Transcriber's Note:

1. Footnotes are numerous and many are lengthy.

They are placed at the end of the book for easier
reading of the text.
2. There are numerous asterisks in the text, three of
which (pp. 115, 127 and 128) refer to sidenotes on
those pages. Other asterisks will be seen in
footnote references to outside sources.
3. There are multiple instances of different
spellings for the same word. Those have been
retained. Obvious typos have been corrected.
4. Quote (") marks have been retained as in the
original.
5. Footnote numbers cited as internal references
have been changed from the original to conform to
the footnote numbers in this document; and, where
necessary, comments have been altered to reflect
the format of this document.
 THE WORKS
OF

JOHN KNOX
COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

DAVID LAING, LL.D.

VOLUME FIRST.

EDINBURGH:

JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.

MDCCCXCV.
WORKS
OF
 JOHN KNOX.

THE WODROW SOCIETY,

INSTITUTED MAY 1841.

FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE WORKS OF THE FATHERS AND

EARLY

WRITERS OF THE REFORMED CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

 THE WORKS
OF

JOHN KNOX.
COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

DAVID LAING, LL.D.

VOLUME FIRST.

EDINBURGH:

JAMES THIN, 55 SOUTH BRIDGE.

MDCCCXCV.

AD SCOTOS TRANSEUNTIBUS PRIMO-OCCURRIT MAGNUS ILLE JOANNES CNOXUS:

QUEM SI SCOTORUM IN VERO DEI CULTU INSTAURANDO, VELUT APOSTOLUM QUENDAM
DIXERO. DIXISSE ME QUOD RES EST EXISTIMABO.

THEOD. BEZA.

Manufactured in the United States of America

 TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PAGE
ADVERTISEMENT, vii
CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES OF THE CHIEF EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JOHN KNOX, xi
MANUSCRIPT COPIES OF THE HISTORY. xxix
PRINTED EDITIONS OF THE HISTORY. xxxix

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE, xxv

BOOK FIRST, 1494—1558, 1
BOOK SECOND., 1558—1559, 295

APPENDIX.

No. II.—ON THE LOLLARDS IN SCOTLAND, DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, 496
No. III.—PATRICK HAMILTON, ABBOT OF FERNE, 500
No. IV.—ON THE ROYAL PILGRIMAGES TO THE SHRINE OF ST. DUTHACK, AT
515
TAIN, IN ROSS-SHIRE,
No. V.—FOXE'S ACCOUNT OF HENRY FORREST, AND ATHER MARTYRS AN
SCOTLAND, 516
DURING THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH,
No. VI.—NOTICES OF THE PROTESTANT EXILES FROM SCOTLAND, DURING THE 526
REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH,
No. VII.—ALEXANDER SEYTON, 531
No. VIII.—SIR JOHN BORTHWICK, 533
No. IX.—GEORGE WISHART, 534
No. X.—JOHN ROUGH, 537
No. XI.—NORMAN LESLEY, 541
No. XII.—ADAM WALLACE, 543
No. XIII.—WALTER MYLN, 550
No. XIV.—ON THE TITLE OF SIR APPLIED TO PRIESTS, 555
No. XV.—ON THE TUMULT IN EDINBURGH, AT THE PROCESSION ON ST. GILES'S
558
DAY, 1558,
No. XVI.—PROVINCIAL COUNCILS IN SCOTLAND, 1549-1559, 561
No. XVII.—LETTER OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS TO LORD JAMES, PRIOR OF THE
562
MONASTERY OF ST. ANDREWS. JULY 1559,
No. XVIII.—DAVID FORREST, GENERAL OF THE MINT. 563
 ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE
No. I.—IOANNES CNOXVS.
xii
From THEOD. BEZÆ ICONES, etc., M.D.LXXX.
No. II.—HANDWRITTEN PREFACE facing page xxxi
No. III.—SIGNATURE OF M JO. KNOX.
xxxiv
augusti 18 ao 1581

ADVERTISEMENT.

This publication of the Works of JOHN KNOX, it is supposed, will extend to ToC
Five
Volumes. It was thought advisable to commence the series with his History of
the Reformation in Scotland, as the work of greatest importance. The next
volume will thus contain the Third and Fourth Books, which continue the
History to the year 1564; at which period his historical labours may be
considered to terminate. But the Fifth Book, forming a sequel to the History, and
published under his name in 1644, will also be included. His Letters and
Miscellaneous Writings will be arranged in the subsequent volumes, as nearly as
possible in chronological order; each portion being introduced by a separate
notice, respecting the manuscript or printed copies from which they have been
taken.
It may perhaps be expected that a Life of the Author should have been prefixed
to this volume. The Life of Knox, by DR. MʻCRIE, is however a work so
universally known, and of so much historical value, as to supersede any attempt
that might be made for a detailed biography; and none of the earlier sketches of
his life is sufficiently minute or accurate to answer the purpose intended. In
order to obviate the necessity of the reader having recourse to other authorities, I
have added some chronological notices of the leading events in his life;
reserving to the conclusion of the work any remarks, in connexion with this
publication, that may seem to be requisite.
I was very desirous of obtaining a Portrait of the Reformer, to accompany this
volume. Hitherto all my inquiries have failed to discover any undoubted original
painting, among several which have either been so described, or engraved as
such.[1] In the meantime, a tolerably accurate fac-simile is given of the wood-cut
portrait of Knox,[2] included by Theodore Beza, in his volume entitled "ICONES,
id est, Veræ Imagines Virorum Doctrina simul et Pietate illustrium," &c.,
published at Geneva, in the year 1580, 4to. It is the earliest of the engraved
portraits, and, so far as we can judge, it ought to serve as a kind of test by which
other portraits must be tried. A similar head engraved on copper, is to be found
in Verheiden's "Præstantium aliquot Theologorum, &c., Effigies," published at
the Hague, in 1602, folio; but this, I apprehend, is merely an improved copy
from Beza, and not taken from an original painting. It does not retain the
expressive character of the ruder engraving, although the late Sir David Wilkie,
whose opinion in such matters was second to none, was inclined to prefer this of
Verheiden to any at least of the later portraits of the Reformer.[3]
It may not here be superfluous to mention, that this publication was projected by
the Editor many years ago, and that some arrangements had been entered into for
having it printed in England. When the WODROW SOCIETY, therefore, expressed a
willingness to undertake the work, I proposed as a necessary condition, that I
should have the privilege of causing a limited impression to be thrown off, for
sale, chiefly in England; and the Council, in the most liberal manner, at once
acquiesced in this proposal. Instead however of availing myself to the full extent
of their liberality, which some circumstances rendered less desirable, but in order
to avoid throwing, either upon the Society or the Editor, the extra expenses
which have been incurred in various matters connected with the publication, it
was finally arranged that a much more limited impression than was first
proposed, should be thrown off on paper to be furnished by the BANNATYNE CLUB,
for the use of the Members of that Institution.
NOVEMBER, 1846.
CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES.
 CHRONOLOGICAL NOTES
OF

THE CHIEF EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF JOHN KNOX.

Knox was born this year, at the village of Gifford, near the
town of Haddington, in East-Lothian. His father is said to have 1505.
been descended from the Knoxes of Ranferly, in the county of
Renfrew; and the name of his mother was Sinclair. Knox himself, in describing
an interview with the Earl of Bothwell, in 1562, mentions that his father,
grandfather, and great-grandfather, had all served his Lordship's predecessors,
and that some of them had died under their standards; which implies that they
must have been settled for a considerable period in East-Lothian, where the
Hepburns, Earls of Bothwell, had their chief residence.
After being educated at Haddington, Knox was sent to the
University of Glasgow; where John Major was Principal 1522.
Regent or Professor of Philosophy and Divinity. The name
"Johānes Knox," occurs in the Registers of the University, among those of the
students who were incorporated in the year 1522. There is no evidence to shew
that he afterwards proceeded to St. Andrews, as is usually stated, either to
complete his academical education, or publicly to teach philosophy, for which he
had not qualified himself by taking his degree of Master of Arts. If he ever
taught philosophy, it must have been in the way of private tuition.
About this time Knox took priest's orders; and he was probably
connected, for upwards of ten years, with one of the religious 1530.
establishments in the neighbourhood of Haddington. It is
generally supposed, that between the years 1535 and 1540, in the course of his
private studies, the perusal of the writings of Augustine and other ancient
Fathers, led him to renounce scholastic theology, and that he was thus prepared,
at a mature period of life, to profess his adherence to the Protestant faith.
March 8. The name of "Schir John Knox" occurs among the
witnesses to a deed concerning Rannelton Law, in a Protocol- 1541.
book belonging to the borough of Haddington; and there is no
reason to doubt that this was the Reformer.
Knox entered the family of Hugh Douglas of Longniddry, as
tutor of his sons Francis and George Douglas; and also of 1544.
Alexander Cockburn, son of John Cockburn of Ormiston.
In this year he attached himself as an avowed adherent of
George Wishart, from the time of his first visit to East-Lothian. 1545.

George Wishart suffered martyrdom at St. Andrews, on the 1st

of March 1545-6; and on the 29th of May that year, Cardinal 1546.
Beaton was murdered.
April 10. Knox, with his young pupils, entered the Castle of St.
Andrews, as a place of safety from the persecution of the 1547.
Popish clergy.
May. At the end of this month, or early in June, he received a public call to the
ministry, which he obeyed with great reluctance; but having undertaken the
office, he continued, along with John Rough, to preach both in the parish
Church, and in the Castle until its surrender.
June. The French fleet appeared in St. Andrews Bay, to lay siege to the Castle,
which surrendered on the 30th of July; but in defiance of the terms of
capitulation, the chief persons in the place were sent as prisoners on board the
French galleys.
During this winter, the vessel on board of which Knox was confined, remained
in the river Loire.
The vessel returned to Scotland, about the time of the siege of
Haddington in June; and when within sight of St. Andrews, 1548.
Knox uttered his memorable prediction, that he would yet
survive to preach in that place where God had opened his mouth for the ministry.
During this winter, he was kept prisoner at Rouen, where he wrote a Preface to
Balnaves's Treatise of Justification, which was sent to Scotland, and until some
years after his death, was supposed to be lost.
February. Knox obtained his liberty, after an imprisonment of
nineteen months. He came to England, and soon afterwards 1549.
was appointed by the English Council to be a preacher in the
town of Berwick.
April 4. Knox was summoned to appear at Newcastle before
Dr. Tonstall, Bishop of Durham, to give an account of his 1550.
doctrine.
At the close of this year he was removed from Berwick to Newcastle, where he
continued his ministerial labours.
December. Knox was appointed by the Privy Council of
England one of six Chaplains to Edward the Sixth. This led to 1551.
his occasional residence in London during 1552 and 1553.
October. He received an offer of the Bishopric of Rochester;
but this preferment he declined. 1552.

In or about February, Knox was summoned before the Privy

Council of England, upon complaints made by the Duke of 1553.
Northumberland; but was acquitted.
April 14. He also declined accepting the vacant living of All-Hallows, in
London, and, on account of his refusal, was again summoned before the Privy
Council.
Edward the Sixth died on the 6th of July, and the persecution of the Protestants
being revived during the reign of Queen Mary, most of the Reformed ministers
and many of the laity made their escape, and sought refuge in foreign countries,
in the course of that year.
January 28. Knox was at Dieppe, where he remained till the
end of February. He then proceeded to Geneva, but was again 1554.
at Dieppe in July, "to learn the estate of England."
April 10. The Queen Dowager, Mary of Guise, was installed Regent of Scotland.
On the 4th of September, he received a call from the English Congregation at
Frankfort on the Maine, to become their minister. He accepted the invitation, and
repaired to that city in November.
In consequence of the disputes which arose in the English
Congregation at Frankfort, in regard to the use of the Book of 1555.
Common Prayer, and the introduction of various ceremonies.
Knox was constrained to relinquish his charge; and having preached a farewell
discourse on the 26th of March, he left that city, and returned to Geneva. Here he
must have resumed his ministerial labours; as, on the 1st of November that year,
in the "Livre des Anglois, à Geneve," it is expressly said, that Christopher
Goodman and Anthony Gilby were "appointed to preche the word of God and
mynyster the Sacraments, in th' absence of John Knox." This refers to his having
resolved to visit his native country.
Knox proceeded to Dieppe in August, and in the following month landed on the
east coast of Scotland, not far from Berwick. Most of this winter he spent in
Edinburgh, preaching and exhorting in private.
In the beginning of this year Knox went to Ayrshire,
accompanied with several of the leading Protestants of that 1556.
county, and preached openly in the town of Ayr, and in other
parts of the country. He was summoned to appear before a Convention of the
Popish Clergy, on the 15th of May, at Edinburgh. About the same time, he
addressed his Letter to the Queen Regent.
Having received a solicitation for his return to Geneva, to become one of their
pastors, Knox left Scotland in July that year. Before this time he married
Marjory Bowes. Her father was Richard, the youngest son of Sir Ralph Bowes of
Streatlam; her mother was Elizabeth, a daughter and co-heiress of Sir Roger
Aske of Aske.
On the 13th September, Knox, along with his wife and his mother-in-law, were
formally admitted members of the English Congregation. At the annual election
of Ministers, on the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman were re-elected.
Having received a pressing invitation from Scotland, which he
considered to be his duty to accept, Knox took leave of the 1557.
Congregation at Geneva, and came to Dieppe; but finding
letters of an opposite tenor, dissuading him from coming till a more favourable
opportunity, after a time he returned again to Geneva.
In May, his son Nathaniel was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the 23d,
William Whittingham, afterwards Dean of Durham, being god-father.
On the 16th of December, Knox and Goodman still continued to be ministers of
the English Congregation at Geneva.
April. Mary Queen of Scots was married, at Paris, to Francis,
Dauphin of France. 1558.

In this year Knox republished, with additions, his Letter to the Queen Regent;
and also his Appellation from the cruel sentence of the Bishops and Clergy of
Scotland; and his First Blast of the Trumpet against the Regiment of Women.
In November, his son Eleazar was born at Geneva, and was baptized on the 29th,
Myles Coverdale, formerly Bishop of Exeter, being witness or god-father.
November 17. Upon the death of Mary Queen of England, Elizabeth ascended
the throne.
On the 16th December, Knox and Goodman were again re-elected ministers of
the English Congregation.
January 7. Knox took his final departure from Geneva, in
consequence of an invitation to return to Scotland; and was on 1559.
that occasion honoured with the freedom of the city.
In March, he arrived at Dieppe, and finding that the English Government refused
to grant him a safeconduct, on the 22d April he embarked for Leith, and reached
Edinburgh on the 2d May. During that month, the Queen Regent published a
Declaration against the Protestants, and the Lords of the Congregation sent a
deputation to remonstrate; but their remonstrance being despised, they took arms
in self-defence.
June 11. Knox preached in St. Andrews; and at Perth on the 25th, when the
populace defaced several of the Churches or Monasteries in that city.
July 7. He was elected Minister of Edinburgh. Owing to the troubles, within a
brief space he was obliged to relinquish his charge; but he continued his labours
elsewhere for a time, chiefly at St. Andrews.
July 10. On the death of Henry II. of France, his son Francis, who had espoused
Mary Queen of Scots, and had obtained the Matrimonial Crown of Scotland in
November 1558, at the age of sixteen, ascended the throne of France.
August 1. The Protestants assembled at Stirling, and having resolved to solicit
aid from England, on the 3d of that month Knox proceeded to Berwick to hold a
conference with Sir James Crofts. In this month, he sent Calvin a favourable
report of his labours since his arrival in Scotland: Calvin's answer to this
communication is dated in November.
September 20. Knox's Wife and children, accompanied by Christopher
Goodman, arrived in Edinburgh.
October 18. The Protestants entered Edinburgh, while the Queen Regent retired
to Leith, with the French troops which had come to her aid.
February 27. A treaty concluded between England and the
Lords of the Congregation. The English fleet blockaded the 1560.
port of Leith, and furnished reinforcements, their troops at the
same time having entered Scotland.
April. At the end of this month, Knox had returned to Edinburgh. His work on
Predestination was published this year at Geneva.
June 10. The Queen Regent died in the Castle of Edinburgh. Articles of Peace
were concluded in July.
August 1. The Scotish Parliament assembled; and, on the 17th, the Confession of
Faith was ratified, and the Protestant religion formally established.
December 5. Francis II. of France, the husband of Mary Queen of Scots, died.
December 20. The first meeting of the General Assembly was held at Edinburgh.
At the end of this year, Knox's Wife died, leaving him the two sons above
mentioned.
An invitation having been sent by the Protestant Nobility to
their young Queen, to revisit Scotland, she arrived from 1561.
France, and assumed the Government, on the 19th of August.
May. Knox engaged in a dispute at Maybole, with Quintin
Kennedy, Abbot of Crossragwell; of which dispute he 1562.
published an account in the following year.
December. He was summoned to appear before the Privy Council, on account of
a circular letter which he had addressed to the chief Protestants, in virtue of a
commission granted to him by the General Assembly.
The town of Edinburgh formed only one parish. Knox, when
elected Minister, had the assistance of John Cairns as Reader. 1563.
John Craig, minister of the Canongate or Holyrood, had been
solicited to become his colleague, in April 1562; but his appointment did not
take place till June 1563.
March. Knox married to his second wife, Margaret Stewart,
daughter of Andrew Lord Ochiltree. 1564.

June 30. He was appointed by the General Assembly to visit the churches in
Aberdeen and the North of Scotland. The following Assembly, 26th of
December, gave him a similar appointment for Fife and Perthshire.
Knox was summoned before the Privy Council, on account of
a sermon which, on the 19th of August, he had preached in St. 1565.
Giles's Church.
In this year he appears to have written the most considerable
portion of his History of the Reformation; having commenced 1566.
the work in 1559 or 1560.
In consequence of the unsettled state of public affairs, after the murder of David
Riccio, 9th of March, Knox left Edinburgh, and retired for a time to Kyle.
June 19. James the Sixth was born in the Castle of Edinburgh.
December. Knox obtained permission from the General Assembly to proceed to
England, having received from the English Government a safeconduct, to visit
his two sons, who were residing with some of their mother's relations.
February 10. Henry Lord Darnley was murdered.
1567.
April 24. Bothwell carried off Queen Mary to the Castle of
Dunbar; and their marriage was celebrated on the 15th of May.
June 15. Bothwell fled from Carberry-hill to Dunbar; and the Queen was brought
to Edinburgh, and afterwards confined in Lochleven Castle. About the same
time, Knox returned from England.
July 29. At the King's Coronation at Stirling, Knox preached an inaugural
sermon on these words, "I was crowned young."
August 22. James Earl of Murray was appointed Regent of Scotland.
December 15. Knox preached at the opening of Parliament; and on the 20th, the
Confession of Faith, which had been framed and approved by Parliament in
1560, with various Acts in favour of the Reformed religion, was solemnly
ratified.
May 2. Queen Mary escaped from Lochleven; but her
adherents, who had assembled at Langside, being defeated, she 1568.
fled into England, and was imprisoned by Queen Elizabeth for
the rest of her life; having been beheaded at Fotheringay on the 8th of February
1586-7.
January 23. The Earl of Murray was assassinated at
Linlithgow; and on occasion of his funeral, Knox preached a 1569.
sermon on these words, "Blessed are the dead who die in the
Lord." (Rev. xiv. 13.)
July 12. Matthew Earl of Lennox was elected Regent of
Scotland; but was assassinated on the 4th of September. On the 1570.
following day, John Earl of Mar was chosen Regent.
October. Knox had a stroke of apoplexy, but was enabled occasionally to resume
his ministerial labours.
May 5. The troubles which then agitated the country induced
Knox to quit the metropolis, and to retire to St. Andrews. 1571.

September. The news arrived of the massacre of the Protestants on St.

Bartholomew's Eve, 24th of August, at Paris, and in other parts of France.
July. On the cessation of hostilities, at the end of this month, a
deputation from the citizens of Edinburgh was sent to St. 1572.
Andrews, with a letter to Knox, expressive of their earnest
desire "that once again his voice might be heard among them." He returned in
August, having this year published, at St. Andrews, his Answer to Tyrie the
Jesuit.
The Earl of Mar died on the 29th of October; and James Earl of Morton, on the
24th of November, was elected Regent of Scotland.
On the same day, the 24th of November, having attained the age of sixty-seven,
Knox closed "his most laborious and most honourable career." He was buried in
the church-yard of St. Giles; but, as in the case of Calvin, at Geneva, no
monument was erected to mark the place where he was interred.

Knox left a widow, and two sons by his first marriage, and three daughters by
the second. In the concluding volume will be given a genealogical tree, or
notices of his descendants.

THE HISTORY
OF THE
REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND.

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE TO THE HISTORY.

In the long series of events recorded in the Annals of Scotland, there is
unquestionably none of greater importance than those which exhibit the progress
and establishment of the Reformed Religion in the year 1560. This subject has
accordingly called forth in succession a variety of writers of different sentiments
and persuasions. Although in the contemporary historians, Lesley, Buchanan,
and their successors, we have more or less copious illustrations of that period,
yet a little examination will show that we possess only one work which bears an
exclusive reference to this great event, and which has any claims to be regarded
as the production of an original historian. Fortunately the writer of the work
alluded to was of all persons the best qualified to undertake such a task, not only
from his access to the various sources of information, and his singular power and
skill in narrating events and delineating characters, but also from the
circumstance that he himself had a personal and no unimportant share in most of
the transactions of those times, which have left the character of his own mind so
indelibly impressed on his country and its institutions. It is scarcely necessary to
subjoin the name of JOHN KNOX.
The doubts which were long entertained respecting Knox's share in the "History
of the Reformation," have been satisfactorily explained. Such passages as were
adduced to prove that he could not have been the author, consist of palpable
errors and interpolations. Without adverting to these suspicions, we may
therefore attend to the time when the work was actually written.

The necessity of leaving upon record a correct account of their proceedings

suggested itself to the Reformers at an early period of their career, and led to this
History being commenced. Knox arrived in Scotland in May 1559; and by his
presence and counsels, he served to animate and direct their measures, which
were attended with so much success. In a letter dated from Edinburgh 23d
October that year, while alluding to the events which had taken place during
their contentions with the Queen Regent and her French auxiliaries, he uses
these words, "Our most just requeastes, which ye shall, God willing, schortlie
hereafter onderstand, together with our whole proceeding from the beginning of
this matter, which we ar to sett furth in maner of Historie." That he had
commenced the work, further appears from a letter, dated Edinburgh, 23d
September 1560, and addressed to Secretary Cecil by the English Ambassador,
Randolph, in which he says, "I have tawlked at large with MR. KNOX concerning
his HYSTORIE. As mykle as ys written thereof shall be sent to your Honour, at the
comynge of the Lords Embassadours, by Mr. John Woode. He hath wrytten only
one Booke. If yow lyke that, he shall continue the same, or adde onie more. He
sayethe, that he must have farther helpe then is to be had in thys countrie, for
more assured knowledge of thyngs passed than he hath hymself, or can come
bye here: yt is a work not to be neglected, and greatly wyshed that yt sholde be
well handled."
Whether this portion of the work was actually communicated to Cecil at that
time, is uncertain; as no such manuscript has been discovered among his papers,
either in the British Museum or the State Paper Office. It could only have
consisted of part of the Second Book; and this portion remains very much in its
original state, as may be inferred from these two passages.—In July 1559, while
exposing "the craftyness of the Queen Regent," in desiring a private conference
with the Earl of Argyle and Lord James Stewart, with the hope that she might be
able to withdraw them from their confederates, we read, "And one of hir cheaf
Counsale in those dayis, (and we fear but over inward with hir yit,) said," &c.
See page 368 of this volume. This must necessarily have been written during the
Queen Regent's life, or previously to June 1560. During the following month,
after noticing the Earl of Arran's escape from France, and the imprisonment of
his younger brother, Lord David Hamilton, it is stated, "For the same tyme, the
said Frensche King, seing he could not have the Erle him self, gart put his
youngar brother ... in strait prisoun, quhair he yitt remaneis, to witt, in the
moneth of October, the yeir of God 1559." See page 383. In like manner, in a
letter of intelligence, dated at Hamilton, 12th October 1559, and addressed to
Cecil, Randolph says, "Since Nesbot went from hence, the Duke never harde out
of Fraunce, nor newes of his son the Lord David."—(Sadler's State Papers, vol. i.
p. 500.) We might have supposed that his restraint was not of long duration, as
he is named among the hostages left in England, at the treaty of Berwick, 27th
February 1559-60; a circumstance of which Knox could not have been ignorant,
as he gives a copy of the confirmation of the treaty by the Duke of
Chastelherault and the Lords of the Congregation; but it appears from one of the
articles in the treaty of peace in July, that Lord David Hamilton, who was still a
prisoner at Bois de St. Vincent, in France, then obtained liberty to return to
Scotland; and he arrived at Edinburgh in October 1560. We are therefore
warranted to infer that this portion of the Second Book of his History, must have
been written towards the end of the year 1559.
Knox himself in his general Preface, says, the intention was to have limited the
period of the History from the year 1558, until the arrival of Queen Mary from
France to assume the government in this country, in August 1561; thus extending
the period originally prescribed beyond the actual attainment of the great object
at which the Reformers aimed, in the overthrow of Popish superstition, and the
establishment by civil authority of the Protestant faith, which was actually
secured by the proceedings of the Parliament that met at Edinburgh on the 1st of
August 1560. But he further informs us, that he was persuaded not only to add
the First Book as an Introduction, but to continue the Narrative to a later period.
This plan of extending the work he carried into effect in the year 1566, when the
First and Fourth Books were chiefly written, and when there is reason to believe
that he revised and enlarged the intermediate portion, at least by dividing it into
two parts, as Books Second and Third. The Fourth Book extends to the year
1564; and he seems to intimate that he himself had no intention to continue the
History to a later period; for alluding to the death of David Riccio, in March
1565-6, he says, "of whom we delay now farther to speik, becaus that his end
will requyre the descriptioun of the whole, and referris it unto suche as God sall
rayse up to do the same;" and a marginal note on this passage, written probably
by Richard Bannatyne in 1571, says "This ves never done be this Authour."
Dr. MʻCrie states, that "the First and Fourth Books were composed during the
years 1566, 1567, and 1568," and that "some additions were made to the Fourth
Book so late as 1571." The only evidence to support this supposition, is founded
upon the circumstance of some marginal notes having been added in those years,
and introduced by subsequent transcribers, as belonging to the text. Whether the
Fifth Book, published by David Buchanan in 1644, was actually written by the
Reformer, will be considered in the preliminary notice to that Book. Meanwhile
it may be remarked, that the Author himself whilst occasionally engaged in
collecting materials for a continuation of his History, felt the necessity of
delaying the publication; and in a letter addressed to Mr. John Wood, 14th
February 1567-8, he expresses the resolution he had formed of withholding the
work from the public during his own life.
 MANUSCRIPT COPIES OF THE HISTORY.
ToC

The Manuscript of the HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION which has been followed in
this edition, fully confirms the preceding statements regarding the period of its
composition. It also serves to shew that no suppressions or alterations had been
made by his friends, after his death, in these Four Books. Such an intention is
alluded to, in a letter, dated from Stirling, 6th August 1572, and addressed to
Randolph, by George Buchanan:—"As to MAISTER KNOX, his HISTORIE is in hys
freindes handes, and thai ar in consultation to mitigat sum part the acerbite of
certain wordis, and sum taunts wherein he has followit too muche sum of your
Inglis writaris, as M. Hal. et suppilatorem ejus Graftone, &c." The Manuscript
contains Four Books, transcribed by several hands, and at different intervals.
Notwithstanding this diversity of hand-writing, there is every reason to believe
that the most considerable part of the volume was written in the year 1566,
although it is not improbable that in the Second and Third Books a portion of the
original MS. of 1559 may have been retained. The marginal notes, which specify
particular dates, chiefly refer to the years 1566, or 1567, and they leave no doubt
in regard to the actual period when the bulk of the MS. was written, as those
bearing the date 1567 are clearly posterior to the transcription of the pages where
they occur. Some of these notes, as well as a number of minute corrections, are
evidently in Knox's own hand; but the latter part of Book Fourth could not have
been transcribed until the close of the year 1571. This is proved by the
circumstance that the words, "BOT WNTO THIS DAY, THE 17. OF DECEMBER 1571,"
form an integral part of the text, near the foot of fol. 359, in "The Ressonyng
betuix the Maister of Maxwell and John Knox." The whole of this section indeed
is written somewhat hastily, like a scroll-copy, probably by Richard Bannatyne,
his Secretary, from dictation; but whether it was merely rewritten in 1571, or
first added in that year to complete Book Fourth, must be left to conjecture.

I.—MANUSCRIPT OF 1566.—IN THE EDITOR'S POSSESSION.

The accompanying leaf exhibits an accurate fac-simile of part of the first page of
the MS; and it is worthy of notice, that in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 287,
a fac-simile of a paper entitled "The Kirkis Testimonial, &c.," dated 26th
December 1565, is evidently by the same hand.[4] It has the signatures of three of
the Superintendents, Erskine of Dun, John Spottiswood, and John Wynram, as
well as that of John Knox. As this was a public document, and was no doubt
written by the Clerk of the General Assembly, we may infer that Knox's
amanuensis, in 1566, was either John Gray, who was Scribe or Clerk to the
Assembly from 1560 till his death in 1574, or one of the other Scribes whom
Knox mentions, in his interview with Queen Mary, in 1563, as having implicit
confidence in their fidelity. But this is no very important point to determine,
since the Manuscript itself bears such unequivocal proofs of having passed
through the Author's hands. Two short extracts, (corresponding with pages 109
and 115 of this volume,) are also selected on account of the marginal notes, both
of which I think are in Knox's own hand. Further specimens of such notes or
corrections will be given in the next volume. At fol. 249, four leaves are left
blank to allow the form of "The Election of the Superintendant" to be inserted;
but this can be supplied from either the Glasgow MS. or the early printed copies.
A more important omission would have been the First Book of Discipline, but
this the MS. fortunately contains, in a more genuine state than is elsewhere
preserved; and it will form no unimportant addition to the next volume of the
History.
The volume consists of 388 folios, chiefly written, as already stated, in the year
1566. No trace of its earlier possessors can be discovered; but the name of "Mr.
Matthew Reid, Minister of North-Berwick" (from 1692 to 1729,) written on the
first page, identifies it with a notice, which is given by the Editor of the 1732
edition: "There is also a complete MS. copy of the first four Books of this
History belonging now to Mr. Gavin Hamilton, Bookseller in Edinburgh, which
formerly belonged to the late Reverend Mr. Matthew Reid, Minister of the
Gospel at North-Berwick; it is written in a very old hand, the old spelling is kept,
and I am informed that it exactly agrees with the Glasgow MS., with which it
was collated, during the time this edition was a printing." (page liii.)
This MS., came into the possession of the Rev. John Jamieson, D.D., probably
long before the publication of his Etymological Dictionary in 1808, where he
mentions his having two MSS. of Knox's History, (this, and the one marked No.
VIII.) in his list of authorities; but neither of them was known, and consequently
had never been examined by Dr. MʻCrie. At the sale of Dr. Jamieson's library in
1839, both MSS. were purchased by the Editor.
In the firm persuasion that this MS. must have been written not only during the
Reformer's life, but under his immediate inspection, and that all the existing
copies were derived from it, more or less directly, I should have held it a most
unprofitable labour to have collated the other MSS., for no other purpose than to
notice the endless variations, omissions, and mistakes of later transcribers. The
reader may think I have paid too much regard in this respect to the various
readings or errors in Vautrollier's suppressed edition, and in the Glasgow
Manuscript; but these copies being the only ones referable to the sixteenth
century, are deserving of greater attention than those of a more recent age, while
the variations pointed out frequently serve to account for the mistakes in the later
transcripts.
But before explaining the manner in which this edition has been printed, it may
be proper to enumerate the other Manuscripts which are known to be preserved;
and I may take this opportunity of expressing to the several Proprietors my
grateful acknowledgments for the free use of the copies specified.

II.—VAUTR. EDIT.—PRINTED AT LONDON IN 1586 OR 1587.

This edition, described at page xxxix, is here introduced as representing an
intermediate MS., from which some of the existing copies were apparently
derived. Thomas Vautrollier the printer, a native of France, came to England in
the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign. He retired to Scotland in the year
1584, and printed several works at Edinburgh in that and the following year. In
1586, he returned to London, carrying with him a manuscript copy of Knox's
History, which he put to press; but all the copies were seized before the work
was completed. The manuscript copy which he had obtained is not known to be
preserved; but there is no reason to doubt that it was taken directly from the MS.
of 1566. This appears from the marginal notes and a variety of minute
coincidences, perceptible on collating the printed portion. We may likewise
conclude, that from it several of the later transcripts were taken of the
introductory portion, and the Fourth Book, to complete the text of the unfinished
printed volume.
 III. MS. G.—IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, GLASGOW.
In folio, containing 242 leaves, written before the end of the sixteenth century.
This MS. was long considered to be the earliest and most authentic copy of the
History, and consequently no small degree of importance was attached to it.
Many years ago, (before I was aware of the existence of the MS. of 1566,) I
obtained, through the Rev. Dr. MʻTurk, late Professor of Ecclesiastical History,
the use of this Manuscript for the purpose of collation; but I found that the text
was so faithfully given in the Edinburgh edition 1732, folio, with the single
exception of omitting such marginal notes as the MS. contains, that an entire
collation of the text might only have exhibited slight occasional changes in
orthography. At that time the MS. formed two volumes, in the old parchment
covers, with uncut leaves; it has since been half-bound in one volume, and the
edges unmercifully cropped.
At the beginning of the volume there is inserted a separate leaf, being the title of
a distinct work, having the signature of "M. Jo. Knox," in 1581, probably the
nephew of the Reformer, who became Minister of Melrose. It has no connexion
with the volume in which it is preserved; but it led to some vague conjectures
that the writer of the History itself may have been "the younger Mr. Knox, seeing
the former died in the year 1572, and the other was alive nine years after;" or
else, "that the latter Mr. Knox had perfected the work, pursuant to the order of
the General Assembly in the year 1573 or 1574, so far as it was to be found in
this MS."[5] Respecting the time of transcription, one minute circumstance is
worthy of notice: Knox in one place introduces the words, "as may be, &c., in
this year 1566," the copier has made it, "in this year 1586," an error not likely to
have been committed previously to that year. But the hand-writing is clearly of a
date about 1590, although the Fourth Book may have been a few years earlier.
The absence of all those peculiar blunders which occur in Vautrollier's edition,
evinces that the Glasgow MS. was derived from some other source; while the
marginal notes in that edition are a sufficient proof that the MS. in question was
not the one employed by the English printer. It is in fact a tolerably accurate
copy of the MS. of 1566, with the exception of the marginal notes, and the entire
omission of the First Book of Discipline. Nearly all the marginal notes in the
First and Third Books are omitted; and others having been incorporated with the
text, led to the supposition that Knox himself had revised the History at a later
period of life.
 See Footnote[5]

This manuscript was presented to the University of Glasgow by the Rev. Robert
Fleming, Minister of a Scotish Congregation in London, and son of the author of
"The Fulfilling of the Scriptures." Wodrow communicated to Bishop Nicolson, a
collation of the MS. with Buchanan's folio edition of 1644, pointing out many of
his interpolations. This letter was inserted by Nicolson in the Appendix to his
Scotish Historical Library.[6]
IV. MS. A. (1.)—IN THE ADVOCATES LIBRARY.
In 4to, pp. 403. This MS. was acquired by the Faculty of Advocates, in 1792,
with the mass of Wodrow's MSS.—It is very neatly written by Charles
Lumisden, whose name (but partially erased) with the date 1643, occurs on the
fly-leaf. Wodrow was correct in imagining that the greater portion of the volume
was transcribed from Vautrollier's edition, some of the more glaring
typographical errors being corrected; but in fact this copy was made from a
previous transcript by Lumisden, to be mentioned as No. X. MS. W. It contains
however the Fourth Book of the History; and Wodrow has collated the whole
very carefully with the Glasgow MS., and has marked the chief corrections and
variations in the margin.

V. MS. A. (2.)—IN THE ADVOCATES LIBRARY.

In folio. This volume also belonged to the Wodrow collection. It is written in a
very careless, slovenly manner, after the year 1639, by one Thomas Wood; and is
scarcely entitled to be reckoned in the number of the MSS., as it omits large
portions. Thus, on the title of Book Fourth, it is called "A Collection from the
Fourth Book," &c.
 VI. MS. E.—IN THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, EDINBURGH.
In folio, 143 leaves, written in an ordinary hand, apparently about the year 1635.
It contains the Four Books, and includes both the First and Second Books of
Discipline; but it omits all the marginal notes, and displays very little accuracy
on the part of the transcriber. It is in fact a transcript from the identical copy of
Vautrollier's edition, described as No. XIII., from its adopting the various
marginal corrections and emendations on the printed portions of that copy.

VII. MS. I.—IN THE POSSESSION OF DAVID IRVING, LL.D.

In folio, 266 leaves, written in a neat hand, and dated 1641. It contains the Four
Books; but, like the three preceding MSS., it may without doubt be regarded as a
transcript from Vautrollier's edition, with the addition of Book Fourth of the
History. It also contains both the First and Second Books of Discipline, copied
from Calderwood's printed edition of 1621, with such minute fidelity, as even to
add the list of typographical "Errata" at the end, with the references to the page
and line of that edition.

VIII. MS. L. (2.)—IN THE EDITOR'S POSSESSION.

In folio, 180 leaves, written probably between 1620 and 1630. It wants several
leaves at the beginning, and breaks off with the Third Book, adding the Acts of
Parliament against the Mass, &c., passed in 1560. It formerly belonged to the
Rev. Dr. Jamieson, and was purchased at his sale in 1839. The press-marks on
the fly leaf may probably identify the collection to which it formerly belonged,
"2 H. 16.—Hist. 51," and "a. 66." Notwithstanding a MS. note by Dr. Jamieson,
it is a transcript of no value, corresponding in most points with Vautrollier's
edition.

IX. MS. N.—IN THE LIBRARY AT NEWTONDON.

In folio, pp. 387. This is a MS. of still less importance, but it serves to show the
rarity of Vautrollier's printed edition, previously to the appearance of Buchanan's
editions in 1644. On the first leaf, the celebrated covenanting Earl of Glencairne
has written,—
"This is the copie of Johne Knox his Chronicle, coppiede in the yeere of God
1643.—GLENCAIRNE."
It is in fact a literal transcript from a defective copy of the old suppressed
edition; as the blanks in the MS. at pages 156, 157, and pages 166, 167, which
break off, or commence at the middle of a sentence, would be completely
supplied by pages 225, 226, and pages 239, 240, of Vautrollier's text. At page
347, only the heads of the Confession of Faith are inserted, "but (it is added) yee
shall find them fullie set downe in the first Parliament of King James the Sext,
holden at Edinburgh the 15 of December 1567, by James Earle of Murray,
Regent to this Realme."
This MS. ends with page 546 of the printed copy; and after the words "would not
suffer this corrupt generation to approve," instead of commencing with the Book
of Discipline, from page 547, there is added, "And because the whole Booke of
Discipline, both First and Secund, is sensyne printed by the selfe in one Booke, I
cease to insert it heere, and referres the reader to the said booke. Finis."

X. MS. W.—IN THE POSSESSION OF RICHARD WHYTOCK, ESQ., EDINBURGH.

In 4to, pp. 452, not perfect. It is in the hand-writing of Charles Lumisden, who
succeeded his father as Minister of Duddingstone, and who, during the reign of
Charles the First, was much employed in transcribing. It is unquestionably
copied from Vautrollier's printed edition, but many of the palpable mistakes have
been corrected, and the orthography improved. In general the marginal notes are
retained, while some others, apparently derived from David Buchanan's printed
text, are added in a different hand. Like Vautrollier's edition, at page 560, this
MS. breaks off with the first portion of the Book of Discipline, at the end of
Book Third of the History.
Such are the MANUSCRIPT copies of Knox's History which are known to be
preserved. There are however still existing detached portions of the History,
made with the view of completing the defective parts of Vautrollier's edition; and
these may also be briefly indicated.

XI. MS. C.—In the Library of the Church of Scotland. This MS., in folio, was
purchased by the General Assembly in 1737, from the executors of the Rev.
Matthew Crawfurd. The volume is in the old parchment cover, and has the
autograph of "Alex. Colvill" on the first page. But it contains only the
preliminary leaves of the text, and the concluding portion of the First Book of
Discipline, (the previous portion being oddly copied at the end of it;) and Book
Fourth of the History, all in the hand of a Dutch amanuensis, about 1640, for the
purpose of supplying the imperfections of the suppressed edition.

XII. MS. M.—In a copy of Vautrollier's edition, which belonged to the Rev. Dr.
MʻCrie, and is now in the possession of his son, the Rev. Thomas MʻCrie, the
same portions are supplied in an early hand, containing eight leaves at the
beginning, and ninety-nine at the end, along with a rude ornamented title, and a
portrait of Knox, copied by some unpractised hand from one of the old
engravings. It contains the concluding portion of the First Book of Discipline,
but several of the paragraphs in Book Fourth of the History are abridged or
omitted.

XIII. MS. L. (3.)—A copy of the same volume, with these portions similarly
supplied, and including both the First and Second Books of Discipline, appeared
at the sale of George Paton's Library, in 1809. It is now in the Editor's
possession. A number of the errors in printing have been carefully corrected on
the margin, in an old hand; and the MS. portions are written in the same hand
with No. VI. MS. E. of the entire work, which is literally transcribed from this
identical copy.

XIV. and XV. MSS. L. (4 and 5.)—I have also a separate transcript of Book
Fourth, in folio, 44 leaves, written about the year 1640; and another portion, in
small 8vo, written in a still older hand, for the purpose of being bound with the
suppressed edition.
 PRINTED EDITIONS OF THE HISTORY.
ToC

Vautrollier's unfinished and suppressed edition, in 1586 or 1587, has already

been noticed at page xxxii. The fate of this edition is thus recorded by
Calderwood, in his larger MS. History:—"February 1586. Vauttrollier the printer
took with him a copy of Mr. Knox's History to England, and printed twelve
hundred of them; the Stationers, at the Archbishop's command, seized them the
18 of February [1586-7]; it was thought that he would get leave to proceed
again, because the Council perceived that it would bring the Queen of Scots in
detestation." The execution of the unfortunate Queen, which followed so soon
after, or the death of the Printer himself, in 1588, may have prevented its
completion. But copies had speedily come into circulation in its unfinished state.
Thus Dr. (afterwards Archbishop) Bancroft, who frequently quotes this
suppressed edition, says,—"If euer you meete with the Historie of the Church of
Scotland, penned by Maister Knox, and printed by Vautrouillier: reade the pages
quoted here in the margent."—(A Survay of the pretended Holy Discipline, &c.
Imprinted at London, by Iohn Wolfe, 1593, 4to, p. 48.)
It is most inaccurately printed.[7] This may have been partly owing to the state of
the MS. which he had procured in Scotland, as well as to haste in printing, and
ignorance of the names of persons and places which occur in the work.
The following is a fac-simile reprint of the first page, which corresponds with
pages 10-11 of the present volume:—
CHVRCH OF SCOTLAND. 17
BY THESE ARTICLES which God of his mercifull prouidence
causeth the enemies of his truth to keepe in their registers maye
appeare how mercifully God hath looked vppon this realme,
retayning within it some sparke of his light, euen in the time of
greatest darknes. Neither ought any mā to wonder albeit that some
things be obscurely and some thinges doubtfully spoken. But rather
ought al faithfull to magnifie Gods mercy who without publike
doctrine gaue so great light. And further we ought to consider that
seeing that the enemies of Iesus Christe gathered the foresaide
 articles there vppon to accuse the persones aforesaide, that they
woulde depraue the meaninge of Gods seruauntes so farre as they
coulde, as we doubt not but they haue done, in the heads of
excommunication, swearing and of matrimony: In the which it is no
doubt but the seruaunts of God did damne the abuse onelye, and not
the right ordinance of God: for who knowes not that
excommunication in these dayes was altogeather abused? That
swearing aboundeth without punishment or remorse of conscience:
And that diuorcementes was made, for such causes as worldly men
had inuented: but to our history. Albeit that the accusation of the
Bishop and of his complices was very grieuous, yet God so assisted
his seruauntes partly by inclining the kinges heart to gentlenes (for
diuerse of them were his great familiars) and partly by giuing bold
and godly aunswers to their accusators, that the enemies in the ende
were frustrate of their purpose. For while the Bishop in mockage
saide to Adam reade of blaspheming, read beleeue ye that God is in
heauen? he answered Not as I do the sacramentes seuen: whereat the
bishop thinking to haue triumphed said: Sir loe
Vautrollier's edition is a small 8vo, commencing with signature B, page 17, and
breaking off with signature Mm, page 560, or near the beginning of the 5th
chapter of the Book of Discipline, which Knox has introduced at the conclusion
of Book Third of his History. Copies of this volume in fine condition are of rare
occurrence.
The edition of the History published at London by David Buchanan in 1644, and
reprinted at Edinburgh in the same year, in all probability under his own
inspection, will be more particularly noticed in the following volume. It might
perhaps have been well had this publication been actually prohibited, as
Milton[8] seems to indicate was not unlikely to have taken place. So much use at
least had been made of the unwarrantable liberties taken by the Editor, in altering
and adding passages, as for a length of time to throw discredit on the whole
work.
At length there appeared the very accurate edition, published at Edinburgh 1732,
with a Life of the author, by the Rev. Matthew Crawfurd. Besides this and the
two editions published in a more popular form by William MʻGavin, at Glasgow,
there are numerous modernized and spurious republications, all of them taken
from Buchanan's interpolated editions, and published at Edinburgh, Glasgow,
and Dundee, between the years 1731 and 1832. Even at an early period, both
Calderwood, who had made such copious extracts from the work, and
Spottiswood, who expressed his doubts respecting its authorship, appear to have
employed Vautrollier's inaccurate edition. The necessity of publishing the work
with greater care and in its most genuine form, will therefore by readily
admitted. The acquisition of the Manuscript of 1566, has enabled the Editor to
accomplish this, to a certain extent, by presenting the text of the History in the
precise form "wherein he hath continued and perfectly ended at the year of God
1564," according to the declaration made to the first General Assembly which
met after his death. Having such a MS. to follow, I have adhered to it with much
more scrupulous accuracy, in regard to the othography,[9] than otherwise might
have been deemed advisable. At first sight, indeed, the language may appear
somewhat uncouth, and it may require a Glossary to be subjoined; but it was of
essential importance that the work should be published in its original form, with
the Author's own marginal notes and relections, as the genuine production of the
great SCOTISH REFORMER.

The labour bestowed by the Author in collecting information, with the desire of
giving a true and faithful History of these transactions, rendered it also desirable
that more than ordinary care should be bestowed in illustrating his narrative. For
this purpose, I have taken considerable pains to identify the persons and places
mentioned in the course of this History. Knox himself, on more than one
occasion, states, that while he was careful in relating facts, he was no observer of
times and seasons, in other words, that he made no pretensions to minute
accuracy in dates. It became the more necessary to devote particular attention,
either to confirm or correct his dates, by reference to contemporary documents;
and no source that was accessible has been overlooked, although I am fully
sensible that I may have failed in making suitable use of the information thus
obtained. I have at least endeavoured to avoid cumbering the page with notes,
unless where they seemed necessary to illustrate the text; and I consider no
apology to be required for the Articles inserted in the Appendix.
THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATIOUN OF
RELIGIOUN WITHIN THE REALME OF SCOTLAND: CONTEANYNG
THE MANER AND BY WHAT PERSONS THE LIGHT OF CHRISTIS
EVANGELL HATH BENE MANIFESTED UNTO THIS REALME, AFTER
THAT HORRIBLE AND UNIVERSALL DEFECTIOUN FROM THE
TREWTH, WHICH HES CUME BY THE MEANES OF THAT ROMANE
ANTICHRIST.
 PREFACE
TO THE GENTILL READAR, GRACE AND PEACE FROME GOD THE
FATHER OF OUR LORD JESUS CHRIST, WITH THE PERPETUALL
ENCREASE OF THE HOLY SPREIT.[10]
It is not unknowen, Christeane Reader, that the same clud[11] of ignorance, that
long hath darkened many realmes under this accurssed kingdome of that
Romane Antichrist, hath also owercovered this poore Realme; that idolatrie[12]
hath bein manteined, the bloode of innocentis hath bene sched, and Christ Jesus
his eternall treuth hath bene abhorred, detested, and blasphemed. But that same
God that caused light to schyne out of darknes, in the multitud of his mercyes,
hath of long tyme opened the eis[13] of some evin within this Realme, to see the
vanitie of that which then was universally embrased for trew religioun; and hes
gevin unto them strenth to oppone thame selfis unto the same: and now, into
these our last and moist corrupt dayis, hath maid his treuth so to triumphe
amonges us, that, in despyte of Sathan, hipochrisye is disclosed, and the trew
wyrschipping of God is manifested to all the inhabitantis of this realme whose
eis[14] Sathan blyndis not, eyther by thair fylthy lustes, or ellis by ambitioun, and
insatiable covetousnes, which maek them repung to the power of God working
by his worde.
And becaus we ar not ignorant what diverse bruittis war dispersed of us, the
professoures of Jesus Christ within this realme, in the begynnyng of our
interprise, ordour was lackin, that all our proceidingis should be committed to
register; as that thei war, by such as then paynfullie travailled[15] boith by toung
and pen; and so was collected a just volume, (as after will appeir,) conteanyng
thingis done frome the fyftie-awght[16] year of God, till the arrivall of the Quenis
Majestie furth of France,[17] with the which the Collectour and Writtar for that
tyme was content, and never mynded further to have travailled in that kynd of
writting.[18] But, after invocatioun of the name of God, and after consultatioun
with some faythfull,[19] what was thought by thame expedient to advance Goddis
glorie, and to edifie this present generatioun, and the posteritie to come, it was
concluded, that faythfull rehersall should be maid of such personages as God had
maid instrumentis of his glorie, by opponyng of thame selfis to manifest abuses,
superstitioun, and idolatrie; and, albeit thare be no great nomber, yet ar thei mo
then the Collectour wold have looked for at the begynnyng, and thairfoir is the
volume some what enlarged abuif his expectatioun: And yit, in the begynnyng,
mon we crave of all the gentill Readaris, not to look of us such ane History as
shall expresse all thingis that have occurred within this Realme, during the tyme
of this terrible conflict that hes bene betuix the sanctes of God and these bloody
wolves who clame to thame selves the titill of clargie, and to have authoritie
ower the saules of men; for, with the Pollicey,[20] mynd we to meddill no further
then it hath Religioun mixed with it. And thairfoir albeit that many thingis which
wer don be omitted, yit, yf we invent no leys, we think our selves blamless in
that behalf. Of one other [thing] we mon foirwarne the discreat Readaris, which
is, that thei be not offended that the sempill treuth be spokin without partialitie;
for seing that of men we neyther hunt for reward, nor yitt for vane[21] glorie, we
litill pass by the approbatioun of such as seldome judge weill of God and of his
workis. Lett not thairfoir the Readar wonder, albeit that our style vary and speik
diverslie of men, according as thei have declared thame selves sometymes
ennemyes and sometymes freindis, sometymes fervent, sometymes cold,
sometymes constant, and sometymes changeable in the cause of God and of his
holy religioun: for, in this our simplicitie, we suppoise that the Godlie shall espy
our purpose, which is, that God may be praised for his mercy schawin, this
present age may be admonished to be thankfull for Goddis benefittis offerred,
and the posteritie to cum may be instructed how wonderouslie hath the light of
Christ Jesus prevailled against darkness in this last and most corrupted age.

HISTORIÆ INITIUM.[22]
In the Scrollis of Glasgw is found mentioun of one whais name is not expressed,
[23] that, in the year of God 1422, was burnt for heresye;[24] bot what war his
opinionis, or by what ordour he was condempned, it appearis not evidentlie. But
our Cronikilles mack mentioun, that in the dayis of King James the First, about
the year of God 1431, was deprehended in the Universitie of Sanctandrose, one
named Paull Craw,[25] a Bohame,[26] who was accused of heresye befoir such as
then war called Doctouris of Theologie. His accusatioun consisted principallye,
that he followed Johnne Husse and Wyckleif, in the opinioun of the sacrament,
who denyed that the substance of braid and wyn war changed be vertew of any
wourdis; or that confessioun should be maid to preastis; or yitt prayeris to
sanctes departed. Whill that God geve unto him grace to resist thame, and not to
consent to thair impietie, he was committed to the secular judge, (for our
bischoppis follow Pilat, who boith did condempne, and also wesche[27] his
handis,) who condempned him to the fyre; in the quhilk he was consumed in the
said citie of Sanctandrose, about the time afoir writtin. And to declair thame
selvis to be the generatioun of Sathan, who, from the begynnyng, hath bein
ennemy to the treuth, and he that desyrith the same to be hyd frome the
knowledge of men, thei putt a ball of brass in his mouth, to the end that he
should nott geve confessioun of his fayth to the people, neyther yit that thei
should understand the defence which he had against thair injust accusatioun and
condemnatioun.
Bot that thair fatheris practise did nott greatlie advance thair kingdome of
darknes, nether yit was it able utterlie to extingueise the trewth: For albeit, that
in the dayis of Kingis James the Secund and Thrid, we fynd small questioun of
religioun moved within this Realme, yit in the tyme of King James the Fourt, in
the saxt year of his reigne, and in the twenty-twa yeir of his age, which was in
the year of God 1494, war summoned befoir the King and his Great Counsell, by
Robert Blackedar called Archebischope of Glasgw,[28] the nomber of thretty
personis, remanyng some in Kyle-Stewart, some in Kingis-Kyile, and some in
Cunyghame;[29] amonges whome,[30] George Campbell of Sesnok, Adame Reid
of Barskymming, Johne Campbell of New Mylnes, Andro Shaw of Polkemmate,
Helen Chalmour Lady Pokillie,[31] [Marion][32] Chalmours Lady Stairs: These
war called the LOLARDIS OF KYLE. Thei war accused of the Articles following, as
we have receaved thame furth of the Register[33] Glasgw.

I. First, That Images ar not to be had, nor yitt to be wirschepped.

II. That the Reliques of Sanctes are not to be wirschepped.
III.
That Lawis and Ordinances of men vary frome tyme to tyme, and that by the
Pape.
IV. That it is not lauchfull to feght, or to defend the fayth. (We translait according
to the barbarousnes of thair Latine and dictament.[34])
V.That Christ gave power to Petir onlie, and not to his successouris, to bynd and
lowse within the Kyrk.
VI. That Christ ordeyned no Preastis to consecrat.
VII. That after the consecratioun in the Messe, thare remanes braid;[35] and that
thair is nott the naturall body of Christ.
VIII.That teythes aught not to be given to Ecclesiasticall men, (as thei war then
called.)
IX.That Christ at his cuming has tackin away power from Kingis to judge.[36]
(This article we dowbt not to be the vennemouse accusatioun of the ennemyes,
whose practise has ever bene to mack the doctrin of Jesus Christ suspect to
Kingis and rewllaris, as that God thairby wold depose thame of thair royall
seattis, whare by the contrair, nothing confermes the power of magistrates more
then dois Goddis wourd.—But to the Articles.)
X. That everie faythfull man or woman is a preast.
XI. That the unctioun of Kingis ceassed at the cuming of Christ.
XII.
That the Pape is not the successour of Petir, but whare he said, "Go behynd
me, Sathan."
XIII. That the Pape deceavis the people by his Bulles and his Indulgenses.
XIV. That the Messe profiteth not the soules that ar in purgatorye.
XV. That the Pape and the bischoppis deceave the people by thare pardonis.
XVI. That Indulgenses aught not to be granted to feght against the Saracenes.
XVII. That the Pape exaltis him self against God, and abuf God.
XVIII. That the Pape can nott remitt the panes of purgatorye.
XIX. That the blessingis of the Bischoppis (of dum doggis thei should have bein
stilled) ar of non valew.
XX. That the excommunicatioun of the Kirk is not to be feared.
XXI. That in to no case is it lauchfull to swear.
XXII. That Preastis mycht have wieffis, according to the constitutioun of the law.
XXIII. That trew Christianes receave the body of Jesus Christ everie day.
XXIV. That after matrimonye be contracted, the Kyrk may mack no divorcement.
XXV. That excommunicatioun byndis nott.
XXVI. That the Pape forgevis not synnes, bot only God.
XXVII. That fayth should not be gevin to miracules.
XXVIII. That we should not pray to the glorious Virgyn Marie, butt to God only.
XXIX. That we ar na mair bound to pray in the Kirk then in other plaices.
XXX. That we ar nott bound to beleve all that the Doctouris of the Kyrk have
writtin.
XXXI. That such as wirschep the Sacrament of the Kyrk (We suppoise thei ment
the Sacrament of the altar) committis idolatrie.
XXXII. That the Pape is the head of the Kyrk of Antichrist.
XXXIII. That the Pape and his ministeris ar murtheraris.
XXXIV. That thei which ar called principallis in the Church, ar thevis and
robbaris.

By these Articles,[37] which God of his mercyfull providence caused the

ennemies of his trewth to keip in thare Registeris, may appeir how mercyfullie
God hath looked upoun this Realme, reteanyng within it some sponk of his light,
evin in the tyme of grettast darkness. Nether yit awght any man to wonder, albeit
that some thingis be obscurly, and some thingis scabruslie spokin;[38] but rather
awght all faythfull to magnifye Goddis mercy, who without publict doctrin gave
so great light. And farther, we awght to considder, that seing that the ennemies of
Jesus Christ gathered the foirsaid Articles, thairupoun to accuse the personis
foirsaid, that thei wold deprave the meanyng of Goddis servandis so far as thei
could; as we dowbt not bot thei have done, in the headis of Excommunicatioun,
Swearing, and of Matrimonye. In the which it is no dowbt but the servandis of
God did dampne the abuse only, and not the rycht ordinance of God; for who
knowes not, that Excommunicatioun in these dayis was altogether abused! That
Swearing abounded without punishment, or remorse of conscience! And that
Divorsementis war maid for such causes as worldly men had invented!—But to
our History.
Albeit that the accusatioun of the Bischop and his complices was verray
grevouse, yitt God so assisted his servandis, partly be inclineing the Kingis hart
to gentilness, (for diverse of thame war his great familiaris,) and partly by
geving bold and godly answeris to thair accusatouris, that the ennemies in the
end war frustrat of thair purpoise. For whill the Bischop, in mocking, said to
Adam Reid of Barskemyng,[39] "REID, Beleve ye that God is in heavin?" He
answered, "Not as I do the Sacramentis sevin." Whairat the Bischop thinking to
have triumphed, said, "SIR, Lo, he denyes that God is in heavin." Whairat the
King wondering, said, "Adam Reid, what say ye?" The other answered, "Please
your Grace to heir the end betuix the churle and me." And thairwith he turned to
the Bischope, and said, "I nether think nor beleve, as thou thinkis, that God is in
heavin; but I am most assured, that he is not only in the heavin, bot also in the
earth. Bott thou and thy factioun declayre by your workis, that eyther ye think
thair is no God at all, or ellis that he is so shett up[40] in the heavin, that he
regardis not what is done into the earth; for yf thou fermelie beleved that God
war in the heavin, thou should not mack thy self chek-meat to the King, and
altogether forgett the charge that Jesus Christ the Sone of God gave to his
apostles, which was, to preach his Evangell, and not to play the proud prelatts, as
all the rabill of yow do this day. And now, Sir, (said he to the King,) judge ye
whither the Bischop or I beleve best that God is in heavin." Whill the Bischope
and his band could not weill revenge thame selfis, and whill many tantis war
gevin thame in thair teith, the King, willing to putt ane end to farther reassonyng,
said to the said Adam Reid, "Will thou burne thy bill?" He answered, "Sir, the
Bischope and ye will." With those and the lyik scoffis the Bischop and his band
war so dashed out of countenance, that the greattest part of the accusatioun was
turned to lawchter.
After that dyet, we fynd almoist no questioun for materis of religioun, the space
ney of thretty yearis. For not long after, to witt in the year of God 1508,[41] the
said Bischop Blackcater departed this lief, going in his superstitious devotioun to
Hierusalem; unto whome succeided Mr. James Beatoun, sone to the Lard of
Balfour, in Fyfe, who was moir cairfull for the world then he was to preach
Christ, or yitt to advance any religioun, but for the fassioun only; and as he soght
the warld, it fled him nott,[42] it was weill knowin that at onis he was
Archbischop of Sanctandrosse, Abbot of Dumfermeling, Abirbroth,
Kylwynnyng, and Chancellare of Scotland: for after the unhappy feild of
Flowdoun,[43] the which perrished King James the Fourt, with the grettast parte
of the nobilitie of the realme, the said Beatoun, with the rest of the Prelattis, had
the haill regiment of the realme; and by reassone thairof, held and travailled to
hold the treuth of God in thraldome and bondage, till that it pleased God of his
great mercy, in the year of God 1527, to raise up his servand, MAISTER PATRIK
HAMMYLTOUN, at whome our Hystorie doith begyn. Of whose progenye, lyif, and
eruditioun, becaus men of fame and renune have in diverse workis writtin, we
omitt all curiouse repetitioun, sending such as wald knaw farther of him then we
write to Franciss Lambert,[44] Johne Firth, and to that notable wark,[45] laitlie
sette furth be Johne Fox, Englisman, of the Lyvis and Deathis of Martyrs within
this yle, in this our aige.

This servand of God, the said Maister Patrik, being in his youth providit to
reassonable honouris and leving, (he was intitulat Abbot of Fern,[46]) as one
haiting the world and the vanitie thairof, left Scotland, and passed to the
schoollis in Germany; for then the fame of the Universitie of Whittinberge was
greatlie divulgat in all countreis, whare, by Goddis providence, he became
familiare with these lyghtis and notable servandis of Christ Jesus of that tyme,
Martyne Luther, Philipp Melanthon, and the said Franciss Lambert,[47] and did
so grow and advance in godly knowledge, joyned with fervencie and integretie
of lyiff, that he was in admiratioun with many. The zeall of Goddis glorie did so
eat him up, that he could of no long continuance remane thair, bot returned to his
countrie, whair the brycht beames of the trew light which by Goddis grace was
planted in his harte, began most aboundantlie to burst furth, also weall in publict
as in secreat: For he was, besydis his godlie knowledge, weill learned in
philosophie: he abhorred sophistrye, and wold that the text of Aristotelis should
have bene better understand and more used in the schoolles then than it was; for
sophistrie had corrupted all asweil in divinitie as in humanitie. In schort proces
of tyme, the fame of his reasonis and doctrin trubled the Clargye, and came to
the earis of Bischope James Beatoun, of whome befoir we have maid mentioun,
who being ane conjured ennemye to Christ Jesus, and one that long had had the
whole regiment of this realme, bare impatientlie that any truble should be maid
to that kingdome of darknes, whairof within this realme he was the head. And,
thairfoir, he so travailled[48] with the said Maister Patrik, that he gat him to
Sanctandrosse, whair, eftir the conference of diverse dayis, he had his freedome
and libertie. The said Bischop and his blooddy bucheouris, called Doctouris,
seamed to approve his doctryne, and to grant that many thingis craved
reformatioun in the Ecclesiastical regiment. And amanges the rest, thair was ane
that secreatlie consented with him almest in all thingis, named Frear Alexander
Campbell, a man of good wytt and learnyng, butt yitt corrupt by the warld, as
aftir we will hear. When the bischoppis and the clergye had fully understand the
mynd and judgement of the said Maistir Patrik, and fearing that by him thair
kingdome should be endomaged, thei travailled with the King, who then was
young, and altogitther addict to thair commandiment, that he should pass in
pilgramaige to Sanct Dothess in Rosse,[49] to the end that no intercessioun
should be maid for the life[50] of the innocent servant of God, who suspecting no
such crueltie as in thair hartes was concluded, remaned still, (a lambe amonges
the wolfis,) till that upoun a nycht hie was intercepted in his chalmer, and by the
bischoppes band was caryed to the Castell, whare that nycht he was keapt; and
upoun the morne, produccid in judgement, he was condampned to dye by fyre
for the testimonye of Goddis trewth. The Articles for the which he suffered war
bot of Pilgramage, Purgatorye, Prayer to Sanctes, and for the Dead, and such
trifilles; albeit that materis of grettar importance had bein in questioun, as his
Treatise,[51] which in the end we have added, may witness. Now that the
condempnatioun of the said Mr. Patrik should have greattar authoritie, thei
caused the same to be subscrived by all those of any estimatioun that with tham
war present, and to mack thair nomber great, thei tuck the subscriptionis of
childrin, yf thei war of the nobilitie; for the Erle of Cassilles, which last decessed
in France,[52] then being bot twelf or threttein yearis of age, was compelled to
subscrive his death, as him self did confesse. Immediatlie after dennar, the fyre
was prepaired befoir the Ald Colledge,[53] and he led to the place of executioun.
And yitt men suppoised that all was done but to geve unto him ane terrour, and
to have caused him to have recanted, and have become recreant to those bloody
beastis. But God, for his awin glorie, for the comforte of his servand, and for
manifestatioun of thare beastly tyranny, had otherwiese decreed; for he so
strenthened his faythfull witnes, that nether the luif of lyif, nor yitt the fear of
that cruell death, could move him a joit to swarve from the trewth ones
professed. At the plaice of executioun he gave to his servand, who had bene
chalmer-child to him of a long tyme, his gown, his coit, bonet, and such lych
garments, saying, "These will nott proffeit in the fyre; thei will proffeit thee:
Aftir this, of me thow cane receave no commoditie, except the example of my
death, which, I pray thee, bear in mynd; for albeit it be bitter to the flesche, and
feirfull befoir men, yet is it the entress unto eternall lyif, quhilk non shall
possesse that denyis Christ Jesus befoir this wicked generatioun."
The innocent servand of God being bound to the staik in the myddest of some
coallis, some tymmer, and other mater appointed for the fyre, a trane of powder
was maid and sett a fyre, quhilk gave to the blessed martyre of God a glaise,
skrimpled[54] his left hand, and that syd of his face, but nether kendilled the
wood, nor yett the coallis.[55] And so remaned the appointed to death in torment,
till that men rane to the Castell agane for moir poulder, and for wood more able
to tack fyre; which at last being kendilled, with lowd voce he cryed, "LORD JESUS,
receave my spreit! How long shall darknes owerquhelme this realme? And how
long will thow suffer this tyranny of men?"—The fyre was slow, and thairfoir
was his torment the more. Bott moist of all was he greved by certane wicked
men, amongis whome Campbell the Blak Freir (of whome we spak befoir[56])
was principall, who continuallie cryed, "Convert, heretick: call upoun our Lady:
say Salve Regina," etc. To whome he answered, "Departe, and truble me not, ye
messingeris of Sathan." Bott whill that the foirsaid Freir still roared one thing in
great vehemency, he said unto him, "Wicked man, thou knawis the contrair, and
the contrair to me thou hast confessed: I appeall thee befoir the tribunall seatt of
Jesus Christ!" After which and other wordis, which weall could nott be
understand nor marked, bayth for the tumult, and vehemencye of the fyre, the
witness of Jesus Christ gat victorie, after long sufferance, the last of Februar, in
the zeir of God Jm. Ve. twenty and sevin zearis.[57] The said Freir departed this
lyif within few dayis after, in what estait we referr to the manifestatioun of the
generall day. But it was plainlie knawin that he dyed, in Glaskow, in a
phrenesye, and as one dispared.[58]
Now that all men may understand what was the singular eruditioun and godly
knowledge of the said Mr. Patrik, we have inserted this his litill pithie werk,
conteanyng his Assertionis and Determinationis concernyng the Law, the Office
of the same, concernyng Fayth, and the fruittis[59] thairof; first, be the foirsaid
Maister Patrik collected in Latine, and after translated in Inglisch.
[A BRIEF TREATISE OF MR. PATRIKE HAMELTON, CALLED PATRIKE'S
PLACES, TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY JOHN FRITH; WITH WHE EPISTLE OF
THE SAYD FRITH PREFIXED BEFORE THE SAME, AS FOLLOWETH.
[60]

JOHN FRITH UNTO THE CHRISTIAN READER.

Blessed be God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which in these last dayes
and perillous tymes, hath styrred up in all countreys, witnesses unto his Sonne,
to testifye the truth unto the unfaythfull, to save at the least some from the snares
of Antichrist, which leade to perdition, as ye may here perceave by that excellent
and well learned young man PATRIKE HAMELTON, borne in Scotland of a noble
progeny; who to testifie the truth, sought all meanes, and tooke upon him
Priesthode, (even as Paule circumcised Timothy, to wynne the weake Jewes,)
that he might be admitted to preache the pure word of God. Notwithstandyng, as
soone as the Chamberleyne [Chancellor[61]] and other Byshops of Scotland had
perceaved that the light began to shyne, which disclosed their falsehode that they
conveyed in darkenes, they layde handes on hym, and because he wold not deny
his Saviour Christ at their instance, they burnt him to ashes. Nevertheles, God of
his bounteous mercy (to publishe to the whole world what a man these monsters
have murthered) hath reserved a little Treatise, made by this Patrike,[62] which, if
ye lyst, ye may call PATRIK'S PLACES: For it treateth exactly of certaine Common
Places, which knowen, ye have the pith of all Divinitie. This Treatise have I
turned into the English toung, to the profite of my natioun; to whom I besech
God to geve lyght, that they may espye the deceitfull pathes of perdition, and
returne to the right way which leadeth to lyfe everlastyng.[63] Amen.]
[THE DOCTRINE] OF THE LAW.
The Law is a doctrine that biddeth good, and forbiddeth evill, as the
Commandimentis heir contenit do specifie:
THE TEN COMMANDIMENTIS.
1. Thow shalt worschepp but one God. 2. Thow shalt maik thee nane image to
worschipp it. 3. Thow shalt not sweare be his name in vane. 4. Hold the Sabbath
day holy. 5. Honour thie father and mother. 6. Thow shalt not kill. 7. Thow shalt
not committ adulterie. 8. Thow shalt nott steall. 9. Thow shalt bear no fals
witness. 10. Thow shalt not desyre owght that belongeth unto thie nychtboure.
[All these Commandments are briefly comprised in these two here under
ensuing]:—"Love the Lord thy God with all thyne harte, wyth all thy saule, and
with all thy mynd." (Deut. 6.)—"This is the first and great commandiment. The
secund is lyik unto this, Love thy nychtbour as thy selve. On these two
commandimentis hang all the Law and the Propheittis." (Matth. 12.)
[CERTAINE GENERALL PROPOSITIONS PROVED BY THE SCRIPTURE.]
[64]

I. He that loveth God, loveth his nychtbour.[65]—"If anie man say, I love God,
and yit hattith his nychtbour, he is a lyer: He that lovith not his brother whome
he hath sene, how can he love God whome he hath nott sein." (1 Joan. 4.)
II. He that lovith his nychtbour as him self, keapeth the whole commandimentis
of God.—"Quhatsoever ye wald that men should do unto yow, evin so do unto
thame: for this is the law and the propheittis." (Matth. 7.)—He that loveth his
nychtbour fulfilleth the law. "Thow shalt not committ adulterie: Thow shalt not
kyll: Thow shalt not steall: Thow shalt not bear fals witnesse against thy
nychtbour: Thow shalt not desyre; and so furth: And yf thair be any uther
commandiment, all ar comprehendit under this saying, Love thy nychtbour as
thy self." (Rom. 13; Gallat. 5.)
"He that loveth his nychtbour, kepith all the commandimentis of God." "He that
loveth God, loveth his nychtboure." (Roma. 13; 1 Joan. 4.)—Ergo, he that loveth
God, kepith all his commandimentis.
III. He that hath the faith, loveth God.—"My father loveth yow, becaus ye luif
me, and beleve that I came of God." (Joan. 19.)—He that hath the faith, keapith
all the commandimentis of God. He that hath the faith, loveth God; and he that
loveth God, keapith all the commandimentis of God.—Ergo, he that hath faith,
keapith all the commandimentis of God.
IV. He that keapeth one commandiment, keapeth thame all.—"For without fayth
it is impossible to keap any of the commandimentis of God."—And he that hath
the fayth, keapeth all the commandimentis of God.—Ergo, he that keapith one
commandiment of God, keapith thame all.
V. He that keapith nott all the commandimentis of God, he keapith nane of
thame.—He that keapith one of the commandimentis, he keapith all.—Ergo, he
that keapith not all the commandimentis, he keapith nane of thame.
VI. It is not in our power, without grace, to keap anie of Goddis
commandimentis.—Without grace it is impossible to keap ane of Goddis
commandimentis; and grace is not in our power.—Ergo, it is not in our power to
keap any of the commandimentis of God.
Evin so may ye reassone concerning the Holy Ghost, and fayth.
VII. The law was gevin to schaw us our synne.—"Be the law cumith the
knowledge of the synne. I knew not what synne meant, bot throw the law. I knew
not what lust had ment, except the law had said, Thow shalt not lust. Without the
law, synne was dead:" that is, It moved me nott, nether wist I that it was synne,
which notwithstanding was synne, and forbidden be the law.
VIII. The law biddith us do that which is impossible for us.—For it biddith us
keape all the commandimentis of God: yitt it is not in oure power to keape any
of thame.—Ergo, it biddeth us doo that which is impossible for us.
Thow wilt say, "Whairfoir doith God command us that which is impossible for
us." I ansuere, "To mack thee know that thow arte bot evill, and that thair is no
remeady to save thee in thine awin hand, and that thow mayest seak reamedy at
some uther; for the law doith nothing butt command thee."
[THE DOCTRINE] OF THE GOSPELL.
The Gospell, is as moche to say, in oure tong, as Good
Tydingis: lyk as everie one of these sentences be—
Christ is the Saviour of the world.

Christ is our Saviour.

Christ deid for us.

Christ deid for our synnes.

Christ offerred him selve for us.

Christ bare our synnes upoun his back.

Christ bought us with his blood.

Christ woushe us with his blood.

Christ came in the warld to save synnaris.

Christ came in the warld to tak away our synnes.

Christ was the price that was gevin for us and for our synnes.

Christ was maid dettour for our synnes.

Christ hath payed our debt, for he deid for us.

Christ hath maid satisfactioun for us and for our synne.

 Christ is our rychteousness.

Christ is oure wisdome.

Christ is our sanctifcatioun.

Christ is our redemptioun.

Christ is our satisfactioun.

Christ is our goodness.

Christ hath pacifeid the Father of Heavin.

Christ is ouris, and all his.

Christ hath delivered us frome the law, frome the devill, and hell.

The Father of Heavin hath forgevin us for Christis saik.

Or anie such other, as declair unto us the mercyes of God.
THE NATURE [AND OFFICE] OF THE LAW, AND OF THE GOSPELL.

The Law schawith us,

Our synne.
Our condemnatioun,
Is the word of ire.
Is the word of dispair.
Is the word of displeasure.

The Gospell schawith us,

A reamedy for it.
Oure redemptioun,
Is the word of grace.
Is the word of conforte.
Is the word of peace.
A DISPUTATIOUN BETUIX THE LAW AND THE GOSPELL.
 The Law sayith,
Paye thy debt,
Thow art a synnar desparat.
And thow shalt die.

The Gospell sayith,

Christ hath payed it.
Thy synnes ar forgevin thee.
Be of good conforte, thow shalt be saved.

The Law sayith,

Mack a mendis for thy synne.
The Father of Heaven is wraith wyth thee.
Quhair is thy rychteousnes, goodnes, and satisfactioun?
Thou art bound and obligat unto me, [to] the devill, and [to] hell.

The Gospell sayith,

Christ hath maid it for thee.
Christ hath pacefeid him with his blood.
Christ is thy rychteousnes, thy goodnes, and satisfactioun
Christ hath delivered thee from thame all.
[THE DOCTRINE] OFF FAITH.
Faith is to beleve God; "lyck as Abraham beleved God, and it was compted unto
him for rychteousnes." (Gen. 15.)—"He that beleved God, beleved his word."
(Joan. 5.)—To beleve in him, is to beleve his word, and accompt it trew that he
speikith. He that belevith not Goddis word, beleveth not him self. He that
belevith nott Goddis word, he compteth him fals, and ane lyar, and beleveth not
that he may and will fulfill his word; and so he denyeth both the myght of God
and him self.
IX. Faith is the gift of God.—"Everie good thing is the gift of God." (Jacob. 1.)
—Fayth is good.—Ergo, faith is the gift of God.
X. [Faith is not in our power.]—The gift of God is not in oure power.—"Faith is
the gift of God."—Ergo, fayth is not in oure power.
XI. [He that lacketh faith cannot please God.]—"Without faith it is impossible to
please God." (Hebr. 11.)—All that cummith nott of fayth, is synne; for without
faith can no man please God.—Besydis, that he that lacketh faith, he trusteth nott
God. He that trusteth not God, trusteth nott in his wourd. He that trusteth not in
his wourd, hauldeth him self fals, and a liear. He that haldeth him self false and a
lyer, he belevith not that he may doo that he promeseth, and so denyeth he that
he is God. And how can a man, being of this fassioun, please him? No maner of
way. Yea, suppoise he did all the werkis of man and angell.
XII. All that is done in fayth, pleaseth God.—"Richt is the wourde of God, and
all his werkis in faith." "Lord, thine eis look to faith." That is asmuch to saye as,
Lord, thow delitest in fayth. God loveth him that belevith in him. How cane thei
then displease him?
XIII. He that hath the faith, is just and good.—And a good trie bringeth furth
good fruite.—Ergo, all that is in faith done pleaseth God.
XIV. [He that hath faith, and believeth God, cannot displease him.]—Moreovir,
he that hath the faith belevith God.—He that belevith God, belevith his worde.
He that belevith his word, woteth weall that he is trew and faithfull, and may
nott lie: But knowith weall that he may and will boith fulfill his word. How can
he then displease him? For thow canst not do ane greattar honor unto God, then
to count him trew. Thow wilt then say, that thift, murther, adulterie, and all vices,
please God? Nane, verrelie; for thei can not be done in faith: "for a good tree
beareth good frute." He that hath the faith, woteth weall that he pleaseth God; for
all that is done in fayth pleaseth God. (Hebr. 11.)
XV. Faith is a suirness.—"Faith is a suir confidence of thingis quhilk ar hoped
for, and a certantie of thinges which ar not sene." (Hebr. 11.)—"The same spreit
certifieth our spreit that we are the children of God." (Rom. 8.)—Moirovir, he
that hath the faith, woteth weill that God will fulfill his word.—Ergo, fayth is a
suirness.
A MAN IS JUSTIFEID BE FAITH.

"Abraham beleveth God, and it was impueted unto him for ryghteousnes." "We
suppose thirfoir that a man is justified (saith the Apostill) without the workis of
law." (Rom. 4.)—"He that workith not, but belevith in him that justifieth the
ungodlie, his faith is compted unto him for ryghteousnes." "The just man levith
by faith." (Abac. 2; Rom. 1.)—"We wote, that a man that is justifeid, is not
justifeid be the workis of the law, but be the faith of Jesus Christ, and not by the
deadis of the law."
 OF THE FAITH OF CHRIST

The faith of Christ is, to beleve in him; that is, to beleve his wourd, and to beleve
that he will helpe thee in all thy neid, and deliver thee frome evill. Thow wilt ask
me, What word? I answer, The Gospell. "He that beleveth on Christ shalbe
saved." "He that belevith the Sone hath eternall lyif." "Verrelie, verrelie, I say
unto yow, he that belevith on me hath everlasting lyif." (Joan. 6.)—"This I wret
unto yow, that beleving in the name of the Sone of God, ye may know that ye
have eternall lyif." (1 Joan. 5.)—"Thomas, becaus thow hast sein me thow
belevest; but happie ar thei that have nott sein, and yit beleve in me." "All the
Propheittis to him bare witness, that whosoevir belevith in him shall have
remissioun of thair synnes." (Act. 10.)—"What must I do that I may be saved?"
The Apostill answerid, "Beleve in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thow shalt be
saved." "Yf thow acknowledge wyth the mouth, that Jesus is the Lord, and
beleve in thyn harte that God raissed him up from the death, thow shalt be save."
(Rom. 10.)—"He that beleveth not in Christ shalbe condemned." "He that
beleveth nott the Sone shall never see lyif; but the ire of God abydith upoun
him." (Joan. 3.)—"The Holy Ghost shall reprove the world of synne, becaus thei
beleve not in me." "Thei that beleve in Jesus Christ ar the sones of God." Ye ar
all the sones of God, because ye beleve in Jesus Christ.
He that belevith in Christ the Sone of God is save. (Galat. 3.)—"Petir said, Thow
art Christ, the Sone of the leving God. Jesus ansuered and said unto him, Happie
arte thow, Symon, the sone of Jonas; for flesch and blood hath nott oppened unto
thee that, bot my Father which is in heavin." (Matth. 16.)—"We have beloved
and knowin that thow arte Christ the Sone of the leving God." "I beleve that
thow arte Christ the Sone of the leving God, which should come into the warld."
"These thingis ar written that ye mycht beleve that Jesus Christ is the Sone of
God, and that in beleving ye mycht have lyef. I beleve that Jesus is the Sone of
the leving God." (Joan. 9.)
XVI. He that belevith God, belevith the Gospell.—He that belevith God,
belevith his Word:—And the Gospell is his Word. Thairfoir he that belevith God,
belevith his Gospell. As Christ is the Saviour of the world, Christ is our Saviour.
Christ bought us with his bloode. Christ woushe us with his blood. Christ
offerred him self for us. Christ baire oure synnes upoun his back.
XVII. He that belevith nott the Gospell, belevith not God.—He that belevith not
Goddis Word belevith nott him self:—And the Gospell is Goddis Word.—Ergo,
he that belevith nott the Gospell belevith nott God him self; and consequentlie
thei that beleve nott as is above written, and such other, beleve not God.
XVIII. He that belevith the Gospell, shalbe saved.—"Go ye into all the world
and preach the Gospell unto everie creature: he that belevith and is baptised
shalbe saved; bot he that belevith not shalbe condemned."
A COMPARISON BETUIX FAITH AND INDREDULITIE.

