Journal Research in Peace, Gender and Development (JRPGD) Vol. 4(1) pp.

8-14, February, 2014

DOI: http:/dx.doi.org/10.14303/jrpgd.2014.007
Available online http://www.interesjournals.org/ JRPGD
Copyright © 2014 International Research Journals

Review

Citizenship, indigeneship and settlership crisis in

Nigeria: understanding the dynamics of Wukari crisis
1
Jaja Nwanegbo, *2Jude Odigbo and 3Ngara Christopher Ochanja
1,*2
Department of Political Science, Federal University, Wukari, Wukari- Nigeria.
3
National Institute for Legislative Studies, National Assembly, Abuja, Nigeria.
*Corresponding author email: [email protected]; +2348037549721
ABSTRACT

This study examined citizenship, indigeneship and settlership crisis in Nigeria with a view to explaining
the violent conflicts of February and May 2013 in Wukari, Taraba State. The paper contended that the
several inter-ethnic conflicts between the Junkuns and the Tivs, Kutebs, and the Hausa settlers in the
past were significant in shaping the dynamics of the recent Wukari crisis. It adopted focus group
discussions, observation technique as well as secondary method of data analysis. With the aid of
Marx’s conflict view point, the paper argued that the Wukari crisis was as a result of accumulated
grievances, anger and frustration arising from suspicion, mutual distrust and manipulative indigeneship
and citizenship status in the struggle for power and scarce communal resources between minority
Jukun Muslims and majority Jukun Christians cum Traditionalists. The paper recommended that
government at all levels and Wukari community leaders would collaborate and constitute a joint
reconciliatory panel to resolve outstanding grievances through dialogue and town hall meetings and
ensure that relevant laws are reviewed in the on-going constitutional amendment process to give all
Nigerians sense of belonging wherever they reside. It also recommended the establishment of mass
media outfit to bridge information gap among the people.

Keywords: Indigenship, Settlership, Citizenship, Crisis and Wukari.

INTRODUCTION

Globally, communal crisis, religious, ethnic, inter and nebulous national constitutional misconstruction and
intra-state conflicts appear to have remained the most discriminatory tendencies of elitist politics have been the
destabilizing feature of politics in the third world countries reinforcing factors for ethno-communal violence in
especially in Africa. In Nigeria, since the return to civil Nigeria (see Ojukwu and Onifade, 2010; Aluaigba, 2008).
rule in 1999, domestic instability arising from ethno- Thus, the political use and misuse of citizenship and
religious, inter and intra communal conflicts of varying indigeneship has promoted dual conceptual explanations
degrees and dimensions have been recorded. The and application of the notion of indigeneity. In this regard,
implications of these crises to national security, a Nigerian citizen may be excluded or denied
development and democratic survival and consolidation opportunities in Nigeria owing to his/her parental
are well captured in the works of Jega, (2002); Osaghae genealogy. Nigerians, who have their ethnic genealogy
and Suberu, (2005); Nwaomah, (2011); Egwu, (2013); elsewhere, even if they were born in a particular state or
Nwanegbo (2012); Salawu, (2010); Osaghae, (1992); lived all their lives there, are regarded as “settlers”
Fawole and Bello, (2011); Imobighe, (2003); and Egwu (Ibrahim, 2006). This discriminatory tendency especially
(2003). The humanitarian tragedies that have at the local levels has been a major and potential source
accompanied these ethno-religious violence have been of conflict. For instance, discrimination on the basis of
prohibitive (Egwu, 2013:26; Nwanegbo 2012:29). Studies indigeneship or citizenship is quiet problematic because it
over the years have shown that indigene/ settler is directly tied to individual or group access to societal
dichotomy and issues of citizenship that is rooted in the resources including political opportunities. This has
 Nwanegbo et al. 9

