruler* the first defender
of (lie Abbas ids. However, on the coins from this period one finds only [fie
90 P.irL J: 1 he Early History of Islam

protocol of the Arabian ruler, 'Abel Allah, ami the title Amir al-mnmmin. The
new ruler remains anonymous, as was the case lie fore among the MarwSnid
Sayyids, whose names were not mentioned on the gold and silver coins after
77-78 of rhe Arabian era.

I'ig- 77: Coin from Jayy (Isfahan) from the year 11 f> of the Arabian era
(734—73?)), with Muhammadan inscription and intjgeof ail unknown
(regional?) ruler in tile style of the Sassanian coins with a Paliiavi inscription.

What is clear is that neither the defenders of the expectations of the mem¬
bers of the Al Muhammad, whose coin inscriptions (Quran 42:23) point to the
meaning of family relationship, nor the adherents of the idea of a theocratic
state (la hubna ilia ii-llah: ‘‘there is no authority, unless it be from God") were
able to successfully establish their ideas on a wide basis between the years 128
and 135 of the Arabian era. In fact, the victory Tell to a third party, one that
revived the Sassanian court at its old location and who took over the old Mar-
wanid expressions onto their coin inscriptions with only minor modi heal ions
(Christological matters were discarded, as (he question whether God had a sort
or not was no longer important for the continuation of the debate). One notices
here that the exhortation to obedience survived this change.
Alter a decade of religions turbulence, more pragmatic individuals seemed
to have gained the upper hand. These individuals limited the practice of their
authority lo (he regions of Sassanian imperial control as of the year 614.
The former Byzantine east again became the object of an aggressive
j >o I icy of occupation. The Arabian Empire became the heir of the successes
and problems of the Sassanian Empire. Among the Sassan kins' successes can
bC numbered their victories over the Romans and Byzantines, as well as the
 The Early History of Islim 91

Fig. 28: Coin with, inscription iti the style of the Abb: is ids ami
dated year 136 (753). Reverse: Muhamtnadan inscriprinn with
image of the nil or following the mode of the Sassautans.

expansion of their authority as far as Egypt in the footsteps of Lhe

Achaemenids. This glorious history of success in die West is balanced by a
ratlier grim set of results in Lhe East, where Che victory of Turan stands out
The area of Iranian settlement in the Ease formerly reaching ns far as die
herders of China, had in the meantime fallen into the hands of the Huns,
while lhe oppressive force of Turkisli peoples and warlike Tibetans had
raised the pressure on the Iranians in lhe East-
In year 118 of the Arabian era, Badakhshan in the Pamir Mountains was
conquered^73 but the conflict with the Tibetans ultimately led to significant
losses re mini seen! of the darkest days of the history of the S assart ism dynasty,
when the King of Kings himself was taken captive by the 1 luns. Conse-
Ljueniiy, il should nut lie surprising that Lhe court in the new capital of
Baghdad, not far from the former Suss a man royal residence in Ctesiphon,
should have been founded in connection with powers that were of some
weight in the eastern portion of Iran. These were the Iranian Buddhists,
defenders of the local mobility. Although they were members of die Iranian
aristocracy, they had not been part of the old Sassunian apparatus, which had
been open only to members of the Zoroastrian tradition. What we see here,
then, is the formation of an alliance between two group* that had been out¬
siders in the late Sassunian period after 600. Zoroastrians were tolerated in
high courtly positions; this, at least, is the position of lhe traditional Islamic
narrative.
92 Part' ]; The Early History of Isl am

THE RULE OF THE VIZIERS

The Buddhist temple leaders’ authority as viziers in Baghdad is attested by

many numismatic witnesses. ‘Ihe names on these coins allow one to see the
descent of the viziers I rom Buddhist leaders in eastern Iran. For example* the
leader ot rlie Buddhist cloister near Balkh called Nawbahar (from the San¬
skrit nam vihara, or “new temple".) bore the title of parmak* or “leader,
chief.” This cloister was known as far away as China; the Chinese pil¬
grimage Literature even mentions it.174 incidentally, the statues of Buddha in
Bamyian, recently destroyed hy the Taliban, were further testimony to the
presence uf Buddhism in the region of eastern Iran.
The Rarmakids emerged onto the stage of history as couit officials at
approximately the same lime as the Abbasids. According to the traditional
narrative of the hisLoricizing literature of ihe Abba si d period, the first Bur¬
ma kid, named K ha I id, was the right-hand man and vizier of the first Abbas id
{known only from legend) and his successor a 1-Mansur. These Barinakiris
were then incorporated into close connections with the Abbasid family by
means of “adoptions.” Later, Khalid’s grandson was named the “step¬
brother” of Ha run. These reports bear witness to the uncertainty concerning
the descent of the protagonists of the traditional narrative.
I-Iarun al-Rashid appointed Yahya (John), the son of Khaliri, as vizier fol¬
lowing his accession to the throne. Khalid's grandsons a I-Fad I and Ja'fnr ilien
followed Yahya in this office. In year 186 of the Arabian ora, Harfm al-
Raslrid is .supposed to have begun the pilgrimage to Mecca. With this report
it is clear that Harun was already seen as the protector of the holy places in
Mecca, but this is likely a later interpretation. In line with the traditional Ara¬
bian practice of authority with regard to control of a ha ram, Haltin's wife*
Zubayda, is supposed to have improved the pilgrim road to Mecca that was
named sifter her. This pilgrimage to Mecca was supposedly the turning point
in Harnris political policies.This report reveals the event (as described) as a
topos, Ibr after his return from the pilgrimage to Mecca, Harun al-Rashid is
supposed to have put aside his Buddhist viziers and their clan. This event
thereby ended one half-century of co-rcgcncy in the court on ihe part of the
eastem-Iranian aristocracy. However, the Banna kids did leave behind a
legacy that would continue to shape the. society: an entire class of scribes and
chancery officials that they had developed. Under Huron's son at-Ma’mun,
the members of the Barmakid dan returned to some level of influence* as one
 The Early History of Islam 93

of their members, aUFadl bn Sahl, became al-Ma'mun's vizier as one who

understood the relationships with the powers to the Hast.

JIHAD AS A REAPPROPRIATION OP SASSANIAN

POLITICAL POLICY TOWARD BYZANTIUM

The reports that follow Lite conceptions of the traditional narrative point to
the importance of Harfm al-Rashid as the leader of the j/Atf*/ against the infi¬
dels, The reasons for these battles, which were later transformed in meaning
to the Islamic jihad, may have been of an entirely different sort. It is quite
understandable to see these battles as one part of she continuation of the Sas-
sanian political policy toward Byzantium. Considering die inner unrest: in
wide portions of IranT this focus on the traditional foreign enemy confirmed
the leader in Baghdad in a historically developed leadership role. To attack
a Byzantium suffering from inner weakness stood in the tradition of the
opportunistic conquests of the lime of the Marwanids in North Africa and
Spain, That T la run was fighting against a woman and had to deal with a
woman on [he Byzantine side (Empress Irene, ruled 797-802) seems not to
have disturbed him at a!L
His own wife, Zubuyda, had already achieved the right of minting coins.
Her coins do not mention Ilarun ul-Riishid al all. Ralhcr, she minted coins
for thirteen consecutive years in her own name. Apparently, in the year 185
of the Arabian era, only the regulations concerning succession were of
meaning for Hit run's wife. This granddaughter of al-Mansur had sought to
ameliorate the dangerous conlliet between Ha run's sun, Eil-Minnum and her
own son (bom later), al-Amin;175 this she attempted by citing a Quranic text
cm her coins, namely, sum 15:47-48: "And We remove whatever rancour
may be in their breasts. As brethren, face to face, (they rest) on couches
raised. Toil enmesh not unto them there, nor will they be expelled from
thence” (Tickthalfs translation). The idea was that the conditions of paradise
were to have prevailed in Lhe immediate future. Consequently, it should not
come as a surprise that Lhc court in Baghdad welcomed Zu bay da’s son, id-
Amin, as lhc successor of Hit am n I-R aphid.
94 Pari I: The liarly History of Islam

AL-MA’MUN

AL-MA*MUN3S ALLIANCE WITH THE A LIDS

Thanks to a number of his allies, al-Ma'mOn hail pushed out Zubayda’s son,
who had boon chosen by the court. In the course of Lhe conflicts, all the par¬
ties had been weakened, until only the A lids remained on the scene as oppo¬
nents of' aLMa mfm. Al-Ma'mun freed himself from their opposition by
means of a strategy of embrace, for in the year 201 of the Arabian era
(817)—the turn from lhe second to the third century of the Arabian era did
not end up being the date of the end of die world, but the cud was still seen
as possibly near, as she contemporary expectation in Hims of the return of
the Messiah testifies-—al-Ma'mun decided upon AH bn Musa aUKitziin as
Iris successor, Silver coins that document shis end-time thinking on the part
of al-Ma'mun mention the A] id as al-Amir Rida wall Tahd al~mu$limin All bn
Mrna bn Alt bn Ahl Tdlib ("Emir Kidat successor to the shrone of the Mus¬
lims, 'AIT, son of Moses, son/descendant of'All bn Ah! Talib")-176
In the inscriptions of this issue of coins that name the At id as Lhe suc¬
cessor, al-MamOn calls himself Khalifat Allah, Here we again sec the
caliph's protocol in the form we know from Abd til-Malik, albeit under dif¬
ferent circumstances. The term Khalifa had by this time already been often
used in connection with the Abbas ids. The phrase Khalifat Allah, on die
other hand, first appeared in the time of al-Ma'tnun in connection with coins
that name The Alid as the successor to die throne. The idea of the Khalifat
Allah as a spokesperson for God was a reaction on [lie part of the Marwanid
'Abd al-Malik to die claim of die Byzantine emperor in presenting himself as
a semis Chrisfi. Al-Ma'mun took this formula up again, but he tilled it with
new life by using it in contrast to lhe claims of the Alid. The Alid exchanged
roles with id-Ma miln; (he Alid imam became the amirT and the legacy of
'All's claims became the legacy of worldly authority. Once he had put the
Alid aside, a]-Marmun once again took up the tide Khalifat Allah.177 After
this role reversal was complete, only al-Ma'mun remained as both Imam and
Khalifat Allah. John Walker was the first to point tu this phenomenon,
namely, that the title of Khalifat Allah reappeared in protocols after an
absence of mute than a century.S7S
The idea we iind in the book God 'r Caliph,17** that of an understanding
 Tke En.rty History of Is Urn 95

of ihe office from a mythical early period up 10 that of the Abbasids, is

simply not attested by the testimony of the inscriptions. Khalifat Allah at the
time of ‘Abd ah Marik is not the same as Kkatlfar Allah at the time of
Mariam; the use til'the title in li mythical Meccan early period was only cur¬
rent in the hlstoricizing literature of the Abbasid period.
On his way to sole authority, al-Mamun freed himself From a!-Fadl bn
Said (first his Leather, later his vizier) in the year 202 of the Arabian era. It
is reported that the latter was the son of a Zoroastrism. He entered the conn
as a member of the Bannakids, just one year before the Aik! was put aside.
His title in the coin inscriptions was ai-amir* for al-Marinin had already
usurped the title of imam in the year 194 of the Arabian era.lR0 This move
was understandable in that year, given the possibility of the end of die world
at the coming turn of the century. We must here remember the seldom-pious
'Umar II. who is noted in the traditional literature for handling well the
change from the first into the second century.
In this way ai-Ma'murk as imam and Khallfai Allah, embodied from here
on the example of the ideal leader in both secular and sacred matters; the lit¬
erature of the Abbas id period saw this ideal embodied even by the first
caliphs in the mythical homeland of die prophet of (lie Arabians.
Al-Mtfmtm's perspective can be seen in the changes of the coin images
beginning in the year 204 of the Arabian era. The reformed type of dirham
from MadJnat ahSalam was anonymous. This anonymous coin could also he
found later in both the east and west, in both Merv and Misr. Al-Ma'niGn indi¬
cated his interest in (he state of affairs under the Marwanid Say y ids, when the
ruler did not rule, but rather was revered as a primary religious thinker and,
running an efficient arid anonymous government, issued anonymous coins
bearing the religious message from many places in the Arabian empire.

AL-MAriMUN IN BAGHDAD

At the time of ai-MariiOiris ret tint in the year 204 of the Arabian era, Baghdad
was a magnetic urban area, an intellectual center with a diverse population.
"The most characteristic feature of I his , . , period is (he extreme diversity of
people and of doctrines; it is a case of a collection of distinguished individ¬
uals, of often * colorful* personalities, rather ihsui continuous and homogenous
associations.1'1*3 An important Jewish community also resided there; they not
96 Part' I: Tke Early History of Islam

only studied the lalmud, but they also worked on the development of the
Mishnah (in Arabic, surma). Manichaeans had made known the “book" of
their founder, Mani. The Zoroastrians were followed by the example of the
Cliri slums, who dispersed their own scriptures, namely, a harmony of the
New Testament in one book. The author of this edition of the New Testament,
Tatum, who came from northern Iraq, had already enjoyed great success in the
second century' with his harmony of the Gospels, the “Diatessaron.” The
found at ion al idea of his theology, of a “divine Truth exclusively understood"
(Carsten Colpe), stood behind this text. The early existence of the New Tes-
1 ament in the form of a Gospel harmony—a comprehensive text in one
volume—may have justified the later rejection of the. translation of all four
Gospels into Aramaic in the form of the fifth-century “Peshitta" From then
on, the complete translation of all four Gospels was regarded by the Arabians
as a falsification of the original one-volume book.
The Zoroastrians had collected and canonized the sacred writings of their
laith community, Pol lowing their tradition, they gathered together the frag¬
ments of the Avesta from the time of the Sassaniun ruler ShapOr f (241-272).
1’he Avesta in tins early form was no longer written as a mnemonic construc¬
tion, intended to help the priest to remember the text. A few centuries later,
this form would lead to the creation of an alphabet that was used sole I v for
writing the Zoroastrian religious texts.'#- At the time of al-Ma irtun, prophetic
literature had been committed to writing to such a degree that:

1. The Jews were able to refer to their “book" in a written form. The
Inlrnud supplemented this book, and they were working on the
Mishnah,
2. The Zoroastrians could present their “book11 in the form of (lie collected
Avesta. There was also current an apologetic literature, represented by
I he Shkand-Gtmutriik Vi char and the Denkart. It is interesting to note
that the appearance of the Denkatl was approximately contemporary to
I he edition of the Quran, intended to be the final one, in the court of al-
Ma'mun. which should be assigned to the years between 204 and 218
of the Arabian era.
3. I he Christians were able, on the one hand, lo offer their book in the
form of Titian's Gospel harmony; on the other hand, however, the Ara¬
maic I ran slat ion of the Gospels was also current and became the foun¬
dation of (he later Islamic discussion of the “falsification’’ of the text.
 Tlie Early History of Islam 97

4. The Arabs were only able to lesiif'y to their religious tradition, in the
realm of the exercise of authority and in that of the court, by means
of the Quranic materials. These materials were not yet thought of as
a single, independent book; rather, they were still considered to he
apocryphal texts (kiulb Allah). The word “Qur’an.” originally Ara¬
maic, is not found anywhere in the early Arabic inscriptions. The only
reference in Lhcse inscriptions to a commonly known text (kittil?
Alltih) is that in the inscription from Medina from the year 135 of the
Arabian era. As Imam and Khalifat Allaht then, al-Ma’inun’s goal
must have been the creation of an independent tradition of his own
spiritual authority, a tradition not recognizably derived from the
Christian tradition (for this the churches of the future were respon¬
sible). His father, Martin n I-Rashid, had continued to work on its Ara¬
bian foundation, in that he took over the lime lion of the lord of the
haram of Mecca. Harun al-Rashid's wife did the same, in that she
built up the pilgrimage business by improving the pilgrim road. Al-
Ma'miLU now turned his eye to the more visible work, which made
possible the overcoming of the tribal structure of the society and the
calcification of the tribal religion.

The idea of die amnia, the single community, belonged to this process;
the community was no longer the tribal-group-as-religious-group, in which
al-Ma'mun played the roles of Imam and Khalifat Allah. The discovery of
traditions had to proceed in such a fashion that all religious movements
could he localized with “Arabian” origins, within the panorama oft he theo¬
logical history so that no individuals could become known in the future as
relatives of the Prophet, and thereby make claims of their own.183

AL-MA’MUN ON THE ROAD TO EGYPT—

LIKE ALEXANDER

Al-Ma'mun had stayed in the eastern portion of the Arabian Empire, in

Khurasan (Chorasan), for more than ten years before settling down in
Baghdad. The conditions there, as reported by the traditional narrative for the
years after 127 of die Arabians (729). actually reflect the end of the reign of
Harun at-RashTd. The historical prototype of the Abu Muslim of the literature
98 Pari I: The Early History of Islam

is the Imam al-Ma'mun, who. having come from the cast, entered Baghdad
with his eastern I rani an-Arabian and Turkish legions in year 204 of the Ara¬
bian era. Islam, as it was understood after him, was his own creation.
His time in the east, in regions that reached as far as the borders of
China, had given al -Ma'mun the experience of a new journey on the heels of
Alexander the Great. ’ Just as Alexander had once done, al-Ma’mun took a
trip with an entourage of scholars and philosophers. If Alexander, the student
of Aristotle, left his western homeland as a Greek and died in Babylon us a
divine king, then al-Ma'mun, the "son of a Persian woman," after traveling
in the east, followed the sun to the west.
fust as Alexander had opened the hast to the Hellenistic world, so also
al-Ma'mun opened the West to the members of his school; in addition, during
a trip to Egypt, he took the Western tradition of ihe Arabians into his own
possession. Up to the time of this undertaking, the reign of the Abbasids had
been a post-Sassunian Arabian-Iranian affair. After til-Mare tin's move to the
West, though, the tradition of the Syrian Arabs was included again. In addi¬
tion, their language and theological history was considered in the .synthesis
of the ideas of the "Arab" and of the “prophet of the Arabians" developed in
al-Ma'mun Ts Academy.
Along with his scholarly circle, the Imam traveled by military escort
along Abraham’s route to the west, 1-lis journey brought him from Mesopo¬
tamia to Abraham's new home in Harran. There he met with the Gnostics of
HarriSn, whom he considered to be the Sabians mentioned in the Qur’an.
I heir abilities and knowledge were well-known, and they provided impor¬
tant services to the Academy in Baghdad.

Pig- 29: Coin in the style of the Abbasids from bust in the year 209.
The reverse shows the name Talha. the mler in Khurasan. The inscrip¬
tion also men lions his prefect Abil Allah at- t’allii. Al-Ma'mtiu is not
mentioned as Amir al-mts'mmin, nor as lmum, nor as Khalifa.
 The Early History of Islam 99

After a military skirmish on Byzantine soil, the ImSm went on to Dam¬

ascus and visited the mins of lhe Marwanid building complexes, as well as
the masjid ui-Walhl. the prayer location Lhat is today called “the mosque of
Lhe UmayyadsT U is not difficult to imagine that lie would have read both
inscriptions carefully, and that he would have accepted them as consonant
with his own program. In the text of the Damascus inscription from the year
86 of the Arabian era, he would have read a confirmation of the work of The
prophet of the Arabians, “Muhammad.'* In the seventh line of the inscription,
the text reads wa-mihiyunCt mufyammnd (“And our prophet is Muhammad*1).
At die time of al-Walid, people had understood this quite differently. At that
time lhe toms muhammad still referred to Jesus and communicated the idea
that "Our prophet (Jesus) is chosen/to be. praised.”
The expedition continued from there to Egypt. There the Imam stood in
front of the pyramids, just as Napoleon would do nearly one thousand years
later Napoleon's expedition had enormous consequences for scholarship,
which was the religion of the French Republic. As it continued. al-Ma’imm/s
expedilion was concerned wills the Nile and its source. The ruler of Meso¬
potamia was standing on the banks of the river of strangers, the lifeblood of
the second high culture of previous millennia. Here Moses had been set
afloat, and here he had been saved. Al-Ma'mun saw it all with his own eyes.
As the conclusion of his scholarly expedition through the world of the
Quran, al-Ma'mun visited Jerusalem,^4 In al-Quds (Jerusalem), nBMa'mun
was able to explain the inscription in Lhe Dome of the Rock. The inscription
written on die Inner portion of lhe octagon, on die southern side, was read to
him as though it concerned a succession, of a personal name and the name of
a father: "Muhammad (bn) 'Abd Allah.” This text had formerly been under¬
stood as referring to the "chosen/praised servant of God.1’ However, duo to
ihu characteristies of Arabic writing, as well as the characteristics of the
writing of Arabic names, in which the name of the father always follows
one's personal name, it was possible to see this text as proof of die existence
of a “Muhammad, son of 'Abd Allah."
Al-Mu'mun sealed this legacy of a proclamation in pure Arabic lan¬
guage. Following old Oriental tradition, he obliterated the mention of ‘Abd
abMaiik‘s name. In the midst of1 Abd al-Malik’s protocol 'Abd Allah 'Abd
[. . .J Amir at-mu'minlnt al-Ma'mun put his own title and name Abd Allah at-
tmdtn al-Mo mwi, With lliis action lie ensured the validity of the Ekthesis as
lie understood it. The dating to the year 72 wras preserved. The Imam id-
100 Part 1: ] lie Early History of Islam

Ma'mun was then able lo understand this number as a indicator of lime fol¬
lowing the Arabic festival calendar, beginning with the Hijra of Muhammad,
the prophet ol ihe Arabians, from Mecca to Medina.

3 3 <dlil AoAp >1 ^ c—IVJ j ^

^ 3^ot JM AsJl Iaj L ^LjJ] Hi U 3 r-tlil ji

^LullE I. 3 H 11 r_ dU [ fJ t—i LqjJ_ujJ [ jq 1 j ■—I ■ I L

^ LfrittT jf rf^U j^L ^_jj| __T0 S ^ ^ H, [ cl

15 1 M
,3f l CrU-i-LC- Lfjl f [ ){ \ ^ | j. I )f g E

—^3 -^>>q IajaU aAfli^=i 3 dLll j3*u^^>o

31 2G ■ ]P
1 ii l diLi L 3I i ^ r-E-i 1^ 3 ^ H Li [ 3X3 La

Fig. 30: Excerpt from the inscription in the Dome of the Rock.

..i^ dill -=^ CLxJl sd A A ^X*_ d1 \ r

75
<Ll ill __J It o 5-0J l ,>^1)30^
I__J

^tn 2 3 4_l<> djj t jir 1 1 ■ i 3 _yy i, *J l

[^1 i ‘dJ [ 1 Ji J_L-0 L dl t

Fig, 31: Al-ltnam ul-Ma'mm Amir appears in the inscription in the Dome of the Rock.
 The Early History of Islam 101

SUMMARY

BUILDING INSCRIPTIONS

9i is possible to employ a significant number of imperial inscriptions and

building inscriptions in order to evaluate the epi graphic witnesses to Arabic
rule between the years 664 and 839- These inscriptions have never been
comparatively investigated. The inscriptions involved arc those of:

1. Maavia, in Ham mat Gader, from the year 42 of the Arabian era (664)
2. Mu'awjya, in the vicinity of al-Ta'if, from the year 38 of die Arabian
era (680)
). Abd al-Malik, in the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, from the year
72 (694)
4, “Abd al-Malik, on die road from Damascus to Jerusalem, from the
year 73 of the Arabian era (692-693)
5, al-Walld. in the Mosque of the lJmayyads in Damascus, from the year
86 of the Arabian era (703)
6, al-Walld, in the Mosque of the Umayyads in Damascus, from the year
87 of the Arabian era (703-706)
7- al-Hisham, in Qasr al-Khayr near Hints, from the year 110 of the Ara¬
bian era (728-729)
8. The anonymous Arabian ruler, on ihe house of prayer in al-Madinah,
from the year 135 of the Arabian era (753)

In addition, we may add building inscriptions from governors:

9. The bridge of Fustat, in the name of 'Abd al-'Aziz bn Marwfm, from

the year 69 of the Arabian era (688-689)

In each instance these inscripiions give the protocol of ihe ruler as 'Abd
Alluh. Their function is expressed as Amir As Amir al-muminm,
the ruler was the leader of the protectors and thereby the highest guarantor of
tribal justice. The title had no religious meaning whatsoever. The person next
in line to him was the Amir, as ihe inscription from Fustat bears witness. Tlie
title Khalifa (“caliph”) does not appear in these inscriptions.
102 Part [- The Early History of Islam

TIT U.LAT U RES

The title Khalifat Allah (“Speaker for God”) first appears in inscriptions on coins
from the time oi 'Abd al-Malik. The title functions here as an answer to the
Byzantine imperial protocols of the time, which had begun to refer to the ein-
pen.tr as servtis Dei. 'Abd al'Malik’s successors did not retain this designation,
Jt is only under ai-Ma'mun that the title next appears in coin inscriptions,
namely, in the year 201 o( the Arabian era (K17), Al-Ma'mun had also taken on
the title Imam in the year 194 of the Arabian era (810). Consequently, al-
Ma’mun called himself imam only beginning in the year 194 (810) and
Khalifat Allah beginning in the year 201 (Si 7). The purported early use of
these titles and functions in the protocols of the "caliphs" is not supported by
the testimony of lire inscriptions. The references in the hisluricizing literature
(Tabari et ai.) appear then to be later reinjections into a mythical early period.

SYSTEMS OF DATING

The datings follow an “era of the Arabians.” This system begins in the year
622, the year of the Byzantine victory over die Sitssaniaiis. The self-rule of
the Arabians itales from this year forward. In the year 20 of die Arabian era
(641), the Christian Arab M a avia (in Arabic, Mu'awiya) took up the succes¬
sion after the death of die Byzantine emperor Hcraclius as the ruler of the
formerly Byzantine east. In his inscription from the baths ofGadara in Pales¬
tine, he used ihe system of dating traditional for that lime and place: lirst he
gave the era ol the city (cotonia), then the date following the Byzantine lax
year, and finally the date following the era of ihe Arabians. It is impossible
to determine from the inscriptions when the understanding of dating fol¬
lowing an era of the Arabians was changed into a dating following the Ara¬
bian festival calendar, and thereby the era of the prophet of the Arabians.
This impossibility is due to the fact that Ihe Hijra of the prophet of the Ara¬
bians, well known from the traditional literature, is nowhere mentioned in
the inscriptions.
 The Early History of Islam 103

RELIGIOUS FORMULAE

The inscriptions of Mu'Siwiya from the yeEirs. 42 and 58 of Lhe Arabian era use
no religious formulae whatsoever; even the basmala does not appeal' as an
opening formula.

THE SERVANT OF GOD

'Abd ahMalik's inscription in ihc Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem from ihc
year 72 of the Arabian era (691-692) gives die Imsl datable reference to a
change in the religious state of affairs. In the inner portion of the octagon,
the pari of the inscription appears which, in the style of an Ekthcxi.w calls for
debate concerning an agreement regarding the understanding of the text
(duty Lu Islam). This cull is directed to Christendom as a whole: Yd nhla l-
kitdh (You people of the written lextf). Concerning Christo logy, ihc text
argues that the apostle of God is an Abd Allah, a “servant of God." The “ser¬
vant of God" is muhammadun, “uhosen/praised." The *EchoseWp raised ser¬
vant of God” is the numh 7sd bn Mctryam* Messiah, Jesus, the son of
Mary, is the apostle of God."
.In addition, the inscription of the unknown ruler on die house of prayer
in Medina, dated to the year 135 of the Arabian era (753X also speaks of [lie
“praised servant of God” as "apostle." The conception of Jesus as a “servant
of God’L and “praiscd/choscrC is first documented in coin inscriptions in the
region of Iran between the years 38 and 60 (6587659-679/680).

ISLAM

In the period under consideration, the movement which stood for the estab¬
lishment of an understanding of Jesus as the “chosen/praised servant of God'1
disintegrated. During the rule of the Abbas id caliph al-Ma’mun, around
217-218 of the Arabian era (832-833), the conception of a Muhammad bn
'Abd Allah ("Ihe Praised One, son of the Servant of God”) as a messenger of
God became anchored in the realm of a new national-religious movement of
the understanding of Islam.
 104 Part !: The Early History of Islam

NOTES

I Mins WelJhatL^n, Dos Arabische Reich and seia Siurz (Berlin: G. Reiiner,
ti 902), p, vi: “WithDili a doubt there was a tradition among the Syrians themselves,
which is 10 say among the Syrian Arabs. Unfortunately, it has been lost to us. One
finds traces of this tmditioEi in Baladhuri. and possibly also in the Kalbitc Avana who
lived in Kufa, who was connected to Syria through hi.s tribe, and whom Tabari quite
olien cited (usually following I bn Kill hi) as a reporter concerning Syrian matters.
One. can best get to know the spirit of this Syrian t radii ion from Christian chronicles,
among which die ContinmiHo of Isidore of Hrspalts must be mentioned The
Umayyads appear there in a very different and much more positive light than we arc
used to seeing them. Among die Arabs, their enemies: most often bad the last word,
and so their story suffered significantly/1
2. H. Humbach, "New Coins from Fro mo Kcsaro/1 in India and the Ancient
World; History, trade, and Culture before ad 650 (Festschrift in honor of Professor
P: H. /_. Eggermonif ed. Gilbert Pol let. Orientalia T.ovnniensia Analecta, no, 25
(Leuven: DepainnentE QrieiltaListiek, 1987), p. K3; "Roth the fact that Popp's Arabo-
5assainia.it coins have been overstock by Pronin Kesaro and the triumphant nature
of the text of the ovcrsfcmck inscription suggest lhat die coins originated from booty,
or rather from a tribute imposed upon the conquered Arabs. Thus, these coins spot¬
light events oflatc pre-Islamic and early Islamic history of central Asia (unrecorded
by Muslim historians), which tuck place after 738 but arc otherwise difficult to
locate/'
3. Well hausen L Arabische Reich, iv: “Mommsen once said that uneducated
people require no proof dial the stories that begin with the statement that the narrator
received his information himself from direct participants are. generally speaking, not
true.”
4. Rr B. Serjeant. "Hamm and hawtuh, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia/' in
Melanges John Husain; Offert par ses amis et ses disciples d l ’occasion de son
70ietw mnivershire. cd Abdutiahman Badawi (Cairo: Par nl-Muard'. 1962), p. 57:
"before looking tor Jewish and Christian elements in Islam it would be wise to
establish what is specifically Arabian, and 1 think this will he found to be vastly
greater than many western scholars l^ve supposed/' Naturally, die expressions
"Arabians” and ^Arabian:' are used here uncritically, We do not know who the 'arab
of Lhe Greek and Roman sources were. The Romans tended to refer to the
Nabataeans as “Arabians/1 These groups were portrayed ns living in the steppes as
Rcdotains, enjoying freedom o! movement, ami forbidding the enjoyment of wine as
wrcll as die cultivation of land and the building of fixed houses. See on this itspic J.
Patrick, The Format ion of Nahaietm Art: Prohibition of a Grove a image among the
Nabateans (Jerusalem: Magues Pressh 1990), p. 33.
 Tke Early History of Islam 105

5r Quoted in Ernst A. Knauf* Die t/nwelr des Alter? Testaments (Smugsinr

Verlag Kathohsches Bi be l work, 1994), p. 20.
6, See M. L, Bates, "The ‘Arab-Byzantine* Bronze Coinage of Syria: An Inno¬
vation by JAbd a 1-Malik,” in A Colloquium in Memory' of George Carpenter Miles
(1904 1975) (New York: American Numismatic Society, 1976), p. 17: “l have
become more and more convinced of the uselessness of these three categories [Arab’
Byzantine, Aiab-Sasanian, post-reform coinage!, which I believe ought to be
replaced with an organisation of early Islamic coinage based only on the great
regional subdivisions of the empire, bringing together all the coins of each mint
with in cadi region in chronological order without respect to type, in each region,
Muslim coinage began with imitative or dcrivate types, but the nature of the inula-
linns and the pace of evolution toward purely Islamic coinage was different. Even
idler the adoption of die new Islamic type, the organization of minting and even the
weight standards Lind fineness of the Various denominations varied from region to
region, The coinage of the early caliphs and the Umayyads, like the coin ago ot any
large Islamic empire, oughL to be studied first mint by mink then province by
province and region by region, before we can think about wide generalized cate¬
gories encompassing the whole.11
7. Georg Ostrpgprsky, Geschidie des Bymnttnischen Staates^ Handbuch der
AltertumswiiSsenschafk no. 12 (Munich: C- H. Beck. 1952), p. 81: lThc war began
in a spirit of religious excisemen I. a spirit unknown in former times. It was the first
typical' medieval war, reminiscent of the later Crusades/'
8, Gemot Wicssner, "Christ]idler Heihgenkuli im Umkreis eines sassanidis-
chen Grosskdtnp/1 in Fextgabe dtutseker Inanistm zitr 2500 Jahrfeicr Items, ed.
Wilhelm, Ellers (Stuttgart: Hochwacht Druck, 197J), P- 148-
9. Ibid., p. 144,
Hk Franz Allheim, Enftviddungshilfj* im Altertum: Die $rossen Reiche unit ihre
Narhham, Rowohlts deutsche Bnz.yklopadie^ no. l62(Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1962), p. I ki¬
ll. See line 92 of ihe inscription; Ernst Herzfeld, Paikitli: Monument and
Inscription of ihe Early History of the Sasanian Empire, Forschungen zur islamis-
chen Kunsl, ihi. 3 (Berlin: Re Line r, I924}r
12. CuistLLv Rinhsteiti. Die Dynasrie tier Ltifumden in alf iira: Ein Versueh zur
arttbisch-persischen Geschichte zur Zed der Sastmiden (Berlin,: Reuther and
Reichard, 1899). p. 143-
13. See ihe article ^lBftrIk*F in the second edition of die Encyclopaedia of Islam.
Two CtIiassanids are mentioned as bearers of this lofty appellation, namely, al-Hiridi
b. Jahaks around 540 CEh and his son and successor nl-Mundhir around 570,
14. CL the presentation of Yehuda D. Neva and Judith Korcn, Crossroads to
Mam: The Origins of the Amh Religion tmd the A mb State (Amherst. NY:
Prometheus, 2003), pp, 2.7-46.
 IDS Part I: T'lii Early History of Islam

15. Ct. here [. Shahid’.'; article "Ghassan” ill lhe second edition of the Ency¬
clopaedia of Islam for notes on the dated Arabic inscriptions of the Ghassaiiids in
Syria in the period front 559-578. The architrave of St. Sergius's church (erected in
512) hears the following words in Greek, Aramaic, and Arabic script: “This is a holy
place.” According to the latest research, this inscription .seems to be the oldest extant
epigraphies! witness of Arabic anywhere. This oldest witness to inscriptional Arabic
can be seen without great difficulty in Brussels, The three-meter-long block of gray
basalt resides in the exhibit of the Musees Royattx d’Art et d'llistoire. Inventory no.
A 1308. Cl. Christian Robin, “L‘fieri tune arabe el J'urahie," Pour la sconce (Dossier)
October 2002, pp. 62-69.
lb. See I lie reference to the Arabian Negev in Nevo and Korea, Crossroads p
47.
37. Ibid.* ppr 63-64.
I C. oneeming. die details of til is action, along with the changes in Persian pol-
idt.fi 11i,iI occurred three years Inter and benefited (lie ChH.siin.ns in iemsatenn:, sec M.
Avi-Yonah, Faulys Reatmcyclop&die dvr dassischen Alt^mimsxvissenjgchQfi. SuppL
Bit XIII (197% col. 448.
J9. (.1, Cecilc Monisson, Catalogue dt.s momaies hyiantines de la Uibiio-
Ihequv mitimmk (Paris, 1970), p. 294: “Busle de f. de Chosroes portam k stemma
et la cuirasse./IB Au centre, croix potencee au-dcssus d’un globe.1'
21). The role of the emperor against die church has been discussed by many
scholars, e.g.b Osimgorsky, Gexchichte, p. 87T beginning with Justinian L
21. Ibid.rP. 8h
22. I hid pp. S3-82: [The chronicle ol] 1 heopbanes 303 (concerning the year
622).... This highly important section stales that the founding of the themes pre¬
ceded He rue I his1 battles against Persia chronologically After this one must pay
attention not only to the perspectives of earlier scholars hm also to the outlook of E.
Slcii]rthat (he establishment of the themes, 'provides the key to the nearly i tiered*
iblc alteration in the Persian-Byzamine 'conflict/” This is disputed by John ilaldon
and Wolfgang Brandos. Irfan Shahid seems 1o be among the hist supporters of this
theory.
23. [hid., p. 82,
24. Cf. here the study by V, Minor ski, “Roman and Byzantine Campaigns in
Airopatene/ Bulletin of die School ofQrimtd and African Studies II (1945).
25. CJ. Qstnogorsfcy, Geschichte, p. 63.
26. IbkL 83l cf. also the traces of a continuing tear of die Khiizars in die apoc¬
alyptic prophecies in Hirns, which were ascribed by later trade jus to the time of the
Umayysids: The- Turks, including the Khazurs, were dangerous warriors* best to be
left undisturbed as long as they would cause no i rouble. They would, however, even¬
tually erupt and invade Upper Mesopotamia descending on the Euphrates. Then they
would be annihilated by divine intervention.” This angst was certainly no less potent
 The Earfy Eli story of Islam 107

at the turn isiro the third century. Most likely this [ext concerns a reimjeciinn of pre¬
sent fi&Eu-s into earlier limes. Sec Wilfred Madelung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies in
Mims in the Umuyyad Age/’ Journal of Semitic Studies 31 (1 986): ] 74.
27. T. Daryace, “The Coinage of Queen Bonin and Els Significance fur Late
Sasantnn Imperial Ideology," Bulletin of the Aria Institute (1999): W
28. Ostrogorsky, G&schidue, p. 84,
29. Ibid., pp. 87-88. Sec also footnote 2 on p. 87, with the literature cited there
on the rise of Monotbelclism,
30. Ibid., p. 93.
31. Ibid.
32. Richard Nelson Frye. 77:^ Heritage of Persia (New York: New American
Library, 1966). p. 269: 'They included the general who had captured Jerusalem, Khahr-
varaz, 'die boar of die state' who ruled a few months before he was assassinated,”
33. Cf. the article ’lLaqub'“ in the second edit ion of the Encyclopaedia of Islam.
34. Cf. Walker, Catalogue 1, no. j5i p. 25* and the illustration in table V,
35- T am grateful to Prof. Werner Sundcrmunn of 13crlin for the suggestion that
led to this paragraph. Me was so kind as lu provide me with both a comprehensive
presentation and also detailed information concerning the understanding of
wlwyshnyk’n and the writing of the infinitive wurroyistan. Naturally, though, 1 alone
am responsible for the use of tins information,
36. Cf. die article “Amflii" in ihc second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Mam.
37. Walker, Catalogue I, p. 26.
3H. Cf. the presentation of R. Lk Serjeant on "Mu'min and Muslim"' in “The
Sunnak Jami aii, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the lahrim of Yathrib: Analysis
and Translation of the Documents Comprised in the So-Catted 'Constitution of
Medina,1” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 4 l (i 978): 12-15.
Here one finds a pointer tn the practice oF Arabian tribal law even today: T follow
Bravmann [M, M. Bravmann, The Spiritual Background of Early Islam: Studies in
Ancient Arab Concepts (Leiden: Prill, 1972) to some e stent in rendering Mamin as
'one who trusts,1 but since the Mit’min who enjoys the physical security guaranteed
to a member of the Ummat Allah, also guarantees that security by his own strong
right arm, he is ipso facto himself guaranteeing security. Altunin is of course
employed in a certain range of senses, but, with die analogy before me of the under¬
takings that the t Fad rami tribes make to the Man safe or Lord of a huwiah, it seemed
impossible to ignore the fact that Mamin is a person who grants a marc i.o., security;
safe-conduct, etc”
39. R. Lk Serjeant* "The Simnuh JamUfhC p. 18,
40. Adolf Grohmann, .Arabic inscript ionsf vol. 1. part II (Louvain: Publications
Univcrrilaires, 1962), no. 268.
4j, Joshua Blau, 'The Transcription of Arabic Words and Names in the Inscrip-
 1 08 Part I: The Hctrly History of Islam

tton of Muawiya from Hanimat Gader/' Israel Exploration Journal 32, nos. 2-3
(1982): JU2.
42. CF, 4. Hirsdifeld ami O. Solar, "The Roman Thermae at Hammat Gader:
Preliminary Report of Three Seasons of Excavation/" Israel Exploration Journal 3 l
(198!): 197—219.
43. C I'. VVal kcr, Cato (ague 11 i pp. 32 41.
44. Ibid., p. 2x3, and table 27.
45. Etienne Combe, lean Sauvagef. and Gaston WIet, eds.T Repertoire
chrvtwlogique d'gpigmphic arabe (Cairo: Irnpr. du I’lnstitut fran^ais daicMologie
oriemale, 19311, text no. I H,
46. Christie's, London, October 16, 2001, Lot 263, no. 5.
47. Nevo and Konen, Crossroads, p. 410.
48. Christie sr l .imdou, October 16, 2001, Lot 263, no. 12.
49. Cf. Rudi Pareds Enins) an on of ihe Quran at sura 4:172: “Diciier Allah*/'
50. Second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. 1:24,
5L Roth Klein, Dynaslie der I.ahmtden, pp_ 20-21, passim,
52_ Murad Wit fried Hofmann, Dor Koran: das heiligr Buck des Islam
(Milnchen: Diederichsp 1999), pp, I5f.
53. Cf. the article or] HTra in the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam.
111:462. where the sources of this tradition arc given h namely, [bn Hicham and
Tabari.
54. Robert Gobi, Sasanidische Numixwfflik, Handbdcher der mittelasiaiiKchcn
Numismatik, no. I (Braunschweig: Klinkhardi and Bicrmann, 1968), table XV.
5x Combe, Sauvaget, and Wiet. Repertoire chronohgiqtttSy inscription no, 8.
36. J. Green and Y. Tsafrirh "Greek Inscriptions from Hammat Gader: A Poem
by The Empress Ebdoda arid 'Two Building Inscriptions/1 Israel Exploration Journal
32. nos. 2-3 (3982): 94-95.
57. Well hausen, Arabische Reich p, 87.
58. The Following arc the known Arabic inscriptions in Syria from the sixlh
century: (J.) the inscription on St, Sergius* church in Rus&fa; (2.) the inscription of
at-Hariih b. Jahala on ihe tower of the cloister of Qasr al-Khayr a I-Gb arid, dated to
559; (34 the inscription on the house of Flavins Sees in al-Hay at in the region of
i. Jaw ran. dated to 57S; and (44 ihc fortress of Dumayr with an Arabic inscription
ftom al-Mundhir (569—82). CL here Ehe second edition of the Encyclopaedia oj
1slant, 11:102 L
59. I Icin/ Cmube. Aralwsasanidist'he NumisinadK I landbiichcr dcr mitLdasui is-
chcn Numisinalife. no. 2 [Braunschweig: KlinkhamJt and Bierrnann, 1975), p. 136.
60. Walker* Catalogue. I, no. 3, p. 28-
61. Cf. here ibid., pp. 27-29.
62. Walker was aware of the dubiousness of this practice (ibid.,, p, xxxvii):
 Tire Early History of Islam 109

11 Hie importance of tbe coins: Sics in their providing us with contemporary data for
corroborating, supplementing* or at times correcting the historians. E"£ven so, there
arc numerous cases where the coin evidence cannot he reconciled with the historical
tradition"
63. Gnu be, A rufrosn s a n id is ch e Nu inis mill ik , p. 137; pp, 1 36—H passim offer
numerous data concerning the synchronization of coin datings with the dates given
in the historicizing literature of the Abbasid period. My own sarcasm with regard to
this activity should be obvious, both here and in the paragraphs that follow.
64. Ibid., p. 135; "In the previous chapters we have used primarily the Islamic
'Hijra' system for the reckoning of dates, and when we have spoken of dates on
coins, we have restricted our comments to the terms 'year* or 'minting year,1 without
also indicating to which system of dating these 'years’ belong. Our procedure is
well-founded, for our concerns arc primarily the coins as such, and also a wide¬
ranging employment of die data to be found thereupon. The chronological ordering
and historical evaluation of individual numismatic documents can only be under¬
taken t>nec they are anchored in a system of coordination of primary data/1 We do
not understand how this system will look and how the data will be processed, so that
they are usable as "primary data/' The: ‘"clear sequence of coin-issues” which Gaube
produced is not necessary at all, for researchers avoid taking info consideration the
consequences of his datings. As soon as the consequences of flic “post-Yazdgard
eraJI on ihe Hijra era come into his thoughts, he lets the topic drop like a hoi potato.
A withdrawal from a dating following the Hijra of the prophet of the Arabians could
potentially give the impression of a withdrawal from Islam and signify a return to
the traditions of Iran.
65. Ibid., p. 7.
66* Gemot Rotter. Din Umayymien and der thrift* Biirgvrkricg (680-692).
(Wiesbaden; Ko m miss ion sverlag E Steiner, EL>£2), p. 35 and n, 5GS: L'l begin here
willi the mint table in Gauhc’s Numismatik, which surpass the corresponding data in
Walker's Catalogue"
67. Wi ess nee, “Christ l icher Heiligcnkult/1 p. 146; “It is known from the life of
the MonopIiysite metropolitan Alm-d-emmch that this church leader made attempts
to limit die llovv of pilgrims from the Sassanlan Empire into Lhc city of Sorgiopolis
in the Byzantine Empire. For this purpose he is reported ro have built a basilica of
St. Sergius on the pilgrim mad iriLo the Byzantine Empire. Fiey has identified this
church with a building of the current Qasr Serej, approximately 21 km west of
Balad. As Fiey’s illustrations in Sumer 14 {195Hi show, the Sl Sergius church west
of Balad exhibits surprising similarities with the large basilica of St. Sergius of
Rush fad*
6H. I-1 av in s lose pi i li sT An tiq* X V111.5.
69, On the relationship of Jesus and John, see also J. Hatneers-Antilla. “John
110 Pari: J: 1 lie CiLrly History of Ts1.ittl

the Baplisl and Early Islamic Polemics concerni ng Jesus,11 in.Arin Orienialia (Lund,
1999), pp. 72-87.
70. CL here the considerations of Serjeant in ins "Hamm and hawiah,1"
71- A. Berman, Islamic Coins. Exhibition, Waiter 1976, L A, Meyer Memorial
Institute for Islamic An (Jerusalem: L. A„ Meyer Memorial InslituEc for Islamic Art,
[97(S)l no. I. Fimber exemplars with this depiction are known: sec Miluzenhandlung
R Sternberg, Zurich,, Auction of 1978, nos. 1010 and 10 JI; idem, Auction of 1983,
no, 1181: Spink and Son Ltd,, Zurich, Auction 31 (1989), no. 2U4; and in R. Mil-
sfeiiK "Hoard ot Umayyad Damascus Coins," Israel Numismatic Journal IG (1988-
1989), nos. 1.32 and 133. Mi I stein refers to the existence of an unpublicized lot of
approximately 500 coins from the same find in J Inwriin; these are lo be found in the
Bibtiorbeque Nationals in Paris.
72. Walker, Catalogue IT pp, 15-16.
73. S, Qedar, "Copper Coinage of Syria in the Seventh and Eighth Century Ah."
Israel Numismatic Journal 30 (198 8- i 989): 33, plate 6.
74. Enno Littnian, Deuisdic-Aksum Expedition,. 4 vds., vol. I (Berlin: G.
Rdmer, 1913), p. 50-
75. An exemplar of a copper coin with this mini location can be found in she
Pontifical Biblical Institute in Jerusalem (see also W. An Lire w Oddy?s incorrect
reading of the inscription "ClGJNT on this coin in 'The Early Umayyad Coinage of
Bnisan and Jerash," ARAM no. 4 [ 1994]: 405-18); a second exemplar, of ihc type
of Constant 31. exists in a private collection in Germany,
76. Wlessner, 11 Christlicher HdligenkukC p. 142: 'The dosing ofJ of Chris¬
tians living in the central regions of Iran into ihc Nestorian *slute church1 brought
ihcsc Christians into theological and political opposition against the inherited enemy
o[ New Iran* that is. New Rome: further, this isolation served as an example of how
individuals can bold their ground in a world inimical to their own, namely, by means
ot deep partisanship for the tasks of Rmlpolitik that the enemy .slate prescribes, even
It this results in rheological and religious isolation3' On the historical continuity of
national Iranian Christianity, see Gemot Wiessiier. "Zu den Sutakripticmslistcn dcr
likes ten ehrisd ichen Synoden in Tran,11 in LeMsckriJ? fiir Wilhelm Hi fen: Bin Doht-
meni iter intrrrtutionalen Forschuisg zum 27. September 1966■ etL by Gcrnot
Wicssncr (Wiesbaden: O. Ilanassowirz. 1967), pp. 28K-9K.
77. Gaube, Arabasasamdisdie Niumsmaiik, p. 32: h,We see a similar and quite
curious alteration ot a crescent moon (F) into a cross on a series of coins minted by
Salm b. Ziyad of Merv and bearing the year 63. H. This is an Important detail,
because it can hardly be accepted that a cross was inscribed onto coins minted in the
time of the Islamic conquests and in a ciLy with a population rh;il was in large pro-
port i on Chfisd an s e m ply 1 by ace ideal
78. Geo Widcngren, Die Rdigamen I ram. Die Rebgionen der Mcnsehheit, no.
 The Early History of I si aria 111

14 (Stuttgart: Kohl ha miner, 1965), pp. 274-K3, has strengthened (he following
thesis, formerly proposed by H. $. IXyberg: “We should not doubt at all that the
Islamic conquest of Iran put an end \o the developing circumstances of the time
which could have led to die lull Christianization of Iran* h is clear that Zoroastri¬
anism was no equal opponent of Christianity ns a living religion/1
19. Qsttfrgorsky, Ge&chichi*, n. I, p. 95: Franz Dblger, Regesten der Kaiserur-
kunden des Gstroruischen Reiches von 565-1453, 5 vuts.fc Corpus der-griechischen
Urkundcn des Mittclalteis imd der neueren Zed, Reihu A, AbL 1:1-5 (Mimcben: R,
Oldenbourg [vote, 1-31 and C. N. Beck [voK 4 5JP 1924- 1965), Reg. 230.
SO. Walker, Catalogue I, p. 40, no. 58.
81. Ibid.Tp. 46, M. 26.
82. fbidrT nos. .35--37, pp. 25-26; cf. the coins from Dslriibjird in |he year 41
with his name and with this title. It is dear that Mu'awiya allowed himself in be
called this without suggesting that he descended from the Sufyanids. Ziyad, as the
strong man in the region, minted coins in DarabjinJ in the year 41; thereupon he gave
his heritage as ABU ZUPIL f (pers.) -an. Scholars should give up the conception of
Muawiyu as one of [lie Sufyanids, for nowhere does he call himself such. Further,
his successor 'Abd al-MaJik called himself, on Ids Iranian coins, by the. following
name: APDULML1K.-1 MRWAN + ('pers.J -an. This is only ;i claiming of heritage
from a clan, namely, the Marwflnfri, not descent from a father (or ancestor) named
Mar wan.
83. Cf. Walker, Cam {ague f no. IT p. 29.
84. Gstrogorsky, Geschichle, p. 101 _
85. Here one should not overlook a reference to a characterization of
MuTtwiya's position* as provided by Thenphanes. Wei I hausen took this up and
quoted it on p. 86 of his Arabtsches Retch. According io this report, MuHwiya
behaved toward his ruling colleagues as a primecouncillor among many councillors.
M. A. Shahan, Islamic History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971), p.
57, misunderstood this statement, concluding from the behavior described there that
Theophanes translated the title Anur al-miuuinm us protosymboulox.
86. Ostrogorsky, G&schichte, p. 101.
87. Ibid., p. 102,
88. Ibid,, p. 102, n, 1; Dolgcr, Regetfett, Reg. 239.
89- Cf. Walker, Catalogue I, ANS 7h p. 33, This dating to the year 53 of the Ara¬
bian era has been continually manipulated so that the result is the year 65 of the
Hi jra, This occurs according to the following method: (1.) what TahnrT says, and (2.)
what date Tabari gives. Then, one calculates a number X rhui must always he added
to Lbc number given on a set of coins, until one comes lo a dating that is possible
within die chronology supplied by Tabari. In this way one linds that, in the literature
of Islamic studied the coins of Ibn Zubayr as Amlr-t mtt'mhim arc always dated
112 Part 1: The Early History of Islam

according to the fictional “Yazdgard era.'1 To illustrate, by adding Ellis number X (m

this case, 12) to a pagan system of dating, the year 53 on a coirs becomes the y ear 65
of the Hijra, and the year 54 on a edits becomes the year 65 of Use Hijra, However,
as soon as Ibn Zubayr loses power and returns to '‘KirmSir (so Guube) as a pious
Muslim, there is no longer any need fora corrective iLumber X h dating his coins.
That is, as soon as Ibn Zubayr lakes over his benefice in Kirrnan as retired Aruir-i
wurroyishnigan, die numbers given on his coins arc understood without any correc¬
tion as datings following the era of the 1 lijra (a system, incidentally, that did not even
exist Lit that time). Having become pious, ibn Zubayr can do no tiling other than to
give up his pagan style of dating. This account is not credible, but it is accepted
nonetheless; sec Walked Catalogue I. nos. 28—kl, pp. 30-32.
90- Cf, the coins, mainly those dated around the year 4 i of the Arabian era, The
'Ahd Allah formula appears on coins with indications of eight different original
mints (Gaube, Ntimisrnadl^ p. 59).
91. Cf. his coins from this time period in Walker, Catalogue I. pp. 30-32* 3b.
92. Gaube. Araho^asmidische Numismatic p. 3b: lLThe name of ihe prophet
Mtihaiiiinad is found on coins of [lie Cbusro type
93. If one does archaeology on the dictionary, one finds the term mutjamniad
already in Ugurit: mhmrf or, the "’most desired" or “excellent” gold. Cf. here
also Cyrus H. Gordon, Ugariric Manual (Rome: Pontifklum Insthutum Bihlicum,
1955), text 51: V.7S and 51: VTO.
94. i-1. Nutzcl, Kata log der orientalischen M&nz&n, vol. 1 (Berlin: W, Spemnnn,
1898), no, 93, table 2; this coin Is also mentioned in Walker, Catalogin' I, plate
XXXXVT1, no. 8. p. 124, where Walker reads the nuETiber on ihe coin as “4HT there¬
fore as “year 40“ (of the Arabian eta).
95. R 'll hi merman, “An Unpublished Arab-5asanian Dirham of I he Hitherto
Unidentified Governor Muhammad/' Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter
92-93 (1984). The same exemplar appears in Arabian Cains ami Medals, Islamic
Coin Auction, London bo. 3, 2001* no. 1. The coin is undated.
96. Gaube, Ambosa^aiiidssche Numismatik, p. 59: "4'litre is no Jtmbr lhai this
person 'Ahrl Allah, who had coins minted in both liishapur and also Meirv, is 'Ahd
Allah b. Amir." This mention of doubt suggests concerns about the traditional,
authoritative account. One can already see something similar in ihe Qur'an, at sura
2:2: “This is the Scripture whereof there is no doubt..(PicklhaJIT translation).
97. “White much is unknown about the history of Azerbaijan d tiring this time, the
'Muhammad' mentioned on. the coinage may refer to Muhammad h. MarwilnT The
whole aniclc can be found in S. D. .Scars, "The Sassmian Style Coins of 'Muhammad1
and Some Related Coins, Ynrmouk Numismatics 7 (ah 34MAI995): 7 17,
98. One can also Sind Arab-Sassanhn coins with the mtkammad motto uniong
coin dealers. Cf. Morton Sc Eden, London (auction) 2003, Lot no, 1KD* which
 The Early History of Islam. 113

includes two different exemplars, the one undated end i he os her with She p umber 47
i,7). Cf. also Stephen Album, A Checklist of Islamic Coins (Santa Rosa, CA: Sr
Album. 1998), p. 19: "Arab-Armcnian [this series has been described in a forth¬
coming amide by A. Nikitin, lo be published in the proceedings of a 1993 confer¬
ence at Tubingen): F-97, In the Name of'Muhammad (unidentified^ AR ztizunt RR,
With Arabic mulsamrnad before bust, waf (“ful]"1) in margin. . .. F97: AR zuzun,
similar but Bahia vj M1JMT before busl, Arabic lmihamimni in margin, RRR."
yy_ A. 3. Kirkbridgct "Coins of the Byzantine-Arab Period/' Quarterly of (ho
Dept- of Antiquities in Palestine 62 {3 947). The same coin is also described in
Walker, Catalogue IT p 52, ASK. 6.
10CT Clive Foss, “Anomalous Arab-Byzantine Coins—Some Problems and
Suggestions/' O.N.S. Newsletter 166 (London, 200 l): 7, no. 9: 'The Qedar coin
shows that the obv. figure bore a cross on its crown and that another cross appeared
above the M of the rev. It and die present example both reveal the rev, legend clearly.
Mr. Qcdar plausibly reads this niintmark, bi-1 Amman/' The coin mentioned can cur¬
rently be found in the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, In the meantime, other exemplars
have come to light. Cl'., e.gH Islamic Coin Auction in London, Baldwin's A tic t ion
Ltd,, 12 October 2004, nos. 3117 and 3118, with commentary: "The issue was prob¬
ably issued by a minor chief named Muhammad rather than in ihe name of the
prophet." In this statement the commentator does not betray knowledge of the fact
that the personal name Muhammad docs not appear in the realm, of the mission Ibr
religious politics until the reign of rAbd al-Malik, The earliest dale of such usage
appears in a coin legend for the year 67 of the Arabian cm (6S6-6R7); cf, Walker,
Catalogue L p. 95, no. 5 ( Muhammad ibn Abd Allah, Dirham from Herat). Hem one
also finds the name of the father, which was typical when giving a personal name.
103. Cf. Bank Leu AG, Zurich. Auction 29, 1931, no. 6, p. 6.
102, Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, Cod's Caliph: Religious Authority in
the First Centuries of Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1936), pp.
24—35: Tt is a striking fact that such documentary evidence us survives from the
Sufyfluid period makes no mention of the messenger of God at all. The papyri do
not refer to him The Arab inscriptions of the Arah-Sasanian coins only invoke
Allah, not his tastU: and the Arab-Byzantine bronze coins on which Muhammad
appears as rusiii Allah, previously dated to the Sufy an id period, have now been
placed in that of the Murwunids. Even the two surviving tombstones fail to men¬
tion the rasul, I hough both mention Allah: and the same is true of Mtf&wiya's
inscription at TaiF/'
103, Gstrogorsky, Ggschickte, p. 106; cf. also his reference there to Dblgcr.
Regcsten, p. 257.
104, E*. UtlendorT "Hebraic-Jewish Elements in Abyssinian (Monophyshe)
Christianity/' Journal of Semitic Studies [ (London, 1956): 253: "To the Semites'
 114 Fart h 1 lie Early History of Islam.

unified conception of life, ii would appear si>ci yl T political, and religious institutions
are one and have no separate eixjstenceT
Kb„ Samuel Krau&s, Das Leberi Jesu nach jjfdisc hen Qiudien (Berlin: S. Cal¬
vary, 1902), pjx 48f., B5F.
IH^. The Ethioptc church balls itself even in this day, fmvn/rfrfp
held Kresfiyan,
10/. M. B. Schub," lrue Bcliei—A New Translation and Commentary on Sura
IL2C ZeifschriftjSr Arabise he Luigaisrik 22 (1990): 81: "Verse I: (a) ahadnm The
Riles of the 'Arabiyya require wahidun here."
H)H. Ullendoif* 'Tlehraic-Jewish Etements,” p. 249: ’"With ihe strong con¬
sciousness among Ethiopians of being she heirs of Israel as the Chosen People, cir¬
cumcision has become to Ethiopians a religions as well as iiaiionul duty, the symbol
of iheir status us il New Zion.”
109. Ostrogorsky. Geschichte, p, ill.
110. Walker, Catalogue IT, pp. 30-31; lie ascribes the provenance of these coins
lu North .Syria due to the appearance of the national religious symbol, the “Slone/*
111. Rudolf Scllheim, Der&veitc Rurgerkrteg im Islam (680-692}: Das Cade
des mekkan.-medines, Vorherrschaji (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1970), p. 95, The
region’s population was, as we have said, loyal tu die government. The leadership
Lo I era led a not insignificant Christian minority in many cities, anti yes even a Chris-
linn majority in several locations. Further, the rulers had left intelligent Christians at
their governmental posts, as a result of a lack of Muslims with skills appropriate for
the jobs; they had even on occasion recruited Christians inro such positions." This
author connects this period of blossoming in Islam with rhe presence of Christians,
as well as the appropriation uf Byzantine institutions, such as mail service fas though
such an institution had not already existed in ancient eastern empires). Such descrip-
iioits of the circumstances of the time, written by scholars of Islamic studies, arc
nonetheless numerous and completely uuh is tori cal.
112. (_f, I lie article on Din in the second edition of die Encyclopaedia of
{shun.
113- Walter, Catalogue II, no. I, pr 25.
114. Foss, Anomalous Arab-Byzantine Corns/1 p, 9: "lliis raises the curious
possibility that these coins portray not the caliph, but the prophet Mohammed. At
lirsl sight, this seems highly implausible, for Islam is well known for its prohibition
of images, and ihe Prophet himsel f is never portrayed until the late Middle Ages* and
then veiled. Yet so little is known of early Islamic iconography, Ihiit the possibility
may remain open. As Prof, Oleg Grabar informs me, there was apparently no formal
prohibiiion against representing the Prophet in early Islam, but a general avoidance
of images begins under sAbd al-Mahk.”
115. C f. ft. W, Hamilton in Quarterly of the Department ofAntiquities in bales-
 Tim Early History of Islam 115

tine 14 (Jerusalem, 1950): plate XLV, 2. Nonetheless* George C. Miles, 'The E:ir-
hest Arab Gold Coinage/' ANS Museum Notes 13, no, 36 (1967): 236, points To the
similarities between the depiction of ihe Arabian micron the Islamic coins and the
depiction of Christ tm [lie Byzantine coins: "his long hair and heard resemble [hose
of Christ on the Byzantine coin.1' Should one follow Miles's conception, the depic¬
tion [to longer concerns an Arabian ruler bm rather an Arabian Jesus in bis role as
wait authorized representative) and wall Allah (representative of God).
116- Morrfsson, Catalogue des monimes hyiantines, 404, 15 Cp/AU/04—09,
plate 1X1. The reasons Momsson gives here for the miming of Lhe coins with the
depiction of the stand trig ruler and the national religions symbol, the “Sone.” the
Sahadum, have already bceti expressed by Miles* "Earliest Arab Gold
Coinage,1' p. 215: "Most important in this connection is The obvious relationship
between Lhe Standing Caliph motif and the solidi of Justinian II portraying the
Byzantine emperor standing and building the cross on steps. Certainly it was rhis
latter issue that inspired the Standing Caliph type, the Arab response in die ideolog¬
ical and i co nog rapid cal war between Byzantium and the Arabs/'
117. Recently, an Islamic explanation for this symbolic depiction that replaced
the cross was offered by Nadia Jamil. "‘Caliph and Quth: Poetry as a Source for
Interpreting the Transformation of ihe Byzantine Cross on Steps on Umayyad
Coinage;1' in Bayt a! Maqdis, voh 2, Jerusalem and Early Islam ed- Jeremy Johns,
Oxford Studies In Islamic Art, no. 9:2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
E IS. Walker, Catalogue I, p. 97, Seh. 5; ef. also ilie footnote to This entry: the
auction of the Strauss collection, Sehulman, Amsterdam* auction of Jan. 1913. no.
1005, plate V.
119. A, J, Wensinck, “Rasul/1 in Hmdworterhuch des Islam, ed. A. J
Wensinek and J. II. Kramers (Leiden: Brill, 3941). p. 61E: "Concerning the dose
relationship between the rasul and Ids 'itrninu, one can compare the teaching of the
apocryphal Acts of Lhc apostles, in which the twelve apostles arc supposed to have
divided I he entire world among themselves, so that each apostle was to preach the
gospel to a specific people... . The expression ms it I Allah was more often used in
its Syriac form {sh.eUheh rfAfdha) in the apocryphal Acts of Thomas."
3 2(3. Maddung, “Apocalyptic Prophecies/’ p. 167.
121. M. 1. Moshiri, HA Pahlavi Forerunner of the IJnmyyad Reformed
Coinage/1- Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society U3 (1981): 168-72,
122. Cf, G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Cent toy B.C., abridged
and revised edition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), pp. 23,, 29, and 50-
123. IsUnthe Coin Aurtfou 9 in London. Baldwin’s Auctions Lid. 2004, Lot no,
3172, with illustration.
124. S. Eshraglu "An Interesting Arab-Sasanlan Dirhem/' Q,NS. Newsletter
178 (2004): 45-46. with illustration.
 116 Part I: E lie Early History of Isl am

125, The aforementioned study by Miles, ‘liariic.st Arab Gold Coinage."

although from 1967, remains the richest presentation of the beginnings of the
minting of gold coins in the Arabian Empire.
J26, Cf. S. Heidematin, "The Merger of Two Currency holies in Early Islam:
The Byzantine ami .Sasiiiiian Impact on the Circulation in Fortner Byzantine Syria
and Northern Mesopotamia," Iran 36 (1998): 95-112.
127. See the corresponding article by Patricia Crone in the second edition of
the Encyclopaedia of Islam, IV: 928-929.
128- in the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam, V: 14, it says: "The
caliph is clad in a long coat Trimmed with Iranian-type pearls, worn over wide
trousers, at id holds a short sword."
129. M. Sharon. “An Arabic Inscription from the time of ihe Caliph 'Abd al-
MaJik," Bulletin of the School of Orienial and African Studies 29 [ 1966): 367-72;
the stone is catalogued in the Israel Museum, Jerusalem, as Inventory no. 1AA 63-
428,
130. This is true for the ground level of the fifth-century cathedral in Etchmi-
ad^in, where four posts bear the weight of the cupola. The previous building had
been a basilica (cf. P_ Paboudjian, La cathedrals d'Etchmiadzlns |Beyrouth, 1965|,
p. 359). One can compare the building activity under a|-Wal7d in Damascus, where
the local basilica dedicated to John the Baptist was replaced with a building remi¬
niscent of the Syrian tradition.
131. Christel Kessler, "Abd a I -Malik's Inscription in die Dome of the Rock: A
Reconsideration ” Journal of the Royal Astatic Society (1970): 6.
132. Josef Hornvitz, Kortmhrhe Untersuchtingen (Berlin mid Leipzig; Walter
de Gruyter, 1926). p. 55.
133. J. G. Sticket. “Noch e initial die omajjadischc Askalon-Miinze nnd ein
An hang,” Zdtschrijf dcr Deutsche}} Morgenldndischen Gesdtxchafi 40 (1886):
8J-87. After exactly one hundred years of absolutely no attention, the first reference
to this article by the professor from Weimar appeared in 1986 in the apparatus of the
(at that time) standard publication by D. Barag on the theme of "Islamic lamp-
stands . That islaiuic studies scholars have ignored thc contplexttf ht>|y vessels from
the Solomonic temple—including other objects besides Lite tamps land—seems to
me symptomatic of the attention typically given to other suhdisciplities in this area
ot scholarship. For an opposite example, one may consider Ihe method of Th.
Mommsen concerning research oil Roman history; he was not at all above a wide-
ranging consideration of both numismatics and naLiona! law'. It is only in Islamic
studies that one sees such hubris as to allow philology and literary studies atone to
intlucnee one’s statements about history.
134. Fetor Brown, The World of Late Antiquity ISO 730 (New York: l-larcourt
Brace iu varusvich, p. ]74,
 Tire Early History of Islam 117

135, D. Rnfug* “The Islamic Candlestick Coins of Jerusalem,” fjcract Numis¬

matic Journal 10 (1988-1989): 40-48, tables 7-9,
136. H. A. Pottlsander. b<Herukleios, byzbntmischcr Kaiser/1 in Rioftraphhch-
kikl jogmpfusche& Kirchenl.extern„ XIX (2001)„ col. 654: 1 lHerad hts must also he
mentioned in connection with Byzantine art. Nine beautiful silver pi alters stem from
I he period of his reign, most likely from the years 628-630; these platters were dis¬
covered in 1902 in Lamboitsa JLapethos} on ihe northern coast of Syria. Three of the
nine now reside in the Cyprus Museum in Nicosia, and the other six can He found in
the Metropolitan Museum of An in New York City. The platters are decorated with
depictions from the life of the biblical King David. It is known that Constantine Is
Marcianos, and Justin I were celebrated as “new Davids/' fully in line wilh Byzan¬
tine conception ■ of emperor anti empire, anti that such acclamations were. nls u in use
in later periods.. Heraclius was called kasileus beginning in 629 and had good reason
to identify himself with David, especially after the end of the war against Kbosrau.
These platters, whose program run tic character is unmistakable, should he under¬
stood in this light. It must be added as well that, shortly after the return of the Tine
Cross to Jerusalem, Heradius and his empress Martina bore a son whom they named
David; he was crowned emperor in 638.,+
1 37, Fustat is today a part of the city of Cairo, Tie name derives from the Latin
fossaium* This canal is the body of water behind which western Roman Lroups in
enemy territory retreated.
138. Cf. Ncvo and Korea, Crossroad^ p.. 410: RCHA inscription no. 8; no fine
divisions are given.
139. Walker, Catalogue l\h pp. 59-60.
140. Concerning the prevalence of Latin in the coo it of ihe Fa si mid caliphs of
North Africa, a prevalence able to be shown to be in force even centuries later than
the time of Abd ul-Malik, cf. H. Halm, “Les arabes el V heritage byzanlin en A frit] lie
du nord.11 Revue ties etudes islcimiques 55-58 (1987-1989): 288-89: “In 947, after
the defeat of the famous Berber rebel Abu YazTd al-KhOrijl, the young caliph under¬
took a campaign, that led him into the heart of the central Maghreb, up to the borders
of die Sahara. Our caliph, always eager to recognize Roman ruins, climbed the
little hill: near the biggest of the three burial mounds, he found an inscription Lbi-r-
rumiya1 (lm Latin')* and demanded that one of his companions translate for him the
text, which read as follows: I am Solomon The general, and This town is called Mau¬
ritania.' - - - What emerges from this episode is that There was, in the entourage of
the caliph, someone who was capable not only of translating an inscription from
Latin into Arabic, but also of correctly rendering the term magister t?uU(ium with ihc
corresponding Arabic tertn. as-sardaghus fGk. STrategas)”
141. Walker* Catalogue Ub p, 61 f.
142. Ibid,, p, 65: “There is no God but one; There is no other like him."
m Part f- Ike Early History of [slam

14j. lblrir, p, 67: '’There is no God hut one: there is no other associate Jjke
him.”
144. ]bid.„ p. 66t no. 170: “God is eternal; God is great; God is the creator of
all”
145. Ibid., p. 71, no, I 79: "God is eternal; Cod is great: tic knows all things: lie
is the creator of all things."
146. Ibid-, p. 65* no. 169: p. 67, no, J 73; p, 6£, no. 177: "Jn the name of the
merciful Lord, this sulhtus was made in Africa." It is important that The Latin form
of ihe fxisnuilu is followed hy the coin-name “solidus.” This shows that there was
no consistent* uin lied terminology for coins at the time of 'Abd al-MaliL
M7. Ibid.* p. 70, no. C. Cambridge) [hereafter. C], IL: "In ilie name of the mer¬
ciful Lord, this salidus was made in Africa, in the second year of the indieiion.'1
M8, Ibid., p. 7]t no. 178: ’’In the name of the merciful Lord, this solidus was
made in Africa, in the third year of the indiction.”
[49- CL Nevoatid Keren, Crossroads, p. 310, on the Arabs1 use of their prede¬
cessors' formulae* c.g., the Greek en onorrtati ion theau in use in the Greek chan¬
cellery, The Arabs developed a Corresponding phrase in Arabic, the hasmala.
150- Walker* Ctmdogmt It. p. 73, no. C. 12.
151. Altheinit Eniwkikhmg.dnlfe, p. 37: “One needs only to say it out loud, and it
will become dear dial these Monophyskes were the continuation of the Syrian and
Egyptian Neoplutonisis. Both were zealous defenders of the principle of the divine
unity. They suppressed only incompletely what had been given to them: ncitlicr the
NeoplatonisLS the niulliple gods of antiquity, nor die Monophysiles Lhe ijogos along¬
side the Father Bui ihey reduced the value of what opposed the unity, in that they
exalted it In the unity. 'I lie Neoplatonisis anfi (he Monophysitcs took the same action*
and it was hardly coincide rim l sFiat both groups recruited new members from Egypt
and Syria. This passionate striving for divine unity shaped ihc thought of both euun-
tries.”
152. Walker* Catalogue II, p. 73, B.(eriin) [hereafter. R.l, 12.
153. CE'_ here Halm, ^Les arabesT 292.
[54, Walker. CaUiioguc If p, 240, no. P.(aris) Thereafter* P.], 327.
E55. Ibid., p, 63, no. P.* 28,
156. A. Hind, “Why Did Abd ub Malik Build the Dome of the Rock? A Re-
examinadon of (he Muslim Sources,” in Bayf al-Maqdh, voL 2, Jerusalem anil
Barly fshtm, ed. Johns: "He ends his report by saying that no one in Syria had ever
doubled lint the Band Umayyu were lhe sole representatives of Tile Prophet In this
context it is worth noting She report Thai, immediately after the 'Abbasidx1 victory, a
delegation of Syrian notables visited the hrst Abbasid caliph. Abu ' I-'Abbas al-
Salluli. atnl swore thru they find been unaware that the Prophet had any other rela¬
tives or a family worthy of .succeeding him except the Umayyads, until after the
 Tta Bfirly History of Isl am ne

'Abba si els hud seized power,” 'Hi is report is found in die writings of aUHasan ibn
Ahmad al-Muhaltabl. Ii is a rulleciion of the limber development from the concep¬
tion of Jesus as ihe nu^ommad to Muhammad, llie prophet of die Arabians, which
took place in the second eenlury nf she Arabian era.
157. Cl . she publication of R. B. Sesjeant. “Hud and Other P re-Islamic Prophets
of HadraihawL,3* Lr. Muxion 67 (1954): 121-79,passim.
158- We! ] hausen. A mhischc Keith, p. 2 I 7: "'lie I His hum bn 'Abd a|-Malik] was
not intolerant concerning his Christian subordinates. Indeed, he made is possible for
them [the Meikites?] to retake the see ol Am lochia* which the}1 had not been able to
do for she previous forty [sic | yours: this was, ihough, under the condition that they
not elect as patriarch any educated or prominent individual, hut rather a simple
monk, his friend Slcphanus, a condition to which they agreed/1 See also Wcll-
hau seifs footnote I here: “Thcophatius A.M. 6234- cf. 8236/'
159- Cf. Nevo and Korun, Cntsxmctdx> p. 419: 'Lma$jirf is it common Aramaic
Term for L pi ace of worship.' The word 'mosque* can translate it, provided it is not
taken to imply a mihrah-onented siruclure: tiiere is no archeological evidence that
the type of structure we today call a L mosque' existed in Walid's lime.”
160. Walker, Catttfagtte If nt>. 182, p. 76. "This solidus was made in Africa in
the year 98.”
161. Ibid., pp. 70^73, nos. C., J l-CM 14: “God is eternal: God is great; God is
ihe creator of everything"! ''in the name of the merciful \ .nrd, iliis xalidus was made
in Africa in ihe second for third, or fourth, etc.) year of She indies inn/’
162. Thid,3 pT 76+ no. P.3 49
163. Ibid., p, 78, no. 184.
164. Ibid.
165. Ibid., p. 77. no, P,, 47,
166. Ibid., p. 79, no. C, 17.
167. Nevo and Karen, Crossroads, p. 258: 1 For although the terms ’the
Prophet1 and Hthc Messenger of Cm!/ alone nr in combination, are y II-pervasive in
the Quran, its central named religious figure- is not Muhammad, who is mentioned
only four times, but Moses."
168.. The coins arc unpublished. They can be found in Swedish museums and
have been falsely ascribed by ihe specialists tiiere to die Khuzars oti (he lower Volga,
They allegedly serve as proof that ihe Kha/.ars of shis period had become Jewish.
Bui if the Kftazars had truly felt a need to documcni sherr appropriation of Judaism
in this way, one wonders why they did not mint silver coins wilh Hebrew inscrip-
(ions. Their God did not announce himself in pure Arabic, nor did he command ihem
to write in Arabic. On the other hand, ihe Viking trailers certainly did not care as all
as to who put what in coin inscriptions, for they made what is known as "’hack-
silver” out of the coins and sc nr them to the grave along with their illiieraie princes.
 120 Part I; The Early History of IsT mi

!n 1 lie medieval period Polish Jews mi nted silver coins, with Hebrew inscriptions to
use tor trade. These coins were gladly accepted by the adherents ol nil religions and
confessions because the silver content of the coins was high. What would have held
these Khazars back, having become Jewish, from confessing Moses as their prophet
in Hebrew?
160. Cf. the silver coin from Ifriqiya, dated to 137 and struck in ihe style of the
Mar tv an ids, in Sotlicby s, London. Coins, Medals, Decortitious, and Ban k notes,
2&3 May 2001, Lot no. 912 (Dirham, IMqiya 137). Two dirhams from GharshistSii
in the S, E. Sheikh Hamad hn Ahd Allah A] Than! collection m Doha, Qatar, hear
witness to the continuing activity in (he east of minting coins in the style of the Mar-
wan ids.
f 10. Yehuda LX Nuvo, /.c rrl i r;i Cohen, and Dalia Hell man, , 1 ncietit Arabic
inscriptionsfrom the Negev, veil. I (Jerusalem: IPS Ltd., 1993), p. H2.
171. Cf.K. B. Sergeant, "Saint Sergius," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and
African Studies 22 (1930): 574f.
172. See C. WurfeePs overview of the minting of coins among these parlies in
the years 12 7—33 of the Arabian era in "The Coinage of the Revolutionaries in the
Late Umayyad Period,” AjV.Y Museum Motes 23 (1978): 161-99.
173. Cf. the dirham from ihis mint and this year in Sotheby’s (1 .nndon). Auc¬
tion from April 23th and 2bih, 1996, Lot no. 414.
174. The article "al-Earamika" in the second edition oi iJ)C Encyclopaedia of
Islam, 1:1033-36, offers the following concerning the name of the dynast: "T. Ori-
S'ns 'The name Barmak, traditionally borne by the ancestor of the family, was not
a proper name, according to certain Arab authors, but a word designating the office
of a hereditary high priest of the temple of Nawbahar, near Balkh.”
175. Cf, here Lhe djiham Irom Spinks IS5t It auction in London, March 31,
2005, lot no, 337,
176. Lavoix, Catalogue des Monnaies Mitsui manes tie la Hibiiotheque
Nationale, vol. 1, Khalifas orientaus (Paris: Imprimeric natiotiale, I8S7). p. 223 no
913.
177. The Baklassari collection. Leu Numismatics, Zurich 1995, p, 47, no. 501
(Samarkand 210),
178. Walker, Catalogue II, no. 4, p, xxxvi: “For example on the coins of
Ma'mQn (sec Lavoix, ibid,, nos. 604 and 613; Miles, N. H. R„ nos. 103, 104, and
I06),'1
179. Crone and Hinds, God's Caliph, pp. 4-21 passim.
180. Cf. here a silver coin front the year 194 from Mad in at Samarkand, The
stamp foi the mini had been altered, with the word ul-intdin engraved over the title
al-amir. Cf. the Ratdassuri collection, J..en Numismatics. 47, no. 491.
181. Second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. VI 1:784.
 Tkc Early History of Islam 121

182. Frye, Heritage, p, 251,

1 S3. Secon d ed i t ion of (he Encyclopaedia of Islam , V I: 3 37:'!1 Fu rt h ermore p w 11 h
she object of wooing ihe support of the Shfis* *AJl was proclaimed hhe best of ihe
Companions, after ihe Prophet' (in 2 11 ^S2CSn reaJ'lirrned in 212/827)3*
184. Cf. here the notable coin from the mini of al-Quite which name.'; al-
Ma'nifm. The coin is dated to the year 217. (Is this of the Arabian era. or perhaps of
the Hijra? N.b.rThe point in time in which the era of the Hijra was introduced during
the rule of al-MaYnUn cannot be determined wit is certainty from the inscriptions.
There is no spec ihe reference to the Hijra in the datings of the coin inscriptions.) See
N, G- Nassar, “Tine Arabic Mints in Palestine and Trims-Jordan.” Quarterly of ihe
Department of Antiquities in Palestine 13 (Jerusalem. 1948): 119.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Standard VVurAs

El- — 77? c Encyclopaedia of I shot. New edition. I.cklen: Frill, I960.

Handwfirterbitch ties Islam. (Following the first edition of the Encyclopaedia of
Islam.) Leide n, 1941.
Walker, Catalogue 1 = Walker. John. A Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanlan Coins,
London, 1941.
Walker^ Catalogue [I - Walker, John. A Catalogue of the Arab-Byzantine and PoSl-
Reform Umaiyad Coins. London, 1956.

Journals

[NS 10 - Israel Numismatic Journal, Published by ihe Israel Numismatic Society,

vot. 10. Jerusalem, 198S-S9.
INS 13 - Israel Numismatic Journal. Published by ihe Israel Numismatic Society,
vol. 13. Jerusalem, 1994-99.

Secondary Literature

Althemi. Fratvi. linin'icklungshdfe an Aherium. Hamburg* 1962.

Der Quran. Translated by Kudi Buret. Stuttgart, 1979,
Ciaube, Heinz, Ara bos a s a n i dis die Numisnmlik. Braunschweig, 1973.
Lavoix, Henri. Catalogue dcs Mot males Mitsui manes de la Bibliothecae Nationals,
vol. I, Khalifas Orienuiu*. Paris, 1887,
122 Pari lr The Early History of Islam

Nl'VO, Yehuda, and Judith Keren. Crossroads to Islam: The Origins of the Arab Reli¬
gion and the Arab State. New York, 2003.
Dsirogorsky, Georg. Cesehiehte des byzantinischeti Starnes. Mimchen, [952.
Rothstein, Gustav, Die Dynastic der Lahmiden in tti-Hira. Peril nh 1890.
Rotter. GemoL Die Umayyadtm um! tier Zwcite Biirgerkrieg (680-692). Wiesbaden,
3981
Serjeant, R. P. Studies in Arabian History and Civilization. London, 1981,
Wellhausen* Julius. Das Arabise he Reich i it id sent Stnrz. Berlin, 1902.

Illustrations

(All figures in the test are not according to scale)

1. The inscription of Mu'&vviya oil [lie baths of Gad uni. Israel Exploration
Journal 32 (1982): 94.
2. Reverse of a coin from Damascus before 642. H. Lavoix, Catalogue, vnl. I,
no. U 3>■ h
3. Obverse i31 a Christian Arabian coin from On masons. Leu, Zilrieh, auction
no. 56 (1992), no. 7.
4. Reverse of a Christian-Arubian coin, giving the monogram of the emperor
He radius and a dale. Leu, Zurich, unction no_ 36(1 992), no. 7r
5. Obverse of an anonymous coin from Damascus with the image of the Chris¬
tian-Arabian ruler in the manner of Byzantine depictions of the emperor,
6. Reverse of the same coin, wjih the name of |he mini given in Arabic. The
Arabic inscription runs from above io below in the manner of the Pah lav i texls on
Sassanian coins. .Spi nk, Zurich,. auetion no. I S [ 3986k no. K-L p. 29.
7. Obverse of an anonymous Christian-Arabian copper coin from Damascus,
baring die image of the ruler with a globe-cross on the left anti a reliquary of a head (of
John the Baptist?) on die light. Frank Sternberg, Zurich, auction no. y (1978), uu. (OIL.
8. Reverse of an anonymous Christ ian-Arabian copper coin with the detiomi-
naiion M (40 nummia); above is a cross, and to the left a crowned head (of Joins I be
Baptist?), LeurZiirich, auction no. 33 (1985), no. 412.
9. Obverse of an anonymous Christian-Arabian copper coin of the seventh ecu
tury from Syria; it bears the image of a Christian preacher. Leu, Zurich, auetion no.
35 (1985), no. 411,
10. Obverse and reverse of a coin of Khalid from Ti he ri as.-T a bar! y y a. The
Christian ruler is depicted with die agnus Dei. Walker, Catalogue H, p. 47-
11. Obverse and reverse of a copper coin from Damascus, bearing ihe image of the
Christian-Arabian ruler and with die a gnus Dai on die right. Walken Catalogue 1L p. 50.
12. Obverse and reverse of a copper coin from Jerusalem. On the obverse, the
image of [he standing Christian-Arabian ruler. On the reverse, the mini location
HIERQSALEMON fin Jerusalem'1)- Spink, Zurich* auction no. 31 (1989), no. 189.
 The Early History of Islam 123

13- Obverse a]ecL reverse of a Christian-Arabian copper coin from CIDON

(“Zion”). Israel Numismatic Journal \ U, itti, I 52, p. 26.
14. Obverse and reverse of a Christian-Arabian copper coin. The mint location
of CION (“Zion") is given on the reverse, uniter the denomination M. Pontifical Bib¬
lical Jnsiimlc Collectionh Jerusalem.
15. AraboSussunian drachma with the motto MHMD {mutiammad) in Fatal avt
scripi on ihe right of the obverse, next to the bust, with tin Arabic legend u-ajin.
Morton one! Edcnp London, auction in May 20Q3+ex. no. ISO,
16. AniborSassanion drachma with the Pahluvi inscription MHMf on the rights
next to the bust. There is. an Arabic version of Lbe muhtimmud motto as a legend on
the obverse. Arabian Coins and Medals, Dubai, auction no. \ f2(Kll)T no. I.
17. Obverse of a copper coin depicting the standing Christ bin-Arabian ruler; to
the left appears the inscription hi-'Anmfifh written from above to below in the Sas-
sanian manner. Israel Museum. Jerusalem, inventory no. 88454.
18. Reverse of the same coin. bearing the denomination M, a cross; above, and
The mu/himmod motto below. Israel Museum. Jerusalem. inventory no. 88454.
19. The Beth-Ei in the form of the Ye gar Snhwhtfa, with the muhununad motto,
on the coin from llruran. Walker, Catalogue II, fig. I, p. 26.
20. Image of the- eastern type of the Christian-Arahiun ruler on the reverse of
the coin from Hasrfm;, to the left appears the muimnmmd motto, written from above
to below in the Sassaman manner, and to the right lli^ location of the mint, also
written from above to below parallel to the image of the ruler. Tills coin, depicting
a ruler between two lines of text, corresponds to the type of image found on Sax-
sanian drachmas, where the lire-uhar appears between two guardian-figures, Hess,
Lucerne, auction no. 255 {1984), table f p. 7.
21. The Byzantine model for the earliest Arabian gold coins. The obverse
depicts Christ, and the reverse Emperor Justinian 11 as a serntts Christ/. Baldwin's,
London, auction no. 3 (1995L no. 152, plate VIL
22. A gold coin of rAbd aS-Maifk according to the Byzantine exemplar. The
obverse depicts I be n at sou a I religious symbol, the “Slone," ihsit is. the Heth-Kl in the
form of the Yegar Sahaduta, while the reverse depicts the Eastern type of I he Chris¬
tian-Arabian ruler with a sword. Private French collection
23. Cutaway isometric drawing of the Dome of the Rock. Clearly recognizable
are the four posts in the area under the cupola.
24. Obverse of a copper coin bearing the image of a live-branched lamps!and,
surrounded by an Arabic inscription. Walker, Catalogue M, 208, no. 805.
25. North African gold coin from the rime of al-WalTd, bearing a Latin inscrip¬
tion nnd the Yegor Sahaduta.
26. Bilingual fArabic-Latin) gold coin from North Africa* from the year 98 of
the Arabian era (716/717).
124 Part I. Tko Pii-ly History of Isl 3.11 1

27, Copper coin from ihc year 116 of the Arnblan era tYorn Jayy (Isfahan),
Sotheby's, London, auction of April 1982, no. 206,
28. Anonymous copper coin without a mint location, from the year 136 of the
Arabian era (753), minted in the Sassimian style.
2^. Copper coin bearing the image of a ruler in S assart! an style, from the mint
of Rust and dated to the year 209 of the Arabian era (S25X The governor Tallin is
mentioned, but not tht caliph,. ahMa mun,
30. Selection from the inscription on the Dome of the Rock, mentioning Jesus
as a "Servant of Godr‘ and "Chosen One." Text provided by ChrisEel Kessler,
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1970.
31. Selection fmm the inscription on the Dome of the Rock, mentioning al~
hmim ul-Ma'tmiri in the place of Abd al Malik. Text provided by Christcl Kessler,
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1970.
 2
A NEW INTERPRETATION
OF THE ARABIC INSCRIPTION IN
JERUSALEM’S DOME
OF THE ROCK
Christoph Luxunbcrg

tils present essay is concerned with the inscription on the inner side
M. of the octagon on the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. The inscription
is over 240 meters long, was written in Arabic using the Kufic monumental
script, and was created with gold-colored mosaic stones on a green back¬
ground. According to an inscription on the outer side of die octagon,1 tilts
sacred building, which has heretofore been considered the earliest Islamic
building, was erected in the year 72 (if this number docs not have merely a
symbolic character) of the Arabian era (beginning in 622 cat and later called
"Hijra”) by ‘Abd al-Mahk ibn Marwan, the fifth caliph of the Umayyad
dynasty (and ruling 685-705 CE. following Arabian historiography).2 This
article presents a new attempt to analyze the text of this inscription in a Ins-
tor tco-ling iris tie way, folio wing the methods first developed in die work Die
.sym-aramaische Lesart des Koran.3 Besides using Arabic, this book began
foundations I ly from the Aramaic language, which was the lingua franca in
the entire Near East region for more than a millennium preceding Arabic.
The translation of lire Bible into Syro-Aramaic fPsitfdfPesh i tta),
w'hicli was already current inthc second century, determined (as in other cul¬
tures) I he place of Aramaic us the language of cult and culture before the rise
of Islam for the Arabs who lived between the Tigris, the Nile, and the Ara-

125
126 Part I. The Early History of Islam

bian peninsula. This study achieved fundamentally new results with the help
of investigations into individual passages of the Quran. Tn light of these lin¬
guistic analyses, the results allow one to expect new semantic content from
the inscription inside the Dome of the Rock, further, this content will open
the way for conclusions relevant in the fields of theology, the history of reli¬
gions, anil the history of linguistics. That this dated inscription is older than
the oldest Qur’anic manuscripts known to us does not, nevertheless, allow us
to recogmue any linguistic structure that varies from (lie Quranic language,
because the majority of the inscription can also be found in the canonical text
oi the Quran. This phenomenon provides another reason why the methods
mentioned above arc to be employed in ihe following textual analysis.
The accurate photographic reproductions that appear in Oleg Grabar’s
book on the Dome of the Rock will serve as the textual basis for this study.4
The text will be reprinted here in modem Arabic script, supplemented by the
diacritical markings that arc, for the most part, lacking in the inscription; in
the main, these markings agree with those tin the Qur'fln of today, insofar as
ihe passages match with Quranic texts. Tn addition, the very occasional pas¬
sages That do bear diacritical markings will Ik underlined: most notable
among these instances arc the double-points that appear above one another
rather than next to one another. If (hose points are original, then the inscrip¬
tion would be a witness to an earlier usage of diacritical markings in Arabic
writing than has been accepted heretofore. Two criteria, however, make it
more probable that they were added later as a result of a subsequent restora¬
tion: a) the replacement of (lie name of the inscription’s sponsor, 'Abd al-
Maiik, by that of the caliph al-Ma'mfm in year 216 of the Hijra5: and b) the
hyper-corrcct writing of the word 1 Aj1 07/(7} against the more authentic form
^ }■ VfiiH /’iile), as found in the facsimile of the Quranic codex BNF 328a
(fol- 2b, I. 12k For the purposes of the textual analysis, this Kulic inscription,
which runs in one line up to a sentence divider (three vertical points, which
could relate to the loll owing —of the word ns diacritical markings},
will be divided in sections bearing Arabic numerals. The transliteration into
Latin characters, which occasionally varies from the traditional Qur’anic
reading, is based on the philological analyses that will follow: their results
wilt be anticipated in the translations that accompany the texts given here.
Finally, the sura numbers that precede some texts in parentheses indicate that
the texts which follow also appear in the Quran in the places given.
 A Neiv Interprets Hem of the Arabic Inscription 127

THE KUF1C INSCRIPTION ON THE INSIDE OF THE DOME

OF THE ROCK: TEXT IN MODERN ARABIC SCRIPT,6
TRANSCRIPTION IN LATIN CHARACTERS,
AND TRANSLATION

tjpj /iisJl jJj idJLilA V j ^_ijl ^_!il %i / jll jjU

/ ^ jA j 1 1

1. [7j /Ajr/z|0 r-ra/uw / frf iltd tldh(a) wahdah(il)

id 3ank(a) la-h(ti) f (sun 64:1} la-hfil) l-tmrfkfifj hvj6/ramf/(u) / (sura
57:2) yuhy'i wa-yinmtiu) wti-hiifwa) ‘did kitll(i) Sayfybi) qadir /
L in [he name of I he gracious and merciful Got! (or, "hi [he name of the
loving and beloved God"") / There is no god but God alone; he has no asso¬
ciate / (sura 64:1) To him (belongs) sovereignty and to him (belong#) praise
/ [sura 57:2) lie gives life (or. “He restores to life"} and makes (people) die.
He is almighty, /

t jL-a \yJ\ J (j' /

t I V j j 4jl& ^A_i_uil j ^ l■■ - -3 / [ ji iT, ■■ *■ i j Jj.\ ■ ..j^ it ib- ( 2-

2. miihmniiiad(un) Tabd(u) Ildhfi) wt-ranfilttltfu} / (sura 33:56) Inina)

lldh(a) u*a-ma laykatfa}h(u) yusathln (a) 'a ta n-iiabifyi) / yd-'ayyuha l-
hidin(a) dmaml salltl alayh(i) wa-stillmi1 taslhml / mild lldh(u) 'alaykfi)
wa^-saldmf tm) 'alayh(i) wa-rahmaf(it) Itdh /
2. Praised be [mtthwnmadfim)] the servant oF God and ]\Ls messenger (or,
:,May the servant of God and his messenger be praised'") / God and his
angels hies# the prophet / O you who be Sieve, implore (God's) blessing and
grace upon him! / God bless him, and (may there be) God+s grace and mercy
(or “love"') upon him,/

CiL[ haul / ijr^dil V) *<-11*1 ljljS jf ^ Ijhji V M^Jt JaL

1 jIj*j sj! j aL- j j GlP^ l j^ti / ■Ua jj j (j^i 14^51 aj^IS j. -clil J^_i j j*
Lg *d / alj aJ jj£j / 4 jaju / j -dA 4_1J^ 'wijl / |>iLl 1 ^ / ^IiE
~ rj^j^l_ri£j 7^jw^Lmj&jJj 0
3. (sura 4:171) ja-Vi/r/fu) /tJ /aVil Jj r//;ii^n;rz «/«
lldfifi) :illd l'haqq(ti) / in(mi)md 1-Mtislh(u) hd bn(u) A/^j-wiin jmw/fwJ
^z(^) rt/yayM Maryam wa-nlh(ttn) minh(ft) / fa-
'dminu bi-lidh(i) \va*rusitl{i)h{i) wn-ld tct-qulu i(a}ldra / 'intahu Ijayra(ii) la-
128 Part I: The Early I listary of Islam

him! in(na)mdIhih(u) ikth(un) wahidfim)/sttbhdn(a)b(n)/cn yahtn(tt) ia-

iifili wnlad(itn)/ lu-h(ii) ma ft s-stimaw(d)r(i) wa-ma Ji t-'ard(i) / wa-kafa b-
l-liih(i) mikild /
3. (sum 4:171) 0 people ol the Scripture, do not go astray in your exa-
gesis (exegeticulinterpretation pf scripture), and do not tell anything hut the
truth about God (For (verily) the Messiah Jesus, son of Mary, (is) the mes¬
senger of God and his Word (Logos), (which) he has infused into Mary,
along with l-lis Spirit. / So, believe in God and his messengers, and do not
say "three”; / cease (doing That); (it would be) better for you. / For (verity)
God is a unique God—may he be praised [— how could he then have a child!
(Rather, all) belongs to him that (is) in the heavens and on the earl It! / For
God (alone) is sufficient as a Helper (For mankind).

ljc- i "i -1 t! -jjj-v.Lil y j ^jji _ijt j j ■_ o.7.._ j j

(4
4. (sura 4:172) lan yastankif(n) l-Masihfa) ’an yakun(a) 'abd(n) Uahfi)
wu-ld l-mtihiyke l-muqarmbim /wa-man yastankif an 'ibddai{i)h(i) wa-yas-
takbir ! fa-sa -yahZ(n) r(it)h uni 'ihiybf i) jwni'u l
4. The Messiah would not disdain to be God's servant, nor (would) the
angels standing near (to God). / Whoever disdains it, however, to serve him,
and himself behaves haughtily such people he will (one day) call together in
It is presence (lit.: to himself).

fjJj 4j (4-Jlj ! fiy, ,sjI die.j 4Li>j ^ ^

<j! 4—II G/ ls-41 (3^1! Jj5 dll t »''■ ,'J j» jj 3

5 <‘Udh(u)m sain aid rasut(i)k(a) wa-'abd(i)k((t) Isa (i)bnfi) Maryam /

(sura 19:3a—36) wa-s-saldm(it) 'alciyh(i) ymnn(a) wulici(a) wa-yawtn(u)
yamtit(u) wa-yawm{ti) ynb'at(u) hayya / ddlik(a) Isa (i)bnfu) Mtnyam
fjowtfii) t-haqq(i) i-!adijlh(t) tnnitariin hud kdti(a) li-lltlh(i) 'an yatlahidmin
waiad(in) i subhdnahtd) ! kid qadd amra(n)fa-’in(na)md yuqdl(tO hi-h(il)
ki/n fa-yakfm / (sura 43:64) ’in(na) ttlidii(n) rabbi wa-rabb( ii}kian fa-
bitduhfu) i Hilda si rat fun) inns tatfan !
5. O God, bless your messenger and servant Jesus, son of Mary! / (sum
19:33-36) Grace (be) upon him on the day on which he was bom, on the day
 A New Interpretation of tin? Arabic Inscription. 129

on which he will die, and on the day on which he will be resurrected! / Such
ts JesusH son of Mary, the- word of truth (as to his christo logic a! relevance),
about whom yon fight with one another. / It doc* not become God to adopt
a child—may he be praised! When lie decides something, he only needs m
this regard to say: "Be!"—and it comes into being. / (sura 43:64: 5:1 17) God
is my lord and your lord, so serve him—this is a straight line.

jy \* 1 V Lj-lJ 1 ^1 ql j j J ^ \ -6l ^jf A—Ul ' j .n

' " (6
6. (sura 3:IS) Sahhadfa) Ikih(ii) ’otwahfti) Id 'ildh(a) ilia hu(wa) / wad-
maldykS wn-Tihl qayydme bs-t-q(i}sf(i) Id "itdhlu) Hid fiufwa) l-
'uztzfu) l-hakint /
6. God has wanted (us), that there is no other god besides Him. / And the
angels as well as the learned people (i.c.. the theologians, Lhe authorities on
the Scriptures) confirm according to the truth: There is no god besides himr
the Powerful, the Wise!