Faith is the root of all good:—

Makith God and man freindis.
Bringith God and man to gither.

Incredulitie is the root of all evill:—

Makith thame deidlie foes.
Bringith thame syndrie.

All that proceidis frome Faith pleaseth God.

All that proceidith from Incredulitie displeaseth God.

Faith only maketh a man good and rychteouse.

Incredulitie maketh him injust and evill.

Faith only maketh a man,

The member of Christ;
The inheritour of heavin;
The servand of God.
Faith schewith God to be a sweit Father.
Fayth hauldith styff be the Word of God: Countith God to be trew.
Faith knowith God: Lovith God and his nychtboure.
Faith only savith: Extolleth God and his werkis.

Incredulitie maketh him,

The member of the devill;
The inheritour of hell;
The servand of the devill.
Incredulitie maketh God a terrible Judge: It causeth man wandir heir and
thair: Maketh him fals and a liear.
Incredulitie knoweth him nott.
Incredulitie lovith nether God nor nychtbour: Onlie condemneth:
Extolleth flesche and hir awin deidis.
 OFF HOPE.

Hope is a trustie looking for of thingis that ar promesed to come unto us: as we
hope the everlasting joy which Christ hath promesed unto all that beleve on him.
We should putt our hoipe and trust in God onlie, and no other thing. "It is good
to trust in God, and nott in man." "He that trustith in his awin harte, he is a fuill."
"It is good to trust in God, and not in princes." (Psal. 117.)—"Thei shal be lyik
unto images that mack thame, and all that trust in thame." He that trusteth in his
awin thoughts doeth ungodlie. "Curssed be he that trustith in man." "Bidd the
rich men of this warld, that thei trust nott in thair unstable riches, but that thei
trust in the leving God." "It is hard for them that trust in money to enter in the
kingdome of God." Moirovir, we should trust in him onelie, that may help us
[God onlie can help us.]—Ergo, we should trust in him onelie. Weill is thame
that trust in God: and wo to thame that trust him nott. "Weill is the man that
trustis in God; for God shalbe his trust." He that trusteth in him shall understand
the trewth. "Thei shall all rejoyse that trust in thee: thei shall all evir be glaid;
and thow wilt defend thame."
OFF CHARITIE.

Charitie is the love of thy nychtboure. The rewll of charitie is to doo as thow
woldest wer done unto thee: for charitie esteameth all alyke;[66] the riche and the
poore; the friend and the foe; the thankfull and the unthankfull; the kynnesman
and stranger.
A COMPARISON BETUIX FAITH, HOPE, AND CHARITIE.

Faith commeth of the wourd of God: Hope commeth of

faith; and Charitie springis of thame boith.

Faith belevis the word: Hope trustith eftir that which is

promessed be the wourd: and Charitie doith good unto hir
nychtbour, throw the love that sche hath to God, and glaidnes
that is within hir selve.

Faith looketh to God and his worde: Hope lookith unto

his gift and reward: Charitie lookith unto hir nychtbouris
proffeit.

Faith receavith God: Hoipe receaveth his reward: Charitie

lookith to hir nychtbour wyth a glaid hart, and that without
any respect of reward.

Faith perteaneth to God onelie: Hope to his reward, and

Charitie to hir nychtbour.
[THE DOCTRINE] OF GOOD WORKIS.
No maner of werkis mack us rychteouse.—"We beleve that a man shalbe
justifeid without werkis." (Galat. 3.)—"No man is justifeid be the deidis of the
law; but be the faith of Jesus Christ. And we beleve in Jesus Christ, that we may
be justifeid be the faith of Christ, and nott be the deidis of the law. Yf
rychteousnes came be the law, then Christ deid in vane." That no man is justifeid
be the law, it is manifest: for a rychteouse man levith by his faith; but the law is
nott of faith. Moirovir, since Christ, the makar of heavin and earth, and all that
thair in is, behoved to die for us; we ar compelled to grant, that we wer so far
drowned in synne, that nether our deidis, nor all the treasouris that ever God
maid, or might maik, might have help us out of thame: Ergo, no deidis nor
werkis maie mack us rychteouse.
No werkis mak us unrychteouse.—For yf any werke maid us unrychteouse, then
the contrarie werkis wold maik us rychteouse. Butt it is provin, that no werkis
can maik us righteouse: Ergo, no werkis maik us unrychteouse.
WERKIS MAIK US NETHER GOOD NOR EVILL.

It is proven, that werkis nether maik us rychteouse nor unrychteouse: Ergo, no

werkis nether maik us good nor evill. For rychteouse and good ar one thing, and
unrighteouse and evill, one. Good werkis maik not ane good man, nor evill
werkis ane evill man: But a good man makith good werkis, and ane evill man
evill werkis. Good fruct makith not the tree good, nor evill fruict the tree evill:
But a good tree bearith good fruict, and ane evill tree evill fruict. A good man
can not do evill werkis, nor ane evill man good werkis; for ane evill tree can not
beare good fruct, nor ane good tree evill fruct. A man is good befoir he do good
werkis, and ane evill man is evill before he do evill werkis; for the tree is good
befoir it bear good fruict, and evill befoir it beir evill fruct. Everie man is either
good or evill. Either maik the tree good, and the fruct good also, or ellis maik the
tree evill, and the fruct lyikwyise evill. Everie manes werkis ar eyther good or
evill: for all fructis ar either good or evill. "Either maik the tree good and the
fruct also, or ellis maik the tree evill and the fruct of it lyikwyise evill." (Matth.
13.)—A good man is knowin be his werkis; for a good man doith good werkis,
and ane evill, evill werkis. "Ye shall knaw thame be thair fruct; for ane good tree
bringeth furth good fruct, and ane evill tree evill fruict." (Matth. 7.)—A man is
likened to the tree, and his werkis to the fruct of the trie. "Bewar of the fals
propheittis, which come unto yow in scheippis clothing; but inwardlie thei ar
raveening wolves. Ye shall knaw thame be thair fructis."
NONE OF OURE WERKIS NETHER SAVE US, NOR CONDEMPNE US.

It is provin, that no werkis maik us either righteouse or unryghteouse, good nor

evill: but first we are good befoir that we do good werkis, and evill befoir we do
evill warkis: Ergo, no werk neither save us nor condempne us. Thow wilt say
then, Makith it no mater what we do? I answer thee, Yes; for yf thow dost evill,
it is a suir argument that thow art evill, and wantest faith. Yf thow do good, it is
ane argument that thow art good and hast faith; for a good tree bearith good
fruct, and an evill tree evill fruct. Yit good fruct maketh nott the tree good, nor
evill fruct the tree evill. So that man is good befoir he do good werkis, and evill
befoir he do evill werkis.
The man is the tree: the werkis ar the fruct. Faith maekith the good tree:
Incredulitie the evill tree. Such a tree, such a fruct: such man, such warkis. For
all that is done in faith pleasith God, and ar gud werkis; and all that is done
without faith displeaseth God, and ar evill workis. Quhosoevir thinketh to be
saved by his werkis, denyeth Christ is oure Saviour, that Christ deid for him,
and, fynallie, all thing that belongeth to Christ. For how is he thy Saviour, yf
thow mychtest save thy self by thy werkis? Or to what end should he have deid
for thee, yf any werkis of thine might have saved thee? What is this to say, Christ
deid for thee? It is nott that thow shouldest have deid perpetuallie, and that
Christ, to deliver thee frome death, deid for thee, and changed thy perpetuall
death in his awin death. For thow madest the falt, and he suffered the pane, and
that for the luif he had to thee, befoir ever thow wast borne, when thow haddest
done neither good nor evill. Now, since he hath payed thy debt, thow deist nott:
no, thow canst nott, bot shouldest have bene damned, yf his death war not.[67]
Bot since he was punished for thee, thow shalt not be punished. Fynallie, he hath
delivered thee from thye condemnatioun, and desyrith nought of thee, but that
thow shouldest acknowledge what he hath done for thee, and bear it in mynd;
and that thow woldest helpe other for his saik, boith in worde and deid, evin as
he hath helped thee for nought, and without reward. O how ready would we be
to help otheris, yf we knew his goodnes and gentilnes towardis us! He is a good
and a gentill Lord, and he doith all thingis for nought. Let us, I beseich yow,
follow his footsteps, whome all the world ought to prayse and wirschep. Amen.
HE THAT THINKITH TO BE SAVID BE HIS WERKIS, CALLETH HIM SELVE CHRIST:—

For he callith him self a Saviour, which aparteaneth to Christ onlie. What is a
Saviour, butt he that savith? And thow sayist, I save my self; which is asmuch to
say as, I am Christ; for Christ is onlie the Saviour of the world.
We should do no good werkis, for that intent to get the inheritance of heavin, or
remissioun of synnes throw thame. For whosoevir belevith to gett the inheritance
of heavin or remissioun of synnes, throw werkis, he belevith nott to gett that for
Christis saik. And thei that beleve not, that thair synnes ar forgeivin thame, and
that thei sal be saved for Christis saik, thei beleve not the Gospell; for the
Gospell sayith, Yow sal be saved for Christis saik: synnes ar forgevin yow, for
Christis saik.
He that belevith not the Gospell, belevith not God. And consequentlie, thei
which beleve to be saved be thair werkis, or to gett remissioun of synnes be thair
awin deidis, beleve not God, bot raccompt him a liear, and so utterlie denye him
to be God. Thow wilt say, Shall we then do no good werkis? I say not so, but I
say, We should do no good werkis for that intent to gett the kingdome of heavin,
or remissioun of synnes. For yf we beleve to gett the inheritance of heavin throw
good werkis, then we beleve nott to gett it throw the promesse of God. Or, yf we
think to gett remissioun of our synnes, as said is, we beleve nott that thei ar
forgevin us by Christ, and so we compt God a liear. For God sayith, Thow shalt
have the inheritance of heavin for my Sonnes saik. Yow say, It is nott so; but I
will wynne it throw my awin werkis. So, I condempne not good werkis; but I
condempne the fals trust in any werkis; for all the werkis that a man putteth
confidence in, are thairwyth intoxicat or empoisoned, and become evill.
Quhairfoir, do good werkis; but be war thow do thame to gett any good throw
thame; for yf thow do, thow receavest the good, not as the gift of God, bott as
debte unto thee, and maikest thy self fellow with God, becaus thow wilt tack no
thing from him for nought. What nedith he any thing of thyne, who gevith all
thing, and is not the poorare? Thairfoir do nothing to him, but tack of him; for he
is ane gentill Lord, and with, a glaidar harte will geve us all thingis that we neid,
than we taik it of him. So that yf we want any thing, lett us witt our selfis. Prease
not then to the inheritance of heavin, throwght presumptioun of thy good werkis;
for yf thow do, thow comptest thy selve holy and equall unto him, becaus thow
wilt tack nothing of him for nowght; and so salt thow fall as Lucifer fell from
heavin for his pride.
Thus endis the said Maistir Patrikis Articles.[68] And so we returne to oure
HYSTORY.
When those cruell wolves had, as thei supposed, cleane
devored the pray, thei fynd thame selfis in warse caise then thei THE FORME
war befoir; for then within Sanctandrose, yea, almost within AND OF
CAUSSIS
THE
the hole realme, (who heard of that fact,) thair was none found PREASTIS OLD
who begane not to inquyre, Whairfoir was Maistir Patrik CURSSING.
Hammyltoun brunt? And when his Articles war rehersed,
questioun was holden, yf such Articles war necessarie to be beleved under the
pane of damnatioun. And so within schort space many begane to call in dowbt
that which befoir thei held for a certane veritie, in so much that the Universitie of
Sanctandrose, and Sanct Leonardis Colledge principallie, by the labouris of
Maistir Gawin Logy,[69] and the novises[70] of the Abbay, by the Suppriour,[71]
begane to smell somwhat of the veritie, and to espy the vanitie of the receaved
superstitioun. Yea, within few yearis eftir, begane baith Black and Gray Frearis
publictlie to preache against the pride and idile lief of Bischoppis, and against
the abuses of the whole ecclesiasticall estaite. Amongis whome was one called
Frear Williame Arth,[72] who, in a sermone preached in Dundye, spak somwhat
moir liberallie against the licentious lyifes of the Bischoppis nor thei could weall
beair. He spaik farther against the abuse of curssing and of miracles. The
Bischop of Brechin,[73] having his placeboes and jackmen in the toun, buffatted
the Freir, and called him Heretick. The Freir, impatient of the injury receaved,
past to Sanctandrose, and did communicat the headis of his sermone with
Maister Johnne Mair,[74] whose wourd then was holden as ane oracle, in materis
of religioun; and being assured of him, that such doctrin mycht weall be
defendid, and that he wald defend it, for it conteaned no heresye; thair was ane
day appointed to the said Frear, to maik repetitioun of the sam sermon; and
advertisment was gevin to all such as war offended att the formar to be present.
And so, in the parishe kirk of Sanctandrose, upoun the day appointed, appeared
the said Frear, and had amonges his auditouris Maistir Johnne Mair, Maistir
George Lockart,[75] the Abbot of Cambuskynneth,[76] Maistir Patrik Hepburne
the Priour of Sanctandrose,[77] with all the Doctouris and Maistires of the
Universities. The theame of his sermone was, "Veritie is the strongest of all
thingis." His discourse of Curssing was, "That yf it war rychtlie used, it was the
moist fearfull thing upoun the face of the earth; for it was the verray separatioun
of man frome God: but that it should nott be used rashlie, and for everie light
cause, but onlie against open and incorrigible synnaris. But now, (said he,) the
avarice of preastis, and the ignorance of thair office, has caused it altogitther to
be vilipended;[78] for the preast, (said he,) whose dewitie and office is to pray for
the people, standis up on Sounday, and cryes, 'Ane hes tynt a spurtill. Thair is
ane flaill stollin from thame beyound the burne. The goodwyiff of the other syd
of the gait hes tynt a horne spune. Goddis maleson and myne I geve to thame
that knowis of this geyre, and restoris it not.'"—How the people mocked thair
curssing, he ferther told a meary tale; how, after a sermoun that he had maid at
Dumfermling, he came to a house whair gossoppis was drynking thair Soundayis
penny, and he, being dry, asked drynk. "Yis, Father, (said ane of the gossoppes,)
ye shall haif drynk; bot ye mon first resolve ane doubt which is rissen amongis
us, to witt, What servand will serve a man beast on least expenssis." "The good
Angell, (said I,) who is manis keapar, who maikis great service without
expenssis." "Tush, (said the gossope,) we meane no so heigh materis: we meane,
What honest man will do greatest service for least expensses?" And whill I was
musing, (said the Frear,) what that should meane, he said, "I see, Father, that the
greatest clerkis ar nott the wysest men. Know ye not how the Bischoppis and
thair officiallis servis us husband men? Will thei not give to us a lettir of
Curssing for a plack, to laste for a year, to curse all that looke ower our dick
[dyke]? and that keapis our corne better nor the sleaping boy, that will have three
schillingis of fye, a sark, and payre of schone in the year. And thairfoir, yf thair
curssing dow any thing, we held the Bischoppis beast chaip servandis, in that
behalf, that ar within the realme." As concernyng miracles, he declaired, what
diligence the ancientis took to try trew miracles frome false. "But now, (said he,)
the greadynes of preastis not onlie receave false miracles, bot also thei cherise
and feis knaiffis for that purpoise, that thair chapellis may be the better
renouned, and thair offerand may be augmented. And thairupoun ar many
chapelles founded, as that our Lady war mychttiar, and that sche took more
pleasour in one plaice then in ane uther; as of laite dayis our Lady of Karsgreng
hes hopped fra ane grene hillock to ane uther. But honest men of Sanctandrose,
(said he,) yf ye luif your wyffis and your doughtaris, hald thame at hame, or ellis
send thame in honest companye; for yf ye knew what miracles war kithed thaire,
ye wold neyther thank God nor our Lady." And thus he mearelie tanted thare
trystis of hurdome and adulterye used at such devotioun.
Ane uther article was judged more hard; for he alledged the commoun law,[79]
That the Civyle Magistrate mycht correct the Churchmen,[80] and deprive thame
of thaire benefices, for oppin vices.
Ane uther day, the same Frear maid ane uther sermoun of the Abbote [of]
Unreassone,[81] unto whome and whose lawis he compared the prelattis of that
age; for thei war subdewid to no lawis, no moir then was the Abbote [of]
Unreassoun. And amonges uther thingis he told such a meary bourd. "Thare was
(said he) a Prelatt, or at least a Prelattis peir, a trew servand to the King of luif,
who, upoun a nycht after suppar, asked at his gentillmen, be the fayth that thei
awght to the king of luif, that thei should trewlie declare how many syndrie
wemen everie ane of thame had haid, and how many of thame war menis wyffis.
Ane answered, He had lyne with fyve, and two of thame war maryed. The other
answered, I have haid sevin, and three of thame ar maryed. It came at last to my
Lord him self, who macking it veray nyce for a lytill space, gave in the end ane
plain confessioun, and said, 'I am the yongest man, and yitt have I haid the round
desone; and sevin of thame ar menis wyffis.' Now, (said the Frear,) this god and
king of luif, to whome our Prelaittis maikis homage, is the maistir devill of hell,
from whome such werkis and fruitis doo procead." This Prelatt was knowin by
his proper tockenes to have bene Priour Patrik Hepburne,[82] now Bischop of
Murray, who to this day hes continewed in the professioun that he anes maid to
his god and king of luif.[83]
It was supposed, notwithstanding this kynd of preaching, that this Frear remaned
papist in his heart; for the rest of the Frearis, fearing to losse the benedictioun of
the Bischoppes, to witt, thair malt and thair maill, and thair other appoineted
pensioun, cawsed the said Frear to flye to England, whair, for defence of the
Paipe and Paipistrie, his was cast in preasone[84] at King Hary his
commandiment. But so it pleasith God to open up the mouth of Baalames awin
asse, to cry out againest the vitious lyves of the clergie of that aige. Schorte after
this, new consultatioun was tackin, that some should be brunt; for men began
verray liberallie to speak. A meary gentillman, named Johnne Lyndesay,
famylliar to Bisehope James Betoun, standing by when consultatioun was had,
said, "My Lord, yf ye burne any mo, except ye follow my counsall, ye will
utterlye destroy your selves. Yf ye will burne thame, lett thame be brunt in how
sellarris; for the reik of Maister Patrik Hammyltoun hes infected as many as it
blew upoun."[85] Thus it pleased God, that thei should be tanted in thair awin
face. But hear followis the moist meary of all. Sandie Furrour, who had bene
empreasoned sevin yearis in the Toure of Londone, Sir Johnne Dignwaill,[86]
according to the cheritie of Churche men,[87] enterteneid his wyiff, and waisted
the poore manes substance. For the which caus, at his returnyng, he spaik more
liberallie of preastis then thei could bear, and so was he declaired[88] to be
accused of heresye, and called to his ansuer to Sanctandrose. He lapp up mearely
upoun the scaffold, and, casting a gawmound, said, "Whair ar the rest of the
playaris?" Maistir Audro Olephant,[89] offended thairwyth, said, "It shalbe no
play to yow, Sir, befoir that ye depart." And so began to read his accusatioun.
The first article whareof was, That he dispyssed the Messe. His ansuer was, "I
hear mo Messis in awght dayis, then thre Bischoppis thair sitting sayis in a year."
Accused secoundarly, Of contemptioun of the sacramentis. "The preastis, (said
he,) war the maist commoun contempnaris of sacramentis, and especiallie of
matrimonye," and that he witnessed by any of the preastis thare present, and
named the menis wyffis with whome thei had medled, and especiallie Sir Johnne
Dignwaill, who had sevin yearis togitther abused his awin wyff and consumed
his substance; and said, "Becaus I complayne of such injuries, I am hear
summoned, and accused, as one that is worthy to be brunt. For Goddis saik, (said
he,) wil ye taick wyeffis of your awin, that I and utheris, whose wyiffis ye have
abused, may be revenged upoun yow." Then Bisehope Gawin Dumbar,[90]
named the Old Bischop of Abirdein, thinking to justifye him self befoir the
people, said, "Carll, thow shalt not know my wyff." The said Alexander
ansuered, "My Lord, ye ar too old; bot, with the grace of God, I shall drynk with
your dochtter or I departe." And thareat was smylling of the best, and lowd
laughtter of some; for the Bisehop had a dowghter maryed with Andro
Balfour[91] in that same toune. Then the Bischoppis bad, "Away with the earll."
But he ansured, "Nay; I will not departe this houre; for I have more to speak
against the vices of preastis, then I cane expresse this haill[92] day." And so, after
diverse purposes, thei commanded him to burne his bill. And he demanding the
caus, thei said, "Becaus ye have spoken these articles whairof ye ar accused."
His ansuer was, "The mekill devill bear thame away, that first and last said
thame." And so he tack the bill, and chowing it, hee after spatt it in Mr. Andro
Oliphantis face, saying, "Now burne it or drune it, whitther ye will: ye heir na
mair of me. Butt I man have somewhat of everie ane of yow to begyn my pack
agane, which a preast and my wyif, a preastis hoore, hes spentt." And so everie
prelate and riche preast, glaid to be qwyte of his evill, gave him somwhat; and so
departed hie, for he understood nothing of religioun.
But so fearfull it was then to speak any thing against preastis, that the least word
spokin against thame, yea, albeit it was spokin in a manes sleip, was judged
heresye; and that was practised upoun Richart Carmichaell, yet leving in Fyfe,
[93] who being young, and ane singar in the Chapell Royal of Striveling,

happened in his sleepe to say, "The devill tak away the preastis, for thei ar a
gready pack." Hie, thairfor, accused be Sir George Clappertoun, Deane[94] of the
said Chapell, was compelled tharefore to burne his bill.
But God schort after raised up against thame strongar campionis. For Alexander
Setoun,[95] a Blak Frear, of good learning and estimatioun, began to tax the
corrupt doctrin of the Papistrye. For the space of a hole Lentran,[96] he tawght
the commandimentis of God onlye, ever beatting in the earis of his auditouris,
That the law of God had of many yearis not bein trewlie tawght; for menis
traditionis had obscured the puritie of it. These war his accustomed
propositionis: First, Christ Jesus is the end and perfectioun of the law. 2. Thair is
no syne quhair Goddis law is not violated. 3. To satisfie for syne lyes not in
manis power, but the remissioun thairof cumis by unfeaned reapentance, and by
faith apprehending God the Father mercifull in Christ Jesus, his sone. Whill
often tymes he puttis his auditouris in mynd of thir and the lyik headis, and
maikis no mentioun of purgatorye, pardones, pilgramage, prayer to sanctes, nor
such trifillis, the dum Doctouris, and the rest of that forsworne rable, begane to
suspect him; and yitt said thei nothing publictlie, till Lentrain[97] was ended, and
he passed to Dundie. And then, in his absence, ane hired for that purpose openlie
damned the hole doctrin[98] that befoir he had tawght. Which cuming to the earis
of the said Frear Alexander, then being in Dundye, without delay he returned to
Sanctandrose, caused immediatlie to jow the bell, and to give significatioun that
he wald preach; as that he did in deid. In the which sermon he affirmed, (and that
more plainlie then at any uther tyme,) whatsoever in all his hole sermones hie
had tawght befoir the haill Lentrantyde preceding;[99] adding, that within
Scotland thair was no trew Bischoppe, yf that Bischoppes should be knawin by
such notes and vertewis, as Sanct Paule requyres in Bischoppis. This delatioun
flew with wyngis to the Bischoppis earis, who, butt farther delay, send for the
said Frear Alexander, who began greveouslie to complayne, and sharplye to
accuse, that he had so sclanderouslie spokin of the dignitie of the Bischoppes, as
to say, "That it behoved a Bischope to be a preachear, or ellis he was but a dume
dogg, and fed not the flock, but fed his awin bellye." The man being witty, and
mynded of that which was his most assured defence, said, "My Lord, the
reaportaris of such thingis ar manifest lyearis." Whareat the Bischope[100]
rejosed, and said, "Your ansour pleasses me weall: I never could think of yow,
that ye wold be so foolische as to affirme such thingis. Whare ar thei knaiffis that
have brought me this tale?" Who compearing, and affirmyng the same that thei
did befoir, hie still replyed, That thei ware leyaris. But whill the witnesses war
multiplyed, and men war browght to attentioun, he turned him to the Bischope,
and said, "My Lord, ye may see[101] and considder what caris these asses have,
who cane nott discerne betuix Paull, Isai, Zacharie, and Malachie and Frear
Alexander Setoun. In verray deid, My Lord, I said that Paule sayis, 'It behoveth a
Bischop to be ane teichear.' Isai sayith, 'That thei that feid nott the flock ar dum
doggis.' And Zacharie sayeth, 'Thei ar idoll pastouris.' I of my awin head
affirmed nothing, butt declared what the Spreitt of God had befoir pronunced; at
whome, my Lord, yf ye be nott offended, justly ye cane nott be offended at me.
And so yit agane, my Lord, I say, that thei ar manifest leyaris that reported unto
yow, that I said, That ye and utheris that preach nott ar no Bischoppis, but belly
Goddis."
Albeit after that, the Bischope was heightly offended, asweill at the skwff[102]
and bitter mock, as at the bold libertie of that learned man; yitt durst he nott
hasard for that present to execute his malice conceaved; for nott onlye feared he
the learnyng and bold spreit of the man, bot also the favour that he had, alsweall
of the people, as of the Prince, King James the Fyft, of whome he had good
credite; for he was at that tyme his Confessour, and had exhorted him to the feare
of God, to the meditatioun of Goddis law, and unto puritie of lyiff. Butt the said
Bischope, with his complices, foirseing what danger mycht cume to thair Estaite,
yf such familiaritie should continew betuix the Prince and a man so learned, and
so repugnyng to thair affectionis, laubored by all meanes to mack the said Frear
Alexander odiouse unto the Kingis Grace, and easely fand the meanes by the
Gray Frearis, (who by thare hypochrisye deceaved many,) to traduce the
innocent as ane heretyk. This accusatioun was easely receaved and more easelye
beleved[103] of the carnall Prince, who altogitther was gevin to the filthy loostis
of the fleshe, abhorred all counsall that repugned thairto. And becaus he did
remember what a terrour the admonitionis of the said Alexander was unto his
corrupted conscience, without resistance he subscrived to thair accusatioun,
affirmyng that he knew mair then thei did in that mater; for he understood weall
ynewcht, that he smelled of the new doctrin, by such thingis as he had schawin
to him under confessioun. And tharefoir he promessed, that he should follow the
counsall of the Bischoppes in punishing of him and of all utheris of that sect.
These thingis understand by the said Alexander, alsweall by informatioun of his
freindis and familliaris, as by the strange contenance of the King unto him,
provydit the nixt way to avoid the fury of a blynded Prince: and so, in his habite,
[104] hie departed the realme,[105] and cuming to Berwik, wraitt back agane to the

Kingis grace his complaint and admonitioun, the verray tennour and copy
whareof followis, and is this:—
MAIST GRATIOUS AND SOVERING LORD under the Lord and King of all,
of whome only thy Hienes and Majestie has power and authoritie to
exercise justice within this thy Realme, under God, who is King and
Lorde of all realmes, and thy Grace and all mortale Kingis ar bott
onlye servandis unto that onlie immortall Prince Christ Jesus, etc. It
is nott (I wate) unknawin to thy gratious[106] Hieness, how that thy
Grace's umquhill servand and Oratour, (and ever shalbe to my lyves
end,) is departed out of thy Realme unto the nixt adjacent of Ingland.
Nochtheless I beleve the causse of my departing is unknawin to thy
gratious[107] Majestie: quhilk only is, becaus the Bischoppis and
Kirkmen of thy Realme hes had heirtofoir sick authoritie upoun thy
subjectis, that appearandly thei war rather King, and thow the
subject, (quhilk injust regiment is of the selfe false, and contrair to
holy Scripture and law of God,) than thow thair King and maistir,
and thei thy subjectis, (quhilk is verray trew, and testifiet expreasslie
be the Word of God.) And also, becaus thei will give no man of onye
degree or staite (whome thei oft falslie call Heretykis) audience,
tyme, nor place to speak and have defence; quhilk is aganist all law,
boith the Ald law, called the Law of Moses, and the New law of the
Evangell. So that, gif I mycht have had audience and place to speak,
and have schawin my just defence, conforme to the law of God, I
should never have fled to any uther realme, suppose it should haif
cost me my lyiff. Bot becaus I beleved that I should haif haid no
audience nor place to answer, (thei ar so great with thy Grace,) I
departed, not dowttand, bott moved of God, unto ane bettire tyme
that God illuminate thy Grace's eyn, to give everie man audience (as
thow should and may, and is bound of the law of God,) who ar
accused to the death. And to certifie thy Hienes that thir ar no vane
wordis, bot of dead and effect, heir I offer me to thy Grace to come
in thy realme agane, so that thy Grace will give me audience, and
hear what I have for me of the law of God: and caus ony Bischope or
Abbot, Frear or Secular, quhilk is maist cuning, (some of thame cane
not read thair matynes who ar maid judgeis in heresye!) to impugne
me be the law of God; and give my parte be found wrang, thy Grace
being present and judge, I refuse no pane worthie or condigne for
my falt. And give that I convict thame by the lawe of God, and that
thei have nothing to lay to my charge, bot the law of man, and thair
awin inventionis to uphald thair vane glorie and prydfull lyif, and
dalye scorgeing of thy poore liegis; I reporte me to thy Grace, as
judge, Whither he hes the victorye that haldis him at the law of God,
quhilk cane not faill nor be false, or thei that haldis thame at the law
of man, quhilk is rycht oft plane contrarie and aganis the law of God,
and thairfoir of necessitie fals, and full of lesingis? for all thing that
is contrarie to the veritie, (quhilk is Christ and his law,) is of
necessitie ane lesing.
And to witnes that this cumis of all my harte, I shall remane in
Berwik whill I gett thy Grace's answer, and shall without faill
returne, haveing thy hand wreitt that I may haif audience, and place
to speak. No more I desyre of thee; whaireof gif I had bene suire, I
should never have departed. And that thow may know the treuth
thairof, gif feare of the justness of my cause, or dredour of
persequutioun for the same, had moved me to departe, I wold not so
pleasandlie reverte: only distrust thairfoir was the caus of my
departing. Pardone me to say that quhilk lyes to thy Grace's charge.
Thow arte bound by the law of God, (suppoise thei falslie lye,
saying it perteanes nott to thy Grace till intromett wyth sic materis,)
to caus everie man, in any case, accused of his lyef, to have his just
defence, and his accusaris produceit conforme to thair awin law.
Thei blynd thy Grace's eyn, that knawis nothing of thair law: bot gif
I prove nocht this out of thair awin law, I offer me to the death. Thy
Grace, thairfoir, by experience may daly learne, (seing thei nether
fear the King of Heavin, as thair lyves testiffis, neyther thee thair
naturall Prince, as thare usurped power in thy actionis schawis,) why
thy Hienes should lye no langar blindit. Thow may considder, that
thei pretend nothing ellis bot only the mantenance and uphald of
thair bardit mullis,[108] augmenting of thare insatiable avarice, and
continewall doune thringing and swallowing up thy poore lieges;
nether preaching nor teaching out of the law of God, (as thei
should,) to the rude, ignorant people, bot ay contending wha may be
maist hie, maist riche, and nerrest thy Grace, to putt the temporall
Lordis and liegis out of thy counsall[109] and favour, who should be,
and ar, maist tendir servandis to thy Grace in all tyme of neid, to the
defence of thee and thy croune.
And whare thei desyre thy Grace to putt at thy temporale Lordis and
liegis, because thei dispise thair vitiouse lyif, what ellis intend thei
 bot only thy death and destructioun? as thow may easilie perceave,
suppoise thei cullour thair false intent and mynd, with the persute of
heresye. For when thy baronis ar putt doun, what arte thow bot the
King of Bane?[110] and then of necessitie man be guydit be thame:
and thare, (no doubt,) whare ane blynd man is guyd, mon be ane fall
in the myre. Thairfoir lett thy Grace tack hardiment and authoritie,
quhilk thow hes of God, and suffer nott thair crewell persecutioun to
procead, without audience geving to him that is accused, and just
place of defence. And then, (no dowbt,) thow shall haif thy liegis
hartis, and all that thei cane or may doo in tyme of neid; tranquillitie,
justice, and policie in thy realme, and finallie, the kingdom of the
heavins. Please to gar have this, or the copy, to the clergy and
kirkmen, and keap the principale, and thy Grace shall have
experience gif I go aganis ane worde that I haif hecht. I shall daylie
maik my hartlie devotioun for thy Grace, and for the prosperitie and
wealfair of thy body and saule. I doubt nott bott thy gratiouse Hienes
will gif answere to thir presentis unto the presentar of this to thy
Hienes. Of Berwik, by thy Hienes servand and Oratour.
(Sic subscribitur,) ALEXANDER SETOUN

This letter was delivered to the Kingis awin handis, and of many redd.[111] But
what could greatlie[112] admonitionis availl, whare the pryde and corruptioun of
prelattis commanded what thei pleased, and the flatterie of courteouris fostered
the insolent Prince in all impietie.

Frome the death of that constant witness of Jesus Christ, Maistir Patrik
Hammyltoun, God disclosing the wickednes of the wicked, as befoir we have
hearde, thare was one Forress of Lynlythqw[113] tacken, who, after long
empreasonment in the Sea toure[114] of Sanctandross, was adjudgeit to the fyre
by the said Bischop James Betoun, and his doctouris, for non uther cryme but
becaus he had ane New Testament in Engliss. Farther of that history we have
nott, except that he deid constantlie, and with great patience, at Sanctandross.
After whose death, the flame of persecutioun ceassed, till the death of Maistir
Normound Gowrlaw, the space of ten yearis[115] or neyrby; not that thei bloody
beastis ceassed by all meanes to suppresse the light of God, and to truble such as
in any sorte war suspected to abhore thair corruptioun; but becaus the realme
was trubled with intestine and civile warres, in the which much blood was sched;
first, at Melrose, betuix the Dowglasse and Baleleweh, in the yeir of God Jm. Vc.
twenty sax, the xviiij day of Julij; nixt, at Lynlythqw, betuix the Hammyltonis
and the Erle of Levenax, whair the said Erle, with many utheris, lost his lyif, the
thretten day of September, the year foirsaid; and last, betuix the King him self
and the said Dowglasses,[116] whome he banished the realme, and held thame in
exyle during his hole dayis. Be reassone of these, we say, and of other trubles,
the Bischoppis and thair bloody bandis cold not fynd the tyme so favorable unto
thame as thei requyred, to execut thair tyranny.
In this mydd tyme, so did the wisdome of God provide, that Hary the Eyght,
King of England, did abolishe frome his realme the name and authoritie of the
Pape of Rome; suppress the Abbayis, and uther places of Idolatrie; which geve
esperance to diverse realmes, that some godlye reformatioun should thairof have
ensewed. And thairfoir, frome this our countrey, did diverse learned men, and
utheris that leved in fear of persecutioun, repayre to that realme; whair albeit thei
fand not such puritie as thei wished, (and thairfoir diverse of thame socht other
countreis,) yit thei eschaped the tyranny of merciless men, and war reserved to
better tymes, that thei mycht fructifie within His Church, in diverse places and
partis, and in diverse vocationis. Alexander Setoun remaned in England, and
publictlie, (with great praise and conforte of many,) tawght the Evangell in all
sinceritie certane yearis. And albeit the craftynes of Wyncester,[117] and of
otheris, circumvened the said Alexander, that thei caused him at Paules Croce to
affirme certane thingis that repugned to his formar trew doctrin;[118] yit it is no
dowbt, but that as God potentlie had rung with him in all his lyiff, but that also in
his death, (which schortlie after followed,) he fand the mercy of his God,
whareupoun he ever exhorted all men to depend. Alexander Alæsius, Maistir
Johnne Fyfe, and that famouse man Doctor Machabeus, departed unto Duch
land,[119] whare by Goddis providence thei war distributed to severall places.[120]
Makdwell, for his singular prudence,[121] besydis his learnyng and godlynes, was
elected borrow maistir in one of the Steadis.[122] Alesius was appointed to the
Universitie of Lipsia;[123] and so was Maistir Johnne Fyff,[124] whare, for thare
honest behaveour and great cruditioun, thei war halden in admiratioun with all
the godly. And in what honour, credite, and estimatioun, Doctor Machabeus[125]
was with Christianus King of Denmark, Cawpmanhoven,[126] and famowse men
of diverse nationis, cane testifie. Thus did God provid for his servandis, and did
frustrat the expectatioun of these bloody beastis, who by the death of one, in
whome the lyght of God did clearly schyne, intended to have suppressed Christis
trewth for ever within this realme. But the contrary had God decryed; for his
death was the cause, (as said is,) that many did awaik frome the deadly sleape of
ignorance, and so did Jesus Christ, the onlye trew Light, schyne unto many, for
the way-tackin of one. And albeit that these notable men did never after, (Maistir
Johnne Fyfe onlie excepted,) conforte this countree with thair bodelye presence;
yit maid thame fructifie in His Churche, and raissed thame up lightis out of
darkness, to the prase of his awin mercy, and to the just condempnatioun of
thame that then rewled, to wit, of the King, counsall, and nobilitie, yea of the
hole people, who sufferred such notable personages, without crymes committed,
to be injustlie persecuted, and so exyled. Otheris war after evin so entraited: but
of thame we shall speak in thair awin places.
No soonare gatt the Bischoppis oportunitie, (which alwyise thei sought,) but so
sone renewed thei the battell against Jesus Christ; for the foirsaid leprouse
Bischop, in the year of God Jm. Vc. thretty four, caused to be summoned Sir
Williame Kirk, Adam Dayis, Hendrie Karnes, Johnne Stewart, indwellaris of
Leyth,[127] with diverse otheris, such as, Maistir Williame Johnestoun,[128]
Maister Henry Hendyrson, schoolmaister of Edinburgh,[129] of whome some
compeired in the Abbay Kirk of Halyrudhouse, and so abjured and publictlie
brynt thare byllis:[130] otheris compeared nott, and tharefoir war exyled. Butt in
judgement war produced two, to wit, David Stratoun,[131] a gentilman, and
Maister Normound Gowrlay,[132] a man of reassonable eruditioun, of whom we
mon schortlye speak. In Maister Normound appeared knawledge, albeit joyned
with weakness. But in David Stratoun, could onlye be espyed, for the first, a
haterent against the pride and avaritiousnes of the preastis; for the causse of his
delatioun was, he had maid to him self ane fische boit to go to the sea. The
Bischop of Murray, (then being Priour of Sanctandross,[133]) and his factouris,
urgeid him for the teind thairof. His ansuer was, Yf thei wald haif teynd of that
which his servandis wane in the sea, it war but reassoun, that thei should come
and receave it whare his gatt the stock; and so, as was constantlye affirmed, he
caused his servandis cast the tenth fische in the sea agane. Processe of curssing
was led against him, for non payment of such teindis:[134] which when he
contempned, he was delaited to answer for heresye. It trubled him vehementlie;
and thairfoir he begane to frequent the company of such as war godlie; for befoir
he had bene ane man verry stubburne, and one that dispysed all reading,
(cheaflie of those thingis that war godly;) but miraculouslie, as it war, his
appeared to be changeid; for he delyted in nothing but in reading, (albeit him self
could not reid,) and was ane vehement exhortar of all men to concord, to
qwyetness, and to the contempt of the warld. He frequented much the company
of the Lard of Dun, whome God, in those dayis, had marvelouslie illuminated.
Upoun a day, as the Lard of Lowristoun,[135] that yit lyveth, then being ane
young man, was reading unto him upoun the New Testament, in ane certane
qwyet place in the feildis, as God had appointed, he chaunced to read these
sentenceis of our Maistir, Jesus Christ: "He that denyis me befoir men, or is
eschamed of me in the myddest of this wicked generatioun, I will deny him in
the presence of my Father, and befoir his angellis." At which wordis, he
suddandlie being as one ravissed, platt him self[136] upoun his knees, and
extending baith handis and visage constantlie to the heavin a reassonable tyme,
at lenth he burst furth in these wourdis, "O Lorde, I have bene wicked, and
justlie may thow extract thy grace from me. But, Lord, for thy mercyis saik, lett
me never deny thee, nor thy trewth, for fear of death or corporall pane." The
ischew declaired that his prayer was not vane: for when he, with the foirsaid
Maistir Normound, was produceid in judgement in the Abbey of Halyrudhouse,
the King him self, (all cled in redd,) being present, great laubouris war maid, that
the said David Stratoun should have recanteid, and brunt his bill. But he ever
standing at his defence, alledgeing that he had not offended, in the end was
adjudgeid unto the fyre; and then, when that he perceaved the danger, asked
grace of the King, (which he wold willinglye have granted unto him:) The
Bischoppes proudly answered, That the Kingis handis war bound in that case,
and that he had no grace to give to such as by thare law war condempned. And
so was he, with the said Maistir Normond, after dennar, upoun the twentye sevin
day of August, the zeir of God Jm. Vc. thretty four foirsaid, lead to a place
besydis the Roode of Greynsyd;[137] and thair thei two war boyth hanged, and
brunt, according to the mercy of the Papisticall Kirk.[138] To that same dyett war
summoned, as befoir we have said, otheris of whome some eschaiped in
England,[139] and so for that present eschaiped the death.
This thaire tyranny notwithstanding, the knowledge of God did wonderouslie
increase within this realme, partlie by reading, partlie by brotherlye conferance,
which in those dangerouse dayis was used to the comforte of many; butt cheaflie
by merchantis and marinaris, who, frequenting other cuntreis, heard the trew
doctrin affirmed, and the vanitie of the Papisticall religioun openlye rebucked:
Amongis whome war Dundy and Leyth principalles, against whome was maid
ane verry strayte inquisitioun, by David Betoun, cruell Cardinall;[140] and diverse
war compelled to abjure and burne thair byllis, some in Sanctandross, and some
at Edinburgh. About the same tyme, Capitane Johnne Borthwik was brunt in
figure, but by Goddis providence eschaiped thair fury.[141] And this was done,
for a spectackle and triumphe to Marie of Loreane,[142] laitlie arrived fra France,
as wyff to James the Fyft, King of Scottis. What plagues sche brought with hir,
and how thei yitt continew, such as ar nott blynd may manifestlie see.
The raige of those bloody beastis proceadith so that the Kingis Courte it self
eschaipit nott that danger; for in it diverse war suspected, and some accused.
And yitt ever still did some lycht burst out in the myddis of darknes; for the
trewth of Christ Jesus entered evin in the cloastearis, alsweall of Frearis, as of
Monkis and Channounes. Johnne Lyn, ane Gray freare, left his hipocryticall
habite, and the den of those murtheraris the Gray Frearis. Ane Black freir, called
Frear Kyllour,[143] sett furth the Historye of Christis Passioun in forme of a play,
quhilk he boith preached and practised opinlie in Striveling, the King him salf
being present, upoun a Good Friday in the mornyng: In the which, all thingis war
so levelye expressed, that the verray sempill people understood and confessed,
that as the Preastis and obstinat Pharisyes persuaded the people to refuise Christ
Jesus, and caused Pilat to condampne him; so did the Bischoppes, and men
called Religious, blynd the people, and perswaid Princes and Judgeis to
persecute sick as professis Jesus Christ his blessed Evangell.
This plane speaking so enflammed the hartes of all that bare the beastis mark,
that thei ceassed nott, till that the said Frear Kyllour, and with him Frear
Beverage, Sir Duncane Symesoun,[144] Robert Froster,[145] ane gentilman, and
Dene Thomas Forret,[146] Channoun Regulare and Vicar of Dolour, ane man of
upright lief, who all togetther war cruelly murthered in one fyre,[147] the last day
of Februar, in the zeir of [God] 1538.[148] This cruelty was used be the said
Cardinall, the Chancellar, Bischope of Glasgw, and the incesteous Bischope of
Dumblane.[149]
After that this cruelty was used in Edinburght, upon the Castell Hill, to the effect
that the rest of the Bischoppes mycht schaw thame selfis no less fervent to
suppress the light of God, than hie of Sanctandrose was, war apprehended two in
the Diosey of Glasgw. The one was named Jeronimus Russall,[150] a Cordyleyr
frear, a young man of a meak nature, qwyk spreat, and good letteris; and one
Kennedy,[151] who passed not xviij yearis of aige, one of excellent injyne in
Scotish poesye. To assist the Bischope of Glasgw in that cruell judgement, or att
least to caus him dippe his handis in the blood of the Sanctes of God, war send
Maister John Lawder,[152] Maister Andro Oliphant,[153] and Frear Maltman,
sergeantis of Sathan,[154] apt for that purpose. The day appointed to thare crueltie
approched, the two poore sanctis of God war presented befoir those bloody
bowcheouris: grevouse war the crymes that war layed to thare charge. Kennedy
at the first was faynt, and glaidly wald have recanted. But whill that place of
reapentance was denyed unto him, the Spreit of God, which is the Spreit of all
conforte, begane to wyrk into him, yea the inward conforte begane to burst furth,
alsweall in visage, as in tung and wourd; for his countenance begane to be
chearfull, and with a joyfull voce upoun his kneis, hie said, "O eternal God! how
wonderouse is that luf and mercy that thow bearest unto mankynd, and unto me
the moist cative and miserable wrache above all utheris; for, evin now, when I
wold have denyed thee, and thy Sone, our Lord Jesus Christ, my onlye Saveour,
and so have casten my self in everlesting damnatioun; thow, by thy awin hand,
has pulled me frome the verray bottome of hell, and mackis me to feall that
heavinlie conforte which tackis fra me that ungodly fear, whairwyth befoir I was
oppressed. Now I defy death; do what ye please: I praise my God I am readdy."
The godly and learned Jeronimus, rayled upoun by those godless tyrantes,
ansured, "This is your houre and the power of darknes: now sytt ye as judgeis;
and we stand wrongfullie accused, and more wrongfullie to be condempned; but
the day shall come, when our innocency shall appeare, and that ye shall see your
awin blyndness, to your everlesting confusioun. Go fordward, and fulfill the
measur of your iniquitie." Whill that these servandis of God thus behaved thame
selfis, aryseth a variance betuix the Bischope and the beastis that came from the
Cardinall; for the Bischope said, "I think it better to spayr these men, nor to putt
thame to death."[155] Wharat the idiot Doctouris offended, said, "What will yo
do, my Lord? Will ye condempne all that my Lord Cardinall and the other
Bischoppes and we have done? Yf so ye do, ye schaw your self ennemye to the
Kirk and us, and so we will reputt yow, be ye assured." At which wordis, the
faythless man effrayed, adjudgeed the innocentis to dye, according to the desyre
of the wicked. The meak and gentill Jerome Russall conforted the other with
many confortable sentences, oft saying unto him, "Brother, fear nott: more
potent is He that is in us, then is hie that is in the world: The pane that we shall
suffer is schorte, and shalbe lycht; but our joy and consolatioun shall never have
end: And thairfoir lett us contend to enter in unto our Maister and Saveour, by
the same strait way, which he has traidd[156] befoir us. Death cane not destroy us;
for it is destroyed allreaddy by him for whose saik we suffer." Wyth these and
the like confortable sentences, thei passed to the place of executioun; and
constantlie triumphed owir death and Sathan, evin in the myddest of the
flammyng fyre.
And thus did those cruell beastis intend nothing but murther in all the quarteris
of this Realme.[157] For so far had that blynded and most vitious man, the Prince,
(most vitious, we shall call him, for hie nether spaired manis wieff nor madyn,
no more after his mariage then he did befoir,)—so far, we say, had he gevin him
self to obey the tyranny of those bloody beastis, that he had maid a solempned
vow, That none should be spaired that was suspect of Heresye, yea, althought it
war his awin sone. To press and push him fordward in that his fury, he lacked not
flatteraris ynew; for many of his miazeonis war pensionaris to preastis; amangis
whome, Oliver Synclar, yitt remaning ennemy to God, was the principale. And
yit did not God cease to give to that blynded Prince documentis, that some
suddane plague was to fall upoun him, in case hie did not reapent his wicked
lief; and that his awin mouth did confesse. For after that Sir James Hammyltoun
was beheaded,[158] (justlie or injustlie we disput nott,) this visioun came unto
him, as to his familiaris him self did declare: The said Sir James appeared unto
him, having in his handis a drawin sworde, by the which fra the King hie stroke
boith the armes, saying to him these wourdis, "Tak that, whill thow receave a
finall payment for all thy impietie." This visioun,[159] with sorowfull
conteanance, hie schew on the morow; and schortlie thaireftir deid his two
sonnes, boith within the space of 24 houris; yea, some say, within the space of
sex houris.[160] In his awin presence, Georde Steill, his greattest flatterar, and
greattest ennemy to God that was in his Courte, dropped of his horse, and deid
without worde,[161] that same day that, in oppin audience of many, the said
George had refuisscd his portioun of Christis kingdome, yf the prayeris of the
Virgin Marie should not bring him thairto. How terrible a visioun the said Prince
saw, lying in Lynlythqw, that nycht that Thomas Scott,[162] Justice Clerk, dyed in
Edinburgh, men of good credite cane yitt reporte. For effrayed at mydnycht, or
after, hie cryed for torches, and reissed all that lay besyd him in the Palice, and
told that Thome Scott was dead; for hie had bene at him with a company of
devillis, and had said unto him these wordes, "O wo to the day, that ever I knew
thee, or thy service; for, for serving of thee against God, against his servandis,
and against justice, I am adjudgeid to endless torment." How terrible voces the
said Thomas Scott pronunced befoir his death, men of all estaitis heard; and
some that yitt lyve cane witness;[163] his voce was ever, "Justo Dei judicio
condemnatus sum:" that is, I am condempned by Goddis just judgement. He was
most oppressed for the delatioun and fals accusatioun of such as professed
Christis Evangell, as Maister Thomas Marjoribankis,[164] and Maister Hew Rig,
[165] then advocattis, did confesse to Maister Henrie Balnavis; who, from the said

Thome Scott, cam to him, as he and Maister Thomas Ballenden[166] war sytting
in Sanet Geillis Kirk, and asked him forgevance in the name of the said Thomas.
None of these terrible forwarnynges could eyther change or mollifie the heart of
the indurat, licherous, and avaritious tyranne; but still he dois procead frome
impietie to impietie. For, in the myddest of these admonitionis, he caused putt
handis in that notable man, Maister George Balquhannan,[167] to whome, for his
singulare eruditioun and honest behaveour, was committed the charge to instruct
some of his bastard children.[168] Butt, by the mercifull providence of God, he
eschaped (albeit with great difficultie,) the rage of these that sought his blood,
and remancs alyve to this day, in the yeare of God Jm. Vc. threseor sax yearis, to
the glorie of God, to the great honour of his natioun, and unto the conforte of
those that delyte in letteris and vertew. That singulare werke of David his
Psalmes in Latine meter and poesie,[169] besydis many utheris, cane witness the
rare graces of God gevin to that man, which that tyrant, by instigatioun of the
Gray Frearis, and of his other flatteraris, wold altogither have devored, yf God
had nott providit remeady to his servand by eschaping.[170]

This cruelty and persecutioun[171] notwithstanding, thei monstouris and

hypocreattis the Gray Frearis, day by day, came farther in contempt; for not only
did the learned espy[172] thare abhominable hypocrisye, but also men, in whom
no such graces nor giftis ware thought to have bene, begane plainlie to paynt the
same furth to the people; as this Ryme, which here we have inserted for the same
purpose, maid by ALEXANDER ERLE OF GLENCARNE,[173] yitt alyve, can witnesse,
intitulat, ANE EPISTLE DIRECT FRA THE HOLYE ARMITE OF ALLARIT ,[174] to his
Bretheren the Gray Freires.
I, THOMAS, Armite in Larite, Sainet Frances brether[175] hartlie greit,

Beseiking yow with ferme[176] intent,

To be walkryfe and diligent;
For thir Lutherians, rissen of new,
Our Ordour daylie dois persew:
Thay smaikis do sett their haill intent,
To reid this English New Testament;
And sayes, We have thame clene disceavit.
Therefore, in haist, they man be stoppit.[177]
Our stait hypocrisie they prysse,
And us blaspheamis on this wyse,
Sayand, That we are heretikes,
And fals, loud, liand, mastif tykes;
Cumerars and quellars of Christes kirk,
Sueir swongeouris[178] that will not wirk,
But ydlelie our living wynnes,
Devouring woulves into sheip skynnes,
Hurkland with huides into our neck,
Wyth Judas mynd to jouck and beck,
Seikand Christes peple to devoir,
The down thringars of God his[179] glore,
Professouris of hipocrisie,
And doctouris in idolatrie,
Stout fyschares with the Feindis nett,
The upclosars of Heavins yett,
Cankcarit corruptars of the Creid,
Homlok sawares amangest good seid,
To trow in traytouris, that do men tyiste,
The hie way kennand thame fra Chryst,
Monstouris with the Beast his mark,
Dogges that never stintes to bark,
Kirk men that are with[180] Christ unkend,
A sect that Sathane self hes send,

Lurkand in holes, lyke traytour toddes,

Mantenaris of idoles and false goddes,
Fantastik fooles and feynzeit fleachearis,
To turne fra the treuth[181] the verie teachearis.
For to declair thair haill sentence,
Wald mekle cummer your conscience.
Thay say your fayth it is sa stark,
Your cord and lowsie coit and sark,
Ye lippin, may bring yow to salvatioun,
And quyte excludes Christ his passioun.
I dreid this doctryne, yf it last,
Sall either gar us wirk or fast;
Therfor, with speid we mon provyde,
And not our proffit to oureslyde.
I schaip my selfe, within schort quhyle,
To turse[182] our Ladie in Argyle;
 And there, uncraftie[183] wyse to wirk,
Till that we bigged have ane kirk;
Syne miracles mak be your avyse.
Thay kettereles, though they had but lyse,
The twa part to us they will bring:
But ordourlie to dress this thing,
A gaist I purpose to gar gang,
Be counsall of Freir Walter Lang,[184]
Quhilk sall mak certane demonstrations,
To help us in our procurations,
Your haly Ordour to decoir:
That practik he proved anes before,

Betuix Kirkcaldie and Kingorne;

But lymmars made therat sic skorne,
And to his fame maide sic degressioun,
Sensyne he hard not the Kinges confessioun.[185]
Thoicht at that tyme he came na speid,
I pray yow tak guid will as deid;
And him amongest your selves receave,
As ane worth mony of the leave.
Quhat I obteyne may, through his arte,
Ressoun wald ye had your parte.
Your Ordour handles na monye,
But for uther casualitie,
As beif, meill, butter, and cheiss,
Or quhat that we have, that ye plese,
Send your Bretheren et habete.
As now nocht elles, but valete.
Be THOMAS your brother at command,
A cullurune kythed throw many a land.[186]

When God had gevin unto that indurat Prince sufficient documentis, that his
rebellioun against his blessed Evangell should not prosperouslie succeid, hie
rases up against him warr, as that he did against obstinat Saull, in the which he
miserablie perrished, as we shall after hear.
The occasioun of the Warr was this. Hary the Eight, King of England, had a
great desyre to have spokin with oure King; and in that poynt travailled so long,
till that he gat a full promesse[187] maid to his Ambassadour, Lord Williame
Hawart. The place of meatting was appointed [at] York; which the King of
England keap[t] with such solempnitie and preparationis, as never for such ane
purpoise was sein in England befoir. Great brute of that jorney, and some
preparatioun for the same was maid in Scotland; but in the end, by persuasioun
of the Cardinall David Betoun, and by otheris of his factioun, that jorney was
stayed, and the Kinges promesse falsefeid. Whareupoun war scharpe letteris of
reproch send unto the King,[188] and also unto his Counsall. King Hary frustrat,
returned to London, and after his indignatioun declaired, began to fortifie with
men his frontearis foranent Scotland. Thare war send to the Bordouris Sir Robert
Bowis, the Erle of Anguss, and his brother, Sir George Duglass. Upoun what
uther trifeling questionis, (as for the debatable land and such like,) the war brak
up, we omitt to wryte. The principall occasioun was the falsefeing of the
promeisse befoir maid. Oure King perceaving that the warr wald ryse, asked the
Prelattis and Kirkmen, what supporte thei wald maik to the susteanyng of the
same; for rather wald he yitt satisfie the desyre of his Uncle, then he wald hasard
warr, whare hie saw nott his force able to resist. Thei promissed montanes of
gold, (as Sathan thaire father did to Christ Jesus yf he wold wirschipe him;) for
rather wold thei have gone to hell, or he should have mett wyth King Hary: for
then, thought thei, Fayr weill our kingdome; and fayr weill, thought the
Cardinall, his credite and glorie in France. In the end, thei promissed fyftie
thousand crownes by year,[189] to be weall payed, so long as the warres lested;
and farther, that thaire servandis, and otheris that appartened unto thame, and
war exemed from common service, should not the less serve in tyme of
necessitie. These vane promisses lifted up in pryde the harte of the unhappye
King: and so begynnis the warr. The realme was quartered, and men war laid in
Jedburgh and Kelso. All man, (foollis we meane,) bragged of victorie; and in
verray deid the begynnyng gave us a fayr schaw. For at the first wardane raid,
which was maid at the Sanct Bartholomess day,[190] in the zeir of God Jm. Vc.
fourty twa, was the Wardane Sir Robert Bowis, his brother Richard Bowis,
Capitane of Norhame, Sir Williame Mallerie[191] knycht, a bastarde sone of the
Erle of Anguss, and James Dowglas of Parkhead, then rebelles, with a great
number of borderaris, soldeouris, and gentilmen, tackin.

The Reade was termed Haldane Rig.[192] The Erle of Anguss,

and Sir George his brother, did narrowlie eschaipe. Our HALDANE RIG.
Papistis and Preastis, proude of this victorye, encouraged the
King, so that thare was nothing heard but, "All is owres. Thei ar butt heretyckis.
Yf we be a thousand and thei ten thousand, thei dar not feght. France shall enter
the ane parte, and we the other, and so shall England be conqueast within a
year." Yf any man was sein to smyle att sick vanitie, his was no more bot a
tratour and ane heretyck. And yitt by these meanes, men had greattar libertie
then thei had befoir, as concernyng thair conscience; for then ceassed the
persecutioun. The warr continued till mydd September; and then was send doune
the old Duck of Northfolk,[193] with such ane army as a hundreth yearis befoir
had not come in Scotland. Thei wer in amassing thaire forses, and setting
fordwarte of thare preparationis and munitionis, which ware exceading great, till
mydd October, and after; and then thei merched from Berwik, and tended to the
west, ever holding Tweid upoun thair one syd, and never camped from that ryver
the space of a myle, during the hole tyme thei continewed in Scotland, which
was ten or twelf dayis. Forresse war runne upon the day to Smallame,[194]
Stichell, and such place nere about, but many snapparis thei gate. Some cornes
thei brunt, besydis that which the great host consumed, but small butting thei
caryed away. The King assembled his forse att Falow,[195] (for
hie was advertised that thei had promessed to come to FALA RAID.
Edinburght,) and tackin the mustaris all att ane howre, two
dayis befoir Alhallow evein,[196] thair war found with him auchttein thousand
able men. Upoun the bordouris, that awaited upoun the Engliss army, war ten
thousand men, with the Erle of Huntlie, Lordis Erskyn, Seytoun, and Home.
These ware judgeid men ynew to hasard battell, albeit the other war esteamed
fourtie thousand. Whill the King lyis at Fawla, abyding upoun the gunnes, and
upoun advertisment frome the armye, the Lordis begyne to remember how the
King had bene long abused by his flatteraris, and principallie by the pensionaris
of the preastis. It was anes concluded, that thei wald mack some new
remembrance of Lauder-brig[197] to see yf that wald, for a seassoun, somewhat
help the estait of thare cuntrie. But, becaus the Lordis could nott aggrie amonges
thame selfis, upoun the persones that deserved punishment, (for everie man
favored his friend,) the hole eschaiped; and the purpoise was opened unto the
King, and by him to the Curteouris, who after that, till that thei came to
Edinburgh, stood in no litill feare: But that was suddandly foryett, as we shall
after hear. Whill tyme is thus protracted, the Engliss army, for skarstye of
victualles, (as was bruted,) retearis thame owir Twead upoun the nycht, and so
begynnes to skaill. Whareof the King advertissed, desyris the Lordis and
barronis to assist him, to follow thame in England. Whose answer was, with one
consent, "That to defend his persone and realme, thei wold hasard lyef and
whatsoever thei had; butt to invaid England, nether had thei so just titill as thei
desyred; nether yit could thei be then able to do any thing to the hurte of
England, considering that thei had long befoir bene absent fra thair houssis, thare
provisioun was spent, thare horse wereyed, and that which was greatest of all,
the tyme of year did utterlie reclame." This thare answer seamed to satisfie the
King; for hie in woordis praised thare prudent foresight and wyse counsall. But
the mynt maid to his Curteouris, and that bald repulse of his desyres gevin to
him in his awin face, so wounded his proud harte, (for long had hie roung[198] as
him self list,) that he decreed a notable revenge, which, no doubt, he had not
failled to have executed, yf God by his awin hand had not cutted the coardis of
his impietie. He returnes to Edinburgh; the nobilitie, barones, gentilmen, and
commones to thair awin habitationis: And this was the secund and thrid dayis of
November.
Without longar delay, at the Palice of Halyrudhouse, was a new Counsall
convened, a Counsall, we meane, of his abusaris; wharein war accusationis laide
against the most parte of the nobilitie. Some war heretickis, some favoraris of
England, some freindis to the Dowglassis, and so could thare be none faythfull
to the King, in thaire opinioun. The Cardinall and the Preastis cast fagottis in the
fyre with all thare force; and fynding the King hollie addict to thare devotioun,
delivered unto him ane Scroll,[199] conteanyng the names of such as thei, in thare
inquisitioun, had convict for Heretickis. For this was the ordour of justice, which
these holy fatheris keapt in dampnying of innocent men. Whosoevir wald delaite
any of heresye, he was heard: no respect nor consideratioun had what mynd the
delatour bayre to the persone delated; whosoever war produced for witnesses
war admitted, how suspitious and infame that ever thei ware; yf two or thre had
provin any poynt, that by thare law was holden heresye, that was ane heretick:
rested no moir but a day to be affixed to his condempnatioun, and to the
executioun of thare corrupted sentence. What man could be innocent, whare
such judgeis was party, the world may this day considder. Trew it is, by fals
judgement and false witnesses, have innocentis bene oppressed from the
begynnyng. Butt this fredome to sched innocent blood gatt never the Devill but
in the kingdome of Antichrist, "that the innocent should dye, and neyther knaw
accusatour nor yitt the witnesses that testifeid against him." Butt how shall the
Antichrist be knowin, yf he shall not be contrarious to God the Father, and his
Sone Christ Jesus, in law, lief, and doctrin. Butt this we omitt.
The same Scroll had the Cardinall and Prelattis ones[200]
presented unto the King befoir, what tyme he returned frome A ANSURE
WORTHIE OF
the Navigatioun about the Ylis.[201] Butt then it was refuissed ANE PRINCE.
by the prudent and stowt counsall of the Lard of Grange,[202] who opened clearly
to the King the practise of the Prelattis, and the danger that thairof mycht ensew.
Which considered by the King, (for being out of his passioun, he was tractable,)
gave this answer, in the Palice of Halyrudhouse, to the Cardinall and Prelattis,
after that thei had uttered thair malice, and schew what profit[203] mycht arise to
the Croune, yf hie wold follow thair counsall. "Pack you, Jefwellis:[204] gett yow
to your chargeis, and reforme your awin lyves, and be nott instrumentis of
discord betuix my nobilitie and me; or ellis, I avow to God, I shall reforme yow,
not as the King of Denmark by impreasonment does, neythor yitt as the King of
England does, by hanging and heading; but I shall reforme yow by scharpe
whingaris,[205] yf ever I heir such motioun of yow againe." The Prelattis dascht
and astonyed with this ansure, ceassed for a seassoun to tempt any farther, by
rigour against the nobilitie. But now, being informed of all proceadingis by
thaire pensionaris, Oliver Synclar, Ross lard of Cragye,[206] and utheris, who war
to thame faythfull in all thingis, thei conclude to hasarde ones[207] agane thare
formar suyt; which was no sonar proponed but as sone it was accepted, with no
small regrate maid by the Kingis awin mouth, that he had so long dyspised thare
counsall; "For, (said hie,) now I plainlie see your woordis to be trew. The
nobilitie neyther desyres my honour nor continuance; for thei wold nott rydd a
myle for my pleasur to follow my ennemyes. Will ye tharefor
fynd me the meanes, how that I may have a Raid maid in SOLAN MOSS,
HOW IT
England, without thare knawledge and consent, that may be BEGAN.
knawin to be my awin Raide? and I shall bynd me to your
counsall for ever." Thare concurred togitther Achab and his false prophettis;
thare war gratulationis and clappin of handis; thare war promisses of diligence,
closenes, and felicitie. Finally, conclusioun was tackin, that the West bordour of
England, which was moist empty of men and garresonis, should be invaided; the
Kingis awin banner should be thare; Oliver,[208] the great moynzeoun,[209]
should be generall levetenant; but no man should be pryvey, (except the Counsall
that was thare then present,) of the interprise, till the verray day and executioun
thaireof. The Bischoppes glaidly took the charge of that Raid. Letteris war sent
to such as thei wold charge to meat the King, day and place appointed. The
Cardinall, with the Earle of Errane, war directed to go to Haddingtoun, to mack a
shaw against the East bordour, when the utheris ware in readdynes to invaid the
Weast. And thus neather lacked counsall, practise, closenes, nor diligence, to sett
fordwarte that interprise: And so, amanges these consultaris, thare was no doubt
of ane good successe; and so was the Scroll thankfullie receaved by the King
him self, and putt into his awin pocket, whare it remaned to the day of his death,
and then was found. In it war conteaned mo then ane hundreth landed men,
besydis otheris of meaner degree, amonges whome was the Lord Hammyltoun
him self,[210] then secound persone of the realme, delaited.

It was bruted, that this Read was devised by the Lord Maxwell;[211] butt the
certaintie thairof we have not. The nyght befoir the day appointed to the
interprise, the King was found at Lowmabane.[212] To him cumis cumpanyes
frome all quarteris, as thei war appointed, no man knowing of ane uther, (for no
generall proclamatioun past, but prevey letteris,) nether yitt did the multitude
know any thing of the purpose till after mydnycht, when that the trompet blew,
and commanded all man to march fordwart, and to follow the King, (who was
constantlye supposed to have bene in the host.) Guydes war appointed to
conduct thame towardis England, as boith faythfullye and closlye thei did. Upon
the point of day, thei approched to the ennemys ground; and so passes the wattir
without any great resistance maid unto thame. The forrow[213] goes furth, fyre
ryses, herschip mycht have bein sein on everie syd. The unprovedeid people war
all together amased; for brycht day appearing, thei saw ane army of ten
thowsand men; thare cornes and howssis[214] upoun every syd send flambes of
fyre unto the heavin. To thame it was more then a wonder, that such a multitud
could have bene assembled and convoyed, no knowledge thairof cuming to any
of thare Wardanes. For supporte thei looked nott; and so at the first thei ware
utterlie dispared. And yitt begane thei to assemble togitther, ten in one company,
twenty in ane uther; and so, as the fray proceaded, thare troopes encreassed, but
to no number; (for Carleyle, fearing to have bein assaulted, suffered no man to
ishe out of thare yettis;) and so the greatast nomber, that ever appeared or
approched befoir the discomfitour, past nott thre or foure hundreth men; and yitt
thei maid hott skarmisching, as in thair awin ground, in such fates,[215] thei ar
most experte. About ten houris, when fyris war kendilled and almost slokned[216]
on every syd, thought Olyver tyme to schaw his glorie; and so incontinent was
displayed the Kingis baner; Oliver upoun spearis lyft up upoun menis
schoulderis, and thair with sound of trompett was he proclamed generall
lievtenneant, and all man commanded to obey him, as the Kingis awin persone
under all hieast panes. Thare was present the Lord Maxwaill, Wardane, to
whome the regiment,[217] in absence of the King, propirlie apperteaned: he heard
and saw all, butt thought more then he spak. Thare war also present the Erles
Glencarne and Cassiles, with the Lord Flemyng, and many uther Lordis,
Baronis, and gentilmen of Lotheane, Fyf, Anguss, and Mearnes. In this mean
tyme did the skirmishing grow hottar[218] then it was befoir: schouttis war heard
on everie syd. Some Scottismen war stryckin doune; some not knowing the
ground lared, and lost thair horse.[219] Some Engliss horse of purpose war lett
lowse, to provok gready and imprudent men to preak[220] at thame; as many did,
but fand no advantage. Whill such disordour ryses more and more in the army,
men cryed in everie care, "My Lord Lievetennant, what will ye do." Charge was
gevin, that all man should lyght and go to array; for thei wald fight it. Otheris
cryed, "Against whome will ye feght? Yone men will feght non utherwyise then
ye see thame do, yf ye will stand hear whill the morne." New purpose was
tackin, that the foott men, (thei had with thame certane bandis of soldeouris,[221])
should softlye retear towardis Scotland, and the horsemen should tack thare
horse agane, and so follow in ordour. Great was the noyse and confusioun that
was heard, whill that everie man calles his awin sloghorne.[222] The day was
neyre spent, and that was the cause of the greatast fear. The Lord Maxwell
perceiving what wold be the end of such begynnynges, stood upoun his foote
with his freandis, who being admonissed to tack his horse, and provide for him
self; ansured, "Nay, I will rather abyd hear the chance that it shall please God to
send me, then to go home and thare be hanged." And so hie remaned upoun his
foote, and was tackin, whill the multitud fledd, and took the greattar schame.
The ennemeis perceaving the disordour, increassed in courage. Befoir thei
shouted; but then thei strok. Thei schote spearis and dagged arrowis, whare the
cumpanyes war thikest. Some reacuntaris war maid, but nothing availled. The
soldeouris caist from thame thaire pickis, culveringis, and utheris weaponis
fensable; the horsmen left thair spearis; and so, without judgement, all man fled.
The sea was filling, and so the watter maid great stope; but the fear was such as
happy was hie that mycht gett a tackar. Such as passed the watter and eschaped
that danger, nott weill acquented with the ground, fell into the Sollen Moss.[223]
The entrie thairof was pleasing yneuch, but as thei proceaded, all that took that
way, eyther lost thare horse, or ellis thame selfis and horse boith. To be schort, a
greattar feir and disconfiture, without cause, hes seldome bein sein. For it is said,
That whare the men war nott sufficient to tack the handis of presonaris, some
rane to houssis, and randred thame selfis to wemen. Stout Oliver[224] was
without strack tackin, fleing full manfully; and so was his glorie (stincking and
foolishe proudnes we should call it,) suddandly turned to confusioun and
schame. In that disconfiture war tackin the two Erles foirsaid, the Lordis
Flemyng, Somervaill, and many otheris baronis and gentilmen, besydis the great
multitud of servandis. Worldly men may think, that all this came but by
mysordour and fortoun, (as thei terme it;) but whosoever has the least sponk of
the knowledge of God, may as evidentlie see the werk of his hand in this
disconfiture, as ever was sein in any of the battelles left to us in registre by the
Holy Ghost. For what more evident declaratioun have we, that
God faught against Benhadab, King of Aram, when he was 1. REG. 20.
disconfited at Samaria, then that we have that God faught with
his awin arme against Scotland? In this formare disconfiture, thare did two
hundreth and thretty personis in the skyrmyshe, with sevin thousand following
them in the great battell, putt to flyght the said Benhadad with thretty Kingis in
his cumpany. But hear thare is, in this schamefull disconfiture of Scotland,
verray few mo then three hundreth men, without knowledge of any back or
battell to follow, putt to flight ten thowsand men without resistance maide. Thare
did everie man reaconter his marrow, till that the 230 slew such as matched
thame. But heir without slawchter the multitud fled. Thare had those of Samaria
the prophete of God to conforte, to instruct, and to promesse victorie unto thame.
But England, in that persute, had nothing, but as God secreatlie wrought by his
providence in these men that knew nothing of his wirking, nether yitt of the
causes thareof, more then the wall that fell upoun the rest of Benhadadis army
knew what it did. And tharefor, yit agane we say, that such as in that suddane
dejectioun beholdis not the hand of God, feghting against pride for fredome of
his awin litill flock, injustly persecutted, dois willingly and malitiouslie obscure
the glorie of God. But the end thairof is yitt more notable.
The certane knowledge of the disconfiture cuming to the Kingis earis, (who
wated upoun newes at Lowmaban,[225]) hie was stryckin with ane suddane feare
and astonisment, so that skarslye could hie speak, or had[226] purpoise with any
man. The nycht constrayned him to remane whare he was, and so yead[227] to
bed; but raise without rest or qwyet sleape. His continuall complaint was, "Oh,
fled Oliver! Is Oliver tane? Oh, fled Oliver!" And these woordis in his
melancholie, and as it war caryed away in ane transe, repeated hie from tyme to
tyme, to the verray hour of his death. Upone the morne, which was Sanct
Katherins day,[228] returned he to Edinburgh, and so did the Cardinall from
Hadingtoun. But the one being eschamed of the other, the brute of thare
communicatioun came nott to publict audience. The King maid inventorie of his
poise, of all his juwellis and other substance;[229] and tharefter, as eschamed to
look any man in the face, secreatlie departed to Fyfe, and cuming to the Hall-
yardis,[230] was humanlie receaved of the Ladye[231] Grange, ane ancient and
godly matron, (the Lard at his cuming was absent.) In his cumpany war only
with him Williame Kirkaldy, now Lard of Grange, and some otheris that wated
upoun his chalmer. The Lady at suppar, persaving him pensive, begane to
conforte him, and willed him to tack the werk of God in good parte. "My
portioun, (said he,) of this world is schorte, for I will nott be with you fyvetene
dayis." His servandis reparing unto him, asked, Whare hie wold have provisioun
maid for his Yule?[232] quhilk then approched. He ansuered, with a disdanefull
smyrk, "I can nott tell: chuse ye the place. Butt this I cane tell you, or Yule day,
[233] ye wilbe maisterless, and the realme without ane King." Becaus of his
displeasur, no man durst mack contradictioun unto him. So after that hie had
visited the Castell of Carny,[234] perteanyng to the Erle of Crawfurd, whare the
said Erles dowghter, ane of his hoores,[235] was, hie returned to Falkland and
took bedd. And albeit thare appeared unto him no signes of death, yet hie
constantly affirmed, befoir such ane day, "I shalbe dead."
In this meantyme, was the Quene upoun the point of hir
delivery in Linlithqw, who was delivered the awcht day of REGINÆ
NATIVITAS
December,[236] in the yeare of God Jm. Vc. fourty twa yearis, of
MARIE, that then was borne, and now dois ring for a plague to this realme, as the
progress of hir hole lief hath to this day declaired. The certantie that a dowghter
was borne unto him cuming to his earis, he turned from such as spak with him,
and said, "The devill go with it! It will end as it begane: it came from a woman;
and it will end in a woman." After that, hie spak nott many woordis that war
sensible. But ever hie harped upoun his old song, "Fy, fled Oliver! Is Oliver
tane? All is loist." In this meantyme, in his great extremitie,
cumes the Cardinall, (ane apt confortare for a desperat man.) REGIS EXITUS
He cryes in his ear, "Tak ordour, Schir, with your realme: who
shall rewill during the minoritie of your Dowghter? Ye have knawin my service:
what will ye have done? Shall thare nott be four Regentes chosyn? and shall nott
I be principall of thame?" Whatsoever the King answered, documentis war
tackin that so should be, as my Lord Cardinall thought expedient.[237] As many
affirme, a dead manes hand was maid to subscrive ane blank, that thei mycht
wryte above it what pleased thame best. This finissed, the Cardinall posted to the
Quene, laitly befoir delivered, as said is. At the first sight of the Cardinall, sche
said, "Welcome, my Lord: Is nott the King dead?" What moved hir so to
conjecture, diverse men ar of diverse judgementis. Many whisper, that of old his
parte was in the pott, and that the suspition thairof caused him to be inhibite the
Quenis cumpany. Howsoever it was befoir, it is plane that after the Kingis death,
and during the Cardinallis lyif, whosoever guyded the Court, he gat his secreat
besynes sped of that gratiouse Lady, eyther by day or by nycht. Howsoever the
tydingis lyked hir, she mended with als great expeditioun of that dowghter as
ever she did befoir of any sone she bayre. The tyme of hir purificatioun was
sonar then the Leviticall law appointes. But she was no Jewess, and thairefore in
that she offended nott.[238]
The noyse of the death of King James divulgat, who departed this lyef, the
threttene day of December, the year of God 1542 foirsaid,[239] the hartes of men
begane to be disclossed. All man lamented that the realme was left without a
male to succeid; yit some rejosed that such ane ennemy to Goddis treuth was
tackin away. Hie was called of some, a good poore manis King: of otheris hie
was termed a murtherare of the nobilitie, and one that had decreed thair hole
destructioun. Some prased him for the repressing of thyft and oppressioun;
otheris disprased him for the defoulling of menis wyffis and virgines. And thus
men spak evin as affectionis led thame. And yitt none spack all together besydis
the treuth; for a parte of all these foresaidis war so manifest, that as the verteuis
could nott be denyed, so could nott the vices by any craft be clocked. The
questioun of governement was throught this realme universallie moved. The
Cardinall proclamed the Kingis Last Will,[240] and thairin war expressed foure
Protectouris, or Regentis, of whome him self was the first and principall, and
with him war joyned the Erles Huntley, Ergyle, and Murray.[241] This was done
the Mononday at the Mercat Croce of Edinburgh. But the Mononday following,
took the hole Regentis remissioun for there usurpatioun; for by the stout and
wyese counsall of the Larde of Grange, did the Erle of Errane, then secound
persone to the Croune,[242] causse assemble the nobilitie of the realme, and
required the equitie of thare judgementis in that his just suyt to the governement
of this realm, during the minoritie of hir to whome hie was to succeid, failling of
hir and of hir lauchfull successioun.[243] His freindis convened, the nobilitie
assembled, the day of decisioun is appointed. The Cardinall
and his factioun oppones[244] thame to the governement of one THE
CARDINALIS
man, and especiallie to the regiment of any called REASSONIS
Hammyltoun: "For who knowis nott, (say the Cardinall,) that AGAINST THE
the Hammyltonis ar cruell murtheraris, oppressouris of GOVERNEMENT
OF
innocentis, proud, avaritiouse, duble, and false; and finallie, HAMMYLTONIS
the pestilence in this commoun wealth." Whairto the said Erle
ansured, "Defraude me not of my right, and call me what ye please. Whatsoever
my freindis have bene, yitt, unto this day, hes no man caus to complaine upoun
me, nether yitt am I mynded to flatter any of my freindis in thare evill doing; but
by Goddis grace shalbe as fordwarte to correct thare enormities, as any within
the realme cane reassonablie requyre of me. And tharefor, yit agane, my Lordis,
in Goddis name I crave that ye do me no wrong, nor defraud me not of my just
titill befoir that ye have experience of my governement." At these woordis, war
all that feared God or loved honestie so moved, that with one voce thei cryed,
"That petitioun is most just, and onless we will do against God, justice, and
equitie, it can nott be denyed." And, in dispyte of the Cardinall and his suborned
factioun, was he declaired Governour, and with publict proclamatioun so
denunceid to the people. The Kingis Palace, treasure, jewellis, garmentis, horse,
and plate,[245] war delivered unto him by the officiaris that had the formar
charge; and he honored, feared, and obeyed more hartlie, then ever any King was
befoir, so long as his abood at God. The caus of the great favor that was borne
unto him was, that it was bruted that hie favored Goddis woord; and becaus it
was weall knowin, that hie was one appointed to have bene persecuted, as the
Scroll found in the Kingis pockat, after his death, did witnesse. These two
thingis to gitther, with ane opinioun that men had of his simplicitie, bowed the
hartes of many unto him in the begynnyng, who after, with dolour of hartes, war
compelled to change thare opinionis: But heirof will after be spoken. The
varietie of materis that occurred we omitt, such as the ordour tackin for keaping
of the young Quene;[246] of the provisioun for the Mother; the home calling of
the Dowglassis; and other such, as apperteane to ane universall Historye of the
tyme: For, as befoir we have said, we mynd only to follow the progresse of the
Religioun, and of the matteris that cane not be dissevered from the same.