served to further sharpen the “we” and the “you” divide. spate of conflicts in Nigeria and the threat of others
It should be noted that ethnic conflicts in 1959, 1980, (Nwanegbo, 2012:24). It is undisputable fact that millions
1990, 1994, 1991, 1992 and 2001 between the Jukuns of Nigerians find themselves living in states, communities
and the Tivs, Kutebs and Hausa settlers have had far or among ethnic groups they have ever known. This
reaching impact on the Jukuns people (see Mustapha situation is not peculiar to a particular zone, region or
2002). Today, the popular use of indigene/settler as a place. In fact, different ethnic nationalities have
means of discriminating against other ethnic groups or conceived and adapted different attitudes to what
separating owners of the land from migrants has become connotes citizenship in Nigeria, making effort at resolving
an important factor in the socio-political life of the Jukun citizenship problems almost impossible.
society. In fact, for the Christian Jukuns and the Thus, constitutional loopholes seem to have
traditionalists, the Jukuns/Hausa Muslims are settlers and exacerbated citizenship crisis in Nigeria. For instances,
should be prevented from playing central role in the Section 147 of the 1999 Constitution states that indigene
affairs of the Jukuns and/or partaking in opportunities of each state shall be considered in ministerial
meant for the Jukuns. Conversely, Jukun Muslims or appointment without explicit definition of the term
those with Hausa blood (regarded by the indigene. The concept of indigeneship in Nigeria has
Christian/Traditionalists Jukuns as Hausa people) have been subject to manipulation. Many interpretations are
equally strong claim to the Jukun society as land of their assigned to it by different groups, ethnic nationalities and
paternal or maternal ancestry and thus see themselves persons for the purpose of excluding others and/or
as equal stakeholders in all Jukun affairs. These gaining economic and political advantage. According to
discriminatory tendencies over the years have led to the Ibrahim in Yisa (2005:8), the consequences of Section
buildup of accumulated grievances and tension among 147 of the 1999 Constitution is that it has created four
the Jukuns. Thus, the football argument that led to the types of Nigerians:
gruesome murder of a non Muslim youth on the football The lucky ones who belong to the indigenous
pitch on the February 23, 2013 and the consequent communities of the state of residence; the indigenes of
violence was just a trigger that unbounded long years of other states who are expected to go back to their own
mutual anger, frustration, suspicion and mistrust. states for any benefits; Nigerians who are unable to
The crises led to massive human and material prove membership of any indigenous group in any state
destruction. Till date, the number of casualties have not of the country and women who are married to men in
been ascertained especially when evidences on ground states other than their own, who are neither accepted in
surpass the number of people reported to have been their states of origin nor in their husbands (Ibrahim cited
killed. The crisis dislocated many families, shut down in Yisa, 2005:8).
businesses and property worth millions were destroyed. Explaining this further, Egwu (2013:27) posits that
An even more disturbing fact is that residency in Wukari what obtains in Nigeria is a bifurcated system of
town is now patterned along religious divide. While the citizenship by which a pan-Nigerian notion of citizenship
Christian/traditionalists Jukuns occupy the part of the operates at the national level while indigeneity operates
town (regarded as the main Jukun land), the Jukun at the local level. For him, this ignores the rich history of
Muslim/ Hausa settlers occupy the other parts (regarded migration and constant mingling of Nigerian peoples and
as the settler’s quarters). creates a distinction between “indigenes” and “non-
Indeed, the above scenario has raised fundamental indigenes” or between “natives” and “settlers” (Egwu,
questions on what constitutes citizenship in Nigeria. What 2013: 27). Thus, the controversies and complexities of
are the implications and dangers associated with the citizenship in Nigeria could be explained from the
usage and application of indigene-settler issues? Is it to outcome of politics that necessitated its usage. In this
limit individuals or group access to community resources direction, citizenship is used to gain access to power,
and dispensation of political opportunities? What is employment, claim benefits and sometimes ensures
responsible for misconception and juxtaposition of denial to others. The implication is perennial conflict
citizenship with indigeneship in Nigeria? To what extent arising from disagreement among individuals, groups and
has this contradiction sustained perennial conflicts in ethnic nationalities. Thus, the spate of recent violent
Wukari? The aim of this study is to examine the historical conflicts in Wukari, Taraba State can be mirrored from
experiences of Jukuns ethno-religious conflicts with their the perspective of a struggle by the Jukuns with mixed
neighbors with a view to determining how this history has blood to assert or integrate themselves into the
contributed to the recent fratricidal conflicts in Wukari mainstream of the Jukun political, administrative and as
between Christian/Traditionalists Jukun on one side and well as traditional space. This attempt seems to have
Jukun Muslims and Hausa settlers on the other. been resisted by the Christian/Traditional Jukuns owing
to suspicion that the Jukun Muslims (also seen now as
Problematizing Citizenship in Nigeria settlers) have cultivated alliances and close relationship
with other ethno-religious groups particularly the Hausa
In most recent years, there has been unimaginable high settlers in order to establish socio-economic and political
10 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.

