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Sociology of Sport: A Global Subdiscipline in Review

Sociology of Sport: Chile


Miguel Cornejo Amestica
Article information:
To cite this document: Miguel Cornejo Amestica . "Sociology of Sport: Chile" In
Sociology of Sport: A Global Subdiscipline in Review. Published online: 10 Nov 2016;
405-419.
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CHAPTER 23

SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT: CHILE

Miguel Cornejo Amestica


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ABSTRACT

This chapter analyzes the evolution and impact of the sociology of sport
in Chile. From a socio-historical perspective and considering the different
sociological perspectives used to study national sport phenomena, the
sociology of sport remains a relatively new field of study within general
sociology. Chile’s recent hosting of international conferences, such as the
Latin American Association of Sociology (ALAS) and the Latin
American Association of Sociocultural Studies in Sports (ALESDE),
has catalyzed the field by bringing together researchers and promoting
academic collaboration. To date, most research in Chile has focused on
soccer. However, changes in Chilean society demand that other social
aspects of sport as a socio-cultural phenomenon be studied. In future
years, it is expected that the sociology of sport will assume a level of
importance equal to that of other fields of social research.
Keywords: Sociology of sport; society; research; sports clubs; Chile

HISTORY OF SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT IN CHILE


The practice of modern sport in Chile can be traced to the arrival of
European, particularly British, immigrants to the country’s port cities of

Sociology of Sport: A Global Subdiscipline in Review


Research in the Sociology of Sport, Volume 9, 405 419
Copyright r 2017 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved
ISSN: 1476-2854/doi:10.1108/S1476-285420160000009029
405
406 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA

Valparaiso and Viña del Mar and, later. Iquique and Talcahuano in the
second half of the 19th century. According to Modiano (1997), early sport
in Chile was heavily influenced by the class and gender divisions of the time
period and was marked by an emulation of European, especially British,
culture. Indeed, the first people to play sports in the country were British
immigrants, who played cricket, rugby, and paper chase, a British horsera-
cing game. These practices were soon adopted by creole elites.
By the late 1800s, other sports, such as football, tennis, and track and
field gained popularity. This first stage of “Europeanized” sport develop-
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ment took place wholly in the upper classes (Modiano, 1997), characterized
by social representations, such as that of the “gentleman” and “sports-
man,” and amateurism as the sole purpose of competition. This social class
dynamic also led to the formation of exclusive clubs and social circles dedi-
cated to sport.
The lower and middle classes joined the process of sport development in
Chile at the end of the 19th century, promoting the cultural incorporation
of sport, especially football, into Chilean popular culture. Middle-class
sport clubs, often associated with labor unions, appeared at this time and
were forms of representing urban or neighborhood identity (Santa Cruz,
1996). The diffusion of sport into popular culture was also marked by the
participation of philanthropists from the Chilean elite, who encouraged
sport association as a way to promote morality. This association has been
largely lost, representing a crisis for Chilean sport (Matus, 2015).
Though sport in Chile developed through cross-cultural social processes
in the early 1900s, to social scientists, sport did not represent a subject of
study in and of itself until much later. Indeed, studies conducted by the
Latin American Social Sciences Institute (FLASCO) in the 1950s that
focused on the Chilean population did so from the perspective of social class
and social politics and were strongly influenced by liberalism and Marxism.
The presidency of Salvador Allende from 1970 to 1973 was marked by
the view that sport was “for everyone” (Cornejo, Matus, & Vargas, 2011).
In 1972, Allende, influenced by developments in other socialist countries,
explained this motive clearly to the country’s sport leaders and implemen-
ted a series of sport programs at the national level.
While Allende considered sport to be a socio-cultural phenomenon with
considerable impact on the population, during the Pinochet military dicta-
torship from 1973 to 1989, sport was employed as a tool of entertainment
to divert public attention from the country’s political situation.
Paradoxically, large sporting events, particularly soccer games, were even-
tually utilized as a form of protest against the dictatorship.
Sociology of Sport: Chile 407

