Indus Valley

Civilisation

The Indus Valley Civilisation[1] (IVC),

also known as the Indus Civilisation,
was a Bronze Age civilisation in the
northwestern regions of South Asia,
lasting from 3300 BCE to 1300 BCE,
and in its mature form 2600 BCE to
1900 BCE.[2][a] Together with ancient
Egypt and Mesopotamia, it was one of
three early civilisations of the Near East
and South Asia, and of the three, the
most widespread, its sites spanning an
area from much of Pakistan, to
northeast Afghanistan, and
northwestern India.[3][b] The civilisation
flourished both in the alluvial plain of
the Indus River, which flows through the
length of Pakistan, and along a system
of perennial monsoon-fed rivers that
once coursed in the vicinity of the
Ghaggar-Hakra, a seasonal river in
northwest India and eastern
Pakistan.[2][4]
 Indus Valley Civilisation

Alternative names Harappan

civilisation
ancient Indus
Indus civilisation

Geographical range Basins of the Indus

river, Pakistan and
the seasonal
Ghaggar-Hakra river,
eastern Pakistan
and northwestern
India
Period Bronze Age South
Asia

Dates c. 3300 –
c. 1300 BCE

Type site Harappa

Major sites Harappa, Mohenjo-

daro, Dholavira, and
Rakhigarhi

Preceded by Mehrgarh

Followed by Cemetery H culture

Black and red ware
Ochre Coloured
Pottery culture
Painted Grey Ware
culture
 Excavated ruins of Mohenjo-daro,
Sindh province, Pakistan, showing the
Great Bath in the foreground.
Mohenjo-daro, on the right bank of the
Indus River, is a UNESCO World
Heritage Site, the first site in South
Asia to be so declared.

Miniature votive images or toy models

from Harappa, c. 2500 BCE.
Terracotta figurines indicate the
yoking of zebu oxen for pulling a cart
and the presence of the chicken, a
domesticated jungle fowl.

The term Harappan is sometimes

applied to the Indus civilisation after its
type site Harappa, the first to be
excavated early in the 20th century in
what was then the Punjab province of
British India and is now Punjab,
Pakistan.[5][c] The discovery of Harappa
and soon afterwards Mohenjo-daro was
the culmination of work that had begun
after the founding of the Archaeological
Survey of India in the British Raj in
1861.[6] There were earlier and later
cultures called Early Harappan and Late
Harappan in the same area. The early
Harappan cultures were populated from
Neolithic cultures, the earliest and best-
known of which is Mehrgarh, in
Balochistan, Pakistan.[7][8] Harappan
civilisation is sometimes called Mature
Harappan to distinguish it from the
earlier cultures.

The cities of the ancient Indus were

noted for their urban planning, baked
brick houses, elaborate drainage
systems, water supply systems,
clusters of large non-residential
buildings, and techniques of handicraft
and metallurgy.[d] Mohenjo-daro and
Harappa very likely grew to contain
between 30,000 and 60,000
individuals,[10] and the civilisation may
have contained between one and five
million individuals during its
florescence.[11] A gradual drying of the
region during the 3rd millennium BCE
may have been the initial stimulus for
its urbanisation. Eventually it also
reduced the water supply enough to
cause the civilisation's demise and to
disperse its population to the east.[e]

Although over a thousand Mature

Harappan sites have been reported and
nearly a hundred excavated,[12][f][14][15]
there are five major urban centres:[16][g]
Mohenjo-daro in the lower Indus Valley
(declared a UNESCO World Heritage
Site in 1980 as "Archaeological Ruins at
Moenjodaro"), Harappa in the western
Punjab region, Ganeriwala in the
Cholistan Desert, Dholavira in western
Gujarat (declared a UNESCO World
Heritage Site in 2021 as "Dholavira: A
Harappan City"), and Rakhigarhi in
Haryana.[17][h] The Harappan language
is not directly attested, and its
affiliations are uncertain, as the Indus
script has remained undeciphered.[18] A
relationship with the Dravidian or
Elamo-Dravidian language family is
favoured by a section of scholars.[19][20]
Etymology

The Indus civilisation is named after

the Indus river system in whose alluvial
plains the early sites of the civilisation
were identified and excavated.[21][i]

Following a tradition in archaeology, the

civilisation is sometimes referred to as
the Harappan, after its type site,
Harappa, the first site to be excavated
in the 1920s; this is notably true of
usage employed by the Archaeological
Survey of India after India's
independence in 1947.[22][j]
The term "Ghaggar-Hakra" figures
prominently in modern labels applied to
the Indus civilisation on account of a
good number of sites having been
found along the Ghaggar-Hakra River in
northwest India and eastern
Pakistan.[23] The terms "Indus-Sarasvati
Civilisation" and "Sindhu-Saraswati
Civilisation" have also been employed in
the literature after a posited
identification of the Ghaggar-Hakra with
the river Sarasvati described in the early
chapters of Rigveda, a collection of
hymns in archaic Sanskrit composed in
the second-millennium BCE.[24][25]
Recent geophysical research suggests
that unlike the Sarasvati, described in
the Rigveda as a snow-fed river, the
Ghaggar-Hakra was a system of
perennial monsoon-fed rivers, which
became seasonal around the time that
the civilisation diminished,
approximately 4,000 years ago.[4][k]
Extent

Major sites and extent of the Indus

Valley Civilisation

The Indus Valley Civilisation was

roughly contemporary with the other
riverine civilisations of the ancient
world: Ancient Egypt along the Nile,
Mesopotamia in the lands watered by
the Euphrates and the Tigris, and China
in the drainage basin of the Yellow River
and the Yangtze. By the time of its
mature phase, the civilisation had
spread over an area larger than the
others, which included a core of 1,500
kilometres (900 mi) up the alluvial plain
of the Indus and its tributaries. In
addition, there was a region with
disparate flora, fauna, and habitats, up
to ten times as large, which had been
shaped culturally and economically by
the Indus.[26][l]

Around 6500 BCE, agriculture emerged

in Balochistan, on the margins of the
Indus alluvium.[27][m][28][n] In the
following millennia, settled life made
inroads into the Indus plains, setting
the stage for the growth of rural and
urban settlements.[29][o] The more
organized sedentary life, in turn, led to a
net increase in the birth rate.[27][p] The
large urban centres of Mohenjo-daro
and Harappa very likely grew to
containing between 30,000 and
60,000 individuals, and during the
civilisation's florescence, the population
of the subcontinent grew to between
4–6 million people.[27][q] During this
period the death rate increased, as the
close living conditions of humans and
domesticated animals led to an
increase in contagious diseases.[28][r]
According to one estimate, the
population of the Indus civilisation at
its peak may have been between one
and five million.[30][s]

The civilisation extended from

Balochistan in the west to western
Uttar Pradesh in the east, from
northeastern Afghanistan in the north
to Gujarat state in the south.[24] The
largest number of sites are in the
Punjab region, Gujarat, Haryana,
Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Jammu and
Kashmir states,[24] Sindh, and
Balochistan.[24] Coastal settlements
extended from Sutkagan Dor[31] in
Western Baluchistan to Lothal[32] in
Gujarat. An Indus Valley site has been
found on the Oxus River at
Shortugai,[33] in the Gomal River valley
in northwestern Pakistan,[34] at Manda,
Jammu on the Beas River near
Jammu,[35] and at Alamgirpur on the
Hindon River, only 28 km (17 mi) from
Delhi.[36] The southernmost site of the
Indus Valley Civilisation is Daimabad in
Maharashtra. Indus Valley sites have
been found most often on rivers, but
also on the ancient seacoast,[37] for
example, Balakot (Kot Bala),[38] and on
islands, for example, Dholavira.[39]

Discovery and history of

excavation

Alexander Cunningham, the

first director general of the
Archaeological Survey of
India (ASI), interpreted a
Harappan stamp seal in
1875.
 R. D. Banerji, an officer of the
ASI, visited Mohenjo-daro in
1919–1920, and again in
1922–1923, postulating the
site's far-off antiquity.

John Marshall, the director-

general of the ASI from 1902
to 1928, who oversaw the
excavations in Harappa and
Mohenjo-daro, shown in a
1906 photograph

The
"Three other scholars whose
first names I cannot pass over in
mode silence, are the late Mr. R. D.
rn Banerji, to whom belongs the credit
of having discovered, if not
accou
Mohenjo-daro itself, at any rate its
nts of
high antiquity, and his immediate
the successors in the task of
ruins excavation, Messrs. M.S. Vats and
of the K.N. Dikshit. ... no one probably

Indus except myself can fully appreciate

the difficulties and hardships which
civilis
they had to face in the three first
ation
seasons at Mohenjo-daro"
are
— From, John Marshall (ed),
those
Mohenjo-daro and the Indus
of Civilization, London: Arthur
Charle Probsthain, 1931.[40]
s
Mass
on, a deserter from the East India
Company's army.[41] In 1829, Masson
traveled through the princely state of
Punjab, gathering useful intelligence for
the Company in return for a promise of
clemency.[41] An aspect of this
arrangement was the additional
requirement to hand over to the
Company any historical artifacts
acquired during his travels. Masson,
who had versed himself in the classics,
especially in the military campaigns of
Alexander the Great, chose for his
wanderings some of the same towns
that had featured in Alexander's
campaigns, and whose archaeological
sites had been noted by the campaign's
chroniclers.[41] Masson's major
archaeological discovery in the Punjab
was Harappa, a metropolis of the Indus
civilisation in the valley of Indus's
tributary, the Ravi river. Masson made
copious notes and illustrations of
Harappa's rich historical artifacts, many
lying half-buried. In 1842, Masson
included his observations of Harappa in
the book Narrative of Various Journeys
in Baluchistan, Afghanistan, and the
Punjab. He dated the Harappa ruins to a
period of recorded history, erroneously
mistaking it to have been described
earlier during Alexander's campaign.[41]
Masson was impressed by the site's
extraordinary size and by several large
mounds formed from long-existing
erosion.[41][t]

Two years later, the Company

contracted Alexander Burnes to sail up
the Indus to assess the feasibility of
water travel for its army.[41] Burnes, who
also stopped in Harappa, noted the
baked bricks employed in the site's
ancient masonry, but noted also the
haphazard plundering of these bricks
by the local population.[41]

Despite these reports, Harappa was

raided even more perilously for its
bricks after the British annexation of
the Punjab in 1848–49. A considerable
number were carted away as track
ballast for the railway lines being laid in
the Punjab.[43] Nearly 160 km (100 mi)
of railway track between Multan and
Lahore, laid in the mid-1850s, was
supported by Harappan bricks.[43]