^Jjdt Lfl C^-i VI i./iMl \ l—flhit t^ji / AiCr. l3

f i _A_‘ "i- ^ A_l]l Jjli ■eJJl l r \jj / ^ 3 V-j ^y

7. (sura 3:19) in(na) d-dfrlfa) 'India} lldh(i) l-islam / wa-md (i)htalaf(a)

l-ladw(a) 'ftfu I-kildb(a) Hid min lmd(i) md jd(a)hum(u) l-rihn(u) bdgye tmy-
nahum / wa-man yakfur bi-ayayi(i) tlSh(i) fa-'in(na) lidh(a) sarf(u) l-hhdh /
7. The right interpretation of Scripture (din) (is) with God the cenfor-
miryfagreemeitrfconcond (isldrti) (with the Scripture). Fur those to whom ihe
Sent pure was given only fell into disag reement!discord (with the Scripture)
after the (revealed) Knowledge (i.e.T the Scripture) had come to them while
disputing with each other. / Whoever denies the Signs (i.c,* the let¬
ters/characters} of God [LeM lhe written words of God in die revealed Scrip¬
tures1, however, God will swiftly cad (such people) to account (eh sura
43:65),

PHILOLOGICAL TEXTUAL ANALYSES

l. The tcxi begins With the doxology that is called hasmala in Arabic.
This doxology is traditionally understood thus; "In the name of the gracious
 130 Part I: The Early History of Isl a 7Ti

a»d merciful Ciod-” If one transcribes this phrase imo Syro-Aramaic

ronire yL*±n / b-Sem alldhd nshmattd wu-rfumes), the follow¬
ing understanding results: “In the name of the loving and beloved God_”
What Follows causes no difficulties: “There is no god but God alone; he has
no associate; (sura 64:1) to him (belongs) sovereignty and to him (belongs)
praise; (sura 57:2) he gives life (or, “he restores to life) and makes (people)
die; he is almighty,"
2- In the sequence that follows, one can see the second portion of the
iahada, the Islamic creed (so to speak), but only if one rakes the gerundive
f muh&nrttad(itii) (“die one who should be praised” nr “the one who is <o
be praised”; as a personal name. In its context the sentence reads:
^ nni$ammad(itn) 'abdlu) IkVi(i) wa-rasfdnhf Hi Accord¬
ing lo the traditional conception, one can understand this sentence only thus:
"Muhammad (is) the servant of God and his messenger!1' However, when con¬
nected with the preceeding nominal doxology derived from the same verbal
root Jujl -d i kt-h(ii) t hatndfu) (to him [belongs] praise), which relates lo
God, the genmdivat panic ip!c / mtdmmmadi unf which is connected
thereumo, should be rear! as Upraised be the servant of God and his mes¬
senger!” Therefore, by using this genindive, the text here is not speaking of a
person named Muhammad, which was made only later metaphorically into a
personal name attributed analogically lo the prophet of Islam. T his is true not
only because the supposed copula does not appear in the text but even
more because the gerundive here, as a verbal form, makes an additional copula
superfluous. Syntactically, then, the sentence should be understood thus:
"Braised be the servant ol God and his messenger!" T he synonymous expres¬
sions 1>A'1 / imimajjcui(un) and l mubdrak(un), meaning “praised (be),
blessed the),” are .siill current iu Arabic (including Christian Arabic) as, for
example, in the well-known biblical and and liturgical hymn:
'tJ>1 ^1 djU* j Dudxtrokfitnl al-aii bis mi r-rabh “Blessed he lie who
conics in the name of the Lord!” (Psalm 118:26/Matthew 21:9). If one were
to create the parallel expression r“^ ^ X“‘J‘ / muhtututvtd(un) af-'dti
hi-srtii r-rubb, one would Certainly not understand it as “Muhammad (is the
one) who comes in the name of the Lord!”
 A New Interpretation of Llie Arabic Inscription 131

EXCURSUS: THE USE OF THE GERUNDIVAL FARTICPLE

/ MUHAMMAD (THE PRAISED ONE, THE ONE TO BE
PRAISED) AS A METAPHORIC APPELLATION FOR JESUS
CHRIST AMONG THE PRE-ISLAMIC CHRISTIAN ARABS

The context of the fifth section of the inscription makes dear that this
blessing does not concern the name of lhe prophet of Islam, hut rather Jesus,
ion of Mary, for indeed, this section, which expressly re tales to Jesus, fol¬
lows directly upon the theological-elms tologi cal statement quoted in sura
4:171-12. The text reads: ^ cs-^ s ^ falldh(u}m
sail! did msftlfi)k(a) wti-ahd(i}k{a) 'Isd (i)bn(i) Maryam CO God bless your
messenger and servant Jesus, son of Mary!") 1 Sere, the double expression of
the introductory blessing, A—f abdfu) Hdh(i) wa-msTduh{d) <bthc
servant of God and his messenger " is taken up again and irrefutably con¬
nected with Jesus, son of Mary.

DEEPER ANALYSIS

The TServant of God7' ® ^ / 'nbd(u) Huh(i) as a Theological

Terminus Technic us from Pre*Nhe tie Syria n Ckristology

The Quranic identification of Jesus as _1—'nl ^ f rahd(u) liahfif or “servant

of God/1 is connected with a Syrian Christian tradition that readies back into
early Christianity and has its roots in the sixth-century bce "Servant Songs/"
found in the hook of Isaiah but composed by a prophet of the exile about
wham nothing dsc is known.7 The Chriotology of the letter commonly called
I Clement.' written to the Christian community in Corinth around (he end of
the first cemury ce, seems to correspond to this understanding: according to
rlii.s text, there is one God, creator of the universe, and "his beloved serwmt
Jesus Christ, our Lord/'*3 The Didache, compiled in the first quarter of the
second century c h, also speaks of the “servant of God/1 as does the Mar¬
tyrdom of Polycarp, which appeared in die second half of the same century*
This latter lexs reads {14): "Lord, God Almighty, Father of this beloved and
praised servant Jesus Christ. ., /,y With this expression "praised servant” we
would have She exact correspondence to / inidmmmad(im)
cahd(u) lldh(i). “praised he the servant of GodT (cf. the well-known Latin
132 Part T: TKe Early History oF Islam

expression "kuukutr Jesus Christas - praised be Jesus Christ!"). Conse¬

quently. this blessing from the Dome of the Rock makes a connection with a
Christo logical tradition that we find already attested in the second Christian
century.

Quranic Parallels to the Expression *—131 /'abd(u) llaltfi)

{“Servant of God”).

Two especially striking passages in the Quran illustrate the central

meaning of this ancient Christian expression, “Servant of' Got/”:

1 - The Qur’an portrays the infant Jesus as speaking miraculously from his
cradle just after his birth; the function of this speaking is to tree his mother
from suspicion on the pan of her family members of having given birth ille¬
gitimately, In sura 19:30 it reads; ^—i5i ±x- jls “He
said, "1 am the servant of God; he gave me the scripture and made me a
prophet/” We also see this last term in the inscription of I he Dome of the
Rock, its it follows upon the blessing which relates to the “servant of God ”
2. Scholars ot the Quran, even until today, have completely misunder¬
stood the following passage from sura 72:18-20, which I will show to be of
central importance when it is understood rightly:

tjati a _$C, JJ 11.~ ^fd Uj j j 1.laJ 4_lll 1 4_li ’I , Vl

I -Cj at 9 j

I he most important translators of the Qur'an have understood this set of

three verses thus:
Pnret: “(1 &) And, The at!tic places (mas&jid) are (exclusively) there for
God. Consequently, do not call upon anyone (else) besides God!"
(19) And. ‘When the savant of God [rl.; “i.c.. Muhammad") raised hint-
self up in order to call upon him In.; “or, ‘to pray to him'"| they would have
nearly crushed him (tor blatant meddling?) (? Kudu yakiituina ‘aktihi
libadan)1 [n.; “The meaning of this verse is very unclear."j.
(20) Say: ’I will call upon my Lord (alone) [n.: “or, ‘I will pray to my
Lord alone”!, and I will associate no one with him/”10
Blitchcrc: “(IS) The [ sacred | mosque is for Allah. Therefore do not pray
to any person besides Allah! {n.: "'The [sacredI mosque: cf. sura 9; 17").
 A New Interpretation of tlie Arabic Inscription. 133

(19) When the Servant of Allah got up. praying* 11he inlidelsj failed lo
lie against him in masses ('.’). [n.: “The Servant of God = Muhammad: con¬
cerning KadCi yaktmtina 1 a lay-hi iibadtt (var. lubada and tubbdda), ‘the infi¬
dels, etc.,' I he subject is uncertain—the commentators say (hut they are the
jinn, hut this is hardly probable." |
(20) Say: ‘T will not pray to anyone hut my Lord, and I will not associate
anyone with Him."’11
Bell: "(IS) And that, the places of worship belong to Allah; so along with
Allah call not ye upon anyone.
(I1)) And that, when a servant of Allah stood calling upon Him. they
were upon him almost in warms* (n. J: “The meaning is uncertain- The ‘ser¬
vant of Allah1 Is usually taken to be Muhammad, and ‘they* to ruler to jinn,
which is possible if angels now speak,")
(20) St/y: ‘I call simply upon my Lord, and l associate not with Him any
one.”'12

Concerning verse IS, Paret and Bell remained faithful to the canonical
understanding of this verse, that is, that the rasm msjd should be read
in this context as die plural mtisdjid; consequently, they were able to under¬
stand the. word only as "cut dc places” and '‘places of worship,” respectively.
Blache re dared to see the term in the singular, translating it as “the [sacred]
mosque.” This reading is fundamentally correct, but not in die Arabic sense
in which Blache re understood it. If our Quranic translators had incorporated
some elementary rules of Sym-Aramaic grammar into their considerations,
they could quite easily have recognized the logical context of this simple
verse. The rasm (msjd) corresponds morphologically lo the Syro-
A ram aic in (ini live TVaSa / mesgad (‘To pray to someone, worship
someone"). In fact, one secs here ami there in Arabic such Aramaic substrata,
which the Arab grammarians cal! ***** / masdor mfnu (“infinitive with
the ‘m-prefix’”); however, their use is restricted to specific verbal forms, for
such an infinitive form belongs to the Syro-Aramaic paradigm, not the
Arabic. In the case of A>—^ msjd, if one follows the Syro-Aramaic vocaliza¬
tion, it would be read in Arabic as misjad (or masjad), and not masjitl (as a
nonten tori); however, one cannot even imagine an Arabic in (ini five having
such a form, which would iri fact be Ar?-* / sujtld. If the verse were to be
understood as u'o i wa-'anna s-sitjuda ti-Uah, the sense of the
verse would become immediately clear: “Worship belongs (only) to God:
you should not, therefore, call upon anyone besides God!”
134 Part I: Tke Early History of Jsl am

Concerning verse 19, our Qur’an ic translators make manifest a further

deficiency, this time of rdigio-historical dimension, by misting to the Arab
commentators and relating the Christological term 111 ^ / 'abd(u) lluh(i)
(“servant of Clod”) to Muhammad, elm prophet of later Islam. If they had
simply realized that the Muhammad to whom this text refers was not
“Muhammad It" but rather “Muhammad 1,” that is, Jesus, son of Mary, the
rdigio*historical significance of this verse would have become clear. The
correct understanding in its context of the verb ^ l qclfmt is a crucial part of
this sense; the aforementioned translators understood this verb in its normal
meaning of "to stand, to stand up.” for they did not see she common context
of all three verses. This context only becomes clear with an adequate under¬
standing of the individual expressions. If an expression does not lit. then the
proposed context Fails as a logical unity. In ihe case of ^ / qfsma, scholars
of Arabic know that it (like the Svro-Aramaic >“ / qfim) can carry the
meaning of “to arise” (from Lhe dead) in addition lo the normal meaning of
“to stand, to stand up.” This understanding only becomes apparent, however,
when one unpacks the meaning of the puzzling Arabic word (tradiiion-
ally pronounced as libadan), whose difficulty all three translators admit.
It is unnecessary to reproduce the attempts of the Arab exegetes, philol¬
ogists, and lexicographers lo interpret this misread word, as these explana¬
tions, working from mistaken assumptions, do not get us any closer to Ihe
word’s content. The mistaken reading of this difficult word, however, cannot
in this ease bo attributed to a misplaced diacritical marking. The only point
below tire word'-M cannot be refuted. Rather, the element that has led to the
mis rear ling does not reside in ihe Arabic system of writing at all, but rather
in another system; (he following explanation will show why it may have
served as lhe basis for the misreading.

CONFUSION CONCERNING SYRO-ARAMAIC LETTERS

Confusion concerning Syro-Aramaic letters within the Syriac system of

writing is a phenomenon sufficiently well known to Syriacists. One can see
such confusion in the example ofj. If this word is transcribed into Syro-
Aramaic, the Arabic l-M becomes ihe Syriac (LBDA). The initial letter
(L), in Arabic —I and in Syro-Aramaic i, can be distinguished in the two
writing systems only iri that ihe vertical stroke leans gently toward the left in
 A Mew Interpretation of the Arabic Inscription 135

the laiter. The Syro-Aramaic alphabet also has a second, similar letter, dis¬
tinguished from A by a somewhat shorter vertical stroke: I he cultural ^
ayn. If one were to put two words together that arc otherwise identical
except for these letters—for example, LBDA and rHDA—then
one could well imagine how easily the two letters could be confused, espe¬
cially in texts copied by hand—and not always very carefully. It is relatively
easy, then, to recognize such confusion within the Syro-Aramaic writing
system: however, if we transfer such cases into another writing system, such
as the Arabic, the situation often becomes more difficult to recognize. In the
case just explained, the Syriac word rir’s^ fBDAT misread as LBDA,
could easily be transferred into Arabic as ^ LBDA, instead of die correct
Arabic VBDA), Here die mistranscription is no longer visible within the
Arabic writing system, for —1 (L) and —Tayn are easily distinguishable
from one another. Consequent^ one can discover ihe mistake only by pos¬
tulating a transfer from the Syro-Aramaic writing system.
This is the case in sum 72:19T in the writing of the Arabic word normally
transliterated as '-M f tibadan. This ra$m must trace back to a transcription
of the SyrcvAramaic rt^=Li / cdbde, wh ich should have been written i n Arabic
as 'tibade. or, because of the rhyme, ihddd Consequently, we have a
new reading of sura 72:19:

/ -uk LjjjAi' -dl* ^ fla Ld aIj iw'tt-i.mtta-hJu) tammd qdm(a)

'abd(u) lldhfi) ya-dti-hffiJ kadu ya-kilufmfa) 'afay-Itfi) ibcldfi.

Following the explanation given above, then, this verse should be under¬
stood as follows: "And that, after the servant of God was re mr reaed, they
(ihe people) would have almost worshiped1- him (as God).’* In verse 20.
risen, the servant of God (Christ) defends him self, and he speaks {qdlti and
not qul): “(thereupon) he said: 'I call indeed upon my Lord and associate no
other with him!"
1 would then reconstruct the logical connection between the three verses
thus: (verse 18) you should worship the one God: (verse 19) when the ser¬
vant of God was resurrected, the people would have worshiped him. practi¬
cally as God (cL sura 5:116): (verse 20) the servant of God defends himself
and emphasizes that he calls upon (worships) only the one Lord (cf. sura
5:117),
The three verses, them sura 72:18-20, should bo understood thus:
f 36 Part 1: 3 he Early History of Islam

(The Jinn, die invisible beings, spirttsH claim:)

18- And that worship (belongs) lo God, so you should call upon no
Other besides God:
19. And ih at, when the 'Servant of God was resurrected, a If the while
calling Him (that isH continuing to worship God), they (the people) would
almost have worshiped him (ns God);
20. (Upon which. defending hiifiseJfJ lie said {not “say”): '1 call
indeed upon my Lordp and I associate no other with him!"

With [he disclosing of verse 19, the Qur'an .speaks for the first time of a
resurrected Servant of God who spent some period of time among human
beings, according to the Gospels* before his ascension. This detail does not
emerge from the other four places in which the Quran speaks of the death, res¬
urrection, and ascension of Jesus (suras 3:55; 4:158; 5:117; 39:33), In addition,
verse 19 contributes to a new interpretation of the only Qur anic passage that
alludes to the crucifixion (sura 4:157),

A forthcoming contextual and philological analysis will show that the

Quran does not deny the crucifixion as a historical fact; it refutes more precisely
die claim of Jesus" opponents aJU Jjmj ^jgl Ut5 U\ "We
have tilled the Messiah Jesus, son of Mary, the messenger of God,” The
Quran answers: »jJS Uj “But they did not kill him,” &#“and (in this
sen ye) they did not enstify him” (i.e., the crucifixion did not result in she
definitive.demhf 4_l3, “rather it appeared to them” (as if they had

killed him through crucifixion); 41* <AA ^ Hil ^j\j Lt “those who

dispute about [his are in doubt (as to his dcaihf; Lytll Vi 4j ^U

"they have in this regard no (revealed) knowledge, hut just conjectural con¬
siderations” likcjES L*j “for they did not really kill him” (and not "they

did not really crucify him’1); (158) *J\ -Ull -ui^ Qj “rather God raised him

to E Incise]P (after his resurrection, as now attested in sura 73:39), A deeper

founded philological analysis of these passages will follow elsewhere.

In this way, setting individual stones into a larger mosaic, one can slowly
reconstruct a coherent picture of Quranic Christologv.
 A Wew Interpretation of the Arabic Inscription 137

CONTINUATION OF THE TEXTUAL REVIEW OF THE

INSCRIPTION INSIDE THE DOME OF THE ROCK

2. "God and his angels bless the prophet” The Quran itself testifies that
this last expression relates to Jesus, son of Mary; one sees (his testimony in
sura 19:30* where the infant Jesus, while still in the cradle, says of himself
Vfj it rJ am [he servant of God; he gave me the
scripture and made me a prophet**). The inscription then continues: "O You
who believe, implore (God’s) blessing and grace upon him! God bless him,
and (may there be) God’s grace and mercy (or "love") upon him!”
3. [Sura 4:171) "You People of (he Scripture, do not astray in your judg¬
ment (concerning the interpretation of the Scripture)/1 Parol (p. 85} rightly
easts doubt upon his own translation ("Do not go tuofar in your religion
he shows this by transliterating the sentence (hi taghl JJ dlnikum}. The point
over Lhe g is secondary and docs not appear in the inscription on Lhe Dome
of the Rock. This sentence is an Arabic rendering of the Syro -Aramaic idiom
/ af(j tdlnd. "to err in one's judgment, to make a mistake.”34
The text continues: "And do not tell anything but she truth about God.
For the Messiah Jesus, son of Mary, (is) the messenger of God and his Word
(Logos), (which) he infused into Mary along with His spirit (lit.: Spirit from
him). So, believe in God and his messengers, and do not say “three”; cease
(doing) that; (it would be) better for you. For (verily) God is a unique God—
may he be praised!—how15 could he then have a child? (Rather, all belongs)
to him that (is) in the heavens and on the earth! For God (alone) is sufficient
as a Helper (for mankind)/"
4- (.Sura 4:172) 'The Messiah would not disdain to be God's servant, nor
(would) the angels standing near (to God). Whoever disdains it. however, to
serve him, and himself behaves haughtily, such people he will (one day) call
together in his presence (lit.: to himself)/’
5, "G God, bless your messenger and servant Jesus, son of Mary! (sura
19:33-36) Grace (be) upon him on the day on w hich he was born, on the day
on which lie will die, and on the day on which he will be resurrected! Such
is Jesus, son of Mary, the word of truth (as to his Christo logical relevance),
about whom you all fight with one another. Tt does not become God to
adopt16 a child—may he be praised! For when he decides something, he only
needs in this regard to say: "Be!"—and it comes into being. (Sura 43:64)
God is my lord and your lord, so serve him—this is a straight line.”37
 f 38 Part l: i ke Early History oj' Tsl am

Parers translation agrees for the most part with this one, except for (tie
expression ^ ! ittahada waltufan, which he translates as “to acquire a
chi hi for oneself." and the word ■!»'j-4* / sirdt. which he Irani: I ales as “way,"
following the scholarship current up to this time.] 8
6. (Sura 3:18) “God has warned (usl''* dial there is no other god besides
him, and the angels as well as the learned people2** (i.e,, the theologians, the
authorities on the Scriptures) confirm^ (tit.;) in the truth (i e.„ in accordance
with the truth); “There is no god besides Him, die Powerful, the Wise!”
Apparently, Paret was not able to grasp the syntactic relationship of this
two-part sentence, as he turned it into live independent sentences. His iratis-
laticm reads I tins; “God testifies that there is no oilier god besides him. Like¬
wise, the angels and those who possess the knowledge (of revelation). He
maintains righteousness {qa'iman bil-qisti). There is no God besides him. I le
is die powerful and wise one/’22
7. (Sura IS: 19) “The right Interpretation of Scripture1* (dm) (is) with God
die conformity ! agreement I concord (is/dm) (with the Scripture),-* For
l hose to whom the Scripture was given only fell into disagreement / discord
(with die Scripture) after the (revealed) Knowledge (i.e., the Scripture) hud
come to them, while disputing35 vvidi each other. / Whoever denies die Signs
(i.e., the letters / characters) of God (Le., the written words of God in the
revealed Scriptures), however, God wifi swiftly call (such people) to
account,”
In this verse, Paret overlooks the decisive context concerning the “Scrip¬
ture ; lie translates, following die Arabic understanding: “Islam counts with
God as the (only true) religion, And those who have received the Scripture,
became—in mutual revolt—at odds with one another only after the knowl¬
edge came to diem. However, if one does not believe in the signs of God,
God conies quickly for an accounting/*26
Richard Belt (1 46b) renders this verse in quite similar manner;

17. Verily the religion in Allah's sight is Islam: and those to whom the Book
has been given did not differ until after llie knowledge (i.e., of revealed reli
ginn) had come to them, out of jealousy among l liexn.se Eves; if anyone dis¬
believes in the signs of Allah, Allah is quick lo reckon.
 A New Interpretation of tke Arabic Inscription 139

SUMMARY

RELEVANCE FOR THE HISTORY OF LINGUISTICS

The foregoing philological analyses of the earliest known Arabic inscription

in a cultic building have again made clear the decisive role which philology,
as applied lo historical linguistics, plays in the analysis of materials relevant
for the history of culture and religions. All of the previous attempts jl deci¬
phering this earliest stratum of written Arabic, to which the language of the
Qur'an belongs and which supposedly served as the foundation for later
"classical Arabic," have consequently led to serious misrepresentations of
historical facts. This has occurred because scholars in (lie Western schools of
Arabic and Islamic studies, arriving rather late on the scene, have uncriti¬
cally put their Trust in the traditional Arabic philology, despite the well-
known principles of the historical-critical methods. These scholars have
been deeply in Hue need by Lhe strict classical rules of Arabic grammar, which
in fact began around the end of the eighth century cjz. and by the imposing
quality of the Arabic lexicography and Literature which appeared thereafter.
Consequently, they saw in this literary Arabic, which only appeared after
the Qur'an, the continued life of an “Old Arabic/' whose roots naturally must
have reached back into the pre-Aramaic period. They even argue that the
Arabic philologists succeeded in creating a normative artificial language that
served as a bridge between the various Arabic dialects and has stood the lesl
of time. However, anyone who studies in-depili the Arabic commentators on
the Quran or the Arabic lexicographers must surely wonder at die philolog¬
ical incompetence of certain of lhe “authorities” when there is a question
concerning an etymological explanation of one of the many “Arabic” words
borrowed from the Aramaic. Here the currently existing shortfalls of Western
scholars of Oriental studies can be seen; their ability to work in comparative
Semitics and their competence, which far exceeds that of the traditional
Arabic philologists, could have enabled them to oiler help in this regard. As
a result, foundational philological works such as a historical grammar of
post-Quriaitie classical Arabic, as well as historico-linguistic and etymo¬
logical Arabic lexica, remain major desiderata. The realization of these
works is just as pressing as the production of a critical edition of the Qur'an:
however, the necessary philological instruments, as well as a new generation
140 Pari" I: Early History of I si ATTl

of competent, weII-trained scholars, are prerequisites for the evaluation of

this edition, fl this insight can work its way into rite lending research institu¬
tions, perhaps this call will encourage them to carry out a sensibly coordi¬
nated research project on a historical-critical analysis of the Qur'an in the
near future.

RELEVANCE FOR THE HISTORY OF RELIGIONS

The text examined in this essay is concerned with the theological teaching
of 'Alid al-Malik, who was at the same lime the Arabic caliph and the reli¬
gious commander of rhe faithful (or, “of those entrusted to his care"; Arabic;
Amir al nut minin'). This doctrine contains Chris tological material through¬
out and is directed exclusively to those Christians who had defended an
alternative conception or Jesus since the Council of Njeaca (325), This con¬
clusion springs clearly from Lhe context. Consequently, we may come to a
number of conclusions.

PRF-NICENE SYRO-ARABIAN CHRISTIANITY^

The inscription is directed to the “People of the Scripture” (ahl a!-Kitdh).

Indeed, in the Quran this description can refer to both Jews and Christians;
however, according to the context. iL is clear that Christians are the intended
audience. By this teaching 'Abd al Malik defends his faith both in Christ as
the '“servant of God” {'abd AUah) and also in the one God. over against the
Trinitarian teaching of the followers of Nicaea. \4hd al-Malik is defending
hereby a pre-Nicene Syrian Christianity, a version of Christianity that one
should not refer to generally as “Jewish Christianity” hut rather, more accu¬
rately. as “Syrian-Arabian Christianity.” further. this religious-theological
symbiosis is accompanied by a linguistic symbiosis, as we see in this
inscription and in the language of the Quran, whose original version was
put together entirely in the Syriac script (a way of writing Arabic called
“Garshuni” or “Karshuni").28 Consequently, without Syro-Aramaic we
cannot understand this “mixed language” at all in the way it was to be
understood.
 A New Interpretation of the Arabic Inscription 141

“MUHAMMAD F AND “MUHAMMAD II”

This textual analysis has shown that lhe gerundival participle mttfianimad
was not originally a personal name, but rather a commendation upraised
be") connected with the servant of God, namely, Jesus, son of Mary. It is
only because later individuals understood this commendation as a personal
name and assigned it to the prophet of Islam in the later “SiraC the biog¬
raphy of ''the Prophet/" that we must distinguish in Lite future between a
"Muhammad P and a “Muhammad II.” This distinction raises now historical
problems. The inscription on the Dome of the Rock cannot he used to deles id
the position shat “Muhammad 31" lived from 570 to 632 Cif, as the
“Muhammad" named there was entirely rc[erring to Jesus, son of Mary—
that is, “Muhammad l ” ll is the task of historians to discover whether
“Muhammad II." about whom the iLS/Tf has so much to report, actually
lived shortly before I he appearance of the biography of the Prophet (ca, mid-
eighth century), or whether he should be seen merely as a symbolic figure.
The first name of his father, HVAhd Allah" which may in fact be similarly
symbolic, reflecting Lhc expression “servant of God” bom the Dome of the
Rock, helps to suggest this latter possibility.

“ISLAM I" AND “ISLAM IT

This textual analysts has also made clear that, by die expression no
proper name is intended, but rather a conformity with “the Scripture.” Because
this- “Scripture," following the Christo logical content of lhe inscription, refers to
Lhe Gospel, it Ciinnot then also refer to the Qur'an, even if we find portions of the
exact wording of the inscription reproduced in the Quran, Consequently, it is a
historical error to see in this expression Chidm”) and in thijs context the begin¬
ning of “Islam” as we know it. Therefore, the speculation is confirmed that his¬
torical Islam began at lhc earliest in the middle of the eighth century. However
much lino Quran may have existed partially before Lhe rise of historical Islam—
a possibility that the inscription on the Dome of the Rock suggests—it seems in
have been the liturgical book of a Syrian-Arabian Christianity. Even If written
Christian sources from the lirst half of die eighth century speak of a
‘Muhammad” as the “prophet of the Arabs/1 this phenomenon is to be
explained as that this Arabian name lor Christ was simply noi current among
142 Part S: Tke Early History of Isl cirri.

Aramaic- or Greek-speaking Christians, Therefore* this metaphor, which would

have sounded strange to them, must have seemed to be. the name of a new
prophet. Regardless, there was no talk at this time of “Islam,- Consequently,
over against the practice of Islamic historiography up to this time, we must also
distinguish in the future between "Islam r and "Islam 11/1

CONCERNING THE CHRISTIAN SYMBOLISM

OF THE DOME OF THE ROCK

According in Christian legends, which are connected with Jewish legends

concerning the meaning of lhe Temple Mount, Jesus Christ was supposedly
crucified at that place. In concert with his interpretation of sura 23:20, Hein¬
rich Speyer has offered die following informative references:

Therefore, according to the Book of die Cave of Treasures {Seliaiihait!t\

cd. Resold^ p. 14), Adam was created in Jerusalem at the location of the
Savior's crucifixion; Lhere he gave the animals their names; There also
Mclchizcdek functioned as priest (ibid. pr 254)* Abraham nearly offered up
Isaac as a sacrificeand Christ was crucified; this place is tEie midpoint of
the world. Ephrem the Syrian, in his commentary on Ezekkl (Qpp. IE.
171 A), also called Jerusalem “the middle of die earth.."31

Jerome and Theodoret, taking as their text Ezekiel 5:5 y\m

explain the same thing, namely, that Jerusalem is the midpoint of the earth f-
The "Book of Enoch" (ed. Dillmann, ch. 26) contains a description of die
"middle of the earth/' zi place where die re is to he a holy mountain; the
author apparently had Jerusalem—more specifically, the Temple Mount—in
mind, in that place Adam was also buried,*3
The dearest indication of tills is in the Book of the Cave of Treasures
itself:

And Isaac was twenty-two years old, when his j'ailicr took him and climbed
up the mountain Tabus to Mdcbtzedek. tlie servant of the iimsi high God
The mountain Yahos is actually the mountain range of Amornea; at this
location the cross of line Messiah was erected. There grew a tree which bore
the lamb that saved Isaac. This place is the center-point of the e^uth—the
grave of Adam, the a liar of Melchizedek. Golgotha, the "Place of the
Skull/1 and Gab hatha. There David saw the angel bearing the fiery sword.
 A New Interpretation op the Arabic Inscription 143

There Abraham presented his son Isaac as a burnt offering; there he saw the
Messiah and she crass arid die salvation of our lord Adam.-4

This wealth of legendary detail concerning the Temple Mount as the

location of the crucifixion in the Syrian Christian tradition certainly provided
V\bd al-Malik with the suggestion to associate this symbolic place with this
originally Syrirni-Christtan sacred budding. However, she following facts
also testify that, according to tradition, this location was not only the place
of Jesus1 crucifixion but was also bound up with those of his entombment,
resurrection, and ascension:

1. The expression "Dome of [he Rock” (or “Cupola of the RockM), still
current today, comes from the Arabic form in which it has come down to us:
^ / qubbat a$-$aljra. This expression contains two pieces of infor¬
mation. First, Llie Arabic M / qubba derives from the Syro-Aramaic
i qubbtd, to which word belongs tlic variants / qehhfita
(“cupola”). The Thesaurus, 11:3452, gives the meaning for this word as “de
area in qua corpus seined repost him esf* ('lthe cupola in/under which (he
body of a saint is stored11)- The Arabic ^ / qubba corresponds to this term
in the Islamic tradition as the word for a mausoleum dedicated to a / wall
(“friend of God" - "‘saint'3). Second, the word / a^sahra (‘The rock’3)
refers to the stone that lies in the Dome of the Rock under the cupola* sur¬
rounded by a low railing. This stone, under which lies a cryptT symbolizes
(he tomb of Christ7 which was reported in at least three of the Gospels
(according to the Syriac Pcshiua) to have been hewn out of a rock (Mt.
27:60; Mk. 15:46; Lk. 23:53; in Jn. 20:1 fite text is concerned with the stone
that had been rolled away from the tomb).
2. The Church of ihe Resurrection, also known as the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre, which stands in the middle of the Old City of Jerusalem, is called
in Christian Arabic both / kanlsaS ul-qiydnm (“Church of the Res¬
urrection”) and also, especially in the area of Mesopotamia, / qeihr
at-haldf C lomb of SalvafionM k Both of these (Christian) conceptions., bound
up with die burial location of Christ, wore categorically east aside by past-
Qur'anic Islamic theology (i.ein the sense of “Islam 11"); this occurred
because later Islamic cxegctesT consciously or unconsciously, misunderstood
the Quran's sporadic references to Christ's crucifixion, death, and resurrec¬
tion in a Christian docedc sense. Consequently, Islamic tradition {Le,, Islam
IT) was unable to link the Dome of the Rock to these core questions of Chris-
144 Part 1; t lie tarly History oF Islam

tian doctrine. "Istain I, ’ rejecting (In; Hellenistic understanding of what it

means for Christ to he (he “Son of God.” and also the corresponding doctrine
of the Trinity, was still bound to ihcse ideas, as (lie Christian symbolism asso¬
ciated with this sac ret l building inherently communicates.
3. Finally, the later Islamic cxegetes believed that (hey saw a reference
in the misunderstood passage in sura 4:157-58 to the direct ascension of
Christ to heaven (not noticing the other Quranic passages that contradicted
this understanding); as a result, «hcy connected this ascension, at least in
Islamic folk belief, with a reminiscence that had its origin in a Christian
story. This story goes as follows: If one visits the Holy Land and wants to
see 1 he place atop the Mount of Olives (east of Jerusalem) from which (’hrisl
ascended to heaven, one will be let into a walled courtyard, in the middle of
which a medium-sized stone rises up just a bit from the ground. There tine
will be pointed to two depressions hewn into the rock, which are supposed
to be the footprints that Christ left behind at his ascension. Incidentally, Lhis
same legend is told to the visitor to the Dome of the Rock. There, though,
the footprints are supposedly those of the white horse LBuraq" on whose
back “the Prophet" (Muhammad IT) is to have made his journey to heaven.
This legend is important for the history of religions, in that it reveals a
reminiscence of Christ stemming from the Christian period and yet still
present in Islamic folk belief. Further, the transfer from “Islam 1" to “Islam
II. and that from "Muhammad I" to “Muhammad If," become apparent in
that the Islamic tradition, in agreement with the later theology of “Islam
II” reinterpreted the original Christian (“Islam I") symbolism of the Dome
of the Rock. This reinterpretation took place in two stages. In the first step,
the Dome of the Rock, which previously had been known as the site of
Christ’s burial and resurrection, was also said to be that of his ascension (as
"Muhammad I”), Only later did the second step occur, bv which the ascen¬
sion. to which both the Gospel and the Qur'an bear witness and which they
both relate to Christ, was transferred I eg end a ri iy to “Muhammad II.”
My conclusion, then: according to the foregoing philological analyses of
the inscription on the Dome of the Rock, “Islam I" was a prc-Nicene, Ori¬
ental Christian. Syrian-Arabian form of Christianity. This form of Chris¬
tianity most likely survived in the region of Mesopotamia until the end of the
Umayyad dynasty fca, 750), and perhaps even longer. This explains why
Jerusalem was the destination for pilgrimage before Mecca enjoyed the same
honor, fhis also explains the spacious precinct that lies around the Dome of
 A New Interpretation of tke Arabic Inscription 145

I lie Rock and served to receive these pilgrims. With the Christo logical doc¬
trine presented in the inscription on the Dome of the Rock, "Islam l" desired
to bear witness to its own orthodoxy with regard to Christian theology,
against the opinions of Nieaca that were defended in [he nearby Con sum-
linmn Church of the Holy Sepulchre, It is in this way that we can speak of
the fidelity to the "Scripture" on the part of "Islam IF
"Islam II,? refers to the Cum from the (Christian) “Islam F and, conse¬
quently, from the "Scripture." Other changes that resulted included the turn
from Jerusalem to Mecca and the replacement of the “Scripture’7 (i,<xT
Bible)with the (Arabic) Qur’iin. These changes can only be explained in
political terms. When the Abbasids took power, they wanted nothing more to
do with their Umayyad opponents or with their religion. From this perspec¬
tive, and from this point in time (ca. 750), “Islam IF slowly appeared as an
exercise in "community building" (“Gemeindebtldung") and was iheti put
through politically. It is only because Lhe Abbasids made “Islam IF their
national ideology that one can explain historically why Christianized Ara¬
bian tribes were suddenly forced to submit to “Islam OF In this reconstruc¬
tion, the meaning of the inscription on the Dome of the Rock has now
become dear in its relations to historical linguistics and the history of reli¬
gious; ironically, by means of its misunderstood expressions "Muhammad"
(1) and “Islam" (I), the understanding of this inscription seems to have pro¬
vided llie parameters for “Muhammad IF and “Islam ITF
The lack of a trustworthy literature from Lhis period in order to explain
the historical phenomena in question docs not make life easy for the histo¬
rian attempting lo discover “truth." The enlightening inscription on the
Dome of she Rock, however, is far more valuable; its language, which has
been misunderstood up until today, has protected it from manipulation. His¬
torians should be thankful for this situation, because it has "revealed" to us,
in the truest sense of the word, a hit of historical truth by means of I his new
historicodinguistic interpretation.

NOTES

1, This inscription is reproduced in modem Arabic scrip! in Oleg Grahiir, The

Shape /if rhr Holy: Early hiamir Jrntnalera (Princeton, N.l: Princeton University
Press* 1996), p. 184.
2. 't his year would correspond to 694 ci: (following a solar calendar} or 692 n-
146 Part E: "die Early Hi story of Islam

(following a lunar calendar). The E: it ter may have been introduced only ai a later
period by laser Arabian historiographers, as ;l separate study will show. It seems to
have been transmiued faithfully that the name of Abd aU Malik was removed from
the memorial inscription and replaced by that of the caliph al-Ma'mfni in the Hijra-
year 216 <ca. 835 cn), as the current outer inscription testifies.
3, Christoph Luxenbcrg, Die syro-nranuitsche Lesart des Koran: Em Be it rag
zur Entschiusschmg tier Kommprache (Berlin: Das Arabise he Such, f 1st ed[ 20(H),
12nd ed. | 2004), In ibis article 1 will not consider other interpretations that I have
presented heretofore.
4, Grahar, Shape of the Holy, pp. 92-99, Cf. p. 60 for an English translation of
she inscription following its understanding up to that point.
5, fbiil,,. p 186h for a reproduction of this later text in modern Arabic script.
6, Ibid.* p 185* for a reproduction of the original test in modem Arabic scripl
wish a few discrepancies.
7, Cf. Karl-Hein* Ohlig, F.tn Gnu in dm Personen? Vom VaierJcsu zitm 11 A/v.t-
leriurn" tier Trinitai (Mainz: Matthias-Gruncw^ld Vcrlfig, 1999 [1st ed.] and 2000
3 2nd ed. p. 41. Cl', also pp. 40flM the section ”42; Die zentrafen Vuriantcn dcs
Gotldenkens his gegen Fndc des 2. Jahrhundcrts; 4.2.1: Judcnehristliehc Tradi-
tionen; 4.2.1,1; Das Bekennmis zum monothoistischen Gott nach judischcr Art.'"
8, Ibid., p. 41, n. 90.
9, Ibid., p. 40. n. 86.
10, Radi Paret. Der Koran: Obersetzung, 2nd cd. (Stuttgart: Kohlbammer,
1982), p, 486. The original German is as follows: AI(I8) Und: 'Die Kultstdtten
{masiijkl) rii-d (aus-sdilioBiich) fiirGoit da. Dahcr ruft neb on Gott tiicmand (binders)
an!' (19) Und: 'A Is tier Dinner Gotten fAnm.: d,h. Mohammed] rich aufstellte, uni
ihm atizurufen |Anm.: Oder; zu ihm zu bclen]. listen sie ihn (vor tauter
Zud ringl l c h kei t7) bei u ahe erdrii rkt ( ? Kddft yakfintlmi 'aiaihi ! i ha don)' | A n m.: Die
□cutting des Verses ist ganz unsicher.] (20) Sag: Me men Heim (allcin) rule ich an
[Anru.: Oder: Ich bate allein zu meinem Herm] und gescltc ihm niemand hcs.”
] l. Regis R lac here, Iniroduamn an Co ran (Paris: G. P. Maisonncuvc> 1947), p.
620, The original French is as follows: “Y18) La Mosque e [jacreVI esi h Allah. Nc
pricz done personne h cOie d' Allah! (n.: "La mosquec [,wwl. V. spurate IXh 17.")
119) Quaml !e Servile nr dr Allah s'est ieveT priant, [lcs fnfi deles! ont failli 6trc com re
ini des masses (7). (n.: iLIj? sen'near dl Allah = Mahomet. / / Kudu yakunfma 'alay-
hi libatla (var. bthada and btbiuida), les Inftdefcs esc/ Le siijei est incertain. Les
conunl. disem que e:est djintis, mats chess pen probable.-"| (20) Dis; Nc nc pric que
mon Seigneur ei ne Liu associe personnel"
12. Richard Bell. The Quran: Translated with a Critical Re-arrangement of the
Surahs, vol. 2 (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1939), pp. 61 Iff.
13 The accusative usage of the preposition ^ / 'oiay-hi in place of ^ / in-
 A New Interpretation of the Arabic In 5 crip Hon 147

lm, in connection with the participial farm of ^ f 'ahadn (to pray to, to worship),
as iji sura 3:79 (V l-*^ = ^ )h should he considered with the parallel,
alternating usage oF the synonymous l-^L / 'akafia^ ns in suras 20:91
c>^) and 26:71 (W UJl^ ^ ). This exchange of usage of the
preposition / ra/J shows the process of its deteriorating use: this process included
the obscure East Aranmi e/Bab vIonian preposition J / *da and ended with its reduc¬
tion lo ihe simple —l / ia: / did > ^ f 'lid > —1 i la.
14. Manna. pr 544, provides Else following definition for -= faith-: ^
/ isnttiti, adnata (to transgress, to commit a moral error). The differing semantics oi the
Sy re-Aramaic rcu.-r / dind must lie considered in usages of the Arabic ^ / din,
depending on the context. The Thesaurus {k 84.1) gives as definitions of the Syriac ihe
following under (5). among others: “modus rnietpi'etaiidr (“.manner of interpretation,
of assigning meaning”)* At II: 2832, under -Wh: / a'-\vel, “iniquum esse fecit, per-
vertltfi \ei^=n f/na'wcldina ('\q pervert or warp justice”),
15. ^ is here the defective version of ^ I ayna, which appears as the tths-
wriLten and misread ^ / amid twenty-eight times it) the Qur'an. The fuller version
/ ayna becomes clear as a loan-word iron] die Syro-Aramaic f ay fed in the
Form n-^M? / ctykaw (Lqliow?”), which has been intensified by the enclitic n™ /
O'. the definition in file Thesaurus (1: 148. 10): quomodo fit? Cf. also Manna, 16:
/ aykmv (2) ^ J-U / fi-nttldtl hsyfa (“why, how?51).
Paret, p. 85, was not able to explain this usage uf J / an and paraphrased it
thus: “May he be praised ! {tie is fidr too exalted) to have a child. To him belongs
(even more, all), . A5
BI ache re, p, 130, translates it thus: fchG keepers/possessors of the Scripture! Do
not be extravagant in your religiorzJ" Concerning this translation he notes, p. [69,
“This very important verse is handed on with die absolute literalness which it
demands.’' Concerning J / an. he defines it as ’"God forbid, etc." The text is: “Glory
be so him that he had a child."
Bell, 1: pp. 90, 169, translates it thus: L0 People of the Book, do not go beyond
bounds in your religion, . . . Allah is only one God; glory lo him (far from) IT is
having a son!”
Mere we see dial all three translators have overlooked a parallel passage in
the Qur'an I hat makes it el ear Lb at diis J is a defective version of ^
(ostensibly ’atmd = ^ / ayna - “how?”}.. The passage is sura 6: i D 3 dh ^
Js jfiJ j dj ^ ^ ijA Lt^ 1 } Cj£rh*?

(PickthalTs translation): +"The Originator of the heavens and the earth! Ihm'cm
he have a child, when there is for Him no consort, when he created all things and is
Aware of all ihingsT1)- The Arabic / hndf (the passive participle with an active
meaning) seems in have arisen here by metathesis from die Syro-Aramaic /
'fihed (“maker, creator*1} in a literal irunslatitin from r£i1rfo Jl=Li t 'abed
148 Part 1: The Jiarly I Iistory of Is] am

Smayya w-urd (“creator of heaven and, eartlT) (ef. Thesaurus, II: 2766). The defec¬
tive version uf ^ (ostensibly anna = ^ / aynaT ayft) points to the monophtbong-
i/ation of ayn to en. This is not the only place In rhe Qur'an where ^ is to be pro¬
nounced ns eth
16. The Arabic li3J / ittahada mihtdan re il eels I lie Syro-Aramaic
***** "=imj / asah M hnl (Thesaurus, II: 23fJ4. “adopiavit filium*'}.
17. CL die same words in ihe mouth of Jesus at sum 5:11 7. On the word
/ si rat Cl i lie'"), cl. Dir sym-aramilische Lexa it des Koran* 2nd ed., p. ] H, n. 6.
18. Blnehere, p, 332, n. 35, believes this passage to be a inter insertion and
relates h to Muhammad. Bell, I: 287, translates ^ ^ f iitahada waladtm as “to
take to Himself any offspring”
IT The Arabic ^ / Sahida does eioe mean “Id testify'" but rather ^ /
Sohhada, which corresponds to the Syro-Aramaic im£D / safthed* for which Mutirm,
p. 480aP gives under O): -j* / nahhaha. hadrfara, ndsada, istahatta
L'to caution* to warn, to swear by oath, to urge on”).
20. Laterally, 1Aj* / Tdii l-dm means JLmcmbeis/posse$sor.s of knowledge,”
that is, of the text. Elsewhere I will provide more information on the hvper-correcl
font] ^jl ess ihc plural of ^ / 'fit, or as a secondary form of L-J^ / awliya, which is
itself the plural of / watt,
21. Morphologically, corresponds to the Syro-Aramaic plural nomen
dgentis / qayydmc and here should he understood as verba] in the sense of
t qayydmm. For a lexicographical meaning, one should consult Manna, pp.
663a f )\ / qtiyyem, under (5): ££- ^ -c^i rJj. .ji^, / haqqutja> qarrara,
lubbakt, cikkuiltt, raakkami £,Ltn make real, to conclude, to make firm, to corilirm, to
strengthen"). Cf. also C- Brockelmann* Lexicon Svriacum. p. 654a, under "Pa.: 4":
"confitmavii”
22 His original German, found on p. 4.i, is: “GofE bezeugt, dass es keinen GoU
gibt aulk-r ihru. Desgiekhen die Engel und diejenigen, die das (OlTc nba rungs) wlssen
besU/cu. Kr sorgt fiir Gercchfigkeii Ujd'iinan bil-qisril Es gibl keinen Gott auBer
slim. Er ist tier Miiehtige und Weise.”
B lac here, pp, 77ffs desiring to clear some of the shadows away from this verse,
makes three separate suggestions in the following translation: “l) He lias attested
(with regard to) Allah, as well as the angels and the possessors of knowledge; 2)
Allah attests [*■<"£■ J along with the angels and the possessors of knowledge; 3) Wit¬
nesses of Allah ns well as (he angeks Eind the possessors of knowledge, that there is
no divinity besides Him, arraying himself with justice, no divinity besides him. the
Powerful, ihe Wise,"
Bel l, 1: 45(|., proposes a lacuna In the second portion of the sentence and translates
it lhus: "Allah halh testified that there is no god but lie. likewise the angels and Lite people
of knowledge;. .. dispensing justice, there is no god hut He. the Sublime, the Wise."
 A New Iu-terpretatioTi of tire Arabic Inscription 149

23. The understanding of ihis word lsIt_s from iis untonyim which imttiedi-
aiely follows: / 'Iktalafa (lo be in disagree relent) ^ The Arabic / tiklm
reproduces the Syro- Aramaic l^clzrAj# ./ .^j'wrTrJ. CL Thesaurus, 11:4-190ff_: co/a-
sensus* concordia. Cf. a] so the Ap., lexx. j^1 / td-iuifdq, td-muwdfaqa,
for which ^ / /re given us the autonym. Cf.
especially Michael Sokol off,. A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, Bar Hall
University Press, first published 1990, second printing 1992, p. I47a/b, under pn
(din): 8. “exegctica! interpretation of scripture,”
24. The first meaning of the SynvAramaic word / tfttw is “what h (mer
right"; cf. toiM, 142b, which gives ten semantic meanings in total' the Arabic
understanding of “religion” is secondary. The codex of I bn Mas1 [id, following sura
IS: 1—2, gives the reading ^ / dlrnin instead of ^ / qayyimaa (“straight”) as the
opposite of / 'iwajflit (“deviation"): l_l^ ^ / 'iwajcin bed dint!', cf. Arthur Jef¬
fery, Materials for she History of die Text of she Qur’an (Leiden: Brill, 1937), p. 55.
In its context sum IS: l must read:

A1 id1 W- ji- Jk>J I , nS*] J_yl J|iJl <ai ■■ -- ti

(“Praise he to God, who has sent ihc Scripture down io his servant and who has
not made it diverging (from whai is right), but rather straight*" In ihis Scripture
■d .2*2^ rA / yrej'rd la-hfi represents the Sy to-Aramaic ^ ’L“ pC^n / £&arf
(“and did not make a \al-kitah = “the Scripture"]) and should be understood as
accusative in meaning. Concerning the use here of the expression “servant/' which
wc have discussed above, Parct, p. 237, n. I, notes, “that is, Muhammad.11 Hie text,
however, certainly has hi mind here "Muhammad IT insofar as the infant Jesus in
sura 19: 30 calls himself ^ A* f abd Alliih (“servant of Gntl”) and says of himself
that f dtatn t-kifaba (“be |God] has given me rhe Script tire11),
25. i I cre as well, t he Arebie ^ re presents mo q 4 to log ic a 11 y the S y ro- A ramase
plural present participle pt£fc“ / have = bil'cti (“[some plural group! disputing"). Cf.
Manna, p. 73a. ^ '<iJ3 / hTa 'am: 'dd^- -^4 / jacta/tJ, /iunyre.frj (“to dis¬
pute, to discuss, to debate" ). CL also whjlt wax said above at note 21 educerning
(falsely transmitted into Arabic as qa’iman = Sym-Aramaic / qayyame).
26. Parei, p. 45. Blachfcrca p. 78, translates ^ / ad-din in ihc same way: fol¬
lowing the Arabic understanding, lie lias “religion" here. 31c also understands
/ al-isldm as a proper noun: "Islam.11 Me gives ^k-j ^ / banyan (= hdett) bayttahitm
as “by mutual rebelti&u"
LJcIL 1: pp. 46J7n understands the same expression in the same way: he trans¬
lates the phrases in question religion,11 “islam," and “out of jealousy among them."
27. Cf. here the article by Karl-IIcinz Ohlig in the present volume.
28- I will give the graphological proof of ibis claim in a soon 4o-bc-published work.
 150 Part 1: ! lie pArly History of I si

2q- The edition Speyer refers to is that of Car] Bezold, hie Schatzhdhk' (syrisch
it ml deutschj {Leipzig: J, C. UaEirtctis, 1883-1888). The English et lit ion is that of
B, A, Wallis Budge., The Book of the Cave of Treasures; A History' of the Patriarchs
and the Kingsr their Successors, from the Creation la the Crucifixion of Christ
(London: Religious Tract Society, ] 92.7).
30. CL footnote 2: “Aphrahat fed, Wright, p. 400) iilso explained that the
moan min on which Abraham was to have pll'cied up his son was the Liter Temple
Mount. There is a shadowy memory of Lhe role of Moriah in die Adam legend pre¬
served jn Ephrem the Syrian {Opp. Bened I, p, UK) L7C); cf. Louis Ginzbcrg, “Die
Haggada bciden Kirchcnvatem und in der apokryphisrchen Uieratur (Fortscizung);'
Momit sch rift fiir Gesehkhte mu! Wissemchqfi tfes Judentims 43 (1899); 72;
’’Adam's body was buried in this; pfcace, , , , God pointed this place out to Abraham
l or die sacrifice, in order to show him that his uwn sn ri as well—Jesus—would [here
be given over to death,”
31. Heinrich Speyer. Die hiblischen Erzdhlungen im Qdratt (GriiFenhaimchen:
SchiLlize, 1931; reprint ud. in Hiidesheim; Olms, [961), ppL 63l'f.
32. Ginzberg, "Die Haggadar” p. 68. n. 3,
33. See BczoldLs edition of the $chatzhofiler p. 40, and Ephiem the Syrian,
Opp. 1.1 71. | translator's note: I have not been aide to litid the edition of Ephrem
referred to in both the quotation from Speyer and sn this Luulnuie. That they give “11;
171" and "4: I7E,” respectively: seems to suggest that there is a mistake in one of
these; tin fortunately, as the edition is not available to me, I cannot con linn the cor¬
rectness of either reference.]
34. BeSfiohL Schatzhohle, p, 146.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bell, Richard. The Qur’an Translated, with a Critical Re-arrangement of the Sarahs.
2 vols. Edinburgh; TAT Clark, 1937-1939.
Ltlacherc, Regis, U Coran. tradait de tyurate. Paris: Libra me orientalc cl ameri-
cainc, 1957.
Brockclmann, Carl. Lexicon Syriacuni. 2nd cd. Halle; Sumptibu# M. Nicmeycr, 1928.
-, Syrisctw GratmnatiL 8th ed. Leipzig; Verlag Onzyklopadic, I960.
Deroche, Francois, and Sag to Noja Noseda. eds. Sources de la transmission dn texie
corunique r l: Us mamtscritx de style higfid, vol. 1. Le mmmscrit a robe 328U0
tie la Blblitjthcqtle Nutionale de France. Paris; Ribiiothcque Nationals de
France, 1998.
Jeffrey, Arthur. Materials for the Hi Stax of the Text of the Quran. Leiden: Brill, 1937.
Arabic portion; j ^ ^ ^ .MaJi <
 A New Interpretation of the Arabic Inscription 151

(Kwiib al-nuisahif lid* hdfii uhl flakr'Ahd Atttih /x uhi Dmvftd Stduyrtitfn b. t-Afai
iiS-Sigistm 0. Ca irc-i. I936.
Manna, Jacques Eugene. Varnbulmiv vhafdfcn-antfrc. Mosul: Imprimcrie des petes
dommioiins, 1900. Reprint ed. by Raphael .1. Ridawid, m\b a new appendix:
Beirut: Mnrknz Babitf 1975.
Ohlign Karl-Hein/.. Em Gan in dtvi FermncnY: Vater Jesa ztm "Mysterium" der
Trinitat, Main/; Mnlihias-Gnine wnld VerlagP 1999 |lst ed.| and 2000 [2nd ed.|.
Raiet, Rudt. Der Koran: Obersetzimg. 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Kubibuminer Verlagt 19&2.
Smith, R. Payne, ed. Thesaurus Syriacus. 2 vq|s. Oxford: Clarendon Press*
IS79-190L
Sokolofk Michael. A Dictionary trf Jewish Pttleslhrifltt Arttntmc. Rami-Gan: Bar [Ian
University Press, 1990.
Speyer, Heinrich. Die bihiischen Erzdhiungen im Qonm. Grnfcnhamichen:
Sehullze. 1931. Reprint: Hildeshnim: Olms, 1961.
Syriac Bible (63DC ;i. Condon; United Bible SoeicLies, 1979.
i
 3
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE
INFORMANTS OF THE PROPHET'
Claude Cilliot

INTRODUCTION-

he topic of the so-called Informants of the Prophet ultimately begs the

A question of a quran (“leenonary"), or of the c/tit 'an before the Qur'an
{al-qur’dn), or rather of the various versions or stages of' the Qur'an qua text.
This is so because, as time has gone on, we have been personally convinced
that the Qur'an is at feast partially the work of a group3 or of a community/1
In this essay we will not treat of the topic of the informants in its entirety
(that has already been done),3 even [hough we have found more material in
the meantime. What interests us most specifically here is the origin and the
language of the informants.
The locus classic us of this topic in the Qur'an is sura 16 (al-Nahf): 103/’
The text reads as follows: Wa-ta-qad nalamtt amtahum yaqulfma itmama
x it alii tmthu has ha not. Lisdnu l-hidh'i yuUtiduitct ilayhi a'jamiyytm wn-heldhd
tisdnim 'arahiyymt miihi turn. Ruckert’s translation of I his text is as follows:
‘We know as well, that people say that a person is teaching him. The tongue
of that person whom they are talking about is foreign, buL it is a pure Ara¬
bian tongue.”7

153
154 Part I: Tke Early Hi&tory of 1.slain

The difference between tijami anil 'ujumU according to Tha'IabJ and

others before him/* is as follows:9

The difference between the person who cannot speak good Arabic and I hr
non Arabian (on the one hand), and the Arabian and Lhe nomad (on the
other), is as follows. The one who cannot speak good Arabic, cannot speak
correct Arabic, even if he lives in a Bedouin area; the non-Arabian comes
from a non-Arabian land, even ifhe can speak correct Arabic. The Arabian
nomad is the Bedouin' the Arabian belongs among the Arabians. {al-[arqu
baytta I-aj&tttiyyi wtt-l^ijamiyyt. wa-bcarabiyyi wa-i-u'riihiyyH® hmm if-
ajiiniiyyn hi y&fsithu \va-iuVi kilim ndzilrn hi-i-badlyilii. wp-U'tijamiyya
mcmsftbnn iia l-ajcumyyi, wa-m kilna fasihati* wii-t a'nlbiyyn*- al-
hadmi'iyyu* waH^arabiyyn munsfiburt Ha b'arabi, wa-in bun ycikun
fast him).

One secs immediately that a pan of Ruckcn's translation is influenced by the

Islamic quasi-dogma of the purity of the Quranic Arabic,(3 for nut bln is the
active participle of the causative or declarative fourth stem a/ alu. which is
here abciuLt. Consequently, mu bln does not here moan '*pure*' or 'dear/' hut
father "making (the things) clear."14 Muhammad answers hero that what he
announces is an understandable (definite) Arabic language. This is a very
unique and nut very convincing style of argu mental ion on the part of the
Quran (or “of Muhammad"; the reader can decide). Must likely the speaker
intended to show that [he things he was saying were not simply a reproduc¬
tion of what foreigners had spoken to him, "but rather a repetition arid con¬
firmation of (hose things, based upon direct revelation/’1*
The language of the informant (s) was not Arabic, "good Arable"
iajami), or a foreign language, which could indicate that the informants
were not Arabians.

WHAT CAN BE SAID ABOUT THE

ORIGIN OF THE INFORMANTS?

It is possible 11i:it these informants were Christians of Aramaic origin.

According u> 'Ubayd (or ’Abd) Allah b. Muslim al-Madrnufid6

We had two slaves from 'Ayn abTanir; the one was named Vasilr (his knnya
was Abu FnkTha lor Abu Eaikayhal17)/3 and the oilier was named Jabr, They
 On l lie Origin oj' the Informants of the Prophet 155

made sabres hi Mecca, and they read in the Pentateuch {ul-Tawraf) and in
(lie CinspeL Occasionally the Prophet would go over lu them when they
would read, a ml he would, remain, in Older to listen to them.1^

In the texts of Tabari20 or Wahid!21:

According uCUhayd Allah h. Muslim al-Hadnmii, "we had (or, in Tabari,

“they had”)* Lwo Christian slaves (Tabari: abd&ni; WahidJ: ghulamani)
from ''Ayn aJ-Tainr; the one was named Yasar, and the other was named
Jabr, ami ihcy polished sabres (wu-kaiid sayqa(ayni).-- They read a book
that they had, which was in their language (following Wahidi; or, “they
re ail the Pentateuch/1 following Tabari and Mawardl),23 and the Messenger
of God went to them and listened lo what they read (following Wahidi; or,
tlihe Messenger of G*kl sat down with them/' fo!lowing Tabari), and the
heathens said that he learned from ihem (Following WahidI; or, following
Jabari, “ihe unbelieving Qmayshis said that he .sat with diem and learned
from them”).

Or, in another place:

Jahr. ihe .servant/sSave {ghiitum) of al-Fiikih b, al-Mtighlra (b- 'Abd Allah al-
MahEiimT) 24 Jabr, ihe slave of al-liadraiiu, die father of Amr, 'Amir, and
at-A lily the sorts of al-HadramT. The name of aMjadrami was sAbd Allah
h. 'Atmnfir.25

It is sard in yet another place that I bn al-Had rami possessed two young
Christian servants: they read ei book that they had, and this hook was in either
the Hebrew or ihe Byzantine script (bi-t-ritmiyya; does this reference more
likely mean Aramaic than Greek'?}.-*"1
! Ayn a I-Tain r27 lay 130 kilometers southwest of Karbala; the city boasted
a Christian population Eind church, and if also possessed a Jewish community
and synagogue. Ayn al-Tamr, along with Hira, Anbar and oilier places.28
was apart of the kingdom of Jadhima ul-Abrash.2^
Most likely, wc tire concerned here with an Aramaic context, for
according to the hypothesis ofJean Starcky, the archaic Arabic script derived
from die Syrian branch of ihe Aramaic script:

The most likely prototype of this Arabic script was a Syriac cursive, one
which would have developed from the lisirangda script in the chancery of
156 Part f The Early History of Islam

Lhe Lnthmids of al-yira. In ihis reconstruction* the cursive in question

would then also have been Liscd for the common Arabic speech in use in ihe
region. Jt would only he from this point: Elint the Arabic alphabet would
have come into contact with Lhc Roman provinces and with [fie

Adolph Grohmann has expressed concerns about Starcky's arguments; nev¬

ertheless. in a 1991 article Udrard Troupeau accepted Starckyts hypothesis.-5*
['he mention of HTra arises from the relationships obtaining between
Mecca and HTra; these relationships are not only known historically32 but
also appear in some of the exegetical texts. For example* in a report of
Muqatil Ik Sulaymun (d. 150/767),^ concerning sura 3! {Litqmdn):6. he
says: “Al-Nadr b. al-ITarith made a merchant trip to HEra; there he found the
.stories of IsfEindiyfir and Rustam. He bought them and brought them to the
Meccans; he said, Muhammad idd you the stories of’Ad and Thamfid; m
realisy., they are like the stories of Rustam and Tsrandiyar/-”-54 One finds more
informal ion from the reports of Muqutil and al-Kaibi (Abu 1-Nadr M. b. ah
5a ib, if 147Z763)35 in Tha'labl: "l. . . I told them the stories of Rustam, of
Isftindiyfir, of the Persians (at-aajim) and of their kings (al-akdsira). These
stories pleased them, and they no longer listened to the rechalion of die
Quran/’36
As is so often the ease in such reports* these texts have 1o do with
reversal of roles. Just as was (he case with Musaylima, who was also a dan¬
gerous opponent of Muhammad, his adversary abNadr was ridiculed. Al-
Nadr b. al-Harith most likely said dud he had already heard or even read the
“Punishmem Stories" (probably only concerning 'Ad and Thamud) in Hira,
for n is sEiid elsewhere dial he "kept company with Christians and Jews"7 in
IliraT7 Nadr was probably well versed in legends from the Bible and other
sources. Sprenger has written ibat "if lie Imd not been dangerous to
Muhammad because of his knowledge, he certainly would not have bad him
executed. There wras nothing dun Muhammad feared more than Lalem. and
so he had people assassinated who did not carefully hide their opinions.”33
Whether al-Nadr b. al flarilh had a hand in exposing Muhammad is
another matter, as one secs in BaJadhun: "Al-Nudr said. The ones who arc
helping him to recite what is in his book {imiama yu'Intihu 'ala mil ycitt hihi
,/r kifilbihi) are Jabrh I he servant [ghulmit) of ah As wad b. ai-MuttaEib, and
'Addas, the servant of Shayba b. Rabi'a; it is said that die servant oPUlba b.
RabTa is also involved* eis wrcll as others.1"3^
We are familiar wish Eit least two versions of Tbn Ishaq (d, 130/767) con-
 On the Origin of the Informants of the Prophet 157

earning the informants of Muhammad. In Ibn Hisham (Ibn HishSm. Abu M

Abd al-Malik, d. 218/833) it is said that Muhammad "'often sal on Merwa
before Lhe booth (rmihTa) of a young Christian who was named Djcbr and
was a slave of the Benu-I-Hadrami, so that people used tu say that Djebr
Lang hi Muhammad much of what lie revealed r"'n> The other version is that of
Tabari, who says through his chain of tradents, M. b. Humayd/Sulamn/lbn
Ishaq: 'The messenger of God often saL according to what has been trans¬
mitted to me. on the hill of Marwa with a young Christian servant whose
el;mie was Jabr. He was a slave of the banu al-HadramT and the people used
to say, ‘By God. much of what Muhammad teaches comes merely from Jabr
lhe Christian, the servant of the banu ahH ad rami’”
There is still a third version, but one that does not come from Ibn Ishaq;
rather, it comes from "Abd Allah b. Kath'ir. the famous Iranian reader of the
Quran who was id so a qas$:4] 'The people used to sayt "a Christum is
teaching Muhammad on the hilt of Marwa: he \s a Byzantine (rftmT)^2 whose
name is Jabr.' He possessed writings {kana sahibci kit tubing he was a slave
of Ibn al-Iladram7+"4i One finds a similar text according to Mujahid b. Jabr
(d. 104/722): “A slave of Ibn al-Hadrami, a Byzantine (riiutf) and the pos¬
sessor of a book.1”44
Another place of origin that would have had to do with the Aramaic lan¬
guage would be Nineveh, as, for example, in a recension that goes buck to
■Urwa h. al-Zubayr: Ibn LahFa (<k 174/790) / Abu 1-Aswad (YalTm HUnva,
M, b, rArn d. 131/74K or later) / Urwa b. al-Zubayr (d, ca: 94/712 (or per¬
haps with the chain of indents [?]: Musa b. TIqba [d. 141/758] / al-Zuhri [d.
124/742]): after Muhammad had spoken with KhadTja about his first revela¬
tion, she went to lla servant of TJtba b, Rabfa l>. 'Abd Shams, who was a
Christian from Mi neve h and wrhose name was Addas.’1, After she hud
ex plained the situation to him, Addas was supposed to have said that Gabriel
is The one assigned {amin) between God and the prophet, and he is lhe com
pan ion of Moses and Jesus.’*4b
This Addas is also named in another apologetic report. According lo this
text, when he told Muhammad that he came from Nineveh, Muhammad
answered him. saying, “From the city of the pious man Jonah, the son of
Amitrai (Yunus b. Mat la). *, T47
Elsewhere it is said that Muhammad was taught by people from
Babylon.4^ or that it was transmitted to him from them (yanvihi an tshli
Bilbit).4^
158 Part J: 1 he Early History of Islam

Another possibility would be that the informers were of Jewish heritage.

According to Muqalil b. Sul ay man, there was “a young servant (ghuium) of
'Amir b. al-Hadraml al-Qurashi who was a Jew and who spoke the ‘Byzan¬
tine language' (rumiyyai better would be ‘a language of Byzantium'); his
name was Yasar Abu Fakiha (or Abu Fukayha). When the unbelievers from
Mecca saw (hat ihe prophet spoke with him, they said. Yasar Abu Fakiha is
teaching him, ” MuqatiJ interprets a'janti from sura 16:103 thus: "nimlyani
Aha Faklha (or: Fukayha)."^
Mujail id’s comment on sura 25 (Furgati}:4—5 provides similar informa¬
tion. only without names: “Thai is nothing but a fraud that he concocted and
concerning which other people helped him_Ami they say, ‘Stories (or
probably ‘written texts’) ul the aged (usdiir fil-awwatin}51 that lie wrote
down Ibr himself.'" Mnjahid adds ro this comment, "Jews.1'52
Yet another possibility is that die informants' were of Persian heritage.
According to Ehn ’ Abbas, “They meant slaves of the Arabs, who were Per¬
sians" (aSdru iid ‘abid kdnu U-i-'Anib min nl-Furs).^

NEW INFORMATION CONCERNING THE CASE OF THE

SO-CALLED fUlSAYD B. AL-KI1JDR AL-HABASHI, THE
SOOTHSAYER (OR: “A MISTAKE IN SOME MANUSCRIPTS
PRESERVED IN MOST OF THE EDITED TEXTS”)* h,

Sprengcr mentions another possibility according to a I-Hasan a I BasrI (d.

110/726): "I lasan (Baijiy) names the Abyssinian 'Obayd al-Chidhr, who was
a Kahin. '54 One still lincis this reading in the modern, uncritical editions of
Baghawt's commentary: "wa-qfda I-Hasan: tmwa Ubayd b. al-Khidr al¬
ii abash!, die soothsayer (cd-laihin)."55 In the poorly edited commentary of
Ilia lab!, one reads, "quia ul-khiscm h. 'Ubayd h. al-Khidr: ai-JJahashi al-
where it should read, "qiiiu al-lfasan: lJhayd h. ul-Khsdr al¬
ii abashi al-kahin."
In Qurlubi’s commentary, lie has that people had said that Muhammad
was instructed by (wa-qtia 'em) 'Adi (this should lie “'abd’’) al-i.tadraml, the
soothsayer.57
In the opinion of the present author, none of these texts actually presents
the correct reading. The reason for this is that Ilud b. Muhakkam (fl. mid-
third/tenth century), whose commentary is an Ibudi synopsis of the com-
 On ike Origin of fke Informants of the Prophet 159

mentary of ihe Basrian Yahyii b, Salltim (d. 204/819) (who in his turn know
the exegesis of Hasan al-Basel very well)* gives the following huerj(rotation
of Hasan al-Basel: wa-ji qawti i-Hasoni: htnvit 'abdun li-bni l-Hadramiyyi,
wa-kdiiu kahinanfl i-jdhiliyyati.5* One finds the same in ibn a. 1-ZumanTn (d.
399/1008). whose commentary is also a synopsis of dial of Yahya b. Sal lam:
yiuillimuhii 'abdun li-bani t-Hadrarniyyi, wu-kdna kdhinan, ft rufstri l-
Hasani,59
In Yahva b. Sal lam’s commentary itself (concerning sura 16:103), one
finds the following: wa-Jt qawli bNasani: httwa ‘abdun li-bni l-Nadmmiyyi,
im-kana kdhinan ft l-jdhitiyyati ("he was a slave of the Ibn al-fladniml. a
soothsayer from before Islam”).60 Further on, one reads (concerning sura
25:4), wa-qdla l-llasamt: ya'nnna ‘abdan li-bni t-Hadramiyyfi]—here,
notably, without “at-Hahashi”

OTHER POSSIBLE INFORMANTS

Among other possible informants, we would like to mention here only

Waraqa b. Nawfal and Khadija, Wo will first treat of Waraqa b. Nawful, of
whom we have made some remarks in another work, on ihe top ns of “Holy,
holy "fi- According to Talha b. ‘Amr,63 "I heard through the grapevine (lit
balayhemi), that Khadija consorted a good deal with Khayr^* (probably to be
read "Jabr”), and that the Qu rayshis said* ’Look* a slave of the band til*
Hadramt is teaching Khadija, and Khadija is leaching Muhammad, and God
revealed this verse (i.e., sura 16:103V”65
Zityd h. Th libit, the secretary of Muhammad, especially concerning his
revelations, is another possibility.*6 He was most likely a Jew (according to
multiple statements of Ibn Mas’ud, who says, for example, that "Zayd b.
Thabii was still a Jew with his pair of side curls"), or he had al least attended
the Jewish school in YalhribJ'7 where he probably learned Aramaic or
Hebrew (or the Aramaic script) or both. In a famous traditional statement
with many versions or variants, Muhammad is supposed to have said toZayd
b. Thabii. “I do not want to depend upon the Jews for my correspondence;
therefore, you must learn Hebrew” (or, according to another reading,
“Syriac"/’8 or "the written text of the Jews (kit clb Yahiid).” Wc arc tie a ling
here, once again, with a reversal of roles, for Zayd b. Thabii already knew
Aramaic or Hebrew.
160 Part i: Tire Early History of Is! am

We are not the first to have Formulated the situation in this way—at feast
up ui our own interpretation of the reversal of roles. The famous Mu'iuzilt
and theologian Abu 1-Qiisim al-Balkhl al-Ka bT (d, 319/931 )69 held forth
about this topje long ago, in his book on the critique of traditions and the
tradents. He first introduced the following tradition concerning the Kufi al-
Sha'bT:7<> Q ays71 /Zakariyya7-/al-Sha'bi, and Shay ban73 and Qays/Jiibir74 and
Fii3s7S/a1-Shabr: ‘The Qurayshis were able to write, but the Helpers (ansSr)
could not: consequently, the messenger of God commanded those who had
no herds (or “property”: man katui hi mala lahu1 to teach the script to ten
Muslims; to these belonged Zayd b, Thabit." Al-Balkhi continued: "I ques¬
tioned people who knew about the Sira: Ibtt a. I-Zinud 7f> M. h. Salih 77 and
Abd Allah b. Ja'far,78 They negated this definitively and said, "How could
they have taught him the script, for Zayd b. Thabit had already learned it
before ihe messenger of God came to Medina. When Islam arose, there were
approximately ten people in Mecca who could write; when Islam came to
Medina, (here were twenty men who could write, among them Zayd b,
Thabit, who could write both Arabic and Hebrew, as well as Sa'd b. ‘Ubada,79
al-Mundhir b, 'Amr,fit> Rail' h. Malik,81 so-and-so, and so-and-so.”82
We would go even further, for when it is said that Zayd b. Thabit was
able to recite seventeen or ten suras of the Qur'an,83 even before Muhammad
came to Yathrib, the question inevitably arises: “Just what kind of ‘suras'
were they?" Would that not be yet another reversal of roles? For sura is a
word like qur’iirfi*—not of Arabic heritage, but rather from the Aramaic.85
One can well imagine that the young Zayd knew by heart sections ol Jewish
writings that pleased Muhammad, and which he then made his own.8*

REMINISCENCES OF WRITTEN TEXTS OF THE

INFORMANTS IN THE QUR’AN ITSELF,
AS WELL AS IN THE EXEGETICAL TRADITION

Mere we will concern ourselves with the asalir ul-uwwalin,^1 a phrase used
in the Quran that is normally translated as the “fairy tales,” “stories," or
“fables” "of the elders.” This expression appears nine times in the Qur'an.
Aloys Sprenger recognized long ago that the root s-t-r in the Quran means
"to write ’;88 he thought, however, that Muhammad had a teacher who had a
book with that title, a conclusion that we cannot accept, especially with
 On the Origin op the Informants op the Pro pit ell 161

regard to the title. S-t-r most likely came from the Aramaic and referred lo
something written.According to Ibn rAbbSs, usfiha came from the Him-
yantic and meant a written text or hook (kirdb)^ Or, masatara 1-awwaiiina
Ji ktdtihlhim^1 It was also sometimes understood as asdjt al-Hira {according
lo al-Suddi),92
Cultural memory still held a few traces of or references to a reminis¬
cence of dte lime when Muhammad and those who were helpful to him in
the manufacture of (he Quran were instructed. As Christoph Luxenbcrg has
elsewhere shownP this applies to one particular sura, namely, 108 (Af-
KawtharX a text that to me makes almost no sense whatsoever The theolo¬
gian and exegete al-MGUiridl^ expresses quile clearly his embarrassment at
the lirst word of this sura. To be. sure, he mentions the fabulous reports of the
so-called River of Paradise, which God is to have given to his Messenger, He
says, however, that “there is nothing, fundamentally special (itikhslx) in the
giving of a river—no particular honor (task rtf) or gift {‘atiyya)—for God lias
promised more than that to his community* as is shown in the traditional say¬
ings handed down from she Prophet: the people of Paradise have what no eye
has seen, what no ear has heard, what has not come into the thought {ijatb)
of any human (wa-ld khatara aid qalbi hashar)”^5 Apparently, al-Maturidi
preferred tiic first interpretation he men Lions, namely, nl-khayr at-ktithir He
mentions another possibility which he considered: something that God gave
his Messenger, and of which we know nothing.^ However, at Lhe end of his
presentations he notes. "It has been said that al-hxwthar is a word taken from
lhe old books (harf ukhUtha juju a! katub abmntaquiMlma)^ In this context
he could have meant only Jewish or Christian books.
When l read this report, 1 thought to myself that it would he. hopeless to
try to find an older authority for this last interpretation. However, employing
the virtue of perseverance,97 I sought run her and found what [ was looking
for in Thalabi’s commentary.^ This older authority is Ibn Kay sail Abu Rakr
al-AsamiTi^9 nn outsider under the Mu'laztlis. who interpreted knwtft&r thus:
huvm katimutun mlna I-mihuwvmii l-illcl wa-utiimlha ul-Ithr(ii reads thus in
the published text:100 but in the Ahmet 111 in an u script, it reads: huwa foitt-
matiiu mintj I-kumb al-ftid ma'ndhd ttl-Ifhdr).101 QurtubI mentions the inter¬
pretation of Ibn Kaysan, but he leaves out the sentence before al-ifhdr\
simply writing “dMrMn"102 The interpretation of at-irhar appears in another
context, concerning sura 74 (Muddathrhir):24: "And he said. "That is
nothing but sorcery that is handed down (“magic apprise*1 or “magic
162 Part I: The Early History of Isl am

d Cifipnml' .fa-qaki: imm hiidii Hid sihnm yitthar)*" Here, though, al-ithar
would .seem to have to do with the selection (choice, preference) of a
prophet, as in the Old Testament (?). However, it is noteworthy that Hhar.
like kawtlmr, has a rhyme with ra, like the sura that is called “al-Kamhar"
itself.
There are other passages in the Qur'an that Luxenberg has treated in var¬
ious essays and articles, some of which are not yet published.103 Among
these is Lhe verse of the veil (sura 24:31), which he has translated .. [hat
they fasten their girdles around their waists_"im I .uson berg has also
written on “Christmas in die Quran,” concerning sura 97 (al-Qctdr). (Inci¬
dentally. the end of this article, Luxcnberg explains the differences between
his own method and that of Ltiling.) His translation of sura 97 reads:

1. We caused him (the infant Jesus) to descend on the Night of Destiny

(of the star of the Nativity).
2. What do you know concerning what the Night of Destiny is?
3. The Night {the night office) of Destiny (of the star of the Nativity) is
more beneficial than a thousand vigils.
4. The angels, (accompanied by) the Spirit, with the permission of their
Lord, caused alt sorts of hymns to come down to that place.
5. This (this night with these hymns) is peace, until the break of
dawn.105

As is well know, Richard Bell long ago noted Lhe word suiam in verse >
means something slightly different in (he context of this sura than it normally
docs: “sedam in the Qur’an is usually a greeting. The idea of the nigh I being
■peace’ recalls descriptions of the Eve of the Nativity,”106

THE INFORMANTS AND “MUHAMMAD’S GOSPEL”107

When the Quran cites the New Testament, it mentions the hijil, as though
there were only one single Gospel, The topic in die Islamic tradition of fal¬
sifying the Scriptures, and especially the New Testament or the Gospel,
reminds one of specific critics of early Christianity from the pagan world,
including Celsus (who wrote ca. 178), Porphyry, the Emperor Julian (ruled
361-363), and the Munich scans. Tatian (oa, 120-173) and Murcion (ca.
 On the Origin of Lhe Informants of the Prophet 163

85-160) resided to these criticisms, in that they sought to present a single

Gospel text. Consequently, Tatum's Dkitusxanm was the only translation of
Lhe gospel in Syriac until lhe beginning of the fourth century. Further, it
remained for centuries the only Gospel text that was used in the liturgy.108
There are a few places in the Quran where one finds similarities with the
Diatessaron* such as the parable of the sower (sura 48:29);10^ passages con¬
cerning the youth of Mary, John, and Jesus {suras 3:35—48; 3 9:1-36);130 and
a section on the crucifixion of Jesus (sura 4:157).11E
Van Reeth offers a possible solution to the relationship between the Par¬
aclete and ahmad (sura 61:6). In his commentary on lhe Diafessaroti, Si,
Hphri:ni identifies the Paraclete with Jesus on multiple occasions. In this case
the Qur'an is much closer to the Dmtttxxcirort and to Maniclmeanisni, in both
of which the Paraclete possesses a prophetic function,11 - The identification
of Muhammad with I he Paraclete was explicitly discussed in the Islamic tra¬
dition, including by Ibn Ishaq, who used the Syriac word memhljem&nfi
(which corresponds to the Arabic ifairn, From ttuhem, “lto raise from die
dead”),-113 In this tradition, Muhammad is the prophet of the end of the
world.1*4 Supposedly, Muhammad gave himself live names, in this order; “I
have multiple names: I am mufiawmad; I am ahmad\ l am the Eliminator (at-
itwhi}, for through me God will eliminate die unfaithful; L am the Gatherer
ial-hashir), for the people will be gathered to my feel; I uni the Last (of the
Prophets) {ai-'tiqib),ytU5 One can even ask whether the name “Muhammad,”
which was most likely not bis original named16 does not come from a type
of ^mimithme concur reniitdr ora competition with the Paraclete, who was
understood as die “last Prophet.1'
In connection with the Dmtesmrvn, Matii, and the Mankihacans—who
wanted to emphasize the unity of the Gospel message -lhe topic r>]~ the
"Informants” is a suggestion to us that a Syriac lection ary {qeryan)Y or ai
least portions thereof, was known in Mecca,

SUMMARY

Many of the reports in the Quran did not sound particularly new to the minds
of many of die Quruyrii, as lhe Quran itself, lhe "most strongly self-referential
holy text in the history of religion.”337 states (sura 25 [Furqws\:^5). One can
see this in its style, for Ehe rhyming prose of lhe text is very noticeable when
T64 Part t: The Early History of Islam

one leaves um the i'rdh endings in order to hear how (he texts were probably
originally spoken. Consequently, people like Mu say lima and others were
ridiculed in the early Islamic traditions. This is also the reason Mint Muhammad
and his companions fought against some poets.118 The soothsayers and the
poets were able to do similar things: “ *. they say: We have heard. If we wish
we can speak the like of this” (sura 8 fAn/d/J:3I, in Picklhall's translation).119
Tliis sell-referential character oi the Qur’an reflects not only a process of com¬
munication. ;j-S Angelika Neuwirth has often emphasized,1-0 hut also the fact
that the Quraysh do not seem to have been much impressed early on by the
Quran's language and style. Ibis only seems to have happened when
Muhammad became so strong that he nearly succeeded in gaining an authori¬
tative position over the tribes.121
What interests us here, though, is the actual content of these reports nr
statements in ihc Qur an. The Arabian peninsula was no terra deserla ei
incognita] its people lived in relationship with their surroundings, most
especially with the Aramaic, Jewish, and Christian cultures nearby (e.g.,
Syria, Mira. Anbar). Much of what the Islamic tradition has handed down
concern! it,, the informants of Muhammad is not absolutely historical, lor the
so-called occasions of revelations122 (or "cause of revelations,*’123 asbdb a!
niiziil) also contain apologetic strands, and this impacts directly oji“ihe infor¬
mants oi Muhammad.” Nearly all of these people became Muslim and con¬
firmed, from the Islamic standpoint, the truth of ihe Muhammadan revela¬
tion. Those surrounding Muhammad also hud a hand in this, including
KhadTja, Waraqa b. Nawfal, and then the Jew Zayd b. Thabit.
II we were to take, however, Christoph Luxenberg's book124 and com¬
bine it with the material presented above, we would have good reason to
accept that the “piste arameenne," the Aramaic trail, is one of the possible
(and also written) trails to follow that lead to the one 1 actionary (qerydn) that
existed be lore the Arabic-Islamic lectionary (al-qur'iln). or belter yet, before
the various stages of this lectionary.
Luxen berg's book stands in the tradition of the "variant readings'* of die
Quran, if wc distinguish between three types of variations; I) "the minor vari¬
ation, ’comprising various readings of the same consonantal structure; 2) "the
major variation,” comprising variations in the consonantal structure, such as
those in the so-called non-'Uthmgnie codices; and 3) ‘'the very major varia¬
tion, which involves an Arabic-Aramaic transformation of the consonantal
structure.125 Before Luxenbcrg, G. Luting126 had noticed something of die
 On rite Origin op the Informants of tlie Prophet 165

same thing with his theory concerning hymnology (ns did TorAndrae127 and
others before him, including Aloys Sprenger, Wilhelm Rudolph, el al.)*l2S
even if his method was not wholly convincing. Unfortunately, his book was
almost completely ignored, especially in Germany, perhaps not only because
his method and his theory concerning hymnology did not always convince
people, but probably also became of the HbNdklekeo;m/' and "Sp staler-i an"
dogma of the “classical language11, of the Qur an, a dogma that was so strongly
in Hue need by the Islamic imagination concerning the language of the Qur'an.
Our Orientalist forebears did not allow themselves to be. so influenced by this
dogma; for example, Friedrich Leberecht Fleischer wrotep “We do not share
the exclusively philological and religious perspective of the Arabian lexicog¬
raphers, Our question does not concern the purest Arabic, the most correct,
and the most beautiful; our question is simply *What is Arabic at ailT'11^
The neo-Rom antic school of Orientalism, with its mono of “God is
beautiful!” was not awakening at dial rime—neither on ihe Rhine, nor on the
Spree, nor on the hanks of other rivers, at least not in the field of Quranic
studies.