base. The mutual distrust and suspicion among them is 2012:3). In contrast, a non-indigene, settler or stranger is
further compounded by information gap resulting in the a “native who is not a member of the native community
distortion of information, spread of falsehood and rumors living in the area of its authority” (International Crisis
thereby causing a major crack among the Jukun people Group 2012). An indigene is one who claims to be the
who were united just a decade ago against their Tiv ‘son’ of the soil, a recognized citizen of a given space
neighbours in a communal warfare. while a non indigene or settler is a stranger, a migrant
The vestiges of carnage left on Wukari town almost a who does not have rights of occupancy (Ojukwu and
decade after the Tiv-Jukun conflicts speak volume of the Onifade, 2010:175). In the post colonial Nigerian society,
impact of the recent crisis on the psychic and socio- indigene could be seen as one whose lineage is traced to
economic development of the people and the state at a specific place or community and as well being
large. The 1994 the Tiv/Jukun conflict in Wukari led to the recognized by others as one of the legitimate owners of
death of an estimated 5,000 people (Hudgens and Grillo the place. In fact, place of birth, conferment or
cited in Egwu, 2013:27). Salawu (2010:347) states that naturalization can only guarantee citizenship of Nigeria
the killing of 19 soldiers by the Tiv group in 2002 led to but does not actually offer someone the status of an
military invasion that cost the lives of more than hundred indigene. It is no surprise that in many communities
and sixty (160) people. In the recent Wukari crisis of where people have migrated or settled for more than
2013, the National Emergency Agency (NEMA), put the three decades in Nigeria, the people are hitherto
number of displaced at over 3,000 persons (see Itodo, addressed as settlers. And they are persistently
2013). discriminated from other rights and privileges due to them
Beyond the humanitarian issues generated by the as a citizen. These practices often nurture lots of
recent crisis, it is noteworthy to assert that Wukari is grievances among the people especially at the rural
endowed with arable land and has over the years areas, semi-urban communities where these crises
attracted the Tivs who are mainly farmers and many emanate and have serious negative consequences.
people from various parts of the country. Most of these On the other hand, citizenship according to Gauba
people eke their living through farming at subsistent and (2003:269) denotes the status of an individual as a full
commercial levels as well as other small scale and responsible member of a political community. He
businesses thereby reducing the pressure on government further states that citizenship is the product of a
and the private sector for employment opportunities. The community where the right to rule is decided by a
recurring crisis in Wukari has not only dislocated families prescribed procedure which expresses the will of the
from their base, but also forced many business concerns general body of its members. While ascertaining their will,
to relocate to neighbouring towns. The implication of this nobody is discriminated on grounds of race, religion,
exodus is that the enormous natural and human gender, place of birth (Gauba, 2003). Thus, citizenship is
resources in Wukari would remain relatively untapped a relationship between the individual and the state in
with severe consequences for socio-economic which both are linked by reciprocal rights and duties
development. (Ifesinachi, 2010:1). For him, citizenship in the modern
state seems to proceed from the continuum of
Citizenship, Indigeneship-Settlership Crisis: individualism and communalism. Liberal citizenship
Conceptual and Theoretical Discourses. advances the principle of ‘citizenship right’ and places
particular stress on private entitlement and the status of
Many states in Africa especially in the post-colonial era the individual as an autonomous actor (Heywood, cited in
seem to face the challenges of citizenship. This is mainly Ifesinachi, 2010). Marshall in Egwu, (2009: 188) further
because of colonial legacy of “divide and rule” that has explains that it is much easier to define citizenship as a
created a sense of superiority among aborigines and status bestowed on those who are full members of a
inferiority among migrants or settler citizens in the same community. For him, all those who possess the status of
country of nationality. This has produced a situation in citizens are equal with respect to the rights and duties
which a former president and a former prime minister with which the status is endowed”. Following from the
have been declared not to be citizens of the countries above, one could decipher major problems associated
they were president and Prime Minister – Zambia and with citizenship related issues in Nigeria. This is because
Cote d’ivoire respectively (Obe, 2004:277). This it appears increasingly difficult to determine who is a full
precarious situation has made Obe (2004) to observe member of a particular environment in Nigeria especially
that one must necessarily approach issues of citizenship when the major variable in determining such is tied to
with a good deal of circumspection. land ownership in most places thereby reinforcing the
The indigene principle first appeared in the Native indigene/settler crisis.
Authority Law of 1954, which defined an indigene as Thus, Nigeria in it’s over half a century independent
“someone whose genealogy can be traced to particular existence and over a decade of democratic practice is
geo-ethnic space within a local council or state in which still grappling with plethora of ethno-religious and
s/he is resident” (International Crisis Group Africa, communal conflicts arising from citizenship, indigene-
 Nwanegbo et al. 11