In 1861, three years after the

dissolution of the East India Company
and the establishment of Crown rule in
India, archaeology on the subcontinent
became more formally organised with
the founding of the Archaeological
Survey of India (ASI).[44] Alexander
Cunningham, the Survey's first director-
general, who had visited Harappa in
1853 and had noted the imposing brick
walls, visited again to carry out a
survey, but this time of a site whose
entire upper layer had been stripped in
the interim.[44][45] Although his original
goal of demonstrating Harappa to be a
lost Buddhist city mentioned in the
seventh century CE travels of the
Chinese visitor, Xuanzang, proved
elusive,[45] Cunningham did publish his
findings in 1875.[46] For the first time,
he interpreted a Harappan stamp seal,
with its unknown script, which he
concluded to be of an origin foreign to
India.[46][47]

Archaeological work in Harappa

thereafter lagged until a new viceroy of
India, Lord Curzon, pushed through the
Ancient Monuments Preservation Act
1904, and appointed John Marshall to
lead the ASI.[48] Several years later,
Hiranand Sastri, who had been
assigned by Marshall to survey
Harappa, reported it to be of non-
Buddhist origin, and by implication
more ancient.[48] Expropriating Harappa
for the ASI under the Act, Marshall
directed ASI archaeologist Daya Ram
Sahni to excavate the site's two
mounds.[48]

Farther south, along the main stem of

the Indus in Sind province, the largely
undisturbed site of Mohenjo-daro had
attracted notice.[48] Marshall deputed a
succession of ASI officers to survey the
site. These included D. R. Bhandarkar
(1911), R. D. Banerji (1919, 1922–
1923), and M. S. Vats (1924).[49] In
1923, on his second visit to Mohenjo-
daro, Baneriji wrote to Marshall about
the site, postulating an origin in "remote
antiquity", and noting a congruence of
some of its artifacts with those of
Harappa.[50] Later in 1923, Vats, also in
correspondence with Marshall, noted
the same more specifically about the
seals and the script found at both
sites.[50] On the weight of these
opinions, Marshall ordered crucial data
from the two sites to be brought to one
location and invited Banerji and Sahni
to a joint discussion.[51] By 1924,
Marshall had become convinced of the
significance of the finds, and on 24
September 1924, made a tentative but
conspicuous public intimation in the
Illustrated London News:[21]

"Not often has it been given to

archaeologists, as it was
given to Schliemann at Tiryns
and Mycenae, or to Stein in
the deserts of Turkestan, to
light upon the remains of a
long forgotten civilisation. It
 looks, however, at this
moment, as if we were on the
threshold of such a discovery
in the plains of the Indus."

In the next issue, a week later, the

British Assyriologist Archibald Sayce
was able to point to very similar seals
found in Bronze Age levels in
Mesopotamia and Iran, giving the first
strong indication of their date;
confirmations from other
archaeologists followed.[52] Systematic
excavations began in Mohenjo-daro in
1924–25 with that of K. N. Dikshit,
continuing with those of H. Hargreaves
(1925–1926), and Ernest J. H. Mackay
(1927–1931).[49] By 1931, much of
Mohenjo-daro had been excavated, but
occasional excavations continued, such
as the one led by Mortimer Wheeler, a
new director-general of the ASI
appointed in 1944, and including
Ahmad Hasan Dani.[53]

After the partition of India in 1947,

when most excavated sites of the Indus
Valley Civilisation lay in territory
awarded to Pakistan, the
Archaeological Survey of India, its area
of authority reduced, carried out large
numbers of surveys and excavations
along the Ghaggar-Hakra system in
India.[54][u] Some speculated that the
Ghaggar-Hakra system might yield
more sites than the Indus river basin.[55]
According to archaeologist Ratnagar,
many Ghaggar-Hakra sites in India and
Indus Valley sites in Pakistan are
actually those of local cultures; some
sites display contact with Harappan
civilisation, but only a few are fully
developed Harappan ones.[56] As of
1977, about 90% of the Indus script
seals and inscribed objects discovered
were found at sites in Pakistan along
the Indus river, while other sites
accounts only for the remaining
10%.[v][57][58] By 2002, over 1,000 Mature
Harappan cities and settlements had
been reported, of which just under a
hundred had been
excavated,[13][14][15][59] mainly in the
general region of the Indus and
Ghaggar-Hakra rivers and their
tributaries; however, there are only five
major urban sites: Harappa, Mohenjo-
daro, Dholavira, Ganeriwala and
Rakhigarhi.[59] As of 2008, about
616 sites have been reported in
India,[24] whereas 406 sites have been
reported in Pakistan.[24]

Unlike India, in which after 1947, the

ASI attempted to "Indianise"
archaeological work in keeping with the
new nation's goals of national unity and
historical continuity, in Pakistan the
national imperative was the promotion
of Islamic heritage, and consequently
archaeological work on early sites was
left to foreign archaeologists.[60] After
the partition, Mortimer Wheeler, the
Director of ASI from 1944, oversaw the
establishment of archaeological
institutions in Pakistan, later joining a
UNESCO effort tasked to conserve the
site at Mohenjo-daro.[61] Other
international efforts at Mohenjo-daro
and Harappa have included the German
Aachen Research Project Mohenjo-daro,
the Italian Mission to Mohenjo-daro, and
the US Harappa Archaeological
Research Project (HARP) founded by
George F. Dales.[62] Following a chance
flash flood which exposed a portion of
an archaeological site at the foot of the
Bolan Pass in Balochistan, excavations
were carried out in Mehrgarh by French
archaeologist Jean-François Jarrige
and his team in the early 1970s.[63]

Chronology

The cities of the ancient Indus had

"social hierarchies, their writing system,
their large planned cities and their long-
distance trade [which] mark them to
archaeologists as a full-fledged
'civilisation.'"[64] The mature phase of
the Harappan civilisation lasted from
c. 2600–1900 BCE. With the inclusion
of the predecessor and successor
cultures – Early Harappan and Late
Harappan, respectively – the entire
Indus Valley Civilisation may be taken
to have lasted from the 33rd to the
14th centuries BCE. It is part of the
Indus Valley Tradition, which also
includes the pre-Harappan occupation
of Mehrgarh, the earliest farming site of
the Indus Valley.[8][65]

Several periodisations are employed for

the IVC.[8][65] The most commonly used
classifies the Indus Valley Civilisation
into Early, Mature and Late Harappan
Phase.[66] An alternative approach by
Shaffer divides the broader Indus Valley
Tradition into four eras, the pre-
Harappan "Early Food Producing Era",
and the Regionalisation, Integration,
and Localisation eras, which
correspond roughly with the Early
Harappan, Mature Harappan, and Late
Harappan phases.[7][67]
Dates Mehrgarh Harappan Post-Harappan
Main phase Era
(BCE) phases phases phases

Mehrgarh I
and
7000– Early Food
Pre-Harappan Bhirrana
5500 Producing Era
(aceramic
Neolithic)

Mehrgarh
Pre-
5500– II–VI
Harappan/Early
3300 (ceramic
Harappan[68] Regionalisation
Neolithic)
Era
Harappan 1
c. 4000–
(Ravi
3300– 2500/2300
Early Harappan[68] Phase;
2800 (Shaffer)[69]
c. 3300–2800 Hakra
c. 5000–3200
(Mughal)[71][68][72] Ware)
(Coningham &
c. 5000–2800 Harappan 2 Young)[70]
[68]
2800– (Kenoyer) Mehrgarh (Kot Diji
2600 VII Phase,
Nausharo I)

Harappan
2600– 3A
2450 (Nausharo
Mature Harappan II)
(Indus Valley Integration Era
2450– Harappan
Civilisation)
2200 3B

2200– Harappan
1900 3C

1900– Late Harappan Cemetery H[73] Localisation Era

Harappan 4
1700 Ochre Coloured
Pottery[73]
1700–
Harappan 5
1300

Regionalisation
Painted Grey
c. 1200–300
Ware (1200–
1300– (Kenoyer)[68]
600)
600 c. 1500[74]–600
Vedic period
(Coningham &
(c. 1500–500)
Young)[75]
Post-Harappan
Northern Black
Iron Age India
Polished Ware
(Iron Age)
600–
(700–200) Integration[75]
300
Second
urbanisation
(c. 500–200)

Pre-Harappan era:
Mehrgarh

Mehrgarh is a Neolithic (7000 BCE to

c. 2500 BCE) mountain site in the
Balochistan province of Pakistan,[76]
which gave new insights on the
emergence of the Indus Valley
Civilisation.[64][w] Mehrgarh is one of the
earliest sites with evidence of farming
and herding in South Asia.[77][78]
Mehrgarh was influenced by the Near
Eastern Neolithic,[79] with similarities
between "domesticated wheat varieties,
early phases of farming, pottery, other
archaeological artefacts, some
domesticated plants and herd
animals."[80][x]

Jean-Francois Jarrige argues for an

independent origin of Mehrgarh. Jarrige
notes "the assumption that farming
economy was introduced full-fledged
from Near-East to South Asia,"[81][x][y][z]
and the similarities between Neolithic
sites from eastern Mesopotamia and
the western Indus valley, which are
evidence of a "cultural continuum"
between those sites. But given the
originality of Mehrgarh, Jarrige
concludes that Mehrgarh has an earlier
local background, and is not a
"'backwater' of the Neolithic culture of
the Near East".[81]

Lukacs and Hemphill suggest an initial

local development of Mehrgarh, with a
continuity in cultural development but a
change in population. According to
Lukacs and Hemphill, while there is a
strong continuity between the neolithic
and chalcolithic (Copper Age) cultures
of Mehrgarh, dental evidence shows
that the chalcolithic population did not
descend from the neolithic population
of Mehrgarh,[95] which "suggests
moderate levels of gene flow."[95][aa]
Mascarenhas et al. (2015) note that
"new, possibly West Asian, body types
are reported from the graves of
Mehrgarh beginning in the Togau phase
(3800 BCE)."[96]
Gallego Romero et al. (2011) state that
their research on lactose tolerance in
India suggests that "the west Eurasian
genetic contribution identified by Reich
et al. (2009) principally reflects gene
flow from Iran and the Middle East."[97]
They further note that "[t]he earliest
evidence of cattle herding in south Asia
comes from the Indus River Valley site
of Mehrgarh and is dated to
7,000 YBP."[97][ab]
Early Harappan

Early Harappan Period, c. 3300–

2600 BCE

Terracotta boat in the shape of a bull,

and female figurines. Kot Diji period
(c. 2800–2600 BC).