NOTES

1. This essay is an expanded version of a paper I gave in German at the sym¬

posium ‘’Hisiorisdie SondiertfngCn and method isebc Rellcktionen zur Koran-
exegese: Wege zur Rekoristruklion des vorkoranischen Koran," held in Berlin, Jan¬
uary 21-25, 2004. An English version of die same paper appeared in 2005 in the
published proceedings of die symposium.
2. For more references, of. Claude Gilliot, "Les 'in forma tours' julfs a chrcticns
dc Muhammad: Reprise d’un problems: trade par Aloys Sprciiger et Theodor
NSldeke/1 Jerusalem Studies in Arabic ami Islam 22 (1998): 84-126, and Idem,
''Informants,11 Encyhpedia of the Quran (Leiden: Brill, 200 J-2006), II: 512-18.
3. Cf. Gill lot, “Informants/1 517b; idem, “Lc Coran, fruit d/un travail col¬
lect if?" in Al-Kik'ib: La sucralife da teMte dam !e monde dc i 7dam (Adits da Sym¬
posium international term a Leuven el Lunvuits-hi-Ndtve da 29 fmti on I jitin 2002,
ed. D. de Since G. de Cat allay. and J. M. K van Reeth. Acta Orientalia Belgica* Sub-
.‘ijdia HI (Bruxelles: Bclgiseh CienooLschap vour Oosterse Studien/ Soviets beige
dp Etudes orient ales, 2004), passim, but especially pp. 222-23.
4. Karl-Heinz OliJig, “Dcr Koran als Gomelndeprodukt/’ In “None Wcgc dcr
Koran forschungy ed. Mans-Caspar Graf von Both men Karl-Heinz Ohlig. and GenT
Rudiger Pain, Mu^azin Fume hung (Universilat des Saarlandes) I (J9999: 33-37;
16S P«irt T: The Early History of Islam

Claude Gil Urn. lLUnc reconstruction critique du Cornu," a paper given at ihe First
World Congress ot Middle Eastern Studies (WOCMES)T Mainz. Germany, Sep¬
tember (H3, 2002, concerning Lhe working group organized by Manfred Kropp
(director of the InstitUL tier Deutsche n Morgen Hindi sc hen G-cscHschnft in Beirut)
called "'Results of Contemporary Research on ihe Qur'an," H I and 23.
5. Gdliut, "JnfbimaTeurs,'* and idem, "Informants."
6. Even if they do not contain as many specific details, one can consult the var¬
ious commentaries on the QurSnie passage sura 25 tFimjan}:4-5x Meqatll b.
Sulayman (d. 150/767), Ttt]'slrf M[:2'26-27; RazT (Rife hr aJ-Dlnn d. Shavvwal L, 606
[ Ma re b 29, I 2 I OJ}. Ihfsir, XXIV: 5 i\ \v he re ho a ns w ers wi th I h e c h al le nge i tahoddl)
and die Qur'an’s “ininiiiubilhy" {Fja?} and "insurpassibility of correctness" (nihdyat
al-fuspha); Qurtubl (d. Shaw will 9, 671 [April 29, 1273 \\ Tofsir, XU!: 3-4; Ibn 'Add
(Siraj nl-Din a. Kills Umar b. 'All b. Adi I al-Dimashqi al-Hnnbnll, writing
880/Id75)s Luhiib XIV;478, Concerning sura 26 ($hu'aram}mA92-9S: Muqatd, Tapir,
111:279-80. Concerning sura 41 iFuitsiIa{):44: Muqatil, Ta/sir* 111:745, cited by
Iba'labj. Tafsir, V [11:298. Concerning sura 44 (Duktuln)'. 14: Muqatif Tofslr, 111:819;
Thalabi (Abu [4iIL| A. b. M.h d. Muhunvim 427 [November 5, 1035]), Tafsir*
VII 1:350. but without giving names of ihe informants of Muhammad, Concerning
^ura 74 (Muddaihihiry 24-25T cf. Hfid b, Muhakkam. Tafslr, [V:436; Thtflabl,
Tafilr, X:73; QurtubI, Thfifr, XfX:76-77.
7. Rfickert's German is: “Wir wissen wohl uuch, dafi sie sagen: es Idirct ibn
cin Men sell. Die Zunge dessen, den sie meinen isi erne framde, aberdies ist rein ara-
bische Ztinge. Cl. Hart mat Bobziti, ed., Der Koran in der Obersctzwig von
Friedrich Riickeri, 3rd ed. (Wiinzburg: ERGON, 2000).
8. Farru ('d. 207/822), Madn\. 11:283. concerning sura 26:198: wa-t-tfjamiyyit
ul-mansuiw Ha aptifu iid i-ajami wa-in kilrni fasUmn NalihSs (d. 338), frah. 111: 192,
concerning sura 26:198. has a somewhat more developed comment than that of
Farr-d': Tabari (d. 310/923), Tufxtr, XIX: 113, concerning sura 26:198,
9. Thalabi, Tctfslr, VI:44.
10, In the edited text, Y3:44, it says "al-lrabf' where it should read J'al-anibi"
II- lit the edited test, ii says "\eti-<wttahir where it should read “wa-inf
12, In ihe edited lex 1, it says EW-Vrtf/if” where it should read '\d-afubi”
13, CL Jolu i Wans bn nigh. Quranic Sistdics: Sources and Methods of Scriptural
hiterprc'iuiion, London Oriental Series no. 31 (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1977) pp. 98 -99r concerning ajmm and djrnm and their use by the exegefes in the
interests of an idea of a lingua mcm (99 IT); cL Claude Gil Mot and Pierre Larcher*
“Language and Style ot'ihe Qur'an." Encyclopedia of the Quran, [11:113-15.
14, Cf. GiJliol and Lurcher, "Language and Style.’1 p. 114b, as well as die whole
section on pp. 113 I 5 hearing the title '"l he Quran on TIis Own Language and .Style:
Dues the Quran Really Say li Is in LA Clear Arabic Tongue'?”
 On the Origin of Lhe Informants of ihe Fropket 167

15. Frants RuhL Das Lehen Muhammedsr 3rd ed. (Heidelberg: Quelle &
Meyer. 1961), p. 164
16. I bn a. Muslim al-IJadramL cf, MizzC Tahdlub, XIE:267, no. 4268. I bn
Hajar, TJ,\ VI1:47-4S and VI:31, no. 50, under ""AL" refers to Ubayd Allah. The
expression "wc hadr? appears lo refer to [be fact that this particular tradeht is of the
family of a!-’Ala' b. 'Abd Allah b. 'Ammar b. nl-Hadrami (d. 21/642; cf. Sam'anL
Ansabi 11:230), who had two brothers, Amr Lind ‘Amir.
17. Qurtubi, Tafsir. X; 178. has Naht (or Nahit) wa*yuknd Abs Fnkayha for Abii
Fakiha). in ZabidL Taj. XXXVI:462a.
18- This parenthetical comment is not ill the published text, but it appears in the
Ahmet [II manuscript.
19. Cf. Thalabt, TafiirTV 1:43-14* sura l6(Nahl):l03; Abfl l-Muzaffar al-Samant
(d. 489/J 096). Tafiir. 111:202; Qurtubi, Tafsir, X:17S; Ibn 'Adil, Labab. XII: 1 OS; Aloys
Sprenger, Dus Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad* 3 vuls (Berlin: Nieokusche Ver-
[agsbuchhaudlung. I 869)T H:388; GiUiot, “Informateurs,” pp. 91 -93, §14.
20. Tabari, Tafsir, XIV: 178, LL. 21-26.
21. Wiihidi (Abu l-Hasan 'All b. A. al-Nisaburi, d, Jumada 11 468 [January 13 r
10761), Wasit, 111:84-85.
22. In the edition of Tabari "tijlayruj' where it should read "sayqalaym''
2,3. Mawardi (d. 450/1058), Nukatf 111:215, where it should read "Husayn mi
'Abd AUiih*' or “'Uhayd Atlah b. Muslim* nut "llusayn b. Abd Allah b. Muslim.”
24. Suhayll (d. 581/1185), Tarf p. 173 (where it should read at-Fdkihr not al-
Fakihu: cf. ZabldT, 777/. XXXVl:463a), pp. 95-96. His wife was Hind Bim Utba b.
RabVa aJ-Hasbimiyya. She married Abu Sufyan and became the mother of
Mn'ftviya. Cf. IbsblhL Al-Mustafmf, trans, by G, Rat, II: 172-75.
25. Suhayli* Titrlf. 173, 96, according to the exegete Abu Rnkr al-Naqql&h (M.
b. al-Hasan b. Ziyud al-Mawsili, d. 351/962), in his Qur'an ie commentary Shifa ai~
sifdilr. also cited by QuriuLu, Tafsu\ X:177, on sura 16:103.
26. Bayhaqi {Abu Bakr, d. 458/1066), DalaiL 1:17.
27. Cf, Saleh A. El-AlTs article in EL 1:812: cf. also Guy Le Strange, The
Lunds of lhe Eastern Caliphate: Mesopotamia, Persia, and Central Asia, from the
Moslem Conquest to the Time (f Timur (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1905; reprint edition, London: Cass. 1966L pp, 65. 81.
28. Cf. Altrod-Louis de Premare. Les fondaiitms d* Islam: Enire ecriture et his-
loire (Paris: -Seuil, 2002), pp. 242—60, concerning l.lira and Aubar,
29. Tabari. Annates, 1:750; The History qf al-Tabari. IV: 132.
30. Gerhard Fndress. “Herkunft und Rntwieklung der arabischen Sehriit/' in
Grundriss der ambischett Thilologie, vol. L Spruehmssenschafi, cd. WoLfditLrich
Pise her i; Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag* 1982), p, 170,
3 l. Geraid Tmupeau, ^Reflexions sur J’originc syriaque de 1'ecriture ara.be,11 in
 168 Part 1; I lie Early History of Islam

Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf U’siau, 2 vols., ed, Alan S. Kaye (Wiesbaden: Otu>
Hairassowjtz, 1991), pp. 1562-70, Jn “L'denture arabe ct I’Arabic,” p, 66, Christian
Robin presents both of these hypotheses but actually supports neither the former
(that of a Nabataean origin) nor the latter (a Syrian origin): "Cette ccrilure derive
rl'nrie ecrilure am nicer le de Syrie, soil 1c nabatccn, soil Ic syriaque ” Pour hi science
(Dossier) (October 2002): 66.
32. Michel Turdicu, ”L’arrives dcs manichccns a mi-1 lira,” in Ui Syrie tie
Byzeitice a nslant: Vll'-Vltp sitcies, ed. Pierre Canivet and Jean-Paul Rey-CoquuLs,
Aetes dn col toque international, Lyon—Matson de I'Orient miiditerraiu-en. Pans
Insiitui du motide arabe, 11-15 Scptembrc 1990 < Da mas; Institut fran^ais de Damns,
1992.1, pp. 15-16, confirms what Ihn Qniayba wrote, namely, that there were
MiUlidiaeans among the Qurayshis who had taken on ibis religion from Hlra: “lamai
ai-zandaqa ft Quraysh tikhadhahd min old lira" ((bn Coteibas Hamlbuch tier
Gcschichte, ed, Wiistenfcld, p. 299; Ma'drif, ed. 'Uk kasha, p. 621).
55. Concerning Muqiltil b. Snlayman, cf. Culliot, l\Muqali 1, grand exegele, ira-
Uitionjiiste et theotogiun maudii," Journal Asiatique 279 (1991): 39-92.
3-k Muqalil, Tafsir, 111:433: YahyS b. Sallani, tafsir, ed. Hammadl Sammfid. al
Juz al-sddis 'ttshur wo-bthdmin 'ashar min Tafsir Yahyd h. Solium, p. 131: wa-ji
tafsir ol-Kalbi unnaha nazalal ft i-Nttdr b. nl-lkirith min bani 'Abd al-Diir wa-kdna
rajulan rawiya U-ahddiih al-juhUiyya wa-aslfchihd (taken over from Hutl b.
lYTuhnkkam, Tafsir, [11:3322-23).
35. Concerning him, cf. the article by Josef van Ess in Thcologi? und
Gesdtschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhttnden Hhhchra: Eirte Geschichte ties religiose/!
Denkens im fr alien (slam, 6 vols, (Berlin: Walter de Gray ter, I9yi 97), 1:298-301.
Concerning the similarities between his exegesis and that of M uqali I, cf. GiJIiot, "La
theologic rnusulinaneen Asia Centrale etau Khorasan," Arabic a 49, no, 2 (21X12): 133.
36. 1 ha'tabi, Tafsir, VII:3J0, concerning sura 31:6 (taken over from liaghawT,
Tafsir, 111:489); WaEidi, Wasit, Ell: 19; cf. Sprcnccr, Lebett, 31:393.
37. 15 a tad hurt, Ansdb at-ash rdf l:!39—12; cf. Gil I Lot. “In formate urs,” p. 93,
§25. Or: yamurru bid-Yahudi Wi-t-Arasdrdfo-yaruhum yarkdima wa-yasjudiina uvi-
yatjm'Sdu t-Tawrain wa-l-lnjiUi. fa fS'a iid Makfcda fa- wajadu nisitia (dfthi yusulii
wu-yaqruii I Qurana, fa-tfciia l-Nadru: “<jud stimiisa law mtshait la i/itlnd ndthtet
liddhd (sura 8 lrtw/5/]r3t): Baghawl, Tafsir, 11:245. taken over with additions from
Tha labi. Tafslt . IV;350.
38. Aloys .Sprenger. “Uber cine Handschrift des ersten Bandes des Kitab
Tabaqat al-kobyr voni SekreNir dcs Waqidy," Zeitschnfi tier lieuisdten Morgcn-
UindLscheu trt'jpl(schofi 3 (1849): 455. Cf Claude Gillint. "Poete on propheie? I.es
tradittons:eoncerimnt la po6sic et les poctes attribuces au prop!)etc de fislam el aux
premieres general ions musttlmanes," in Paroles, signes, my dies: Melanges offens it
Jamai Eddine Hencheikh, ed. FI or cal Satmugusiin (Damns: Insiiiut Jratnoais d'eludes
arabes tie Dumas, 2001), pp, 382—88 (against the prophet).
 On the Origin of the Informants of the Prophet 169

39. Buludhun, Ansah nl-ashrafa 1:140 41, no. 291; cl'. Gillioi, H11nJorcnLtlcLirs^
p. 99, §26.
40, Smi (Wilsientelci), 260/ 1:393; Sprenger, Lehen, 11:386. This text is bused
on the translation of Gustav WeiL Das Lebcm Mohammeds naeh Mohammed Ibn
Ishak and Ahd cl Malik Ibn - II i sc hum, Die fun Dig B tic ti er iso. 14 (Berl i n: U11 ste i n,
1916), p. 104. Ci. also Gil hot, ^nfurmatcur.C p. 9\? §13.
4], Abu Ma'bad al-Oiii ahKiniinT al-Mukki, b. 4tt in Mecca, d. aEter 122/740;
DhahcibL Siynr. Vr318-22; cf. GrfQ, 111:166: Alaf Dun (Le„ the spice-deal erf; most
of die sourcesf however, say (hat he was a mawitl of The band id-Dort etc., ami (hat
he was a 'attar (spice-dcaler). SanrfanT, Ansdb, 13:443, following the Hal al-qiraTit
of Abu Nasr Mansur h. M aEMucjri1 al-'lriiqi, lias d-ddri hi-Iughai aht Makka al-
'at tar"
42. Rum can mean the Greeks from the By/.an tine Empire or from Asia, buL il
most likely refers also in Aramaeans or Christians of Aramaic language in the
Byzantine Empire.
43 Tabari, Tapir, XIV: ITS, IT: 15-18-
44. Mud b. Mnhaklcam* Tafsir, 11:389.
43. Baybatp, Dalitif, 11:145, where The chain of iradonts follows the report; cf.
Gregor Schooler, Charakicr and Aufhcrnic der muslirmschen 11be dlcfe rang cn liber
das Lcben Mahammeds (Berlin: Walter do Gruyler. 1996), p. 8lh according to
Biiybaqi, whose ixndd Sc'h oe I er claims was misunderstood by SuyOti, Khasdlf, 1:93.
SuyOfT has: Milsa b. Uqba (dr 14l/75R)/abZuhri (d. 124/742)T according to ah
BayhaqT and Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahanl (d. 430/1038). The problem, however, is that
we do not hn\ ihc text of Abu Nu'aym. It is not in his Dalai l abmtbuwwa; it was
most likely in his Martfar ui-sahaba. Consequently, we cannot be certain whether
Schooler is right. BayhnqL Da Util, II: 145, writes: t;wa-qad dhakara ibn Lolita 'an
Ahl I-Aswad W ‘Urwa b, al-Zubayr htldhihi l-qissata bt-nahwi hddh/i wa-zdda
fiha” This could be understood us saying I has Urwa b. al-Zubayr gave approxi¬
mately the same report (as MDsa b. 'Uqba?), hut that he ulso added to in The sure
tradent in his report seems to he al-Zuhri: cf. Rayhuql, DcJdVm [1:143, l. I. Cf, nev¬
ertheless, Galliot, ,L1nformatcnrs?' p. 102, n. 120, following Dhahabl (but the refer¬
ence should be tn p. 129, not p. 149),
46. Bpyhnqi, DabTiL II:343; Gilliot, jLInformrucurs." p. 101, §29; cf. also
Suyutn Khastfis, 1:93; M. Baqshish Abu Malik (collected by him), At-Maghdzi U-
Mfisd Ibn 'Uqba, 64 I only according to Ibn Hajar. hdha, IV: 4 67, and consequently
without a chain of undents); SprcngCr, Leben, 31:389,. following Ibn Hajar, Isa ha.
47, With a chain of undents that lraces hack to 'Unva b. al-Zubayr (d. ea.
94/712): Ibn Lahl'a (d. l74)/AbD 1-Aswad (YatTm 'Unva. M. b, V\r„ d. 131/748 or
lateryUrwah in Abu NiTaym al-Isfaham, Dtdail ul-mdwu-wa, p. 296; Gilliot, "In for¬
mate urs?’ pp. 104—105, §32 and n. 133. Concerning this chain of uadents. cf.
■Schoelcr, Chamktgr and Aitthcnlie4 p. 81.
170 Part 1: fire P.arly History of Islam

48. QuitubTK Ihfslr, XEX:77: "qiUr; aradti annahtt rnkiqtmimku min ahli Habit."
Also, according lo al-SuddT (Abn M, Ismail b. a. Karima abKQfi, d. 128/745; GAS,
132—33): “Yaxar, a slave oftbe banu ul-HiidnunT who sal with the prophet7’ fp. 7b):
cf. also p. 77: “wa-qila 'an Mnsayliina** In Ibn "Adil, Litbfib, XlX:515: 'VSayyar fsic:
tl should read here <4Yasar"]t a slave of [be hanfi at-IJadramIH or of someone who
claimed ici front of him that he was a prophet/1
49. Tha labT. Tafsir, X:73a concerning sura 74:24-25, with Yasar ami Jabr, and
also Musnylima, tli£ lord of Yamilina (sahib at-Yamarmi).
30. Muqaiil, 7afslr, 11:487, II, 8-18; Gilliui, “Infomiateurs/1 pp. 90-9 L §12.
The Following should he to references Abu 1-Mu/affar al-Sam'anl, Tiifslr, V:56-57.
concern big sura 41:44.
51 ■ See below, in I he section cniidcd “Reminiscences of Written Text/;.., ,hS
52. Tabari, TaftTr, XVJIE: 181. II: 20-22: Thalabi. Tafslrr VII: 323; Ttm'Jabi
adds lo this: "wa-tpltt: Yasar wa.-1 Addas mnwkl Hu way lib b. 'Abd aKUzzaT Mujuliid
also says, £Vishawl itu qmvrmn min af-Yahruiim'\ Ibn 'Aiiyya, Afuhamr, 17:200, con¬
cerning sura 25:4. Mujabid, TafsTr (AdamAVarqaVlbn a. Najlh/Mujahidh however,
has Yahiidun [tiqiitufui* (concerning 25:4").
53. Ibn 'Aliyyar Mu$arrh\ 17:200, concerning sura 25:4, In Abu I lay y an (ArhTr
al-DTn M b. Yusuf b. AIT nl-Anclalusi al-Nifel, d. Safar IS, 745 |July I, I344J),
tfahr, V t:4S 1 „ according to Ibn 'Abbas: Persian slaves of the Arabians; Abu Fakibn,
ntiiwtd of both aJ-Hadiaml or the band alTIadraml, Jabr, Yasar, and others; cf.
GtElioh4"Ijiformateura," p, 91, n. 52.
54. Sprcnger. L$beny !I:3£9t according to Rnghawi, Tafsfrr concerning sura 25:4.
55. Bagbawu TqfsTr> 111:361, concerning sura 25:4
56. Thalabl. 7itjslr. VIF:123, concerning sura 25:4, where it should read in the
edited text, "quin l-Hawn Vbayd /j. af-Khkir ai-flabqs/u al-kahm" nut "quia i-
Ifason h. '[fbuydb. ut-tCkuir: al Hahmiti nf-kaIrin'T Unfortunately, this appeals thus
in Gilliot, “Informants,1* p. 5 I 3b.
57. QurtubT. Tqfslr, XIX:77h concerning sura 74 (Muddathtfoir):24-25.
58. Hud h. Muhakkum, Tafstr, 11:389.
59. I b n it. E XumnjiT 11 (A h u " Abd A1 lab M uham rn ad b.1Abd Al Sah b.11sa a I - M u rrt
aJ-AnUaJusE a I llblri. d. RabV IE 399 | in 10081). Tafsirr TV: 200, concerning sura
44:14,
GO- Al-Bashir ul-MkhTnlnIT Tahqtq al-juz al-rhfdlth 'ashur ua-l-juz at-sabV
'axhar mitt fhfxtr Yuliya h. Sallam, p. 19.
61. ibid., p_ 94. I he editor ot Ibn Adil. Lit tab XIV:478 (Concerning sura 25:4),
those the reading "wa-qala I-llasan: Uhityd b. al-flttsr[sic\ Lil lhtbasftJ al-kdhm"
iirid he with a in the critical apparatus, “ka-iflw bi-I- Baghawiyyb'' adding further,
however, shat one can read in the manuscript of E bn 'Adil the text *al-Hadirum!” He
made the wrong choice.
 On the Origin q frl le InformiTiis of blie Propket 171

62. GiJIiol, 'InformateurSp" pp. 99-104, §§27-20; this section is summarized in

Gillioh “Le Cui JTi/' pp, 188-90. Cf. also Schoeler. Chamber and Authentic
passim.. On Wuruqa himself, cf. Spreader, Leber i. 1:12'1—34.
63. This pcrscira is must likely Talhii b Amr b. ‘Lkhmaii al-Hudnunl al-Mukki
fd, 152/769), one- who had a bud reputation from ihu standpoint of Islamic hrudent
criticism/' CF. Dhahabl. Mizan, I h340-42, no. 4008; Mizzf, Tahdbib, 1X;26I2, no.
2962; ibn Hi,jar, 7Tt V:23-24,
64. The name appears thus in die Ah me* IN manuscript and in the edited Eeal
of Th a1 Sabi's commentary.
65- Thsilabl, Tafilr^ Vl:43h concerning sura 16:103, Uric should rend here
"Tulha h, ’Amr/’ not lLJalha b. ‘Umar." as in the edited text,
66. GdQ> 11:54.
67. Michael Lecker, HAZayd b, Thlibit, La Jew with two sidelocks1: Judaism and
Literacy in Pre-lslamic Medina (Yaflirib)/1 Journal nf Near Eastern Studies 56
0997): 259-73; now also in idem, Jews and Arabs hr Ere- and Early Islamic Arabia
(Aldershot, Ashgaie: Variorum, 1999), no. Hi.
68. Cf. Gillioi, "Le CorunA '§\h with varying versions; Cf. also idem, "Langue
el Coran: Line lecture syru-arunieenne ilu Coran/1 Arabic a 50 (2003): 390 -9 J. Cf.
also Sprengerh l.ehen, 1:130-31.
69. A bn l-Qusim 3\hd Allah b, A. b. Mahmud al-Balkhl (al-Ka’bl for the anti
Mudazilis); GAS. 1:622-23; van Ess. TGt passim [cf, index, IV; 1068),
70. Abu Amr 'Amir b. SharahTl ul-KDH, d. 103/721 (or 105. 106, I07T etc.);
GAS, 1:211: Mizzl, Tuhdhlb. IX:349-57, no, 3026; Dhahabl, Siyar, IV:294-3IB.
71. Abu Muhammad Qays b. al-Rabr al-Asadt al-KCifi, d. 165/781; MizzT.
Ttibdhtb, XV: 31)6- \ 2, no. 5489.
72. Abu Yahya Zukariyya b. a+ Zuidu Khulid b. Maymuii Ik Bayru/ uM-hjiiidiinT
al-Wisdi'T al-Kull, d, 147 or 148/764; MizzTr Tahdhlh, V 1:309-11, no. 1975.
73r AbO MuTiwiyu Shaybitn h, Abd a]-Rahman aCTiunlml al-Basrt al-
Mu'addilu who lived in Kufu and died I 68 nr 169/784; Mi/./.I. Tahdbib, VI 11:41 5 18.
no. 2768.
74, Ahfi Abd Allah (or Abu YiizTd) Jahir h, Yazid h. nl-HEtrilh ul-Ju'fT al-Kufi.
d. 128/745: Mizzi, Ttihdhth* 111:304-309, no. 863,
75, Abu Yahya Liras b_ Yuliya ul-HuTiidunl uL-Khuriql al-Kofi al-Muktntib, d.
129/746; Ibn llujur, 77; VII 1:259-
76, He cannot he 'Abd at-Rahman h. a, l-Zimld b. Abd Allah b, Dhakwan, who
died in Baghdad in 174/790; cf. ibn MakuSa, Ikmah 1V200-20I; Mizzi. Tahdhlh,
XL182-S6. no. 3779; Ibn llajar, 7T, VI: 170-73. The Ibn af t-Zinad whom nl-Kabl
questioned could have been a son of Abd al-Rah man b. a. 1-Zmudr for we know that
Abu l-Zinild ('Abd uE-Ruhmun’s father), who came from Medina, had a good repu¬
tation with regard to the traditions, along with his son and grandson; Mizzi, Tnhdhfh,
172 Part 1: The Early History of Islam

XL 184. In addition, 'Abd al-Rahman, who counted al-Waqidi among his listeners
(he h one of WaqidTs authorities in the Annals of Tabari) appears in a chain of
tjadents which introduces the report that Muhammad commanded Zayd b. Thubii to
learn tiie sc rip l of Hie Jews; ef. Baludhuri, Futtlk al-huUtihi, p, 664= Abd al-Ruhrnan
b. a. I-Zhiad had one brother, Abu l-Qasim Ibn a. 1-Zinud, who was older than he:
Mi/:/.], Tahdkib, XXL45S-59, no. 8167.
77r Abu 'Abd Allah or Abu Ju'far b. al-Nattah Abu 1-TayyiIb Mohammad b,
Salih b, Mihran al-Qurushi al-Basri {mowta of the band Hash ini), d. 252/866; Mizzlt
Ihhdhib, XVI:364-65> [10= 5834; be was a famous tradent of the historical traditions
concerning the wars :sud people of early Mam (rSwiya Ii-I-snur). He wrote a K. ai*
Dawta, of which ul-Kbaiih al Baghdadi said that he was the first to have collected
those traditions into a book [^cnvwtjl man ymnufafirrkhbanha kitdhnn*'}; Baghdadi,
TB, V:357-5».
7b. Not identified.
79. Cf, Baladlmn. Fntiih uTInitdan* p. 663, according to WsqidT, Sa'd b. 'Ubsida
b. Dulaym sil-Ansari al-Ktiazmji ul-So'kti was a syndic (notfib) of the batui Saida;
he became the standard-bearer of the Helpers (finyar); BayhaqT, Dahili, 11:448; Ibn
al-Athar, U.vrf, 11:256-58. no. 2012,
80. Ibid.; iil-Muiidhir b. Arnr b. Khunpys al-AnsaiT al-Kh32raji ul-Siiidi was
also a syndic of the banii Saida; RaybaqL DatiTih 11:448; Ibn ul-ALhlr, Usd,
V: 269-70* no. 5107=
SL JJaladhiiri, ibid.; Riili br Malik b, ol-1 Ajl3.il aJ-Ansfiri aJ-Klutz raj! was syndic
of die banQZurayq (Zutnyq b. Amir); Ibn ai-Ath'ir, UsdM 11:197 98. no, 1598.
82.. Balkhl/Ka'ht, Qtl&rtl ut-akhhdr, 1:202; Gil tint, eLc Coran/' pp. 198-90,
§ 12; ef. also idem, "L'embarras d"un ex&gfrte musulman lace a un pnlimpseste:
Muturidl el la sou rate de V Abundance (at Ka\ytfiarT sou rate 108), nvee une note
savanle sur le cornnletLlEiirc eoranique d’lbn ul-Npqlh (m, 693/1298)7" in Wards,
Texts and Concepts Cruising the Me.ditermnctm Sen: Studies on she Sources, Con¬
tents and influences nj Islamic Civilization and Arabic Phit&Sophy and Science
[ Dedicated to Gerhard Undress on his Sixty-fifth Birthday, ed. Rudiger Amzcn and
J. Thiel inarm, Orion tali a Lovaniensia Analecta no. 139 (Leuven: Peelers:, 2004),
§ 17; cL also idem, ,lUne reconstruction critique/' §22.
83. Ibn ‘Asukir, Ta'rtUt ntadmai Dimtishq, XtX:3U2, nos. 4453- 54: Ibn IJanbah
Musnad, V:136/ XVJ;4 |L no. 21 5 10: llm Sad, Tahaqdt, 11:358 59: DhahabT, Sirnr,
11:423: Sprenger, Mohammad* ULxxxix. 11. 1; do Prermire, "Les textes musuttuans
dans leur environ nemenLT Lex natives- tie. Co ran: presupposes ei niethodes^ cd.
Claude Gilliot arid Tilninn Nagel {Arabics 47, nos. 3-4 [20001 j: 393-94; Gift tot, %e
Coran/1 p= 196, §9.
34. Quran comes from the Syriac qeryfm, meaning a “Icctionriry," a book that
consists of y selection of texts of holy scripture; cf. Arthur Jeffery, The Foreign
 On the Origin of the Informants of [he Prophet 173

Vocabulary of the Quran (Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938), pp. 233-34; cf. John
MuciilcLs.cn-Arnold, The Koran and the Bible* or Islam and Christianity* 2nd cd.
(London: Longmans, Green, Render and Dyer, 1866}. p. 99. u. 49 (lectio, liber lec-
iumis}n Christoph LuKenbcpg, Die syro■ annuaische Lesart ties Koran: Bin Beiimg
zur Entschliis&elung der Koransprache, 1st ed. (Berlin: Das Arafaischc Buck, 2000>,
pp. 79 li .
85. Sicgmund Fraenkd, Die aramdischen Fremdworter im arabischen
(Leiden: Brill 1H&6}+ pp. 272-73: Jeffery. Foreign Vocabulary, p. 201; Ahmed
E iebbo, Die F tietnd worker in der arabischen Fmphetenbiographie des Ibn Wsc ham
(gesi. 218/834), Heidelbepger orientalisiische Smdien no. 7 (Frankfurt: Peter Lang,
ly34)t pp. 252-53.
SO. Cjilhot, l"Le Coran;1 §10.
S7. Sec above, nL Use end of the section entitled "What Can Be Said ... T'
88. SprengerT Lehen, El:590, acid tile excursus +LAsatyr atawwalym d. h. die
Marc hen tier Alien/' pp. 35)0-97,
89. Fraenkeb Fremdwarter (Aramaic)* p. 250: Jeffery, Foreign Vocabulary
(Aramaic and Akkadian), pp. 169--70.
90. SuyulT. hqattj cap. 37 (cd. Spncngcr cl al., p. 311, II.: 11-13; ed sVL Abu 1-
Kadl Ibrahim, 11: SOS). Also according to Juwaybix in hc_s Tafsir 'an Jim 'Abbas, con¬
cerning sura 17:58 (Al-kilab ai-masUir); Sprenger, Lcben. 11:295: Ibn Kathrr, Tafsir,
lfl:58tt, concerning sura S (AnftHy.S1, says 'Te., (asatir) plural of ustitra, j.c.. their
writings {katnbuhumX from which (Muhammad) look over (upobasahd) material”
91. Wall id lt llaj/f, 11:45 5, conce m i i ve sura 8:31.
92. Tbn a. Halim al-Razi (Abu, M. Abd ul-kahman, d. Mu h arras n 327 [October
29, 938])* Tafur, V:l(iS9; Tabari, Tafsin ed. Shakir, XI 11:504, no. 15978; Thalabi,
fhfslr, IV: 350, cpnceitirng sura 8:31.
93. Luxenberg, Die syro-ammaische Lesart* pp. 273 -76.
94. Abu Mansur M, b, M. b, Mahmud al-Samarqandl at-HanaliT d. 333/944; cf,
Ulrich Rudolph, At-Maturldi und die stmmt ische Thcoiogie in Samarkand. Islamic
Philosophy, Theology, as id Science no. 30 (Leiden: Brill 1996),
95- Maiundi, Aval wa-suwar min Ttiwildt at-Quran, p]>. 43—44; cl', Gillioi,
±*l.l1embLirr-asT" £8, LfcLa piste tin palimpseste et lenibarras d'aLMitiJirTdT.1'
96. MnuifuH, ibid., p. 74.
97. Cf. Luxenberg. Die syro-artmatsche Lesart, p. 275. for ins. back-translation
into Aramaic of kmvthar.
98. This discovery rebuts the statement of Harris Rhkctand in The Lord
Guideth: Studies mi Primitive Islam, Ski i tier LUgitt at del Norsks Videnskaps-
Akademi i Oslo, Hist. Kilos. Kiasse 11 (Oslo: 1 kominisjoE] ties 1L Asehehoug [W,
Nygaandl 1956), p. 137, concerning t tic development of Quranic excgesis+ for there
is much to find, not; only in T^hnrt, Zarmikhshari, Ra/.T, etc,, but also in QurUihn
174 ParL I:Tke Early History of Islam

Thaflabi, Wahid], Matbiridl, el nt.1 cf. WaJid A. Saleh, The Formation of the Classical
Tafsir Tradition:. 'The Qur'an Commentary of ul-Thniabi fd. 427/1035), Texts and
Studies on the Quran no. I (Leiden: Brill, 2004), p, 15, n, 26.
99, 'Abd aJ-Rahniaci b. Kaysun, d. 200/8 16 or 201/817, This comes from I bn ;si-
Nadim, Fihrist. ed. Tajaddud, p. 214; in the translation of DodgeT 1:414-15. He did
noi die ea. IVO/S05. as in Saleh, Formation, p. 246, no. 12 (following GAS, 1:614).
Concerning I bn Kaysan. his ontology and his corrimunrary, cf. van Ess, FG\
11:196-417 and V; 193-211.
100. ThalabT, TafsTr, X:3l 0> ILJS-y*
301, Gilliotp "L'embarrusT Saleh., Fonnotiofu 119—24, lias studied
Thiilabl's exegesis of sura 10Sr hut he did not remark upon the sped Ik interpret
lion of Ibn Kay sun (al-,-\snmiii)r
102. Quriubi, Tafsjr, XX;2]7, 1:18—the eighth interpretation in Qumihl CF.
Gill lot, “Lreitibarrd_s,1F £4. This also appears In newer commentaries, u.g.. Shawkani,.
Tafsir, V:5(.)2: wa-tfiVn Ifm Kay Stitt; fum'd t-Uhtir*
1(33- We are very grateful to Mr. Luxenberg; he has both shared these works
with us and allowed us ro mem ion or cite them.
1(34. Christoph Luxenberg* “lx; voile isbrnkpie,11 in Cites (Paris, PUP), March
21M14; Lhe original French is "Qu’tiles shirtachenl leur ceinture nutour dc la lailkT
105, One can rind a French translation oFLuxenberg's article in his “Noel dans
|e Goran/1 in Enqiietes stir ITsiam: en kotnmage a Antoine Moux&ali (Paris: Desclce
tic. Brouwer, 2004); it is also in the original German in his "Weihiiachten im Koran,"
ill Streit um dun Koran: Die L nxenb e rg - Debt 111 e: Skmdpnnkie mid HintergrUnde,
2nd ed., ed. Christoph Burgmer (Berlin: Schtlcr, 20U4), pp. 35 IT
106. Richard Bull, ’The Quran, 11:669; idem, A Commentary of the QurYitt, ed.
Clifford Edmund Bos worth and M. E. J. Richardson, Journal of Semitic Studies
Monographs no. 14 (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 199 i), [1:564 (the
quotation comes from this commentary).
I07r We are dependent i n this section on the important article of Jan M. F. van
Reeih, “Uevarigite du Pruphchs,” in At-Kstdhf ed. dc Sinel el al.. pp. 155 74, One
can find another essay by the same Luuhnr in Arabicit 2005 under the title 11 [_e vig¬
noble du paradis: Lu these de I .uxenherg et les sources du Coran..1*
I OS. Van Rceth. “l.’EvyngileT pp. 158-59.
109- Ibid., pp. 161-62 (here compared with the text of rhe DiaUssaiori in
Middle Dutch from Liege). Cf. L1. de Bruin, Met [.iiikse Diatesseron (Leiden:
Brill, 1970), which was translated in lhe thirteenth century from a lost Latin edition;
cf., however* Karl Ahrens, “Christ!khes im Koran: Line Nuchlcse/* Zeitschrifi der
Denise hen Morgenfandisehen Gesettschaft 84 (1930): 165, although he docs not
refer to the Diatessaron, and Heinrich Speyer, Die hihtischen Fnjihlttitftee im Quran
(Griifcnhaiiiichen; Schultz^ 1931), p. 457.
 On ili.E Origin of the Informants of tint? Prophet 175

l ID. Van Rectb, “UfLvungilcA pp. 162-66; of. Heikki Rilisiinen, Das
korunisehe Jesusbild' Fin Heirrag zur TJieotogie des Koran.? (Hel sink]: Mi ssi o fogs an
ja Ekumeniikaii* 1971), pp. 23-37; idem, Afarcion, Muhammad, and the Mahatma:
Fxegeiical Perspectives on she Encounter uj Culture and Faith (London; 5CM
Press, 1997), pp. 87-91, but without reference fo the Diatessaron.
111. Van Rcctbr LilSEyangilc,1' pp. 167-69; cl". Raisanen, Das koranische Jesus-
bild, pp. 65-67.
112. Van ReethA17EvarigileA pp. 169-72.
113. I bn Ishaq, Slra^ 150/1 bn [ Tisha m. Sira, 1:233/Alfred Guillaume, The Life
of Muhammad (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 104.
114. Van Rccth+ “LhcvangileA p. 173.
\ 15, Bukhari, Ja/zRf, p. 65; Tafstr, p. 61 (concerning sura 61 f5'n/f|:6), ed. Krehl,
11I:352/Lcj traditions pwphetiques, 111:472; Zubids. Taj. Ill:400a: according to Abu
Ubayd, "the last Prophet /"This is translated following Otto Pautz, Mithammeds Lehre
van dvr OjJenharung quell&mtdssig untersucht (Leipzig: J- C- Hinriehs, 1 b9H), p. 126,
n. 2. Cl. ibn Sad, Tabaqdt, 1:105; Raisauen, Das koranische Jesusbild, pp. 52-56;
Theodor Noldeke, Gesebichie dts Qordns, vol. 1. Oherden Unsprung des Qorfins, 2nd
ed.r ed. It. Sch wally ( Leipzig; T. Weicher* 1909), p. 9> n. 1.
116. The idea Lhat “Muhammad” was not actually called by that name comes
From our colleague and friend Dr. Abdallah Cheikh Moussa of the Sorbonne. We
have discussed tins question for over Lcn years,, for die way in which Ibn Habib*
Muhabbar, p, 130 (also Ibn Sad, Tuhaqat, 1:169; Qadi dyad, Shifa\ eh. 13,
1:4-15-47; Sprenger, Leberu pp. 155-62 [translator's note: the reference to Spretiger
is unclear in Gilliofs original]) sought nearly hopelessly for a few bearers of the
name "Muhammad" from before Islam is likely a clue that he was not actually called
by that name, urt if anything, that he bore a Ihe.ophortc name. In addition, ibis passed
down that los father’s name was “Abd Allah A! One can legitimately doubt both
names, however. Edward Jabra Jurjh "Prc-Islamic Lfse of tlie Name Muhammad A
.V/W26 (I 936); 389-91, speaks from the realm of philology and calls it a ■'noun-verb
concept-1'
117. Stefan Wild, Mensch, Prophet, and Gott im Koran: Mustumsche Exegeten
des 20. Jahrhtmderts and das MenschenbUd der Moderne (Munster: Rhema, 2001),
p. 35. Angelika Netiwirth often emphasized this aspect of the Quran, most recently
in “Quran and History—A Disputed Relationship: Some Reflections on Quranic
History and History of the Quran 7" Journal of Quranic Studies 5 (2003): 3: “the
striking extent of self-referentialityA
118. CT. Galliot, “Po&e on prophets?’
!! 9. Matthias Radscheit, Die kora ni sc he Herausfordentng: Die tab add! Verse
tin Ruhnten der Folcmikpassagcn des Kuraas, IsLnmkundliche Umersuchutigcn no.
198 (Berlin: KLllls Sdiwar/.. 1996), PP- 14-23 and 35-60 (on ’'pseudo-prophecy").
 176 Part I: The Early History op [si ATTl

Pickihall's iraiislaiion cun he found in Mohammed Mannaduke PickthaJI. The: CJla-

rious Quran: Trafti/alhm (Elmhurst, NY; Tahrike Tursik Qur'an. 2SJIX)).
120. Ncuvvinh, “QurUn and History,'‘ p. 3.
121. Hermann Recketidorf, Mohammed and die Svirttn, Wbscnsuhult und fill¬
ing no. 2 (Leipzig: Quelle A Mayer. 1<J07)T pp. 4(MI and 3.5 (see Ids comments
on war as ll means uf intimidation and u_s a lure ).
I -2, Igtrn Go Id saber, Die Richtungeo der island sdten Kn nonius tegnng
(Leiden: Brill, 1920k p, 305, translate the phrase "Anliisse der OffejibarLingen ”
123. NoLtlt:ke/Schwa3Iy, OdQ, vol, 2% Die Sammltuig dvs Qortuis (I-eipxig: T.
Weieber, ]!)()!)), p. 182, translate the phrase “Veranlassung der OlTcEibEirungen/1
124. The best thing one could do with the review of Luxenherg1* book (see Lite
bibliography tor a list ol reviews of his book) which appeared in :l journal probably
very much valued by the filii Formnati [band Su:0d_) (vol. Wl [2003J, pp. 92-97)
would he to ignore et totally. Among other things, it contains (on p. 97) comments
that some people would likely consider to be “thoroughly racist." On the other hand,
it is at least a bit surprising that an irresponsible statement concerning Luxenbcrg's
identity was made in Beirut shortly thereafter by a colleague. There is a French
proverb: liQu\ vent nnyer son chicn J3accuse de Ea rage;1 Roughly translated into
English. it means “He who wishes to drown his dog accuses it id having rabies 1 (i.e.,
makes lalse accusations against it}. L(i]iughs book was ignored; Jo such people then
wish dint Luxenherg will simply be assassinated by the new "Defender^ Ansar*'? Do
they thereby wish to imitate Muhammad, who had poets (both male and female) exe¬
cuted {dmiran bi-durhi iimtqihi; cf. Gillioi, “Poete ou propheteTF p, 383. ti. 306), in
order in preserve llieir own unique theses concerning the language and history of the
Quran?
123- Cl. Gil Jim and Larches “Language und Style/1 p. I3lb; Gil hot,
“L'ernbarrasC §9.
126. Gtinicr Exiling, Ober den Ur-Quran: Ansdue zur Rekonxiruktion voris-
lumisdier dirisiUeher Sirvphenheder im Quran (Erlangen: Liiling, 1974) (now
translated into English, expanded, and newly edited as A Challenge in Islam for
Refonruiium: 7 he Rediscovery and Reliable Reconstruction of n Comprehensive
Fre- Islamic Christian Hymnal Hidden in the Koran under Earliest Idam Ic Reinicr-
ptz- tat ions [ Do hit: MotiluE Ranarstdass Publishers, 20<J3|).
127. for Atldrac, Der Urspnmg de$ 1slams ttrul das Chri Mention (UppsaEa;
Alniqvist ■& Wiksotts. 1926), pp. 14914.; Les origins de t'islam et lc chrisiianisme,
trans. j. Roche, Initiation a r Islam no. 8 (Pads: Adrien-Maisonnetive, 1955), pp. 9ff.
I2E. Wilhelm Rudolph. Die Abhdngigkeii des Qorans von Jude warn und
Chrisimium (Stuttgarti W. Kohl hammer, 1922),
129. Friedrich Lebcreclit Fleischer, “Ueber arahische lexicographic und
Fha'ahbFs Fiqh al-kighah,” in It endue fid die Verdant dun gen tier Kimiglich Such-
 On llie Origin af the Informants of the Prophet 177

sischen Gesellithaji tier Wisscnschafien zu Leipzig (Leipzig: Breilkopf <&: Bartel,

I 854), p. 5: idem, Klein ere Schrifien, 3 vote, (Leipzig: S, Miry.el, 1 88-5—] SS81; reprint
edition, Osnabliick: Riblio Verlng, I 968), 31 f: I 56; cf. Cti llksi and Larehcr, "Language
and Style/pp. 12lb-122a,

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 4
ABD AL-MALIK B. MARWAN AND
THE PROCESS OF THE QUR’AN’S
COMPOSITION
Alfred-Louis (le Premare

lie process by which the Qur'an was composed has been the subject
A of long and detailed slut lies, beginning with the German Orientalists
during the second halt'of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twen¬
tieth century. However, some more recent works have profoundly ques¬
tioned, in ways that themselves are almost entirely different and even
opposed to each other, a certain number of assumptions and conclusions that
had heretofore been generally accepted.1 This article.must, therefore, be lim¬
ited in its scope and not violate its modest intentions. Knowing the com¬
posite nature of the texts, which are collected in the Quranic corpus, and the
uncertain character of the akhbar concerning their “gathering” {jam' al-
Qurdn) I would like straightaway to ground my study in certain accepted
facts, or historical givens, that lay outside of that material which constitutes
the akhbar. Such donnees all belong to the period of the Marwiinid U ill ay y ad
Caliphate, beginning with the reign of 'Abd al-Malik b. Mar wan (Alt 65-156
/685-705 cn).

189
190 Part TiThii Early History of Islam

ACCEPTED FACTS

Epigraphy and Numismatics

The first Islamic religions writings that have been dated thus far and attested
to by external documents arc the mosaic inscriptions in the Dome of the
Rock, founded by 'Ahd al-Malik in Aelia (Iliya), the Roman name tor Jeru¬
salem that was still used at the time. They arc located on the ceiling of the
building- their golden cubes decorate both the interior and the exterior surfaces
of the octagonal arcade (hut divides the ambulatory into its inner and outer, sec¬
tions; the inscription on the outer surface, east and southeast, mentions the
name of the Caliph responsible for the struct Lire, and the year since l tie Hijra
when it was built: ah 72 (692 693 cf,). The text of the inscriptions, which was
published in the 1930s and has been the subject of many studies subsequently,
was the object of a “Reconsideration” in 1970 by Christl-I Kessler, who edited
the inscriptions anew and reproduced them iti their graphic configuration,
illustrated with plates containing detailed photographs.-
The contents of the inscriptions are made up of formulaic statements, a
number of which exist in parallel and in various passages and places in the
Quran, most noticeably the basmala and the sbahada, the latter being
lengthened by eulogies dedicated to the Prophet {al-tasliya)* The basmala
and the shahada, repeated at regular intervals, frame different short texts one
after the other, as il one were looking at a scries of short, successive suras.
Only in the latter do wc find a lew diacritical marks meant to distinguish par¬
ticular letters, but almost none, with only a fesv exceptions, correspond pre¬
cisely to the ones belonging to later Arabic script.
The subjects of these texts arc polemical. They are addressed directly to
the “People of Scripture [ahl al-kiulb]'' referring to the Christians, as the
polemic concerns mainly Jesus and the Trinity. We hud those passages again
in thti Quran, both in complete lines and in fragments of linos, organized in
different ways and with grammatical variants due to different arrangements
or to a different syntactical context,4
Within such texts wo hml the definition of divine uniqueness: qid hi two
Allah ahad, Allah i-samad, lam yaiid wa-lam y ill ml, wa-lum yakitn la-hn
kufuwan aiusd. This text exists in isolation in the Qur an, where it comprises
the entirety of the short sura 112 [al-lkhlds). This is a “definition” In the
theological-canonical sense of the term, in the style and in the image of
 BAkl sJ-Ma3ik k Marwan and the Process of the Qur'an's Composition 191

Christian conciliar definitions on points of dogma. In the context of the

Dome of the Rock, such a lapidary Sbnnulatiori is also polemic in nature: the
statement that Allah “does not generate, nor is he generatedr and that "He
has no equal/1 are expressed in formulae just as obviously crafted, in
response to the definition issued during the Council of Nicaea (325 ce> con¬
demning Ari an ism and declaring that Jesus Christ must he called "tov uidv
too BeoG, v^vn0£VTO( £k tou riwpd^ Movoyevn ... y£wr|0£VTot ori
nOltlG^VTOt, OJJOOUOIOV T£p TTCtTpL . . A5
John of Damascus, who was active in she Umayyad administration at lhe
time of Abd al-Mnlik, was of she opinion, in '"Heresy no. LOO/* that the doc¬
trine of she prophet of the new religion had been influenced by an Arian
monk A
The eastern and northern doors of she building also contain a certain
number of inscriptions on copper pluses that are considered as dating from
the Umayyad period. On the northern door, the supremacy of thereligion of
truth*' is stated in the same words with which it is declared to be so, three
times, in the Qur'an.7
This motif or theme is immediately followed by a collective profession
of faith: "We believe in Allah, in final which came down to Muhammad, and
in that which the Prophets received from their Lord, without making any dis¬
tinction among them, and it is to Him that we are beholden/" Two lengthy
parallels exist within the Qur'an, with the following variant: lLin that which
has come down upon/towards us1’ (instead of "towards Muhammad”'), and
where we also find a list of names of the biblical characters Abraham, I sh¬
roud, Isaac* Jacob, al-Asbaf, Moses, and Jesus.® The supremacy of the “reli¬
gion of truth against the liking of the h^sociators” (that is, Christ runs who
"associate” others—meaning Jesus—with God), and the refusal to "distin¬
guish” between Lhc various prophets arc here again proclaimed in opposition
to the Christians, as “associators ” The designation of “associntors” as
applied to Christians was the object, at that time, of a polemical discussion
in "Heresy no. I GO” by John of Damascus,9
Some religious formulas identical k> those in the Dome of the Rock arc
found on Arabic coins 1 hat were struck and pul into circulation by she mon¬
etary reform of 'Abd-al Malik beginning in aft 77 (696-697 CE)- On certain
silver coins we find either the partial or the complete polemtcal-dogifiatic
"definition” of Divine uniqueness already to be found in lhc Dome of the
Rock {Allah A had, Allah t-Samad. . . .),10 This definition seems to become a
 192 Part- t: i lie fiarty History op Islam

sort of leitmotif of the new religious identity as against that of the peoples
newly conquered and subjected to the Islamic empire. We find it again,
blended in with other formulae, inside an Umayyad inscription placed to the
right of l he al-Umarl mosque in Busrii in Lhc I, I aw rtin. founded by 'Umar II
b. Abd til-Aziz (aji 99 [717-718}).11
The inscription on the base of the Umayyad mosque in Damascus, built
by al-Walld 1, son of'Abd al-Malik (ah 86-96 [705-715 CE]), consists, just
after the hasmala, of a short text that we find as a verse of the Quran {id
sknlftn 111-din).]- Ibis text is followed by a lengthy ahtihdda attesting that
God is unique, and without associates, and that "our religion is Islam and our
prophel is Muhammad," The mention, in conclusion, of the founding Caliph
and of the date of construction (ah 86 |7(>5 or;]) points out that the mosque
w'as built "on the location, and after the destruction of, the church that was
previously there."13 That church was the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist:
as the Christians had obstinately refused to give it up, al-Walid, it is said,
struck the first blow in its demolition, and then ordered that the Jews come to
complete it.1*3
Given such circumstances, and in its textual surroundings, placing the
mention of the demolished church with the text "id ikrdha ft l-dln" (there is
no compulsion in religion) appears to be paradoxical: the Christians,
although they have not given up serving the taghtlt. are not forced to
embrace Islam, bur Islam shows nonetheless its essential superiority (if is the
good direction'' as opposed to the “errant" one), and its supremacy is testi¬
fied to by the fact of the destruction of the cathedral and its replacement by
a mosque, by order of the Muslim caliph,
The passage id ikrdha Jt i-din. as a Quranic verse (2, 256) is a text
without a real literary context: it is preceded by the verse of Lhc Throne,
which is a piece "in itself," and it is followed by short narratives about
Abraham and the resurrection of the dead. The literature of the Asbub ab
imziil tried to find the circumstances of the transmission of Id ikrdha ft l-din
in the framework of Medina, generally around the theme of the "votive" chil¬
dren, linked to The expulsion of the Jewish tribe of lhc Banil I-Nadir. It would
appear that the damascene framework of lhe Umayyad mosque might apply
just as well, if not more so,15
The geographer al-Muqaddasi (writing in ah 375 /WJ5 CE) later recalled,
in relevant fashion, the psycho-historical context of the construction of ihis
mosque, one of a mimetic rivalry with Christians.!e
 Abi al-Ma.1 lit h. Mirwan and the Process o| the Qur'an's Composition 193

A historian studying these texts might envisage three hypotheses con¬

cerning the content of the inscriptions on these monuments, which have par¬
allels within the Quran:

1. the texts were composed directly for the monuments in question, and
were reused later, with some slight modifications, in the final compo¬
sition of the Quranic text:
2. they represent fragments that were still scattered, attesting to the exis¬
tence of a sort of Ur-QurTm, still being drafted, selected, and assem¬
bled, some of which at the same lime could have been used in the
inscriptions on the monuments;
3. ihey were actual lT| not at ions/' taken from a fully formed Quran that
is the one we now have today.

Although none of these hypotheses seems sufficient to prevail over the

others, based only on the inscriptions, it seems to me, based on the analyses
offered below (It,. Ill), that one can exclude the third hypothesis. It is in
Jerusalem, in any case, in the place that stood as the symbol of eastern Chris¬
tianity, where the Islamic anti-trinitarian and Christologieal polemic, as
expressed in the inscriptions in the Dome of the Rock, has its true sin ini
Sehen. We might he able to extend such an affirmation to the la ikrflhnJi l-dm
text that appears in the foundation inscription of the Damascus mosque.

PALEOGRAPHY AND THE STUDY OF T11E CODICES

1 shall not [Swell on the problems that the oldest, and fragmentary, manu¬
scripts we possess of [he Qur an pose for scholars, for these are not my held
of expertise. I shall limit myself to mentioning a few elements that l am
familiar with, and which seem relevant to my argument, and which concern
exclusively those manuscripts which are considered the oldest, because of
the style of their lettering,17
We are always dealing with fragmentary texts, despite the fact that some
of them may be quite lengthy. Their dates are only approximate, as the
margin of uncertainty was still considerable between the end of the seventh
century of the modem era and the. first half of the eighth century (the end of
the first century ah); these documents still belong to the same Marwanid
194 Part Ir TKe Early History op [$1 am

period attested to by the eptgraphic ami numismatic evidence mentioned

above. The writing of these texts is defective, ami the orthography often ten¬
tative. The systems with which the verses are separated are very variable, and
no title is given tor those units of the text, which are now considered the suras.
Yet such units seem to be set—and they are indicated by the busmaSa—by a
white line of separation, or by some decorati ve dement. Finally, a number of
these manuscript fragments positively attest to an arrangement of the texts
dilferent from the one we tind in the definitive corpus, something ihai we
have only known, thus far. From lit entry sources Thus, we are dealing with
a period when not only the writing of the Quran, but also the organization of
its contents were not yet stabilized.

EXTERNAL LITERARY SOURCES

Two Christian works of that same period refer to Islamic writings known to
be the authoritative scriptures for die new religion.

The Monk o f Beth Hale

In a Disputedio composed in Syriac by an anonymous monk from the Beth

Ilalc Monastery in Mesopotamia, the author conducts a dialogue, in a
fashion reminiscent of some Iranian texts, with a Muslim notable from the
entourage of the emir Mas lama (d. 120/738), son of'Alxl al-Malik, and the
governor of the JazTra in 91/710. This detail, together with oLhcr information,
allows us to assign the composition of the work to the lirst two decades of
the eighth century.Iy
The Christian apologist makes a clear distinction between the writings
lie attributes to Muhammad (iWhnu!)', a distinction is made between I) the
laws and commandments to be found “in the Quran that Muhammad has
taught you,” and 2) other laws and commandments to be found in three dif¬
ferent writings by Muhammad, including “the writing of (he Cow (surar at-
He does not provide any more details on die content of this text.
On (lie other hand, the Arabic word sura, as its Syriac counterpart surtu,
from which it is probably derived, may refer, as is generally the case in the
Quran itself, to a fragmentary “writing," rather than what we now call
“suras."21 Further, the title of die suras as we know them arc late, and are
 Abd. al-Mal ik k Manvln and the Process of tke QurWs Composition 195

thus not present in she oldest manuscript fragments of the Quran. It is there¬
fore likely [hat the writings referred to by lhe monk do not correspond com¬
pletely to what we now know as the sura called “the Cow/' ft appears, in any
ease, that around 710T there did exist, among other writings, o "writing on the
Cow" distinct from the Quran.

John of Damascus

The second work is the "Rook of Heresies/' written in Greek around 735 by
John of Damascus, one of the Fathers of the Church. He had followed his father
in the sen1 ice of the Umayyad administration between 700 and 705 f ah SI -85),
during the last years of the reign of Abd a]-Malik.22 ft would appear that
"Heresy 100” | Ocpi atpeaeioq p*], which concludes his work and concerns "the
cult of the Jshmaelites" nov Iopai]kmov), or Islam, is the product of
knowledge he hud acquired ui die time from existing Islamic writing,^
The Arabic word Qur'an is not mentioned, rather the Greek word
“fhpkoq/1 a "book” composed by Muhammad (Mupch) based on a writing
uypcttpiyrroyYpti'qin]?> (so-cailed coming from Heaven) in the words of the
polemicist, who discusses its origin ami content, essentially in a theological
context. What he mentions about this fii|3^o^ in relation to the polemic
against Christian chrktolngy is summarized with precis ion, and we also have
parallels existing between certain passages in the inscriptions on the Dome
of the Ruck and in the Quran.34
He also refers to various texts written by Muhammad, and il is difficult
to say whether He considers them as part of the jhflkoc mentioned above. They
have different names (jrpumyyopiu), which correspond tu their respective sub¬
jects (e.g., "The Cow/r "God's She-Camd/B “the Table/' “The Woman");
these are not, properly speaking, "titles'" (onypu<pr|). "The woman's writing
in YPtttPn Tfjt; yu-voelKdg,> concerns, among other things, the laws
regarding polygamy-^ and repudiation, the latter being illustrated by \hc story
of Zayd's repudiation of his wife for the benefit of Muhammad. It is “in the
same writing" ("Ev DtUTfj &£ Trj be repons, that there appears
there the commendation Lo go unto one's wife in such-and-such a way, as otic
plows a field3* We know now thatT in the definiti ve text of the Qur'an, this
image occurs in sura 2T al-Baqarah together with the legal norms governing
repudiation,27 and that mention of Zayd and his wife occurs in sura 33, ul-
Ahzfib2# These themes, gathered in "one same writing/" titled "Woman/'
196 Part i: Tlic Parly History of Islam

leads us to think that we are dealing with a text that is organized quite differ¬
ently from she current sura 4, titled "Women.”
Another text is referred u> at length; it is titled "Cod’s shc-Camel”
tn YPatPn Ti\q KOt]jr|AoL> SeoO), and it. too, is attributed to Mult am mad.
The subject of the she-camel, in the definitive text of the Quran, is spread
out among various passages, far front one another, without leading to a
single grouping within a particular sura under the heading “God’s she-
Camel. '-9 l-urther, the writings to which John refers include, on the subject
of the she-camel, some dements that are riot found in the pages of the Quran
on the same subject, including the fact that a she-came I cannot pass between
two mountains because there is not enough space: that she is without a father
and a mother; that she nurses people with her milk, that she has a baby
camel; and that following the murder of her mother (lie young camel cries to
God and is raised to Heaven, The polemicist discusses all these details—and
mocks therm-™
We have spoken of the “extremely succinct character" shown by the
author ot “Heresy 100" in his knowledge of Islam, or even of "mistakes that
are more intentional than involuntary.’’™ At host, and without meaning to
question his “solid information,” these variations front the Quran have been
perceived as “imprecision?; in the details,"-^- or a blending with oral sources
in die development of the stories of Zayd or of God’s she-came I,-1-5 whereas
John says explicitly that such elements ace to be found in some of
Muhammad's “writings." Such judgments are a projection onto the informa¬
tion provided by John in his own lime, of which we now know from the
current textual corpus ot the Qur'iln. as if the latter were the measure of
everything on the historical and literary level. Wc do have, in places other
than the work of John of Damascus, and essentially in the same period, vis¬
ible traces of what he says concerning the “writing about God’s she-camcl."
Such traces exist most notably in what was transmitted by Muqatil b.
Sulayman (d. 150/767), as an explanation {ttifsir) of those Qur'amc passages
where there is mention of “God’s she-caim-r (naqat A ttsh). Wc find here the
following themes: the she-cam el has neither father nor mother {min ghayri
tutsl), she is close to giving birth ^ttxhard')', she emerges from a stony cliff
{sukhm'y, people Iced on her milk (ft Ittban) when she is standing still,
drinking the water given to Iter; the young camel ([fiisil) cries for help after
the murder of its mother, it is saved, and it mysteriously disappears.™
An analysis of these texts, as they have reached os,^ allows us to easily
 ' Abd al-M.il ik b. Mir wan araii fcke Process of the Qur5ns Com position 197

perceive within them, due co the is- disorganized character, what is a tafsir of
Muqatif introduced most frequently by yani, yaqtlhf or itmamd, or by qala
MuqquL On the other hand, a certain number of themes are noL introduced
by such openings, and these appear without an obvious link with the contents
of a text that they do not intend to explain, but chat forms a pan of the same
text. The most significant passage concerns verses 155-58 of sura 26, al-
Sfuiara^ In the light of what is said by John of Damascus, and taking into
careful consideration that which is reproduced from Muqutil, the hypothesis
that the latter contains traces of a text earlier than the various current
Qu rauic passages on the she-eamel of the Thamud, acquires a clear shape.
According to such a hypothesis, this text is not an ex age Lien I gloss added
after the Quranic passages, us one might surmise; rather, the Quranic pas¬
sages can be seen ns the Inter restill of menial labor aimed at the redaction,
selection, and stylistic reorganization of the text, and carried out during die
final composition, based on various preexisting lexis riot yet formally fixed
and rendered immutable.
On the other hand, Muqatil is not the only one in whose writings we find
the different motifs referred to by John of Damascus concerning the text
about God’s she-camef But he is the earliest and he si tows it to us in what
is, effectively, a raw first state. Al-Tabari (d. 310/923) later gives us a well-
composed sampling of ancient Arab legends in his Quranic commentary
titled Jami a! bayarj. He refers each time to transmitting sources that are all
contemporaneous with John of Damascus: Eil-Suddl (KufaT <1. I27/745)T lbn
Ishaq (Medina, al-Hira, Baghdad, d, 150/767) and, to a lesser extent, al-
Hasan al-Rasri (Basra, d. I I0/728).57 All this won Id lead one to think that
such narratives were no longer just orally transmitted, hut that some had
been set down in writing, on the model of the YPOltpr) tfjc; KOtpnXoLJ too
0£OU, which, according to John of Damascus, was attributed to Muhmmtied,

INTERN AL HISTORICAL AND LITERARY SOURCES

Based on the elements presented and analysed above, the period between the
very end of the seventh eenlury and Ihe beginning of tlie eighth century con¬
stitutes d key moment in the history of the. Quran. It is in Lhc light of such
elements that we must view what is said by she Arab historical and literary
sources of Lhc lime.38 lbn A.bl Dlwud aLSijistanu in his Kirfib al-mamkif
 198 Part I: The pjrly History of Isl am

places himself squarely in the camp of the tradition ists, who believe ibat the
Quran was entirely formed and officially sanctioned at the time of" Uthman,
and by his fiat. Yet he dedicates a number of pages of his work to the serip-
luial work carried out under the direction of al - Hajjaj b. Yusuf, governor of
Iraq, a Itcgc of Caliph Abd al-Malik (ah 65-85 1685-705 CEj), then of his
son and successor, al-Walld (ah 86-96 [705-715 ceJ). This is one of the first
indications of its importance.
In the tie Ed of Arab historiography, however, there tire sources of informa-
lion other than those specifically concerning the study of the Qur'an, and these
are generally less conditioned by the attitudes typical of the traditional, and
Ireer in the 'runs miss ion of their akhhur. This applies, in particular, to bio¬
graphical and genealogical works, works of a Jab, and historical-geographical
works.[ shall rely in particular on such literary sources, exercising the nec¬
essary critical caution, as one should do when viewing the information being
transmitted and the nature of the works in which we find Lhcm.

‘ABD AL-MALIK B. MARWAN

( ah 65-86/685-705 ce)

flu- Theological and Political Background

I he caliph is necessarily involved in scriptural issues, first of all in his insti¬

tutional role, as political power is indissolubly linked to its religious legiti¬
macy. All Umayyads, beginning with Uthman, are not only aware of their
role, but they also bestow upon themselves the title of "C.Jod’s Caliph.”
khalifat AUtih. References and quotations provided by P. Crone and M Hinds
on this matter, beginning with 'Uthman, are of particular significance. The
attestations concerning'Abd al-Malik are especially striking.'11’
Ihe title khalifat Allah does not appear following his name on the
inscription in the foundation stone of the Dome of the Rock, only the epithet
of amir at-muminin. Some coins of the period, however, do contain that title,
although .such numismatic use of "khalifat Allah" does not appear to have
lasted for long,-11 We also have some evidence of the attribution of ihat title
to Abd al-Malik by the main poets of the time: at-F’arazdaq. Janr, and al-
Akhtal; we even find it in I bn Qays al-Ruqayyat, despite the latter's having
been linked lor a certain period with the Zu bay rids, the principal opponents
of the Umayyad dynasty.'12
 'Abd a.1-Malik b. Manuin artel the Process op the Qur'an's Composition 199

This might be explained by taking into account the larger context, as

marked by a number of significant events, such as the foundation of the
Dome of the Rock, u symbol of Islam's prestige and triumph over the Chris¬
tians: the imposition of the jizya on the non-Muslim population as a whole';4-'
the Arabization of the administration; the creation of a currency lhai was
clearly Arab and Muslim^44 and, finally, the recognition of the legitimate role
of ‘Afad al-Mnlik as caliph. The tmlithmists have dated this legitimization
process to the time of his victory over'Abd Allah Ibn al Zubayr, in the year
All 73, now referred to as "the your of unity” C'fitti al-jama'a)**
In the circumstances of a Jitna which was undergoing a continuous
renaissance, particularly in Iraq, al-Hajjnj lx Yusuf, the governor of that
region, was particularly keen to praise the stature of'Abd a!-Malik ns “God's
Caliph.” He is viewed as the principal author of a sort of fheologko-pol ideal
doctrine aimed at justifying the actions and decisions of the caliph;

lie Lal-HajjajJ had a pure Arabic language* he was eloquent and well-versed
in the law [kdrta faslhan balighan faqtlum], wrote Ihn Hajar about him: he
said lIilll obedience 10 the Caliph in his every demand was compulsory
[fan!| lor the population, and. he even debated that very point.46

Numerous letters by al-Hajjaj have been quoted by historians. In one of

these, addressed to Mutarrif lx atMughlra* governor of al-Mada in (Ctc-
siphon) in Iraq, who was making peace with those who took part in the
khurijite revolt of 5 Ins bib LxYazld, in 77/696, he wrote: fil Abd al-Malik is
God's caliph concerning His servants, and he is more greatly honored by
Him than Muhammad and the other messengers.1 p'4 7
Another of his letters is quoted, this one addressed to lAbU al-Malik* in
which he praised I he stature of the Caliphate, and he said that the Caliph, in
the eyes of God, was better than the angels, closest {to God), even closer than
Lhe Prophets who were sent_Abd al-Malik. says the informer, was sur¬
prised* and said JI would have liked it if some kharijite had been present, lo
be able to oppose him at least through ibis Ecttcr[>1"4&
One might think that the caliph is here being depicted almost us a pawn
in die hands of the powerful governor and sonic of these akhbar could simply
be a re tied ion of the auiMJmayyad propaganda of the Abbassids. Other
akhhar show, on the other hand, that LAbd al-Malik remains the master of the
game. We have many examples uf this* which ! cannot dwell upon at length
here. It shows, essentially, that al-Hajjaj is merely a servant of lhe caliph, lhe
200 Part 1: The Early History of ] slam

object ot his favor due to It is effectiveness in repressing the dissidents in Jraij,

yet tie is just as likdv, under different circumstances, to incur the caliph's dis¬
pleasure or simply be "put back in his place."4* Further, 'Abd al-Malik, in
Syria, has other very influential advisors: Raja' b. Huy wa, the administrator
of, and "spiritual advisor" for, the construction of the Dome of the Rock; his
personal secretary, QabTsa b. Dhuayb, in charge of the mini and the postal
systems; and finally, Ibn ShabTb al-7.uhri, %vho was to become the principal
mentor ol his successors in die recording of (he collections n| religious tradi¬
tions. These three personages were not only high officials, they were also
Scholars working in Syria in the service of the caliph and advising him oil
important matters, such as the construction of the Dome of the Rock, the cre¬
ation of the new currency, and the management of the writings and Traditions
that were circulating. They could not have been unaware of the composition
of the religious scriptures. Yet a careful study of each of these three would
require going beyond the scope of the present article.

Abd al-Malik and the Religions Scriptures

Abd al-Malik, just as al-Hajjaj does, appears in the most authoritative bio¬
graphic dictionaries of the Islamic tradition as a transmitter of hadiths, as an
expert in Quranic texts, and as a faqlh* with the chain of transmission
extending hack to a number of Muhammad’s Companions, including
Lehman. Thus, lie was recognized as having a role in religious affairs
because of the unusual abilities attributed to him, even in the Abbas id
period,50
Such considerations must necessarily contain some fictitious elements,
as they tend to project onto the period of ‘ALxl al-Malik some categories
established later in the history of Islamic religious science.5® Yet it is (rue
that, even though after the fact, they const i lute a sort of posthumous recog¬
nition of his fulfillment, not only of his official responsibilities, but of what
in tael he managed to achieve beyond dial. Thus, in order to properly high¬
light the juridical knowledge of'Abd al-Malik, the testimony oral-A'mash is
often invoked as that of one of the recognized specialists of the “readings"
of the Q tiffin.--
Were the authors thinking more particularly about interventions (by 'Abd
al-Malik), or about decisions made about the composition of the Quran?
Abd ul-Malik. it is said, made the loltowing remark: “I am afraid of dying
 'Abd. al-Malikb. Marwan and the Process of the Quran's Composition 201

iluring the month of Ramadan. Thai is the month in which [ was horn, it is
the month in which I was weaned, it is the month m which 1 gathered
together the Qur'an [jamerttt l-Qur'c7u|, anti it is the month in which I was
sworn allegiance [as the caliph]." And he died at mid-5haWwa|T when he no
longer was worried about the possibility of dying (during Ramadan).53
Tins information has been used as an indication of the role played by
Abd ul-MuEik in I he composition of the Quranic texts, quite apart from its
anecdotal and literary aspects, which deserve to be analyzed in themselves.54
Yeu as the verb jama'ti, “to gather" (in a mttshaf)* is also used with the
meaning of‘memorizing/le anting by heart,” one may also understand it as a
reference k> his memory of learning, as a child, after he had been weaned. In
any easc> we would still need to establish the naLure of Lhe “Quran" he
learned by heart when he was a child. Thus we must rely on other in forma¬
tion in order to Ety to understand the role assigned in the ancient texts to ‘ Abd
al-Malik in the matter of the Qur’an.
An early indication may be found in lhu Su’d, It is quite interesting, espe¬
cially if we keep in mind his habitual reserve concerning the actual writing
down of the Qur'an.

The Silences of lhn Sad

Ibn Sad, in fuctp is obstinately silent about a “gathering-up of the Quran" in

pages (stiJmf) or in a codex {tmishaf), done supposedly first at the time of
Abu BakrP and later at die time of TJthman. All the more reason for his
silence, not only concerning the Hufsa sheets, but also, apart from a brief
allusion, concerning the role of Zayd b. Tabu as the sole creator of a mushtif.
In his view, Zayd is solely an expert on legal [.succession-related) mailers
[famidy If there were akhhdr about these two collections already in circu¬
lation in the first half of the eighth century, beginning with accounts all rib-
□ted to ibn Shihab al-Zuhri, Ibn Sad, who knew them, did not take them into
account,55 Whatever die intentions of Ibn Su'd, Lhis does not surprise, given
the diversity of the contradictory akhhdr concerning this question; Lhe
canonical version of it I-Bukhari, on the other hand, chose to ignore the exis¬
tence of real competing Quranic collections, which he was content to men¬
tion only very vaguely. The narrative by Ibn Su'd concerning his teacher
aKWaqidi can be found in the Song biographical note he dedicates to ' Abd al-
MaliL
202 Part T: The Party Hi $ Lory of Islam

The Speech to the People of Medina

AI-WaqklT attributes the direct transmission to Muliaminad b. Khb al-

QuraziT Lho qass at the Medina masque arid a member of die household of
the Umayyads,56 I bn Sadi places him in the context of t lie official pilgrimage
to the holy places of the Hyaz, led by Abd al-Malik lei the year 75/695; The
caliph, passing through Medina on that occasion, made a conciliatory speech
to Lhe people of Medina concerning both their mushof and their pnriiuthr
corpus nf legal prescriptions.^
The caliph, according to 1 his account, appeared to wish Us put an end to
the stormy relationship dial had arisen between the people of Medina and the
Umayyads since the caliphate of Yazld it and, in particular, (he secession by
1 lie caliph of Mecca, 'Abd Allah Ibn ai-Zubayr, which had ended two and a
half years earlier by aWJajjaj b. Yusuf. The pilgrimage of 75/695 marked the
solemn conclusion of that second and long civil war. The memory of the
letter is all the more alive for the people of Medina, as they suffered greatly
in 63/683, following their revolt, their defeat at the ha mu Waqitti (at-Ikirra,
near Medina), and the massacre that followed in the town itself. During his
visit with them, KAbd al-Malik does not shy away from reminding them
sternly about those events, and he showy himself to be intransigent con¬
cerning the legitimacy of his power as well as that of "the people of his
house.*5® His last speech is allogeihet different in tone:

Muhammad b. "Umar [ul-WfiqEdfi spoke to us, and said: "Ibn Abl Sabra59
reported to me, Lhe supporter of Abu Musa aPHannar, the supporter of lbn
Ka'h lahQurazI], who said: l beard ' Abd al-Malik b, Mar wan say:

LPeople of Medina, you had ihc greatest right to be linked to the first
work;150 whereas there have Unwed over you from die East some hadiths
which we do not know,61 but we only know the reading of the Quran - So
you should ding to what is in your mushaf around which the imam so
unjustly trained62 hus gathered you; and observe the jamidV^ around
which your imam, so unjustly treated, has gathered you. May God have
mercy on him, as he had consulted Zayd h. Tabit about this, and he was an
excellent advisor for Islam, may God have mercy on him. They both lirmlv
established what they established, and they abolished that which they
diverged from/"*64
 'Ahct al-Malik L. Marwan ancl the Process of the QurSni Composition 203

The authenticity of this speech has been doubted in the light of Inter devel¬
opments in i he juridical tradition, and of what it says concerning the haduhy
from Iraq and the fa raid of ZaydA5 Personally, I would envisage things in
another wuyt beginning with what is said in the mnshuf* and placing myself
in Lhc framework of the narrative as a literary text not without data of a ‘"his¬
torical” nature. Four important elements are worthy of note;

1. Apart from the hadlths* the caliph speaks of that which, in Iraq, con¬
cerns "'[lie reading of the Quran,” and that he knows- (and recognizes 7 A
2. lie mentions a musfiaf belonging to the people of Medina 0nushaf-
ktmi), supported by 'U Eh man, and he urges them “to cling to that
which in found in,+ that codex.
d, He refers to a body of fanTitf the substance of which lie attributes to
Zayd b. Thabiu advisor to ‘Uthircsm, and which is distinct from the
Qur anic miish&f* and he declares those prescriptions to be “good for
Islam.1"
4. Abd al-Mafik, in any case, in his role as caliph exercises his decision¬
making authority.

Furthermore, what we know both from the external information noted above,
and from externa] literary sources and internal information of a historio¬
graphical nature, corresponds, in general, to Lhc contents of the speech of
Abd al-Malik, namely, the existence of different “Quranic'* traditions in dif¬
ferent parts of the empire, in Hijaz, in Syria, nnd in Iraq: the existence,
alongside a Qur an which had not yet stabilized, of other wrilings attributed
to Fslam’s Prophet, which are distinct from that Qur'an; and, finally, the fact
that Abd nFMalik, certain of his own legitimacy and of his rote as khalifat
Allahy decides and intervenes as the unifier of the community,
I bit Sad has gathered these elements in the general framework of the pil¬
grimage in the year ah 75. Such framing is doubtless a. symbolic one. Yet, in
thaL case, it is intended to show that the reign of Abd al-Malik, the legitimate
caliph beginning in the year 73, and the one who presided over the pil¬
grimage of the year 75, was a significant moment, in the composition of an
official corpus called she Qur an, consisting of writings that at the time were
still dispersed.
204 Part T: Ttie Early History of Islam

AL-HAJJAJ B. YUSUF (AH 41-95/661-714 ce>

Al-Rajjaj b. Yusuf is credited by traditional sources with a certain number

of “technical” interventions of the 'Uthman codex (diacritical marks, cor¬
rections, division of the text). But such indications are often contradictory
and uncertain,66
Information of this kind, much like the criticism that has been levied
against it, is based on various assumptions, to wit: dial the basic Quranic
codex was put together under 'Uthman: that that codex was entire, having
been completed and officially divulged beginning at this time; and, finally,
that the current mushaf is evidence of an ‘“Utlmiunian text.”67 As long as a
mushitf that can be proven to be that of Uthman remains out of our grasp,
such assumptions must be reexamined in the light of the current status of
historical research Oil the Umayyad period; there have been, in fact, new
elements gathered from (he updating and publication of texts that were pre¬
viously either unknown or unpublished. These texts make it dear that the
information known thus far concerning the history of the masaliif were the
result of a conditional selection, which left aside many aspects liable to turn
one’s views in a completely different direction.

THE SENDING OF THE MUSHAF

TO THE CAPITALS OF THE EMPIRE

The lirst question to arise concerns the nature and content of the mushaf allegedly
compiled in Medina on ihc initiative of‘Uthman, and supposedly set tint to the
capitals to unify die readings and to “officialize" the texts. Ibn Shabba, in his His¬
tory of Medina, reports the following kimhar. ‘"Abd al-'AzT? b. ‘Amriin told us,
according to Muhri/ Ibn Eh a bit, nmwla of Maslama b, 'Abd a l-Malik, who had
it from his father, who said; I was one of the guards of Ha jjiij h, Yusuf. Al-Hajjaj
wrote the mushaf. Then he sent them to the military capitals (al-amsdr). He sent
one to Medina. The members of 'Ulhman’s family disapproved of 1 hut. They
were told; “Get out the mushaf of T'tlinian b. 'Allan, so that \vc may read it!
They answered: it was destroyed on the day when ‘Uthman was killed.”6®
The distribution of the masdhif in ail the military capitals by al-Hajjaj is
evoked in a similar manner by the Egyptian historian Ibn Duqmaq (d.
809/1406):
 HAt>d al-Malik L. Miman ami the Process of the Qur'ani Composition 205

AKHajjuj b. Yosuf ftl-Thaqafl wrote mastlhif and sent them in sill the mili-
tary capitals faf-anufirp One he had sent to Egypt. When he saw ihnt, 'Abd
ill-1 Aziz b. Mar wan went into ll rage, for m [he lime tie was serving as gov¬
ernor of Egypt for his brother'Abd ah Malik. He says: “He permits himself
to send ll nuishuf to the very military district [juml\ where I am serving,
mc!^

Tiie author then recounts that the Urnayytul governor ordered dial a special
itmshaf be written for him and placed in the Great Mosque, yet he does not
id I what Lhe work he ordered was bused upon, other than lo say I hat, once
it was completed, he submitted it to to be vetted by the qurra.
AKSainhEidT [d. 911/1506} quotes the khabar of I bn Sabbtt, will 3 a mis¬
take in the name of MasUima.70 This quotation appears in a chapter in which
the author is asking himself" higlily critical questions about rUtliman's
muskqf. The latter, brought from Egypt, was allegedly kept in Medina, and
be resists crediting Lhe pious legend reported by the Andalusian traveler Ibn
Jubayron that subject,73 mentioning three items of information based on [he
account of Malik b. Anas (d. 179/796}, the imam of Medina:

Malik said: ^Reading from lhe mitxhaf lli liic Mosque was net dune by
people in She past, ll was alHnjjaj br Yusuf who first instituted it... T Ibn
ZabEla72 said: +cMalik h. Anas reported lo me: "Al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf sent the
mitihqf to the capitals. I Ic sent a large one to Medina. He was the first to
send tnasiihif lo die cities. . . /" Concerning ni-Shaiibl,73 lie suid ihe fol¬
lowing: “Malik also .said: :U[hmLIatHs Mu^ta/hns disappeared [tti#hayyah.a}.
And we have found jio information about il among Lhe authoritative writers
Itii-ti.Khysikh}.'"74

The inner remarks were already present in the KUah al-Masahif oT Ibn Abi
Dawiid, quoted from Abd Allah Ibn Wahb (d. 197/813)T one of the most
undent disciples and transmitters of Malik:

Ibn Wahb reported back lo u\ and said, 11 interrogated Malik concerning

'UihmSn's tnushaf1 and he said to me: ll has disappeared {dhaknba]"'™

These indications, rooted in the Medina tradition of Malik from quite early
on regarding the role of nl-Hajjhj in Quranic affairs, and in particular con¬
cerning the first shipment of an official tmtxhaf to the capital cities, occurred
when such pride of place is usually Attributed to Ui liman. They further
206 Part 1: T[iy Early History of Islam

emphasize the fact that, even in very early times, there had been a vain
scorch of the latter’s mitshaf.
All Ibis allows its to bring back to proper perspective what has been told
concerning a »jiishaf that was completed and officially sanctioned in
'Ulhman’s day: there had been at that time, or possibly later, a collection of
“Quranic” writings in Medina, for which he had been considered respon¬
sible, just as there had been others elsewhere, under the names of other
Companions. Concerning a mushaf that had been completed and officially
sanctioned for the purposes or unification, that was, doubtless, the result of
further work and later political decisions, at a time when both the calligraphy
and the orthography of the texts were acquiring forms that were better de¬
fined, and when (even more importantly) the status of an itmma which was
evolving with a new environment, internally rent by different and opposing
currents, required ihe revising and then the clear establishment of a version
of scriptures that could serve as a fixed reference.

