Cornejo Amestica - 2016 - Sociology of Sport Chile
Cornejo Amestica - 2016 - Sociology of Sport Chile
ABSTRACT
This chapter analyzes the evolution and impact of the sociology of sport
in Chile. From a socio-historical perspective and considering the different
sociological perspectives used to study national sport phenomena, the
sociology of sport remains a relatively new field of study within general
sociology. Chile’s recent hosting of international conferences, such as the
Latin American Association of Sociology (ALAS) and the Latin
American Association of Sociocultural Studies in Sports (ALESDE),
has catalyzed the field by bringing together researchers and promoting
academic collaboration. To date, most research in Chile has focused on
soccer. However, changes in Chilean society demand that other social
aspects of sport as a socio-cultural phenomenon be studied. In future
years, it is expected that the sociology of sport will assume a level of
importance equal to that of other fields of social research.
Keywords: Sociology of sport; society; research; sports clubs; Chile
Valparaiso and Viña del Mar and, later. Iquique and Talcahuano in the
second half of the 19th century. According to Modiano (1997), early sport
in Chile was heavily influenced by the class and gender divisions of the time
period and was marked by an emulation of European, especially British,
culture. Indeed, the first people to play sports in the country were British
immigrants, who played cricket, rugby, and paper chase, a British horsera-
cing game. These practices were soon adopted by creole elites.
By the late 1800s, other sports, such as football, tennis, and track and
field gained popularity. This first stage of “Europeanized” sport develop-
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ment took place wholly in the upper classes (Modiano, 1997), characterized
by social representations, such as that of the “gentleman” and “sports-
man,” and amateurism as the sole purpose of competition. This social class
dynamic also led to the formation of exclusive clubs and social circles dedi-
cated to sport.
The lower and middle classes joined the process of sport development in
Chile at the end of the 19th century, promoting the cultural incorporation
of sport, especially football, into Chilean popular culture. Middle-class
sport clubs, often associated with labor unions, appeared at this time and
were forms of representing urban or neighborhood identity (Santa Cruz,
1996). The diffusion of sport into popular culture was also marked by the
participation of philanthropists from the Chilean elite, who encouraged
sport association as a way to promote morality. This association has been
largely lost, representing a crisis for Chilean sport (Matus, 2015).
Though sport in Chile developed through cross-cultural social processes
in the early 1900s, to social scientists, sport did not represent a subject of
study in and of itself until much later. Indeed, studies conducted by the
Latin American Social Sciences Institute (FLASCO) in the 1950s that
focused on the Chilean population did so from the perspective of social class
and social politics and were strongly influenced by liberalism and Marxism.
The presidency of Salvador Allende from 1970 to 1973 was marked by
the view that sport was “for everyone” (Cornejo, Matus, & Vargas, 2011).
In 1972, Allende, influenced by developments in other socialist countries,
explained this motive clearly to the country’s sport leaders and implemen-
ted a series of sport programs at the national level.
While Allende considered sport to be a socio-cultural phenomenon with
considerable impact on the population, during the Pinochet military dicta-
torship from 1973 to 1989, sport was employed as a tool of entertainment
to divert public attention from the country’s political situation.
Paradoxically, large sporting events, particularly soccer games, were even-
tually utilized as a form of protest against the dictatorship.
Sociology of Sport: Chile 407
To Santa Cruz, the study of football should begin with the recognition
that it is a cultural phenomenon characterized by complex and multifaceted
practices where “the hybrid appears to characterize processes in both form
and content” (1996, p. 35), suggesting that the phenomenon is best under-
stood through the notion of cultural appropriation, an active process
through which foreign elements are internalized and appropriated by local
means or decoded through a system that is distinct to each culture. In this
vein, Ovalle and Vidal (2014) utilized historiographic and anthropological
methods to analyze football, considering its importance in the development
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spective, the practice of sport is not equally distributed by class, and the
decision to participate in sport is not only a personal one but also one influ-
enced by structural variables, such as ethnic group, family, cultural capital,
ethics, aesthetics, and obviously economic capital (Bourdieu, 1993).
Another perspective, symbolic interactionism, has approached the analy-
sis of sport through a methodological vein that is more than interpretive
and that aims to study the meanings and values of sport for different social
groups. In other words, this approach aims to elucidate the subjective
meaning of social action in the field of sport (Garcı́a & Lagardera, 1998).
Another distinct view is that of the figurational perspective, which empha-
sizes the civilizing process of sport and its role in reducing violence.
As shown by this variety of perspectives, sport is an area of study of
sociology that is still nebulous and diverse. Accordingly, it is impossible for
theorists and institutions to accept a single definition of sport. The examina-
tion of sport is a “no man’s land,” a multi-dimensional and multi-disciplinary
phenomenon in which sociology, psychology, medicine, history, and a num-
ber of other disciplines each leave a distinct imprint. Though not encompass-
ing a single approach, sociology has nevertheless been forced to define and
delve into the role that sport plays in society.
From a figurationalist perspective, it seems obvious to consider the role
that fun plays in sports, but it allows for flexibility in norms, as individuals,
by letting go of emotional controls, experience intense emotional experiences
that are safe or relatively safe (Dunning, 2003). Brohm (1993) more specifi-
cally identified certain ideological functions of sport, such as legitimizing
social order, as sport is generally not anti-establishment. On the other hand,
sport also tends to integrate people. This function is supported by an ideol-
ogy that emphasizes uninterrupted linear progress. Sport also reinforces the
system of idol creation, providing an illusion of social mobility, and can be
seen as a form of preparation for industrial work, as it promotes the princi-
ples of performance and productivity and implants a logic of effort and
specialization, all of which is presented in a form that is politically neutral.