As Dunning (2003) suggests, the study of sport as a social science con-


tinues to be a subject of limited interest particularly in Chile, despite the
importance sociology has afforded political analysis as a means of under-
standing societal development. Eduardo Santa Cruz describes the limited
value social science professionals have assigned the study of sport in his
book Crónica de un Encuentro Fútbol y Cultura Popular to bewildered aca-
demics who, he explains, “[l]ooked at me with distinct expressions oscillat-
ing between thinking that I was joking or more mercifully lamenting that
I was wasting my time on such a banal topic. The friendliest of them
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thought it to be quaint. Only a few understood …” (1991, p. 9).


Interest in studying sport from a socio-cultural perspective in Latin
American has been driven primarily by physical education professionals
who studied at universities in Brazil and Europe. These professionals came
together to create a sociology of sport and society working group (GT 23)
at the 22nd Congress of the Latin America Association of Sociology
(ALAS) at the Universidad de Concepción in Concepción, Chile, in 1999.
This working group, chaired by this author, included five presentations and
can be considered to be the formal commencement of the study of the
sociology of sport in Chile.
At subsequent conferences, the group has continued to promote colla-
boration among Latin American scholars, eventually leading to the crea-
tion of the Latin American Association of Sociocultural Studies in Sports
(ALESDE) during the 26th ALAS Congress in Guadalajara, Mexico.
ALESDE’s founders, Miguel Cornejo of the Universidad de Concepción
and Wanderley Júnior Marchi of the Universidad Estadual de Paraná in
Brazil, along with other Latin American researchers, have organized a ser-
ies of international events promoting academic studies and research related
to sport and identifying areas of common interest across the region
(Schausteck de Almeida, Marchi, & Cornejo, 2012).

APPROXIMATE NUMBER OF SCHOLARS AND


WHERE LOCATED
Most of the studies on the sociology of sport in Chile, and in Latin
America, focus on football. The empirical explanation for this is that foot-
ball is the most popular sport in the country and across Latin America. As
conferences have brought together sociology and anthropology students
and professors from universities across the region, the subject has been
408 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA

analyzed from a variety of perspectives, allowing for an understanding of


the sport not only as a passion but also as one that plays a key role in soci-
etal identity.
The emerging interest in analyzing sport from a sociological perspective
has led to the creation of working groups rooted in institutions, such as
GEOSDE (Group of Olympic and Social Studies of Sport) at the Universidad
de Concepción, that seek to reflect on sport and raise awareness in the
academic and political spheres about its importance in the development of
democratic society. The Chilean Network of Social Studies of Sport, a multi-
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disciplinary organization including sociologists, anthropologists, and histor-


ians, has as its principle objective the dissemination, analysis, and study of
sport in the Chilean social context. This group has promoted collaboration
among specialists in the field of identity, history, and culture in sports
through seminars, talks, and workshops. In 2014, the Observatory of
Sports was created at the Universidad de Los Lagos with the primary
objective of developing and sharing information on the factors that influ-
ence sport with the goal of promoting successful and sustainable public
sport policies.
In this context, it is evident that sport is slowly gaining the attention of
social scientists. The presence of organizations based at universities as well
as of small groups of academics at Chilean universities has allowed sport to
begin to take its place in the social as well as political spheres.

THE ACADEMIC ENVIRONMENT AND BARRIERS


TO RESEARCH
How is football like God? In the devotion it receives from its believers and the skepti-
cism it receives from intellectuals. Galeano (1999)