The Early Harappan Ravi Phase, named

after the nearby Ravi River, lasted from
c. 3300 BCE until 2800 BCE. It started
when farmers from the mountains
gradually moved between their
mountain homes and the lowland river
valleys,[99] and is related to the Hakra
Phase, identified in the Ghaggar-Hakra
River Valley to the west, and predates
the Kot Diji Phase (2800–2600 BCE,
Harappan 2), named after a site in
northern Sindh, Pakistan, near Mohenjo-
daro. The earliest examples of the
Indus script date to the 3rd millennium
BCE.[100][101]

The mature phase of earlier village

cultures is represented by Rehman
Dheri and Amri in Pakistan.[102] Kot Diji
represents the phase leading up to
Mature Harappan, with the citadel
representing centralised authority and
an increasingly urban quality of life.
Another town of this stage was found
at Kalibangan in India on the Hakra
River.[103]

Trade networks linked this culture with

related regional cultures and distant
sources of raw materials, including
lapis lazuli and other materials for
bead-making. By this time, villagers had
domesticated numerous crops,
including peas, sesame seeds, dates,
and cotton, as well as animals,
including the water buffalo. Early
Harappan communities turned to large
urban centres by 2600 BCE, from where
the mature Harappan phase started.
The latest research shows that Indus
Valley people migrated from villages to
cities.[104][105]

The final stages of the Early Harappan

period are characterised by the building
of large walled settlements, the
expansion of trade networks, and the
increasing integration of regional
communities into a "relatively uniform"
material culture in terms of pottery
styles, ornaments, and stamp seals
with Indus script, leading into the
transition to the Mature Harappan
phase.[106]

Mature Harappan

Mature Harappan Period, c. 2600–1900 BCE

Mature Harappan
 View of Granary and Great Hall on
Mound F in Harappa

Archaeological Dholavira in Gujarat,

remains of India, is one of the
washroom largest cities of
drainage system Indus Valley
at Lothal civilisation, with
stepwell steps to
reach the water
level in artificially
constructed
reservoirs.[107]

According to Giosan et al. (2012), the

slow southward migration of the
monsoons across Asia initially allowed
the Indus Valley villages to develop by
taming the floods of the Indus and its
tributaries. Flood-supported farming led
to large agricultural surpluses, which in
turn supported the development of
cities. The IVC residents did not
develop irrigation capabilities, relying
mainly on the seasonal monsoons
leading to summer floods.[4] Brooke
further notes that the development of
advanced cities coincides with a
reduction in rainfall, which may have
triggered a reorganisation into larger
urban centres.[108][e]

According to J.G. Shaffer and D.A.

Lichtenstein,[109] the Mature Harappan
civilisation was "a fusion of the Bagor,
Hakra, and Kot Diji traditions or 'ethnic
groups' in the Ghaggar-Hakra valley on
the borders of India and Pakistan".[110]

Also, according to a more recent

summary by Maisels (2003), "The
Harappan oecumene formed from a Kot
Dijian/Amri-Nal synthesis". He also
says that, in the development of
complexity, the site of Mohenjo-daro
has priority, along with the Hakra-
Ghaggar cluster of sites, "where Hakra
wares actually precede the Kot Diji
related material". He sees these areas
as "catalytic in producing the fusion
from Hakra, Kot Dijian and Amri-Nal
cultural elements that resulted in the
gestalt we recognize as Early Harappan
(Early Indus)."[111]

By 2600 BCE, the Early Harappan

communities turned into large urban
centres. Such urban centres include
Harappa, Ganeriwala, Mohenjo-daro in
modern-day Pakistan, and Dholavira,
Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Rupar, and
Lothal in modern-day India.[112] In total,
more than 1,000 settlements have been
found, mainly in the general region of
the Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra Rivers
and their tributaries.[13]

Cities

A sophisticated and technologically

advanced urban culture is evident in the
Indus Valley Civilisation, making them
the first urban centre in the region. The
quality of municipal town planning
suggests the knowledge of urban
planning and efficient municipal
governments which placed a high
priority on hygiene, or, alternatively,
accessibility to the means of religious
ritual.[113]

As seen in Harappa, Mohenjo-daro and

the recently partially excavated
Rakhigarhi, this urban plan included the
world's first known urban sanitation
systems. Within the city, individual
homes or groups of homes obtained
water from wells. From a room that
appears to have been set aside for
bathing, waste water was directed to
covered drains, which lined the major
streets. Houses opened only to inner
courtyards and smaller lanes. The
housebuilding in some villages in the
region still resembles in some respects
the housebuilding of the Harappans.[ac]

The ancient Indus systems of sewerage

and drainage that were developed and
used in cities throughout the Indus
region were far more advanced than
any found in contemporary urban sites
in the Middle East and even more
efficient than those in many areas of
Pakistan and India today. The advanced
architecture of the Harappans is shown
by their dockyards, granaries,
warehouses, brick platforms, and
protective walls. The massive walls of
Indus cities most likely protected the
Harappans from floods and may have
dissuaded military conflicts.[115]

The purpose of the citadel remains

debated. In sharp contrast to this
civilisation's contemporaries,
Mesopotamia and ancient Egypt, no
large monumental structures were
built. There is no conclusive evidence
of palaces or temples.[116] Some
structures are thought to have been
granaries. Found at one city is an
enormous well-built bath (the "Great
Bath"), which may have been a public
bath. Although the citadels were walled,
it is far from clear that these structures
were defensive.

Most city dwellers appear to have been

traders or artisans, who lived with
others pursuing the same occupation in
well-defined neighbourhoods. Materials
from distant regions were used in the
cities for constructing seals, beads and
other objects. Among the artefacts
discovered were beautiful glazed
faïence beads. Steatite seals have
images of animals, people (perhaps
gods), and other types of inscriptions,
including the yet un-deciphered writing
system of the Indus Valley Civilisation.
Some of the seals were used to stamp
clay on trade goods.

Although some houses were larger than

others, Indus civilisation cities were
remarkable for their apparent, if relative,
egalitarianism. All the houses had
access to water and drainage facilities.
This gives the impression of a society
with relatively low wealth
concentration.[117]
Authority and governance

Archaeological records provide no

immediate answers for a centre of
power or for depictions of people in
power in Harappan society. But, there
are indications of complex decisions
being taken and implemented. For
instance, the majority of the cities were
constructed in a highly uniform and
well-planned grid pattern, suggesting
they were planned by a central
authority; extraordinary uniformity of
Harappan artefacts as evident in
pottery, seals, weights and bricks;[118]
presence of public facilities and
monumental architecture;[119]
heterogeneity in the mortuary
symbolism and in grave goods (items
included in burials).

These are some major theories:

There was a single state, given the

similarity in artefacts, the evidence
for planned settlements, the
standardised ratio of brick size, and
the establishment of settlements
near sources of raw material.
 There was no single ruler but several
cities like Mohenjo-daro had a
separate ruler, Harappa another, and
so forth.

Metallurgy

Harappans evolved some new

techniques in metallurgy and produced
copper, bronze, lead, and tin.

A touchstone bearing gold streaks was

found in Banawali, which was probably
used for testing the purity of gold (such
a technique is still used in some parts
of India).[110]
Metrology

Harappan weights found in the

Indus Valley, (National Museum,
New Delhi)[120]

The people of the Indus civilisation

achieved great accuracy in measuring
length, mass, and time. They were
among the first to develop a system of
uniform weights and measures. A
comparison of available objects
indicates large scale variation across
the Indus territories. Their smallest
division, which is marked on an ivory
scale found in Lothal in Gujarat, was
approximately 1.704 mm, the smallest
division ever recorded on a scale of the
Bronze Age. Harappan engineers
followed the decimal division of
measurement for all practical purposes,
including the measurement of mass as
revealed by their hexahedron weights.

These chert weights were in a ratio of

5:2:1 with weights of 0.05, 0.1, 0.2, 0.5,
1, 2, 5, 10, 20, 50, 100, 200, and
500 units, with each unit weighing
approximately 28 grams, similar to the
English Imperial ounce or Greek uncia,
and smaller objects were weighed in
similar ratios with the units of 0.871 .
However, as in other cultures, actual
weights were not uniform throughout
the area. The weights and measures
later used in Kautilya's Arthashastra
(4th century BCE) are the same as
those used in Lothal.[121]

Arts and crafts

Many Indus Valley seals and items in

pottery and terracotta have been found,
along with a very few stone sculptures
and some gold jewellery and bronze
vessels. Some anatomically detailed
figurines in terracotta, bronze, and
steatite have been found at excavation
sites, the former probably mostly
toys.[122] The Harappans also made
various toys and games, among them
cubical dice (with one to six holes on
the faces), which were found in sites
like Mohenjo-daro.[123]

The terracotta figurines included cows,

bears, monkeys, and dogs. The animal
depicted on a majority of seals at sites
of the mature period has not been
clearly identified. Part bull, part zebra,
with a majestic horn, it has been a
source of speculation. As yet, there is
insufficient evidence to substantiate
claims that the image had religious or
cultic significance, but the prevalence
of the image raises the question of
whether or not the animals in images of
the IVC are religious symbols.[124]

Many crafts including, "shell working,

ceramics, and agate and glazed steatite
bead making" were practised and the
pieces were used in the making of
necklaces, bangles, and other
ornaments from all phases of
Harappan culture. Some of these crafts
are still practised in the subcontinent
today.[119] Some make-up and toiletry
items (a special kind of combs (kakai),
the use of collyrium and a special three-
in-one toiletry gadget) that were found
in Harappan contexts still have similar
counterparts in modern India.[125]
Terracotta female figurines were found
(c. 2800–2600 BCE) which had red
colour applied to the "manga" (line of
partition of the hair).[125]

Archeological remains from 2000 to

3000 BC have been found from the city
of Lothal of pieces on a board that
resemble chess.[126]

The finds from Mohenjo-daro were

initially deposited in the Lahore
Museum, but later moved to the ASI
headquarters at New Delhi, where a
new "Central Imperial Museum" was
being planned for the new capital of the
British Raj, in which at least a selection
would be displayed. It became apparent
that Indian independence was
approaching, but the Partition of India
was not anticipated until late in the
process. The new Pakistani authorities
requested the return of the Mohenjo-
daro pieces excavated on their territory,
but the Indian authorities refused.
Eventually an agreement was reached,
whereby the finds, totalling some
12,000 objects (most sherds of
pottery), were split equally between the
countries; in some cases this was
taken very literally, with some necklaces
and girdles having their beads
separated into two piles. In the case of
the "two most celebrated sculpted
figures", Pakistan asked for and
received the so-called Priest-King figure,
while India retained the much smaller
Dancing Girl.[127]

Though written considerably later, the

arts treatise Natya Shastra
(c. 200 BCE – 200 CE) classifies
musical instruments into four groups
based on their means of acoustical
production—strings, membranes, solid
materials and air—and it is probable
that such instruments had existed
since the IVC.[128] Archeological
evidence indicates the use of simple
rattles and vessel flutes, while
iconographical evidence suggests early
harps and drums were also used.[129]
An ideogram in the IVC contains the
earliest known depiction of an arched
harp, dated sometime before 1800
BCE.[130]
Ceremonial vessel; 2600–2450 BC;
terracotta with black paint; 49.53 ×
25.4 cm; Los Angeles County Museum of
Art (US)
Cubical weights, standardised throughout
the Indus cultural zone; 2600–1900 BC;
chert; British Museum (London)
Mohenjo-daro beads; 2600–1900 BC;
carnelian and terracotta; British Museum
Ram-headed bird mounted on wheels,
probably a toy; 2600–1900 BC; terracotta;
Guimet Museum (Paris)