AL-HAJJAJ B. YUSUF AND THE

CONTENTS OF THE QUR'AN

Sonic information leads us to believe that, beyond the purely technical tex¬
tual issues of the kind normally discussed (sue ft as diacritical nwks, correc¬
tions, tit visions of the text, etc,), al-Hajjaj was dealing with a different kind
of problem—the “composition” of the Qur'an:

According to a ijtiiiish reported by al-Bukhari unci Muslim, ul-A'niash, a

recognized expert on the variant “readings” of the Quran, recounted the
following:76
"I heat'd ul-llajjaj h. Yusuf say, in a speedi delivered from the pulpit
{minbar), ‘compose the Qur'iin as Gabriel composed it [aliifft t-QurTm
karnu attufa-hn Jibril], the writings that include the mention of the cow \ui-
siira Uatiyiulhktirufitul !-baqura\, ami the writings that include mention of
women [til-mra Hull yudhkunt fihu /-nun], and the writings that include
mention of ihr family of 'Imran fal-sura Halt yiicl/ikant fihtl AI Imran] ”'

Al-A’mash then went to visit a colleague who, upon being informed of

that statement, countered it with an earlier saying by V\bd Allah b. Mas'Ltd.
according to which, in speaking of the Prophet about one of the riles within
 "Abd al-Mal tk Ll Marwin. ini the Process of the QurKfis Compos I ti on 207

the pilgrimage, he used the expression “Me upon whom has descended the
sura of the Cow" (ailarttu unzilat a I ay-hi silrat al-Baqara).17
The statement of a!-Hajjaj no doubt was intended for the scribes in
charge of the tali/ al-Qur'an, heard and then transmitted by a "Tender' of the
Quran, and ultimately discussed by a trad it ionise indicating that, at that
time, the ra'lif was not yet fixed hut being worked on, or at least that ceil inn
purls of the corpus still presented some problems for the “composition/1 A
further indication of I hat is the fact that aL-Hajjaj does nut mention the
1 hemes of "The cow;" “the women,** and “Imran's family,” in I he order of rhe
suras that we know under such titles, something which created later prob¬
lems for the commentators on the fuldTifiJ^
The word sura, in the Quran itself, does not mean ^itra1 in the sense
that is now accepted- RatherT it is a written text, however limited. The word
la'lif, tt should be noted, is ambiguous.79 !t may mean +4a linked assemblage,71
However, unlike a similar collection of scattered pieces (jam), it implies a
deliberate composition, and it may even designate something originally
composed by one author. This is the case in a narrative attributed to 'Umar
b. ul-Khattab, in which he rectum is his conversion: having heard Muhammad
as he began to recite al-Maqqn (sura 69), lll started to marvel at the compo¬
sition of the Quran |fa-jaahit ujahu mm mV if ul-quran] and T said to myself
"By God, he is a poet!TPt^
Thus* what is Imly In play, what is at slake in (lie hadith* is the “compo¬
sition” of The texts and their being organized into a whole. Wc know that at
rhe time of the monk of Beth Hale and of John of Damascus, contemporaries
of al-Hajjaj, there existed some parallel writings that were noi yel a pari of
the Quran/pipXoq, including "'the text of she Cow” and that of LThe
Woman
It appears, on the other hand, according to the Maghdzl literature, that
the expression surm nl-Baqam referred for a time to a distinct and particular
piece of ancient writing. Qatada b. Diama (cL ca. 117/735) conveys an epic
narrative of the Battle of Hunayn (8/630), where the words yd asfidb sunn
i.tf-Baifura were a rallying cry that was supposedly made in a loud voice by
ai-'Abbas, uncle of Muhammad, to rally troops in danger of becoming
demoralized. The same anecdote is recounted by lbn Kathlr (d. 774/1373),
beginning with some akhbtir of the same period, concerning the battle of
Yamama against Musaylima and the Banu HanTfa (12-137633).B2 If these
narratives tell true stories, one may hypothesize eIieil the older "writing about
208 Part T. Tiie Early History of Islam

the Cow*1 included verses 63-74 of the future stira 2, on the same theme of
the Cow, recycled from biblical and para-biblical texts.83 as the remaining
components were added later.
Taking into account all these facts, one eat* surmise that the suggestion
by aJ-Hajjaj to the scribes signifies a particular moment of the lulif, when lhe
issue arose of whether to revise and arid one or lhe other such writings in
"composing" them, so as to fold them into larger works. It seems dear (hat
such a conclusion goes against the canonical version of the history of the
Quran, which holds that Zayd b. Thabit* at the time of ‘Urhmsln, was the only
author of that kind of "composition,”

Ibn MasJ ml and His Bedouin Kajaz

Another public statement by al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf is quoted, and in Eh is he is

supposed to have vigorously condemned "ibe qima* of Abd Allah b.
Mils'ud: ius referred to by the akhbdr, in which this statement is reported as
a whole, not as one or more particular and limited variants: “This concerns
the rajaz of the Bedouin [rajat ka-rajaz al-A'rdb]. By God, if I can find
someone who will read h> I will kill him, arid 1 will even rub his rnnshnf with
a side of pork."
The direct sources of such information {samttn t-HajjdJ) are not only an
extreme shiite traditionist from KOfa, Salim b. Abl Haf$a, but also,
according to Ibn Asakir, two important ‘Traders" of (he Quran, also from
KXifa, 'Asim and his disciple aWVmash. The latter is alleged to have stated:
'1 then told myself: by God J will read It despite you!" But, he added, “I kept
that to myself.” We know that the textual tradition of al-A'mash later became
regarded as authoritative, although it involved many variants {qira'at)
deriving from lhn Mas:ud>] The codex of Ibn Mas ud was definitively pro¬
scribed in the iemh century, although some variants, generally minor ones in
relation to the received texts, and deriving from his cod ex T have, despite
everything, filtered into certain traditional texts, and they especially can be
seen in the commentaries, Jm.se like variants deriving from other sources, they
represent [to doubt* only what survived from such collections after a selec¬
tion that was more drastic than has been acknowledged. In fact, lhe Quranic
commentator Abu Hayyan al-GhamStl, putting forward many of the best
known qlradir said dial he had o in tried those which diverged (on much from
the definitive received text.*5
 'Abd. dl-M al ik b. Mar win and. blie Process oF the Qur'an^ Composition. 209

The official mtisfyaf, according to historiographical sources, was not only

the product of a "'composition,” il was also the result of a selection, of which
we have, in any case, many echoes at various times in the history of I he
Qur'an,8* One might think that a further selection must have occurred at the
time of 'Abd al-M&lik: it is likely that some texts described by al-HajjSj as
part of the "i lie raja? of the beduin,” although I bn Mas’Del, accordi ng to a
famous khabar, stated that he had heard the Quran "from the mouth of the
Messenger of Got I."87

Al-Hajjaj and Inspiration

The governor of Iraq is presented to us not only as a political decision maker

on Quranic matters, but also as someone who knew the Arabic language
well and was an active participant in the scribes’ work: "When I heard al-
Hajjiij reading, said one of his contemporaries, 1 realized thal lie had long
.studied the Qur an "sa A khabar reported by Ibn Ahl Dawnd places him ni the
scene, nn<l in the net of dividing the texts of the corpus into reading portions
(tojzi'at al-Quran): “According lo Mutahhar b. Khalid, Abu Muhammad al-
HinirnfuiT said, “we worked on that project for four months, and al-Hajjaj
read it every night/'89
One kisl khabar deserves mention. Around that same lime a pious legend
began to circulate. U was said that after Muhammad's deaih, his slave Umm
Ay man would not stop crying. Abu Bakr and 'Umar went to sec her, and asked
her, "What makes you cry so? The Messenger of God has readied a place
where everything is better for him than anything in this sublunar world ” She
answered, “that is nol why l am crying, I know well e!ml God’s Messenger has
left for something better than this lowly world. 1 am drying because die inspi¬
ration has stopped [abkl ala t-wahy inqaiaa]'* This story reached Line ears of
al-Hujjyj. who is said to have stated “Umm Ay man lied: 1 only work by inspi¬
ration f kadhabnt Umm Ayman: ma amain ilia hi-wahy]”'*®
The general framework within which Ibn 'Asakir hay placed this khahar
is interesting to consider The author-compiler begins by briefly recalling a
reflection of al-Hajiuj on the caliph as superior to the prophets; he then
places las stateEiient concerning his "inspired" work at Ehe center of the var¬
ious versions of his speech in violent denunciation of the ”rajaz of the
Bedouin” of Ibn MasTid. His statement about inspiration, therefore concerns
mainly, in It is eyes, the governor's work on the Qur’an ic mushqf. Al-Hajjaj
210 Part I: The Harly History of ]sLm

could have believed that his work on the composition of the nwshaf Y in the
service of one of "‘God's Caliphs,'* was superior both lo angels and: io
prophets, especially in opposition lo the Qur'an of ibn MasAid, even though
it might Imve been heard from the very month of Muhammad. As such, it
deserved to be considered to have been inspired: the wahy had not stopped
with the death of Muhammad. Is this not an implicit criticism, and a rejec¬
tion of the Umayyad claims to superiority in relation to the Prophet? Or is tL
rather, a recognition, also implicit, of the 'Imagined" role that they played in
the composition of the Quranic tmwhqf'l We might think that, in the case of
Ibn 'Asukir, it was both things at onceJ*1

Al-Hajjaj and the Caliph

In this collection of akhar about the scriptural activities of Al-Hajjaj, the role
of' Abd at-Malik seems to be rather downplayed. The governor of Iraq would
appear to be acting of his own initiative: he has his own team of scribes; he
decides what needs to be done: and, ultimately, it is be who sends the
masdhif to the great military ccrtiers of his empire.
A number of akhhdr show a desire to correct such an impression. Al-
A'mash confirmed that lie had heard a I Huijaj's speech about the ^mjaz of
Bcduin1' while attending Friday Prayers with him* and he specifies that the
governor had added. “Listen, therefore, and obey GodTs Caliph, and to his

caliph that he worked in Iraq, most particularly on Quranic in alters, The

speech attributed lo ‘Abd ai-Maiik concerning the mushaf of the people of
Medina and on their fartfid follows the same line: it is the caliph s role to
endorse dial which ho considers good "Tor Islam." in addition to the fact that
‘"Abd ai-Mulik had his own experts in Syria, it is unthinkable that if,
according to Malik b. Anas, ii was al-Hajjaj who hirst sent out the official
masdhif to the various capitals, he would have done so without the approval
of the caliph. We have no information about the date when the distribution
of such codices might have been made. What Ibn Duqtnaq says about the
negative reaction of the governor of Egypt, 'Abd ub'A/Tx, brother of the
caliph, might suggest a hypothesis. We know that ‘Abd a I-Malik thought
seriously about relieving his brother of his status as heir to the throne in
favor of his own sons. According to al Madaini, al-IJajjaj hail written to him
to encourage him to do it, while, according to al-Waqidf Qabisa b. Dhulsyb,
 1 Abd. al-Malilt b. Marwan atixi the Process o\ ltie Qur'an's Composition 211

the private secretary of (ho caliph in Syria, was against it. In any case, the
governor of Egypt died before the decision could be made (Ait So/704 ce).93
We may have, in tins, an indication of the fact that the formal refusal by ‘Abd
a I-Aziz to accept the uutfhqf sent to Egypt by al-Hajjaj may have played a
role in the incitement by the latter, which led to his removal from office, and
that this may have occurred during the last years of (he reign of ‘Abd al-
Malik.
If we juxtapose the loudily of the okhbur I rout different sources, we can
at the very least notice a certain consistency. The role aEtd function of11 God's
Caliph” remain centrai and decisive, lUthman+ first legitimEito representative
of the Umayyrd family, is its symbolic figure, even though all tangible trace
of his L'has disappeared^ and even though, in fact. ’Abd al-Malik
was the real decision maker, In any case, this is the framework within which
the Iraqi compilers of the akhhclr wished to place the control exercised by al-
Hiijjaj over the work of the scribes. The latter, here represented by Asim and
aTA'mash, who lived on long after the death of al-Hajjaj, remain at the
center of the scriptural work, as the history of the Quranic corpus does not
stop at the time of Abd nl-Mfilik.

NOTES

1. Weil (1844 and 1872), Noldeke, Schwally, Dergstrlteser and Pretzl flH6(),
1919, 1938), Hindi ere (1947, 1949-1950), Burton (\ 977), Wansbrotigh (1977).
2. See bibliography. The question of knowing whether the mention of the year
72 signifies the date of the beginning or that of the end of construction is still being
debated, 'Eliere is a tendency lo lean towards the second hypothesis,.
3. 57 al-Hadl 2b; 33 al-Ahzdb, 56, etc,
4. Ai-Nisd\ pp„ 171-72; 19 Maryam, pp. 33-36; 3A/7itt™, pp- 18-19; 17 al-
fsrit, p. 111.
5. Concerning the gradual elaboration of the Islamic "Unitarian" definition
before (he inscription in die Dome of the Rock and sura HI, see de Premare,
questions^ pp. 44-48.
6. John of Damascus, Eoriix, pp. 210-13.
7. 9 al-lhwbd, 33; 48 aEFatij, 38, 61 til-Stiff, 9.
ft. 2 erf-Baqurti, p. 136 and 3 Al 'Imran, p. 84; Grabar, Formation, pp, 87-89-
9. J oh n o I' Da mn.se li s h licrits, pp. 216—! 9,
|(), 1 .nvoix, CmotifguL\ p. 60, n. 6l-6'2h n. 172. Ch photographic reproductions
in Sou Kiel, hio.m Class* tftieT p. \IH. illustration n. '25; comp. nr 23 and 24.
212 Part L Tlte Early History of I si am

11. OryT "Mosquee al-UmtiriJ* p. 374 and p]P 50a,

12. 2, akBnqarav p. 256.
13. Amaru bi-btmyun l-ma.yid wu-hadm til-ktmisa lluti kdiuH fi-hi. Combe-
Sauvaget-Wiel, Rvperluire. n.. 18.
14. See NasmUah* LiMbsqitie umuxyade. pp. 14 1—43.
15 Quran, 2 al-Baqara, 255-60; al-Suyu|I, Durrn N, pp. 10-23, which synthe¬
sizes 1 he different imagined asbdb in order to explain verse 2, 256.
]6. Dhalika nnna-hu (-td-Walidj nid i-Shdm hulada l-misurd n a rail la-hunt
fi-ha hiyaatt hasatui qad of tana z&khfirifu-hti wu-ntashara dhiknt-hd . . . fu-
ttnkhada U-l-muslimln maxjkkm ashgtda-hum hi-hi 'tin-hrinna mi-jfiTala-hu aluufcr
'aja'ib ai-dmiyd. The same thing was later said about "Abd al-Malik apropos the
Dome of the Rock: al-Muqatkhsh Ahsan al-iaqdsim, p. 159.
17. Cf. in particular Adolf Grohrnann (1958), Francois D^ivurhe arid Sergio
Noseda (1998 and 2(KVI). Yusuf Ragliib (1990 anti 1994), Gerd-Rudiger Pain (]996)>
Hans-Caspar Graf von Both tiler, Karl Hein/ Ohling. and Getd-Rudiger Ruin (]999).
1H. Yon Both trier et al., ,lNeue Wegen[ Ruin, ”Observations, " pp. 110— EI.
19. This “Disputation" as yet unpublished* has come down to ils in two late
manuscript copies. The one from Diyarhakir, hum the early eighteenth century,,
comprises 85 folios. There were two monasteries by the name of Beth Hale: one near
Mosul, the other near llira. See Crone-Cook, Hagarism. pp. 12- 13, and p. 163, note
23; pp. 17-18, and p. 167, note 14; Hoy I and. Seeing, pp. 46,5-72.
20. The titles of the two other texts that are mentioned could nol be properly
identified.
21. A. T Welch, "Sura/1 El IK: 921a 25a, p. 92lb-22; Jeffery, Foreign, p. 182;
Payne Smith, Compendious, p. 370b. suits.
22. Vassa 8. Conti cello, "jean Damascene/' in Dlciionnaire des philosopher
un riqiws> ed_ Richard Goulet (Pari$ CNR5 Edit io n s. 111, 20M)), pp. I (.301 I (103.
23.. Concerning the text of "Heresy mr WO/" see Rotter, Die Schrifien, IV (RTS
22, 1981), pp, 60-67, This ’ “heres y” bore ihe number I (JO in the earlier edition of the
works ofJohn of Damascus, edited by M, Lequien (Paris, 3712); John of Damascus,
Merits, Jhlresie 100/' text and French translation by B, Rutter, pp, 210-27. Con¬
cerning the authenticity of the attribution of these wrilings lo John of Damascus, see
B. Kotter; Khoury, Thdologiens byzwitins I, ppr 53-59, Glet-Khoury, Johannes
Dbrnaskenos^ pp. 38- 43.
24. Kessler, “Dome/' pp. 4-6; Quran 4 td-Nisd\ 171-72; Juan Damascene,
Merits, " Herds ie 100/Vpp. 212 13.
25. Cf. Qur'an, 4 cd-Nhd\ 3,
26. John of Damascus, Ed its. "Heroic 100," pp, 222-23.
27. 2, ul-Baqcirii 223; 226-32: See also 65, al‘Tataqy E-7,
28. 33, al'AfiZPb* pp. 37-38.
 'Abel al-M.itik b. Marwiu and the Process of ihe Quran's Composition 21 3

29. Cf. Quran* 7 ul-Arrdfv pp, 73: II, Mild, pp. 61-68; 26* a I-Shu'anT, pji.
141-59; 9 L, al-Qartusr, pp, i 1-15,
30, John of Damascus, Merits+ jLHeresie n. I00," pp. 222 -25.
33 . Abet, ^Chapltre Cl,71 pp. 6 and 12.
32. Khoury, Theulogietts by&miins* pp. 59-60,
33. Hoy land, Seeing * p, 489.
34. Muquiih TaJ'sir, 111:276 (on Quran 26, at-Shu'artl\ 154—57: the she-camel is
full, she emerges from a rock, she gives milk); TI:46 (on Quran 7. at-A'rtlf, 73, where
(liere appears (he young camel (al-fayd): 1V:712—13 {on Quran 91, ai-Qanusrt
17 -14: the detailed story of the young camel* its prayer* and its disappearance).
35. Concerning the problems related to the transmission of the Muqatil texts,
which form the oldest known complete tafsir. see Gilhot, "Muqdtil" pp. 40 50;
Gold,ft!Id, “Mitquitt:'
36. Muqaiil, Tafsir, 111:276. The Muqatil tests on this subject will be presented
and analyzed in an upcoming work* currently in preparation for Editions du Scull in
Paris.
37. Al-Tabari, Jdtni\ V.8, pp. 224-29+ Commentary to the Quran, 7 at-A'raft
73; V 3 S: E2, pp. 64—65, Commentary on the Qur'an, 11: Hud, 65.
3K. Concerning the Umayyad Caliphate, and. in particular, the reign of' Abd al-
Malik, see El aw ting. The First Dynasty, chap. 4-5.
39. AFTaimqfit of Lbn Sa'd (d. 230/845), Ansdb abashrd/of al-Baladhuri [dr ca.
279/892), IhYikh nl-Madina of lbn Shabba (d. 262/876). Tu'rikh madinar Oima&hq
of Ibn ‘Aslikir [d. 571/1176), al-lqd al-farid of Ibn Abd Rabbih fd. 328/940). at-
fnlisfirwf I I'M Dtjqmaq (d. 790/3388), Wafa a!- Wafa of aKSajnhtMl (d, 911/1506).
40. Crone-Hinds, God's Caiiph^ in particular chapters 2 and 3.
41. Ibid., pp. 7. 11-12; Hoy land. Seeing, p. 699, n. 36 and references-
42. Crone-Hinds, God's Caliph, p. 8 and references; about Ibn Qays al-
Ruqayyai, EL Lll:843a-S44a (by J. W. Flick)*
45. Pseudo-Denys, p. 116.
44. lbn Sad, Vabuqdi. V:229: lbn Qutayba, Mddrif p. 357, svhJch places this
creation in 76/695 696; al Ya'qubl, Tctrikh, 11:281, says that al-ljajjaj was the insti¬
gator; al-ThaTdibl, !.nioif. p. 31 (English translation pp, 47—18), says, instead, that
it was the caliph who ordered him to supervise its execution. The person in charge
of currency, as w:ell as of the postal service, was Qabisa b, Dbu'ayb. personal sec re-
I ary to tile caliph: ktlmt I-Uni rum thiy-hi wa-kanai al-sikka ilay-hi; al-Tabari, Torikh,
EI3, year 85, p. 664.
45- Kiinar til-janma 'aid Abd id-Malik b. Manvdn sanut thaidth wa-sab'in, lbn
'Asakir, TD, XXX VIE; I 32.
46 lbn Ha jar, Tohdhib, 31: 185 (n. 388).
47 Inna 'Abd al-Malik khalifat Allah fi 'ihddbhi. fadniwa akntm 'a lay-hi min
214 Pj.rt I; The Edrly History of Islam

Mhhammwi wn^hayri-hi mm al-Baliidhuri, Ansdb at-ashraf, WU:2t p. 289.

concerning 3 he rebellion of Mujarrif b. d-Munftlra b. Shu'bii in 77/696. see ;st-
I chart, Ta'nkht 111:592^601 (year 77}; concerning Shabib h, Yaz7dt see HI.
IX: 169b-70a (1996); Hnwtmg, The First Dynasty, pjj_ 66-67,
48. „.. idh atd-hu kitdh min al-Hajjdj nfazpmitfl-hi umr ai-khihifa iva-yatfumu
tmnu t-san ttnvat wa-l-ard ma qamata Uhl bi-hd, wa-wma i-khalifa inda Uah ofdal
min td-malaika l-nmqarrabm wn-l-anlriyai l-murmfttt.. rfa-ujiba Abdal-Malik hi-
tlkitlika n'a~gal: la-wudidtu anna 'hull bad abkhtiwdrij fa-ukhtlsimdw bi-hdda I-
kitfib: Ihn 'Abd Rabbi h, 7qd, V:51-52h according So aJ-Haylbum h. 'Adi.
49. See, in particular, al-Baiiidhun, Aiistlb itbAshruf, VI 1:2, pp. 255-56,
according to al-Mada im.
50. I bn Majar; Tahdhib, VI: 373-74 (n. 781).
51. See Crone -Hinds. Gods Caliph, chap. 5.
52. I bn 'Asakir, TDt XXXVII:! 20,
53. Akhdfn l-mmvt fi shahr ratmdan: fi-hi iilidtu, wn-fi-hi fuibimt, wa-fi-hi
jama lit f-Qur'an, wa-fi-hi baya \ ? It l-mh\ fa-mdta U-l-msf min shawwdi h inn amina
l-mmvta fi nisf-hi: al-BaladhnrT. Ansub nbAshraf IV:2P p, 586: the information isi
mentioned again in die same terms by Ibn aE-'Jbrl, Tdnkh mitkhtasar, p, [ 94; : it is
broadened and modified by al-Thaalibi: fdidlu fi shahr ramadan, lva-fusimtit fi
.shahr namgddnt wa-khatamru TQurdn fi shahr twnaddnr wa-bnlaghra t-hidum fi
shahr rarnmhlri, wa-wuffimft shahr ratnaddn, wa-aiui-rd t-khUdfafishahr ramarfan,
wa-ukfishdtmamiitaft shahr nmiaddn: UihTif p. 110, English Eransk p. 109.
54. Mingnna, Transmission, pp. 32-33; Sharon, “Urtmyyads” p, 131, note 37;
Hi'einare, Foundations, p. 297.
55. Concerning the canonical version <>1 lire composition of the Qur'an, ns pre¬
sen led in the version of al Bukhari and its parallels, see Mot/ki, "Collection"; de
Premare, Origines, pp. 70-80,
56. Concerning Muhammad b. Ka b ul-Qur<i?I (d. 117/735), Ihn Hajstr. Tahdbib
1X;373 -74, n,69l; ihn Sad, Tabaqat, V:570. Biographers note lhai his father. Kn'b
al-Qura?t, was one of the prep u beseem Jewish boys who, together with their
mothers, hud been sparer! and sold as slaves at the time of the execution of the men
from the Uanii Qurayza tribe in the year 5 of the Hijra (fit 7 ce). The name of
Muhammad b. Ka h al-Qurazi appears regularly in the chains of transmission of the
authors of Maghazi-Siyar (Ibn Ishaq, ibn IJukayr. Ibn Hisham, ibn Sad, al-Waqidi,
uJ-Ratadhunj.
57. ihn 3a-d> Tab&qdt^ V:23 E—33.
58. Some parallel accounts of these iitlmnsigenl speeches exist in other works,
such as. for example, [bn ShabbaT Madina, Ml: 3084 88.
59. Concerning Abu Bakr b. ‘Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. Ahi Sabra. d.
162/778-79, Ibn llajar, Tahtlhlh. XII:3l--32 (notice n. 138). in general, not consid-
 :AbcL M-Mafik b. Marwin Lind ihe Process of bhe Qur'sins Composition. 215

ered very highly on ihe subject of the huiMu he is, none the] css, a Jink in the chain
uf an i r'ri p-nitn n t ira ns miller such as l bn Jurayj, and he is quoted by I bn Maja. In a
historiographical context, I bn A hi Sabrti is one of al-WaqidTs constant references.
6Q. The phrase o(~amr al-aww&I can he understood as an allusion to the support
lent by the Ansar to Muhammad ill the time of the H ij ra. However, in tins context, it
appears rather 3ike an allusion to the composition of a first mushaf.
61. A reference to Iraq,
62. Utinman h, HAffanr the third successor to Muhammad, was assassinated in
his home in Medina in 35/656.
63. The term farlda (pi, j'arfild), in iis general meaning, refers to all religious
prescriptions that are compulsory by law; see I bn Man/.ur, LA, rac. IRD: Wensinck,
Concordance, V: 115-17, sub vac. fanda. In its specific meaning, of "compulsory
pan/portion" (of a dowry* of an inheritance, of alms, of a tithe), the Quran wavers

between the general meaning and ihe specific meaning. At a later time, "dm ut-fa/aiit
referred to pan nf iheJfr/A concerning ihe distribution in a succession. In the HadsLbt
Zayd b Thabit is described as afrad al-tid\\ "the most knowledgeable in fa raid™
withouf specifying the nature of these faraut lbn Hanbal, Musmid, 111:283.6; a]-lir
mid hi r Jaml\ 50 Mandqlb 33 [V:664 65 j: I bn Maja, Sit rum, Muqadditm II |1:
67 68j. The Quran contains precise dispositions concerning succession (4, 7-12,
but: where the final termjiiirfritf maintains the very genera] meaning of “obligation/
prescription"). These, as well as others, could form part of an independent collec¬
tion, before being included in the definitive Qur'an. At the lime of the battle and mas¬
sacre of a I -liana, in year 63/683/Urw a b. aJ-Ziibayr, it is saidT look care to bum "the
fiqh writings tiut were, his (or "belonging to him"?) ahtaqa kutuba fiqh kflnat tadnr.
Ibn Sa:cL Tubaqfit. V: 179,
64. Ibn Sa'd, TabaqdL V:233- This speech is ineriLtoiied in the same terms by
lbn 'Asakir, TD. XXX VII: 134-35. Mention of Ubayy b„ Ka’b as a transmitter in
place of lbn Ka’b fnl-QurazI] is without a doubt a copyist's mistake tEial was not cor-
rceicd by ihe publisher.
65. Crone-HindSi Gvd'x CalIph, pp. 71 72,
66- lbn Ah! Dawudr Mmdkif, pp, 117-22, and passim; [bn al-Nadim, FihrisL p.
63 sq.; lbn Khaliikan, Wafayai, 11:32. A summarized presenlal ion and critical
analysis of ihese data is in Regis Blachere, Introduction, pp. 7 I-102.
67. See, for example, Francois Dent ic he, Li? iivre manuscript urahv. Preludes d
ime histoire (Paris: EUbliotheqne Nationals de France, 20(34), p. 15.
6K. Ibn Shsibba, Madina, l: 7. Concerning Abd al Az.Tz b. ’Auirjn al-Alraj td.
197/812-813), who appears not be particularly highly valued hy official traditional¬
ists, see Ibn Sad, Tnbaqdt, V:436; lbn Ha jar, Tahdhtb, VI ;312—13, n. 674. Mnslamu,
son of Caliph ‘Abd a|-Malik. was one of the. great Umayyad generals of his day (d.
121/733),
216 Part I: The Early I listary of Islam

69. Ibn Duqmaq, fotisar, 4th part, pp. 72 sq. On Ibrahim I bn DuqmSq, £7. 131:
779b (by i. Pedersen)*
111 Al-SamhOdi, Wafa\ 11:667; he omits the name of Abd aKAz.iz b- 'Arman,
ilie direct source of Ibn Shahha, The error concerning the name of Maslania (which
became Salamu), also appears in other eastern editions of Wafa-'. We should mention
that the name of Mnsbmn also appears in the Dispumtio of (he monk uf Beth Hale.
71, Ibn Jubayr (540-614/1145-121 7), Rihla, p, 164.
72- Ibn Zabala (d. end of the 2nd/bcgmning of the 3rd century), u disciple of
Malik, and the author of a A7rJ.fr abMadina wa-akhhun-hd^ now lost, but from
which al-Sarnhudi, among others, quotes long passages in various parts of his work:
-See Fuat Sezgin, Qeschichte des Ambischen Schrifttiiriis, Band 3 (Leiden: L. J.
Brill), 1967, pp. 343-44.
73. Abu 1-Qisim al-Ruayni, iroin Jativa, in Spain (538-590/1144— 1194), an
expert in Quranic studies; EL IX:376b-37®a (by Angelika Neuwirth).
74. Al-Samtafidlp 11:667, 668, 669, The list of the asfiydkh of Medina that
ligtire prominently in the chains of transmission of Malik includes what was best
known at |he time. Sec Ibn Hajar, Tahdhih, X:5-8 (ti. 3).
75. Tbn Ain Diovud, Masdhif. p. 35, lines 18-19; concerting 'Abel Allah Ibn
Wahb, FJ, I IT: 978b (by J. David-\Veill),
76. Concerning al-A'nrmsh (60-143/679-765), EL I:44.3b 444a (by Carl Brock-
el mnnn/Charks Rellat); Ibn IT ajar, Tnhiihih, IV: 3 95-97 (n. 336). and see BJachereh
Introduction, passim.
77. Muslim, jafjffr. Hajj 306, (V.9. 42-44); al-Bufchan, Sahib* 25 tjqjj 3 33 {II:
234, n. 1750); of. Ibn ITajar, Takdtfib. 11:186.
78. See the commentary by al-NawavvJ fd. 676/1277), in the margin of the
Hudi?h of Muslim. Sahib* ETP^ 43-44.
79. Concerning the k-rm and the diverse contexts in which it appears in
the literature about the hadith regarding the Qur'an, see GiLliou "Traditions/' About
the word sum, sec note 21.
80. Ibn HanbuL Musnad, T: J 7.3. This short narrative constitutes one of the
many elaborations on the theme of the conversion of "Umar, [t appears as a brief
commentary on sura 69 al-Hoqqa: hearing this sura convinced 'Umar that this tall/
whs not the work of a prophet nor of a soothsayer, but rather a revelation corning
from the Lord of the Universe (verses 33- 43).
SI, See above, II: External Literary Sources.
82. Ibn Sa'd. Tahaqfit, 11:151, IV: 19; Ibn Kathir* Tapir, 1:63-64 (end of the
introduction to sura I): it is generally recognized in the Ma^hazt literature; al-
SuyOlI, Durr, IV: 16(3 (commentary co the Qur'an 9, al-Tawba 25).
83. Cf. Numbers, 19:1—3; Deuteronomy, 21:1-9.
84. Al-BaladhurL Amcib al-ashraf. VII: 2, pp. 300-301; Ibn Asakir, TD, XII:
 'Abet al-Malik b. Mar wan ind tke Process of bke Q ur aiis Corn position 217

3 59-60- On Salim b, Abi Hafsa al-'ljli (J. ca. 140/757). Ibn Sad, Tabaqat, VT:336;
3bn Hajar, Tnhdhlb, ITI, 374-75 (n. 800); on 'Asim (d. 127/744), EL I 72Sn-b (by
Arthur Jeffery); I bn HajarT Tahdhib. V. 35-36 (n. 67); on al-A’mash (d. 14 S/765’),, see
above, note 76.
S5. Bakr, VU:268, quoted by Arthur Jeffery; Materials^ p. 10- About Abu
Hayyan al-Glmmati (654—745/1256—1344), EL 3; J 29b—130a {by S. Glazcr, E954),
His commentary nl~Bahr aLmnhit, published m Cairo in 1911,. was reprinted in
Beirut, Daral-Fikr. 3983.
86. Summarized in de premaie. Origin##, pp. 83-89-
87. Ibn Shabba, Madina, HI; 1006; the disdain toward the Bedouin language of
I bn Mas iid is generally acknowledged in the It adit ions concerning the qiradK el; al-
Bukhari. Suhih, 62. Fadaii u&huh u!-nabh 20 (IV:258-59. n. 3742-43), which tries
In ci ir a inscribe (he debate within limits acceptable to the people of the Hadith,
K8. Ihn 'Asakir, TD, XtT; 116; remarks by 'Abd Allah b. Awn b. Artaban
{66-151/685-767), from Basra; see Ihn Su'd, Tubuqdi, V11;261-68; Ibn 1.1 ajar.
Tahdhib, V:3G3-305, n. 600.
89. Ibn AbT Dawud, Masnhij, p. 120; referred-to hy Ibn 'Asakir. TDr XII: 116.
Concerning (he source, Abu Muhammad Rashid b- Najlb al-Himinam from Basra,
transmitter of Anas b. Malik, see Ibn Hajar, Tahdhlh. ITI, n, 43-
90. I bn 'Asakir, 71>, XII: KiO. 'The transmitter of this khabar is 'Aia? h. al-Sa'ib
£d. ca, 136/753), who came from the ThaqJf, the li'ibe of al-IJajjaj, He tells the story
of Umm Ay man, according to one of the Prophet's companions, "Attab b. Usayd, a
member of ihe Umayyad famiEyh and a lute convert. Concerning the story of Umm
Ay man, ppart from the relied ioei attributed to al-Hajjaj, sec Ibn Su’d, Tab a q id. VIII:
226.
91. The way in which ihe akhbar concerning dcticaie subjects are arranged
often show an intent tonal "opacity,11 in the sense attributed to that term by experts in
the narrative.
92. tstna'S wa-atLil li-khatifat Altuh wa-ii-saftyyi-hi 'Abd ol-Malik b, Manvdn:
Ibn “Asukir. 71>, XII: 159.
93- Al-Tabari, Tankfi, year 85,. U 1:664 66: of. Ihn Sa d, TahtitjUL V:233—34; al-
Ya'quhL Tu'rikh 31:279 80. says that he actually ilid depose him; tie acknowledges,
however, some contradictory information, according to which Abd ui-'AzIz was not
deposed, rather, he was poisoned, in 85/704.

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sur les informal ions le eoncurnunEA ]n C. Ljalli-u-c and T, Nagel, eds.* Das
Prapheienhadif 40-49 [ “Quclques questions”l
--r Les fondulions tie I'ishim. Fat re venture et h Ft a ire. Paris: Editions du
Semi, 2002 \Fomhuions\l
-. ACi.r originss du Coram questions d'hier a apprrivhvs d'aujounfhui. Paris:
Teraedre, 2004 [Origin?a].
Pseudo-Denys = Chronicon /many mum Fs eu do -Dio nys innun t vtdytt dictum, French
translation by Robust HespeL CSCO, SeripEorcs Syri, i. 213, Luyanii, E. Peelers,
19S9 fPseudo-Denys]
Puin: Gcrd-R. ‘‘Observations on Early Qur'an Man use rip is in Sun'nV1 In The Qur'an
as Text, edited by Stefan Wild, 107-11. Leiden: E. J- Brill, 199b | "Observa¬
tions”].
ai-Samhudl, 'A IT. Wafa' al- Wafti' bi-ukhbar ddr nl-Muskifd v edited by Muhammad!
MuhyT l-PTn 'Ahd ahHarmd. i Le Caire 1955); repr., Beymutli: 4 parts in 131
vols., Dsr al-Kiunb al-'llmiyya, 1984 | Wafti].
Sharon, Moshe. “The Umayyads as Ahl at■ Bays.'' Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and
{slant [JSAT] 14 {1991); II5-52 [ “Umayyads" \.
Sourdcl, Dominique et Janinc. La civilisation dr 11.dam class iqua. Paris: An ham. I,
1968 \ Islam classiqnc\,
al-Sujyutl/Abd al-Rah man. At-Durr at-manrhtlr^ tafsir ni-ina'duir. VIM vols. Bey¬
routh: Dm 3-Pikr li-.l-Tibtfa wa-l-Nnshr wa-l-Tawzt, 1983 I7hur|-
al-Tabari, Abu In'far. Jdini ai-haydn 'an ia7\vlt ayal-Qura r?, edited by A. Su'Td A lcT M.
al-Saqqaa et alii 30 parts in XV vuls.? repr. Beyrouth: Par al-Fikrp 1984 [Jamil
-. Tartkh td-ntstil \va Fnuiliik. V vols. + Indices. Beyrouth: D,lr al-ICuiub a!-
Ilmiyya, 19S7 \Ttirikh],
aLTha'alibi. Lata if id-ma orif edited by Muhammad Ibrahim Salim. Cairo: Dnrui-
Talaf, 1992; English iransL mired., and notes by Clifford Edmund Busworih*
Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968 [LattTif]
ai-l'inmidlil* Muhammad, At-Jami aFsahfb / Stman, edited by Ahmad Muhammad
Shakir et al. V vols. Beyrouth: Dar 'Imran, n.y. [Jami |.
Wcnsinck, A. l.t et ah Concordance et indices dc la tradition musuhnane. VII vols.
Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1936-1969 [Concordance]*
al-Ya'qubi. Ahmad. Ta'nkli. Diir Sadir, vols. l-ll, Beyrouth, 1960 (7hW£fz|.
 PART II.
NEW ASPECTS FOR THE
EMERGENCE AND
CHARACTERISTICS OF ISLAM
*
 5
A PERSONAL LOOK AT SOME
ASPECTS OF THE HISTORY OF
KORANIC CRITICISM IN THE
NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH
CENTURIES'
I bn Warraq

SKEPTICISM AND KORANIC RESEARCH

T 1 was Gustav Weil, in lus Mohammed der Prophet, sein Leben und seine
Lehre (Stuttgart 1843), who iirst applied the historic#-critical method to
the writing; of die life of the Prophet, However, liis access to the primary
sources was very limited, though he did manage to get hold of a manuscript
of the oldest extant biography of the Prophet by Jbn Hi sham. It was only
some years later, with the discovery and publication of the works oflbn Su'd,
al-Tabari and the edition of Ibn Hi sham in 1858 by G. Wiistenfeld, that
scholars had the means for the firat time to critically examine tin* sources of
the rise of Islam and the life of its putative founder, Muhammad. Weil trans¬
lated Ibn Hi sham into German in 1864. Al-WaqidT's K tilth ttl-MngktiZi was
edited in 1856 by Alfred von Kxemer and printed in Calcutta. An abridged
translation of the latter work by Julius Wei I hausen appeared in Berlin in
1882. Parts III and IV of al-Tabari were published in the 1880s. The Taba-
qul of IlmSa'd (vols. I & II) was edited by a team of Orientalists; Millwoch,
Sachau, Horovitz and Schwally, at the beginning of the twentieth century.
The biography of the Prophet made great advances in the writings of Sir
William Muir, Aloys Sprcngcr, and Theodor Ndldckc,

225
 Part II: New Aspects for tke Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

Muir's Lift; of Mahomet appeared in four volumes between 1856 and

1861. It is worth examining Muir's methodological assumptions, since they
seem to have been shared by many Islamologists up to the present time. Muir
brought a highly critical mind to bear on the hitherto recalcitrant material on
the life of the Apostle of God. Ml* recognized the purely legendary nature of
much of the details, he realized the utter worthlessness of the tales contributed
by the storytellers, and he was equally skeptical of the absolute value of the
Traditions: "Even respectably derived Traditions often contained much that
was exaggerated and fabulous." Muir continues by quoting Weil approvingly:

Reliance Upon oral traditions, ;ir a lime when they were transmitted by
memory alone, and every day produced new divisions among the profes¬
sors of Islam, opened up a wide field for fabrication and distortion, flic re
was nothing easier, when required to defend any religious or political
system, than to appeal to an oral tradition of the Prophet. The nature of
these so-called traditions, and the manner in which the name of
Mohammad was abused to support all possible lies and absurdities, may he
gathered most dearly from the fact that A [-Bukhari, who travelled from
land to land to gather from ihc learned the traditions they had received,
came to the conclusion, after many years’ sifting, that out of 600,000 iradi-
tions, ascertained by him to he then current, only 4,000 were authentic! And
of this selected number, tin; European critic is compelled without hesitation
to reject at least one-half. (Weil, Cesclj. dwlifen, 11:290: /. Kh. 11:595)2

A little later, Muir passes an even more damning judge me nL on tradi¬

tions. Written records would have fixed “the terms in which the evidence was
given: whereas tradition purely oral is affected by the character and habits,
the associations and (he prejudices, of each witness in the chain of repetition.
No precaution could hinder ihs commingling in oral tradition of mistaken or
fabricated matter with what at the first may have been trustworthy evidence.
I he floodgates of error, exaggeration, anil fiction were thrown open;.. ,"1
Muir even lakes Sprenger to (ask l or being too optimistic about our abi¬
lity lo correct the bias of the sources, ‘it is, indeed, die opinion of Sprenger
that ‘although die nearest view of (he Prophet which we can obtain is at a dis¬
tance ol one hundred years, and although lliis long visia is formed of a
medium exclusively Mofiammadan, yet our knowledge of the bias of the nar¬
rators’ enables us to correct the media, and to make I hem almost achromatic.'
The remark is true to some extent: but its full application would carry us
 Aspects op the History of Koranic Criticism 227

beyond the truLhT4 One would have I bought (hat these considerations would
have induced extreme skepticism in Muir about our ability to construct a life
of Muhammad ouLof such crooked timber Ni)L u hit of ill Instead, through “a
comprehensive consideration of the subject, and careful discrimination of die
several sources of error we may reach al least a fair approximation to the
truth.”5 Muir also accepted uncritically the absolute authenticity of the Qur'an
as a contemporary record; and he had unbounded confidence in the accuracy
of die early historians* particularly Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Hisham, aUWaqidl, Ibn
Sadh and al-Tabari- The result was the massive tour-volume Life of Mahomet.
Even a cursory glance at Muir's labors makes one wonder just what he has
discarded from the traditions* since he seems to have taken at face value, and
included in his biography of the Prophet* countless details, uncritically gar-
tiered from al-Wiiqidi, that are of dubious historical value, from long
speeches to the minutiae of Muhhammad's appearance and dress,
Julius Well hausen, lei his pioneering work on the Old Testament, which
he began publishing in 187b, showed that the Pentateuch was a composite
work in which one could discern the hand of four different “writers,” usual¬
ly referred to by the four letters J, E, D, anti P. A century later, his biblical
higher criticism is still considered valid and very influential- Wellhausen
then turned his critical mind lo the sources of early Islam, Towards the end
of the nine teeth century, Wei I hausen tried to disentangle an authentic tradi¬
tion from (he snares of a deliberately concocted artificial tradition—the lat¬
ter being full of tendentious distortions. The authentic tradition was to be
found in Abu Mikhnaf, al-Waqidl, and al-Mada'inh while Lhc False tradition
was to be found in Sayf b. "Umar. For Wcllhauscn, the “value of the isnad
depends on the value of the historian who deems it reliable. With bad histo¬
rians one cannot pul faith in good isuads* while good historians merit trust if
they give no isand at all, simply noting that LS have this from someone whom
[ believe/ All this permits a great simplification of critical analysis.”*
As Patricia Crone says:

One nsight have expected his ft'olegomewi iur altesten Geschichte tics
Islam$ to have been as revolutionary a work as was his Pmkgomena zur
oltestm Gv.sc hichte Israels. But it is not ei'Itogether surprising that it was
not. The biblical redactors offer us sections ot'Use Israelite tradition al dif¬
ferent stages of crystallisation, and ihetr lestimonies can accordingly be
profitably compared and weighed against each other. But [he Muslim tradb
tinn was the outcome, not of a slow crystallisation, biU of an explosion; the
228 Piift TI; New Aspects for rhe Emergence .ind LbaracierisHc of Islam

first compilers were not redactors, but collectors of debris whose works are
strikingly devoid of overall unity; and no particular illuminations ensue
from their comparison. The Syrian Mcdinese and Iraqi schools in which
We 11 hausen found his J, E, LX and P Jo not exist: where Fmenell and other
iconoclast? have vainly mustered all their energy and ingenuity in their
effort lo see the Pentateuch n$ a coJ lection of uncoordinated hadiths, Nolh
has effortlessly and conclusively demonstrated the fallacy of seeing the
Muslim compilers as Pentateuch a l redactors,7

The next great step in the critical examination of our sources for Muham¬
mad and the rise of Islam was taken by ihe great scholar Igim/, Goldzihcr in
his Mutiaminedunische Stialien (Halle 1889. 1890). Goldzihcr showed that a
certain amount of careful sifting or linkering was not enough, and that the vast
number of hadiihs were total forgeries from the late second and third Muslim
centuries, I his meant, ol course, “that the meticulous innads which supported
them were utterly fictitious.”8 Faced with Gokiziher’s impcecnbtlly docu-
menled arguments, conservative historians began to panic and devised spu¬
rious ways of keeping skepticism at bay, by, for instance, postulating ad hoc
distinctions between legal and historical traditions. Flu! as Humphreys says,
“In terms of their formal structures, the hadilh and the historical Khabar
[Arabic, pi, akhbttr, '‘discrete anecdotes and reports”] were very similar
indeed; more important, many 2nd/8th and 3rd/9th century scholars had
devoted their efforts lo both kinds of text equally. Altogether, if hadilh isnads
were suspect, so then should be the Ltiutds attached to historical reports.'*9
In 1905. Prince Caetani, in his introduction to his monumental ten-folio
volumes ol Annati dell Worn (1905—1926), came to “the pessimistic conclu¬
sion that we can find almost nothing true on Mahomet in the Traditions, we
can discount as apocryphal all the traditional material that we possess."10
Caetani had “compiled and arranged {year by year, and event by event) all
ihe material that the sources, the Arab historians, offered. The resultant con¬
clusions based on the facts, which look into account the variant forms in
which they were found in the sources, were accompanied by a critical
analysis that reflected the methodological skepticism that Langlois and
Seignobos" had just set forth as absolutely indispensible for the historian,”! -
But, like Muir, Weil, and Sprenger before him, Caetani failed to push to their
logical conclusion the negative consequences of his methodology, and, like
his predecessors, he thought it was all a matter of critically sifting through
the mass of traditions until we arrived at some authentic core.
 Aspects op tlic History of Koranic Criticism 229

The methodological skepticism of Goldziher and the positivist Cactani

was taken up with a vengeance by Henri Lam mens, the Belgian Jesuit.
Though horn in Ghent in 1862, Lammcns left for Beirut at the age of fifteen
to join the Jesuit order there, and he made Lebanon his home fur the rest of
his life. During the first eight years of Ills studies, Lammens “acquired an
exceptional mastery of Arabic, as well as of Latin and Greek, and he appears
also to have learnt LSyriac. In 1886 he was assigned to teach Arabic at the
Beirut Jesuit College, and lie was stum publishing his own textbooks for the
purpose, His first work of Orientalist schoktrship appeared in 1889: A dictio¬
nary of Arabic usage (Kiiab ul-faratdft l~funiq\ containing 1,639 items and
based on she classical Arabic lexicographers.”'-13 He travelled for six years in
Europe and twice edited the Jesuh newspaper, ul-Bashin He taught Islamic
history and geography at the College, and he later used his lectures notes
when he came to publish his studies on pre-Islamic Arabia and the Umayyads.
"With the establishment of the School of Oriental Studies at the Jesuit Col¬
lege in 1907, Lam mens began his career as an Orientalist in earnest; and his
appointment as professor at the newly founded school enabled him lo devote
his whole effort to study and research. His well-known works on the sira
appeared during the first seven years following his appointment.”14
Though he had what Rodinsoid5 calls a “holy contempt For Islam, for its
"delusive gloryh and its works, for its L dissembling1 and b lascivious' Prophet"
and despite his other methodological shortcomings (to be discussed below),
Lam mens, according to F. E. Peters, ''whatever his motives and style ., . has
never been refuted Lawrence Conrad makes a similar point that despite
Lamuiens* well-known, hostility to Islam, he offers a “number of useful
insights."17 Rodinson also concedes Lammens’ partiality, but once again real¬
izes shat LammcnTs “colossal efforts at demolishing also had constructive
results.1* They have forced us to be much more highly demanding of our
sources. With the traditional edifice of history definitively brought down, one
could now proceed to the recons traction,”39 Finally, al-S alibi summarizes,
“all hough the sira (hosts of Lammens did not remain unquestioned, it con
tinues to serve as a working principle. The modem reaction in Favor of the
authenticity of the sira, represented by A. Guillaume and W. Montgomery
Watt, has modified this working principle in some details without seriously
affecting its essence. Lammens certainly provided sira scholarship with an
important: due lo the riddle of Muhammad, and many of his own conclusions,
as well as his technique, have been adopted and developed by later scholars T20
230 Part J J: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of [slam

in the first of the three works translated in 200021 for the first time into
English, Lammens, influenced both by Goldziher's analysis of hadith and
Snouck Ilurgronje’s emphasis on the importance of the Quran lor 1 he sira,
"asserted that the traditional Arabic sira, like the modern Orientalist biogra¬
phies of the Prophet, depended mainly on hadhh, whereas the Quran alone
can serve as a valid historical basis fora knowledge of the Prophet's life and
career. The historical and biographical hadith, far from being the control of
the sira or the source of supplementary information, is merely an apocryphal
exegesis of the historical and biographical allusions of the Quran. The value
of an hadhh regarding the Prophet’s life or career, he argued, would lie in its
independence from the Quran, where such independence can he clearly
demonstrated. As a rule, he adds, a hadhh which is clearly exegetical of the
Quran should be disregarded."22
Lammens is often eriiSeized for accepting uncritically any material that
disparaged the Prophet, and, conversely, for applying rigorous criticism
when the source material lended to praise the Prophet. In his defense. Lam-
mens pleaded that “pious Traditionists and sira writers could not have in¬
vented information that reflected poorly on Muhammad; and therefore, any
such information which may have slipped in must be true.”23 But at other
times. Lammens adhered to the principle that we ought not to judge Mu¬
hammad from modern European standards of right am t wrong, since traits in
the Prophet’s character found to be unacceptable by Europeans may have
been highly thought of by the early Muslims.
In the third of his works, Fatima etles Filles de Mahomet (Faiinui and hut
Daughters ofMuhatumad), “Lammens set out to prove that Fatima was not the
favourite daughter of Muhammad, and that the Prophet had never planned his
succession through her progeny* All hadith and sira material favourable to
Fatima, 'All, and their sons, a I-Hasan and al-Husayn. is subjected it* a
searching criticism, with interesting and often valid results.’-4 But, rather
inconsistently, Lammens accepted uncritically all the anti-'Alid material that
showed that Muhammad cared neither for Fatima nor Ali. Given LammcEts’s
hostility to Islam and the character of Muhammad, one is inclined to accept the
argument that a biography of the Prophet completed by Lammens was never
published by express orders from Rome, for its publication would have caused
considerable embarrassment to rhe Holy See. In any case, in this post-Rushdie
world, there is probably only one publisher in the world who would risk it, and
il it is ever published, it shoo hi be, as Jeffery puts it, “epoch-making.”
 Aspects of the History of Koranic Criticism 231

The ideas of she positivist Caetani and the Jesuit Lammens wore taken
up by a group of Soviet Mamologists, whose conclusions sometimes show a
remarkable similarity to the works of Wansbrough, Cook, and Crone,
N. A. Morozov propounded she theory that until 1 he Crusades, IsUun was
indistinguishable from Judaism, and that only then did Islam receive its inde¬
pendent character, while Muhammad anil the firsi caliphs were mythical
figures, Morozov's arguments, first developed in his Christ (1930), are sum¬
marized by Smirnov:25 JLin the Middle Ages Islam was merely an offshoot of
A nanism evoked by a meteorological event in the Red Sea near Mecca; it
was akin to Byzantine iconoclasm. The Qur an bears the traces uf Sale com-
position, up to the eleventh century. The Arabian peninsula is incapable of
giving birth 10 any religion—It is loo far from she normal areas of civiliza¬
tion. The Arabian Islamites, who passed in lhe Middle Ages as Agars, l$h-
maelites, and Saracens, were indistinguishable from the Jews until the
impact of the Crusades made them assume a separate identity. All the. lives
of Muhammad and his immediate successors are as apocryphal as the
accounts of Christ and the Apostles.'*
Under lhe influence of Morozov, Klimovich published an article called
“Did Muhammad Exist?" (1930), in which he makes the valid point that all
the sources of our information on the life of Muhammad are late. Muham¬
mad was a necessary fiction, since it is always assumed that every religion
must have a founder. Whereas another Soviet scholar, Tolstov, compares the
myth of Muhammad with the "deified shamans*' of the Yakuts, the Buryats,
and the Allays. "The social purpose of this myth was to check the disinte¬
gration of the political block of traders, nornads, and peasants, which had
brought to power the new, feudal aristocracy-1' Vinnikov also compares the
myth of Muhammad to 'shamanism/ pointing to primitive magic aspects of
such ritual as Muhammad having water poured over him. While b. A.
Belyaev rejects the theories of Morozov, Klimovich, and Tolstoy, who
argued that Muhammad never existed, he does consider the Qur'an to have
been concocted after the death of the Prophet.-6
Tgnaz Goldziher’s arguments were followed up nearly sixty years later
by another great IskmiieisL Joseph Schachi, whose works on Islamic law are
considered classics in their field. Sehadif s conclusions were even more ra¬
dical and perturbing, and their full implications have not yet sunk in.
Humphreys has summed up Schacht’s theses as: “(11 that isnads going
all the way back to the Pro phut only began to be widely used around the time
232 Part [ [: New Aspects for tins Emergence and. Cliaracterhbrc of Islam

of the 'Abbasid Revolution—that is, the mid~2nd/8th century; (2) tlmi, iron¬
ical Ey, the more elaborate and formally correct an isnad appeared to l>e, [he
more likely it was lo be spurious., in general, he concluded, no existing
hadith could be reliably ascribed to the PropEiet, though some might ulLi-
mately be rooted in his teaching, And though he devoted only a Pew pages to
historical reports about the early Caliphate, he explicitly asserted that the
same strictures should apply to them/"-7
Here is how Schacht sums up his won thesis:

Et is generally conceded than the criticism of traditions lls practiced by the

Muhammadan scholars is inadequate and that* however many forgeries
may have been eliminated by it, even the classical corpus contains a great
many traditions lhat cannot possibly he authentic. All efforts to extract from
this often self-contradictory mass an authentic core by "historic intuition,”
as i! has been called, have faded, Goldzihcr, in another of his fundamental
works [Muh* St., IT: pp. 1 -2741 has nut only voiced his ^skeptical reserve”
wiih regard to the traditions contained even in die classical collections, but
showei positively dial ihe great majority of traditions from the Prophet are
documents not of the time to which they claim Eo belong, but of tlte suc¬
cessive stages of development of doctrines during Lhe first centuries of
Islam. This brilliant discovery became Lhe cornerstone of all serious inves¬
tigation of early Muhammadan law and juris prudence, even if some later
authors, while accepting Goldziheb-S msLhod in principle, in their natural
desire for positive results were inclined lo minimize it in practice ...
This book |SchaehtKs own work, The Origin:; of Muhammadan Juris¬
prudence will be found to confirm Goldziher's results, and to go beyond
them in The following respects: A great many traditions in the classical and
other collections were puL into circulation only after Shall Ys time [al-
Shall i died R20 CE]; the tirst considerable body of legal traditions from the
Prophet originated toward the middle of the second [Muslim! century, in
opposition to eIic slightly earlier traditions from Companions and other
authorities, and to the “living tradition” of the ancient schools of law: tra¬
ditions from Companions and other authorities underwent the same process
ol growth, anti are to be considered in lhe same light, as traditions From the
Prophet: the study of isnads often enables us to date traditions; the isnuds
show a tendency to grow hack wards and to claim higher and higher
authority until they arrive at the Prophet; lhe evidence of legal traditions
carries us hack to about die year Mil) All 18th century a-1 only2*
 Aspects of Line History of Koranic Criticism 233

SchachL proves that. for example, a uadi Lion did not exist UL a particular
lime by showing that it was not used as a legal argument in a discussion that
would have made reference to ii imperative if it had existed. For Schacht,
every legal tradition from die Prophet must be taken as an inauthentic and
fictitious expression of a legal doctrine formulated at a later date: ibWe shall
not meet any legal tradition from the Prophet which can positively be con¬
sidered authentic.1'21*
Traditions were formulated polemically in order to rebut a contrary doc¬
trine or practice; Schacht calls these traditions “counter traditions.1' isnads
“were often put together very1 carelessly. Any typical representative of the
group whose doctrine was to be projected back on to an ancient authority,
could be chosen at random attd put into an isnad, We find therefore a number
of alternative names in otherwise identical ixmsds .. 21-50 Another important
discovery of Schacht’s that lias considerable consequences only appreciated
recently by Wansbrough and his followers is shat “Muhammadim [Islamic]
law- did not derive directly from the Koran but developed . . . out of popular
and administrative practice under the Umaiyyads, and this practice often
diverged from the intentions and even the explicit wording of the Koran ...,
Norms derived from the Koran were introduced into Muhammadan law
almost invariably at a secondary stage,”31
The distinguished French Arabist Regis Blachere* translator of she
Qur'an and historian of Arabic literature, undertook the writing of a critical
biography of the Prophet taking fully into account the skeptical conclusions
of Gold?.[her and Lammens. His short study appeared in 1952, lwo years
after Scbacht’s pioneering work. Rlachere takes a highly critical view of the
sources, and he is particularly pessimistic about our ability to reconstruct die
life of Muhammad prior to the Hijra in 622 cuA2 llis preliminary reapprai¬
sal of the sources ends on this very negative note:

The conclusions to he drawn from this survey will appear disappointing

only to those more smitten with illusion than truth, flic sole contemporary
source for Muhammad, the Koran, only gives us Fragmentary hints, often
sibylline, almost always subject lo divergent interpretations. The biographi¬
cal Tradition is certainly more rich and more workable hut suspect by its
very nature: it poses, in addition, a problem of method since, for Muham¬
mad's apostnlate, it originates from the Koran which it tries to explain and
complete at the same time. To sum, we no longer have any sources that
would allow us to write a detailed history of Muhammad with a rigorous
234 Part 11; New Aspects for the Emergence arti CRa ratten sHc o\ Islam

and continuous chronology- To resign oneself to a panial or total ignorance

is necessary, above all for every thing Shat concerns die period prior to
Muhammad's divine call Jen. GIOCE]. All that a truly scientific biography
can achieve is to lay out the successive problems engendered by this pre-
apostohte period, to sketch out the general background atmosphere in
which Muhammad received Ins divine call, to give in broad brushstrokes
the development of bis apostles hip at Mecca, to try with a greater chance
of success to put in order the known, facts, and finally to pm back into the
penumbra all that remains uncertain. To want to go further is to fall into
hagiography or roinaulidzaiion„33

And yet Lhc biography ihut emerges, despite Rlaeh ore's professed skep¬
ticism, is dependent upon the very traditions that Goldziher, Lammens, and
Schnehl had cast into doubt, Blackens’a account of the li fe of the Prophet is
far less radical than one would have expected—it is full of the recognisable
events and characters familiar from the traditional biography, though shorn
of the details.
Some of Lhc most discussed works published in the \95(H were the three
publications of Harris Birkeland, a Swedish Orientalist; The Legend of the
Opening of Muhammad's Breast: Old Muslim Opposition against Interpreta¬
tion of the Kurort: and The Lord Guides, Studies on Primitive Islam* which
examines five suras that he considers the earliest stratum of the Qur'an, and
which expresses, so he contends, the early ideas of Muhammad. In The Lord
Guides, Rirkchmd argues, ’Goldzihcrs method to evaluate traditions
according to their contents is rather disappointing, We are not entitled to
limit our study to ihe texts (the so-called lmatnsT). We have the imperative
duty to scrutinize the isnads too . , , and to consider she mntns in their rela¬
tion to the ismids. . . . For it is very often the age of the contents that we do
not know and that we, consequently, wish to decide. 'Hie study of the isnadtt
in many cases gives us valuable assistance to fulfill this wish, despite the fact
shat in principle they must be held to be spurious. However fictitious they
are, they represent sociological facts/134
Birkeland expends a vast amount of energy “in collecting, di!Tenenbaling
and Thoroughly scrutinizing all traditions and comments concerning a certain
passage of the Quran or some legend about the Prophet.”35 Rut the German
scholar Etudi Pa ret. for one, finds she results "rather diasppointing/^6 Rirke-
kmd maintains that ’“the Muslim interpretation of the Quran in lhc form it lias
been transmitted to us, namely in its oldc.st .stage as haditlu docs not contain
 Aspects of l\tc History of Koranic Criticism 235

reliable information on the earliest period of Muhammad in Mecca ” Never¬

theless, BirkeTand continues, 'The original tufsir of Ibn 'Abbas and possibly
that of his first disciples must, however, have contained such information-
An exact, detailed and comparative analysis of all available materials, of
istmds and mains and exegetical-theological tendencies, in many instances
enables us to go behind the extant sexts and reach the original interpretation of
Ibn 'Abbas, or at least that of his time, thus obtaining a really authentic under¬
standing of the Koranic passage”37 Rudi Faret remains very skeptical: “To tell
the truth: T cannot make this optimistic outlook my own. Nor can T quite agree
with Birkeland as to his evaluation of the so-called family LmadsJ?y*
Even the most conservative scholars now accept the unreliability of the
Muslim sources, but an increasing number also seem to confirm, however in¬
directly, the more radical conclusions of Wansbrough., Cook, and Crone. One
of the most remarkable of the latter was Dr. Sulim an B as hear, a leading
scholar and administrator at the University of Nablus (West Bank). His gen¬
erally radical and skeptical views about the life of the Prophet and the his¬
tory of early Islam often got him into trouble, not only with the university
authorities hut also with the students, who, on one occasion, threw him out
of a second story window (luckily, he escaped vvilh minor injuries). Bashcar
lost his post at the university after (he publication of his Introduction to the
Other History (in Arabic) in l9K4n whereupon he took up a Pul bright fel¬
lowship in the United States and returned to Jerusalem to a position in the
Hebrew University in 1 c>87- 1 Ie fell seriously ill in (he summer of 1991. was
told to rest, but continued his research nonetheless. He died of a heart attack
in October 1991, just after completing A mbs anti Others in Early Irfan z4y
In one study, Bashear40 examines verses [14-16 of sura 2 of the Qur an
and their exegesis by Jala! al-Din al-Suyuti (d_ 911/1505) and others. Qur an
2:114 reads, “Who is more wicked than the men who seek to destroy [he
mosques of God and forbid ITis name to be mentioned in them, when it
behooves these men to enter them with fear in [heir hearts'? They shall be
held up to shame in this world and sternly punished in the hereafter.0 Qur an
2:115-16. reads, lTo God belongs the east and the west. Whichever way you
turn there is the face of God. He is omnipresent and all-knowing. They say:
'God has begotten a son.T Glory be to Him! His is what die heavens and earth
contain; all things are obedient to Him.0
Bashear was intrigued by verse 114 and al-SuyuiUs claim that it was re¬
vealed concerning the barring of Muslims by the Byzantines from the Jcru-
236 Part IT: New Aspeels far Lite Emergence and. Characteristic of Islam

saJcm sanctuary, “Such a remarkable commentary in itself justifies further

investigation. Moreover. 2:114 is followed by two verses (2:1 15-16) thsu
could be taken as referring to the abrogation of the Jerusalem qihla and the
argument surrounding the nature of ihe relation between God and Christ/^1
He continues:

Two main questions are tackled here concerning the occasion of revelation of
the verse [2:1141: who are those it blames, and where and when was the act
of bn ring from, or destroying, the mosques committed? The answers are split
he tween four notions current in cxcgctical traditions and commentaries:

I Th e J c rusaJfii n—C’hri s t i an/B yyuni i ne con text

2. The Meccan-Qurashi context
3. A general meaning without specific reference to any historical context
4. It was the Jews who tried to destroy the Kaba or the Prophet's mosque
in Medina in reaction To his change of qibtu .. ri-

After :t meticulous, examination of the commentaries, E as hear concluded:

Up in the mid-second (Muslim) century a dear anti-Christ!an/Byzantine

sentiment prevailed in the exegesis of 2:114, which overwhelmingly pre¬
sented h as referring to the Jerusalem sanetnary-temple. We have also seen
that no trace of sira material could be detected in such exegesis atid that Lhe
first authentic attempt to present the occasion of its revelation within the
framework of Muhammad's sira | biography] in Mecca is primarily associ
aicJ with the name of Ihn Znyd, who circulated a tmdhion to that effect in
the second half of lhe second [Muslim] century. Other attempts to produce
earlier traditional authorities for this notion could easily be exposed as a
later infiltration of sira material simply by conducting a cross-examination
of sum sources on the occasions of both Quraysh’s persecution of
Muhammad before the hijra and their barring of him at TTudaybiyya. , . .
[TJhe notion of an early Meccan framework cannot he attested before the
lirsl half of lhe second | Muslim] century,
All hi all, the case of verse 2:114 gives support to Wanshrougtfs main
thesis, since it shows that from lhe mid-second (Muslim] century on Qura¬
nic exegesis underwent a consistent change, the main “impulse” behind
which was to assert lhe llijnzi origins of Islam.45 In that process, the appea¬
rance arid circulation of a tradition by Lhe otherwise unimportant Ibis ZayU
slowly gathered prominence. Simultaneously, other ingenuous attempts
were made io find earlier authorities precisely bearing I bn ‘Abbas’s name
 Aspects of the History of Koranic Criticism 237

for I he same none mi, while the more genuine core of the ode inn] tradition
of lb 11 'Abbas was gradually watered down because it was no longer rec¬
ognized jfier the 'legend of Muhammad” was established.44

Bashear also indirectly complements the work of G. Il^wEing45 and M J.

Kisler46 when lie claims that, 'Lon yet another level, literary criticism of the
traditional material on the position of Jerusalem in early Islam has clearly
shown that the stress on its priority was not necessarily a 1 unction of the
attempt to undermine Mecca bui rather was independent of the position of the
latter since Islam seems not to have yet developed one firmly established
cubic centre/'417
Bashear Ihen, Inwards the cud of his analysis, remarks: “The present in¬
quiry has shown how precisely around this period (rnill-second [Muslim]
century)* elements of a Hijazi orientation made their presence felt in theexe-
gcucal efforts to ht what became the. canon of Muslim scripture into ihe new
historical framework of Arabian Islam. From the literary scrutiny of the
development of these efforts it becomes clear how such exegelical Efforts
affected the textual composition of 2:114-16 hi a way than fitted the general
orientation, attested from other literary fields, towards a Hijazi sira* sanc¬
tuary and, with them, scriptural revelation."45
in his study of the title “larOq," and its association with Umar I Bashear
confirms the findings of Crone and Cook4y that “this title must be seen as an
Islamic fossilhdUkm of a basically Jewish apocalyptic idea of the awaited
messiahC5y and a liule inter Bashear says that certain traditions give “unique
support to She rather hold suggestion tor warded by Cook and Crone that the
rise of 'Umar as a redeemer was prophesied and awaited”51 Again, as in his
discussion of Qur'an 2:114, Bashear thinks his analysis of the traditions
about the conversion of "Umar to Islam and Quran 4:60 has broader impli¬
cations for our understanding of early Islam. Bashear tentatively suggests
that certain traditions were fabricated to give an Hijazi orientation to events
that probably took place outside it.5-
In Abraham's Sacrifice of His Son ami Related issues^ Bashear dis¬
cusses lhe question as to which of the two sons was meant to be sacrificed
by Abraham: Ishaq or Ismail. He concludes, “In itself, the impressively long
list of mainly late scholars and commentators who favored Ismail confirms
Goldziheris note that this view eventually emerged victorious. In view of the
present study, however, one must immediately add that such victory was
facilitated only as pari of the general process of promoting ihe position of
238 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

Mecca as the cubic comer of Islam by connecting it with the biblical heritage
on the story of Abraham's Irial or Eo use Wans trough's terminology, the
reproduction of an Arabian-Hijazi version of JudecnChristian ‘prophe-
tology.*1^ Bashear once again brings his examination to a dose with the
observation that ii was only later rraditionists who consciously promoted
Ismail and Mecca for nationalist purposes eo give an Hijazi orientation to The
emerging religious identity of the Muslims:

For, our at tempi to dale the relevant traditional material confirms on the
whole i he cone fusions that Schacht arrived at from another liddT spccili*
cully (he tendency of isnads to grow backwards.55 111cLie and again ji ha.s
been demEmstrarcd bow serious donbts could easily be clisl its si only :i gain si
traditions attributed to the Prophet and Companions but a greal deal of
those beari ng the names of successors too. We liavc actually seen how the
iicuie struggle of clear national motive to promote the positions of Ismail
and Mecca did flare up before the turn of die century, was at its height when
line Abb;bids assumed power, and remained .so throughout the rest of the
Second [Muslim) century.
Though we did not initially aim at investigating the development of
Muslim hajj rituals in Mecca, let alone its religious position in earEy Islam
in general, our enquiry strongly leads to the conclusion that such issues
were Ihr from settled during the first half of die secOEid [Muslim} century.
While lew scholars have lately arrived at si mi lor conclusions from differ¬
ent directions,56 it is Gold/Jhcr who must be accredited with the initial note
thai Muslim consecration of certain locations in the 1 lijaz commenced with
the rise of the Abbasids to power.37 Indeed we have seen how "Llhe rtiusque
of the ram" was one of such locations^

B as hear cum in Lies his research with his article "Rid mg Beasts on Divine
Missions: An F.xamiimion of she Ass ami Can id Traditions where he sen-
tali vdy suggests that "prominence of the image of the camcl-ridcr was a func¬
tion of Lhe literary process of shaping the emergence of Am hi nil I si am A60
Thus, much of Kashmir's work seems to confirm the Wans h rough/Cook/
Crone line That Islam, far from being bom fully, Hedged with a watertight
creed, rites, rituals, holy places, shrines, and a holy scripture that was a late
literary creation, as the early Arab warriors spIJIed out of the Hijaz in such
dramatic fashion and encountered sophisticated civilization*—encounters
which forced them to forge their own religious identify out of the already
available materials, which were reworked to lit into a mythical Hijazi frame-
 Aspects of tKif History Koranic CHLieism 239

work. This is further underlined by Bashear’s last major work, published

posthumously in 1997, Arabs and Others in Early Istcrni.^
The core of the latter work was adumbrated in chapter VIII, At-Islam
wa-l-Arab, of his work published iti Arabic in 1984, Mnqaddima Ft al¬
ia hkh aE'Akhar. In Arabs and Others m Early Islam* Bashear questions the
a priori acceptance of the notion that the rise of ihe Arab polity and Islam
were one and ihe same thing from the beginning.62 Furthermore, he doubts
the Hijazi origins of classical Islam:

“The proposition that Arabia could have constituted she source of the vast
material power required to effect such changes in world affairs within so
short a span of time is. io say the lease a thesis calling for proof and sub¬
stantiation rattier than a secure foundation upon which one can build One
may observe„ for example, lhat in spite of nil its twentieth-century oil
wealth. Arabia still docs not possess such material and .spiritual might. And
at least as extraordinary is die disappearance of most past legacies in a wide
area nr the utmost diversity in languages, ethnicities, cultures, and reli¬
gions. One of the mosL important developments in contemporary scholar¬
ship is the mounting evidence that dtese were not simply and suddenly
swallowed up by Arabian Islam in the early seventh century, but this is pre¬
cisely the picture shat the Arabic historical sources of I he third
[Muslim j/ni nth [CE] century present/'6-1

A little later. Bus hear explicitly endorses the revisionist thesis that bllhe
first/seventh century witnessed two parallel, albeit initially separate,
processes: I he rise of I he Arab polity on the one hand, and the beginnings of
a religions movement that eventually crystallized into Islam. It was only in
the beginning of Ihe seeunri/dgluh century nnd throughout it. and for reasons
that have yet to he explained, that the two processes were fused, resulting in
the birth uf Arabian Islam as wo know it, that is, in the IslamizaLton of the
Arab polity and the Arabization of the new religion.'*64 This Arabization of
she new religion and the Istamizafion of the Arab polity is reflected in the
attempts to stress the national Arabian identity of the prophet of Islam, and
of Arabic as the divine tool of revelation.65

How can we characterize the situation in the year 2000? Even in the early
1980s, a certain skepticism of the sources was fairly widespread; M. L K Es¬
ter was able to rnuml off Ins survey of the sim literature, which first appear-
240 Part II: New A spec Is far Rie Emergen ee inti Characteristic op Islam

ed in 1983, with the following words: "The narratives of the sim have to be
carefully and meticulously sifted in order to gel at (he kernel of historically
valid in formal ion, which is in fact meager and scanty.17^ If we can consider
the new edition of the Encyclopaedia of Mam as some kind of a yardstick of
the prevailing scholarly opinion on The reliability of our sources for Ihe life
of the Prophet and I he rise of Islam, (hen the situation is clearly negative,
W, Raven in the entry for SIRA (VoL IX). written in the mid-1990s, comes to
this conclusion in an excel lent survey of ihe sira material:

The dm materials as a whole are so heterogeneous that a coherent image

of ihe Prophet cannot he uhiained from it. Can any of them he used at all
for a historically reliable biography of Muhammad, nr lor the historio¬
graphy of early Islam? Several arguments plead against jt:

1. Hardly any sir a text can be dated bark to ihe first century of Islam.
2_ The various versions of a Lest often show discrepancies, both in chrono¬
logy and in contents.
3- The later the sources are, the more they claim to know about the time of
the Prophet.
4. Won-Islamic sources are often ui variance with Islamic sources (see P.
Crone and M. Cook* Hagarixm).
5, Most sira fragments can he classed with one of the genres mentioned
above. Pieces of salvation history ami elahoraiions on Kuranic texts arc
unfit as sources for scientific historiography.67

FOR AND AGAINST WANSBROUGH

John Wanxbrough, despite his meager output, more than any other scholar
has, ay Berg says, undermined all previous scholarship on Ihe first three cen¬
turies of Islam, Many scholars continue as though nothing changed, and they
carry on working along traditional lines, taking the historical reliability of
the exclusively Islamic sources for granted. Others* sometimes known as the
revisionists, find Wans brought methodology, at leash very fruitful. Thus, we
are left with an ever-widening gap between the two camps, a gap nowhere
more apparent than when those opposed, or even hostile, to Wanshrongh's
work refused to contribute to a collection of essays devoted to the implica¬
tions and achievements of his work
Space forbids devoting \w much time to those .scholars who have ex-
 Aspects ojf lire History of Kor anic Criticism 241

tended or been influenced by Warjsbrpugh s work, such ns Bawling, Calder,

Rippsn, Nevo, van Ess, Christopher Buck, and Claude Gilliot, among others,
since their work is well represented in my collection When ilia Karan Really
Says®* It would be just as welt to interject a word of caution here: the scho¬
lars who have been influenced by Wan sb rough do not necessarily and un¬
critically endorse every aspect of his theories—not all would agree with
Wansbrougti's late date lor the establishment of the canonical Qur'an, for
instance. The so-called disciples of Wansbrough, far from being epigones,
are formidable and original scholars in their own right: arid in true Popperi-
an fashion they would be prepared to abandon this or that aspect of the mas¬
ter's theories should contrary evidence materialize. Nor do the scholars who
do not accept \Vansbrough*s conclusions necessarily blindly accept the tra¬
ditional Muslim account of the sira, the rise of Islam, or the compilation of
the Qur an; John Burton. Gerd-R. Puin, and Gunter I Ailing are. some of the
scholars In this tatter category.
But now perhaps 1 should say something about recent articles or books
challenging Wans brought basic assumptions. One debate revolves round lhc
person of Ibn 'Abbas, the cousin of the Prophet and a source of a great deal
of exegetical material. Rippin sums up the arguments on both sides with
admirable clarity:

Wunsbrough drew attention to a series of texts ascribed specifically to Ihn

'Abbas, all of them of a lexicographical nature. One of the roles of the figure
nf Ihn Abbas within the development of safitr, according to Wnnsbrough's
argument, was bringing the language of the Quran into alignment with rhe
language of the "Arabs’ - .. Identify of the people as solidified through lan¬
guage became a major ideological stance promulgated in such Lexis.
Such an argument, however, depended upon a number of preceding
factors, including [he emergence of the Quran as a nth oris alive, before it
could be mounted. Such ait argument could not have been contemporary
with Ibn Abbas, who died in 687 cl, hut mu si stem from several centuries
later The ascription Lo Ibn Abbas was an appeal to authority in the past, tn
the family of the Prophet, and to a name that was gathering an association
wirh cxegctical activity in general.

Issa Boullata examines one such text attributed to Ibn 'Abbas and argues
"that the tradition that aligns Ibn Abbas with lexicographical matters related
to (he Quran is early, although it was dearly subject to elaboration as time
242 Part TT; New Aspects for ihe Emergence and Characteristic of [slam

went mi ... But Boullata raises the crucial issue: “J. Wans brought believes
that the reference of rare or unknown Quranic words lo the great corpus of
curly Arabic poetry is an exegetical met hint which is considerably posterior
to the activity of lbn 'Abbas.”'*■' While the activity may have been limited,
Boullata admits, <Lit there was anybody who could have dared to do it [or
have such activity ascribed to him) it was lbn 'Abbas, the Prophet’s cousin
and Companion, because of his family relationship and authoritative posi¬
tion."'1 > Oral tradition would have been the means by which these traditions
trom lbn 'Abbas were transmitted down to later exegetical writers. Just
because poetical citations arc not found in early texts (as Wans trough
pointed out) does not mean, for Boulkita, that such an exegetical practice did
not exist: “One cannot determine which of these materials is authentic and
which is not, but everything points lo the possibility that there existed a
smaller core of materials that was most likely preserved in a tradition of oral
transmission for several generations before it was pul down in writing with
enlargements."72
■'Possibility” and "most likely’ are the key methodological assumptions
of this historical approach, and certainly all historical investigations proceed
on ihe basis ol analogy of processes that underlie these assumptions. Rut
Boullata underestimates the overall significance of what Wansbrougli has
argued. Ihe debate is not whether a core of the material is authentic or not.
By underemphasizing issues of die establishment of authority of scripture
mid bringing into comparison profane texts with scripture, Boullata avoids
the central crux. Ultimately, die assertion is that it would have been “only
11atural” lor the Arabs to have followed this procedure wit [tin exegesis. Boul-
laia asserts that there is an "Arab proclivity to cite proverbs or poetic verses
orally to corroborate ideas in certain circumstances. This is a very old Arab
trait that lbn 'Abbas ... could possibly have had.’’73 For Wansbrough,
nottiing is '‘natural ’ in the development of exegetical loots. The tools reflect
ideological needs and have a history behind them.
Substantial evidence in favor of the overall point that Wansbrough
makes in this regard stems from Claude Gill tot’s7^ extensive analysis of the
nifsir of al-Tabari (d. 923 cti). It is surely significant that al-Tabari would
still be arguing in the tenth century about the role and value of the Arabic
language in its relationship to the Quran, and that his own extensive tafsir
work is founded upon an argument to make just that case for language. The
relationship of I he sacred to the profane in language was not an issue that
 Aspects of the History of Koranic Criticism 243

ill lowed itself lo he simply assumed within the culture. U was subject to vig¬
orous debate and a backhand-forth between scholars,^
Another scholar whose views and methodological assumptions differ ra¬
dically from John Wans brought is C. H. M. Versicegh, Essentially, Ver¬
st eegh has a vision of tin; rise of Islam that is no longer accepted by a num¬
ber of historians: he is convinced that “alter she death of lhe Prophet Ehe
main preoccupation of the believers was the lest of the Quran. Tills determi¬
ned all their efforts to get a grip on the phenomenon of language, and it is.
therefore, in the earliest commentaries on the Quran that we shall have to
start looking for The original form of language study in Islam."76 However,
by contrast* Wansbrough and others "have argued that Islam1 as we know it
took a number of centuries to come into being and did not spring from the
desert as a mature, self-reflective, defined entity. The idea that Muhammad
provided the community with its scripture and that after his death all locus
immediately turned to coming to an understanding of (hat scripture and
founding a society based upon it simply does not match the evidence that we
have before us in Wansbrough"s interrelation, Nor does it match the model
by which we have come to understand the emergence of complex social sys¬
tems, he they motivated by religion or other ideologies-"77
Verst cog h has a totally different conception of “interpretation”: where he
sees it as 'la process somewhat abstracted from society as a whole, an activi¬
ty motivated by piety and a dispassionate .. . concern for the religious ethos
and which took place right at the historical beginnings of IshrnT Wans¬
brough sees it as “a far more interactive and active participant within the so¬
ciety in which it takes place..,. The pressures of the lime and the needs of
the society provide the impetus and the desired results of the interpretative
efforts .T'7a However* as Rippin concludes, it is not simply a question of skep¬
ticism about texts, but also a question of our understanding of how religious
and other movements in human history emerge and evolve, and finally of the
"interpretative nature of human existence as mediated through language."79
Estelle Whelan, in a 1998 article, challenges Wansbrough1* conclusions,
She is perfectly aware of die rather devastating implications of Wans-
hrough's analysis, that isr “that the entire Muslim tradition about the early
history of the text of the Quran is a pious forgery, a forgery so immediately
effective and so all-pervasive in its acceptance that no trace of independent
contemporary evidence has survived to betray it. An important related issue
involves lhe dating of early manuscripts of the Quran. If Wansbrough is cor-
244 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence in cl Characteristic of Islam

roct that approximately a century and a half elapsed before Muslim scripture
was established in 'canonical' form, then none of the surviving manuscripts
can be attributed to the Unlayyad or even the very early Abasskl period; par¬
ticularly, one controversial manuscript discovered in San'a in the 19 70s .,,
for which a date around the turn of the eighth century lias been proposed,
would have to have been copied at a much later period*”
Whelan devotes considerable space to examining the inscriptions at the
Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, since they represent the primary documents
for the condition of the Qur'anie text in the lirst century of Islam, having been
executed in the reign of 'Ahd a I-Malik in year 72 (691-692 n-). Her main
arguments arc that these inscriptions "should not be viewed as evidence of a
precise adherence to or deviation from the 'literary form’ of the Koranic text;
rather, they are little sermons or parts of a single sermon addressed to an audi¬
ence tliat could be expected to understand the allusions and abbreviated ref¬
erences by which Abd af-Malik’s particular message was conveyed.” Thus,
the apparent deviations I mm the Quranic text only show that there was con¬
scious and creative modification of the text for rhetorical or polemical pur¬
poses, namely, to declare ills, primacy of the new religion of Islam over Chris¬
tianity. But lor this device to work well depends on the listener or reader
being able to recognize the text nr references, which in itself is a strong indi¬
cation, according to Whelan, that the Quran was already (he common prop¬
erly oi the community in the last decade of the seventh century.
Whelan also argues that there is enough evidence for "die active pro¬
duction ot copies of the Qur"""an from the late seventh century, coinciding
with and confirming the inscriplional evidence of the established text itself.
In fact, from the time of Mti'awiya through the reign of al-Walid the
Uni ay vat I caliphs were actively engaged in codifying every aspect of Mus¬
lim religious practice. Mu'awiya turned Muhammad’s rninbar into a symbol
of authority and ordered the construction of maqsuras in the major congre¬
gational mosques. 'Abd al-Malik made .sophisticated use of Quranic quota¬
tions on coinage and public monuments, to announce die new Islamic world
order. Al-Walid gave monumental form to the Muslim house of worship and
the service conducted within it. It seems beyond the bounds of credibility
that such efforts would have preceded interest in codifying the text itself,”
Ihus for Whelan, the Muslim tradition is reliable in attributing the first co¬
dification of the Quranic text to 'Uthman and his appointed commission. ^
Whelan’s arguments are by no means terribly convincing, and they will
 Aspects of the History of Koranic Criticism 245

certainty noL appease the skeptics. First, otic cannot argue From a part to a
whole; the fact that there are some late seventh-century inscriptions at the
Dome of the Rock that can he ideiihEied ns being from she ‘Qur'an1 as we
know it today does not mean That the whole of the 'Qur'an' already existed
nl l he end of the .seventh century. Because a part of the Qur'an exists does not
mean that the whole of it docs; what we know is that the Qur'an has a tong
history, and that it did not materialize out of nowhere, fully fanned, but
emerged slowly over time. We would expect the Qur'an to have some au¬
thority hi the community, and there is no evidence that that is tine case as
early as the first Muslim century.
To assert that the deviations from the Qur'an that are apparent in the
inscriptions at the Dome of the Rock arc not really deviutions bul rather ser¬
mons seems a Utile ad hoc lo say the least; one could just as easily argue that
die inscriptions and the ^sermons” are similar because they are drawing on
the same not-yet-canonical body of literature. In fact, Wanshrough himself
allows for the early exislence of “qur'anic logia” that precedes the canonized
Quran, and [hat would account raiher well or even better for the inscriptions
ar the Dome of the Rock.
Whelan also blhhely sidesteps all the skepticism that has been directed
against all the sources of our “knowledge” of early Islam, and in die section
on “the copying of the Quran " she takes for granted that these sources arc to¬
tally reliable ns history. We do not have independent sources far (he biogra¬
phical material that she uses, and she is reduced to using the very sources at
which so much criticism lias been levelled for over a centuryp from al leas!
Guldziher onwards. The reliability of these sources is precisely the issue. The
same forces lhaL produced the literature about the formation of the canon are
at work on these other materials used by Whelan, and they therefore sutler
From the same limitations (e.g.+ these sources are late, tendentious, they all
contradict each other, and (hey am literary fictions rather than history).
Fred Dormer is another very distinguished scholar who lakes issue with
Wanshrough and the revisionists. In The Early Is tame & mttuexis (1981 ).SI
Donner—although he is, like so many historians in the past, very cautious
about the sources—is nonetheless very confident shat a reliable account of
the early Muslim conquests can he reconstructed. However, as Hawting^2
points out in his review of Donner, “when contradictions between different
accounts cannot be resolved, broad generalization is resorted to ... and there
is a tendency to accept information that is consistent with [he thesis being
246 P.rrt [ [: New Aspects for the Emergence anti Clvaracleristic of Islam

argued while rejecting or even ignoring (bat which is inconsistent.” While

Donner’s account may be plausible, contradictory ones arc no less so.83
More recently, Donned14 has argued that the language of the Quran and
the language of hatJUh are different, and that this suggests a chronological
separation between the two, with the Qur an preceding the luidith. He also
argues for a Tfija/.i (Arabian) origin of the Qur'an. Again, skeptics find Don¬
ner’s arguments less than compelling. Even the revisionists, on the whole, do
not deny that there are differences between the two; the language of the
Quran is like nothing else, and it obviously does not come from the same
context as hadith. The question is, what arc tlie sources of those differences?
We certainly cannot legitimately jump to the chronological conclusion in Lhe
way that Donner does; and in any case why make the Quran first? We need
additional arguments whereas Donner hits simply accepted the traditional
Muslim account, which, as we have seen, is precisely what the skeptics arc
skeptical about. For a certain number of scholars, the most plausible hypo¬
thesis is that muehS5 if not ail of the Quranic material predates Muhammad,
and that it is liturgical material used in some community of possibly Judeo-
Christian, and certainly monotheist, Arabs, and that is why the Muslims, by
the time they got around to writing their commentaries on the Qur'an, did not
have the faintest idea what large parts of this material meant,811 They were
then forced to invent some absurd explanations for these obscurities, and it
all eventually got collected together as the Arabian book of God, in order to
forge a specifically Arabian religions identity. ‘I'llis scenario, of course, only
makes sense if we accept (lie revisionists thesis that ‘Islam,” as such, did not
emerge fully hedged in the Ilija/. as the Muslim traditions would have us
believe. Even Liiling’s and Puin’s ideas make more sense if we do not try to
fit these ideas into the Meccan/Med in an procrus lean bed that the Muslim’s
traditions have prepared for us; but rather accept that the Arabs forged their
religious identity only when they encountered Lhc older religious communi¬
ties outside the Hijaz. muck the thought that Mecca in the late sixth and early
seventh centuries was host to such a Judeo-Christian community seems
highly improbable.
Juynboll once said that Wan sb rough’s theories were so hard to swallow
because of the obvious disparity in style and contents of Meccan and Medi¬
um! xtirtisP There is indeed a difference in language, stylo, and even mes¬
sage between the so-called Meccan and Med in an sums. Bin all that shows is
I hat there are two quite different styles in the Qur'an, and of course, Muslim
 Aspects of the History of Koranic Criticism 247

excretes solved this problem by assigning one set lo Mecca and the other tu
Medina, with considerable tinkering (verses from die "Mcdinese'* jm re¬
assigned lo Mecca, and vice versa). But why should we accept ihe Medinan
mid Meccan labels? What is the source or sources of this difference? To
accept these labels is simply to accept Ihe entire traditional Muslim account
of the compilation of the Quran, the biography of the Prophet, and the Rise
of Islam. Again, ihis is precisely what is at stake: the reliability of the
sources. The differences, if anything, point to a history far more extensive
than the short life of Muhammad as found in the sira, and they do not have
to be interpreted biographically through the history of the life of Muhammad
in Mecca and Medina. There is nothing natural about the Meccan-Med in an
separation, h is clear from I.am mens, Becker, and others, that large parts of
the s!ra and hadith were invented lo account for the difficulties and obseuri
ties encountered in the Qur'an, and these labels also proved to be convenient
for ihe Muslim exegetes for the same reason. The theory of abrogation also
gets the cxcgctcs out of similar difficulties and obviates the need to explain
ihe embarrassing contradictions that abound in the Quran,
It is Muslim tradition that has unfortunately saddled us with the fiction
that such and such a verse in the Quran was revealed at such and such a time
during Muhammad’s ministry. As early as 1^61, the Reverend RodwelL in
his preface to his translation of the Quran wrote:

11 may he considered quite certain ibat it was not customary to reduce to

writing any traditions concerning Muhammad himself, for ni least the
greater part of a century. They rested entirely on ihe memory of those wlio
had handed them down, and must necessarily have been colored by their
prejudices, and convictions, to say nothing of ihe tendency to the formation
of myths and to actual fabrication, which early shows itself, especially in
interpretations of the Koran, to subserve the purposes of the contending
factions of the Umayyads and 'Abbasids.

Even the writings of historians* such as I bn Ishaq, are, according to Rod well,

necessarily colored by ihe theological tendencies of ibesr master and pu-

Iron. . l Traditions on never be considered as at all reliable, unless they
are traceable to souse common origin, have descended to us by independent
witnesses, and correspond with die slalemenls of the Koran itself—always
of course deducting such texts as (which is riot uufrequently the case} have
themselves given rise to ihe tradition. It soon becomes obvious to the reader
248 Part II: Mew Aspects for tlie Emergence and. Characteristic of Islam

id' Muslim traditions mid commentators that both miracles and historical
events have been invented lor the sake of expounding a dark and per¬
plexing text; and that even the earlier traditions are largely tinged with the
mythical element.**1

The above passage is a remarkable anticipation of the works of not only

Goldzihcr but also Henri Lammens. The former had shown by 1890 the en¬
tirely spurious a Ctrl tendentious nature of the hadiih, and the latter should
that, “on the fabric of the Koranic text, die hadiih has embroidered its
legend, being satisfied with inventing names of additional actors presented
or with spinning out the original (homo.” It is the Qur'an, in fact, that has
generated all the details of the life of the Prophet, and not vice versa: “One
begins with the Koran while pretending to conclude with it." Muslim Tradi¬
tion has often been able to do this because of the often vague and very' gen¬
era] way events are referred to, such that they leave open the possibility of
any interpretation that the Muslim exegetes care to embroider.
Michael Selinb*9 shows that the traditional interpretation of ih/« IX,
verse -ID is suspect, and that it is probably derived from die Old Testament,
1 Samud23, verses 16 ft".: “Faithful Muslims will forever believe dial Quran
IX. 40: ‘ft yc help him not, stilt Allah helped him when those who disbelieve
drove him forlh, the second of two; when they two were in the cave, when
he said unto his comrade: Grieve not. Lt>! Allah is with us. Then Allah
caused llis peace of reassurance to descend upon him and supported him
wi(h hosts ye cannot see. and made the word of those who disbelieved the
nethermost, while Allah’s word it was that became uppermost. Allah is
mighty, wise’ refers to the Prophet Muhammad and Abu Bakr, although not
one word of die Quranic text supports this.”
Rippiu has also argued that certain passages in the Koran that are tradi¬
tionally interpreted as referring to Muhammad are not necessarily historical,
Citing sura 93, Rippin states that “there is nothing absolutely compelling
about interpreting fjtf/o XCTI1J in light of the life or the lifetime of
Muhammad. The ‘thee’ [in verse 3; “The Lord has neither forsaken thee nor
hates thee"] of this passage does not have Lo be Mu ham mud, it certainly
could be, but it does not have to be.. (1 might also point oul that Arberry's
translation also suggests the necessity of ’he’ as God [or Tle"|, which is also
not necessarily compelling). All the elements in the verses are motifs of reli¬
gious literature (and indeed, themes of the Qur'an) and 11 icy need not be
taken to reflect historical ‘reality’ as such, but, rather, could well be under-
 Aspects oj- the History of Koranic Criticism 249

stood as the foundational maicmil of monotheist religious preaching/"9® One

of Rippin's conclusions is that

the dust: correlation between the sira and the Quran can be taken to be
more indicative of excgetical and narrative development within she Islamic
community rather than evidence for thinking that one source witnesses the
veracity of another. To me. it docs seem that in no sense can i.he Quran be
assumed to be a primary/ document in constructing the life of Muhammad
The text is far too opaque when is comes to history^ its shifting referents
leave the text in a conceptual muddle for historical purposes. This is the
point of my quick look at the evidence of the “addressee" of the text; the
way in which the shifts occur renders it problematic to make any assump¬
tion about the addressee and his (or tier) historical situation. If one wishes
lo read the Quran in a historical manner, then it can only he interpreted in
light of other material.^1

In his Quranic Studies^ John Wansbrough had expressed the view that
aybah material had its major reference point in Ehe so-called halukhic
works—-that is to sayn works concerned with deriving laws from die Koran,
Andrew Ripping- however, examined tvumerous texts, and concluded that the
primary purpose of die mb ab material was in fact not htilakhic, but rather
haggadic, “that is, the asbab functions to provide ail inteipretation of a verse
within a broad narrative framework/1 This puts (lie origin of I ho ashab ma¬
terial in the context of the qussast “the wandering story idlers, and pious
preachers and !u a basically popular religious worship situation where such
sjories would prove both enjoyable and edifying,” He also notes that die pri¬
mary purpose of such stories is to historicize the text of the Koran in order lo
prove that 1LGod really did reveal his book to humanity on earth " and than in
arguments over conflicling asbuh reports, isnad (chain of transmission) cri¬
ticism was a tool that could be '"employed when needed and disregarded when
not/*
As Ilawting points out.