settler feud. The constitutional ambiguity and controversy criteria but due to ethnic origins. This situation perhaps
surrounding the definition of citizenship in Nigeria seems explains why previous peaceful coexistence between
to have stalled scholarly efforts at achieving accepted ethnic and religious groups is now blighted by regular
definition of the concept as many are concerned with bouts of violence (Alubo, 2009:15).
rights and obligations of a citizen. Indeed, misconception Indeed, the problem of citizenship in Nigeria today
or misuse of citizenship and indigeneship/settlership in largely stems from the discriminations and exclusion
Nigeria has provoked numerous violent conflicts across meted out to people on the basis of ethnic, regional,
the country (see Egwu, 2013; Ojukwu and Onifade, 2010; religious and gender identities (Adesoji and Alao, 2009).
Norwegian Refugee Council, 2003; Aluaigba, 2008). This according to them is because those who see
Hence, such violence tends to undermine the importance themselves as “natives” or “indigenes” exclude those
and relevance of citizenship especially within the context considered as “strangers” from the enjoyment of certain
of migration, national integration and development. rights and benefit that they ought to enjoy as Nigerians
Explaining the major cause of indigene/settler crisis in upon the fulfillment of certain civic duties, such as the
Nigeria, Aluaigba (2008:12) posited that a more plausible payment of tax. The implication is that the political system
explanation lies in the failure of the Nigerian state to web has continued to witness ethno-religious, communal and
its numerous ethnic nationalities through the conscious political conflicts of immense proportion that posed
creation of a national structure that will enhance equal serious threat to unity, peace and development in
rights and justice and access to social welfare for all Nigeria.
individuals and groups. For him, these centrifugal The inability of the Nigerian state to evolve a legal
identities built around religion, ethnic groupings, framework that would effectively resolve the uncertainty
‘indigeneity’, ‘settlership’, ‘nativity’, ‘migrants’, ‘non- surrounding citizenship could be well explained with
indigenes’ ‘southerner’, ‘northerner’ etc have collectively Marx’s conflict theory. The mode of production, for Marx
sharpened the dividing line between Nigerians thus determines the super structure and the corresponding
making cohesive nationhood a more convoluted task. social relationships i.e., polity, and religion, law, etc.
The 1999 constitution seems to be clouded in Similarly, social structure and the forces of production
providing explicit legal direction for the Nigerian and social relations of distributions constitute the
citizenship. For instance, Section 42 of Chapter IV of the foundation for understanding the nature of human society
Constitution provides for the right to freedom from (Ritzer, 1996). One of Marx main assumption is that the
discriminations. It also states that, a citizen of Nigeria of a emergence of modern state has reproduced
particular community, ethnic group, place of origin, sex, irreconcilable differences among men and made conflict
religion or political opinion shall not (a) be subjected to inevitable. This is because the state has created different
disabilities or restriction to which citizen of Nigeria of classes with inherent contradictions which produce class
other communities, ethnic groups, places of origin, sex, struggle with political derivations (see Akpuru-Aja, 1997;
religions, political opinions are not made subject or (b) be Ritzer, 1996). Thus, the citizenship, indigene/settler crisis
accorded any privilege or advantage that is not accorded in Nigeria and particularly in Wukari cannot be divorced
to citizen of Nigeria of other communities, ethnic groups, from colonial policy of divide and rule consolidated by
places of origin, sex, religious or political opinions post colonial elite drive to exploiting ethno-religious gap
(Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999). However, the federal for political reasons and to sustain class competition
character principle tends to pose serious threat in among the various ethnic elite groups. The struggle by
determining the functionality of the above provisions. the different ethnic nationalities in Nigeria over scares
Beyond the issue of fetching mediocre to leadership national resources has necessitated the manipulation of
positions, federal character principle tends to have indigeneship/citizenship issues by individuals, groups to
encouraged denial and discrimination among Nigerians. gain political and economic advantage and to exclude
For instance, the appointment of former finance minister others. The attempt by those excluded to assert or
from Lagos was keenly contested by the Lagos state integrate themselves into the mainstream of social,
government based on his indigeneity. In his view, Aluba economic and political life of their community against the
(2009), argued that: resistance of those at the mainstream has been the major
the current constitution is duplicitous in dealing with factor in explaining most of the ethno-religious and
the indigene/ settler questions. It espouses universal communal violence in Nigeria.
criteria for Nigerian citizenship but also recognizes
indigenes for purposes of appointment of ministers. In A Brief Historical Perspective of the Jukuns
daily existence, residency is discarded in favour of
indigene/ settler. Again, where is the national unity, Wukari is a town in Taraba State-one of the States in
especially that there is no opportunity for settlers to North-East Nigeria. Apart from being the traditional and
convert to indigenes? The experience underscores the cultural headquarter of the Jukuns and many minority
nature of one country where citizens have different tribes and ethnic group like the Alago, Agatu, Awe, Etilo,
structures of opportunities not because of any objective etc in some of the present north-central states who
12 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.