Sociology of Sport: Chile 413
national level, considering the basic elements and structures that form a
model of sport and observing how these elements work together to pro-
mote the development of sport in all of its spheres. Focusing on the contri-
butions and roles of the state and public system (through the Ministry of
Sport and the National Institute of Sport), and of the private system
(through sport federations, associations, and clubs), Valdebenito exposes
the difficulties faced by both systems in the development of sport and phy-
sical activity at the national level.
The work of Matus focuses on the sport organizations at a more local
level, in the context of the voluntary sport “clubs” of the Bio-Bio region of
Chile. This research has deepened our knowledge of these types of organi-
zations, which play a key role in supporting sport and physical activity in
Chile by channeling the necessities and interests of the population through
democratic processes of personal and collective development.
In this theoretical environment, a multi-dimensional model has been devel-
oped that considers these clubs from an external-to-internal and general-
to-specific perspective, from the perspective of society and its organizations
before to the characteristics of each particular club. This model is supported
by third sector, institutional choice and stakeholder theories, and it considers
the legal and administrative dynamics that define the clubs at a macro level.
From the perspective of the sociology of organizations, this analysis suggests
that Chilean sport clubs are currently in a stage of emerging associationism
or in a stage of development driven by organizational trajectory.
Furthermore, it demonstrates the considerable diversity of organizations,
making it clear that there is no one type of sport club in Chile.
Disputing the stabilizing force of sport, the Marxist perspective main-
tains a more critical posture informed by the view that sport maintains the
domination of certain classes over others by contributing to the moral
acquiescence of the masses.
Another distinct vision is that of the figurational perspective, which
emphasizes the civilizing function of sports. According to this view, sport is
Sociology of Sport: Chile 415
a mediating element between the individual and society and has contributed
to reduced violence. In this context, studies analyzing barras bravas, parti-
cularly of the Chilean national football clubs of Colo-Colo and
Universidad de Chile, expose how the country’s socio-economic model
(neo-liberalism) has had a large impact on its society (Recasens, 1999;
Santa Cruz, 1996).
It is also necessary to consider the contribution of the structuralist
perspective, which has brought to light mechanisms that influence the indi-
vidual choices of people to participate in sports. According to this perspec-
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tive, social class is decisive, as social and cultural factors make us choose
sport practices that match the likes and interests of the groups to which
we belong.
Another perspective that differs from the aforementioned is symbolic
interactionism, which instead of focusing on the structural relations of indi-
viduals, explores the subjective meaning of social action. Some of the prin-
cipal objectives of studying sports from this perspective are the
understanding of social meaning and emotions in sports. In this way,
“sports occupy a distinct significance according to different groups of peo-
ple, particularly if these groups correspond to different cultural patterns”
(Cornejo, 2015).
Despite the weight of these theoretical perspectives, it is not possible to
carry out a comparable analysis in Chile. Given the state of knowledge
creation in Chile in this area, at this time, we should limit our focus to
weighing the different approaches, starting with the following topics that
have drawn the interest of scholars, such as (1) the meaning of sport,
(2) the social structure of sport (habits, behaviors, and attitudes), (3) sport
as an element of socialization or in the scope of physical education, (4) the
organizing system and marketing of sport, and (5) the sport system from
the perspective of sociology of organizations, which was described in
Miguel Cornejo’s doctoral thesis (1998), shedding light on the Chilean
sport system through scientific analysis.
THE FUTURE
The analysis and state of sociology of sport in Chile merits at least a short
reflection on what can be expected in the future. As mentioned, sociology
of sport has its roots in the sociology of sport and society working group
created at the ALAS Congress in Concepción, Chile, in 1999. In its first
416 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA
iteration, there were few studies, and the majority focused on football.
Given the conditions under which the sociology of sport has developed and
the academic and scientific weaknesses that characterize the study, the most
common studies have been those conducted on football from the perspec-
tive of sociological theories, including studies by Santa Cruz (1996),
Guerrero (1992), Herrera and Varas (2008), and Ovalle and Vidal (2014),
and the contributions of the Nucleus of Studies of Football at the
Universidad de Valparaiso.
In the future, it is expected that new organizations such as the Social
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Network of Sports and the Observatory of Chilean Sports along with exist-
ing organizations will explore new lines of research on topics such as vio-
lence in sports, doping and its social impact, and the impact of urban
practices particularly in young people. Sport is a phenomenon that is
increasingly complex, particularly in light of changing interests and
demands of populations. Therefore, a form of study that is increasingly
empirical, that uses advanced methodological approaches, and that inno-
vates on the frameworks of contemporary academic sociology is needed.
Also fundamental to the better positioning the study of sociology of
sport in Chile are the following: greater participation in academic con-
gresses organized by the international associations of sociology of sport, an
increase in the number of publications in international journals of sociol-
ogy of sport, and the integration of the sociology of sport and society
ALAS working group with the Latin American Association of Social
Studies of Sports (ALESDE). Behind this consolidation should be a stage
of projection and cooperation in the academic community, signaling that
sport represents an object of study as important as other social fields.
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