The above quotation represents the importance that sport, particularly


football, holds in Latin America. Chile is no stranger to this popularity,
though some academics have argued that other sports also play an impor-
tant role in Chilean society.
Sport can be instrumentalized by economic and political actors both as
a means of creating industry and as a social tool. Politicians and govern-
ment officials frequently tout, for example, that sport promotes quality of
life, keeps young people away from drugs, and promotes inclusivity and
rights. At the same time, UNESCO in its International Charter of Physical
Education, Physical Activity, and Sport (2015) has called for “the promotion
Sociology of Sport: Chile 409

of access to sports for all, without discrimination,” urging those charged


with designing, implementing, and evaluating sport programs and policies to
base them in a foundation of ethics and quality.
Despite the instrumentalization of sport, research in the field has pro-
moted the upgrading of sport policy and decision-making. A study financed
by the Universidad de Concepción titled “Mega-Sporting Events in Chile:
The Legacy of the 2014 South America Games in Santiago; Sporting and
Social Impact: The Case of the City of Peñalolén” aimed to show the
impact of a newly constructed “multi-sport” center on relations among the
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community members (neighbors, leaders, athletes) in a city with a high level


of social vulnerability. Another study financed by the National Fund for
the Development of Sports (Fondeporte) of the National Institute for
Sports, titled “Municipal Services and Their Impact on Sport Practices and
Physical Activity: The Case of the Bio-Bio Region” (Cornejo, Matus, &
Tello, 2015) will allow the Ministry of Sports to observe how sports are
organized and developed in municipalities. The Chilean government
through its Ministry of Sports has also financed organizations to study
the supply and demand of sport services. These studies have evaluated,
for example, the sporting and physical activity habits of Chileans, the
availability of municipal sport services, and sport services for the handi-
capped population.
Unlike European and some Latin American countries, such as Brazil,
the Chilean government has yet to provide the same level of support to
social sport research as it does to other sciences through its Science and
Technology Commission (CONICYT), which is charged with funding
research in Chile, and the National Fund for the Development of
Sports (Fondeporte).
A likely reason for this lack of resources is that the field of sport in
Chile is still missing the critical mass of researchers capable of producing
studies and publications at the level of other sciences. A study by Oliva,
Zavala, Marchant, Jorquera, and Dı́az (2009) suggests that this lack of
high-quality scientific research in the area of physical activity and sport in
Chile is due to the relatively low number of doctorates obtained in the dis-
cipline. Furthermore, most of these doctorates have been awarded in
Europe, particularly Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, and
in Brazil.
Despite the slow growth of the discipline in Chile, the Universidad
Católica de Maule in Talca has launched a doctoral program in the area of
Science of Physical Activity, the first of its kind in the country. It is
expected that in the coming years, the increasing number of researchers
410 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA

capable of completing and publishing high-quality research in the field of


sport will prompt CONICYT to devote more attention and resources to
the discipline, further promoting its development in Chile.

MAIN AREAS OF RESEARCH STRENGTH IN


CHILEAN SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT
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Football as a subject of study in sociology or in any other social science


should not be isolated from its surroundings, and the relationships it shares
with the political, economic, cultural, and social spheres as well as the sport
itself should be considered (Bourdieu, 1988).
Currently, football is the most popular sport in the world, even more pop-
ular than the Olympics (Antezana, 2003). Despite this, there are no clear
theoretical frameworks for studying football or sport in Latin America,
though it is generally considered to be a communitarian ritual, like a social
drama or public arena (Alabarces, 2003). Pablo Alabarces describes this phe-
nomenon in his aptly titled Fútbol y Academia: Recorrido de un Desencuentro
(Football and Academica: A Journey of Misunderstanding), in which he iden-
tifies the disconnect between the two spheres not only at the Latin American
level but also globally. The author argues that the perspective that has most
closely captured the study of football is that of journalism, which is “almost
contemporaneous with the origin of sports … sports and journalism follow
similar chronological paths” (Alabarces, 1998, p. 261). Nevertheless, this per-
spective is merely descriptive, narrating stories and facts, but lacking the
abstraction needed to more fully understand the phenomenon of sport.
Specifically in the case of Chile, the most common and productive forms
of analyzing football have been anthropological and ethnographic ones,
likely because scholars have considered football a cultural phenomenon.
The first Latin Americans to study football did so from this perspective. In
the 1980s, Da Matta argued that the style with which Brazilians played
football was a reflection of Brazilian identity, and Archetti has studied the
ethos of the Argentinian fans from an anthropological perspective, focusing
on their verbal conduct and the construction of masculine identity within
the space of the stadium (Alabarces, 2003). Another similar approach has
considered the subculture of soccer fans, with an emphasis on their sym-
bolic behaviors and moral codes as reflected in their conduct inside and
outside stadiums (Alabarces, 2003; Santa Cruz, 1996).
Sociology of Sport: Chile 411