The Governour[247] establissed in governement, godly men repaired unto him,

exhorted him to call to mynd for what end God had exalted him; out of what
danger he had delivered him; and what expectatioun all men of honestie had of
him. At thare instant suyting, more then of his awin motioun, was Thomas
Guylliame,[248] a Blak Freare, called to be precher. The man was of solid
judgement, reassonable letteris, (as for that age,) and of a prompt and good
utterance: his doctrine was holsome, without great vehemency against
superstitioun. Preached also sometymes Johnne Rowght, (who after, for the
veritie of Christ Jesus, sufferred in England, in the dayis of Marie of curssed
memorie,[249]) albeit not so learned, yett more sempill, and more vehement
against all impietie. The doctrine of these two provoked against thame, and
against the Governour also, the hatterent of all such as more favored darknes
then light, and thare awin bellyes more then God. The Gray Frearis, (and
amonges the rest Frear Scott,[250] who befoir had geavin him self furth for the
greatest professour of Christ Jesus within Scotland, and under that cullour had
disclosed, and so endangered many,) these slaves of Sathan, we say, rowped as
thei had bein ravinis, yea, rather thei yelled and rored as devillis in hell, "Heresy!
heresy! Guylliame and Rought will cary the Govornour to the Dewill." The
Toune of Edinburgh, for the most parte, was drouned in superstitioun: Edwarte
Hope,[251] young Williame Adamsone, Sibilla Lyndesay, Patrik Lyndesay,[252]
Francess Aikman; and in the Cannogait, Johnne Mackaw, and Ryngzeane
Broune, with few otheris, had the bruyte of knowledge in those dayis. Ane
Wilsone, servand to the Bisehope of Dunkell, who nether knew the New
Testament nor the Old, made a dispytfull rayling ballat against the Preachcouris,
and against the Govenour, for the which he narrowly eschaped hanging. The
Cardinall moved boith heavin and hell to trouble the Governour, and to stay the
preaching; but yitt was the battell stowtlye foughtin for a seassone; for he was
tackin, and was put first in Dalkeith, after in Seatoun. But at lenth by buddis
gevin[253] to the said Lord Seatoun, and to the old Larde of Lethingtoun,[254] he
was restored to Sanctandross,[255] frome whense he wrought all myscheif, as we
shall after heare.
The Parliament approched, which was befoir the Pashe;[256] thare begane
questioun of the abolishing of certane tyrannicall Actes, made befoir,[257] at
devotioun of the Prelattis, for manteanyng of thair kingdom of darkness, to witt,
"That under pane of heresye, no man should reade any parte of the Scriptures in
the Engliss toung, nether yitt any tractat or expositioun of any place of
Scripture." Such articles begane to come in questioun we say, and men begane to
inquyre, yf it was nott als lauchfull to men that understoode no Latyne, to use the
woorde of thare salvatioun in the toung thei understood, as it was for Latine men
to have it in Latyne, Græcianes or Hebrewis to have it in thare tounges. It was
ansured, That the Kirk first had forbiddin all tounges but thei three. But men
demanded, when that inhibitioun was gevin; and what counsall had ordeaned
that, considering, that in the dayis of Chrisostome he compleanes, that the people
used not the Psalmes, and other holy bookis, in thare awin toungis? And yf ye
will say thei war Greakis, and understoode the Greak toung; we ansure, that
Christ Jesus commanded his woorde to be preached to all nationis. Now, yf it
aught to be preached to all nationis,[258] it must be preached in the tung thei
understand: Now, yf it be lauchfull to preach it, and to hear it preached[259] in all
tounges, why shall it not be lauchfull to read it, and to hear it red in all tounges?
to the end that the people may trye the spreittis, according to the commandiment
of the Apostill. Beaten with these and other reassonis, thei denyed not but it may
be red in the Vulgar toung, providit that the translatioun war trew. It was
demanded, what could be reprehended in it? And when much searching was
maid, nothing could be found, but that Luif, say thei, was putt in the place of
Cheritie. When the questioun was asked, What difference was betuix the one and
the other, and yf thei understud the nature of the Greak terme Αγαπε?[260] thei
war dume. Ressoned for the party of the Secularis, the Lord Ruthven, (father to
him that prudentlie gave counsall to tack just punishment upoun that knaif
Dawie,[261] for that he abused the unhappy King Hary[262] in mo cases then one,)
a stout and discreat man in the cause of God, and Maister Henrie Balnevis, ane
old professour: For the parte of the Clargie, Hay, Dene of Restalrige,[263] and
certane old Boses with him.
The conclusioun was, the Commissionaris of browghtis, and a
parte of the Nobilitie requyred of the Parliament, that it mycht [G]ET THE
NAME.
be ennacted, "That it should be lauchfull[264] to everie man to
use the benefite of the translatioun which then thei had of the Bibill and New
Testament, togitther with the benefite of other tractises conteanyng holsome
doctrine, unto such tyme as the Prelattis and Kirk men should geve and sett furth
unto thame ane translatioun more correct." The Clargy hearto long repugned;
butt in the end, convicted by reassonis and by multitud of votes in thare contrare,
thei also condiscended; and so by Act of Parliament, it was maid free to all man
and woman to reid the Scriptures in thair awin toung, or in the Engliss toung:
[265] and so war all Actes maid in the contrair abolished.

This was no small victorie of Christ Jesus, feghting against the conjured
ennemyes of his veritie; not small conforte to such as befoir war holdin in such
bondage, that thei durst not have red the Lordis Prayer, the Ten
Commandimentis, nor Articules of thare fayth, in the Engliss toung, but thei
should have bene accused of heresye. Then mycht have bene sein the Byble
lying almaist upoun everie gentilmanis table. The New Testament was borne
about in many manis handes. We grant, that some (alace!) prophaned that
blessed wourd; for some that, perchance, had never red ten sentenses in it, had it
maist common in thare hand; thei wold chope thare familiares on the cheak with
it, and say, "This hes lyne hyd under my bed-feitt these ten yearis." Otheris wold
glorie, "O! how oft have I bein in danger for this booke: How secreatlie have I
stollen fra my wyff at mydnyeht to reid upoun it." And this was done of many to
maik courte thairby; for all man esteamed the Governour to have bein the most
fervent Protestand that was in Europa. Albeit we say that many abused that
libertie granted of God miraculouslye, yitt thairby did the knowledge of God
wonderouslie increase, and God geve his Holy Spreit to sempill men in great
aboundance. Then ware sett furth werkis in our awin toung, besydis those that
came from England, that did disclose the pryde, the craft, the tyranny, and abuses
of that Romane Antichrist.
The fame of our Governour was spred in diverse cuntreis, and many praised God
for him. King Hary send unto him his Ambassadour, Mr. Saidlar,[266] who lay in
Edinburgh a great parte of the sommer. His commissioun and negotiatioun was,
to contract a perpetuall amitie betuix England and Scotland: the occasion wharof
God had so offerred, that to many men it appeared that from heavin He had
declared his good pleasur in that behalf. For to King Hary, of Jane Somer,[267]
(after the death of Quene Katherin, and of all utheris that mycht haif maid his
mariage suspect,) was gevin a sone, Edwarte the Saxt of blessed memory, eldar
some yearis then our Maistress, and unto us was left a Quene, as befoir we have
heard. This wonderfull providence of God caused men of greatast judgement to
enter in disputatioun with thame self, whither that, with good conscience, any
man mycht repugne to the desyres of the King of England, considdering that
thairby all occasioun of warr mycht be cutt of, and great commoditie mycht
ensew to his realme. The offerris of King Hary war so large, and his demandis so
reassonable, that all that lovith quyetness war content tharewith. Thare war sent
from the Parliament to King Hary, in commissioun, Schir Williame
Hammyltoun,[268] Schir James Lermont, and Maister Henry Balnevis;[269] who
long remaynyng in England, so travailled that all thingis concernyng the mariage
betuix Edwart the Saxt and Marie Quene of Scottis was aggreed upoun, except
the tyme of hyr deliverance to the custody of Englismen. Upoun the finall
conclusioun of the which head, war added to the formare Commissionaris
Williame Erle of Glencarne and Schir George Dowglasse, to whome was gevin
ample commissioun and good instructionis. In Scotland remaned Maister
Saidlare. Advertismentis past so frequentlie betuix, yea, the
handis of our Lordis so liberallie war anoynted,[270] besydis NOTE WEALL
other commodities promissed, and of some receaved; for
diverse presonaris tackin at Solane Mosse[271] war send home ransome free,
upoun promesse of thair fidelitie, which, as it was keapt, the ishew will witnesse.
Butt in the end, so weall war all ones content, (the Cardinall, the Quene, and the
factioun of France, ever excepted,) that solempnedlye, in the Abbay of
Halyrudhouse, was the contract of mariage betuix the personis foirsaid, togetther
with all the clausis and conditionis requisite, for the faythfull observatioun
tharof, red in publict audience, subscryved, sealled, approved and allowed of the
Governour for his parte, Nobilitie and Lordis for thare partes; and that nothing
should lack that mycht fortifie the mater, was Christis body sacrat, (as Papistes
terme it,) brokin betuix the said Governour and Maister Saydlar, Ambassadour,
and receaved of thame boyth as a signe and tockin of the unitie of thare myndis,
inviolablye[272] to keap that contract,[273] in all poyntis, as thei looked of Christ
Jesus to be saved, and after to be reputed men wourthy of credite befoir the
world.
The Papistes raged against the Governour, and against the
Lordis that consented, and abaide suyre at the contract THE QUENIS
MARIAGE THE
foirsaide; and they made a brag to depose the Governour,[274] SECOUND TYM
and to confund all: And without delay rased their forces, and RATIFIED.
came to Linlitliqw, where the yong Quene was kept.[275] But,
upoun the returneyng of the saidis Ambassadouris from England, pacyficatioun
was maid for that tyme; for, by the judgements of eyght personis for ather party,
chosyn to judge, Whitther that any thing was done by the said Ambassadouris, in
the contracting of that mariage, which to do thei had not sufficient power fra the
Counsall and Parliament, it was found, That all thingis war done according to
thare commissioun, and that so thei should stand: and so war the Seallis of
England and Scotland interchanged. Maister James Fowles,[276] then Clerk of
Registre, receaved the Great Seall of England; and Maister Sadlare receaved the
Great Seall of Scotland. The headis of the contract we pass by. Those thingis
newly ratifeid, the merchantis maid frack[277] to saill, and to thare trafique,
which, by the truble of warris, had some yearis bein hindered. Frome Edinburgh
war frauchted xii schippis richlie ladin, according to the wares of Scotland. From
other tounes and portes departed other, who all arryved upoun the coast of
England, towardis the south, to witt, in Yarmouht; and without any great
necessitie, entered not only within readis, bot also within portes and places of
commandiment, and whare that schippis mycht be arreisted. And becaus of the
lait contracted amitie, and gentill intertenement that thei found at the first, thei
maid no great expeditioun. Bot being, as thei supposed, in securitie, in merynes
thei spend the tyme, abyding upoun the wynd.
In this meantyme, arryves from France to Scotland the Abbot of Paislay,[278]
called bastard brother to the Governour, (whome yitt many esteamed sone to the
old Bischope of Dunkelden, called Crychtoun,[279]) and with him Maister David
Panteyr, (who after was maid Bischope of Ross.) The brut of the learnyng of
these two, and thare honest lyiff, and of thare fervencye and uprychtnes in
religioun, was such, that great esperance thare was, that thare presence should
haif bene confortable to the Kirk of God. For it was constandlye affirmed of
some, that without delay, the one and the other wald occupy the pulpete, and
trewly preach Jesus Christ. But few dayis disclosed thair hypochrisye; for what
terrouris, what promisses, or what enchanting boxis thei brought fra France, the
commoun people knew not. But schort after, it was sein, that Frear Guylliame
was inhibite to preach, and so departed to England; Johnne Rowght to Kyle,[280]
(a receptakle of Goddis servandis of old.) The men of counsall, judgement, and
godlynes, that had travailled to promote the Governour, and that gave him
faythfull counsall in all dowtfull materis, war eyther craftely conveyed from
him, or ellis, by threatnyng to be hanged, war compelled to leave him. Of the
one nomber, war the Lard of Grange foirsaid, Maister Henry Balnavis, Maister
Thomas Ballentyne,[281] and Schir David Lyndesay of the Mont;[282] men by
whose laubouris he was promoted to honour, and by whose counsall he so used
him self at the begynnyng, that the obedience gevin to him was nothing inferiour
to that obedience that any King of Scotland of many yearis had befoir him. Yea,
in this it did surmont the commoun obedience, that it proceaded from luif of
those vertewis that was supposed to have bene in him. Off the number of those
that war threatned, war Maister Michaell Durham,[283] Maister David Borthwik,
[284] David Foresse, and David Bothwell; who counsalled him to have in his

cumpany men fearing God, and not to foster wicked men in thare iniquitie, albeit
thei war called his freindis, and war of his surname. This counsall understand by
the foirsaid Abbote, and by the Hammyltonis, (who then repaired to the Courte
as ravenes to the carioun,) in plane wourdis it was said, "My Lord Governour
nor his freandis will never be at qwyetness, till that a dosone of thire knaiffis that
abuse his Grace be hanged." These wourdis was spokin in his awin presence, and
in the presence of some of thame that had better deserved then so to have bene
entracted: the speakar was allowed for his bold and plane speakin. And so the
wicked counsall deprehended, honest and godly men left the Court and him in
the handis of such, as by thare wicked counsall led him so far from God, that he
falsefeid his promeise, dipt his handis in the bloode of the Sanctes of God, and
brought this commoun welth to the verray poynt of utter ruyne.[285] And these
war the first fructis of the Abbot of Paisley his godlynes and learnyng: butt
heirefter we will hear more.
All honest and godly men banished from the Courte, the Abbot
and his counsall begynnis to lay befoir the inconstant THE
GOVERNOUR
Governour, the dangeris that mycht ensew the alteratioun and VIOLATED HIS
change of religioun; the power of the King of France; the FAYTH,
commoditie that mycht come to him and his house, by REFUSED GOD,
reatenyng the ancient league with France; and the great danger AND TOOK
ABSOLUTIOUN
that he brought upoun him self, yf, in any joyt, he sufferred the OF THE
authoritie of the Pape to be violated or called in dowbt within DEWILL.
this realme: considering that thairupoun only stood the
securitie of his rycht to the successioun of the Croune of this realme; for by
Goddis word wold not the devorcement of his father frome Elizabeth Home, his
first wyf,[286] be found lauchfull, and so wald his secound mariage be judgeit
null, and he declaired bastard. Caiaphas spak profesy, and yitt wist not what he
spak; for, at that tyme, thare was no man that trewlie feared God, that mynded
any such thing, but with thare hole force wold have fortifeid the titill that God
had gevin unto him, and wold never have called in questioun thingis doun in
tyme of darknes. But this head we pas by till God declair his will thairintill. Ane
other practise was used; for the Cardinall being sett at libertie, (as befoir we have
heard,) ceassed not to trafique with such of the nobilitie as he mycht draw to his
factioun, or corrupt by any meanes, to raise a party against the said Governour,
and against such as stoode fast at the contract of mariage and peace with
England; and so assemblit at Linlythqw, the said Cardinall, the Earlis Ergyle,
Huntely, Bothwell, the Bischoppis and thare bandis; and thairefter thei passed to
Striveling, and tooke with thame bayth the Quenis, the Mother and the
Dowghter,[287] and threatned the depositioun of the said Governour, as
inobedient to thare Haly Mother the Kirk, (so terme thei that harlott of Babilon,
Rome.) The inconstant man, not throwghtlie grounded upoun God, left in his
awin default destitut of all good counsall, and having the wicked ever blawing in
his earis, "What will ye do! Ye will destroy your self and your house for ever:"—
The unhappy man, (we say,) beaten with these tentationis, randered him self to
the appetites of the wicked; for he qwyetlie stall away from the Lordis that war
wyth him in[288] the Palice of Halyrudhouse, past to Stirling, subjected him self
to the Cardinall and to his counsall, receaved absolutioun, renunced the
professioun of Christ Jesus his holy Evangell, and violated his oath that befoir he
had maid, for observatioun of the contract and league with England.[289]

At that tyme was our Quene crouned,[290] and new promess maid to France. The
certaintie heirof cuming to King Hary, our Schotish schippis war stayed, the
sayles tackin from thare rayes, and the merchantis and marynaris war
commanded to suyre custody. New commissioun was send to Maister Saidlar,
(who then still remaned in Scotland,[291]) to demand the caussis of that suddane
alteratioun, and to travaill by all meanes possible, that the Governour mycht be
called back to his formar godly purpoise, and that he wold not do so foolishlie
and inhonestlye, yea, so cruelly and unmercyfullie to the realme of Scotland; that
he wold not only lose the commodities offerred, and that war presentlie to be
receaved, but that also he wold expone it to the hasard of fyre and suord, and
other inconvenientis that mycht insew the warr that was to follow upoun the
violatioun of his fayth: but nothing could availl. The Devill keapt fast the grippe
that he gatt, yea, evin all the dayis of his governement. For the Cardinall gatt his
eldast sone in pledge, whom he keapt in the Castell of Sanctandross, whill the
day that Goddis hand punished his pryde.
King Hary perceaving that all hope of the Governouris reapentance was lost,
called back his Ambassadour, and that with fearfull threatnyngis, as Edinburgh
after felt; denunced warr, maid our schippis pryses, and merchantis and
marynaris lauchfull preasonaris, which, to the browghtis of Scotland, was no
small hearschipp. Butt thairat did the Cardinall and Preastis lawch, and
jestinglye he said, "When we shall conqueise England, the merchantis shalbe
recompenssed." The somar and the harvist pass ower without any notable thing;
for the Cardinall and Abbot of Paislie parted the pray amonges thame: the
abused Governour bayre the name only.

In the begynnyng of the wynter, came the Erle of Levenox to Scotland,[292] sent
fra France in haterent of the Governour, whome the King, (by the Cardinallis
advise,) promessed to pronunce bastard, and so to maik the said Erle Governour.
The Cardinall forther putt the said Erle in vane hoipe that the Quene Dowager
should marye him. He browght with him some money, and more he after
receaved fra the handis of La Broche. Butt at lenth, perceaving him self frustrate
of all expectatioun that he had, eyther by France, or yitt by the promeise of the
Cardinall, he concluded to leave France, and to seak the favouris of England, and
so begane to drawe a factioun aganis the Governour; and in haterent of the
otheris inconstancie, many favored him in the begynning; for thare assembled at
the Yule, in the toune of Ayre, the Erles of Anguss, Glencarne, Cassilles, the
Lordis Maxwaill, [and Somerville,][293] the Lard of Drumlangrig, the Schireff of
Ayre,[294] with all the force that thei, and the Lordis that remaned constant at the
opinioun of England, mycht mack; and after the Yule, thei came to Leyth. The
Governoure and Cardinall, with thare forces, keape Edinburgh, (for thei war
slaklie persewed.) Men excuse the Erle of Levenox in that behalf, and layd the
blame upoun some that had no will of Stewartis regiment. Howsoever it was,
such ane appointment was maid, that the said Erle of Levenox was disapoynted
of his purpose, and narrowly eschaiped; and first gat him to Glasgw, and after to
Dumbertane. Schir George Dowglass was delivered to be keapt as pledge. The
Erle his brother,[295] was, in the Lentrane after, tackin at the sege of Glasgw. It
was bruyted, that boyth the brethren, and otheris with thame, had lossed thare
headis, yf by the providence of God the Engliss army had nott arryved the
sonare.
After that the Cardinall had gottin the Governour hole addict to his devotioun,
and had obtened his intent above a parte of his ennemyes, he begane to practise,
how that such as he feared, and thairfoir deadly haited, should be sett by the
earis one against ane other, (for in that, thowght the carnall man, stood his
greatast securitie.) The Lord Ruthven he haited, be reassone of his knowledge of
Goddis woord: the Lord Gray he feared, becaus at that tyme he used the
cumpany of such as professed godliness, and bare small favour to the Cardinall.
Now, thus reassoned the worldly wise man, "Yf I can putt ennimitie betuix those
two, I shalbe rydd of a great nomber of unfreindis; for the most parte of the
cuntrey will either assist the one or the other; and so will thei be otherwise
occupied, then to watch for my displeasur." He fyndes the meanes, without longe
process; for he laubouris with Johnne Charterowse, (a man of stout corage and
many freindis,)[296] to accept the provostrie of Sanct Johnestoun, which he
purchasses to him by donatioun of the Governour, with a charge to the said
Toune to obey him as thare lauchfull Provest. Whareat, not only the said Lord
Ruthven, but also the toune, being offended, gave ane negative ansuer, alledging,
That such intrusioun of men in office was hurtfull to thare priviledge and
fredom; which granted unto thame free electioun of thare Provest from year to
year, at a certane tyme appointed, quhilk thei could not nor wold nott prevent.
Heirat the said Johnne offended said, "That he wold occupie that office by force,
yf thei wold not give it unto him of benevolence;" and so departed and
communicat the mater with the Lord Gray, with Normond Leslie, and with other
his freindis; whome he easily persuaded to assist him in that persuyt, becaus he
appeared to have the Governouris ryght, and had nott only a charge to the toune,
as said is, but also he purchassed letteris to beseige it, and to tack it by strong
hand, yf any resistance war maid unto him. Such letteris, we say, made many to
favour his actioun. The other maid for defence, and so tuk the Maister of
Ruthven (the Lord that after departed in England,)[297] the mantenance of the
toune, having in his cumpany the Lard of Moncreif,[298] and other freindis
adjacent. The said Johnne maid frack for the persuyt; and upoun the Magdelane
day,[299] in the mornyng, anno 1543, approched with his forses; the Lord Gray
tacking upoun him the principall charge. It was appointed, that Normond Leslye,
with his freandis, should have come by schip, with munitioun and ordnance, as
thei war in reddynes. But becaus the tyde served nott so soone as thei wold, the
other thinking him self of sufficient forse, for all that war in the toune, entered in
by the brig, whare thei fand no resistance, till that the formar parte was entered a
pretty space within the Fische Gate;[300] and then the said Maister of Ruthven,
with his cumpany, stowtlie recountred thame, and so rudlye repulsed the formest,
that such as war behynd gave back. The place of the retear was so straite, that
men that durst not feght, could not flye at thare pleasur, (for the moist part of the
Lord Gray his freindis war upoun the brig;) and so the slaughter was great; for
thare fell in the edge of the suord threescoir men. The Cardinall had rather that
the unhappe had fallen on the other parte; but howsoever it was, he thowght that
such truble was his conforte and advantage. The knowledge whareof came unto
the earis of the partie that had receaved the disconfiture, and was unto thame no
small greaff; for as many of thame entered in that actioun for his pleasour, so
thowght thei to have had his fortificatioun and assistance, whairof fynding thame
selfis frustrat, thei begane to looke more narrowly to thame selfis, and did not so
much attend upon the Cardinallis devotioun, as thei had wont to do befoir: and
so was a new jelosey engendered amanges thame; for whosoever wold nott play
to him the good vallett, was reputed amangis his ennemyes. The Cardinall drew
the Governour to Dundye;[301] for he understood that the Erle of Rothess and
Maister Henrie Balnaves war with the Lord Gray in the Castell of Huntlie.[302]
The Governour send and commanded the saidis Erle and Lord, with the foirsaid
Maister Henrie, to come unto him to Dundy, and appointeid the nixt day, at ten
houris befoir none; which hour thei decreid to keap; and for that purpose
assemblet thare folkis at Bawgawy,[303] or thareby. The Cardinall advertissed of
thare nomber, (thei war mo then thre hundreth men,) thowght it nott good that
thei should joyn with the toune, for he feared his awin estaite; and so he
persuaded the Governour to pas furth of Dundy befoir nyne houris, and to tak the
strayth way to Sanct Johnnestoun.[304] Which perceaved by the foirsaid Lordis,
thei begane to feare that thei war come to persew thame, and so putt thame
selves in ordour and array, and merched fordward of purpose to have biddin the
uttermost. But the craftie fox foirseing, that in feghtting stood nott his securitie,
rane to his last refuge, that is, to manifest treasone; and so consultatioun was
tackin how that the force of the otheris mycht be brokin. And at the first, war
send the Lard of Grange and the Provest of Sanctandross,[305] (knowing nothing
of treason,) to ask "Why thei molested my Lord Governour in his jorney?"
Whairto thei ansuered, "That thei ment nothing less; for thei came at his Grace's
commandiment, to have keap the hour in Dundy appointed by him, which becaus
thei saw prevented, and knawing the Cardinall to be thare unfreand,[306] thei
could nott butt suspect thare unprovided cuming furth of the toune; and thairfoir,
thei putt thame selfis in ordour not to invaid, but to defend in caise thei war
invaded." This ansure reported, was send to thame the Bischope of
Sanctandross,* Maister David Panter, the Lardis of Balclewhe
and Coldinknowis, to desyre certane of the other cumpany to THE ABBOT OF
[307]
talk with thame; which thei easelie obteined, (for thei PASLEY *
suspected no treasone.) After long communicatioun, it was
demanded, Yf that the Erle and Lord and Maister Henrie foirsaid, wold nott be
content to talk with the Governour, providit that the Cardinall and his cumpany
war of the ground? Thei ansuerit, "That the Governour mycht command thame
in all thinges lauchfull, but thei had no will to be in the Cardinalles mercye."
Fayre promisses ynew war maid for thare securitie. Than was the Cardinall and
his band commanded to depart; as that he did according to the purpoise tackin.
The Governour remaned and ane certane with him; to whom came without
cumpany the saidis Erle, Lord, and Maister Henrye. After many fair woordis
gevin unto thame all, to witt, "That he wold have thame aggreed with the
Cardinall; and that he wold have Maister Henrye Balnaves the wyrkar and
instrument thairof," he drew thame fordwartes with him towardis Sanet
Johnnestoun, whether to the Cardinall was ridden. Thei begane to suspect, (albeit
it was to lett,) and tharefor thei desyred to have returned to thare folkis, for
putting ordour unto thame. But it was ansuerid, "Thei should send back fra the
toune, but thei most neidis go fordwart with my Lord Governour." And so,
partlye by flatterye and partlye by force, thei war compelled to obey. And how
sone that ever thei war within the toune, thei war apprehended, and upoun the
morne send all three to the Black Nesse, whare thei remaned so long as that it
pleased the Cardinallis graceless Grace, and that was till that the band of
manrent and of service, sett some of thame at libertie. And thus the Cardinall
with his craft prevalled on everie syd; so that the Scotesh proverbe was trew in
him, "So long rynnis the fox, as he fute hes."[308]
Whether it was at this his jorney, or at ane other, that that bloody bowchar
executed his crueltye upoun the innocent personis in Sanct Johnestoun, we can
not affirme; neyther yett thairin study we to be curious; but rather we travall to
expresse the veritie, whersoever it was done, then scrupluslye and exactly to
appoint the tymes,[309] which yitt we omitt nott when the certaintye occurres.
The veritie of that cruell fact is this. At Sanct Paules day,[310] befoir the first
burnyng of Edinburgh, came to Sanct Johnestoun the Governour and Cardinall,
and there, upoun invyous delatioun, war a great nomber of honest men and
wemen called befoir the Cardinall, accused of heresye; and albeit that thei could
be convict of nothing but only of suspitioun that thei had eittin a guse upoun
Fryday, four men war adjudged to be hanged, and a woman to be drouned; which
cruell and most injust sentence was without mercy putt in executioun. The
husband was hanged, and the wyfe, having ane suckin babe upoun hir breast,
was drowned.—"O Lorde, the land is nott yitt purged from such beastlye
crueltye; neyther has thy just vengence yitt strickin all that war criminall of thare
blood: But the day approchcs when that the punishment of that cruelty and of
otheris will evidentlye appear." The names of the men that war hanged, war
James Huntar, Williame Lambe,[311] Williame Andersoun, James Rannelt,
burgesses of Sanct Johnestoun. At that same tyme war banissed Schir Henrie
Eldar,[312] Johnne Eldar, Walter Pyper, Laurence Pullare, with diverse utheris,
whose names came nott to our knowledge. That sworne ennemye to Christ Jesus,
and unto all in whome any sponk of trew knowledge appeared, had about that
same tyme in preason diverse; amonges whome was Johne Roger, a Blak Freir,
godly, learned, and ane that had fruetfully preached Christ Jesus, to the conforte
of many in Anguss and Mearnes, whome that bloody man caused murther in the
ground of the Sea-toure of Sanctandross, and then caused to cast him ower the
craig, sparsing a false bruyt, "That the said Johnne, seaking to flie, had
broken[313] his awin craig."
Thus ceassed nott Sathan, by all meanes, to manteane his kingdome of darkness,
and to suppresse the light of Christis Evangell. But potent is he against whome
thei faught; for when thay wicked war in greatast securitie, then begane God to
schaw his anger. For the thride day of Maij, in the year of God Jm. Vc. xliiij
yearis, without knowledge of any man in Scotland, (we meane of such as should
haif had the care of the realme,) was seene a great navye of schippis arryving
towardis the Firth. The postis came to the Governour and Cardinall, (who boith
war in Edinburgh,) what multitud of schippis ware sene, and what course thei
took. This was upoun the Setterday befoir nune. Questioun was had, what should
thei meane? Borne said, It is no doubt but thei ar Englismen, and we fear that
thei shall land. The Cardinall scripped and said, "It is but the Island flote: thei ar
come to mak a schaw, and to putt us in feare. I shall lodge all the men-of-ware
into my cae,[314] that shall land in Scotland." Still sittis the Cardinall at his
dennare, eavin as that thare had bene no danger appearing. Men convenis to gase
upoun the schippis, some to the Castell Hill, some to the Craiggis, and other
places eminent. But thare was no questioun, "With what forces shall we resist, yf
we be invadit?" Sone after sax houris at nycht, war arryved and had casten anker
in the Read of Leyth, mo then two hundreth sailles. Schortlie thare after the
Admirall schot a flote boite, which, frome Grantoun craigis[315] till be east
Leyth, sounded the deipe, and so returned to hir schippe. Heirof war diverse
opinionis. Men of judgement foresaw what it ment. But no credite was geavin to
any that wold say, "Thei mynd to land." And so past all man to his rest, as yf thei
schippis had bene a gard for thare defence.
Upone the poynt of day, upon Sounday, the fourt of Maij, addressed thei for
landing, and ordered thei thare schippis so that a galay or two lade thare snowttis
to the craiggis.[316] The small schippis called pinaces, and light horsmen
approched als neir as thei could. The great schippis discharged thare souldiouris
in the smallare veschellis, and thei by bottis, sett upon dry land befoir ten houris
ten thousand men, as was judged, and mo. The Governour and Cardinall seing
then the thing that thei could nott, or att least thei wold nott beleve befoir, after
that thei had maid a brag to feght, fled as fast as horse wold cary them; so that
after, thei approched nott within twenty myllis of the danger. The Erle of
Anguss, and George[317] Dowglas war that nycht freed of ward, (thei war in
Blakness.)[318] The said Schir George in merynes said, "I thank King Hary and
my gentill Maisteris of England."

The Engliss army betuix twelf and one hour[319] entered in

Leyth, fand the tables covered, the dennaris prepared, such THE BIRNING
OF
aboundance of wyne and victuallis, besydis the other EDINBURGH.
substance, that the lyik riches within the lyik boundis was nott
to be found, neyther in Scotland nor England. Upone the Mononday the fyft of
Maij, came to thame from Berwik and the Bordour, two thowsand horsmen, who
being somewhat reposed, the army, upoun the Wedinsday marched towardis the
Toune of Edinburgh, spoyled and brynt the same, and so did thei the Palice of
Halyrudhouse.[320] The horsmen took the House of Cragmyllare, and gatt great
spoyle tharein; for it being judged[321] the strongast house near the Toune, other
then the Castell of Edinburgh, all man sowght to saif thare movables thairin. But
the stoutness of the Larde gave it over without schote of hack-que-boote, and for
his reward was caused to merch upoun his foote to Londoun. He is now Capitane
of Dumbar and Provest of Edinburgh.[322]
The Englismen seing no resistance, hurlled by force of men cannounes up the
calsay to the Butter-throne,[323] or above, and hasarded a schoote at the for-
entree of the Castell. Butt that was to thare awin paines; for thei lying without
trinche or gabioun, war exponed to the force of the hole ordinance of the said
Castell, which schote, and that nott all in vane; for the quheill and extrye of one
of the Engliss cannownes war brokin, and some of thare men slayne; and so thei
left with small honour that interprise, tackin rather of rashnes, then of any
advised counsall. When the most parte of the day thei had spoyled and brynt,
towardis the nyeht thei returned to Leyth, and upoun the morow returned to
Edinburgh, and executed the rest of Goddis judgementis for that tyme. And so
when thei had consumed boyth the Tounes, thai laded the schippis with spoyle
thareof,[324] and thei by land returned to Berwik, using the cuntry for the most
parte at thare awin pleasur.
This was a parte of the punishment, which God took upoun the realme for
infidelitie of the Governour, and for the violatioun of his solempned oath. Butt
this was nott the end; for the realme was devided in two factionis; the one
favored France; the other the league laitly contracted with England: The one did
in no thingis throwghlie credite the uther; so that the countrey was in extreame
calamitie; for to the Englismen war delivered diverse strenthis, such as
Carelaverok, Lowmaben and Longhame. The maist parte of the Bordouris war
confederat with England. And albeit that first, at Ankrome Mure, in Februare, in
the year of God Jm. Vc. fourty four, was Schir Raif Evers,[325] with many other
Englismen slayne, and the yeare after war some of the saidis strenthis recovered;
yitt was it nott without great loss and detriment to the commoun wealth. For in
the moneth of Junij, in the year of God Jm. Vc. fourty fyve, Monsoure de Lorge,
[326] with bandis of men of warr, came frome France for a further destructioun to
Scotland; for upoun thare brag was ane army rased. Fordwarte go thei towardis
Wark,[327] evin in the myddist of harvist. The Cardinallis baner was that day
displayed, and all his fecallis war charged to be under it. Many had befoir
promissed, but at the poynt it was left so bayre, that with schame it was schut up
in the pock againe, and thei after a schaw returned with more schame to the
realme, then skaith to thare ennemyes. The black booke of Hammyltoun maikis
mentioun of great vassalege[328] done at that tyme by the Governour, and the
Frenche.[329] But such as with thare eyis saw the hole progresse, knew that to be
a lye, and dois repute it amonges the veniale synnes of that race, which is to
speake the best of thameselves thei can.
That wynter following, so nurtored the French men, that thei learned to eatt,
(yea, to beg,) caikes which at thare entrie thei skorned. Without jesting, thei war
so miserable entreated, that few returned to France agane with thare lyves. The
Cardinall had then almost fortifeid the Castell of Sanctandross, which he maid so
strong, in his opinioun, that he regarded neyther England nor France. The Erle of
Levenox, as said is, disapoynted of all thingis in Scotland, past to England,
whare he was receaved of King Hary in protectioun, who gave him to wyffe
Lady Margaret Dowglas,[330] of whome was borne Hary, umquhile husband to
our Jezabell Maistres.
Whill the inconstant Governour was sometymes dejected and sometymes resed
up againe be the Abbot of Paslay,[331] who befoir was called "chaster then any
madyn," begane[332] to schaw him self; for after he had tackin by craft the
Castellis of Edinburgh and Dumbar, he tooke also possessioun of his Eme's
wyiff,[333] the Lady Stennoss:[334] the woman is and hes bein famouse, and is
called Lady Gylton. Hir Ladiship was holdin alwayis in propertie;[335] but how
many wyiffis and virgenes he hes had sen that tyme in commoun, the world
knowis, albeit nott all, and his bastard byrdis[336] bear some witness. Such is the
example of holynes that the flock may receave of the Papisticall Bischoppis.
In the myddest of all the calamities that came upoun the realme
after the defectioun of the Governour from Christ Jesus, came THE WOORDIS
in Scotland that blissed Martyre of God MAISTER GEORGE OF MAISTER
GEORGE
WISHARTE,[337] in cumpany of the Commissionaris befoir WISHARTE IN
mentionat, in the year of God 1544; a man of such graces as DONDYE.
befoir him war never hard within this realme, yea, and ar rare to be found yit in
any man, nocht withstanding this great lyght of God that sence his dayis hes
schyned unto us. He was not onlye singularlye learned, aisweall in godlye
knowledge, as in all honest humane science; bot also he was so clearlye
illummated with the spreat of prophesye, that he saw nott only thingis
perteanyng to him self, but also such thingis as some Tounes and the hole
Realme afterward felt, which he foir-spak, nott in secreat, but in the audience of
many, as in thare awin places shalbe declaired. The begynnyng of his doctrin
was in Montrose. Tharefra hie departed to Dundy, whare, with great admiratioun
of all that heard him, he tawght the Epistill to the Romanes, till that, by
procurement of the Cardinall, Robert Myll, then one of the principall men in
Dundye, and a man that of old had professed knowledge, and for the same had
sufferred trublc, gave, in the Quenis and Governouris name, inhibitioun to the
said Maister George, that he should truble thare toune no more; for thei wold not
suffer it. And this was said unto him, being in the publict place; which heard, he
mused a pretty space,[338] with his eis bent unto the heavin, and thareafter
looking sorowfullie to the speakar, and unto the people, he said, "God is witness,
that I never mynded your truble, but your conforte. Yea, your truble is more
dolorous unto me, then it is unto your selves. But I am assured that to refuse
Goddis Word, and to chase from yow his messinger, shall not preserve yow
frome truble; but it shall bring yow into it. For God shall send unto yow
messingeris, who will not be efinayed of bornyng, nor yitt for banishment. I have
offerred unto yow the woorde of salvatioun, and with the hasarde of my lyef I
have remaned amanges yow. Now ye your selves refuise me, and tharefoir man I
leave my innocencye to be declared by my God. Yf it be long prosperus with
yow, I am nott ledd with the Spreitt of treuth. Butt and yf truble unlooked for
apprehend yow, acknowledge the caus, and turne to God, for he is mercifull. But
yf ye turne not at the first, he shall viseitt yow with fyre and sword." These
woordis pronunsed, he came doune frome the preaching place. In the kirk
present was the Lord Merschell,[339] and diverse noblemen, who wold have had
the said Maister George to have remaned, or ellis to have gone with him in the
countrey. Butt for no requeast wold he eyther tary in the toune or on that syd of
Tay any longar. Butt with possible expeditioun past to the west-land, whare he
begane to offerr Goddis woord, which was of many gladlye received, till that the
Bischop of Glasgw, Dumbar, by instigatioun of the Cardinall came with his
gatheringis to the toune of Ayr, to mack resistance to the said Maister George,
and did first occupy the kirk. The Erle of Glencarne being thairof advertissed,
repaired with his freindis to the toune with diligence, and so did diverse
gentilmen of Kyle, (amonges whome was the Lard of Lefnoryss,[340] a man far
different frome him that now lyvith*, in maneris and
religioun,) of whome to this day yitt many lyve, and have ANNO 1566.*
declared thame selfis alwayes zelous and bold in the caus of
God, as after wilbe heard. When all war assembled, conclusioun was tackin that
thei wold have the kirk; wharto the said Maister George utterlye repugned,
saying, "Lett him allone; his sermon will nott much hurte: Lett us go to the
Merkate Croce;" and so thei did, whare he made so notable a sermon, that the
verray ennemies thame selves war confounded. The Bischope
preached to his jackmen, and to some old bosses of the toune. THE BISCHOPE
The summe of all his sermon was: "Thei say that we shuld OF HIS
GLASGOW

preach: why nott? Bettir late thrive then never thrive: had us PREACHING IN
still for your Bischop, and we shall provid better for the next AYRE
tyme." This was the begynnyng and the end of the Bischoppis
sermon, who with haist departed the toune, butt returned nott agane to fulfill his
promisse.
The said Maister George remaned with the gentilmen in Kyle, till that he gate
suyre knowledge of the estate of Dondye. Hie preached commonlie at the kirk of
Gaston,[341] and used much in the Barr.[342] He was requyred to come to the kirk
of Mauchlyne, as that he did. But the Schiref of Ayr[343] caused man the kirk, for
preservatioun of a tabernakle that was thare, bewtyfull to the eie. The personis
that held the kirk was George Campbell of Mongaswood, that yitt lyveth,*
Mongo Campbell of Brounesyd, George Read in Dawdeling,
the Lard of Tempilland.[344] Some zelous of the parishyne, ANNO 1566.*
amangis whome Hew Campbell of Kingzeanclewch,[345]
offended that thei shuld be debarred thare parish kirk, concludit by force to enter.
But the said Maister George withdrew the said Hew, and said unto him, "Brother,
Christ Jesus is as potent upoun the feildis as in the kirk; and I fynd that he him
self often preached in the deserte, at the sea syd, and other places judged
prophane, then that he did in the Tempill of Hierusalem. It is the woord of peace
that God sendis by me: the blood of no man shalbe sched this day for the
preaching of it." And so with drawing the hole people, he came to a dyck in a
mure edge, upoun the sowth-west syd of Mauchlyne, upoun the which he
ascended. The hole multitude stood and sat about him, (God gave the day
pleasing and hote.) He continewed in preach[ing] more then three houris. In that
sermoun, God wrowght so wonderfullye with him, that ane of the most wicked
men that was in that countrey, named Laurence Ranckin lard of Scheill,[346] was
converted. The tearis rane from his eis in such habundance, that all men
wondered. His conversioun was without hipochrysye, for his lyif and
conversatioun witnessed it in all tymes to come.
Whill this faithfull servand of God was thus occupyed in Kyle, woord rais that
the plague of pestilence was rissen in Dondye,[347] which begane within foure
dayis, after that the said Maister George was inhibite preaching, and was so
vehement, that it almost passed credibilitie, to hear what nomber departed everie
foure and twenty houris. The certantie understand, the said Maister George tooke
his leave of Kyle, and that with the regrate of many. Bot no requeist could mack
him to remane: his reassone was, "Thei ar now in truble, and thei nead conforte:
Perchance this hand of God will make thame now to magnifie and reverence that
woord, which befoir (for the fear of men,) thei sett at light price."[348] Cuming
unto Dondye, the joy of the faythfull was exceading great. He delayed no tyme,
bot evin upoun the morow gave significatioun that he wold preache. And becaus
the most parte war eyther seak, or ellis war in cumpany with those that war seak,
he chosed the head of the East Porte of the Toune for his preaching place; and so
the whole sat or stood within, the seik and suspected without the Porte.[349] The
text upoun the which his first sermoun was made, he took fra the hundreth and
sevin Psalme; the sentence thareof, "He send his woorde and heallod thame;"
and tharewith joyned these woordis, "It is neather herbe nor plaster, O Lord, butt
thy woord healleth all." In the which sermoun, he maist confortablie did intreat
the dignitie and utilitie of Goddis woord; the punishment that cumis for the
contempt of the same; the promptitude of Goddis mercy to such as trewlye turne
to him; yea, the great happynes of thame whome God tackis from this miserie,
evin in his awin gentill visitatioun, which the malice of man cane neyther eak
nor paire. By the which sermoun he so rased up the hartis of all that heard him,
that thei regarded nott death, but judged thame more happy that should departe,
then such as should remane behynd; considering that thei knew nott yf thei shuld
have such a confortar with thame at all tymes. He spared not to viseit thame that
lay in the verray extreamitie; he conforted thame as that he mycht in such a
multitude; he caused minister all thingis necessarye to those that mycht use meat
or drynk; and in that poynt was the Toune wonderouse beneficiall; for the poore
was no more neglected then was the rich.
Whill he was spending his lyve to conforte the afflicted, the Devill ceassed nott
to stirr up his awin sone the Cardinall agane, who corrupted by money a disperat
preast, named Schir Johne Wightone, to slay the said Maister George, who
looked not to him self in all thingis so circumspectlie as worldlie men wold have
wissed. And upoun a day, the sermoun ended, and the people departing, no man
suspecting danger, and tharefore nott heading the said Maister George, the Preast
that was corrupted stood wating at the foot of the steppis, his goune lowse, and
his whinger drawin into his hand under his gown, the said Maister George, as
that he was most scharpe of eie and judgement, marked him, and as he came
neyr, he said, "My friend, what wald ye do?" And tharewith he clapped his hand
upoun the Preastis hand, wharein the whingar was, which he tooke from him.
The Preast abassed, fell down at his feitt, and openly confessed the veritie as it
was. The noyse rysing, and cuming to the earis of the seik, thei cryed, "Deliver
the tratour to us, or ellis we will tack him by forse;" and so thei birst[350] in at the
yett. But Maister George took him in his armes, and said, "Whosoevir trubles
him shall truble me; for he has hurte me in nothing, bot he hes done great
conforte boyth to yow and me, to witt, he hes lattin us understand what we may
feare in tymes to come. We will watch better." And so he appeased boith the one
parte and the other, and saved the lyif of him that soght his.
When the plague was so ceassed, that almost thare war none seak, he tooke his
leave of thame, and said, "That God had almost putt end to that battell: he fand
him self called to ane other." The gentilmen of the West had written unto him,
That he should meitt thame at Edinburgh; for thei wald requyre disputatioun of
the Bischoppis, and that he should be publictlie heard. Whaireto he willinglye
aggreed; but first, he passed to Montrose, to salute the Kirk thare; whare he
remaned occupyed sometymes in preaching, but most parte in secreat
meditatioun, in the which he was so earnest, that nycht and day he wold
continew in it. Whill he was so occupyed with his God, the Cardinall drew a
secreat drawght for his slawchter. He caused to writt unto him a letter, as it had
bein frome his most familiare friend, the Larde of Kynneyre,[351] "Desyring him
with all possible diligence to come unto him, for he was strickin with a suddane
seakness." In this meantyme, had the tratour provided thre score men, with jackis
and spearis, to lye in wate within a myll and a half of the toune of Montrose, for
his dispatche. The letter cuming to his hand, he maid haste at the first, (for the
boy had brought a horse,) and so with some honest men, he passes forth of the
toune. But suddandlye he stayed, and musing a space, returned back; whareat
thei wondering, he said, "I will nott go: I am forbiddin of God: I am assured
thare is treasone. Lett some of yow, (sayis he,) go to yonder place, and tell me
what ye fynd." Diligence made, thei fand the treassone, as it was; which being
schawin with expeditioun to Maister George, he ansured, "I know that I shall
finysh this[352] my lief in that blood-thrusty manis handis; butt it will not be of
this maner."
The tyme approching that he had appointed to meit the gentilmen at Edinburght,
he took his leave of Montrose, and, sore against the judgement of the Lard of
Dune,[353] he entered in his jorney, and so returned to Dondy; but remaned not,
but passed to the hous of a faythfull brother, named James Watsone, who dwelt
in Inner Gowrye, distant frome the said toune two myles, and that nycht, (as
informatioun was gevin to us by Williame Spadin and Johnne Watsoun, both
men of good credyte,) befoir day a litill he passed furth into a yard. The said
Williame and Johne followed previlie, and took head what he did. When he had
gone up and doune into ane alay a ressonable space, with many sobbes and
deape grones, he platt upoun[354] his knees, and setting thareon, his grones
increassed; and frome his knees he fell upoun his face; and then the personis
fornamed heard weaping and, as it war ane indigest sound, as it war of prayeris,
in the which he continewed neyre ane hour, and after begane to be qwiet; and so
arrose and came in to his bed. They that awated prevented him, as thei had bein
ignorant, till that he came in; and than begane thei to demand whare he had bein?
Butt that nycht he wold ansuer nothing. Upoun the morow, thei urged him agane;
and whill that he dissimuled, thei said, "Maister George, be plaine with us; for
we heard your grones; yea, we heard your bitter murning, and saw yow boyth
upoun your kneis and upoun your face." With dejected visage, he said, "I had
rather ye had bein in your beddis, and it had bein more profitable to yow, for I
was skarse weall occupyed." When thei instantlie urged him to lett thame know
some conforte; he said, "I will tell yow, that I am assured that my travail is neir
ane end; and tharefor call to God with me, that now I schrink not when the
battell waxis moist hoote." And whill that thei weaped, and said, "That was
small conforte unto thame;" he ansured, "God shall send yow
conforte after me. This realme shalbe illuminated with the light PROPHECIE
of Christis Evangell, as clearlie as ever was any realme sence SPOKIN
MAISTER
BY

the dayis of the Apostles. The house of God shalbe builded in GEORGE
to it. Yea, it sall not lack, (whatsoever the ennemye imagyne in WISHARTE
the contrare,) the verray cope stone:"[355] Meanyng that it
shuld anes be browght to the full perfectioun. "Neyther, (said he,) shall this be
long to: Thare shall nott many suffer after me, till that the glorie of God shall
evidently appear, and shall anes triumphe in dispyte of Sathan. Butt, allace! yf
the people shall after be unthankfull, then fearfull and terrible shall the plagues
be that after shall follow." And with these woordis he marched fordwardis in his
jorney towardis Sanct Johnestoun; and so to Fyff, and then to Leyth. Whare
arryved, and hearing no wourd of those that appointed to meitt him, (to witt, the
Erle of Cassilles, and the gentill men of Kyle and Cunynghame,[356]) keap him
self secreat a day or two. But begynnyng to wax sorowfull in spreit, and being
demanded of the caus, of such as war nott into his cumpany of befoir, he said,
"What differ I from a dead man, except that I eat and drynk? To this tyme God
hes used my laubouris to the instructioun of otheris, and unto the disclosing of
darknes; and now I lurk as a man that war eschamed, and durst not schaw him
self befoir men." By these and lyik woordis, thei that heard him understoode that
his desyre was to preach; and tharefoir said, "Maist confortable it war unto us to
hear yow: but becaus we know the danger wharein ye stand, we dar not desyre
yow." "But dar ye and otheris hear, (said he,) and then lett my God provide for
me, as best pleasith him." Finally, it was concluded, that the nixt Sounday he
should preach in Leyth; as that he did, and took the text, "The Parable of the
Sowar that went furth to saw sead," Mathæi, 13. And this was upoun a fyvetene
dayis[357] befoir Yule. The sermon ended, the gentill men of Lotheane, who then
war earnest professouris of Christ Jesus, thought not expedient that he shuld
remane in Leyth, becaus that the Governour and Cardinall war schortlie to come
to Edinburgh; and tharefore thei tooke him with thame, and keapt him
sometymes in Brounestoun, sometymes in Langnudry, and sometymes in
Ormestoun; for those thrie[358] diligentlie awated upoun him. The Sounday
following, he preached in the kirk of Enresk,[359] besydis Mussilburght, both
befoir and at after none, whare thare was a great confluence of people, amonges
whome was Schir George Douglass,[360] who after the sermon said publictlie, "I
know that my Lord Governour and my Lord Cardinall shall THE WOORDIS
hear that I have bein at this preaching, (for thei war then in OF SIR
GEORGE
Edinburght.) Say unto thame that I will avow it, and will nott DOWGLASS
onlye manteane the doctrin that I have hard, bot also the
persone of the teachare to the uttermost of my power." Which woordis greatly
rejosed the people and the gentilmen then present.
One thing notable in that sermon we can not pass by. Amonges
otheris thare came two Gray Frearis, and standing in the entrie MAISTER
GEORGE
of the kirk doore, thei made some whispering to such as came WISHARTE HIS
in. Which perceaved, the preachar said to the people that THREATNYNG
stoode ney thame, "I hartlye pray yow to mack roome to those TO TWO GRAY
FREIRIS.
two men: It may be that thei be come to learne." And unto
thame he said, "Come neyr, (for thei stoode in the verray entrye of the doore,)
for I assure yow ye shall heare the woord of veritie, which shall eyther seall in to
yow this same day your salvatioun, or condempnatioun." And so proceaded he in
doctrin, supposing that thei wold have bein qwyette. But when he perceaved
them still to truble the people that stood ney thame, (for vehement was he
against the false wirschipping of God,) he turned unto thame the secound tyme,
and with ane awfull countenance said, "O sergeantis of Sathan, and deceavaris of
the soules of men, will ye nether hear Goddis trewth, nor suffer otheris to hear
it? Departe and tack this for your portioun,—God shall schortlie confound and
disclose your hipochrisie: Within this realme ye shall be abhominable unto men,
and your places and habitationis shalbe desolate." This sentence he pronunced
with great vehemeneye, in the myddist of the sermoun; and turneying to the
people, he said, "Yone wicked men have provocked the Spreat of God to angar."
And so he returned to his mater, and proceaded to the end. That dayis travaill
ended, he came to Langnudrye; and the two nixt Soundayis preached in Tranent,
with the lyik grace and lyik confluence of people. In all his sermonis, after his
departure from Anguss, he forespake the schortnes of the tyme that he had to
traval, and of his death, the day whairof he said approched neyar then any wold
beleve.
In the hynder end of those dayis that ar called the Holy dayis of Yule, past he, by
consent of the gentilmen, to Hadingtoun, whare it was supposed the greatast
confluence of people should be, boyth be reassoun of the toune and of the
countrey adjacent. The first day befoir nune the auditouris[361] was reassonable,
and yitt nothing in comparisone of that which used to be in that kyrk. Butt the
after nune, and the nixt day following befoir nune, the auditure[362] was so
selender, that many wondered. The cause was judged to have bein, that the Erle
Bothwell, who in those boundis used to have great credite and obedience, by
procurement of the Cardinall, had gevin inhibitioun, asweell unto the toune, as
unto the countrey, that thei should nott hear him under the pane of his displeasur.
The first nycht he lay within the toune with David Forress, now called the
Generall,[363] ane man that long hes professed the trueth, and upoun whom many
in that tyme depended. The secound nycht, he lay in Lethingtoun, the Lard[364]
whareof was ever civile, albeit not persuaded in religioun. The day following,
befoir the said Maister George past to the sermoun, thare came to him a boy with
ane letter from the West land, which receaved and red, he called for JOHNE KNOX,
[365] who had awaited upoun him carefullie frome the tyme he came to Lotheane;

with whome he began to enter in purpose, "that he weryed of the world:" for he
perceaved that men begane to weary of God.[366] The caus of his complaint was,
the gentilmen of the West had writtin unto him, that thei could nott keape dyet at
Edinburgh. The said Johne Knox wondering that he desyred to keape any
purpoise befoir sermoun, (for that was never his accustomed use befoir,) said,
"Schir, the tyme of sermoun approches: I will leave yow for the present to your
meditatioun;" and so took the bill conteanyng the purpose foirsaid, and left him.
The said Maister George spaced up and doune behynd the hie altar more then
half ane houre: his verray contenance and visage declared the greaf and
alteratioun of his mynd. At last, he passed to the pulpett, but the auditure was
small. He should have begune to have entreated the secound table of the Law;
But thareof in that sermoun he spak verray litill, but begane on this maner; "O
Lord, how long shall it be, that thy holy woord shalbe despysed, and men shall
not regard thare awin salvatioun. I have heard of thee, Hadingtoun, that in thee
wold have bein at ane vane Clerk play[367] two or three thowsand people; and
now to hear the messinger of the Eternall God, of all thy toune nor parishe can
not be nombred a hundreth personis. Sore and feirfull shall the plagues be that
shall ensew this thy contempt: with fyre and sword thow shalt be plagued; yea,
thow Haddingtoun, in speciall, strangearis shall possesse thee, and yow, the
present inhabitantes shall eyther in bondage serve your ennemyes, or ellis ye
shalbe chassed fra your awin habitationis; and that becaus ye have not knawin,
nor will nott know the tyme of Goddis mercifull visitatioun." In such vehemency
and threatnyng continewed that servand of God neyr ane hour and ane half, in
the which he declared all the plagues that ensewed, as plainlie as after our eyes
saw thame performed. In the end he said, "I have forgotten my self and the mater
that I should have entraited; but lett these my last woordis as concernyng publict
preaching, remane in your myndis, till that God send yow new conforte."
Thairefter he maid a schorte paraphrasis upoun the Secound Table, with ane
exhortatioun to patience, to the fear of God, and unto the werkis of mercy; and
so putt end, as it war macking his last testament, as the ischew declaired, that the
spreat of trewth and of trew judgement war both in his harte and mouth. For that
same nycht was he apprehended, befoir mydnycht, in the house of Ormestoun,
by the Erle Bothwell, made for money bucheour to the Cardinall.
The maner of his tackin was thus: departing frome the toune of Hadingtoun, he
tuk his good nyght, as it war for ever, of all his acquentance, especiallie from
Hew Dowglas of Langnudrye. Johne Knox preassing to have gone with the said
Maister George, he said, "Nay, returne to your barnes, and God blisse yow. One
is sufficient for one sacrifice." And so he caused a twa handed sweard, (which
commonly was caiyed with the said Maister George,) be tackin fra the said
Johnne Knox, who, albeit unwillinglie, obeyit, and returned with Hew Dowglass
of Langnudrye.[368] Maister George having to accompany him the Lard of
Ormestoun, Johnne Sandelandis of Caldar youngar, the Lard of Brounestoun,
and otheris, with thare servandis, passed upoun foote, (for it was a vehement
frost,) to Ormestoun. After suppar he held confortable purpose of the death of
Goddis chosen childrin, and mearely[369] said, "Methink that I desyre earnestlye
to sleap;" and thairwith he said, "Will we sing a Psalme?" And so he appointed
the 51st Psalme, which was put in Scotishe meter, and begane thus,—
 Have mercy on me now, good Lord,
After thy great mercy, &c.:
[370]

Which being ended, he past to chalmer, and sonar then his commoun dyet was
past to bed, with these wourdis, "God grant qwyet rest." Befoir mydnycht, the
place was besett about that none could eschape to mack advertisment. The Erle
Bothwell[371] came and called for the Lard, and declaired the purpose, and said,
"that it was but vane to maik him to hold his house; for the Governour and the
Cardinall with all thare power war cuming," (and indead the Cardinall was at
Elphinstoun,[372] not a myle distant frome Ormestoun;) "butt
and yf he wald deliver the man to him, he wold promeise THE LORD
BOTHWELLIS
upoun his honour, that he should be saif, and that it should pass PROMESSE
the power of the Cardinall to do him any harme or skaith."
Allured with these wordis, and tackin counsall with the said Maister George,
(who at the first word said, "Open the yettis: the blissed will of my God be
doun,") thei receaved in the Erle Bothwell him self, with some gentilmen with
him, to whome Maister George said, "I praise my God that sa
honorable a man as ye, my Lord, receavis me this nycht, in the MAISTER
presence of these noble men; for now, I am assured, that for GEORGE WOORDIS TO
HIS

your honouris saik, ye will suffer nothing to be done unto me THE ERLE
besydis the ordour of law. I am nott ignorant, that thaire law is BOTHWELL
nothing but corruptioun, and a clock to sched the bloode of the
sanctes; but yitt I lesse fear to dye openlye, then secreatlye to be murthered." The
said Erle Bothwell ansured, "I shall not onlye preserve your body frome all
violence, that shalbe purposed against yow without ordour of law, but also I
promeisse, hear in the presence of these gentilmen, that neyther shall the
Governour nor Cardinall have thare will of yow;[373] but I shall reteane yow in
my awin handis, and in my awin place, till that eyther I shall mack yow free, or
ellis restoir yow in the same place whare I receave yow." The Lardis foirsaid
said, "My Lord, yf ye will do as ye have spokin, and as we think your Lordship
will do, then do we hear promesse unto your Lordschip, that not only we our
selfis shall serve yow all the dayis of our lyiff, but also we shall procure the haill
professouris within Lotheane to do the same. And upoun eyther the
preservatioun[374] of this our brother, or upoun his delyverie agane to our handis,
we being reassonable advertissed to receave him, that we, in the name and behalf
of our freindis, shall deliver to your Lordschip, or to any sufficient man, that
shall deliver to us agane this servand of God, our band of manrent in manor
foirsaid." As thus promesse maid in the presence of God, and handis stracked
upon boith the parties, for observatioun of the premisses,[375] the said Maister
George was delivered to the handis of the said Erle Bothwell, who immediatlye
departing with him, came to Elphinstoun, whare the Cardinall was; who
knowing that Caldar yongar and Brunestoun war with the Larde of Ormestoun,
send back with expeditioun to apprehend thame also. The noyse of horsmen
being hard, the servandis gave advertisment, that mo then departed, or that war
thare befoir, war returned; and whill that thei disput, what should be the motive,
the Cardinallis garison had ceased both the utter and the inner close. Thei called
for the Larde, and for the Larde of Calder, who presenting thame selves,
demanded what thare commissioun was. "To bring yow two," say thei, "and the
Larde of Brunestoun to my Lord Governour." Thei war nothing content, (as thei
had no cause,) and yitt thei maid fayr contenance, and entreated the gentilmen to
tack a drynk, and to bate thare horse, till that thei mycht putt thame selves in
redynes to ryd with thame. In this meantyme, Brunestoun convoyed him self,
fyrst secreatlye, and then by spead of foote, to Ormestoun wood, and frome
thense to Drundallon,[376] and so eschaped that danger. The other two war putt in
the Castell of Edinburght, whare the one, to witt Caldar youngar, remaned whill
his band of manrent to the Cardinall was the meanes of his deliverance, and the
other, to witt Ormestoun, fread him self by leapping of the wall of the Castell,
betuix ten houris and allevin befoir none; and so breakin ward,[377] he eschaped
preassone, which he injustlye sufferred.
The servand of God, Maister George Wisharte, was caryed first to Edinburgh;
thareafter browght back, for the fassionis saik, to the hous of Hales[378] agane,
which was the principall place that then the Erle Bothwell had in Lotheane. But
as gold and wemen have corrupted all wordlye and fleschlye men from the
begynning, so did thei him. For the Cardinall gave gold, and that largelye, and
the Quene, with whome the said Erle was then in the glondouris, promissed
favouris in all his lauchfull suyttis to wemen, yf he wold deliver the said Maister
George to be keap[379] in the Castell of Edinburgh. He made some resistance at
the first, be reassone of his promesse:[380] butt ane effeminat
man cane nott long withstand the assaultes of a gratious Quein. IRONICE.
And so was the servand of God transported to Edinburgh
Castell, whare he remaned nott many dayis. For that bloody wolfe the Cardinall,
ever thrusting the blood of the servand of God, so travailled with the abused
Governour, that he was content that Goddis servand should be delivered to the
power of that tyranne. And so, small inversioun being maid, Pilate obeyed the
petitioun of Cayiaphas and of his fellowis, and adjugeid Christ to be crucifeid.
The servand of God delivered to the hande of that proude and mercyless tyranne,
triumphe was maid by the preastis. The godly lamented, and accused the
foolishnes of the Governour; for, by the reteanyng of the said Maister George, he
mycht have caused Protestantis and Papistis, (rather proude Romanistis,) to have
served, the ane to the end, That the lyef of thare preachear mycht have bene
saved, the other, For fear that he should have sett him at libertie agane, to the
confusioun of the Bischoppis. But where God is left, (as he had plainlie
renunced him before,) what can counsall or judgement availl?
How the servand of God was entreated, and what he did frome the day that he
entered within the Sea-tour of Sanctandrose, quhilk was in the end of Januare, in
the year of God Jm. Vc. xlvj, unto the first of Merch[381] the same year, when he
sufferred, we can not certanelye[382] tell, except we understand that he wrett
somewhat being in preason; but that was suppressed by the ennemyes. The
Cardinall delayed no tyme, but caused all Bischoppis, yea, all the cleargy that
had any preheminance, to be convocat to Sanctandrose against the penult of
Februare, that consultatioun mycht be had in that questioun, which in his mynd
was no less resolved then Christis death was in the mynd of Caiaphas; butt that
the rest should bear the lyek burdein with him, he wold that thei should befoir
the world subscrive whatsoever he did.[383] In that day was wrought no less a
wonder than was at the accusatioun and death of Jesus Christ, when that Pilate
and Herode, who befoir war ennemyes, war maid freindis, by consenting of
thame boith to Christis condempnatioun, differris nothing, except that Pilate and
Herode war brethrene under thare father the Devill, in the Estaite called
Temporall, and these two, of whome we ar to speak, war brethren (sonnes of the
same father the Devill) in the Estaite Ecclesiasticall. Yf we enterlase merynes
with earnest materis, pardon us, goode Readar; for the fact is so notable that it
deservith long memorye.
The Cardinall was knowin proude; and Dumbare,
Archibischope of Glasgw, was knowin a glorious foole; and THE PROUDE
CARDINALL
yitt, becaus sometymes he was called the Kingis Maister,[384] AND THE
he was Chancelour of Scotland. The Cardinall cumis evin thus GLORIOUS
same year, in the end of harvest befoir, to Glasgw; upoun what FOOLE
DUMBAR.
purpose we omitt.[385] But whill they remane togither, the one
in the toune, the other in the Castell,[386] questioun ryses for A QUESTION
bearing of thare croces. The Cardinall alledgeid, by reassoun WORTHY OF
of his Cardinallschip, and that he was Legatus Natus, and SUCH TWO
PRELATTIS.
Primat within Scotland, in the kingdom of Antichrist, that he
should have the pre-eminence, and that his croce should not onlye go befoir, but
that also it should onlye be borne, wharesoever he was. Good Gukstoun
Glaikstour, the foirsaid Archibischop, lacked no reassonis, as he thowght, for
mantenance of his glorie: He was ane Archibischope in his awin dioscy, and in
his awin Cathedrall seat and Church, and tharefor awght to give place to no man:
The power of the Cardinall was but begged from Rome, and apperteined but to
his awin persone, and nott to his bischoprik; for it mycht be, that his successour
should nott be Cardinall: Bot his dignitie was annexed with his office, and did
apperteane to all that ever should be Bischoppis of Glasgw. Howsoever these
dowbtis war resolved by the doctouris of divinitie of boith the Prelattis; yitt the
decisioun was as ye shall hear. Cuming furth, (or going in, all is one,) att the
qweir doore of Glasgw Kirk, begynnes stryving for state betuix the two croce
beraris, so that from glowmyng thei come to schouldering; frome schouldering,
thei go to buffettis, and from dry blawes, by neffis and neffelling; and then for
cheriteis saik, thei crye, Dispersit, dedit pauperibus, and assayis quhilk of the
croces war fynast mettall, which staf was strongast, and which berar could best
defend his maisteris pre-eminence; and that thare should be no superioritie in
that behalf, to the ground gois boyth the croces. And then begane no litill fray,
but yitt a meary game; for rockettis war rent, typpetis war torne, crounis war
knapped,[387] and syd gounis mycht have bene sein wantonly wag from the one
wall to the other: Many of thame lacked beardis, and that was the more pitie; and
tharefore could not bukkill other by the byrse, as[388] bold men wold haif doune.
Butt fy on the jackmen that did nott thare dewitie; for had the one parte of thame
reacontered the other, then had all gone rycht. But the sanctuarye, we suppose,
saved the lyves of many. How mearelye[389] that ever this be writtin, it was bitter
bowrding[390] to the Cardinall and his courte. It was more then irregularitie; yea,
it mycht weall have bene judged lease majestie to the sone of perdition, the
Papes awin persone; and yitt the other in his foly, as proud as a packoke, wold
lett the Cardinall know that he was a Bischop when the other was butt Betoun,
befoir he gat Abirbrothok.[391] This inemitie was judged mortall, and without all
hope of reconsiliatioun.
Butt the blood of the innocent servand of God buryed in oblivioun all that
braggine and boast. For the Archibischope of Glasgw was the first unto whome
the Cardinall wraitt, signifeing unto him what was done, and earnestly craving of
him, that he wold assist with his presence and counsall, how that such are
ennemye unto thare estaite mycht be suppressed. And thareto was nott the other
slow, but keapt tyme appointed, satt nixt to the Cardinall, voted and subscrivit
first in the ranck, and lay ower the East blok-house[392] with the said Cardinall,
till the Martyre of God was consumed by fyre. For this we man note, that as all
thei beastis consented in harte to the slawchter of that innocent, so did thei
approve it with thare presence, having the hole ordinance of the Castell of
Sanctandrose bent towardis the place of executioun, which was ney to the said
Castell, reddy to have schote yf any wold have maid defence, or reskew to
Goddis servand.
The maner of his Accusatioun, Process, and Ansueris followis, as we have
receaved the same frome the Book of the Martyres,[393] which, woord by woord,
we have hear inserted, and that becaus the said book, for the great price thairof,
is rare to be had.
[THE CONDEMNATION OF M. GEORGE WISCHEART, GENTLEMAN, WHO SUFFERED
MARTYRDOME FOR THE FAYTH OF CHRIST JESUS, AT SAINT ANDREWES IN SCOTLAND,
ANNO 1546, MARCHE 1; with the Articles objected against him, and his Answeres
to the same.[394]
With moste tender affection and unfayned hart consider, (gentle Reader,) the
uncharitable maner of the Accusation of Maister George Wischart, made by the
bloudye enemies of Christes fayth. Note also the Articles whereof he was
accused, by order digested, and his meeke answeares, so farre as he had leave
and leysure to speake. Finally, ponder with no dissemblyng spirite the furious
rage, and tragicall cruelnes of the malignant Churche, in persecuting of this
blessed man of God; and, of the contrarye, his humble, pacient, and most godly
answeares, made to them sodaynely without al feare, not having respect to their
glorious manasinges and boysterous threates, but charitably and without stop
answearing: not movyng his countenance, nor changing his visage, as in his
Accusation hereafter folowyng manifestly shal appeare.]
Upone the last of Februare, was send to the preason, quhare the servand of God
lay, the Deane of the toune, by the commandiment of the Cardinall and his
wicked counsall, and thai summoned the said Maister George, that he should
upoun the morne following appeir befoir the Judge, then and thare to give
accompt of his seditious and hereticall doctrine. To whome the said Maister
George ansuered, "What needith, (said he,) my Lord Cardinall to summound me
to ansuere for my doctrine oppinlie befoir him, under whose power and
dominioun I am thus straitlie bound in irnes. May not my Lord compell me to
ansuer to his extorte power? Or belevith he that I am unprovided to rander
accompt of my doctrine? To manifest your selves what men ye ar, it is weall
done that ye keapt your old ceremonyes and constitutions maid by men."
Upoun the nixt morne, my Lord Cardinall caused his servandis to address thame
selves in thare most warlyk array, with jack, knapscall, splent, speir, and axe,
more semyng for the war, then for the preaching of the trew word of God. And
when these armed campionis, marching in warlyk ordour, had conveyed the
Bischoppis unto the Abbay Church, incontinentlye thei sent for Maistor George,
who was conveyed unto the said churche by the Capitane of the Castell, and the
nomber of ane hundreth men, addressed in maner foirsaid, lyik a lambe led thei
him to sacrifice. As he entered in at the Abbay Church doore, there was a poore
man lying vexed with great infirmities, asking of his almouse, to whome he
flang his purse. And when he came befoir the Cardinall, by and by the Suppriour
of the Abbay, called Dene Johne Wynreme,[395] stoode up in the pulpete, and
maid a sermon to all the congregatioun there then assembled, taking his mater
out of the xiij chaptour of Matthew; whose sermon was devided into four
principall partes. The First was, a schorte and breaf declaratioun of the
Evangelist. The Secound, of the interpretatioun of the good seid; and becaus he
called the Word of God the Good seid, and Heresye the Evill seid, he declaired
what Heresye wes, and how it should be knowin. He defyned it
on this maner: "Heresye is a fals opinioun, defended with BONA
pertinacie, cleirlye repugning to the word of God." The Third HÆRESEOS
DEFINITIO
parte of his sermoun was, the caus of Heresye within that
realme, and all other realmes. "The caus of Heresie, (quod he,) is the ignorance
of thame which have the cure of menis saules, to whome it necessarelie
belongeth to have the trew understanding of the word of God, that thei may be
able to wyn agane the fals doctouris of heresyes, with the sword of the Spreat,
which is the word of God; and not only to wyne agane, bot also to owircum:—as
saith[396] Paule, 'A bischope most be faltles, as becumith the minister of God, not
stubburne, not angrie, no drunkard, no feghtar, not gevin to filthy lucre; but
harberous, one that loveth goodnes, sober mynded, rychteous, holy, temperat,
and such as cleaveth unto the trew word of the doctrine, that he may be able to
exhorte with holsome learning, and to improve that which thei say against him.'"
The Fourte parte of his sermon was, how Heresyes should be knowin. "Heresyes
(quod he) be knawin on this maner: As the goldsmyth knowith the fyne gold
frome the unperfite, by the towch stone, so lyikwyise may we know heresye by
the undowbted towch stone, that is, the trew, syncere, and undefyled worde of
God." At the last, he added, "That heretikis should he putt down in this present
lyef: To the which propositioun the Gospell appeired to repunge whilk he
entreated of, 'Lett thame boith grow unto the harvist:' The harvest is the end of
the world; nevertheles, he affirmed, that thei should be putt down by the Civile
Magistrat and law."
And when he ended his Sermone, incontinent thei caused Maister George to
ascend into the pulpet, there to heir his Accusatioun and Articles; for rycht
against him stood up one of the fedd flok, a monstere,[397] Johnne Lawder, ladin
full of cursingis, writtin in paper, of the which he took out a roll boyth long and
also full of cursingis,[398] threatnynges, maledictionis, and wordis of devillesh
spyte and malice, saying to the innocent Maister George so many cruell and
abhominable wordis, and hit him so spytfullie with the Popis thunder, that the
ignorant people dreded least the earth then wold have swallowed him up qwick.
Nochtwythstanding, he stood still with great patience hearing thare sayingis, not
ones moving or changeing his countenance. When that this fedd sow had red
throwghout all his lying minasingis, his face runnyng doune with sweat, and
frothing at the mouth lyik ane bayre, he[399] spate at Maister George his face,
saying, "What ansuerist thow to these sayingis, thow runnigat, tratour, theef,
which we have dewlye proved by sufficient witnes against thee." Maister George
hearing this, satt doune upoun his kneis in the pulpete, making his prayer to God.
When he had ended his prayer, sweitlye and Christianelie he answered to thame
all in this maner.
MAISTER GEORGE HIS ORATIOUN.
"Many and horrible sayingis unto me, a Christiane man, many
wordis abhominable for to hear, ye haif spokin heir this day, which
not only to teach, but also to think, I thowght it ever great
abhominatioun. Wharefore, I pray your discretionis quietlie to hear
me, that ye may know what war my sayingis, and the maner of my
doctrin. This my petitioun, my Lordis, I desyre to be heard for three
causes: The First is, Becaus throw preaching of the word of God, his
glorie is maid manifest: it is ressonabill tharefoir, for the avanceing
of the glorie of God, that ye heare me teaching treulye the pure and
syncere worde of God, without any dissimulatioun. The Second
reassone is, Becaus that your helth springeth of the worde of God,
for he workith all thing by his word: it war tharefoir ane unrychteous
thing, yf ye should stope your earis from me teiching trewlye the
word of God. The Thrid reason is, Becaus your doctrine speaketh
furth many pestilentious,[400] blasphemous, and abhominable
wordis, not cuming by the inspiratioun of God, bot of the devill,
 on[401] no less pearrell then my lyif: It is just tharefoir, and
ressonable, your discreationis to know what my wordis and doctrine
are, and what I have ever tawght in my tyme in this realme, that I
perish not injustlye, to the great perrell of your soulles. Wharfoir,
boyth for the glorie and honour of God, your awin health, and
savegard of my lyef, I beseik your discretionis to hear me, and in the
meantyme I sall recyte my doctrin without any cullour.
First, and cheiflie, since the tyme I came into this realme, I tawght
nothing but the Ten Commandimentis of God, the Twelf Articles of
the Fayth, and the Prayer of the Lord, in the mother toung. Moirovir,
in Dundy, I tawcht the Epistill of Sanct Paule to the Romanes; and I
shall schaw your discretionis faythfullie what fassion and maner I
used when I tawcht, without any humane dread, so that your
discretionis give me your earis benevolent and attent."

Suddanlie then, with ane heycht voce,[402] cryed the Accusare, the fed sow,
"Thow heretike, runnigate, tratour, and theif, it was not lauchfull for thee to
preach. Thow hes tackin the power at thyne awin hand, without any autoritie of
the Church. We forthink that thow hes bene a preachar so long." Then said all
the hole congregatioun of the Prelattis, with thare complices, these woordis, "Yf
we give him licience to preach, he is so craftie, and in Holy Scriptures so
exercised, that he will perswaid the people to his opinioun, and rase them against
us."
Maister George, seing thare maliciouse and wicked intent, appealed [from the
Lord Cardinall to the Lord Governour, as[403]] to ane indifferent and equall
judge.[404] To whome the Accusare, Johne Lauder foirsaid, with hoggish voce
answered, "Is not my Lord Cardinall the secund persone within this realme,
Chancellar of Scotland, Archibischope of Sanctandross, Bischope of Meropose,
Commendatour of Abirbrothok, Legatus Natus, Legatus a Latere?" And so
reciting as many titilles of his unworthy honouris[405] as wold have lodin a schip,
much sonare ane asse; "Is not he, (quod Johnne Lauder,) ane equall judge
apparantlye to thee? Whome other desyrest thow to be thy judge?"
To whome this humble man answered, saying, "I refuise not my Lord Cardinall,
but I desyre the word of God to be my judge, and the Temporall Estate, with
some of your Lordschippis myne auditoures; becaus I am hear my Lord
Governouris presonar." Whareupone the pridefull and scornefull people that
stood by, mocked him, saying, "Suche man, such judge," speaking seditious and
reprochfull wordis aganis the Governour, and other the Nobles, meanyng thame
also to be Heretykis. And incontinent, without all delay, thei wold have gevin
sentence upoun Maister George, and that without farther process, had not certane
men thare counselled my Lord Cardinall to reid agane the Articles, and to heir
his ansueris thareupoun, that the people mycht nott complaine of his wrongfull
condemnatioun.
And schortlie for to declair, these war the Articles following, with his Ansueris,
as far as thei wold give him leave to speak; for when he intended to mitigate
thare lesingis, and schaw the maner of his doctrine, by and by thei stoped his
mouth with ane other Article.
THE FIRST ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretyk, runiagate, tratour, and theif, deceavar of the people,
dispysest the holy Churches, and in lyik case contemnest my Lord Governouris
authoritie. And this we know for suyrtie, that when thow preached in Dundye,
and was charged be my Lord Governouris authoritie to desist, nevertheles thow
woldest not obey, but persevered in the same. And tharefoir the Bischope of
Brechin curssed thee,[406] and delivered thee into the Devillis handis, and gave
thee in commandiment that thow souldest preach no more: Yitt
nochtwythstanding, thow didest continew obstinatlye.
THE ANSUER .
My Lordis, I have red in the Actes of the Apostles, that it is not lauchfull, for the
threattis and minacinges of men, to desist from the preaching of the Evangell.
[407] Tharefoir it is writtin, "We shall rather obey God then men." I have also red
[in] the Propheit Malachie, "I shall curse your blissinges, and bliss your
cursingis, sayeis the Lord:" beleving firmelie, that he wold turne your cursingis
into blissinges.
THE SECUND ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike did say, that a preast standing at the altare saying Masse, was
lyik a fox wagging his taill in Julie.
THE ANSUER .
My Lordis, I said not so. These war my sayinges: The moving of the body
outward, without the inward moving of the harte, is nocht ellis bott the playing
of ane ape, and nott the trew serving of God; for God is a secreit searchare of
menis hartes: Tharefoir, who will trewlye adorne and honour God, he must in
spreit and veritie honour him.
Then the Accusatour stopped his mouth with ane other Article.
THE THRID ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretik preachest aganis the Sacramentis, saying, That thare ar not
Sevin Sacramentis.
THE ANSWER .

My Lordis, if it[408] be your pleasuris, I tawght never of the nomber of the

Sacramentis, whither thei war sevin, or ane ellevin. So many as ar instituted by
Christ, and ar schawin to us by the Evangell, I professe opinlie. Except it be the
word of God, I dar affirme nothing.
THE FOURTE ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike hes oppinlie tawght, that Auriculare Confessioun is not a
blessed Sacrament; and thow sayest, that we should only confess us to God, and
to no preast.
THE ANSWER .
My Lordis, I say, that Auriculare Confessioun, seing that it hath no promeis of
the Evangell,[409] tharefoir it can not be a Sacrament. Of the Confessioun to be
maid to God, thare ar many testimonyes in Scripture; as when David sayeth, "I
thowght that I wold knowledge my iniquitie against my self unto the Lord; and
he forgave the trespasses[410] of my synnes." Heir, Confessioun signifieth the
secreat knowledge of our synnes befoir God: when I exhorted the people on this
maner, I reproved no maner of Confessioun. And farther, Sanct James sayith,
"Knowledge your synnes[411] one to ane uther, and so lett yow to have peace
amonge your selfes." Heir the Apostle meaneth nothing of Auriculare
Confessioun, but that we should acknawledge and confesse our selfis to be
synneris befoir our brethrene, and befoir the world, and not to esteame our selfis
as the Gray Freiris dois, thinking thame selfis allreddy purgeid.[412]
When that he had said these wordis, the horned Bischopis and thare complices
cryed, and girned[413] with thare teith, saying, "See ye not what colouris he hath
in his speich, that he may begile us, and seduce us to his opinioun."
 THE FYFT ARTICLE .
Thow Heretike didest say openlye, that it was necessarie to everie man to know
and understand his Baptisme, and that it was contrarie to Generall Counsallis,
and the Estaites of Holy Churche.

THE ANSWER .
My Lordis, I beleve thare be none so unwyse hear, that will mak merchandise
with ane Frenche man, or any other unknawin stranger, except he know and
understand first the conditioun or promeise maid by the French man or stranger.
So lyikwyse I wold that we understood what thing we promeis in the name of the
infante unto God in Baptisme: For this caus, I beleve, ye have Confirmatioun.

Then said Maister Bleiter,[414] chaplen, that he had the Devill within him, and
the spreit of errour. Then answered him a cheild,[415] saying, "The Devill cane
not speik such wordis as yonder man doith speik."
THE SAXT ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike, tratour, and theif, thow saidest that the Sacrament of the
Altare was but a pece of bread, backin upon the asches, and no other thing elles;
and all that is thare done, is but a superstitious ryte aganis the commandiment of
God.