The very diversity of ihcsc “occasions of revelation’* (ashok al-iHorf), the

variety of the interpretations and historical situations the tradition provides
for individual Koranic verses. Is an argument for the uncertain nature of the
explanations that are provided. One often feels that rhe meaning and con¬
text supplied for a panicLilar verse or passage of the Koran is not based on
any historical memory or upon a secure knowledge of the circumstances of
250 Part [ (■ New Aspects for tin; Emergence and. Characteristic of Islam

its revelation, but rather reflect attempts to establish a meaning. That

meaning, naturally, was established within a framework of accepted ideas
about she .setting in which the Prophet lived and the revolution was deliv¬
ered. In that way, the work of interpretation also defines and describes what
had come to be understood as the setting for the revolution.1^3

Given the above examples of some of the difficulties, any critical

reading of the Koran should prompt the exasperated but healthy response,
“What on earth is going on here?11 The fact that so many, but thankfully not
alii scholars of the last sixty years have failed lo even ask this question, let
alone begin to answer it, shows that they have been crushed into silence out
ol respect for the tender sensibilities of Muslims, by political correctness,
post colonial feelings of guilt, and dogmatic Islamophilin, and [hat they have
been practising “Islamic scholarship" rather than scholarship on Islam.
Some scholars have posed pertinent questions, however, and given us
important insights. And yet so often their keen and just observations have
been vitiated by a faulty chronology— that is, they have all accepted the tra¬
ditional historical framework fabricated by Muslim tradition. Ft seems to me
that their work makes far more sense within a broad revisionist, structure pro¬
visionally constructed by Wans trough and Ids disciples.
To give a plausible account of the rise of Islam, we must put back the
last of the three monotheist religions in its Near Eastern geographical, reli¬
gions, historical, and linguistic (Hebrew, Aramaic, and Syriac) context.
Scholars have been well aware of the influences of Talmudic Judaism,
heretical Christianity, and now even Estonians, on Islam, but relying on tFie
Active chronology of Muslim tradition has often meant the invention of in¬
genious—but ultimately far-fetched—scenarios of how Christian monks,
Jewish rabbis, or Essenkms fleeing Romans hard whispered their arcane
knowledge into the cars of an Arabian merchant.
Many scholars have also uncritically accepted the traditional account of
the compilation of the Koran. Bui this account ist in the words of Burton, “a
mass of contusion, coni rad ictitms+ and inconsistencies,*'94 and it is nothing
short of scandalous that Western scholars readily accept “all that they read in
Muslim reports on tiii-s or that aspect of the discussions on the Qur'an/'95,
Given that -so much of the Koran remains incomprehensible despite hundreds
of commentaries, surely it is time to look for some more plausible historical
mechanism by which the Koran came to be the Koran, and to restore the
original text.
 Aspects of tlie History of Koranic Criticism 251

Barth and Fischer's important work on emendations and interpolations,

though it did influence Richard Bel] in the writing of his commentary on the
Koran, was unfortunately not followed up. Even Bell, on the whole, is
unwilling to accept emendations Luo readily, and most scholars seem to agree
with Ndklckc that 1 he Koran is free of omissions and additions. But as
llirschfcld says, "Considering the way in which the compilation was made,
it would have been a miracle had flic Qoran been kept free of omissions, as
well as interpolations.11^3 Some scholars did question the authenticity of cer¬
tain verses: Antoine-Isaac Silveslre do Sacy was doubtful about \uni TIT 3 3ft;
Wdl of sum 111 1#2, XVII 3, XXI 33-36, XXLX 37, XLV1 14, XXXIX 30;
and Sprenger ■ if LIX 7^7
Another scholar who has dared to question i3ie authenticity of the Koran is
Paul Casanova, whose ideas are rather perfunctorily dismissed by Walt and
Bell. Casanova jflushed his study, Mohammedat hi fin chi Monde, in I921H but
in recent years Ills work lias been, I believe, unjustly ignored,^ 1 suspect one
rciison for (his neglect has nothing to do with the force of his arguments or die
quality of his scholarship, but the simple unavailability of all three volumes of
his work, with volume three being particularly difficult to come by.L^
Casanova wrote:

It is generally admitted that the Text of die Koran* such as it has come down
to usT is authentic* and that it reproduces exactly the thought of
Muhammad, faithfully gathered by his secretaries as the revelations gradu¬
ally appeared- We know that some of his secretaries were highly unreliable,
diat die immediate successor of the Prophet made a strict recension, and
that, a few years later, the arrangement of the text was altered. We have
obvious examples of verses suppressed, and such a bizarre way in which
the text is presented to us (in order of the size of the chapters, or sura)
shows well the artificial character of the Koran dial we possess. Despite
that, the assurance with which Muslims—who do not refrain from accusing
Jews and Christians of having altered their scriptures—present this in¬
coherent collection as rigorously authentic in all its parts has imposed itself
upon the Orientalists, and line thesis that 1 wish to uphold wilt seem very
paradoxal Lind forced.
J maintain, however* that the real doctrine of Muhammad was, if not
falsified, at least concealed with the greatest of care. 1 shall set out soon the
extremely simple reasons which led first Abu Bakr, Lben 'L'thman, to alter
thoroughly the sacred text, and this rearrangement was done with such skill
that, thenceforth, it seemed impossible to reconstitute the Ur-Koran or the
252 Part II: New Aspect far lhe Emergence and. Characteristic of Islam

original Koran, If, however, my thesis was accepted, it could serve as a

point of departure for this reconstitution, at least for everything that con-
cem.'v the original revelations, the only really interesting ones from my
point of view, and the only ones, moreover, (hat there was any ad vantage hi
reworking, by means of either very light changes of the text, or by deplace¬
ments. There is abundant evidence thru the first Muslims, despite the
undoubtedly powerful memories of the Arabs, were profoundly ignorant of
the Koran, and one could, with Muhammad dead, recite them verses of
which they had nuth at Iheir own admission, the slightest idea. A rearrange¬
ment that did not change the exterior forms of the verses was thus the eas¬
iest. Sprenger, who had had a vague intimation of Ehe thesis that 3 advocate,
accuses Muhammad of having thrown the incoherence into his text himself,
in order to get rid of ihe trace id' imprudent words Ti0 J say in fact that it is
tor a reason of this kind that the incoherence was introduced, but not by the
author—by his successors.101

According to Casanova, Muhammad, under the influence of a Christian

sect, put great emphasis on the imminent end of the world in hi a curly pro¬
clamations, When the approaching end failed lg take place, Lhe early
followers of the Prophet were forced to refashion or rework the (exi or the
Koran to eliminate that doctrine from it. Casanova provides some very5 con¬
vincing arguments for lhe presence of interpolations in the Koranic text, and
he further points up its general incoherence. Whether they prove what he
wanted to prove is another matter But it is certainly unfair of Watt and 13d I
m pronounce dismtssivdy that Casanova’s flics is is “founded less, upon the
study of the Quran than upon investigation of some of the byways of early
Islam.1’L0Z Casanova has anticipated just such a criticism, and we can see the
following as an implicit answer to these types of accusations:

Already, as this period [Caliph 'Abd abMnlik, reigned 6S5--705 COj the
book [KoranJ was hardly understood: “If obscurity and lack of coherence
wish the context in our modern Koran ought ro be considered us proof of
non authenticity, I I ear that we ou^hr to condemn more than one verse” savs
Noldfikts.UB
1 cons ess that as lot me I accept these premises and this conclusion.
Obscurity and incoherence are die reasons, not to deny absolutely, but lu
suspect lhe authenticity |ot lhe Koran], and they permit all effort: lo restore
a more clear and more coherent text.
Permit me some dwaeterisiic examples. 1 have collected them by a
 Aspects of the History op Kora me Criticism 253

careful study of the Koranic text. I could have multiplied ihem bin that
would have uselessly padded out this book, Besides, in most cases, all ihe
while feeling the strangeness and obscurity of terms, that die naive exege¬
sis of the commentators only brings out the better, one is very perplexed to
propose a rational solution, a credible restoration. 1 ought to be on my
guard the more so because people will not fail so accuse me (which has al¬
ready been done) of declaring falsified such and such passages because
they go counter to my theories, To defend myself from this reproach* 1 shall
add to this list of alterations a short analysis of those which have been noted
before me by scholars totally unaware of my aforementioned thesis.[m

There then follow examples of interpolations, displacement of verses,

and other lEKlUitl evidence of the general incoherence of the Koran.
Watt and Boll’s defense depends completely on tightly linking the Koran
to ihe biography of the Prophet. Hus linkage is, of course* entirely derived
from Muslim tradition:

As to [Casanova's] main diesis, it h true that the Quran proclaims the

corning Judgement and the end of ihe world. It is true that it sometimes
hints that this may be near: for example, in XXI l and XXVII 71-3 f- Jn
other passages, however, men are excluded from knowledge of times, and
die re are great differences in the urgency with which ihe doctrine is pro¬
claimed in different parts of the Qur'an. All this, however is perfectly nat¬
ural if we regard the Quran as reflecting Muhammad's personal problems
and the outward difficulties he encountered in currying out a task to which
he had set his mind, Casanova's thesis makes little allowance lor the
changes that must have occurred in Muhammad's attitudes through twenty
years of ever-cbtinging circumstances. Our acceptance of die Quran us
authentic is based not on any assumption that ii is consistent in all its parts,
for this is not the case, but on the fact that, however di Mi cult it may be to
understand in derail, it dncsh on the whole, fit into a real historical experi¬
ence. beyond which we discern an elusive but. in on is ninth ng characteris-
E i es. i ntcl I i g i bie persona I i ly.lfb

it requires little relleetion to see, once again, the circularity of Walt and
EelTs argument., If by ^authentic1' we mean chat the Koran was the word of
God, as passed onto—either directly from God or through the intermediary
of an angel—a historical figure called M Elba mm ad, supposedly living in
Arabia, then clearly we need some independent confirmation of this extraor-
254 Part 11: New Aspects for the Emergence awl Characteristic of I slain

dinary claim. Wc cannot say the Koran is authentic because “it does iit...
into a real historical experience.” This circular reasoning would give us the
following tautology: The Koran is authentic—I lint is, it (its into a real his¬
torical experience—because it tits into a real historical experience.
Some scholars have, of course, been trying to prise the Koranic text
away from the supposed historical lit with the sim, the life of Muhammad,
including Lammcns,106 Tor Andrae,107 and {more modestly) Andrew Rip-
pin1^ and Michael Schub.109 Bui perhaps the most radical thesis is that of
Gilmer Luting, who argues very persuasively that at least a third of the Koran
pre-dales Islam, and thus, of course, has nothing whatsoever to do with
someone called Muhammad. A third of the Koran was originally u pro-
Islamic Christian hymmxly dial was reinterpreted by Muslims, whose task
was made that much easier by the ambiguity of the rasm, the unpointed and
unvowelled Arabic letters. Thus, both Casanova and Liiling point to the pre¬
sent Incoherence of the Koranic text as evidence for its later editing, re¬
fashioning, emending, reinterpretation, and manipulation. It is interesting to
note that although he linds Luting's evidence “unsound, and his method
undisciplined,”1 m Wansbrough nonetheless thinks that the “recent conjec¬
tures of Liiling with regard to the essentially hymnic character of Muslim
scripture are not unreasonable, though 1 ] Wanshrough] am unable to accept
what seems to me fLiiling'sf very subjective reconstruction of the text. The
liturgical form of the Quran is abundantly clear even to the traditional recen¬
sion, as well as from the traditional literature describing its communal uses.
The detection of strophic formation is certainly not difficult, and Lhe theo¬
logical (as opposed to rhetorical) nature of orthodox insistence upon the
absence front scripture of poetry and even (though less unanimous) of
rhymed prose must be acknowledged/'111
Liiling is reviving a theory first put forward by If. Muller,112 according to
which it was possible to find in the Koran, as in the Bible, an ancient poetical
form, the strophe or stanza. This form was present in seventeen sitm% particu¬
larly sum LVI and XXVI, For Mtiller, composition in strophes was cliarjtcier¬
istic of prophetic literature. Rudolph Geyer111 took up the theory and thought
he had proved the presence of a strophic structure in such sum as sum
LXXVill, These ideas were dismissed at the time, but perhaps make more
sense now, if we see, as Liiling does, pre-Islamic Christians texts iu l lie Koran.
Liiling’s thorough grounding in Semitic languages enables him to show
that we cannot hope to understand the Muslim tradition’s reworking of the Ko-
 Aspects of tke History of Koranic Criticism 255

fame text without an understanding of Hebrew and Syriac. Following in the

footsteps of M ingall fit Jeffery, and Nfargol South, bn l going way beyond them,
is Christoph Luxenberg,1M who also fries to show that many of the obscurities
of the Koran disappear if wo read certain words as being Syriac and not Arabic.
In order to elucidate passages in the Koran that had baffled generations of
scholars Muslim and non-Muslim, Luxenberg used die following method:

1. lie went carefully through al-Tabari's great commentary on the Ko¬

ran. and also consulted Ibn MunzuKs celebrated dictioiiaxy of the
Arabic language, Usan ai-'Afttb, in order to see if Western scholars
had not omitted any of the plausible explanations proposed by the
Muslim coniine nf a tors and philologists.
2. If this preliminary search did not yield any solutions, then he tried to
replace I lie obscure Arabic word in a phrase or sentence that had hith¬
erto mystified die Muslim commentators, or that had resulted in
unconvincing, strained, or far-fetched ex pi ant ions with a Syriac ho¬
monym that had a different meaning (though die same sound), but
that made more sense in die context.
3. If the preceding step did not yield a comprehensible sentence then, he
proceeded to the first round of changes of the diacritical points that,
according to Luxenberg’s theory, must have been badly placed by the
Arabic readers or whoever was the original redactor or copier of the
Koran, and (hat had resulted in the actual obscurity of the passage
concerned. In this way, he hoped to obtain another more logical
reading of the Arabic.
4. If his third approach also failed to give any results, Luxemburg then
proceeded to a .second round of changes of the diacritical points in
order to eventually obtain a more coherent Syriac reading, and not an
Arabic one.
5. If all these attempts si ill did not yield any positive results, Luxemburg
tried to decipher the real meaning of the Arabic word, which did not
make any sense in iis present context, by retranslating it into Syriac
to deduce from the semantic contents of the Syriac root the meaning
best suited to the Koranic context.

In this way, Luxenberg was able to explain mu only so-called obscure pas¬
sages, but also a certain number of passages he considers to be mi sun-
256 Part Hr New Aspects for the Emergence ancL Characteristic of Islam

derstood, and whose, meaning tip until now nn one had doubted. He was also
able to explain certain orthographic and grammatical anatomies, that abound
in the Koran.
This method al lows Luxeraberg, to the probable honrorof all Muslim mules
dreaming of sexual bliss in (he Muslim hereafter, to conjure away the wide-
eyed houris promised to I he faithful in xuras XL IV 54 and LJI 20. According
lot uxenberg, the new analysis yields “white raiKicis,? of “crystal clarity" rather
than doe-eyed and ever-willing virgins. Luxenberg claims that the context
makes it clear that it is food and drink that is being offered* not unsullied
maidens. Similarly, the immortal, pourl-like ephebes or youths of shitis such
us LXXVI 19 arc really a misreading of a Syriac expression meaning '’chilled
raisins (or drinks)'' that the just will have ihe pleasure of tasting, in contrast to
I he “boiling drinks"’ promised (he unfaithful and damned.

NOTES

1. The following contribution is a portion of a more extensive investigation

into the discussion of the Qur'an,
2. Muir, The Life of Mahomet, 3 lJ. ed., Indian Reprint (New Delhi, 1992), pp.
xli-xlii.
3. Ibid., p. xlvi.
4. Ibid. p. xlviii (quoting Springer's Mohammad, p, 68).
5. Ibid., p. xlvih.
6. J. Well hausen, Prolegomena, 4, quoted by R, S. Humphreys Islamic ff la¬
tely: A Framework for Inquiry (Princeton, 1991 h p. M3.
7. Patricia Crone. Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of iha Islamic Polity (Cam¬
bridge, 1980), p, 13.
M. Humphreys, Islamic History: A Framework for inquiryT p. M3,
9. Ibid.
10. Quoted by R. Blacheret Le Frohleme de Mahomet (Paris* 1952). p. 9.
11. C. V. Lang lots and C. Selgnobos, Introduction oka dottles hisioiitfues (Paris.
ISOS); English translation: Introduction to the Study oj Hisroiy (London. L8&8; 5rh
ed., New York. 1932).
12. M. Rodin son. i+A Critical Survey of Modem Studies on Muhammad/' eei
Studies on hfomn ed. M. Swartx, (New York, 19MI), p. 24,
13. K. S. Salibi. “Islam and Syria in the Writings nf Henri LammcnsC in His¬
torians of the Middle East, ed, B. Lewis and P. M. HoTt (Oxford, 1962), p 331.
14. Ibid.
 Aspects of the History of Koranic Criticism 257

15. M. Rodinson, "A Critical Survey of Modem Studies on Muhammad/" in

Studies on Islam, ed. M. Swartz (New York. 1981),
16. R E. Peters, t4The Quest of the Historical Muhammad." International
Journal of Middle East Studies 23 (1991): 291-315.
17. Lawrence Conrad, “Abraha and Muhammad: Some Observations Apropos
of Chronology and Literary Topoi in the Early Arabic Historical TriadiLion," Bulletin
of the School of Oriental and African Studies 1 (1987): 225.
18. Cf. A. Schweitzer, The Quest of the Historical Jesus, trims. W. Mont¬
gomery (London, 1945) [1st Eng. ed., 1910 ], pp. 4—5, "For hate as well as love can
write a Life of Jesus, and die greatest of them arc written with hate: that of Rcimanis,
the Woli'cnbuiiel Frag men Lis L, and that of D. I" Strauss.... And their hate sharpened
their historical insight. They advanced the siudy of die subject 31Lore than all the
others put together. But for the offence which they gave, the .science of historical the¬
ology would not have stood where 1e does to-day/’
19. RodinSon, 14A Critical Survey of Modem Studies on Muhammad,” pp.
26-27.
20. Salibi, ’Islam and Syria in the Writings of Henri Lammens/' p. 335.
21. Ibit VVarraq, ed.. The Quest for die Historical Muhammad (Amherst, NY:
Prometheus Books, 2000)+pp. 169-529.
22. &alibi, “Islam and Syria in the Writings of Henri Lammens/' p. 535.
23.Ibid.
24. Ibid., p. 336.
25, N. A. Smirnov, Russia and fslam (London, 1954),
26, E- A Belyaev, Arabs. Islam and the Arab Caliphate in die Early Middle
Ages (New York, 1969).
27, Humphreys, Islamic History; A Frame work for Inquiry, p. 83.
28. Scbacht. 77t«e? Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Oxford, 1950) r pp.
4-5.
29. JbirL, p. 149.
30- Ibid., p. 163.
31. Ibid... p. 224.
32. R. Blue here, Le Problem? de Mahomet: Essai de biographic critique du
fondateur de PIslam {Paris, 1952), pp. 11, 15.
33. [bid., pp. 17-18.
34. II. Dlike]and. 77rt' Lord Guides, Studies on Primitive Islam (Oslo, L956),
pp. 6 ff.
35. R. PareL, "Researches on the Life of the Prophet Muhammad/' Journal of
the Punjab Historical Society ( 1958): 8 l 96.
36 Ibid., p. 89.
37. Birkeland, The Lord Guides, Studies on Primitive Islam, pp, 133-35-
258 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergen ce arid Characteristic of Jsfj.ru

38. Parci, “Researches on Hie Life of the Prophet Muhammad," p. 89.

39. S. Bashear, Arabs ami Others hi Early Islam (Princeton, 1997).
40. S. Bashear, "Quran 2:114 and Jerusalem,” Bulletin of she School of Ori¬
ental and African Studies (1989): 215-38.
41. Ibid,, p, 215f,
42. Ibid., p. 217.
43. J. Wansbrough, Quranic Studies (Oxford. 1977), pp. 58, 179.
44. Bashear, “Quran 2:114 and Jerusalem,” pp. 232-33.
45. G. Hawring, The hast Dynasty of Islam (London. 1986). pp. 6-7; also his
"The Origins of the Muslim Sanctuary at Mecca,” in Studies in the First Century of
Islam, ed. G. 11. A. Juynholl (Illinois. 1982).
46. M, f. Ki.sler, “On 'Concessions’ and Conduct: A Study in Early I laditli.” in
Studies in ike First Century of Islam, ed. G. H. A. Juynboll (llliitijis, 1982), pp.
39-108.
47. 11 ashenr, "Quran 2:114 and Jerusalem " p- 237.
48. Ibid,, p. 238,
49. P. Crone and M_ Cook,Hagarisnt (Cambridge, 1930), s. index 'Umar a|- Kami],
50. S. Bashear, "'Ilic Title ‘Farnq’ and Its Association with ’Umar I,” Stadia
Is lamina 72 (1990): 69.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid,, p. 70.
53. S. Bashear, “Abraham's Sacrifice of His Son and Related Issues," Der
Islam 67 (1990): 243-77.
54. Wansbmugh, Quranic Studies, pp. 58, 179.
55. J. Schacht, Origins . .. (London, 1950), pp. 107, 156.
56. [Bashear's note: “G. R. Hawting has lately argued that Islam does not seem
to have one firmly established culiic center in die first [Muslim] century,” The First
Dynasty of Islam (London, 19861, p, 6 1, Before dial K is ter has shown how the struggle
between Mecca and Jerusalem over primacy in Islam goes to the first half of the second
[Muslim] century. " You Shall Only Set. .Le Museon 82 (1969): 178-84, ]94.
57. Goldziher, Muslim Studies (New York. 1971), 2:279-81.
58. Bashear, “Abraham's Sacrifice of His Son and Related Issues,” p, 277.
59. S. Bashear, “Riding Beasts on Divine Missions: An Examination of the Ass
and Camel Traditions,” Journal of Semitic Studies 37, no. I (Spring 1991): 37-75,
60. Ibid., p. 75,
61.5. Bashear, Arabs and Others in Early Islam, Studies in Late Antiquity and
Early Islam 8 (Princeton, 1997),
62. Ibid., p. 3.
63. Ibid., p. 113,
64. Ibid., p. 136,
 Aspects of the History of Koranic Criticism 259

65* Jbid.T p. I 18,

66. M J. Ki&ter, “The Si rah Literature/’ in Arabic Literature the End of the
Umayyail Period, ed. Beeston, Johnstone, et ul. (Cambridge, 3083), p. 367.
67. \VL R Liven. art. SIRA in the second edition of Encyclopaedia of Islam, vo|.
9< p. 662,
68- Which eventually appeared with only die contributions of the advocates of
Wansbroiigh, Islamic Origins Reconsidered: John Wanshrotigh and she Study of
Early Islam, in Method Theory in the Study of Religion, volume, 9-1, ed. Herb on
Berg (Berlin: Mon Lon e de GruylcrT 1997): wifb articles by H. Berg, 0, R, Ha wring,
Andrew Pippin, Norman CalderT mid Charles J. Adams.
69. I bn Wurraq, What the Koran Realty Says (Amherst. NY: Prometheus
Books, 2002).
70. Issa Boullata, lL Poe try Citalhui :is Interpretive Illustration in Quran Exe¬
gesis: MasaPil Nali* ibn al-Azraq/1 in /shank- Studies Presented to Charles J.
Adams, ed. Wael B, Hullnq and Donald P. Little (Leiden: Brill 1091), p. 38.
7L Ibid.
72, Ibid., p. 40,
73, Ibid., p. 38.
74, Claude Gil Not, Excgeser longue et theologie en Islam* L 'exegese corantqtie
de Tabari (Paris: Vrin, lyOtl).
75= A. Kippin, “Quranic Studies, Pari IV: Some Methodological Notes/' in
Islamic Origins Reconsidered: John Wamhrough and the Study of Early Islam, ed.
Herbert Berg, in: Method & Theory in the Study of Religion, Volume 0-1, ed. Her¬
bert Rerg (Berlin: Mouton, de Gruyter, 1997.K pp. 41-43,
76. C. H. M. Versteegh, Arabic Grammar and Quranic Exegesis in Early Islam
(Leiden: Britt. 1993), p. 41,
77. Kippin, khQurattic Studies, Part IV: Some Methodological Notes/1 p, 4-1,
78. Ibid.
70. Ibid., p. 45,
80. E. Whelan* "Forgonen Witness: Evidence for the Early Codification of the
Qllran," Journal of the American Oriental Society (Januury-Mareh 1908),
SI. E Dormer, The Early Islamic Conquests {Princeton, 3081).
82. G. R. Haw ting, review of The Early Islamic Conquests by F. Donne r in
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 47 (1984) : 3 30—33
S3. Humphreys, Islamic Histoiy: A Framework for inquiry, p. 70.
84. E,:_ Doimer, Narratives of Islamic Origins: The Beginnings of Islamic His¬
torical Writing (Princeton, 1098).
85. G. I Ailing assarts ihnt a third of the Koran is of predslumic Christian ori¬
gins. see Oherden Urkornn (Erlangen, 1993) |lsr cd.. 1073], p. 1,
86. Gcrd-R. Piiiri is quoted as saying in the Atlantic Monthly, January 1099,.
2G0 Part II: Nv Aspects for the Emergeftce anct (J11■ira.eterif,hic of Islam

“The Korun claims for itself lha* it is hn Li been’ or “clear/ Rut if you look at it, you
will notice that every Ft (ill sentence or so simply doesn’t make sense. . ., The fact is
ihiH a firth of the Koranic text is just incomprehensible/'
87. G. H. A. JuynboU. review of Quranic Studies, by John Wanshrough.
Journal of Semitic Studies 24 (1979): 293-96.
88. Rev. J. M. Rod well, TTie Koran Translated (London: Dutton, 1921) [Isl

ed., 38611, P- ^ Emphasis added by J bn Warraq.

89. M, Sehub, “Dave and the Knave in the Cave of the Brave/' Journal far
Arabic Linguistics 38 (2000): 88-90.
90. A . Rippin, "Muhammad in the QurTan: Reading Scripture in the 21 si Cen¬
tury/' in 1L Motzki, ed._ The Biography <?f Muhammad: The Issue of the Sources, cd,
IL Motzki (Leiden: Brill 20(30), pp. 299-300.
91. Ibid., p. 307.
92. A. Rsppin, "The Function of the Asbab al-nuzul in Qur'anic Exegesis'1 B\d-
letin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 5 l (I9SSL 1-20, also it] Ibn
Wtimiq, ed., The Quest for die Historical Muhammad (Amherst* NY: Pros net! ic us
Bonks, 20(10), pp. 392-M9.
93. G . R. EJa wring* The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam, From
Polemic to History (Cambridge, 1999), pp, 31-32,
94. John Burton, The Collection of the Qur'an (Cambridge. 1977), p. 275.
95. Ibid., p. 219.
96. H. Hksehfdd, New Researches into the Composition and Exegesis of the
Quran (London, 1902), p, 137,
97. S de Sacyv Journal des savants 1832, p. 535 sq,; G. Weil, His-
torisch-foitischc Einieiiunp in den Koran, 2nd cd., (Bielefeld. [873), p. 52; A.
Spruuger, Das I.ehen imrf die Lehre desMohanmmd (Berlin 1861—1865), p. 164.
98. J hope to publish extracts in English in an anthology in the near future.
99. I was lucky enough to obtain a photocopy of the third volume at New York
Public 1 ibrary. Two of [lie greatest modem scholars of the Qur an did not possess
the third volume, and were happy to receive a photocopy from inc. What 1 have
called volume 3 ls, in fact, Notes Complementaires II, of Deuxleinu Fascicule.
100. Spretiger, Das Lrhen and die Lehre des Mohammad, p. 533.
101. P. CasannvuT Mohammed et la Fin du Monde (Paris 3913-1921), pp- 3—4,
102. Wan/ Bull, pp. 53-54.
103. Ndkleke. Ceschichte des Qcrtnis, p. 202.
104. Casanova, Mohammed et la Fin du Monde, pp. 147fL
105. Watt/Bdl, pp. 53-54.
106. H. La mi nen.s, "Koran and Tradition," in lbn Wamaq, ed., The Quest for the
Historical Muhammad* pp. I 69-87.
107. S’. And me, "Die Leccnden von der Gemifung Muhammeds/1 Le Monde
Oriental 6 (1932); 5-18.
 Aspects op tke History of Koranic Criticism 261

10K_ kippmT Muhammad in the Qur'an: Riding Scripture in the 21 si CcniuryC

pp. 299-30Q.
109. Sc hub. Dave and the Knave in (lie Cave of the BraveC pp. 88-90,
110. J, Wansbrough, The Seesarmn Milieu (Oxford I97W)> p. 52,
111. Ibid., p. 69.
312. H. jVIullerh Die Prop helm in Hirer ursprQnglichen Form (Vienna. 189 ty)r
] 13. R. Geyer, uZur Slropliik des Qurails," Wiener Zeitschriftfur die Kmrfe des
Morteniondes 22 (19(38): 265- 86.
114, C, Luxcnberg, jjym-Animuisehe LesurL dcs Kruan [Berlin: Verlag
Die
Finns Sehilei; 2000). An enlnr^cd English translation titled 7Vac Sym-Aramaic
Reading of (he Koran: A Contribution to the Decoding of ihc Umguagv of (he Korun
was published in Rrliis by VerUig Hans Schiler in 2007,
 6
PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIC—
KORANIC ARABIC-
CLASSICAL ARABIC
A Continuum?*

Pierre Larcher

Translated by Sasun Eintmuet

The question for its is not which is the purest, or the most coned or the
most heoutiful Arabic* but whut is Arabic tit till?
Heinrich Leberecht Fleischer, 1854-

PRE-ISLAM1C ARABIC

B efore Islam, Arabic was known only by inscriptions and graffiti. This
is why one might call it pre-Islamic epi graphical Arabic, This Arabic
can be classified into three groups, according to a dual criterion of language
and writing.
The first group is written in northern Arabic language*—the group from
which Arabic directly comes—and southern Arabic writing. Ft is a matter of
DedanitcP Li hy unite {today regrouped as simply Dedanite), Hasaitic,
Safaitic, and Thamudic inscriptions. Unlike the first four groups, the fifth is
itself heterogeneous, today divided into live subgroups—A, Bs C, D, and
B-—of which only A (Taymanic) and E (Hismaic) arc decoded, with B, C+
and D remaining in the course of being deciphered.1
The second group is written in Arabic, but in a heterogeneous Arabic

263
264 Part El: New Aspects for the Emerge rice ani Ckarricteristic of Is! rim

(where Animal sms of the north and Sabeisms of [he solilH meet) and in
writing systems* whether northern Semitic or southern Arabic, The two most
famous Inscriptions of this group are those of al-Hijr (Madam Salih) and al-
Namara, respectively dated 267 and 528 CE. Recent additions To this group
are three inscriptions discovered in Qaryai a 1-Faw (3rd to 1st centuries oqs?)
and the inscription of 'Em 'Avdat (end of 1st to start of 2nd century ce?).2
The third and hist group is written in Arabic, from both the standpoint of
language and writing. To this group belong three graffiti (today considered
as one and the same) of the Wad! Rumm (300 ce?) and the inscription of
Umm al-Iimnl (5th or 6th century CE?) and two dated inscriptions, from
Zabadf near Aleppo (512 CL) and from Elarran (568 ce i. In 1964, an inscri p-
tion was added to this group. This long misrccognizcd inscription from Jabal
ULsays {Ses in Syrian dialect) will serve as an example of pre-Islamic epi¬
graph i cal Arabic.
This inscription was first published (drawing without photo) by
Muhammad AbQ l- Faraj al-'Ushsh in the journal al-Ahhath in Beirut in 14)64.
It was republished (drawing plus photo) by Alfred Grohmanti in 1971,3
Grohmann mads the fourth line as giving the date in Nabatean figures (4 x
100 + 20 +3), namely, 423, If one takes as a signpost the creation of the
Roman province of Arabia (105 CE), this means 528-529, Jabal Usays's
inscription is thus the oldest inscription that is simultaneously in Arabic, in
Arabic writing, and perfectly dated. Zabad's inscriplion, which might claim
this title, is in effect an addition in Arabic (which might be contempora¬
neous, but also later) to a Greco-Syriae inscription dated 51.2 ce. Taking the
date into account, Gruhmann interprets al-Harith al-m&Iik of the second line
as the Ghasslmid aHJarith ibn Jahfilu, victor in 52K over She Lakhmid king
Mimdhir [11.
Apart from the fact, that it is perfectly dated, this i riseripi tan has been the
object of a recent and decisive rereading by Christian Robin and Maria
Corea;3 who now tend the first word of I he third line as Usays, meaning the
very name, right up until today, in the Arabic of that site. Until now, this
word was read as Sulayman and interpreted either us an unthroponym or as
a toponym, which did not ensure the reading of the following word (even if
the latter, from the beginning, was recognised as a word of the SLH group).
Thus, viewing Usays as a toponym, Robin and Gorca read mas I a ha. This is
a place-name, whose definition, in the Lisan al-*Amb (art. SLH) by I bn
ManzOr (d. 711/1311) perfectly suits the place ka-bthaghr wa-t-mtirqab, and
 Pre-lslamic Arabic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Arabic 265

this is indeed an observatory {marqab) situated on the border (thaghr) of [he

Ghassamd and Lakhmid kingdoms, even if the term might apply, by
metonymy, to soldiers who find themselves as tjawm Jl udda bi-mawdf
ramd qad wukkilu hihi hi-'iza thaghr (men equipped in a place of observa¬
tion, of which they are in charge, facing a frontier). Finally, the first line,
winch was read until now as Ibrahim h. Mughlra al-AwsU is now read as 'and
Qutham b. Mughlra al-A^sl—that isp as (he topic (uiuhiadd in Arabic) of a
sentence, the rest of which is the comment (khabar in Arabic), which is syn¬
tactically satisfying. The whole is now interpreted as "MeT Qutham son of
Mughlra. of ihe tribe of Aws, al-FIarith the king sent me to Lfsays as garrison
in [he year 423.!1+5
Such an inscription suggests some thoughts to a linguist, hirst of all, on
the syntactical plane, recognizing the them a lie si rue lure, Til does not allow
us lo say that the language written by this soldier has or docs not have case
endings (declension), it at least allows us to say that if there is one, it serves
no purpose. In such a structure, in effect, the function of elements is indi¬
cated either hy their position i.thc ceisc of the topic), or by (he suffix pronotin
-m, which could only be the object of 'arsala, automatically designating al¬
ii a rith al-maiik as the subject of the verb.
Qn the phonological level, the fact that aHiarith is known in Byzantine
sources under the name Arelhas (with a dicta)6 suggests that I he interdental
is maintained, which is perhaps not always the case: we have previously an
Aretas (with a tan), the king of the Arabs in the second book of the Mac¬
cabees (If 5:8) of the Septuagint.7 For the vocalism, ihe fact that we have an
epsilon suggests that Greek ears did not hear an i, which resembles the cur¬
rent pronunciation in Eastern Arabic al-llareth (linked to both the brevity of
the vowel and the absence of inflection).
The construction of the verb VtrsaUi with aid. rather than 'del {'aid or 'a-
being employed in the sense of 7 Hi in many current dialects)® is surely jus¬
tified here by die fact that Us ays is a mountain and that the inscription was
found at the summit of the inside era ter.
On she graphical level, we find a fundamental trait of archaic writing,
which is not to note Ihe long d inside a word, al-Harith being represented in
script by HR!.
Finally, on ihe level of phonic-graphic relations, Robin and Gore a note
that if one accepts the hypothesis of maslaha reading, one must then con¬
clude that the ta marbilta existed already before I si tun (whereas its existence
26 G Firt IJ: New Aspects \or the Emergence and CI iii net eristic of TsLm

is not elsewhere assured in the pre-Islamic epigraphies! materia]). This con¬

clusion goes too far; if one observes, as they do (p. 507). that one has a
’long" t in liaison within mi [sanut, sirU?)T while in so-called classical
Arabic ohe would have a ra marb&ra in both cases, it would be judicious to
conclude that the soldier writes as lie pronounces: a /- in liaison, but a -h in
the pause, whereas the ta marhuta, a hybrid of the two graphemes i and h,
testifies to the double pronunciation possible at the end of the same
phoneme.
If indeed one has to read mashhak with an -hr this means that archaic
writing explicitly notes a puusal pronunciation, exactly as it does it, with die
final alif, the pausal pronunciation of muwman (in the inscription of Unim
at .liiual with a word read successively by Lilt man n in 1929 and 1949 as
ghiyarm and ghafran), which underlines the importance of the phenomena
of pauses in Arabic and makes a link with Koranic Arabic.

KORANIC ARABIC9

Koranic Arabic is the Arabic of the Koran (if I can be forgiven my trivi¬
ality). But for a linguist, the Koran is noth i tig other than a text which has a
history. As we knowT this history is recounted very differently by Muslim
tradition and by Islamologists. For Muslim tradition, the Koran contains
solely the preaching of Mohammed from Mecca and then Medina. This
preaching goes along orally, even it was able to be partially put into writing
nn heterocliie materials, until the era of (he third caliph 'Uthmiln
(23-35/644-656), who had it transcribed (what is called in Arabic the
mushtif Uihmm or UthmatVs codex). Among IslamuJogisLs, there are at
least three hypotheses, Lwro marginal and one central. The two marginal
ones are those of John Burton and Jn!m Wansbrougli. For Burton,30 u
written Koran existed from Mohammed's period in Medina. For Wans-
trough*11 on the contrary, the constitution tT the Koranic corpus was a long-
running labor extending over three centuries. For most Islamologists, the
mushaf Uthman is the ‘“conventional" name of the official version imposed
by the Umayyad caliph cAbd ul-Malik (65-B6/085-7O5).32 The first mate¬
rial attestation of the Koran—the polemical verses of lhe cupola of the
Dome of lhe Rock in Jerusalem—date from this ora, The first dated manu¬
scripts, in KOfic writing, do not appear before lhe first half of lhe second
 Pre-Tskunk Arabic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Arabic 267

(eighth) century.5* Manuscripts in hijdzi or tmVi! writing also exist. They are
not dated but are paleographic ally datable to the second half of the first
(seventh) century. The discovery of fragments of San‘aL4 has con finned
what one knew from tradition; she existence alongside the endex called l+of
Udiiiiun” of oilier non-'Uth manic codices, in particular those of lbn Masrud
and of Ubayy and, thereby, with what one could call “great variation,” the
variation in the very ductus mid hi els arrangement of (he Surahs. The his¬
tory of the Koranic Eextis thus of a tendency to unity (of ductus and order)
from a situation of plurality.
Tn its most ancient epigraphical and manuscript attestations* die Koran is
not presented very differently from pro Islamic epigraphical material: a
ductus (rasm) without diacritical points for the letters—even if they si art to
appear in the hijdzi manuscripts—without vocalization, not necessarily
noting she long vowels, and so on. But unlike this epigraphical material*
whose deciphering i.s random, the deciphering of the ductus is here sign¬
posted by reading traditions, the famous qird’dt. The history of these qirci'W
is long and complicated.15 Just like the history of the ductus, it moves in the
direction of restriction, but, unlike the ductus, without reaching unification.
In the fourth (tenth) century, they were fixed at the number of “seven” canon¬
ical ones (which we call the h+small variation’*)--16 Nevertheless, unification
was under way. From these seven readings* essentially two remain in use
today: (hose of Hafs 'an LAsim (Koran of Cairo) and that of Warsh 'an Nafi‘
(Koran of the Maghreb). The globalization of the Muslim world privileges
iho former. One anecdote: tn illustrate an archaic point of syntax* often
ignored by Arabists themselves* to wit. the possible use of Id + apocopate,
not only in the protasis (in the form Wa), hut even the apodosis of hypo¬
thetical systems in w (while classical Arabic systematically uses lamyafat).
I had cited in the classroom sum 3:120: Wa rn mshinl wa-tnnaqil td yattir-
kum kaydn-hmn shay an—"And if you are patient and yon fear f Allahf [heir
cunning will noi harm you." A (Maghrebi 1) student corrected "my” yadir-
kum to yaditrnt-kimi. visibly ignorant that 1 had cited the reading of Wursh
'an Nafi\ whereas lie was citing (hat of Hat's an 'Asunl
Obviously, one must not project backwards into the past this number one
reading of one ductus! On the contrary* the fact that one might add three to
seven, and again tour to the ten, the existence of the qirttdi shmvddhdha
(“exceptionaE readings”) reminds us that the qiradt constitute an impressive
variation* essentially phonological and morphological (the unity of the
26Q P.irl TT: New Aspects Jor the Emergence iunl Characteristic of Islam

ductus being maintained), but sometimes also syntactical and .semantic, as

we shall see. The interpretation of these qira'dt is frightfully delicate; one
constantly hesitates between grammatical speculation or reflection of a lin¬
guistic reality. Titus, if Warsh 'an Naii' reads Id yadir-kum vl is because it is
syntactically more satisfying, but he does so at the price of a weak verb,
Jdra—yadiru, not attested elsewhere hi the Koran, but where one finds the
geminate verb darra—yadurni- And if Hal's 'an Asim reads lu ytidurru-kum
(in the indicative), it is syntactically less satisfying, but he cannot do other¬
wise: in ihe Koran the third person of the apocopate of a geminate verb has
the form yamsas. not yamossa (the difference being visible in script: yum
versus y/fty).
Taking into account the uncertainty that we have just recalled, what
might a linguist say about the Koranic language? The first thing that strikes
one (and strikes the eye, since there is a graphic trace of it) is the impot tanec
of die phenomena of pause iwatf). The pause is necessary to the rhyme
between segments (which is one of the fundamental traits of the Koranic
style). Of course, with the Koran one does not use the word qdfiytt, but fajita
(“separator"). But this is jargon that fools only those who want to be so in
any case, not the Usart al-Arab, which defines (in art. FSL) wa-’itWiikhir
’nyrh kildh Allah ftiwasil bi-manzihit qawdjt at-shir—‘The ends of die
verses of Allah’s book are ihc/ovdyiV, the analogue of the rhymes in poetry."
One cun nevertheless say that the rhymes me tony ink" illy draw their name
from their 1 unction of segmenting the text into verses, even if there are more
rhymes than verses (cf., for example, sura 20:63),17
Rhyme is so important that it explains some of the violence done to the
syntax, as in sura 80:11-12:
(11) kali a innahd tadhkimh—“No! This is a reminder:
(12) fa-man skad dhakarah—Who wants to will he reminded.’’
Dhakaralm, pronounced dhakarah, rhymes with tadhkiratun, pro¬
nounced tadhkirah, while the feminine gentler of this noun (contextually
attested by innahd) should have led to the reading dhakumhu. mdhkira
being rhe sole antecedent possible for the anaphoric suffixed pronoun.
Very generally, the Korun practices the equivalent of the <jcifiya
muqayyada, that i.s to say, the suppression of the short final vowel, with or
without tunwhi, except in the ease of tcmwutan, realized as a long -d (and
written with an 'atif). This objectively makes the Koran approach what one
may observe in the meager epigraphical material that has been conserved.
 Pre-Islamic Arctic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Antic 269

On Lhe other hand, shis separates lhe Koran from the rules of the pause in
archaic poetry, which practices very generally the qtifiya mutUiqu, or the
realization of the short final vowel, with or without tamvin, uniformly like a
long vowel ta, a.p i. The particular sailes of poetic language might possibly
constitute an argument Tor seeing in this a language that is in some manner
artificial a Kimstsprache, as the Germans sayda Still, the Koran sometimes
even practices not lhe suppression of Lhe short vowel -a but its lengthening
into - dT as in sura 33:66 and 67, where one finds al-msfrfa and al-sabihl. It
is sufficient to observe that an 'alif is inscribed {which is the case in poetry)
to conclude that this is an exception due to rhyme (one has naslrnn > nasIra
in 33:65, kabirun > kahlrit in 33:66)- t would only [ike to point out here a
synthetical consequence of the pause.
The rules of the pause have the effect of deleting all the short final
vowels, and hence* among these vowels, those that mark (lie ease. Such a
deletion evidently makes illusory the existence of a pertinent declension in
Koranic Arabic. Let m take the example of sura 85:21-22:
(21) hill imwa qurdnum rnctjfd
(22) fi la wkhn mahfilz
Six readers out of seven read fi lawliin mahfilzin—that Is to say. they
read mahfttz as an epithet (sifii) of lawh? and so interpret it “Nay« this is a glo¬
rious Koran, on tablets preserved [understood: from demonsJ.1' A single
reader, Natl1 (as transmitted by Warsh) reads ft lnwlun mahjuzun—that is to
say, mahfui as an epithet of qurfin, and so interprets it *lNay, this is u g!o~
rious Koran., preserved on tablets,1'19 If one forgot for an instant the rules of
the pause, one might be tempted to say that declension is pertinent here,
which distinguishes not only between meanings but also has as a correlate
the displacement of phrases. Unfortunately, these are purely theoretical read¬
ings, for whether one reads makfuzhi or mahfihun, one still says mahfilz. It
is dear here (hat the qiradr are variants of reading of a written text {and not
of recital uni of an oral text). Six out of seven readers have chosen the prin¬
ciple potius lectio facilior- that is tn say, they are governed by the (visible)
position of e lements and not by the declension tin fact, not realized).
If great attentions had been paid in phenomena of pause,-0 less attention
has been paid so linking. By linking, I do not mean the traditional wash but
i3i fact the phenomena of assimilation between lhe final consonant of a word
and die initial consonant of the following word, ranged under the idghfim
when it is total, and in the qalb when it is penial. Thus, if one prolongs
270 Part II" New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

80:1 [-12, mentioned above, to 13.JisuhuJin mukarramalin (“on venerated

pages'5), pronounced ft suhufim mukanmnah (this type oT assimilation is sig¬
naled by a xhadda on she mlm of mukarmma in she Koran of Cairo); and to
16, kirdmin bararatin (*h[in the hands of the scribes] noble, pure”), pro¬
nounced kitdmim bararah (this type of assimilation is signaled by a small
mini under the final consonant of the first word in (he Koran of Cairo). In
Arabic grammar, idgham means, in (YicL two things: on the one hand, she
contraction of two similar consonants Into a geminate (consonant), or else
the total assimilation of two consonants dose to each other ( which is oblig¬
atory, possible, or forbidden according to whether it occurs inside a word or
between two words), and whether the (ins! consonant is not vocalized and the
second is, or the inverse, or else both are vocalized. But here there is a
remarkable divergence between grammarians and readers.^3 The idgham of
grammarians is in fact the idghtim saghir (“minor idghama') of readers,
because at least one reader, Abu ‘Amr, hence perfectly canonical, practices
the idgham kabir {“rrmjor idgham")\ that is to say, he allows the total assim¬
ilation between the final consonant of a word and the initial one of (he fol¬
lowing word, both consonants being vocalized and “near to one another,77 so
that sum 2:284 yii'mihdhihu man yashau (“He will torment whom be wauls
to”) is to be read us yuaddim-man yashtf ^l
Recently, Owens (2002) has shown, ! think veryr convincingly, that the
idgham fctf&frdid not imply linguistically the loss of a final vowel of the first
word, but only its lack. Let us observe in the previously cited example that
there is no idgham kabir at all unless one starts from yuadhtlhibii man
yashau. Bui if one starts from the yuadhdlnb man yaxha\ there h only a
very ordinary ’idgham. So let us go back to the memory of all the traditions
recommendiEig reciting the Koran with nab, which presupposes, as Kahle
noted--5 that there were people who recited it without this. But whereas
Kahb saw this as the sign, if not of rewriting, as Vollers24 supposed, at least
ot an adaptation ot Koranic language to poetic language, Owens sees in the
idgham kabir a confirmation of The existence, inside the tradition of recita¬
tion, of a castdess variant of the Arabic. For ljs, whether one follows Owen’s
interpretation or not, the result is (he same: with the idgham kabir there are
no short vowels at the end of words, which confirms the functional useless¬
ness of vowels of declension and makes the link with the third part of this
exposition: Classical Arabic.
Before moving on 1o that, f would like to turn to a remark made by
 Pre-Islamic Arabic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Arabic 271

Picm^ who places himself in the tradition al framework of historical lin¬

guistics dear to German Arabists and who, after Fleischer,-*3 conceived die
history of Arabic as one of changes from an Old Arabic type (inflected, and
hence more synthetic and with a freer word order) to a nco-Arable type (non-
inflected, and hence more analytical and a less free word order).-7 In this
context. Diem-® correctly recalls that the triptote declension, marked by
three short vowels u/a/i, is not the only inflection. There also exists a "vis¬
ible” inflection, case-ending? {diptote declension of the masculine plural
-iln/in. to which one might add the dual -cln/ayn)* and mood-endings (-
iZtt(n)): the presence/absence of—n in the second person of the feminine sin¬
gular and in ihe second and Third persons of the masculine plural of imper¬
fect makes flic difference between the free form (indicative) and linked
forms (subjunctive/apocopate). But in this relation, the Koran presents .some
■'bizarre** traits, among which the best known is obviously sura 20:63 'in(mi)
hadham ia-sahiranl—4tthere are two magicians,51
Only two readers, Ibn KatfiTr and flat's, read fint all the others rend 'imia.
Among E he latter, only one, AbQ'Amr "corrects” the ductus in hadhaym.^ In
other words, lour out of seven rcciders adopt a rending formally contravening
a '*mleT1 of Classical Arabic, according to which inna is an operator applying
to n sentence with a nominal head that it governs in the accusative, whereas
hfidhdtii is the nominative, How to interpret this fact? Is llfls a variant (lugha)
of ihc ‘flmbiyyav as suggested by the Tafsir a1-JnlUlaytffl “that conforms to the
manner of speaking of those who produce, for the duEil, an alifm three cases"
(wafmwa miiWttjiq U-lufthal man yu'ii ft l-tmahmna bi-t-'alifJi ahwatihi a!-
ihataih)t which amounts to saying that there arc no more cases? Is it a styl¬
istic effect (the violence done to the syntax has the effect of introducing an
interna! rhyme hadhahi/sahiranL the latter is self followed by ynrhlaiii)'} Or
else ei "linguistic error,"31 and in thus case, is it to be interpreted historically
as the index of an evolution under way* or else socio linguistically as ei
pseudo-correction (neo-Arabic retaining only the ease regime of the diptote
declension of the old Arabic)?
The same uncertainty is found with Ihc mood endings, for example, in
sura 6:80 ail readers read a-uthajjunm—"Would you dispute with me?”
except for two, Naff and ibn Amir, who read a-uihajjunip- dial is, an assim¬
ilation hi [he first ease (< aihujjtm(a)-nl}, but a suppression of one of ihe two
nun in the second case (both readings are compatible with the ductus, which
bears only one min): Tafsir al-Jahlktyn p. 113. indicates that for the gram-
272 Rirt IT: New Aspects for the Emergence aW. Characteristic of Islam

marians it is the nun of the indicative (hence < iuhajjfi(na)-ni) but for the
readers [he rum const!lutes part of she suffix of [he first person ni, hence
<tiihajju?i(a) fn)i). The bother is that one wonders why the same thing is not
produced in sura 2:139 in almost the same context, where we have o-
uiljdjjima-na—'"Will you dispute with us? ” with two mm in the ductus!
Mere again, how to interpret this fact? Historically, as index of an evolution,
or sociodmgiMStically us the coexistence of variants, wondering about what
governs their appearance? If one observes I. that prior to Arabic, other
Semitic languages do not have this mmf and 2. that later down the line,
although many Arab Llialects today do not have it, a certain number of others
do, one is led lu doubt that ihe history of Arabic can be summarized, on this
point, by a uniform evolution of an old Arabic type toward a neo-Arabic type
-unfa) > ?7. . .

CLASSICAL ARABIC

The reader will have understood from what I have said about pre-Islamic
epigraphical Arabic on the one hand, and Koranic Arabic on the other hand,
that classical Arabic is not for me a state of Arabic in the sense of historical
linguistics, and more particularly is not the stale of Arabic beginning around
5TO CE (an era when there appeared the first inscriptions in Arabic and in
Arabic writing), following a periodization widespread among Ihe Arabists.33
Generally speaking, "classical” is not a historical label, but rather a
sodo-linguistic label, even if the appearance of a “classical” variety can he
located chronologically in the history of a language.
Classical conies in effect from I he Latin classical which is an adjective
corresponding to the noun class!s fctasse in French, Klasse in German).
What is “classical'1 in Latin is what belongs to the first class of citizens. Clas¬
sical Latin is understood as that of she Roman aristocracy. So ii is a 4'clas-
sisC label that perhaps suits Roman society, but surely not Arab society,
which knows neither “classes” nor “citizens"!'^ Ely a first extension of the
meaning, classical means of "the first class'" (hence prestigious), and by a
second extension of the meaning, “what is taught in ihe classes” (hence
scholastic). To define classical Arabic as a variety of prestige and the
scholastic norm seems to me quite adequate.
In Arabic itself, classical Arabic is called at-tugha at-jhshd. If the two
 Pre-Islamic Arabic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Arabic 273

expressions designate the same thing, they do not signify il in the same way.
Al-Iughti at-fusha is an expression that appears in the fotmh/lemh century
m a rewriting of an older expression that Ls 'qfsah al-tughat al-arabiyya
(approximately "the most refined way of speaking A rabic”) and recalls the
concept that the most ancient Arabic grammarians, -Sib away hi (died
177/793?) and al-FamT (d. 207/822), had of Arabic: as a language that was
at a time singular (al-arabiyya, lisdn al-:Arab) and plural, a htgha (sg.)
made of high fit (pk)T die lu^hdi not being autonomous varieties (and still
less dialects as opposed to a koine!)f but only variants, good or bad, of one
arid the same language.
For theological reasons, the htgha fitsha will be definitively identified in
the fourth/tenth century with die /it#Act/ Quraysh ("language of the
Quraysh”), the latter being considered as the language of the Koran,35 But
philological I y> we find in i hc Arabic sources all the evidence that allows us
to consider this double identification as purely dogmatic. The features of the
Ittgha ftixhtlY quite often* arc in no way those reported of the lughat Quraysh
or, more generally, the lugtm hijaziyyo. Let us recall some famous examples.
In the phonological order, the people of die Hijaz were said to practice "the
alleviation of the hamza” (takhfif til-hnmzt0. unlike other Arabs who prac¬
ticed its “realization” (tahqiq al-hamza). The classical feature is the effective
realization of the hamzn, not its weakening—in other words, die mu min
("believing”) pronunciation, and not the mismin one, even if the two variants
belong to S4lhe language of the Arabs T In ihc morphological order, ihc re exist
two variants of the jussive mood (apocopate and imperative) of geminate
verbs like yitnhuNunhid Lind yarnddafmdda, labeled, respectively, by Arabic
grammar as "ifijazian” ur “Tanicmito” pronunciation (that is to say, VVesl-
Arabie and Hast-Arabic). And although the former, appearing in the Koran,
is characterized by Ibn Jinni (d, 392/1002.) as aldttgha at-fusha al-qudma—
44 the most refined and most ancient way of speak mg"36—one cannot ignore
that the classical language has in fact retained the "tnnnmn vat sum (nobody
in fact writes yardudlurdud)- Similarly, in the .syntactical order, the mil uU
hijajjyya that appears in the Koran and has the construction and meaning of
laysa (e.g., sura 12:31: mci hddhu haxharan—fithis is not a man!”) has
remained a "ilijazhm,1 taysu only being the "classica!” negation of she sen¬
tence with a nominEil head. Wc have id ready seen the use of Idyafal in the
hypothetical systems in 7«, attested in the Koran Eind in archaic poetry (and
maybe in the inscription of Tn rAvdat?)37 and considered by Fischer^ as one
274 Part II: New Aspects for iiie Emergence and. Characterisl'ic of Islam

of Che traits of what he calls “pre-class ica I Arabic,” hot forgotten by classical
Arabic.39 These are only a few examples: one finds a list of the particulari¬
ties of the Koranic language in relation to classical Arabic in Talmon.4*1
Classical Arabic is thus not the whole arabiyya as it was described by
the grammarians, but only a pan. And to the extent that it is the product of a
selection,45 this part cannot be identified with a sector of the reality. We saw
above that the idemilication with the lughat Quraysh was dogmatic. We
would now like to do justice to another identification, the one made by many
Arabists with a common language (koine), a vehicle of poetry, among other
things, rf such a poetic koine existed, one wonders why Ibn Paris, in the
Sdhibi42 illustrated ‘‘blameful” features (madhtntlma, i.e„ none I ass ica)) by
the verses of poets, who are not all anonymous poets of the Jilliliyya, but
among whom at least one is a great pool of the Umayyad era: I >lui 1-Rumma
(died 117/735-736?) from whom one verse serves as example of the 'an ana
(i.e., the fact of pronouncing the 'ayn like the hantza) of the TamTm:

u-'nn [— 'tin j tarassajnta min kharqaa numzilaton

man ii-sabdbati min aytmyka masjuimtti (< ii)
"Is it because you observed a camp of Kharqa'
lliat the water of tears flows from your eyes?"43

Note that these data arc not in the rough state. And when die ketshkasha
is illustrateJ, still by Ibn Paris, by the (anonymous) verse /(o'ayna-shi
'aynaha wa-jutn-xhi jhht-hd—“your eyes are her eyes, vour neck her neck
- -—it is clear that it is not a matter here of pronunciation, free or condi¬
tioned, of the k a.s a palaloalveoltir fricative ch or an af&icative tch and in
general a phenomenon known in many dialects (kin “sack." spoken as tch is),
and in many languages (Caesar/Cesare), but precisely of the suffixed pro¬
noun of the second person of the feminine singular-—ki as in an affricate. But
such a pronunciation has no sense unless the short vowels of these pronouns
are suppressed, the realization of the k into tch allowing a distinction to be
made between the two genders ('aitiykJ'ainyts versus ‘aloykoli 'atayki).ii The
form mentioned thus represents an approximation of the effective form, a
elassi5istation (on the phonological not morphological plane)—in short, a
lmc hybrid form. Classical Arabic acts everywhere as a filter: thus we noted
above that of lhe two variants of the jussive, it was the “tanmm" that
imposed itself. But Arab sources indicate that the vowel is variable,
according to place and context, whereas classical Arabic retained the vowel
 Prc-1 si amtc Arabi c — Kara n i c Arabi e—Cl as s i ea l Ara b s c 275

-a4$ And so we see I bat (y^hrmAAv is all that remains of a double variation:
variation of form, variation of final vowel of one of the two forms. Classical
Arabic is indeed a selection, a rest riel ion, a. fixing. The poetic koine is thus a
myth: il represents a retroprojeetion of standardized Arabic onto the history
of the language.
It ts time to conclude. Classical Arabic is a construction, even il' it is not
a construction ex nili Ho. At the center of this construction was put the i'rdh,
whereas the epigraphiual material conserved does not allow us lo deduce the
existence of such an inflection (except for die patisul pronunciation of
UmwTnan into -d) but that there seems indeed to have been, among the
ijinulh a case less variant The question of the irab therefore remains open.
Even if for my part i think that it might be is feature of high antiquity, which
was maintained for reasons, not syntactical but metric and prosodic, in the
poetic register of the language, before being retained by reason of the. pres¬
tige attached to \hh register by classical Arabic, still, other hypotheses
cannot be excluded, notably 1 he one that sees it as an innovation, an internal
development in classic a! Arabic, consisting in a reinterpretation in case
inflection of vowels of liaison (mist). This position, which originates in Arab
grammatical tradition itself with Qutmb, died 206/821.46 was defended in
the nineteenth century by Wetzstcin;47 it is defended today, with a very great
technical refinement, by Owens. ™
A final example to illustrate both the concept proposed here of classical
Arabic and the alternative that follows for the history of the language: The
treatises of Arabic grammar generally open with a definition of the utterance
(kahlm), and of its constituents (kalimatT plural of kalimd). About the hater,
Lite grammarians note^ that there exist three variants (htghdt): one, katirna,
given as "hijazr1 and which is the one retained by classical Arabic; and two
others, given as Tamlm'iV1 namely, kihna and kahna. If we observe that I.
these three variants evidently coexisted a long time ago in the Arab domain,
and 2. many Arabic dialects today (for example, the Arabic of Damascus
kalme) prolong no less evidently she variant feihna, then classical Arabic is
not a point of departure, but of arrival—not the base, bus the result of a long
and slow process of const i tut ion (assuredly com par able to that of any other
“class icaF or “literary” or “standard” language). It cnee, we must go hack to
Fleischer's program,50 that is to sayr apprehend Arabic in its totality: ah
Gasan untsp racked1
276 Part IP New Aspects [or Lite Emergence anxL Characteristic of Islam

NOTES

* A fir si version of this text was the subject of a lecture at Zurich University on
April 21.2005. L I hank my tzc>]lu-a^\ics of the Orientalisches Seminar for their com¬
ments, Thanks also to Jonathan Owens (University of Bayreuth, Germany) for his
reading and comments and to my colleague of Hebrew Philippe Cassuto fur die
details in note 7.

]. Christian Jnlien Robin, '"Les inscriptions dc I'Arabie antique et les etudes

arabes/1 Linguist ique urate; Saciolinguistique et histuire tie la Jangue (Pierre
Lurcher, tlir. K in Arabics 4ft, no. 4 (2001): 509-77; in this example, pp. 537^13.
2. Ibid., pp. 545-50.
3. Alfred Grobmann, A rabische PalHographie. II. Toil, pp. 15-17,
4. Robin and Corea. “Un nScxamen de Pinscription arabe du Djcbel Usays
{52K-9 e. Chr,>" Arafrica 48+ no. 2 (2002): 503- E0.
5. One can still wonder if this reading does not amount to projecting a col lo¬
cation from French (“sent as garrison") onto Arabic, ft would be necessary to be sure
of the possibility of such a construction in Arabic and the syntactical category of
masliika,
6. Procopius of Caesarea (died 562?), De Bella persico„ 1 1ft, vol. L, p, 9GT L
25: ApfeBag.
7. AQkia$: nothing cun be concluded from the transliteration. The original
Hebrew/Aramnie of these books is losr and the double pronunciation of the taw as
“occlusive” (denial) and spirant (interdental), given by the grammars of biblical
Hebrew fe.g.n J.etringn, 19R0: 9) seems to be a laic phenomenon, hence tiie influence
of Arabic is noi excluded. Evidently, if one could show that the variant.
Areias/Arethns from Greek is the reflection, even indirect, of a variant of Arabic
itsdfT of just as ancient a date, this would be an additional argument in favor of the
vision of classical Arabic proposed in 3: It is nor Arabic dialects who maintain or
lose interdeni a Is, it is (inversely) classical Arabic that retains the incidentals in an
ensemble of dialects, of which some have them and others donTL
8. Bui this is a matter, on both the formal and sen]antic levels, of an ancient
phenomenon, see FJcisch (190 1, 152),
9. For a recent overview, see Gi diot and Larch cr (2003).
10. John Hun on, The Collection of the Quran (London, New York, Melbourne:
Cambridge University Press, 1977).
11. John Wansbnxigh, Quranic Studies-—Sources and Methods; of Scriptural
Interpretation. (| London Oriental Studies, vol. 311 Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1977).
12. For a recent overview of this question, cf. Premare ( 2004).
 Pre-IsWnic Arabic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Arabic 277

13. A copy dated 94/712-13 ami [wn respectively hum ] 02/720 and 107/725
according to Grohmarm (1958. note IK],
14. Gerd-R. Ruin,b‘Observations on Early Qur'an Manuscripis in SarfiiV in The
Qur'an as Text, cd, Stefan Wild. Lei den „ New York* KGln: Brill, I 9%,
15. For an overview, see Leemhuis (2001 ).
16. If one calls "small vanation1” the variants of reading of the ductus and the
_LgrcaL variation*' the variants of the ductus itself, one niighi then call “very great
variation" the Arabk/Araniaic transliteration of The ductus by Luxcnberg (2000)*
17. Sec art. FAS!LA in El (H. Flciscfa).
18. On rhymes in poetry and in the Koran, eL the detailed exposition ui'ZwuUlur
(197SX ch. 3.
19. CL Thy sir by Dam fd. 4447] 052-10531, p. 179, and Tafsir ttl-Jalateyn nf
Mali a] I i [d. 864/14591 and Suyutf fd, 911/1505], p. 507.
20. I refer hem to the now classic work by Birkeland, 1940.
21. This divergence is unfortunately not signaled in the article IIKpHAM in /:'/
(II. Fleisch).
22. Henri Flcisch* Traite de Phibtogie a rate. Vol. I: Priliiniumrex, Phone-
tiqite, Morphologic nominate. Vol. II: Pronums, morphologic i-erhate, panicules.
[Beyrouth: Imprimerie catholiquu, 1961, 1979), p. S3.
25. Paul Kahle, 77^ Geniiyi (Oxford; Basil Blackwell, second eb., 1959). p.
145,11. 1.
24. Karl Vollcrsh Volksprache and Schrifisprache inz alien Arabicri (Slrassburg.
1906 [repr. Amsterdam: APA-Oriental Press, 198!]),
25- Werner Diem, “Vom Altarabischen zum Neunrubkcheij—Ein netier
Ansatz/1 in Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf Leslau on the occasion nf his eighiy-
fifih birthday cd. Alan S. Kaye (Wiesbaden: Harrassdwit?,, 1991). vol. L pp.
297-308.
26. Heinrich Fleischer, 'lUebcr arabs.schc Lexicographic und Tha-alibr.s Fiqh
al-lugah/* in Be rich te iiher die Verhandiungcn der Konigiich Sik hs. Gesrllschaft dcr
Wissensckafien. PhUol-histor. Cl- (Leipzig, 1854, pp. 1-14 |repr. in Kiehiere
Sehrifieiu 1B&5-IBBB, vol, 3. ch. 9, pp, 152-66]).
27. The classic formulation of litis thesis ls found in Fiicfc (1955 11950]). Today
it is illustrated by Blau {e.g,. 2002, p. 16).
28. Diem, JlVom Altarabischen/’ pp. 299„ 307, n. 30.
29. Toysir, p. 123,
30.. fhfsir ai-Jaidiayn, p. 264.
3L Juhu Burton, “Linguistic Errors in the Qur an," Journal of Semitic Studies
33 (1983): 131-96.
32. Tbysin 86,
33. Cf. art, ARAB1YYA in Ei.
270 Fart IT: Mew Aspects f □r tli c Emergence and. Ckar±cteri5tic of Islam.

34. For a recent overview on the history of Latin, cf. Dubyisson [2004).
'5- Cf. Sahibs pp. 52-53, ol lhn Funs (died 395/1004), For a commentary, see
Larclier [2004b).
36. Abu L- F-jjtlin UthhiSn ibn JibnT, al-Khasd'is, 3 vois.. cd. Mutiammed 'Ah -I-
Najjar (Beyrouth: Dar Li sari id-'Arab, n.y,h vol. L p. 260.
37- See, in particular, Kropp (1994),
31C Wolfdietricb Fischer, dLDie Pertoden des Klassischen Arabixch/1 Abr
Nahrain 12(1970-71): [5-18.
39. Fischer dues nut note that Id yqfal is also employed in the apodosis. The
fact that td yaj "mf is elsewhere a negation of the jussive (imperative and injunctive)
is an argument fur seeing in the conditional use of the apocopate an avatar of the jus^
sive, init of the former perfect of the Semitic,
40. Rafael Talmon* ‘‘Grammar and the Quran.” in The Encyclopaedia of:the
Quran, ed. Jane Dommen MeAuSiffe (Drill: Leiden, 2001), vol. II, pp. 345-69.
41. Ibn hii is, and before him a 1-Farm", were not unaware that the lugha fitshcl
is a selection. While identifying it with the lugkat QumysK they made this latter the
basis of a process of koineizatinn justified by the fact that Mecca was the center of
an intertribal pilgrimage (for details, see Larcher 2004b).
42. P. 53.
43. See also Radi al-Din al-Asiarabadhl (died 688/1289), Shari* Shdjiyul, vot.
3P p. 203, reference I f>0T and 'Abd al-Qadir nl-Baghdadi (died 1093/1682), Shark
Shawfihidihi, volr 4, p, 427. reference 205.
44. As suggested by the fact that the dialects that do not practice this type of
kitshkasha, for example, Arabic of Damascus, have aleki (fj versus aiek (m.). For
a recent overview of the kaxhtasha, ancient and modem, see Holes (1991)*
45. Fleisch, Traite tie Philohy^ie (1979), p. 350, n. 1.
46. Cf. Versteegh (1981 [19S3S).
47. Johann Wetzslein, ^Sprite hi idles aus den Zeltlagem des syrischen Wiiste."
Zeitschnft der Deitischcn Morgeiddndtechen Ge.seUschaft 22 (1868): 69-194.
48. Jonathan i hvens, 'Tdg&m al-kahir and history of Arabic language,'1 in
"Sprich dach mit deiaen Kneehlcii Aramdisch, wir verstehen est " 60 Behnige zur
Szmiihtik fur Quo Josirow zian 60. Geburtstag, cd., Werner Arnold and JJartmut
Oobzin (Witsbaden: Elarrassowiiz, 2002). pp. 503-20.
49. For example, Ibn Hisham at-Ansari (died 7GIJ3GI), Shark shurfhfir ai-
dhahab, p, 11.
50. 'J Ueber aruhisehe Lexicographic/* p. 155-
51. On Fleischer’s concepts, cL Lurcher (2001).
 Pre-Islamic Arabic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Arabic 279

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SchrifteK 1885-1888. voL III, eh, IX. pp. 15 2-66.1-
[:iick+ Johann. 'Arctblyo. Recherches snr Phistoire de la langue et du style a rate.
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2003, vol. Ill, pp. 109-35.
G rob maun, Allred. A rahische Pul ting rap hie. I ]. Ted Dos Schriftwesen, Die Lvpi-
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-, "The Problem of Dating Early Qufans,'1 Der Islam 33 (1958): 213-3L
Holes, Clive. "Kashkasha and the fronting and affifcaiiou of die vdar slops revisited: a
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 Prc-dsliniie Arabic—Koranic Arabic—Classical Arabic 2ai

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 7
FROM SYRIAC TO PAHLAVI
The Contribution of the Sassanian Iraq to
the Beginning of the Arabic Writing
Sergio Noja Nosed a

THE AVERSION AND CONTEMPT FOR WRITING OF THE

NORTHERN ARABS AT THE TIME OF THE JAHILIYYAH

T n the light of many new sIndies1 it is highly probable that the two very
fa minis phrases of Abu Bakr and of Zayd, son of TliSbit* outbursts
prompted by ihc proposal to collect the Koran in written form:2 “What? Do
you warn to embark on what the Prophet never did?" and “Why do yon want
to undertake what the Prophet had never done?"13 should not be read with
slavish monotony, ns has been for 1,500 years in the Muslim and. our own
world, as a refusal, or at least an expression of surprise focused on (he text
of the Revel anon, but rather, generally, as a reluctance to put in writing a text
of such importance- of such dimensions—and above all of that kind.
An examination of the substantial extra material that is now in our
hands, compared to a hundred years ago, written in Arabic in the days of
“ignorance'* and in the early years of Islam shows that the Arabs undoubt¬
edly knew how to write. What emerges, and what is important to usr is that
they did twt want to write. This negative attitude was not generalized but
was specifically focussed on everything dial we might define as a literary

2S3
284 Part II: New Aspects [or the Emergence and. ClmracbenstSi: of Islam

work. 1 have sometimes coin pared tit is attitude with the contempt that
noblemen of die pasl displayed regarding details of the administration of
their own lands!
As to "the ability ro write" 5here is no doubt: the Koran uses the tool
"write" hundreds of times, but it is interesting to observe what the purpose
of this “wriling” was. On one hand there is a nuanced vision of "heavenly
writings"4 but in human reality only receipts and treaties,5
Tl therefore seems there was a reluctance to "write down" any literary
work, or rather, and this is the point, anything that was living, and especial¬
ly poetry. Displaying the contempt described above, they could psychologi¬
cally bury the probably detested statements of debit and credit along with the
writing, The traditional idea of beautiful poems hanging on the Kabah in lhe
pre-Islamic era realty has to be dropped today.6
On das point it is interesting to note that even today we land an almost
identical altitude in the North African desert,7 so that, ■without returning to lost
worlds like I hose of die binds in Celtic mists, we would do well u> delve into
this world that has survived to our own times, a situation that may well repre¬
sent what the habits and the mentality of the pre-Islainic northern Arabs were.*
The political and social conditions have always been such that, so far as
we know, the Berbers have never developed a “civilization of writing** in ihdr
language. There is nevertheless a Berber script, whose origin is still unknown,
i hat only the Tuareg currently use and which they call tifmay, If we overlook
a few letters* they use tins for brief writings on objects such as buckles and
bracelets or on rocks, or for silent conversation during amorous encounters.9
This script too, like Arabic, is consonantal, 'lhe writings are always brief
andT generally, k is this lack of spacing, rather than handwriting errors, of
which we have glaring examples, that gives rise to the main difficulties in read¬
ing them. If the problems lhat this causes are greatly reduced because of the
usual brevity of the texts, these same problems arc offset by this same brevity.
All in all one can say Ihtil the Tuareg make relatively little use of writing:
during evenings in company, characteristic of Tuareg society, girls and boys,
in a kind of cmr d'anmur entertain each other by writing with their lingers
on lhe palm ol the other's hand. Simple spaced writing or the composition of
a single character is specific to ihis mode of w riling.10 lexis of a certain size,
chronicles, and genealogies arc traditionally committed to memory, while
brief texts for immediate use were entrusted to till nay, such as inscriptions,
letters, dedications, and names on objects, without any specialization in
 From Syriac to PakUui 235

terms of specilie writing materials like parchment, making the most of any
suitable surface*1 * writing in the sand13 for their own pleasure, for example,
or to discuss the Form of a word.
And it is here that one may try to catch a glimpse of this aversion of the
northern Arabs of the past* and of the Tuareg even today, for putting literary
works in writing. There seems to be a concept of "castration" as described
by Gcza Roheini13 of the concepts freely expressed by the spoken word each
time that they are substituted with writing. Such an idea, albeit in different
terms, had also been entertained by the Greeks in die teaching of Plato: “We
now have lo consider the suitability and unsuitability of writing, when it i,-^
appropriate and when on the other hand it is not ”14
Certainly it cart also be seen in hits reluctance, in this resistance- to the
‘Theft of imagination/1, or rather to the “theft of the imaginary’1 by the desert
civilizations, from the northern Arabs in the period of the birth of Islam to
the Tuaregs.
Why thdfi? Because—without even mentioning the third element in play
today, namely* pictures—if we reflect a little on the current relationship
between the spoken and the written word, one can say that, all in all, it is the
spoken word dial has kept its prestige. In the written word (here is a lack of
liberty, a fading of imagination-based initiative. In other words, the rigidity
of writing results in a blunting of the expressive will of the impulse to let
your imagination wander* which is the first springboard toward the formation
of a "collective imagination" and even more toward the Formation of one s
own private imaginary embryo.
Yet while die preeminence of die spoken word (let us call it “kigoceu-
trisirT) compared to any other form of communication is perfectly obvious,
we also have In realise Lliat precisely what slips From the grasp of the spoken
word is what constitutes the first embryo—an imaginary one, of course—of
our KhoughlT perhaps of a thought dial is not conceptualized but laden with
possible aesthetic factors. This is not yet a matter of the spoken word, but
rather of that combination of images (visual, auditory, but also tactile, olfac¬
tory, cocnaesthetic . . .) that exist beyond the realm of verba! language and
which may turn into concepts and words only later, as they often do,15
And so why should we not believe that even the prime vat “logos"—the
primordial human word—was not at first an articulated language, but rather an
all-encompassing image charged with seocIJs and tastes, lights and shadows*
shapes and gaps? All this is the antithesis of the ideas of those who think that
286 Pari- It: New Aspects for the Emergence and Cliatnc fens tic of Islam

thoughts cannot exist without words, amJ cognitive activity is only possible
when expressed in words, or even that—as Chomsky claims—language is
innate to human beings.Ir> Not (ting forbids us to suppose that (he thinking of
northern Arab society at the lime of the Jahiliyyah was structured in this way.
As far as the beginning is concerned, Arabic writing would appear to
have experienced freedom. No matter what efforts of imagination I make, I
cannot visualize the highest Shanfara sitting down to write, then correcting
and recorrecting his verses.17 The writings were a characteristic sign of the
system. Mow can one avoid thinking of contempt for writing in the compa¬
rison of Labid:

and Hie torrent- beds of cl-Raiymt—naked shows their trace,

rubbed smooth, like It?! I firings long since scored on a stony slab;1'1

Then die torrents washed llie dusty ruins, until they seem
like scrolls of writing whose lest their pens have revised . . ,|lf

and of their silence:

So 1 stood and questioned that site: but I tow should we question rocks
Set immovable, whose speech is nothing significant?-**

I’ll is attitude could also have represented a true drive for freedom against the
structures of the soul hem Arabs, perhaps against 1 lie same Nabataeans or
their cousins of Hatra distinguished by their monumental inscriptions, a
deckled wish to be able to alter the texts handed down “by memory."
Hero, there is a sense of "liberty” coupled with a rejection of writing that
must in some way be innate to human nature in that it has been constantly
repeated in the history of humankind right up to the “Slam Poetry” of our
times, the poetry that one must not write down. In this idiom the voice of the
poet and the listening of his audience create a community, or rather a TAZ
(Temporary Autonomous Zone) in which words, thought, criticism, dia¬
logue, and debate, coupled with l he tolerance and willingness to listen of the
other party are fundamental values,31
Such an atmosphere could well explain why (lie prophet of Islam did not
want to bo the one to put the text of the Revelation into writing, although he
frequently ordered his secretaries22 to write letters ami small treaties One
need only recall the one with the Quraysh people and the reply by Suhayl son
 From Syriac to Paklavi 287

of 'Amr at the. time of dictating the terms of the until slice “if I witnessed that
you were God’s apostle I would not have fought you.”23
As regards “dictating" this may he considered something normal. The
Koran gives orders to “dictate” to write the debt statements,24 and indeed
(Ik: fact that the Revelation or!cm or recommends “writing” a document
supports the idea that it was not a matter of habit or desire to do so. Even
the sense of the root k-t-b may be understood as “dictating”25 and in this his
behavior should not surprise the Western world, in which this was the cur¬
rent practice in ancient times (the example of Pliny the Elder is famous) and
one supposes that Saint Jerome, at the end of the fourth century, did not
write some of his works with his own hand, and neither did Saint Augusti¬
ne^ for that matter. Something of this tradition must have remained in the
air, at least in the East, if a painter of the fifteenth eentnry chose to paint in
the church of St. Paraskevi at Geroskipou. on the island of Cyprus, the
Apostle Paul, on foot, bc.nl over the shoulder of his secretary, watching It mi
write what he dictated.
The prophet of Islam was in no way opposed to the verses of the Reve-
laftott, such as those collected by 'Umar’s sister, being written.27
Yes, writing existed, but on a “Iablet kept" in Heaven.And the word
“heaven" has always made me think of the laws of the southern Arabian
kings written in enormous characters on the walls of (he gigantic clefts
between the wadis in an incredible Official Gazette.29 It is only worth noting
that even today this custom persists ai the border be I ween the two Koreas.3l)
Opposition to the “book” as a concept was not so complete, as il had
been known at least since the times of the Syriac world—the oldest Syriac
manuscripts arc pre-Islamic-11—given that the word kilab appears in
Zuhayr’s verse: “and either it’s postponed, and put in a book, and stored
away”'2 although this verse is accused of containing a “Koranic echo (hat is
dearly understood,"33 mi echo that I personally do not bear.

THE SASSANID ERA IN IRAQ:

THE COEXISTENCE OF SYRIAC AND PAH LAVI

On September 26, 226, Ardashir made his triumphal entrance into the con¬
quered Ctesiphon and, having declared the Arsadd dynasty defunct, began a
new one that, in the name of the founder, is known as “of the Sassanids."
288 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of TsLatn

In 614 the Kins of Kings’ army arrived to devastate and sack Jerusalem,
it huge event that reverberated around the whole of Arabia to the point that
it found a remarkable echo in the Koran;

A.L.M. * The Roman Empire, has been defeated '

in a land close hy . „ T3

lK1jYI (jjfl * fjjll

One need only thitik of the conquest of the Persian Gulf35 and of Yemen to
realize how completely this immense empire covered (he areas that we are
mainly interested in. The western borders of the empire reached well beyond
the Euphrates and the many cities of Iraq, like aI-Hirah,3fi which are men¬
tioned repeatedly in the Arab chronicles of the years that precede Islam,
should nearly all he regarded as being in territory dominated by the Sas-
sanids.17 1’he chancellery of this immense empire, in a continuous exchange
of correspondence—not only with the Byzantine Empire to t he west, but also
with the peoples beyond Samarkand and Pamir toward the Celestial
Empire3*1-—had to greatly increase its size while the missionary thrust of the
Nestor!ans and ot the Maniehaeans3<J transformed many languages from
■’domestic longues’’ or from langae vehiculuire into written languages.
Given that, according to what contemporary writers said, one certainly
cannot claim that the Persian had a "vocation1’ for writing, what occurred in
this context in territories dominated by the Aryans was truly incredible.
While (he Annals of King Assurbanipal tell us that the Semitic king learned
to ride, to shoot with a bow, and “the entire art of writing according to the iru
dilions of the teachers," Herodotus wrote that the Persians “taught their sons
only three things: to get on a horse, to shoot with a bow, and to tell the truth,”
an education manifestly different from (hat of the King of Mesopotamia.
In reality Herodotus could have added, had lie known it, that the art of
writing had always implied something Satanic, and “Satanic," in ancient Per¬
sian, was equivalent to "non-Iranian" (aneran). In practice the types of writing
used by the Persians throughout their religious-literary history' were of non-
Aryan origin, but they wrote with different scripts and alphabets over the cen¬
turies and it is difficult not to suppose that this fact of writing so much in the
Persian world suggests that the Persians owed a real debt to Rabibnhi captu.40
The ability to write in Persia, where entire families of the minor nobility
dedicated themselves entirely to this pursuit, is very widely known anti many
 From Syriac to Palilavi 289

of these: families continued for at least two centuries after the victory of Islam
to provide the “scribes” of tine new empire.41 Bui there were also Arab fami¬
lies in loco who dedicated themselves to translating and presumably to writing.
Among these characters there was 'Ad! son of Zayd, the famous poet. It
is known that, because of hatreds within the court, he was killed at the behest
of Mu'man III, king of the Lakhmids,
His son, Zayd son of lAdT his heart burdened with unquenchable hatred
for Human, moved to Ctesiphon where he look up his father's occupation
□nd became a translator-scribe regarding the Arab affairs of the Persian
court. The work of translation of texts was continuous. Relations with die
Arabs were very important.
As he was in continuous contact with the King of Kings, one day he sug¬
gested that the latter should ask for the hand of Nu'muiTs daugliter. It was die
same Zayd son of * Adi who dealt with the matter, and the king of a l-111 raids
reply was altered by him—an ancient reminder of the continual work and
importance of the translators in the Persian court?—-to the point of shat he
put in evidence the expression "the wild cows" as the translation of the
Arabic word 'in which, meaning “with large eyes," usually refers to
"gazelles?1 a very common word in Arabic poetry used to mean "girls.” And
Nu'msln was killed on the orders of the emperor!42.
Apart from these few examples of the vast work of the Department of
Foreign Affairs of the court of the King of Kings and of the Arabic Affairs
Office- -the deliberately wrong translation by Zayd son of "Adi could have
been limited to an exchange of pleasantries—writing tLin Arabic” might seem
normal to us, to judge from a very important episode in the history of those
times: ihe peace treaty of 561 between Byzantium and Sassunk! Persia.
The special precautions taken for the translation of the treaty from Greek
Into Persian and from Persian into Greek, described by the Greek historian
Menander, who speaks of no less than six Persian and six Greek translators,
are highly significant 43
Although we do not have the document, one would be right to think that
a copy was made of the treaty in Arabic for the use of or as a warning to the
Ghasstinids and the Lafchmids,44 These were involved in the treaty in a spe¬
cial way and it would not have made sense to give them a copy in Greek or
Persian, a text that they would have translated freely at home with un
foreseeable consequences. Bearing in mind that, as Menander relates, the
copies in Greek and Persian bore the twelve seals of (lie (ranslalocs, it is hard
to imagine that less care was taken over the copies, intended for the Arabs.45
290 Pa.fl II; New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

The Arabs felt a certain aversion to Greek writing and to the Greeks in
particular.'16 It seems common sense to suppose that the Byzantine govern¬
ments used Aramaeans who were already dose to the Arabs in language
terms for their relationships with the Ghassanids. something that the caliphs
then did with die family of Hu nay n son of Ishaq for classic translations in
Arabic. These Aramaeans were Christians and Syriac was their mother
longue, although they also knew Greek. In the other court, the Kings of
Kings used Arabic-speaking families in their offices for the translation and
writing of documents, and these families, too, were Christians who knew
Syriac quite well. And it was in these families of translators of the two great
empires that, for reasons of work such as the preparation of translations, of
copies of them, and or some correspondence, one might reasonably suppose
that Arabic writing both began and developed,
With the great treaty of 561 still in mind, the following question arises;
Jn what script was the Arabic version of this treaty written? One thinks of the
writing that is even now the script of the Arabs, of which we have a con¬
temporary epigraphic example in the writing of Jabai Usays, which predates
the treaty because it was written in 52 IS47
This writing of Usays is immediately followed, in the evidences that tmehae-
ology hits brought to light, by another dated entry in Arabic, that of Harran, in
568, which moreover also includes a text in Greek and one in Syriac 43
And then, if that is not enough, we have the evidence provided by a great
inscription placed by Hind in his monastery in ah Hi ndi between 561 and
569, an inscription that was still remembered at the lime of Hatfm al-KusInd
almost two hundred years later49
Islamic tradition relates50 that, shortly before the Prophet, three men of
theTayy tribe (and theTayy were partly Christian) met at Baqqah. identified
as a place near al-Hlrah and, adopting and modifying the Syriac script (nt-
mrydnfyyah), composed Arabic writing. These people taught Arabic writing
to various people of Anbar, and its use also spread among the inhabitants of
nl-HTrah,
It is also Arab tradition that tells us that Bishr son of 7\bd al-Malik,
brother of the prince of Diimai al-Jandul,51 who was Christian by religion,
came at that time to stay in al-Hirah and learned Arabic writing there. Bishr
then went to Mecca for the wedding52 aiut often trad occasion to meet Sufyan
son of U may yah53 and Abu Qays son of 'Abd ManSf.54 Noticing that he used
a script, they asked him to teach it In them.
 From Syriic to Pahlavi 291

Wishi taught the two Qumysh men the art of reading and writing Arabic
with ihe new characters, and when the three men went to al-Taif on business
they also taught the an of writing to others,55
Subsequently Bishr left Mecca and went to the Mudar tribes of central
Arabia, where he taught the script to Amr son of ZurSrah56 who took the
name of 'Amr al-Kfuih. Finally Bishr went to Syria and had various pupils
there too.
Bearing in mind the missionary vocation of Christianity, rnay we not
think that the name of the brother “Bishr” was a nickname linked to the root
h-jf-r or “herald;,” bearer of Lbe novelty of writing? It would seem to be a pre¬
cursor of the nickname of Karib given to the character of his successor 'Amr
son of Zurarah. Jt turns out that in Jahiliyyah there existed Christian names
used as adjectives or A rub id zed, either by altering the form or by repro¬
ducing the meaning. Among these both Bishr and Bashir57 figure in the Quo¬
in asticon arahicum.
“Bishr” means “joyh communication* annunciation.ht It is not certain that
die name was given to him by Islamic tradition. It could be that it was given
by die Christians and he was a messenger. Adam is called Ajfrii til-Bashar, the
Gospel Bishdmh and rld al-hisfuirtth is the feast of the annunciation of Mary.
And he was not the only one of this name, a name that was in any case linked
to Christianity. In subsequent times Theophane spoke of pr|ov|p (Bishr), a
Syrian Christian who had converted to Islam.53
This word seems io have a certain background. The biblical would
seem to be very dear, as it is in Other Semitic languages,59 in Syriac this
meaning is expressed by vnru /u but Leslau suggests that the Syriac verb
xbar winch in the doubled (intensive) form sahbar means “to herald/1 is con¬
nected to the root, having undergone a metathesis.1^
As l wish to record this mat lei with care, it may also be worth observing
the move of the population from Mesopotamia co DDmat al-Jajidal shortly
before the beginning of Islam, as well as the movement to found a second
Dumah, after ihe defeat in the year 9 in the principality of al-HTrah. There is
undoubtedly a link w!ith al-HTrah in both senses.
Tradition says that the inhabitants of this fortress-city were 'I bad. or
“Christians,” and that Ukaydir and his people remained faithful to the Chris¬
tian religion. This observation tallies with the fact that the inscriptions in
Arabic of the years before the Prophet of Islam were produced in a Christian
context
292 PjLrt E [: New Aspects for the Emergence a_nA Characteristic of lsliirn.

Caskd, in Ilia edition of the (himhamt ctn-tmsab^ under Lhe heading

dedicated to our Bishr. placed amid seventy-six people of the same name,
raises strong doubts in presenting a resume of his history, wondering
whether it would have been possible for the brother of a prince to travel
around acting as a “magisterperegrinus”63 Apart from the fact that teaching
the writing of a new alphabet is not like being fahrender SctuilmeLvterH if
we dare to think that this was a process of starting an evangelization, it
would not have been in any way a degrading or dishonorable activity for the
brother of a princeling of a nm-of-lhe-mill Arabian oasis. After all St. Cyril]
and Sh Me [bodies were the sons of an imperial deputy governor!
Arabic writing rnnst therefore have been bom in S ass an id territory
between the rivers of Mesopotamia, a long way to the west, around 200 kilo¬
metres, which is equal to the distance between Medina and Mecca, Seleucia-
Ctesiphim faces al-Anbarand is only a few tens of kilomeErics1w away.
We atso know dial at that lime Pah lav i was in use among the Persians as was
Syriac, and ii is the Syriac in this equation that emerges triumphant as a root.
But Pahlavi involved a factor that was very similar to Arabic writing
without the diacritical points. Apart from the fact that as an Indo-European
language it indicated the vowels, unlike Semitic languages, many symbols
had sounds that were very different. One of these could be read from /a/ to
fhf .old to /ItA while another indicated both /p/ and fff.
Iranian tradition, probably referring to Aramaic but perhaps also taking
account of the so-called heterograms, spoke of a script that had 365 charac¬
ters taught by a demon. These were then reduced in number, probably fol¬
lowing a general ruEe, with the aim of producing ever more fluent writing,
until they came down to the 18 characters of Pahlavi A5 Speaking of the
sameness of these characters, Cohen lulls us: “Adaptation to the non-Semitic
Iranian language was not achieved by creating new characters, with the
resull that certain letters were used with more than one value
In this ease, the most striking aspect is that at some undetermined time
die Persians warned to put in writing the ancient version of the sacred texts
known as Avesta and which had been preserved orally by innovating a script
whose base was Pahlavi, bm changed the letters to make the reading un¬
equivocal^ a change to which imitation of Greek contributed, in some
cases A7 This aim was achieved not by tlTc addition of diacritical points
external to the letters but by changing the letters, just as Is done in our world
with the modem script of certain non-Latin languages written with Lhe Latin
alphabet, such as the /£/ in Czech, distinct from the /c/A*
 From Syriac to fVhlavi 293

ff we look at table l /4> in which the characters of the Pahlavi script are
shown on the left and those of the Avesta on the right, the mechanism of
adding diacritical marks seems obvious, beginning from the character
which indicated a, xvt and xL, which is elongated, in the direction of the
writing, toward the left, changing into to indicate the <li> and changing
into for <Xl> and into for
<XV>. The character ® that indicated both /p/ and HI was divided into twro
with the elongation of the stroke eJ to indicate the fU and the other charac¬
ters were modified in (he same way.
While keeping in mind the lack of a definite source indicating when this
work, of adding diacritical marks began, one now usually thinks of the reign
ofShapur IT (309-379 ad) because there is the dated inscription on a famous
sarcophagus in Istanbul, prior so 430 ad, which lends one to think that it was
invented in the fourth century.7^
it is highly probable that like many movements whose origin is
unknown—nearly always the alternative to I si ant has been represented by
Byzantium, and on this matter sue the magnificent study by LI go Monneret
de Vi 1 lard7] of the reciprocal influences—imitation comes into play, as in the
case of the jeonodasm anil I he veil for women. The phenomenon of imita¬
tion, common to ah peoples and eras, is exemplified by women’s fashion, or
by the continual imitation over the centuries of the military uniforms of one
army or another.
This idea of guaranteeing the sound values of the letters with precision
may have come to those who were creating the Arabic writing that was
emerging or had just emerged from the clouds that crossed Iraq at the time,
in a world that has been lucidly described ns one of '‘'‘splendid confusion^'1
The Fihrist says that one of the languages of the Persians was Syriac, riot
neglecting to repeal this, and especially referring to the Sawad, or lower Iraq,
when it says, "they speak Syriac writing it in a type of Syriac-Persian,1"73 It
was precisely between the two rivers that the two scripts were side by side, it'
they were not mixed. At this point it would seem wise on one hand not to
broaden the issue to include die Jews, even if traces of a certain confusion
between "Syriac" and “l lebrew" writing remain in Islamic tradition, and on
the other not to let one’s imagination roam regarding the unproven theory,
suggested by Bausani, that the mechanism of heterograms of Aramaic origin
was so widespread as to make one think of a closet! caste of Iranian scribes
in league with Aramaic scribes to make Pahlavi “a matter of class, difficult."74
294 ff: New Aspects for the Emergence anil Characteristic of Islam.