Human statuettes

A handful of realistic statuettes have

been found at IVC sites, of which much
the most famous is the lost-wax
casting bronze statuette of a slender-
limbed Dancing Girl adorned with
bangles, found in Mohenjo-daro. Two
other realistic incomplete statuettes
have been found in Harappa in proper
stratified excavations, which display
near-Classical treatment of the human
shape: the statuette of a dancer who
seems to be male, and the Hapappa
Torso, a red jasper male torso, both
now in the Delhi National Museum. Sir
John Marshall reacted with surprise
when he saw these two statuettes from
Harappa:[131]
When I first saw them I found
it difficult to believe that they
were prehistoric; they seemed
to completely upset all
established ideas about early
art, and culture. Modelling
such as this was unknown in
the ancient world up to the
Hellenistic age of Greece, and
I thought, therefore, that
some mistake must surely
have been made; that these
figures had found their way
into levels some 3000 years
older than those to which
they properly belonged ...
Now, in these statuettes, it is
just this anatomical truth
which is so startling; that
makes us wonder whether, in
this all-important matter,
Greek artistry could possibly
have been anticipated by the
sculptors of a far-off age on
the banks of the Indus.[131]
These statuettes remain controversial,
due to their advanced style in
representing the human body.
Regarding the red jasper torso, the
discoverer, Vats, claims a Harappan
date, but Marshall considered this
statuette is probably historical, dating
to the Gupta period, comparing it to the
much later Lohanipur torso.[132] A
second rather similar grey stone torso
of a dancing male was also found
about 150 meters away in a secure
Mature Harappan stratum. Overall,
anthropologist Gregory Possehl tends
to consider that these statuettes
probably form the pinnacle of Indus art
during the Mature Harappan period.[133]
Reclining mouflon; 2600–1900 BC;
marble; length: 28 cm; Metropolitan
Museum of Art (New York City)
The Priest-King; 2400–1900 BC; low fired
steatite; height: 17.5 cm; National
Museum of Pakistan (Karachi)
Male dancing torso; 2400–1900 BC;
limestone; height: 9.9 cm; National
Museum (New Delhi)
The Dancing Girl; 2400–1900 BC; bronze;
height: 10.8 cm; National Museum (New
Delhi)

Seals

Stamp seals and (right)

impressions, some of them with
Indus script; probably made of
steatite; British Museum (London)
Thousands of steatite seals have been
recovered, and their physical character
is fairly consistent. In size they range
from squares of side 2 to 4 cm (3⁄4 to
11⁄2 in). In most cases they have a
pierced boss at the back to
accommodate a cord for handling or
for use as personal adornment. In
addition a large number of sealings
have survived, of which only a few can
be matched to the seals. The great
majority of examples of the Indus script
are short groups of signs on seals.[134]
Seals have been found at Mohenjo-daro
depicting a figure standing on its head,
and another, on the Pashupati seal,
sitting cross-legged in what some call a
yoga-like pose (see image, the so-called
Pashupati, below). This figure has been
variously identified. Sir John Marshall
identified a resemblance to the Hindu
god, Shiva.[135]

A human deity with the horns, hooves

and tail of a bull also appears in the
seals, in particular in a fighting scene
with a horned tiger-like beast. This deity
has been compared to the
Mesopotamian bull-man
Enkidu.[136][137][138] Several seals also
show a man fighting two lions or tigers,
a "Master of Animals" motif common to
civilisations in Western and South
Asia.[138][139]
Seal; 3000–1500 BC; baked steatite; 2 ×
2 cm; Metropolitan Museum of Art (New
York City)
Stamp seal and modern impression:
unicorn and incense burner (?); 2600–
1900 BC; burnt steatite; 3.8 × 3.8 × 1 cm;
Metropolitan Museum of Art
Seal with two-horned bull and inscription;
2010 BC; steatite; overall: 3.2 x 3.2 cm;
Cleveland Museum of Art (Cleveland,
Ohio, US)
Seal with unicorn and inscription; 2010
BC; steatite; overall: 3.5 x 3.6 cm;
Cleveland Museum of Art
Seal painted on the first page of
Constitution of India

Trade and transportation

Archaeological discoveries suggest

that trade routes between
Mesopotamia and the Indus were
active during the 3rd millennium BCE,
leading to the development of Indus–
Mesopotamia relations.[140]
 Boat with direction-finding birds to
find land.[141][142] Model of Mohenjo-
daro tablet, 2500–1750 BCE.(National
Museum, New Delhi).[143][144] Flat-
bottomed river row-boats appear in
two Indus seals, but their
seaworthiness is debatable.[145]

The Indus Valley civilisation may have

had bullock carts identical to those
seen throughout South Asia today, as
well as boats. Most of these boats were
probably small, flat-bottomed craft,
perhaps driven by sail, similar to those
one can see on the Indus River today;.
An extensive canal network, used for
irrigation, has however also been
discovered by H.-P. Francfort.[146]
During 4300–3200 BCE of the
chalcolithic period (copper age), the
Indus Valley Civilisation area shows
ceramic similarities with southern
Turkmenistan and northern Iran which
suggest considerable mobility and
trade. During the Early Harappan period
(about 3200–2600 BCE), similarities in
pottery, seals, figurines, ornaments, etc.
document intensive caravan trade with
Central Asia and the Iranian
plateau.[147]

Judging from the dispersal of Indus

civilisation artefacts, the trade
networks economically integrated a
huge area, including portions of
Afghanistan, the coastal regions of
Persia, northern and western India, and
Mesopotamia, leading to the
development of Indus-Mesopotamia
relations. Studies of tooth enamel from
individuals buried at Harappa suggest
that some residents had migrated to
the city from beyond the Indus
Valley.[148] Ancient DNA studies of
graves at Bronze Age sites at Gonur
Depe, Turkmenistan, and Shahr-e
Sukhteh, Iran, have identified 11
individuals of South Asian descent, who
are presumed to be of mature Indus
Valley origin.[149]

There was an extensive maritime trade

network operating between the
Harappan and Mesopotamian
civilisations as early as the middle
Harappan Phase, with much commerce
being handled by "middlemen
merchants from Dilmun" (modern
Bahrain, Eastern Arabia and Failaka
located in the Persian Gulf).[150] Such
long-distance sea trade became
feasible with the development of plank-
built watercraft, equipped with a single
central mast supporting a sail of woven
rushes or cloth.[151]

However, the evidence of sea-borne

trade involving the Harappan
civilisation is not firm. In their book Rise
of Civilization in India and Pakistan
archaeologists Bridget Allchin and
Raymond Allchin write:

... (p. 173) the settlement at

Lothal ... along the east side
was a brick basin. It is
claimed by its excavator to
have been a dockyard,
connected by channels to a
neighbouring estuary. ... On
its edge the excavator
discovered several heavily-
pierced stones, similar to
modern anchor stones
employed by traditional
seafaring communities of
Western India. This
interpretation, however, has
been challenged, and indeed
the published levels of the
basin and its entrance
relative to the modern sea
level seem to argue against it.
Leshnik has cogently
suggested that it was a tank
for the reception of sweet
water, channelled from
higher ground inland to an
area where the local water
supplies were anciently, as
still today, saline. We regard
either interpretation as still
unproven, but favour the
latter. ... (p. 188–189) The
discussion of trade focuses
attention upon methods of
transport. Several
representations of ships are
found on seals and graffiti at
Harappa, Mohenjo-daro (Figs.
7.15–7.16], etc, and a
terracotta model of a ship,
with a stick impressed socket
for the mast and eyeholes for
fixing rigging comes from
Lothal. We have already seen
above that the great brick
tank, interpreted by Rao as a
dock at Lothal, cannot yet be
certainly identified. The
evidence of sea trade and
contact during the Harappan
period is largely
circumstantial, or derived
from inferences from the
Mesopotamian texts, as
detailed above. (Figure 7. 15
had caption: Mohenjo-daro:
representation of ship on a
stone seal (length 4.3 cm)
 (after Mackay). Figure 7.16
Mohenjo-daro: representation
of ship on terracotta amulet
(length 4.5 cm) after Dales)

Daniel T. Potts writes:

It is generally assumed that

most trade between the Indus
Valley (ancient Meluhha?)
and western neighbors
proceeded up the Persian Gulf
rather than overland.
Although there is no
incontrovertible proof that
this was indeed the case, the
distribution of Indus-type
artifacts on the Oman
peninsula, on Bahrain and in
southern Mesopotamia makes
it plausible that a series of
maritime stages linked the
Indus Valley and the Gulf
region. If this is accepted,
then the presence of etched
carnelian beads, a Harappan-
style cubical stone weight,
and a Harappan-style
cylinder seal at Susa (Amiet
1986a, Figs. 92-94) may be
evidence of maritime trade
between Susa and the Indus
Valley in the late 3rd
millennium BCE. On the other
hand, given that similar finds,
particularly etched carnelian
beads, are attested at
landlocked sites including
Tepe Hissar (Tappe Heṣār),
Shah Tepe (Šāh-Tappe), Kalleh
Nisar (Kalla Nisār), Jalalabad
 (Jalālābād), Marlik (Mārlik)
and Tepe Yahya (Tappe
Yaḥyā) (Possehl 1996, pp. 153-
54), other mechanisms,
including overland traffic by
peddlers or caravans, may
account for their presence at
Susa.[152]

In the 1980s, important archaeological

discoveries were made at Ras al-Jinz
(Oman), demonstrating maritime Indus
Valley connections with the Arabian
Peninsula.[151][153][154]
Dennys Frenez recently regards that:

Indus-type and Indus-related

artifacts were found over a
large and differentiated
ecumene, encompassing
Central Asia, the Iranian
Plateau, Mesopotamia and
the northern Levant, the
Persian Gulf, and the Oman
Peninsula. The discovery of
Indus trade tools (seals,
weights, and containers)
across the entire Middle Asia,
complemented by information
from Mesopotamian
cuneiform texts, shows that
entrepreneurs from the Indus
Valley regularly ventured into
these regions to transact with
the local socioeconomic and
political entities. However,
Indus artifacts were also
exchanged beyond this core
region, eventually reaching as
far [as] the Nile River valley,
Anatolia, and the Caucasus.
On the contrary, only a
handful of exotic trade tools
and commodities have been
found at sites in the Greater
Indus Valley. The success of
Indus trade in Central and
Western Asia did not only
rely on the dynamic
entrepreneurialism of Indus
merchants and the exotic
commodities they offered.
Specific products were
proactively designed and
manufactured in the Indus
Valley to fulfill the particular
needs of foreign markets, and
Indus craftspeople moved
beyond their native cultural
sphere adapting their
distinctive productions to the
taste of foreign elites or
reworking indigenous models.
The adoption of specific seals
and iconographies to regulate
external trade activities
suggests a conscious attempt
 at implementing a
coordinated supraregional
marketing strategy[...][155]