THE ANSWER .
Oh Lord God! so manifest lyes and blasphemyes the Scripture doith not so teach
yow. As concernyng the Sacrament of the Altare, (my Lordis,) I never tawght
any thing against the Scripture, the which I shall, (by Goddis grace,) mak
manifest this day, I being ready tharefore to suffer death.
The lauchfull use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God: but the great
abuse of it is verray detestable unto him. But what occasioun thei have to say
such wordis of me, I sall schortlie schaw your Lordschippes. I once chanced to
meitt with a Jew, when I was sailling upoun the watter of Rhene.[416] I did
inqueir of him, what was the caus of his pertinacie, that he did not beleve that the
trew Messias was come, considering that thei had sene all the prophecyes, which
war speking of him, to be fulfilled: moreover, the prophecyes tackin away, and
the Scepter of Juda. By many other testimonyes of the Scriptour, I vanquest him,
and approved that Messias was come, the which thei called Jesus of Nazareth.
This Jew answered agane unto me, "When Messias cumith, he shall restore all
thingis, and he sall not abrogate the Law, which was gevin to our fatheris, as ye
do. For why? we see the poore almost perish throw hunger amang yow, yitt yow
ar nott moved with pitie towardis thame; butt among us Jewes, thowght we be
puir, thare ar no beggares found. Secundarly, It is forbiddin by the Law, to faine
any kynd of imagrie of thingis in heavin above, or in the erth beneth, or in the
scy under the erth; but one God only to honour; but your sanctuaries and
churches ar full of idolles. Thridly, A peice of braid backin upone the aschis, ye
adore and wirschip, and say, that it is your God." I have rehersed hear but the
sayingis of the Jew,[417] which I never affirmed to be trew.
Then the Bischoppis schooke thare headis, and spitted into the earth: And what
he ment in this mater farther, thei wold nott heare.[418]
THE SEVINT ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike did say, that Extreme Unctioun was not a Sacrament.
THE ANSWER .
My Lord, forsuyth, I never tawght any thing of Extreme Unctioun in my
doctrine, whetther it war a Sacrament or no.
THE EYGHT ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike saidest that the Holy Watter is no sa good as wasche, and
suche lyik. Thow contempnest Conjuring, and sayest, that Holy Churches
cursing availled nott.
THE ANSWERE .
My Lordis, as for Holy Watter, what strenth it is of, I tawght never in my
doctrine. Conjuringes and Exorzismes, yf thei war conformable to the word of
God, I wold commend thame. But in so far as thei ar not conformeable to the
commandiment and worde of God, I reprove thame.
THE NYNT ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike and runnagate hast said, that everie Layman is a Preast; and
such lyik thow sayest, that the Pope hath no more power then any other man.
THE ANSWERE .
My Lordis, I tawght nothing but the worde of God. I remember that I have red in
some places in Sanct Johnne and Sanct Petir, of the which one sayeth, "He hath
made us kingis and preastis;" the other sayeth, "He hath made us the kinglye
preasthode:" Wharefoir, I have affirmed, any man being cuning and perfite in the
word of God, and the trew faith of Jesus Christ, to have his power gevin him
frome God, and not by the power or violence of men, but by the vertew of the
word of God, the which word is called the power of God, as witnesseth Sanct
Paule evidentlie ynewgh. And agane, I say, any unlearned man, and not
exercised in the woord of God, nor yit constant in his faith, whatsoever estaite or
order he be of; I say, he hath no power to bynd or loose, seing he wanteth the
instrument by the which he bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the word of God.
After that he had said these wordis, all the Bischoppes lawghed, and mocked
him. When that he beheld thare lawghing, "Lawgh ye, (sayeth he,) my Lordis?
Thowght that these my sayingis appeir scornefull and worthy of derisioun to
your Lordschippis, nevertheless thei ar verray weightye to me, and of a great
valow; becaus that thei stand not only upon my lyif, bot also the honour and
glorie of God." In the meantyme many godly men, beholding the wodness and
great crueltie of the Bischoppis, and the invincible patience of the said Maister
George, did greatlie mourne and lament.
THE TENT ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike saidst, that a man hath no Free Will; but is lyik to the
Stoickis, which say, That it is nott in man's will to do any thing, but that all
concupiscence and desyre cumith of God, of whatsoever kynd it be of.
THE ANSWER .
My Lordis, I said nott so, trewlie: I say, that as many as beleve in Christ firmelie,
unto thame is gevin libertie, conformable to the saying of Sanct Johnne, "If the
Sone mak yow free, then shall ye verelie be free." Of the contrarie, as many as
beleve not in Christ Jesus, thei ar bound servandis of synne: "He that synneth is
bound to synne."
THE ELLEVINT ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike sayest, It is as lawfull to eitt flesche upoun Fryday, as on
Sonday.
THE ANSWERE .
Pleasith it your Lordschippis, I have redd in the Epistles of Sanct Paule, "That
who is cleane, unto thame all thingis is cleane." Of the contrarie, "To the filthie
men, all thingis ar uncleane." A faithfull man, cleane and holy, sanctifieth by the
worde the creature of God; but the creature maketh no man acceptable unto God:
so that a creature may not sanctifie any impure and unfaithfull man. But to the
faythfull man, all thingis ar sanctifeid, by the prayer of the worde of God.
After these sayingis of Maister George, then said all the Bischoppes, with thare
complices, "Quhat nedeth us any witnesse against him: hath he nott oppinlie hear
spokin blasphemie?"

THE TWELTH ARTICLE .

Thow fals Heretike doest say, That we should nott pray to Sanctes, butt to God
onlye: Say whetther thow hast said this or no: say schortlye.
THE ANSWER .
For the weaknes and the infirmitie of the heararis, (he said,) without doubt
plainelie, that Sanctis should not be honored nor incalled upone. My Lordis,
(said he,) thare ar two thingis worthy of note: the one is certane, and the other
uncertane. It is found plainlie and certane in Scriptures, that we should wirschipe
and honour one God, according to the saying of the first Commandiment, "Thow
sall onlie wirschip and honour thy Lord God with all thy harte." But as for
praying to and honoring of Sanctes, thare is great dowbt amang many, whether
thei hear or no invocatioun maid unto thame. Tharefoir, I exhorted all men
equallye in my doctrine, that thei should laif the unsure way, and follow the way
which was taught us by our Maister Christ:
He is onlye our Mediatour, and maketh intercessioun for us to God his Father:
He is the doore, by which we must enter in:
He that entereth not in by this doore, but clymeth ane other way, is a theif and a
murtherare:
He is the Veritie and Lyef:
He that goeth out of this way, thare is no dowbt but he shall fall into the myre;
yea, verrelye, he is fallin in to it all readdy. This is the fassioun of my doctrine,
the which I have ever followed. Verrelie that which I have heard and redd in the
woorde of God, I taught opinelye and in no cornerris, and now ye shall witness
the same, yf your Lordschippis will hear me: Except it stand by the worde of
God, I dar nott be so bold to affirme any thing. These sayingis he rehersed
diverse tymes.
THE XIII ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike has preached plainelie, saying, That thare is no Purgatorie,
and that it is a fayned thing, any man, after this lyfe, to be punished in
Purgatorie.
THE ANSWERE .
My Lordis, as I haif oftentymes said heirtofoir, without expresse witnes and
testimonye of Scripture, I dar affirme nothing. I have oft and divers tymes redd
ower the Bible, and yitt such a terme fand I never, nor yet any place of Scripture
applicable thairunto. Tharefore, I was eschamed ever to teach of that thing,
which I could nott fynd in Scripture.
Then said he to Maister Johnne Lauder, his accusare, "Yf yow have any
testimonye of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such place, schew it
now befoir this auditoure."[419] But that dolt had not a worde to say for him self,
but was as doume as a bitle[420] in that mater.
THE XIIII ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretyke hast taught plainelie against the vowis of Monkis, Freiris,
Nonnes, and Preastis, saying, That whosoever was bound to such lyik vowis, thei
vowed thame selves to the estate of damnatioun: Moreover, that it was lauchfull
for Preastis to marye wyffis, and not to leve sole.

THE ANSWER .
Of suth, my Lordis, I have redd in the Evangell, that thare ar three kynd of chast
men: some ar gelded frome thare motheris wombe; some ar gelded by men; and
some have gelded thame selfis for the kingdome of heavinis saik: verrelye, I say,
these men ar blessed by the Scripture of God. But as many as have nott the gyft
of Chastitie, nor yitt for the Evangell have nott owercome the concupiscence of
the flesche, and have vowed chastitie, ye have experience, althowght I suld hold
my toung,[421] to what inconvenience thei have vowed thame selfis.

When he had said these wordis, thei were all doume,[422] thinking better to have
ten concubynes, then one maryed wyfe.
THE XV ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike and runnagate, sayest, That thow will not obey our Generall
nor Principale[423] Councellis.
THE ANSWER .
My Lordis, what your Generall Counsallis ar, I know not: I was never exercised
in thame; butt to the pure woord of God I gave my laubouris. Read hear your
Generall Counsallis, or ellis give me a book, whairin thei ar conteaned, that I
may reid thame: Yf that thei aggree with the word of God, I will not disagree.

Then the ravineyng wolves turned into madnes,[424] and said,

"Whareunto lett we him speak any further? Reid furth the rest THIS WAS
FREIR SCOT.
of the Articles, and stay not upoun thame." Amonges these
cruell tygres, thare was one fals hypocryte, a seducer of the people, called
Johnne Scot,[425] standing behynd Johnne Lauderis back, hasting him to reid the
rest of the Articles, and nott to tary upone his wittie and godlye ansueris; "For
we may not abyde thame, (quod he,) no more then the Devill may abyde the sign
of the croce, when it is named."
THE XVI ARTICLE .
Thow Heretike sayest, That it is vane to buyld to the honour of God costlie
Churches, seing that God remaneth not in Churches made by menis handis, nor
yit can God be in so litill space, as betuix the Preastis handis.

THE ANSWER .
My Lordis, Salomon sayith, "Yf that the heavin of heavinis can not comprehend
thee, how much less this house that I have buylded." And Job consenteth to the
same sentence, saying, "Seing that he is heychtar then the heavins, tharefor what
can thow buyld unto him? He is deapar then the hell, then how sall thow know
him? He is longar then the earth, and breadar then the sea." So that God can nott
be comprehended into one space, becaus that he is infinite. These sayingis,
nochtwithstanding, I said never that churches should be destroyed; bot of the
contrarie, I affirmed ever, that churches should be susteaned and upholdin, that
the people should be congregat in thame to hear the worde of God preached.
Moreover, wharesoever is the trew preaching of the word of God, and the
lauchfull use of the Sacramentes, undoubtedlye thare is God him self. So that
both these sayingis ar trew together: God can nott be comprehended into any one
place: And, "Wharesoever thare ar two or three gathered in his name, thare is he
present in the myddest of thame." Then said he to his Accusar, "Yf thow thinkest
any otherwyise then I say, schaw furth thy reasonis befoir this auditorie." Then
he, without all reassone, was dome,[426] and could not answer a worde.
THE XVII ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike contemnest Fasting, and sayest, thow shouldest not fast.
THE ANSWER .
My Lordis, I find that Fasting is commended in the Scripture; tharefor I war a
sclanderar of the Gospell, yf I contemned fasting. And not so onlye, but I have
learned by experience, that fasting is good for the health and conservatioun of
the body. But God knowith onlye who fastith the trew fast.
THE XVIII ARTICLE .
Thow fals Heretike hes preached opinlie, saying, That the Soulles of men shall
sleip to the latter day of judgement, and shall not obtene lyfe immortale untill
that day.
THE ANSWER .
God, full of mercy and goodnes, forgeve thame that sayeth such thingis of me. I
wote and know suirelie by the word of God, that he which hath begone to have
the faith of Jesus Christ, and belevith fermelie in him, I know suirelie, that the
sawll of that man shall never sleape, bot ever shall leve ane immortall lyef; the
which lyef, frome day to day, is renewed in grace and augmented; nor yitt shall
ever perish, or have ane end, but shall ever leve immortall with Christ thare heid:
To the which lyfe all that beleve in him shall come, and rest in eternall glorie.
Amen.
When that the Bischoppis, with thare complices, had accused this innocent man,
in maner and forme afoirsaid, incontinentlie thei condemned him to be brynt as
are Heretike, not having respect to his godly answeris and trew reassones which
he alledged, nor yitt to thare awin consciences, thinking verelye, that thei should
do to God good sacrifice, conformable to the sayingis of Jesus Christ in the
Gospell of Sanct Johnne, chapter 16: "Thei shall excommunicat yow; yea, and
the tyme shall come, that he which killeth yow shall think that he hath done to
God good service."

THE PRAYER OF MAISTER GEORGE.

"O Immortall God! how long sall thow suffer the woodnes and great crudelitie of
the ungodlie to exercise thare furie upoun thy servandes, which do further thy
word in this world, seing thei desyre to do the contrarie, that is, to chok and
destroy thy trew doctrin and veritie, by the which thow hast schewed thee unto
the world, which was all drouned in blyndness and mysknowledge of thy name.
O Lord, we know suirlie, that thy trew servandes most neidis suffer, for thy
names saik, persecutioun, afflictioun, and troubles in this present lyef, which is
but a schaddow, as thow hast schewed to us, by thy Propheittis and Apostles. But
yitt we desyre thee, (Mercyfull Father,) that thow conserve, defend, and help thy
Congregatioun, which thow hast chosen befoir the begynning of the world, and
give thame thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy trew servandis in this
present lyef."

Then, by and by, thei caused the commoun people to remove,[427] whose desyre
was alwyise to hear that innocent speak. And the sonis of darknes pronunced
thare sentence definitive, not having respect to the judgement of God. When all
this was done and said, my Lord Cardinall caused his tormentares[428] to pas
agane with the meke lambe unto the Castell, untill such tyme the fyre was maid
reddy. When he was come into the Castell, then thare came two Gray feindis,
Freir Scott and his mate, saying, "Schir, ye must maik your confessioun unto us."
He answered, and said, "I will mak no confessioun unto yow. Go fetch me
yonder man that preached this day, and I will maik my confessioun unto him."
Then thei sent for the Suppriour of the Abbay,[429] who came to him with all
dilegence; but what he said in this confessioun, I can not schaw.[430]
When the fyre was maid reddy, and the gallowse, at the West parte of the Castell,
neir to the Priorie, my Lord Cardinall, dreading that Maister George should have
bene takin away by his freindis, tharefoir he commanded to bend all the
ordinance of the Castell richit against the place of executioun, and commanded
all his gunnaris to be readdy, and stand besyde thare gunnes, unto such tyme as
he war burned. All this being done, thei bound Maister George's handis behind
his back, and led him furth with thare soldeouris, from the Castell, to the place of
thare cruell and wicked executioun. As he came furth of the Castell gate, thare
mett him certane beggeris, asking of his almes, for Goddis saik. To whome he
answered, "I want my handis, wharewith I wont to geve yow almes. But the
mercyfull Lord, of his benignitie and aboundand grace, that fedith all men,
votschafe to geve yow necessaries, boith unto your bodyes and soules." Then
afterward mett him two fals feindis, (I should say, Freiris,) saying, "Maister
George, pray to our Lady, that sche may be a mediatrix for yow to hir Sone." To
whome he answered meiklie, "Cease: tempt me not, my brethrene." After this, he
was led to the fyre, with a rope about his neck, and a chaine of irne about his
myddill.
When that he came to the fyre, he sat doun upoun his knees, and rose agane; and
thrise he said these wordis, "O thow Saviour of the warld, have mercy upon me:
Father of heavin, I commend my spreit into thy holy handis." When he had maid
this prayer, he turned him to the people, and said these wordis: "I beseik yow,
Christiane brethrene and sisteris, that ye be nott offended att the word of God,
for the afflictioun and tormentis which ye see already prepared for me. But I
exhorte yow, that ye love the word of God, your salvatioun, and suffer patientlie,
and with a confortable harte, for the wordis saik, which is your undoubted
salvatioun and everlesting conforte. Moirover, I pray yow, shew my brethrene
and sisteris, which have heard me oft befoir, that thei cease nott nor leve of to
learne the word of God, which I taught unto thame, after the grace gevin unto
me, for no persequutionis nor trubles in this world, which lestith nott. And schaw
unto thame, that my doctrine was no wyffes fables, after the constitutions maid
by men; and yf I had taught menis doctrin, I had gottin grettar thankis by men.
Bot for the wordis saik, and trew Evangell, which was gevin to me by the grace
of God, I suffer this day by men, not sorowfullie, but with a glaid harte and
mynd. For this caus I was sent, that I should suffer this fyre for Christis saik.
Considder and behold my visage, ye sall not see me change my cullour. This
gryme fyre I fear nott; and so I pray yow for to do, yf that any persecutioun
come unto yow for the wordis saik; and nott to fear thame that slay the body, and
afterwarte have no power to slay the saule. Some have said of me, that I taught,
that the saule of man should sleap untill the last day; but I know suirlie, and my
faith is such, that my saule sail sowp[431] with my Saviour this nycht, or it be sex
houris, for whome I suffer this." Then he prayed for thame which accused him,
saying, "I beseik the Father of Heavin to forgive thame that have of any
ignorance, or ellis of any evill mynd, forged lyes upone me; I forgeve thame with
all myne hearte: I beseik Christ to forgeve thame that have condemned me to
death this day ignorantlye." And last of all, he said to the people on this maner,
"I beseik yow, brethrene and sisteris, to exhorte your Prelattis to the learnyng of
the word of God, that thei at the least may be eschamed to do evill, and learne to
do good; and yf thei will not converte thame selves frome thare wicked errour,
thare shall hastelie come upone thame the wrath of God,[432] which thei sail not
eschew."
Many faythfull wordis said he in the meane tyme, takin no head or cair of the
cruell tormentis which war then prepared for him. Then, last of all, the hangman,
that was his tormentour, sat doune upoun his kneis, and said, "Schir, I pray yow,
forgive me, for I am nott guiltie of your death." To whome he answered, "Come
hither to me." When he was come to him, he kissed his cheik, and said, "Lo!
hear is a tokin that I forgeve thee: My harte, do thyn office." And then by and by,
he was putt upoun the gibbet, and hanged, and there brynt to poulder.[433] When
that the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, thei mycht not
withhold frome piteous morning and complaining of the innocent lambes
slawchter.[434]

After the death of this blissed martyre of God, begane the

people, in plaine speaking, to dampne and detest the crueltie THE WORLDLY
that was used. Yea, men of great byrth, estimatioun, and STRENTH
OF
THE
honour, at open tables avowed, That the blood of the said CARDINALL
Maister George should be revenged, or ellis thei should cost OF SCOTLAND.
lyef for lyef. Amonges whome Johnne Leslye,[435] brother to
the Erle of Rothess, was the cheaf; for he, in all cumpanyes, spared not to say,
"That same whingar, (schawin furth his dager,) and that same hand, should be
preastis to the Cardinall." These bruytis came to the Cardinalles earis; but he
thought him self stout yneuch for all Scotland; for in Babylon, that is, in his new
blok-house, he was suyre, as he thought; and upoun the feildis, he was able to
matche all his ennemies. And to wryte the trewth, the most parte of the Nobilitie
of Scotland had ether gevin unto him thare bandis of manrent, or ellis war in
confideracye, and promessed amitie with him. He onlye feared thame in whose
handis God did deliver him, and for thame had he laid his neattis so secreatlie,
(as that he maid a full compt,) that thare feit could not eschap, as we shall after
heare; and something of his formare practises we man reacompt.

After the Pasche he came to Edinburgh, to hold the seinze,[436] (as the Papistes
terme thare unhappy assemblie of Baallis schaven sorte.) It was bruyted that
something was purposed against him, at that tyme, by the Erle of Anguss and his
freindis, whome he mortally hated, and whose destructioun he sought. But it
failled, and so returned he to his strenth; yea, to his God and only conforte,
asweill in heavin as in earth. And thare he remaned without all fear of death,
promissing unto him self no less pleasur, nor did the riche man, of whome
mentioun is maid by our Maister in the Evangell; for he did nott onlie rejois and
say, "Eitt and be glade, my saule, for thow hast great riches laid up in store for
many dayis;" bot also he said, "Tush, a feg for the fead, and a
buttoun for the braggyne of all the heretikis and thare THE BRAGGYN
assistance in Scotland. Is nott my Lord Governour myne? OF THE
CARDINALL A
Witness his eldast sone[437] thare pledge at my table? Have I LITLE BEFOIR
not the Quene at my awin devotioun? (He ment of the mother HIS DEATH
to Mary that now myschevouslie regnes.) Is not France my freind, and I freind to
France? What danger should I fear?" And thus, in vanitie, the carnall Cardinall
delyted him self a lytill befoir his death. But yit he had devised to have cutt of
such as he thought mycht cummer him; for he had appointed the haill gentilmen
of Fyff to have mett him at Falkland, the Mononday after that he was slane
upoun the Setterday. His treasonable purpoise was nott
understand but by his secreat counsall; and it was this: That THE
TREASOUN OF
Normond Leslie, Schireff of Fyff,[438] and appearing air to his THE
father, the Erle of Rothess; the said Johnne Leslye, father- CARDINALL
brother to Normound; the Lardis of Grange, eldar and youngar;
Schir James Lermound of Darsye,[439] and Provest of Sanctandrose; and the
faythfull Lard of Raith;[440] should eyther have bene slane, or ellis tane, and after
to have bene used at his pleasur. This interprise was disclosed after his
slawchtter, partlye by letteris and memorialles found in his chalmer, butt playnlie
affirmed by suche as war of the consall. Many purposes war devised, how that
wicked man mycht have bene tackin away. But all failled, till Fryday, the xxviij
of Maij, Anno 1546, when the foirsaid Normound came at nycht to
Sanctandross; Williame Kirkcaldye of Grange youngar was in the toune befoir,
awaitting upoun the purpoise; last came Johnne Leslye foirsaid, who was most
suspected. What conclusion thei took that nycht, it was nott knawin, butt by the
ischew which followed.
But airlie upoun the Setterday, in the mornyng, the 29. of Maij,
war thei in syndree cumpanyes in the Abbay kirk-yard, not far HOW THE
CARDINALL
distant frome the Castell. First, the yettis being oppin, and the WAS
draw-brig lettin doun, for receaving of lyme and stanes, and OCCUPYED
other thingis necessar for buylding, (for Babylon was almost THE NYCHT
BEFOIR THAT
finished,)—first, we say, assayed Williame Kirkcaldy of THE
Grange youngar, and with him sex personis, and gottin MORNYNG HE
enteress, held purpose with the portare, "Yf My Lord was WAS SLAINE.
walking?" who ansuered, "No." (And so it was in dead; for he
had bene busy at his comptis with Maistres Marioun Ogilbye[441] that nycht, who
was espyed to departe frome him by the previe posterne that morning; and
tharefor qwyetness, after the reuillis of phisick, and a morne sleap[442] was
requisite for My Lord.) Whill the said Williame and the Portar talked, and his
servandis maid thame to look the work and the workemen, approched Normound
Leslye with his company; and becaus thei war in no great nomber, thei easilie
gat entress. Thei address thame to the myddest of the close, and immediatlie
came Johnne Leslye, somewhat rudlye, and four personis with him. The portar,
fearing, wold have drawin the brig; but the said Johnne, being entered thairon,
stayed, and lap in. And whill the portar maid him for defence, his head was
brokin, the keyis tackin frome him, and he castin in the fowsea;[443] and so the
place was seased. The schowt arises:[444] the workemen, to the nomber of mo
then a hundreth, ran of the wallis, and war without hurte put furth at the wicked
yett.[445] The first thing that ever was done, Williame Kirkcaldye took the garde
of the prevey posterne, fearing that the fox should have eschaped. Then go the
rest to the gentilmenis chalmeris, and without violence done to any man, thei put
mo then fyftie personis to the yett: The nomber that interprised and did this, was
but sextein personis. The Cardinall, awalkned with the schouttis, asked from his
windo, What ment that noyse? It was answered, That Normound Leslye had
tackin his Castell. Which understand, he ran to the posterne; but perceaving the
passage to be keapt without, he returned qwicklye to his chalmer, took his
twahanded sword, and garte his chalmer child cast kystes, and other
impedimentis to the doore. In this meane tyme came Johnne
Leslye unto it, and biddis open. The Cardinall askyne, "Who THE
calles?" he answeris, "My name is Leslye." He re-demandis, CARDINALLIS
DEMAND
"Is that Normond?" The other sayis, "Nay; my name is
Johnne." "I will have Normound," sayis the Cardinall; "for he is my friend."[446]
"Content your self with such as ar hear; for other shall ye gett nane." Thare war
with the said Johnne, James Melven,[447] a man familiarlie acquented with
Maister George Wisharte, and Petir Caremichaell,[448] a stout gentilman. In this
meanetyme, whill thei force at the doore, the Cardinall hydis a box of gold under
coallis that war laide in a secreat cornar. At lenth he asked, "Will ye save my
lyef?" The said Johnne answered, "It may be that we will." "Nay," sayis the
Cardinall, "Swear unto me by Goddis woundis, and I will open unto yow." Then
answered the said Johnne, "It that was said, is unsaid;" and so cryed, "Fyre,
fyre;" (for the doore was verray stark;) and so was brought ane chymlay full of
burnyng coallis. Which perceaved, the Cardinall or his chalmer child, (it is
uncertane,) opened the doore, and the Cardinall satt doune in a chyre, and cryed,
"I am a preast; I am a preast: ye will nott slay me." The said
Johnne Leslye, (according to his formar vowes,) strook him THE
CARDINALLIS
first anes or twyse, and so did the said Petir. But James CONFESSIOUN
Melven, (a man of nature most gentill and most modest,[449])
perceaving thame boyth in cholere, withdrew thame, and said, "This worke and
judgement of God, (althought it be secreit,) aught to be done with greattar
gravitie;" and presenting unto him the point of the sweard, said, "Repent thee of
thy formar wicked lyef, but especiallie of the schedding of the
blood of that notable instrument of God, Maister George THE GODLY
FACT AND
Wisharte, which albeit the flame of fyre consumed befoir men; WOORDIS OF
yitt cryes it, a vengeance upoun thee, and we from God ar sent JAMES
to revenge it: For heir, befoir my God, I protest, that nether the MELVEN.[450]
hetterent of thy persone, the luif of thy riches, nor the fear of
any truble thow could have done to me in particulare, moved, nor movis me to
stryk thee; but only becaus thow hast bein, and remanes ane obstinat ennemye
against Christ Jesus and his holy Evangell." And so he stroke him twyse or thrise
trowght with a stog sweard; and so he fell, never word heard out of his mouth,
but "I am a preast, I am a preast: fy, fy: all is gone."[451]
THE
Whill they war thus occupyed with the Cardinall, the fray rises CARDINALLIS
LAST
in the toune. The Provest[452] assembles the communitie, and WOORDIS
cumis to the fowseis syd, crying, "What have ye done with my
Lord Cardinall? Whare is my Lord Cardinall? Have ye slayne my Lord
Cardinall? Lett us see my Lord Cardinall?" Thei that war within answered
gentilye, "Best it war unto yow to returne to your awin houssis; for the man ye
call the Cardinall has receaved his reward, and in his awin persone will truble
the warld no more." But then more enraigedlye, thei cry, "We shall never departe
till that we see him." And so was he brought to the East blok-house head, and
schawen dead ower the wall to the faythless multitude, which wold not beleve
bofoir it saw: How miserably lay David Betoun, cairfull Cardinall.[453] And so
thei departed, without Requiem æternam, and Requiescant in pace, song for his
saule. Now, becaus the wether was hote, (for it was in Maij, as yo have heard,)
and his funerallis could not suddandly be prepared, it was thowght best, to keap
him frome styncking, to geve him great salt ynewcht, a cope of lead, and a
nuk[454] in the boddome of the Sea-toore, (a place whare many of Goddis
childrene had bein empreasoncd befoir,) to await what exequeis his brethrene the
Bischoppes wold prepare for him.[455]
These thingis we wreat mearelie.[456] But we wold, that the
Reader should observe Goddis just judgementis, and how that ADVERTISMENT
TO THE
he can deprehend the worldly wyse in thare awin wisdome, READAR.
mak thare table to be a snare to trape thare awin feit, and thare
awin presupposed strenth to be thare awin destructioun. These ar the workis of
our God, wharby he wold admonish the tyrantis of this earth, that in the end he
will be revenged of thare crueltye, what strenth so ever thei mack in the contrare.
But such is the blyndnes of man, (as David speakis,) "That the posteritie does
ever follow the footsteppes of thare wicked fatheris, and principallie in thare
impietie;" for how litill differres the cruelty of that bastarde, that yitt is called
Bischope of Sanctandrois,[457] frome the crueltie of the formar, we will after
heare.
The death of this foirsaid tyrant was dolorous to the preastis,
dolorous to the Governour, most dolorous to the Quene THE BISCHOPE
OF
Dowager;[458] for in him perished faythfulnes to France, and SANCTANDROIS
the conforte to all gentilwemen, and especiallie to wantoun WAS GLAID,
wedowis: His death most be revenged. To the Courte agane AND YITT
MAID HIMSELF
repares the Erle of Anguss, and his brother Schir George. TO BE ANGREE
Laubour is maid for the Abbacy of Abirbrothok, and a grant AT THE
SLAUCHTER
was ones maid of the samyn, (in memorie whareof George OF THE
Dowglas,[459] bastard sone to the said Erle, is yet called CARDINALL.
Postulat.) Butt it was more proper, (think the Hammyltonis,)
for the Governouris keching, nor for reward to the Dowglasses. And yitt in
esperance thairof, the saidis Erle and George his brother war the first that voted,
that the Castell of Sanctandrois should he beseiged. The Bischope, to declair the
zeall that he had to revenge the death of him that was his predecessour, (and yit
for his wishe he wold nott haif had him leaving agane,) still blew the coallis.
And first, he caused summound, then denunce accurssed, and then last, rebelles,
[460] not only the first interprisaris, but all such also as after did accumpany

thame.[461] And last of all, the seige was concluded, which begane in the end of
August; (for the 23 day thairof departed the soldeouris from Edinburgh,) and
continewed near to the end of Januare. At what tyme, becaus thei had no other
hope of wynnyng of it butt by hounger; and thairof also thei war dispared; for
thei within had brockin throwght the east wall, and maid a plaine passage, by ane
yron yett to the sea, which greatly releaved the besegeid, and abased the
beseagearis; for then thei saw that thei could nott stope thame of victualles,
onless that thei should be maisteris of the sea, and that thei clearlie understood
thei could not be; for the Engliss schippis had ones bein thare, and had browght
Williame Kirkcaldy frome London, and with much difficultie, (becaus the said
yett was nott then prepared,) and some loss of men, had randered him to the
Castell agane, and had tackin with thame to the Courte of England, Johnne Lesly
and Maister Henry Balnavis, for perfyting of all contractes betuix thame and
King Harye, who promissed to tak thame in his protectioun,
upoun conditioun onlye, that thei should keape the UPON WHAT
CONDITIONIS
Governouris sone, my Lord of Errane,[462] and stand freindis to KING HARY
the contract of mariage, whareof befoir we have made TOOK THE
CASTELL
mentioun. These thingis clearly understand, (we say,) by the SANCTANDROIS OF

Governour and his Counsall, the preastis and the schavin sorte, IN HIS
thei conclude to make ane Appointment, to the end, that under PROTECTIOUN
treuth thei mycht eyther gett the Castell betrayed, or elles some
principall men of the cumpany tackin at unwarres. In the which head was the
Abbot of Dumfermling[463] principall; and for that purpose had the Lard of
Monquhany,[464] (who was most familiar with those of the Castell,) laubored at
foote and hand, and proceaded so in his trafique, that from entress upoun
daylyght at his pleasur, he gat licience to come upoun the nycht whensoever it
pleased him. But God had nott appointed so many to be betrayed, albeit that he
wold that thei should be punished, and that justlye, as heirafter we will hear.
THE HEADIS OF THE COLOURED APPOINTMENT WAR:—
1. That thei should keap the Castell of Sanctandrois, ay and whill
that the Governour, and the authoritie of Scotland, should gett unto
thame ane sufficient absolutioun from the Pape, (Antichrist of
Rome,) for the slawchtter of the Cardinall foirsaid.
 2. That thei should deliver pledges for deliverie of that House, how
sone the foirsaid absolutioun was delivered unto thame.
3. That thei, thare freindis, familiaris, servandes, and otheris to
thame pertenyng, should never be persewed in the law, nor by the
law,[465] be the authoritie, for the slauchter foirsaid. But that thei
should bruik[466] commodities spirituall or temporall, whatsoever
thei possessed befoir the said slauchter, evin as yf it had never bein
committed.

4. That thei of the Castell should keape the Erle of Errane,[467] so

long as thare pledges war keape.—And such lyik Articles, liberall
yneuch; for thei never mynded to keape word of thame, as the
ischew did declaire.

The Appointment maid, all the godly war glaid; for some esperance[468] thei had,
that thairby Goddis woord should somewhat bud, as in deid so it did. For Johnne
Rowgh,[469] (who sone after the Cardinalles slawghter entered within the Castell,
and had continewed with thame the hole seige,) begane to preach in
Sanctandrois; and albeit he was nott the most learned, yit was his doctrin without
corruptioun, and tharefoir weall lyiked of the people.

At the Pasche[470] after, came to the Castell of Sanctandrois

JOHNNE KNOX, who, weareid of removing from place to place, ANNO 1547.
be reassone of the persecutioun that came upoun him by this
Bischope of Sanctandros, was determinat to have left Scotland, and to have
vesitid the schooles of Germany, (of England then he had no pleasur, be reassone
that the Paipes name being suppressed, his lawes and corruptionis remaned in
full vigour.) But becaus he had the cair of some gentilmenes childrene, whome
certane yearis he had nurished in godlynes, thare fatheris solisted him to go to
Sanctandrois, that himself mycht have the benefite of the Castell, and thare
childrene the benefite of his doctrine; and so, (we say,) came he the tyme foirsaid
to the said place, and, having in his cumpanye Franciss Dowglass of
Langnudrye, George his brother,[471] and Alexander Cockburne, eldast sone then
to the Lard of Ormestoun,[472] begane to exercise thame after his accustomed
maner. Besydis thare grammare, and other humane authoris, he redd unto thame
a catechisme, a compt whairof he caused thame geve publictlie in the parishe
Kirk of Sanctandrois. He redd moreover unto thame the Evangell of Johnne,
proceading whare he left at his departing from Langnudrye, whare befoir his
residence was; and that lecture he redd in the chapell, within the Castell, at a
certane hour. Thei of the place, but especiallie Maister Henry Balnaves and
Johne Rowght, preachear, perceaving the manor of his doctrin, begane earnestlie
to travaill with him, that he wold tack the preaching place upoun him. But he
utterlie refuissed, alledgeing "That he wold nott ryne whare God had nott called
him;" meanyng, that he wold do nothing without a lauchfull vocatioun.
Whareupone thei prively amonges thame selfis advising,
having with thame in counsall[473] Schir David Lyndesay of the THE FIRST
VOCATIOUN
Mont, thei concluded, that thei wold geve a charge to the said BY NAME OF
Johnne, and that publictlie by the mouth of thare preachear. JOHNE KNOX
And so upoun a certane day, a sermone had of the electioun of TO PREACHE.
ministeris, What power the congregatioun (how small that ever it was, passing
the nomber of two or three) had above any man, in whome thei supposed and
espyed the giftes of God to be, and how dangerous it was to refuise, and not to
hear the voce of such as desyre to be instructed. These and other headis, (we
say,) declaired, the said Johnne Rowght,[474] prcachear, directed his wordis to the
said Johne Knox, saying, "Brother, ye shall nott be offended, albeit that I speak
unto yow that which I have in charge, evin from all those that ar hear present,
which is this: In the name of God, and of his Sone Jesus Christ, and in the name
of these that presentlie calles yow by my mouth, I charge yow, that ye refuise not
this holy vocatioun, but that as ye tender the glorie of God, the encrease of
Christ his kingdome, the edificatioun of your brethrene, and the conforte of me,
whome ye understand weill yneuch to be oppressed by the multitude of
laubouris, that ye tack upoun yow the publict office and charge of preaching,
evin as ye looke to avoid Goddis heavye displeasur, and desyre that he shall
multiplye his graces with yow." And in the end, he said to those that war present,
"Was not this your charge to me? And do ye not approve this vocatioun?" Thei
answered, "It was; and we approve it." Whairat the said Johnne[475] abashed,
byrst furth in moist abundand tearis, and withdrew him self to his chalmer. His
conteanance and behaveour, fra that day till the day that he was compelled to
present him self to the publict place of preaching, did sufficiently declair the
greaf and truble of his hearte; for no man saw any sign of myrth of him, neyther
yitt had he pleasur to accumpany any man, many dayis togetther.
The necessitie that caused him to enter in the publict place,
besydis the vocatioun foirsaid, was: Dean[476] Johne Annane, DEAN JOHNE
[477] (a rottin Papist,) had long trubled Johnne Rowght in his ANNAN.

preaching: The said Johnne Knox had fortifeid the doctrine of the Preachear by
his pen, and had beattin the said Dean Johne from all defences, that he was
compelled to fly to his last refuge, that is, to the authoritie of the Church, "Which
authoritie, (said he,) damned all Lutherianes and heretikes; and tharefoir he
nedith no farther disputatioun." Johne Knox answered, "Befoir we hold our
selfis, or that ye can prove us sufficientlie convict, we must defyne the Church,
by the; rycht notes gevin to us in Goddis Scriptures of the trew Church. We must
decerne the immaculat spous of Jesus Christ, frome the Mother of confusioun,
spirituall Babylon, least that imprudentlie we embrase a harlote instead of the
cheast spous; yea, to speak it in plaine wordes, least that we submitt our selves to
Sathan, thinking that we submitt our selfis to Jesus Christ. For, as for your
Romane Kirk, as it is now corrupted, and the authoritie thairof, whairin standis
the hope of your victorie, I no more dowbt but that it is the synagog of Sathan,
and the head thairof, called the Pape, to be that man of syne, of whome the
Apostle speakis, then that I doubt that Jesus Christ suffurred by the procurement
of the visible Kirk of Hierusalem. Yea, I offer my selve, by
woord or wryte, to prove the Romane Church this day farther THE OFFER OF
degenerat from the puritie which was in the dayis of the JOHNE FIRST
KNOX
AND
Apostles, then was the Church of the Jewes from the ordinance LAST UNTO
gevin by Moses, when thei consented to the innocent death of THE PAPISTIS
Jesus Christ." These woordis war spokin in open audience, in
the parishe Kirk of Sanctandrois, after that the said Dean Johne Annane had
spokin what it pleasith him, and had refuissed to dispute. The people hearing the
offer, cryed with one consent, "We can not all read your writtingis, butt we may
all hear your preaching: Tharefore we requyre yow, in the name of God, that ye
will lett us hear the probatioun of that which ye have affirmed; for yf it be trew,
we have bene miserable deceaved."
And so the nixt Sounday was appointed to the said Johne, to
expresse his mynd in the publict preaching place. Which day THE FIRST
PUBLICT
approching, the said Johne took the text writtin in Daniel, the
SERMON[478]
sevint chapter, begynnyng thus: "And ane other king shall rise OF JOHNE
after thame, and he shall be unlyik unto the first, and he shall KNOX MAID IN
subdew three kinges, and shall speak wordis against the Most THE KIRK
PARISH
OF
Heigh, and shall consome the sanctes of the Most Heigh, and SANCTANDROIS.
think that he may change tymes and lawes, and thei shalbe
gevin into his handis, untill a tyme, and tymes, and deviding of tymes."
1. In the begynnyng of his sermon, he schew the great luif of God towardis his
Church, whome it pleaseth to foirwarne of dangeris to come so many yearis
befoir thei come to pas. 2. He breavelie[479] entraited the estait of the Israelitis,
who thane war in bondage in Babylon, for the most parte; and maid a schorte
discourse of the foure Impyres, the Babyloniane, the Persiane, that of the
Greakis, and the fourte of the Romanes; in the destructioun whairof, rase up that
last Beast, which he affirmed to be the Romane Church; for to none other power
that ever has yitt bein, do all the notes that God hes schawin to the Propheit
appertane, except to it allone; and unto it thei do so propirlie apperteane, that
such as ar not more then blynd, may clearlie see thame. 3. But befoir he begane
to opin the corruptionis of the Papistrie, he defyned the trew Kirk, schew the
trew notes of it, whairupoun it was buylded, why it was the pillare of veritie, and
why it could nott err, to witt, "Becaus it heard the voce of the awin pastor, Jesus
Christ, wold not hear a strangere, nether yitt wold be caryed about with everie
kynd of doctrin."
Every ane of these headis sufficientlie declared, he entered to the contrar; and
upoun the notes gevin in his text, he schew that the Spreit of God in the New
Testament gave to this king other names,[480] to witt, "the Man of Syn," "the
Antichrist," "the Hoore of Babylon." He schew, that this man of syn, or
Antichrist, was not to be restreaned to the person of any one man onlie, no more
then by the fourte beast was to be understand the persone of any one Emperour.
But by sic meanes[481] the Spreat of God wold forewarne his chosyn of a body
and a multitud, having a wicked head, which should not only be synefull him
self, butt that also should be occasioun of syne to all that should be subject unto
him, (as Christ Jesus is caus of justice to all the membres of his body;) and is
called the Antichrist, that is to say, one contrare to Christ, becaus that he is
contrare to him in lyeff, doctrin, lawes, and subjectes. And thane begane he to
dissipher the lyves of diverse Papes, and the lyves of all the scheavelynges for
the most parte; thare doctrine and lawes he plainelie proved to repugne directlye
to the doctrin and lawes of God the Father, and of Christ Jesus his Sone. This he
proved by conferring the doctrin of justificatioun, expressed in
the Scriptures, which teach that man is "justifyed by faith CONTRA DEI
only;" "that the blood of Jesus Christ purges us from all our SPIRITUM
AD
GALATOS CA. 2.
synnes;" and the doctrin of the Papistes, which attributeth VERSU 16, ET 3,
justificatioun to the workis of the law, yea, to the workis of 11.
manis inventioun, as pilgremage, pardonis, and otheris sic
baggage. That the Papisticall lawes repugned to the lawes of the Evangell, he
proved by the lawis maid of observatioun of dayis, absteanyng from meattis, and
frome mariage, which Christ Jesus maid free; and the forbidding whereof, Sanct
Paule called "the doctrin of devillis." In handilling the notes of that Beast gevin
in the text, he willed men to considder yf these notes, "Thare
shall ane arise unlyk to the other, heaving a mouth speaking THE WOORDIS
GREAT

great thinges and blasphemous," could be applyed to any other, WHICH THE
but to the Pape and his kingdome; for "yf these, (said he,) be ANTICHRIST
not great woordis and blasphemous, 'the Successor of Petir,' SPEAKITH
'the Vicare of Christ,' 'the Head of the Kirk,' 'most holy,' 'most blessed,' 'that can
not err;' that 'may maik rycht of wrong, and wrong of rycht;' that 'of nothing,
may mak somewhat;' and that 'hath all veritie in the schryne of his breast;' yea,
'that hes power of all, and none power of him:' Nay, 'not to say that he dois
wrong, althought he draw ten thowsand millioun of saules with him self to hell.'
Yf these, (said he,) and many other, able to be schawin in his awin Cannone
Law, be not great and blasphemous woordis, and such as never mortall man spak
befoir, lett the world judge. And yitt, (said he,) is thare one most evident of all,
to wit, Johnne, in his Revelatioun, sayis, 'That the merchandeise of that
Babyloniane harlot, amonges otheris thingis, shalbe the bodyes and saules of
men.' Now, lett the verray Papistes thame selfis judge, yf ever any befoir thame
took upoun thame power to relax the paines of thame that war in Purgatorie, as
thei affirme to the people that daily thei do, by the merites of thare Messe, and of
thare other trifilles." In the end he said, "Yf any here, (and thare war present
Maister Johne Mayre,[482] the Universitie, the Suppriour,[483] and many
Channonis, with some Freiris of boyth the ordouris,) that will say, That I have
alledgeid Scripture, doctour, or historye, otherwyise then it is writtin, lett thame
come unto me with sufficient witness, and by conference I shall lett thame see,
not onlye the originall whare my testimonyes ar writtin, but I shall prove, that
the wrettaris ment as I have spokin."
Of this sermon, which was the first that ever Johne Knox maid in publict, was
thare diverse bruyttis. Some said, "Otheris sned[484] the branches of the Papistrie,
but he stryekis at the roote, to destroy the hole." Otheris said, "Yf the doctouris,
and Magistri nostri, defend nott now the Pape and his authoritie, which in thare
awin presence is so manifestlie impugned, the Devill have my parte of him, and
of his lawes boyth." Otheris said, "Maister George Wishart spak never so
plainelye, and yitt he was brunt: evin so will he be." In the end, otheris said,
"The tyranny of the Cardinall maid nott his cause the bettir, nether yitt the
sufferring of Goddis servand maid his cause the worse. And tharefoir we wold
counsall yow and thame, to provide bettir defenses then fyre and sweard; for it
may be that ellis ye wilbe disapointed: men now have other eyes then thei had
than." This answer gave the Lard of Nydie,[485] a man fervent and uprycht in
religioun.
The bastard Bischope, who yit was not execrated, (consecrated[486] thei call it,)
wrait to the Suppriour of Sanctandrois, who (Sede vacante) was Vicare Generall,
"That he wondered that he sufferred sic hereticall and schismaticall doctrin to be
tawght, and nott to oppone him self to the same." Upoun this rebuck, was a
conventioun of Gray Freiris and Blak feindis appointed, with the said Suppriour
Dean Johnne Wynrame, in Sanct Leonardis yardis, whareunto was first called
Johne Rowght, and certane Articles redd unto him; and thairafter was Johnne
Knox called for. The caus of thare conventioun, and why that thei war called,
was exponed; and the Articles war read, which war these:—
I. No mortall man can be the head of the Church.
II. The Pape is ane Antichrist, and so is no member of Christis misticall body.
III.
Man may nether maik nor devise a religioun that is acceptable to God: butt
man is bound to observe and keap the religioun that fra God is receaved, without
chopping or changeing thairof.
IV. The Sacramentis of the New Testament aucht to be ministred as thei war
institut by Christ Jesus, and practised by his Apostles: nothing awght to be added
unto thame; nothing awght to be diminished from thame.
V.The Messe is abominable idolatrie, blasphemous to the death of Christ, and a
prophanatioun of the Lordis Suppar.
VI.Thare is no Purgatorie, in the which the saules of men can eyther be pyned or
purged after this lyef: butt heavin restis to the faythfull, and hell to the reprobat
and unthankfull.[487]
VII. Praying for the dead is vane, and to the dead is idolatrie.
VIII.
Thare is no Bischoppes, except thei preach evin by thame selfis, without any
substitut.
IX. The teindis by Goddis law do not apperteane of necessitie to the Kirkmen.
"The strangeness, (said the Suppriour,) of these Articles, which ar gaddered furth
of your doctrin, have moved us to call for you, to hear your awin answeres."
John Knox said, "I, for my parte, praise my God that I see so honorable, and
appearandlye so modest and qwyet are auditure. But becaus it is long since that I
have heard, that ye ar one that is not ignorant of the treuth, I man crave of yow,
in the name of God, yea, and I appell your conscience befoir that Suppreme
Judge, that yf ye think any Article thare expressed contrarious unto the treuth of
God, that ye oppone your self plainelie unto it, and suffer nott the people to be
tharewith deceaved. But, and yf in your conscience ye knaw the doctrin to be
trew, then will I crave your patrocinye thareto; that, by your authoritie, the
people may be moved the rather to beleve the trewth, whareof many dowbtes be
reassone of our yowght."[488]
The Suppriour answered, "I came nott hear as a judge, but only familiarlie to
talk; and tharefore, I will nether allow nor condempne; butt yf ye list, I will
reassone. Why may nott the Kirk, (said he,) for good causes, devise Ceremonies
to decore the Sacramentis, and other Goddis service?"
JOHNE KNOX.
"Becaus the Kirk awght to do nothing, butt in fayth, and awght not to go befoir;
but is bound to follow the voce of the trew Pastor."
THE SUPPRIOUR.
"It is in fayth that the ceremonyes ar commanded, and thei have proper
significationis to help our fayth; as the hardis in Baptisme signifie the rowchnes
of the law, and the oyle the softnes of Goddis mercy; and lyikwyese, everie ane
of the ceremonyes has a godly significatioun, and tharefoir thei boyth procead
frome fayth, and ar done into faith."
JOHNE KNOX.
"It is not yneucht that man invent a ceremonye, and then geve it a significatioun,
according to his pleasur. For so mycht the ceremonyes of the Gentiles, and this
day the ceremonyes of Mahomeit, be manteaned. But yf that any thing procead
frome fayth, it man have the word of God for the assurance; for ye ar nott
ignorant, 'That fayth cumis by hearing, and hearing by the word of God.' Now, yf
ye will prove that your ceremonyes procead from fayth, and do pleas God, ye
man prove that God in expressed wordis hes commanded thame: Or ellis shall ye
never prove, That thei proceid from fayth, nor yitt that thei please God; but that
thei ar synne, and do displease him, according to the wordis of the Apostill,
'Whatsoever is nott of fayth is synne.'"
THE SUPPRIOUR.
"Will ye bynd us so strait, that we may do nothing without the expresse word of
God? What! and I ask a drynk? think ye that I synne? and yitt I have nott Goddis
word for me."
This answer gave he, as mycht appear, to schift ower the argument upon the
Freare, as that he did.
JOHNE KNOX.
"I wald we should not jest in so grave a mater; nether wold I that ye should
begyn to illud the trewth with sophistrie; and yf ye do, I will defend me the best
that I can. And first, to your drinking, I say, that yf ye eyther eat or drynk
without assurance of Goddis worde, that in so doing ye displease God, and ye
synne into your verray eatting and drynking. For sayis nott the Apostle, speaking
evin of meatt and drynk, 'That the creatures ar sanctifeid unto man, evin by the
word and by prayer.' The word is this: 'All thingis ar clean to the clean,' &c.
Now, let me hear thus much of your ceremonyes, and I sall geve you the
argument; bot I wonder that ye compare thingis prophane and holy thingis so
indiscreatlie togetther. The questioun wes not, nor is nott of meat or drynk,
whairinto the kingdome of God consistis nott; butt the questioun is of Goddis
trew wirschiping, without the quhilk we can have no societie with God. And,
hear it is dowbted, yf we may tack the same fredome in the using of Christis
Sacramentis, that we may do in eatting and drynking. One meat I may eatt,
another I may refuise, and that without scrupill of conscience. I may change ane
with ane other, evin as oft as I please. Whither may we do the same in materis of
religioun? May we cast away what we please, and reteane what we please? Yf I
be weill remembred, Moses, in the name of God, sayis to the people of Israell,
'All that the Lord thy God commandis thee to do, that do thow to the Lord thy
God: add nothing to it; diminyshe nothing from it.' Be this rewill, think I, that the
Kirk of Christ will measur Goddis religioun, and not by that which seames good
in thare awin eis."
THE SUPPRIOUR.
"Forgeve me: I spak it but in mowes, and I was dry. And now, Father, (said he to
the Freir,) follow the argument. Ye have heard what I have said, and what is
answered unto me agane."

ARBUCKILL GRAY-FREIR.[489]
"I shall prove plainlye that Ceremonyes ar ordeyned by God."
JOHNE KNOX.
"Such as God hes ordeyned we allow, and with reverence we use thame. But the
questioun is of those that God hes nott ordeyned, such as, in Baptisme, ar
spattill, salt, candill, cuide, (except it be to keap the barne from cald,) hardis,
oyle, and the rest of the Papisticall inventionis."
ARBUCKILL.
"I will evin prove these that ye dampne to be ordeyned of God."
JOHNE KNOX.
"The pruif thareof I wald glaidly hear."
ARBUCKILL.
"Sayis not Sanct Paule, 'That another fundatioun then Jesus Christ may no man
lay.' But upone this fundatioun some buyld, gold, silver, and precious stones;
some hay, stuble, and wood. The gold, sylver, and precious stones, ar the
Ceremonyes of the Church, which do abyd the fyre, and consumes nott away.'
This place of Scripture is most plaine," (sayis the foolish Feind.)
JOHNE KNOX.
"I prayse my God, throwght Jesus Christ, for I fynd his promeis suyre, trew, and
stable. Christ Jesus biddis us 'Nott fear, when we shalbe called befoir men, to
geve confessioun of his trewth;' for he promisses, 'that it salbe gevin unto us in
that hour, what we shall speak.' Yf I had sowght the hole Scripturis, I could not
have produced a place more propir for my purpose, nor more potent to confound
yow. Now to your argument: The Ceremonyes of the Kirk, (say ye,) ar gold,
silver, and pretious stonis, becaus thei ar able to abyd the fyre; but, I wold learne
of yow, what fyre is it which your Ceremonies does abyd? And in the meantyme,
till that ye be advised to answer, I will schaw my mynd, and make ane argument
against youris, upoun the same text. And first, I say, that I have heard this text
adduced, for a pruf of Purgatorie; but for defence of Ceremonies, I never heard,
nor yitt red it. But omitting whetther ye understand the mynd of the Apostill or
nott, I maik my argument, and say, That which may abyd the fyre, may abyd the
word of God: But your Ceremonies may not abyd the word of God: Ergo, Thei
may not abyd the fyre; and yf they may not abyd the fyre, then ar they not gold,
silver, nor precious stones. Now, yf ye find any ambiguitie in this terme, Fyre,
which I interpret to be the woord, fynd ye me ane other fyre, by the which
thingis buylded upoun Christ Jesus should be tryed then God and his woord,
which both in the Scriptures ar called fyre, and I shall correct my argument."
ARBUCKILL.
"I stand nott thairupoun; but I deny your Minor, to wit, that our Ceremonies may
not abyd the tryall of Goddis woord."
JOHNE KNOX.
"I prove, that abydis not the tryall of Goddis word, which
Goddis word condempnes But Goddis word condempnes your OPTIMA
COLLATIO.
Ceremonies: Therefor thei do not abyd the tryall thairof. But as
the theaf abydis the tryall of the inqueist, and tharby is condempned to be
hanged, evin so may your ceremonies abyd the tryall of Goddis word; but not
ellis. And now, in few wordis to maik plane that wharein ye may seme to dowbt,
to wit, That Goddis woord damnes your Ceremonies, it is evident; for the plaine
and strate commandiment of God is, 'Not that thing which appearis good in thy
eis, shalt thow do to the Lord thy God, but what the Lord thy God hes
commanded thee, that do thow: add nothing to it; diminish nothing from it'. Now
onless that ye be able to prove that God hes commanded your
Ceremonies, this his formar commandiment will dampne boyth DEUTE. 4
yow and thame."

The Freir, somewhat abased[490] what first to answer, whill he wanderis about in
the myst, he falles in a fowll myre; for alledgeing that we may nott be so bound
to the woord, he affirmed, "That the Apostles had not receaved the Holy Ghost,
when thei did wryte thare Epistles; but after, thei receaved him, and then thei did
ordeyn the Ceremonies." (Few wold have thought, that so learned a man wold
have gevin so foolishe ane answer; and yitt it is evin as trew as he bayre a gray
cowll.) Johne Knox, hearing the answer, starte, and said, "Yf that be trew, I have
long bein in ane errour, and I think I shall dye thairintill." The Suppriour said to
him, "Father, what say ye? God forbide that ye affirme that; for then fayre weall
the ground of our fayth." The Freir astonyed, made the best schift that he could
to correct his fall;[491] but it wold not be. Johne Knox brought him oft agane to
the ground of the argument: but he wold never answer directlie, but ever fled to
the authoritie of the Kyrk. Whairto the said Johnne answered ofter then ones,
"That the spous of Christ had nether power nor authoritie against the word of
God." Then said the Freir, "Yf so be, ye will leave us na Kirk." "Indead, (said the
other,) in David I read that thare is a church of the malignantis, for he sayis, Odi
ecclesiam malignantium. That church ye may have, without the word, and doing
many thingis directly feghtting against the word of God. Of that church yf ye
wilbe, I can not impead[492] yow. Bott as for me, I wilbe of none other church,
except of that which hath Christ Jesus to be pastor, which hearis his voce, and
will nott hear a strangeir."
In this Disputatioun many other thingis war merealy skooft
ower;[493] for the Freir, after his fall, could speak nothing to a FREIR
ARBUCKILLIS
purpose. For Purgatorie he had no better pruf, but the authoritie PRUF FOR
of Vergile in his sext Æneidos; and the panes thareof to him PURGATORYE.
was ane evill wyff. How Johne Knox answered that, and many
other thingis, him self did witness in a treatise that he wrate in the gallayis,
conteanyng the some of his doctrin, and Confessioun of his fayth,[494] and send it
to his familiaris in Scotland; with his exhortatioun, that thei should continew in
the trewth, which thei had professed, nochtwithstanding any worldly adversitie
that mycht ensew thareof. Thus much of that Disputatioun
have we inserted hear, to the intent that men may see, how that THE CAUS OF
Sathan ever travellis to obscure the lyght; and yitt how God by THE INSERTING OF
his power, in his weak veschellis, confoundis his craft, and THIS
discloses his darkness. DISPUTATIOUN.

After this, the Papistes nor Frearis had not great heart of farther
disputatioun or reassonyng; butt invented ane other schift, THE PRACTISE
which appeared to proceid frome godlynes; and it was this. OF PAPISTIS
THAT THARE
Everie learned man in the Abbay, and in the Universitie, WICKIDNES
should preach in the parishe kirk his Sonday about. The SHOULD NOT
BE
Suppriour began, followed the Officiall called Spittall,[495] DISCLOSED.
(sermones penned to offend no man,) followed all the rest in
thare ranckes. And so Johne Knox smelled out the craft, and in his sermonis,
which he maid upone the Weak dayis, he prayed to God, that thei should be als
busye in preaching when thare should be more myster of it, then thare was then.
"Allwyise, (said he,) I praise God, that Christ Jesus is
preached, and nothing is said publictlie against the doctrin ye THE
have heard. Yf in my absence thei shall speak any thing, which PROTESTATIOUN
OF JOHNE
in my presence thei do nott, I protest that ye suspend your KNOX
judgement till that it please God ye hear me agane."
God so assisted his weak soldeour, and so blessed his MAISTER
laubouris, that not onlye all those of the Castell, but also a JAMES
BALFOUR
great nomber of the toune, openlie professed, by participatioun ANES JOYNED
of the Lordis Table, in the same puritie that now it is ministrat WITH THE
CHURCH,
in the churches of Scotland, wyth that same doctrin, that he DID PROFESSE AND
had taught unto thame. Amongis whome was he that now ALL DOCTRINE
eyther rewillis, or ellis misrewillis Scotland, to wit, Schir TAWGHT BE
James Balfour, (sometymes called Maister James,[496]) the JOHNE KNOX.
cheaf and principall Protestant that then was to be found in this realme. This we
wryte, becaus we have heard that the said Maister James alledgeis, that he was
never of this our religioun; but that he was brought up in Martine's[497] opinioun
of the Sacrament, and tharefoir he can nott communicat with us. But his awin
conscience, and two hundreth witness besydes, know that he lyes; and that he
was ane of the cheaff, (yf he had not bein after Coppis,) that wold have gevin his
lyef, yf men mycht credite his wordis, for defence of the doctrin that the said
Johnne Knox tawght. But albeit, that those that never war of us, (as none of
Monquhanye's sones have schawin thame selfis to be,) departe from us, it is no
great wonder; for it is propir and naturall that the children follow the father; and
lett the godly levar of that rase and progeny be schawen;[498] for yf in thame be
eather fear of God, or luf of vertew, farther then the present commoditie
persuades thame, men of judgement ar deceaved. Butt to returne to our Historye.
The Preastis and Bischoppis, enraged at these proceadingis,
that war in Sanctandrois, ran now upoun the Governour, now THE RAGE OF
upoun the Quene, now upoun the hole Counsall, and thare THE MARKED
BEASTIS AT
mycht have been hard complainetes and cryes, "What ar we THE
doing? Shall ye suffer this hole realme to be infected with PREACHING
OF THE
pernicious doctrin? Fy upoun yow, and fy upoun us." The TREUTH.
Quein and Monsieur Dosell,[499] (who then was a secretis
mulierum in the Courte,) conforted thame, and willed thame to be quyet, for thei
should see remeady or it was long. And so was provin in dead;
for upoun the penult day of Junij, appeared in the sight of the THE FIRST
CUMING OF
Castell of Sanctandrois twenty ane Frenche galayis, with a THE GALAYES
skeife of an army,[500] the lyik whairof was never sein in that ANNO 1547
Fyrth befoir. This treassonable meane had the Governour, the
Bischope, the Quein, and Monsieur Dosell, under the THE
Appointment drawin. Bot to excuse thare treasone, viij dayis TREASONABLE
befoir, thei had presented ane absolutioun unto thame, as sent FACT
OF THE
GOVERNOUR
from Rome, conteanyng, after the aggravatioun of the cryme, AND THE
this clause, Remittimus Irremissibile, that is, We remitt the QUEIN
DOWAGER
cryme that can nott be remitted. Which considdered by the
worst of the company[501] that was in the Castell, answer was gevin, "That the
Governour and Counsall of the Realme had promissed unto
thame a sufficient and assured absolutioun, which that THE ANSWER
appeared nott to be; and tharefor could thei nott deliver the GEVIN TO THE
GOVERNOUR
house, nether thought thei that any reassonable man wald WHEN THE
requyre thame so to do, considering that promeis was nott CASTELL OF
SANCTANDROIS
keapt unto thame." The nixt day, after that the galayis arryved, WAS
thei summoned the hous, which being denyed, (becaus thei REQUIRED TO
knew thame no magistrattis in Scotland,) thei prepared for BE DELIVERED
seage. And, first thei begane to assalt by sey, and schote two
dayis. Bott thairof thei nether gat advantage nor honour; for thei dang the sclattis
of houssis, but neyther slew man, nor did harme to any wall.
But the Castell handilled thame so, that Sancta Barbara, (the THE
gunnaris goddess,) helped thame nothing; for thei lost many of GUNNARRIS
GODDESS
thare rowaris, men chained in the galayis, and some soldeouris,
bayth by sea and land. And farther, a galay that approched neyar then the rest,
was so doung with the cannoun and other ordinance, that she was stopped under
watter, and so almost drowned, and so had bein, war nott that the rest gave hir
succourse in tyme, and drew hir first to the west sandis, without the schot of the
Castell, and thaireftir to Dondye, whare thei remaned, till that the Governour,
who then was at the seige of Langhope,[502] came unto thame, with the rest of
the French factioun. The seige by land was confirmed about the Castell of
Sanctandrois, the xviiij day of Julij. The trenchess war cast; ordinance was
planted upoun the Abbay Kirk, and upoun Sanct Salvatouris Colledge, and yitt
was the steaple thairof brunt; which so noyed the Castell, that neyther could thei
keape thare blok-houssis, the Sea-tour head, nor the west wall; for in all these
places war men slaine by great ordinance. Yea, thei monted the ordinance so
height upoun the Abbay Kirk, that thei mycht discover the ground of the
close[503] in diverse places. Moreover, within the Castell was the pest,[504] (and
diverse thairin dyed,) which more effrayed some that was thairin, then did the
externall force without. But Johne Knox was of ane other
judgement, for he ever said, "That thare corrupt lyef could nott THE
eschape punishment of God;" and that was his continuall SENTENCE JOHNE KNOX
OF

advertisment, fra the tyme that he was called to preache. When TO THE
thei triumphed of thare victorie, (the first twenty dayis thei had CASTELL OF
SANCTANDROIS
many prosperous chances,) he lamented, and ever said, "Thei BEFOIR IT WAS
saw not what he saw." When thei bragged of the force and WON
thicknes of thare walles, he said, "Thei should be butt
eggeschellis."[505] When thei vanted, "England will reskew us," he said, "Ye
shall not see thame; but ye shalbe delivered in your ennemyis handis, and shalbe
caryed to ane strange countrey."
Upone the penult of Julij,[506] at nycht, was the ordinance
planted for the battery; xiiij cannons, whareof four was PRIOR OF
CAPPUA
cannons royall, called double cannons, besydis other peices.
The battery begane att iiij houris in the mornyng, and befoir ten houris of the
day, the haill sowth qwarter, betuix the foir tour and the East blok-house, was
maid saltable. The lawer transe was condempned, diverse slane into it, and the
East blok-house was schote of fra the rest of the place, betuix ten houris and
ellevin. Thare fell a schour of rane, that continewed neir ane hour, the lyek
wharof had seldom bein sein: It was so vehement, that no man myeht abyd
without a house: The cannounes war left allone. Some within the Castell war of
judgement, that men should have ished, and putt all in the handis of God. But
becaus that Williame Kirkcaldy was commonyng[507] with the Priour of Cappua,
[508] who had the commissioun of that jorney from the King of France, nothing
was interprysed. And so was appointment maid, and the Castell randered upone
Setterday, the last of Julij.
The headis of the Appointment war; "That the lyefis of all
within the Castell should be saved, alsweall Engliss as THE CASTELL
Scottish; That thei should be saiflie transported to France; and OF
SANCTANDROIS
in case that, upoun conditionis that by the King of France REFUISED IN
should be offerred unto thame, thei could nott be content to THARE
GREATEST
remane in service and fredome thare, thei should, upoun the EXTREMITIE
King of France expenssis, be saiflie conveyed to what contrey TO APPOINT
thei wold requyre, other then Scotland." Wyth the Governour WITH THE
GOVERNOUR.
thei wold have nothing ado, neyther yitt with any Scottishe
man; for thei had all tratorouslye betrayed them, "Which," said the Lard of
Grange eldar, (a man sempill, and of most stout corage,) "I am assured God shall
revenge it, or it be long."
The galayes, weall furnessed with the spoyle of the Castell
foirsaid, after certane dayis, returned to France; and eschaping MAISTER
a great danger, (for upon the back of the sandis thei all JAMES BALFOUR WAS
schopped,) thei arryved first at Fekcam,[509] and thareafter past FLEYED
up the watter of Sequane,[510] and lay befoir Rowane; whare YNEUCH.
the principall gentilmen, who looked for fredome, war dispersed and putt in
syndrie preasonis. The rest war left in the galayis, and thare miserable entreated,
amonges whome the foirsaid Maister James Balfour was, with his two brethrein,
David and Gilbert, men without God. Which we wryt, becaus that we hear, that
the said Maister James, principall mysgydar now of Scotland, denyes that he had
any thing to do with the Castell of Sanctandrois, or yet that ever he was in the
galayis. Then was the joy of the Papistis boyth of Scotland and France evin in
full perfectioun; for this was thare song of triumphe:—
Preastis content yow now; Preastis content yow now;
For Normond and his cumpany hes filled the galayis fow.
The Pope wrote his letters to the King of France, and so did he to the Governour
of Scotland, thanking thame hartlie for the tacking panes to revenge the death of
his kynd creature, the Cardinall of Scotland; desyring thame to continew in thare
begune severitie, that such thingis after should not be attemptat. And so war all
these that war deprehended in the Castell dampned to perpetuall preasone; and
so judged the ungodly, that after that in Scotland should Christ Jesus never have
triumphed. One thing we can not pass by: From Scotland was send a famous
clerk, (lawghe not, readar,) Maister Johnne Hammyltoun of Mylburne,[511] with
credite to the King of France, and unto the Cardinall of Lorane, (and yitt he
nether had French nor Latine, and some say his Scottishe toung was nott verray
good.) The sume of all his negotiatioun was, That those of the Castell should be
scharplie handilled. In which suyt, he was heard with favouris, and was
dispatched fra the Courte of France with letteris, and great credyte, which that
famouse clark foryett by the way; for passing up to the craig[512] of Dumbertane,
befoir his letteris war delyvered, he brack his nek; and so God took away a
proude ignorant ennemye. Butt now to our Historie.
These thingis against promeissis, (but Princes have no fidelitie
farther then for thare awin advantage,) done at Rowane,[513] NULLA FIDES
REGNI SOCIIS,
the galayes departed to Nantes, in Bartainzie, whare upone the ETC.
watter of Lore[514] thei lay the hole wyntar.
In Scotland, that somer, was nothing but myrth; for all yead[515] with the preastis
eavin at thare awin pleasur. The Castell of Sanctandrois was rased to the ground,
[516] the block houssis thairof cast doune, and the walles round about demolissed.

Whitther this was to fulfill thare law, which commandis places whare
Cartlinalles ar slane so to be used; or ellis for fear that England should have
takin it, as after thei did Broughty Crage, we remitt to the judgement of such as
was of counsall.
This same year, in the begynnyng of September, entered in
Scotland ane army of ten thowsand men from England, by PYNCKEY
land, some schippes with ordinance came by sea. The CLEUCHT.
Governour and the Bischope, heirof advertissed, gathered
togetther the forces of Scotland, and assembled at Edinburgh. The Protectour of
England,[517] with the Erle of Warwik, and thare army, remaned at Preastoun,
and about Preastoun Pannes:[518] for thei had certane offerres to have bein
proponed unto the Nobilitie of Scotland, concernyng the promeissis befoir maid
by thame, unto the which King Hary befoir his death gentillye required thame to
stand fast; and yf thei so wald do, of him nor of his Realme thei should have no
truble, but the helpe and the conforte that he could maike thame in all thingis
lauchfull. And heirupoun was thare a letter direct to the Governour and
Counsall;[519] which cuming to the handis of the Bischope of Sanctandros, he
thought it could nott be for his advantage that it should be divulgat, and thairfoir
by his craft it was suppressed.
Upone the Fryday, the [ixth[520]] of September, the Engliss
army marched towardis Leyth, and the Scottishe army marched THE
SECURITIE OF
from Edinburgh to Enresk.[521] The hole Scottishe army was THE
nott assembled, and yitt the skirmissing begane; for nothing SCOTISMEN AT
was concluded but victorie without strok. The Protectour, the PYNKEY
CLEUCHT.
Erle of Warwik, the Lord Gray, and all the Engliss Capitanes,
war played[522] at the dyce. No men war stowttar then the Preastis and
Channounes, with thare schaven crownes and blak jackis. The
Erle of Warwik and the Lord Gray, who had the cheaf charge FRYDAYIS
of the horsmen, perecaving the host to be molested with the CHASE
Scotishe preakaris,[523] and knowing that the multitud war nether under ordour
nor obedience, (for thei war devided fra the great army,) sent furth certane
troupes horsmen, and some of thare Borderaris, eyther to feght thame, or ellis to
putt thame out of thare syght, so that thei mycht not annoy the host. The
skarmuch grewe hote, and at lenth the Scottishmen gave back, and fled without
gane turne. The chase continewed far, bayth towardis the East and towardis the
Weast; in the which many war slayne, and he that now is Lord Home was tane,
which was the occasioun, that the Castell of Home[524] was after randered to the
Engliss men. The lose of these men neyther moved the
Governour, nor yitt the Bischope, his bastard brother: Thei BRAGGIS
should revenge the mater weall yneuch upoun the morne; for
thei war handis ynew, (no word of God;) the Engliss heretyckis had no faces;
thei wald not abyd.
Upone the Setterday, the armyis of boyth sydis past to array.
The Engliss army tackis the mydd parte of Fawsyd hill,[525] THE REPULSE
having thare ordinance planted befoir thame, and having thare OF THE
HORSMEN OF
schippes and two galayis brought as neir the land as watter ENGLAND.
wald serve. The Scottishe army stood first in ane ressonable
strenth and good ordour, having betuix thame and the Engliss army the Watter of
Esk, (otherwyese called Mussilburgh Watter;) butt at length a charge was gevin
in the Governouris behalf, with sound of trumpett, that all men should merche
fordwarte, and go ower the watter.[526] Some say, that this was procured by the
Abbote of Dumfermeling,[527] and Maister Hew Rig,[528] for preservatioun of
Carbarry. Men of judgement lyeked not the jorney; for thei thought it no
wisdome to leave thare strenth. But commandiment upoun commandiment, and
charge upoun charge, was gevin, which urged thame so, that unwillinglie thei
obeyed. The Erle of Anguss,[529] being in the vantgard, had in his cumpany the
gentilmen of Fyfe, of Anguss, Mernes, and the Westland, with many otheris that
of luif resorted to him, and especiallie those that war professouris of the
Evangell; for thei supposed, that England wold not have maid gret persuyt of
him. He passed first throwght the watter, and arrayed his host direct befoir the
ennemies. Followed the Erle of Huntlie, with his Northland men. Last came the
Duke, having in his cumpany the Erle of Ergyle,[530] with his awin freindis, and
the body of the realme. The Englesmen perceaving the danger, and how that the
Scottishe men intended to have tane the tope of the hill, maid hast to prevent the
perrell. The Lord Gray was commanded to geve the charge with his men of
armes, which he did, albeit the hasard[531] was verray unliklye; for the Erle of
Anguss host[532] stood evin as a wall, and receaved the first assaultairis upon the
pointis of thare spearis, (which war longar then those of the Englismen,) so
ruidlye, that fyftie horse and men of the first rank lay dead at ones, without any
hurte done to the Scottishe army, except that the spearis of the formar two rankis
war brokin. Which discomfitur receaved, the rest of the hors men fled; yea, some
passed beyound Fawsyd hill. The Lord Gray him self was hurte in the mouth,
and plainelie denyed to charge agane; for he said, "it was alyik as to ryne against
a wall." The galayis and the schippes, and so did the ordinance planted upoun
the mydd hill, schote terriblye. But the ordinance of the galayis schooting longis
the Scotish army effrayed thame wonderuslye.[533] And whill that everie man
laubouris to draw from the north, whense the danger appeired, thei begyne to
reyll, and with that war the Engliss foot men marching fordwarte, albeit that
some of thare horsmen war upoun the flight. The Erle of Anguss army stood
still, looking that eyther Huntlie[534] or the Duke should have recountered the
nixt battell; but thei had decreid that the favoraris of England, and the Heretickis,
(as the Preastis called thame,) and the Englismen should parte it betuix thame for
the day.
The fear ryses, and at ane instant thei, which befoir war victouris, and war nott
yitt assaulted with any force, (except with ordinance, as said is,) cast frome
thame thare spearis and fled. So that Goddis power was so evidentlie sein, that in
one moment, yea, at one instant tyme, boyth the armyes war fleing. The schout
came from the hill frome those that hoped no victorie upone the Engliss parte;
the schout ryses, (we say,) "Thei flye, thei flie;" but at the first it could nott be
beleved, till at the last it was clearlie sein, that all had gevin backis, and then
begane a cruell slawchtter, (which was the greattar be reassone of the lait
displeasur of the men of armes.) The chase and slaughter lasted till ney
Edinburght, upoun the one parte, and be-west Dalkeith, upon the other.[535] The
number of the slane upoun the Scotishe syd war judged ney ten thowsand men.
The Erle of Huntley was tackin, and caryed to London; but he releved him self,
being suyrtie for many ransonis, honestlie or unhonestlie[536] we know nott; but,
as the bruyt past, he used pollicye with England. In that same battell was slane
the Maister of Erskin,[537] deirlie beloved of the Quein, for whome she maid
great lamentatioun, and bayre his death many dayis in mind. When the certaintie
of the disconfiture came, sche was in Edinburgh abyding upon tydinges; but with
expeditioun she posted that same nycht to Stryveling, with Monsieur Dosell,
who was als fleyed as "a fox when his hole is smoked." And thus did God tak the
secound revenge upoun the perjured Governour, with such as assisted him to
defend ane injust qwerrell; albeit that many innocentis fell amonges the myddest
of the wicked. The Engliss army came to Leyth, and thare tackin ordour with
thare preasonaris and spoile, thei returned with this victorie, (which thei looked
nott for,) to England.
That wynter following was great heirschippes maid upoun all the Bordouris of
Scotland. Browghty crag[538] was tane by the Englismen, beseiged by the
Governour, but still keapt; and at it was slane Gawen, the best of the
Hammyltonis,[539] and the ordinance left. Whareupon, the Englismen
encouraged, begane to fortifie upoun the hill above Broughty hous, which was
called the Forte of Broughty, and was verray noysome to Dondy, which it brunt
and laid waist; and so did it the moist parte of Anguss, which was not assured,
and under freindschipe with thame.
That Lentran[540] following, was Haddingtoun fortified by the
Engliss men. The maist parte of Lothiane, from Edinburgh 1548
east, was eyther assured or laid wast. Thus did God plague in everie qwarter;
butt men war blynd, and wald nott, nor could nott, considder the cause. The
Lardes Ormestoun[541] and Brunestoun[542] war banissed, and after forfalted,[543]
and so war all those of the Castell of Sanctandrois. The suyre knowledge of the
trubles of Scotland cuming to France, thare was prepared a navy and army. The
navy was such as never was sein to come fra France, for the supporte of
Scotland; for besydis the galayis, being twenty twa then in nomber, thei had
threscoir great schippis, besydis vittallaris. Howsone soever thei took the playne
seas, the read lyoun of Scotland was displayed, and thei holdin as rebelles unto
France, (such pollicye is no falsett in Princes,) for good peax stoode betuix
France and England, and the King of France approved nothing that thei did. The
cheaf men, to whome the conducting of that army was committed, war Monsieur
Dandelot, Monsieur de Termes, and Peir de Strois. In thare jorney thei maid
some hereschepe upoun the coast of England; but it was nott great. They arryved
in Scotland in Maij, anno 1549.[544] The galayis did visitt the
forte of Browghty, but did no more at that tyme. Preparationis 1549
war maid for the seig of Hadyngtoun; but it was ane other
thing that thei ment, as the ischew declared. The hole body of
the realme assembled, the forme of a Parliament was sett to be THE
PARLIAMENT
holdin thare, to witt, in the Abbay of Haddingtoun.[545] The ATT
principall head was the mariage of the Princess (by thame HADINGTOUN
befoir contracted to King Edwarte,) to the King of France, and
of hir present deliverie, be reassone of the danger that she stood into, by the
invasioun of our old ennemies of England. Some war corrupted with buddis,
some deceaved by flattering promessis, and some for fear war compelled to
consent; for the French soldartis war the officiaris of armes in that Parliament.
The Lard of Balclewcht,[546] a bloody man, with many Goddis woundis, sware,
"Thei that wold nott consent should do war." The Governour gat the Duchry of
Chattellerawlt,[547] with the Ordour of the Cokill, and a full discharge of all
intromissionis with King James the Fyft his treasure and substance whatsoever,
with possessioun of the Castell of Dumbertane, till that ischew should be sein of
the Quenis body. With these, and other conditionis, stood he
content to sell his Soverane furth of his awin handis, which in THE DUKIS
FACT, AND
the end wilbe his destructioun; God thairby punishing his WHAT
formar wickedness, (yf speady reapentance prevent not Goddis APPEARIS TO
judgementis, which we hartly wishe.) Huntley, Ergyle, and FOLLOW
THAREOF
Anguss, was lykwiese maid Knyghtis of the Cockill;[548] and
for that and other good deid receaved, thei sold also thare parte. Schortlie, none
was found to resist that injust demand; and so was she sold to EXPERIENCE
go to France, to the end that in hir youth she should drynk of HES TAWGHT,
that lycour, that should remane with hir all hir lyfetyme, for a AND FARTHER
WILL DECLAIR
plague to this realme, and for hir finall destructioun. And
tharefoir, albeit that now a fyre cumes out frome hir, that consumes many, lett no
man wonder, she is Goddis hand, in his displeasur punishing our formare
ingratitude. Lett men patientlie abyd, and turne unto thare God,
and then shall he eyther destroy that hoore in hir hurdome, or PERFICE QUOD
ellis he shall putt it in the harttis of a multitude, to tak the same CEPISTI ME
DEUS PROPTER
vengeance upoun hir, that hes bein tane of Jesabell and TUI NOMINIS
Athalia, yea, and of otheris, of whome prophane historyis mak GLORIAM. [549] 15
mentioun; for greattar abominatioun was never in the nature of JUNIJ 1567.
any woman, then is in hir, whareof we have but sein only the buddis; butt we
will after taist of the rype frutt of hir impietie, yf God cutt not hir dayis schorte.
But to returne to our Historie.
WRITTIN THE
This conclusioun tackin, that our Quein, (butt farther delay,) —— OF
APRILE, ANNO
should be delivered to France, the seig continewis, great 1566
schooting, but no assaulting; and yitt thei had fair occasioun
offered unto thame. For the Englismen approching to the
THE SEIGE OF
toune, for the conforting of the beseiged, with powder, HADINGTOUN.
vittalles, and men, lost ane army of sax thowsand men. Schir
Robert Bowes[550] so was tane, and the most parte of the
Borderaris war eyther tackin or slane. And so mycht the Toune TUESDAYIS
CHASE
justlye have dispared of any farther succourse to have bein
loked for; butt yit it held good; for the stout corage and prudent governement of
Schir James Wolfurd,[551] generall, who did so encorage the hole capitanes and
soldartis, that thei determined to dye upon thare wallis. But from the tyme that
the Frenche men had gottin the bone for the which the dog barked, the persuyt of
the toune was slow. The seig was rased, and she was convoyed by the Weast seas
to France,[552] with four galayis, and some schippis; and so the Cardinall of
Lorane gatt hir in his keping, a morsall, assuyre yow,[553] meit for his awin
mouth.
We omitt many thingis that, occurred in this tyme; as the sitting doun of the
schip called the Cardinall, (the farest schip in France,) betuix Sanct Colmes Inch
and Crawmond,[554] without any occasioun, except negligence, for the day was
fair, and the wetther calme; but God wold schaw, that the countrie of Scotland
can bear no Cardinallis. In this tyme also, was thare a combate betuix the galayis
and the Engliss schippis; thei schote fracklie a whill. Ane Engliss schip took
fyre, or ellis the galayis had come schorte hame, and, as it was, thei fled without
mercy, till that thei war abuf Sanct Colmes Inch.[555] The Capitanes left the
galayes, and took a forte maid upoun the Inch for thare defence. But the Engliss
schippis maid no persuyt, (except that thei brunt the Cardinall whare that she
lay,) and so the galayis and the galay-men did boyth eschape.
Ordoure was lackin, that nixt September, that some galayes should remane in
Scotland, and that the rest should returne to France; as that thei did all, except
one that was tackin by ane Engliss schip, (by one Engliss schip onlye, we say,)
as that thei war passing betuix Dover and Calice.
That wynter remaned Monsieur De Arfe[556] in Scotland, with the bandis of
French men. Thei fortified Enresk, to stay that the Engliss should not invaid
Edinburgh and Leyth. Some skarmessis[557] thare war betuix the one and the
other, butt no notable thing done, except that the French had almost tackin
Hadingtoun; the occasioun whareof was this.
The French men thinking thame selfis moir then maisteris in all partes of
Scotland, and in Edinburgh principallie, thought that thei could do no wrong to
no Scottishe man; for a certane French man delivred a coulvering to George Tod,
Scottisman, to be stocked, who bringing it throwght the streat, ane other French
man clamed it, and wold have reft it from the said George; but he resisted,
alledgeing that the Frenche man did wronge. And so begane parties to assemble,
asweall to the Scottishman, as to the French; so that two of the French men war
stryckin doune, and the rest chassed from the Croce to Nudrye's Wynd head.[558]
The Provost being upoun the streat, apprehended two of the French, and was
carying thame to the Tolbuyth; but from Monsieur de Essie's loodgeing and close
isched furth French men, to the nomber of threscoir persones, with drawin
sweardis, and resisted the said Provest. But yitt the toune assembling repulsed
thame, till that thei came to the Nether Bow;[559] and thare Monsieur La Chapell,
with the hole bandis of French men enarmed, rencontered the said Provest,
and[560] repulsed him, (for the toune war without weapones, for the maist parte,)
and so maid invasioun upoun all that thei mett. And first, in the
throt of the Bow, war slane David Kirk and David Barbour, THE
(being at the Provostes back,) and thareafter war slane the said SLAUGHTER
OF THE
Provest himself, being Lard of Stannoss, and Capitane of the CAPITANE OF
Castell,[561] James Hammyltoun his sone,[562] Williame THE OF
CASTELL