The fact that Arab tradition speaks of three inventors, almost a committee—-
let u* not forget that the modified ion of Pahkivt to extend the alphabet of the
Avesta had been the work of an ad hoe cosnmittee—seems to bo ignored by
Western scholars. Why not calmly suppose that the three people mentioned by
tradition really were a committee and that deliberately, imitating the Persians
or following the trend tluit was emerging at that time, they decided to perfect
the Arabic script taking fazducius of Syriac—which is something about which
there does not seem to be any doubt—and adding diacritical points fid lowing
the example of die transition Pahlavi —* AvcsUl but using the points already in
use in Syriac to distinguish between <r> and <d>? These points had been in
use for centuries because they sometimes appear in Palmyrene inscriptionss^
bringing into being diacritical points together with die Arabic letters that were
a I read y contenijxsritry.
While we are in this geographical area, we should emphasize the move¬
ment that led to the ductus of Syriac and the alignment of the consonants on
a single horizontal line, even if sometimes interrupted. The bottom link had
already emerged from western Aramaic in she Aramaic Hatran7* and is ty¬
pical of she estrange to. >. . From its earliest manifestations, this oldest
Syriac writing displays a marked predisposition toward italic forms and the
linking of die characters. A fact that conflicts with the current hypothesis that
Arabic writing emerged in flic Syrian area is that this, tendency toward
linking would be typical of the scripts of the area beyond che Euphrates,
which appear in highly evolved forms while to the west of the Euphrates the
development occurred more slowly because of slower penetration adapted
from those innovations coming from the- East that traveled along the com¬
mercial and military routes of the Roman lines.77 It is true chat in the area of
Iraq the first scripts of the soulh-Mesopotamian family always had links too,
but lie re the story is complicated by the vexcki questio of the origin of the
Mantlaean script.71*
The information that tradition gives regarding the specializations Of the
three personalities, namely, that

t. Muramir, son of Marwah conceived the shape of the letters,

2, A slam, son of Sid mil defined the way of writing them, separately or
joined, and
3. "Amir, son of Gadarah invented she diacritical points (tjam)*
 From Syriac to FakUvi 295

may also be an indication of a very modem think tank that could not be
grasped in the real-life situation, made up of free discussions, and was un¬
derstood neidler by the Arabs of die second Islam when they committed
these traditions to writing, nor by the nineteenth-century Leone CactanL
Among other matters die anarchic mentality of the Bedouins and more
generally of the pre-LEamic northern Arabs and of the first Islam was highly
compatible with a think tank approach, with free expression of one's own
ideas and creativity; very different to the rigid structures of the society that
followed, and it seems sensible to think that perhaps that society was no
longer capable of understanding these matters. It should not be forgotten that
even the writing of the Vulgate had been the work of a think tank directed by
Zayd son of Thabit.
It is not for nothing that Islamic tradition places the emergence of the
diacritical points in Iraq, where the melting pot was on die boil, even it' it was
postponed to the limes of aJ-Hajjaj. This information is highly questionable
given that the latter, born at al-TaFif in the year41 of the Hijrah (661 ad), was
seventeen years old when the Caliph Mutwiyah erected, on The dam that he
had had built close to Ids native city, an epigraph dated 5ft h (677 ad) in
which certain diacritical points appciir.7?)
In this field we have to admit that there must have been a little confusion
in the records of Islam, because we- cannot forget that in the manuscripts of
ancieut limes small strokes are used and not points (those on the al-Talf dam
are points.) and the vowels are shown with colored points in exactly the
opposite way: Points stand for diacritical?; and small strokes tor vowels.

THE VERTIC AL ALIGNMENT OF

ARABIC WRITING AT THE BEGINNING

It is known that humankind has developed scripts hi all directions including

not just horizontal and vertical ones, or spiralling ones like the magic gob¬
lets of Mesopotamia,*0 continuing to modem limes,*1 but also—and this is
much less well known—three-dimensional writing,*- The script of the
Berbers is an example of this kind of possibility. There can be vertical l ines
from bottom upward or from top downward, or horizontal from right to left
or from left to right, with all Lhc lines in Lhc same direction, or boustro-
phahm. The writing can also be in columns. The lines are anything but reg-
296 Part- I [- New Aspects for the Emergence and. CWracterisHc of Islam

ulan instead they deviate or zigzag, often curved in relation to the abject
about which one is writing, so that the direction of the writing is understood,
and with ease, only from the way in which certain letters are orientated83
To come to the period that interests us, it is as well to be guided by the
conclusions that science has currently reached regarding cuneiform writing.
The reigning view of the past among Assyriolegists has been overtaken. That
view held tliat there must have been a remarkable ambivalence that allowed
one to write and read both vertically and horizontally without distinction.
This misinterpretation had strange consequences, such as the claim that one
had to bend over sideways to read an inscription on a monument.84
The first discoveries concerned Assyrian monumental writings that, in
relation to the various icon og rap hie items that accompanied them, displayed
a type of writing that was unequivocally horizontal. The inscriptions, re¬
latively late, belong to the first millennium before Christ. The fact thai they
were written horizontally now seems normal to us, for chat period. But the
first scholars, whose deduction was understandable, thought thai cuneiform
writing must have been horizontal From the beginning, and this view did not
change when the vertical inscriptions of the legends of the cylindrical seals
were discovered.85
On the contrary, when the system, having crossed its own national boun¬
daries, came into contact with populations speaking different languages, it
gave the writing, which was originally vertical, a character that was at first
ambivalent and I hen clearly horizontal.Sfi Something of the kind was moving
and developing, after the Second World War, in [he Chinese and Japanese
world, where vertical writing tended, in episodes that became ever less spo¬
radic, to become horizontal writing, and for an identical reason, namely, the
comparison with invading scripts of other languages. However, there are
habits and traditions that remain in the air.
It is difficult ro ignore the fact that the Syriac script comes from Palmy -
ran, in which ihere is no Jack of evidence of vertical writing. This halrit is
clear in the menu menial inscriptions in this alphabet,M7 Vertical writing in
Syriach well established by lhe monuments,83 including the Nestorian stele
of 781 in which die lines of writing in this alphabet are aligned in a similar
way to those in Chinese characters,35 and which survived over the centuries
because of the Syriac manuscripts,90 was not only not unknown; it was prac¬
ticed with a certain regularity in she area—one need only think of ihu graf¬
fiti of the ihamud tribes. Apart from that, even Pahkvi is not without ver-
 From Syriac I'd Falilrivi 297

deal writing, as witnessed in the writings found at Derbend at Lhe outer limit
of civilization, as well as in the coins.91
But It would not be so easy to think of vertical writing it there were not
now. perhaps, the hopefully correct translation of \hc phrase of lhe Fihrist
that regulary crops up in our studies, beginning with Silvestre de 5acyn
passing on Lo the old Nabia Abbott, and continuing lo the contemporary
D&rocho, The [I h rase is the following:92

CiLi ^ ^ 1 %.i-H fl-la-Jj iia-H jnxCjl C}*

1 ± C*1 K ■ !~i •■ll ■* ■ ir ■ J r J i --1^ I JX.-'< J j. Jl J' ■ ■' ! tj. l!^ Ll-Lb

In Si I vest re de Sacy’s translation it appears as: 'les elifs sont foilement inclines
vers le cote droit dc la main, ct la figure dcs Icttrcs esL cn pen cuchc/*93
Nabia Abbott then gives this interpretation: "The alif bends lo the right
and lower end.. Lhe extended vertical strokes {al-asdbi\ Lc.t alif, lam, !am-
alif, t£i\ and .sometimes kdj) are high, arid the script has a moderate down¬
ward slant to left"94 and this observation is followed by Dodge’s translation;
Tor the alife of the scripts of Makka and al-Madlna there is a turning of the
hand to the right and lengthening of the strokes, one form having a slight
slant/1 and in a note: 'The Arabic phrase translated as 'lengthening of the
strokes1 is literally 'raising of the lingers/ See Abbott/'93
Finally, Defoe he says: “Leurs alifs soul lord ns vers la droite de la main
cl el ire en hauteur, et leur apparcnce est legerement incline"; he continues
this translation with an observation linked to Abbott’s translation: 1fLa partie
centrale de ceiLe description . . . fait reference anx asdhi\ litLenilemenl:
’doigts/ mot que N. Abbott a compris comme ddsignam de maniere
analogique les hastes des alifs * un sens que n'esl pas uileste par aillcurs mats
qui scmble plausible dans cc contextt/’ adding:

Une auLre interpretation pourrait eire avarice, qui lie ret net pas fondameu-
Lalcmcnl et] cause 3a signification du texte: au lieu Jc voir dans ce passage
uue description en quelque sorLc -stalique de la forme de la letLre, un pour-
rajL pe riser a une evocaLinn du fnouvemetlt de la main du copiste qui eievc
(i'HF) les duigfs tenant le uaEame en direction de hi panic stiperieure du
feu illet pour tracer un aiij] l'absence du suftixe posse ssif—r envoy ant aux
alifs—serait alors plus comprelsensible.9^
298 P«arb [I: New Aspects for tke Emergence and Cliaractenstk of Islam

Al Shis paint we need to go bade to the writing of the Syriac manuscripts

and quote the Fihrist yet again, where it says that the Persians wrote in
Syriac,97 speaking in a particular manner of the S a wild—once again Sas-
&mid Iraq—which had a huge importance linked to the Christians who were
there in large numbers. Describing someone who is preparing to make a
sheet ready for vertical writing, with the sheet then to be rotated through
ninety degrees for the reading, one may read Ihe following text:

In its tit if# there is a curving (the dictionaries say “bend”) towards the right
side ol the hand and there is a raising of the lingers and in its shape there is
a slight lying down (to lie down).

If one thinks of the vertical writing of Arabic in the early years as imitating
the Syriac, this expression of the Fihrist—6a raising of the fingers1—becomes
dear, Anyone who saw the manuscript rotated through ninety degrees and
written vertically would realize that the erfifs had been written with the quill
coming down at forty-five degrees from the top left toward the bottom right
in writing the longer pail of the alif, and they would moreover notice a
smudge producer! by the raising of the fingers1 ’ that the scribe would have
produced by bringing the quill from the bottom to the top vertically.
And it is again the Fihrist that speaks of Ihe Christians to whom the
order for the writing of the Koran93 was given. They must have been pro¬
fess tonal scribes, and therefore accustomed to writing in Syriac. 1L should be
.said, in corroboration of dais theory, that Arabic written vertically is found on
Lhe coins of the first Islam in Persia alongside Pahlavi writing (table 2j,1J9 like
the ones Imitating Byzantine practice minted in Palestine in early times.300
It was the same in this case, too. Having passed through the era of the con¬
quest there was a transition to horizontal writing.
This phenomenon of vertical Arabic writing may have only lasted for a
very short time, and writing may have become horizontal for lhe same rea¬
sons that caused the change of direction of CuneiForm writing, if we reread
what was said before: "when the system . . . , having crossed its own national
boundaries, came into contact with populations speaking different lan¬
guages, it gave the writing, which was originally vertical, a character , . that
was clearly horizontal.”30®
If wc want to refute tina tantimi the words of the sublime poet, “Per la con-
tnulizion die no! consented wc can say that there is no contradiction between
 From Syriac to Fklilavi 299

the inclined alifs of [he vertical writing of tJie IlijazI manuscripts and the per¬
fectly vertical afifst of (lie epigraphy, because the difference in ihe writing
materia! is clear. Furthermore, in my view, when the Arabs began writing on
stone h lhe vertical writing had already evolved, becoming horizontal.
But there is more to be said. The originally vertical writing of Arabic was
preserved, in keeping with the constant rule of the archaism of forms, in mar¬
ginal areas of Africa. This was noted by M. Marcel Cohen, who mentioned it
in 1931 concerning the vertical writing of Arabic in HansrJ^ ami he returned
to (he subject during Ihc Croupe Lingnistiqtte d'etttdes chamito-semitique in
1951 A few years later, in 1954, in the same GUsCS context, Gerard Trou-
pcau took up this subject again, referring nul only to Cohen but also speaking
of his personal experiences, and he was greeled by a chorus of general agree¬
ment. Troupe an said lie had seen Arabic students writing in an absolutely ver-
lical mode, just ns he had seen the copyists writing in an identical way in
Syriac, He added that he had not noticed the faithful having any problems in
reading the vertical writings in Syriac on die walls of the churches, and he
said that the habit of reading Syriac from all directions was a “pratique n&ces-
sltce par la position dcs chantres d l'eg Use, qai forwent im cercie amour dit
livre iiturgique pose d plate sur ttn pupiire place an milieu d'eux'3 The latter
observation may not be unavoidable, given that in general the texts are com¬
mitted to memory, as in the HTIp "m of the Synagogal world.
One of those who attended ihis meeting said he had written in this way
on tablets when he was a young student in Egypt, while another noted that
this direction of the writing in she Jacobite outline of Syriac explained the
Greek letters used for vocalization, such as the "capital pm/'These speakers
were followed by two others. One pointed out that with the writing medium
resting on the tltigh, vertical writing permitted longer lines than horizontal
writing, while the other observed that this phenomenon of vertical Arabic
writing could explain why certain Arabic figures appeared to be bascule
(toppling over) compared to Indian figures, such as the 3 of the Arabs T
compared to the 3 of the Sanskrit104 It seems to rue that, in irutli, this obser¬
vation could be extended, as it would appear that something identical also
occurred as regards the figure 2 among the Arabs V from ihc Nagari ^ and
for ft among die Arabs A and in India
Attracted by this argument and by a photograph in National Geo¬
graphic^^ having mentioned it in my report to the lstitutu Lombardo,
Aceademia di Science c Lcttcrc in Milan on October 17, 2002,106 I wpas able
3DO Part' II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Cimraderistic of Islam

to send an expedition from the h'ondazione Ferni Noja Noseda in the summer
of 2004 to the oasis of Fachi in Niger, where a DVD report on verticil I
writing on wooden tablets was made.1(1' White I was preparing the above-
mentioned report, 1 mentioned this idea of vertical writing to my friend
Deroche, and lie was favorably impressed because, probably at his request,
his teacher Troupeau had inserted a comment on the matter in his review.10*
Now. this process of becoming aware of the vertical writing of Arabic—
first with surprise and then with naturalness—has recently made me ihink
again of Rhinoceros by Ionesco. If we replace "rhinoceros" with “vertical
writing.” we seem to hear the same words of the first act:

JEAN: Oh! a rhinoceros!

(Thu noise mafic by the animal dies away swiftly and one can already hear
the following words. The whole of litis scene must be played very fast,
each repeating in swift succession: Oh! a rhinoceros')
WAITRESS: Oh! a rhinoceros!
GROCER'S WIFE (sticks her head uuL of Iter shop doorway): Oh! ii rhi
noceros! (To her husband still inside the shop): Quick, come anti look:
it's a rhi noceros!

CONCLUSIONS

The Arabic of the northern central region used various scripts until it felt the
need to have its “own” scrip!. just as not long afterward it felt the need io
have its ‘'own" sacred book in its “own” language, as the Koran shows.I(W
How could these Arabs, who were so proud, use the scripts of others?
The parallel with the Slavic world seems impelling: every Slav {or rather
"he who speaks”) calk ilu: Germans “dumb” because they do not speak
Slavonic, and -St. Cyril and St. Metodius created an alphabet of their own to
evangelize the Slavs.
At die same time, both the attempt by the Syriac Church to spread Chris¬
tianity Kara itoAel; and the rejection of litis attempt must have had a massive
impact: Syriac could not be adopted in toto.

The journey through time seems to emerge clearly:

I. The epigraphs in Lihyanitc and Dedanite must be regarded as one

being among of many fame tie ntieux at I erupts.
 From Syriac to Ramavi 301

2. The upsurge of the soul hem Arabian in relation to the north seems
clear. Beyond Paw it could have reached as far as Mecca. Tradition,
recounted by al-Fakihk handed down the text in the southern Arabian
characters of Maqam Ibrahimd,<}
3. King Imru iihQays made use of Nabataean in the Nomura i nscription
because he wanted to proclaim his victory and his glory in that area
id that (ime311 and Nabataean was the available script. Then the Naba¬
taean world was extinguished.
4. Finally* southern Arabian was definitely rejected, and there is no lack
of rejections such as this, even in recent history, ranging from that of
the Weimar Republic in Germany concerning the so-c[died Goihie of
Imperial Germany to that of A tat rick regarding the Arabic script! One
cannot rule out the possibility that there was a reaction by the emi¬
grants toward the world from which they bad come, and in fact it was
mainly tribes of southern origin who were involved in the new script
(hat was emerging. At the time, those Arabs were struck by (he sight
of two major systems, the Christian Church and the Empire of the
King of Kings, Sassaiud Iraq, where Syriac and Palrlavj were side by
side, became die melting pot.
5. A self-appointed committee of sages met with the intention of cre¬
ating a truly Arabic script, and with much goodwill, to provide their
own people and language with a different script to that of nearby peo¬
ples. If for a moment we dare to substitute the word "script" for the
word 'language” in the Koranic text (XVI, 103), we hear the fol¬
lowing verse: £The 'script1 of he to whom they wickedly point to is
notably foreign, while tills is Arabic, pure and dear!”
6. The ductus was certainly that of Syriac. Starcky's observation on the
upper alignment of Nabataean and lhe lower alignment of Syriac and
of Arabic is of fundamental importance J13 The validity of the thesis
has nmv been confirmed by a further conclusive study, the recent one
by Gerard Troupeau. which resolves the problems that no one had
tackled until now arising not only from lhe scripL but also from lhe
phonetic of the adaptation of certain letters of the Syriac alphabet co
those of the emerging Arabic script.113
7. Faced with many letters that were the same, they noted that the Per¬
sians were modifying or had modi lied die characters of Pahkwi in
order so record die Avesta accurately. Modification of [ho letters as
302 Fart II: New Aspects \or I lie Emergence met Characteristic of [slam

implemented by the Persians seemed difficult from the graphical

standpoint, and the diacritical point of Syriac for distinguishing
between r and d was fundamental in prompting she big idea: It was in
this way that the “diacritical points” were developed.

This process of the emergence of Arabic writing was very similar to tire
process used by I hose who returned from the Babylonian exile. Wanting to
distinguish themselves from those who had remained in the. Land of Israel,
and not being able to make them change the script, the veterans from Baby¬
lonia invented square Hebrew, imitating* in general, the square and rectan¬
gular shapes of the cuneiform,114
h should be recalled that the fact that ‘Ahd Allah son of Malik al-Khuza1
and Yahya son of KltOlid the LWmekid (the teacher of Harun al-Rashid) read
the inscription of Hind in his monastery without difficulty would seem to
demonstrate the identity of Arabic writing at the time when Islam emerged
with what triumphed then, and existed over die centuries, within Islam.
 From Syriac to Palilavi 303

Table 1: The addition of diacritical modifications to the Pahlavi

script and the resulting writing of the Avesta

Pah lav I Avesta

=k -4 5 =k
1
=v - U ■Y

=p - PJ = p

0 =f - A =r

- «T =p

=t - =t

-i -► =t

=a - -U =a

=i r*ih -a

JUf —I* V* = xv

=h —4' & =h

=^ CL.
304 Part [I: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam.

Table 2; Sassanid coins of early Islam*

3. Recto on ihe right in Pali lav i writing, from top down:

hvbyfcV/ Y / zyy't'n = Arabic 'Uhaydaildh ibnZiyml

2. Recto on the right Iei Arabic characters* from top down:

Khdlid bitj

3. ffeem on the right in Arabic characters* from top down:

(^current’)

"Fjorn Rika Cyselcn, A nth Stoan inti Copper Coinage P-Vtan* 2.000), pp. M7 I lJ
 From Syriac Lo Paklavi 305

NOTES

1, "Depths lint: irentaine d'annees. Phisloire de In formation tie rislum a coniiu

un extraordinaire regain tPintML Deux ouvrages de John Wansbrougbr qui
appliquenf nu Coran le* met hades de lTex£gfcse biblique, el conduent quo le reeilfcil
curaniquc que nous connaisons s’est consume iardivement (upres 200 h.) ft partir de
maicrianx hcicrogcnes, ont £te le point de depart d'unc rdorienlatiun radical des
recherche*, caracterisde par line suspicion sysiematique do Thisttsire tradiliuiiclle/"
Christian Mien Robin, "La re forme de T Venture afabe, a Pepoque du cali lat medi¬
ae is 2' in IV International Conference an codicoiogy find paleography of
middle—eastern manuscripts (Bologna, 2002),
2. Tradition ha* it that Zayd son of ThSbit also knew Syriac, see Hip is
Rluchere. Introduction an Caron (Paris, 1*147), p. 3L
3- G. Holiday El-Bokhflri, Les traditions isbmiques, 111 (Paris, 1984)t p. 322.
4, Koran XJI1_ 39; XLIJT, 4; LIL 2-3; LYT, 78, 79; I..XXX, 13-16.
5, “O ye who believe 1 When yc deal with each other, in transact ions involving
future obligations in a fixed period of time, reduce them to writing. Lei a scribe write
down faithfully as between the parties; let not ihe scribe refuse in wriie; as Citxl has
taught him. so let him write. Lei him who incurs ihe liability dictate, but let him fear
his Lord God, and not diminish aught of what he owes" (IIr 282).
6. Daniel a A maid i, Le 47 nallaqdf. A tie origin i delta poesm a mini (Venice.
1991), p.2L
7. Luigi Setra, ‘1 Berberi come precsistenza e persistent u indigent! in Nord
Africa," in L'Africa Humana, Aid del VII Cmvegno di studio, Sa&sari, 15-17
dicembre I9R9 (Sassari. 1990), pp. 309-22.
8, M. V. McDonald, "Orally Transmitted Poetry in Pre-lskmiic Arabia and
Other Pre-Literate Societies,1' Journal ofArabic Literatim 9, pp, 13—31.
9. Charles posscy, Notices sur tes caracteres et range rs fiacietts et modernes
vidigds par tm groupe de s or an is et re antes par Charles L'ossey (Petris, 1948), p.
135.
[0. Marcel Cohen. La grande invention de indenture el son dvoluttan, voh l
(Paris, 1958). p. 334; Lionel Caland, "Les alphabets libyqucs,'1 Antupidds afrhaines,
tr 25 (1989); 69-81; Lionel G aland, "Lecture et dccifremem dcs inscriptions sahari-
ennes." Sahara 4 (1991): 53-58; Fadetie Galand-Pernct. d,Le poeme oral et ses
marges: prologues bcrhercs" La lies 6 (1988k 149-66.
11. Giorgio Raimondo Cardona, Storia universale della serif him (Milan,
1986), p. 154
12. There is a. good example in the same book by Cardona in photo number 27
where the writing is vertical (see chap, 3).
13. Giza Roheim, Animism, Magic and the Divine King (London, 1972),
306 Part II: iMew Aspects for tke Emergence anl Ckaracteristic of Islam

14. Plato, Phaedrus, V,

lx Carlo Scveri, //percorso e la voce (Torino, 2004),
16. Noam Chomsky, On Nature and Language (Catobridge* 2002); Ideas and
Ideals (Cambridge, 2004); Lingitaggia e problem! della conosceiiza {Bologna* 3 998).
17. R. A. Nicholson, A Literary1 /Jistory of the Arabs (Cambridge, 1961.13, pp.
79-83.
I S.. Arberry. J7it' Seven Odes (London, New York, 1957), p. 142.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
23,. Lelki Voce, L'av vent urn del to slam fin font in e net nwndo). Un dialogO con
Marc Kelly Smith e Ray I Palzack. Con una postil la .ml PJ-Set, hUp^/www
.lei lovoce.it; Henry Burt Stevens, Poetry^ bttp://wiv w.auLhorsden.com/henry
bstevens; 3.11.2003, .4 live performance of Monte Smith, http://www.33
i! d rd .com/mos-1t dsoapbox. I n ml; Gotpoetry ? http:itw w w.golpoetry.c o i n/FAQ/—.
22. The names of the 65 in Muhammad Mtihlafa Al-A'prnT, Hie History- of the
Quranic Text (Leicester. 2003), p, 68.
23. A. Guillaume, The l ife of M uhammad. A Tran slat ion of Ishaq S Sirat Rasul
Allah, with Introduction and Notes (London, 2nd ed.r 1968 ), p. 504.
24. See note 5,
25- Tliis meaning is certain in Ibn Sad, II (I), 73, “When die Prophet had the
pact stipulated between him and the Mcccan i written (,kafaba), [in the day of ITuday-
biyyah, he said; Write .
26. Frederic Barbier, Histoire du livre (Paris, 2000), p. 34,
27. Regis Blnchere. Introduction au Coran {Paris, 1947), pp. 15, 29.
28. See note 4.
29. Inscriptions RES 3688 and KLS 3689 in the Wadi Labakh, My transparency
is a kind gift by Jaquelinc Pirenne.
30. Philippe Ponst "LTulLim« coniine/’ Internazianale 517 (February I [, 2005);
56.
31. Fran^oisc Liriquel ChaLonnct, LLl_es manuscrits syriaquers dVAntioche/’
Topoi Suppl. 5 (2004): 543-53.
32. Arbetty, The Seven Odes, p. 116.
33. Daniels AmakJi, Tracee amsitnte eoruc graffiti sit pietra (Naples. 1999), p, 19.
34. Koran XXX, 1-3.
35. Geo Widengren, "The Establishment of the S us uni an Dynasty in the Light
of New Evidence/' in Aceadcmia Nazi on ale Dei Lincej, La Persia net Mediae vo
(Rome, 1971), pp. 711-84.
36. M. J. Kisler, “Al-Hlra. Some Notes on Its Relations with Arabia/1 in Studies
in JdhiUyyn and Early 1st am (London. 3980). pp. 143-69.
37. Malise Rulhven and Azitn Nanji, Historical Atlas aj the Islamic World
 From Syriac to Paklavi 307

{Oxford, 2.000), p. 25: William C. Brice, An Historical Atlas of Islam (I^iden, 1 9&1),
T. 15. 19,
38, Janos Harmatta, "The Middle Persian—Chinese Bilingual Inscription from
Hsian and the Chinese—Saslnian Relations/1 in La Persia net Medioevt) (Rome*
1973), pp. 363-76: Paolo Daffina1. "La Persia Sassanidc sccondo le fund cine si
Rivista di Studi QrienTati 57(1983): 121-70.
39r G+ Gncdi, It Municheismo {Milan, 2003), vol. I . p. XXI.
40. Ghcrardo Gnoli, “BabyIonian Influences on Iran," in Encyclopaedia
Imnica, http7/ww w.irsriicareom/articlcnavigaiio iVsearchA Politico religiosa e con-
cezione della regitlita sot to gli Arhenienidi in Gururdjamahjanka (Naples. 1974),
vol. I, pp. 23—88,
41. Geoffrey Khan, "Arabic Documents from Rnrly Islamic Khurasan, Islamic
Documents," in jFmm Andalusia to Khurasan (2007).
42. Tabari, The History of a I-Tabari, vol. V (Mew York), p. 354; Mas'udi, Les
Prairies drorr voL II (Paris, 1965), p. 404; R. A. Nicholson. A Literary1 History
(Cambridge, 1968), p. 48.
43. Man Shahid, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century (Dumbarton
Oaks, 1995), p. 280.
44. ibid.
45. Ibid., p. 281.
46. Antonio Panama, "Grcci c lranici: confronto c cnnfliui,'" in / Greci. Storia,
Cuitura, Arte. Society vol. 3: / Greet ohre la Grecta, ed. Salvatore SeRiS (Torino,
2001). p, J 35-
47. Christian .Inlicn Robin, La reforme de Vdenture antbe, Ta. 2.
48. Ibid.,Ta.3.
49. Shahid. Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Cent myT p. 4ft L the Arabic
text in Y AQOT, Mu jam rd-bnldrm, TI (Beirut, 1999), p. 5164. A popularization (free¬
hand drawing) in Christian Julieii Robin, "Monde arabe. LJnc ceriture refomiee a
lraubc de 1'Islam/" in Science et vie, ’Comment esi nee Pecriture (Paris, 2004), p.
113,
5(1 What follows is taken from Leone Caetadi, Annali dell'Islam, vol. II, tomo
1 (.Milan. 1907), p. 692IT., where ihcre arc all the references to the Arab sources.
51. Ukaydir son of rAbd al-Malik.
52. With al-Sahya daughter of Harb, sister of Sufyan son of I.tarb.
53. Son of rAbd Shams.
54., In turn son of Zuhra!i.
55- Ghaylan son of Sal am ah of die Thaqjf.
56. hi turn son of 'Udas.
57, Leone Caetani and Giuseppe Gabrieli, Onomasticon arahicum. vol. L p.
76.
308 P-irt II: New Aspects for Hie Emergence anti CkaracterisHc of Islam

58. Carolus de Poor, Theophanb Chronogrqfia. M (Hildeslieim, 1980), p. 5&4.

59. David Cohen, Dictiotmaire des ratines semitiqiws tm aitcstees daw ten
lung ties semitiques. Louvain, .sub BSR. L
60. J. Payne Smith*/I Comf/etulious Syriac Dictionary (Oxford, 1903), sub SHR.
61. Wo IF Lesl an* Comparative Did ionary of Geez (Wiesbaden, 1987),
02, Werner Caskel, Oamharat an-nusab, dtiS gertcalogische Wcrk den Hisdm
ibn Muhammad ul-Kalbl (Leident 1966), vol. 2a p. 226.
63. Ibid, pp. 226-28.
64. William C. Brjeen An Historical Adas of Islam (Leiden, 1981), where
"Aribaf is vvriUen on pp. 15 a[]d 22 h but "Aiuhnr” on p. 19.
65. Henrik Samuel Nyberg, A Manual of Fahtayi (Wiesbaden, 1974).
66. Marcel Cohen, La grande invention de i 'ceriture, p, 166.
67. Antonio Panainu, “Fhitoltigia Avestiea V, The Origin of Avestan Letters y
and v/' Mtintiiener Studien zur Spruchwissenschaft 57 (1997): 81-96.
68. K. Hoffmann, Zum Zeicheninventar der Avcstii-SchrilL in W. Li Ions
(Hrsg;.)H Festgahe deutscher Iranis ten zur 2500 Jahrfeier /runs. Stoccarda 19 71, pp.
6-1-73 (also in K. Hoffmann, Aufstdzc Zur hufoinmixtik. Bd. 1 [Wiesbaden, 1975},
pp. 316-25); J. Kcllcnx, “Avestique” in R. Schmitt, Compendium IJnguantm Irnni-
carum (Wiesbaden, 1989), pp. 82-55; W. Sundcrmann, “F&riisch/' ibid.* pp.
114-37; W_ Sundcmiann. "MUtelpersischd* ibid., pp. 137 64,
69- Taken From R. Hoffmann, "Avustan language, i, The Aveslan script/1 in
En eye top a edki t tunica* a v a i Eab Et a t In 1 \rJJw w w, j ra ri i a i .cc m/a rl i c len a v iga t i a n/
search/.
70. Philippe Gignoux, “Glossaire des inscriptions pehlevies ct parities/* in
Corp, fuser. Iran., Suppt. Sen I (London, 1972), p. 14.
71. Ugu Monnerci dc VHIard, Imnutuzione cdlo studio ddi'artiicofogia
islamica. te origins ed d periodo omaynde (Venezia, 1968), p. 15EE
72. The Sassanian Empire was a o seeling point of religions and cliImres,
Although die official religion of die ruling dynasty was Zoroastrianism, Judneo-
Christian sects and Semitic pagan cults jostled with each other in splendid confu¬
sion in Mesopotamia. To these was added a strong Jewish presence in Babylonia
and Adiabene. it hnd been established since die first century. The victories of
Shapur I brought large numbers of captive Romans to residence in the Sassanian
Empire and many of them were Greek-Speaking Christians from conquered cities
like Antioch. Furthermore, Buddhism had also exerted considerable influence on
[he cultural and religious liFe of eastern Iran, especially areas conquered by the Sas-
samuns from the Kushan Empire. It was as a “Buddha" that Mam was received by
[he shah of TFiriin, S. N. Q LieuT Manichatism in Mesopotamia and the Roman
East (Leiden, 1999), p* 25.
73. Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist of sd-Nadim, vol 1. p. 24.
 From. Syriac to Faklavi 309

14, Alessandro RausanL "La soritmra puhlavica [Yuito lM bilinguLsmo

arnniako-iranicorr in Vichto Otienie, IIL (Rome, 1980}, pp- 269-76,
75. Julta Moisebner and Eleonora Cassini, "Vier palmyrenische Gmbretiefs im
Museum von Antakyit,” in ArckdologischerAnzeiger 2 (Halbbund. 2003), pp. 97-105,
76. Fabrizio A, Pennaeehieui, "Iscriy.ioni aramaiehe huirenesu ljki soslcgno I'it-
lile,” Mtsopoiamla 33 (J998): 286.
77. Marco Moriggi, La lingua delle coppe magkhe sirinr.hu (Florenee. 2004),
pp. 68-69.
78. A. Klugkisi, jLTbe Origin of the Mandate Script;' in AA.VV, Scripta sigrut
vocis (Groningen, 39B6), pp. 111—19-
79. Christian Julicn Robin, La reforms de t'ecrilitrt' avabe. Jig. 14,
80. Marco Mnriggj, La L-wgiui delle, pp. J 34.
SI. Tiiere is a modem example in Martin Kuckcnhisrg, Wer sprach dm1 erste
Wort? (Stuttgart. 2004). p. 119.
82. D. E. Ibarra-Grasso* "La escrittura indtgena andina,lh AMwri Ijtfemnensi 12
{3 948); 9-324.
S3- Charles Fti&5cys Notices, p. 136.
S4. Sergio Angelo pEcehio.ni. "La direzionc delta scritiura c litre [forme e gli
archivi di TcSI Mardikh Ebla/’ Onenfalia 49T no. 3 (1930): 234.
85. Ibid,
86. Ibid,, p. 249,
87. Fterfrancesco CfllLieri, J'II rilievo pnlmirenn di BTMLKW c HYEN ne]
Museo Nazionaie di Arte Orientate di Roma/' Arre Orientate in Italia 6 (1980):
5-J 8: Eleonora Cassini, HTwo Palmyrene Aramaic Inscriptions in American Collec¬
tions/* Syria 69, nos, 3—1!. 1992): 423—29.
SS- Marcel Cohen, La grande invention (see note 10) plate 42.
S9- Pnui PclliotK Llriscription nestorienne de Si-ngan-fou (Kyoto, 1996).
90, Frcin^oiSe Roque! Chatonnct, L La mise cn page d:ms les mniuiserils Syriaques
d'apres les plus auciens manuscriLs," Manuscripts Oriental in 9, no. 4, p. 3.
91. W. B, Henning, +EMirte]iraniseh/' in Haudbueh dev Oriental!siikT Erste
Able dung. VicxtcrBand: Ernnisrik. Erster Abschnit: Linguistik (Leiden, 1958), p. 4S;
H Medioiranico (Naples, 1996), p. 35.
92. Gustav ldugel. Kit fib al-Fihrist m if Anmerkutigen hemausgegeben, pub¬
lished with Annicrkungcn l Leipzig, 1372}, p. 6.
93, A. Si. I vest re dc Sacyn lL Me mo ire sur I’originc el Jcs undens monuments de
la lilt era wire parrni les Arabcs ” Memo! res de la litters line tires des re gist res de
[’Academic royale des inscriptions ei belles let ires 50 (1808): 253-54, 297: now id so
in L. De-roc he and S. Noju Nosed a h Sources de la transmission rrianuscrite dit text?
coraniqiie, I, Les mamtsevits de style kivdz?* vol. ] (Lesa, 1998), pp, XXVII—XCII,
with the sctenlilic transcription of the words and of the Arab names.
310 Part II: New Asp eels for tlie Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

L^4r Mil hi [t Abbott, The Rise of the North Arabic Script and ft:; Quranic Devel¬
opment (Chicago, 1939).
95. Bayard Dodge, The Fihrist, voL I. p. 10.
96. Francois Dcrodicr, “Lcs manuscrits du Coran en caraclcros SjigazT/' in
Quint cm i t (Lesn* 1996); R Dcruchc and S. Noja Nose da r Sources de io frarunm-
sum manuscritc du fexie caratugite, /. Le mtinustrits de style higdzt, I (Lesa, 199S),
p. XVI
97. See note 76.
9S, Sergio Noja Nose.da, +lLa mia viriLi a Sanaa e il Corano palinsestoC Ssiituto
Lombardo Accademia di Science c Lett ere: Rendkonti, Chute di kite re e Science
Maraii e Stone he 137. no. I (2003): 43-60.
99. Rika OysctenH Arnb-Sajnmnn Copper Coinage (Vienna, 2000).
100. Ariel Berman, Islamic Coins (Jerusalem, 1976). p. 19; David Di ringer,
L'nlfiiheto nelhi storia della civilta (Florence* 1969), table ] dll.
10L See note SB.
E02. Marcel Cohen, Etudes d'Ethiopien Meridional (Paris, 1931), p. 330.
103. Marcel Cohen “Communication," Complex rendus du Groups lluguktique
d * etudes chamiiouemitiques (CLECS) 5 (1951): 9$,
I(K. Gerard Tronpeau, "Si.ir J’ccrliuru yerticaJe,>p Complex rendus du Group?
imguixfiqtte dr eludes chamito-semitiques (CLECS) 7 (1954 1957): 6 -8.
105. Donovan Webster and George Stemmed, ’‘Journey to the Heart of the
Sahara," National Geographic Magazine 195, no. 3 (March 1999): 2-33.
10ft. See nole 88.
107. Roberto and Cecilia Baratelli, "Viaggio all' nasi di Faclu,” in Quinienn 2
(Usa, 2004).
108. G. Tronpeau, review of Francois Dcroche, “Manuel de cod ico logic des
manuscrlts cn fieri lure arahe," Arabic a 49, no. 1 (2002): i 23-24.
109. Koran XVI, 103; XL1, 44.—Eiim A. Rezvan, Koran i ego mir (St, Peters¬
burg, 2001), Q.2, 0,1, s. 171; Robert O. Hoy land, Arabia and the .4 mbs (I .ondon,
2003). [>. 229; Jan Rctso, The Arabs in Amh/uiiy (London, 2003), p. 24.
110. M. J. Kister, “Mftqara Ibrahim, a Stone with Inscription." l.c Museon 84,
pp. 477-91.
111. Christian Julien Robin. "Liitteu insert t: AO 4083.’ in Arabic: hen reuse,
Arabic desene (Paris. 1997), pp. 265—69.
112. J. Siarcky, “Petra et la NaLuitcnc,” in Supf>letneni an Dictirmnaine de to
Bible (Paris, 1964). col 886-1017.
113. Gerard Tronpeau, "Leri lure et phoneliqiie arabes,’* in Melanges David
Cohen (Paris, 2003), pp. 707-JO.
114. Sergio Noja Noseda, “L’assunriorie di Ibrme quadrate iiclla scritiuni ara-
maica e j] prolo-anibo.’* Istituto Lombardo, Rend. Lett 125 (1991): 269-75.
 8
EARLY EVIDENCES OF
VARIANT READINGS IN
QUR’ANIC MANUSCRIPTS
Alba Fedeli

/ have seen o number of Quranic manuscripts, which the fc&nsc fibers

recorded as manuscripts ofHtn Mas'fid. No two of the Ottr’anic copies were
in agreement ami most of them were on badly effaced parchment. I also saw
a Quranic manuscript transcribed about two hundred years ago which
included the opening of the Book,
Ai-Nadlin*

THE ABSENCE AND THE BLINDNESS

I n IK95, during her third journey in Egypt,3 Mrs, Agnes Smith Lewis
bought a manuscript from a commercial antiquary in Suez,-5
!t was a palimpsest. In the scripno superior she could read a few Hom¬
ilies of early Christian Fathers, written in Arabic, while the material recycled
by the scribe came from different manuscripts. The scribe who wrote the
Homilies on the effaced parchment put various leaves together: eighty-four
leaves in Syriac, forty-four leaves in Arabic, and one leaf in Greek.4
The scriprio inferior of these leaves, in Arabic contains part of the
Quranic text— there were twenty-three leaves in vertical format, and they

311
312 Pari ] L Mew Aspects for tike Emergence and. Clmncterisl ic o\ Islam

were rewritten perpendicularly Co the older script. The former leaves were
assembled in new quires of a smaller size; they were folded in half and some
■of them were cut om (c.g.. 152a-1 19b). Mrs. Lewis cut—with a natural
reluctance, she admitted—the binding cords which held the book together
and smoothed out the pages to read the text of the scriptio inferior of the
palimpsest.
After 1902. the year of the publication of Stadia Sinaitica, XI. Apoc¬
rypha Syriac a: Tim Prtttavttngelium Jacobi and iron sims Marine, with texts
from the Scptuagint, the Coran, die Peshilla. and from a .Syriac hymn in a
Svro-Arabic palimpsest til' the fifth and other centuries, and with an appendix
of Palestinian Syriac texts from theTaylor-Schechter collection,5 Mrs. Lewis
entrusted the manuscript into l he hands of expert binders, Messrs. Eyre and
Spotiiswoode, who restored the leaves.1’
In 1913 Mrs. Lewis met Alphonse Minguua in Cambridge and showed
him her book, Apocrypha Syriaca, and the manuscript, which was her own
property. The parchment was reexamined and the transcription of the
Quranic lexl was edited in its entirety, with an introduction and a list of its
variants.7
Soon afterward in 1914, the manuscript was sent to an international ex¬
hibition of books and manuscripts at Leipzig, but at the outbreak of the Euro¬
pean War it disappeared. It was subsequently traced by Dr. Oman, of West¬
minster College in Cambridge, aided by Professor Huene, of Tubingen, and
finally in I9368 (April 20) the manuscript was returned to the University
Library ol Cambridge,-’ in accordance with the will of Agnes Lew is,1(1 who
had been tie ad for ten years.

One year later, in 1937, Arthur Jeffery dell a ted the importance that Lewis
and Mingana attached to the manuscripts.11 After great expectations, the
scholars met with disappointment. Moreover, the relentless12 and some¬
times justifiable13—criticism of Blacherc shattered Lewis and Minima's
hypothesis, and the value of the palimpsest was, at the same time, destroyed.
Since (hen—though Blachene was invited co study the manuscript again14—
no one has written any more about the leaves. Far from being extraordinarily
important, as Mingana and Lewis thought.15 at the beginning of the last cen¬
tury these leaves were at least the only extant evidence of variant readings of
the Quranic text.
 Early Evidences o\ Van .ant Readings in Quranic Marti t scripts 31 3

NbwT one century later, a Muslim scholar tore the study “Leaves from three
ancient Quraiis'1 to shreds;^ nevertheless, sometimes his words arc un¬
founded as Mingana\s words.17 An inexplicable omission ensued as a con¬
sequence. The article of Mingams and Lewis was criticized, but ul the same
time the manuscript was forgotten.
In 1937, Arthur Jeffery attempted an assembly of all the material that
had survived from the k+rival texts"1—that is, rivals for the standard text of
Tfthman. In his Materials,^ Jeffery collected n list of die Qurianic variants,**
such as those survived from Ibn Masud, but his collection of variants "is
void from the start because none of his references even cites a Mii.yhaf of Ibn
Mas Qd.rThe materials arc only quotations, a reconstruction derived from
the literature on the readings, because of ihe absence—at die beginning of
Lhe twentieth century-—of a written manuscripts1 tradition of the Quranic
text dated from the first years of Islam.
The scholar himself, when speaking about the quotations of the older vari¬
ants, said: "This in the absence of any direct manuscript evidence gives us our
sole witness to Lhe types of text which rUthmInTs standard text superseded."21
Ten years Eater, in 1947, in his Introduction to the Quran, Regis
Blachere complained about the lack of the materials available to him for a
critical edition of the Qur'an, and he wished for a joint effort, “une collabo¬
ration Internationale* unc mise en co run iun tie unites les res sources en man-
merits oxislant dans 3e monrie."1— Therefore, it seems to be illogical to com¬
plain about the absence of evidence of variant readings and at the same time
to be blind in front of a witness for a critical edition of the Qur'an, the
ignored manuscripts of Lewis and Mingansi,23

THE EVIDENCE OF VARIANT RAD1NGS

IN QUR’ANIC MANUSCRIPTS

Evidence in Bonhams' Palimpsest

When 1 started working on the 1LAmari Project"24 aimed at the publication

of the early Quranic manuscripts,25 I could not even imagine that I would
see two leaves that could have delighted Jeffery and Blacherc and anyone
who was looking tor the former text, td-harf at-3awwaL2(l
It was possible to study these two leaves thanks to the kindness of the
314 Part IE: New Aspects for the Emergence incL Characteristic of Islam

antiquarian Sam Fogg and the Bonhams auction house,’27 and to the stub¬
bornness of Professor Noja Noseda who got their photographs.-a Currently,
she reproduction of Ain important early Quran leaf in Ilijitzi script. Western
Arabia, probably Medina, early to inkl-bt century ah" is in Catalogue 27 of
Sain Foggp "'Islamic Calligraphybut it is not possible to trace the present
whereabouts of Bonhams1 palimpsest,30
Bonhams' fragment is a palimpsest in IlijazI script on parchment. The
scriptio superior consists of twenty-four verses From die sura. al^NistT: from
the word nastbahum (Q 4:33) to the word kafanl (Q 4:56). The scriptio infe¬
rior consists of part u! Lhe sura al-nuTuhh^ from the word yutahhiru (Q 5:41)
to the word yujdhidima (Q 5:54).
The text of the scriptio inferior is different from the standard text of
TJthman. The variant readings of the Quranic text through the direct manu¬
script evidence and not by quotations* are listed below,

A Different Sequence of Words

Q 5:41 p at the beginning of line 2 on (he recto, it is possible to read Ta mar-

btuah and assume Ji I-dkfumti before lahurn: wa-jt l-akhiniti (ahum
adhdbim razimimv rasher than wa-hhum Ji U'akJuraii 'adhahim *azimun,
which is Lhe standard reading.
Q 5:48, li-kiiUm minhum jaaind shiratanT whereas the rest reads li-kuliin
jdalnd minkum shir4 atari,
Q 5:50, wu-man ['ahsatut hukmjan min attaki, instead of the s land aid wo¬
man dhsamt min attain IjstkmatL

Omissions

It is possible to note also Lhe omission of certain words or whole phrases;

Q 5:42,/fl-xw jdVkti is missing. The words fa-rin jfr'uka are presenL in lhe
standard reading, but they Eire missing in the scriptio inferior of the
palimpsest (fig, I).

Fig. 1: Islamic and Indian UrnT? of Art: Auction of October II, 2000, lot 13.
recto 1, 3 © Bonhams.
 Early Evidences of Variant Readings in QurWic Manuscripts 315

Q 5:42, 'anhum is missing: the leaf shows 'aw 'arid instead of the standard
"aw 'arid anhum,
Q 5:A9, fa-'annamd, as opposed to fa-'lam 'anmvna of the standard reading.

Different Words

Through our comparison, it should be noted that there are different words'
Q 5:42t yasmduna, as opposed to sammd'una. which is the reading of the
others. In the same verse we can find Id instead of the standard Ian for
the negative sentience fadan yadun fika.
Q 5:43, we come across fu-md with a Fa' and not with a Waw*—that is wa-
md, as in the standard text.
Q 5:44, we read wa-’anzulnd, as opposed to imid anzalnd.
Q 5:44, from line 7 Lo II, on the recto, is the most different from the stan¬
dard text.
The variant opposed lo al-tmvrafa is unreadable; dlhidhitia ds[iamti\
wa-'attadhina Jidda is opposed to dlladhlna aslamu U-lladhina hdtlu; [be
sentence yahkimmna hi-ma nazala allahn flhd is added, wa-Wd hi-md is
opposite to jhi-md.
The standard text is: rirm& anzalnd alduwmta JT-hd hudan wa-mlrun
yahkamu hidid al-nahiyyuna 'alladhlna 'aslamii I i-1 tad hint i hddil wd-l-
rtibbdfiiyyuna wa-l-ahhdru hi-md ^nthfizu min khdhi aliahi,
'‘It was We who revealed / The Law (to Moses): therein / Was guid¬
ance and light. /
By its standard have been judged / The Jews, by the Prophets / Who
bowed (as in Islam) / To God's will by the Rabbis / And die Doctors of
Law: /
For to them was entrusted / The protection of God’s Rook,”
whereas in the palimpsest the text is:
line 7. wa-'anzalnd al-m [. . .]
line 8, fi-hd minin ywi-hnd\an.. .JJtuniu hi-hd did shay'an attadhinu
oj[famw]
line 9. 'wa-'alladhiaa hddd yahkumftna hi-ma nazala allahuJt-ha
line If), yuhknrmt hi-hdal- [.. j dna wa-'illd hi-md stuhfzil min khdhi d
line 3 L llahL
Q 5:54, the future tense is introduced by sa-\ that is+ sa-yati instead of fit-
xanfh ya*ti which is the reading of she others.
316 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence iiul Characteristic of Islam

Furthermore, we get a singular form Mislead of a plum] one—and the

oilier way around; the second person plural instead of the third person sin¬
gular; the personal pronouns hum instead of the substantive til-nils, which we
can read in the 'UthmSnic text. Therefore, in Q 5:44 we read fa-la
takhshawu-hwn as opposite to fa-la takhshawil al-nasa.
Q 5:45 (lig. 2) we can read Vt/r7 haul is rail as opposed to the standard text
ahiyhim. The end of line 13, on the recto, is an unreadable lacuna, but it
should be supposed that iL was iva-'anzuia allalui: [wa-'aumta alluhu]
ala bani 'israit, which is the same reading of TJbayy b. Ka‘b,31 rather
than wa-kalabna ahtyhim, which is the reading of the others.

■p zf*
tJf a* > «i £

Fig. 2: hlurttic and Indian Wjrfa nf Art: Auction of October 11. 2000, lot
13, recto I. 14 © Bonhams

Q 5:46, we can read ii-qtswmia yii[q]infma (like the end of Q 5:50 “For a
people whose faith i is assured”) or li-qawmin yu\m\iniinti, whereas the
standard text is U-i-ttiuitaqstui. “to those who fear God.”32

Q 5:54, whereas the standard text is 'a'izzatin 'aidal-kdfirina^ the manuscript

is damaged, but before the preposition 'aid we can see three vertical
strokes, whereas in the word aizzatin (Alif, ’Ayn, ZiV, Tit' marbutah)
there is only one stroke.-53

Orthngraph teal Varumis

A not her type of variants is the orthography of the words.-u

a) Sometimes, the long vowel d is not written with an Alif {scriptin
defective).35

fc- /
¥ Fig, 3: Ms, or. tol. 4313, Preussisehe. StaatsbibUorliek. Berlin
*0. u
b) l’he long vowel d is written with a Ya' in the middle of the word, such
as in (0 5:44) hi-'dydih namely, by the letters Ba\ Alif, Ya", Tit1, that
 is, three teeth after iJio Alif: The first tooth is the usual semi-vowel Ya>
whereas the second one stands for the long a: the third one is for I he Ta,
then final YiT—instead of the standard textp w ith one Ya\ only ( tig. 3)
The same spelling (with a YiT for long a) is found in the same part
of the sura al-Maidah in the Quranic fragment36 of (he Berlin
Library, (fig; 4).37 These orthographic features can help to dale the
manuscripts,

Fig. 4; Islamic and Indian Works of Art: auction

October 1 L 2000, lot IX recto t. 12. Q Bonhams

e) The orthography of lhe article: biri-anfi in Q 5:45 is written without the

Alif of the article, whereas the standard is bi-C)l-'mfi with an Alif4H
d) In Q 5:4Sa the preposition Tmt is in the separate form, ‘annul whereELs
lhe standard text has ‘ammd. In the same verse it should be noted J7-
md whereas the Olliers read the separate former md.

To sum upT apart from the orthographic variants, the variant readings in
Bonhams are about thirty, where die Tradition reports only one of them: Q
5:45, ''aid haul Israel, which is in part the same reading of TIbayy b. Ka:b,

EVIDENCE IN FOGG'S PALIMPSEST

The Relation between the Texts

The script io superior of the palimpsest consists of ten verses from the sura
al-Baqaroh, from verse 277 to verse 286, The scrip fio inferior keeps part of
the same surat from verse 206 to verse 223. The text of script io inferior is
different from Eh e standard text, but sometimes the leeuones are simply con¬
jectured readings, because the variants are more thoroughly erased than lhe
resi of lhe scriptio inferior and the Text is unreadable, hut we cam read the
corrections added by another copyist with a different ink (fig, 5),

Fig. 5: Catalogue 27. Islamic Calligraphy, no. I CD Sam Fogg

318 Fart II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

Sue]] as in Bonhams1 fragment, the parchment hands down the old marks
of different words,added expressions, and omitted words flig. 6).

Fig. ft: Catalogue 27r Islamic Calligraphy, no. I © Sam Fogg

Variants

Apart from the orthographic variants, the lectiones arc about fifteen, where
the Tradition reports only two of them, namely, Q 2:217 and Q 2:222.
In Q 2:217. the standard text is \yasalu]riaka Tan al-[sha]hn aNiarcfmi
qtkllin Jt-hit whereas in ihe palimpsest the text is yas'ahlitaka 'utt al-shahri td-
harami wa-an tfufrtin ji-hir like the qiraah of Ibn Masud. al-Rabf, Ibn Abbas.
al-A'mash, and ‘fkrima: yasalnnaka 'an al-shahn al-hammi 7m qitdiin Ji-hi^
In Q 2:222, instead of the standard.fa-tazitfi nt-nisS'aJt l-mahldi wa-l&-
taqrabuhutma hand yafhurna, L'So keep away from women / In ihetr courses,
and do not / Approach them until / They are dean A it is possible to read (fig.
7) (Id-taqra)bft al-nisaa fi mahidihinna hand yatatahharntt, which is the
same reading dial the Tradition traces hack to Ibn Mas'fid,41 without wa-
JazilU-hwma.

Fig. 7: Catalogue 27r Ixtamk* Calligraphy, no. I © Sum Fogg

The variant was laier corrected according to the standard reading. The end of
line 19, utt the verso, is an unreadable lacuna, whereas at the beginning of
line 20 the writing kept a vertical stroke added as continual son to the Ba (fig.
7): Ra\ Waw, and A] if—the final part of tuqrubu- -become Lfvni, WHw, and
AI if—the final part of'fa-tazilu* The article al- was added later to mahidi and
the final pronoun himna was nibbed out. Before hand, the sentence wadd-
taqrahilhmma was amended such, as in the standard text (sec table I).
 Early Evidences of Variant Readings in Qurartic Manuscripts 319'

Table 1: 0 2:2221 Fogg, versoT line 20

Reading of
iT-t^Jll Vj
1 bn Mas'Cid U J

0 GO

Pal, Fcwjg,
s&jptte 1*
secuntin
CxA^i U43l -
Pai. Fogg,
scfjptib If j Jl
pffma

fl is ft
Slander J i
Vj ,i_i ~jI_i * *il | l^Ull t Jii j "•» C. I_j
Tc*l J-

The scriptin prinia of the Fogg palimpsest was scrapped ... out u-r adjusted in
favour of the “correction” according to the sd-ceiM text of Ulhtrian* which Elas now
become the ^standard lext” since 1924, hut ihe original wording of it corresponds
well with the Reading of [bn Mas'iid, except for his _

Error and Corrections42

The written transmission of texts necessarily implies mistakes, if nothing

cl.se, due to errant human nature. Ill the knowledge transmission of the
hadlth-literature, for example, wo can notice that a standard typology of
manuscript correct ions took shape early.
Certainly as to what concerns the Qur'an, because it was a Holy Book,
whose careful copying would attract many blessings for die be Never, copies
made of its texttts receptus—that is. the 'Ushirnmic lext—largely excluded
(he possibility of corrupt ion,43
However, human mistakes are unavoidable, and this also applies to a
scribe's hand,44 even if he is writing a copy of Quranic text. Mistakes, and
above all their corrections* are very common, even in die Quranic text,45 as
it appears in some of the most ancient manuscripts,46
There are two kinds of corrections added to the text. On one hand, we
can find corrections due to different variants with textual significance, be
they canonical readings or noncanonlcal variants.47 On the other hand, cor¬
rections can be related to copyists1 mistakes, be they due to the orthography
320 Puri II: New Aspects for tli€ Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

of the Ambit; writing and its reform48 or to corrections to a perhaps minor

kind of mistake—a scribed lapsus calami.49
A classical example of corrections due to the orthographic reform is the
tendency to spell a long a with an Alif as a muter lectbnin.^
The tradition of the two thousand AHfs added by the governor of Iraq,
‘Ubaydalluh ibn Ziyud, is reported by lbn AhT Dawud in his Kitfih al-
Masahif^ Even if two thousand letters Eire a remarkable qu amity*52 the added
Alifs present m the manuscripts are indeed a great number. We can find them
in the “Qur'an ofTJIhm^m.,, kept in the Institute of Oriental Studies* Russian
Academy of Sciences,52 where missing Alifs were added in red ink during tine
first stage of I he text's revisit in,54 In a he papyrus of Leiden55 there seems to
be a particular mix-up to correct the lack of the Alifs.56
These early manuscripts arc full of correclions,52 not only added words,
but also rubbed-oul words. An amusing example is in die manuscript of die
Staatsbibliorhek xu Berlin, where we can read qalu (Q 5:14) without an Alif
in scriptio defective^ and few lines below* on the same leap3 (3b), we can
read qalu (Q 5:17) with an Alif, in script to plena?9 But die first qfdu was
corrected and an Atif was added (fig, &), while the second quid too was cor¬
rected and the Alif was rubbed out (fig. 9).60 This is a sign of a complete lack
of ei standard rule.51

Figr 3: Ms. or, fol, 4313, PreussJ&che Fig. 9: Ms, or. fnl. 4313, Preiissisube
Stpatsbihliolhek. Berlin, f. 3 verso, L 7 SiaaisbiblioLhek, Berlin. \. 3 verso. I. 13

hi the fragments collected in volume 5, I of the Source tie fa transmission

tmmuscrite tin rente ammiqutf of die A man Project, t have come across correc¬
tions in the parchment kept in the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago
(A. 6959),® as on I he verso, line 4, the Alif al-wiqEiyah in sh rkw*( Q 68:41
was added Liter. A whole part of a verse (Q 10:109) is added in black ink at the
end of the sura in the parchment kepi in the Biblioteea Apostoliea Vatican^.64
 Early Evidences of Vi riant Readings in Quranic Manuscripts 321

In the manuscript of Berlin then: are some missing words added later,
sue It ns ti-lUihi (Q 4:139) in line 3, fol, la; llay-ld (Q 4:175) in line 7, fol.
2a; ilhdliktiM jisqurt al-yawma yaisa ailadhwa (Q 5:3) in lines 6^7, foL 2b
(lig. 10); 'ilia alladhimt (Q 5:34} in line I3a Fob 4b; athihu ('iltiy-kaft5 (Q
5:49) in line 18, FoL 5b; min-hum yusariuna (Q 5:62) in line 6. fol, 6a.66

|^ ■ d .. I j ■ - i'4...T.a 11■•/ _ ifij J

■ jy/
fd
,, t J n> —T f ■ £±ji .. - ■ ^ ,:i J i^ ^ A
f •" ■ , i :n \ ^-a $

Fig. Hi: Mi. or. fob 4313, Preujiisehe StaEilsbibliotbek, Berlin

lit die same marifrscripi, some letters are rubbed out or added; in
yLiratlmi (Q 4; 142; fol. la* L E 2) an original Yiia as a bearer of the Hamza was
later rubbed out; in suwa’in (Q 4:149; fol. lb, 1. 5) Ehe Alif was rubbed out;
in 'iita (Q 5:5; fob 2U 1. 14) ihe Alif al-wiqSyah was added; in w sh h [dj w
3 (Q 5:8; fob 3a, 1. 9-10) Lite First Waw and the second one were nibbed out
and the word was corrected as in (he standard text shiihadua; in sirdtin
(Q 5:16; FoL 3K L 13} the YzT to spell the long d$7 was later erased; in al-
ghurdbi (Q 5:31; fol, 4b, 1. 5) the Alif was later added: in jazz'd (Q 5:33; fol.
4b, L 10) the final Waw-Alif was added; in maghhllatim (Q 5:64; fol. 6a* I.
9) the final Lam and Tu marbtitah were later corrected; in yd-htmi (Q 5:72;
fol. 7a, I. 10) (lie first Ya was later added; in wa-rabbi (Q 5:72; fol. 7a, L 11)
the Waw was rubbed out and the word was corrected as in the standard text
rabbi; in yaquUi (Q 5:73; Fol. 7a, 1. 14) the A lit al-wiqayah was rubbed out
and a Nun was added, so the word was corrected sis in the standard text
yaquhlnaS1'*

Fig. II: A. Perg. 2, Osterreachische Nationalbibliothek, verso. I. H

322 Part IX: New Aspects {or the Emergence anti Characteristic of Islam

THE ERROR: UNINTENTIONAL AND DELIBERATE

Tilt: aim of this paper is to try to deepen the analysis of the constitution and
writing of Quranic text, rather than to analyze l he meaning- of the vsirifint tec-
ttones. The Tradition reports some of the variant readings—only a small
number—that we can see in these iwo palimpsest leaves. h is extremely
important to find those variants in a manuscript and not just in later quota-
lions. Some of these variants are of no import a nee, such as the order of
words, some of them are omissions, other are additions or "explanatory
glosses on the 'Uthmamc text, an expansion/'1^ and sometimes these variants
are synonyms.70 The Tradition reports that “in the early days many of the
Companions made for themselves copies of the Qur'an in which they inserted
for their own private edification many explanatory additions, synonyms for
words (hat they did nut fully understand* and such like annotations.1'71

Fig, 12: A. Ptsrg. 213, Csierreiehisehe National tub l iothek, f. 2 recto, L 4

Thus, there is nothing strange about fa-'nrsnia instead of the standard fn-
ba'atha+ "And God sent Messengers”—they arc synonyms. U should be
noted {fig. 6t line 12 on recto in Fogg's manuscript) I hat the use of a different
ink reveals that the above synonym was later corrected by the standard word
(see table 2).
One should not disregard the traces of the earlier writing and transcrip¬
tion process.

Minor Omission?

i wish to bring a variant reading of lesser importance lo a Hendon; ihe omis

sion of one expression, in line 3 on, the recto of Bonhams* manuscript (fig. I),
it is possible to read the scripth inferior ns the phrase fa-'fikitm baymihum,
"judge between them'' (Q 5:42), fa-in jauka is missing. The wol ds fa- in
jtlTtkii are present in the standard reading* but they arc missing in the scriptio
inferior of the palimpsest. The standard text is: fa-in jd’iika fa'hkum bay-
wthttm. "If (hey do come to thee, f Either judge between them.”
 Iirfy Evidences of Vanant Readin.g$ in Quranic Maiulscripts 323

Tabic 2: 0 2:212, Fogg, recto, line 12

Fogt], ££fip/{Q
prim#
oil! ssf J k* i 0*
Fogg, serptfo
«* i
sccundat

tr
Standard
Text
UJI
LJ_ 4-*l Hi

Although the scrip* to prima is del cit'd and amended by the inser-
liojfc of the standard ic\t„ the erased Alif, Sin, and Lnm uf die
original version are still visible.

Fa-'in ja tlka is a basic dement in the two adulterers.7 story.72 in Malik’s

Mnwatlu1 the narrative element ok the lews who tame to Muhammad to
resolve the problem is a basic element73 Fti the life of Muhammad, ihe Jews
send the man and die woman lo Muhammad so that he cun decide: "‘they
brought the pair to Muhammad.The story's, construction in the biography
is parallel lo the story of the adulteress in the Gospel (according so Saint
John). Someone spoke about a transfer, an imitation, “Line impression dhun
LjLiasi-decatque oj>ere a parti r de lean pur ie Hadilh quant au th&me et a sa
structuration liltoraire/'75 The Mitwa^a' version consists of the older draft of
the story without die additions of ihe Sira. The omission of "if lhey come to
you'7 in the palimpsest should also call into question die basic elements of the
storyprovided that the variant reading is noL simply a lapsus calami, but a
deliberate omission, One should suppose that in a different Quranic manu¬
script there was no narrative dement of Lhe Jews who carnc to Muhammad,
h was added later, arid it was a transfer from the Gospel into the Sira. In the
Gospel, the .Scribes and Pharisees etyouertv (“lead”) the woman to Jesus. How¬
ever, it dues not mean dial I he ncriptia inferior is the prestandard text.

Deliberate Omission ?

The most interesting variants in Fogg's palimpsest are the omissions. They
might attach a different meaning to the text. In Q 2:217, heittd yaniddukam
“until they turn you back,7' is not the same as the standard hatta yamdduknm
'an dlnikum/1 until they lurn you back from your faith." Furthermore; wa-mun
yartadid minkum, “and if any of you turn back,7' is not the same as wa-mtm
yartadid minkian 'an dtnihi+ 'and if any of you lurn back from didr faith."
324 Part 1J: New Aspects for the Km.ergen.ee and Characteristic of Islam

It should not he forgotten that the expedition of Nttkhla ;iroused contro¬

versy77 because it was fought in the holy month of Rajah,7a If the error was
not unintentional, the variant could be a sign of 1 he construction process of the
Qur'iinic text. In different times, the Quran had to reflect different historical
contexts. Therefore, it was necessary to justify the fight, and the word din was
added or was an attempt to join the controversy on the sanctity of Rajah.7'7

CONCLUSIONS

The story of the manuscripts of lbn Mas'tid that al-Nadlm reported in the
I-'ihrixt has never been proven by any written evidence. Arthur Jeffery him¬
self examined about 170 volumes80 and compiled his Materials only on the
basis of quotations.
The srriptio inferior in the palimpsest of Fogg and his print of the past
words in Q 2:222, (wti-ta taqrajbu al-msati (i mtlhidihinna hatla yat&kih-
burmi, (lie same lectio that the Tradition traces to lbn Mas'Od, arc intriguing:
it is evidence of a variant reading. However, ir is groundless to say that it is
a fragment of one of the manuscripts of lbn Mas'ud, who refused to destroy
his copies of the Qur’an in accordance with TJtlimniTs order.
The nonstandard lectio found in the palimpsest is not to be considered as
proof of the pre- Uthmanic period, because it was just in the fourth century
that Abu Bakr b. Mujahid (d. 324/936) accepted only the readings based on
a 1 airly uniform consonantal text and he chose seven well-known Qur'an
teachers of the second century and declared that their readings all had divine
authority that the others lacked.
This theory was made official only in the year 322/934 when the scholar
lbn Miqsam was forced to retract his view that the consonantal text could be
read in any manner that was grammatically correct.81 In the following year
another Qur'an scholar, tbn Shanabudh, was similarly condemned and forced
to renounce his view that it was permissible to use ilie readings of lbn
Mas'ltd a ml Lbayy,8- Such evidence, and all the other pieces of evidence
found in manuscripts—particularly in palimpsests—is of great importance
for all the scholars in Quranic studies, with alt ihetr prejudices of a mentality
modeled by writing and printing. However, any evidence of a variant reading
dissolves and disappears into the words:
 Early Evidences of Wriimt Readings in Quranic Manuscripts 325

llNc prencz-pas (n’apprenez pas) le Coran tie cesix qui iia: foul qu/efl copier
ties cxcmplHires 1^ (Don't take [don’t learn] the Qur'an from those who
are only making copies of copies])

NOTES

[. B, Dodge, cd-. The FihrLtf of al-Nadtm, a Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim

Culture (New York. 1970), pp. 57-58.
2. Regarding the exciting journeys of Mrs. Agnes Smith Lewis and her sister
Margaret Dunlop Gibson, "The Giblew.sf' sec A. Whigharn Price, The Ladies of
Castlehrne (London, 1904).
3. The finding of ill is manuscript is not as intriguing as Hie tale that Professor
C?. Khan tnki cue about the discovery of the palimpsest of the Gospel of St. Mark in
Syriac. About the slab of butter slapped by the monks on a grubby old fragment of
manuscript, see A, Whigham Price, ibid., pp. 8-9.
4. F. II, sec N. Tchernetska, "Greek Oriental Palimpsests in Cambridge: Prob¬
lems and Prospects." in Literacy, Education and Manuscript Transmission in Byzan¬
tium and Beyond* ed. C. Holmes and J. Waring [Medieval Mediterranean 421,
(Leiden, 2002), pp. 243-56 and N- TchemetsksL A Hand-List of the Greek Palimpsest
in Cambridge Libraries, in http://www.cus,cam,.ukA-nt20&/hand'list.him.
5. London, 1902.
6- The vellum loaves of the six quires, smoothed out and separated, have been
set within strong paper ones. These new leaves have a new format (e,g., the paper
page 89a coincides with vellum pages 149a- 152b that were in turn a former page in
vertical format). The expert hinders- it is possible to read their name on the last
page—mended the parchment with strips of transparent white gauze.
7. A. Mingana and A, Smith Lewis, eds.. Leaves from Three Ancient QurtinsK
Possibly Pre TMimdnia with a List of Their Variants (Cambridge, 1914) with a
preface by A., Smith Lewis, pp.V-X; an introduction by A. Mingana, pp. Xl-XLIL
and the I ran scrip Lion of the Quranic text. pp. 1-75, containing Q 7:139-68; 9;] 8-79;
11:20-39; 13:18-43; 14:1-8; 1.5:85-99: 16:1-11, 80-128; 17:1-57; 24:17-29;
28:41-51; 29:17-30: 40:78 85; 41:1 20; 44:38-59; 45:1-20.
8. Another disappearance lusted for a longer lime. The collection of photostats
of early manuscripts of the Qur'an collected by fkrgstrasser and Pretzl were claimed
to have been bombed in Munich during the Second World War (sec A. Jeffery* The
Qur'an as a Scripture [New York, 1952j. p. 103). However, they are now kepi in the
Freie IJnjvcrsitiit of Berlin.
9. [t is still kepi ia ibe University Library of Cambridge (the present class-
mark is Or. 1287,13) where I was kindly allowed to examine the manuscript.
326 Fiirt IT- Nesv Aspects for [Ke Emergence and Cltaracit'dstic of [slam

10. Tile gripping story is handed down from The words handwritten on the first
page of die hook bound by Eyre I't Spolliswoode.
11. “k was at lira thought (hnr Dr. MinganoN find in the palimpsest leaves pub-
Iidled by him iri 1914. Leaves f am Three Ancient Qitrans Possibly Pre-rOthmmk\ with
a list of I heir Variants* might provide us with fragments of one of these earlier Cortices.
Closer e>; animal ion, however:, has shown ihat neither i hey nor the curious variants found
by him in Syriac in a miuiuseript of Barsalihi (see An Ancient Syriac Translation of the
Kit ran Exhibiting New Verses and Variants [Manchester; 1925]), have any relation to the
lext of ihese Old Codices wilh which we are here concerned1" (A. Jeffery; Materials for
the History of the Text of the Quran. The Old Codices | Leiden. 1937], n. 1, pp. 14—15).
12. “Avcc une cerlaine temtfritc ., T Blachcrc wrote (R- Blache re, Introduction
ttn Coran [Paris, 1947], p. 36), though the authors were cautious: H"p°ss^ly pre^
Othmanic" (the fide}* “we leave the professional palaeographers to assign a definite
and final date to I hose various scraps of parchment. The opinion that some portions
of lhem may date from the very beginning of file VUIth century is probable” and SLa
categorical answer, affirmative or negative, would be, on our part, only premature"
{Leaves, introduction, pT Xl-l).
13. Some conclusions arc unfounded: "We therefore cannot imagine anyone at¬
tempting the useless tusk of writing out a text like ours„ after flhc time of Othman.
Exulting all ihe facts together, as they tine known to ourselves, or as they have been
handed down to us by a credible tradition, we think that these vellum leaves, now 1 sap¬
pily my property, were amongst those whose destruction was ordered by ‘Otlimun and
was ineumhent on all true believers in Islam” (A. Smith Lewis, Leaves, preface, p. VII)
and "ft is evident that if wc find a manu script of the Qurfln presenting various leadings
of consonants and of complete words, and more specially if this manuscript offers
some interpolations and omissions, it would not be too rash to suppose that it goes
back to li pro-‘Olh manic period" (A. Mingnna, Leaves, introduction, p. XXITj.
14. “C’csr seulement qtaind les van antes reievecs par Mingana auront etc con¬
firmees par tin nouvel examen dit pa I imp sc sic . .. qu’il sera perm is dc concl are que
ees I rag meals represent? nt bien une autre tradition que not re Vulgate" (R. Dkichere,
Intrndnction ati Contri [Paris, 15)471, p. 37).
15. One century later, with an ultraviolet lamp and not only "with a magnifying
glass, and sometimes by means of a fresh touch with the re-agent,” “painting up its
margins with the reagent,” a more precise analysis casts new Sight on the Quranic
text of die palimpsest and reveals that some of Mingamds readings arc wrong.
16. ”Pmf. Rev, Mingana, held by some as "a great scholar of Arabic;7 has in fact
a shaky grasp of die subject at best,” “Mnigena's Attempted Distortion of Lhe
Quran, in M. VI Al-A'zamT History of the Quranic Text from Revelation to Com■
pUarion (Leicester, 2003), pp. 313-J 3. The author speaks about blunders, incompe¬
tence, incredible dishonesty* inability to read, trick, and creativity.
 Early Evidences of Variant Readings m Quranic Manuscripts 327

17. Mingsina lists. the QttfSnic valiants and number 12 of the second group is
U1 yohdfi ii-fftawtii instead of the .standard text la yaktldal-tftiwirta (Q 9:37; ms. 60ar
!. S, p. 32a). The notes of Al-AP/amT are: L,H is no secret shat early scribes occasion¬
ally dropped vowels (A I it", Wawp and Ya’) in their copies, arid here the writer dis¬
pensed with [he Jlnal vowel in yakda because ilis sileni. Once again Mingana takes
advantageP [his lime through an absolutely ludicrous immsposdlion. He separates [he
Alif from ni-qow'tn and places it alter id yahdd, creating a new ungrammatical phrase
that is bereft of all meaning, This is analogous lo taking the phrase "Eigers hunting'
acid converting it to "Eiger shnnung™ (leaves, p. 313).
The reading of M hi garni is absolutely wrong, bin. ii is nor necessary to criticise
“linguistic gymnastics" with more linguisUc gymnastics. It is irue ihaE Minganu sep¬
arates the Alif from nl-qawm and places it after hi y&hdii, hut the reason is not the
Arabic orthography during the cLLrly centuries of Islam, Mingana simply did lioi see
the Yn! before tifqawm, therefore he plaees ihe Alif of rile art tele of ihe following
word instead of the Ya".
in 2005. using an ultraviolet lamp, it is possible to read tdytihdd td-ifawma, with
nil VLirkiuEs, In regard so the variants of this palimpsest, it should he noted “auch sind
einige ibrer Lcsungeti iluBcrst imwahrsdxfinlich, So becktrf die Auxgabe ciner Nuch-
priifung von suchversthndiger Seitc" (G. Bergslrasscr und O, Ptetzh Geschichtc dcs
Qonms, IfI. Die Geschichte des Korun texts [Leipzig, 193 b], p. 53, [i- 3).
Uj. A. Jefiery. Materials for die History of the Text of the Qur’an. The Old
Codices (Leiden, 1937).
19. The terminology is various: reading, variant, variant reading, qiritah^ mul¬
tiple reading {/ :e M, M, Al-A'zamT, History of the QurTmiv Text\ [>p. 151-64),
20, Ibid., p. 160.
21, A. Jeffcry. Materials, pp, 14—15,
22. R. Blachbre, Introduction t p, 196,
23. In 1919 the conclusion of Mtngana about variants and Quranic ciinnu
scripts is: "There are in public libraries of Europe many Quranic mss of high unlit]
uityn the oldest dating probably from the 2nd Islamic century, hut, apart from some
anomalies of spelling due eo the rudimentary character of the early Arabic orthog¬
raphy, no real variant cart be detected in Ehcm. This conclusion is home out by
Ndideke, who examined some such mss. and by the present writer, who lor the pur¬
pose of this article consulted three of them preserved in the John Ry lands Library,
To our knowledge, therefore, the only extant ms which offers slight variations is a
palimpsest in the possession of Mrs. A. S. Lewis," in J. Hastings, ed.n Ency¬
clopaedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 10 (New York, 1919), pp. 5386-50, s.v.
Quran (and in http:// w w w.d ahar.nrg/Rcl i gion/tfesti ngs/J H- ERE-Our * an _h tin).
24, The project is named after Michele Amari. sec F. Dcroche and S. Nqja
Nose da. Introduction lo Les mana serifs de style hfgdzi: Volume l; le mnmtscrh
323 Flirt I Fj New Aspects for t!ie Emergence <mcL Clia^cteristic of I slim

arabe 328(a) de hi Bibltotheqtie nasi made de France (Lesa, 1998). pp. Xl-XII and
Volume 2, Lts manusvrit On 2163 (J. 1 a 61) dc la British Library (Lesa, 2001),
pp. XX-XXIIL
25. The aim of the A man Project is lo publish the facsimiles of all earliest man¬
uscripts of the Quranic text, and to put them at every scholar's disposal. The lirst
volume of ihe series. Sources dc la transmission manuscrise tht (exm coranhpte is
Les manuscrits dc style higdzi: Volume I: Le man user it arabe 328(a) dc la Biblio-
fh&quc nuiiondle dc France (Lesa, 1998) and the second one is Lett nmmserhs dc
style higdzL Volume 2, 1/ Lc imams aril On 2165 (f. 1 a 61) dc hi British Library
[Lcsa, 2(H)I). The next volume Lrs manusarits dc style hifitizL Volume 5, l will con¬
tain fragments of manuscripts scattered among various libraries: e.g,T in the Dar al
Ketch in Cairo (ras. 731); ihe Staatsblhlinthek of Berlin (ms, or, fnl. 43 13); the Uni¬
versity Museum in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (E 16269IX R 16269); ihe Bihlioteca
Apostolica Vaticana (vat. ar. I605)l the Osterreiehische Naliunalhihliolhek (A. Peri;.
213, A, Perg. 2)' the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (A, 6959, A.
6990t A. G9SS); see S. Noja Nose da, Nate esterne in marline a l f" volume dci
" Material! per un'edizloue criticn del Coramt.hF Rcudiconfi dcll'lstiltslo Lombardo,
Accadcmiti di Scien&i t Lett ere 134, no. I (2000): 3-38, and K DemcheT Les manu-
scrits dit Coran cn eu roe teres kigazfn Position dti problems cl e lenten is prelimi-
miircs pour uric cnqitcte, s.v. '"Quiuterni l"(l .esa. 1996),
26. A, Jeffery, Materials, pp, 8 -9.
27. The source of the details of the two fragments reproduced in this paper is
ihe volume Les manuscrits dc style hiydzi: Volume 5, 1. For the kind permission to
reproduce the images there I thank both Mrs. Claire Penhalluriek of the Islamic
department at Bonhams anil Ramsey Feudal], department head of Asian and Islamic
Manuscripts and Works of Art; Sam Fogg and Sam Fogg in person,
2ft. The writer Jamal al-GJniam in an interview with S. Noja Noseda said that
tie is a besieger ill Ids project (abGhliam, mLhunakii rmikhtuiat nUijfnltah" AMjbur at-
Adab 47H |September ft? 2002Jt IS).
29. Sam Fogg,. Catalogue 27, Islamic Calligraphy (London, 2003), pp. 6 I I. It
was sold at Sotheby's in the sale of October 22-23. 1992 (lot 551); sec the descrip-
lion an ached to the. parchment for ihe sale: A highly important early Qur'an leaf in
hijazi script from she period of she "Rashidun" caliphs* See also F. D6roche, Manuel
dc eodkohgic dcs tmuiuscrifs err eeritine a robe (Paris, 2000)+ p. 48.. The third impor¬
tant Quranic fragment—in private hands—was sold at a sale in Sotheby’s on October
22, 1993; see Ihe Catalogue: Oriental Manuscripts and Miniatures. Day of Sale:
Friday, October 22, 1993, in the Main Galleries, 34 -35, New Bond Street, I.^otnlon,
loi 34. Qur'an seed on: an important early Quran section in hijazi script, pp. 26-29,
These leaves are published in Les manuscrits dc style higilzi; Volume 5, f
30. The parchment has been sold in Bonhams" Islamic Sale of October II,
 Early Evidences of Variant Readings in Qur'ELnic Manuscripts 329

2000, lot 13. See the Catalogue: Islamic and Indian W?r£j of Art. Auction: Wednes¬
day Hth October 2800. Bonhams Kmghisbridge, Montpelier Street* Knightsbndge,
fandan, lot 13.
31- A. Jeffery, Materials, p. I ZK; 'Ahd al-'Al Sal ini Maknun, Akhinad Mu kill if
Umar. Mu jam. JL p. 27,
32, The Holy Quran, Meanings Translated by Abdullah Yusuf Ali (Beirut. I 934) r
33, Should it be possible to dare reading the qiraah of Ihn Mas ud gindzd'u,
(with three strokes: Lam, Zu\ Alif)"? (A, Jeffery, Mate rials, p. 39' rAbd at-1 Al Salim
Maki^m, Ahmad Mukhlar "Umar, Mu'jam al-qiruat al-Qufardyya, al-Kuwait
] 402-1403/ [982-85* II, P 35; sue the review hy S. Noja Noseda, in AIUON 58.
nos. 1-2 [1998]: 289-9!},
34. See C J. Robin, “La reforms de J'ecritme arabe, a Lepoquc du califaE medi-
nois,” in IV international Conference on codicotogy and paleography of middle-
eastern manuscripts (Bologna, 2002).
35. G. Khan, “SlEindardisation and variation in die orthography of Hebrew
Bible and Arabic Qur'an Manuscripts," in Manuscripts of I he Middle Last, V: The
Rule of the Bunk in the Civilisations of she Near East (Leiden* 1990—1991}, pp,
53-58; S- Noja Noseda, “A Third Koranic Fragment on Papyrus: An Opportunity for
a Revision/1 in Remliconti dell 'Istituio Lombardo, Accademia di Science e Letters^
137, no. I (2003): 3 L 3—26; S, Noja Nosed a. Introduction to Sources de la transmis¬
sion mamiscrite du texie coramque, i Les monuscrits de style higdzi, 2, /. he man*
it sent Ok 2165 (Lesa, >001). pp. XXVIIL-XXX.
3 b. Ms. or. J'ol. 4313 (ff, 1-7), see W, Ahlwaidt, Die Handsckriflen- Verzeichnisse
der Kdfiigtivhcn Bibliothek zu Berlin, Verzeichnis der Arabischen Handschrifren
(Erster Band: Berlin, I887'h pp, 110-11: R- Scilheim, Arabische I landsch rtf ten.
Mater adieu znr a rabische n Ureralttrgeschichte. Teii 1 (Wiesbaden, 1976). I am
glateful to Dr. Hurt mut-Ortwin Feistel of the Staatshibhothck for giving me Lbe per¬
mission to insert some photos of derails of slus manuscript. It will he published with
the other fragments in Sources de la transmission tmmtsaite du texte cor unique, 5T
l.—Ms. or. foL 4313 iff. 1-7) is part of ihe same codes as the facsimile, plaie 44r in
B. Moritz. Arabic Palaeography. A Colic idem of Arabic Text from the First Cent my
of the liidjra till die iear 1000 (Cairo, 1905).
37. The long d may he writLen with YaJ in final position (Alif maqsurah), but
also in middle position: sec R. Mac here. Introduction ait Coran (Paris, 1947), p. 91:
C. J, Robin, la refomie. Many other examples are in the same manuscript csf Berlin
(e.g,, 2a, I. 11. Q. 4:176, rijdUin and 7a, I- 13, Q. 5:73, 'Hah: wa-md min ildhin 'did
ildhtoi ivdhUhm, the first one written in script it? defective* and the second one with a.
Yu). C. J. Robin says that "d*un point de vue chronologique, toutes les graphics
avee tin ya‘ pour noter le d duns un rnot reman Lent incontestablcinent a la periods oh
le nfi/n’eiaii pas encore utilise, e'esi-a-dire avarit 40 h,”
330 IVrt II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Cliaracterisbic of Islam

E would like to siress the interenting observation about the use of the Alii'in G--R.
Ruin, “Observations on early Quran Mann scripts in Sana'' in S. Wild, ed., The
Qur'an as Text [ L.eli.leji, t996). p. 109: "On the other hand, does k-y-I-d-f=kct-lladki
imply that the second letter Ydf should not be pronounced at all?” and PtiinT "'Neue
Wege tier Koranforsebung, IL tJher die Redeutung der aJtesten KoranfragmenLe aus
StLEian (Jemun) I'iir die Orrhographiegesdhkhte dcs Korans,” Magaihi Forschung \
(lyQQ): 4U.
My conjeciure is that The Yfl' to spell the long tfr ho Et in the middle position or
in the final position, is due to the inilucncc of the Avcstan writing* where ‘'die
Avestan letter a is also derived front the Pahlavi script, where this sign was used for
y at the end of a word (already in the Istanbul sarcophagus inscription). However,
as early as in Middle Persian inscriptions from the third century ad. y was used to
represent [he final -a of foreign names1’ (K. Hoffmann, “Avest an Language I. Hie.
Avestun Script." in Encyclopaedia Iranica III [London, 19^9). pp- 47-01), also
online at hi|p://iranieaxom?EUTicleiiavigation). About the origin of«the Arabic
writing, see S- Noja Noscda, '’From Syriac to Pahlavi: The Contribution of the Sas-
saman Iraq to lire Beginning of the Arabic Writing,1" in K.-l L Oh tig and G^-R, Ruin,,
ecIs,, Die dunklen Anfiinge, Nene Forschungen. or in this volit]]je.
38. With regard to the Alif of the article written defectively* see G.-R. PuinT
Obsemilions on Early Quran, pp, 108— 109. It should be noted that in the manu¬
script of Berlin (5a, 1. 15) the word biri-qisii {Q 5:42) is written with Alif, but it was
later rubbed out, sec below, my "Error and corrections."
39. SeeF e,g„ Q 2:2 I 3. the synonym fa-rarsala instead nF the standard fa-
ha'atha (fig. ft),,
40. 'Abd al-'AJ-Sfllim Makram, Ahmad Mukhtlr 'Umar. Mu jam, 1, p. 310; A.
Jeffery, Materials, pp. 30 and 3lb.
41. ’Abd al-Al-SSJim Mnkram. Ahmad Mu kb Ear "Umar, Mu jam, I. p. 315: wa-
la taqrabfi al-nisaa ft -Dinahidihhma wa-'tazilfi-hunna half a yalcifahhartm is the
reading of Hus MasUd and 'Anas, whereas A, Jeffery reports only yatatahlianm as a
varinnE of Ibn Mils'fid and Ubayy h. Ka'h, (A. Jeffery, Materials, pp. 30 and 121 ?.
42. See A. Fedeli, "A. Pcrg, 2; a non palimpsest ai id the corrections in Quran u:
manuscript};" in Mamiscripta Orient alia 11, no. 1 (2005): 20-27. I have conjectured
that the remains of the supposed l,<aJtc Sohrift" on the margin of this parchment (A.
Perg. 2) are corrections Co the test written by another copyist. The same portion of
Quranic lexl has been written three limes, because it was a writing exercise by two
scribes.
43. A. Gacek, “Technical Practices and Recommendations Recorded by Clas¬
sical and Post-Classical Arabic Scholars concerning the Copying and Correction of
Manuscripts," in F. Berodie, ed., jLcj Manuscriis dn Moyen-Oricnl (Istanbul, Paris,
1986% pp. 51-60.
 Early Evidences of Variant Readings in Quranic Manuscripts 331