Agriculture

According to Gangal et al. (2014), there

is strong archeological and
geographical evidence that neolithic
farming spread from the Near East into
north-west India, but there is also "good
evidence for the local domestication of
barley and the zebu cattle at
Mehrgarh."[79][ad]
According to Jean-Francois Jarrige,
farming had an independent local origin
at Mehrgarh, which he argues is not
merely a "'backwater' of the Neolithic
culture of the Near East", despite
similarities between Neolithic sites
from eastern Mesopotamia and the
western Indus valley which are
evidence of a "cultural continuum"
between those sites.[81] Archaeologist
Jim G. Shaffer writes that the Mehrgarh
site "demonstrates that food
production was an indigenous South
Asian phenomenon" and that the data
support interpretation of "the
prehistoric urbanisation and complex
social organisation in South Asia as
based on indigenous, but not isolated,
cultural developments".[156]

Jarrige notes that the people of

Mehrgarh used domesticated wheats
and barley,[157] while Shaffer and
Liechtenstein note that the major
cultivated cereal crop was naked six-
row barley, a crop derived from two-row
barley.[158] Gangal agrees that
"Neolithic domesticated crops in
Mehrgarh include more than 90%
barley," noting that "there is good
evidence for the local domestication of
barley." Yet, Gangal also notes that the
crop also included "a small amount of
wheat," which "are suggested to be of
Near-Eastern origin, as the modern
distribution of wild varieties of wheat is
limited to Northern Levant and
Southern Turkey."[79][ae]

The cattle that are often portrayed on

Indus seals are humped Indian aurochs
(Bos primigenius namadicus), which are
similar to Zebu cattle. Zebu cattle is
still common in India, and in Africa. It is
different from the European cattle (Bos
primigenius taurus), and are believed to
have been independently domesticated
on the Indian subcontinent, probably in
the Baluchistan region of
Pakistan.[159][79][ad]

Research by J. Bates et al. (2016)

confirms that Indus populations were
the earliest people to use complex
multi-cropping strategies across both
seasons, growing foods during summer
(rice, millets and beans) and winter
(wheat, barley and pulses), which
required different watering regimes.[160]
Bates et al. (2016) also found evidence
for an entirely separate domestication
process of rice in ancient South Asia,
based around the wild species Oryza
nivara. This led to the local
development of a mix of "wetland" and
"dryland" agriculture of local Oryza
sativa indica rice agriculture, before the
truly "wetland" rice Oryza sativa
japonica arrived around 2000 BCE.[161]

Food

According to archeological finds, Indus

valley civilization had dominance of
meat diet of animals such as cattle,
buffalo, goat, pig and chicken.[162][163]
Remnants of dairy products were also
discovered. According to Akshyeta
Suryanarayan et al.,[af] available
evidence indicates culinary practices to
be common over the region; food-
constituents were dairy products (in
low proportion), ruminant carcass
meat, and either non-ruminant adipose
fats, plants, or mixtures of these
products.[164] The dietary pattern
remained same throughout the
decline.[164]
Seven food-balls ("laddus") were found
in intact form, along with two figurines
of bulls and a hand-held copper adze,
during excavations in 2017 from
western Rajasthan.[165] Dated to about
2600 BCE, they were likely composed of
legumes, primarily mung, and
cereals.[165] The authors speculated the
food-balls to be of a ritualistic
significance, given the finds of bull
figurines, adze and a seal in immediate
vicinity.[165][166]
Language

It has often been suggested that the

bearers of the IVC corresponded to
proto-Dravidians linguistically, the
break-up of proto-Dravidian
corresponding to the break-up of the
Late Harappan culture.[167] Finnish
Indologist Asko Parpola concludes that
the uniformity of the Indus inscriptions
precludes any possibility of widely
different languages being used, and
that an early form of Dravidian
language must have been the language
of the Indus people.[168] Today, the
Dravidian language family is
concentrated mostly in southern India
and northern and eastern Sri Lanka, but
pockets of it still remain throughout the
rest of India and Pakistan (the Brahui
language), which lends credence to the
theory.

According to Heggarty and Renfrew,

Dravidian languages may have spread
into the Indian subcontinent with the
spread of farming.[169] According to
David McAlpin, the Dravidian languages
were brought to India by immigration
into India from Elam.[ag] In earlier
publications, Renfrew also stated that
proto-Dravidian was brought to India by
farmers from the Iranian part of the
Fertile Crescent,[170][171][172][ah] but more
recently Heggarty and Renfrew note
that "a great deal remains to be done in
elucidating the prehistory of Dravidian."
They also note that "McAlpin's analysis
of the language data, and thus his
claims, remain far from orthodoxy."[169]
Heggarty and Renfrew conclude that
several scenarios are compatible with
the data, and that "the linguistic jury is
still very much out."[169][aj] In a 2021
study, Bahata Ansumali Mukhopadhyay
presented a linguistic analysis to posit
a Proto-Dravidian presence in the
ancient Indus area, using Dravidian root
words for tooth, toothbrush and
elephant in various contemporary
ancient civilisations.[177]

Possible writing system

Ten Indus characters from the northern gate of

Dholavira, dubbed the Dholavira signboard

Between 400 and as many as

600 distinct Indus symbols[178] have
been found on stamp seals, small
tablets, ceramic pots and more than a
dozen other materials, including a
"signboard" that apparently once hung
over the gate of the inner citadel of the
Indus city of Dholavira. Typical Indus
inscriptions are around five characters
in length,[179] most of which (aside from
the Dholavira "signboard") are tiny; the
longest on any single object (inscribed
on a copper plate[180]) has a length of
34 symbols.

While the Indus Valley Civilisation is

generally characterised as a literate
society on the evidence of these
inscriptions, this description has been
challenged by Farmer, Sproat, and
Witzel (2004)[181] who argue that the
Indus system did not encode language,
but was instead similar to a variety of
non-linguistic sign systems used
extensively in the Near East and other
societies, to symbolise families, clans,
gods, and religious concepts. Others
have claimed on occasion that the
symbols were exclusively used for
economic transactions, but this claim
leaves unexplained the appearance of
Indus symbols on many ritual objects,
many of which were mass-produced in
moulds. No parallels to these mass-
produced inscriptions are known in any
other early ancient civilisations.[182]

In a 2009 study by P.N. Rao et al.

published in Science, computer
scientists, comparing the pattern of
symbols to various linguistic scripts
and non-linguistic systems, including
DNA and a computer programming
language, found that the Indus script's
pattern is closer to that of spoken
words, supporting the hypothesis that it
codes for an as-yet-unknown
language.[183][184]
Farmer, Sproat, and Witzel have
disputed this finding, pointing out that
Rao et al. did not actually compare the
Indus signs with "real-world non-
linguistic systems" but rather with "two
wholly artificial systems invented by the
authors, one consisting of
200,000 randomly ordered signs and
another of 200,000 fully ordered signs,
that they spuriously claim represent the
structures of all real-world non-
linguistic sign systems".[185] Farmer et
al. have also demonstrated that a
comparison of a non-linguistic system
like medieval heraldic signs with natural
languages yields results similar to
those that Rao et al. obtained with
Indus signs. They conclude that the
method used by Rao et al. cannot
distinguish linguistic systems from
non-linguistic ones.[186]

The messages on the seals have

proved to be too short to be decoded by
a computer. Each seal has a distinctive
combination of symbols and there are
too few examples of each sequence to
provide a sufficient context. The
symbols that accompany the images
vary from seal to seal, making it
impossible to derive a meaning for the
symbols from the images. There have,
nonetheless, been a number of
interpretations offered for the meaning
of the seals. These interpretations have
been marked by ambiguity and
subjectivity.[186]: 69

Photos of many of the thousands of

extant inscriptions are published in the
Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions
(1987, 1991, 2010), edited by Asko
Parpola and his colleagues. The most
recent volume republished photos
taken in the 1920s and 1930s of
hundreds of lost or stolen inscriptions,
along with many discovered in the last
few decades; formerly, researchers had
to supplement the materials in the
Corpus by study of the tiny photos in
the excavation reports of Marshall
(1931), MacKay (1938, 1943), Wheeler
(1947), or reproductions in more recent
scattered sources.
Religion

The Pashupati seal, showing a seated

figure surrounded by animals

Swastika seals of Indus Valley

Civilisation in British Museum

The religion and belief system of the

Indus Valley people has received
considerable attention, especially from
the view of identifying precursors to
deities and religious practices of Indian
religions that later developed in the
area. However, due to the sparsity of
evidence, which is open to varying
interpretations, and the fact that the
Indus script remains undeciphered, the
conclusions are partly speculative and
largely based on a retrospective view
from a much later Hindu
perspective.[187]

Early and influential work in the area

that set the trend for Hindu
interpretations of archaeological
evidence from the Harappan sites[188]
was that of John Marshall, who in 1931
identified the following as prominent
features of the Indus religion: a Great
Male God and a Mother Goddess;
deification or veneration of animals and
plants; a symbolic representation of the
phallus (linga) and vulva (yoni); and,
use of baths and water in religious
practice. Marshall's interpretations
have been much debated, and
sometimes disputed over the following
decades.[189][190]

One Indus Valley seal shows a seated

figure with a horned headdress,
possibly tricephalic and possibly
ithyphallic, surrounded by animals.
Marshall identified the figure as an
early form of the Hindu god Shiva (or
Rudra), who is associated with
asceticism, yoga, and linga; regarded as
a lord of animals, and often depicted as
having three eyes. The seal has hence
come to be known as the Pashupati
Seal, after Pashupati (lord of all
animals), an epithet of Shiva.[189][191]
While Marshall's work has earned some
support, many critics and even
supporters have raised several
objections. Doris Srinivasan has argued
that the figure does not have three
faces or yogic posture and that in Vedic
literature Rudra was not a protector of
wild animals.[192][193] Herbert Sullivan
and Alf Hiltebeitel also rejected
Marshall's conclusions, with the former
claiming that the figure was female,
while the latter associated the figure
with Mahisha, the Buffalo God and the
surrounding animals with vahanas
(vehicles) of deities for the four
cardinal directions.[194][195] Writing in
2002, Gregory L. Possehl concluded
that while it would be appropriate to
recognise the figure as a deity, its
association with the water buffalo, and
its posture as one of ritual discipline,
regarding it as a proto-Shiva would be
going too far.[191] Despite the criticisms
of Marshall's association of the seal
with a proto-Shiva icon, it has been
interpreted as the Tirthankara
Rishabhanatha by some scholars of
Jainism like Vilas Sangave.[196]
Historians such as Heinrich Zimmer
and Thomas McEvilley believe that
there is a connection between first Jain
Tirthankara Rishabhanatha and the
Indus Valley Civilisation.[197][198]
Marshall hypothesised the existence of
a cult of Mother Goddess worship
based upon excavation of several
female figurines and thought that this
was a precursor of the Hindu sect of
Shaktism. However the function of the
female figurines in the life of Indus
Valley people remains unclear, and
Possehl does not regard the evidence
for Marshall's hypothesis to be "terribly
robust".[199] Some of the baetyls
interpreted by Marshall to be sacred
phallic representations are now thought
to have been used as pestles or game
counters instead, while the ring stones
that were thought to symbolise yoni
were determined to be architectural
features used to stand pillars, although
the possibility of their religious
symbolism cannot be eliminated.[200]
Many Indus Valley seals show animals,
with some depicting them being carried
in processions, while others show
chimeric creations. One seal from
Mohenjo-daro shows a half-human, a
half-buffalo monster attacking a tiger,
which may be a reference to the
Sumerian myth of such a monster
created by goddess Aruru to fight
Gilgamesh.[201]
In contrast to contemporary Egyptian
and Mesopotamian civilisations, Indus
Valley lacks any monumental palaces,
even though excavated cities indicate
that the society possessed the requisite
engineering knowledge.[202][203] This
may suggest that religious ceremonies
if any, may have been largely confined
to individual homes, small temples, or
the open air. Several sites have been
proposed by Marshall and later
scholars as possibly devoted to
religious purposes, but at present only
the Great Bath at Mohenjo-daro is
widely thought to have been so used, as
a place for ritual purification.[199][204]
The funerary practices of the Harappan
civilisation are marked by fractional
burial (in which the body is reduced to
skeletal remains by exposure to the
elements before final interment), and
even cremation.[205][206]