Chapman, a godly man, Maister Williame Stewarte,[563] EDINBURGH

Williame Purvess, and a woman, named Elizabeth Stewarte; and thareafter
taryed within the toune, by force, from fyve houris, till after sevin at nycht, and
then reteared to the Cannogat, as to thare receptackle and refuge.
The hole Toun, yea, the Governour and Nobilitie commoved at
the unwoorthynes of this bold attemptat, craved justice upoun HADINGTOUN
ALMOST
the malefactouris, or ellis thei wold tack justice of the hole. SURPRISED BY
The Quein, crafty yneweht, Monsieur de Essye, and Monsieur THE FRENCH.
Dosel, laubored for pacificatioun, and did promeise, "That
onless the French men, by thame selfis allone, should do such ane act, as mycht
recompense the wrong that thei had done, that then thei should not refuise, but
that justice should be executed to the rigour." These fayre woordis pleased our
foollis, and so war the Frenche bandis the nixt nycht direct to Hadingtoun,[564] to
the which thei approched a lytill after mydnycht, so secreatlye, that thei war
never espyed, till that the formar war within the basse courte, and the haill
cumpany in the church yard, nott two payre of boot lenthis distant frome the
toune. The soldartis, Englishmen, war all a sleape, exceapt the watch, the which
was sklender, and yitt the schowt arises, "Bowes and billes: Bowes and billes;"
which is significatioun of extreame defence, to avoid the present danger, in all
tounes of warr. The effrayed aryses: weapones that first come to hand serve for
the nead. One[565] amongis many cumes to the East porte, whare lay two great
pieces of ordinance, and whare the ennemies war knowin to be, and cryed to his
fellowes that war at the yett macking defence, "Ware befoir;" and so fyres a great
peace, and thareafter another, which God so conducted, that after thame was no
farther persuyt maid; for the bullates redounded fra the wall of the Freir Kirk, to
the wall of Sanct Katherine's Chapell, which stood direct foiranent it, and fra the
wall of the said Chapell to the said Kirk wall agane, so oft, that thare fell mo
then ane hundreth of the French, att those two schottis only. Thei schott oft, but
the French reteired with diligence, and returned to Edinburgh, without harme
done, except the destructioun of some drynkin bear, which lay in the saidis
Chappell and Kirk. And this was satisfactioun more then yneuht,[566] for the
slawchter of the said Capitane and Provest, and for the slawghter of such as war
slane with him. This was the begynnyng of the French fruittis.
This wynter, in the tyme of Christen Masse, was the Castell of
Home recovered from the Engliss, by the negligence of the THE
RECOVERY OF
Capitane named Dudley.[567] THE CASTELL
OF HOME.
This wynter also did the Lard of Rayth most innocentlie suffer,
and after was forfalted, becaus that he wrait a bill to his sone, THE DEATH OF
Johne Melvin,[568] who then was in England, which was THE LARD OF
alleged to have bein found in the house of Ormestoun; but RAYTH.
many suspected the pauckis[569] and craft of Ringzen Cockburne, (now called
Capitane Ringzeane,[570]) to whome the said letter was delivered. Butt
howsoever it was, thei cruell beastis, the Bischope of Sanctandrois and Abbot of
Dumfermling, ceassed nott, till that the head of the said noble man was strickin
from him; especiallie becaus that he was knawin to be ane that unfeanedlie
favored the treuth of Goddis word, and was a great freind to those that war in the
Castell of Sanctandrois; of whose deliverance, and of Goddis wonderouse
wyrking with thame during the tyme of thare bondage, we man now speak, least
that in suppressing of so notable a wark of God, we mycht justlie be accused of
ingratitude.
And, first, the principalles being putt in severall houssis, as
befoir we have said, great laubouris was maid to mack thame THE
have a good opinioun of the Messe. But cheaflie travail was ENTREATMENT
OF THESE OF
takin upoun Normond Leslye,[571] the Lard of Grange, and the THE CASTELL
Lard of Petmyllie,[572] who war in the Castell of Scherisburgh, OF SANCTANDROIS
[573] that thei wold come to the Messe with the Capitane: Who DURING
answered, "That the Capitane had commandiment to keape THARE
CAPTIVITY.
thare bodyes, but he had no power to command thare
conscience." The Capitane replyed, "That he had power to command and to
compell thame to go whare he yead." Thei answered, "That to go to any
lauchfull place with him, thei wold nott refuise; but to do any thing that was
against thare conscience thei wold not, nether for him, nor yitt for the King." The
Capitane said, "Will ye nott go to the Messe?" Thai answered, "No; and yf ye
wald compell us, yitt will we displease yow farther; for we will so use our selfis
thare, that all those that ar present shall knaw that we dispite it." These same
answeris, (and somewhat scharpar,) Williame Kirkcaldye, Petir Carmichaell, and
such as war with thame in Mont Sanct Michaell, gave to thare Capitane; for thei
said, "Thei wold nott only hear Messe everie day, but that thei wold help to say
it, provided that thei mycht stick the preastis, or ellis thei wold nott." Maister
Henry Balnaves,[574] who was in the Castell of Rowane, was most sharplie
assaulted of all; for becaus he was judged learned, (as he was, and is, in deid,)
tharefoir learned men war appointed to trawall with him, with whome he had
many conflictes; but God so ever assisted him, that thei departed confounded,
and he, by the power of Goddis Spreit, remaned constant in the trewth and
profession of the same, without any wavering or declynyng to idolatrie. In the
preasone he wrait a most profitable Treatise of Justificatioun,[575] and of the
workis and conversatioun of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know
nott. These that war in the galayis war threatned with tormentis, yf thei wold not
geve reverence to the Messe, (for at certane tymes the Messe was said in the
galay, or ellis heard upoun the schoar, in[576] presence of the forsaris;) butt thei
could never mack the poorest of that cumpanye to geve reverence to that idole.
Yea, when upoun the Setterday at nycht, thei song thare Salve Regina, the hole
Scottishmen putt on thare cappes, thare hoodis, or such thing as thei had to cover
thare headis; and when that otheris war compelled to kyss a paynted brod,
(which thei called "Nostre Dame,") thei war not preassed after ones; for this was
the chance. Sone after the arrivall at Nances,[577] thare great
Salve was song, and a glorious painted Lady was brought in to MEARY FACT
be kissed, and, amongis otheris, was presented to one of the
Scotishmen then cheyned. He gentillye said, "Truble me nott; such ane idole[578]
is accurssed; and tharefoir I will not tuich it." The Patron and the Arguesyn, with
two officeris, having the cheaf charge of all such materis, said, "Thow salt
handill it;" and so thei violentlie thrust it to his face, and putt it betuix his handis;
who seing the extremitie, tooke the idole, and advisitlie looking about, he caist it
in the rivare, and said, "Lett our Lady now saif hir self: sche is lycht aneuch; lett
hir learne to swyme." After that was no Scotish man urged with that idolatrie.
These ar thingis that appear to be of no great importance; and yit yf we do
rychtlie considder, thei expresse the same obedience that God requyred of his
people Israell, when that thei should be caryed to Babylon; for he gave charge
unto thame, that when thei should see the Babylonians wirschipe thare goddis of
gold, silver, mettall, and woid, that thei should say, "The
goddis that have nott maid the heavin and the earth shall perish JERE. 10
frome the heavin, and out of the earth." That confessioun gave
that hole nomber, during the tyme of thare bondage: in the which, wald God thei
had continewed in thare fredome; for then had nott Maister James Balfour bein
Officiall,[579] neyther yitt borne a cope[580] for pleasur of the Bischope. But to
proceid. The said Maister James and Johne Knox being intill one galay, and
being wounderous familiare with him, wold often tymes ask his judgement, "Yf
he thought that ever thei should be delivered?" Whose answer was ever, fra the
day that thei entered in the galayis, "That God wald deliver thame from that
bondage, to his glorie, evin in this lyef." And lyeing betuix
Dundye and Sanctandrois, the secound tyme[581] that the QUÆVIS MULTA
SINT
galayis returned to Scotland, the said Johne being so JUSTORUM
MALA.
extreamlye seak, that few hoped his lyeff, the said Maister
James willed him to look to the land, and asked yf he knew it? Who answered,
"Yes: I knaw it weall; for I see the stepill of that place, whare God first in publict
opened my mouth to his glorie, and I am fullie persuaded, how weak that ever I
now appear, that I shall nott departe this lyif, till that my toung shall glorifie his
godlie name in the same place." This reported the said Maister James in presence
of many famous witness, many zearis befoir that ever the said Johne sett his futt
in Scotland, this last tyme, to preache.
Williame Kirkcaldy, then of Grange, youngar, Petir
Carmichaell, Robert and Williame Leslyes, who war JOHNE KNOX
HIS ANSUER
altogetther in Mont Sanct Michaell,[582] wrait to the said AND
Johnne, asking his counsall, "Yf thei mycht with saif COUNSALL TO
conscience break thare preasone?" Whose answer was, "That THE
CAPTIVES.
yf without the blood of any sched of spilt by thame for thare
deliverance, thei mycht sett thame selfis at fredome, that thei mycht saiflye tak
it: but to sched any manes bloode for thare fredome, thairto wold he never
consent." Adding farther, "That he was assured that God wold deliver thame, and
the rest of that cumpany, evin in the eis[583] of the world; but not by such meanes
as we had looked for, that was by the force of freindis, or by thare other
labouris." By such meanes he affirmed thei should nott be delivered, but that
God wold so wirk in the deliverance of thame, that the praise thairof should
redound to his glorie onlye. He willed, tharefoir, everie one to tack the occasioun
that God offerred unto thame, providing that thei committed nothing against
Goddis expresse commandiment, for deliverance of thame selves. He was the
more earnest in geving his counsall, becaus that the old Larde of Grange,[584]
and otheris, repugned to thare purpoise, fearing least that the eschaping of the
otheris should be ane occasioun of thare warse entreatment. Whareunto the said
Johnne answered, "That such fear proceided nott from Goddis Spreat, but only
from ane blynd luif of the self; and tharefor, that no good purpoise was to be
stayed for thingis that war in the handis and power of God." And added, "That in
one instant God delivered all that cumpany in the handis of unfaythfull men, but
so wald he nott releave thame. But some wald he deliver by one meanes, and at
one tyme, and otheris must abyd for a season upon his good pleasur." This
counsall in the end embrased, upoun the Kinges Evin,[585] when French men
commonlie use to drynk liberallie, the foirsaid four personis, having the helpe
and conducting of a boy of the house, band all those that war in the Castell, putt
thame in syndrie houssis, locked the doores upon thame, took the keyis from the
Capitane, and departed, without harme done to the persone of any, or without
tueching of any thing that apparteaned to the King, the Capitane, or the house.
Great search was maid throweh the hole countrey for thame.
[586] But it was Goddis gud pleasur so to conduct thame, that THE
ESCHAPING OF
thei eschaped the handis of the faithless, albeit it was with long WILLIAME
travaill, and grait pane and povertie susteaned; for the French KIRKCALDYE
boy left thame, and took with him the small poise that thei had; AND FELLOWIS
HIS

and so nether having money, nor knawledge of the countrey, FURTH OF

and farther fearing that the boy should discrive thame, (as that MONT SANCT
MICHAELL.
in verray dead he did,) thei took purpose[587] to devid thame
selfis, to change thare garmentis, and to go in sindrie partes. The two brethrein,
Williame and Robert Leslyes,[588] (who now ar become, the said Robert
especiall, ennemies to Christ Jesus and to all vertew,) came to Rowane. Williame
Kirkcaldy and Petir Carmichael, in beggaris garment, came to Conqwet,[589] and
by the space of twelf or threttein weakis, thei travalled as poore marinaris, frome
porte to porte, till at lenth thei gat a French schipe, and landed in the Weast, and
from thense came to England, whare thei mett befoir thame the said Johne Knox,
who that same wynter was delivered, and Alexander Clerk[590] in his cumpany.

The said Johne[591] was first appointed preachar to Berwik, then to Newcastell;
last he was called to London, and to the sowth partes of England, whare he
remaned to the death of King Edwart the Sext.[592] When he left England, then
he passed to Geneva, and thare remaned at his privat study, till that he was called
by the Engliss[593] congregatioun, that then was assembled at Franctfoorde, to be
preachear to thame: Which vocatioun he obeyed, (albeit unwillinglye,) at the
commandiment of that notable servand of God, JOHNE CALVYNE. At Franctfoord
he remaned, till that some of the learned, (whose names we suppress,) moir
gevin to unprofitable ceremonies,[594] then to synceritie of religioun, began to
qwerrall with the said Johnne; and becaus thei dispared to prevaill befoir the
Magistrat thare, for the establissing of thare corruptionis, thei accused him of
treasone committed against the Emperour, and against thare Soverane Quein
Marie, that in his ADMONITIOUN TO ENGLAND,[595] he called the one lytill inferiour
to Nero, and the other more cruell then Jezabell. The Magistrat perceaving thare
malice, and fearing that the said Johnne should fall in the handis of his
accusatouris, by one meane or by other, gave advertisment secreatlie to him to
departe thare citie; for thei could not saif him yf he ware required by the
Emperour, or by the Quein of England in the Emperouris name; and so the said
Johne returned to Geneva, from thense to Deape, and thairafter to Scotland, as
we shall after hear.
The tyme and that wynter that the galayes remaned in Scotland, war delivered
Maister James Balfour, his twa brethrein, David and Gilbert, Johne Auchinlek,
Johnne Sibbald, Johne Gray, William Gutthery, and Stevin Bell.[596] The
gentilmen that remaned in preasonis war, by the procurement of the Quein
Dowager, to the Cardinall of Lorane and to the King of France, sett at libertie in
the moneth of Julij, Anno 1550; who schorte tharefter war called to Scotland,
[597] thare peax proclamed, and thei thame selfis restored to thare landis, in

dyspite of thare ennemies. And that was done in hatterent of the Duck, becaus
that then France begane to thrist to have the regiment of Scotland in thare awin
handis. How soever it was, God maid the heartis of thare ennemyes to sett thame
at libertie and fredome. Thare rested a nomber of commoun servandis yitt in the
galayes, who war all delivered upoun the contract of peace that was maid betuix
France and England, after the tackin of Bullon; and so was the haill cumpany
sett at libertie, none perishing,[598] (no nott befoir the world,) except James
Melvin, who departed from the miserie of this lyif in the Castell of Byrst in
Bartainzea.[599]
This we wryte to lett the posteriteis to come understand, how
potentlye God wrought in preserving and delivering of these THE
that had butt a small knowledge of his trewth, and for the luif SLAUGHTER
OF THAT
of the same hasarded all; that yf that eyther we now in our VILLANE
dayis, having grettar lycht, or our posteriteis that shall follow DAVY.
us, shall see ane fearfull dispersioun of such as oppone thame
selfis to impietie, or tack upoun thame to punishe the same, otherwiese then
lawis of men will permite: yf, (we say,) we or thei[600] shall see such left of men,
yea, as it war, dispyssed and punished of God; yit lett us nott dampne the
personis that punish vice, (and that for just caussis;) nor yitt dispare, butt that the
same God that dejectes, (for causes unknawin to us,) will raise up agane the
personis dejected, to his glorye and thare conforte. And to lett the world
understand in plane termes what we meane, that great abusar of this commoun
wealth, that pultron and vyle knave Davie, was justlie punished, the nynt of
Merch, in the year of God[601] Jm. Vc. threscore fyve, for abusing of the
commoun wealth, and for his other villany,[602] which we list nott to express, by
the counsall and handis of James Dowglas, Erle of Morton, Patrik Lord
Lyndesay, and the Lord Ruthven, with otheris assistaris in thare cumpany, who
all, for thare just act, and most worthy of all praise, ar now unworthely left of
thare brethrein, and suffer the bitterness of banishement and exyle. But this is
our hope in the mercyes of our God, that this same blynd generatioun, whither it
will or nott, shalbe compelled to see that he will have respect to thame that ar
injustlye persewed; that he will apardoun thare formar offenses; that he will
restore thame to the libertie of thare countrey and common wealth agane; and
that he will punish, (in dispyte of man,) the head and the taill, that now trubles
the just, and manteanes impietie. The head is knawin: the taill
hes two branches; the temporall Lordis that manteane hir THE REULARIS
abhominationis, and hir flattering counsallouris, blasphemous OF ANNO
MARY,
1566,
Balfour, now called Clerk of Register,[603] Sinclar Deane of AND THAIRE
Restalrige and Bischope of Brechin, blynd of ane eie in the PREDICTIOUN
body, but of boithe in his saule,[604] upoun whome God schortlie after took
vengeance; [John[605]] Leslye, preastis gett,[606] Abbot of Londorse and
Bischope of Ross, Symon Preastoun of Craigmyllare,[607] a right epicureane,
whose end wilbe, or it be long, according to thare warkis. Butt now to returne to
our Historye.

Haddingtoun being keapt,[608] and much hearschipe done about in the countrey,
(for what the Engliss men destroyed nott, that was consumed by the French,)
God begynnis to feght for Schotland; for in the toun he send a peast so
contagious, that with great difficultie could thei have thare dead buryed. Thei
war oft refresched with new men, but all was in vane. Hunger and pest within,
and the persuyt of the ennemy with a campe volant lay about thame, and
intercepted all victuallis, (except when thei war brought by ane convoy from
Berwik,) so constrayned thame that the Counsall of England was compelled in
spring tyme to call thare forses from that place; and so spuilzeing and burnyng
some parte of the toune, thei left it to be occupyed to such as first should tack
possessioun,—and those war the Frenchmen, with a meane nomber of the
ancient inhabitantis. And so did God performe the woordis and threatnyng of his
servand, Maister George Wisharte, who said, "That for thare contempt of Goddis
messinger, thei should be visited with sweard and fyre, with pestilence,
strangearis, and famyne;" which all thei fand in such perfectioun, that to this day
yitt, that toune hes neyther recovered the formar beautie, nor yit men of such
wisdome and habilitie, as then did inhabite it.

Hearafter was Peace contracted betuix France and England and Scotland;[609]
yea, a severall Peace was contracted betuix Scotland and Flanderis, togetther
with all the Easterlingis; so that Scotland had peace with the world.[610] Butt yitt
wold thare Bischopcs maik warr against God; for how sone that ever thei gat any
qwyetness, thei apprehended Adame Wallace,[611] alias Fean, a sempill man,
without great learnyng, but ane that was zelous in godlynes and of ane uprycht
lyeff. He, with his wyif Beatrice Levingstoun, frequented the cumpany of the
Lady Ormestoun,[612] for instructioun of hir childrein, during the truble of hir
husband, who then was banissed. This bastard, called Bischope of Sanctandrois,
took the said Adame furth of the place of Wyntoun,[613] (men supposed that thei
thowght to have apprehended the Lard,) and caryed him to Edinburgh; whare,
after certane dayis, he was presented to judgement in the Kirk of the Blak thevis
alias Freiris,[614] befoir the Duik, the Erle of Huntley, and diverse otheris
besydis, the Bischoppes and thare rable. Thei begyn to accuse him, (Maister
Johnne Lauder[615] was Accusatour,) "That he took upoun him
to preach." He answered, "That he never judged himself THE
ACCUSATIOUN
worthy of sa excellent a vocatioun, and tharefoir he never took OF ADAME
upoun him to preach; but he wold not deny, butt sometymes at WALLACE AND
the table, and sometymes in other prevey places, he wald reid, HIS ANSWERIS
and had red the Scriptures, and had gevin such exhortatioun as God pleaseth to
geve to him, to such as pleased to hear him." "Knave, (quod
ane,) what have ye to do to medle with the Scriptures?" "I THE
PAPISTICALL
think, (said he,) it is the dewitie of everie Christiane to seak the MANER OF
will of his God, and the assurance of his salvatioun, whare it is ACCUSATIOUN
to be found, and that is within his Old and New Testament."
"What then, (said ane other,) shall we leave to the Bischoppis and Kirkmen to
do, yf everie man shalbe a babler upoun the Byble?" "It becumith[616] yow, (said
he,) to speak more reverentlie of God, and of his blessed worde: Yf the judge
war uncorrupt, he wald punish yow for your blasphemye. But to your questioun,
I answer, That albeit ye and I, and other fyve thowsand within this realme,
should read the Byble, and speak of it what God should geve us to speak, yitt left
we more to the Bischoppes to do, nor eyther thei will or yit can weill do; for we
leave to thame publictly to preach the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to fead the
flock, which he hath redeamed by his awin bloode, and hes commanded the
same to the cayre of all trew pastouris. And when we leave this unto thame, me
think we leave to thame a heavy burdein; and that we do unto thame na wrong,
althowght we search our awin salvatioun whare it is to be found, considdering
that thei ar but dum doggis, and unsavery salt, that hes altogither lost the
seasson." The Bischoppes heirat offended, said, "What pratting is this? Lett his
accusatioun be redd."
And than was begun, "False tratour, heretik, thow baptised thy awin barne: Thow
said, thare is no Purgatorie: Thow said, that to pray to Sanctes and for the dead is
idolatrie and a vane superstitioun, &c. What sayis thow of these thinges?" He
answered, "Yf I should be bound to answer, I wold requyre an uprycht and
indifferent judge." The Erle of Hunteley[617] disdanefullie said, "Foolishe man,
wilt thow desyre ane uther judge nor my Lorde Dukis Grace, great Governour of
Scotland, and my Lordis the Bischoppes, and the Clargy hear present?" Whairto
he answered, "The Bischoppes can be no judges to me; for thei ar oppen
ennemyes to me and to the doctrin that I professe. And as for my Lord Duck, I
can not tell yf he hes the knowledge that should be in him that should judge and
decerne betuix lyes and the trewth, the inventionis of men and the trew
wirschipping of God. I desyre Goddis word (and with that he produced the
Byble) to be judge betuix the Bischoppes and me, and I am content that ye all
hear, and yf by this book, I salbe convict to have tawght, spokin, or done, in
materis of religioun, any thing that repugnes to Goddis will, I refuise not to dye;
but yf I can nott be convict, (as I am assured by Goddis woord I sall nott,) then I
in Goddis name desyre your assistance, that malicious men execut not upoun me
injust tyranny." The Erle of Hunteley said, "What a babling foole is this? Thow
shalt gett none other judges then those that sitt heir." Wharunto the said Adam
ansured, "The good will of God be done. But be ye assured, my Lord, with sic
measur as ye mett to otheris, with the same measur it shalbe mett to yow agane. I
know that I shall dye, but be ye assured, that my blood shalbe requyred of your
handis."

Alexander Erle of Glencarne,[618] yitt alyve, said to the

Bischope of Orknay,[619] and otheris that satt ney him, "Tack PROTESTATIOUN
OF THE ERLE
yow yon, my Lordis of the Clargye;[620] for hear I protest, for OF
my parte, that I consent nott to his death." And so, without GLENCARNE.
fear, prepared the said Adam to answer. And first, to the
baptising of his awin child, he said, "It was and is als lauchfull to me, for lack of
a trew minister, to baptise my awin child, as that it was to Abraham to
circumcise his sone Ismael and his familie. And as for Purgatorie, praying to
Sanctes, and for the dead, I have oft redd, (said he,) boith the New and Old
Testamentis, but I nether could find mentioun nor assurance of thame; and
tharefoir, I beleve, that thei ar but mear inventionis of men, devised for
covetousnes saik." "Weall, (quod the Bischope,) ye hear this, my Lordis." "What
sayis thow of the Messe?" spearis the Erle of Huntley. He ansuered, "I say, my
Lord, as my master Jesus Christ sayis, 'That which is in greatast estimatioun
befoir men, is abomination befoir God.'" Then all cryed out,
"Heresye! heresye!" And so was the sempill servand of God LUCÆ. [16.]
adjudged to the fyre; which he patientlie susteaned that same
day, at after nune, upoun the Castell-hill.[621]
And so began thei agane to pollute the land, which God had laitlie plagued; for
yitt thare iniquitie was nott come to so full rypnes, as that God wold that thei
should be manifested to this hole realme, (as this day thei ar,) to be faggottis
prepared for the everlesting fyre, and to be men whome nether plagues may
correct, nor the light of Goddis woorde converte from thare darknes and
impietie.
The Peace, as said is, contracted, the Quein Dowager past by sea to France, with
galayes,[622] that for that purpose war prepared, and took with hir diverse of the
nobilitie of Scotland, to witt, the Erles Huntley, Glencarne, Marschell, Cassilles,
the Lordis Maxwell, Fleyming, Schir George Dowglass, togither with all the
Kinges Sonnes, and diverse baronis and gentillmen of ecclesiasticall estait, the
Bischope of Galloway, and many otheris, with promisses that thei should be
richely rewarded for thare good service. What thei receaved we can nott tell; but
few maid ruse at thare returnyng. The Dowager had to practise somewhat with
hir brethrein, the Duck of Gueise, and the Cardinall of Lorane, the weght wharof
the Governour after felt: for schortly after hir returnyng, was the Governour
deposed of the governement, (justly by God, but most injustly by men,) and she
maid Regent in the year of God Jm. Vc. fyfty four;[623] and a croune putt upone
hir head, als seimlye a sight, (yf men had eis,) as to putt a sadill upoun the back
of ane unrewly kow. And so began she to practise practise upoun practise, how
France mycht be advanced, hir freindis maid riche, and sche brought to
immortall glorie: for that was hir commoun talk, "So that I may procure the
wealth and honour of my freindis, and a good fame unto my self, I regard nott
what God do after with me." And in verray deid, in deap dissimulatioun, to bring
hir awin purpose to effect, sche passed the commoun sorte of wemen, as we will
after heare. Butt yit God, to whose Evangell she declared hir self ennemye, in
the end frustrat hir of all hir devises.
Thus did light and darknes stryve within the realme of
Scotland; the darknes ever befoir the world suppressing the THE DEATH
AND VERTEUS
light, from the death of that notable servand of God, Maister OF EDWARD
Patrik Hammyltoun, unto the death of Edwarde the Saxt, that THE SEXT.
most godly and most verteous King that hath bein knowin to have rounge in
England, or elles whare, these many yearis bypast, who departed the miserie of
this lyef the vj of Julij, Anno, &c., 1553. The death of this Prince was lamented
of all the godly within Europe; for the graces gevin unto him of God, as weall of
nature as of eruditioun and godlines, passed the measur that accustomablye useth
to be gevin to other Princes in thare grettast perfectioun, and yitt exceaded he
nott sextein yearis of aige. What gravitie abuf age, what wisdome passing all
expectatioun of man,[624] and what dexteritie in answering in all thingis
proponed, war into that excellent Prince, the Ambassadouris of all countreeis,
(yea, some that war mortall ennemyes to him and to his realme, amonges whome
the Quein Dowager of Scotland was not the least,) could and did testifie; for the
said Quein Dowager, returnyng from France throwght England, commoned with
him at lenth,[625] and gave record when sche came to this Realme, "That sche
fand more wisdome and solidd judgement in young King Edward, then she wold
have looked for in any three Princes that war then in Europe." His liberalitie
towardis the godly and learned, that war in other realmes persecuted, was such
as Germanes, Frenchmen, Italianes, Scottis, Spainzardis, Polonianes, Grecianis,
and Hebrewis borne, can yitt geve sufficient document; for how honorablie war
Martyn Buceir,[626] Petir Martyre, Joannes Alasco, ...[627] Emanuel Gualterus,
[628] and many otheris, upoun his publict stipendis interteaned, thare patentis can

witnesse, and thei thame selfis during thare lyffis wold never have denyed.
After the death of this most verteous Prince, of whome the godless people of
England, (for the most parte,) was nott worthy, Sathan intended nothing less then
the light of Jesus Christ utterly to have bein extinguissed, within the hole Ile of
Britannye; for after him was rased up, in Goddis hote displeasur, that idolatress
Jesabel, mischevous Marie, of the Spaynyardis bloode;[629] a cruell persecutrix
of Goddis people, as the actes of hir unhappy regne can sufficiently witnesse.
[630] And in to Scotland, that same tyme, (as we have hard,[631]) rang that crafty

practisar, Marie of Lorane, then named Regent of Scotland; who, bound to the
devotioun of hir two brethrein, the Duck of Gueise, and Cardinall of Lorane, did
onlye abyd the oportunitie to cutt the throttis of all those in whome she suspected
any knowledge of God to be, within the realme of Scotland. And so thought
Sathan, that his kingdome of darkness was in qwietness and rest, asweall in the
one realme, as in the other: but that provident eie of the Eternall our God, who
continually watches for preservatioun of his Church, did so dispone all thingis,
that Sathane schorte after fand him self far disapointed of his conclusioun tackin.
For in that cruell persecutioun, used by that monstour, Marie of England, war
godlie men dispersed in diverse nationis, of whom it pleaseth the goodnes of our
God to send some unto us, for our conforte and instructioun.

And first cam a sempill man, WILLIAME HARLAW,[632] whose

eruditioun, althowght it excell nott, yit for his zeill, and WHO FIRST
AFTER THE
diligent plainess in doctrin, is he to this day worthy of praise, DEATH OF
and remanes a fruitfull member within the Church of Scotland. KING
After him cam that notable man, JOHNE WILLOK,[633] as one that EDWARDE
BEGANE TO
had some commissioun to the Quein Regent, from the Duchess PREACH IN
of Emden. Butt his principall purpose was to assay what God SCOTLAND.
wald wirk by him in his native countrey. These two did
sometymes, in severall cumpanyes, assemble the brethrein, who by thare
exhortationis begane greatlie to be encoraged, and did schaw that thei had ane
earnest thrist of godlines.

And last came JOHNE KNOX,[634] in the end of the harvest, in the
year of God Jm. Vc. fyfty fyve; who first being loodged in the ELIZABETH
ADAMESOUN
house of that notable man of God, James Syme, begane to AND HIR
exhorte secreatly in that same house; whareunto repared the DEATH.
Lard of Dun, David Forress, and some certane personages of
the toune, amonges whome was Elizabeth Adamsoun, then spous to James
Barroun,[635] burges of Edinburgh, who be reasson that she had a trubled
conscience, delyted much in the cumpany of the said Johne, becaus that he,
according to the grace gevin unto him, opened more fullie the fontane of Goddis
mercyes, then did the commoun sorte of teachearis that sche had hard befoir, (for
sche had heard none except Freiris,) and did with such gredynes drynk thairof,
that at hir death she did expresse the frute of hir hearing, to the great conforte of
all those that repared to hir; for albeit that she sufferred most grevous torment in
hir body, yitt out of hir mouth was heard nothing but praising of God, except that
somtymes she wold lament the trubles of those that war trubled by hir. Being
somtymes demanded by hir Sisteris, "What she thought of that pane, which she
than sufferred in body, in respect of that wharewith sometymes she was trubled
in spreit?" She ansuered, "A thowsand year of this torment, and ten tymes more
joyned unto it, is not to be compared to the qwarter of ane hour that I sufferred in
my spreit. I thank my God, throught Jesus Christ, that hes delivered me from that
most fearfull pane; and welcome be this, evin so long as it pleassed his godlie
Majestie to exercise me thairwith." A litill befoir hir departuyre, she desyred hir
Sisteris, and some otheris that war besyd hir, to sing a psalme, and amonges
others, she appointed the 103. Psalme, begynnyng, "My saule praise thow the
Lord alwyes;"[636] which ended, sche said, "At the teaching of this Psalme,
begane my trubled soule first effectually to taist of the mercy of my God, which
now to me is more sweat and precious, then[637] all the kingdomes of the earth
war gevin to me to possesse thame a thowsand yearis." The Preastis urged hir
with thare ceremonies and superstitionis; to whome she answered, "Depart from
me, ye sergeantis[638] of Sathan; for I have refused, and in your awin presence do
refuise, all your abominationis. That which ye call your Sacrament and Christes
body, (as ye have deceaved us to beleve in tymes past,) is nothing but ane idole,
and hes nothing to do with the rycht institutioun of Jesus Christ; and thairfor, in
Goddis name, I command yow nott to truble me." Thei departed, allegeing, That
she raved, and wist not what sche said. And she short thereafter sleapt in the
Lord Jesus, to no small conforte of those that saw hir blessed departing. This we
could nott omitt of this wourthy woman, who gave sa notable a confessioun,
befoir that the great lycht of Goddis word did universallie schyne throwght this
realme.
At the first cuming of the said Johne Knox, he perceaving diverse who had a
zeall to godlynes maik small scrupill to go to the Messe, or to communicat with
the abused Sacramentis in the Papisticall maner, begane alsweall in privy
conferance as in doctrin, to schaw the impietie of the Messe, and how dangerous
a thing it was to communicat in any sort with idolatrie. Wharewith the
conscience of some being effrayed, the mater began to be agitat fra man to man,
and so was the said Johne called to suppar by the Lard of Dun, for that same
purpose, whare war conveaned David Forress, Maister Robert Lockart, Johne
Willock, and Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun youngar, a man of good
learnyng, and of scharpe witt and reassonyng. The questioun was proponed, and
it was answered by the said Johne, "That no-wyise it was lauchfull to a
Christiane to present him self to that idoll." Nothing was omitted that mycht
maik for the temperisar,[639] and yitt was everie head so fullie ansuered, and
especially one whairinto thei thought thare great defence stood, to wit, "That
Paule at the commandiment of James, and of the eldaris of Jerusalem, passed to
the tempill and fanzeid him self to pay his vow with otheris." This, we say, and
otheris, war so fullye ansuered, that Williame Maitland concluded, saying, "I see
perfytlye, that our schiftis will serve nothing befoir God, seing that thei stand us
in so small stead befoir man." The answer of Johne Knox to the fact of Paule,
and to the commandiment of James, was, "That Paule's fact had nothing to do
with thare going to the Messe; for to pay vowes was sometymes Goddis
commandiment, and was never idolatrie: but thare Messe, from the originall, was
and remaned odiouse idolatrie; tharefor the factes war moist unlyik. Secundarly,
(said he,) I greatly dowbt whitther eyther James's commandiment or Paule's
obedience proceaded frome the Holy Ghost. We knaw thare counsall tended to
this, That Paule should schaw him self one that observed the verray small
pointes of the law, to the end that he mycht purchase to him the favouris of the
Jewes, who war offended at him be reassone of the bruittis that war sparsed, that
he tawght defectioun from Moses. Now, whill he obeyed thare counsall, he fell
into the most disperat danger that ever he susteaned befor, whareof it was
evident, that God approved nott that meane of reconciliatioun; but rather that he
plainelie declaired, 'That evill should not be done that good mycht come of it.'
Evill it was to Paule to confirme those obstinat Jewes in thare superstitioun by
his exampill; worse it was to him to expone him self, and the doctrin which
befoir he had tawght, to sklander and mockage; and tharefoir, (concluded the
said Johne,) that the fact of Paule, and the seqwell that tharof followed, appeired
rather to feght against thame that wold go to the Messe, than to geve unto thame
any assurance to follow his example, onless that thei wold, that the lyik truble
should instantlye apprehend thame that apprehended him, for obeying worldly
wyise counsall." After these and lyik reassonynges, the Messe began to be
abhorred of such as befoir used it for the fassioun, and avoiding of sclander, (as
then thei termed it.)

Johne Knox, at the request of the Lard of Dun,[640] followed him to his place of
Dun, whare he remaned a moneth, dalye exercised in doctrin, whairunto resorted
the principall men of that countrey. After his returnyng, his residence was most
in Calder,[641] whare repared unto him the Lord Erskin that now is,[642] the Erle
of Argyle, then Lord of Lorne,[643] and Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois,
[644] and now Erle of Murray; whare thei hard and so approved his doctrin, that

thei wissed it to have bein publict. That same wynter[645] he tawght commonly in
Edinburgh; and after the Youle, by the conduct of the Lard of Barr, and Robert
Campbell of Kingyeancleucht, he came to Kyle,[646] and tawght in the Barr, in
the house of the Carnell, in the Kingyeancleuch, in the toune of Air, and in the
houssis of Uchiltrie, and Gathgyrth, and in some of thame ministrat the Lordis
Table. Befoir the Pasche,[647] the Erle of Glencarne send for him to his place of
Fynlastoun;[648] whare, after doctrin, he lyikwiese ministrat the Lordis Table,
whairof besydis him self war parttakaris, his Lady, two of his sonnis, and certane
of his freindis; and so returned he to Calder, whare diverse frome Edinburgh, and
frome the countrey about, convened, asweall for the doctrin, as for the rycht use
of the Lordis Table, which befoir thei had never practised. From thense he
departed the secound tyme to the Lard of Dun; and teiching then in grettar
libertie, the gentilmen required that he should ministrat lyikwiese unto thame the
Table of the Lord Jesus, whairof war partakaris the moist parte of the gentilmen
of the Mernse; who, God be praised, to this day constantlie do remane in the
same doctrin which then thei professed, to witt, that thei refuissed all societie
with idolatrie, and band thame selfis,[649] to the uttermost of thare poweris, to
manteane the trew preaching of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, as God should offer
unto thame preachearis and oportunitie.
The bruyt heirof sparsed, (for the Freiris from all qwarteris flokked to the
Bischoppes,) the said Johne Knox was summond to compeir in the Kirk of the
Black Freiris in Edinburgh, the xv day of Maij [1556,] which day the said Johne
decread to keape; and for that purpose Johne Erskin of Dun, with diverse otheris
gentilmen, convened to the toune of Edinburgh. Butt that dyet held nott; for
whitther that the Bischoppis perceaved informalitie in thare awin proceidyngis,
or yf thei feared danger to ensew upoun thare extremitie, it was unknown unto
us. But the Setterday befoir the day appointed, thei caist thare awin summondis;
and the said Johne, the same day of the summondis, tawght in Edinburgh in a
greattar audience then ever befoir he had done in that toune: The place was the
Bischope of Dunkellis his great loodgeing, whare he continewed in doctrin ten
dayis, boyth befoir and after nune. The Erle of Glencarne allured the Erle
Merschall,[650] who with Harye Drummound,[651] (his counsallour for that tyme,)
heard ane exhortation, (but it was upone the nycht,) who war so weall contented
with it, that thei boyth willed the said Johne to wrait unto the Quein Regent
somwhat that mycht move hir to heir the word of God. He obeyed thare desyre,
and wrait that which after was imprinted, and is called "THE LETTER TO THE QUEIN
DOWAGER;"[652] which was delivered into hir awin handis by the said Alexander
Erle of Glencarne. Which letter, when sche had redd, within a day or two, she
delivered it to that proud Prelate, Betoun,[653] Bischope of Glasgw, and said in
mockage, "Please yow, my Lord, to reid a pasqwill." Which woordis cuming to
the earis of the said Johne, war the occasioun that to his Letter he maid his
additionis,[654] as yitt may be sein. As concernyng the
threatnyngis pronunccd against hir awin persone, and the most NOTA.
principale of hir freindis, lett thare verray flatteraris see what
hath failled of all that he hes writtin. And tharefor it war expedient that hir
Dochtter, now mischevouslye rynging, should look to that which hath passed
befoir, least that in following the counsallis of the wicked, she end more
miserablie then hir crafty Mother did.
Whill Johne Knox was thus occupyed in Scotland, letteris came unto him from
the Engliss Kirk that was assembled in Geneva, (which was separated from that
superstitious and contentious cumpany that war at Franckfoord,) commanding
him in Goddis name, as he that was thare chosin pastor, to repayre unto thame,
for thare conforte. Upone the which, the said Johne took his leave from us,
almost in everie congregatioun whare befor he had preached, and exhorted us to
prayaris, to reading of the Scriptures, and mutuall conference, unto such tyme as
God should geve unto us grettar libertie. And hearupon he send befoir him to
Deape, his mother in law Elizabeth Bowes,[655] and his wyef Marjory, with no
small dolour to thare hartes, and unto many of us. He him self, by procurement
and laubouris of Robert Campbell of Kingzeanclewch,[656] remaned behynd in
Scotland, and passed to the old Erle of Ergyle,[657] who then was in the Castell
of Campbell,[658] whare he tawght certane dayis. The Lard of Glenurquhare,[659]
(which yit liveth,) being one of his auditouris, willed the said Erle of Ergyle to
reateane him still; but he, purposed upoun his jorney, wold not att that tyme stay
for no requeast, adding, "That yf God so blessed thei small begynnynes, that thei
continewed in godlyness, whensoever thei pleased to command him, thei should
fynd him obedient;" but said, "That ones he must neadis visit that lytill flock
which the wickedness of men had compelled him to leave." And so in the
moneth of Julij he left this realme, and past to France, and so to Geneva.
Immediatly after, the Bischoppis summoned him, and for none compeirance,
brunt him in effigie at the Croce of Edinburgh, in the year of God 1555.[660] Fra
the which injust sentence the said Johnne maid his APPELLATIOUN, and caused to
print the same, and direct it to the Nobilitie and Commounes of Scotland,[661] as
yitt may be redd.

In[662] the wynter that the said Johne aboad in Scotland,

appeired a comet, the course whairof was from the south and WARR
AGAINST
south-west, to the north and north-east. It was sein the ENGLAND BY
monethis of November, December, and Januare. It was called THE MEANES
"The fyrie boosome."[663] Sune after dyed Christierne, King of OF
REGENT.
QUEIN

Denmark: And warr raise betuix Scotland and England; for the
Commissionaris of boyth realmes, who almost the space of sex monethis
entraitted upoun the conditionis of peace, and war upoun a neyr point of
conclusioun [war disappointed.] The Quein Regent with hir Counsall of the
French factioun decreatted war at Newbattil,[664] without geving any
advertisment to the Commissionaris for the parte of Scotland. Such is the
fidelitie of Princes, guyded by Preastis, when soever thei seik thare awin
affectionis to be served.
In the end of that nixt harvest, was sein upoun the Bordouris of
England and Scotland a strange fyre, which discended from the A CALF WITH
TWO HEADIS.
heavin, and brunt diverse cornes in boyth the realmes, but most
in England. Thare was presented to the Quein Regent, by Robert Ormestoun, a
calf having two headdis, whareat sche scripped, and said, "It was but a commoun
thing." The warr begane in the end of the harvest, as said is, and conclusioun
was tackin that Wark[665] should be asseged. The army and ordinance past
fordwarte to Maxwell Heucht.[666] The Quein Regent remaned in the Castell of
Home,[667] and thinking that all thingis war in assurance, Monsieur Dosell, then
Lieutenant for France, gave charge that the cannonis should be transported ower
the watter of Twead, which was done with expeditioun, (for the French in such
factes ar experte;) but the nobilitie of Scotland nothing content
of such proceadingis, after consultatioun amongis thame selfis, THE FACT OF
THE NOBILITIE
past to the palzeon[668] of Monsieur Dosell, and in his awin OF SCOTLAND
face declared, "That in no wiese wald thei invade England," AT MAXWELL
and tharefoir command the ordinance to be reteired; and that it HEWCHT
was, without farther delay.[669]

This putt ane effray in Monsieur Dosell his breathe,[670] and kendilled such a
fyre in the Quein Regentis stomak, as was nott weall slockened till hir braith
failled. And thus was that enterprise frustrate. Butt yitt warre continewed, during
the which the Evangell of Jesus Christ begane wonderouslye to floriss; for in
Edinburgh begane publictlie to exhorte, Williame Harlaw; Johnne Dowglass,[671]
who had (being with the Erle of Ergyle) preached in Leyth, and sometymes
exhorted in Edinburgh; Paule Meaffen begane publictly to preach in Dondye;
and so did diverse otheris in Anguss and the Mernse.
And last, at Goddis good pleasur, arryved Johnne Wyllok the
secound tyme from Emden;[672] whose returne was so joyfull THE SECUND
RETURNE OF
to the brethrein, that thare zeall and godly courage daly JOHNE
encreassed. And albeit he contracted a dangerous seaknes, yitt WILLOK TO
he ceassed nott from laubouris, but tawght and exhorted from SCOTLAND.
his bed: some of the nobilitie, (of whome some ar fallen back,
amongis whome the Lord Setoun[673] is cheaf,) with many LORD SETOUN
ANE APOSTAT
baronis and gentilmen, war his auditouris, and by him war
godly instructed, and wonderouslie conforted. Thei keapt thare conventionis, and
held counsallis with such gravitie and closnes, that the ennemyes trembled. The
images war stollen away in all partes of the countrie; and in
THE
Edinburgh was that great idole called Sanct Geyle,[674] first ABOLISHING
OF IMAGES
drouned in the North Loch,[675] after brunt, which rased no AND TRUDLE
small truble in the toun. For the Freiris rowping lyik reavins THAREFOIR
upoun the Bischoppes, the Bischoppes ran upoun the Quein,
who to thame was favorable yneweh, but that she thowght it could not stand with
hir advantage to offend such a multitud as then took upon thame the defence of
the Evangell, and the name of Protestantes. And yitt consented
sche to summond the Preachearis; whareat the Protestantis THE
neyther offended, neyther yitt thairof effrayed, determined to PREACHARIS
SUMMONED
keape the day of summondis,[676] as that thei did. Which
perceaved by the Prelattis and Preastis, thei procured a
proclamatioun to be publictlie maid, "That all men that war THE PRACTISE
OF PRELATTIS,
come to the toune without commandiment of the authoritie, WHAT
should with all diligence repayre to the Bordouris, and thare THAIROF
remane xv dayis:" for the Bischope of Galloway,[677] in this ENSEWED
maner of ryme, said to the Quein, "MADAME,
 Becaus thei ar come without ordour,
I red ye, send thame to the Bordour."
Now so had God provided, that the qwarter of the West-land,
(in to the which war many faythfull men,) was that same day THE BOLD
WOURDIS OF
returned from the Bordour; who understanding the mater to JAMES
procead from the malice of the Preastis, assembled thame selfis CHALMERIS
together, and maid passage to thame selfis, till thei came to the OF
GAITHGYRTH.
verray prevey chalmer, whare the Quein Regent and the
Bischoppes war. The Gentilmen begane to complane upoun thare strange
intertenement, considdering that hir Grace had found into thame so faithfull
obedience in all thingis lauchfull. Whill that the Quein begane to craft, a zelous
and a bold man, James Chalmeris of Gaitgyrth,[678] said, "Madame, we know
that this is the malice and devise of thei Jefwellis, and of that Bastard, (meanyng
the Bischope of Sanctandrois,) that standis by yow: We avow to God we shall
maik ane day of it. Thei oppresse us and our tennantis for feading of thare idill
bellyes: thei truble our preacheris, and wold murther thame and us: Shall we
suffer this any longare? Na, Madame: It shall nott be." And tharewith everie man
putt on his steill bonet. Thare was hard nothing of the Quenis parte but "My
joyes, my hartes, what ailes yow? Me[679] meanes no evill to yow nor to your
preachearis. The Bischoppes shall do yow no wrong. Ye ar all my loving
subjectes. Me knew nathing of this proclamatioun. The day of your preachearis
shalbe discharged, and me will hear the controversie that is betuix the
Bischoppes and yow. Thei shall do yow no wrong. My Lordis," said she to the
Bischoppes, "I forbid yow eyther to truble thame or thare preachearis." And unto
the gentilmen who war wonderouslye commoved, she turned
agane, and said, "O my heartis, should ye nott love the Lord O CRAFTY
FLATTERAR!
your God with all your harte, with all your mynd? and should
ye nott luif your nychtbouris as your selfis?" With these and the lyik fair wordis,
she keapt the Bischoppes from buffattis at that tyme.
And so the day of summondis being discharged, begane the
brethrein universallie to be farther encoraged. But yit could the THE
COMMAND OF
Bischoppes in no sorte be qwyet; for Sanct Geillis day THE
approcheing, thei gave charge to the Provest, Baillies, and BISCHOPPIS.
Counsall of Edinburgh, eyther to gett agane the ald Sanct
Geile, or ellis upoun thaire expenssis to maik ane new image.
The Counsall answered, "That to thame the charge appeired THE ANSWER
OF
verray injust; for thei understood that God in some plaices had EDINBURGH
commanded idolles and images to be distroyed; but whare he had commanded
ymages to be sett up, thei had nott redd; and desyred the Bischope to fynd a
warrant for his commandiment." Whareat the Bischope
offended, admonissed under pane of curssing; which thei EDINBURGH
APPELLED
prevented by a formall Appellatioun;[680] appelling from him, FROM THE
as from a parciall and corrupt judge, unto the Pape's holynes; SENTENCE OF
and so grettar thingis schortly following, that passed in THE BISCHOPE
OF
oblivioun. Yit wold nott the Preastis and Freiris cease to have SANCTANDROSE
that great solempnitie and manifest abhominatioun which thei
accustomablie had upoun Sanct Geillis day,[681] to witt, thei wold have that idole
borne; and tharefor was all preparatioun necessar deuly maid. A marmouset idole
was borrowed fra the Gray Freiris, (a silver peise of James Carmichaell[682] was
laid in pledge:) It was fast fixed with irne nailles upon a barrow, called thare
fertour. Thare assembled Preastis, Frearis, Channonis, and
rottin Papistes, with tabornes and trumpettis, banerris and TRIUMPH FOR
BEARING OF
bage-pypes, and who was thare to led the ring, but the Quein STOCK GEILL
Regent hir self, with all hir schaivelingis, for honour of that
feast. West about goes it, and cumis doun the Hie Streat, and doun to the Canno
Croce.[683] The Quein Regent dyned that day in Sandie Carpetyne's housse,
betuix the Bowes,[684] and so when the idole returned back agane, sche left it,
and past in to hir dennar. The heartes of the brethrein war wonderouslie
inflammed, and seing such abominatioun so manifestlie manteaned, war decreed
to be revenged. Thei war devided in severall cumpanyes, wharof not one knew
of ane other. Thare war some temperisaris that day, (amonges whome David
Forress, called the Generall,[685] was one,) who, fearing the chance to be dune as
it fell, laubored to stay the brethrein. Butt that could not be; for immediatlie after
that the Quein was entered in the loodgeing, some of those that war of the
interprise drew ney to the idole, as willing to helpe to bear him, and getting the
fertour upon thare schulderis, begane to schudder, thinking that thairby the idole
should have fallin. But that was provided and prevented by the
irne nailles, as we have said; and so, begane one to cry "Doun THE
with the idole; doun with it;" and so without delay it was DOUNCASTING OF STOCK
pulled doun. Some brag maid the Preastis patrons at the first; GEILL, AND
but when thei saw the febilness of thare god, (for one took him DISCONFITUR
OF BAALIS
by the heillis, and dadding his head to the calsay, left Dagon PREASTIS
without head or handis, and said, "Fye upon thee, thow young
Sanct Geile, thy father wold haif taryed four such:") this considdered, (we say,)
the Preastis and Freiris fled faster then thei did at Pynckey Clewcht.[686] Thare
mycht have bein sein so suddane a fray as seildome hes bein sein amonges that
sorte of men within this realme; for doun goes the croses, of goes the surpleise,
round cappes cornar with the crounes. The Gray Freiris gapped, the Blak Frearis
blew, the Preastis panted, and fled, and happy was he that first gate the house;
for such ane suddan fray came never amonges the generatioun of Antichrist
within this realme befoir. By chance thare lay upoun a stare a
meary Englissman, and seing the discomfiture to be without A MEARY
ENGLISMAN
blood, thought he wold add some mearynes to the mater, and
so cryed he ower a stayr, and said, "Fy upoun yow, hoorsones, why have ye
brockin ordour! Doun the streat ye passed in array and with great myrth. Why
flie ye, vilanes, now, without ordour? Turne and stryk everie one a strok for the
honour of his god. Fy, cowardis, fy, ye shall never be judged worthy of your
wages agane!" But exhortationis war then unprofitable; for after that Bell had
brokin his neck, thare was no conforte to his confused army.
The Quein Regent lade up this amonges hir other mementoes, till that sche
mycht have sein the tyme proper to have revenged it. Search was maid for the
doaris, but none could be deprehended; for the brethrein assembled thame selfis
in such sorte, in companyes, synging psalmes, and prasing God, that the proudast
of the ennemies war astonied.
This tragedy of Sanct Geill was so terrible to some Papistes,
that Dury, sometymes called for his filthines Abbot Stottikin, THE DEATH OF
THE BISCHOPE
and then intitulat Bischope of Galloway,[687] left his rymyng OF
wharewith he was accustumed, and departed this lyef, evin as GALLOWAY,
that he leved: For the articles of his beleve war; "I Referr: AND HIS LAST
CONFESSIOUN.
Decarte yow: Ha, ha, the four Kinges and all maid: The Devill
go with it: It is but a varlett:
Fra France we thought to have gottin a Rooby;[688]
And yit is he nothing but a cowhuby."
With such faith and such prayeris, departed out of this lyeff
that ennemy of God, who had vowed and plainelie said, "That THE VOW OF
THAT MARKED
in dispyte of God, so long as thei that then war Prelattis lyved, BEAST DURY
should that word (called the Evangell) never be preached BISCHOPE OF
within this realme." After him followed that belly-god, Maister GALLOWAY.
David Panter,[689] called Bischope of Ross, evin with the lyik
documentis, exceapt that he departed eatting and drynking, THE DEATH OF
DAVID PANTER
which, togitther with the rest that tharupoun dependis, was the
pastyme of his lyef.
The most parte of the Lordis that war in France at the Quenis
mariage, althought that thei gat thare congie fra the Courte, yit THE DEATH OF
THE BISCHOPE
thei forget to returne to Scotland.[690] For whitther it was by OF ORKNAY,
ane Italiane posset, or by French fegges, or by the potage of REID.
thare potingar, (he was a French man,) thare departed fra this
lyef the Erle of Cassilles,[691] the Erle of Rothose,[692] Lord Flemyng,[693] and
the Bischope of Orknay, whose end was evin according to his lyfe:[694] For after
that he was dryvin back by a contrarious wynd, and forced to land agane at
Deape, perceaving his seiknes to encrease, he caused maik his bed betuix his two
cofferis, (some said upoun thame:) such was his god, the gold that tharein was
inclosed, that he could not departe tharefra, so long as memorie wold serve him.
The Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois, had (by all appearance) lyked of
the same bust[695] that dispatched the rest, for thareof to this day his stomack
doeth testifie: but God preserved him for a bettir purpose. This same Lord
James, now Erle of Murray, and the said Bischope, war commonlye at debate for
materis of religioun; and tharefoir the said Lord, hearing of the Bischoppis
disease, came to visitt him, and fynding him not sa weall at a point as he thowght
he should have bein, and as the honour of the country requyred, said unto him,
"Fy, my Lord, how ly ye so? Will ye not go to your chalmer, and not ly hear into
this commoun house?" His answer was, "I am weall whare I
am, my Lord, so long as I can tary; for I am neir unto my ORKNAYIS
freindis, (meanyng his cofferis and the gold tharein.) But, my ANSWER, AND
HIS FREINDIS
Lord, (said he,) long have ye and I bein in pley for Purgatory: I WHOME
think that I shall know or it be long whetther thare be such a
place or not." Whill the other did exhorte him to call to mynd the promisses of
God, and the vertew of Christis death; he answered, "Nay, my Lord, lett me
allon; for ye and I never aggreid in our lyiff, and I think we shall nott aggree
now at my death; and tharefor lett me allone." The said Lord James departed to
his loodgeing, and the other schort after departed this lyef; whitther, the great
day of the Lord will declare.
When the word of the departing of so many patrons of the
Papistrye, and of the maner of thare departing, cam unto the THE QUEIN
REGENTIS
Quein Regent, after astonisment and musing, she said, "What SENTENCE OF
shall I say of such men? Thei lieved as beastis, and as beastis THE DEATH OF
thei dye: God is not with thame, nether with that which thei HIR PAPISTIS.
[696]
interprise."
Whill these thingis war in doing in Scotland and France, that
perfyt hipocryte Maister Johne Sinclare, then Dene of DEAN OF
RESTALRIG,
Restalrige,[697] and now Lord President and Bischope of HYPOCRITE,
Brechin, begane to preache in his Kirk of Restalrig; and at the BEGAN TO
begynnyng held himself so indifferent, that many had opinion PREACHE.
of him, that he was nott far from the kingdom of God. But his hypochrisie could
nott long be clocked; for when he understood that such as feared God began to
have a good opinioun of him, and that the Freiris and otheris of that sect begane
to whisper, "That yf he took not head in tyme to him self, and unto his doctrin,
he wold be the destructioun of the hole estait of the Kirk." This by him
understand, he appointed a sermon, in the which he promissed to geve his
judgement upoun all such headis as then war in controversie in the materis of
religioun. The bruyte heirof maid his audience great at the first; but that day he
so handilled him self, that after that, no godly man did creditt him; for not only
ganesaid he the doctrin of Justificatioun and of Prayer which befoir he had
tawght, but also he sett up and manteaned the Papistrie to the uttermost prick;
yea, Holy Watter, Pilgramage, Purgatory, and Pardonis war of such vertew in his
conceit, that without thame he looked not, to be saved.
In this meantyme, the Clargye maid a brag that thei wald
disput. But Maister David Panter,[698] which then lived and lay MAISTER
DAVID PANTER
at Restalrig, dissuaded thame tharefra, affirmyng, "That yf ever HIS CONSALL
thei disputed, but whare thame selfis war bayth judge and TO HIS
party, and whare that fyre and swerd should obey thare decrie, FORSWORNE
BRETHREIN
that then thare caus was wracked for ever; for thare victorie THE
stood neyther in God, nor in his word, but in thare awin willis, BISCHOPPIS.
and in the thingis concluded by thare awin Counsallis,
(togitther with sword and fyre,) whareto, (said he,) these new starte-up fellowis
will give no place. But thei will call yow to your compt booke, and that is to the
Bible; and by it ye will no more be found the men that ye ar called, then the
Devill wilbe approvin to be God. And therefor, yf ye love your selfis, enter never
in disputatioun; nether yitt call ye the mater in questioun; but defend your
possessioun, or ellis all is lost." Cayaphas could not geve ane bettir counsall to
his companizeons; but yitt God disapointed boith thame and him, as after we
shall hear.
At this same tyme, some of the Nobilitie direct thare letteris to call JOHNE KNOX
from Geneva, for thare conforte, and for the conforte of thare brethrein the
preachearis, and otheris that then couragiouslye faught against the ennemyes of
Goddis trewth. The tenour of thare lettre is this:
Grace, Mercy, and Peace, for Salutatioun, &c.
DEIRLIE BELOVED in the Lord, the Faithfull that ar of your
acquentance in thir partes, (thankis be unto God,) ar stedfast in the
beleve whareinto ye left thame, and hes ane godly
thrist and desyre, day by day, of your presence THE
agane; quhilk, gif the Spreat of God will sua move SECOUND VOCATION
and permitt tyme unto yow, we will hartly desyre OF JOHNE
yow, in the name of the Lord, that ye will returne KNOX BY
LETTERIS OF
agane in thir partes, whare ye shall fynd all faithfull THE LORDIS.
that ye left behynd yow, not only glaid to hear your
doctrin, but wilbe reddy to jeopard lyffis and goodis in the forward
setting of the glorie of God, as he will permitt tyme. And albeit the
Magistraittis in this countrey be as yitt but in the staite ye left thame,
yitt at the maiking heirof, we have na experience of any mair crueltie
to be used nor was befoir; but rather we have beleve, that God will
augment his flock, becaus we see daly the Freiris, ennemyes to
Christis Evangell, in less estimatioun, baith with the Quenis Grace,
and the rest of the Nobilitie of our realme. This in few wordis is the
mynd of the faithfull, being present, and otheris absent. The rest of
our myndis this faythfull berare will schaw you at lenth. This, fair ye
weill in the Lord.

Off Striveling, the tent of Marche, Anno 1556.[699] (This is the trew
copy of the bill, being subscrived by the names underwrittin,)
Sic subscribitur,
GLENCARNE.
LORNE, (now
ERGYLE.)
ERSKYN.
JAMES
STEWART.
These letteris war delivered to the said Johne in Geneva, by the handis of James
Sym, who now resteth with Christ, and of James Barroun, that yit liveth,[700] in
the moneth of Maij immediatlie tharefter. Which receaved, and advised upoun,
he took consultatioun alsweall with his awin church as with that notable servand
of God, Johne Calvin, and with other godlie ministers, who all with one consent,
said, "That he could nott refuise that Vocatioun, onless he wald declair him self
rebellious unto his God, and unmercyfull to his contrie." And so he returned
answer, with promessis to visite thame with ressonable expeditioun, and so sone
as he mycht putt ordour to that dear flock that was committed to his charge. And
so, in the end of the nixt September after, he departed from Geneva, and came to
Deape, whare thare mett him contrare letteris; as by this his answer thareto we
may understand.
The Spreit of wisdom, constancie, and strenth be multiplied with
yow, by the favour of God our Father, and by the grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ.
According to my promeis, Rycht Honorable, I came to Deape, the
xxiiij of October, of full mynd, by the good will of God, with the
first schippes to have visited yow. Bot becaus two letteris, not verray
pleassing to the flesche, wer there presented unto me, I was
compelled to stay for a tyme. The one was directed to myself from a
faithfull brother, which maid mentioun, that new consultatioun was
appointed for finall conclusioun of the mater befoir purposed, and
willed me tharefoir to abyd in these partes, till the determinatioun of
the same. The other letter was direct from a gentilman to a friend,
with charge to advertise me, that he had communed with all those
that seamed most frack and fervent in the mater, and that into none
did he fynd such boldness and constancie, as was requisite for such
ane interprise; bot that some did (as he writteth) reapent that ever
any such thing was moved; some war partlie eschamed; and otheris
war able to deny, that ever thei did consent to any such purpose, yf
any triall or questioun should be tackin thareof, &c. Which letteris,
when I had considdered, I partlie was confounded, and partlye was
persed with anguise and sorrow. Confounded I was, that I had so far
travelled in the mater, moving the same to the most godly and the
most learned that this day we know to lyve in Europe, to the effect
that I mycht have thare judgements and grave counsalles, for
assurance alsweall of your consciences as of myne, in all interprises:
And then that nothing should succead so long consultatioun, can not
but redound eyther to your schame or myne; for eyther it shall
appear; that I was mervelouse vane, being so solist whare no
necessitie requyred, or ellis, that such as war my moveris thareto
lacked the rypnes of judgement in thare first vocatioun. To some it
may appear ane small and lycht mater, that I have cast of, and as it
war abandoned, alsweall my particulare care, as my publict office
and charge, leaving my house and poore familie destitut of all head,
save God only, and committing that small (but to Christ deirlie
belovit) flock, ower the which I was appointed one of the ministeris,
to the charge of ane other. This, I say, to worldly men may appear a
small mater, but to me it was, and yit is such, that more worldly
sustance then I will expresse, could not have caused me willinglie
behold the eies of so many grave men weape at ones for my caus, as
that I did, in tackin of my last good nycht frome thame. To whome,
yf it please God that I returne, and questioun be demanded, What
was the impediment of my purposed jorney? judge yow what I shall
answer. The caus of my dolour and sorrow (God is witnes) is for
nothing pertenyng eyther to my corporall contentment or worldly
displeasur; butt it is for the grevouse plagues and punishmentis of
God, which assuredly shall apprehend nott only yow, but everie
inhabitant of that miserable Realme and Ile, except that the power of
God, by the libertie of his Evangell, deliver yow from bondage. I
meane not only that perpetuall fyre and torment,
prepared for the Devill, and for such as denying THE
Christ Jesus and his knawin veritie, do follow the MATRIMONIALL
CROUN WAS
sones of wickednes to perditioun, (which most is to GRANTED,
be feared;) butt also that thraldome and miserie shall AND
FRENCHE
apprehend your awin bodyes, your childrein, BANDIS
subjectis, and posteritie, whome ye have betrayed, WAR
(in conscience, I can except none that bear the name ARRYVED
of Nobilitie,) and presentlie do feght to betray thame
and your Realme to the slavrie of strangeris. The warr begune,
(althocht I acknawledge it to be the wark of God,) shalbe your
destructioun, unless that, be tyme, remedy be provided. God opin
your eis, that ye may espy and considder your awin miserable
estaite. My wordis shall appeir to some scharpe and undiscreitlie
spokin; but as charitie awght to interpreit all thingis to the best, so
awght wyse men to understand, that a trew friend can nott be a
flatterar, especiallie when the questions of salvatioun, boith of body
and saule, ar moved; and that nott of one nor of two, but as it war of
a hole realme and natioun. What ar the sobbes, and what is the
affectioun[701] of my trubled heart, God shall one day declare. But
this will I add to my formar rigour and severitie, to wit, yf any
perswad yow, for feir of dangeris that may follow, to faint in your
formar purpose, be he never esteamed so wyse and freindly, lett him
be judged of yow boith foolish and your mortall ennemy: foolishe,
for becaus he understandeth nothing of Goddis approved wisedome;
and ennemye unto yow, becaus he lauboureth to separat yow from
Goddis favour; provoking his vengeance and grevouse plagues
against yow, becaus he wald that ye should prefer your worldly rest
to Goddis prase and glorie, and the freindschipe of the wicked to the
salvatioun of your brethrein. "I am nott ignorant, that
feirfull trubles shall ensew your enterprise, (as in my LETT THE
formar letters I did signifie unto yow;) but O joyfull PAPISTIS
THAME
and confortable ar those trubles and adversities, SELVIS
which man susteaneth for accomplishment of Goddis JUDGE OF
WHAT
will, reveilled by his woord! For how terrible that SPREIT
ever thei appear to the judgement of the naturall THOSE
man, yit ar thei never able to devore nor utterlie to SENTENSES
COULD
consume the sufferraris: For the invisible and PROCEAD
invincible power of God susteaneth and preserveth,
according to his promeis, all such as with simplicitie do obey him."
The subtell craft of Pharao, many years joyned wyth his bloody
cruelty, was not able to destroy the male childrein of Israell, nether
war the watteris of the Redd Sea, much less the rage of Pharao, able
to confound Moses and the cumpany which he conducted; and that
because the one had Goddis promisse that thei should multiplie, and
the other had his commandiment to enter into such
dangeris. I wold your Wisedomes should considder, THE DEUTIE
that our God remaneth one, and is immutable; and OF NOBILITIE
THE

that the Church of Christ Jesus hath the same

promeis of protectioun and defence that Israell had of
multiplicatioun; and farther, that no less caus have ye to enter in
your formar interprise, then Moses had to go to the presence of
Pharao; for your subjectis, yea, your brethrein ar oppressed, thare
bodyis and saules haldin in bondage: and God speaketh to your
consciences, (onles ye be dead with the blynd warld,) that yow
awght to hasard your awin lyves, (be it against
 Kingis or Empriouris,) for thare deliverance; for only THAT
for that caus ar ye called Princes of the people, and LETTER
ye receave of your brethrein honour, tribute, and LOST BY
NEGLIGENCE
homage at Goddis commandiment; not be reasson of AND
your birth and progenye, (as the most parte of men TRUBLES
falslie do suppose,) but by ressoun of your office and
dewtie, which is to vindicat and deliver your GOD GRANT
subjectes and brethrein from all violence and THAT OUR
NOBILITIE
oppressioun, to the uttermost of your power. Advise WOULD
diligentlie, I beseik yow, with the pointis of that YITT
Letter, which I directed to the hole Nobilitie, and lett UNDERSTAND
everie man apply the mater and case to him self; for your conscience
shall one day be compelled to acknowledge, that the Reformatioun
of religioun, and of publict enormities, doith appertene to mo then to
the Clargie, or cheaf reularis called Kingis. The mychtie Spreit of
the Lord Jesus rewle and guyde your counsellis, to his glorie, your
eternall conforte, and to the consolatioun of your brethrene. Amen.
From Deape, the 27 of October 1557.
These letteris receaved and redd, togetther with otheris direct to the hole
Nobilitie, and some particular gentilmen, as to the Lardis of Dun and Pettarrow,
new consultatioun was had what was best to be done: and in the end it was
concluded, that thei wold follow fordwart thare purpose anes intended, and wold
committ thame selfis, and whatsoever God had gevin unto thame, in his handis,
rather then thei wold suffer idolatrie so manifestlie to regne, and the subjectes of
that Realme so to be defrauded, as long thei had bein, of the only food of thare
saules, the trew preaching of Christes Evangell. And that everie ane should be
the more assured of other, a commoun Band was maid, and by some subscrived,
the tennour whareof followis:—
"We, perceaving how Sathan in his memberis, the Antichristis of our
tyme, cruelly doeth rage, seaking to dounethring and to destroy the
Evangell of Christ, and his Congregatioun, aught, according to our
bonden deuitie, to stryve in our Maisteris caus, evin unto the death,
being certane of the victorie in him. The quhilk our dewitie being
weall considdered, We do promesse befoir the Majestie of God, and
his congregatioun, that we (be his grace,) shall with all diligence
continually apply our hole power, substance, and our verray lyves, to
manteane, sett fordward, and establish the most blessed word of God
 and his Congregatioun; and shall laubour at our possibilitie to have
faythfull Ministeris purely and trewlie to minister Christis Evangell
and Sacramentes to his people. We shall manteane thame, nuriss
thame, and defend thame, the haill congregatioun of Christ, and
everie membour thairof, at our haill poweris and waring of our
lyves, against Sathan, and all wicked power that does intend tyranny
or truble against the foirsaid congregatioun. Onto the quhilk holy
woord and congregatioun we do joyne us, and also dois forsaike and
renunce the congregatioun of Sathan, with all the superstitious
abominatioun and idolatrie thareof: And moreover, shall declare our
selfis manifestlie ennemies thairto, be this oure faithfull promesse
befoir God, testifeid to his Congregatioun, be our subscriptionis at
thir presentis:—

"At Edinburgh, the thrid day of December, the year of God Jm. Vc.
fyfty sevin yearis: God called to witnesse.[702]
(Sic subscribitur,)
A. ERLE OF ERGILE.
GLENCARNE.
MORTON.
ARCHIBALD LORD
OF LORNE.
JOHNNE ERSKYNE
OF DOUN.[703]
Et cetera.
Befoir a litill that this Band was subscryved, by the foirwrittin
and many otheris, letteris war direct agane to Johne Knox fra THE THIRD
VOCATIOUN
the said Lordis, togitther with thare letteris to Maister CALVIN, OF JOHNE
craving of him, that by his authoritie he wold command the KNOX BY THE
said Johne anes agane to visit thame. These letteris war LORDIS AND
CHURCHE OF
delivered by the handis of Maister Johne Gray,[704] in the SCOTLAND.
moneth of November, the yeir of God Jm. Vc. fyfty awght, who
at that same tyme past to Rome for expeditioun of the bowes[705] of Ross to
Maister Henry Sinclare.[706]
Immediatlie after the subscriptioun of this foirsaid Band, the Lordis and Barons
professing Christ Jesus, conveined frequentlie in counsall; in the which these
Headis war concluded:—
First, It is thought expedient, devised, and ordeaned, that in all
parochines of this Realme the Commoun Prayeris[707] be redd
owklie on Sounday, and other festuall dayis, publictlie in the
Paroche Kirkis, with the Lessonis of the New and Old Testament,
conforme to the ordour of the Book of Common Prayeris: And yf the
curattis of the parochynes be qualified, to cause thame to reid the
samyn; and yf thei be nott, or yf thei refuise, that the maist qualifeid
in the parish use and read the same.
Secoundly, It is thought necessare, that doctrin, preacheing, and
interpretatioun of Scriptures be had and used privatlie in qwyet
houssis, without great conventionis of the people tharto, whill
afterward that God move the Prince to grant publict preacheing be
faithfull and trew ministeris.

These two Headis concernyng the religioun, and some otheris concernyng the
Polecy, being concluded, the old Erle of Ergile took the mantenance of Johne
Dowglass, caused him preache publictlie in his hous, and reformed many thingis
according to his consall. The same boldness took diverse otheris, alsweall within
townes as to landwarte; which did not a litle truble the Bischoppis and Quein
Regent, as by this lettre and credite, committed to Sir David Hammyltoun [708]
fra the Bischope of Sanctandrois to the said Erle of Ergile, may be clearlic
understand.
THE BISCHOPPIS LETTER TO THE OLD ERLE OF ERGYLE.
MY LORD, After maist hartlie commendatioun. This is to advertise
your Lordship, we have direct this berar, our Cousing, towart your
Lordschipis, in sick besynes and effaris as concernes your
Lordschipis honour, proffeitt, and great weall; lyk as the said berar
will declare your Lordsehipe at mare lenth. Praying your Lordschipe
effectuously to adverte thairto, and geve attendance to us, your
Lordschipis freindis, that ay hes willed the honour, proffeit, and uter
wealth of your Lordschipis house, as of our awin; and credite to the
berar. And Jesu haif your Lordschipe in everlesting keaping.
 Of Edinburgh, the XXV day of Merche, Anno 1558.
(Sic subscribitur,) Your Lordschippes att all power,
J.
SANCTANDROIS.
FOLLOWIS THE CREDITE.—Memorandum to SCHIR DAVID HAMMYLTOUN, to my Lord
Erle of Ergile, in my behalf, and lett him see and heare everie Articule.
In primis, To repeit the ancient blood of his House, how long it hes
stand, how notable it hes bein, and so many noble men hes bein
Erles, Lordis, and Knychtis thairof; how long thei have rong in thei
partes, ever trew and obedient bayth to God and the Prince, without
any smote to thir dayis in any maner of sorte: and to remember how
many notable men ar cuming of his house.
Secoundly, To schaw him the great affectioun I bear towardis him,
his blood, house, and freindis, and of the ardent desyre I have of the
perpetuall standing of it in honour and fame, with all thame that ar
come of it: quhilk is my parte for many and diverse caussis, as ye
shall schaw.
Thridly, To schaw my Lord, how havy and displeasing[709] it is to
me now to hear, that he, wha is and hes bein sa noble a man, should
be seduced and abused by the flattery of sick ane infamet person of
the law[710] and mensworne apostate, that under the pretense that he
geves him self furth as a preachcar of the Evangell and veritie, under
that cullour settis furth schismes and divisionis in the Haly Kirk of
God, with hereticall propositions, thinkand that under his
mantenance and defence, to infect this countrey with heresy,
perswading my said Lord and otheris his barnes and freindis, that all
that he speakis is Scripture, and conforme thairto, albeit that many of
his propositionis ar many yearis past condempned be Generall
Counsallis and the haill estaite of Christiane people.
4. To schaw to my Lord, how perrelous this is to his Lordschip and
his house, and decay thareof, in caise the Authoritie wold be
scharpe, and wold use conforme bayth to civile and cannon, and als
your awin municipall law of this Realme.
5. To schaw his Lordschipe, how wa[711] I wold be eyther to hear,
see, or knaw any displeasur that mycht come to him, his Sone, or
any of his house, or freindis, and especiallie in his awin tyme and
dayis; and als how great displeasur I have ellis to hear great and evill
bruyte of him, that should now in his aige, in a maner vary in[712] his
fayth; and to be alterat tharein, when the tyme is that he should be
maist suir and firme thairin.
6. To schaw his Lordschipe, that thare is dilatioun of that man, called
Dowglass or Grant, of syndrie Articules of heresye, quhilk lyes to
my charge and conscience to put remeady to, or ellis all the
pestilentious doctrin he sawes, and siclyik all that ar corrupt be his
doctrin, and all that he drawes fra our fayth and Christiane religioun,
will ly to my charge afoir God, and I to be accused befoir God for
ower seing of him, yf I putt nott remedy tharto, and correct him for
sick thingis he is delaited of. And tharefor that my Lord considder,
and weay it weall, how heychtlie it lyes bayth to my honour and
conscience: for yf I thole him, I wilbe accused for all thame that he
infectis and corruptis in heresye.
Heirfor, I pray My Lord, in my maist hartly manor, to tack this mater
in the best parte, for his awin conscience, honour, and weall of him
self, hous, freindis, and servandis; and sick lyik for my parte, and for
my conscience and honour, that considdering that thare ar diverse
Articules of heresey to be laid to him that he is delated of, and that
he is presentlie in my Lordis cumpany, that my Lord wold, be some
honest way, departe with this man, and putt him fra him and fra his
Sonnes cumpanye; for I wold be richt sory that any being in any of
thare cumpanyes should be called for sick causses, or that any of
thame should be bruited to hold any sick men. And this I wold
advertise my Lord, and have his Lordschippis answer and
resolutioun, ere any summondis passed upoun him, togitther with
my Lordis answer.
Item, Yf my Lord wald have a man to instruct him trewlie in the
fayth, and preache to him, I wold provide a cunning man to him,
wharefoir I shall answer for his trew doctrin, and shall putt my saule
tharefoir, that he shall teach nathing but trewly according to our
Catholik faith.
 Off Edinburgh, this last of Merch, 1558.
(Sic subscribitur,)
J. SANCTANDROIS.[713]
Item, Attour, your Lordschipe shall draw to good remembrance, and
wey the great and havye murmur against me, bayth be the Quenis
Grace, the Kirk men, Spirituall and Temporall
Estaitis, and weall gevin people, meanyng, crying, FLESCHE
and murmuring me greattumlie, that I do nott my AND IS
BLOOD

office to thole sick infamouse persons with sick PREFERRED

perversett doctrin, within my Diosey and this TO GOD
WITH THE
Realme, be ressoun of my Legasey and Primacey; BISCHOPE.
[714] quhilkis I have rather susteaned and long

sufferred, for the great luif that I had to your Lordschip and
posteritie, and your freindis, and your house; als beleving suyrly
your Lordschippis wisedom should not have manteaned and mulled
with sick thingis that mycht do me dishonour or displeasur,
considdering I being reddy to have putt good ordour thairto alwayes;
but hes allanerlie absteaned, for the luif of your Lordschip and house
foirsaid, that I bear trewly, knawing and seing the great skaith and
dishonour and lack appeirandlye that mycht come tharthrowght,
incaise your Lordschip remeid not the samyn haistelly, whareby we
mycht bayth be qwyet of all danger, quhilkis dowbtless will come
upoun us bayth, yf I use nott my office, or that he be called, the tyme
that he is now with your Lordschip, and under your Lordschippis
protectioun.
(Subserivit agane,) J. SANCTANDROIS.
By these formar Instructions, thow may perceave, Gentill Readar, what was the
cayre that this pastor, with his complices, took to fead the flock committed to
thare charge, (as thei alledge,) and to ganestand fals teachearis. Hear is oft
mentioun of conscience, of heresy, and suche other termes, that may fray the
ignorant, and deceave the sempill. But we hear no cryme in particulare laid to
the charge of the accused;[715] and yit is he dampned as ane mensworne apostate.
This was my Lordis conscience, which he learned of his fatheris, the Pharesies,
old ennemyes to Christ Jesus, who damned him befoir thei hard him. But who
rewlled my Lordis conscience, when he took his Eme's wyff, Lady Giltoun?[716]
Considder thow the rest of his persuasioun, and thow shall clearlie see, that
honour, estimatioun, luif to housse and freindis, is the best ground that my Lord
Bischope hes, why he should persecut Jesus Christ in his members. We thowght
good to insert the Answeris of the said Erle, which follow:—
The most remarkable notice of this lady occurs in the Records of the Town
Council of Edinburgh, 26th November 1561, on which day the Provost and other
members of Council ordained "actis to be set furth, charging Grizzell Simpill
Lady Stanehous adulterar, to remuif her self furth of the town betuix and
Mununday nixt, under the panys contenit in the proclamation set furth aganis
adulteraris." As the Archbishop of St. Andrews had a residence in Edinburgh, it
was no doubt her living openly with him, that occasioned this peremptory
enactment. Without enlarging further, it may be added, that she acquired the
lands of Blair, in the lordship of Culross, and was sometimes called "Lady
Blair." She died in October 1575, and in the Confirmation of her Testament
Dative, she is styled "ane honorabill Lady Gryssell Sympill, Lady Stanehous."
MEMORANDUM.—This present wryte is to mak Answer particularly to
everilk Article, directed be my LORD OF SANCTANDROIS to me, with
SCHIR DAVID HAMMYLTOUN; quhilkis Articles ar in nomber IX, and
hear repeted and answered as I traist to his Lordschippis
contentment.