To Santa Cruz, the study of football should begin with the recognition
that it is a cultural phenomenon characterized by complex and multifaceted
practices where “the hybrid appears to characterize processes in both form
and content” (1996, p. 35), suggesting that the phenomenon is best under-
stood through the notion of cultural appropriation, an active process
through which foreign elements are internalized and appropriated by local
means or decoded through a system that is distinct to each culture. In this
vein, Ovalle and Vidal (2014) utilized historiographic and anthropological
methods to analyze football, considering its importance in the development
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of sport in the lower and middle classes.

MAIN APPROACHES TAKEN


According to Elias and Dunning, “Sport appears to be a leisure activity
that holds decisive importance in the context of controlled urban-industrial
societies” (cited in Dunning, 2003). Despite this, sociology’s interest in
sport is relatively recent, perhaps because traditional sociological methods
and theories have viewed it as an unconventional field in need of validation.
According to Dunning (2003), sport as an object of sociological study can
fall into three categories: “as a field of study in and of itself; as a sub-field
under the umbrella of ‘sociology of leisure’; and as a field included in the
framework of one or more traditional subfields” (Dunning, 2003).
Nevertheless, in the Chilean context, research on sport from a sociologi-
cal perspective is scarce and lacks a clear theoretical framework. Bourdieu
(1993) has suggested that there is no way to study sport because it was not
considered a serious social problem by the founders of sociology. Despite
this, the traditional theoretical approaches used in sociology have also been
applied to the study of sport.
Under the structural functionalist perspective, sport is considered an insti-
tutionalized game characteristic of a social structure comprised of values,
norms, penalties, knowledge, practices, roles, and statuses. Therefore, sport
is a reflection of society and its principal function is to socialize individuals.
Furthermore, sport is viewed as an open social system to which new prac-
tices and meanings can be incorporated.
Centered in cultural and social class, the structuralist perspective main-
tains that one’s disposition toward or choice to participate in sport is
molded by the interests of the class to which that person belongs. In this
context, sport is stratified socio-economically. For example, the cost and
availability of equipment and location limit the accessibility of certain
412 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA

sports, such as snowboarding (Bourdieu, 1993). Through this theoretical


perspective, it is possible to analyze the role of social class in the develop-
ment and current state of Chilean sport.
Bourdieu (1993) reinforces this perspective in his suggestion that modern
sport originated in the English public schools where the elite appropriated
games from the lower and middle classes but changed their form and mean-
ing. In this vein, other theoretical approaches can be found, including the
theory of fields of production, in which sport can be viewed as a field that
possesses values and capital (Garcı́a & Lagardera, 1998). Under this per-
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spective, the practice of sport is not equally distributed by class, and the
decision to participate in sport is not only a personal one but also one influ-
enced by structural variables, such as ethnic group, family, cultural capital,
ethics, aesthetics, and obviously economic capital (Bourdieu, 1993).
Another perspective, symbolic interactionism, has approached the analy-
sis of sport through a methodological vein that is more than interpretive
and that aims to study the meanings and values of sport for different social
groups. In other words, this approach aims to elucidate the subjective
meaning of social action in the field of sport (Garcı́a & Lagardera, 1998).
Another distinct view is that of the figurational perspective, which empha-
sizes the civilizing process of sport and its role in reducing violence.
As shown by this variety of perspectives, sport is an area of study of
sociology that is still nebulous and diverse. Accordingly, it is impossible for
theorists and institutions to accept a single definition of sport. The examina-
tion of sport is a “no man’s land,” a multi-dimensional and multi-disciplinary
phenomenon in which sociology, psychology, medicine, history, and a num-
ber of other disciplines each leave a distinct imprint. Though not encompass-
ing a single approach, sociology has nevertheless been forced to define and
delve into the role that sport plays in society.
From a figurationalist perspective, it seems obvious to consider the role
that fun plays in sports, but it allows for flexibility in norms, as individuals,
by letting go of emotional controls, experience intense emotional experiences
that are safe or relatively safe (Dunning, 2003). Brohm (1993) more specifi-
cally identified certain ideological functions of sport, such as legitimizing
social order, as sport is generally not anti-establishment. On the other hand,
sport also tends to integrate people. This function is supported by an ideol-
ogy that emphasizes uninterrupted linear progress. Sport also reinforces the
system of idol creation, providing an illusion of social mobility, and can be
seen as a form of preparation for industrial work, as it promotes the princi-
ples of performance and productivity and implants a logic of effort and
specialization, all of which is presented in a form that is politically neutral.
Sociology of Sport: Chile 413