Late Harappan

Late Harappan Period, c. 1900–1300 BCE

 Bronze Late Harappan figures from a
hoard at Daimabad, c. 2000 BCE
(Prince of Wales Museum,
Bombay)[207]

Around 1900 BCE signs of a gradual

decline began to emerge, and by
around 1700 BCE most of the cities had
been abandoned. Recent examination
of human skeletons from the site of
Harappa has demonstrated that the end
of the Indus civilisation saw an
increase in inter-personal violence and
in infectious diseases like leprosy and
tuberculosis.[208][209]
According to historian Upinder Singh,
"the general picture presented by the
late Harappan phase is one of a
breakdown of urban networks and an
expansion of rural ones."[210]

During the period of approximately

1900 to 1700 BCE, multiple regional
cultures emerged within the area of the
Indus civilisation. The Cemetery H
culture was in Punjab, Haryana, and
Western Uttar Pradesh, the Jhukar
culture was in Sindh, and the Rangpur
culture (characterised by Lustrous Red
Ware pottery) was in
Gujarat.[211][212][213] Other sites
associated with the Late phase of the
Harappan culture are Pirak in
Balochistan, Pakistan, and Daimabad in
Maharashtra, India.[106]

The largest Late Harappan sites are

Kudwala in Cholistan, Bet Dwarka in
Gujarat, and Daimabad in Maharashtra,
which can be considered as urban, but
they are smaller and few in number
compared with the Mature Harappan
cities. Bet Dwarka was fortified and
continued to have contacts with the
Persian Gulf region, but there was a
general decrease of long-distance
trade.[214] On the other hand, the period
also saw a diversification of the
agricultural base, with a diversity of
crops and the advent of double-
cropping, as well as a shift of rural
settlement towards the east and the
south.[215]

The pottery of the Late Harappan

period is described as "showing some
continuity with mature Harappan
pottery traditions", but also distinctive
differences.[216] Many sites continued
to be occupied for some centuries,
although their urban features declined
and disappeared. Formerly typical
artifacts such as stone weights and
female figurines became rare. There are
some circular stamp seals with
geometric designs, but lacking the
Indus script which characterised the
mature phase of the civilisation. Script
is rare and confined to potsherd
inscriptions.[216] There was also a
decline in long-distance trade, although
the local cultures show new
innovations in faience and glass
making, and carving of stone
beads.[106] Urban amenities such as
drains and the public bath were no
longer maintained, and newer buildings
were "poorly constructed". Stone
sculptures were deliberately vandalised,
valuables were sometimes concealed
in hoards, suggesting unrest, and the
corpses of animals and even humans
were left unburied in the streets and in
abandoned buildings.[217]

During the later half of the

2nd millennium BCE, most of the post-
urban Late Harappan settlements were
abandoned altogether. Subsequent
material culture was typically
characterised by temporary occupation,
"the campsites of a population which
was nomadic and mainly pastoralist"
and which used "crude handmade
pottery".[218] However, there is greater
continuity and overlap between Late
Harappan and subsequent cultural
phases at sites in Punjab, Haryana, and
western Uttar Pradesh, primarily small
rural settlements.[215][219]
Aryan migration

Painted pottery urns from Harappa

(Cemetery H culture, c. 1900–
1300 BCE), National Museum, New
Delhi

In 1953 Sir Mortimer Wheeler proposed

that the invasion of an Indo-European
tribe from Central Asia, the "Aryans",
caused the decline of the Indus
civilisation. As evidence, he cited a
group of 37 skeletons found in various
parts of Mohenjo-daro, and passages in
the Vedas referring to battles and forts.
However, scholars soon started to
reject Wheeler's theory, since the
skeletons belonged to a period after the
city's abandonment and none were
found near the citadel. Subsequent
examinations of the skeletons by
Kenneth Kennedy in 1994 showed that
the marks on the skulls were caused by
erosion, and not by violence.[220]

In the Cemetery H culture (the late

Harappan phase in the Punjab region),
some of the designs painted on the
funerary urns have been interpreted
through the lens of Vedic literature: for
instance, peacocks with hollow bodies
and a small human form inside, which
has been interpreted as the souls of the
dead, and a hound that can be seen as
the hound of Yama, the god of
death.[221][222] This may indicate the
introduction of new religious beliefs
during this period, but the
archaeological evidence does not
support the hypothesis that the
Cemetery H people were the destroyers
of the Harappan cities.[223]
Climate change and drought

Suggested contributory causes for the

localisation of the IVC include changes
in the course of the river,[224] and
climate change that is also signaled for
the neighboring areas of the Middle
East.[225][226] As of 2016 many scholars
believe that drought, and a decline in
trade with Egypt and Mesopotamia,
caused the collapse of the Indus
civilisation.[227] The climate change
which caused the collapse of the Indus
Valley Civilisation was possibly due to
"an abrupt and critical mega-drought
and cooling 4,200 years ago," which
marks the onset of the Meghalayan
Age, the present stage of the
Holocene.[228]

The Ghaggar-Hakra system was rain-

fed,[229][ak][230][al] and water-supply
depended on the monsoons. The Indus
Valley climate grew significantly cooler
and drier from about 1800 BCE, linked
to a general weakening of the monsoon
at that time.[4] The Indian monsoon
declined and aridity increased, with the
Ghaggar-Hakra retracting its reach
towards the foothills of the
Himalaya,[4][231][232] leading to erratic
and less extensive floods that made
inundation agriculture less sustainable.

Aridification reduced the water supply

enough to cause the civilisation's
demise, and scatter its population
eastward.[233][234][108][e] According to
Giosan et al. (2012), the IVC residents
did not develop irrigation capabilities,
relying mainly on the seasonal
monsoons leading to summer floods.
As the monsoons kept shifting south,
the floods grew too erratic for
sustainable agricultural activities. The
residents then migrated towards the
Ganges basin in the east, where they
established smaller villages and
isolated farms. The small surplus
produced in these small communities
did not allow the development of trade,
and the cities died out.[235][236]

Continuity and coexistence

Archaeological excavations indicate

that the decline of Harappa drove
people eastward.[237] According to
Possehl, after 1900 BCE the number of
sites in today's India increased from
218 to 853. According to Andrew
Lawler, "excavations along the Gangetic
plain show that cities began to arise
there starting about 1200 BCE, just a
few centuries after Harappa was
deserted and much earlier than once
suspected."[227][am] According to Jim
Shaffer there was a continuous series
of cultural developments, just as in
most areas of the world. These link "the
so-called two major phases of
urbanisation in South Asia".[239]

At sites such as Bhagwanpura (in

Haryana), archaeological excavations
have discovered an overlap between
the final phase of Late Harappan
pottery and the earliest phase of
Painted Grey Ware pottery, the latter
being associated with the Vedic culture
and dating from around 1200 BCE. This
site provides evidence of multiple
social groups occupying the same
village but using different pottery and
living in different types of houses: "over
time the Late Harappan pottery was
gradually replaced by Painted Grey
ware pottery," and other cultural
changes indicated by archaeology
include the introduction of the horse,
iron tools, and new religious
practices.[106]

There is also a Harappan site called

Rojdi in Rajkot district of Saurashtra. Its
excavation started under an
archaeological team from Gujarat State
Department of Archaeology and the
Museum of the University of
Pennsylvania in 1982–83. In their
report on archaeological excavations at
Rojdi, Gregory Possehl and M.H. Raval
write that although there are "obvious
signs of cultural continuity" between
the Harappan civilisation and later
South Asian cultures, many aspects of
the Harappan "sociocultural system"
and "integrated civilization" were "lost
forever," while the Second Urbanisation
of India (beginning with the Northern
Black Polished Ware culture,
c. 600 BCE) "lies well outside this
sociocultural environment".[240]

Post-Harappan

Previously, scholars believed that the

decline of the Harappan civilisation led
to an interruption of urban life in the
Indian subcontinent. However, the
Indus Valley Civilisation did not
disappear suddenly, and many
elements of the Indus civilisation
appear in later cultures. The Cemetery
H culture may be the manifestation of
the Late Harappan over a large area in
the region of Punjab, Haryana and
western Uttar Pradesh, and the Ochre
Coloured Pottery culture its successor.
David Gordon White cites three other
mainstream scholars who "have
emphatically demonstrated" that Vedic
religion derives partially from the Indus
Valley Civilisations.[241]
As of 2016, archaeological data
suggests that the material culture
classified as Late Harappan may have
persisted until at least c. 1000–
900 BCE and was partially
contemporaneous with the Painted
Grey Ware culture.[239] Harvard
archaeologist Richard Meadow points
to the late Harappan settlement of
Pirak, which thrived continuously from
1800 BCE to the time of the invasion of
Alexander the Great in 325 BCE.[227]

In the aftermath of the Indus

civilisation's localisation, regional
cultures emerged, to varying degrees
showing the influence of the Indus
civilisation. In the formerly great city of
Harappa, burials have been found that
correspond to a regional culture called
the Cemetery H culture. At the same
time, the Ochre Coloured Pottery
culture expanded from Rajasthan into
the Gangetic Plain. The Cemetery H
culture has the earliest evidence for
cremation; a practice dominant in
Hinduism today.