1. The First Article puttis me in remembrance of the ancianitie of the

blood of my Hous, how many Erles, Lordis, and Knychtes, hes bein
thairof; how many Noble men discended of the same hous, how long
it continewed trew to God and the Prince, without smot in thare
dayis, in any maner of sorte.
[ANSWER.]—Trew it is, my Lord, that thare is weall long
continewance of my Hous, be Goddis providence and benevolence
of our Princes, whome we have served, and shall serve trewly nixt to
God: And the lyik obedience towardis God and our Princes remanes
with us yitt, or rather bettir, (praised be the Lordis name,) nother
know we any spot towardis our Princess and hir dew obedience. And
yf thare be offence towardis God, he is mercifull to remitt our
offences; for "He will not the death of a synnar." Lyik as, it standis
in his Omnipotent power to maik up housses, to continew the
samyn, to alter thame, to maik thame small or great, or to extinguish
thame, according to his awin inscrutable wisedome; for in exalting,
depressing, and changeing of houssis, the laude and praise most be
gevin to that ane eternall God, in whais hand the same standis.

2. The Secound Article bearis the great affectioun and love your
Lordschip bearis towardis me and my House; and of the ardent
desyre ye have of the perpetuall standing thairof in honour and fame,
with all thame that is cuming of it.
[ANSWER.]—Forsuyth, it is your dewitie to wische good unto my
Hous, and unto thame that ar cuming of the same, not allanerlie for
the faythfulnes, amitie, and societie, that hes bein betuix our
foirbearis, but also for the lait conjunction of blood[717] that is betuix
oure saidis Houssis, gif it be Goddis pleasur that it have success;
quhilk should give sufficient occasioun to your Lordschip to wische
good to my Housse, and perpetuitie with Goddis gloir, without
quhilk nothing is perpetuall, unto whome be praise and wirschipe for
ever and ever. Amen.
3. Thridly, your Lordschip declares how displeasand it is to yow,
that I should be seduced be ane infamed persone of the law,[718] and
be the flatterie of ane mensworne apostate, that, under pretence of
his furth geving, maikis us to understand, that he is ane preachear of
the Evangell, and tharewith rases schismes and divisionis in the haill
Kirk of God; and be our mantenance and defence, wald infect this
countrey with heresye; alledgeand that to be Scripture, whilk thir
many yearis bygane, hes bein condemned as heresye be the Generall
Counsallis and haill estate of Christiane people.
ANSURE.—The God that creatted heavin and earth, and all that thairin
is, preserve me fra seduceing; and I dread otheris many under the
cullour of godlynes ar seduceid, and thinkis that thei do God a
pleasur, when thei persecute ane of thame that professes his name.
What that man is of the law we know nott: we hear nane of his
flatterie: his mensworne aith of apostasie is ignorant to us. But yf he
had maid ane unlefull aith, contrair Goddis command, it war bettir to
violate it then to observe it. He preaches nathing to us but the
Evangell. Giff he wald otherwiese do, we wold nott beleve him, nor
yitt ane angell of heavin. We hear him sawe na schismes nor
divisiones, but sic as may stand with Goddis word, whilk we shall
caus him confesse in presence of your Lordschip and the Clargie,
when ye requyre us thairto. And as to it that hes bein condempned
be the Generall Counsallis, we traist ye knaw weall that all the
Generall Counsalles hes bein at diversitie amanges thame selfis, and
never twa of thame universallie aggreing in all pointis, in samekle as
thei ar of men. But the Spreit of veritie that bearis testimony of our
Lord Jesus hes nott, nether can not, err; "for heavin and earth shall
perishe or ane jote of it perishe." By this, my Lord, nether teaches
he, nether will we accept of him, but that whilk aggreis with Goddis
synceir word, sett furth be Patriarkis, Prophetis, Apostles, and
Evangelistis, left to our salvatioun in his expresse word. And swa,
my Lord, to condempne the doctrin not examinat is not requyred; for
when your Lordschip pleassis to hear the confessioun of that manis
faith, the maner of his doctrin, which aggreis with the Evangell of
Jesus Christ, I will caus him to assist to judgement, and shalbe
present thairat with Goddis pleasur, that he may rander recknyng of
his beleve and our doctrin, to the superiour-poweris, according to the
prescriptioun of that blood of the eternall Testament, seilled be the
immaculate Lambe, to whome, with the Father, and the Holy Spreit,
be all honour and glorie, for ever and ever. Amen.

4. The Ferd Article puttis me in remembrance, how dangerous it is,

gif the authoritie wald putt at me and my House, according to civile
and cannon lawes, and our awin municipale lawis of this Realme,
and how it appeareth to the decay of our house.
ANSURE.—All lawis ar (or at the least should be) subject to Goddis
law, whilk law should be first placed and planted in everie manes
hearte; it should have na impediment: men should not abrogat it for
the defence and upsetting of thare awin advantage. Gif it wald please
Authorities to put at our housse, for confessing of Goddis word, or
for mantenance of his law, God is mychtie yneuch in his awin caus:
He should be rather obeyed nor man. I will serve my Princess with
bodye, harte, goodis, strenth, and all that is in my power, except that
whilk is Goddis dewitie, quhilk I will reserve to him self alone: That
is, to wirschipe him in trewth and veritie, and als near as I can,
conforme to his prescrived worde, to his awin honour and obedience
of my Princess.

5. The Fyft Article puttis me in remembrance how wa your

Lordschip wald be to hear, see, or know any displeasur that mycht
come to me, my sone, or any of my house, and speciallie in my tyme
and dayis, and als to hear the great and evill bruyte of me that should
now in my aige in a maner begyn to warie fra[719] my faith, and to be
altered thairin, when the tyme is, that I should be maist suir and
firme thairin.
ANSURE.—Youre Lordschippis gud will is ever maid manifest to me
in all your Articles, that wald not hear, see, or knaw my displeasur,
for the quhilkis I am bound to rander your Lordschip thankis, and
shall do the samyn assuredly. But as for wavering in my faith, God
forbyd that I should sa do; for I beleve in God the Father, Almyghtie
maikar of heavin and earth, and in Jesus Christ his onlie Sone our
Salveour. My Lord, I vary not in my faith; bot I praise God that of
his goodnes now in my latter dayis hes of his infinit mercy
oppynned his bosome of grace to me, to acknawledge him the
Eternall Wisedome, his Sone Jesus Christ, my omnisufficient
satisfactioun to refuise all maner of idolatrie, superstitioun, and
ignorance, whairwyth I haif bein blynded in tymes bygane, and now
belevis that God wilbe mercyfull to me, for now he hes declared his
blessed will clearlie to me, befoir my departing of this transitorie
lyiff.

6. The Sext Article declaired that thare ar delationis of syndrie

pointis of heresye upoun that man, called Dowglas or Grant, whilk
lyes to your charge and conscience to putt remeady to, or ellis that
all the pestilentiouse doctrin he sawis, and all whome he corruptes
with his seid, wilbe requyred at your handis, and all whome he
drawes fra your Christiane faith; and yf ye should thole him, that ye
wilbe accused for all thame whome he infectes with heresey; and
tharefoir to regard your Lordschippis honour and conscience
heirintill.
ANSURE.—What is his surname I knaw nott, but he calles him self
Dowglas;[720] for I know nother his father nor his mother. I have
heard him teache na Articles of heresye; bot that quhilk aggreis with
Goddis word; for I wold manteane na man in heresey or errour. Your
Lordschip regardis your conscience in the punishement thairof. I
pray God that ye sua do, and examyn weall your conscience. He
preaches aganis idolatrie: I remit to your Lordschippis conscience yf
it be heresye or not. He preaches aganis adulterie and fornicatioun: I
referr that to your Lordschippis conscience. He preaches aganis
hypocrisye: I referr that to your Lordschippis conscience. He
preaches aganis all maner of abuses and corruptioun of Christes
synceir religioun: I refer that to your Lordschippis conscience. My
Lord, I exhorte yow, in Christis name, to wey all thir effaris in your
conscience,[721] and considder yf it be your dewitie also, not only to
thole this, but in lyk maner to do the same. This is all, my Lord, that
I varye in my aige, and na uther thing, but that I knew nott befoir
these offenses to be abhominable to God, and now knowing his will
be manifestatioun of his word, abhorres thame.
7. The Sevint Article desyres me to way thir materis in maist hartlie
maner, and to tack thame in best parte, for the weall of bayth our
consciences, my Hous, freindis, and servandis, and to put sic ane
man out of my cumpany, for feir of the cummer and bruyt that
should follow thairupoun, be reasson he is dilated of sindry
hereseyis: and that your Lordschip wald be sory to hear ony of our
servandis delated or bruited for sic caussis, or for halding of any sic
men; and that your Lordschip wald understand my ansuer hearintill,
or ony summondis passed thairupoun.
ANSURE.—I thank your Lordschip greatlie that ye ar so solist for
the weall of me and my House, and is sa humane as to maik me the
advertisment befoir ye have summoned, of your awin good will and
benevolence; and hes weyed thir materis, als heychtlie as my
judgement can serve me, bayth for your Lordschippis honour and
myn. And when I have reassoned all that I can do with my self in it,
I think it ay best to serve God, and obey his manifest word, and nott
be obstinat in his contrarie: syne to give thare dew obedience to our
Princes, rewllaris, and magistratis, and to hear the voce of Goddis
propheittis, declairing his good promisses to thame that reapentis,
and threatnyng to obstinat wicked doaris, everlesting destructioun.
Your Lordschip knawis weall the man: he hes spoking with your
Lordschip: I thought yow content with him. I heard na occasioun of
offence in him. I can nott weall want him, or some preachar. I can
nott put away sic ane man, without I knew him ane offendar, as I
know nott; for I hear nothing of him, but sic as your Lordschippis
self heard of him, and sick as he yitt will professe in your presence,
whenever your Lordschip requires. Sic ane man that is readdy to
assist him self to judgement, should not be expelled without
cognitioun of the cause; for lyik as I answered befoir in ane other
Article, when your Lordschip pleassis that all the spirituall and
temporall men of estaite in Scotland beis convened, I shall caus him
render ane accompt of his beleve and doctrin in your presences:
Then gif he deserves punishment and correctioun, lett him so suffer;
give he be found faythfull, lett him leve in his faith.

8. The Aucht Article proponis to me, that your Lordschip wald tack
the laubour to gett me a man to instruct me in your Catholick faith,
and to be my preachear, for whais doctrine ye wald lay your saule,
that he wald teach nathing but trewly conforme to your faith.
ANSURE.—God Almychtie send us many of that sorte, that will
preache trewlie, and nathing but ane Catholik universall Christiane
faith; and we Heland rud people hes mister of thame. And yf your
Lordschip wald gett and provid me sic a man, I should provid him a
corporall leving, as to my self, with great thankis to your Lordschip;
for trewly, I and many ma hes great myster of sick men. And becaus
I am able to susteane ma nor ane of thame, I will requeist your
Lordschip earnestlie to provid me sic a man as yo wrait; "for the
harvist is great, and thare ar few lauboraris."

9. The last and Nynt Article puttis me in remembrance, to considder

what murmour your Lordschip thollis, and great bruyt, at many
manis handis, bayth Spirituall and Temporall, and at the Quenis
Grace hand, and utheris weall gevin people, for nott putting of
 ordour to thir effaris; and that your Lordschip hes absteaned fra
executioun heirof, for luif of my house and posteritie, to the effect
that my self should remaid it, for feir of the dishonour mycht come
upoun us bayth for the same; whilk beand remeaded, mycht bring us
out of all danger.
ANSURE.—My Lord, I knaw weall what murmur and indignatioun
your Lordschip thoillis at ennemies handis of all estaitis, for non-
persewing of pure sempill Christianes; and I know, that gif your
Lordschip wald use thare counsall, that wald be blud-schedding and
burnyng of pure men, to maik your Lordschip serve thare wicked
appetites. Yit your Lordschip knawis your awin dewitie, and should
not feare the danger of men, as of him whom ye professe. And
verrely, my Lord, thare is nathing that may be to your Lordschippis
releaf in this behalf, bot I will use your Lordschippis counsall
thairintill, and further the samyn, Goddis honour being first
provided, and the treuth of his eternall word having libertie. And to
absteane for my luif fra persuyt, as your Lordschip hes signified, I
am addetted to your Lordschip, as I have writtin diverse tymes
befoir. But thare is ane above, for whais fear ye man absteane fra
blude-schedding, or ellis, my Lord, knok on your conscience. Last of
all, your Lordschip please to considder, how desyrous some ar to
have sedition amongis freindis; how mychtie the Devill is to saw
discord; how that mony wald desyre na better game but to hunt us at
uther. I pray your Lordschip begyle thame: we will aggree upoun all
purpose, with Goddis pleasur, standing to his honour. Thare ar
diverse Houssis in Scotland by us, that professe the same God
secreatly. Thei desyre but that ye begyn the bargane at us; and when
it begynnis at us, God knawis the end thairof, and wha sall byd the
nixt putt. My Lord, considder this: mak na preparative of us. Lett
nott the vane exhortatioun of thame that regardis litill of the weall
and strenth of bayth our Houssis, sture up your Lordschip, as thei
wald to do aganis God, your awin conscience, and the weall of your
posteritie for ever. And thairfoir now in the end, I pray your
Lordschip, wey thir thingis wysely; and gif ye do utherwyise, God is
God, wes, and shalbe God, when all is wrocht that man can wirk.

This ansuer receaved, the Bischope and his complices fand thame selfis
somewhat disapointed; for the Bischoppes looked for nothing less then for such
ansueris frome the ERLE OF ERGILE; and thairfoir thei maid thame for thare
extreame defence; that is, to corrupt and by buddis to styre up the Quein Regent
in our contrare; as in the Secound Booke we shall more plainly heare.
Schorte after this, God called to his mercy the said Erle of Ergyle from the
miseries of this lyef;[722] whareof the Bischoppis war glaid; for thei thowght that
thare great ennemye was takin out of the way: but God disapointed thame. For as
the said Erle departed most constant in the trew faith of Jesus Christ, with a
plane renunciatioun of all impietie, superstitioun, and idolatrie; so left he it to his
Sone in his Testament, "That he should study to set fordwarte the publict and
trew preaching of the Evangell of Jesus Christ, and to suppress all superstitioun
and idolatrie, to the uttermost of his power." In which poynt small falt can be
found with him[723] to this day. God be mercifull to his other offensses. Amen.
————————————————— 10 MAIJ, ANNO
[725] 1566.[724]

The Bischoppis continewed in thare Provinciall Counsall[726] evin unto that day
that JOHNE KNOX arryved in Scotland.[727] And that thei mycht geve some schaw
to the People that thei mynded Reformatioun, thei sparsed abrod a rumor thairof,
and sett furth somewhat in print, which of the People was called "The Twa-
penny Fayth."[728]
1. Amonges thare Actes, thare was much ado for cappes, schavin crounes,
tippettis, long gounes, and such other trifilles.
2. Item, That nane should enjoy office or benefice ecclesiasticall, except a Preast.
3. Item, That na Kirk-man should nuriss his awin barnes in his
awin cumpanye: but that everie one should hold the childrein BROTHERLIE
CHARITIE.
of otheris.
4. That none should putt his awin sone in his awin benefice.
5. That yf any war found in open adultery, for the first falt, he should lose the
thrid of his benefice; for the secound cryme, the half; and for the thrid, the hole
benefice.
But hearfra appelled the Bischope of Murray,[729] and otheris Prelattis, saying,
"That thei wold abyd at the Cannoun law." And so mycht thei weall yneuch do,
so long as thei remaned interpretouris, dispensatouris, maikaris, and
disannullaris of that law. But lett the same law have the trew interpretatioun and
just executioun, and the Devill shall als schone be provin a trew and obedient
servand unto God, as any of that sorte shalbe provin a Bischope, or yit to have
any just authoritie within the Church of Christ Jesus. But we returne to oure
Historye.
The persecutioun was decreid, asweall by the Quein Regent as
by the Prelattis; but thare rested a point, which the Quein THE QUEIN
REGENT HIR
Regent and France had nott at that tyme obteaned; to witt, That PRACTISES.
the Croune Matrimoniall should be granted to Frances,
husband to our Soverane, and so should France and Scotland be but one
kingdome, the subjectes of boyth realmes to have equall libertie, Scotismen in
France, and French men in Scotland. The glister of the proffeit that was judged
heirof to have ensewed to Scotishmen at the first sight, blynded many menis
eyis. But a small wynd caused that myst suddantlye to vaniss away; for the
greatast offices and benefices within the Realme war appointed for French men.
Monsieur Ruby[730] keapt the Great Seall. Vielmort was Comptrollar.[731]
Melrose and Kelso[732] should have bein a Commend to the poore Cardinall of
Lorane. The fredomes of Scotish merchantis war restreaned in Rowan, and thei
compelled to pay toll and taxationis otheris then thare ancient liberties did bear.
To bring this head to pass, to witt, to gett the Matrimoniall Croune, the Quein
Regent left no point of the compas unsailled. With the Bischoppis and Preastis,
sche practised on this maner: "Ye may clearlie see, that I can not do what I wald
within this Realme; for these heretickis and confidderatis of England ar so band
togitther, that thei stop all good ordour. Butt will ye be favorable unto me in this
suyt of the Matrimoniall Croune to be granted to my Dowghtaris housband, then
shall ye see how I shall handill these heretickis and tratouris or it be long." And
in verray dead, in these hir promessis, sche ment no deceat in that behalf. Unto
the Protestantis she said, "I am nott unmyndfull how oft ye have suyted me for
Reformatioun in religioun, and glaidly wald I consent thairunto; but ye see the
power and craft of the Bischop of Sanctandrois, togetther with the power of the
Duck, and of the Kirkmen, ever to be bent against me in all my proceadingis: So
that I may do nothing, onless the full authoritie of this Realme be devolved to the
King of France, which can nott be butt by donatioun of the Croune Matrimoniall;
which thing yf ye will bring to passe, then devise ye what ye please in materis of
religioun, and thei shalbe granted."
Wyth this commission and credytt was Lord James, then Priour of Sanctandrois,
direct to the Erle of Ergyle, with mo other promessis then we list to reherse. By
such dissimulatioun to those that war sempill and trew of harte, inflambed sche
thame to be more fervent in hir petitioun, then hir self appeared to be. And so at
the Parliament, haldin at Edinburght in the moneth of October,[733] the yeir of
God 1558, it was clearlie voted, no man reclamyng, (except the Duck[734] for his
entress;[735]) and yitt for it thare was no better law produced, except that thare
was ane solempned Messe appointed for that purpose in the Pontificall.
This head obteaned, whaireat France and sche principallie schote, what faith
sche keapt unto the Protestantis, in this our Secound Book shalbe declared: In
the begynnyng whairof, we man more amplie reherse some thingis, that in this
our First ar summarly tweiched.
THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.
Τελος

THE SECOUND BOOK OF THE HISTORYE OF THINGIS DONE IN

SCOTLAND, IN THE REFORMATIOUN OF RELIGIOUN, BEGYNNYNG
IN THE YEAR OF GOD JM. VC. FYFTY AUCHT.

Oure purpose was to have maid the begynnyng of our Historie from the thingis
that war done from the year of God Jm. Vc. fyfty aucht yearis,
till the Reformatioun of Religioun, which of Goddis mercy we anes possessed;
[736] and yitt, in doctrin and in the rycht use of administratioun of Sacramentis,

do possesse. But becaus diverse of the godlie, (as befoir is said,) earnestlye
requyred, that such Personis as God raised up in the myddis of darknes, to
oppone thame selfis to the same, should nott be omitted; we obeyed thare
requeast, and have maid a schorte rehersall of all such materis as concerne
Religion, frome the death of that notable servand of God, Maister Patrik
Hammyltoun, unto the foirsaid year, when that it pleased God to look upoun us
more mercyfullie then we deserved, and to geve unto us greattar boldness and
better (albeit not without hasard and truble) successe in all our interprises then
we looked for, as the trew Narratioun of this Secound Book shall witness: The
Preface whareof followis.
 PREFATIO.

Least that Sathan by our long silence shall tak occasioun to blaspheym, and to
sklander us THE PROTESTANTIS OF THE REALME OF SCOTLAND, as that our fact tendit
rather to seditioun and rebellioun, then to reformatioun of maners and abuses in
Religioun; we have thocht expedient, so trewlie and brievlie as we can, to
committ to writting the causes moving us, (us, we say, are great parte of the
Nobilitie and Baronis of the Realme,) to tak the sweard of just defence against
those that most injustly seak our destructioun. And in this our Confessioun we
shall faithfullie declair, what moved us to putt our handis to the Reformatioun of
Religioun; how we have proceaded in the same; what we have asked, and what
presentlie we requyre of the sacrat authoritie; to the end, that our caus being
knawen, alsweall our ennemeis as our brethren in all Realmes may understand
how falslie we ar accused of tumult and rebellioun, and how unjustlie we ar
persecuted by France and by thare factioun: as also, that our brethren, naturall
Scottismen, of what religioun so evir thei be, may have occasioun to examinat
thame selfis, yf thei may with salf conscience oppone themselfes to us, who seak
nothing bot Christ Jesus his glorious Evangell to be preached, his holy
Sacramentis to be trewlie ministrat, superstitioun, tyrannye, and idolatrie to be
suppressed in this Realme; and, finallie, the libertie of this our native countrie to
remane free from the bondage and tyranny of strangeris.

Whill that the QUEIN REGENT practised with the Prelattis, how that Christ Jesus
his blessed Evangell mycht utterlie be suppressed within Scotland, God so
blessed the laubouris of his weak servandis, that na small parte of the Baronis of
this Realme begane to abhorre the tyranny of the Bischoppes: God did so oppin
thare eyis by the light of his woord, that thei could clearelie decerne betuix
idolatrie and the trew honoring of God. Yea, men almost
universallie begane to dowbt whetther that thei myght, (God THE FIRST
DOUBTE
nott offended,) give thare bodelye presence to the Messe, or
yitt offer thare childrein to the Papisticall Baptisme. To the which dowbtes, when
the most godlie and the most learned in Europe had answered, both by word and
writt, affirmyng, "That neather of both we mycht do, without
the extreame perrell of our saulles," we began to be more THE SECOUND
trubled; for then also began men of estimatioun, and that bare
rewill amanges us, to examinat thame selfis concernyng thare dewities, alsweall
towardis Reformatioun of Religioun, as towardis the just defence of thare
brethren most cruelly persecuted. And so begane diverse Questionis to be
moved, to witt, "Yf that with salf conscience such as war Judgeis, Lordis, and
rewlaris of the people, mycht serve the uppare powers in maynteanyng idolatrie,
in persecuting thare brethrein, and in suppressing Christes trewth?" Or,
"Whitther thei, to whome God in some caisses had committed the sweard of
justice, mycht suffer the bloode of thare brethrein to be sched in thare presence,
without any declaratioun that such tyrannye displeased thame?" By the plane
Scriptures it was found, "That a lyvelie faith requyred a plane
confessioun, when Christes trewth is oppugned; that not only SCRIPTURIS
ar thei gyltie that do evill, bot also thei that assent to evill." ANSWERING
THE DOUBTIS
And plane it is, that thei assent to evill, who seing iniquitie
openly committed, by thare silence seame to justifie and allow whatsoever is
done.
These thingis being resolved, and sufficientlie provin by evident Scriptures of
God, we began everie man to look more diligentlie to his salvatioun: for the
idolatrie and tyranny of the clargie, (called the Churchmen,) was and is so
manifest, that whosoever doth deny it, declair him self ignorant of God, and
ennemy to Christ Jesus. We thairfore, with humbill confessioun of our formar
offenses, with fasting and supplicatioun unto God, begane to seak some remeady
in sa present a danger. And first, it was concluded, "That the Brethren in everie
toune at certane tymes should assemble togidder, to Commoun Prayeris, to
Exercise and Reading of the Scripturis, till it should please God to give the
sermone of Exhortatioun to some, for conforte and instructioun of the rest."
And this our weak begynnyng God did so bless, that within few monethis the
hartes of many war so strenthned, that we sought to have the face of a Church
amanges us, and open crymes to be punished without respect of persone. And for
that purpose, by commoun electioun, war eldaris appointed, to whome the hole
brethren promissed obedience: for at that tyme we had na publict ministeris of
the worde; onlie did certane zelous men, (amonges whome war the Lard of Dun,
David Forress, Maister Robert Lokharte, Maister Robert Hammylton, Williame
Harlay,[737] and otheris,[738]) exhorte thare brethrein, according to the giftes and
graces granted unto thame. Bot schort after did God stirre up THIS WAS
his servand, Paule Methven, [739] (his latter fall[740] aught not to CALLED THE
PREVYE KIRK
deface the work of God in him,) who in boldnes of spreit
begane opinlie to preache Christ Jesus, in Dundie, in diverse partes of Anguss,
and in Fyffe; and so did God work with him, that many began opinly to
abrenunce thare ald idolatrie, and to submitt thame selfis to Christ Jesus, and
unto his blessed ordinances; insomuch that the toune of Dundee began to erect
the face of a publict churche Reformed, in the which the Worde was openlie
preached, and Christis Sacramentcs trewlie ministrat.

In this meantyme did God send to us our deare brother, Johne Willock,[741] ane
man godly, learned, and grave, who, after his schorte abode at Dundie, repared to
Edinburgh, and thare (notwithstanding his long and dangerous seiknes) did so
encorage the brethren by godly exhortationis, that we began to deliberat upoun
some publict Reformatioun; for the corruptioun in religioun was such, that with
salf conscience we could na langar susteane it. Yitt becaus we wold attempt
nothing without the knowledge of the sacrate authoritie,[742] with one consent,
after the deliberatioun of many dayes, it was concluded, that by our publict and
commoun Supplicatioun, we should attempt the favouris, supporte, and
assistance of the Quein then Regent, to a godly Reformatioun.
And for that purpoise, after we had drawin our oraisoun and THE LARD OF
petitionis, as followeth, we appointed from amanges us a man CALDAR ELDAR
whose age and yearis deserved reverence, whose honestie and
wirschip mycht have craved audience of ony magistrate on earth, and whose
faithfull service to the authoritie at all tymes had bein suche, that in him culd fall
no suspitioun of unlawfull disobedience. This Oratour was that auncient and
honorable father, Schir James Sandelandes of Calder, knycht,[743] to whome we
geve commissioun and power in all our names then present, befoir the Quein
Regent thus to speak:—
THE FIRST ORATIOUN, AND PETITIOUN, OF THE PROTESTANTES OF
SCOTLAND TO THE QUEIN REGENT.
Albeit we have of long tyme conteyned our selfis in that modestie,
(Maist Noble Princess,) that neyther the exile of body, tynsall of
goodis, nor perishing of this mortall lyif, wes able to convein us to
ask at your Grace reformatioun and redress of those wrangis, and of
that sore greaff, patientlie borne of us in bodyes and myndes of so
long tyme; yitt ar we now, of verray conscience and by the fear of
our God, compelled to crave at your Grace's feit, remeady against
the most injust tyranny used against your Grace's most obedient
subjectes, by those that be called the Estate Ecclesiasticall. Your
Grace can not be ignorant what controversie hath
bein, and yit is, concernyng the trew religioun, and CONTROVERSYE
rycht wirschipping of God, and how the Cleargye (as IN RELIGIOUN
thei wilbe termed) usurpe to thame selfes suche
empyre above the consciences of men, that whatsoever thei
command must be obeyed, and whatsoever thei forbid must be
avoided, without farder respect had to Godis plesour,
commandiment, or will, reveilled till us in his most holy worde; or
ellis thare abydeth nothing for us but faggot, fyre,
and sweard, by the which many of our brethrene, THE
most cruellie and most injustlie, have bein strickin of TYRANNYE
OF THE
laitt yearis within this realme: which now we fynd to CLEARGIE
truble and wound our consciences; for we
acknowledge it to have bein our bound dewities befoir God, eyther
to haif defended our brethren from those cruell murtheraris, (seing
we ar a parte of that power which God hath establessed in this
realme,) or ellis to haif gevin open testificatioun of our faith with
thame, which now we offer our selfis to do, least that by our
continewall silence we shall seame to justifie thare cruell tyranny;
which doeth not onlie displease us, but your Grace's wisdome most
prudentlie doeth foirsee, that for the quieting of this intestine
dissentioun, a publict Reformatioun, alsweall in the religioun as in
the temporall governement, war most necessarie; and to the
performance thairof, most gravelie and most godlie, (as we ar
informed,) ye have exhorted alsweall the Cleargy as the Nobilitie, to
employ thare study, diligence, and care. We tharefoir of conscience
dar na langar dissemble in so weighty a mater, which concerneth the
glorie of God and our salvatioun: Neather now dar we withdraw our
presence, nor conceill our petitionis, least that the adversaries
hearefter shall object to us, that place was granted to Reformatioun,
and yit no man suited for the same; and so shall our silence be
prejudiciall unto us in tyme to come. And tharefoir we, knowing no
other order placed in this realme, but your Grace, in your grave
Counsall, sett to amend, alsweall the disordour Ecclesiasticall, as the
defaultes in the Temporall regiment, most humblie prostrat our
selfes befoir your featt, asking your justice, and your gratious help,
against thame that falslie traduce and accuse us, as that we war
heretickis and schismatikis, under that culour seiking our
destructioun; for that we seak the amendment of
thare corrupted lyeffis, and Christes religioun to be THE
restored to the originall puritie. Farther, we crave of PETITIOUN
your Grace, with opin and patent earis, to heare these our subsequent
Requestis; and to the joy and satisfactioun of our trubled
consciences, mercifullie to grant the same, onless by Goddis plane
worde any be able to prove that justlie thei awght to be denyed.

THE FIRST PETITIOUN.

First, Humblie we ask, that as we haif, of the Lawes of this realme,
after long debaite, obteaned to reade the Holy bookes of the Old and
New Testamentes in our commoun toung,[744] as spirituall foode to
our soullis, so from hensfurth it may be lauchfull that we may
convene, publictlie or privatlie, to our Commoun Prayeris, in our
vulgar toung; to the end that we may encrease and grow in
knowledge, and be induceid, in fervent and oft prayer,[745] to
commend to God the holye Church universall, the Quoin our
Soverane, hir honorable and gratiouse Husband, the habilitie[746] of
thare succcssioun, your Grace Regent, the Nobilitie, and hole Estait
of this Realme.
Secundly, Yf it shall happin in oure saidis conventionis any hard
place of Scripture to be redd, of the which no proffeit arysith to the
convenaris, that it shalbe lauchfull to any qualifiit personis in
knowledge, being present, to interpreit and open up the saidis hard
places, to Goddis glorie and to the proffeit of the auditour. And yf
any think that this libertie should be occasioun of confusioun, debait,
or heresie; we ar content that it be providit, that the said
interpretatioun shall underly the judgement of the most godly and
most learned within the realme at this tyme.
Thridly, That the holy Sacrament of Baptisme may be used in the
vulgare toung; that the godfatheris and witnesses may nott onlie
understand the poyntes of the league and contract maid betuix God
and the infant, bot also that the Churche then assembled, more
gravelie may be informed and instructed of thare dewiteis, whiche at
all tymes thei owe to God, according to that promeise maid unto
him, when thei war receaved in his houshold by the lavachre[747] of
spirituall regeneratioun.
Ferdlie, We desyre, that the holy Sacrament of the Lordis Suppare,
or of his most blessed body and bloode, may lykwyise be ministred
unto us in the vulgare toung; and in boyth kyndis,[748] according to
the plane institutioun of our Saviour Christ Jesus.
And last, We most humblie requyre, that the wicked, sklanderous,
and detestable lyiff of Prelates, and of the State Ecclesiasticall, may
be so reformed, that the people by thame have nott occasioun (as of
many dayis thei have had) to contempne thare ministerie, and the
preaching wharof thei shuld be messingeris.[749] And yf thei suspect,
that we, rather invying thare honouris, or coveting thare riches and
possessionis, then zelouslie desyring thare amendment and
salvatioun, do travell and labour for this Reformatioun; we ar
content not onlie that the rewllis and preceptis of the
New Testament, bot also the writtinges of the ancient THE OFFER
Fatheris, and the godly approved lawis of Justiniane
the Emperour, decyd the contraversie betuix us and thame: And if it
salbe found, that eyther malevolentlie or ignorantlie we ask more
then these three foirnamed have requyred, and continewlie do
requyre of able and trew ministeris in Christes Church, we refuise
not correctioun, as your Grace, with right judgement, shall think
meit. Bot and yf all the foirnamed shall dampne that whiche we
dampne, and approve that whiche we requyre, then we most
earnestlie beseik your Grace, that notwithstanding the long
consuetude which thei have had to live as thei list, that thei be
compelled eyther to desist from ecclesiastical administratioun, or to
discharge thare dewities as becumeth trew ministeris; So that the
grave and godlie face of the primitive Churche reduced, ignorance
may be expelled, trew doctrine and good maneris may ones agane
appeare in the Churche of this Realme. These thingis we, as most
obedient subjectis, requyre of your Grace, in the name of the
Eternall God, and of his Sone, Christ Jesus; in presence of whose
throne judiciall, ye and all other that hear in earth bear authoritie,
shall geve accomptes of your temporall regiment. The Spreit of the
 Lord Jesus move your Grace's harte to justice and equitie. Amen.

These oure Petitionis being proponed, the Estate Ecclesiasticall

began to storme, and to devise all maner of leys to deface the THE PRACTISE
OF SATHANE.
equitie of our caus. Thei bragged as that thei wald have publict
disputatioun, which also we most earnestlie requyred, two thingis being
provided; the formare, that the plane and writtin Scriptures of God shuld decyde
all contraversie; Secoundlie, that our brethrene, of whom some
war then exiled, and by them injustlie dampned, myght have DISPUTATIOUN
free accesse to the said disputatioun, and salf conduct to WITH CONDITIONIS
returne to thair duelling places, nochtwithstanding any
processe whiche befoir had bene led aganis thame in materis concernyng
religioun. But these being by thame utterlie denyed, (for no
judge wold thei admitt bot thame selfis, thare Counsallis, and THE OFFER OF
Cannon law,) thei and thare factioun began to draw certane THE PAPISTIS
Articles of reconciliation, promissing unto us, yf we wold admitt the Messe, to
stand in hir formare reverence and estimatioun, grant Purgatorie after this lyiff,
confesse Prayer to Sanctes and for the dead, and suffer thame to enjoye thare
accustomed renttis, possession, and honour, that then thei wold grant unto us to
pray and baptize in the vulgare toung, so that it war done secreatlie, and nott in
the open assemblie. But the grosness of these Articles wes suche, that with ane
voce we refused thame; and constantlie craved justice of the Quein Regent, and a
reasonable answer of our formare Petitionis. The Quein, then
Regent, ane woman crafty, dissimulate, and fals, thinking to THE GRANT OF
mak hir proffeit of both parteis, gave to us permissioun to use THE
QUEIN
REGENT
our selfis godlye according to our desyres, providit that we
should not maik publict assembleis in Edinburgh nor Leyth; and did promeise hir
assistance to our Preacheouris, untill some uniforme ordour myght be
established by a Parliament. To thame, (we meane to the Cleargy,) she quietlie
gave significatioun of hir mynd, promissing that how sone any oportunitie
should serve, she should so putt ordour in thare materis, that after thei should not
be trubled; for some say thei gave hir a large purse,[750] 40,000 lib., sayis the
Chronicle,[751] gathered by the Lard of Erleshall.[752] We, nothing suspecting hir
dowblenes nor falshode, departed, fullelie contented with hir answer; and did use
our selfis so qwietlie, that for hir pleasour we putt silence to Johne Dowglass,
who publictlie wold have preached in the toune of Leyth; for in all thingis we
soght the contentment of hir mynd, so far furth as God should not be offended
against us for obeying hir in thingis unlawfull.
Schortlie after these thingis, that cruell tyrant and unmercyfull
hypocrite, falselie called Bischope of Sanctandrois, THE
APPREHENSION
apprehended that blessed martyre of Christ Jesus WALTER OF WALTER
MYLN;[753] a man of decrepite age, whome most cruellie and MYLLE.
most unjustlie be put to death by fyre in Sanctandrois, the
twenty awcht day of Aprile, the year of God Jm. Vc. fyfty aught yearis: Whiche
thing did so heighlie offend the hartis of all godlye, that immediatlie after his
death began a new fervencie amongis the hole people; yea, evin in the toune of
Sanctandrois, begane the people plainelie to dampne suche injust crueltie; and in
testificatioun that thei wold his death should abide in recent memorie, thare was
castin together a great heape of stones in the place whare he was brynt. The
Bischope and Preastis thairat offended, caused ones or twyse to remove the
same, with denunciatioun of Cursing, yf any man should thare lay ony stone.
Bott in vane was that wynd blowen; for still was the heape maid, till that Preastis
and Papistis did steall away by nycht the stones to big thare walles, and to uther
thare privat uses.[754]
We suspecting nothing that the Quein Regent wes consenting
to the foirnamed murther, most humilie did complayne of THE
suche injust crueltie, requiring that justice in suche cases HYPOCHRISIE
OF THE QUEIN
should be ministrate with greattare indifference. Sche, as a REGENT.
woman borne to dissemble and deceave, began with us to
lament the crueltie of the Bischope, excusing hir self as innocent in that caus; for
that the sentence was gevin without hir knowledge, becaus the man sometymes
had bene ane Preast; tharefoir the Bischop's Officiare[755] did proceid upon him
without any commissioun of the civile authoritie Ex officio, as thei terme it.
We yit nothing suspectand hir falsheid, requyred some ordour to be tackin
against such enormities, whiche sche promissed as oft befoir. Bot becaus schorte
after thare wes a Parliament to be haldin, for certane effares pertenyng rather to
the Quenis proffeit particulare, nor to the commoditie of the commoun wealth,
we thocht good to expone our mater unto the hole Parliament, and by thame to
seak some redress. We tharefoire, with one consent, did offer to the Quein and
Parliament[756] a Lettir in this tennour:—
THE FORME OF THE LETTIR GEVIN IN PARLIAMENT.
"Unto youre Grace, and unto yow, Rycht Honorable Lordis of this
present Parliament, humlie meanes and schawes your Grace's
faithfull and obedient Subjectis: That quhare we ar dalie molested,
sklandered, and injured be wicked and ignorant personis, place-
haldaris of the ministers of the Churche, who most untrewlie cease
nott to infame us as Heretickis, and under that name thei most
cruellie haif persecuted diverse of our brethrein; and farder intend to
execute thare malice against us, onles be some godlie ordour thare
fury and raige be brydilled and stayed; and yitt in us thei ar able to
prove no cryme worthy of punishment, onless that to read the Holie
Scriptures in our assembleis, to invocat the name of God in publict
prayeris, with all sobrietie to interprete and open the places of
Scripture that be redd, to the farther edificatioun of the brethrein
assembled, and trewlie according to Christ Jesus his holy
institutioun to minister the Sacramentes, be crymes worthy of
punishment. Other crymes, (we say,) in us thei ar not abill to
convict. And to the premisses ar we compelled; for that the saidis
place-haldaris discharge no parte of thare deuiteis rychtlie till us,
nether yitt to the people subject to us; and thairfoir, onless we should
declair our selfis altogether unmyndfull of our awin salvatioun, we
ar compelled, of verray conscience, to seak how that we and our
brethrein may be delivered from the thraldome of Sathan. For now it
hath pleased God to open our eyes, that manifestlie
we see, that without extreame danger of our sowlles, PROTESTATIOUN
we may in no wyise communicat with the damnable
idolatrie, and intolerable abuses of the Papisticall Churche; and
thairfoir most humblie requyre we of your Grace, and of yow Rycht
Honorable Lordis, Baronis, and Burgesses assembled in this present
Parliament, prudentlie to wey, and as it becum[757] just judges, to
grant these our maist just and reasonable Petitionis.—
"First, Seing that the contraversie in religioun, which long hath
continewed betuix the Protestants of Almany, Helvetia, and other
provinces, and the Papisticall Churche, is not yitt decyded by a
lauchfull and Generall Counsall; and seing that our consciences ar
lyikwyes towcheit with the fear of God, as was thares in the
begynnyng of thare contraversie, we most humlie desyre, that all
suche Actes of Parliament, as in the tyme of darknes gave power to
the Churche men to execute thare tyranny aganis us, be reasoun that
we to thame wor delated as Heretiques, may be suspended and
abrogated, till a Generall Counsall lawfullie assembled have
decyded all contraverseis in religioun.
"And least that this mutatioun shuld seame to sett all men at libertie
to lyve as thame list, We Secundarelie requyre, That it be enacted by
this present Parliament, that the Prelattis and thare Officiaris[758] be
removed from place of judgement; onlie granting unto thame, nocht
the less, the place of accusatouris in the presence of a temporall
judge, befoir whom the Churche men accusatouris salbe bundin to
call any by thame accused of heresye, to whome also thei salbe
bundin to deliver ane authentik copy of all depositionis,
accusationis, and process led against the persone accused; the judge
lykewyis delivering the same to the partie accused, assignyng unto
him a competent terme to answer to the same, after he hath takin
sufficient cautioun de judicio sisti.
"Thridly, We requyre, that all lawfull defences be granted to the
personis accused; as yf he be able to prove, that the witnesses be
personis unable by law to testifie aganis thame, that then thare
accusationis and depositionis be null according to justice.
"Item, That place be granted to the partie accused, to explane and
interprite his awin mynd and meanyng; which confessioun we
requyre be inserted in publict Actes, and be preferred to the
depositionis of any witnesses, seing that nane owght to suffer for
religioun, that is not found obstinat in his damnable opinioun.
"Last, We requyre, that our brethrene be not dampned for
Hereticques, onles, by the manifest word of God, thei be convicted
to have erred from that faith whiche the Holy Spreit witnesseth to be
necessarie to salvatioun; and yf so thei be, we refuise nott bot that
thei be punished according to justice, onles by holsome admonitioun
thei can be reduced to a better mynd.
"These thingis requyre we to be considered of yow, who occupy the
place of the Eternall God, (who is God of ordour and trewth,) evin in
suche sorte as ye will answer in the presence of his throne judiciall:
Requyring farder, that favorablie ye will have respect to the
tendernes of our consciences, and to the truble which appeareth to
 follow in this commoun wealth, yf the tyranny of the Prelattis, and
of thare adherentis, be nott brydilled by God and just lawis. God
move your hartes deeplie to considder your awin dewiteis and our
present trubles."
These our Petitionis did we first present to the Quein Regent, becaus that we war
determined to interprise nothing without hir knowledge, most humlie requyring
hir favorable assistance in our just actioun. Sche spared nott amyable lookis, and
good wordes in aboundance; bot alwayis sche keaped our Bill close in hir
pocket. When we requyred secreatlie of hir Grace, that our Petitionis should be
proponed to the hole Assemblie, sche ansured, "That sche thought nott that
expedient; for then wold the hole Ecclesiasticall Estate be contrarie to hir
proceadingis, which at that tyme war great;" for the Matrimoniall Croune was
asked, and in that Parliament granted.[759] "Bot, (said sche,) how sone ordour can
be tacken with these thingis, which now may be hyndered by the Kirk men, ye
shall know my goode mynd; and, in the meantyme, whatsoevir I may grant unto
yow, shall glaidlie be granted."
We yitt nothing suspecting hir falshode, was content to geve place for a tyme to
hir pleasour, and pretended reasoun; and yitt thocht we expedient somewhat to
protest befoir the dissolutioun of the Parliament; for our Petitionis war
manifestlie knowen to the hole Assemblie, as also how, for the Quenis pleasour,
we ceassed to persew the uttermost. Our Protestatioun was formed in manor
following:—
FORME OF THE PROTESTATIOUN MAID IN PARLIAMENT.
"It is not unknawin to this honorable Parliament, what contraversie
is now laitlie rissin betuix those that wilbe called the Prelattis and
rewlarris of the Church, and a great number of us, the Nobilitie and
commonaltie of this Realme, for the trew wirschipping of God, for
the dewitie of Ministeris, for the rycht administratioun of Christ
Jesus holie Sacramentis: how that we have complained by our
publict supplicationis to the Quene Regent, that our consciences ar
burdened with unprofitable ceremonies, and are compelled to adhear
to idolatrie; that such as tack upoun thame the office Ecclesiasticall,
discharge no parte thareof, as becumith trew ministeris to do; and
finallie, that we and our brethrein ar most unjustlie oppressed by
thare usurped authoritie. And also we suppose it is a thing
sufficientlie knowin, that we wer of mynd at this present Parliament
to seik redress of suche enormiteis; bot, considering that the trubles
of the tyme do nott suffer suche Reformatioun as we, by Goddis
plane word, do requyre, we ar enforced to delay that which most
earnestlie we desyre; and yitt, least that our silence should geve
occasioun to our adversaries to think, that we repent our formare
interprise, we can not cease to protest for remedy against that most
unjust tyranny, which we heirtofoir most patientlie have susteaned.
"And, First, We protest, that seing we can not obtene ane just
Reformatioun, according to Goddis worde, that it be lauchfull to us
to use oure selfis in materis of religioun and conscience, as we must
ansuer unto God, unto suche tyme as our adversaries be able to
prove thame selfis the trew ministers of Christes Churche, and to
purge thame selfis of suche crymes as we have already layed to thare
charge, offering our selfis to prove the same whensoever the Sacrat
Authoritie please to geve us audience.
"Secundlie, We protest, that nether we, nor yit any other that godlie
list to joyne with us in the trew faith, whiche is grounded upoun the
invincible worde of God, shall incure any danger in lyiff or landis,
or other politicall paines, for nott observing suche Actes as heirtofoir
have passed in favouris of our adversaries, neyther yit for violating
of suche rytes as man without God's commandiment or worde hath
commanded.
"We, Thridly, protest, that yf any tumult or uproare shall aryise
amanges the membres of this realme for the diversitie of religioun,
and yf it shall chance that abuses be violentlie reformed, that the
cryme thairof be not impute to us, who most humlie do now seak all
thinges to be reformed by ane ordour: Bot rather
whatsoever inconvenient shall happin to follow for LETT THE
lack of ordour tacken, that may be imputed to those PAPISTIS
OBSERVE
that do refuise the same.
"And last, We protest, that these our requeastis, proceading from
conscience, do tend to none other end, bot to the Reformatioun of
abuses in Religioun onlie: Most humilie beseiking the Sacred
Authoritie to tak us, faithfull and obedient subjectis, in protectioun
against our adversaries; and to schaw unto us suche indifferencie in
our most just Petitionis, as it becumeth God's Lievetenentis to do to
 those that in his name do call for defence against cruell oppressouris
and bloode thrustie tyrantes."[760]
These our Protestationis publictlie redd, we desyred thame to
have bene inserted in the commoun Register; bot that by LETTERIS TO
JOHNE
laubouris of ennemies was denyed unto us. Nochttheles, the CALVIN.
Quein Regent said, "Me will remember what is protested; and
me shall putt good ordour after this to all thingis that now be in contraversie."
And thus, after that sche be craft had obteaned hir purpoise, we departed in good
esperance of hir favouris, praysing God in our hartes that sche was so weall
enclyned towardes godlynes. The goode opinioun that we had of hir synceritie,
caused us not onlie to spend our goodis and hasarde our bodyes at hir pleasour,
bot also, by our publict letters writtin to that excellent servand of God JOHNE
CALVINE, we did prayse and commend hir for excellent knowledge in Goddis
worde and good will towarttis the advancement of his glorie; requyring of him,
that by his grave counsall and godlie exhortatioun he wald animat hir Grace
constantlie to follow that which godlie sche had begune. We did farther charplie
rebuike, boith by word and writting, all suche as appeired to suspect in hir any
vennoum of hypochrisie, or that war contrare to that opinioun which we had
conceaved of hir godlie mynd. Bott how far we war deceaved in our opinioun,
and abused by hir craft, did suddandlie appeare: for how sone that all thingis
perteanyng to the commoditie of France war granted by us, and that peace was
contracted betuix King Philip and France, and England and us,[761] sche began to
spew furth, and disclose the latent vennome of hir dowble harte. Then began
sche to frowne, and to look frowardlie to all suche as sche knew did favour the
Evangell of Jesus Christ. Sche commanded her houshold to use all
abhominationis at Pasche; and sche hir self, to geve exampill to utheris, did
communicat with that idole in open audience: Sche comptrolled hir houshold,
and wold know whare that everie ane receaved thare Sacrament. And it is
supposed, that after that day the Devill took more violent and strong possessioun
in hir[762] then he had befoir; for, from that day fordwarte, sche appeared
altogether altered, insomuche that hir countenances and factes did declair the
vennome of hir harte. For incontinent sche caused our preachearis to be
summoned;[763] for whome, when we maid intercessioun, beseiching hir Grace
not to molest thame in thare ministerie, onles any man war able to convict thame
of fals doctrin, sche could not bryddill hir toung from open blasphemy, but
proudlie sche said, "In dispite of yow and of your ministeris
boith, thei shalbe banisshed owt of Scotland, albeit thei SCHE HAD
GOTTIN HIR
preached als trewlie as evir did Sanct Paule." Which proud and
blasphemous ansuer did greatlie astoniss us; and yit ceassed LESSOUN
FROM THE
we not moist humilie to seak hir favouris, and by great CARDINALL
diligence at last obteaned, that the summoundis at that tyme
war delayed. For to hir wer send Alexander Erle of Glencarne, and Sir Hew
Campbell of Loudoun knycht, Schiref of Air, to reassoun with hir, and to crave
some performance of hir manifold promisses. To whome sche
ansured, "It became not subjectis to burden thare Princess with QUENE
promisses, farther then it pleaseth thame to keape the same." REGENTIS
ANSURE
Boith thei Noble men faythfullie and boldly discharged thare
dewitie, and plainlie foirwarned hir of the inconvenientis that war to follow;
wharewyth sche somewhat astonied said, "Sche wald advise."[764]
In this meantyme did the toune of Perth, called Sanct
Johnestoun, embrase the trewth, which did provok hir to a new SANCT
fury; in which sche willed the Lord Ruthven, Provest of that JOHNESTOUN
EMBRASED
toune,[765] to suppress all suche religioun thare. To the which, THE
when he ansured, "That he could maik thare bodyes to come to EVANGELL.
hir Grace, and to prostrate thame selfis befoir her, till that sche
war fullie satiate of thare bloode, bot to caus thame do against LORD
thare conscience, he could not promeise:" Sche in fury did RUTHVEN ANSURE
HIS

ansure, "That he was too malaperte to geve hir suche ansure,"

affirmyng, "that boyth he and thei should repent it." Sche solisted Maister James
Halyburtoun, Provest of Dundie,[766] to apprehend Paule Methven,[767] who,
fearing God, gave secreat advertisement to the man to avoid the toune for a
tyme. Sche send furth suche as sche thought most able to perswade at Pasche, to
caus Montrose, Dundie, Sanct Johnestoun, and otheris suche places as had
receaved the Evangell, to communicat with the idole of the Messe; bot thei could
profeit nothing: the heartis of many war bent to follow the trewth reveilled, and
did abhore superstitioun and idolatrie. Whareat sche more heighlie commoved,
did summound agane all the preachearis to compear at Striveling, the tent day of
Maij, the year of God 1559. Which understand by us, we, wyth all humble
obedience, sowght the meanes how sche myght be appeased, and our preachearis
not molested: bot when we could nothing prevaill, it was concluded by the hole
brethrein, that the Gentilmen of everie cuntrie should accumpany thare
Preachouris to the day and place appointed. Whareto all men
war most willing; and for that purpose the toune of Dundy, the THE FIRST
ASSEMBLIE AT
gentilmen of Anguss and Mernis, passed fordwarte with thare SANCT
preachearis to Sanct Johnestoun, without armour, as peciable JOHNESTOUN
men, mynding onlie to geve confessioun with thare
preachearis. And least that suche a multitude should have gevin fear to the Quein
Regent, the Lard of Dun, a zelous, prudent, and godly man, passed befoir to the
Quein, then being in Striveling, to declare to hir, that the caus of thare
convocatioun was onlie to geve confessioun with thare preachearis, and to assist
thame in thare just defence. Sche understanding the fervencie of the people,
began to craft with him, solisting him to stay the multitude, and the preachearis
also, with promeise that sche wald tak some bettir ordour. He,
a man most gentill of nature, and most addict to please hir in THE LARD OF
all thingis not repugnant to God, wret to those that then war DUN THE
STAYED

assembled at Sanct Johnestoun, to stay, and nott to come CONGREGATIOUN

fordwarte; schawand what promess and esperance he had of AND THE
PREACHEARIS
the Quenis Grace favouris. At the reading of his letteris, some
did smell the craft and deceat, and persuaded to pas fordwarte, unto the tyme a
discharge of the formare summondis should be had, alledgeing, that otherwyis
thare process of horning or rebellioun, should be executed against the
preachearis; and so should not onlie thei, bot also all suche as did accumpanye
thame, be involved in a lyik cryme. Otheris did reassone, that the Quenes
promeisses was not to be suspected, neyther yitt the Lard of Dun his requeast to
be contempned; and so did the hole multitude with thare preacheris stay.
In this meanetyme that the Preacheouris ware summoned, to wit, the secound of
Maij 1559, arryved JOHNE KNOX from France,[768] who ludgeing two nychtis
onlie in Edinburgh, hearing the day appointed to his brethren, repared to Dundee,
whare he earnestlie requyred thame, "That he myght be permitted to assist his
brethrein, and to geve confessioun of his faith with thame:" which granted unto
him, [he] departed unto Sanct Johnestoun with thame; whare he began to
exhorte, according to the grace of God granted unto him. The Quein, perceaving
that the preachearis did nott compeir, began to utter her malice; and
notwythstanding any requeist maid in the contrarie, gave commandiment to putt
thame to the horne, inhibiting all men under pane of thare rebellioun to assist,
conforte, receave, or maynteane thame in any sorte. Whiche extremitie
perceaved by the said Lard of Dune, he prudentlie withdrew himself, (for
otherwyes by all appearance he had not eschaped empresonement;) for the
Maister of Maxwell,[769] ane man zelous and stout in God's caus, (as then
appeired,) under the cloak of ane uther small cryme, was that same day
committed to warde, becaus he did boldlie affirme, "That to the uttermost of his
power, he wold assist the preachearis and the congregatioun; notwythstanding
any sentence whiche injustlie was, or should be, pronunced against thame. The
Lard of Dun, cuming to Sanct Johnestoun, expounded the caise evin as it was,
and did conceill nothing of the Quenis craft and falshode. Whiche understand,
the multitud was so enflammed, that neyther could the exhortatioun of the
preacheare, nor the commandiment of the magistrat, stay thame from distroying
of the places of idolatrie.

The maner whairof was this:[770] The preacheouris befoir had

declaired, how odiouse was idolatrie in God's presence; what THE DOUN
CASTING OF
commandiment he had gevin for the destructioun of the THE FREIRIS IN
monumentis thairof; what idolatrie and what abhominatioun SANCT
was in the Messe. It chanced, that the next day, whiche was the JOHNESTOUN.
ellevint of Maij, after that the Preachearis wer exyled, that after the sermoun
whiche was vehement against idolatrie, that a preast in contempt wold go to the
Messe; and to declair his malapert presumptioun, he wold opin up ane glorious
tabernacle which stoode upoun the Hie Altare. Thare stoode besyde, certane
godly men, and amonges otheris a young boy, who cryed with a lowd voce,
"This is intollerable, that when God by his Worde hath planelie damned idolatrie,
we shall stand and see it used in dispyte." The preast heirat offended, gave the
chyld a great blow; who in anger took up a stone, and casting at the prcast, did
hytt the tabernacle and brack doune ane ymage; and immediatlie the hole
multitude that war about cast stones, and putt handis to the said tabernacle, and
to all utheris monumentis of idolatrie; whiche thei dispatched, befoir the tent
man in the toune war advertist, (for the moist parte war gone to dennar:) Whiche
noysed abroad, the hole multitude convened, not of the gentilmen, neyther of
thame that war earnest professouris, bot of the raschall multitude, who fynding
nothing to do in that Churche, did run without deliberatioun to the Gray and
Blak Freris; and nochtwythstanding that thei had within thame verray strong
gardis keapt for thare defence, yitt war thare gates incontinent brust upe. The
first invasioun was upoun the idolatrie; and thareafter the commoun people
began to seak some spoile; and in verray deid the Gray Freiris[771] was a place so
weall provided, that oneles honest men had sein the same, we wold have feared
to have reported what provisioun thei had. Thare scheittis, blancattis, beddis, and
covertouris wer suche, as no Erle in Scotland hath the bettir: thair naiprie was
fyne. Thei wer bot awght personis in convent, and yitt had viij
punscheonis of salt beaff, (considder the tyme of the yeare, the THAIR
ellevint day of Maij,) wyne, beare, and aill, besydis stoare of PROVISIOUN
victuallis effeiring thareto. The lyik haboundance was nott in the Blak Frearis;
[772] and yitt thare was more then becam men professing povertie. The spoile was

permitted to the poore: for so had the preacheouris befoir threatned all men, that
for covetousnes saik none shuld putt thare hand to suche a Reformatioun, that no
honest man was enriched thairby the valew of a groate. Thare conscience so
moved thame, that thei suffered those hypocreattis tak away what thei could, of
that whiche was in thare places. The Priour of Charter-howse was permitted to
tack away with him evin so muche gold and silver as he was weall able to cary.
[773] So was menis consciences befoir beattin with the worde, that thei had no
respect to thare awin particulare proffeit, bot onlie to abolishe idolatrie, the
places and monumentis thareof: in which thei wer so busye, and so laborious,
that within two dayis, these three great places, monumentis of idolatrie, to witt,
the Gray and Blak theves,[774] and Charter-housse monkis, (a buylding of a
wonderouse coast and greatness,[775]) was so destroyed, that the walles onlie did
remane of all these great edificationis.
Whiche, reported to the Quein, sche was so enraged that sche
did avow, "Utterlie to destroy Sanct Johnestoun, man, woman, A GODLY VOW.
and child, and to consume the same by fyre, and thairafter to
salt it, in signe of a perpetuall desolatioun." We suspecting nothing suche
creweltie, bot thinking that suche wordis myght eschape hir in choler, without
purpose determinate, becaus sche was a woman sett a fyre by the complaintes of
those hypocrytes who flocked unto hir, as ravennis to a carioun; We, (we say,)
suspecting nothing suche beastlie crueltie, returned to our awin housses; leaving
in Sanct Johnestoun Johne Knox to instruct, becaus thei war young and rude in
Christ. Bott sche, sett a fyre, partlie be hir awin malice, partelie by
commandiment of hir freindis in France, and not a litill by brybes, whiche sche
and Monsieur Dosell receaved from the Bischoppes and the Preastis heir at
home, did continew in hir rage. And first, sche send for all the
Nobilitie, to whome sche complaned, "That we meaned THE
nothing bot a rebellioun." Sche did grevouslie aggreage the COMPLAINTOF THE QUEIN
destructioun of the Charter-howse, [776] becaus it was a Kingis REGENT
fundatioun; and thare was the tumbe of King James the First;
and by suche other perswasionis sche maid the most parte of thame grant to
persew us. And then incontinent send sche for hir Frenchemen; for that was and
hath ever bein hir joy to see Scottishmen dip one with anotheris bloode. No man
was at that tyme more frack against us then was the Duke,[777] lead by the
crewell beast, the Bischope of Sanctandrois, and by these that yitt abuse him, the
Abbot of Kilwynnyng,[778] and Matthew Hammyltoun of Mylburne,[779] two
cheaf ennemeis to Christ Jesus; yea, and ennemeis[780] to the Duke and to his
hole house, bot in sa far as thairby thei may procure thair awin particulare
proffeitt. These and suche other pestilent Papistes ceassed nott to cast faggotis on
the fyre, continewalie cryeing, "Fordwarte upoun these Heretiques; we shall ones
rydd this realme of thame."
The certantie heirof cuming to our knowledge, some of us repaired to the Toune
agane, about the 22 day of Maij, and thare did abyde for the conforte of our
brethrein. Whare, after invocatioun of the name of God, we began to putt the
Toune and ourselfis in suche strenth, as we thought myght best for our just
defence. And, becaus we war nott utterlie dispared of the Quenis favouris, we
cawsed to forme a lettir to hir Grace, as followeth:—
"TO THEQUENIS GRACE REGENT, ALL HUMILL OBEDIENCE AND DEWITIE
PREMISSED.

"As heirtofoir, with jeopard of our lyves, and yitt with willing hartes,
we haif served the Authoritie of Scotland, and your Grace, now
Regent in this Realme, in service to our bodyes dangerous and
painefull; so now, with most dolorous myndis we ar constraned, by
injust tyrannye purposed against us, to declair unto your Grace, That
except this crueltie be stayed by your wisdome, we wilbe compelled
to tak the sweard of just defence aganis all that shall persew us for
the mater of religioun, and for our conscience saik; whiche awght
not, nor may nott be subject to mortale creatures, farder than be
God's worde man be able to prove that he hath power to command
us. We signifie moreover unto your Grace, That yf by rigour we be
compelled to scale the extreme defence, that we will nott onlie notife
our innocencie and petitionis to the King of France, to our Maistres
and to her Housband, bot also to the Princes and Counsall of everie
Christiane Realme, declairing unto thame, that this cruell, injust, and
most tyrannicall murther, intended aganis townes and multitudis,
wes, and is the onlie caus of our revolt from our accustomed
obedience, whiche, in God's presence, we faythfullie promeise to our
Soverane Maistres, to hir Husband, and unto your Grace Regent;
provided, that our consciences may lyve in that peace and libertie
whiche Christ Jesus hath purchassed till us by his bloode; and that
we may have his worde trewlie preached, and holie Sacramentis
ryghtlie ministrat unto us, without whiche we fermelie purpose
never to be subject to mortall man: For better, we
think, to expone our bodyes to a thowsand deathis, O WHAIR IS
then to hasarde our soules to perpetuall THIS FERVENCIE
condemnatioun, by denying Christ Jesus and his NOW!
 manifest veritie, whiche thing not onlie do thei that
committ open idolatrie, bot also all suche as seing thare brethrene
injustlie persewed for the caus of religioun, and having sufficient
meanes to conforte and assist thame, do nott the less withdraw frome
thame thair detfull supporte. We wald nott your
Grace should be deceaved by the fals persuasionis of O WALD
GOD THAT
those cruell beastis, the Churche men, who affirme, THE
That your Grace nedith nott greatlie to regarde the NOBILITIE
losse of us that professe Christ Jesus in this realme. SHULD YITT
CONSIDERE
Yf (as God forbid) ye gif care to thare pestilent
counsall, and so use against us this extremitie pretended; it is to be
feared, that neyther ye, neyther yitt your posteritie, shall at any tyme
after this fynd that obedience and faithfull service within this realme,
whiche at all tymes yow have found in us. We declair our
judgementis frelie, as trew and faithfull subjectis. God move your
Graces harte favorablie to interpreite our faythfull meanyng. Further
advertissing your Grace, that the self same thing, together with all
thingis that we have done, or yitt intend to do, we will notifie by our
letteris to the King of France; asking of yow, in the name of the
eternall God, and as your Grace tenderis the peace and qwyetness of
this realme, that ye invaid us nott with violence, till we receave
ansur from our Maistres, hir Husband, and from thare advised
counsall thare. And this we committ your Grace to the protectioun of
the Omnipotent.
"Frome Sanet Johnestoun the 22 of Maij 1559.
(Sic subscribitur,) Your Grace's obedient subjectis in all
thingis not repugnant to God,
THE FAITHFULL CONGREGATIOUN OF
CHRIST JESUS
in Scotland."
In the same tennour we wrate to Monsieur Dosell in Frenche, requiring of him,
that by his wisdome he wold mitigate the Quenis raige, and the raige of the
Preastis; otherwyis that flambe, whiche then begane to burne, wold so kendle
that quhen some men wold, it culd not be slokenned; adding farder, that he
declairit him self[781] no faithfull servand to his maister the King of France, yf
for the plesour of the Preistis he wald persecut us, and so compell us to taik the
sweard of just defence. In lyke maner we wrait to Capitane Serra la Burse, and to
all uther Capitanis and Frenche soldiouris in generall, admonischeing thame that
thair vocatioun was nocht to fyght aganis us naturall Scottishmen; nather yit that
thai had any suche commandiment of thair maister. We besowght thame thairfoir
nocht to provok us to inemitie aganest thame, considdering, that thay had found
us favorable in thair most extreme necessiteis. We declairit farther unto thame,
that yf thay enterit in hostilitie and bloody warre aganest us, that the same sould
remane langar than thair and oure lyves, to witt, evin in all posteriteis to come,
so lang as naturall Scottishmen suld have power to revenge suche crewelty, and
maist horribill ingratitude.
Thease letteris war causit be spred abroade in great habundance, to the end that
sum myght cume to the knawlege of men. The Quene Regent hir letter was layed
upoun hir cussing in the Chapell Royall at Striveling, quhair sche accustomit to
sitt at Messe. Sche looked upoun it, and put it in the pocket of hir goune.
Monsieur Dosell and the Capitanis receavit thairis deliverit evin be thair awin
soldiouris, (for sum amongis thame war favoraris of the treuth,) quho efter the
reading of thame, began to ryve thair awin beardis; for that was the modest
behaveour of Monsieur Dosell, quhen treuth was told unto him, so that it
repugne to his fantasie. These our letteris war suppressed to the uttermost of
thair power, and yit thay come to the knowlege of mony. Bot the raige of the
Quene and Preistis culd nocht be stayed; bot fordwart thay move against us,
quho than war bot are verrie few and meane number of gentilmen in Sanct
Johnestoun. We perceaving the extremitie to approche, did wrytt to all bretherin,
to repair towardis us for our releve; to the quhiche we fand all men so readie
bent, that the work of God was evidentlie to be espyed. And becaus that we wold
omitt na diligence to declair our innocencie to all men, we formit ane letter to
those of the Nobilitie who than persecuted us, as efter followeth:—
"TO THE NOBILITIE OF SCOTLAND, THE CONGREGATIONIS OF CHRYST
JESUS WITHIN THE SAME, DESYR THE SPREIT OF RYGHTEOUS JUDGEMENT."
"Becaus we ar nocht ignorant, that the Nobilitie of this realme who
now persecute us, employing thair hole study and force to manteyne
the kingdome of Sathan, of superstitioun and idolatrie, ar yit
nochttheles devidit in opinioun; We, the Congregatioun of Christ
Jesus by yow injustlie persecuted, have thocht good, in one letter, to
write unto yow severallie. Ye ar devidit, we say, in opinioun; for sum
of yow think that we who have tackin upoun us this interpryise to
remove idolatrie, and the monumentis of the same, to erect the trew
preaching of Chryst Jesus in the boundis committit to our chargis, ar
Heretickis, seditious men, and trubilleris of this commone wealth;
and thairfoir that no punischment is sufficient for us: and so, blyndit
with this rage, and under pretens to serve the Authoritie, ye
proclame warre, and threattin distructioun without all ordour of law
aganis us. To yow, we say, that nather your blynd zeale, nather yit
the colour of authoritie, sall excuse yow in Godis presence, who
commandeth "None to suffer death, till that he be opinlie convictit in
jugement, to have offendit against God, and against his law writtin,"
whiche no mortall creature is able to prove against us: for
quhatsoevir we have done, the same we have done at Godis
commandiment, who planelie commandis idolatrie, and all
monumentis of the same to be destroyed and abolisshed, Oure ernist
and long requeist hath bein, and is, that in opin assemblie it may be
disputit in presence of indifferent auditouris,
"Whether that theis abhominationis, namit by the THE
pestilent Papistis, religioun, whiche thay by fyre and PERPETUALL
REQUEIST
sweard defend, be the trew religioun of Christ Jesus OF THE
or not?" Now, this our humbill requeast denyed unto PROTESTANTIS
OF
us, our lyves ar sought in most crewell maner. And SCOTLAND
ye, the Nobilitie, (whose dewetie is to defend
innocentis, and to brydle the fury and raige of wicked men, wer it of
Princes or Emperouris,) do nochtwithstanding follow thare appetytis,
and arme your selfis against us, your bretherin, and naturall
cuntriemen; yea, against us that be innocent and just, as concerning
all suche crymes as be layid to our chargis. Yf ye think that we be
criminall becaus that we dissent from your opinioun, considder, we
beseiche yow, that the Prophetis under the law, the Apostles of
Christ Jesus efter his Assentioun, his primitive Churche, and holy
Martyris, did disassent from the hole world in thare dayis; and will
ye deny bot that thair actioun was just, and that all those that
persecuted thame war murtheraris befoir God? May nocht the lyek
be trew this day? What assurance have ye this day of your religioun,
whiche the warld that day had nocht of thairis? Ye have a multitude
that aggre with yow, and so had thay. Ye have antiquitie of tyme, and
that thay lacked nocht. Ye have counsales, lawis, and men of
reputatioun that have establisshed all thingis, as ye suppose: Bot
none of all these can maik any religioun acceptable unto God,
whiche onelie dependeth upon his awin will, revealled to man in his
most sacred word. Is it nocht than a wonder that ye sleip in so
deadlie a securitie, in the mater of your awin salvatioun,
considdering that God gevith unto yow so manifest tockens, that ye
and your leaderis ar boith declynit from God? For yf
"the tree salbe judgit by the fruit," (as Christ Jesus PROBATIOUN
affirmeth, that it must be,) than of necessitie it is that AGAINST
THE
your Prelattis, and the hole rable of thair clergie, be PAPISTIS
evill treeis. For yf adultrie, pryde, ambitioun,
dronknes, covetousnes, incest, unthankfulnes, oppressioun, murther,
idolatrie, and blasphemye, be evill fructis, thare can none of that
generatioun, whiche clame to thame selfis the title of Churche men,
[782] be judged gud treeis; for all these pestilent and wicked fruittis

do they bring furth in greittest habundance: And gif thai be evill

treis, (as ye your selfis must be compelled to confes thay ar,) advise
prudentlie with what consciences ye can manteyne thame, to occupy
the roume and place in the Lordis vyne yarde. Do ye nocht
considder, that in so doing ye labour to manteyne the servandis of
syne in thair filthie corruptioun; and so consequentlie ye labour, that
the Devill may regne, and still abuse this realme, by all iniquitie and
tyrannye, and that Chryst Jesus and his blessed Evangell be
suppressed and extinguesshed?
"The name and the cloke of the Authoritie, whiche
ye pretend, will nothing excuse yow in Godis AGAINST
presence; but rather sall ye beir duble SUCHE UNDER
AS

condempnatioun; for that ye burdeane God, as that COLOUR OF

his good ordinance wer the caus of your iniquitie. AUTHORITIE
PERSEQUTE
All authoritie quhilk God hath establisshed, is good THAIR
and perfyte, and is to be obeyed of all men, yea BRETHERIN.
under the pane of damnatioun. But do ye nocht
understand, that thair is a great difference betuix the DIFFERENCE
authoritie quhiche is Goddis ordinance, and the BETUIX THE
personis of those whiche ar placit in authoritie? The PERSONE
AND THE
authoritie and Goddis ordinance can never do wrang; AUTHORITIE
for it commandeth, That vice and wickit men be
punischit, and vertew, with verteous men and just, be maynteaned.
But the corrupt Persone placed in this authoritie may offend, and
most commonelie doeth the contrare heirof; and is than the
corruptioun of the persone to be followed, be ressone that he is cled
with the name of the authoritie? Or, sall those that obey the wicked
commandiment of those that ar placed in authoritie be excusable
befoir God? Nocht so; nocht so. Bott the plagues and vengeances of
God tackin upoun Kingis, thair servandis, and subjectis, do witnes to
us the plane contrarie. Pharao was a King, and had his authoritie of
God, who commandit his subjectis to murther and torment the
Israelites, and at last most crewellie to persecut thair lyves. But was
thare obedience, (blynd raige it should be called,) excusable befoir
God? The universall plague doeth planelie declair, that the wicked
commander, and those that obeyed, war alyke giltie befoir God. And
yf the example of Pharao shalbe rejected, becaus he
was ane Ethnik, than lat us considder the factis of THE FACT
Saule: He was a King anoynted of God, appoynted to OF SAULE
KING

regne ower his people, he commanded to persecut

David, becaus (as he alledged) David was a traytour and usurper of
the Crowne; and lyekwyis commanded Abimelech the Hie Preast
and his fellowis to be slane: But did God approve any parte of this
obedience? Evident it is that he did nott. And think ye, that God will
approve in yow that whiche he did dampne in otheris? Be nocht
deceaved: with God thair is no suche partialitie.[783] Yf ye obey the
injust commandimentis of wicked rewlaris, ye sall suffer Goddis
vengeance and just punishment with thame. And thairfoir as ye
tender your awin salvatioun, we most earnistlie requyre of yow
moderatioun, and that ye stay your selfis, and the furye of utheris,
from persecuting of us, till our cause be tryed in lauchfull and opin
judgement.
"And now, to yow that ar perswaded of the justice of our cause, that
sumtyme have professed Chryst Jesus with us, and that also have
exhorted us to this interpryse, and yit have left us in our extreme
necessitie, or at the least look throw your fingaris, in this our truble,
as that the matter apperteaned nocht unto yow; we say, that onles (all
fear and warldlie respectis sett asyde) ye joyne your selffis with us,
that as of God ye ar reputed traytouris, so shall ye be excomunicated
from our societie, and from all participatioun with us in the
administratioun of Sacramentis. The glorie of this victorie, quhilk
God shall geve to his Churche, yea evin in the eyis of men, shall
nocht apperteane to yow; bot the fearfull judgement, whiche
apprehended Ananias and his wyfe Sapphyra, sall apprehend yow
and your posteritie. Ye may perchance contempne, and dispyise the
excomunicatioun of the Churche now by Godis LETT BOTH
myghtie power erected amongis us, as a thing of no THE ONE
PART AND
force; bot yit doubt we nothing, but that our THE UTHER
Churche, and the trew ministeris of the same, have JUDGE YF
the same power whiche our Maister, Christ Jesus, GOD HAVE
granted to his Apostles in these wordis, "Whose NOCHT JUSTIFIED
synnis ye sall forgeve, shalbe forgevin; and whose THE CAUS
synnis ye shall reteane, shall be reteaned;" and that, OF THE
INNOCENTIS
becaus thay preiche, and we beleve the same
doctryne whiche is conteyned in his most blessed wourd. And
thairfoir except that ye will contempne Chryst Jesus, ye nether can
despyise our threatnyng, nether yit refuise us calling for your just
defence. By your faynting, and by extracting of your
support, the enimeis ar incoraged, thinking, that thay FROM
shall find no resistance: In whiche point, God QUHENS THIS
willing, thay salbe deceaved. For gif thay war ten CORAGE
thowsand, and we bot are thowsand, thai sall nocht DID
PROCEID
murther the least of our bretherin, but we (God THE ISHEW
assisting us) shall first committ our lyves in the DECLAIRED
handis of God for thair defence. But this shall
aggravat your damnatioun; for ye declair your selfis boith traytouris
to the treuth ones professed, and murtheraris of us, and of your
bretherin, from whome ye draw your detfull and promisshed
support, whome your onelie presence (to manis judgement) myght
preserve from this danger. For our enimeis looke nocht to the power
of God, bot to the force and strenth of man. When the nomber is
mean to resist thame, than rage thay as bloody wolvis; bot a party
equall or able to resist thame in apperance, doeth brydill thair fury.
Examinat your awin consciencis, and wey that sentence of our
Maister, Chryst Jesus, saying, "Whosoevir denyeth me, or is
aschamed of me befoir men, I shall deny him befoir my Father."
Now is the day of his battell in this realme: Yf ye deny us, your
bretherin, suffering for his name's saik, ye do also deny him, as him
self doeth witnes in these wordis, "Whatsoevir ye did to any of these
litill ones, that ye did to me; and what ye did nocht to one of those
litill ones, that ye did nocht to me." Gif these sentencis be trew, as
concerning meat, drink, cloithing, and suche thingis as apperteane to
the body, shall thai not be lykewyis trew in these thingis that
apperteane to the preservatioun of the lyves of thowsandis, whose
 bloode is now sought, for professioun of Christ Jesus? And thus
schortlie leave we yow, who sumtymes have professed Christ Jesus
with us, to the examinatioun of your awin consciencis. And yit ones
agane, of yow, who, blynded by superstitioun persecute us, we
requyre moderatioun, till our cause may be tryed, whiche gif ye will
nocht grant unto us for Godis cause, yit we desyre yow to have
respect to the preservatioun of our commone cuntree, whiche we can
not sonnar betray in the handis of strangeris, than that one of us
distroy and murther ane uther. Considder our petitionis, and call for
the spreit of richteous judgement."
These our Letteris being divulgat, some man began to reasoun whether of
conscience thai myght invaid us or not, considdering that we offered dew
obedience to the Authoritie; requiring nothing bot the libertie of conscience, and
our religioun and fact to be tryed by the word of God. Oure Letteris came with
convenient expeditioun to the handis of the bretherin in Cuninghame and Kyle,
who convened at the Kirk of Craggie,[784] whare, efter some contrarious
reassonis, Alexander Erle of Glencarne, in zeall, burst furth in these wordis, "Lat
everie man serve his conscience. I will, by Goddis grace, see my bretherin in
Sanct Johnestoun: yea, albeit never man should accumpany me, I will go, and gif
it war bot with a pick upoun my shulder; for I had rather dye with that cumpany,
nor leve efter thame." These wordis so encoraged the rest, that all decreed[785] to
go fordward, as that thai did so stoutlie, that when Lyoun Herault, in his coat
armour, commanded all man under the pane of treassone to returne to thair
housses by publict sound of trumpett in Glasgw, never man obeyed that charge,
but all went fordward, as we will efter hear. When it was clearlie understand that
the Prelattis and thair adherantis, suppressing our petitionis so far as in thame
lay, did kindill the furye of all men against us, it was thoght expedient to writt
unto thame sum declaratioun of our myndis, whiche we did in this forme
following:—
"TO THE GENERATIOUN OF ANTICHRIST, THE PESTILENT
PRELATTIS AND THARE SCHAVILLINGIS WITHIN
SCOTLAND, THE CONGREGATIOUN OF CHRIST JESUS
WITHIN THE SAME, SAYETH,
"To the end that ye shall not be abused, thinking to eschaipe just
punishment, efter that ye in your blind fury have caused the bloode
of many to be sched, this we notifie and declair unto yow, that yf ye
proceid in this your malicious creweltie, ye shalbe entreated,
 wharesoevir ye shalbe apprehended, as murtheraris and oppin
enimeis to God and unto mankind; and thairfoir, betymes cease from
this blind raige. Remove first from your selfis your bandis of bloody
men of warre, and reforme your selffis to a more quiet lyve; and
thairefter mitigat ye the authoritie whiche, without cryme committed
upoun our parte, ye have inflammit aganis us; or ellis be ye assured,
that with the same measure that ye have measured against us, and yit
intend to measure to utheris, it salbe measured unto yow: That is, as
ye by tyranny intend nocht onelie to destroy our bodyis, bot also by
the same to hold our sowllis in bondage of the Devill, subject to
idolatrie, so shall we with all force and power, whiche God shall
grant unto us, execut just vengeance and punishment upoun yow.
Yea, we shall begyn that same warre whiche God commanded Israell
to execut aganis the Cananites; that is, contract of peace shall never
be maid, till ye desist from your oppin idolatrie and crewell
persecutioun of Godis childrein. And this we signifie unto yow in
the name of the eternall God, and of his Sone Christ Jesus, whose
veritie we profess, and Evangell we will have preached, and holy
Sacramentis ryghtlie minstrat, so long as God will assist us to
ganestand your idolatrie. Tak this for Advertisment, and be nocht
deceaved."
These our requeistis and advertismentis nochtwithstanding,
Monsieur Dosell and his Frenchemen, with the Preastis and SPEIKARIS
thair bandis, marched fordward against Sanct Johnestoun, and SEND QUENE
BY THE
TO
approched within ten myles to the town. Than repaired the SANCT
bretherin from all quartaris for our releaff. The gentilmen of JOHNESTOUN.
Fyffe, Anguss, and Mernis, with the town of Dundie, war thay
that first hasarded to resist the enimie; and for that purpoise was chosin a platt of
ground,[786] a myle and more distant from the town. In this meantyme the Lord
Ruthven, Provest of the town of Sanct Johnestoun, and a man whome many
judged godlie and stout in that actioun, (as in verray dead he was evin unto his
last breath,[787]) left the town, and depairtit first to his awin place, and efter to
the Quene: whose defectioun and revolt was a great discoragement to the hartis
of many; and yit did God so confort,[788] that within the space of tuelf houris
efter, the hartis of all men war erected agane; for those that war than assembillit
did nocht so muche houp victorie by thair awin strenth, as by the power of Him
whose veritie they professed; and began one to confort another, till the hole
multitude was erected in a reasonable esperance. The day efter that the Lord
Ruthven depairted, whiche was the 24 of Maij, cam the Erle of Argyle, Lord
James, Priour of Sanctandrois, and the Lord Sempill, directed from the Quene
Regent to inquire the caus of that convocatioun of liegis thare. To quhome,
quhen it was ansuered, that it was onelie to resist that crewell tyranny devised
against that poore town, and the inhabitants of the same, thay asked, "Gif we
myndit nocht to hold that town against the authoritie, and against the Quene
Regent?" To the whiche questioun ansuered the Lairdis of Dun and Pittarro, with
the Congregatioun of Anguss and Mernis, the Maister of Lyndesay, the Lairdis
of Lundy, Balvaird,[789] and otheris Barronis of Fyffe, "That gif the Quenis
Grace wald suffer the religioun thare begun to proceid, and nocht truble thair
bretherin and sisteris that had professed Christ Jesus with thame, that the town,
thay thame selffis, and quhatsoevir to thame perteaned, should be at the Quenis
commandiment." Whiche ansuer understand,[790] the Erle of
Ergyle and the Priour (quho boith war than Protestantis) began THE FALS
SUGGESTIOUN
to muse, and said planelie, that thay war far utherwayis OF THE QUENE
informed by the Quene, to witt, "That we mentt no religioun, REGENT
but a plane rebellioun." To the whiche when we had answered
simplie, and as the treuth was, to wit, "That we conveaned for none other
purpose, bot onelie to assist our brethrein, who than war most injustlie
persecuted; and thairfoir we desyred thame faithfullie to report our answer, and
to be intercessouris to the Quene Regent, that suche creweltie suld nocht be usit
against us, considering that we had offered in our former letteris, alsweill to the
Quenis Grace, as to the Nobilitie, our mater to be tryed in lauchfull judgement."
Thay promesed fidelitie in that behalff, whiche also thay keipt.
The day efter, whiche was the 25 day of Maij, befoir that the saidis Lordis
depairted, in the morning Johne Knox desyred to speak with the same Lordis;
whiche grantit unto him, he was conveyed to thair ludgeing by the Laird of
Balvaird,[791] and thus he began:—
"The present trublis, Honorable Lordis, owght to move the hartis,
nocht onlie of the trew servandis of God, bot also of all suche as
beare any favour to thare cuntree, and naturall cuntreymen, to
discend within thame selfis and deiplie to considder
quhat shalbe the end of this pretended tyranny. The THE
ORATIOUN
raige of Sathan seaketh the destructioun of all those OF JOHNE
that within this realme professe Christ Jesus; and KNOX TO
thay that inflambe the Quenis Grace, and yow the THE LORDIS.
Nobles aganis us, regard nocht who prevaill,
provided that thay may abuse the warld, and leve at thair pleasour, as
heirtofoir thay have done. Yea, I fear that some seak nothing more
than the effusioun of Scottis bloode, to the end that thair
possessionis may be more patent to utheris. Bot, becaus that this is
nocht the principall whiche I have to speak, omitting the same to be
considderit by the wisdome of those to quhome the cair of the
commone wealth apperteaneth.
"1st. I most humbillie require of yow, my Lordis, in my name, to say
to the Quenis Grace Regent, that we, who sche in hir blynd raige
doeth persecute, ar Goddis servandis, faithfull and obedient subjectis
to the authoritie of this realme; that that religioun, whiche sche
pretendeth to maynteyne by fyre and sweard, is nott the trew
religioun of Christ Jesus, bot is expres contrarie to the same; a
superstitioun devised be the brane of man; whiche I offer my selff to
prove aganis all that within Scotland will maynteane the contrarie,
libertie of towng being granted unto me, and Godis writtin word
being admitted for judge.
"2d. I farder require your Honouris, in my name, to
say unto hir Grace, that as of befoir I have writtin, sa LETT THE
now I say, that this hir interpryise shall nocht PAPISTES,
RATHER
prosperouslie succeid in the end; and albeit for a AMBITIOUS
tyme sche truble the sanctis of God, for sche feghteth ROMANISTIS,
JUDGE.
nocht aganis man onelie, bot against the eternall God
and his invincible veritie; and thairfoir, the end shalbe hir
confusioun, oneles betymes sche repent and desist.
"These thingis I require of yow, in the name of the eternall God, as
from my mouth, to say unto hir Grace; adding, that I have bein, and
 am a more assured friend to hir Grace, than thay that either flattering
hir ar servandis to hir corrupt appetytes,[792] or ellis inflambe hir
against us, who seik nothing bot Goddis glorie to be advanceit, vice
to be suppressed, and veritie to be maynteaned in this poore realme."
Thei all three did promese to report his wordis sa fer as thai
culd, whiche efterwardis we understoode thai did. Yea, the THE
DILIGENCE OF
Lord Semple[793] him self, a man sold under syne, enymye to THE ERLE OF
God and to all godlynes, did yit maik suche report, that the GLENCARNE,
Quene was sumquhat offended, that any man suld use suche AND OF THE
BRETHERIN OF
libertie in hir presence. Sche still proceaded in hir malice; for THE WEST,
immediatelie thairefter sche send hir Lyoun Herauld, [794] with FOR THE
RELEIF OF
letteris, straitlie chargeing all man to avoid the toun, under the SANCT
pane of treasone. Whiche letteris, efter he had declaired thame JOHNESTOUN.
to the cheife men of the Congregatioun, he publictlie
proclamed the same, upoun Sounday, the 27 [28th] of Maij.[795] In this mean
tyme, come sure knawlege to the Quene, to the Duke, and to Monsieur Dosell,
that the Erle of Glencarne, the Lordis Uchiltrie and Boyd, the young Schiref of
Air, the Lairdis of Cragy Wallace, Sesnock, Carnell, Barr, Gaitgirth,[796] and the
hole Congregatioun of Kyle and Cuninghame, approched for our releve; and in
verray dead thay came in suche diligence, and suche a nomber, that as the
enymie had just caus to fear, so have all that professe Christ Jesus just matter to
praise God for thair fidelitie and stout corage in that nead; for by thair presence
was the tyranny of the enymie brydilled. Thare diligence was suche, that albeit
the passage by Striveling, and sex myles above, was stoppit, (for thair lay the
Quene with hir bandis, and gart cutt the brigis upoun the watter of Forth, Gwdy
and Teath,[797] above Striveling,) yit maid thay suche expeditioun throw desert
and montane, that thay prevented the enymie, and approched within sex myles to
our campe, whiche than lay without the town, awaiting upoun the enymie, befoir
that any assured knawlege come to us of thair cunning. Their number was judged
to[798] to tuentie fyve hundreth men, whairof thair was 12 hundreth horsmen. The
Quene understanding how the said Erle and Lordis, with thair cumpany
approched, causit to besett all wayis, that na advertisment should come to us, to
the end that we, dispared of support, myght condiscend to suche appointment as
sche required; and send first to require, that some discreat men of our number
wald cum and speik the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, (who than with thair armye
did lye at Auchterardour,[799] ten myles fra Sanct Johnestoun,) to the end that
some reasonable appointment myght be had. Sche had perswaded the Erle of
Ergyle, and all utheris, that we ment nothing bot rebellioun; and thairfoir had he
promisshed unto hir, that in case we should nocht stand content with ane
reasonable appointment, he should declair him self plane enymie unto us,
nochtwithstanding that he professed the same religioun with us. From us war
send the Laird of Dun,[800] the Lard of Inverquharitie,[801] and Thomas Scot of
Abbotishall,[802] to heir quhat appointment the Quene wald offer. The Duke and
Monsieur Dosell required, "That the town should be maid patent, and that all
thingis should be referred to the Quenis plesour." To the
whiche thai answered, "That nather had thay commissioun so THE
to promese, nather durst thay of conscience so perswaid thair PETITIOUN
THE
OF