44. Sec Lhc analysis of the orthography in A. Jeffery and J. Mendelsohn "The
Orthography of the Smnarqand Qur'an Codex/’ Journal of the American Oriental
Society 62, no. 3(1942): 175-95 and the frequent remarks such as "’and in any case
would he a scribal error without textual significance" (p. 183), or "this is probably
merely a scribal error, id' a lot due lu a mistake on a paper patch in the folio" (ibid.; or
“there is no known variant here, so possibly this is to be taken as a mistake" (p. 184)
and also ""it must be merely a scribal error' (p. I S3 > and "the words are omitted by
iSie scribe, obviously by error, thinking he had already written them*’ (ibid4,
41 The corrections in Qur'anic text hand down From the tradition: k Les gens
com gea lent leurs exemplaires du Co ran {ma$$(rifafutm) .sc km sa recitation11 (as
quoted in G, Scbotlerh tier ire et tntnsmeitre duns les debuts de l'Islam [Paris* 2002],
p, 40),
40. With regard to mistakes, it is interesting to quote this point of view: “One
of (he gateways For an Orientalist assault on the Quran is distortion of the text itself.
In my estimate She re are over 250,000 topics of the Qur’an lli manuscript (prim com¬
plete or partial, from She first eeiUurv of Hijra onwards, llrrors are classified in aca¬
demic circles into the dual categories of deliberate and unintentional, and in this vast
collection of manuscripts it is a certainty that many copyists must have committed
unintentional errors. Scholars who deal with this subject know very well what
fatigue or a momentary lapse uf conceiiUnlLOn call engender" (M, M. Al-A'zami.
History of the Quranic Tcxff p. I 5 I).
47. As to wlsat concerns corrections due to different variants of Qur'an, see,
e.g., Q 2:222 above mentioned and my lecture Fre-athinanic Yttriums in Manu¬
scripts ? at the 29ih Deutscher Oricnnilisteniag, Barriere-n-Passageri (Halle, Sep¬
tember 2004), pp. 20-24,
48. C. .1. Robin, La reformer Furthermore, an example of this kind of correction
is in i he manuscript kept in the I rib I tut deque Nation ate du Paris, 328a* see Y. Dutton*
“An Harly iVIushuf according to the Reading of lbn 'Amir/1 Journal of Quranic
Studies 3* no. 1 (2001): 72-74,
49. See also, as to what concerns the orthography of early Arabic papyri and
papers (and inscriptions), some examples of scribal lapses, diltographies, haptogra-
phies, etc. in 5, Hopkins, Studies in the Grammar of Early Arabic, Based upon
Papyri Datable to Before Aft JOO/Afr 9/2 (Oxford, 19X41, pp. 60-61.
50. See above, p. 308a.
51. A. Jeffery, Materials, pp, 116-17; see G. Khan. Standardisation and Vnri
otiom P- S6_
52. M. M. Al-A’zamT, History of the Quranic Text, p. 134.
53. The intriguing story of this manuscript (H 20) that was bought by 1, tu.
Krachkovsky is narrated by F. Rezvan, The Quran of'Ulkmdn (St. Petersburg,
2004), pp. 17-18 and Rezvant "The Qur'an and Sts World: VI, Emergence of lhc
Canon: The Struggle for Uniformity/’ Murmscriput Qrientuliu 4, no. 2 (1998): 23.
332 Pirt II. New Aspects for the Emergence and. CharicterisLic of Islam

54. II, Rezvam The Quran of 'Uthni&n* p. 66 and fable I ISec also S. Noja
No soda. Introduction to Sources de la transmission mtmsiscriie du texfe coraniqite,
L Ia^s manuscrlts de style higdzl, 2r /. Le manuscrit Or. 2163 i,Lesa. 2001). pp.
XXVIII-XXX. as regards the A Ilf mahdhiifah
55. Or. 8264. see S. Noja Noseda. "A Third Koranic Fragment on Papyrus: An
Opportunity for a Revision," Rendieonti delThiihtio Lombardo, Accademia di
Scienze e Lei sere 137, no. I (2003): 313-26.
56. Noseda, ibid., p. 3]5.
57. See also Puia, Qhse matrons on Early Quran, p. I 09.
58. It is not so unusual to enme across the same word written in two different
ways in the same pager see M. M. AI-A'zamT, History' of the Quranic Text, p. 132.
59. As regards forms of verba mediae infirmae, see 5- Hopkins, Studies in the
Grammar of Early Arabic, p. S3 and the interesting remark about the long and short
forms that may even occur together hi the same text.
60. In line 7, an Alif was added and we can sec the remains of the former liga¬
ture of o Lam with the QafH ]n line 13 there are Ehc traces ol the 1 uniter Alif.
61- The manuscripts “prcsEntcnt line orthographic tpti parail erralkjUc et cOtl-
tradiotoireir because of ‘Teiribarass dcs scribes”: sec C. J. Robin, La reforme.
62. See the Catalogue: N- Abbott, The Rise of the North Arabic Script and Its
QuPdtuc Development, with a Full Description of the Quran Manuscripts in the
Oriental Institute (Chicago, 1939), p. 60 and plates V11I-IX.
63. The standard text is xhttraka’u* without the Wdwr The tradition docs not
report the different spelling; see "Abd al- AJ Salim Makram. Ahmad Mnkhtar Umar,
Mu jam. N. Abbot noted the difference and reported to have found no comment on
dds, but she did not mention the former spelling sh r k n- and Lite added Alif.
64. Vat. Ar. 1605, 1: see the Catalogue, G. Levi Della VidaH Tramnienti
coramci in t:a rattere c.ufico, nella Biblioteea Va tic an a (Vatican City, E 947), pp. 1—2
and plate 1. The page following this one is in the Collection oFINkmr Foundation, see
The Nasser L>. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. Vo I. I: F. Deroche, The Abbasid Tra¬
dition. Qur'an s of die 8th to the /0th centuries AD (London, 1992), p. 32 and plate l.
Both fragments will be published in Sources de la transmission inanuscrite du texte
c orunique > 5, /,
65. One should presume that the former text was mb ’anztda lluy-ha, and later
the word aflahu was added..Two words were rewritten in die space of one word.
66. The folio marked as tia is the verso, not the recto.
67r See note les Q 5:44 in Bonhams' palimpsest regarding the Ya to spell Lhe
long it,
68. Another interesting detail about the corrections is the correction of charac¬
ters shape in the fragment A. Perg. 2 (see A. LedelL A. Perg. 2, p. 24). On the flesh
sale, line the shape of the" Ay n in 'art dlmnubihim was later corrected* as the shape
 Early Eviilences of" Vari an L Readings in Quranic Manuscripts 333

written ibe first lime looks like Syriac writing and the shape added above the main
line is the more rounded Form preponderant in Arabic (fig. ] I). In the same line, the
Dhiil of dhunubihim was amended with an added vertical stroke (tig. 13)- Tlic former
shape: in similar to the half circle of the Dalai!i in Syriac writing, without the vertical
stroke. The corrected types—in a dark ink* different from the one used by hand A—
and I he characteristic shape of the Alii' with a tail on the left* such as the one in line
5 in the word kimia or in line 9 in the word a{-diirty5t reveal the shape of Lhe Syriac
writing. About the Syriac origin For ihe writing and the Syriac mllucLice on the
written transmission of the texts, see S. Noja Nosed a, JlP;uerga To the Volumes of
Sources de la Transmission tnanuscrile du Texle ooranique thus far published and in
course of pub] i cadu n,ht Proceedings of the hirst World Congress for Middle Eastern
Studies, University of Mainz (September H- 13. 2002.), forthcoming: S. Noja Nosedah
,LLa mi a visits a Sanaa e il Corano pallnscsloT Rcmlietmti dell' hiittilo Lomhardow
Ai'COfiemia di Science e lettere'* 117, no. I, pp. 4H 52; F. BriquehChatonneb "L>c
ramrneen 5 jTarabe: t|ue!ques reflexions stir la genese de l'ecrilure aiqihc/' in F.
Deroche and F. Richard, eds., Scribes ei munuscritx du Moyen-Orient ( Paris 1997),
pp. 135-49; J. Sourdel Thomiite, "Aspects de I'ecriture am be el de son developpe-
iiienl/* Revue den Etudes Islarniqites 43> no. 1 (1930): 9-23: G. Troupeau, +'ReIlex-
ions sur Torighae syriaque de I'ecrilure urabe." in A. S. Kaye, ed.. Semitic Studies,
itj Honour of Watf Lcslau (W'iesbaderir 1991), pp. 1562-70; K Deroche, Lc fivre
nuifuiscrit arahe. Preludes a une hisioire (Paris, 2004) h p. LI.
69. A, Jeffery, Mu t&fia Ia\ p. ] 6.
70. An example is in A. Perg. 213, Osterreichische Nuiionuibiblioifiek (2a in
Sources tie la transmission mmnscrite du fexte conmupte, 5r /): in line 4, Q 52:17
luna al-muttaqina fi jawitlfin wtAiyiinin (fig. 12) instead of the standard mm al-
rmmntfriufi jannatm wa-nfhnin "As to ihe Righteous, /They will be in Gardens,/
And in Happiness/1
71. A. Jeffery* Malt:ruthr p. IX.
72. A. L. tie Freni arc, “Prophctisine cl adullere. D’uu lextc u l1 autre.,r Revue du
Monde Musuhnun cl de hi Mcdilermnee 53 ( 1990} ^ Lex premieres ventures
Ldaoiiques. pp. 101-35.
73. Ibid.T p. 102.
74. Ibid., pp. 102-104; A, Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad. A translation of
Ishaqs Siral rasul Allah, with mmrdurtitm and note* (Londonp l%3), p, 266.
75. A. L. lJc Rrernarc, Prophet is me, ji. 124.
76. Ttic lectio hat la yaruddiikum is a conjecture because of [tic correction an
dfitikimh later added (fig. 5),
77. L. Gael:mi. Ammli ded'tehmi, It, /. 2 o.H. (Milan, 1907), pp. 463 66.
When ihe month of Rajah came, we used to slop the military actions,
calling this month die iron remover, for we used to remove and throw away the iron
334 Pdrt II: New Aspects for the Emergence ami CliaracteHstic of Islam

pans ljJ" every spear and arrow in the month of Rajab” (Bukhari, vul. 5t 59, 6dl in
http://w w w.usc.edu/c « l-h i n).
79. Regat'd ins the most controversial practices of Rajah and the incessant
struggle of the orthodox scholars against the practices of Rajab, see M, j, Kistcr,
■“Rajab is the month uf God ...1 A Study in ilic Persistence of nil Early Tradition,"
reprint in Studies in Juhiliyya and Early Islam, variorum reprints (London, 1980),
pp. 193-223. (XII).
SO, M, M. AI-A'^amT, The History of the Quranic Thai. p. [55.
81, See R. Baalbaki, L"The Treatment of QirtT&t by the Second and Third Cen¬
tury Grammarians," in A, Rippiii. ed., 77itf Quran: Formative Interpretation (Aider-
shot* Brook lie Id, USA, ■Singapore, Sydney, 1999), pp. 159-80.
K2. Sec A. f. Welch. ’"History of ibe Kur an after 032F in Encyclopaedia of
Islam (CD-ROM Edition v. L0)„ (Leiden, J 99V): A. Jeffery, The Quran as a Scrip¬
ture, pp. 96- 103; E. Re/vail. The Quran and Its World: 17. Emergence uf the Canon.
pp, 13-54. ,
S3. G. Schoder, Ecrire et trammel!re duns tes debuts de Tidam (Paris, 2002),
p. 40: “Abu Hfitim al-Sijistam, el d'autres encore, deeonseilhient Fnrtcment a lour
disciples Ue les (mus'hitftyy&n) prendre com me source Lie leur connaissance du
Coran"; M, J, Kisler. ''La Saipan l-qur'ana Kalsl l—-tnushafiyyln wa-ta tahmilu l-'ilma
":m\ 1-sahaJiyyTn. Some Notes on the Transmission of IJadllh*" Jerusalem Studies in
Arabic and Islam 22 (1998): E 27—62; "Do not read die QurVtn to people who rely on
Qur'an codices, and do not carry further the hadith knowledge which you obtain
from people who use scrolls/’ For the reluctance to pul in writing the text of die Rev¬
elation, see S Noja Nosed a. From Syriac to Pahitnd in this volume.
 9
LEUKE KOME = LAYKAH,
THE ARSIANS = ’ASHAB’AL-RASS,
AND OTHER PRE-ISLAMIC
NAMES IN THE QUR’AN:
A WAY OUT OF THE
“TANGLEWOOD”?’
Gerd-R. Puin

he uncertainty of the writing of 'al-Aykah or Laykah in the QurTm is the

point of departure for the present investigation, namely, whether the
Qur an docs not contain still further elements of an e&trabiblicnl saga from pre-
Lslamie MidiaiL The following names will be discussed: Laykah / ral-Hawra V
Ijeuke Kome\ til-Russ / Arsar, Yanhu / Yahbii / Tubba / lamina; al-'Ahqdf /
'al-timat], and \Vabar / Bamibari*
One group of ]>ersonal and place-names that are mentioned in the Qur'an
arc connected with the so-called Punish merit Stories (SlraJIegenden)? In
these passages the faithful are warned not to neglect the duties of humanity
with regard to God, because were t hey to do so, they would be destroyed like
certain disobedient peoples in the past. For example:

Then We destroyed them, a complete {instruction* At id Ncah% folk, when they

denied the messengers, We? drowned them and made of them a portent for
Mankind. We hove prepared a painful doom for evil-doers. And (the tribes of)
‘ AlI and ThamCld^ and the tin-eIters in Ar-Russ .,. (sura 25:36-38)'^

The folk of Nouh denied (the I ruth) before them, and (so did} the dwellers
al Ar-Rnss and (the tribe r'Fhamnd, mid (the tribe of) 'Ad, and Pharaoh,

335
338 ParF Hr New Aspects for tke Rmerg ence And Cliimcteristic of Islam

and the brethren of Lot. and die dwellers in Lhc wood, and lhe Folk of
Tubba; every one denied the if messengers, therefore My threat took effect.
(sum 50:12-14}

Ami the dwellers in the wood indeed v^ere evil-doers. So we look vengeance
on them,.. . And the dwellers in Al-Hijr5 indeed denied (Our) messengers.
And We gave them One revelations but they were averse la them. Ami they
used to hew out dwellings from die hills, (wherein they dwelt) secure. But
the [>hY[/bfj Cry overtook them as she morning hour. (sura 15:78-83)

The folk of Noah before them denied (their messenger) and (so did she tribe
of) 'Ad, ami Pharaoh firmly planted, and (She tribe o^Tluiirukf and die Folk
of Lot. and die dweller in the wood: these were the factions* Not one of
diem but did deny the messengers, therefore My doom was justified These
wait for hut one Shout, there will be no second thereto, (sum 38:3 2— L 5>

The dwellers ici the wood (of MidUm) denied the messengers (of Allah).
IV/itfjj Shtuiyb said unto them: Will ye not ward off (evil)? (sura 26:176-77)

Further, other place-names are mentioned in the same vein, including

Tram6 (sura 89:7), Madyan7 (sum 7:85; 9:70; ll:B4, 95; 29:36), and 'al-
llijr/EgraTs as well as the names of peoples ('/Wan d Thamudf of persons (Nfth
l Noah, Fir awn / Pharaoh, and Lid / Lot), ;tnd of divine messengers {I hid,
Salih, am] Sha'ayh). Our interest in this paper is restricted to al-Ayknh„ lol-
Rassr Tubhd. and 'al-Ahqaf, as well as the non-Qur'anic Wahdr, which is
nonetheless to be mduded in this enigmatic group of names from pre-Mamie
Arabian geography, and which has continually offered scholars good cause to
seek a her l heir idcntilicaiioniL The map included m this work clarifies the loca¬
tions of the places with regard to one another; however, we must also point our
readers lu lho two presentations of Arabia Following Claudius Liu 3 crime us.
given in the atlas of W. C. Brice, p, i4 (see bibliography).

Vt sh ah ’at- \Aykahr
the "People of the Tangiewood**?

The word aykah / aSLI is occasionally used in poetry, meaning "numerous

luxuriant or tangled or dense, lrocs" (Lane), mainly as doves' domicils,3 As
 Lei lice Korne—A Way Out of tke "Taingleivoo i" ? 337

Important Places and Tribes of Early Islam according io Piolcmacus.

330 Part [ [. Mew Aspects for t!ie Emergence and Characteristic op Islam

wc shall sec in detail, however, the occurrence of the word in the Qur'an
cannot easily be explained bv the recourse to poetry for the two reasons of
context and orthography.
The context5 as well as the hortatory character, of the Punishment Sto¬
ries would lead I he .reader to expect a very specific and generally well-known
name of a location, or at least a geographic area. And indeed, a few traditions
within Muslim exegesis of I Ids expression do show that there were initial
attempts to identify (r)l{-r)aykah / ^ with a very specific location.
The geographer YHqfit {570-626/1179-1229) reports that the inhabitants of
Tabuk claimed that the name 'al-Aykah referred to their own city and that
I he prophet Shinty b was sent to them {Mu'jam, s.v. 'al-'ayfcah); Yaqfil com¬
ments, however, that he was not able to find any corroboration for this report
in the hooks of the Quranic exegeles. According to the lexicographer al-
JawharT {4th/H)th century)- one can understand 'til-uykah / II. as a "tan¬
gle wood,1' while the orthographic variant Laykah can he- understood as
a place-name. Me reports that some scholars were of the opinion that both
versions of the word meant the same thing, just as Bakkah wax supposed to
have been only a variant o f Makkaft. Among the Qur'anic philologists, only
Abu Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sal Jam (ea. 154—224/770-838) (always?) preferred
the meaning of Laykah (?) as the name of a city,11 hut he also passed on no
concrete identification.
To my knowledge, Wetzstcm (IS65)1- was ihe first Orientalist to argue
that the Qur'anic expression 'al-fAykcih /Laykah was the name of Leuke
Koine, the ancient harbor on the Red Sea. Later scholars, however, aban¬
doned this position. Moritz, the author of the Jirst RE article concerning
Leake KomeT cast this Idea aside on philological groundswhich, inciden¬
tally, arc completely questionable. In the same year, the Arabian traveler von
Maltzan14 argued with verve for the identification of Leuke Kome with ihe
ancient lumbia (Yanbn1); he bayed this opinion on Manncit’s Geographic der
Grkrhi’.n and Rrimer (VI: I), Although Ritter disagrees with it [this identifi¬
cation] and, with Borehart and d "Anvil le, holds that Leuke Kome and the
Aimra of Ptolemy and Stephanie Byzunlinus were one and the same iucto
tion." Around ihe same time, Alois MtisiL in his discussion of the expression
Vff-'aykah, quoted from ihe entry 'al-'ayk in Tbn Man? fir’s lexicon Lisdu;
however,, his inaccurate method of citation betrays his intention to bring she
meaning of mal-*aykah into line with his (northern) identification of Laykah.
To quote from Musi3: "The word al-Ajka means thicket and Lajka a neigh-
 Leuke Korue-—A Way Out of the ‘Ta.-iiglewood"? 339

boring settlement^; however, ihe word “neighboring” is not supported at all

by the article in the Limn. Musi! writes: AlLajka recalls the Greek leakey
^£uKH, meaning white; Eind 1 he part of the ruins of Mad i an |NR: Mu si I sees
lhese as the ruins of Hawrah and the necropolis Maghayir ShuaybH south of
the current oasis of al-Bad' and northeast of Maqna, on die coast of die Gulf
of'Aqaba J bordering on the thickets is still called Hawra—which also means
white."15 Musi I, then, does not identify die antique Leu tee Koine with the
name of a city Laykah. of which he is aw-are from the Lisan enttyT but rather
holds more strongly to die traditional “thicket11 meaning.
More recently, A. F L. Session,16 who did not at all question the
meaning of 'td-'ayfuih as "'tangle1wood, undergrowth of plants/' has come to
the astounding conclusion "that the expression ashdb al-aykati cnshrinks a
Meccan folk memory of the ancient cult of Dus a res/1 or (in Arabic) Dhu I-
Shara, lAin his Dionysiac character as god of vegetation and the vine.” C. R.
Boswurtld7 agrees with Bees ton, but also with others who have concerned
themselves with ’al-'Aykah; he is convinced of the Ibicket15 that Musil came
across in the lower portion of the Wad! VAbyadr and he does not treat at all
of the problem of the differing wriling (i.e., with the uncertain orthography)
in the Qur'an,

'Al-Aykah or Laykah in the Qur'an?

The four QurTmic verses in which this expression appears, as they Eire in the
Cairo edition as well as in other editions and readings, arc suggestions that
the reading 'ai-'aykuh should be abandoned in favor of the place-name
Laykah (as the lectio difficilior).
In the Cairo edition of the Qur'an, the expression 'ashdbu 7-aykati
appears as two orthographic variants. Twice one finds the Full form (consid¬
ered to be "correct11) ai/AjI (15:78; 50:l4)t and in two other places
one finds the “defective'' form ailld (26:176: 38:13). hy which qual¬
ifier is meant that the Alif of the article is missing, It is clear from the con¬
texts in question that both forms mean the same thing/9 The Muslim
exegotes find themselves here in a delicate position, for they have to admit
that, in terms of the “correct" form there is at least one orthographic
mistake in the "incorrect" form; that is, the missing AllF of the article, if not
in fact two, if one considers the missing Alif of aykah as well. They explain
340 Part [ I: New Aspects for tke E merge rice 4mi Character] stk of Islam

the problem as a phenomenon of varying pronunciations among dialects; as

a comparison [hey mention Lhe (non-Qur anic) term lahmar in place of the
cornea term ’al-’ahmar. However, nothing is actually clarified with This com¬
parison in the question of how a dialectical pronunciation could—as an
exception in orthography—gain such abnormal influence over the way a
word was written.
When one turns from Lhe Cairo edition and consults other streams of
transmission, m well as the III era Lure giving variant readings, one finds a
more differentiated picture (see the table on the following page). Indeed,
examinations of individual manuscripts would also provide a wealth of
information, but this investigation cannot be pursued here.20 Nonetheless, I
should mention that i found the ‘‘detective” version in a Mushaf from 3unTrt
a manuscript written in the archaic “HijazF1 script. The defective writing
occurred a I a place where the Cairo edition has she “correct" version, and this
observation was actually the point of departure for my interest in This, topic.
In two other Qurltnie transmissions (“riwayahs"), namely, Warsfi 'em Nd/t'^
and QiVilif 'an Nafi*21 (see the table on thi: following page in the gray fields),
she word docs appear in the two places in which it is vocalized “defectively"
in lhe Cairo edition as aSIJ (Le.T as a thing); in these texts it is also written
defectively, but it is vocalized as laykata ^Cl (Le.T as a diptotic name).
Notably, (he reverse situation Joes not occur. If one consults the four verses
in the Mu jam al-Qirfi'&t crf-Qur'amyyah (MQQ),23 one finds a similar vacil¬
lation. In sura 15:7K and in 38:13, the readers Naif et ah, defend the ^defec¬
tive” reading against die of die Standard Text; in the same way,
an anonymous reader prefers the defective reading in sura 50:14.
As one might expect, one also secs differences when it comes to the pro¬
nunciation of the ending. In the Standard Text of verses 26:176 and 38:13,
lhe "defectively" written versions J are vocalized with a Kasrah to indi¬
cate the genitive. By this means [he word is to be understood as a “normaF
Arabic noun, indicating a thing (just like the full form alAll) and not a per¬
sonal name. At the same time it is implied that, in the case of these "‘defec¬
tive” writings, there must be an error present, for the word had to have been
written itAll. In these places, on the other hand, according to MQQ and the
two Quran editions mentioned below, at least Nah1 et al. Lire, cited with the
reading Laykaki instead of Laykuti With this reading they imply that they
understand Laykah as a diptoticalJy inflected (place-) name, and that there¬
fore there is no error in play concerning (he AJe fee live” writing of the word.
The editors of the MQQ write at length oei the problem of pronunciation:
 Leute Korne—A Way Out of ihe Tangle wood/? 341

"AI-'Aliisi [died 1270/1853—1854. in his Tahir (exegesis) Ruh 'aUMaam, 30

pails] 19/117 mentions that [Line philologist] 3Ahu 'Ubaydah [110-209/
728-824/5] reported, Tn a work uf exegesis, we found that Laykah is the
name of the place \ji-l-qnryuh} and 'td-Aykah iltc name of the whole region*
just like (in the ease of] Mnkkiih and Bakkah. I have seen them (both variants)
in die Imauu die Mushaf of'UthmPn (..,): In (sura 15) 'ul-fjyr and (sura 50)
QafOnt readh. iiAh; in (sura 26) 'at-Sint'urti*and (sura 38) Sad, however, one
reads a5LJ . The (copies of the) Qur'an (sent) to (other) centers agree com¬
pletely {an itiis niciltttrj, and they do not vary (from il).'1 I la the Kashshuf [by
ihe Quranic exegeiu 'al-Zamakhshari, 467-538/ 1075-1344]r it says: "Who¬
ever reads (ihe 'defectively' written version ) with ihe ending -a [i.e...
iaykiita and nol iaykatfl and chums lhai -—pronounced like dlJ
{lay kih)24—is n place-name, is fan la sizing (fa -yatm'ahhnmu )T deceived by
[lie written appearance of the Musiiaf* as though 4£J were a nan-declinable
noun/1—He [Tl-ZamakhsharT] conlinuesp saying (hat this is a groundless
claim.... According lu [the exegetieal texl| 'at-Bahr'ul-Muhii [of JAbu
Hayyan 'a3 C rhiirnaiE, 654-745/1256 1345|h however/abZamakhshJxrl
rejects the validity of she reading Laykata, nearly considering it as apostasy
front the faith may Chid prevent it !-

OLhcr t ninsiniiMO Jii V;irjim( keKUn^

Standard TkaI
niwiyuh^) ftf tht Quriit ^Mnj-dirtgtoth* MQQ
Surah: (primed in Cairo i (printed in (printed m Nafik IbJi
Vci>c aim ’
-il-Maiiinati) Cairo + Tunis) Tar3fe|)lM5 + Nafi\ Kalhlr, Ifon
ny-
^sn'a') Warili 'Amir, Abu
mus
Jfir/j Vjj-i vtfim Wiirsh Vjj-j NrtjV Qnliin Sufi' Iflfir
.. JT > 1 ■
I5i JS^II yMl &JI... iSTsll... till ...
78 .. I-'aykiiLL ... 'l-'aykati ... I-Mykait

Ifr ■i£jl_1 iO... a?., qLl.. so...

.. Tiiykaii ...Liiyfcaw ... Layfcira '...Uyfcifc
■ r
. l'
uJIj._f
.
MS tfX..
11 ... L'ayLsTj ,.. Laytala ... E-ayka'ta ...La pka=a

*0:
H ... 'Kiykiu ... l- 'a yNIi ... 'l-'aylcalE

Upon observing die word's stark orthographic and semantic uncertainties, 1

have concluded that the "defective” variant, being the lectio difficiliot, is rel¬
atively older than the “correct” version, and that the "correctness™ of Lhe
writing with an AI if can be traced back to a subsequent imposition on the text
as it appeared (msm)* an imposition intended to illuminate a passage no
longer umlerstumlable. The older, "defective1' writing apparently reflects the
342 Parb II.: New Aspects for tlie Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

original pronunciation laykaK Tor further investigations of the other pos¬

sible readings (given the rasm)—lab\a\kahy tai[a[kah, etc.-—make no sen.se
at:11L We will proceed, then, from the original proutine!ariosi of Uiyluth and
its meaning as a place-name. The location that corresponds lo this name is
none other than Leake Kame, the Greek mime of the Nabataean harbor on the
Red Sea—what else could it he?
However, the problem of the location of this place is not yet solved. Two
geographic positions arc under discussion: the first concerns Khuraybah near
'Ay nun ah in northern Mariya nh on the coast of the- Red Sea; I he other con¬
cerns die current Umm Lajjr four hundred kilometres south thereof. Both
possibilities derive from varying interpretations of the earliest sources for
Leake Kume. The first comes from the description of the. expedition of the
Roman Aelius Gallus in the years 25-24 bce; this expedition began in Egypt
and proceeded through the Nabataean kingdom toward south Arabia and
back again. Tire second, more southerly, possibly conics (rum the Perip Ins
of the Erythraean Sea, deriving from either the llrst2^ or second-^ century cm
Unfortunately, Claudius Ptolemaeus docs not mention a place called Lcukc
Koine in his Geographic (second century ch), hut there may he an illumi¬
nating explanation lor this omission.

The Northerly Localization of Leuke Rome

One of the arguments for the northerly possibility is the place-name Haw rah
which Musil identified with the ancient place [!] Madyan; he made
this identification because the Aramaic f Arabic word luiwra, when trans¬
lated, means “white” and therefore corresponds to the Greek leu tee. This
apparently led him to think oT Lenka Kt>met although the latter is actually a
seaport and not an inland location like Hawrah = Madyan.
Even if one were to consider the notion that tire port city should bear the
same name as the inland capital (e.g.t Modi ana — Madhmui in Ptolemaeus),
it seems hardly plausible that I he name of the seaport (Hawrah / Hawra =
Leufce) should have been adopted for the capital, with I he result that the prior
name Madyan should have been totally forgotten. Tfi MusiTs reconstruction,,
the same would have happened to the name of the harbor itself (Hawrah I
Leuke), with the result that its contemporary ruins should be called Khu-
r ay bah! In a relatively recent publication, Henry Macadam concluded in
favor of the northern possibility: “In one explicit statement Strabo notes that
 Leuke Koine—A Way Out of the “Tanglewood"? 343

the expedition [NB: of Adius Gall us] arrived at lLeuke Rome in Nabataean
territory/ ,.. The site of Leake Koine, long disputed, now seems to be sat¬
isfactorily identified with the site of EAynunah+ directly east of the month of
the Gulf of'Aqabah" (see M. L. Ingraham el aL Altai 5 11981): 76-78; L, I.
Kirwan, Souths in the History of Arabia 2 [1984]: 55—61 and maps 5 and
58).2a In the Ingraham article29 mentioned by Macadam, however, the author
says merely That, in the face of the number and historical depth of materials
discovered in "Aynunah and Kim ray bah, “our recent findings at Ay nun ah
suggest that this area is more likely Leake Koine than other places suggested
by other scholars. .. . The abundance of Nabataean / Roman surface pot¬
tery ... at ‘Ayniinah in contrast to the few sherds found at aM la wrap0 ... is
convincing in itself. . 2T (p. 781L). The conclusion to which Macadam comes
based on the number of Roman artifacts seems rather tenuous, however,
especially when these artifacts are brought into conversation * with the
description of Adius Callus's expedition/3
One does not have to be a general Lo recognize that it does not make
son sc to sail north from (ho Egyptian harbor of RerenikG in order to make
landfall at the harbor of 'Ay nun ah / Khuraybah, only to then march back
south to Yemen and eventually to retrace one's steps entirely! Casson. the
editor of the Periplns, after an extremely extensive discussion of the location
of Luuke Komc, also came to the amazing opinion that the port city was to
be identified with Aynunah / Khuraybah/2

The Southerly Localization of fuuka Kome

Although the question of the northerly or southerly localization of the

Nabataean seaport is only of subordinate significance for the present inves¬
tigation. a southern location for Leuke Kome fits much better in a general¬
ized conception of pre-islamic Midianite geography than any other solution
to the problem. According to Strabo, who may have accompanied Aelius
Gallus on his expedition, the area of die Nabataeans’ influence stretched to
the south as far as l.cukc Kome/3 Von WiBmaiin defends the same perspec¬
tive and correspondingly argues for a location in the south, in Yanbu1 itself
or in its vicinity/4
A heretofore unintroduced argument in favor of the southern location is
that in sura 15:79k. verses thaL mention the 'ashahtt 't-Hijr f'the people from
'abHijr”), follow directly upon those that mention of the 'ashdbu ’l-'aykah
344 Part II: i\leu< Aspects far Hie Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

(nr better: ashahu Laykahf). This proximity does not surprise ns, for ’al-Hijr
the Egra of antiquity and the southern capital of the Nabataean kingdom,
would naturally have stood in dose geographical proximity to its port city of
Leuke Koine,

Leuke Kome — *al-Nawr3*

If it is possible* the Ptolemaic material actually does bear one [race that leads
ns to 'al-Hawrfd. While Ptolemaeus indeed does not mention Leuke Koine,
he does point eo a place—on rhe correct line of latitude, but displaced a bit
eastward and inland—culled Aluora. If only the name he preserved had been
AltittTT&J Then its identification with ’al-l.lawrfd would be airtight, arid it
would he clear that PtolemaeuN used the Aramaic translation of the place-
name instead of the Greek version which one would expect. As ibis, in view
of the other arguments that speak in favor of such an identification, i believe
the transposition of the two letters to be merely an error of transmission.
Incidentally, von Malt/an used die argument of a double naming to argue for
the identification of Leuke Kome with lambia: “The circumstance (hat PtoEo
maeus, who otherwise was so well-educated about Arabia, should not have
mentioned Leuke Kome at all, appears to indicate susisfuclorily ihal this
name was merely a second name, a [neutral] epithet, for another place-name
which the Alexandrian [Ptolemaeus] did include/'35 Bui the argument works
much better for the identity ofAlutira -Alaum = \W-/fcwra = Leuke (Komej
lhein for lambia!
No other archaeological traces have been found of the ancient city of
Leuke Kome. Should one want to search, though, for where the seaport of
'al-Hijr/ Egra possibly would or necessarily must have lain, then one finds
a harbor by the name of Fal-Hawrar (tlihe white'") which served us a way sta¬
tion for pilgrims from Egypt until ihe beginning of die twentieth century.
This harbor lay between al-Wajh in the north and Yanbu1 in the south! Since
around 414/1023. the place has been known as a walled <heity on the coast of
the Wadi ' l-Qura/1 Although its water is notorious for Its salt content, die
ships which are going to die Hija/ draw their drinking water from there. A
Moroccan pilgrim of die nineteenth century reported that the name 'al-
JlawriL did not fit the pitiful circumstances of the place at that lime- a stale-
men t that allows one to conclude dint die name ’al-Hawra/ did not derive
from the location's miserable condition but rather was inherited from another
 Leuke Kome—A Way Out of the " Tangle wood"? 345

location which once lay in its surrounding area. This pilgrim further noted
dial I ho fishermen who lived on the island of ’al-Hassani, just off the coast
from 'al-llawm't tLnow and then go diving in the area am! find valuahie jew¬
elry.This observation is also an indication that the port city disappeared
because of a seaquake. This explanation would not be surprising in u region
of strong seismic activity like the Red Sea and the northern Flijaz; further, it
could explain both why Leake Rome was no longer mentioned after the end
of the third century ceJ7 and why, much later, the name of the city no longer
had any meaning for the QurTmic exegetes.
'AI-HawraJ is apparently a name still known on a regional basis; it may
be that this knowledge no longer refers to the old. lost city but rather of the
coastal region where that city lay and which the aforementioned Moroccan
pilgrim experienced. In their catalog of pilgrim way stations, which appar¬
ently derives from field research work. Ali Eil-Mughannum ct ul- introduce
hil-HawriV in the following way: '"This is 25u (W N and 37u I2r Et 45 km
southeast of the Bir Al-Amaruh site, and 7 km north of the city of Ummluj
[sic| on ihe Red lScs coast, + . . A medium-sized site, it comprises several
sandy hills with architectural units built of coral and gypsum, Surface col¬
lections . . r included a large quantity of Islamic pottery sherds* and a few
steatite shcrdsT3*
finally, ihere are also religious implications bound up with Laykah / ral-
HawriT. In the article on “QawdamT YeU] us39 expressly mentions ’al-H'awm'
as the location where a certain lAhd ’al-Dar b. Hudaybr of the tribe of
Juhaynah, wanted to erect ei "competition" temple {baytan) in order to draw
as many Arabs as possible away from the culms centered on the Kabah in
Mecca. A story such as this could only have occurred in the predshume
period, and if il docs contain a kernel of truth, then the location of Tit-llawra’
was of such import that it seemed ideal for the founding of a religious eenier.
The Quran may contain still more texts that relate to Laykah = sa!~
asT for example: wa-s'altnmi ani l-qariyati 7tail kumU hddiraUi 7-
hahri 4idh ya china Jl *l-$ahti *. . (Ptekthnirs translation: "Ask them .*, of
die township that was by the sea, how I hey did break the Sabbath. . . .}" (sura
7:163 k Thus begins the story of the (Jewish) group of people about whom
m more is known but who were turned into apes as punishment for breaking
the commandments concerning the Sabbath. In addition, there arc dozens of
verses that praise God for the wonder of sea i ravel/10 even though the loca¬
tions of the founding of Islam all supposedly lie far inland. It is hardly imag-
346 Part [I: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

inable that such verses should have arisen in the world of caravan handlers
who* on account of the climate, used to follow a rouie along The eastern
slope of the Hijaz mountain range!

*A shah *at-RasSj the “People of the Fountain”?

The identiler asimb ’ai-mss, “the people of the fountain,” is just as non¬
specific as “the people of the tangle1wood" and consequently just as ill-
suited, in terms of its content, to serve as a warning example for God's pun¬
ishing judgment. James A. Bellamy named off I he exegetical legends about
the ’A$!jab 'nl-Rass and then courageously made the following paleographic
argument: £tAlash all in vain! Ah Russ is really nothing but Idris misspelled.
The rd' was written too close to the ddL which was then read as a 1dm
. * . So, Q.E.D.: Idris and al-Rass both go back to Esdraft, and "Uzuyr goes
back 10 Ezra, and in the apocryphal tradition Esdras and Ezra are the
same."41 Unfortunately, his paleographic argumentation is generally uncon-
vincingT as is also the case here, chiefly if we accept that in early Islamic
limes the QurTin was written in the Hijslzl style of scrips: In itT it is simply
impossible to confound a nV with a da!* and to mis interpret Lhis letter sub¬
sequently, reading a lam instead of the ddll
The earliest information we have concerning a toponym al-Rass way
transmitted by die Yemenite polymath 'al-Hamdanl (it. 334/945 in $andar)+4^
According to his information the term refers either to a uadi or to a say I in the
region of .labat Radwtu the mountains between Medina, the port of Laykah /
"al-HawnT in the north, and that of Yanbu1 farther south. This reporl is con¬
firmed by the geographer Yaqui, who wrote concerning I he IJusaymyyin, the
tribalized descendants of Muhammad, that they lived in this valley {Mujam
11:790, s.v, Radwa); the Zaydi dynasty of the Rassids of Sa'dah in Yemen have
their heritage from this group. According to Tai-Hamdanl and Yaqut, then, die
valley of al-Rass lay north of Yanbif. Hamad 'al-Jiisir. the famous Saudi
scholar of the twentieth century, published an article on ’al-Rass, in which he
collected many small bits from the Arabian tradition but did not come to a def¬
inite conclusion concerning its locution, lie did express hope, however, that
archaeological work would one day find the solution.4-' Since then, the catalog
of pilgrim mines by Ali ahMughamiom eE ak has given a specific reference to
the location of ’al-Rass, as mentioned above.44
A look at Pnilemaeus'H presentation of Arabia, which was written ea.
 Leuke Kome—A Way Out o\ Lhe Tanglewood" ? 347

150 ce. shows a people named ARSAE> who lived directly north of lambict
vit:.r the Vanbu of today. For this reason Sprenger and Glaser have concluded
that the ‘Arsians*' were the inhabitants of YanbuV15 The part of the name
which bears its meaning is ARS; the remainder is merely tin ending corre¬
sponding to the demands of Greek and Latin grammar The Semitic equiva¬
lent of the letter sequence ARS would be -r-jp and the "natural" pronuncia¬
tion of that sequence would be /urs/ or Zaras/, It is only a short step from here
to a word like far-Rass, which would have been understood as Arabic and
thus provided an assimilated article.

Oawm Tubba\ the “People of the Tubbti”?

In sura 50:14 [he “people of Laykalv* are followed by the '‘People of [lie
Tubbzf" {ifewm Tuhhd). This group is normally identified with (he.troops of
a Yemenite king who is reported to have invaded northern and central
Arabia, an action that resulted in catastrophic consequences For himself. One
should not simply reject this interpretation (the “Pharaoh” referred to in the
Punishment Stories is never given a name, and Quranic ‘‘Kisra" lor ihe Per¬
sian Khosrow also remains nonspecific), even if the word itthha, doubtless
a Yemenite expression, may not be used here very correctly,46 On the other
hand, il is both legitimate ami well within the sense of the Punishment Sto¬
ries to look for the 11 People of the Tubba" in a place that is concrete and not
too far away, as in the case of Laykah and ’al-Rass.
Plolemacus's Iambi a vie, could be just such a location. The current loca¬
tion of Yanbu is, in fact, identical with the ancient Iambi#* and in similar
ways the p re -Arabic names of the other locations in the area are still recog¬
nizable in their later, Arabic names fOADitae = 'Ad. THEMUDitae =
Thamud, NAPATci = Nabut, M ADI AM a - Madyan, lATIIRIPPa = Yathrib,
ARSae = ’al-Rass, etc.). This does not mean, however, that the ancient
names were completely " Arabic," and that they must therefore agree entirely
in the smallest details, Wc have made the proposition here to show how ARS
became Td -Rass ami thab i n the case of I .cuke Kome. ’al-Hawra' is even the
translation of the name into another language entirely! The pre-Arabic name
cm. therefore, also correspond to a name similar to (he Arabic, one like the
Aramaic nabaT (“spring''), whose Arabic equivalent reads yanbu' or yanhiT
(also “spring"). One can also imagine an Ammaized form of the Arabic (if
343 Part 11: New Aspects for the Emergence aW. CKarattensHc of I slant

we accept that the names given by Ptolemaeus were also ’lOkl Arabic”): the
Arabic Yanbu' would, in Aramaic form, assimilate the nun and thus read
Yabbur. Tt is even possible [hat the place bore both names for quite a long
time-—'At faint Whiml The decisive factor is that both Naha and also Yabbu1
give the same raxm its the Quranic Tub ha'. That means that a Mregional”
reading or js possible, over against the traditional (and actually
quite improbable) reading of £-m .
It must be admitted that the philological f paleographic identification of
TubbaH with Naba' or Yabbu1' is not as immediately obvious as that of T.ay kali
with Leuke and 'ar-Rass with Ar(a)s; nonetheless, it does have die advantage
that it concerns a known location and tits in the Midi unite landscape. The
map of die places and peoples mentioned in the Punishment Stories stretches
from die Dead Sea in the north (Lut / Lot, and two places not mentioned in
the Qur'an* namely, Sodom and Gomorrah)* through bd-Hijr / bgrn and its
port city Laykah / Leuke Kamo, over the Radwa mountains with the 'al-Rass
/ ARSae who lived there, as far as the southernmost location, die Nabataean
port of Yanbif / Yabbu1 / Iaitibia. What is more, Ptolemaeus knew of die peo¬
ples of 'Ad (OADitae) and Thamud (THEMUDilae, THAMYDeni). In addi¬
tion. he called the capital of the ‘Ad Aramaya, a name which appears in die
Qur an as 'Irani (sura S9:5ff,). The Qur an notes concerning [he Ad that die
messenger Hud was sent to them by God (sura 7:65; 1 i:5Gx 5ft, 60); in sura
7:65 and in 11:50* he is called “the brother of rAdT47 The Quran reports
about him that in vain he warned his people “in the sickle-dunes”—bi-rI-
Wiqafi—con corn i n g 13i e i r dest ruct i on.

*ALMAhqaf, the “Valleys of Midkm** or the “Duties of Iladrarnawt"?

hi Mcrdyan /Midkm?

If the ‘Ad lived in Madyan f Midian, then the (ihqdf must also be sought in
diis area. According to the geographer *id-Rakri, who based his work on the
authority of the Quranic exegete Muj5liid,JB the reference is to the rocky
region of His m3 in the land of Judhlim4* which belongs to Madyan. Yaqut
says of Hisma that it lies west of Tabfik and includes [herein die large Jubal
Irani, ami Musi I adds die interesting information that “the name Ahkaf
(liakaf) has been preserved to the southwest of a!-Bed' (Madian)."50 How¬
ever, Musi I does not mention what is to he understood by the name "Ahkaf
 Leube Kouie—A Way Out of the 'TajiglewoocL*? 349

(HakaO'' as io its local population; in general, though, this information fits

well with the assumption of an identification in Madyan / Mklinn.

hi Hadramawt or Oman?

Nevertheless, Islamic tradition identifies the 'AhqPf with the sand dunes
between Yemen. Ha^ramawt. and Oman. This identification, however, is
absurd, as "dunes” are not a location against which or on which people
gather, least of all dunes in the Empty Quarter!^1 The legend itself forms die
third part of 'al-Bakn's (tif. bibliography) article concerning aWAhqaf,
immediately after which he writes about its acceptable localization in the
land of Judham and then cites various authorities who argue that the location
is in the dunes of Shihr'Uinfin and Hadramawt:
i.

Based on the authority of his sources, [the genealogist] "Ihn ’al-Kalbl [died
204/3191 reports, following 4s l-Asha gh b. Nubiitnh:
“Wc were together once wish ‘All b. 'Ahi Ttilib in (he lime of (he
caliphate of'Umar. At that time he asked a man from Hadramawi, Do you
really know everything about Ikidramawi?' He answered, 'You may as well
have asked me for the Inc alien of Hud’s grave]1 'All said thui tie was right.
Then the man said, lWhen 1 was still a very young boy, 1 accompanied a
few others as we went to seek his grave, because he was so famous. We
traveled a few days Through The Wadi ']-Ahq5f—one of our party already
knew the location—until we came to a red sand dune which contained
eaves. That (well-infanned) man led us to one of these eaves, which we
then entered. We investigated everything thoroughly* and we came to two
stones, of which one lay above the other in such a way that only a slender
person could squeeze through the gap between them. There t saw a man sif¬
ting on a throne, with rough skin and a (hick beard. Sitting on the lb roue,
he was dried out, and as I touched a part of his body, T noticed that he was
stiff. Over Ids head there was something written in Arabic: "T am (the
prophet) Hud, who believes in God: 1 am in mourning concerning the 'Ad.
because they were, unbelievers. Against God’s will there was no opposi¬
tion,™ Then ‘All said, lI heard exactly this from 'Abu r]-Qhsim fi.e., the
prophet Muhammad] may God bless him and grant him salvation P"

This litilc talc illustrates how and in which circles the transfer of names
took place, when the exegetes sought for textual explanations in the metrop¬
olis.5^ From a more heimenouIdeally suspicious perspective, this is a notable
350 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

example of how a pi ace-name, mentioned in the Qur'an bat no longer iden¬

tifiable, could be usurped if it lay just far enough away from the early cen¬
ters of Tslani, (Not that it is the only one, of course; cf. above concerning nal-
Rass, or the "migration11' of the Ad to southern Arabia!) The localization of
'al^Ahqaf in lladrantawt is an example of a "derived geography,’" a phe¬
nomenon of which there are many examples in the Islamic tradition. Just to
mention a few; the most well known popular pilgrimage sites and places of
devotion in Yemen arc the tombs of Salih and Shifayb. and in Hadramawt It
is the Qabr Hud above all.

Or in Mach an after all?

Thus, the position of the 'Ahqqf in the region of Madyan is not in doubt. The
Qur anic passage (sura 46:24) reads in PickthallT translation: "Then, when
they beheld it as a dense cloud {'arid) coming toward their valleys, they said;
Here is a cloud bringing us rain.” According to information in the Qur an,
then, the Ad lived in valleys; however, that lifestyle was not normal (nr
cattle breeders (seminomadic Arabs of ihe tribe of’Udhrah?)*53 but it was
normal for the (Aramaic-speaking) farmers in the oases. Speaking purely
pal cograph j cal ly, it would not be a problem at all to bring the "Kutic1' ver¬
sion, fri-V-Wu/tf/ into agreement with one written in Aramaic. The Aramaic
alphabet does, have a few “false friends” that could lead a person astray who
was reading one bit of writing as ""Arabic” rather than as Aramaic, The
written text, then, as written in Aramaic but spoken in Arabic, could there¬
fore have looked like this: (or > nv-ivJT=a );54 it would have
then been read in Arabic as bi-'l-’&mfiq (= die deep places'"), that is, L"in
the valleys." Misread as Arabic—a phenomenon Eittesied in the Qur'an55—it
would give, among other possibilities, uLa>yL / bi-'l-Abi/nfl With such a
meaning we step quite definitely onto less-secure groundh for the variant lit¬
erature does not mention ihis possibility here. The advantage of such specu¬
lation, however, consists in that we do not then have to leave the Midianitc
landscape, MusiTs information fch n. 50), according to which the word
ahkaf is current in the region of al-Badk would be even more valuable in this
connection if he had reported that people in that area use that word to indi¬
cate valleys (whether dry or with water); unfortunately, as l have noted, we
do not know what Lhey mean by the expression.
 Leuke Rome-—A Way Out of tks “TinglewoaA"? 351

Wabar, the "Atlantis of the Desert'*?

As we have seen, Quranic exegesis in general placed the enigmatic nhqaf

with its prophet Hud on [he edge of [he imaginable world—on ihe one hand,
in a specific place, but on the other hand, still in a mythical land—
"'nowhere.’* The fate of Wabar, however, was to end up totally in myth- It was
a name that did not receive the honor of being mentioned either in the Bible
or in the Qur'an.^ ii was a part of the Midi anile extrabihfical saga, which T
mention here because ii provides Wabar with a similar narrative selling as
was given to bil-'AhqaL and because it also left behind a trace in the work
of Ptolemaeus.
Traditionally, Wabar is assumed lo be “between Tal-Shihr and San1 if.” or
still more diffusely, “in the region between Yabrin and hil-Yaman"—that is,
in die same wide desert area where the exegetes repotted that Tal-Ahqqf lay!
As a matter of curiosity, if must be mentioned that scholars were able to find,
after a great deal of technical effort, the remains of a settlement in southern
Oman. This location was i den si lied quickly and sensationally as Wabar, the
1‘Atlantis of the Sands.Scholars began archaeological digs, but those
revealed not a city, but only a building. On the other band, Wahdr is consid¬
ered in the genealogies of the Arabians to be the son of I ram b. Sam b. Nub,
or alternatively his great-grandson (Wabar b. 'Umaym b. Lawdhan l>. Irani;
Wabar is thereby a descendant of Aramaic speakers). In addition, the geog¬
rapher Yaqut {Mujam, s.v. Wabar) places Wabar's position within the earlier
region of the ’Ad and Thamud: "When God destroyed the Ad and Thamfid,
he settled the jinn in their region, that is, in Wabar,”
One could simply stop with a localization in northwest Arabia, bn! one
could go even further. A look at a map of Arabia based on Prole macus reveals
a BANG BAR I north of the ARSAE The first part of I he word doubt less
refers in the tribal identifier banu/fi; the second part, Bari or Ubitri, then
.stands for the actual name of the region or the people. Sprenger wrote very
perceptively lhat “if one looks at plain similarities of names, then it could be
the HamVRiihrfi. Rut still more similar is BanQ-Barta.'^ Unfortunately, fills
proposal does have a slight blemish, in that both proposed tribal names
would [nice back to women. For this reason uk well I believe ihe Ubari of
antiquity to be. identical with the Wabar of the Arabian legend.
Philological lyf Vhar and Uvi/warc not different from one another. Ini¬
tial n's in Arabian place-names are often written either as an Alif with
352 Pari II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

panunah or dsc~ especially in dialects—us a Waw with paiumikh. Hor

example, the Yemeni regions Wuxdh and OioZ? are the same.
This phenomenon also appears in the Qur an, for example, in sura 77:11
where u reads instead of With this knowledge one no
longer has simply Lu argue for the identification of Wabtlr with Ubcirf\)> hut
one can even prove it: the historian of the city of Medina, "al-Samhudt
(S44-911/1440-1506), noted that Ubar and Ubayr ("little Uhfir ") belonged
to the wadis of ’al-’Ajrad, one of the two mountains of Juhaynalu and that
both wadis went into Yanbtri59

Conclusions

The cxegeles of lho Qur'an interpreted the word as “tanglewood/*

which is not very convincing because in dial case one must admit to errors
of writing in iwo places in the text of the Qur'an, The other position is that
the word is actually a (place-) name, one that had not entirely disappeared;
the memory of the exact location to which it could refer, however, seems to
have been lost. It is only with a look at the depiction of Arabia given by
Ptolemacus that one comes to the surprising realization LhaL by ajQJ the
Qur an not only handed down the name of the ancient port city of Leuke
Komc. but that it also, as providing a means of confirmation, gave the names
of other places in the Nabataean kingdom. As a result, it is clear first of all
that the written Qur'anic text contains material that is older than she oral irn-
dition of ilte lext, that ish that it contains pre-hhtmic material second, it is
dear that occasionally the oldest written transitu ssion preserved this older
text, even If the later exegetes, in their time of need, had io reach far too
widely to offer their explanations or "'corrections/* Generally speaking, then,
it will be worthwhile to work out the oldest conceivable textual structure and
to pay attention to the fact that, in terms of its interpretation, the text is
indeed adequate in its content.
 Leiike Koine—A Way Out of the ’ Tanglewood"? 353

NOTES

1. [ formulated the foundational ideas of this article in Jerusalem on July 4,

2000, in the paper "Leuko Komi- in die Qur'an: A Way out of the Tanglewood"?" as
a part of the Eighth International Conference, “From Jjihiliyya to Islam," July 2—7,
2000.
Special attention has been paid in this article to the transcription of Arabic because
pan of the argument is directly related to the question of how certain words tire written
in the Quran. Thus, AJif-Waslah is always represented by <'>, llamzab on A3 if or YQJ
or Waw by <>T and Hamzah without carrier as <5>. lAyn is, as usual, <S.
2. On this topic, uf. Aloys Sprenger* Das Leben raid die Lcfue ties Mphammad
{Nadi graven the Us auhemtizten Quelle u bearbeitei). 2nd ed.„ 3 vols. (Berlin: Nico-
laisclte Verlagsbuchhandlung, IS69), I: 459-504, 505-25; cf. also Josef llorovitz,
Koranische Urrtcrsuchangea, f Berlin and Leipzig: dc G my ter. 1926).
3. Alois Musil, The Northern Ifegdz: A Topographical Itinerary,'American
Geographical Society Oriental Explorations and Studies, no,. I (New York: Amer¬
ican Geographical Society,. 1926), 29If.
4. These translations are those by Picklhfill; emphases are my own-
5. Musil, Northern Ifegdzr pp. 299-30J. Musil is of the opinion that the harbor
called Egra t aal-Hijr bore the same name as the Nabataean city of Egra f 'al-Hijr.
which lay far inland. This situation would then be analogous to that of the city
Madyan and its harbor winch bore the same name.
6. JbiU.+ pp. 273E. 312.
7. Ibid., pp. 278-37, 313; Hermann vr WiBinaim, “Madiama und Modiana
(Madyan, Midi an)/' in Tuulys Real-Eneydopiidie dec rfassischen Ahertumxwis-
smschafit SuppL BiL XII (1970.1, pp. 525—52.
8. See, e.g,. John llealy, “The Nabataeans and Mada'in ScU ih/' Aslai: The
Joumat of Saudi Arabian Archaeology 10 (1406/ E 986): l OS— 16 and plates 107. I OS,
109 (maps). See also DaiI'uI lab Al-Talhi ct al_ “Preliminary Report on. al-[li|r Exca¬
vations during the First Season 1406/1986," A dal: The Journal of Saudi Arabian
Archaeology 11 (1409/198.8): 47-57.
9. 'Antarah p. 41 1. 19: a-fa-mln hukai hamamotin fi aykathi... and ab
NabighaEi p. 10 I. 14: tajlsl hbqddirntiiay hamamatiJ'aykaiin ... according to Albert
Arazih Six Early Arab Foe Is. New ed. and Concordance (Jerusalem, 1999). Sec also
The entry ^ in E. W. Lancr Arabic-English Lexicon. 1—V 111 (London, 1363), repr,
in USA. 1955,
10. Unfortunately, the usual Arabic character sets do not provide a Hamza
written upon die connecting line between two letters, although this is not rare aL all
1W Quranic quotations. As a .substitute for tliis Hamza in tins article, the words which
appear in Arabic script will be written with a special long character UuhiilY however.
354 Part TI: New Aspects for lire Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

the transliteration of this kind of a Hamza is unequivocal, appearing a]ways as c'>,

whether the Hamza is placed over a connecting line or without a “carrier’1 adage iber.
] L. Mu Hilda al-Zabidi, Taj at-'aritsT s_v. 'ayk\ Ibn Mansur, Lisurt til-'arah, s.y. WL
] 2,J. G. Wetzstein. "Nordarabicn and die syrische Wiiste naeh den Asigaben der
Eingcbomen {Fortsctzung)/1 Zeitsch rift fur (dlgemeitte Erdhtnde IH (] 865): 441.
13. Moritz in RFm voIr XII (1925), col. 2262: "Wetzstein15 identification - -, wilh
al-Aika of the Qur'an, is nothing other dizni a idea which is linguistic ally impossible,
because >*£OKfi [Jgjife] would be transferred in to Arabic as luka or !ukay as
Zf/xv^Eta [Seteukeia] became Saluksya”
14. Heinrich Freiherr v. Maltzan, Me die Waltfahrt nach Mekka; Heist1 r>z die
Kusiengcgettd and ini hmem von Hedschas, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Dykr 1865; reprint edi¬
tion. Jlildeshdm: 01 ms, 20f>4j I; 16—24: concerning like place Etere called ‘Vtuara/1
see below, in the section entitled "Leake Kurile - 'td-lJawtiTT
15- Musi I, Northern Hegiizt p. 280, Musi Is association reminds one of ihe equa¬
tion of Rakkali and Makkab i 11 the exegesis of die Qur an.
16- A, F Lr Beesfon, “The "Men of the Tangle wood’ in ihe Qur'an A Journal of
Semitic Studies 13 (1968): 253-55.
17. C. E. Roswordi* “Madyan Shu'ayh jii Pre-Jsiatnle and Early Islamic Lore
and History” Journal of Semitic Studies 29, no. 1 tSpritag 1984): 53-64.
18. In die '‘thicket/’ that isr I have myself experienced Ifibespeople living
among diick trees in the immediate vicinity of al-Matammah in the Wadi Mud hah,
in Yemen. Sitting in that thicket I talked about the neighboring settlement., built from
neat multistory clay houses, which an oJ J man laconically commented thus; “Hawla
buyya, nastad’ifhtim" (+4Those are dealers [ori weekly markets]T "weak onesT in our
eyes"). This means that the inltubhauls of the houses exist under ihe protection of
ihe tnbespeople living in die thicket. However. 011c imagines ihe 'Ad and lhe
Thamhd much more in rock dwellings or stone houses father than in a thicketl
19. In the two other transmissions of the Qur'anie text, as well as in NalLs vari¬
ants (see the table below, in the grayed boxes), a differentiation appjftars to be made
between the Thing ("tanglewood" = j&Al ) and the place-name . This would mean
that die varying way of writing ihe msm has destroyed the identity of both forms.
20. Concerning sura 15:78 I have seen only the two facsimile editions of ihe
manuscript Paris BN Ms. ar. 328 (a), p, 229, line 20, and London RLOr. 2l65h p.
140. 1.21: these manuscripts do not contain she tuber ihree texts. Rolls manuscripts
show the "correct11 text of die Cairo standard edition. Concerning ihese facsimiles
cf. Sergio Noja Noscda and Francois Peroehe, Sources de la fransmisskm rnutru-
xcrite du text Coranique, /_■ Lea manuscrits de style JtigdzL vol. L Le manuscript
arahe J2H(a) de la BibHothiujae natfamde dc France {Lesa: Fondazinne He mi N o [a
Noseda, 1998) and vnl, 2:1, Le mats use ri.pt Or 2165 (f. I a 61) de la British Library
{Lesa: Fo ndas j one Ferni Nuja Noseda, 2001).
 Leuke Kome-—A Out of bite ^Tangl ewoojf ? 355

21. 'Al-Qurnti 'ai-Kotim/Yu^mun Muhammad *Abd 'al-Rahman Muhammad,

■al-Qahirah: Dur aLMuybaf 1383/1964. Cut-Quran 'af Karim [in [tie original
without a tille]J. Khali 'al-Tljum 'al-Muliummadl IM 1355) (Tunis: Maktabai "al-
Matuir, no year [ca. 1995J).
22. Mnxhaf Sharif, bi-riwayat pat-LimSm Quinn bi-'Lrasm 'al-'tnhmanl. Tdud
Maktabyt ’ahYiimnn ’yLKubni, Sana/, no year (after 19K3). This work was not pub¬
lished in Yemen, but rather in Libya, as the appendix on pages iii-vi reveals. In
Zaydi YcmenT however, the transmission following QiTdGn is widespread, too. For
curiosity J quote ifs page iv: “The committee [of editors] began its work on Monday,
Lhe 27 th of Rabi' "al-’Akhar (of the year) 1390 after the passing of the Prophet [this
being tbc new era introduced by Mu'ammar aE-Qadhdhafi!]—Cod bless Slim and
grant him salvation!—which corresponds to March 2nd, 1982 ad. It was the
anniversary of the first proclamation of the [Libyan] Jamahiriyyah, the establish¬
ment of democratic power, and the announcement of Lbe historical document in
which the Muslim Libyan Arabic people made known that the honorable Qur'an
would be the law of society in the Arabic Libyan Socialist People's Jamahiriyyah.
On the blessed Night of Destiny |i.u.? on lhe 27th] ol lbe honored Ramadan of the
year 1392 after the passing of the EYnphet —’-God bless him and grunt him salva¬
tion!—which corresponds to June 7th, 1983. a huge religious festival was celebrated
in the Mawtay Muhammad mosque in Tata bn Jus [Tripoli], on which occasion the
Brother in Religion and Revolution, General Mu'amniar nl-QadhdbJifi, leader of the
Glorious Revolution, officially wrote the last fQuranic] word ^LdS^ in the Mushaf
nl-Jamahiriyyah, to the cries of itrAlliihu 'akbetrF* and "hi 'iffdui 'iha 'IMhf' of Thou¬
sands of Muslims." (My additions in [brackets |).
23. 'Abd Fab'AI Salim Makram (wa-) Ahmad Mukbtiir'Umar (Tdad)T Mu jam
ral-Qirarat 'id-Quraniyyoh, mao muqaddittmk fi U-qinYat wa-'ash-har 'al-qurra.
1—VIII. al-Kuwayt: Dhar ’al-Salasil, 1402-3405/1932-1985,
24. hAl-ZamakhsharI argues that “LayKalf should not be read like “laylah,” but
rather as ‘TaykahT that is, with a Hamza after the Lam, because the Alif is not
written but still must be taken into consideration in pronunciation He seems to be
thinking here of the two places in which 4>L_ VI is written fully.
25. MQQ IV, pp. 324f.r n. 2.
26. 40-70 CE: Lionel Casson, ed-, The Tenpins Mam Erythmei: Text with
Introduction* Translation, and Commentary' (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
J 989), pp, 6f. and n. 7.
27. 95—130 ce: G. W. U. Lluntitigford, ed.+ The Teriplus of ihe Erythraean Sea
by at z Unknown Author, vrnh Some Extracts from Agathnrkh ides ’ 'On the Erythraean
Sear lLondon: Hakluyt .Society. 1980). p. 12. Wjbmann, “Madiama and Modiana/'
in RE.SuppL i1970): col. 542, dated the text even later, “around and after 210 cf..’1
28. Henry I. Macadam, "Strabo, Pliny the Elder, and Ptolemy of Alexandria:
356 Part fir New Aspects for the Emergence and. Cliaracteristk’ of Islam

Three Views of Ancient Arabia and its Peoples;r in L'Arabk preisktmiqitc ti son
enwnmnemeni histonque et culturel; Acte* du Cvlloqtw de Strasbourg 24-27 jain
I9H7, cd. T. Fahd (Leiden: Brill, I9S9)f p. 299. (The whole article can be found on
pp. 289-315,)
29. Michael Lloyd Ingraham ct aL, hLSaudi Arabian Comprehensive Survey
Program: c. Preliminary Report on a Reconnaissance Survey of the Northwestern
Province^1 Atlal: The Journal of Saudi Arabian Archaeology 5 (1401/1981): 59-79
mid plates 62 and 67 (= Contour Map of Aymimih, with Khuraybah).
30. Ah al-Mugh annum* Sal ah uLHdwa, and Jamal Mursi, "Catalogue of Sta¬
tions on the Egyptian (Coastal) and Syrian (Inland) Pilgrimage Routes,” Atiai: The
Journal of Saudi Arabian Archaeology 7 (1403/1983): 46 (the entire article com¬
prises pp. 42-75).
3L Strabo, PLinins, and Dio Cassius all described (his expedilion, led by (he
Roman Aelius Callus in ihe years 25/24 bce from Egypt into the IancJs of ihc
Nabataeans, allies of the Romans at this lime: Eduard Glaser in his Skizze dvr
Geschichle mid Geographic Arabiens mid von den discs ten Zeitvn Ids zuiri Rrtipheten
Muhatrmad, vol. 2 (Berlin, 3890; reprint edition, HiJtleslieim: Gluts, 1976), pp.
45-73, has translated and commented upon these three sources comprehensively. Cf.
also the works of WISmaim given in this essay'’s bibliography; as well as Kai
Buscbmann's article “Moth1 und Zid des Adius-Gallus-Zitges nacli Sudumbien/'
Die Welt des Orients 22 (1991): K5 93.
32. Casson, Periplns, pp.l43f.; cf, also p. x with reference to “identification of
Lcuke KomeIF by Laurence Kirwan.
33. Mudl, Northern Hegdz, p. 3 f 9.
34. WiQmann, "Madiama and MpdianaC in RE SuppL vol XI3 (1970).
35. Maltzan, Meine Wallfahrr 1: p* 116.
->&• Cf. Hamad al-Jasir'S article on Pal-Hawra' in his al-Mtijum fd-jughrdji /i-
'l-hlkid aT'aratiyyah 'al-srtiidiypals, Should I 'ui-mwilokah, Qism 1-1 [1 ("id Riyad:
Oar hiLYamamnh, fisted.] 1397/1977). pp. 1463-68.
37. Thus la wad rAJi, 'Ai-Mnfassalj7 Id'rihh al-'tuuhqahla TAisldm (Baghdad:
Makt. aLNahdah 1970-73: Tidal ’al-jaif Bayifit: Dir al-'llrn IM-Maiftyln. 1978,.
1980]. V 11:272, tollowing the llmdbuch der geagraphischen Wissenxchafivn, P p.
N4, Cf. also Kenneth W. RussdL "The Earthquake Chronology of Palestine and
Northwest Arabia from the 2nd through the Mid-Sih Century A.D.T Bulletin of the
American Schools of Oriental Research (BASORj 260, pp. 37-59.
3S. Al-Mnghannum ei aL "Catalogue of Stations oat the Egyptian (Coastal) and
Syrian (Inland) Pilgrimage Routes;r see above n. 30.
39. Mu jam tit-buldan, The original report can be found in Hi sham b, al-KalbT,
K. 'al-'Asndrih ed. Ahmad Zakj Cal-Qahtrah: Dar 'ul-Kuiuh, 1324/1924); there is
also an unaltered reprint edition from (al Qahtrab: Tal-Dnr 'al-Qawmiyyah,
 Leuke Kdme—A Way Out of the ^Tariglewooc!."? 357

1384/1964), p. 45. Cf. M. J. Klster s article "Kutfa'a" in the second edition of the
Encyclopaedia of Islam, p. 315.
40. Cl. W. W. Barthold,, "Dcr Koran und das McerA Zeitschrifi der Deutsche!j
Morgenifindischeti Gesettsdiufi 83 £1929): 37-43.
41. James A. Bellamy, ‘Textual Criticism of the Koran," Journal of the Amer¬
ican Oriental Society 121. no. 1 (2001): 1-6,
42. bal-Hasan b. 'Ahmad 'aJ-Hamdani, Kitdh Sifat Jazirat 'til-Arab [in the edi-
lion of David idem rich Mutter, Geographic dvr ambischen llalbinsel [Leiden: Brill,
1884— 91; reprint edition, Amsterdam: Oriental Press, t^6SJ)s p.218, 1. 24; p. 230, I.
24; and p. 251, L 9,
43„ Hamad "al-Jnsir, “Td-Rass1 ft T-QurMn 'al-karim wa-araF 'al-bahhhm
hawbJC' {MajidUm) rai-Arab 5 (1390/1970): 1-12., n. 38.
44. AI-Mug Inn mum et al., 1'Catalogue," p. 45. see above ti. 30.
45. A. Spretiger, Die aite Geographic Arabians; Als Gntndlage dcr Dnhvick-
ttmgsgcsch it hie ties Sem it ism us (Bern, 18 75 ‘ rtpri til c Jl lit) n: A msterdai n, %' I cr i d ian,
1966), p. 31; Glaser* Skizze, pp. 104, 232,
46. Cf, Bees ton's skeptic al article l‘Tuhha"’ in the second edition of the lincy-
alopaedia of hlam. Cf. also Yusuf M. Ahd Allah's article “tubha"F in 'al-MawstTah
rat-Yttwmiyytill (?aifa': Mu'assasat 'al- Afif ’ul-Thnqafiyyah, 1412/3992) (tanfTdh
Bayrut: Dar 'aJ-Pikr 'al-Mu'asir), There is more comprehensive information on
tubbif in die genealogy of the South Arabians: Werner Caskets lamkatat an-Nmab:
Das gtuiealogische Werk ties Hi Jam l bn Muhammad id-Knlbf 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill,
1966), 13:66-72.
47. This express ion means that he was not a member of the tribe, buL rather Lhal
lie came from outside, as Muhammad did to Medina and as, still today, many famo
lies of tribal leaders do on die Arabian peninsula (Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Qatar,
Kuwait, Bahrain)- According to u version mentioned by Wahb b- Munabbib, God
revealed the Arabic alphabet hi the prophet HucL an alphabet "with its 29 kisers" IK
Ud-lljan, Haydar-Abad: Ma|b. Majlis Dairat 'al-MaTtrif ,al-,Ulhrnaniyyah 1347, p.
35). Because only die Arabic alphabet contains 28 tetters, plus the ligature Lam-AI if,
which is con riled as a letter* Walsb dearly means this fuller alphabet. The only u l her
alphabet showing die ligature Lam-Ah( at the outset as well as at the cud of a word
is the Syriac one, which makes clear LbaL there is al least a link between both alpha
bets. Because ,LHLsd'r appears in the Qur'an as a term referring to the Jews ^ nine times
it appear* as LYahudTT‘ three times as TLikH, the prophet “Hud" serving possibly as
a general person ill cat ion of the Jews. Wnhb's legend would then have as its histor¬
ical kernel that die Arabs received iheir alphabet from Jews who wrote in Syriac.
Why nut'/
48. Mu jab id b. Jabr 'al-Makks, 21 ca. a El 104 ; cf. the article "Mudjubid1* in
the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam,
353 Part II: New Aspects for llie Emergence and. Charge tens tie of Islam

49. Mu jam, s.v, “ahqif/1 Cf. W. Montgomery Watfs article “Iran/1 in The
second edition of the Encyclopaedia tf Islam.
50. Cf. Musi], Norihern /legdz* p. 31frr
51. Cf. Sprenger, Die ahe Geographic p- 199: ’dt is very doubtful that* aL the
lime ol Mu bain mad, a!-AtiqiiF, "rolling hills of sand/ was a proper name: he may
have means the Neffld of HismY P. If there is some historical foundation to these
reports, it is that die 'Adjteg lived north of Mecca.1’
52. On this genre of literature which reaches hack into rite Unsayyud period, cf.
Rail Georges Kboury. “KaliL Geschiditu, Lind Dichtung: Der jcmcnitLscbe Erzabler
A bid I bn Saryaam Hole Mu’awiyas/’ ZeitschnftjUramhischc Linguist fk 25 (1993):
204-18-
53. Cf- G. Levi. Delia Vida’s yrricle "'Udhra1* in ihe second edition of the Encv-
chpaedia of Islam.
54. This could he the ease if (he Alif of the article fell out after the particle,
something that happens regularly after a Lam find also sometimes aftfcr a Ra‘ or a
Kaf (cf. aJJI and quite frequently in old manuscripts) h and if the small stroke
at The left uf the Aramaic Mini was overlooked,
55. In my opinion this has happened Irs the sLiras Sad (no. 38) and Qaf (no. 50},
whose ’'secret; letters" and are different in Arabic but both derive from an
Aramaic sadc; if this letter is “read’1 as an Arabic: one (more precisely, in the IlijazI
style of script), then it would be interpreted either as a Sad (correctly) or as a Qaf
(incorrectly). The same is true lor the amma (yalasaaliin) at the beginning of sura
7B which is certainly not different from the tla-Mim loiters at the beginning of some
other suras,
56. In his major work Das Leben and die Lehre. P., Aloys Sprcnger reported
and Treated critically both the “Punishment Stories"1 (P459-3Q4) and the narratives
concerning 'Ad and Thamfn.1 (1:505-25).
57. As l'ar as I know, two hooks appeared in connection with the Wabar of
Oman: Ranulf Fiennes, Atlantis of the Sands: The Search far (he Lost City' of Ubar
(London: Bloomsbury. 1992): and Nicholas Clapp, The Road to Ubar: Finding die
Atlantis of the Sands tBoston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1998). Clapp's argu¬
ment in favor of The locali/.aiion of Wabar in Oman nisi* chiefly on Ptolemacus's:
naming of the iOBARiiac. which Clapp I hen idem i lies with TIbar I Wabar
58. Sprengcr. Die alte Geographic, pp. 3C)f.
59. From his Wafa Vj/- U-Jj/rT". cited by Hamad ’nl-Jisn1, iJHad Ynnbur: Lanudidi
iankhiyyah jnghrafiyyah wa-" ultima; kha.ysah ('nl-Rlyfid: Oar "aTYamamah. llo

year given |da. 1970]}, p. 158. Concerning I he person and work of ’al-Samhudi. el”.
Bos worth's article “Samhiidr in the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam.
 Lenka Kom.e—A Way Out of tke "Tinglewood"? 359

BIBLIOGRAPHY

'All, Jaw ad. labMnfassalft tct'rikh hd-'arah qahla 'l-lsiam. JuzH LX. Baghdad: Makt.
’iil-Nahdah I97CU73; Tadat ’al-iatf Baymt: Dfr’ai-llm li-l-Maloyln. PJ7S, ]TO.
'ai-Bakn, 'Abu 'TJbayd 'AbU ’Allah, Mu jam rzir* stajam min 'asnuT ’at-bilad \vu- V-
ttiau’&ti1. Juzh I-IV. Tahqlq Mustafa "aLSaqqa. 'ul-Qnhimh: Ltijmil 'al-Tallf,
136471945.
Brice. William C.. ed. An Historical Adas of Islam. Leiden; Brill, lL)$L
flisson, Lionel, cd. /Jic Fdrjpfttt jWarjjr Em-ft/wi. 7t?jrf ua'f/z /jzrrorfurtictff, 7m.pxrftf-
ffo/?P ifflj Commentary, Princeton: Prinedim University Press. I9S9,
EP - FA-ii of Islam. AVir by u A’Nin^r qf Leading
Ch-icjzm/irfj. 11 vols. Leiden: BrdL I960-.
Glaser, Eduard. Sfcizzp tier Gesehichte and Geographic? Arabians imd von den
al fasten Zcitcn his zum Fropheivn Mnhmnmuh vnl. 2. Berlin, IS90. Reprint edi¬
tion, Hildtsheim: 01msp 1976. (
'll]-I Lush I run, 1 nl-tlasan b- 'Ahmad. Kiuih Sifcit Jazirat 'ed-*A rah, edited David Hein¬
rich Mtiller (Geographic dcr arabischett Halbinset). Leiden: Brill. 1SS4—1391.
Reprint edition, Amsterdam: Oriental Pres-;, 1968.
Huntin^ford, G W. R., ed. The Feriphts of the Erythraean Sea by an Unknown
Author, wish Some Extracts firms Agatharkhid&s' ‘On the Erythraean Sea,'
London: Hakluyt Society, 198(3.
"al-Jasir, Hamad, Ritad Yanhu: Linmhui uTrikhiyyah jughrafiyyah wa-'nlibadt
khassah. 'al-Riyad: Dar ’al-Yamamah, no year given {ca, 1970),
’Al-Mujam 'abjughrafi li-1-hildd ralJarabiyyah 'al-saTidiyyah, Shamat
9ai~imuntakahr Qism I-TIL 1st ed. 'aLRjyad: Dar haLYamamahJ397/l977,
_. <llAl-Ra^5a II U-Quran ’al-karim wa-UnT "al-bahhhm Law-labT
( Majalht) 'til- 71 rvj b 5 (13 90/ \ 9 7<)): 1-12.
v. Mait/.au, Heinrich Freiherr. Maine Wallftshrt nach Mekka: Raise its die Kiistenge*
gend and im innern von Iledschas. 2 vols. Leipzig: Dyk, 1865. Reprint edition.
Hildcsheim; Oimsp 2004.
Musi!, Alois. The Northern Hegaz: -4 Topographical itinerary. American Geograph¬
ical Society Oriental Explorations and Studies, no. I. New York: American
Gei >gra pin ea l Soc iety, 1926.
Noja Noseda, Sergio, and Francois IXToehe. Sources de in transmission mmmserite du
text Conmuftic. /: Les mam waits de style hiffizi- Vo3, 1, Le manuscript ambe
328(&)d±' ta Btbiiolhique rationale de Frmce? and vol. 2:1, Le manuscript Or 2/65
(f. 1 it 61) de ia British Library. Les.a: Fnnday.ione Ferni Noia Noseda. 1998, 2001.
RE - Paulys Real-Encycloplidie tier classischen Aftertumswlssensehafs. Nene fienr-
beiittng. Stuttgart. 1S93-,
Spnenger, Aloys. Otts l-ebeu itnd die Lehre ties Mohammad (Nath gr&filentheih
uuhemtuen Qtieihn hearbeitefj. 3 vols. 2nd ed. Berlin: Nicolaischc Verlags-
budiliandltmg. IH69.
360 Part [I: New Aspects for ike Emergence and. Characteristic of Islam

_. Die tilte flrngrfiphit! Arnhiwiv; Ah GnmdUige dvr Ktmvii'kdm^s-^rsriddjse

des StiMiihtnus, Bern, 1875. Reprint ediLion, Amsterdam: Meridian, 1966.
v. WjftmannT Hermann. “Madiama end Mod lan a (Madyan, Midian).1T In Faidys
Real-eneycfop&dig der citissischett Altertutnswiss&ischaft, Suppi, fid XII
(1U70). pp. 525-52.
_ 'OphTr und HawTla (Menial und Haul^n)," In Fmdys Reat-eucycbpatHe
der chissischen Alivrittmiwisi'Frisdiaft' SuppL Bd. XIL pp. ^06-80,

POSTS CR1FL

The sporadic mention of persons, peoples, or places is a typical feature of Lhe

Qur anic islyle, ami Thu want for more details is certainly one reason for the
development of the so-called Isralliyyat genre of popular biblical stories in
die early times of Islam, However, lhe imerest in mjlSi details is not restricted
to the Orientalists' questions of provenance* dependency, or influence, but it
has risen also among modern Muslim exegetes, The "father of die literary
exegesis of the Qur'an” is renowned to be the Egyptian Amin al-Khult
(1895-1967). whose ideas have been further developed by Muhammad
Ahmad XhaUil’Allah, Bint u I-Shat1., and today by Nbsr Abu Zaid. in his out¬
line of an exegesis11 of the Quran, d-Khali mentions explicitly the places
and peoples that we have dealt with in this article:

As long as we mention al-Hijr, a] AhqHf, al-Aykah, Midyatf. the homes of

TbamDd mid lhe camps of ’Ad, without knowing about these places more
lhan ihese casual indications we are not entitled to say ihat we have under¬
stood what she Qur'an tells about them or about iheir peoples nor ihat we
have grasped the intention of what lhe Quran Lulls about them. Thus, lhe
lesson of this narrative cannot become manifest, nor can the requested
wisdom and guidance become beneficial and effeeiive. (transl. C. -R. R)

Apart from the religious motive behind al-Kln'dRs curiosity to know more
about the like Quranic details,. Lhcre is no doubt that both the believer and the
unbeliever have, first of all, an interest in finding facts acceptable for all. In
this respect perhaps my article is of help.

- A mi n.U-KI1 tilk : .1hmahij tuj&rf /FY- wft* w't r \vu* 1- infer n-cr-'i-aduk, PAI-lm□ I W»i.
p. 331.—3 owe the ^LLomion to K^rin S peseta, ‘"Finite iR(!mcriamgEi» 7tL nl-flulis FmwnrL' clfim laftir
;idiabi.” in, SLd'nn Wild (Fc^t^ihrij\\ rnwntwr* ofWct$$ and Texts. Inw/vuhwvl Siudifs in Hwwr of
Stefa it li'j/jJ, erf LuE7. ETtlzard anJ Christian S?ysta 0 lilde&hcini I LFJ7) {Arab i msehc Tcxtc mid
Studjcn. RiimMUi. l-iil.— Th-j Ocrmnn traic^!p(i-nn of rhe quotation i* rh-TO on p, 50
 10
SYRIAN AND ARABIAN
CHRISTIANITY AND THE QUR’AN
Karl-Heinz Ohlig

he region of “Syria’1—a cultural term, not a political one—reaches

J- from the Palestinian coast of the Mediterranean in the other side of
the Tigris and from the Persian Gulf to northern Mesopotamia. Historically,
the majority of the population was ethnically Semitic and shaped by the Ara¬
maic language and culture. For one-and-a-half millennia, in the time of the
Babylonians and the Assyrians, Semitic political empires developed. After
this period, eastern Syria stood under Persian, Greek, Parthian, and Sas-
sanian rule, with western Syria under the government of Lhe Romans (and
Byzantines),

THE POLITICAL, CULTURAL, AND RELIGIOUS

REGION OF SYRIA

Political History—A Short Outline

After a short interlude in die late third millennium BCE (the time of the Akka¬
dians). Mesopotamia, which (at the risk of oversimplification) had until that
time been Sumerian, was taken over by the Semitic empires of the Babylo-

361
362 Part II; New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

nianst the Assyrians, and (beginning in the Ink: seventh century bce) again
by die Babylonians. At the same time, small, and still somewhat an to [no us
Semitic states had remained for quilc a long period on the eastern coast of
the Mediterranean. During the sixth century jice at the latest, however, these
states were integrated into the Neo-Babylonian Empire.
Beginning probably around 1000 bce, the Aramaic language slowly
developed, and it later became the lingua franca of this area. In the sixih cen¬
tury it even pushed out the Hebrew language, so that Jesus' mother tongue
was Aramaic, Tins language, first ended “Aramaic" and later "Syriac,” sur¬
vived all the politico-cultural overlapping and the occasional repression in its
region, and, .-ven into the eighth century cn+ when the Arabization of the. area
had already begun, it was the language of the people, their business, their
culture, and the Christian liturgy.
By the eighth century act, the Modes ruled over a huge amount of terri¬
tory north of the Babylonian Empire, from current eastern Turkey to the
region around the Indus River' their kinspeople, the Tndo-Kilfopenn Persians,
then followed them into this area. These latter people, who settled on the
Persian Gulf, were for a tong time vassals of the Median kings, until they
founded their own large empire under Cyrus U (d. 529 bce-), beginning in the
middle of the sixth century. To this empire belonged the previous Median
Empire, the Babylonian Empire, Asia Minor (Lydia), and later also Thrace
and Egypt. A further attempt at conquests in Europe was hindered by the
Scythians and the opposition of the Greeks.
Beginning at that time, the Persian language and culture became and
remained an important factor in the region under consideration here,
although beginning in the middle of the fourth century bce, even government
documents were published in the Aramaic language and script. Also at this
rime, the Zoroastrian religion (Zarathustra, d. ca. 553 BCE?), which had
begun around 600 rcep acquired religious power lhat would last into the
Islamic period, even though it was not spread via missionaries under the Per¬
sian kings, Rather, they preferred to allow the regional religions and priest¬
hoods to remain; Cyrus [[, for example, approved of the Babylonians and
rheir priests as servants of the Babylonian city-god Mardukr and Cyrus was
hailed as a messianic figure in the (Hebrew) Old Testament.
In the fourth century hce= (beginning in 334), (lie powerful Persian Empire
and the Indus River valley were conquered in only a few years by the Mace¬
donian king Alexander (d. 323); by means of This conquest, Hellenistic culture
 Syrian and Arabian Christianity and. the Qur'an 363

and Greet: language and education spread throughout the area. Hellenistic
influence established itself even mure strongly during the subsequent period of
the empires of the Diadochi. The largest of these, the Sctenoid Empire,
included the entire Near Eastern region from (lie west coast of Asia Minot (but
not central Anatolia) to the Gulf of Oman, Armenia foil to the Seleucids under
ArUiochus HI (223-187), only lo be later conquered by die Romans in 192.
Further although Palestine had initially be longed to the Ptolemaic Empire, it
too fell to the Seleuctds under Anflochus 111; however, the Sckucidsp rigid
policies of Hellenization in Israel gave rise to the revolt of the Maccabees.
After die death of Alexander, the Parni nomads (from the steppes near
the Caspian Sea) migrated south and founded the Parthian Empire, which
was he lirsi a vassal slate of the .Seleneids. In 23S bce Arsaces f (ca, 297-211
king of the Pan hi any, declared his people's independence from the
Seleucids. Just fifty years later, the Perth ia ns were able to conquer Persia and
Mesopotamia, an event that brought the SdeueiJ Empire to an end. Begin¬
ning in 66 BCE, the Parthian* stretched their authority toward northern
Mesopotamia; in ihe weatT on ihe Euphrates, their empire bordered on die
sphere of influence of the Roman Empire. In the period following, both the
Parthiiins and the Romans sought lo expand their areas of power: however,
despite occasional military victories and temporary acquisitions of land, for
the most part the- Euphrates remained the border between the two.
From the beginning of their imperial reign, the Parthians preserved the
governmental structures of the Sd cue ids, Greek remained the official lan¬
guage. and consequently Hellenistic traditions remained in force lor a longer
period than the Hellenes themselves. In the first century BCE, though, the
central power of the state weakened, and the Parthian Empire became a
feudal stale with regional principalities. Beginning in this period, Hellenism
was repressed, and Persian influences moved to the foreground.
One of the feudal states, Persia, declared itself independent under Afdashir
I (ruled 220-240 nOT who was the founder of the Sassaninn dynasty; as a result
of this move, Persia was able to support the Parthian dynasty, which bad been
weakened ay a result of its battles with the Roman Empire. From this period
onward, eastern Syria belonged to the Sassanian Empire. The Sassattians pur¬
sued aggressive policies toward their western neighbor; the Roman Empire,
but l he former spheres of influence remained largely unchanged. It was only m
the lime of Khosnm I (531-579), who was temporarily able lo possess Antioch
and who drove the Christians out nf Yemen, and under Khosrau II (591-628),
364 Part II: New Aspects for tke Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

who conquered Palestine and EgypL that die con flic Is with the Byzantine
Empire reached their apex. The Sassanian army was utterly destroyed in 622
by Emperor Hcradsus of Byzantium.
The Sa^saninn Empire was a strongly centralized stale, with a social system
marked by divisions resembling castes. Despite Lhe Hellenistic traditions pre¬
sent in lhe empire, the Persian influences were stronger amt Zoroastrianism was
the state religion. Manichaeism, which had arisen In die third century OR fol¬
lowing die leaching of Marti (d. 274 or 277 ce), Wits repressed us a heresy.
Emperor 1 leraelms, however, structured the Byzantine empire after 622 in
a different way. West Syria arid Pales line no longer belonged to a province of
the empire; rather, they were turned over to Arab princes who were more or
loss confederated and were responsible for die paying of tribute. Only a few
years after its defeat ul the hands of the Byzantines* die Sassanian Empire fell
apart as the result of a civil war Here again, Arab-dominated powers took hold
of the resulting situation, as large empires developed under Arab leadership*
first under die Uinuyyuds and then, after 750, under the Abbasids.
Islamic literature of the ninth century connected the development of
Arabic sheikdoms and empires with the expansion of Islam. However, the
historical sources fro in this period (coins and inscriptions) show lhat Eh use
empires were strongly influenced by Christianity for quite a long time.J An
analysis of Lite Christian Syriac literature of the period also demonstrates
these findings.2

CULTURAL INFLUENCES IN SYRIA AND PERSIA

The name ASyria’T does not refer to a region that was homogenous, either eth¬
nically or culturally.. Above ulL Hellenism left behind deep routs in many
cities in east Syria beginning with lhe conquest of Alexander and lhe period
of the Seleudds, but also in lhe Parthian period, in addition, Persian influ¬
ences strongly affected east Syrian culture. West Syria* on the other hand,
belonged to lhe Roman Empire as early as the pre-Christian period, and it
remained so in the time of Lhe Roman emperors and up io the reign of (the
Byzantine) Emperor He radius.
Despite these lie]tenistic and Persian influences* which were also sup-
porled or pushed through by political means over long stretches of time, lhe
Syro-Aramaic tradition* patterns of thought, and language made their mark on
 SyrUit anil A rati in Clirisriinity and tli-e Quran 365

the foundational dynamics uf I his region. The Syrian language and script
remained alive and active: they were used far centuries after the beginning of
the Common Era by emigre Arabs in the regions they ruled as the language
of culture, business, liturgy,, and literature. Large portions of the population
employed Aramaic as their everyday language. In Nabataea, Palmyra, and
Mesopotamia, different dialects of Syriac ("cast Syriac71) were spoken, while
in the West the dialects that, were spoken <ire called ilwest Syriac/' Syriac was
the language of the Christianity that was establishing itself in cast Syria, ay
well ay of its liturgy and its theological literature. The missionary work of
these Christians reached Mesopotamia through Antioch and Edessa.
“Edessn’s importance for Syrian Christianity ultimately reveals itself in that
the Aramaic dialect of the city, what we cal! "Syriac/ became the authorita¬
tive language uf Scripture and liturgy for this branch of Christianity.”3 This
connectedness of mentality and language even seems to have remained deter¬
minative of east Syrian Christianity in west Syria, for which Greek served as
(he language of church and theology but in which die Aramaic language
remained alive in everyday life. Further, die writings of west Syrian {"Anti¬
ochene") theologians were often read—in Aramaic translation—in east Syria.
From this evidence it is clear that Syrian Christianity was primarily
shaped by the Aramaic language and manner of thinking; however, there
were also other influences, among which Hellenistic theology was primary
but which also included Fe rs ian/dual is L ideas.

CHRISTIANITY IN SYRIA

Christianity made its home in Syria quite early. Many of the writings of (he
New Testament originated in the Hcllenizcd, bilingual west Syrian region; as
was appropriate, given that this region belonged to the Roman Empire, Ihese
texts were written in Greek. In Antioch, a Hellenistic city founded circa 300
bce by Sekticus I that was the later cultural center of west Syria, the fol¬

lowers of Jesus were first called Christians.