Jukun rulers of Wukari, with title "Aku Uka" Between 1833 till Date

Ruler Commencement Year End of the Reign

Zikenyu Tsokwa Tasefu 1833 1845
Agbumanu I Agbu 1845 1860
Ashumanu II Jibo Kindonya 1860 1871
Awudumanu I Abite 1871 1903
Agbumanu II Agbunshu 1903 1915
Ashumanu III Ali 1915 1927
Agbumanu III Amadu 1927 1940
Ashumanu IV Angyu Masa Ibi 1940 1945
Agbumanu IV Atoshi 1945 1960
Ashumanu V Adi Byewi 1960 1970
Awudumanu II Abe Ali 1970 1974
Agbumanu V Adda Ali 1974 1976
Shekarau Angyu Masa Ibi Kuvyon II 1976 Till date
Adapted from Wikipedia retrieved 6/6/2013

migrated alongside the Jukuns from the ancient Fulani Emir of Muri (Meek, 1931).
Kwararafa Kingdom in Sudan, it is the administrative In spite of this early divided loyalty, the Jukun throne
headquarter of Wukari Local Government Area. The in Wukari has remained firm and resolute in administering
town which was established earlier before colonialism is and providing traditional leadership since the 18th century.
renowned for its historical significance as the modern Indeed, till date, thirteen (13) Jukuns have ascended the
headquarters of the Kwararafa Kingdom. The Jukun were throne of Aku Uka showing in the Table above.
established in Wukari from Sudan as early as the 17th However, it is important to note that cross-border
century. The paramount leader is known or rather migratory influences, religious and cultural contacts with
addressed as the Aku Uka of Wukari which is symbolic other cleavages have nurtured some conflicts between
as it represents the centre of the Jukun people. The the Jukuns and most of its neighbours. The pre-colonial
Jukuns were predominantly traditionalists prior to the era was characterized by wars and conflicts because of
advent of Christianity and Islam. Their adherence to the expansionist tendencies of the Jukuns to extend the
rituals and traditional beliefs of complex character appear territorial space of the kwararafa kingdom and to acquire
to have played a significant part in the retention of their more subjects. The colonial era was also marred with the
cultural and societal values and beliefs till date. British divide and rule polices. With this policy most of the
The pre-colonial Jukun society is classified into the Jukuns remained politically divided resulting in the
Jukun Wanu and Jukun Wapa with the Wanus’ mainly conscious or unconscious transfer of political allegiance
fishermen. Thus, the belligerent character of the primitive and loyalty by some Jukuns to other politically organized
Jukun society that is rooted in territorial expansionist thrones. The socio-economic and political expediency of
tendencies and the drive to acquire more subjects led to the present day Nigeria has not helped matters. More
power tussle and confrontations that disintegrated often than not, the socio-political context have aided the
kwararafa Kingdom and the consequent migration of process of further division along socio-cultural, religious,
most of other tribes such as; Alago, Agatu, Rendere, economic and political lines thus resulting in flashpoints
Gumai in Shendam, and others who left Kwararafa (see of violence and confrontations especially since the return
Wikipedia). With the Fulani conquests at the beginning of to democratic rule in 1999.
the 19th century, the Jukun-speaking peoples became
politically divided into various regional factions (Wikipedia Wukari Crisis: The Building Blocks.
retrieved 13/7/2013). By 1920s, according to Meek
(1931:8) the Jukuns lived in scattered groups around the The Jukuns have experienced long years of violent
Benue basin, in an area that roughly corresponded to the conflicts with their neighbours especially in the post
extent of the kingdom of Kwararafa as it existed in the colonial Nigerian state. Apart from intermittent crisis
18th century. He further explained that: arising from expansionist tendencies of the Kwararafa
by the 1920s, the main body of the Jukun population, Kingdom, the pre-colonial Jukun society appeared
known as the Wapâ, resided in and around Wukari, relatively peaceful and friendly. Anifowose (2003:49)
where they were governed by the local king and his explained that peaceful co-existence between the Tivs
administration. Other Jukun-speaking peoples living in and the Jukuns predates colonialism. Indeed, the present
the Benue basin, such as those of Abinsi, Awei District, unrest and animosity are by-products of previous colonial
Donga and Takum, remained politically separate from the and immediate post-colonial inter-communal and
Wukari government, whilst the Jukun-speakers living in religious experience. This historical antecedence to a
Adamawa Province recognised the governorship of the greater extent is fundamental in shaping the perceptions,
 Nwanegbo et al. 13