The inhabitants of the Indus Valley

Civilisation migrated from the river
valleys of Indus and Ghaggar-Hakra,
towards the Himalayan foothills of the
Ganga-Yamuna basin.[242]

See also

Cradle of civilization
History of Hinduism
History of Afghanistan
History of India
History of Pakistan
List of Indus Valley Civilisation sites
List of inventions and discoveries of
the Indus Valley Civilisation
 Religion of the Indus Valley
Civilization
Early Indians – 2018 book by Tony
Joseph
Sanitation of the Indus Valley
civilisation
Hydraulic engineering of the Indus
Valley Civilization

Notes

a. Wright: "Mesopotamia and Egypt ... co-

existed with the Indus civilization during
its florescence between 2600 and
1900 BC."[2]
b. Wright: "The Indus civilisation is one of
three in the 'Ancient East' that, along
with Mesopotamia and Pharaonic Egypt,
was a cradle of early civilisation in the
Old World (Childe, 1950). Mesopotamia
and Egypt were longer-lived, but
coexisted with Indus civilisation during
its florescence between 2600 and
1900 B.C. Of the three, the Indus was
the most expansive, extending from
today's northeast Afghanistan to
Pakistan and India."[3]
c. Habib: "Harappa, in Sahiwal district of
west Punjab, Pakistan, had long been
known to archaeologists as an
extensive site on the Ravi river, but its
true significance as a major city of an
early great civilization remained
unrecognized until the discovery of
Mohenjo-daro near the banks of the
Indus, in the Larkana district of Sindh,
by Rakhaldas Banerji in 1922. Sir John
Marshall, then Director General of the
Archaeological Survey of India, used the
term 'Indus civilization' for the culture
discovered at Harappa and Mohenjo-
daro, a term doubly apt because of the
geographical context implied in the
 name 'Indus' and the presence of cities
implied in the word 'civilization'. Others,
notably the Archaeological Survey of
India after Independence, have preferred
to call it 'Harappan', or 'Mature
Harappan', taking Harappa to be its
type-site."[5]

d. These covered carnelian products, seal

carving, work in copper, bronze, lead,
and tin.[9]
e. Brooke (2014), p. 296. "The story in
Harappan India was somewhat different
(see Figure 111.3). The Bronze Age
village and urban societies of the Indus
Valley are something of an anomaly, in
that archaeologists have found little
indication of local defense and regional
warfare. It would seem that the
bountiful monsoon rainfall of the Early
to Mid-Holocene had forged a condition
of plenty for all and that competitive
energies were channeled into
commerce rather than conflict. Scholars
have long argued that these rains
shaped the origins of the urban
Harappan societies, which emerged
from Neolithic villages around 2600 BC.
It now appears that this rainfall began to
slowly taper off in the third millennium,
at just the point that the Harappan cities
began to develop. Thus it seems that
this "first urbanisation" in South Asia
was the initial response of the Indus
Valley peoples to the beginning of Late
Holocene aridification. These cities
were maintained for 300 to 400 years
and then gradually abandoned as the
Harappan peoples resettled in scattered
villages in the eastern range of their
territories, into Punjab and the Ganges
Valley....' 17 (footnote):
(a) Giosan et al. (2012);
 (b) Ponton et al. (2012);
(c) Rashid et al. (2011);
(d) Madella & Fuller (2006);
Compare with the very different
interpretations in
(e) Possehl (2002), pp. 237–245 (http
s://books.google.com/books?id=pmAu
Asi4ePIC&pg=PA239)
(f) Staubwasser et al. (2003)

f. Possehl: "There are 1,056 Mature

Harappan sites that have been reported
of which 96 have been excavated."[13]
g. Coningham and Young: "More than
1,000 settlements belonging to the
Integrated Era have been identified
(Singh, 2008: 137), but there are only
five significant urban sites at the peak
of the settlement hierarchy (Smith,
2.006a: 110) (Figure 6.2).These are:
Mohenjo-daro in the lower Indus plain;
Harappa in the western Punjab;
Ganweriwala in Cholistan; Dholavira in
western Gujarat; and Rakhigarhi in
Haryana. Mohenjo-daro covered an area
of more than 250 hectares, Harappa
exceeded 150 hectares, Dholavira
100 hectares and Ganweriwala and
Rakhigarhi around 80 hectares each."[16]
h. Wright: "Five major Indus cities are
discussed in this chapter. During the
Urban period, the early town of Harappa
expanded in size and population and
became a major centre in the Upper
Indus. Other cities emerging during the
Urban period include Mohenjo-daro in
the Lower Indus, Dholavira to the south
on the western edge of peninsular India
in Kutch, Ganweriwala in Cholistan, and
a fifth city, Rakhigarhi, on the Ghaggar-
Hakra. Rakhigarhi will be discussed
briefly in view of the limited published
material."[17]
i. Wright: "Unable to state the age of the
civilization, he went on to observe that
the Indus (which he (John Marshall)
named after the river system) artifacts
differed from any known other
civilizations in the region, ..."[21]
j. Habib: "Sir John Marshall, then Director
General of the Archaeological Survey of
India, used the term 'Indus civilization'
for the culture discovered at Harappa
and Mohenjo-daro, a term doubly apt
because of the geographical context
implied in the name 'Indus' and the
presence of cities implied in the word
'civilization'. Others, notably the
Archaeological Survey of India after
Independence, have preferred to call it
'Harappan', or 'Mature Harappan', taking
Harappa to be its type-site."[22]
k. Giosan (2012): "Numerous speculations
have advanced the idea that the
Ghaggar-Hakra fluvial system, at times
identified with the lost mythical river of
Sarasvati (e.g., 4, 5, 7, 19), was a large
glacier fed Himalayan river. Potential
sources for this river include the
Yamuna River, the Sutlej River, or both
rivers. However, the lack of large-scale
incision on the interfluve demonstrates
that large, glacier-fed rivers did not flow
across the Ghaggar-Hakra region during
the Holocene. ... The present Ghaggar-
Hakra valley and its tributary rivers are
currently dry or have seasonal flows. Yet
rivers were undoubtedly active in this
region during the Urban Harappan
Phase. We recovered sandy fluvial
deposits approximately 5,400 y old at
Fort Abbas in Pakistan (SI Text), and
recent work (33) on the upper Ghaggar-
Hakra interfluve in India also
documented Holocene channel sands
that are approximately 4,300 y old. On
the upper interfluve, fine-grained
floodplain deposition continued until the
end of the Late Harappan Phase, as
recent as 2,900 y ago (33) (Fig. 2B).
This widespread fluvial redistribution of
sediment suggests that reliable
monsoon rains were able to sustain
perennial rivers earlier during the
Holocene and explains why Harappan
settlements flourished along the entire
Ghaggar-Hakra system without access
to a glacier-fed river."[4]
l. Fisher: "This was the same broad period
that saw the rise of the civilisations of
Mesopotamia (between the Tigris and
Euphrates Rivers), Egypt (along the
Nile), and northeast China (in the Yellow
River basin). At its peak, the Indus was
the most extensive of these ancient
civilisations, extending 1,500 km
(900 mi) up the Indus plain, with a core
area of 30,000 to 100,000 km2 (12,000
to 39,000 sq mi) and with more
ecologically diverse peripheral spheres
of economic and cultural influence
extending out to ten times that area.
The cultural and technological
uniformity of the Indus cities is
especially striking in light of the
relatively great distances among them,
with separations of about 280 km
(170 mi) whereas the Mesopotamian
cities, for example, only averaged about
20 to 25 km (12 to 16 mi) apart.[26]
m. Dyson: "The subcontinent's people were
hunter-gatherers for many millennia.
There were very few of them. Indeed,
10,000 years ago there may only have
been a couple of hundred thousand
people, living in small, often isolated
groups, the descendants of various
'modern' human incomers. Then,
perhaps linked to events in
Mesopotamia, about 8,500 years ago
agriculture emerged in Baluchistan."[27]
n. Fisher: "The earliest discovered instance
in India of well-established, settled
agricultural society is at Mehrgarh in the
hills between the Bolan Pass and the
Indus plain (today in Pakistan) (see
Map 3.1). From as early as 7000 BCE,
communities there started investing
increased labor in preparing the land
and selecting, planting, tending, and
harvesting particular grain-producing
plants. They also domesticated animals,
including sheep, goats, pigs, and oxen
(both humped zebu [Bos indicus] and
unhumped [Bos taurus]). Castrating
oxen, for instance, turned them from
mainly meat sources into domesticated
draft-animals as well.[28]
o. Coningham and Young: "Mehrgarh
remains one of the key sites in South
Asia because it has provided the
earliest known undisputed evidence for
farming and pastoral communities in
the region, and its plant and animal
material provide clear evidence for the
ongoing manipulation, and
domestication, of certain species.
Perhaps most importantly in a South
Asian context, the role played by zebu
makes this a distinctive, localised
development, with a character
completely different to other parts of
the world. Finally, the longevity of the
site, and its articulation with the
 neighbouring site of Nausharo
(c. 2800–2000 BCE), provides a very
clear continuity from South Asia's first
farming villages to the emergence of its
first cities (Jarrige, 1984)."[29]

p. Dyson: "In the millennia which followed,

farming developed and spread slowly
into the Indus valley and adjacent areas.
The transition to agriculture led to
population growth and the eventual rise
of the Indus civilisation. With the
movement to settled agriculture, and
the emergence of villages, towns and
cities, there was probably a modest rise
in the average death rate and a slightly
greater rise in the birth rate."[27]
q. Dyson: "Mohenjo-daro and Harappa may
each have contained between 30,000
and 60,000 people (perhaps more in the
former case). Water transport was
crucial for the provisioning of these and
other cities. That said, the vast majority
of people lived in rural areas. At the
height of the Indus valley civilisation the
subcontinent may have contained 4-
6 million people."[27]
r. Fisher: "Such an "agricultural revolution"
enabled food surpluses that supported
growing populations. Their, largely
cereal diet did not necessarily make
people healthier, however, since
conditions like caries and protein
deficiencies can increase. Further,
infectious diseases spread faster with
denser living conditions of both humans
and domesticated animals (which can
spread measles, influenza, and other
diseases to humans)."[28]
s. McIntosh: "Population Growth and
Distribution: "The prehistory of the Indo-
Iranian borderlands shows a steady
increase over time in the number and
density of settlements based on
farming and pastoralism. By contrast,
the population of the Indus plains and
adjacent regions lived mainly by hunting
and gathering; the limited traces
suggest their settlements were far
fewer in number, and were small and
widely scattered, though to some extent
this apparent situation must reflect the
difficulty of locating hunter-gatherer
settlements. The presence of domestic
animals in some hunter-gatherer
settlements attests to contact with the
people of the border-lands, probably in
the context of pastoralists' seasonal
movement from the hills into the plains.
The potential for population expansion
in the hills was severely limited, and so,
from the fourth millennium into the
third, settlers moved out from the
borderlands into the plains and beyond
into Gujarat, the first being pastoralists,
followed later by farmers. The
enormous potential of the greater Indus
region offered scope for huge
population increase; by the end of the
Mature Harappan period, the Harappans
are estimated to have numbered
somewhere between 1 and 5 million,
probably well below the region's carrying
capacity."[30]
t. Masson: "A long march preceded our
arrival at Haripah, through jangal of the
closest description ... When I joined the
camp I found it in front of the village
and ruinous brick castle. Behind us was
a large circular mound, or eminence,
and to the west was an irregular rocky
height, crowned with the remains of
buildings, in fragments of walls, with
niches, after the eastern manner ...
Tradition affirms the existence here of a
city, so considerable that it extended to
Chicha Watni, thirteen cosses distant,
and that it was destroyed by a particular
visitation of Providence, brought down
by the lust and crimes of the
sovereign."[42]
u. Guha: "The intense explorations to
locate sites related to the Indus
civilisation along the Ghaggar-Hakra,
mostly by the Archaeological Survey of
India immediately after Indian
independence (from the 1950s through
the 1970s), although ostensibly
following Sir Aurel Stein's explorations
in 1942, were to a large extent initiated
by a patriotic zeal to compensate for the
loss of this more ancient civilisation by
the newly freed nation; as apart from
Rangpur (Gujarat) and Kotla Nihang
Khan (Punjab), the sites remained in
Pakistan."[54]
v. Number of Indus script inscribed
objects and seals obtained from various
Harappan sites: 1540 from
Mohanjodaro, 985 from Harappa, 66
from Chanhudaro, 165 from Lothal, 99
from Kalibangan, 7 from Banawali, 6
from Ur in Iraq, 5 from Surkotada, 4
from Chandigarh