bretherin. Bot yf that the Quenis Grace wald promeise, that no PROTESTANTIS
inhabitant of the town should be trublit for any suche crymes FOR
RANDERING
as myght be alledged aganis thame for the lait mutatioun of OF SANCT
religioun, and abolishment of idolatrie, and for douncasting the JOHNESTOUN
places of the same; yf sche wald suffer the religioun begun to
go fordward, and leif the town at hir depairting free from the garysonis of
Frenche soldiouris, that thay wald labour at the handis of thair bretherin that the
Quene should be obeyed in all thingis." Monsieur Dosell perceaving the danger
to be great, yf that are suddane appointment should nocht[803] be maid; and that
thay war nocht able to execut thair tyranny against us, after that the
Congregatioun of Kyle (of quhose cuming we had no advertisment) should be
joyned with us; with gud wordis dismissed[804] the saidis Lairdis to perswaid the
bretherin to quiet concord. To the whiche all men war so weill mynded, that with
one voce thay cryed, "Curssed be thay that seak effusioun of bloode, war, or
dissentioun. Lett us possess Christ Jesus, and the benefite of his Evangell, and
none within Scotland shalbe more obedient subjectis than we shalbe." With all
expeditioun war send from Striviling agane, (efter that the cuming of the Erle of
Glencarne was knawin, for the enymie for fear quaiked,) the Erle of Ergyle and
Lord James foirsaid, and in thair cumpany a crafty man, Maister Gavine
Hammiltoun, Abbot of Kilwynning,[805] who war send by the Quene to finishe
the appointment foirsaid. Bot befoir that thay came, was the Erle of Glencarne
and his honorable cumpany arryved in the town; and then began all men to
praise God, for that he had so mercifullie hard thame in thare maist extreme
necessitie, and had send unto thame suche releafe as was able, without effusioun
of bloode, to stay the raige of the ennemy. The Erle of Ergyle and Lord James
did earnistlie perswaid the agreement,[806] to the whiche all men was willing. But
sum did smell the craft of the adversarie, to wit, that thay war mynded to keip no
point of the promeise longar than thay had obteanit thair intent.
With the Erle of Glencarne come our loving brother Johne
Willok; Johne Knox was in the town befoir. These two went to THE ANSUER
the Erle of Ergyle and Priour, accusing thame of infidelitie, in OF
THE ERLE
OF ERGYLE,
sa fer as thay had defrauded thair brethering of thair debtfull AND PRIOUR
support and confort in thair greatest necessitie. Thay ansuered OF
SANCTANDROIS.
boith, "That thair hart was constant with thair bretherin, and
that thay wald defend that caus to the uttermost of thair power. Bot becaus thay
had promesed to laubour for concord, and to assist the Quene, in case we
refuised ressonable offerris, of conscience and honour, thay culd do na less than
be faithfull in thair promeise maid: And thairfoir thay required that the bretherin
myght be perswaided to consent to that reassonable appointment; promesing, in
Goddis presence, that yf the Quene did break in ony joit thairof, that thay, with
thair hole poweris, wald assist and concur with thair bretherin in all tymes to
cum." This promeise maid, the Preacheouris appeased the
multitude, and obteaned in the end that all men did consent to THE PROMEISE
the appointment foirsaid, whiche thay obteaned nocht without OF FOIRSAIDIS
THE

great labouris. And no wonder, for many foirsaw the danger to

follow; yea, the Preacheouris thame selfis, in oppin sermone, did affirme
planelie, "That thay war assuredlie perswaided that the Quene mentt no treuth:
Bot to stop the mouth of the adversarie, who injustlie did burthein us with
rebellioun, thay moist earnistlie requyred all men to approve the appointment,
and so to suffer hypocresie to discloise the selff."
This appointment was concluded the 28th of Maij, and the day following, at tua
efter none, depairted the Congregatioun from Sanct Johnestoun, after that Johne
Knox had, in his sermone, exhorted all men to constancie, and unfeanedlie to
thank God, for that it had pleased his mercie to stay the raige of the ennemy,
without effusioun of bloode; also, that no brother should weary nor faint to
support suche as should efter be lykewyis persecuted, "For, (said he,) I am
assured, that no pairt of this promeise maid shalbe longar keipit than the Quene
and hir Frenchemen have the upper hand." Many of the ennemeis war at the
same sermone; for after that the appointment was maid, they had free entres in
the town to provide ludgeingis.
Befoir the Lordis depairted, was this Band made, quhose tenour followis, as it
was writtin and subscryved.—
"At Perth, the last day of Maij, the yeir of God Jm. Vc. fiftie nyne
yeiris, the Congregationis of the West cuntrey, with the
Congregationis of Fyfe, Perth, Dundie, Anguss, Mearnis, and
 Munross, being conveaned in the town of Perth, in the name of Jesus
Christ, for furthsetting of his glorie; understanding na thing mair
necessar for the samin than to keap ane constant amitie, unitie, and
fellowschipe togidder, according as thay ar commanded be God, ar
confederat, and become bundin and obleast in the presence of God,
to concur and assist together in doing all thingis required of God in
his Scripture, that may be to his glorie; and at thair haill poweris[807]
to distroy, and away put, all thingis that dois dishonour to his name,
so that God may be trewlie and puirelie wirschipped: And in case
that any truble beis intended aganis the saidis Congregationis, or ony
part, or member[808] thairof, the haill Congregatioun shall concur,
assist, and conveane togidder, to the defence of the samin
Congregatioun, or persone trubled; and shall nocht spair laubouris,
goodis, substancis, bodyis, and lyves, in manteaning the libertie of
the haill Congregatioun, and everie member thairof, aganis
whatsomevir power that shall intend the said trubill, for caus of
religioun, or ony uther caus dependand thairupoun, or lay to thair
charge under pretence thairof, althocht it happin to be coloured with
ony uther outward caus. In witnessing and testimony of the quhilkis,
the haill Congregationis foirsaidis hes ordeyned and appointit the
Noblemen and personis underwrittin to subscrive thir presentis.
(Sic subscribitur,)
ARCH. ERGYLE.
GLENCARNE.
JAMES STEWART. R.
LORD BOYD.
MATHOW CAMPBELL OF TERINGLAND.
[809] UCHILTRIE.
The tuenty nine day of Maij entered the Quene, the Duke,
Monsieur Dosell, and the Frenchemen, who, in dischargeing THE FIRST
SLAUCHTER
thair voley of hacquebuttis, did weill mark the hous of Patrik OF THE
Murray, [810] a man fervent in religioun, and that baldlie had FRENCHEMEN.
susteaned all dangeris in that trubill; against whose stair thay
directed vj or vij schott, evin aganis the faces of those that war thare lyand. All
man eschaped, except the sone of the said Patrik, a boy of ten or tuelf yearis of
aige, who being slane, was had to the Quenis presence. Bot sche understanding
whose sone he was, said in mokage, "It is a pitie it chanced on the sone, and
nocht on the father; bot seing that so is chanced, me can nocht be against
fortune." This was hir happie entress to Sanct Johnestoun, and the great zeall
sche tendeth to justice. The swarme of Papistis that entered
with hir began streyght to mak provisioun for thair Messe; and IDOLATRIE
becaus the altaris war nocht so easy to be repaired agane, thay ERECTED
AGAINST THE
provided tables, whairof sum befoir used to serve for APPOINTMENT
drunkards, dysaris, and carteris;[811] bot thay war holy aneuch
for the Preast and his padgean. The Quene began to raige against all godlie and
honest men; thair housses was oppressed by the Frenchemen; the lauchfull
Magistratis, alsweall Provest as Bailies, war injustlie, and without all ordour,
deposed from thair authoritie. A wicked man, void of Godis fear, and destitut of
all vertew, the Lard of Kinfawnse, was intrused by hir Provest above the town,
[812] wharat all honest men was offended. Thay left thair awin housses, and with

thair wyeffis and childrein sought amongis thare bretherin some resting place for
a tyme. Sche tuk ordour that four ensenzeis of the soldiouris
should abyde in the town to maynteane idolatrie, and to resist AGAINST THE
APPOINTMENT
the Congregatioun. Honest and indifferent men asked, Why THE SECUND
sche did so manifestlie violat hir promeise? Sche answered, TYME
"That sche was bundin to keap na promeise to Hereticques:
and moreover, that sche promeist onelie to leave the town free SECUND
of Frenche soldiouris, whiche, (said sche,) sche did, becaus ANSUER OF
that those that thairin war left war Scottishmen." Bot when it QUENE REGENT
was reasoned in hir contrair, That all those that took waiges of
France, war counted Frenche soldiouris: sche answered,
"Princes must nocht so straitlie be bundin to keap thair THE THRID
ANSUER
promesses. Myself, (said sche,) wold mak litill conscience to
tak from all that sorte thair lyves and inheritance, yf I myght do it with als honest
ane excuise." And than sche left the town in extreme bondage, efter that hir
ungodlie Frenche men had most crewelly entreated the maist parte of those that
remaned in the same. The Erle of Argyle, and Lord James
foirsaidis, perceaving in the Quene nothing but meare tyrranny THE
and falshode, myndfull of thair former promesses maid to thair DEPARTURE
OF THE ERLE
bretherin, did secreidlie convey thame selfis and thair OF ERGYLE
cumpanyeis of the town; and with thame departed the Lord AND LORD
JAMES FRA
Ruthven, (of whome befoir mentioun is maid,) the Erle of THE QUENE
Menteith, and the Laird of Tullibardin;[813] who, in Godis REGENT, WITH
presence, did confiderat, and bynd thame selfis togidder, SUCHE ASSISTED
AS
faithfullie promessing one to assist and defend another against THAME AND
THAIR FIRST
all personis that wald persew thame for religionis saik; and BAND
also that thay, with thair hole force and power, wald defend the
bretherin persecuted for the same caus. The Quene, heyghlie offended at the
suddane departure of the personis foirsaidis, send charge to thame to returne,
under the heighest pane of hir displeasour. Bot thay ansuered, "That with saif
conscience thay culd nocht be partakaris of so manifest tyrranny as by hir was
committed, and of so great iniquitie as thay perceaved devised, by hir and hir
ungodlie Counsale the Prelattis."
This ansuer was gevin to hir the first day of Junij, and immediatlie the Erle of
Ergyle and Lord James repaired toward Sanctandrois, and in thair jorney gaif
advertisment, by wrytting, to the Laird of Dun, to the Laird of
Pittarrow, to the Provest of Dundie,[814] and otheris, THE ANSUER
OF THE ERLL
professouris in Anguss,[815] to visite thame in Sanctandrois the OF ERGYLE
feird[816] of Junij, for Reformatioun to be maid thair. Whiche
day thay keap, and broght in thair cumpany Johne Knox, who, the first day, after
his cuming to Fyfe, did preache in Carraill, the nixt day in Anstruther, mynding
the thrid day, whiche was the Sounday,[817] to preache in Sanctandrois. The
Bischope, hearing of Reformatioun to be maid in his Cathedrall Churche, thoght
tyme to sturr, or ellis never; and thairfoir assembled his collegis[818] and
confederat fellowis, besydis his uther freindis, and came to the town upoun the
Setterday at night, accumpanyed with a hundreth spearis, of mynd to have
stopped Johne Knox to have preached. The two Lordis and gentilmen foirsaid
war onlie accumpanyed with thair quyet housholdis, and thairfoir was the
suddane cuming of the Bischope the more fearfull; for than was the Quene and
hir Frenchmen departed from Sanct Johnestoun, and war lying in Falkland,
within tuelf myles of Sanctandrois; and the town at that tyme had not gevin
professioun of Christ, and thairfoir could nocht the Lordis be assured of thair
freindschip. Consultatioun being had, many war of mynd that the preaching
should be delayed for that day, and especiallie that Johne Knox should nocht
preache; for that did the Bischope affirme that he wald nocht suffer, considdering
that by his commandiment the picture of the said Johne was befoir brunt. He
willed, thairfoir, ane honest gentillman, Robert Colvile of
Cleishe,[819] to say to the Lordis, "That in case Johne Knox THE BISCHOPE
HIS GOOD
presented him selff to the preaching place, in his town and MYNDE
principall Churche, he should gar him be saluted with a dosane TOWARD
of culveringis, quherof the most parte should lyght upoun his JOHNE KNOX
nose." After long deliberatioun had, the said Johne was called, that his awin
judgement might be had. When many perswationis war maid that he should
delay for that tyme, and great terrouris gevin in caise he should interpryse suche
a thing, as it war in contempt of the Bischope. He ansuered, "God is witnes that I
never preached Christ Jesus in contempt of any man, nather mynd I at any tyme
to present my selff to that place, having ather respect to my awin privat
commoditie, eyther yit to the warldlie hurt of any creature; but to delay to
preache the morrow, (onless the bodie be violentlie withholdin,) I can nocht of
conscience: for in this Town and Churche began God first to call me to the
dignitie of a preacheour, from the whiche I was reft by the tyrranny of France, by
procurement of the Bischopis, as ye all weall aneuch know: How long I
continewed prisoneir, what torment I susteaned in the galaies, and what war the
sobbes of my harte, is now no tyme to receat: This onelie I can nocht conceall,
whiche mo than one have hard me say, when the body was far absent from
Scotland, that my assured houp was, in oppin audience, to preache in
Sanctandrois befoir I depairtod this lyeff. And thairfoir (said he,) My Lordis,
seing that God, above the expectatioun of many, hath brocht the body to the
same place whair first I was called to the office of a preacher, and from the
whiche most injustlie I was removed, I beseak your Honouris nocht to stop me to
present my selff unto my bretherin. And as for the fear of danger that may come
to me, lett no man be solist; for my lyef is in the custody of Him whose glorie I
seak; and thairfoir I can nocht so fear thair boast nor tyrranny, that I will cease
from doing my dewetie, when of his mercie[820] He offereth the occasioun. I
desyre the hand nor weapone of no man to defend me; onelie do I crave
audience; whiche, yf it be denyed heir unto me at this tyme, I must seak farther
whare I may haif it."

At these his wordis,[821] the Lordis war fullie content that he

should occupie the place; which he did upoun Sounday, the 10 THE
REFORMATIOUN
[11th] of Junij, and did entreat of the ejectioun of the byaris OF
and the sellaris furth of the Tempill of Jerusalem, as it is SANCTANDROIS.
writtin in the Evangelistis Mathow and Johne; and so applyed
the corruptioun that was thair[822] to the corruptioun that is in the Papistrie; and
Christis fact, to the dewetie of those to whome God geveth power and zeall
thairto; that alsweill the magistratis, the Provest and Bailies, as the communaltie
for the most parte, within the town,[823] did aggree to remove all monumentis of
idolatrie, whiche also thay did with expeditioun.
The Bischope advertisshed heirof, departed that same day to
the Quene, who lay with hir Frenchmen, as said is, in Falkland. COWPER
The hote furie of the Bischope did so kendill hir choler, (and MURE.
yit the luif was verrie cold betuix thame,) that without farder
delay, conclusioun was taikin to invaid Sanctandrois, and the two young Lordis
foirsaidis,[824] who than war thare verrie sklendarlie accumpanyed. Postis war
send from the Quene with all diligence to Cowper, distant onelie sex myles from
Sanctandrois, to prepair ludgeingis and victuallis for the Quene and hir
Frenchemen. Ludgeingis war sygned, and furiouris[825] war send befoir. Whiche
thing understand, counsale was gevin to the Lordis to marche fordward, and to
prevent thame befoir thay came to Cowper; whiche thay did, geving
advertisment to all bretherin with possible expeditioun to repair towardis thame;
whiche thay also did, with suche diligence, that in thair assemblie the wonderous
wark of God myght have bene espyed: for when at nyght the Lordis came to
Cowper, thay war nocht a hundreth horse, and a certane footmen, whom Lord
James brocht fra the coast syde; and yit befoir the nixt day at 12 houris, (whiche
was Tyisday, the 13 of Junij,) thair number passed three thowsand men, whiche
by Godis providence came unto the Lordis; from Lowthiane, the Lairdis of
Ormestoun, Calder, Haltoun, Restalrig, and Coilstoun,[826] who, albeit thay
understood at thair depairting from thair awin houssis no suche truble, yit war
thay by thair good counsale verrie confortable that day. The Lord Ruthven came
from Sanct Johnestoun, with some horsmen with him. The Erle of Rothess,
Schireff of Fyffe, came with a honest cumpany. The townis of Dundie and
Sanctandrois declaired thame selffis boith stout and faithfull. Cowper, becaus it
stoode in greatest danger, assisted with the hole force. Finallie, God did so
multiplie our number, that it appeared as men had rayned from the cloodis. The
ennemy understanding nothing of our force, assured thame selffis of victorie.
Who had bene in Falkland the nicht befoir, mycht have sene embrasing and
kyssing betuix the Quene, the Duke, and the Bischope. Bot
Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, gapare for the Bischoprik of MAISTER
Sanctandrois, above all other was lovinglie embrased of the GAVINE HAMMILTOUNIS
Quene; for he maid his solempne vow, "That he wald feght, VOW
and that he should never returne till he had brought those
traytouris to hir Grace, eyther quick or dead." And thus, befoir midnyght, did
thay send fordward thair ordinance; thame selffis did follow befoir three houris
in the morning.
The Lordis heirof advertised, assembilled thair cumpany airelie in the morning
upoun Cowper Mure;[827] whare by the advise of Maister James Halyburtoun,
Provest of Dundie, was chosen a place of ground convenient for our defence; for
it was so chosen, that upoun all sydis our ordinance mycht have bett the
ennemie, and yit we have stand in saiftie,[828] gif we had bene persewed, till we
had cumed to hand straikis. The Lord Ruthven tuik the charge of the horsmen,
and ordered thame so, that the ennemy was never permitted to espy our nomber:
the day was dark, whiche helpit thairto. The enemy, (as befoir is said,) thinking
to have fundin no resistance, after that thay had twyis or thryis practised with us,
as that thay wald retyre, marched fordward with great expeditioun, and
approched within a myle befoir that evir thair horsmen stayed; and yit thay keipit
betuix us and them a wattir for thair strenth. It appeared to us that ather thay
marched for Cowper or Sanctandrois; and thairfoir our horsmen in thare trowpe,
and a parte of the footemen, with the ordinance,[829] marched somewhat alwayis
befoir thame for safetie of the town: The Lordis, with the gentilmen of Fyffe,
and sa many of Anguss and Mearnes as war present, keape thame selffis close in
a knott, neye to the nomber of a thowsand speiris.
The townis of Dundie and Sanctandrois war arrayed in ane uther battell, who
come nocht to the sight of the ennemy, till that efter xij houris the mist began to
evanish, and than passed some of thair horsmen to a montane, from the height
whairof thay mycht discerne our nomber. Whiche perceaved by thame, thare
horsmen and footemen stayed incontinent. Postis ran to the Duke and Monsieur
Dosell, to declair our nomber, and what ordour we keaped; and than was
mediatouris send to maik appointment. But thay war nocht suffered to approche
neye to the Lordis, neyther yit to the view of our camp; whiche put thame in
greatter fear. Answer was gevin unto thame, "That as we had
offended no man, so wald we seak appointment of no man; bot FIRST ANSWER
yf any wald seak our lyves, (as we war informed thay did,) AT MURE
COWPER

thay should find us, yf thay pleased to mak diligence." This

answer receaved, war send agane the Lord Lyndesay and Laird of Wauchtoun,
[830] who earnestlie requeasted us to concord, and that we wold nocht be the

occasioun that innocent bloode should be sched. We ansuered,

"That nather had we querrall against any man nather yit sought THE SECUND
we any manis bloode; onelie we war conveaned for defence of ANSUER
our awin lyves injustlie sought by uther." We added forther, "That yf thay culd
find the meane that we and our bretherin myght be free from the tyrranny
devised against us, that thay should reasonabillie desyre nothing whiche should
be denyed for our parte."
This ansuer receaved, the Duke and Monsieur Dosell, haveing commissioun of
the Quene Regent, required that Assurance mycht be taikin for eight dayis, to the
end that indifferent men in the meantyme micht commone upoun sum finall
aggrement of those thingis whiche than war in controversie. Heirto did we fullie
consent, albeit that in nomber and force we war far superiour; and for
testificatioun heirof, we send unto thame our hand-writtis, and we lykewyis
receaved thairis, with promess that within two or three dayis some discreat men
should be send unto us, to Sanctandrois, with farther knawlege of the Quenis
mynd. The tennour of the Assurance was this:—
THE ASSURANCE.
"We, JAMES DUKE OF CHATTELLERAULT, Erle of Arrane, Lord
Hammiltoun, &c., and MY LORD DOSELL, Lievtenant for the
King in thir partis, for our selffis, our assistaris and partakeris, being
presentlie with us in cumpany, be the tennour heirof promittis
faithfullie of honour to My Lordis ARCHIBALD ERLE OF ERGYLE, and
JAMES COMMENDATAR OF THE PRIORIE OF SANCTANDROIS, to thair
assistaris and partakeris, being presentlie with thame in cumpany;
That we, and our cumpany foirsaidis, shall reteir incontinent to
Falkland, and shall, with diligence, transport the Frenchemen and
our uther folkis now presentlie with us; and that na Frencheman, or
other souldiouris of ouris, shall remane within the boundis of Fyffe,
bot sa mony as befoir the raising of the last armye lay in Disart,
Kirkcaldy, and Kinghorne, and the same to ly in the same places
onelie, yf we shall think goode: And this to have effect for the space
of eight dayis following the dait heirof exclusive, that in the
meantyme certane Noble men, be the advise of the Quenis Grace,
and rest of the Counsale, may conveane to talk of sick thingis as
may maik goode ordour and quyetnes amongis the Quenis liegis.
And further, we, nor nane of our assistaris, being present with us,
shall invade, truble, or inquyet the saidis Lordis, nor thair assistaris,
dureing the said space: And this we bind and obleise us, upoun our
lautie, fidelitie, and honour, to observe and keape in everie point
above writtin, but fraude or gyle. In witnes whairof we have
subscrivit thir presentis with our handis.
"At Garlabank,[831] the xiij daij of Junii 1559.
The uther subscriptioun we culd nocht read, bot the simile is this,—[832]

And, this receaved, we departed first, becaus we war thairto requeasted be the
Duke, and so we returned to Cowper, lawding and praising God for his mercie
schewed; and thairefter everie man departed to his duelling place. The Lordis,
and a great part of the gentilmen, passed to Sanctandrois, who thair abode
certane dayis, still looking for those that war promessed to come frome the
Quene, for appointment to be maid. Bot we perceaving hir craft and disceat, (for
under that assurance sche ment nothing ellis, but to convey hir selff, hir
ordinance, and Frenche men, over the wattir of Forth,) took consultatioun what
should be done[833] for delivering of Sanct Johnestoun from these ungodlie
soldiouris, and how our bretherin, exiled from thair awin housses, mycht be
restored agane.
It was concluded, that the bretherin of Fyffe, Anguss, Mearnis,
and Stratherin, should convene at Sanct Johnestoun, the 24 day THE
DELIVERANCE
of Junij for that purpoise; and in the meantyme, war these OF SANCT
letteris writtin be the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James, to the JOHNESTOUN.
Quene than Regent.
"Madame,—Efter our hartlie commendationis of service, this shalbe
 to schaw your Grace, that upoun the 13 day of Junij, we war
informed by thame that war communeris betuix my Lord Duke,
Monsieur Dosell, and us, that we should have spoken
irreverentlie of your Grace, whiche we beseik your LETTERIS
Grace, for the trew service that we have maid, and ar TO QUENE
THE

reddy to maik at all tymes to your Grace; that of REGENT.

your goodnes ye will lat us knaw the sayeris thairof,
and we shall do the dewetie of trew subjectis to defend our awin
innocencie; as we tak God to witnes of the gud zeale and love we
beir towardis yow, to serve yow with trew hartis and all that we
have, alsweill landis as goodis, desyring na uther thing for our
service bot the libertie of our conscience, to serve our Lord God as
we will ansuer to him, whiche your Grace aucht and should geve to
us frelie unrequired. Mairover, please your Grace, that my Lord
Duik, and the Noble men being in Striveling for the tyme, be your
Gracis avise, solisted us to pass to the Congregatioun convened at
the town of Perth, to commoun of concord, whair we did our exact
diligence, and brocht it to pas, as your Grace knawis. And thair is a
point that we plane is nocht observed to us, whiche is, that na
soldiour should remane in the town, after your Grace departing. And
suppois it may be inferred, that it was spokin of Frenche soldiouris
allanerlie, yit we tuik it utherwais, lyik as we do yit, that
Scottishmen, or any uther natioun, takand the King of Francis
waiges, ar repute and haldin Frenche soldiouris. Thairfoir, sen we of
good will and mynde brocht that matter to your Gracis contentment,
it will please your Grace, of your goodnes, to remove the soldiouris
and thair Capitanes, with utheris that hes gottin charge of the town,
that the same may be guyded and reulled frelie, as it was befoir, be
the Baillies and Counsale, conforme to thair infeftmentis gevin to
thame be the ancient and maist excellent Kingis of this realme, to
elect and cheise thair officiaris at Michelmess, and thai to indure for
the space of one yeir, conforme to the auld ryte and consuetude of
this realme; whiche being done be your Grace, we traist the better
success shall follow thairupoun to your Grace contentatioun,[834] as
the bearar will declair at mair lenth to your Grace; whome God
preserve."
To Sanct Johnestoun, with the Gentilmen befoir expressed, did
conveane the Erle of Menteath,[835] the Lard of Glenurquhar, THE
[836] and diverse utheris who befoir had nocht presented thame SUMMONING
OF SANCT
selffis for defence of thair bretherin. When the hole multitude JOHNESTOUN.
was conveaned, a trumpet was send by the Lordis,
commanding the Capitanes and thair bandis to avoid the town, and to leave it to
the ancient libertie and just inhabitantis of the same; alsua commanding the
Laird of Killfaunes,[837] insett Provest be the Quene, with the Capitanes
foirsaidis, to cast up the portis of the town, and maik the same patent to all our
Soveraneis liegis, to the effect, that alsweill trew religioun now aneis begun
thairin may be maynteaned, and idolatrie utterlie suppressed; as alsua the said
town mycht joise and brooke thair ancient lawis and liberteis unoppressed by
men of wear, according to thair old privilegis granted to thame be the ancient
Princes of this realme, and conforme to the provisioun conteaned in the Contract
of Mariage maid be the Nobilitie and Parliament of this realme with the King of
France, beirand, that nane of our aid lawis nor liberteis should be alterat: adding
thairto, gif they folishlie resisted, and thairin happined to commit murther, that
thay should be entreated as murtheraris. To the whiche thay ansuered prowdlie,
"That thay wald keap and defend that town, according to thair promess maid to
the Quene Regent."
This answer receaved, preparatioun was maid for the seage and
assault; for amangis all it was concluded, that the town should COMMUNING
be sett at libertie, to what dangeris soever thair bodyis should AT SANCT
JOHNESTOUN.
be exponed. Whill preparatioun was in making, came the Erle
of Huntlie, the Lord Erskin, and Maister Johne Bannatyne, Justice Clerk,[838]
requireing that the persute of the town should be delayed. To speak thame war
appointed the Erle of Ergyle, Lord James, and Lord Ruthven, who, perceaving in
thame nothing but a drift of tyme, without any assurance that the former wrangis
should be redressed, gave unto thame schort and plane ansuer, "That thay wald
nocht delay thair purpoise ane hour; and thairfoir willed thame to certifie the
Capitanes in the town, that gif by pryde and foolishnes thay wald keape the
town, and in so doing slay any of thair bretherin, that thay should everie one dye
as murtheraris." The Erle of Huntlie displeased at this ansuer, departed, as hielie
offended that he culd nocht dress suche appointment as should have contented
the Queue and the Preastis. After thair departing, the town was agane
summondit; bot the Capitanes, supposing that na suddane persute should be
maid, and looking for releif to have bein send from the Quene, abode in thair
former opinioun. And so upoun Setterday, the 25 [24th] of Junij, at ten houris at
nycht, commanded the Lord Ruthven, who beseaged the west quarter, to schoote
the first voley; whiche being done, the town of Dundie did the lyke, whose
ordinance lay upoun the eist syde of the brig. The Capitanes and soldiouris
within the town, perceaving that thai war unable long to resist, required
assurance till xij houris upoun the morne, promessing, "That gif or that hour
thair came unto thame na releaf frome the Quene Regent, that thay wald rander
the town, providing that thay should be suffered to departe the town with
ensenzie displayed." We, thrusting the bloode of no man, and seaking onlie the
libertie of our bretherin, condiscended to thair desyris, albeit that we mycht have
executed against thame jugement without mercie, for that thay had refused our
former favouris, and had slane one of our bretherin, and hurt two in thair
resistance;[839] and yit we suffered thame freelie to depart without any forther
molestatioun.
The Town being delivered from thare thraldome, upoun
Sounday the 26 [25th] of Junij, thankis war gevin unto God for THE BISCHOPE
his great benefite receaved, and consultatioun was taikin what OF MURRAY.
was forder to be done. In this meantyme, four[840] zealous men, considdering
how obstinat, prowde, and dispitefull the Bischope of Murray[841] had bein
befoir; how he had threatned the town be his soldiouris and freindis, who lay in
Skune,[842] thought good that some ordour should be taikin with him and with
that place, whiche lay neir to the town end. The Lordis wrait unto him, (for he
lay[843] within two myles to Sanet Johnestoun,) "That oneles he wald cum and
assist thame, thay nather culd spair nor save his place." He ansuered be his
writing, "That he wold cum, and wold do as thay thoght expedient; that he wold
assist thame with his force, and wald vote with thame against the rest of the
Clargie in Parliament." Bot becaus this ansuer was slaw in cuming, the town of
Dundie, partelie offended for the slauchter of thair man, and especiallie bearing
no goode favour to the said Bischope, for that he was and is cheif ennemy to
Christ Jesus, and that by his counsale alone was Walter Mylne our brother put to
death, thay marched fordward. To stay thame was first send the Provest of
Dundie, and his brother Alexander Halyburtoun, Capitane, who litill prevaling,
was send unto thame Johne Knox; bot befoir his cuming, thay war entered to the
pulling down of the ydollis and dortour. And albeit the said Maister James
Halyburtoun, Alexander his brother, and the said Johne, did what in thame lay to
have stayed the furie of the multitude, yit war thay nocht able to put ordour
universalie; and tharfoir thay send for the Lordis, Erle of Ergyle, and Lord
James, who, cuming with all diligence, laboured to have saved the Palace and
the Kirk. Bot becaus the multitude had fundin, bureid in the
Kirk, a great number of idollis, hid of purpose to have THE
preserved thame to a bettir day, (as the Papistis speak,) the DISTRUCTIOUN
townis of Dundie and Sanct Johnestoun culd nocht be satisfeit, OF SCONE
till that the hole reparatioun and ornamentis of the Churche, (as
thay terme it,) war distroyed. And yit did the Lordis so travell, that thay saved
the Bischopis Palace, with the Churche and place, for that nicht: for the two
Lordis did nocht depart till thay brocht with thame the hole nomber of those that
most sought the Bischopis displesour. The Bischope, greatlie offended that any
thing should have bein interprised in Reformatioun of his place, asked of the
Lordis his band and hand-writting, whiche nocht two houris befoir he had send
to thame. Whiche delivered to his messinger, Sir Adame Brown,[844]
advertisment was gevin, that yf any farder displesour chanced unto him, that he
should nocht blame thame. The Bischopis servandis, that same nycht, began to
fortifie the place agane, and began to do violence to some that war careing away
suche baggage as thay culd cum by. The Bischopis girnell was keapt the first
nycht by the laubouris of Johne Knox, who, by exhortatioun, removed suche as
violentlie wald have maid irruptioun. That same nycht departed from Sanct
Johnestoun the Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, as efter shalbe declaired.
The morrow following, some of the poore, in houp of spoyle,
and sum of Dundie, to considder what was done, passed up to THE CAUS OF
the said Abbay of Scone; whairat the Bischopis servandis THE BURNING
OF SCONE.
offended, began to threattene and speak proudlie: and, as it was
constantlie affermed, one of the Bischopis sonis stogged throuch with a rapper
one of Dundie, for becaus he was looking in at the girnell door. This brute[845]
noysed abrode, the town of Dundie was more enraged than befoir, who, putting
thame selffis in armour, send word to the inhabitants of Sanct Johnestoun, "That
onles thay should supporte thame to avenge that injurie, that thai should never
after that day concur with thame in any actioun." The multitud easelie inflambed,
gave the alarme,[846] and so was that Abbay and Palace appointit to saccag; in
doing whairof thay took no lang deliberatioun, bot committed the hole to the
merciment of fyre; wharat no small nomber of us war offended, that patientlie
we culd nocht speak till any that war of Dundie or Sanct Johnestoun. A poore
aged matrone, seing the flambe of fyre pas up samichtelie, and
perceaving that many war thairat offended, in plane and sober SPEAKING OF
maner of speaking, said, "Now I see and understand that ANE
ANCIENT
MATRONE
Goddis judgementis ar just, and that no man is able to save WHEN SCONE
whare he will punische. Since my remembrance, this place WAS BURNING
hath bein nothing ellis bot a den of hooremongaris. It is
incredible to beleve how many wyffes hath bein adulterat, and virginis deflored,
by the filthie beastis whiche hath bein fostered in this den; bot especiallie by that
wicked man who is called the Bischope. Yf all men knew alsmuche as I, thay
wald praise God; and no man wald be offended." This woman duelt into the
toun, neye unto the Abbay; at whose wordis war many pacifeid; affirming with
hir, that it was Goddis just judgement. And assuredlie, yf the laubouris or travell
of any man culd have saved that place, it had nocht bein at that tyme destroyed;
[847] for men of greattest estimatioun lawboured with all diligence for the savetie
of it.
Whill these thingis war done at Sanct Johnestoun, the Quene,
fearing what should follow, determinat to send certane bandis THE TAKING
OF
of Frenche soldiouris to Striveling, for purpose to stop the STRIVILING.
passage to us that than war upoun the north syde of Forth.
Whiche understand, the Erle of Ergyle and Lord James departed secreatlie upoun
the nycht, and with great expeditioun, preventing the Frenchemen, thay took the
town, (befoir whose cuming the rascheall multitude put handis in the thevis, I
should say, frearis places and utterlie distroyed thame;) wharat the Quene and hir
factioun nocht a litill affrayed, with all diligence departed from Edinburgh to
Dumbar. And so we with reasonable diligence merched fordwart to Edinburgh,
for Reformatioun to be maid thair, whare we arrived the 29 of Junij. The Provest
for that tyme, the Lord Seytoun, a man without God, without
honestie, and oftentymes without reasone, had befoir greatlie LORD
trubled and molested the bretherin; for he had taikin upoun him SEYTOUN
the protectioun and defence of the Blak and Gray Frearis; and for that purpose
did nocht onelie lye him self in the one everie nicht, bot also
constraned the most honest of the town to wache those THE CUMING
monstouris, to thair great greaf and truble. Bot hearing of our OF THE
CONGREGATIOUN
suddane cuming, he abandoned his charge, and had left the TO
spoile to the poore, who had maid havock of all suche thingis EDINBURGH
as was movable in those placis befoir our cuming, and had left
nothing bot bair wallis, yea, nocht sa muche as door or windok; wharthrow we
war the less trubilled in putting ordour to suche places.
After that certane dayis we had deliberat what was to be done, and that ordour
was tackin for suppressing of all monumentis of idolatrie within that town, and
the places nixt adjacent, determinatioun was taikin, to send some message[848] to
the Quene, than Regent; for sche had bruted, (as hir accustomed maner was, and
yit hir Dochteris is, ever to forge lyes,) that we sought nothing bot hir lyef, and a
plane revoltment from the lawfull obedience dew to our Soverane, hir authoritie,
as by the tennour of these Letteris may be sene:—
"FRANCES and MARIE, be the Grace of God, King and Quene of
Scottis, Daulphine and Daulphines of Viennois, to our lovittis,
Lyoun King of Armes, &c., our Schireffis in that parte, conjunctlie
and severallie, specialie constitute, greting: For sa mekle as our
darrest moder Marie, Quene Dowager, Regent of our Realme, and
Lordis of our Secreat Counsale, perceaving the seditious tumult
rased be ane parte of our liegis, nameing thame selffis THE
CONGREGATIOUN, who, under pretense of religioun, have putt thame
selffis in armes;[849] and that hir Grace, for satisfeing of everie manis
conscience, and pacifeing of the saidis trubles, had offerred unto
thame to affix ane Parliament to be haldin in Januare nixt to cum,
(this was a manyfest leye, for this was nether offerred, nor by hir
ancis thought upoun, till we required it,) or sonnar, gyf thay had
pleased, for establissing of ane universall ordour in matteris of
religioun, be our advise and Estatis of our Realme;[850] and, in the
meantyme, to suffer everie man to leaf at libertie of conscience,
without truble, unto the tyme the said ordour war tackin be advise of
our foirsaid [Estates.[851]] And at last, becaus it appeared mekle to
stand upoun our burght of Edinburght, offerred in lyke maner to latt
the inhabitants thairof chease what maner of religioun thai wald sett
up and use for that tyme; swa that na man mycht alledge that he was
forsed to do against his conscience: Quhilk offer the Quenis Grace,
our said darrest Moder, was at all tymes, and yit is, ready to fulfill.
Nochttheles, the said Congregatioun being of mynd to receave no
reasonable offerris, hes sensyne, by oppin dead, declaired, that it is
na religioun, nor any thing thairto perteaning, that thai seak, bot
onelie the subversioun of our authoritie, and usurpatioun of our
Crown; in manifest witnessing whairof, thay daylie receave
Inglismen with messagis unto thame, and sendis siclyk in Ingland;
and last of all, have violentlie intrometted with, taikin, and yit
withhaldis the irnis of our Cunzee hous,[852] quhilk is ane of the
cheife pointis that concernis our Crown; and siclyke lies intrometted
with our Palice of Halirudhouse. Oure will is heirfoir, &c., that ye
pas to the Mercat Croce of our said burght of Edinburght, or any
uther publict place within the same, and thair, be oppin
proclamatioun in our name and authoritie, command and charge all
and sindrie personis of the said Congregatioun, or yit being
presentlie within our said burght other than the inhabitantis thairof,
 that thay, within sex houris nixt efter our said charge, depart furth of
the same under the pane of treasone; and als, that ye command and
charge all and sindrie personis to leave thair cumpany, and adhear to
our authoritie; with certificatioun to suche as do the contrare, shalbe
repute and haldin as manifest traytouris to our Crowne, &c."
These letteris did nocht a litill greave us, who most injustlie war accused; for
thare is never a sentence of the narrative trew, except that we stayed the irnes,
and that for most just causses, to witt, because that daylie thair was suche
nomber of Hard-headis printed,[853] that the basenes thairof maid all thingis
exceiding dear; and thairfoir we war counsaled by the wysest to stay the irnes,
[854] whill farther ordour mycht be tackin. Sche, with all possible diligence,
posted for hir factioun. Maister James Balfour was nocht ydill in the meantyme.
The Lordis, to purge thame of these odious crymes, wrait unto hir a letter, in
forme as efter followeth:—
"PLEAS YOUR GRACE, be advertist, it is cum to our knowlcge, that
your Grace hath sett furth, be your letteris openelie
proclamed that we, called by name THE THE THRID
CONGREGATIOUN, under pretence and colour of LETTER THE QUENE
TO

religioun, convene togidder to na uther purpose bot REGENT.

to usurpe our Soveraneis authoritie, and to invaid
your persone representand thairis at this present: Quhilkis thingis
appeiris to have proceidit of sinister informatioun, maid to your
Grace be our ennemeis, considdering that we never mynded sic
thing, bot onelie our mynd and purpose was and is to promote and
sett furth the glorie of God, maynteane and defend the trew
preacharis of his word; and according to the same, abolish and put
away idolatrie and false abuses, whiche may nocht stand with the
said word of God: Beseaking your Grace to bear patientlie thairwith,
and interpone your authoritie to the furtherance of the same, as is the
dewetie of everie Christiane Prince and good magistrat. For as to the
obedience of our Soveraneis authoritie in all civile and politick
matteris, we ar and shalbe als obedient as ony uther your Gracis
subjectis within the realme; and that our Conventioun is for na uther
purpose bot to save our preacheouris and thair auditouris fra the
injurie and violence of our enymeis, quhilk should be mair amplie
declaired be some of us in your Gracis presence, yf yow war nocht
accumpanyed with such as hes persewit our lyves and sought our
 bloode. Thus, we pray Almyghtie God to have your Hienes in his
eternall tuitioun.
"At Edinburght, the secund of Julij 1559."
And for farther purgatioun heirof, it was thocht necessar that we should sempillie
expone, alsweill to hir Grace as to the hole people, what war our requeastis and
just petitionis. And for that purpoise, after that salf conduct was purchessed and
granted, we directed unto hir two grave men of our counsale, to witt, the Lardis
of Pittarrow and Cuninghamheid,[855] to whame we gaif commissioun and
power, First, To expone our hole purpose and intent, whiche was none other than
befoir at all tymes we had required, to witt, That we mycht injoy the libertie of
conscience. Secundlie, [That] Christ Jesus mycht be trewlie preached, and his
holie Sacramentis rychtlie ministrat unto us. [Thirdly,] That unable ministeris
micht be removed from ecclesiasticall administratioun; and that our preacheouris
mycht be relaxit from the horne, and permitted to execut thair chargis without
molestatioun, unto such tyme as ather by a Generall Counsale, lauchfullie
convened, or by a Parliament within the realme, the contraverseis in religioun
wer decided. And, for declaratioun that hir Grace was heirto willing, that the
bandis[856] of Frenche men, who than war a burthein untollerable to the cuntrey,
and to us so fearfull, that we durst nocht in peaciable and quiet maner hant the
places whare thay did lye, should be send to France, thair native cuntrey:
Whiche thing is granted, hir Grace should have experience of our accustomed
obedience.
To these headis sche did answer at the first so plesandlie, that
sche put boith our Commissioneris in full esperance that all THE
should be granted; and for that purpose, sche desyred to speak CRAFTYNES
OF THE QUENE
with sum of greatter authoritie, promesing, that yf thay wald REGENT MAY
assure hir of thair detfull[857] obedience, that sche wald deny YIT BE
ESPYED.
nothing of that whiche was required. For satisfactioun of hir
mynd, we send agane the Erle of Glencarne, the Lord Ruthven, the Lord
Uchiltrie, and the said Lard of Pittarrow, with the same commissioun as of
befoir. Bot than sche began to handill the matter more craftelie, compleaning that
sche was nocht sought in a gentill maner; and that thay in whome sche had put
maist singular confidence, had left hir in hir greattest neid; and suche uther
thingis, perteaning nothing to thair commissioun, proponed sche, to spend and
dryve the tyme. Thai answered, "That, by injust tyranny devised aganis thame
and thair bretherin, (as hir Grace did weill know,) thay war compelled to seak the
extreme remedie; and thairfoir, that hir Grace aucht nocht to wonder thocht
godlie men left the cumpany whare thai nether fand fidelitie nor treuth." In the
end of this communing, whiche was the xij day of Julij 1559, sche desyred to
have talked privelie with the Erle of Ergyle, and Lord James, Priour of
Sanctandrois, "For ellis, (as sche alledged,) sche culd nocht bot suspect that thai
pretendit to some uther hiear purpose nor religioun." Sche and
hir craftie Counsale had abuesd the Duke, perswaiding unto ACCUSATIONIS
him, and unto his freindis, that the saidis Erle and Priour had
conspyred, first to deprive our Soverane hir dochter of hir authoritie, and
thairefter the Duke and his successioun of thair titill to the Crown of Scotland.
By these invented lyes, sche inflambed the hartis of many against us, in so
muche that some of our awin number began to murmur; whiche perceaved,
alsweall the preacheouris, in thair publict sermonis, as we our selffis, by our
publict proclamationis, gave purgatioun and satisfactioun to the people, planelie
and simplie declairing what was our purpose, tacking God to witnes, that no
suche crymes ever entered in our hartis as most injustlie was layed to our charge.
The Counsale, efter consultatioun, thocht nocht expedient that the saidis Erle and
Priour should talk with the Quene in ony sort; for hir former practises put all
men in suspitioun, that some deceat lurked under suche colorat commoning.
Sche had befoir said, That yf sche culd by any meane sunder those two from the
rest, sche was assured schortlie to cum by hir hole purpose; and one of hir cheaf
Counsale in those dayis, (and we fear bot over inward with hir yit,) said, "That or
Michelmess day, thay two should leaf thair headis;" and thairfoir all men feared
to committ two suche young plantis to hir mercie and fidelitie. It was, thairfoir,
finallie denyed that thai should talk [with] the Quene, or ony to hir apperteaning,
bot in places void of all suspitioun, whare thay should be equall in nomber with
those that should talk [with] thame.
The Quene perceaving that hir craft culd nocht prevaill, was
content that the Duke's Grace and the Erle of Huntlie, with THE
utheris by hir appointed, should convene at Prestoun, to COMMUNING AT PRESTON.
commone [with] the saidis Erle and Priour, and suche utheris
as the Lordis of the Congregatioun wald appoint, to the nomber of ane hundreth
on the syde, of the whiche nomber aucht personis onelie should meit for
conference. The principallis for thair partie war, the Duke, the Erle Huntlie, the
Lordis Erskin and Somervell, Maister Gavine Hammiltoun, and the Justice
Clerk.[858] From us war directed the Erlis of Ergyle and Glencarne, the Lordis
Ruthven, Lord James, Boyd, and Uchiltrie, the Lairdis Dun and Pittarrow, who,
conveaning at Prestoun, spak the hole day without any certane conclusioun: For
this was the practise of the Quene, and of hir factioun, by dryft of tyme to weary
our cumpany, who, for the most parte, had bein upoun the feildis from the tent
day of Maij, that we being dispersed, sche mycht cum to hir purpose. In whiche
sche was nocht altogidder deceaved; for our commonis war compelled to skaill
for lack of expenssis, and our gentilmen, partelie constraned be lack of
furnessing, and partlie houping sum small appointment, after so many
communingis, returned for the most parte to thair duelling places, for reposing of
thame selffis.
The Quene, in all these conventionis, seamed that sche wald
geve libertie to religioun, provided, "That wharesoever sche THE DEMAND
was, our Preacheouris sould cease, and the Masse sould be OF QUENE
REGENT, AND
maynteaned." We perceaving hir malitious craft, ansuered, ANSWER OF
"That as we wald compell hir Grace to no religioun, so could THE
PROTESTANTIS.
we nocht of conscience, for the pleasur of any earthlie creature,
put silence to Godis trew messingeris; nather culd we suffer that the rycht
administratioun of Christis trew sacramentis should gif place to manifest
idolatrie; for in so doing, we should declair ourselffis ennemeis to God, to Christ
Jesus his Sone, to his eternall veritie, and to the libertie and establishment of his
Churche within this realme; for your requeist being granted, there can no Kirk
within the same be so estableshit but at your pleasour, and by your residence and
remaning thare ye myeht overthrow the samin." This our last
answer we send unto hir with the Lord Ruthven and Laird of THE LAST
OFFERIS OF
Pittarrow; requiring of hir Grace, in plane wordis, to signifie THE
unto us what houpe we myeht have of hir favouris toward the PROTESTANTIS
outsetting of religioun. We also required that sche wald remove TO THE QUENE
REGENT
hir Frenchemen, who war a fear to us, and a burthein most
grevouse to our cuntrey: And that sche wald promess to us, in the word of a
Prince, that sche wald procure no mo to be send in; and than should we nocht
onelie support, to the uttermost of our poweris, to furnish schippis and victuallis
for thair transporting, bot also, upoun our honouris, should we tak hir body in
our protectioun; and should promess, in the presence of God and the hole
realme, to serve our Soverane hir Dochter, and hir Grace Regent, als faithfullie
and als obedientlie as ever we did Kingis within Scotland: That, moreover, we
should caus our Preacheouris geve reasone of thair doctrin in hir audience, till
any that pleased till impugne any thing that thay did or taught: Finallie, that we
should submit our selflis to a lauchtfull Parliament, provided that the Bischoppis,
as the party accused, and our plane ennemeis, should be removed from
judgement.
To no point wald sche answer directlie; bot in all thingis sche
was so generall and so ambigua, that hir craft appeared to all THE SCOFFING
men. Sche had gottin assured knowlege that our cumpany was OF
THE QUENE
REGENT.
skailled, (for hir Frenchemen war daylie amongis us, without
molestatioun or hurt done unto thame,) and thairfoir sche began to discloise hir
mynde, and said, "The Congregatioun hes roung these two monethis bypast: me
my selff wald ring now other two." The malice of hir hart being planelie
perceaved, deliberatioun was had what was to be done. It was concluded, that the
Lordis, Barronis, and gentilmen, with thare substantious housholdis, should
remane in Edinburgh that hole winter, for establissing of the Church[859] thair.
And becaus it was found, that by the corrupting of our money,
the Quene maid to hir selff immoderat gaines for maynteaning THE CAUS
QUHY THE
of hir soldiouris, to the distructioun of our haill commone IRNES STAYED
weill, it was thocht necessar[860] that the printing irnes, and all
thingis to thame perteaning, should be stayed, for fear that sche should privelie
caus transport thame to Dumbar.
In this meantyme came the assured word, first, that the King of
France was hurt, and after, that he was dead[861] whiche, albeit THE DEATH OF
HARY, KING OF
it aucht to have put hir in mynd of hir awin estait and wicked FRANCE.
interprise: for he that same tyme, in the fulnes of his glorie, (as
sche hir self useth to speak,) had determined most crewell persecutioun aganis
the sanctis of God in France, evin as sche hir selff was heir persecutand in
Scotland: and yit he so perished in his pryde, that all men mycht see that Godis
just vengeance did stryke him, evin quhen his iniquitie was cumed to full
rypenes. Albeit, (we say,) that this wonderouse wark of God in his suddane
death, aucht to have dantoned hir furie, and gevin unto hir admonitioun, that the
same God culd nocht suffer her obstinat malice against his treuth long to be
unpunished; yit culd hir indurat hart nothing be moved to repentance: for hearing
the staying of the printing irnes, sche raiged more outragiouslie than of befoir,
and sending for all suche as wer of hir factioun, exponed hir grevous complaint,
aggredging the same with many lyes, to wit, "That we had declaired that whiche
befoir sche suspected; for what culd we meane ellis, bot usurpatioun of the
Crown, when we durst put handis to the Cunze-hous, whiche was a portioun of
the patrimony of the Crown." Sche farther alleged, "That we had spoyled the
Cunze-house of great sowmes of money." To the whiche we ansuered, boith by
our letteris send to hir, and hir Counsale, and by publict proclamatioun to the
people, that we, without usurpatioun of any thing justlie perteaning to the Crown
of Scotland, did stay the printing irnes, in consideratioun that the commone
wealth was greatlie hurt by corrupting of our money; and becaus that we war
borne counsalouris of this realme, sworne to procure the proffite of the same, we
culd do no less of dewetie and of conscience than to stay that for a tyme, whiche
we saw so abused, that oneles remedy war fundin, should turne to the detriment
of the hole body of this realme. And as to hir fals accusatioun of spuilzie, we did
remit us to the conscience of Maister Robert Richesone[862], Maister of the
Cunze-hous, who from our handis receaved silver, gold, and mettall, alsweill
cunzeit as uncunzeit; so that with us thair did nocht remane the valour of a
bawbie.[863]
Richardson's name occurs as one of the Auditors of the Treasurer's Accounts,
1551, 1552; and as connected with the Mint, in 1554-5. As Clerk of the Treasury,
he rendered the Accounts of the late Gilbert Earl of Cassillis on the 24th March
1558-9, that Nobleman having died in France, on the 14th November 1558,
(Register of Conf. Testaments, Feb. 24, 1575,) and not on the 28th of that month,
as stated at page 263. Richardson continued to officiate in the room of the High
Treasurer, until his own appointment to the office 5th March 1560-1. He also
held more than one lucrative ecclesiastical situation. On the 10th February 1555-
6, a charter under the Great Seal, of the lands of Nether Gogar, in the county of
Edinburgh, was granted to Mr. Robert Richardson, Vicar of Exfurde. On the last
of March 1558-9, he obtained a gift of the Priory of St. Mary's Isle of Trail, near
Kirkcudbright (Reg. Secr. Sig.): this dignity entitled him to sit as a Lord and
member of Parliament. At a later date, (in 1567,) we find him styled Archdeacon
of Teviotdale. He died in 1571: and William Lord Ruthven, on the 24th June
1571, was appointed High Treasurer, the office being vacant by the death of the
Commendator of St. Mary's Isle. Sir John Scott says, that Richardson had
"conquest a great estate." This is very evident, from the various charters he had
of lands in the counties of Edinburgh and East Lothian; and his estates were
apportioned to his two sons, Sir James Richardson of Smeaton, and Sir Robert
Richardson of Pencaitland, Baronet: see Crawfurd, ut supra, and Scott's
Staggering State, p. 27.
This our declaratioun and purgatioun nochtwithstanding, sche, partelie by hir
craft and policie, and partelie by the lawbouris of the Bischopis of Sanctandrois
and Glasgw; procured the hole nomber that war with hir to consent to persew us
with all creweltie and expeditioun, befoir that we culd haif our cumpany (whiche
than was dispersed for new furnessing) assembled agane. The certantie heirof
cuming to our knawlege, the Setterday at nycht, the 25. [22d] of Julij, we did in
what us lay to gif advertisment to our bretherin; bot impossible it was that those
of the West, Anguss, Mearnis, Stratherin, or Fyeff, in any nomber culd come to
us; for the ennemie marched from Dumbar upoun the Sounday, and approched
within two myles of us befoir the sone-rysing upoun Monunday; for thay verrelie
supposed to have found no resistance, being assured that the Lordis onelie with
certane gentillmen remaned, with thair privat housses. Calling upoun God for
counsale in that straytt, we soght what was the nixt defence. We mycht have left
the town, and mycht have reteired our selffis without any danger; bot than we
should have abandoned our bretherin of Edinburgh, and suffered the ministrie
thairof to have decayed, whiche to our hartis was so dolorous, that we thocht
better to hasard the extreamitie than so to do. For than the most parte of the town
appeared rather to favour us than the Quenis factioun; and did offer unto us the
uttermost of thair support, whiche for the most parte thay did faithfullie keap.
The same did the town of Leyth, bot thay keapit nocht the lyek
fidelitie; for when we war upoun the feild, marching fordward LEYTH LEFT
for thair support, (for the Frenche marched neye to thame,) thai THECONGREGATIOUN
randered thame selffis, without ferther resistance. And this
thay did, as was supposed, by the treasone of some within thame selffis, and by
the perswasioun of the Lard of Restalrig,[864] who of befoir declaired himselff to
have bein one of us, and nochtwithstanding,[865] that day randered him selff
undesyred to Monsieur Dosell. Thair unprovided and suddane defectioun
astonished many; and yit we retyred quyetlie to the syde of Cragingatt,[866]
which place we tooke for resisting the ennemie.
In the meantyme, diverse mediatouris passed betuix, amongis whome the Lord
Ruthven, for our parte, wes principall. Alexander Erskin[867] did muche travell to
stay us and our soldiouris, that we should nocht joyne with thame of Leyth, till
that thay, as said is, had randered thame selffis to the Frenche. The said
Alexander did oft promese, That the Frenche wald stay, provided that we wold
nocht joyne with these of Leyth. Bot efter that thai war randerit, we hard nothing
of him bot threatning and disconfortable wordis. Befoir it was eight houris in the
morning, God had gevin unto us boith curage, and a reasonable nomber to
withstand thair furie. The town of Edinburght, sa mony as had subject thame
selffis to discipline, and diverse utheris besydis thame, behavit thame selffis
boith faithfullie and stoutlie. The gentilmen of Lowthiane, especiall Caldar,
Haltoun, and Ormestoun, war verrey confortable, alsweill for thair counsale as
for thair hole assistance. Some gentilmen of Fiffe prevented the Frenche men;
otheris war stopped, be reasone that the Frenche had possessed[868] Leyth.
Alwais the ennemie tooke suche a fear, that thai determined nocht to invaid us
whare we stoode, bot tooke purpose to have passed to Edinburgh, by the other
syde of the Watter of Leyth, and that becaus thay had the Castell to thair freind,
whiche was to us unknawin; for we supponed the Lord Erskin, Capitane of the
same, ather to have bein our freind, or at the least to have bein indifferent. Bot
when we had determined to feght, he send word to the Erle of
Ergyle, to Lord James, his sister sone,[869] and to the uther THE LORD
ERSKIN AND
Noble men,[870] that he wald declair him selff boith ennemie to HIS FACT
thame and to the town, and wald schoote at boith, gif thay
maid any resistance to the Frenche men to enter in the town. This his treasonable
defyence, send unto us by the Lard of Ricartoun,[871] did abait the corage of
many; for we culd nocht feght nor stop the ennemie, bot under the mercie of the
Castell and hole ordinance thairof.
Heirupoun was consultatioun tackin; and in conclusioun, it was found less
domage to tak ane Appointment, albeit the conditionis war nocht suche as we
desyred, than to hasard battall betuix two suche ennemeis. After lang talkin,
certane Headis war drawin by us, whiche we desyred to be granted:—
"First, That no member of the Congregatioun should be trubled in
lief, landis, goodis, or possessionis by the Quene, hir Authoritie, nor
any uther Justice within the realme, for any thing done in the lait
innovatioun, till a Parliament (whiche should begin the tent of
Januar nixt) had decyded thingis in contraversie.
"2. That idolatrie should nocht be erected, whare it was at that day
suppressed.
"3. That the preacheouris and ministeris should nocht be trubled in
thair ministrie, whare thai war alreadie establessed, nather yit
stopped to preache, wharesoever thai should chance to come.
"4. That no bandis of men of warr should be layed in garneshing
within the town of Edinburght.
"5. That the Frenche men should be send away at a reasonable day,
and that none uther should be broght in the cuntrey without consent
of the haill Nobilitie and Parliament."

But these our Articles[872] war altered, and ane uther forme disposeth, as efter
followeth:[873]—
"AT THE LYNKIS OF LEITH, THE 24. OF JULIJ 1559, IT IS APPOINTED IN
MANER FOLLOWING:—

"In the first, the Congregatioun and thair cumpany, utheris than the
inhabitants of the said Town, shall remove thame selffis furth of the
said town, the morne at ten houris befoir none, the 25. of Julij, and
leaf the same void and red of thame and thair said cumpany,
conforme to the Quenis Grace pleasour and desyre.
"Item, The said Congregatioun shall caus the irnes of the Cunze-
hous,[874] tacken away be thame, be randered and delivered to
Maister Robert Richardsone; and in lykewyis the Quenis Grace
Palace[875] of Halirudhous to be left and randered agane to Maister
Johne Balfour, or ony uther haveand hir Grace sufficient power, in
the same maner as it was receaved, and that betuix the making of
thir Articles and the morne at ten houris.—(For observing and
keaping of thir tua Articles abovewrittin, the Lord Ruthven and the
Lard of Pittarrow hes entered thame selffis pledges.)
"Item, The saidis Lordis of Congregatioun, and all the memberis
thairof, shall remane obedient subjectis to our Soverane Lord and
Ladyis authoritie, and to the Quenis Grace Regent in thair place; and
shall obey all lawis and lovable consuetudis of this realme, as thai
war used of befoir the moving of this tumult and contraversie,
exceptand the caus of religioun, whiche shalbe heirafter specifeid.
"Item, The said Congregatioun, nor nane of thame,
shall nocht truble nor molest a Kirk-man be way of IN
CONTEMPLATIOUN
dead, nor yit shall maik thame any impediment in the OF THESE
peaciable bruiking, joising, and uptaking of thair ARTICLES
rentis, proffittis, and deweties of thair benefices, bot AROSE THIS
PROVERB:
that thai may frelie use and dispone upoun the same, —"GUD DAY,
according to the lawis and consuetude of this realme, SIR JOHNE,
to the tent day of Januar nixt to cum. WHILL
JANUAR.
"WELCUM,
"Item, The said Congregatioun, nor nane of thame, SIR JOHNE,
shall in no wayis from thynefurth use ony force or QUHILL
violence, in casting down of kirkis, religious placis, JANUAR",
&c.
or reparrelling thairof, bot the same sall stand
skaithles of thame, unto the said tent day of Januar.
"Item, The town of Edinburght shall, without compulsioun, use and
 cheise what religioun and maner thairof thay please to the said day;
sua that everie man may have fredome to use his awin conscience to
the day foirsaid.
"Item, The Quenis Grace sall nocht interpone hir authoritie, to
molest or truble the preacheouris of the Congregatioun, nor thair
ministrie, (to thame that pleasis to use the same,) nor na uther of the
said Congregatioun, in thair bodyis, landis, goodis, or possessionis,
pensionis, or whatsumever uther kynd of goodis thai possess; nor yit
thoill the Clargie, or any uther haveand spirituall or temporall
jurisdictioun, to truble thame, in ony maner of sort, privatlie or
openelie, for the caus of religioun, or uther actioun depending
thairupoun, to the said tent day of Januar within writtin; and that
everie man in particular leife in the meantyme according to his awin
conscience.
"Item, That na man of warr, Frenche nor Scottis, be layed in daylie
garnesoun within the town of Edinburght, bot to repair thairto to do
thair lefull besynes, and thairefter to reteir thame to thare
garnesounis."[876]
This alteratioun in wordis and ordour was maid without knowledge and consent
of those whose counsale we had used in all cases befoir. For sum of thame
perceaving we began to faynt, and that we wald appoint with inequall
conditionis, said, "God hath wonderfullie assisted us in our greatest dangeris: He
hath strikin fear in the hartis of our ennemeis, when thai supposed thame selffis
most assured of victorie: our case is nocht yit sa disperat that we nead to grant to
thingis unreasonable and ungodlie; whiche, yf we do, it is to be feared that
thingis sall nocht so prosperouslie succeid as thai have done heirtofoir."
When all thingis war commoned and aggreed upoun by myd
personis, the Duke and Erle of Huntlie, who that day war THE PROMESE
against us, desyred to speak the Erlis of Ergyle and Glencarne, OF
THE DUKE
AND ERLE OF
the Lord James, and utheris of our partie: who obeying thare HUNTLIE.
requeastis, mett thame at the Querrell Hollis,[877] betuix Leyth
and Edinburght, who in conclusioun promest to our Lordis, "That yf the Quene
breake to us any one joyt of the Appointment than maid, that thai should declair
thame selffis plane ennemeis unto hir, and freindis to us." Alsmuche promeshed
the Duke that he wold do, in case that sche wald nocht remove hir Frenche men
at are reasonable day; for the oppressioun whiche thai did was manifest to all
men.
This Appointment maid and subscrived by the Duke, Monsieur Dosell, and the
Erle of Huntlie, the 25. of Julij, we returned to the town of Edinburght, whare we
remanit till the nixt day at none; when, efter sermone, dennar, and a
proclamatioun maid at the Mercat Croce in forme as followeth, we departed.
FORME OF THE PROCLAMATIOUN.
"Forasmuche as it hath pleased God, that Appointment is maid
betuix the Quene Regent and us the Lordis, hole[878] Protestantis of
this Realme, we have thocht good to signifie unto yow the cheafe
Headis of the same, whiche be these:—
"1. First, That no member of the Congregatioun shalbe trubled in
lief, landis, goodis, or possessionis, by the Quene, by hir Authoritie,
nor by any uther Justice within this realme, for any thing done in this
lait innovatioun, till that a Parliament hath decyded thingis that be in
contraversie.
"2. That idolatrie shall nocht be erected, whare it is now at this day
suppressed.
"3. That the preachearis and ministeris shall nocht be trubled in the
ministratioun, whare thai ar already established, nather yit stopped to
preache whairsoevir thai shall happin to travaill within this realme.
"4. That no bandis of men of warr shalbe layed in garnesoun within
the town of Edinburght.
"These cheafe headis of Appointment concerning the libertie of
religioun and conservatioun of our bretherin, we thoght goode to
notifie unto yow, by this our Proclamatioun, that in case wrong or
injurie be done, by any of the contrarie factioun, to any member of
our body, complaint may be maid to us, to whome we promese, as
we will ansuer to God, our faitlifull support to the uttermost of our
poweris."
At this proclamatioun, maid with sound of trumpett, war
offended all the Papistis: for, first, Thai alledged it was done in ANSUER TO
THE
contempt of the Authoritie: secundarlie, That we had COMPLAYNT
proclamed more than was conteaned in the Appointment: and OF THE
last, That we, in our proclamatioun, had maid no mentioun of PAPISTIS.
any thing promished unto thame. To suche mummeris[879] we
answered, "That no just Authoritie culd think the selff contempned, becaus that
the treuth was by us maid manifest unto all, who utherwayis mycht have
pretendit ignorance. Secundlie, That we proclamed nathing, whiche [was] nocht
finallie aggreit upoun in word and promeiss betuix us and thame with quhame
the Appointment was maid, whatsoevir thair scribeis had efter writtin, quha in
verray deid had alterit, bayth in wordis and sentenceis, oure Articles, as thay war
first consavit; and yitt, gif thair awin writtingis war diligentlie examinit, the self
same thing sall be found in substance. And last, To proclame any thing in thair
favouris, we thocht it nocht necessarie, knawing that in that behalf thay thame
selfis sould be diligent aneweh." And in this we war not desavit; for within
fyftene dayis efter, thair was not ane schaveling in Scotland, to wham teyndis, or
any uthor rentis pertenit, bot he had that Article of the Appointment by hart,
"That the Kirk men sould be ansuerit of teyndis, rentis, and all uthir dewties, and
that no man sould trubill nor molest thame."
We depairting from Edinburgh, the 26. of Julij, came first to Lynlythqw, and
efter to Striviling; whair, efter consultatioun, the band of defence, and
mentenance of religioun, and for mutuall defence, evere ane of uther, was
subscrivit of all that war thair present. The tennour of the Band was this:—
"We foirseing the craft and slycht of our adversaries, tending all
maner of wayis to circumvene us, and be prevy meanis intendis to
assailzie everie ane of us particularie be fair hechtis and promisses,
thairthrow to separat ane of us frome ane uthir, to oure utter rewyne
and destructioun: for remedy heirof, we faythfullie and trewlie
byndis us, in the presence of God, and as we tender the mentenance
of trew Religioun, that nane of us sall in tymeis cuming pas to the
Queneis Grace Dowriare, to talk or commun with hir for any letter
[or] message send be hir unto us, or yitt to be send, without consent
of the rest, and commone consultatioun thairupoun. And quhowsone
that ather message or writt sall cum fra hir unto us, with utter
diligence we sall notifie the same ane to ane uther; swa that nathing
sall proceid heirin without commune consent of us all.
"At Striveling, the first day of August 1559."
This Band subscrivit, and we foirseing that the Quene and Bischopis menit
nathing bot desait, thocht guid to seik ayde and support of all Christiane Princeis
against hir and hir tyrrannie, in caise we sould be mair schairplie persewit. And
becaus that Ingland was of the same religioun, and lay nixt unto us, it was jugeit
expedient first to prove thame; quhilk we did be ane or twa messingeris, as
heirefter,[880] in the awin place, mair ampill sall be declairit.
Efter we had abiddin certane dayis in Striviling, the Erle of Argyle depairtit to
Glasgw; and becaus he was to depairt to his awin cuntrey, (with wham also past
Lord James,) to pacifie sum trubill quhilk, be the craft of the Quene, was rasit in
his absens, he requyreit the Erle of Glencairne, Lord Boyde, Lord Uchiltre, and
utheris of Kyle, to meit thair, for sum ordoure to be taikin, that the brethren sould
not be oppressit; quhilk with ane consent thay did, and appoyntit the tent of
September for the nixt Conventioun at Striveling.
Quhill thir thingis war in doing at Glasgw, letteris and ane
servand came fra the Erle of Arraine[881] to the Duik his father, THE FIRST
KNAWLEGE OF
signifeing unto him, that be the providence of God, he had THE
eschaipit the Frensche Kyngis handis, quha maist treason ESCHAIPING
abillie and maist crewellie had socht his lyfe, or at leist to have OF
OF
THE ERLE
ARRANE
committit him to perpetuall presoun: for the same tyme, the OUT OF
said Frensche King, seing he could [not] have the Erle him FRANCE.
self, gart put his youngar brother,[882] ane bairne of sick aige as
could not offend, in strait presoun, quhair he yitt remaneis, to LET THIS BE
witt, in the moneth of October, the yeir of God Jm. Vc. lix NOTIT
yeiris: quhilk thingis war done be the craft and policie of the Quene Dowager,
quhat tyme the Duik and his freyndis war maist frack to sett fordwart hir caus.
Thir letteris resavit, and the estait of his twa soneis knawin, of whame the ane
was escaipit, and the uthir in vyle preassoun cassin,[883] the Duke desyreit
communing of the Erle of Argyle, quha, pairtlie against the will of sum that lovit
him, raid unto the Duik fra Grlasgw to Hammiltoun; quhair, abyding ane nycht,
he declairit his jugement to the Duik and to his freindis, especiallie to Maister
Gawyne Hamyltoun. The Duik requyreit him and the Lord James to write thair
freindlie and confortabill letteris to his sone, quhilk thay baith maist willinglie
did, and thairefter addressit thame to thair jornay. Bot the verray day of thair
depairting, came one Bowtencourt,[884] from the Quene Regent, with letteris, as
was allegeit, from the Kyng and Quene of France to Lord James, whilk he
delyverit with ane braggin countenance and many threatning wordis. The
tennour of his letteris was this:—
"Le Roy.
 "My Cousing, I have bein greittumlie mervellitt, having understand
the trubillis that ar happinnit in thir pairtis; and yit mair mervell that
ye, of wham I had ane haill confidence, and alsua hes this honour to
be sua neir the Quenis Grace, my wiffe, and hes resavit of umquhile
the Kyngis Grace my father, hir Grace, and me, sick graceis and
favouris, that ye sould be sa forgetfull as to mak youre self the heid,
and ane of the principall begynnaris and nureischaris of the tumultis
and seditiounis thar ar sene thair. The quhilk, becaus it is sa strange
as it is, and syne against the professioun that ye at all tymeis have
maid, I can not gudlie beleif it; and gif it be sa, I can not think bot ye
have bene entyseit and led thairto be sum personis that haif seduceit
and caussit yow commit sic ane falt, as I am assureit ye repent of
alreddy, quhilk will be ane greit emplesour[885] to me, to the effect I
mycht lose ane pairt of the occasioun I have to be miscontent with
yow, as I will yow to understand I am, seing sua far ye have dissavit
the esperance I had of yow, and your effectioun towart God, and the
weill of our service, unto the quhilk ye knaw ye ar als mekill and
mair obleist nor ony uther of the Lordis thair. For this cause,
desyrand that the materis mycht be dutelie[886] amendit, and
knawand quhat ye may heirintill, I thocht gude on this maner to
write unto yow, and pray yow to tak heid to returne to the guid way,
from quhilk ye ar declyneit, and caus me knaw the samin be the
effectis that ye have ane uther attentioun nor this quhilk thir folies
bipast makis me now to beleif; doing all that ever ye can to reduce
all thyngis to thair first estait, and put the samin to the rycht and gud
obedience that ye knaw to be dew unto God and unto me:
Utherwayis, ye may be weill assureit, that I will put
to my hand, and that in gud eirnest, that ye and all BRAGGIS
[887]
thay have done, and dois as ye, sall[888] feill, (throw NOW.
thair awin falt,) that quhilk thay have deservit and meritit; evin as I
have gevin charge to this Gentilman, present beirar, to mak yow
knaw mair largelie of my pairt; for quhilk caus, I pray yow creddeit
him, evin as ye wald do my selff. Prayand God, my Cousing, to haif
yow in his holy and worthy protectioun.
"Writtin at Pareis, the xvij day of July 1559."
The samyn messinger brocht alssua letteris frome the Quene our Soverane, mair
scharp and threatning than the former; for hir conclusioun was, "Vous senteras la
poincture a jamais."[889]
This creddeit was, "That the Kyng wald spend the Croun of France, or that he
war not revengeit upoun sick seditious personis. That he wald never have
suspectit sick inobedience and sick defectioun frome his awin sister in him." To
the quhilk the said Lord James ansuerit, first by word, and than by writting, as
followis:—
"SCHIR,
"My dewtie rememberit. Your Majestieis letter I resavit frome
Pareis, the xvij of Julij last, proporting in effect, that your Majestie
sould mervell that I, being forgetfull of the graceis and favouris
schawing me be the King, of blissitt memorie, your Majestieis
Father, and the Quenis Grace, my Soverane, sould declair my selff
heid, and ane of the principall begynnaris of the allegeit tumultis and
seditioun in thir pairtis, desaving thairby your Majestieis
expectatioun at all tymis hard of me; with assurance, that gif I did
not declair by contrarie effectis my repentance, I, with the rest that
had put, or yitt putis handis to that wark, sould resave the rewaird
quhilk we had deservit and meritit.
"Schir, it grevis me heavelie that the cryme of ingratitude sould be
laid to my charge be your Hienes, and the rather that I persave the
same to haif proceidit of sinister informatioun, of thame quhais pairt
it was not sua to have reportit, gif trew service bigane had bene
regairdit. And as tuiching the repentance, and declaratioun of the
same be contrar effectis,[890] that your Majestic desyris I schaw, my
conscience perswaidis me in thir proceidingis to have done na thing
aganeis God, nor the debtfull[891] obedience towartis your Hienes
and the Queneis Grace my Soverane, utherwayis it sould have bene
to repent, and als amendit allreddy, according to your Majestieis
expectatioun of me. Bot your Hienes being treulie informeit, and
perswaidit that the thyng quhilk we have done makis for the
advancement of Godis glorie, (as it dois in deid,) without ony maner
derogatioun to your Majesteis dew obedience, we dowt not bot your
Majestie sall be weill contentit with our proceidingis, quhilk being
groundit upoun the commandiment of the eternall God, we dar
[nocht] leif the samyn unaccompleischeit; onelie wisching and
desyreing your Majestie did knaw the same, and treuth thairof, as it
 is perswaidit to our conscience, and all thame that ar treulie instructit
in the eternall word of our God, upoun quham we cast our cair for all
daingearis that may follow the accompleisment of his eternall will;
and to quham we commend your Hienes, beseiking him to illuminat
your hart with the evangell of his eternall trewth, to knaw your
Majestieis dewtie towartis[892] your pure subjectis, Godis chosin
pepill, and quhat ye aucht to craif justlie of thame agane; for than we
sould haif na occatioun to feir your Majestieis wraith and
indignatioun, nor your Hienes suspitioun in our inobedience. The
samyn God mot[893] have youre Majestie in his eternall saifgard.
"At Dumbartane, the 12 of August 1559."
This answer, directit to the Quene our Soverane, and to Francis hir husband, the
Quene Dowager resavit, and was bold upoun it, as sche mycht weill yneuch; for
it was suppoisit that the former letteris war forgeit heir at hame in Scotland. The
answer red by hir, sche said, "That sua proud ane answer was never gevin to
King, Prince, or Princess." And yitt indifferent men thocht that he mycht have
answerit mair schairplie, and not have transgressit modestie nor treuth. For
quhair thay burding him with the greit benefitis quhilk of thame he had resavit,
gif in plane wordis he had purgeit him self, effirming, that the greitest benefit
that ever he receavit of thame was to spend in thair service, that quhilk God be
utheris had providit for him, na honest man wald have accusit him, and na man
wald have bene abill to have convickit him of ane lye. Bot Princeis must be
pardonit to speik quhat thay pleise.
For confort of the brethren, and contynewance of the Kyrk in
Edinburgh, was left thair our deir brother Johnne Willock, THE
quha, for his faithfull laubouris and bald curage in that battell, RESIDENCE
JOHNNE
OF