attitudes and behaviours of the Jukun people in monumentally inflicted injuries among themselves and
contemporary Nigerian society. destroyed property worth millions of Naira. As we noted
The genesis of the conflicts between the Jukuns and earlier, the remote cause of the fratricidal conflict can be
their neighbours and more specifically the Tiv has been attributed to an accumulated grievances among the
traced to the colonial period. Avav and Myegba explained Jukuns arising from several years of ill-feelings,
that the British created a wedge between the Tivs and frustration and grudge due to discrimination on the basis
Jukuns in the well known colonial policy of “divide and of indigene/settler dichotomy. Thus, what triggered the
rule” thus, engendering unhealthy rivalry between them recent violence was a mere argument between two
(cited in Jibo, 2001:2). In the view of Jibo (2001), violent football enthusiasts which snowballed into a bloody battle
hostilities was dated back immediately before and after with deep religious sentiment (see Mkom, 2013; Itodo,
1956 federal elections in which the Tivs who were 2013; Ayodele, 2013). In the heat of the altercation, one
predominantly members of the United Middle Belt person used pistol and killed his opponent which
congress (UMBC) fielded a candidate, Charles Tangur immediately attracted mob action. The angry mob
Gadza, who defeated a Jukun opponent Sangari Usman lynched the accused and the act aggravated the crisis to
of the Northern People’s Congress (NPC). For him, what could best be described as bloodbath. Hundreds of
majority of Jukuns felt that since the Tivs with their private residential houses, business shops were burnt
population advantage had secured seven federal seats, it and many people perished. The violence and carnage
would be logical to cede Wukari Federal seat to a Jukun. was brought under control following the deployment of
This embarrassment, which the Jukun suffered, amidst troops and the imposition of a twenty four (24) hours
the newly discovered political prowess of the Tiv in curfew which lasted for over a month.
Wukari, in part, contributed to the outbreak of the Tiv riot Similarly, in May, 2013 while the soldiers were still on
of 1959-60, and again in 1964 (Best and Idyorough ground, the Jukuns engaged in yet another major violent
2003:177). For them, the existing hostilities and division confrontation against themselves after widespread
between the Tiv and Jukun at this time simply abetted the rumors of reprisal attacks were ignored by government
conflict which was marked by larger scale killings and officials and security operative. The violence was sparked
destruction of property, and population displacement. by an attempt by some groups (alleged to be Hausas) in
This scenario appeared to have added more ill-feelings the Karofi area of the town to prevent some traditionalists
on the existing acrimonious “colonial divide and rule” from carrying out burial rites procession for a deceased
policy. traditional Chief, Abe Ashumate, the Abon Ziken of the
Thus, in 1991/92, the Tivs and Jukuns engaged in a town. The incident developed into a full blown
serious conflict (Norwegian Refugee Council 2003:19). confrontation and within hours of the conflict, hundreds of
The youths were heavily involved in the crisis, blocking people were brutally murdered. Though, there were
major roads, erecting illegal checkpoints along the roads conflicting reports on the number of people killed, the
and killing each other and destroying property worth available reports put death toll at hundred (100) (see
millions Naira (Nigerian currency). Constant reprisal Ayodele, 2013), while about 300 houses were burnt
attacks by both sides resulted in the deaths of many. (Mkom, 2013). The violence crumbled socio-economic