w. According to Ahmad Hasan Dani,

professor emeritus at Quaid-e-Azam
University, Islamabad, the discovery of
Mehrgarh "changed the entire concept
of the Indus civilisation ... There we
have the whole sequence, right from the
beginning of settled village life."[64]
x. According to Gangal et al. (2014), there
is strong archeological and
geographical evidence that neolithic
farming spread from the Near East into
north-west India.[79][80] Gangal et al.
(2014):[79] "There are several lines of
evidence that support the idea of a
connection between the Neolithic in the
Near East and in the Indian
subcontinent. The prehistoric site of
Mehrgarh in Baluchistan (modern
Pakistan) is the earliest Neolithic site in
the north-west Indian subcontinent,
dated as early as 8500 BCE."[82]
y. Neolithic domesticated crops in
Mehrgarh include more than 90% barley
and a small amount of wheat. There is
good evidence for the local
domestication of barley and the zebu
cattle at Mehrgarh,[81][83] but the wheat
varieties are suggested to be of Near-
Eastern origin, as the modern
distribution of wild varieties of wheat is
limited to Northern Levant and Southern
Turkey.[84] A detailed satellite map study
of a few archaeological sites in the
Baluchistan and Khybar Pakhtunkhwa
regions also suggests similarities in
early phases of farming with sites in
Western Asia.[85] Pottery prepared by
sequential slab construction, circular
fire pits filled with burnt pebbles, and
large granaries are common to both
Mehrgarh and many Mesopotamian
sites.[86] The postures of the skeletal
remains in graves at Mehrgarh bear
strong resemblance to those at Ali Kosh
in the Zagros Mountains of southern
Iran.[81] Clay figurines found in Mehrgarh
resemble those discovered at Teppe
Zagheh on the Qazvin plain south of the
Elburz range in Iran (the 7th millennium
BCE) and Jeitun in Turkmenistan (the
6th millennium BCE).[87] Strong
arguments have been made for the
Near-Eastern origin of some
domesticated plants and herd animals
at Jeitun in Turkmenistan (pp. 225–
227).[88]
z. The Near East is separated from the
Indus Valley by the arid plateaus, ridges
and deserts of Iran and Afghanistan,
where rainfall agriculture is possible
only in the foothills and cul-de-sac
valleys.[89] Nevertheless, this area was
not an insurmountable obstacle for the
dispersal of the Neolithic. The route
south of the Caspian sea is a part of the
Silk Road, some sections of which were
in use from at least 3,000 BCE,
connecting Badakhshan (north-eastern
Afghanistan and south-eastern
Tajikistan) with Western Asia, Egypt and
India.[90] Similarly, the section from
Badakhshan to the Mesopotamian
plains (the Great Khorasan Road) was
apparently functioning by 4,000 BCE
and numerous prehistoric sites are
located along it, whose assemblages
are dominated by the Cheshmeh-Ali
(Tehran Plain) ceramic technology,
forms and designs.[89] Striking
similarities in figurines and pottery
styles, and mud-brick shapes, between
widely separated early Neolithic sites in
the Zagros Mountains of north-western
Iran (Jarmo and Sarab), the Deh Luran
Plain in southwestern Iran (Tappeh Ali
Kosh and Chogha Sefid), Susiana
(Chogha Bonut and Chogha Mish), the
Iranian Central Plateau (Tappeh-Sang-e
Chakhmaq), and Turkmenistan (Jeitun)
suggest a common incipient culture.[91]
The Neolithic dispersal across South
Asia plausibly involved migration of the
population.[92][88] This possibility is also
supported by Y-chromosome and
mtDNA analyses,[93][94]
aa. They further noted that "the direct lineal
descendents of the Neolithic
inhabitants of Mehrgarh are to be found
to the south and the east of Mehrgarh,
in northwestern India and the western
edge of the Deccan plateau," with
neolithic Mehrgarh showing greater
affinity with chalocolithic Inamgaon,
south of Mehrgarh, than with
chalcolithic Mehrgarh.[95]
ab. Gallego romero et al. (2011) refer to
(Meadow 1993):[97] Meadow RH. 1993.
Animal domestication in the Middle
East: a revised view from the eastern
margin. In: Possehl G, editor. Harappan
civilization. New Delhi: Oxford University
Press and India Book House. pp. 295–
320.[98]

ac. It has been noted that the courtyard

pattern and techniques of flooring of
Harappan houses has similarities to the
way house-building is still done in some
villages of the region.[114]

ad. Gangal refers to Jarrige (2008a) and

Costantini (2008)

ae. Gangal refers to Fuller (2006)

af. A large proportion of data however
remains ambiguous. Reliable local
isotopic references for fats and oils are
unavailable, and lipid levels in IVC
vessels are quite low.
ag. See:
David McAlpin, "Toward Proto-
Elamo-Dravidian", Language vol. 50
no. 1 (1974);

David McAlpin: "Elamite and

Dravidian, Further Evidence of
Relationships", Current
Anthropology vol. 16 no. 1 (1975);

David McAlpin: "Linguistic

prehistory: the Dravidian situation",
in Madhav M. Deshpande and Peter
Edwin Hook: Aryan and Non-Aryan
in India, Center for South and
Southeast Asian Studies, University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor (1979);
David McAlpin, "Proto-Elamo-
Dravidian: The Evidence and its
Implications", Transactions of the
American Philosophical Society vol.
71 pt. 3, (1981)
ah. See also:
Mukherjee et al. (2001): "More
recently, about 15,000–
10,000 years before present (ybp),
when agriculture developed in the
Fertile Crescent region that extends
from Israel through northern Syria
to western Iran, there was another
eastward wave of human migration
(Cavalli-Sforza et al., 1994; Renfrew
1987), a part of which also appears
to have entered India. This wave
has been postulated to have
brought the Dravidian languages
into India (Renfrew 1987).
Subsequently, the Indo-European
(Aryan) language family was
introduced into India about
4,000 ybp."
Derenko (2013): "The spread of
these new technologies has been
associated with the dispersal of
Dravidian and Indo-European
languages in southern Asia. It is
hypothesized that the proto-Elamo-
Dravidian language, most likely
originated in the Elam province in
southwestern Iran, spread
eastwards with the movement of
farmers to the Indus Valley and the
Indian sub-continent."

Derenko refers to:

* Renfrew (1987), Archaeology and
Language: The Puzzle of Indo-
European Origins
* Renfrew (1996), Language
families and the spread of farming.
In: Harris DR, editor, The origins and
spread of Agriculture and
Pastoralism in Eurasia, pp. 70–92
* Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi & Piazza
(1994).
ai. Kumar: "The analysis of two Y
chromosome variants, Hgr9 and Hgr3
provides interesting data (Quintan-Murci
et al., 2001). Microsatellite variation of
Hgr9 among Iranians, Pakistanis and
Indians indicate an expansion of
populations to around 9000 YBP in Iran
and then to 6,000 YBP in India. This
migration originated in what was
historically termed Elam in south-west
Iran to the Indus valley, and may have
been associated with the spread of
Dravidian languages from south-west
Iran (Quintan-Murci et al., 2001)."[175]
aj. Nevertheless, Kivisild et al. (1999) note
that "a small fraction of the West
Eurasian mtDNA lineages found in
Indian populations can be ascribed to a
relatively recent admixture."[173] at c.
9,300±3,000 years before present,[174]
which coincides with "the arrival to India
of cereals domesticated in the Fertile
Crescent" and "lends credence to the
suggested linguistic connection
between the Elamite and Dravidic
populations."[174] According to Kumar
(2004), referring to Quintan-Murci et al.
(2001), "microsatellite variation of Hgr9
among Iranians, Pakistanis and Indians
indicate an expansion of populations to
around 9000 YBP in Iran and then to
6,000 YBP in India. This migration
originated in what was historically
termed Elam in south-west Iran to the
Indus valley, and may have been
associated with the spread of Dravidian
languages from south-west Iran."[175][ai]
According to Palanichamy et al. (2015),
"The presence of mtDNA haplogroups
(HV14 and U1a) and Y-chromosome
haplogroup (L1) in Dravidian
populations indicates the spread of the
Dravidian language into India from west
Asia."[176]
ak. Geological research by a group led by
Peter Clift investigated how the courses
of rivers have changed in this region
since 8000 years ago, to test whether
climate or river reorganisations caused
the decline of the Harappan. Using U-Pb
dating of zircon sand grains they found
that sediments typical of the Beas,
Sutlej, and Yamuna rivers (Himalayan
tributaries of the Indus) are actually
present in former Ghaggar-Hakra
channels. However, sediment
contributions from these glacial-fed
rivers stopped at least by 10,000 years
ago, well before the development of the
Indus civilisation.[229]
al. Tripathi et al. (2004) found that the
isotopes of sediments carried by the
Ghaggar-Hakra system over the last
20 thousand years do not come from
the glaciated Higher Himalaya but have
a sub-Himalayan source, and concluded
that the river system was rain-fed. They
also concluded that this contradicted
the idea of a Harappan-time mighty
"Sarasvati" river.[230]
am. Most sites of the Painted Grey Ware
culture in the Ghaggar-Hakra and Upper
Ganges Plain were small farming
villages. However, "several dozen" PGW
sites eventually emerged as relatively
large settlements that can be
characterized as towns, the largest of
which were fortified by ditches or moats
and embankments made of piled earth
with wooden palisades, albeit smaller
and simpler than the elaborately
fortified large cities which grew after
600 BCE in the more fully urban
Northern Black Polished Ware
culture.[238]
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External links

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Mohenjo-daro.

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Harappa and Indus Valley Civilization

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harappa.com
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