Soon, in ihc second century ce, Christianity seetns to have spread further
to the east, namely, through Edessa into Mesopotamia, perhaps even to the
area east of the Tigris.4 Most likely, ihc- people playing a role in the mis¬
sionary work from Palestine into the East included those Palestinian Jewish
Christians called 1 Eh ionites h these individuals were declared heretics in the
366 Part II: Ntw Aspects for the [-mergence and Cliaracfceristic of Islam

West around 15(1 ce because of their Chris to! ogy, namely, that they said
Jesus was “merely human'1 {psilox (tnthmpos). These Jewish Christians
likely had either been driven from the area, emigrated, or moved as part of
their work as merchants. However, the Christian mission oriented toward the
region of Mesopotamia seems to have taken as its point of departure the Ara¬
maic-speaking synagogue communities of the Parthian Empire,5 This cul¬
tural location (in the synagogues.!, as well as the cultural relationship
between the Jewish and Aramaic mentalities and languages, gave rise to the
strong influence by Judaism and the Old Testament on the later east Syrian
Christianity. This influence stood closer to the Palestinian beginnings of
Christianity than Hellenistic Christianity, in which the ideas and thought pat¬
terns ol a completely foreign culture were appropriated and made Chris¬
tianity's own, in this connection, it is also important that quite early (an exact
dale cannot he given at this point in the relevant scholarship) and through a
slow process, a Syriac translation of the Old Testament appeared called the
“Peshitla." The Gospels were read until the fifth century in die Syrian form
of the Diatessaron” a gospel harmony pul together by Tati an in the second
half ot the second century. Also, episcopal structures developed quite early,
in the second half of the third century/’
Christians came into the Parthian Empire, and even more prominently
into the Sassanian Empire which followed, by still another path. The military
conflicts that broke out again and again in this period resulted, after (usually)
short-term land gains by the Persians, in deportations of portions of the pop¬
ulation, including Christians who then established their own congregations
in east Syria. “1 hese deported Christians, insofar as they consisted of Greek"
speaking congregations, do not appear to have been integrated into the local
Christian population until the tilth century, for reports of the time speak of
divided churches and of two hierarchies with Greek and .Syriac/Aramaic as
t h ei r res pec tivc liturgical la rtgu a g cs. ”7
The Syrian Christian mission also reached tri bes of Arabians quite early,
at first in the northern part oj the Arabian peninsula, but above all Arabian
kingdoms and tribes in Palest hie and Mesopotamia, especially in the
Euphrates River valley. Henri Charles conjectures that the fourth century
was the time of the missionary work among these peoples, or if not. then cer¬
tainly the fifth.* Front the characteristics of the Quranic material, however,
earlier periods, namely, the third or fourth century, should be accepted, as I
will shortly demonstrate.9
 Syrian ami Arabian Christianity and- tins Qur'an 367

There will he more to say later concerning the theological influences on

the communities of Syrian Christians. What is important here first is that, for
approximately three hundred years, there existed a Hellenistic Christianity
right alongside Syrian Christianity; indeed. Hellenistic influences arc recog¬
nisable in the area as a whole for an even longer period. These Hellenistic
influences as well as the Persian influences in the area help to explain that,
even early in the Christian period. Gnostic movement were quite at home hi
the region of Syria. For example, Marcionism spread into Syria and
Osrhoene from the end of the second century onward.10 In addition, both the
Odes of Solomon and the gnostic Gospel of Thomas appeared in Syria in the
second century, as well as the “Song of the Pearl'1 in the apocryphal acts of
Thomas and most likely also the Gospel of Philip. Fun her, both Books of
Jeu* in which Seth plays an important role* as well as Sethi an Gnosticism
and the related Barbeln Gnosticism (transmitted in Khc Apocryphon of John)
should be ascribed to this region. This is certainly also true of the Mandaeans
(from month, "gnosis” or "knowledge"), who appeared in southern Iraq and
Iran, and of their literature; these Mandaeans used the name “Nazoreans” as
a marker of self-idcntillcation, and they are called MSabiansTT in the Qur'an.
Manichaeartisin appeared in the third century in Persia and spread eastward
to central Asia and westward as far as northern Africa and Italy.
“Gnosticism” was a phenomenon of syncretistic Hellenism, in which an
"understanding” of the basis of being, an important so!etiological concept for
Hellenists, was bound up with an ethical and cosmogonic dualism more or
less radical, in this case one strongly influenced by Persian traditions.11 The
negative valuation of the material and/or bodily was often (e g., in Mar-
cion ism) connected with a Christo logic a I Dooctism; the divine Logos only
took on the appearance of a body, which he gave up again before the cruci¬
fixion, This dualism reveals strongly anti-Jewish impulses among the Gnostic
movements in east Syria. These impulses derived from the region's wide¬
spread belief in the Old Testament creation story, that is. the story of a good
creator and a good creation, against which Gnosticism had to array itself. This
context may have been influenced by Jewish communities; however, because
the conflicts primarily concerned Christian gnosis* it was most likely Syrian
Christianity* in which the reception of Lhe Old Testament was very developed*
dint called forth ibis polemic on the pan of the Gnostic groups.
Along with Gnostic perspectives (whether bound up therewith or inde¬
pendent therefrom), radical ascetic (and .sometimes anti-Jewish) ideas were
368 Part IE Neiv A spec is for [Tie Emerge ttcc and Ckaracteristic of Islam

widespread. Already in I he second century, there were encratisUe streams of

thought in Ed ossa and the surrounding region. Tali an I lie Syrian was not far
Irom these, as lie advocated a strong demarcation for Christians from the
Greek culture, which he held to be “lascivious.” In addition, Bardaisan
(Bardesanes, cl, 222), who created 150 anti-Marc ion ice songs or psalms,
should be included here, as well as the later congregation of the deacon Audi
{ca. 325 in Edessa) and the Messal unis and sty lites of the fifth century.
I his amazingly colorful landscape of Gnostic and ascetic ideas should
not lead one, though, into thinking dial “more orthodox” forms of Syrian and
Greek Christianity were not able to establish themselves even Further, or that
they were not determinative for the Christianity of the region. Around the
end of ilie second century, groupings of “orthodox” Christians under the
leadership of a certain Palm were known. Further, the Abgar legend of Adda i
(the Dncirina Adtfoi) appeared in the third century, possibly against an early
iorm of Gnosticism in the area. This text claimed i lie apostle Thomas as the
founder of Christianity in Edessa and Syria; in 349 his supposed remains
were brought to Edessa, and in 394 they were formally installed.^ hi ihe
course of the third and fourth centuries, a moderate Christianity came to the
fore, one no longer dual!stic or radically ascetic in nature; this Christianity
then spread further, both into Mesopotamia and into Persia.
At this time there was no official persecution of Christians in the Sas-
sanian Empire; however, limited local conflicts did occur, usually with
Zoruastrian priests. When systematic persecutions of Christians began in the
Roman Empire under Emperor Decius in 250. not a few Christians, primarily
those From west Syria, fled to Persia; by means of this influx, the Greek -
speaking congregations in Persia grew, Ji was only alter the Edict of Milan
in 313, and only lolly alter the elevation of Christianity to the slate religion
in 380-384, that doubts arose in the Sassamnn Empire concerning the loy¬
alty of local Christians, as they could be maintaining relationships with the
Roman Empire. This doubt was strengthened through the expectation oft he
Roman emperor that he had to take care of Christians wherever ihey might
be, even beyond his own borders. As a result, the first national (that is. per¬
mitted by die king) persecutions of Christians took place; these resulted in
martyrdoms. Around the end of the fourth century, ilie situation for Chris¬
tians began again to improve.
C hristi unity was able to further establish itself even in these periods of
persecution. The church in Persia had its own hierarchy: approximately
 Synan and AraInian Christianity and the Qur'an 369

eighty bishoprics were brought together to create ecclesiastical provinces led

by metropolitan bishops A 3 Consequently, the importance of the empire's
capital, the city of Selcucia-Ctesiphon on the Tigris, grew. In a process quite
similar to ihe development of Constantinople into a patriarchate, Sclcucia-
Ctesiphoir s bishop soon held the leadership of the entire church in the Sas-
sanian Empire under the title “CatholicosT
In 410 a synod was called in the capital city by the Sassanian king Yazd-
gii'd I (this was similar to the situation in the West under the Roman
emperors); this synod was intended to reorganize ecclesiastical structures in
the wake of the persecutions. Here it was decided to be rid of the double hier¬
archy of Aramaic- and Greek-speaking congregations; from dial point for¬
ward there was to he only one Syrian-Christian hierarchy. The decisions of
Nicaca were discussed and accepted; this was likely a requirement for the
integration of die “Greeks.”To the bishop ot'ihe capita] city was ascribed the
highest office in die consecration of bishops, whereby he (with the agree¬
ment of s he king) became the “Head of the East Syrian Church,”34 Before she
end of the- fifth century, lie received the title of “Cathol icosf1 and the Syrian
church became autocephalous, merely the institutional formalization of a
state of affairs already in force,
The reception of the Council of Nicaca proceeded slowly and whh some
difficulty; litis council was followed by other “Greek” synods, which
remained without theological import whalsoevet in East Syria, Around 400
the Syrian liturgy spread out from Nisibis into the entire region of East Syria;
further, the. nascent architecture of churches and Indy places was indepen¬
dent of the West.15 Concerning the Christianization of Arabic tribes, “the
state of the sources docs not allow delmile conclusions to he made, mainly
because the Arabic and Turkish tribes were nomadic or tit least sc mi-
nomadic T However, the presence of an Arabian hi shop in Hira is docu¬
mented beginning in 41Q4G fn die fifth century, Christianity was able so
make inroads into the upper, Zoroaslriau levels of society, a development
that occasionally led to difficulties. By the cek! of this century, perhaps due
to she influence of the Zoroasiriun obligati™ to marry, the influence of
monastic!sm was reduced and celibacy was abolished; oven some lenders ol
she east Syrian Church, including the Cal hoi ions Bahai and his successor
Silas (early sixth century)* were married,17 At the sueme time, authority struc¬
tures were taken over from die model of the Byzantine Church, and their
apostolidty was claimed; this move indicated a deepening of the east Syrian
370 Part II; New Aspects for Ike Emergence and CkaracierisHc of Islam

Church’s autocephaly, not a division from the Greek church. Beginning

around 600, monastic^ m was able once more to gain a foothold in the East,
and in the following century it was fully reintegrated into the church.
The cast Syrian Church had not supported the condemnation of Ncsiu-
rius at the Council of Ephesus (431).1* Following the later testimony of
Cathulicos Timothy J (780-823), this meant that “in the Hast the faith
remained as it hud been.”19 The forced emigration of Neslorian theologians
and Christians from the West further strengthened Nestorian influences in
the east Syrian ambit.20
The period following Ephesus also witnessed a spread of Monophyshe
theology in cast Syria. For example, R.iblnila, I lie bishop of Hdessa From 412
lo 435, who had taken part m 431 in Hphesus in the (“Nestorian ") synod led
by John of Antioch, later turned to the Cyril line Early and fought against
Nestorianism. With this step, though, he came into opposition with the the¬
ological school of Hdessa, whose leader [has deposed him as bishop in 435.
Ibas, however, translated works of Diodore of Tarsus, Theodore of Mop-
suestia, and Nestorius into Syriac, in 486 a synod in Seleucia-Ctesiphon
adopted a Dyophysile creed based on the teaching of Theodore.21 In addi¬
tion. all further Syrian synods in the sixrh century saw themselves in relation
to‘ITicodore’s theology, while Nestcrius did not play such a role.22
The school of Hdessa, which was ar this time the single center of educa¬
tion for the Persian clergy, was dosed in 489 by the (Monophyshe) emperor
ol ihe east Roman Empire. Teachers and students migrated to Persia, where
they strengthened their “Nestorian” character. Later, the Council of Chnl-
cedoj) was accepted in this region (aside from its condemnation of Ncsto-
rius). although it was received only superficially; the Syrians were not able
to do much with the council’s technical definitions. Still another synod in
605 under the Catholicos Mar Gregorius strengthened ihe “Nestorian" char¬
acter of the cliinch in the Sassanian Empire.23
After the closing of the school of Hdessa, many teachers ami students
settled in Nisi bis, so I hat this city took over a leading role in theological edu¬
cation from that time into (he seventh century. Here, as in Edessa. the writ¬
ings of Diodore of Tarsus, Theodore til' MOpsiieslia, and (less often) Nesto¬
ri us played a central role.
In the meantime, Monophysilism had been able to spread even further,
primarily in west Syria, The Monophysite Sever us succeeded in becoming
(he patriarch of Antioch in 512. tissisled in large measure by Byzantine pol-
 Syrian arid Arabian Christians ty and. Erlie Quran 371

ides helpful lo his cause. However, in 51 9. under (he rule of Emperor Justin
I, he had to retire into Egypt, where he diet] tn 533.
With the support of Empress Theodora* who herself was inclined toward
Monophysillsm, Theodore "'of Arabia" was consecrated as bishop in 542 by
the exiled patriarch of Alexandria Theodosius (d. 566): Bosra was entrusted
to Theodore as his metropolitan see. Jacob Baradaeus £d. 578) was conse¬
crated in 544 as "Bishop of the Arabs/" and he established Monophysitism
in cast Syria through visitation trips. Later Monophysites would call them¬
selves "Jacobites” after this Jacob.
Thus developed Monophy site Christianity— -primarily, but not only, in
west Syria. In east Syria there were countless conflicts between the Jacobites
and the Syrian Church under its Catholicos, who represented "the majority
of Christians in the SassaniJe Empire/'24 For example, Bahai the Great (d.
after 628)* who held together the church in the Sassanian Empire during a
vacancy in Lhe Catholic ate between 60S-609 and 628, was a strict
Uyophyshe and oriented his thinking to that of Theodore of Mopsuestia, In
addition, the school of Scleucia-Ctesiphou, about which little is known, was
shaped by “Nesiorian” theology.
Because of the Syrian mentality's relationship to Jewish ways of
dunking, and also because of the use of the same language, namely, Aramaic,
there was a growing convergence between Jews and Christians around the
year 700. At that lime synods forbade Christians from taking part in Jewish
festivals, "Such constantly repeated laws indicate that they were not being
followed/'25 On the other side, many Jews at this Lime converted to (Syrian)
Christianity.26 However, the official Syrian Church and its liturgy (even until
today) expressed a sharp anti-Judaism.
After the victory of Emperor Hcruel ins over the Sudani an Empire in the
year 622— that is. in she last phase of the Sassanian rule* as well as under the
government of Arabic leaders—the Syrian Church was able to develop fur¬
ther, to send missionaries as far as China, and also in found many new clois¬
ters: “Numerous new monasteries were founded, and many writings and
anthologies... were produced/"27
During the late seventh century, and into the eighth, east Syrian acad¬
emic life blossomed. Theological works and commentaries on Aristotle were
produced (e.g,,. by Catholicos HenanistuT 1 [d, 7001). and Greek writings
were translated into Syriac and Arabic. Above all. scholarly and literary
activity in diverse cultural centers of east Syria was important from the
372 PetrL IL New Aspects for the Emergence and. CliarictcrUtie of Islam

middle of the eighth century onward. As Baum has said, "The secular scien¬
tific and literary work of ihc ‘Nestorirms* flourished during the first phase np
the Abbas id period,1' and even medical ami philosophical works from ancient
Greek literature were translated into Syriac and Arabic,28

STRUCTURES AND MODELS OF SYRIAN THEOLOGY

AND ITS MENTALITY^

Prc-Nicene Theology

Not counting Gnostic fragments, only a few prc-Nicene literary witnesses sur¬
vive from which one may discern Ehe contours of a specifically Syrian the¬
ology. The most likely reason for this slate of affairs was the deep cultural inter¬
mixing between “Greeks," Jews, arid Orientals. Indeed* it must have taken
some time before Hie various spec ilie Christian communities wild theologies
distinguishable from one another would have developed; one may say I he same
for the process by which individuals would have arisen from these groups to
put these theologies into written forms. Consequently* Syrian theology in the
pre-Nicene period did not enjoy a I rad it ion unbroken in terms of literary wit¬
nesses;however* there ;irc enough texts—even If they arc transmitted only in
fragmentary form—that the most important structures are already recogniz¬
able. Fundamental to the Syrian world (and comparable to Jewish understand¬
ings} is a thought-world oriented above all to history and not, as in the Hel¬
lenistic tnuhiion, to "being1" or -'essence" as such, that is, to the nature of God,
humanity, and die cosmos. God acted in history—through the prophets and
through Jesus. Humans can lind salvation, through following Jesus, through
proving themselves worthy (Bewahrung), and not, as in Greek Christianity,
through the “divinSzEition"1 brought about by the God-man Jesus C brisk
T1ie oldest literary witness to Syrian theology is Ignatius of Antioch fd.
between 109 and I 17); afterward, from the second century onward, there are
extant traces from some of the so-culled Apostolic Fathers, along with Tabari
the Syrian and Theophilus of Antioch ( boils of [lie second half of the second
century), Paul of Samosata (second half of the third century), Anns (d. ca, 336)*
and Eustathius of Antioch (d_ between 337 and 370), who began his theological
efforts before Nicaea but only later put them in a finished literary form.
The earliest representative is Ignatius of Antioch, who was (also?)
 Syrian iind Arabian Cliristianity and Lke Qur'an 373

Greek-speaking and In whose writings one can detect the beginnings of de¬
ment?: of laser Hellenistic (“Alexandrian”) Christology. Jf ins letters arc
authentic, lie emphasizes in his antitheses a second “divine” mode of being
(Semweise) for Jesus. Nonetheless, one can also see ideas found in Syrian
thought. His own sotsriological goal h a thoroughgoing “hum an-ness A30
which is achieved in a concrete human life: “The faithful must follow the
way of their Lord, that is, an earthly path in a human life, if they are to come
to unity with the Lord and with GocL11^ In this, the Christian can either fail
or prove his worthiness. Despite Ignatius’s {or his later editors’) appropria¬
tion of Hellenistic Christologtcnl vocabulary, Jesus was for him above all die
“new man” who “obeyed [GodJ all the way to death/1-32
The Dldache* which most likely arose in Syria, identified Jesus its the “ser¬
vant of GodT-5-' The Martyrdom of Polycarp , the origin of which is unclear,
named God “the father of this beloved and adored servant, Jesus,Christ."3-1
Both texts see God in monarchical ways and Jesus as the servant of God; these
common features argue for a Syrian origin of thc Martyrdom of Polycarp,
Tati an the Syrian was born in the northern Mesopotamian area of the
Syrian world; in Koine he became \x Christian and a student oi Justin. After
Justin's death Tatian left the community in Rome and went 10 work in his
home region. There, after having made strong criticisms of Hellenism in his
Oration to the Hellenes' (cil 165). he supported encratilic ideas as far as
demanding that the wine used in the celebration of the Eucharist be replaced
with water (thus the name “Aquarians”). Only the Oration to the Hellenes
and some fragments of his gospel harmony, the “Diatessaron" [hin did
ic.wtlron), arc extant.^ The latter, originally written in Syriac, was used for
a tong time in the Syrian Church and was often set alongside other scriptural
writings as canonical: it was not forbidden as heretical until the time of die
leadership of Rabbuta ofEdcssa (d. 435). However, it was still used into the
sixth century before being completely replaced by the Peshilta.
As a student of Justin's, Tinian spoke of the ''divine Logos," who was at
the same time the hypostasis (original foundation) of every thing He came
forth, however, “in the beginning” (Gen. hi) from God through an act of
God's will and was God's *sfirst-bom work,/1'*7 In Jesus “God has appeared
in human form”-^ (NB: there is here no accompanying conception of an
'incarnation'* of the Hellenistic order), and humans are born in imitation of
the Logos A- In addition to these borrowings from Hellenistic thought, how¬
ever. Tad an also supported Syrian ideas: above all, freedom, (he importance
374 Part t [- New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

for salvation of temporal actions (the human soul is not “naturally”

immoral, but only as a re&uli of a correctly-practiced recognition of God)54CF
and a definite monotheism. In Tat? art's thought, though, many things remain
either unclear or simply unimportant; this modern impression may be the
result of the paucity of extant source materials.
There is only one writing extant from Theophilus, who became the
bishop of Antioch in 169, namely, Ad Aatolycum. written after 180 and
according to which Theophilus came from Mesopotamia. Like his contem¬
porary Tatian, he set him self against Greek culture and philosophy. His book
is often truly ^disorganized/*11 HeT like Tatum, appropriated the Logos
teaching of Justin: [he Logos came forth from God in the beginning and,
under the name of ‘'Spirit/’ "Wisdom/* “Power,” and “Son of God/' formed
the inner constitution ot Lho cosmos. Nonetheless, he is still Lhc firstborn Lot:
all creation1"4- and therefore is a creature.
Nevertheless, Theophilus was the firsi to use the word 'Triad’1 for God.4:3
His fundamental monarch! an ism, (hough, did not dissolve through this
usage. For the 'Triad” is to be understood in ten ns of salvation history and in
n dynamic fashion. Peculiarly, Jesus does not appear in Iris iext; raiher, he is
hidden away as the one who is quoted, the one who leads us through his
gospel to correct life and to salvation 44 "Scripture" is only that which is later
called the “Old Testament/1
It is clear, however, that Theophilus was advocating a starkly "historical”
mode of thought. Only through correct action, “through the observing of Lite
divine commandment/" cun we determine whether our souls arc mortal or
immortal45 Further, lie explains that the men of God became "like vessels of
the Holy .Spirit and like prophets inspired and taught'1 by God, so that they
became "tools of God/+44 He says nothing about Jesus Christ, but one can sur¬
mise that he considers him to be—surpassingly?—among this group.
The contours of a Syrian theology cannot be discerned with much
clarity, even into the third century. The influences on the theological vocab¬
ulary were too strong: these came from Greek-Christian directions, above all
from Justin, and possibly also through the teaching on die Logos of Philo of
Alexandria, the Jewish theologian and contemporary of Jesus. Too strong
also was the coexistence of Syrian and Greek communities of Christ hi ns in
the Syrian region. Nonetheless, the most important ideas of later Syrian the¬
ology were apparent; a defense of monarchism ism (despite varying teachings
on the Logos), and a strong emphasis on the will of God, on the soteriolog-
 Syrian and. Arabian Christ Sanity ami the Quran 375

Seal importance of history, Lind on temporal action^ so that even essentials of

Hellenistic philosophy like die natural immortality of the soul arc subordi¬
nated to decisions made in Lime. Time was required before Syrian I hough I
was able to achieve clear contours; this achievement seems to have occurred
in die second half of the third century.
Hie most important representative of Syrian theology before Nicaea was
Paul of Sarciosata on the Euphrates, who became bishop of Antioch in 258
and died in 272, He was condemned at two synods in Antioch (264 and 268)
on account of his Christology, which is, consequently, only accessible in
quotations by his opponents. This condemnation, which took place on west
Syrian soil, shows that the in Due nee of Greek Christianity was quite strong
in that area.
Paul worked against a physical interpretation of the New Testament pred¬
icate “Sun of God” as referring to Jesus, as this description would conse¬
quently teach a +cbi-theism/t a teaching excluded for Paul by his emphasis on
die uniqueness of God,47 He considered the Logos (or "Wisdom") to be an
Instrument (organon) of the one, unique God. In Paul's writings we see clearly
the so-called (Syrian) dynamic monarch] an is in, in which Cud works out¬
wardly through his dynameis (“powers”), the Logos, and possibly also the
Spirit or other potencies,41* The Logos lived in Jesus as in a temple; his con¬
nection with lesus was similar to Lhat involving the prophetsp but deeper and
more radical. Consequently, Paul rejected a “preexistence” Christology and the
descent of the Son of God from heaven;45 further, he emphasized (fiat Mary
did no: give birth to die Logos. "On die contrary, she gave hirth to a human
being, one who was like usT^'llie Logos, however, is “greater than Christ.151
How, then, is Jesus the Christ? The structures of the Antiochene lChris-
tology of worthiness”52 are already apparent; "Christ has become great
(only) through Wisdom/*53 Or, lie is like usT “hut belter in every way,”
because of the "grace, which (rested) upon him/*54 Wisdom nested upon him
like a prophet “even more than Moses,” and “in many hearts/1 'Lbut more in
Christ as in a temple/’55 Consequently, there was a close connection
{synapheia) between the Logos, or Wisdom, and Jesus. This connect ton
occurred “in accordance with obedience (learning) and partaking, not
according to essence/'56
The foundations of Syrian theology are recognizable in Paul ol
Samosata’s writings. He taught “that The Son" only refers to the human
being Jesus, in whom die Wisdom of God took up residence; further, that
37G Part 11; Ne^v Aspects for the Emergence ?md Characteristic op Islam

Jthe Spirit1 is nothing other than [lit? grace which God . . . granted/’57 God is
an undifferentiated, unique being who reveals himself outwardly through bis
power, his organon, the Logos. Jesus is (only) a human being-, although
better than all oilier human beings, oven than [he prophets and Moses, and
lie is on account of this closely bound up with the Logos, a “power'* of God,
His "Christ-ness" rests in his “worthiness/"
This also includes die idea that worthiness is the solcrio Logical goal of all
humans, and specifically of Christians* this worthiness is to he made manifest
in following alter Jesus. Two other prominent views of salvation at the time
are not in view here: Paul advocates neither a Hellenislic-Christian diviniza-
tion through rhe mediation of the God-man Jesus Christ nor Lhe view of Latin
theology of salvation through She sacrifice of Jesus Christ on the cross,
Anus is the next theologian in whose works one can see directions in
Syrian theology. He was born around 256 or 260 in a location that remains
unclear, although presumably somewhere in the larger region of Syria rather
than in Lybia, as is commonly supposed. Whether he wax a student in
Antioch of She priest Lucian must re mam an open question: additionally,,
little is known with certainty of his life and thought. Later, however, we
know that he was active in the region of Alexandria as a presbyter, and that
he stood in opposition to Alexander and Athanasius of Alexandria,
Because he was condemned at Wicaen. his writings are only accessible
in fragments and often in the quotations of his opponent Athanasius. T,
Rohm has judged only three documents to be historically authenticated (a
creed, a letter to Eusebius of NicomediaB and a letter to Constantine). Con¬
cerning the Thalia, partially transmitted by Athanasius in his Orations
against the Arlans*® he suggests that there were later emendations;^ Nev¬
ertheless, one can safely accept that Athanasius reproduces Anus’s thought
correctly, as follows: because lhe Logos came into being before the Aeons,
but still LShi the beginning/1 he is a creature the most beautiful of all cre¬
ation and the Demiurge, He can be called ; "divine,” for lack of a better term,
but he is not God. God proper Is conceived of ns monarchical, following
Syrian theological norms; Arms does not advocate any sort of "intra-God''
subordinationism.m How, though, could the creature •-Logos/1 who later
became incarnate in Jesus (with lids doctrine Arius remains true to his
Alexandrian surroundings) have been ere a ted to he so beautiful “in ihe
beginning”? Here he offers a rare construction: because God in his fore¬
knowledge saw that the Logos would later prove himself worthy in Jesus, he
 Syrian aiul Arabian Chris riaixity and the Quran 377

gave him this beauty ahead of time, In this way Anus grounds the Hellenistic
Logos-teaching in the Syrian “Chris to logy of worthiness.”^

WEST SYRIAN THEOLOGY AFTER NICAEA*2

The Council of NIcaea condemned the Arian theses concerning The temporal
beginning and the “creEiiu redness" of the Son of God. The council taught,
first using biblical expressions, his Full divinity (if still originating from the
Father)—“God from God, Light from Light,,.”—adding thereunto the
expression homoousios^ meaning “of tike natureT
From that point on, lifts became more difficult for west Syrian theolo¬
gians, because in The church of the emperor, one couid no longer say (hat
Jesus was the Son of God on account of his worthiness. He was f*o always,
by nature, before all time (notice also: no longer from the “beginning").
Nonetheless, west Syrian theologians were not ready to simply give up
their type of Christianity; Their challenge was to find ways to formulate ibis
Christianity acceptably under the Nieene definitions. As a result of these
mental exertions, a .specifically west Syrian theology arose at this lime, a the¬
ology also called “Antiochene" after the cultural center of the area.
It became important Lor questions about God and for Syrian Christo!ogy
to identify the Son of God, or Logos, with God himself as much as possible.
In this way, on the one hand, west Syrian (heologians could continue to think
of God in partially monarchian terms, and on the other hand, the God-Logos
(not ihe Logos alone) and the human Jesus could he thought of separately.
They defended a strict Dyophysite conception of Jesus Christ; one naturally
had to make distinctions between the God-Logos and the human Jems. God
remained God. and human remained human; there was no intermixing.
They preserved (heir Christology of worthiness: however, this teaching
could no longer affect the Lille “Son of Godt" as before Nieaea, when one
could say that Jesus was “Son" because of his worthiness, that is, that he was
adopted by Gcsd (“Adoptionism" ). The Logos had always existed, even
before Jesus had proved himself worthy. The only thing left to consider was
that [lie (election and) worthiness of Jesus had the result that he was bound
up closely with the God-Log os. Jesus' worthiness no longer affected the
Christo! ogk a! predicate "Son of God/7 Inst rather worked now on the copula
"is” in the Chrianalogical confession “Jesus is die Son of God,”
378 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

The unity of the God-Logos and the human Jesus filial is, that die one
can be predicated of the other) was seen, therefore, as an existential (so to
speak) unity; perhaps a better way to describe il would be as the "'together¬
ness*' of two subjects. This unity consisted oil God's side of the election of
Jesus and of grace-, on Jesus' side of his obedience- utitf* death {not through
his death); that is, in ethical proof of worthiness.
It quickly became difficult to develop a new way of speaking on this
topic. Diodorc of Tarsus (d. before 3L)4)h originally from Antioch, and
Eustathius of Antioch f d. before 337 [or possibly 36071) both emphasized the
full and unsullied humanity of Jesus and rejected any talk of “mixture.
Diodors held fast to the Syrian expression "Son by grace" and added to it the
Nicene phrase “Son by nature."64 He said that ' the Logos is called 'human'
because he dwelled in die Son of Man,
This manner of speaking about a two-fold “Son-ness” was, however,
both complicated and unbiblicai. In the years that followed, this language
was left aside, although it was occasionally taken up in a hidden form in die
tide "Christ": Jesus became, the Christ by proving himself worthy and is con¬
sequently closely bound up with the God-Logos. For the most part, though,
this language of “doubles" was avoided, and the Syrian “theology of wor¬
thiness" was formulated in another way.
'Hie most important west Syrian theologian. Theodore of Mopsuesba
(ca. 350-428), presented the Syrian theology of worthiness in a detailed
manner. Unfortunately, Theodore's wri lings are only extant in fragments
(some of which are i n Syriac) as a result of his posthumous condemnation as
a heretic in the controversy over the "Three Chapters" at the Fifth Ecu¬
menical Council of 553 in Constantinople. As Theodore said: “And he (the
human Jesus) exerted himself toward a greater possibility of the most perfect
virtue . . . Lhis lie showed us in an exemplary way, giving us a path which is,
therefore, a duty for us." Jesus grew "in grace .... exerting himself toward
virtue by following his reason and understanding. , , . And he (the Logos)
pushed him toward the highest possible perfection and effected in him an
overflow of cffnrl, hoih in (he soul and in the body; in this way he prepared
for him a unbelievably large and yet effortless perfection of virtue.”66
Because of his worthiness and the good favor of God which he enjoyed, the
God-Logos dwelled in him,67
Consequently, l or Theodore, Jesus is (only) a human, "Jesus is a human.
.. .The human Jesus is like all humans, distinguishing himself from other
 Syrian anrl Arabian Christianity and the Quran 379

humane whose nature is like his, only in grace.1' Or: "The human (Jesus) is
[ike humans in nature. buL God is like God in nature/' And: T , the Son of
Mary should not be held to be God. the Word,”68
"S he unity between die two natures—for these he uses the Greek expres¬
sion prosoparu meaning “face1' or “outer expression"—Theodore imagines
to he analogical to the unity of husband and wife in one flesh* (Matt, 19:6),
“As in the first ease (of the unity of husband and wife), die ability to speak
of “one lie sir did not damage the number “two,” «, + so also heats (in the
unity of the divine and human natures) the unity in pmti&pttn does not
damage die distinction of natures/*69
Syrian Christology could not be expressed more clearly. From this per¬
spective one can understand how Theodore's (likely) student iNcstorius (b.
after 381; d. 451) found himself in the middle of conflicts when he became
patriarch of Constantinople in 428 and was then confronted with a latent
Monophysite piety and ihe veneration of Mary as theotoko.s ( the "Mother of
God"). Me fought against the understanding of Mary as fheotokos; in his
opinion she only bore the human Jesus (she is dius anlhropotokos\ or at the
most the (later) Christ (thus chrisTotokos). He sharply distinguished between
the human Jesus and the God-Logos, and he saw the unity of the two
expressed in a relationship of the God-Logos with Ihe human Jesus.70
With the condemnation of Nestorius, and the penetration of Mono-
physltism that followed, the expression of Antiochene theology was
repressed in die realm of the emperor. That said, however, in the Chal-
ccdonian Creed of451, at least the (Antiochene) Dyophyshe expression was
preserved. The Antiochene model of a unity based on worthiness, however,
was. not appropriated (except in the expression "of oneprmop^n'X and the
(Alexandrian) image of unity of essence was also rejected.71
It was quite a long time before C ha Ice don was accepted in die Byzantine
church: the decisive factor was most often a "Cyril3Ian" interpretation of the
creed, one in which, following the theology of Cyril of Alexandria, the unity
of the God-man was expressed strongly and yet latently in terms of essence.
38D P»rt II: New Aspects for fhe Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

EAST SYRIAN THEOLOGY72

Witnesses up to the Beginning of the Fifth Century

In l lie in id si of the east Syrian church, there were indeed smaller Greek-
speaking congregations, and some of their more well-informed theologians
may have known something of the discussions proceeding in the West, How¬
ever, rhesc theologians did not stand in direct confrontation with a Hel¬
lenistic theology in the majority, as was the case in west Syria. They did not
have to defend their own theology or engage themselves with the theological
expressions of the oilier side.
Consequently, one may assume thaL before Nicaen (and in general in east
Syria before the synod of 410} there, was no necessity for theologians to con¬
cern themselves with a hinharian or Trinitarian conception of God, with a
two-nature Chris to] ogy, or with an incarnation^] selenology based on such a
Cliristology (i.e„ that humans arc saved because of the incarnation of the
Logos). Throughout I his period, people were able simply to be Christians in
the east Syrian way. Those ideas recognizable in Paul of Samosata—besides,
that is, their forcedly antithetical components- likely became decisive for
many Syrian congregations: a clear monarch ianism; a theology of worthi¬
ness; and a Christology of worthiness based thereupon, whereby Jesus'
worth and importance for salvation rested in his obedience, and that he is
consequently ("by adoption”) the Son. This theology was often formulated
by looking back to the Old Testament in a way that was poetic and full of
images, 'I his method avoided "terminological fixation and definition,”73 for
systematic reflection was no! typical of the Syrian mode of thinking.
One Syrian theologian, Aphrahat (d. after 345}, of whose life liille is
known, apparently knew nothing of Nicaea and used Old Testament motifs
as his primary subject matter. The Spirit of God rested on the prophets and
on Jesus Christ: Christians also receive iliis Spirit at baptism and ought to
live according to it.74
In a foundational study, Peter Bmns engaged the theology of Aphrahat.7 5
He pointed to the imagistic richness of the Syrian language, which sought to
express "the form of Christ intuitively” by means uf its "rich inheritance of
Oriental lyric poetry.”76 In his seventeenth Demonstration,77 Aphrahat
argues the thesis that rhe Messiah is the Son of God and rejects the Jewish
criticism concerning his status as ihc Son of God. He brings forth a plethora
 Syrian rind. Arabian Christianity arid, the Quran 381

of names lor lhe Christ-—indeed, the sheer number of terms forces the indi¬
vidual expressions in their exact meanings to fade a bit into the back¬
ground—and clarifies the aforementioned naming of the Messiah ns the Son
of God: "For the venerable name of divinity was also granted to righteous
people and to those who were worthy of that divinity. The people on whom
God had good favor he called 'my children’ and my friends.”1 He mentions
Moses, who was to he Lhss God” for Pharaoh (Exod. 7:1-2) and for Aaron
(Ex oil 4:16), as well as Israel, which is a “son" (Exod_ 4:22-23; Hos.
l!:l-2; Isa. 1:2; Deut 14:3). He continues: "He said of Solomon, lHe will
he for me a son, and 1 will be for him a father' (2 Sam. 7:14; I Chmn, 22:30).
We also call the Christ the Son of God, through whom we have come to rec¬
ognize God, as also he l God | named Israel *my first-born son..' and as he said
of Solomon, "He will be for me a son/ We have named him | Jesus | God, as
he also identified Moses with his own name/*78
Here, Syrian thought has been formulated with great clarity: the tide
“Son of God” is a idle of honor—one of many—and no "essential” name as
at Nicaea; rather, it is to be understood in terms of salvation history. God
granted Jesus this name as a result of his own favor; "Par the name of
divinity is given for greater honor in die world, and God has given it to that
one on whom he has had favor.1*79 D. W, Winkler agrees with Bruns*0 here
and summarizes thus: "The name 'Word of God" is meant to express that side
of God which is turned toward the world, as Goil's speech of revelation,
embodied through Christ. The ‘Son of Godp is that one through whom God
becomes recognizable.”®* The incarnation is thought of in terms of
"enrobing" or “enclothing/'*2 an idea that was apparently valid not only for
Jesus but also for other great players in die drama of salvation history®3
The special meaning of Jesus in his role as Logos and/or "Son of God’*
found its basis for Aphrahnt in Jesus' own spec hit condescension and humility:
"Although he [Jesus] was rich, he made I m use If poor. Although he was exalted,
he degraded his own magnitude.. +. Although lie was lho one who could bring
all the dead to life, he gave himself over to death on the cross. The one who
makes us alive has displayed for us all this humility in himself.”84
Aphrahnt’s writings reveal the Syrian "dynamic monai'chtanismJJ and its
accompanying ChrLstology of worthiness. Because of this Chris tology, then,
we also hnd our salvation through proving ourselves worthy: ‘Therefore, we
also humble ourselves, my beloved. , . . Nothing else will be demanded of
us. than that we make our temples beautiful. As soon as (he lime is fid filled
382 Part [I: New Aspects per the Emergence And Characteristic of Islam

and he [that is, the Spirit of Christ] returns to his father, he will praise us,
because we have given him honor.”85
Alongside Aphrahat one Hnds rphrern the Syrian (ea. 306-373) among
east Syrian theologians of great import, in that ho anticipated future devel¬
op men is hy taking up expressions from Hellenist!c-Christian teaching into
his own Syrian Christianity. This teacher and author, highly honored in the
Syrian Church, Jell behind an important body of work written in Syriac-
exogclical, dogmatic, and poetic texts. Ephrein's works, and above all his
songs, had an important role in the later .Syrian Church.
“lie is the most elegant and greatest of all Syrian authors; he understood
how to express his theological insights in poetic language/’86 Ephrem was
bom and grew up in Nisibi.s but later moved to Edessa, which belonged at Lhut
time to 1 he Roman Empire. There his thought-contexts included Nicaea, a him
liiiian-Trinitarian terminology, and the conflicts with A ri an ism. Consequently,
his writings and hymns contain indirect references to the incarnation, the
divine Logos, and a binitarian theology, although these ideas are not expressly
reflected. As a result, one must count him—term inn logically, at least—as pan
of post-Nicene “orthodox” Christianity (in the Greek conception). However,
his “Trinitarian and Christological expressions” remain “unclear and opaque,”
and his teaching on the Trinity balances precariously between “Sabellian
modal ism and subordination ist tri-theism,” with the result lhai he was “taken
up in later periods by Monophysites and Nestorians equally.”37
As a result of Ephrem’s multiple “orthodoxies,” it must be considered
that a reconciliation of terminology between Syrian and Nicene teachings on
God and Christ is impossible on systematic grounds—or that it would lead
lo conceptions like those of Arius. At a later time, the Hellenistic conceplion
overtook the Syrian, or at least tin an "Antiochene” form) repressed it.
Ephrem was able, therefore, if he had warned to be seen as correct in the eyes
of both sides, to remain "‘unclear” in his language, Hu achieved this by
means ot a lack ol terminological definition and by his poetic ways of
expression. This systematic problem, however, was not the only factor in
play, tor the uniqueness of the image-rich Syrian mode of thinking was also
involved. For example, Ephrem used a number of lilies and images for Jesus;
for him. though, the goal was not clarity of definition, but rather a glorifica¬
tion ot God by means of images. “In Aphrahat and Ephrem. the two early
Syrian classical writers, „,. this image-theology comes lo full development.
It shows tis what a Semitic Christianity might have looked tike, had the cir¬
cumstances of history and theology not pushed it aside."88
 Syrian Liucl Arabian, CKristmuity and the Qur'an 333

The Reception of Antiochene Theology

Beginning in The Fifth Century

Thanks to the reception of Nieaea at the synod of 410, Lhe tendency grow
stronger in the Syrian world to speak of a Logos who is God and of the incar¬
nation, Co Eloquently* beginning in the fifth century* one finds in this Syrian
region a lew churches consecrated to the 1 Triad." It remains unclear whether
the expression "Triad11 was understood with monarchism overtones* as one
finds, for example, in Theophilus of Antioch. Similarly, one can read an
inscription in a church in Dar Kita from the year 41S. that speaks of liOne
God, his ChrisL and Ehe Holy Spirit."** There are also extant citations of the
Matthean Great Commission clearly understood in terms of a dynamic
monarehianism.
It has become customary to describe the church lei the Sassunian Empire
after the Council of Ephesus as ibNcstorian/^u It must certainly have
wounded this church greatly to accept the condemnation of Nestorius. This
condemnation was acknowledged* but only later, after die slow acceptance
of Chalcedon, Nonetheless* it is dear that his ideas were held lo be entirely
correct, and his writings were certainly read.
When one looks more closely at the situation, however, tme realizes that
the works of Diodore of Tarsus and, above all, Theodore of Mopsuestia were
far more important It would be better, it seems, toeull this nascent theology
in Syria “Antiochene "9I Even after the Council of Nicaea, the important
ideas for I he sc theologians and in this area were a n ion a re hi an doctrine of
God and a Dyophysite Christology, in which Jems' worthiness played a large
role. While the Logos was called—by necessity after Nicaea—1“God by
nature,"*2 the associations raised by this statement remained unclear This
disinters si m speculative reflection on the part of Syrian theologians, as well
as their lack of a sharp controversy with argumentative opponents (Alexan¬
drian theology), left the specific expressions in question unfocused.
What remained, however* was a continually strong use of the Old Testa¬
ment and its lopoi, as well as an inclusion of Jesus in the historic line of the
prophets, whose spiritual gifting he even surpassed because of his worthiness.
In addition* the massive work of translating ancient Greek philosophical and
medical texts seems not to have affected the foundations of Syrian theology.
334 Part II: Hew Aspects for tke Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

Later Developments; An Overview

The foundational .structures of the doctrine of God in play up to this point,

as well as the attendant historical understanding of soterioiogy and Chris-
tology, remained definitive in the period that followed. However, the
straightforwardness of this concept soon—already in Ephrem, for
example—became less clear through the reception of Nicaca and its accom¬
panying binitaiian (and later Trinitarian) topoi and a Christo-logy which was
formulated using terminology of "■essence.’1
This reception took place immediately, as with Ephrem, by means of the
Syrian poelie tradition and imagistic language. Through these the sharp con¬
tours of its contradictions were lost, and the theology was rendered conse¬
quently less clear.
The Syrian acceptance of she Nicene creed at the synod of 410 represented
an early instance of inculuj ration, by which Hellenistic rubrics (homoonsios,
+lincamationr>) were taken up into the quite different, metaphor-rich under¬
standing of the Syrians. The condemnation of Nostorius in Ephesus led Lu Ehc
result that Antiochene theology spread also into the East, where Theodore of
Mopsuestia became the most important point of reference.
Nonetheless, the Syrians do not seem to have immediately been drawn
into the characteristic argumentative style or these Antiochene^; rather, like
Narsui Lhe poet (d. cn. 502), for example, whu founded and led the school of
Nisibis, ihcy remained in the tradition of Ephrem while also hiking up a few
directions of Theodore's theology. The synods of Lhe fifth and sixth centuries
did no-E deal with the controversies raging in ihe West; rather, they defended
a Dyophy site Christo logy on the basis «T Theodore's writings. +The teaching
of Nestorius T. . had no meaning for the official (Syrian) churchT93 For¬
mally. writers did speak of belief in I he Trinity.
Through the condemnation of Theodore of Mopsueslia in die 'Three
Chapters" controversy, this Antiochene theologian became “normative from
then on for the cast Syrian Church. By the end of die sixth century, the name
of Theodore had become synonymous with east Syrian orthodoxy,”94
In the once extensive but now only partially extant literary works of
Rabui the Great (cl 628J. one sees that by The early seventh century, west
Syrian (heology and Christology had become extremely influential. The doc-
 Syrian .met Amiri an. Christianity and. the Quran 3B5

Irinc of (he Trinity and a Dyophysite “two-naiure" Chrislology were

accepted. Nonetheless, it is interesting that Babai strongly emphasizes the
unity of God even as he stresses equally God's (liree-ness. Like Augustine,M
Bahai accepts for God "only one divine %viJl+ one divine substance, one
divine nature/^ Above all, il is concerning the single will—which is also
the seat of God's action—that he tends to think of God as a subject and in
monarch hi n ways; as opposed to Augustine, Bahai sees (lie incarnation not
as the work of God hot rather as especially of the Logos—an uncx an lined
opinion, perhaps?
However, one should notice that, despite all this reception of Diodore of
Tarsus and. especially, Theodore of Mopsuestia, their most important idea
was no longer understood and also not discussed. This particular idea was
their emphasis not only on the difference between the God-Logos and the
human Jesus, but also on their (existential) connection, hy means ofan inter-
subject model of unity. The typical identification of God and Logos faded in
favor of an independence of (he Logos (an idea inadmissible according lo
Theodore), and the foundation of Christo logical unity in the (election and)
worthiness ol Jesus was rarely defended any more, and certainly not with
either clarity or passion.
Thus, from here on, Syrian theology was marked at its foundation by
"Byzantine” Trinitarian and Chrsstological ideas, even if these were inter¬
preted through an “tm-Cyrillian" and “Antiochene” lens, Thu work of Bahai
became the model for this theology. Consequently, ideas that were originally
distinguished for their monarduanisrii and Christo logy of worthiness were
hidden by the appropriation of foreign vocabulary. It is only in (he emphasis
on the unity of God despite a Trinitarian structure, as well as in the clean
division of divinity and humanity in Jesus Christ, that the mini mum stan¬
dards of authentic cast Syrian and Antiochene theology were preserved. In
other words, around the year 600, Syrian theology, at least in its terminology,
became Hollonized.
3 BE Pnri [I: New Aspects for the Emergence a.nd Chirac ter is He of Islam

TJJE INFLUENCES OF A SYR I AN-ARABIC CHRISTIANITY

ON THE QUR'AN97

The Syrian Ch ristian Shaping of the Quran

-

Prom a historical-critical point of view, it is incomprehensible to argue that, of

the theological problems and ideas communicated in Lhe Qur an, those which
had quite a long history in Lhe Quran’s Christimi milieu were "discovered”
anew, so to speak. It is much more the case that they were taken over and
appear in the Quran text in die prodarnalhms chut connect quite consciously
with ibe “Rook” (the Old and New Testament), those that confirm This
"Book/1 and those that want to establish its correct interpretation again si that
of other "People of the Book."1 In large parts, the Qur an seems 10 want to be
something like a new, Arabic Christian Deuteronomy. .Inst like M^ses—the
most-mentioned informant in the Qur'an—the preacher continually impresses
correct teaching and correct standards of behavior upon his audience.
His hearers/readers appear to know the “Book/" for in many places the
Quran indicates that its statements arc familiar to the audience. The text
addresses itself tu those who know the tradilions of the Bible, and it wants
to hinder or reverse the ways in which these traditions lead people in the
wrong direction.
The various Christian traditions that obtained in the cast Syrian region
;l11d that contended with one another (often for long period* of Lime) have left
traces behind in the Quran. Por example, the polemic of Syrian theology
against Jacobite-Monophysite conceptions is reflected in the Quranic rejec¬
tion of a Trinity made up of GodT Jesus, and Mary (sura 5:116—117). Simi¬
larly, encratitie traditions may he visible in the Qur’anic rejection of the
enjoyment of wine (SS. 5:91; 2:219: for the other posit ion T see S. 16:67), in
rigid commandments concerning fasting, in the restrictions on women, and
in radical ideas of criminal taw. Further, lhe opposition to the Jew* is likely
an inheritance of Christian anti-Judaism, and so on. Many points remain to
be discussed, including how much the rejection of lhe eruedixion of Jesus,
the claim that the crucifixion was a sham, and lhe claim dial Jesus was
simply translated to heaven (SS. 3:55; 4; 156-159)—despite lhe fact that his
death is elsewhere acknowledged (S- 5:1171. and even his death and resur¬
rect inti (S. 19:331—go back only to Gnostic-docetic ideas^ Do these ideas
a ho have roots in Arabic conceptions of protection, which an employer (In
 Syrian and Arabian Christianity ami the Quran 387

this case, God) must give to his employee (cf. the Punish mem Stories}?
Another possible source is the beginning of the development of conceptions
of a translation ui heaven (cf. X. 3:52-54}—as in t he Shin—so that Jesus was
whisked away and his substitute (Muhammad or AIL) took over his role.
Salvation by means of the cross does not appear in the Quran in any
form. Is this phenomenon an Islamic peculiarity—a demarcation from Chris-
lumity -as it often has been and will continue to he understood?^ Es the
cross then, as it appears from S. 4:156-159, a point of controversy ns a
symbol of Christian salvation, so (hat the Qur’an becomes a non-Christian,
even an Islamic book?
One must consider however, that there had always been, from die begin¬
ning of Christianity, varying models of soteriology. For Hellenistic Chris¬
tianity; for example, the most emphasized Fact was ihat God became human,
by which action we ourselves, following antique ideas of exchange, become
divinized. Consequently, the incarnation is ihe central datum of salvation,
while the cross shows clearly how deeply human God indeed became. In the
Latin West, on the other hand, and in European Christianities until today, the
saving death of Jesus on the. cross stands in the foreground, through which
our guilt was taken away and we were “saved” and/or justified.10 3
h was still otherwise in the Syrian theology of worthiness. Strongly
related to Jcwish-Christian thought, this theology placed discipfeship and
alkies at the fore.102 Jesus is the (Christ because the Word of God or the Spirit
of God rested upon him more than on the prophets or Moses, so that he
proved himself worthy m far ax the death on the cross (not through this
death). To do the same is what is demanded of all Christians. To say it
another way; it is a truncation of Christian thought on salvation to limit it to
the Latin/Western pattern. Syrian Christianity was indeed Christianity in all
its ways, even if it emphasized different matters in its soteriology; this same
is also true for the concepts in the Quran.
Recently, many authors have defended the opinion that most of the the¬
ological statements in the Quran—for example, the conception of God,
Chrislology, and eschatology- arose from Syrian traditions of Christianity.
Jesus was taken seriously, as in Syrian theology, in I he historical role that he
look up in lhe larger mission of God. It has been observed for a somewhat
longer period, for example, that at least the Meccan portions of the Qur'an
express foundational ideas which correspond Lo (Syrian) Christian mis¬
sionary preaching: "'These foundational ideas remind one most especially of
388 Part II: New Aspects for tke Emergence aiu{ CharActeristic cif Islam

I tic pat turn of an ancient Christian missionary preaching, as for example

Pant’s speech at the Areopagus as narrated in Acts 17. Because of tit is. Tor
An cl me pm forward the attractive hypothesis elicit Muhammad once heard a
Christian missionary sermon, and than his experience provided his decisive
motivation, ’1 u1 Here it is not only some theological statements but rather the
concept at the core of die Qur'an that is traced back to Christian models.
Consequently, one must accept that the reception of the Old Testament
and/or its apocrypha and topoi also occurred by the mediation of Syrian
Christianity, less so from Jewish communities themselves. All aspects of this
reception that could he presumed to come from a Jcwish-Christian influence
are also to be found in Syrian Christianity, with its strong affinity to the Old
testament, its prelcrence for the pattern of Moses und the prophets, and so on.
As a result oi the Qur an’s rough rejection of Trinitarian ideas and Jesus’
identity as the Son of God, many scholars have argued the thesis that Qur anic
passages in this line have been shaped by Ncstorian conceptions.111-1 First of
all, however, these scholars overlook the fact that, after the Council of Eph¬
esus in 431, Nestorian mil ounces arc recognizable in the east Syrian region,
but that it was the writings of Diodore of Tarsus and, above all, Theodore of
Mopsuestia, that were read, accepted, and commented upon in the centers of
teaming for Syrian theology. Consequently, it would be better to speak of an
’‘Antiochene’" theology. Secondly, thc.se scholars also do not note that even
(his in hue. nee of Nestorian thought waned after 600, as the. central Trinitarian
and Chnslolocical terminology of the tradition of the Greek councils was
taken on and adapted—a '‘Ilellenization” of east Syrian Christianity, These
ideas were neither reflected upon nor discussed as in the I leHematic theolog¬
ical tradition: rather, they were simply passed on. It is only in the Dyophysile
interpretation of these ideas that the old Antiochene conceptions lived on.
Thirdly, these scholars overlook the fact that the Antiochene theology of
Diodore. Theodore, and even of Nestornts did noL contest either a predication
of divinity for the Logos—ftcmooiisios—or the acknowledgement that Jesus
Christ was the Son of God or the Logos: in contrast, they wrote mostly of the
"God-Logos.” I hey contested “only” an essential unity of the Logos and
Jcmis and presented “only” another model of unity: a connection of the two
on the grounds of election and worthiness (in short, the “acceptance” ofJesus
by God)—an “existential ” unity. In most places in the Quran, on the other
hand, and in contrast with Antiochene theology, a bimtartan conception of
God appears; only once is there a Trinitarian depiction to be found. Con sc-
 Syrian And Arabian Clirbtnanity and. the Qur'an 389

quently, and bound up with this, the predication of Jesus as the “Son of God"
is sharply denied. To sum Lip: the Qur an is neither Antiochene nor Nestoriam
even if it has been shaped by Syrian theology.

THE PRE-NICENE SYRIAN FORM

OF QURANIC THEOLOGY

How should die aforementioned peculiarities be explained? Many passages

in the Qur’an seem to represent an early form of Syrian theology. There is
indeed a pre-N Scene Syrian theology present In the Quran, a theology that
was defended against Lhe Syrian theology of die seventh and eighth cen¬
turies, that of the “People of Lhe Book" contemporary to the Quran. Nicaea
does not appear in the Quran: if it is there at all, it is seen only in ^negative
light in the positions of those being led astray; that is, of the Syrian theology
of the seventh and eighth centuries.
Tills pne-Nicene Syrian theology was still being defended in the hast
shortly before the middle of the fourth century in die person of AphrahaL Tt
was present until the year 410 in the entire east Syrian Church, except for
IMessa (see Ephrem the Syrian)h which belonged at that lime Jo the Roman
Empire. Finally, it was present among the common people and in the regions
lying outside the ambit of the ecclesiastical and theological centers for at
least decades longer.
^Pre-Nicene" Syrian theology defended a decisive numardiumism on
the question of God: (the one) God alone has authority. This concept is
directed polemically in the Qur'an against the developments current at the
time of its appearance, for God shares power with no one at all. This Uni¬
tarian mono theism, defined by concerns about power and authority, also
excludes the conception of a “Sonship of God” that is "physical," an Idea
I hat had developed in east Syria (at the latest) in the seventh and eighth
centuries.
Paul of Samo$ataT who lived in an Antioch that was at his time fully lld-
lenized, and west Syrian theologians working after Nicaea. shared a common
challenge, namely, lhe developments that occurred in Hellenistic Chris-
Lianiiy. However, early Syrian theology had to confront these challenges
even before them, dealing with lhe “simple” New Testament statements that
Jesus is the Son of God and that he is die incarnate Logos.
39D Part TL New Aspects for the Emergence and CliLiracteristic of Islam

Syriac Christians before Nicoea had understood “Son of God'1 and

'Logos" as “powers" of she one God—the so-called dynamic monarchi¬
sm ism. The Logos, Wisdom, the Spirit, and so on—for l he Syrians gathered
many such names together—did not compromise the uniqueness of God, hut
rather they are he himself in his unions and works, no separate 'hypostases.'1
In this respect one finds no Arian echoes in the Qur'an—contra Gunter
Liili ng, et al.—because Arian ism saw the Logos as lime-bound and crea-
turely, but nonetheless as its own “hypostasis" and as (lie Demiurge, The the¬
ology represented in die Quran is also pre-Arlan > or at least not touched by
Arianism.
There are a few passages in die Quran, from which one can proceed
directly to a dynamic monarchianism. One surprising sentence-—that is* otic
that, does not 111 in its context—is S. 17:85; "The Spirit is the Logos of my
Lord. But you |pl.| have retained only a hide knowledge." This passage fits
nicely with pne-N Scene Syrian theology, in that the Spirit is explained as die
Logos, but [is the Logos “of my Lord"—like a dynamic of the Lord. Even
more closely aligned is S, 1.6:2; "He sends the angels down with die Spirit
of his Logos upon the erne whom he chooses from among his servants."
These heavenly beings are to announce to humanity that "there is no other
God besides me/' Here the Logos and the Spirit become like angels that rep¬
resent God’s actions outwardly, following the Jewish ungekdogy that had
been taken over into Christianity1^ (e.g.* Clement of Alexandria [d. before
215] described the Logos and angels as one thing106, and Origen [d. ca. 250]
explained the two cherubim |i.e., angels] on the Ark of the Covenant as the
Logos and die Spirit107). They are known purely for their function: these
aforementioned powers of God come down to humans with the assignment
to speak Lo humans in the place of GckL
Suni 40:15 also reflects pre-NScene Syrian theology: “He scuds die Spirit
of his Logos upon the one whom lie chooses from among his servants." The
Logos and the Spirit were the most important powers for describing God’s
actions to humans. This is dear from S. 10:5, which describes God as taking
his seat on his throne after die six days of creation “in order to direct the
Logos." The Logos seems- as in early Christian theology—to be the more
important character, with the Spirit a bit subordinate; as was common in this
early period, angels were mentioned along with them. One may compare
here S. 19:17: “And we sent our Spirit to her [Mary'JT The Logos, the Spirit*
and die angels are "powers" of the one and the same God. These passages.
 Syrian and Arabian Chris Hanifcy and the Qur'an 391

and others, show that pre-Nicene dynamic monarch! an ism came to expres¬
sion in ihe Quran, and (hat it was preserved by tlie Qur'an's redactors. Con¬
sequently, the Qur'an criticizes inter formulations that defend bini tartan and
Trinitarian ideas.
It was also necessary in the Quran, as it had already been in earlier
Syrian Chrixtology, to reject any nation that Jesus was "physically” or
“materially” the Son of God. The idea that Jesus was only a human being* of
course, differed from dial of ihe Syrian Christianity contemporary with Lhe
Quran. As it says in S. 3:45; “[At that timej when the angels said, 'Mary!
God is announcing to you a word fed. note: “Logos”] from himself, whose
name is Jesus Christ and who is the Son of Mary/” Sura 4:171 ca 11* Jesus
the "Word of Cod” and the “Spirit of/from him/1 Here, though, the text
seems only to refer to the special election and mission of Jesus, in the sense
of Syrian ChrisLology (God's I .ogos and Spirit rested upon him]; these ideas
revealed themselves already in the virginal birth and were die basis on which
Jesus proclaimed the Gospel. Many texts in the Qur an contend mightily with
the claim that Jesus was the Son of God. Jesus is (only) one sent by God
(e.g., S. 5:75).
hi additions die Qur'an also reflects a unique form of an even earlier
Syrian Christology, namely, die confession that Jesus is the "servant of
God.” One sees this idea in S. 72:19 (which Pare!, in his German translation
of the Qur'an, falsely connected to Muhammad), as well as in S. 19:30. a
self-referential statement of the Christ-child: "I am the .servant of God.” tl is
possible that the Qurinse rejection of an "adoption" or “acceptance" of Jesus
as the “Son of God” should be understood in this connection (of. SS, 2:116;
10:68; 18:4; 19:88-91; 21:26; 23:91; 72:3).In pre-Nicene Syrian the¬
ology (see here, e.g., the usage of Aphrahai), the expression “Son of God”
was not used exclusively as an honorific title for Jesus* as it was later (and
even In Syrian theology), so that there was no reason to take hold of the later
Antiochene model of unity based on an “adoption” (wish only Jesus as the
Son). Appropriate to its pre-Nicene time frame, it was not yet required* as it
would be in ksfur west Syrian Christo logy. to reflect u model of unity
deriving From a theology of worthiness.
A Chrislology of worthiness finds expression in the Quran insofar as
Jesus has meaning in the proclamation and completion of the will of God:
for example, he says at S. 3:51. “God is my and your Lord. Serve him! Thai
is a straight path,” In addition, all of us come to salvation as we prove our-
392 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence and. Cluir.icteristic of Islam

sel ves worthy; I hut is, as we fulfill our duties (an idea found throughout ihe
Qur'an: cf. S. 3:57: L'To chose, however, who believe and do what is light, be
[that is, God] will give their full reward").
There are other aspects of the Quran that point to early Syrian influ¬
ences. The importance of lire Old Testament is quite apparent in the Quran.
From time to time one can surmise that the Preacher, who is most often
spoken to by God with the pronoun “you,” sees himself Lypologically as
Moses (who was also an orphan, was at one time “on a false path,” and was
needy; see S. 93:6-R), Indeed, the term ‘‘Muhammad" is mentioned only
four times in the Quran* always in Medinan surasT and seems to be an hon¬
orific title (the "highly honored one") whose connection with regard to a spe¬
cific person is often difficult to discern in the Qur'an—-does il relate to Jesus,
Moses, or the Arabian prophet? Further, the Quran, or as il. Basse writes,
Muhammad, “apparently knows nothing of a fourfold gospel.”30? In east
Syria, at least into the sixth century, die Diatessaron was still in use. Is the
accusation that Christians have falsified the Scriptures directed against the
repression of the Diatessaron in favor of the four gospels of the Peshitta?

THE ARABIZATION OF A
PRErNICENE SYRIAN CHRISTIANITY

That pre-Nkene Syrian theology is still to be found in the Qur'an in the sev¬
enth and eighth centuries shows clearly that Arabs hud already accepted
Christianity1 in an earlier period. Apparently, the originally nomadic or semi-
nomadic tribes did not give up this foundation in the later periods. As the
Qur'an dearly shows, they did not go along with the later, post-Nicene devel¬
opment of Syrian Christianity (which was forced upon it through its contacts
with Byzantine Christianity, despite all its auloccphaly),110 although they did
continue to use the Syrian language in their worship services* at least until
i he linguistic Arabization of the early eighth century. They remained in their
original religion, in Ihe Christianity of their beginnings* and they stood by its
concerns and defended them aggressively against Jews and Christians “who
bad been led astray.” This was true even after the victory of He rad his ovei
die Sassanians in 622, when they Ihemselves became politically independent
ami were able to build larger and larger empires. It was only their own inter¬
pretation of the text that was unquestionably a product of re vela I ion. From
 Syrian ami Arabian Christianity and the Quran 393

this point of view it becomes plausible that the Byzantine-leaning theologian

John of Damascus (d, 735^11 would have described the ”lshmaelitesT—that
is. those Arabs who saw themselves as connected to suras of the prophet
Muhammad—as Christian heretics.112
The Christianization of Arabs in the Syrian and Arabian regions was
rarely—as in the urban milieu of early Christianity—si matter of the conver¬
sion of individuals or even multiple individuals. As was appropriate, given
the social structure of the time, tribal leaders and their tribes decided so take
this step together; one may compare here the Christian mission among the
German tribes. Consequently* one cannot avoid admitting, in terms of the
sociology of religion, that in this situ alien many old. Arabian, “pagan” tra¬
ditions would have lived on under the cover of a Christianity that was
binding on an entire in be and was therefore superficial. In this connection
one finds many examples in the Qur’an: the belief in jinn, surcerys fcf. 55.
113 and 114), and lesser gods and goddesses (ef. S. 53:19-20): inherited
societal norms (cf. concerning the relationships between men and women or
legal statutes [c.g.. the lex ralionis1}; talcs from l he home land (see. e.g.7 in a
part of ihc Punishment Stories or the notes concerning a certain female
camel);112 or even memories of important places like Mecca or Yathrib.
It also appears that the originally nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes prac¬
ticed their Christianity as a “lay religion," that is, without u noteworthy cler¬
ical class; if snF this would point to a veiy early period of Christianization.
The only exceptions lo this in the QurTtn are the traces left behind by monas¬
tic ism, From this set of circumstances, one can more readily understand the
foundations I ly "folk" nature ol I he remembrance and editing of biblical and
apocalyptic material in the Qur'an, There were no ^specialists" at work
hereJ34 When Arabs visited Christian worship services, (heso were carried
out entirely by priests who were ethnically Syrian. This context may help
explain the “flattening out" of the Syrian theology of worthiness lo a "pay¬
ment for services rendered" ethic, as can be found in the faith of common
people in Christian churches even until today.
The uniqueness of the reception of Syrian Christianity, however, makes
clear she following, my most important observation on the Quran. These
Christianized tribes apparently brought with them into their Christianity a
very strong conception of legal structures (mlershjp and obedience, the legit¬
imation of authority) and eon tract-related regulations. Through this concep¬
tion, die considerable humane (with regard to content) and often thorough-
394 Fart E f: New Aspects for Hie Emergence and Characteristic nf Islam

going reflection of biblical and Syrian theological tradtLions was withdrawn

in favor of formal and structural schemata of order. One's relationship to
Allah was expressed as Jin, that Is, as a contract.115 in agreement wish the
Scripture (Islam). As the Quran shows, this concept, expressed thusly, was
polemically sen up in [lie seventh and eighlb centuries against the other vari¬
ants of Judaism and Christianity as the correct path. Insofar as tins Arabian
Cnon-Monophysiic) Christianity, for which the (late) Qur an presents simply
the only source, was foundation ally shaped by the rubrics and expressions of
pre-Nicene Syrian Chrislianity, il nonetheless betrays a quite unique, even
li Arabian," form, one dial was oriented toward structures and matters of jus¬
tice, li then became die bedrock of the ideology of the tribe, and soon the
empire, as Arabian authority reached wider and wider.

LATER ADDITIONS

It appears that, as time progressed, other passages also entered into the
Qur'an, passages that quite clearly no longer represented an early Syrian-
Arabian Christianity, bul rather reflected the beginnings of another religion,
a new religion, namely, Islam. Texts of [his kind are not particularly
numerous, but they arc present nonetheless, and they have been of great
import in terms of their effects. They should perhaps be reckoned lo the end
of the eighth century ortho beginning of the ninth; that is. to or just prior to
the time of al-Mamiuu
An empirical answer to [his question is difficult, primarily because the
oldest extant and datable manuscript of the entire text arises From the later
ninth century, while the earlier texts—mostly fragmentary editions—have
not been satisfactorily published and certainly have not been investigated
from the perspective of textual criticism (for example, must one see them as
fragments?). Consequently, the questions must remain open in this area; ihey
can be answered only in the future. At the present time one has recourse only
to the many observations arising from the histories of spirituality, culture,
a rati religion. These studies, however, make it necessary lo accept that later
additions were made.
 Syrian anii Arabian Christianity And the Quran 395

NOTES

1. CL the essay by Vo I km Popp in ibis volume, chapter 1.

2. A defiled investigation of the literature in question would extend beyond the
realm of this study t E would like to mention only that Syriac Christianity blossomed
in the eighth century under Arabian rule; many cloisters and churches were built, and
missions as far as China went undertaken. A good deal of literature is extant,
including cluroniclcs. saints1 lives, cloister legends, and they logical [realises. It is
remarkable that Islam does not appear in this literature:, except in John of Damascus,,
who speaks of the Christian heresy of the "Ishmaclitcs ’ anti knows a few suras. U
must he home in mind that the mention of *ESarnccns" docs not necessarily, on ii.s
own, refer to Islam. Is it possible that a Christian population should be subjugated
by an Islamic authority without this experience finding literary expression any¬
where? In her recently published dissertation (“Die jiidisch-chrisiliche Auseinandef-
setzung uliter Islaniischer Kenschaft, 7.-10. JahrbumJeri,” Judaica et Christiana.
no. 21 [Bern: Lang. 20041), Simone Roserikranz did not bring to light a single source
before die beginning of the ninth century which mentions Islam in conflicts between
Jews and Christians; after this period, though, the situation changes.
3. Dictmaj W. Winkler, “Ostsyrisches Christentnm: IJntcrsuchungen rurChris-
tologic, Ekklcsiologte and zu den bkumenischen Bezicbungen dcr Assyrischen
K ire he des Qslcns/1 Si ltd ten zttr Oriental when Kirchengeschichte 26 (Munster: Lit*
2003): 39,
4. CL W. Stewart McCul lough. A Shan History of Syriac' Christianity to the
Rise of Islam l Map of tine 5 as.simian Empire reprinted from the Cam bridge Ancient
History, voJ. 32) (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 19821, p. 34.
5. Cf. Diet mar W. Winkler. “The Age of the Sassanians: Until 65\” in The
Church of the East; 4 Concise History* cd, Wilhelm Baum and D. W. Winkler
(London and New York: kentledge Curzon, 2000), pp. S-9.
6. Concerning this topic cf. Winkler, Ostsyrisches Christentuitt, p. 9.
7. ibid., p. 19.
S. Henri Charles* SJ, Le ChrisiiamsirtE des A rates nomadcs sur ie Limes et
dons Ie Desert syro-misopoiamien aux n lento urs de i'I Icgirc (Paris: E. Leroux*
1.936), pp- 55-6 L
9, The Christianization of the Arabian tribes lias not yet been satisfactorily
siudied. However, it is becoming ever cleaser that already in “prc-IsJamic times"
many Arabian tribes were Christianized, both in Arabia itself and even more in
Mesopotamia and into the West as far as Palmyra. Despite ihe fact that these groups
spoke Arabic in everyday life, they celebrated ihe Christian liturgy in Syriac. Cf.,
e.g.t L Spencer Triminghaim Christianity among the A robs in Pre-Islamic Tunes
(New York: Longman, 1979).
396 Fart J L New Aspects for the Emergence anal CliaracircHstic o[ Islam

10. Cf. McCullough, Short History, p. 2ft.

11. In This con Election cf. the present author's Religion in der Geschickte dir
Menschheil; Die Entwicklung ties relied},Ten Bewusstseins (Du rmsit cult: Wis-
senschaftlichc BuchgesdlsdiafL 2002), pp, 210-24 (and the literature cited there).
Sou also Ulrike Stoking* "Die Gnosis: Herausfordemng des Christen turns" Impri¬
matur 38 (2005): 11—14 and 61-54.
12. Cf. A, F. J, KJijn, fidexso, die Sfudt ties A post eis Thomas: Das diieste Chris-
tentum in Syrien (Neukirehen-Vluyn: Neukirehner Yerlag des Emehungsvcrems,
1965)t p. 10.
13. CL Wolfgang Hage. Syriac Christina try in the East, Moran JEthnol Series
no. 1 (Kerala, India: Si. Ephreni Ecumenical Research Institute, 1988), p. 7.
14. Wi iik I e r, Ostsyrisches Christent mt, p. 26.
\5. Howard Crosby Liu tier. Early Churches in Syria, Fourth to Seventh Cen¬
turies, Prince ion Monographs in An and Archaeology (Princeton, 1929), p. 3.
JO. Winkler, Ostsyrisches Chmtenfiwi, p. 35.
37. Ibid.
IS llage, Syriac Christianity, p. 8.
19. Ibid., p. 1 L
20. Seely J. Beggians, Early Syriac Theology, wish Special Reference so the
Maro/iite Tradition (La n bant, NY: t niversity Press of America* 1983), p. xiii,
21. Winkler, ‘The Age of the Sa.ssaniansT p. 29.
22. Ibid., p. 30: 'The teachings of Nestorms seem to have no significance for
die official Church."
23. McCullough, A Short History oj Syriac Christianity, p, 151.
24. Winkler. “The Age of the Sassaii3ans,,r p. 39.
25. Rosetikranz, Die jiidisch-ehrisi lichen /V i is e in or i de rse tzu n p. 47.
26. Ibid., p. 48.
27. Wilhelm Baum, “The Age of the Arab?;: 650-1258**' in The Church of she
Fast, ed. W. Baum and 0. W. Winkler, p. 44.
28. Ibid., p. G.i,
29. For a more complete treatment, see the present author's Fsmdatnen-
takhristologk: hn SpanmmgsfeSd von Chrisfcuium and Knftitr (Munich: Kosel,
1986), chiefly pp. 198-229. The sex-ts which follow (cited in ihe original in German
and here as "TzT 4: J ’come from K.-H. Oh tig. ed., Christologie I: Vb/a den
Anfmgen bis zur Spdtimiike, Teste /ur rheologic, Dqgmatik, no. 4:4 (Graz: Veilag
Slyiia. 1989): the original sources of iliese tjiinisitions are given there.
30. Cf. Rom. 6:2.
3L Piet Snralders, "Dogincngeschichte tind lehmimlichc Entfalttmg der Chris-
tologic ” in Myslertwn Hakitis, ed, J, Fefner and M, Lohrer, 111:1, Dm Christ usereign is
fEinsiedeln: BeEi/Jger, 1970), p. 402; the whole article comprises pp. 389-476,
 Syrian. And Arabian Christianity and tkc Qur an 397

32. I hid, p.403,

33r DkJactw 10:2 (Die Apostal ischen Voter [Greek-German parallel edition],
cd Andreas Lindemrtnn and Henning Paulsen [Tiibmgen; Mohr/Siebeck, 1992], p.
15).
34. Martyrdom of Poly carp 14:1 (ibid., p.275).
35. Following Klijn, £dtrssiiy die Shah, p. 96, lhe Dimcssarusi was very impur-
lanl tor Syrian Christianity, because "'the words id Jesus had been transmitted only
orally in Syria before Tatum/1
3b. Oration to the Heliums 5:1 (in German, TzT 4:1, no. 59),
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid., 21:3.
39. Ibid, 5:6.
40. Ibid., 13.
41. P. DL [holer's word is ‘A'eiworrcnT in "Theophihis van Afldochen,J+ i]i
Lexikoti der antiken ehrisftichen Lite rant t\ ed, 5, Ddpp anil W, Gee flings (Freiburg:
Herder, 1998). p. 603; the whole article comprises pp. 602—608.
42. Ad Attiolyatw 11:22 (in German, TzT 4:1, no. 60).
43. Ibid., II: 15.
44. E.g.. ibid., Ill: 34,
45. Ibid., 11:27,
46. Ibid., 11:9 (in GermanTzT 4:1 „ no. 60).
47. He claims that 'two gods would be proclaimed, if (he Son of God were
preached us God" (from the Letter to Hymenaeus 3 | i n German, TzT 4:1, no. 97]).
48. Appur :nt]y, the conccplion of an active God would generally tuive been
sufficient for lhe Syrians. However, Paul was forced also to engage (Hellenistic)
matrices oF meaning derived from the New Testament (e.g., the "pre-existence”
Christology of the Philippian hymn, the "Logos” teaching in the prologue it) John's
gospel, ami the descriptions of Christ's mediation or (he creation process in the
dettierohPaulitse letters),
49. Fragments from The synoduI letter of 268 (the question of this letter's
authenticity has nul yet been finally decided), 3b {in German, TzT 4:1H tio. 88),
50. Ibid , 5.
511 Ibid., 4,
52. Translator’s note: The author repeatedly uses in ihis work phrases based on
the German word Bewfthrung ("proof, probation, proving oneself, cic/')—
Bcwahrtingstbeologie, Bcwnhningsehrislotogie, Bewilhrungssritcriologie, etc.
While the phrase does appear to be aL least marginally eurrent in German scholarly
circles, I have noL found any English version of itr nor even a technical term which
approaches the breadth of meaning given En it by the present author Consequently,
and for lack of a belter option. I haw chosen to translate The phrase in different ways.
398 Part lb New Aspects for the Emergence and. Characteristic of Islam.

all centering around the idea of “worthiness" and "proving oneself worthy/" which
seem to be (he dominant conceptions in the author \ mind.
53* Ibid, 4.
54. Ibid, 5.
55 Ibid.
56. Ibid., 13.
^7, KarJ Bans, Von der Ur%emeinde zuf frufidirisdichen Gmflkirche, 3rd ed1(
Hirtdbtich der Kirchcngeschlchte, cd. Hubert Jcdin, no. J (Freiburg: Herder, 1965),
pp. 293-94,
58. PG 26 (1887), pp. 11-536.
59. T. Rohm, “Anns/" in Lexikon der ullchnsilichen Literotur, p, 52. SpeeiJi-
eally, his primary' argument is this: in the authentic documents he Logos is u ’"fully
developed creature/" but one that “came into being be [fire the Aeons"; in die Thalia.
however, die Logos “appeared in lime/' The argument is not convincing* however:
the logos, following the Logos-teaching since ilia apologists* did come .into being
"in (he beginning*—Indeed "before the Aeons/1 but still in time—and then effected
the creation.
60. This concept ton of a temporal beginning for die Logos had been ci re titan rig
since the second century. Just as Anus would later Origen of Alexandria id.
253/254) had already held this conception to be false* for if the Logos is temporal,
then he cannot be divine. However, because Origen held that the Logos must truly
be Gud (which Arius did not do), he pushed back Ihe begetting of the Son and ihc
emergence of the Logos into the eternity of God, anti he formulated for the tirst lime
the leaching of the so-called “immanent Trinity.17 Within ihe Godhead Father, Son.
and Spirit have a varying “fullness'1 of essence -an lAintra-GodH' subonlinurionism,
On this topic cl", the present author1 s Etn Golf m drei Personen?: VTm Miter Jesu
Ztim "Aiysterinm " der Triniidt, 2nd erl* | Mainz: Marihias-Griinewald Verlag, 2GOG)s
pp. 60-62.
61. Athanasius quotes from Arms’ Thatia\ L'For, he (Arias) says, because God
had seen ahead or time that lie tihe Word) would be good* there lore he gave him this
beauty, which he would later achieve as a human by his virtue, so Thai God caused
it come to pass already in his pre-cxisteuce because of his (later) works, which God
foresaw" (TzT 4; 1, no. 91).
62. For liner distinct tons concerning ihe following section, see ihc present
author's i'\mdumeniah:hristologiet pp. 21(3-29;
63. Extant in Syriac fragments (in German. TzT 4:3 * nos. 108 10),
64. Ibid. (TzT 4:1, no. HI).
65. Ibid, (TzT 4:1, no. Ill),
66. Greek fragment from De mcanimiorw fin German, TzT 4:1, no. 3 17)-
67. Tbid,
 Syrian art A A rain an Christianity and. tlie Qur'an 399

68. Another fragment from De incarnation# (TzT 4:1, no- I IH).

69. Slid another tragmenL from De incarnatinne (TzT 4; I. no. 120).
70. Ci". here I he lexis in T/T 4: l„ nos. ] 24-27.
71. Cf. the present author1* Fnndumenfutc hrixiologic + pp. 270-91.
72. Cf. lie re primarily Winkler. Oslxyrisches Ckrhttmium.
73. Ibid., p. 44.
74. C - f- bore Beg gimti, Edrly Syrirn - 7 hettlogy, pp. I (A 17.
75. Peter Brims, Das ChrlstiixbildAphrahafx des Pemschen Hereditas*
no. 4 (Bonn: Rorengiisser, 1090).
76. Ibid. p. 66.
77. Aphrahal is Sapienti* Persae Demonstrationes, no. 17. In German, Peter
Bruns, ed., ApItnthai: Untenvcisimgen (ems dem Syrixehcn iihersctjj und ein-
gddtct}. Forties ChrtsLiaiii, nos 5:1 {Untcnv. \-10) anti 5:2 [Uutenr. 11 -23)
(Freiburg: Herder, 1991).
78. Aphrahat, Demmwiraiitm 17:3—4 (German: Fontes Christiarti 5:2,419-20),
79. Ibid., 17:5 (German, ibid.r p. 420).
80 Bruns, Don Chriptuxbitd Aptiruhais. p. 139.
81. Winkler. Ostfyrixdies Chnstcntum, p. 47.
82. Ibid.
83. This idea of “enrobing’1 also plays a mte in wesi .Syrian Qirislology; d". the
present author's Eitrtddmentaldtri.Uologie, pp. 217-19 (author's note: at that lime 1
falsely attributed the conception to Hellenistic thought).
84. Aphrahat, Dem&nxi ration 6:9-K) (in German* Fnates Christian! 5:1,
197-98).
85. Ibid* 6:10 (in German* ibid., pp. 198-99).
86. Winkler. Ostsyrisehcs Chriztentnm, p. 49.
87. Peter Bruns, ^Ephraem tier Syrer.’1 in Lexikun der an tike n dtristlichen Lii-
erainn p_ 194 (the whole article. can be found on pp. 391-94).
88. Winkler. Osteyrischcs Chrittennm, p. 55.
89. Butler* Early Churches in Syria, p. 51 -
90. Fried rid] Heiler* in his Die Chi k ini ten (edited posthumously) (Munich: Ii.
Reinhardt, 1971), p. 305, groups llie information about the east Syrian church under
I he heading "The Hast Syrian (Memorial t> Church/'
91. Th ns Wj n kl erT Chfsyrisrh es ('tirisicn lam r pp. 4 2-43 * SO.
92. One sees this in, for example, the Syrian leachcr Narsai (d. 502)* who
denied I he Holy Spirit the ability in he recognized as God; cf. here Beggiani, Early
Syriac Christianity* pp. 5-6.
93. Winkler, Osttyri&ches Chrisienuaft, p. 69.
94. Ibid., p. 77.
95 ~ Cf. here the present author’s Ein Galt in drei Pent often ? pp. 86—95,
400 Part II: New Aspects for the Emergence and Characteristic of Islam

96. Winkler, Ostsyrixches Christ mum, p. 91.

97. English translations of lEie Quran in the following section arc my own; the
citations refer to Rudi Puref* [ran si; it ion, Der Koran (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1979).
98. Jt is to he noted here that the Quran contains no doectic conceptions or
interests whatsoever. I tie statement dial Jesus was only apparently crucified should
be seen only metaphorically or positivistic el] ]y, as it would he in Syrian theology—
an idea of the religious tradition that was simply taken over unreflectivcly.
99. For example, even Joseph He nni tiger, "Die Kirche des Os tens und die
Geburt dcs Islam/' in Islam and Ahendiand: Begegmmg zweier Wehen: Eitie Vbr-
iragsfntge, ed. Muhammad Asad and Hans Zhindcn (01 ten: Walter, l%0), p. 52,
claims that there has existed ’from the beginning onward an unbridgeable yap
between Christianity and Islam" because of the lack of or controversy concerning
the idea of Jesus’ ability to save humanity through die cross. Mono recently* one sees
this idea ni die book (unfortunately not well-informed concerned the Juslory of the¬
ology and that of Islam) of the praiseworthy cxegete Joachim GnUk%4Bihel und
Koran: Was sie verhindet: was sip tmmfh 4th ed. (Freiburg: Herder* 2(304), exp, pp,
J7&-H5.
1(30. Cfi the present author1 s Fundameniiitchnstologie, II: E 35-302.
3(31- Cf. ibid.. Jit: 343 512.
EQ2, One secs this already in Matthew's gospel, in which Lhe cross's meaning
for salvation appears only in the quotation of Jesus1 words at the Last Supper
103, Hem finger, "Die Kirche tics Oslens/' pp. 49-50.
104. CU f»r iwo examples among many, Claus Schcdl, Muhammad and Jesus:
Die christolagisch relevanien Texta ilex Karans, nett iiberseffl und crkUin (Vienna,
Freiburg, and Basel: Herder, 197ft), pp. 562-66, and G- Quispeh Makarius, das
17tmnasevangel hitnt and das Lied von der Perte, Supplement to Novum Tesla-
nieutum (Leiden: Brill, 1967), p. 118.
1(35. Cf. ihe present author’s Kin Goa in drei Personen? pp. 24- 25r 41—E2.
106. CI e me ri t of A1 exa n d ri: i, Prddagogos (ca. 203), 1.59. L
E07. Origen, Commentary on Romans* in the comment on Rom, 3:25.
IOSr Cl. lie re the present author's WettreUgfan Islam r pp. S5-SG.
109. Heribeit linsse, Die thealogischen Beziehungen des I skims zit Jndentnin
nod Chtisten/ani: (Jnntdla^en des Dialogs fin Koran and die gegenwthlige Diskus-
lion, Grand/tige, no. 72 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftlieht: Buchgesellschuft, 1988), p.
116; cf. pp. 116-4t).
110. I his was not true Iotv above allH the Monophysite Ghassanids* v.v fif were
concentrated in Ihe west Syrian region. Consequently, the theology of ihe Quran
derives from east Syrian, primarily south Iraqi Arabs.
111. CL on this point Alfred-Lou is dcr PremaitFs contribution in this volume,
112. John of Damascus says that the Ishmaelitcs honor a stone {On da- Herr-
 Syrian and Arabian Christianity and the Quran 401

sties. Liber da imeresibwi opera polemic#, i jl Die Sl hriften tics Jotuumes von
t>MUi.skus\ vn|, 4. ud_ by BonifEilius Koiiur, PT$t no. 22 [Berlin and New York;
Walter ik Grnyter, I981]n heresy no. 100 [in its entirety, pp. fi() 67], p. 64, Z.
87-94). I will not lake up a Full and exact discussion of lhe passage here; however,
L will say that the current interpretation that John is speaking here of die honoring of
the b!iiuk stone in lhu Kaba, is completely off the mark. Theodore Abu Qurra (tl.
820/825) weis Lhe bishop of Harran in Iraq from 795-812. In a tractate on she wor¬
ship of images written after 799, be accuses the Jews of worshiping "dead tilings,
such a^ the Slone on the Temple Mouth (even xhettya) in Jerusalem” (Rosenkran/..
Did juttifch-christliche AuseimmflcrxctzttRtt, P- 75). Is ihere :l mixmp here':' In any
ease, the numismatic discoveries from die eighth century show (hilt the Christian
Arab authorities had coins minted with die symbol of a stone thereupon; on this
topic see Vcilker Popp’s nonLribmion in I has volume,
11 3- This female cEtmd appears in numerous pksces in the Quran iiselb unfor¬
tunately with no further explanation. John of Damascus* however, wgs of she
opinion ihat die tales of ihis camel (he concerned himself far more with the details)
were to be found in a single .sura igrnphe) (heresy ] CIO [in the above - mentioned edi¬
tion. [i. 65. Z. 114]). These Arabian tales of a female camel and its equally female
children can be read (in a version fuller than that in John of Damascus) in A.
Sprengcr, Das Lcbert nmi die Lekre dvs Mohammad nock bisher grtisstenthdlx
wibemtizfen Queiien, 2ndied.1 vok 1 (Berlin: Nicolaische Verlagsbuch hand lung,
1SA9), pp. 518-25.
J t4. CL here, the present author’s Wed I religion Islam, p. 91.
115. The translation of din as “religion” is false in that the overarching term
“religion” developed only els ei result of the European Enlightenment and primarily
in the nine lee nth century. It is more correct to understand the term with it leas like
"contract,” contract relationship,” etc.
4
 CONTRIBUTORS

ALU.Y FEPEIJ is Lecturer of Arabic at the University of Milan and was

Director of the Fondazione Ferni Noja Noseda in Lesa, Italy, until the
untimely death by accident of Sergio Noja Noseda on January 31, 2008.
Her main interest continues tn be research on the earliest manuscripts of
the Qur'an.
CLAUDE GILLIOT is Professor of Arabic Language and Civilization at
the University of Aix-en-Provence. His publications include a number of
Qur'an-related articles and also Exdgese, tongue et iheologie en islam:
L'exegese coronique de Tabari (Paris, 1990) and another article on the
capability to read ami write in early Islam in Schtagtic.hier> ed. Markus
Gross and Karl-Heinz Ohlig (2008).
IBN WAKRAQ (pseudonym) is an independent researcher at the Center for
Inquiry in Western New York. He publishes collections of articles,
including The Origins of the Koran (1998), The Quest for the Historical
Muhammad (2000), What the Koran Really Says (2002), and Defending
(he Wfevt: A Critique of Edwanl Saids Orientalism (2007),
PIERRE LARCIIER teaches Arabic Linguistics at the University of
Provence in Aix-en-Provence. His most recent publications include Les
Mu 'ollaqat: Les Sept poetries preisiatnicfttes (2000). Le Sysieme verbal

403
404 Contributors

de Vurabe classique (2003), and La Gaetteur tie mirages: Cinq internes

preislatniques {20(>t).
CHRIS lOPH LUXENBERG (pseudonym) lives in Germany and is a
Semitics scholar ami researcher ol' the Qur'an, Chid' among his publica¬
tions is the monograph Din syro-aramaische festal des Koran; Ein
Beitrag zut Entsddiissclwig tier Koranxfmwhe (Berlin, 2000; 2nd cd,,
2004; 3rd cd„ 2005), I'hc English (enlarged) translation The Syro-Aratnaic
Redding oj the Koran; .1 Contnbution to the !lecoding of ihr language of
did Koran was published in 2007 by Verlag I Ians Sdiilcr. Berlin. Luxen-
bcig has published articles on other examples of Syro-Aramaic traces in
the Qur'an in Derfriihe Islam, ed. KarJ-Ileinz Ohlig (2007), Svhlo^lu hu’.r.
ed. Markus Gross and Karl-Heinz Ohlig (20UK), and Vom Koran zmit
Warn, cd. Markus Gross and Karl-Heinz Ohlig (2009).
SERGIO NO.IA NESEDA f 1931-2008) was Professor Emeritus of Arabic
Language and Literature at the Uni vers it a Cattolica in Milan and Presi*
dent of the Fpndazione Fcrni Noja Noseda in Lesa, Italy. He was the
editor of the I acsi mile series Sources de la transmission nianuscrile (lit
texle cortmiqne.
KARL-HEIIS’Z OHLIG is Professor Emeritus of Religious Studies and the
History of Christianity in the Faculty of Philosophy of the IJuiversitael
des S a aria tides. Saarbrueckcn, Germany. Me lias published many works,
but concerning Islam the most important is Welt religion I dam; Cine Ein-
fuhrnng (Mainz and Lucerne. 2000). Other Ohlig articles on Christian
religious and early Islamic history have appeared in Derftithe Islatn, ed.
KarJ-ik'inz Ohlig (2007). Schlagiichter, ed. Markus Gross and Karl-
Heinz Ohlig (2008), and Vom Koran zmn Islam, cd. Markus Gross and
Karl-1 le i nz O hlig (2009).
VOLKER POPP is an Orientalist and numismatist in Bernkastel-Kues. He
has published works on Sissimitin epigraphy and early Islamic coins.
Other Popp articles on early Islamic history have appeared in Derfriihe
Islam, cd. Karl-Heinz Ohlig (2007), Sciduglivhter, cd. Markus Gross and
Kur!-Heinz Ohlig (2008), and Vom Koran znm Islam, cd. Markus Gross
and Karl-Heinz Ohlig (2009).
ALl'RLD-LOLIS 1)E PREMAKE (1930-2006) was Professor Emeritus of
Arabic History and Civilization at the University of Provence in Aix-en-
Provencc. Among hi,s most recent publications are fes fondations de
I Islam (Paris, 2002) and A itx origin esdu Coran (Paris and Tunis, 2005).
 Contri tutors 405

GERD-R. PL1 IN is a retired researcher at the Universituet ties Saarlandes,

Saarbmeckcn. Germany. From 1981 to 1984 he was responsible for a
Cultural Aid project in Sanaa, Yemen, linanced by the German Foreign
Office, titled “Restauricrcn und Katalogisiercn arabischcr llandschriften
/ Restoration and Cataloguing of Arabic Manuscripts.” Other Puin arti¬
cles on Qur'anic orthography have appeared in Schlaglichter, ed,
Markus Gross and Karl-Heinz. Ohlig (2008), and Vom Koran zttrn Islam,
ed. Markus Gross and Karl-1 Icinz Ohlig (2009),