Between October 2001 and January 2002, land dispute activities for weeks; families were forced to migrate to
between the Tivs and Jukuns culminated in a total neighbouring villages and towns, the educational system
breakdown of law and order. The Jukuns declared their was badly affected as schools were shutdown including
Tiv neighbours settlers, hence they are not entitled to any the two universities (Federal University Wukari and
land in Jukun communities. Kwararafa Univiersity-private) located in Wukari main
Other conflicts that have impacted negatively on the town. Other dominant tribes particularly the Igbos who
socio-economic development of Wukari and indeed the survived the crisis relocated with their businesses to
lives of the Jukuns are the Jukun-Chamba/Kuteb - “safe-haven” with heavy negative implications for socio-
conflicts which has been going on for years, although economic development of Wukari and by extension the
there has been no large scale fighting since 1999. The Taraba State at large.
killing of a paramount chief in Kuteb and the boundary The reoccurring violence in Wukari has thrown up
disputes arising from some communities from Takum several fundamental issues for intellectual analysis which
refusal to join Ussa local government area were remote relate to indigene/settler contestation. The impacts of
and immediate causes of the Jukun-Chamba/Kuteb these crises on socio-economic political relations have
violence. been fundamental. It has led to the erection of new
residency and settlement pattern along ethnic and
The February and May 2013 Episodes religious divide with the Jukun Christian/Traditionalists
occupying one part of the town and the Hausa/Jukun
The year 2013 and precisely February 13 and May 4 Muslims occupying the other. The psychological impact
would go down the memory lane for the Jukuns as one of on both the adult and younger generation of those who
the most turbulent years in which they killed each other, witnessed and experienced these conflicts has left a lot of
14 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.

unresolved queries that would require long years of Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999). The 1999 Constitution of the
concerted effort at peace and confidence building to heal Federal Republic of Nigeria. Lagos: Federal Government Press.
Gauba OP(2003). An Introduction to Political Theory. Delhi: Macmillan
the emotional wounds that have been inflicted as a result
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Citizens, Indigenes and Exclusion in Nigeria’, In L. Wohlgemath and
E. Sall (Eds.), Human Rights, Regionalism and the Dilemmas of
CONCLUSION Democracy in Africa, Dakar: CODESRIA.
Ifesinachi K (2010). The Rentier State, Global Liberalism and
Citizenship in Nigeria. University of Nigeria J. Pol. Econs.. 4(2): 1-
From our analysis, it has been established that 14.
citizenship, indigene/settler dichotomy is germane in Imobighe TA (2003). Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflicts in Nigeria: An
Overview. In T.A. Imobighe (Ed.), Civil Society and Ethnic Conflicts
understanding the remote causes of grievances that are
Manage. in Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum.
responsible for the recent fratricidal crisis in Wukari. International Crisis Group (2012). Curbing Violence in Nigeria: The Jos
While we are not oblivious of the relative peace in place, Crisis. Africa Report No. 196.
it is our position that the peace is unsustainable if Itodo DS (2013). “Wukari Crisis: One Violence Too Many” Weekly Trust,
May 11, 2013. Pp. 8.
concerted effort is not made towards resolving Jega AM (2002). Tackling Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Nigeria. The
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