KEY CONTRIBUTORS AND KEY PUBLICATIONS


Continuing analysis of the sociology of sport centers around, on the one
hand, the early studies of the sociology of sport completed in Chile
and, on the other hand, two issues that have raised interest: the level
of research and the structure and functionality of the scientific and
academic communities.
Another issue of interest is how the theoretical perspectives and meth-
odologies employed by sociology can be used to delimit the study of sport
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and establish values regarding the principal approaches to the discipline.


For some sociologists, the study of sport from a sociological perspective,
like that of other social fields, is characterized by theoretical and methodo-
logical pluralism that reflects the dynamic and complex character of sport
(Bourdieu & Coleman, 1991; Gines, 2003). The advances achieved in the
study of the sociology of sport from the functionalist, Marxist, figurational,
structuralist, feminist, and symbolic interactionist perspectives have allowed
for diverse sociological perspectives on sport as a social phenomenon.
In this analytical context, the contributions of the functionalist perspec-
tive allow us to analyze sport as an organic phenomenon that reproduces
and reinforces the current social model (through the norms, values, penal-
ties, stratification, etc., that are characteristic of sport systems) and that
promotes social order through integrative and socializing functions.
Examples of studies employing this approach include those of Recasens
(1999) on the Chilean barras bravas (sporting fan clubs), Diego
Valdebenito Véliz’s work on the critical analysis of the sport model through
the lens of comparative rights (2013), and Matus’s (2015) thesis, The State
of Chilean Sports Clubs: The Case of the Bio-Bio Region (University
of Barcelona).
The studies from the perspective of institutions (functionalists) have in
particular promoted the interpretation of sport as a complex and diverse
field of analysis. The work of Recasens, an anthropologist, on barras bra-
vas, for example, attempts to identify the factors that lead to violence
before, during, and after professional football games in Chile. Recasens’
study focuses on two fan clubs in particular: Los de Abajo (Those from
Below), who support the Universidad de Chile team, and La Garra Blanca
(The White Claw), who support the Colo-Colo team. These fan clubs repre-
sent the two most important professional football teams in Chile. The phe-
nomenon of violence in these clubs was observed desde dentro (from
within); therefore, the information studied comes from and represents the
experiences and perceptions of the members themselves.
414 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA

These experiences show that violence is legitimized by stories and myths,


as well as by a language and dramatization constructed within the club. It
is the stadium where the feelings, passions, and loyalties are released; where
a cultural identity and brotherhood is constructed; and where the warm
embrace of the group is felt. Recasens’ study allows us to understand that
the actions and feelings of club members extend beyond a simple football
game, and represent the sense of social discrimination and vulnerability
shared by a young person and their peers in this particular space.
The work of Valdebenito sheds light on the organization of sport at the
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national level, considering the basic elements and structures that form a
model of sport and observing how these elements work together to pro-
mote the development of sport in all of its spheres. Focusing on the contri-
butions and roles of the state and public system (through the Ministry of
Sport and the National Institute of Sport), and of the private system
(through sport federations, associations, and clubs), Valdebenito exposes
the difficulties faced by both systems in the development of sport and phy-
sical activity at the national level.
The work of Matus focuses on the sport organizations at a more local
level, in the context of the voluntary sport “clubs” of the Bio-Bio region of
Chile. This research has deepened our knowledge of these types of organi-
zations, which play a key role in supporting sport and physical activity in
Chile by channeling the necessities and interests of the population through
democratic processes of personal and collective development.
In this theoretical environment, a multi-dimensional model has been devel-
oped that considers these clubs from an external-to-internal and general-
to-specific perspective, from the perspective of society and its organizations
before to the characteristics of each particular club. This model is supported
by third sector, institutional choice and stakeholder theories, and it considers
the legal and administrative dynamics that define the clubs at a macro level.
From the perspective of the sociology of organizations, this analysis suggests
that Chilean sport clubs are currently in a stage of emerging associationism
or in a stage of development driven by organizational trajectory.
Furthermore, it demonstrates the considerable diversity of organizations,
making it clear that there is no one type of sport club in Chile.
Disputing the stabilizing force of sport, the Marxist perspective main-
tains a more critical posture informed by the view that sport maintains the
domination of certain classes over others by contributing to the moral
acquiescence of the masses.
Another distinct vision is that of the figurational perspective, which
emphasizes the civilizing function of sports. According to this view, sport is
Sociology of Sport: Chile 415

a mediating element between the individual and society and has contributed
to reduced violence. In this context, studies analyzing barras bravas, parti-
cularly of the Chilean national football clubs of Colo-Colo and
Universidad de Chile, expose how the country’s socio-economic model
(neo-liberalism) has had a large impact on its society (Recasens, 1999;
Santa Cruz, 1996).
It is also necessary to consider the contribution of the structuralist
perspective, which has brought to light mechanisms that influence the indi-
vidual choices of people to participate in sports. According to this perspec-
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tive, social class is decisive, as social and cultural factors make us choose
sport practices that match the likes and interests of the groups to which
we belong.
Another perspective that differs from the aforementioned is symbolic
interactionism, which instead of focusing on the structural relations of indi-
viduals, explores the subjective meaning of social action. Some of the prin-
cipal objectives of studying sports from this perspective are the
understanding of social meaning and emotions in sports. In this way,
“sports occupy a distinct significance according to different groups of peo-
ple, particularly if these groups correspond to different cultural patterns”
(Cornejo, 2015).
Despite the weight of these theoretical perspectives, it is not possible to
carry out a comparable analysis in Chile. Given the state of knowledge
creation in Chile in this area, at this time, we should limit our focus to
weighing the different approaches, starting with the following topics that
have drawn the interest of scholars, such as (1) the meaning of sport,
(2) the social structure of sport (habits, behaviors, and attitudes), (3) sport
as an element of socialization or in the scope of physical education, (4) the
organizing system and marketing of sport, and (5) the sport system from
the perspective of sociology of organizations, which was described in
Miguel Cornejo’s doctoral thesis (1998), shedding light on the Chilean
sport system through scientific analysis.

THE FUTURE
The analysis and state of sociology of sport in Chile merits at least a short
reflection on what can be expected in the future. As mentioned, sociology
of sport has its roots in the sociology of sport and society working group
created at the ALAS Congress in Concepción, Chile, in 1999. In its first
416 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA

iteration, there were few studies, and the majority focused on football.
Given the conditions under which the sociology of sport has developed and
the academic and scientific weaknesses that characterize the study, the most
common studies have been those conducted on football from the perspec-
tive of sociological theories, including studies by Santa Cruz (1996),
Guerrero (1992), Herrera and Varas (2008), and Ovalle and Vidal (2014),
and the contributions of the Nucleus of Studies of Football at the
Universidad de Valparaiso.
In the future, it is expected that new organizations such as the Social
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Network of Sports and the Observatory of Chilean Sports along with exist-
ing organizations will explore new lines of research on topics such as vio-
lence in sports, doping and its social impact, and the impact of urban
practices particularly in young people. Sport is a phenomenon that is
increasingly complex, particularly in light of changing interests and
demands of populations. Therefore, a form of study that is increasingly
empirical, that uses advanced methodological approaches, and that inno-
vates on the frameworks of contemporary academic sociology is needed.
Also fundamental to the better positioning the study of sociology of
sport in Chile are the following: greater participation in academic con-
gresses organized by the international associations of sociology of sport, an
increase in the number of publications in international journals of sociol-
ogy of sport, and the integration of the sociology of sport and society
ALAS working group with the Latin American Association of Social
Studies of Sports (ALESDE). Behind this consolidation should be a stage
of projection and cooperation in the academic community, signaling that
sport represents an object of study as important as other social fields.

FIVE KEY READINGS

1. Cornejo, M. (2015). On Alesde and research development in Latin


America, International Review for the Sociology of Sport, Vol. 50 (4–5),
pp. 407 412.
This article offers an analysis of the sociology of sport in Latin America,
the evolution of research, and the creation of the Latin American
Association of Sociocultural Studies in Sport (ASLESDE). The objective
is to create a space for the study of sociology of sport in Latin America.
Sociology of Sport: Chile 417

2. Recasens, A. (1999). Diagnóstico Antropológico de las Barras Bravas y de


la Violencia Ligada al Fútbol. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Universidad
de Chile. Electronic Books.
Recasens’ book is the result of an anthropological investigation aimed at
detecting the factors that incite the violence before, during, and after
professional football games in Chile. The study focuses primarily on two
barras bravas (fan clubs): Los de Abajo (those from below), who support
the Universidad de Chile team, and La Garra Blanca, who support the
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Colo-Colo team. This work allows for an observation of the characteris-


tics and actors involved, their problems, and how they contribute to vio-
lence. These questions reveal the issue to be a latent one.

3. Olivos, F. (2009). “América Latina en juego una aproximación a la


sociologı́a del deporte.” Revista doble Vincula Pensar Latinoamericano,
No. 1, Year 1.
This article by Olivas offers an approximation of the sociology of sport
as a tool of intellectual analysis that allows social science researchers to
consider sport as a field of study. Furthermore, this study explains three
of the principle theoretical approaches utilized in the field: figurational,
Bourdieusian, and Marxist. Finally, it argues that Chile can be consid-
ered a “footballized” country and explores the importance that football
plays in the construction of a continent-level identity.

4. Ovalle, A., & Vidal, J. (2014). Pelota de Trapo, Fútbol y deporte en la


historia popular, Editorial Quimantú Santiago
This book by Ovalle and Vidal presents an excellent relational analysis
between sport, particularly football, and civil society, as well as the rela-
tion between the history of football and politics and the role of the neigh-
borhood sport club as an actor in the creation of social and popular
spaces. This book also demonstrates how football has been transformed
into a social and cultural phenomenon in Chilean society. Interestingly, it
was published by the Quimantú Press, which was established by Salvador
Allende’s government with the goal of promoting public literacy. During
the military dictatorship, this press was eliminated, but it has since been
revived and has published this interesting book.

5. Sandoval, P., & Garcı́a, I. (2014). Cultura deportiva en Chile: desarrollo


histórico, institucionalidad actual e implicancias para la polı́tica pública,
Polis, Revista Latinoamericana, 13(39), 441 462.
418 MIGUEL CORNEJO AMESTICA

This article by Sandoval and Garcia analyzes the culture of sport in


Chile, which despite being discussed in academic circles continues to
lack conceptual concordance. This discussion begins with the citizenry’s
participation in the practice of physical activity and the recreational con-
cept of sport in the national culture, and concludes that the institutional
expression of the national culture of sport reproduces a conception of
sport as a phenomenon with a logical order, which helps explain the
existence of high rates of sedentary lifestyle in the country and other
related problems.
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