deserves immortall prayse. For quhan it was fund dangerous WILLOCK IN

that Johnne Knox, quha befoir was electit Minister[894] to that EDINBURGH.
Kyrk, sould contynew thair, the brethren requeistit the said Johnne Willock to
abyde with thame, least that, for laik of ministeris, idolatrie sould be erectit up
agane. To the quhilk he sua glaidlie consentit, that it mycht evidentlie appeir, that
he preferrit the confort of his brethren, and the contynewance of the Kirk thair, to
his awin lyiff. One pairt of the Frensche men war appointtit to ly in garnesoun at
Leith, (that was the first benefit thai gat for thair confideracie with thame,) the
uthir pairt war appointit to ly in the Cannogait; the Quene and hir tryne abydeing
in the Abbay. Oure brother Johnne Willock, the day efter our departure, prechit
in Sanct Geillis Kirk, and ferventlie exhortit the brethren to stand constant in the
trewth quhilk thay had professit. At this and sum uther sermondis was the Duke,
and diverse utheris of the Queneis factioun. This libertie and preching, with
resort of all pepill thairto, did hielie offend the Quene and the uther Papistis. And
first thay began to gif terrouris to the Duke; affirmyng, that he wald he repute as
ane of the Congregatioun, gif he gaif his presence to the sermondis. Thairefter
thay begould[895] to requyre that Messe sould be sett up agane in Sanct Geillis
kirk, and that the pepill sould be sett at libertie to chuse what religioun thay
wald; for that, say thay, was contenit in the Appointmentt, that the town of
Edinburgh sould cheis quhat religioun thay list. For obtening heirof, was send to
the Tolbuith,[896] the Duke, the Erle of Huntlie, and the Lord Seytoun, to solist
all men to condiscend to the Quenis mynd; quhairin the twa last did laubour that
thay could, the Duik not sa, bot as ane behalder, of quham the brethren had guid
esperance. And efter many perswationis and threatningis maid be the saidis Erle
and Lord, the brethren, stoutlie and valiantlie in the Lord Jesus, ganesaid thair
maist injust petitionis, reasonyng, "That as of conscience thay mycht nocht suffr
idolatrie to be credit quhair Christ Jesus was treulie precheit, sua could nocht the
Quene nor thay requyre any sick thyng, unless sche and thay wald plainlie violat
thair faith and cheif article of the Appointment; for it is planelie appointit, That
na member of the Congregatioun sall be molestit in any thing that, the day of the
Appointment, be peaceabillie possessit. Bot sua it was that we, the Brethren and
Protestantis of the toun of Edinburgh, with oure ministeris, the day of the
Appointment, did peaceabillie possess Sanct Geilis Kirk,[897] appointit for us for
preching of Christis trew Evangell, and rycht ministratioun of his holy
Sacramentis. Thairfoir, without manifest violatioun of the Appointment, ye can
not remove us thairfra, quhill ane Parliament have decydit the contraversie."
This answer gevin, the haill brethren depairtit, and left the
foirsaid Erle, and Lord Seytoun the Provest of Edinburgh, still THE QUENE
in the Tolbuyth; quha persaving that thay could not prevaill in REGENTIS
MALICE
that maner, bot began to entreat that thay wald be quyett, and AGAINST PURE
that thay wald sa far condiscend to the Quenis plesour, as that MEN.
thay wald chuse thame ane uthir Kirk[898] within the toun, or at
the least be contentit that Messe sould be said ather efter or befoir thair
sermonis. To the quhilk, ansuer was gevin, "That to gif place to the Devill, (quha
was the cheif inventar of the Messe,) for the plesour of ony creature, thay could
not. Thay war in possessioun of that Kirk, quhilk thay could not abandone;
nether could thay suffer idolatrie be erectit in the samyn, unless be violence thay
sould be constrancit sa to do; and than thay war determinit to seik the nixt
remedy." Quhilk ansuer resavit, the Erle of Huntlie did lovinglie intreat thame to
quyetnes; faithfullie promissing that in na sort thay sould be molestit, sa that
thay wald be quyett, and mak na farther uproir. To the quhilk thay war maist
willing; for thay socht onlie to serve God as he had commandit, and to keip thair
possessioun, according to the Appointment; quhilk be Goddis grace thay did till
the moneth of November, nochtwithstanding the greit bosting of the ennemy. For
thay did not onlie convene to the preching, dailie supplicatiounis, and
administratioun of Baptisme, bot alssua the Lordis Tabill was ministratt, evin in
the eyis of the verray ennemy, to the greit confort of mony afflictit conscience.
And as God did potentlie wirk with his trew Minister, and with his trubillit Kirk,
so did nocht the Devill cease to enflamb the malice of the Quene, and of the
Papistis with hir. For schort efter hir cuming to the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, sche
caussit Messe to be said, first in hir awin Chapell, and efter in the Abbay, quhair
the altaris befoir war cassin doun. Sche dischargit the Commoun Prayeris, and
foirbad to gif ony portioun to sick as war the principall young men quha redd
thame. Hir malice extendit in lik maner to Cambuskynneth;[899] for thair sche
dischargeit the portionis of als many of the Channonis as had forsaikin Papistrie.
Sche gaif command and inhibitioun, that the Abbot of Lundoris[900] sould be[901]
ansuerit of any pairt of his leving in the North, becaus he had submitit him self
to the Congregatioun, and had put sum reformatioun to his place. Be hir consent
and retrahibitioun[902] was the preching stuleis brokin in the Kirk of Leith, and
idolatrie was erectit in the samyn, quhair it was befoir suppressit. Hir Frensche
Capitaneis, with thair suldiouris in greit companeis, in tyme of preching and
prayeris, resortit to Sanct Geillis Kirk in Edinburgh, and maid thair commune
deambulatour thairin, with sick lowd talking, as na perfyte audience could be
had; and althocht the Minister was ofttymes thairthrow compellit to cry out on
thame, praying to God to red thame of sick locustis; thay nevirtheless continewit
still in thair wickit purpoise, devisit and ordaneit be the Quene, to have drawin
our brethren of Edinburgh and thame in cummer; swa that sche mycht have had
ony cullorat occatioun to have brokin the liegue with thame. Yitt, be Goddis
grace, thay behaveit thame selfis swa, that sche could fynd na falt with thame;
albeit in all thir thingis befoir nameit, and in every ane of thame, sche is
worthelie comptit to have contravenit the sayd Appointment. We pass over the
oppressing done of oure brethren in particular, quhilk had bene sufficient to have
provin the Appointment to have bene playne violatit; for the Lord Seytoun,
without ony occasioun offerrit unto him, brak a chaise upoun Alexander
Quhitelaw,[903] as he came frome Prestoun, accumpaneit with Williame Knox,
[904] towartis Edinburgh, and ceassit not to persew him till he came to the toun of
Ormestoun: And this he did, supposing that the said Alexander Quhitelaw had
bene Johnne Knox. In all this menetyme, and quhill that ma Frensche men
arryvit, thay ar not abill to pruif that we brak the Appointment in any jote, except
that ane hoirnit capp was taikin of ane proud preistis heid, and cut in four
quarteris,[905] becaus he said he wald weir[906] it in dispyte of the Congregatioun.
In this menetyme, the Quene, then Regent, knawin assuredlie quhat force was
schortlie to cum unto hir, ceassit not, by all meneis possibill, to cloik the
incuming of the Frensche, and to enflamb the hartis of oure cuntrey men aganis
us. And for that purpoise, sche first wrait to my Lord Duike, in forme as
followis:—
"My Lord and Cousing,
"Efter hartlie commendatioun; We ar informit that the Lordis of the
Westland Congregatioun intendis to mak ane
conventioun and assembillie of thair kyn and THE QUENE
freyndis upoun Govane Mure, besyde Glasgw, on REGENTIS FALSE
Monnunday cum viij dayis, the [21st] day [908] of FLATTERING
August instant, for sum hie purpoise aganeis us, LETTER THE DUKE.
TO

quhilk we can nott skantlie beleve,[909] considdering [907]

thay have na occasioun upoun our pairt sa to do. And
albeit ye knaw the Appointment was maid be our avise,[910] yitt we
acceptit the samin at your desyre, and hes sensyne maid na cause
quhairby thay mycht be movit to cum in the contrair thairof. Lyke as
we ar yitt myndit to keip firme and stabill all thingis promesit be
yow in our behalf. We think, on the uther pairt, it is your dewatie to
requyre tham, that thay contravene not thair pairt thairof in na wyise;
[911] and in caice thay meane ony evill towartis us, and sua will

breck thaire promeise, we beleif ye will, at the uttermost of your

power, convene with us, and compell tham to do that thing quhilk
thay aucht, gif thay will nocht. Praying yow to have your selff, your
kin and freyndis, in reddynes to cum to us, as ye sall be adverteist be
proclamatioun, in caise the Congregatioun assembill tham selffis for
any purpoise aganeis us, or the tennour of the said Appointment:
assureand yow, without thay gadder, and mak first occasioun, we
sall nott put yow to any paneis in that behalf; and that ye adverteis
us in writt, quhat we may lippin to heirin with this beirar, quha will
schaw yow the fervent mynd we beir to have concord with the said
 Congregatioun, quhat offeris we haif maid to thame, and how
desyrous we ar to draw thame to the obedience of our Soveranis
authoritie, to quham ye sall gif creddeit; and God keip yow.
"At Edinburgh, the tent day of August 1559."
The lyke letter sche wrait to everie Lord, Barroun, and Gentilman, of this
tennour:—
"TREST FREYND,
"Efter hartlie commendatioun; We dowt nott bot ye have hard of the
Appointment maid besyde Leith, betuix my Lord
Duik, the Erle of Huntlie, and Monsieur Dosell, on THE
the ane pairt, and the Lordis of the Congregatioun, REGENTIS
LETTER TO
on the uther syde; quhilk Appointment we have THE
approvit in all poyntis, albeit it was taikin by our BARRONIS.
avise; and is myndit to observe and keip all the
contentis thairof for our pairt. Nochtheless, we ar informeit, the
saidis Lordis of the Congregatioun intendis schortlie to convene all
sick personeis as will assist to thame, for interprysing of sum heycht
purpoise aganis us, our authoratie, and tennour of the said
Appointment, quhilk we can not beleif, seing thay nather haif, nor
sall have, ony occasioun gevin thairto on our pairt, and yit thinkis
not reassonabill, in caise thay meane ony sick thing: and thairfoir
have thocht it guid to gif wairning to oure speciall freyndis of the
adverteisment we have gottin, and amangis the rest, to yow, quham
we esteme of that nomber. Praying yow to have your self, youre kin,
and folkis in reddynes to cum to us."—And sua furth, as in the uthir
letter above sent to the Duike, word efter word.
Efter that by thir letteris, and by the dissaitfull furnissing of hyr
solistaris, sche had sumquhat steirit up the hairtis of the pepill THE PRACTISE
against us, than sche began oppinlie to complayne, "That we OF
QUENE
REGENT.
war of mynd to invaid hir persone; that we wald keip na pairt
of the Appointment; and thairfoir sche was compellit to crave the assistance of
all men against our injust persute." And this practise sche usit, as befoir is said,
to abuse the simplicitie of the pepill, that thay sould not suddanlie espy for quhat
purpois sche brocht in hir new bandis of men of weir, quha did arryve about the
middis of August to the nomber of ane thousand men. The rest war appointit to
cum efter, with Monsieur de la Broche,[912] and with the Bischop of Amiance,
[913] quha arryvit the nynetene day of September following, as gif thay had bene
Ambassadouris: bot quhat was thair negotiatioun, the effect did
declair, and thay thame selffis could not long conceill; for baith THE
be tung and pen thay utterit, "That thay war send for the utter ARRYVELL
THE
OF

exterminatioun of all thame that wald not professe the FRENSCHE.[914]

Papisticall religioun in all pointis." The Quenis practise nor
craft could not blynd the eyeis of all men; nether yitt could hir subtiltie hyde hir
awin schame, bot that many did espy hir desait: and sum spairit not to speik thair
jugement liberallie; quha foirseing the dainger gaif adverteisment, requyring that
provisioun mycht be fund, befoir that the evill sould exceid our wisdome and
strenth to put remedy to the same; for prudent men foirsaw, that sche prctendit
ane plane conqueist. Bot to the end, that the pepill sould not suddanlie stur, sche
wald nocht bring in hir full force at aneis, (as befoir is said,) bot by continewall
traffique purposit to augment hir army, so that in the end we sould not be abill to
resist. Bot the greitest pairt of the Nobilitie, and many of the pepill, war so
enchantit by hir treassonabill solistaris, that thay could not heir, nor creddeit the
treuth planelie spokin. The Frensche than, efter the arryvell of thair new men,
began to brag: than began thay to devyde the landis and
lordschippis according to thair awin fantaseis; for ane was THE
DEVISIOUN OF
styleit Monsieur de Ergyle; ane uther, Monsieur le Priour; the THE LORDIS
thrid, Monsieur de Ruthven; yea, thay war assureit, in thair LANDIS BY
awin opinioun, to possesse quhatsoever thay list, that sum askit THE
FRENSCHE
the rentallis and revenewis of dyverse mennis landis, to the end
that [thay] mycht chuse the best. And yitt in this menetyme, sche eschame nott to
sett out ane Proclamatioun, in this forme:—
"Forsamekle as we understand that certane seditious personis hes
inventit and blawin abrod dyvers rumouris and evill
brutis, tending thairby to steir up the hartis of the ANE
pepill, and swa to stope all reconciliatiounis betuix PROCLAMATIOUN
SETT OUT
us and our subjectis, being of the nomber of the BE THE
Congregatioun, and consequentlie to kyndill and QUENE
REGENT, TO
nureise continewall stryfe and devisioun in this BLIND THE
realme, to the manifest subvertioun of the haill VULGAR
Estaitis thairof; and amangis uther purpoisses, hes PEPILL.[915]]
maliciouslie devisit for that effect, and hes
perswaidit too many, that we haif violatit the Appointment laitlie
tane, in sa far as ony ma Frensche men sensyne ar cumit in: and that
we ar myndit to draw in greit forceis of men of weir furth of France,
to suppres the libertie of this realme, oppres the inhabitantis thairof,
and mak up straingaris with thair landis and goodis: Quhilk reportis
ar all (God knawis) maist vayne, fenzeit, and untrew. For it is of
treuth, that nathing hes bene done on oure pairt sen the said
Appointment, quhairby it may be allegeit, that ony point thairof hes
bene contravenit: nor yitt was at that tyme any thing communit or
concludit to stope the sending in of Frensche men; as may cleirlie
appeir be inspectioun of the said Appointment, quhilk the beirar
heirof hes presentlie to schaw. Quhat[evir] nomber
of men of weir be arryveit, we [have] sick regaird to LETT THE
our honour, and quyetnes of this realme, that in caise BISCHOP
AMIANCE
OF

in the rowme of everie ane Frensche man that is in AND

Scotland thair war ane hundreth at our command, MONSIEUR
DE LA
yitt sould not for that any joyt that is promesit be BROCHE
brokin, or any alteratioun be maid be oure LETTERIS
provocatioun; bot the said Appointment[917] treulie WRITTIN
FRANCE,
TO

and surelie observit in everie point, gif the said WITNESS

Congregatioun will in lyk maner faithfullie keip thair THAT.[916]
pairt thairof. Nor yitt meane we to truble any man in
the peaceabill possessioun of thair guidis and rowmes, nor yitt to
enreache[918] the Crowne, and far less any strangear, with your
substance; for our derrest sone and dochter, the King and Quene, ar
by Godis provisioun placeit in the rowme, quhair all men of
jugement may weill considder thay have na neid of any manis
guidis. And for our self, we seik na thing bot debtfull obedience unto
thame, sick as guid subjectis aucht to gif to thair Soveraneis, without
deminutioun of your liberteis and priveleigeis, or alteratioun of your
lawis.[919] Thairfoir, we thocht guid to notifie unto yow our guid
mynd foirsaid, and desyreis yow not to gif eir nor creddeitt to sic
vayne imaginationis, quhairof, befoir God, no pairte ever enterit in
our consait; nor suffer your selfis be thairby led frome youre dew
obedience; assureing yow, ye sall ever fynd with us trewth in
promeisses, and ane moderlie luif towartis all; yow behaifand your
selffis our[920] obedient subjectis. Bot of one thing
we gif yow wairning, that quhairas sum Prechearis FEW DAYIS
EFTER
of the Congregatioun, in thair publict sermonis, DECLAIRIT
speikis irreverentlie and sklanderouslie, alsweill of THE
TREUTH OF
 Princeis in generall, as of our self in particulare, and THIS
of the obedience to the hiear poweris; induceing the
pepill, be that pairt of thair doctrine, to defectioun frome thair
dewatie, quhilk pertenis na thing to religioun, bot rather to seditioun
and tumult, thingis direct contrar to religioun: thairfoir we desyre
yow to tak ordour in youre toun and boundis, that quhan the
Prechearis repairis thair, thay use thame selfis mair
modestlie in thay behalfis, and in thair precheing not JESABELL
to mell sa mekle with civill policie and publict WALD HONOURIT,
BE

governance, nor yit name us, or uther Princeis, bot BOT HELIAS
with honour and reverence, utherwayis it will nocht WALD NOTT
be sufferrit. Attour,[921] sen ye haif presentlie the
declaratioun of our intentioun, we desire to knaw lykwayis quhat sall
be your pairt to us, that we may understand quhat to lippin for at
your handis; quhairof we desire ane playne declaratioun in writt,
with this beirar, without excuise or delay.
"At Edinburgh, the twentie aucht of August 1559."
This proclamatioun sche send be hir messingeris throwch all the cuntrey, and had
hir solistaris in all pairtis, quha paynefullie travellit to bring men to hir opinioun;
amangis quham thir war the principallis, Sir Johnne Bellenden, Justice Clerk;
Maister James Balfour, Officiall of Lowthiane, Maister Thomas and Maister
Williame Scottis, sonnis to the Laird of Balwerie,[922] Sir Robert Carnegy, and
Maister Gawane Hammiltoun; quha for faynting of the bretheris hairtis, and
drawing many to the Queneis factioun against thair natyve cuntrey, have declairit
thame selfis ennemeis to God, and traytouris to thair commune wealth. Bot
abuiff all utheris Maister James Balfour, Officiall for the tyme, aucht to be
abhoirrit; for he, of ane auld professoure, is becum ane new denyare of Christ
Jesus, and manifest blasphemar of his eternall veritie, aganis his knawlege and
conscience; seiking to betray his brethren and natyve cuntrey in the handis of
ane crewell and unfaithfull natioun.
The answer to this former proclamatioun was maid in forme as followis:—
"TO THE NOBILITIE, BURGHIS, AND COMMUNITIE OF THIS REALME OF
SCOTLAND, THE LORDIS, BARONIS, AND UTHERIS, BRETHERIN OF THE
CHRISTIANE CONGREGATIOUN, WISCHIS ENCREASE OF WISDOME, WITH THE
ADVANCEMENT OF THE GLORIE OF GOD, AND OF THE COMMUNWEALTH, &c.
&c.
"The love of oure natyve cuntrey craifis, the defence of oure
honouris requyreis, and the synceritie of oure conscienceis compellis
us, (derrest Brethren,) to answer sum pairt to the last writtingis and
proclamatiounis sett furth be the Queneis Grace Regent, no less to
mak us and oure caus odiouse, than to abuse your simplicitie to
youre finall destructioun, conspyreit of auld, and now alreaddy put
to wark. And first, quhair sche allegeis certane seditious personeis
have of malice inventit and blawin abrod diverse rumouris, [tending]
thairby (as sche allegeis) to steir up the hartis of the pepill to
seditioun, be reassone that the Frensche men ar croppin in of lait in
our cuntrey; trew it is, (deir Brethren,) that all sick as beir naturall
lufe to thair cuntrey, to yow, thair brethren, inhabitantis thairof, to
our housses, wyffis, bairneis, the esperance of your posteratie, and
schortlie to your commun-wealth, and the ancient lawis and
libertieis thairof, can not bot in hart lament, with mowth and teiris
complayne, the maist craftie assaultis devisit and practisit, to the
utter rewyne of all thir thyngis foirnameit; and that sua manifestlie is
gane to wark, that evin in our eyeis oure derrest brethren, trew
memberis of oure commun-welth, ar maist crewellie oppressit by
strangearis; in sa far that sum ar baneissit thair awin housses, sum
robbit and spuilzeit of thair substance, conqueist by thair just
laubouris in the sweit of thair browis; sum crewellie murtherit at the
pleasour of thir inhumane souldiouris; and altogidder have thair
lyvis in sick feir and dreddour, as gif the ennemy war in the myddis
of thame; so that nathing can seme plesand unto thame, quhilk thay
possess in the bowellis of thair natyve cuntrey; sa neir jugeis everie
man, (and not but just caus,) the practise usit upoun thair brethren to
approche nixt unto thame thair selffis, wyffeis, bairneis, housses,
and substanceis, quhilk altogidder ar cassin at the feit of straingearis,
men of weir, to be by thame thus abusit att thair unbrydillit lustis
desyre. Now, if it be seditioun, (deir Brethren,) to complane, lament,
and pour furth befoir God the sorrowis [and] sobbis of oure
dolorouse hartis, crying to him for redress of thir enormyteis, (quhilk
ellis quhair is not to be found;) and thir altogidder dois [proceid] of
the unlauchfull halding of strange suldiouris over the heidis of oure
brethren; gif this to complayne be sedition, then indeid, (deir
Brethren,) can nane of us be purgeit of that cryme; for as in verray
hart we dampne sick inhumayne creweltie, with the wickit and
craftie pretence thairof, sua can we, nor dar we nott, neather be
mouthis speiking, nor yitt by keiping of silence, justifie the same.
Neather do we heir aggrege the breking of the Appointmentt maid at
Leith, (quhilk alwayis hes manifestlie bene done;) bot quhan we
remember quhat aith we have maid to our commun-welth, and how
the dewatie we aucht to the same compellis us to cry outt, that hir
Grace, be wickit and ungodlie counsall, gais maist craftelie about
utterlie to oppress the same, and ancient lawis and libertieis thairof,
alsweill aganeis the King of Francis promeise, hir awin dewatie, in
respect of the heich promotionis that sche resavit thairby, quhilk
justlie sould have caussit hir to have bene indeid that quhilk sche
wald be callit, (and is nathing less in veritie,) to wit, ane cairfull
mother ovir this commun-wealth; bot quhat motherlie cair sche hes
usit towardis yow, ye can not be ignorant. Haif ye
nocht bene, evin frome the first entres of hir regne, LETT THE
ever smytit and oppressit with unaccustomit and NOBILITIEJUGE
exhorbitant taxatiounis, [more] than ever war usit HEIROF
within this realme? Yea, and how far was it socht
heir to have bene brocht in upoun yow and your posteritie, under
cullour to have bene laid up in stoir for the weiris? The inquisitioun
tane of all your guidis, movable and immovabill, be way of
testament; the seiking of the haill coill and saltt of this realme, to
have bene laid up in stoir and gernall, and sche allane to have bene
merchant thairof, dois teache yow be experience sum of her
motherlie cair.
"Agane, Quhat cair ower your commun-wealth dois hir Grace
instantlie beir, quhan evin now presentlie, and of ane lang tyme
bygane, be the ministerie of sum, (quha better deserve the gallowis,
than ever did Cochrane,[923]) sche dois sua corrupt the layit[924]
money, and lies brocht it in sick basenes, and sic quantatie of scruiff,
that all men that hes thair eyis oppin may persaif ane extreme
beggarie to be brocht thairthrow upoun the haill realme, swa that the
haill exchange and traffique to be had with forane natiounis, (ane
thing maist necessarie in all commun-wealthis,) sall thairby be
utterlie extinguissitt; and all the ganeis resavit thairby is, that sche
thairwith intertenis strangearis upoun oure heidis. For, Brethren, ye
knaw that hir money hes servit for na uther purpoise in our commun-
wealth this lang tyme bigane; and the impunitie of thir wickit
ministeris, (quhame laitlie we spak of,) hes brocht the mater to sick
ane licentious enormitie, and plane contempt of the commun-wealth,
that now thay spair not planelie to brek doun and convert the guid
and stark money, cunzeit in our Soveraneis less age, into this thair
corruptit skruiff and baggage of Hard-heidis and Non Suntis,[925]
maist lyik that sche and thay had conspyreit to destroy all the haill
gud cunzey of this realme, and consequentlie that
pairt of the commun-wealth. Besydeis all this, thair LETT SIR
[927] ROBERT
clyppit and rowngeit soussis, quhilk had no RICHARTSOUN,
passage thir three yeiris past in the realme of France, AND
ar commandit to have course in this realme, to UTHERIS, [926]
gratifie thairby hir new cumit suldiouris. And all thir ANSWER TO
thingis togidder, ar done without the avise or consent THIS
of the Nobilitie and Counsall of this realme, and
manifestlie thairthrow, against our ancient lawis and liberteis.
"Thridlie, Hir last and maist wechty proceiding, mair fullie declairis
hir motherlie cair hir Grace beiris to our commun-wealth and us,
quhan in tyme of peace, but any occatioun of forane weiris,
thowsandis of strangearis ar layd heir and thair upoun the neckis of
our pure memberis of this commun-wealth; thair idill bellyis fed
upoun the pure substance of the communitie, conqueist by thair just
laubouris in the panefull sueit of thair browis. Quhilk to be trew,
Dumbar, North-Berwick, Tranent, Prestounpanis, Mussilburgh,
Leith, Cannogait, Kingorne, Kirkcaldy, Dysert, with the depauperat
saullis that this day dwell thairin, can testifie; quhais oppressioun, as
doutless it is enterit in befoir the justice sait of God, sa aucht it
justlie to move oure hartis to have reuth and compassioun upoun thir
oure pure brethren, and at oure poweris to provide remedy for the
same. And albeit hir strangearis had bene garneissit with money, (as
ye knaw weill thay war nott,) yitt can thair heir lying be na wayis bot
maist hurtfull to our commun-wealth, seing that the fertilitie of this
realme hes never bene sa plenteouse, that it was abill of any
continewance to sustene the self, and inhabitantis thairof, without
support of forane cuntreis; far less abill, besydeis the same, to
susteane thowsandis of strangeris quhairwith it is burdenit, to the
derthing of all viweris,[928] as the murmour and complaint of
Edinburgh this day dois testifie. Bot to quhat effect the commun-
wealth is this way burdenit, the end dois declair; for schortlie war
thair brocht to the feyldis against our Soveraneis trew liegeis, even
us youre Brethren, quha, (God knawis,) socht not ellis bot peace of
conscience, under protectioun of oure Soverane, and reformatioune
of thir enormiteis, for na uther caus bot that we wald nott renunce
the Evangell of Jesus Chryst, and subdew oure neckis under the
tyranie of that man of syn, the Romane Antichrist, and his
foirsworne schavillingis, quha at all tymeis moist tyrannicalie
oppressit oure saullis with hunger of Goddis trew word, and reft
oure guidis and substanceis, to waist the same upoun thair foull
lustis and stynking harlottis.
"Bot, (O deir Brethren,) this was nocht the cheif pretence and finall
scope of hir proceidingis, (as thir dayis do weill declair;) for had not
God gevin in oure hartis to withstand that oppressioun with
weaponis of maist just defence, thow, O Sanct Johnestoun and
Dundie, had bene in na better estait nor youre sister of Leyth is this
day. For thocht we in verray deid (God is witnes) menit then na
thing bot, in the simplicitie of oure hartis, the mentenance of trew
religioun, and saiftie of oure brethren professouris of the same, yit
lay thair ane uther serpent lurking in the breist of our adversareis, as
this day, (prayse to God,) is planelie oppinnit to all that list behald,
to witt, to bring yow and us baith under the perpetuall servitude of
strangearis; for we being appointit, as ye knaw, tuiching religioun to
be reassonit in the Counsall at the day affixt, and na occatioun maid
to brek the same on our syde, (as is weill knawin,) yitt come thair
furth writtingis and complayntis, that this day and that day we war
prepairit to invaid hir Graceis persone, (quhan in verray treuth thair
was never sic thing thocht, as the verray deid hes declairit;) bot
becaus sche was befoir deliberatt to bryng in Frensche men to bayth
oure destructionis, that ye sould nott stur thairwith, sche maid yow
to understand, that thay bandis came onlie for the saiftie of hir awin
persone. O craft, Brethren! O subtiltie! Bot behald the end. Thay ar
cum, (yitt not sa mony, na, not the saxt pairt that
sche desyreit and lukit for,) and how?[929] Not onlie THE CAUS
OF THE
with weaponis to defend hir Graceis persone, bot FRENCHE
with wyffis and bairneis, to plant in youre natyve MENIS
rowmeis,[930] as thay have alreddy begun in the toun CUMINGWITH
of Leith, the principall port and stapill of all this WYFFIS AND
realme, the gernall and furnitour of the Counsall and BAIRNEIS
Sait of Justice: and heir will thay duell, quhill thay
may rainforce thame with greitar nomber of thair fallow suldiouris,
to subdew than the rest, gif God withstand not. And yitt hir Grace
feirit nor eschamit not to write, 'Gif thay war ane hundreth Frensche
men for everie ane of thame that is in Scotland, yitt thay sould
harme na man.' Tell thow now, Leith! gif that be trew: gif this be not
ane crafty entrie to ane manifest conqueist, foirthocht of auld, juge
yow, deir Brethren! Thus to forte our tounis, and evin the principall
port of our realme, and to lay sa strang garnisouns[931] of straingearis
thairin, without any consent of the Nobilitie and Counsall of this
realme, bot expres aganeis thair mynd, (as our writtingis send to hir
Grace beiris record,) gif this be not to oppres the ancient lawis and
libertieis of oure realme, lett all wise men say to it.[932] And farther,
to tak the barne-yairdis new gatherrit, the gernallis replenischeit, the
houssis garnissit, and to sitt doun thairin, and be force to putt the just
possessouris and ancient inhabitantis thairfra, with thair wyffis,
bairneis, and servandis, to schyft [for] thame selfis in begging, gif
thair be na uthir meaneis, thay being trew Scottis men, memberis of
our commun-wealth, and our deir brethren and sisteris, borne,
fosterit, and brocht up in the bowellis of oure commune and natyve
cuntrey: gif this be not the manifest declaratioun of thair auld
pretence and mynd to the haill Scottis natioun, lett your awin
conscience, (Brethren,) be juge heirin. Was all Leith of the
Congregatioun? Na, I think nott; yitt war all alyk servit.
"Let this motherlie cair than be tryit be the fruttis thairof: First, Be
the greit and exhorbitant taxatiounis usit upoun yow, and yitt ten
tymeis greittar preissit at, as ye knaw. Secundlie, The utter
depravatioun of our counzie, to conqueiss tharby money to
interteyne strangearis, Frensche suldiouris, upoun yow, to mak
thame strong haldis, leist ye sould sumtyme expell thame out of your
natyve rowmeis.[933] Thridlie, Be the daylie rainforceing of the said
Frensche souldiouris, in strenth and nomber, with wyffis and
bairneis, planting in your brethrenis houssis and possessiouns.
Indeid, hir Grace is, and lies bene at all tymes cairfull to procure be
hir craft of fair wordis, fair promeissis, and sumtyme buddis, to
allure your simplicitie to that poynt, to joyne your self to hir
suldiouris, to dantoun and oppres us, that ye the remanent, (we being
cut of,) may be ane easie pray to hir slychtis, quhilk God, of infinite
gudnes, lies now discoveritt to the eyeis of all that list to behald. Bot
credeit the warkis, (deir Brethren,) gif ye will not creddeit us; and
lay the exampill of forane natiouns, yea, of your awin brethren,
befoir your eyis and procure not your awin rewyne willinglie. Yff ye
tender trew religioun, ye see how hir Grace beiris hir[self] plane
ennemy thairto, and mentenis the tyrannie of thair idill bellies, the
Bischopis, aganeis Godis Kirk. Giff religioun be nott perswaidit unto
yow, yit cast ye not away the cair ye aucht to have ower your
commun-welth, quhilk ye see manifestlie and violentlie rewyneit
befoir your eyis. Gif this will nott move yow, remember your deir
wyffis, children, and posteratie, your ancient heretageis and houssis;
and think weill thir strangearis will regaird na mair your rycht
thairunto, than thay have done your brethrenis of Leyth, quhan ever
occatioun sall serve. Bot gif ye purpoise, as we dout not bot that all
thay that ather haif wit or manheid will declair and prove indeid, to
bruik your ancient rowmeis and heretageis, conquerit maist
valiantlie, and defendit be your maist nobill progenitouris against all
strangearis, invaidaris or the same, as the Frenscheis pretendis
planelie this day; gif ye will not he slavis unto thame, and to have
your liffis, your wiffis, your bairnes, your substance, and
quhatsoever is deir unto yow, cassin at thair feitt, to be usit and
abusit at the plesour of strange suldiouris, as ye see your brethrenis
at this day befoir your eyeis; gif ye will not have experience sum day
heirof in your awin personeis, (as we suppone the least of yow wald
not glaidlie have, bot rather wald chuse with honour to die in
defence of his awin natyve rowme, than leif and serve sa schamefull
ane servitud;) than, Brethren, let us joyne our forceis, and baith with
witt and manheid resist thir begynningis, or ellis our libertieis
heirefter sall be deirar bocht. Lett us surelie[934] be
perswaidit, 'Quhan our nychtbouris house be on fyre, ANE
PROVERB
that we duell nott without daingear.'[935] Lett na man
withdraw himself heirfra: and gif any will be sa unhappy and
myschevous, (as we suppone nane to be,) let us altogidder reput,
hald, and use him, (as he is indeid,) for ane ennemy to us, and to him
self, and to his commun-weill. The eternall and omnipotent God, the
trew and onlie revengear of the oppressit, be oure confort and oure
protectour against the fury and raige of the tyrantis of this warld; and
 especiallie frome the insaciabill covetousnes of the Guisianeis[936]
generatioun. AMEN."
Besydis this, our publict letter, sum men answerit certane heidis of hir
proclamatioun on this maner:—
"Gyff it be seditious to speik the treuth in all sobrietie, and to
complayne quhan thay ar woundit, or to call for help against unjust
tyrannie befoir that thair throttis be cutt, than can we not deny, bot
we ar criminall and giltie of tumult and seditioun. For we have said
that our commun-wealth is oppressit, that we and our brethren ar
hurt be the tyrrannie of strangearis, and that we feir bondage and
slaverie, seing that multitudeis of cruell murtheraris ar daylie brocht
in our cuntrey, without our counsall, or knawlege and consent. We
dispuit not sa mekill quhidder the bringing in of ma Frensche men
be violating of the Appointment, (quhilk the Quene nor hir factioun
can not deny to be manifestlie brokin be thame, in ma caisses than
ane,) as that we wald knaw, gif the heipping of strangearis upoun
strangearis above us, without our counsall or consent, be ane thing
that may stand with the libertie of our realme, and with the proffitt
of our commun wealth. It is not unknawin to all men of jugement,
that the fruitis of our cuntrey, in the maist commun yeiris, be na mair
than sufficient reassonabill to nureis the borne inhabitantis of the
same. Bot now, seing that we have bene vexit with weiris, taikin
upoun us at the plesour of France, by the quhilk the maist fruttfull
portioun of our cuntrey in corneis hes bene waistit; quhatt man is sa
blynd bot that he may see, that sic bandis of ungodlie and idill
suldiouris can be na thing ellis bot ane occatioun to fameis our pure
brethren? and in this poynt we refuise nott, (quhilk is the cheif,) the
jugement of all naturall Scottis men."
The Quene Regent allegeit, "That althocht thair war ane hundreith
Frensche men for ane in Scotland, yitt sche is not myndit to trubill
any in his just possessioun." Quhairto we answer, "That we disput
not quhat sche intendis, (quhilk nochttheless, be probabill
conjectouris, is to be suspectit;) bot alwayis we affirme, that sick ane
multitude of Frensche men is ane burding, not onlie unproffitabill,
bot alssua intollerabill to this pure realme, especiallie being intreatit
as thay ar be hir and Monsieur Dosell; for gif thair waigeis be payit
out of France, than ar thay baith (the Quene, we say, and Monsieur
Dosell,) traytouris to the Kyng and Counsall; for the pure communis
of this realme have sustenit thame with the sweit of thair browis,
sence the contracting of the peace, and sumquhat befoir.
"Quhat motherlie effectioun sche hes declairit to this realme, and to
the inhabitantis of the same, hir warkis have evidentlie declairit, evin
sence the first houre that sche hes borne authoritie; and albeit men
will not this day see quhat daingear hyngis over thair heidis, yitt feir
we, that or it be long, experience sall teich sum that we feir not
without cause. The crewell murthar and oppressioun usit be thame
quham now sche fosteris, is till us ane sufficient argument, quhatt is
to be luikit for, quhan hir nomber is sa multipleit, that oure force sall
not be abill to gainestand thair tyranie.
"Quhair sche complenis of our Prechearis, affirmyng that
irreverentlie thay speik of Princeis in generall, and of hir in
particular, induceing the pepill thairby to defectioun
frome thair dewatie, &c., and thairfor that sick thing THE
DOCTRINE
can nott be sufferit: Becaus this occatioun is had OF OUR
aganis [938] Godis trew Ministeris, we can not bot PRECHARIS
witnes quhat tred and ordour of doctrine thay have CONCERNING
OBEDIENCE
keipitt and yitt keip in that poynt. In publict prayeris TO BE
thay commend to God all Princeis in generall, and GEVIN TO
the Magistrattis of this our natyve realme in MAGISTRATTIS.
[937]
particular. In oppin audience thay declair the
auctoratie of Princeis and Magistratis to be of God; and thairfoir
thay affirme, that thay aucht to be honourit, feirit, obeyit, evin for
conscience saik; providit that thay command nor requyre nathing
expreslie repugning to Godis commandiment and plane will, reveillit
in his holy worde. Mairover, thay affirme, that gif wickit personeis,
abusing the auctoratie estableischet be God, command thingis
manifestlie wickit, that sick as may and do brydill thair inordinatt
appetyteis of Princeis, can not be accusit as resistaris of the
aucthoratie, quhilk is Godis gud ordinance. To brydill the fury and
raige of Princeis in free kingdomes and realmeis, thay affirme it
appertenis to the Nobilitie, sworne and borne Counsallouris of the
same, and allsua to the Barronis and Pepill, quhais voteis and
consent ar to be requyreit in all greit and wechty materis of the
commun-welth. Quhilk gif thay do not, thay declair thame selffis
criminall with thair Princeis, and sa subject to the same vengeance
of God, quhilk thay deserve, for that thay pollute the sait of justice,
and do, as it war, mak God author of iniquytie. Thay proclame and
thay cry, that the same God quha plaigit Pharoo, repulsit Senacherib,
struik Herod with wormes, and maid the bellies of dogis the grave
and sepulchrie of despytefull Jesabell, will nott spair the crewell
Princeis, murtheraris of Chrystis memberis in this our tyme. On this
maner thay speik of Princeis in generall, and of youre Grace in
particular. This onlie we have hard ane of oure
Prechearis say, rebuiking the vane excuise of sick as LETT SICK
flatter thame selffis, be reassone of the auctoratie; AS
THIS DAY
LEIF WITNES
'Many now a dayis, (said he,) will have na uther QUHAT GOD
religioun nor faith than the Quene and the authoratie HES
 hes.'[940] Bot is it [not] posseble, that the Quene be sa WROCHT
SINCE THE
far blyndit that sche will haif na religioun, nor na WRYTTING
uther fayth, than may content to the Cardinall of AND
Lorane? and may it nott lykwyise be abill, that the PUBLICATIOUN [939]
Cardinall be sua corrupt, that he will admitt na HEIROF.
religioun quhilk dois nott establische the Paip in his kingdome: Bot
plane it is, that the Paip is lievetenent to Sathan, and ennemy to
Chryst Jesus, and to his perfyte religioun. Lett men thairfoir
considder quhat daingear thay stand in, gif thair salvatioun sall
depend upoun the Queneis faith and religioun. Farder we have never
hard any of oure Prechearis speik of the Quene Regent, nether
publictlie nor privatlie. Quhair hir Grace declairis, 'It will nocht be
sufferit that oure prechearis mell with policie, nor speik of hir nor of
uther Princeis bot with reverence,' we answer, 'That as we will
justifie and defend nathing in oure prechearis, quhilk we fynd not
God to have justifeit and allowit in his messingeris befoir thame; sua
dar we not forbid thame oppinlie to reprehend that quhilk the Spreit
of God, speiking in the Propheitis and Apostillis, hes
reprehendit befoir thame. Helias did personallie THE
reprove Achab and Jesabell of idolatrie, of avarice, PROPHETTIS
HAIF
of murther; and sicklik Esaias the Propheit callitt the MIDDILLIT
magistrattis of Jerusalem in his tymeis WITH
POLICEY,
companzeounis to thevis, princeis of Sodome, brybe- AND HIS
takeris, and murtheraris: He complenit that thair REPROVIT
silver was turnit in to dross, that thair wyne was THE
CORRUPTIOUN
myngleit with watter, and that justice was bocht and THAIROF
sauld. Jeremias said, 'That the baneis of King
Jehoiakim sould widder with the sone.' Christ Jesus callit Herod a
fox; and Paul callit the Hie Preist ane payntit wall, and prayit unto
God that he sould strike him, because that against justice he
commandit him to be smyttin. Now gif the lyk or greittar
corruptiounis be in the warld this day, quha dar interprise to put
silence to the Spreit of God, quhilk [will] not be subject[941] to the
appetyteis of wickit Princeis?"
We have befoir said, that the tent day of September was
appointit for ane Conventioun to be haldin at Striveling, to the THE CUMING
OF THE ERLE
quhilk repairit the maist pairt of the Lordis of the OF ARRANE TO
Congregatioun. At that same tyme arryvitt the Erle of Arrane, SCOTLAND,
quha, efter that he had salutit his Father, came with the Erie of AND HIS
JOYNING WITH
Ergyle and Lord James to Striviling to the said Conventioun. THE
In quhilk diverse godlie men complenit upoun the tyrranie usit CONGREGATIOUN.
against thair brethren, and especiallie that ma Frensche men [942]
wer brocht in to oppress thair cuntrey. Efter the consultatioun
of certane dayis, the principall Lordis, with my Lord of Arrane and Erie of
Ergyle, past to Hammyltoun, for consultatioun to be taikin with my Lord Duikis
Grace. And in this menetyme came assureit word that the Frensche men war
begun to fortifie Leith; quhilk thing, as it did mair evidentlie discover[943] the
Queneis craft, sua did deiplie greiff the hartis of the haill Nobilitie thair, quha,
with ane consentt, aggreit to write unto the Quene, in forme as followis:—
"At Hammyltoun, the xix[944] day of September 1559.
LETTERIS TO
"Pleise Your Grace, THE QUENE
REGENT.
"We ar credibillie informeit, that your army of Frensche
men sould instantlie begin to plant in Leith, to fortifie the same, of
mynd to expell the ancient inhabitants thairof, our brethren of the
Congregatioun; quhairof we marvell not a littill, that your Grace
sould sua manifestlie brek the Appointment maid at Leith, but ony
provocatioun maid be us and our brethren. And seing the samyn is
done without ony maner consent of the Nobilitie and Counsale of
this realme, we esteme the same nocht onlie oppressioun of our pure
brethren, indwellaris of the said town, bot allsua verray prejudiciall
to the commun-wealth, and playne contrair to oure ancient lawis and
libertieis: Heirfoir desyreis your Grace to caus the samyn warke
interprysit, be stayit; and nott to attempt sua raschlie and manifestlie
against your Graceis promeis, against the commun-wealth, the
ancient lawis and libertieis thairof, (quhilk thingis, besyde the glorie
of God, ar maist deir and tender unto us, and onlie our pretence;)
utherwayis, assuring your Grace, we will complayne to the haill
Nobilitie and Communitie of this realme, and maist eirnistlie seik for
redress thairof. And thus, recommending oure humyll service unto
youre Hienes, your Graceis answer maist eirnistlie we desire, quham
we committ to the eternall protectioun of God.
"At Hammyltoun, day and yeir forsaid. Be youre Graceis humyll and
obedient Servitouris."
(This letter was subscrivit with the handis of my Lord Duik, the Erie of Arrane,
Argyle, Glencairne, and Menteith; be the Lordis Ruthwen, Uchiltre, Boyd, and
by utheris diverse, Barronis and Gentilmen.)—To this requeist sche wald nott
answer be writt, bot with ane letter of creddeit sche send Sir Robert Carnegy[945]
and Maister David Boirthick,[946] tua, quham amangis many utheris, sche abusit,
and by quham sche corruptit the hartis of the sempill. They travellit with the
Duik, to bring him agane to the Queneis factioun. La Broche and the Bischop of
Amiance were schort befoir arryvit; and, as it was brutit, war directit as
ambassadouris; bot thay keipitt cloise thair haill commissioun: Thay onlie maid
large promeisses to thame that wald be thairis, and leif the Congregatioun. The
Quene did grevouslie complayne, that we haid intelligence with Ingland. The
conclusioun of thair commissioun was to solist my Lord Duike
to put all in the Queneis will, and than wald sche be gratious THE
PETITIOUN OF
aneuch. It was answerit, "That na honest men durst committ LABROCHE
thame selfis to the mercie of sick thrott-cuttaris[947] as sche had
about hir; quham, gif sche wald remove, and joyne to hir ane THE ANSWER
Counsall of naturall Scottismen, permitting the religioun to
have fre passage, than sould nane in Scotland be mair willing to serve hir Grace
than sould the Lordis and Brethren of the Congregatioun be."
At the same tyme, the Duik his Grace and the Lordis wrait to my Lord Erskin,
Capitane of Castell of Edinburgh, in forme as followis:
"MY LORD AND COUSING,
"Efter oure hartlie commendatioun, this present is to adverteise yow,
that we ar credibillie informeit, the army of Frensche
men instantlie in this realme, but ony avise of the LETTER TO
Counsale of Nobilitie, ar fortifieand, of ellis schortlie THE
LORD
ERSKIN.
intendis to fortifie the town of Leith, and expell the
ancient inhabitantis thairof; quhairby thay proclame to all that will
oppin thair eiris to heir, or ene to se, quhat is thair pretence. And
seing the faithfulnes of youre antecessouris, and especiallie of your
Father, of honorabill memorie, was sa recommendit and
experimentit to the Estaitis and Counsallouris of this realme,
throwch affectioun thay persawit in him towartis the commun-
wealth thairof, that thay doubtit not to gif in his keiping the key, as it
war, of the Counsall, the Justice, and Policey of this realme, the
Castellis of Edinburgh and Striveling;[948] we can not bot beleif ye
will rather augment the honorabill favoure of your housse, be
steidfast favour and lawtie to your commun-wealth, than throuch the
subtell persuatioun of sum, (quhilk cair not quhat efter sail cum of
yow and your house,) at the present wald abuse yow, to the
performance of thair wickit interprysis and pretensis against oure
commun-wealth, utterlie to destroy the same. And heirfoir, seing that
we haif writtin to the Queneis Grace, to desist fra that interpryse,
utherwise that we will complane to the Nobilitie and Communitie of
the realme, and seik redress thairof. We lykwise beseik yow, as our
tender freynd, brother, and member of the same commun-wealth
with us, that ye on na wayis mell or assent to that ungodlie
interpryise aganeis the commun-wealth; and lykwyise, that ye wald
saif your body, and the jewell of this countrey commitit to yow and
your predicessouris lawtie and fidelitie toward youre natyve
countrey and commun-wealth, gif ye think to be repute heirefter ane
of the samyn, and wald rather be brother to us, nor to strangers; for
we do gather by the effectis, the secreitis of menis hartis, utherwayis
inserceabill unto us. This we write, nott that we ar in dout of yow,
bot rather to wairne yow of the daingear, in caise ye thoill your self
to be enchantit with fair promeissis and craftie counsalouris. For lett
na man flatter him selff: We desyre all man [to] knaw, that thocht he
war our father, (sen God hes oppinnit oure eyes to se his will,) be he
ennemy to the commun-wealth, quhilk now is assailzeit, and we
with it, and all trew memberis thairof, he sall be knawin (and as he is
in deid) ennemy to us, to oure lyvis, housses, babis, heretageis, and
quhat sumevir is contenit within the same. For as the schip
perischeing, quhat can be saif that is within?[949] Sua the commun-
wealth being betrayit, quhat particular member can leif in quyetnes?
And thairfoir in sa far as the saidis Castellis ar commitit to your
credeitt, we desyre yow to schaw youre faithfulnes and stoutnes, as
ye tender us, and quhatsumevir appertenis to us. And seing we ar
assureit ye will be assailzeit bayth with craft and force, as now be
wairnyng we help yow against the first, sua against the last ye sall
not myss in all possibill haist to have oure assistance. Onlie schaw
your selff the man. Saiff your persone by wisdome, strenth your selff
against force, and the Almychtie God assist yow in baith the ane and
the uther, and oppin youre eyis[950] understanding, to see and persaif
the craft of Sathan and his suppoistis.
 "At Hammyltoun, the xix day[951] of September 1559. Be your
Brethren, &c."
The Duike and Lordis understanding that the fortificatioun of
Leith proceidit, appointit thair haill forceis to convene at THE
TYRRANNY OF
Striviling the xv day of October, that frome thence thai mycht THE
marche fordwart to Edinburgh, for the redress of the greit FRENSCHE.
enormyteis quhilk the Frensche did to the haill cuntrey, quhilk
be thame was sua oppressitt that the lyfe of all honest man[952] was bitter unto
him.
In this meintyme, the Lordis directit thair letteris to diverse pairtis of the cuntrey,
makand mentioun quhat dangear did hing ower all men, giff the Frensche sould
be sufferit to plant in this cuntrey at thair plesoure. Thay maid mentioun farder,
how humblie thay had socht the Queue Regent, that sche wald send away to
France hir Frensche men, quha war ane burding unproffitable and grevous to
thair commun-wealth; and how that sche nochtwithstanding did daylie augment
hir nomber, brynging wyffis and bairneis; a declaratioun of ane plane conqueist,
&c.
The Quene, than Regent, perseving that hir crafte began to be espiit, be all
meaneis possebill travellit to blynd the pepill. And first, sche send furth hir
pestilent postis foirnameit in all pairtis of the cuntrey, to perswaid all man that
sche offerit all thingis reassonabill to the Congregatioun; and that thay refusing
all reassoun, pretendit na religioun, bot ane plane revolt frome the Authoratie.
Sche temptit every man in particular, alse weill thay that war of the
Congregatioun, as thame that war neutrallis. Sche assaultit everie man, as sche
thocht maist easelie he mycht have bene ovircum. To the Lord Ruthven sche
send the Justice Clerk and his wiff, quhn, is dochter to the wife[953] of the said
Lord. Quhat was thair commissioun and creddeit, is na farther knawin than the
said Lord hes confessit, quhilk is, that large promeisses of proffitt was offerrit,
gif he wald leiff the Congregatioun and be the Queneis. To Lord James, Priour of
Sanctandrois, was send Maister Johnne Spense of Condy, with ane letter and
creddeit, as followis:—

"THE MEMORIALL OF MAISTER JOHNNE SPENSE OF CONDY,[954] THE

THRETTY DAY OF SEPTEMBER.

"1. Ye sall say, that hir[955] greit favour towartis yow movis hir to
this.
 "2. That sche now knawis, that the occatioun of your depairting
frome hir was the favoure of the word and of religioun; with the
quhilk albeit sche was offendit, yitt knawing your hart and the hartis
of the uther Lordis firmelie fixit thairupoun, sche will beir with yow
in that behalf, and at youre awin sychtis sche will sett fordwart that
caus at hir power, as may stand with Goddis word, the commun
policey of this realme, and the Princeis honour. (Note, Gud reiddar,
quhat vennoum lurkis heir; for plane it is, that the policey quhilk
sche pretendit, and the Princeis honour, will never suffer Christ
Jesus to ring in this realme.)
"3. To say, that the occasioun of the assembling of thir men of weir,
and fortifeing of Leith, is, that it was gevin hir to understand be sum
about hir, that it is not the advancement of the word and religioun
quhilk is socht at this tyme, bot rather ane pretense to owerthraw, or
alter the authoratie of your Sister, of the quhilk sche belevis still that
ye ar nott participant; and considdering the tendernes betuix yow
and your Sister, sche trestis mair in yow in that behalf than in any
leving. (Bot befoir the Erle of Arrane arryvit, and
that the Duke depairtit frome hir factioun, sche LETT THIS
ceassit not contynewallie to cry, that the Priour socht BE NOTIT, O
CRAFTIE
to mak him self King; and sua not onlie to depryve FLATTERIE!
his sister to mak him selff King, bot alssua to [956]
defraude the Lordis Duikeis Grace and his housse:
bot foirseing ane storme, sche began to seik ane new wynd.)
"Sche farther willit, to offer the way-sending of the men of weir, gif
the former suspitioun could be removit. Sche lamentit the trubill that
appeirit to follow gif the mater sould lang stand in debait. Sche
promeist hir faithfull laubouris for reconciliatioun, and requyreit the
samyn of him; requiring farther, faith, favour, and kyndnes, towartis
his Sister; and to adverteise for his pairt quhat he desyreit, with
promeise that he mycht obtene quhat he plesit to desyre, &c."
To this letter and creddeit, the said Lord James answerit as followis:—
"PLEISE YOURE GRACE,
"I resavit your Hienes writting, and have hard the creddeit of the
beirar; and fynding the busynes of sick importance, that daingerouse
 it war to gif haistie answer, and alssua your petitionis ar sua, that
with my honour I can nott answer thame privatlie be my selff: I have
thocht guid to delay the same till that I may have the jugement of the
haill Counsall. For this poynt I will not conceill frome youre Grace,
that amangis us thair is ane solempnit aith, that nane of us sall
trafique with youre Grace secreitlie; nether yitt that any of us sall
mak ane [ad]dress for him selff particularlie; quhilk aith, for my
pairt, I purpoise to keip inviolatit to the end. Bot quhan the rest of
the Nobillmen sall convene, I sall leif nathing that lyis in my power
undone that may mak for the quyetnes of this pure realme, providing
that the glorie of Christ Jesus be nott hinderit by oure concord. And
gif youre Grace sall be found sua tractabill as now ye offer, I doutt
nott to obteyne of the rest of my brethren sick favouris towartis
youre service, as youre Grace sall have just occatioun to stand
content. For God I tak to record, that in this actioun I have nether
socht, nether yitt seikis, any uther thing than Godis glorie to
encrease, and the libertie of this pure[957] realm to be mentenit.
Farther, I have schawin to youre messinger quhat thingis have
myslykeit me in youre proceidingis, evin frome sick ane hart as I
wald wysche to God ye and all men did knaw. And this with hartlie
commendatioun of service to youre Grace, I hartlie commit your
Hienes to the eternall protectioun of the Omnipotent.
"At Sanctandrois, the first of October.
(Sic subscribitur,)
"Your Graceis humyll and obedient servitour,
J. ST."
[958]

This answer resaivet, sche raigeit as hypocrasie usis, quhan it is prickit; and
persaving that sche could nott wirk quhat sche wald at the handis of men
particularie, sche sett furth ane Proclamatioun, universallie to be proclameit, in
the tennour as followis:—
"Forsamekle as it is understand to the Queneis Grace, that the Duke
of Chastellerault hes laitlie directit his missyveis in all pairtis of this
realme, makand mentioun that the Frensche men lait arryvit, with
thair wyffis and bairneis, ar [begunne][959] to plant in Leith, to the
rewyne of the commun-welth, quhilk he and his pairttakeris will not
pas ower with patient behalding, desyring to knaw quhat will be
everie manis pairt; and that the fortificatioun of Leith is[960] ane
purpoise devysit in France, and that thairfoir Monsieur de La Broche
and the Bischop of Amiance ar cumit in this cuntrey; ane thing sa
vaine and untrew, that the contrarie thairof is notour to all men of
free jugement: Thairfoir hir Grace, willing that the occatiouns
quhairby hir Grace was movit sa to do be maid patent, and quhat hes
bene hir proceidingis sen the Appointment last maid on the Linkis
besyde Leith, to the effect that the treuth of all thingis being maid
manifest, everie man may understand how injustlie that will to
suppres the libertie of this realme is laid to hir charge, hes thocht
expedient to mak this discours following:—
"Fyrst, Althocht efter the said Appointment, dyverse of the said
Congregatioun, and that not of the meaneast sort, had contravenit
violentlie the pointis thairof, and maid sundrie occatiouns of new
cummer, the samyn was in ane pairt wynkit att and ower-luikit, in
hoip that thay with tyme wald remember thair dewatie, and abstene
fra sick evill behaviouris, quhilk conversioun hir Grace ever sochtt,
rather than any puneisment, with sick cair and solicitud be all
meaneis, quhill, in the menetyme, na thing was providit for hir awin
securitie. Bot at last, be thair frequent messageis to and fra Ingland,
thair intelligence than was persavit: yit hir Grace trestis the Quene of
Ingland (lett thame seik as thay pleise) will do the office of ane
Christiane Princes in tyme of ane sworne peax; throw quhilk force
was to hir Grace (seand sua greit defectioun of greit personageis,) to
have recourse to the law of nature; and lyk as ane small bird, being
persewit, will provide sum nest, sua hir Grace could do na less, in
caise of persute, nor provide sum sure retrait for hir selff and hir
cumpany; and to that effect, chusit the toun of Leith, as place
convenient thairfoir; becaus, first, it was hir derrest dochteris
propertie, and na uther persone could acclame tytle or enteress
thairto, and als becaus in tyme afoir it had bene fortifeit. About the
same tyme that the seiking support of Ingland was maid manifest,
arryvit the Erle of Arrane, and adjoinit him selff to the
Congregatioun, upoun farder promisses nor the[961] pretendit
quarrell of religioun that was to be sett up be thame in authoratie,
and sua to pervert the haill obedience. And as sum of the said
Congregatioun at the samyn tyme had putt to thair FALSE
handis, and takin the Castell of Brochty, put furth the LEYING
keiparis thairof: immediatlie came fra the said Duike TOUNG, GOD HAS
to hir Grace unluikit for, ane writing, beside many CONFOUNDIT
uther,[962] compleneand of the fortificatioun of the THEE!
said toun of Leith, in hurt of the ancient inhabitantis
thairof, brether of the said Congregatioun, quhairof he than professit
him self ane member; and albeit that the beirar of the said writting
was ane unmeitt messinger in ane mater of sick consequence, yitt hir
Grace direc[ted] to him twa personeis of guid creddeit and
reputatioun with answer, offerrand, gif he wald caus ane mendis be
maid for that quhilk was commitit aganeis the lawis of the realme, to
do further nor could be cravit of reassone, and to that effect to draw
sum conference, quhilk for inlaik of him and his collegis, tuik no
end. Nochttheles thay continewallie sensyne
contynewis in thair doingis, usurping the Authoratie, GOD HES
commanding and chargeing free Borrowis to cheise PURGEIT HIS
PEPILL OF
Provestis and officiaris of thair nameing, and to THAT FALSE
assyst to thame in the purpoise thay wald be att; and ACCUSATIOUN
thatt thay will nocht suffer provisioun to be brocht
for sustentatioun of hir Graceis housseis; and greit pairt hes sa
planelie sett asyde all reverence and humanitie, quhairby everie man
may knaw that it is na mater of religioun, bot ane plane usurpatioun
of authoratie, and na dout bot sempill men, of gude zeall in tymeis
bigane, thairwith falslie hes bene desavit. Bot as to the Queneis
Grace pairt, God, quha knawis the secreitis of all hartis, weill kennis,
and the warld sall see be experience, that the fortificatioun of Leith
was devisit for na uther purpoise bot for recourse to hir Hienes and
hir cumpany, in caise thay war persewit. Quhairfoir, all gud subjectis
that hes the feir of God in thair hartis, will not suffer thame selffis be
sick vaine perswatiouns to be led away from thair dew obedience,
bot will assist in defence of thair Soveraneis quarrel aganeis all sick
as will persew the same wrangouslie. Thairfoir, hir Grace ordaneis
the officiaris of armeis to pas to the Mercat-Croceis of all heid
Borrowis of this realme, and thair be oppin proclamatioun command
and charge all and sundrie the liegeis thairof, that nane of thame tak
upoun hand to put thame selfis in armeis, nor tak pairt with the said
Duke or his assistaris, under the pane of treassone."
Thir letteris being devulgatt, the hartis of many war steirit; for thay jugeit the
narratioun of the Queue Regent to have bene trew: uthiris understanding the
samin to be utterlie false. Bot becaus the Lordis desyreit all man [to] juge in thair
cause, thay sett out this Declaratioun subsequent:—
"We ar compellit unwillinglie to answer the grevouse accusatiouns
maist injustlie laid to our chargeis be the Quene Regent and hir
perverst Counsall, quha cease not, by all craft and
malice, to mak us odiouse to our darrest brethren, THE
DECLARATIOUN
naturall Scotismen; as that we pretendit na uther OF THE
thing bot the subversioun and owerthraw of all just LORDIS
authoritie, quhan, God knawis, that we thocht na AGAINST
THE
thing bot that sick authoratie as God approvis by his FORMER
word, be establischeit, honourit, and obeyit amangis PROCLAMATIOUN.
us. Trew it is that we have complenit, (and
continewallie must complene,) till God send redress, that our
commun cuntrey is oppressit with strangearis; that this inbringing of
suldiouris, with thair wiffis and children, and planting of men of
weir in oure free tounis, appeiris to us ane reddy way to conqueist:
And we maist eirnistlie requyre all indifferent personeis to juge
betwix us and [the] Quene Regent in this cause,[963] to wit, quhidder
that our complaynt be just or nott; for, for quhat uther purpoise sould
sche this multiplie strangearis upoun us, bot onlie in respect of
conqueist; quhilk is ane thing not of lait devisit be hir and hir
avaritiouse House. We ar not ignorant, that sax yeris
past, the questioun was demandit, of ane man of THE
honest reputatioun, quhat nomber of men was abill AVARICE THAME OF
OF

to dantoun Scotland, and to bring it to the full LORANE

obedience of France. She allegeis, that to say the AND
GWEISE
fortificatioun of Leith was ane purpoise devisit in
France, and that for that purpoise war Monsieur de La Broche, and
the Bischop Amiance send to this cuntrey, is ane thing sa vaine and
untrew, that the contrarie thairof is notour to all men of fre jugement.
Bot evident it is, quhatsoever sche allegeis, that sence thair arryvall,
Leith was begun to be fortifeit. Sche allegeis, that sche, seing the
defectioun of greit personageis, was compellitt to have recourse to
the law of nature, and lyk ane small bird persewit,[964] to provide for
sum sure retreitt to hir selff and hir cumpany. Bot quhy dois sche not
answer, for quhatt purpoise did sche bring in hir new bandis of men
of weir? Was thair any defectioun espyit befoir thair arryvall? Was
not the Congregatioun under appointment with hir? quhilk,
quhatsoever sche allegeis, sche is not abill to prove that we haid
contravenit in any chief poynt, befoir that her new throt-cuttaris
arryvit, yea, befoir that thay began to fortifie Leith; ane place, says
sche, maist convenient for hir purpoise, as in verray deid it is for the
resaving of strangearis at hir plesour: for gif sche haid fearit the
persute of hir body, sche haid the Insche, Dumbar, Blaknes, fortis
and strenthis alreddy maid. Yea, bot they could not sa weill serve hir
turne as Leith, becaus it was hir Dochteris propertie, and na uther
could haif tytill to it, and becaus it had bene fortifeit of befoir. That
all men may knaw the just tytle hir Dochter and sche hes to the toun
of Leith, we sall in few wordis declair the trewth.
"It is not unknawin to the maist pairt of this realme, that thair hes
bene ane auld haitrent and contentioun betuix Edinburght and Leith;
[965] Edinburgh seiking continewallie to possess that libertie, quhilk
be donatioun of kyngis thay have lang injoyit; and Leith, be the
contrary, aspyring to ane libertie and fredome in prejudice of
Edinburgh. The Quene Regent, ane woman that
could mak hir proffitt of all handis, was nott ignorant THE TITLE
how to compass hir awin mater; and thairfoir THAT QUENE
THE

secreitlie sche gaif adverteisment to sum of Leith, [HAD] OR

that sche wald mak thair Toun fre, gif that sche HES[966] TO
mycht do it with any cullour of justice. Be quhilk LEITH
promeise, the principall men of them did travell with
the Laird of Restalrig,[967] ane man nether prudent THE LAIRD
OF
nor fortunat, to quhome the superioratie of Leyth RESTALRIG
appertenit, that he sould sell his haill tytle and rycht SUPERIOUR
to our Soverane, for certane sowmeis of money, TO LEITH
quhilk the inhabitantis of Leith payit, with ane large taxatioun mair,
to the Quene Regent, in hoip to have bene maid free in dispite and
defraud of Edinburgh. Quhilk rycht and superioratie, quhan sche
haid gottin, and quhan the money was payit, the first fruittis of thair
libertie thay now eitt with bitternes, to wit, that strangearis sall
possess thair town. This is hir just tytle quhilk hir Dochter and sche
may clame to that Towne. And quhair sche allegeis that it was
fortifeit befoir, we ask, gif that [was] done without consent of the
Nobilatie and Estaitis of the realme, as sche now, and hir craftie
Counsallouris do in dispyte and contempt of us the lauchfull
heidis[968] and borne counsallouris of this realme.
"How far we have socht support of Ingland, or of ony uther Princes,
and how just cause we haid, and haif sa to do, we sall schortlie mak
manifest unto the warld, to the prayse of Godis haly name, and to the
confusioun of all thame that sclander us for sa doing. For this we feir
nott to confess, that as in this oure interpryse against the Devill,
idolatrie, and the mentenance of the same, we cheiflie and onlie seik
Godis glorie to be notifeit unto man, synne to be puncisit, and
vertew to be mentenit; sua quhair power faillis of oure self, we will
seik quhair soever God sall offer the same; and yitt in sa doing, we
ar assureit, nether till offend God, nether yitt to do any thing
repugnant to our dewiteis. We hartlie prayse God, quha movit the
hart of the Erle of Arrane to joyne him selff with us, his persecuteit
brethren; bot how maliciouse ane ley it is, that we have promesit to
sett him up in authoratie, the ischew sall declair. God we tak to
record, that na sick thing hes to this day enterit in oure hartis. Nether
yitt hes he, the said Erie, nather any to him appertenyng, movit unto
us ony sick mater; quhilk, gif thay sould do, yitt ar we not sa
sklender in jugement, that inconsidderatlie we wald promeis that
quhilk efter we mycht repent. We speik and write to Goddis glorie:
[969] The leist of us knawis better quhat obedience is dew to ane
lauchfull authoritie, than sche or hir Counsall dois practise the office
of sick as worthelie may sitt upoun the sait of justice; for we offer,
and we performe, all obedience quhilk God hes commandit; for we
nether deny toll, tribute, honour, nor feir till hir, nor till hir officiaris:
We onlie brydill hir blynd raige, in the quhilk sche wald erect and
mentene idolatrie, and wald murther oure brethren quha refusses the
same. Bott sche dois utterlie abuse the authoratie establischeitt by
God: sche prophaneis the throne of his Majestie in erth, making the
Saitt of justice, quhilk aucht to be the sanctuary and refuge of all
godlie and vertuouse personeis, injustlie afflictit, to be ane den and
receaptakle to thevis, murtheraris, idolateris, huremongaris,
adulteraris, and blasphemaris of God and all godlynes. It is mair than
evident, quhat men thay ar, and lang have bene,
quham sche by hir power mentenis and defendis; and THE
alssua quhat hes bene our conversatioun sence it hes WICKITNESSOF THE
plesit God to call us to his knawlege, quham now in BISCHOPIS.
hir fury sche crewellie persecuteis. We deny nocht [970]
the taking of the House of Brouchty;[971] and the
cause being considderit, we think that na naturall Scottisman will be
offendit at oure fact. Quhan the assureit knawlege came unto us that
the fortificatioun of Leith was begun, everie man began to inquyre
quhat daingear mycht ensew to the rest of the realme, giff the
Frensche sould plant in dyverse placeis, and quhat war the placeis
that mycht maist [annoy] us.[972] In conclusioun it
was found, that the taking of the said housse be THE CAUS
THAT
Frensche men sould be destructioun to Dundie, and BROWCHTY
hurtfull to Sanct Johnnstoun, and to the haill cuntrey; CRAIG WAS
and thairfoir it was thocht expedient to prevent the TAKIN.[973]
daingear, as that we did for preservatioun of oure
brethren and commun cuntrey. It is nocht unknawin quhat ennemyis
thir twa Tounis have, and quhow glaidlie wald sum haif all guid
ordour and pollecey owerthrawin in thame. The conjectureis that the
Frensche war of mynd schortlie to have takin the same, war not
obscure. Bot quhatsoever thay pretendit, we can nott repent that we
(as said is) have preventit the daingear; and wald God that our power
haid bene in the same maner to have foircloissit thair entres to Leith;
for quhat trubill the pure realme sall endure befoir thatt thay
murtheraris and injust possessouris be removit from the same, the
ischew will declair. Giff hir accusatioun against my
Lord Duikis Grace, and that we refusit conference, LETT ALL
be trewlie and sempillie spokin, we will nott refuise MAN JUGE
the jugement of thay verray men, quham sche allegeis to be of sa
honest a reputatioun. Thay knaw that the Dukeis
Grace did answer, that gif the realme mycht be sett at THE
libertie frome the bondage of thay men of weir DUIKEIS ANSWER
quhilk presentlie did oppress it, and was sa feirfull to
him and his brethren, that thay war compellit to absent thame selfis
from the placeis quhair sche and thay maid residence; thatt he and
the haill Congregatioun sould cum and gif all debtfull[974] obedience
to oure Soverane hir dochter, and unto hir Grace, as Regent for the
tyme. Bot to enter in conference, sa lang as sche keipis above him
and his brethren that feirfull scourge of crewell strangearis, he thocht
na wyise man wald counsall him. And this his answer we approve,
adding farther, That sche can mak us no promeis quhilk sche can
keip nor we can creddeit, sa lang as sche is forceit with the strenth,
and reuillit be the counsall of Frensche.[975] We ar not ignorant that
princeis think it guid policey to betray thair subjectis be breking of
promeissis, be thay never so solempnitlie maid. We have nott forgett
quhat counsall sche and Monsieur Dosell gaif to the Duike against
thame that slew the Cardinall, and keip the Castell of Sanctandrois:
And it was this, "That quhat promeis thay list to requyre sould be
maid unto thame: bot how sone that the Castell was randerit, and
thyngis brocht to sick pass as was expedient, that he sould chope the
heidis frome everie ane of thame." To the quhilk quhan the Duike
answerit, "That he wald never consent to sa treassonabill ane act, bot
gif he promesit fidelitie, he wald faithfullie keip it." Monsieur Dosell
said, in mockage to the Quene, in Frensche, "That is ane guid
sempill nature, bot I knaw na uther prince that wald swa do." Gif
this was his jugement in sa small ane mater, quhat have we to
suspect in this oure caus: For now the question is not
of the slauchter of ane Cardinall, bot of the just NOTA.
abolisching of all that tyrannie quhilk that Romane
Antechryst hes usurpit above us, of the suppressing of idolatrie, and
of the reformatioun of the haill religioun, by that verming of
schavelingis utterlie corruptit. Now, gif the slauchter
of ane Cardinall be ane syn irremissebill,[976] as thay THE
QUARRELL
thair selffis affirme, and gif faith aucht not to be BETUIX
keipit to heretykes, as thair awin law speikis, quhat FRANCE
promeise can sche that is reullit be the counsall and AND THE
CONGREGATIOUN
commandyment of ane Cardinall, mak to us, that can OF
be sure? SCOTLAND

"Quhair sche accusis us, that we usurp authoritie, to command and

charge free Browchis to cheise Provestis and officiaris of our
nameing, &c., we will that the haill Browchis of Scotland testifie in
that caise, quhydder that we have usit ony kynd of violence, bot
lovinglie exhortit sick as askit support, to cheise sick in office as had
the feir of God befoir thair eyis, luffitt equitie and justice, and war
nott notit with avarice and brybing. Bot wonder it is, with quhatt
face sche can accuse us of thatt quhairof we ar innocent, and sche
sua oppinlie criminall, that the haill realme knawis hir iniquities. In
that caise, hes sche nott compellit the toun of Edinburgh to reteane
ane man to be thair Provest,[977] maist unworthy of ony regiment in
ane weill rewlit commun-wealth? Hes sche nott THE LORD
enforceitt thame to tak Baillies of hir appoyntment, SEYTOUN
and sum of thame sua meitt for thair office, in this UNWORTHY
OF
trubilsum tyme, as ane sowtar is to saill[979] ane REGIMENT.
schip in ane stormy day? Sche compleneis thatt we [978]
will nott suffer provisioun to be maid for hir House.
In verray deid we unfeinzeitlie repent, that befoir OPTIMA
this we tuik nott better ordour that thir murtheraris COLLATIO.
and oppressouris, quham sche pretendis to nureise, for oure
destructioun, had not bene disapointit of that greit provisioun of
victuallis quhilk sche and thay have gadderit, to the greit hurt of the
haill cuntrey. Bot as God sall assist us in tymeis cuming, we sall do
diligence sum-quhatt to frustrat thair devillysche purpoise. Quhatt
baith sche and we[980] pretend, we dout not bot God,
quha can not suffer the abuse of his awin name lang LETT THE
PAPISTIS
to be unpunischeit, sall one day declair; and unto JUGE GIF
him we feir nott to committ oure cause. Nether yitt GOD HES
feir we in this presentt to say, that against us sche NOT GEVIN
JUGEMENT
makis ane maist maliciouse ley. Quhair that sche TO THE
sayis, that it is na religioun that we ga about, bot ane DISPLESOUR
plane usurpatioun of the Authoritie, God forbid that OF HARTIS
THAIR

sick impietie sould enter into oure hartis, that we

sould mak his holie religioun ane cloik and covertour
THE LEY TO
of oure iniquitie. Frome the begynning of this THE QUENE
contraversie, it is evidentlie knawin quhat have bene REGENT
oure requeistis, quhilk gif the rest of the Nobilitie
and communitie of Scotland will caus be peformeit unto us, giff than
ony sygne of rebellioun appeir in us, lett us be reputit and punisit as
traytouris. Bot quhill strangearis ar brocht in to suppres us, our
commun-welth, and posteritie, quhill idolatrie is mentenit, and
Christ Jesus his trew religioun dispysit, quhill idill bellies and bludy
tyrantis, the Bischopis, ar mentenit, and Christis trew messingeris
persecutit; quhill, fynallie, vertew is contemnit, and vice extollit,
quhill that we, ane greit pairt of the Nobilitie and communaltie of
this realme, ar maist injustlie persecuteit, quhat godlie man can be
offendit that we sall seik reformatioun of thir enormiteis, (yea, evin
be force of armes, seing that uthirwayis it is denyit unto us;) we ar
assureit that nether God, neather nature, neather ony just law,
 forbiddis us. God hes maid us counsallouris be birth THE CAUS
of this realme; nature byndis us to luiff our awin THAT THE
MOVIT

cuntrey; and just lawis commandis us to support oure NOBILITIE

brethren injustlie persecutit. Yea, the aith that we OF THIS
have maid, to be trew to this commune-wealth, REALME OPPONE
TO

compellis us to hasard quhatsoever God hes gevin THAME TO

us, befoir that we see the miserabill rewyne of the THE QUENE
REGENT
same. Gif ony think this is not religioun quhilk now
we seik, we answer, That it is nathing ellis, bot the zeall of the trew
religioun quhilk movis us to this interpryse: For as
the ennemy dois craftelie foirsee that idolatrie can THE SAME
not be universalie mentenit, onless that we be utterlie MYND
REMANIS TO
suppressit, sua do we considder that the trew THIS DAY
religioun (the puritie quhairof we onlie requyre) can
not be universalie erectit, unless strangearis be removit, and this
pure realme purgeit of thir pestilencis quhilk befoir have infectit it.
And thairfoir, in the name of the eternall God, and of his Sone
Chryst Jesus, quhais caus we sustene, we requyre all oure brethren,
naturall Scottis men, prudentlie to considder oure requeistis, and
with judgment to decerne betuix us and the Quene
Regent and hir factioun, and not to suffer thame THIS
selfis to be abused by her craft and deceat, that PROMEISSWAS
eather thei shall lift thair weaponis against us thair FORYETT,
brethren, who seik nothing butt Godis glorie, eyther [982] AND
yitt that thei extract frome us thare just and THAIRFOIR
HES GOD
detfull[981] supporte, seing that we hasard our lyves PLAGUED.
for preservatioun of thame and us, and of our WHAT
posteritie to come: Assuring suche as shall declair SPREITCOULD
thame selves favoraris of her factioun, and ennemeis HAUE
unto us, that we shall repute thame, whensoever God HOPED FOR
VICTORIE IN
shall putt the sword of justice in our handis, worthie SO
of such punishment, as is dew for such as studie to DISPERATE
betray thair countree in the handis of strangearis." DANGEARIS.

This our Answer was formed, and divulgat in some places, but not universallie,
be reassone of our day appointit to meitt at Striveling, as befoir is declaired. In
this meantyme, the Quene her postes ran with all possible expeditioun to draw
men to her devotioun; and in verray deid, sche fand mo favoraris of her iniquitie
then we suspected. For a man that of long tyme had bene of our nomber in
professioun, offered (as himself did confesse) his service to the Quene Regent, to
travaill betuix hir Grace and the Congregatioun for concord. Sche refused nott
his offer; bott knowing his simplicitie, sche was glad to employ him for her
advantage. The man is Maister Robert Lockart,[983] a man of whome many have
had and still have good opinioun, as tweiching his religioun; bott to enter in the
dresse of suche affaris, nott so convenient, as godlie and wyise men wold
requyre. He travailled nocht the less earnestlie in the Quene Regentis affares,
and could nott be perswaded bot that sche ment sincerlie, and that sche wold
promote the religioun to the uttermost of her power. He promissed in hir name,
that sche wald putt away hir Frensche men, and wald be reulled by the counsall
of naturall Scottismen. When it was reassoned in his contrary, "That yf sche war
so mynded to do, sche could have found mediatouris a great deall more
convenient for that purpose." He feared nott to affirme, "That he knew more of
her mynd then all the Frenche or Scottis that war in Scotland, yea more then her
awin brethren that war in France." He travailled with the Erle of Glencarne, the
Lordis Uchiltrie and Boid, with the Larde of Dun, and with the Preacheouris, to
whome he had certane secreat letteris, which he wald not deliver, onless that thei
wald maik a faithfull promeise, that thei should never reveill the thing conteaned
in the same. To the whiche it was answered, "That in no wyise thei could maik
suche a promeise, be reassone that thei war sworne one to another, and
altogetther in one body, that thei should have no secreat intelligence nor dress
with the Quene Regent, bot that thei should communicat with the Great Counsall
whatsoever sche proponed unto thame, or thei did answer unto her." As by this
Answer, written by Johne Knox to the Quene Regent, may be understand,[984]
the tennour whairof followis:—

"[MADAME,][985]
"My dewitie moist humilie premissed: Your Grace's servand,
Maister Robert Lockard, maist instantlie hes requyred me and
otheris, to whome your Graceis letteris, as he alledged, war directed,
to receave the same in secreat maner, and to geve to him answer
accordinglie. Bot becaus some of the nomber that he required war
and ar upoun the Great Counsall of this realme, and thairfoir ar
solempnedlie sworne to have nothing to do in secreate maner,
neather with your Grace, neather yitt with any that cumis fra yow, or
fra your Counsall; and swa thei could not receave your Grace letteris
with sick conditionis as the said Maister Robert required; and
thairfoir thocht he good to bring to your Grace agane the said letteris
close. And yitt becaus, as he reportis, he hes maid to your Grace
some promeise in my name; att his requeist, I am content to testifie
by my letter and subscriptioun, the sume of that quhilk I did
communicat with him. In Dondie, after many wourdis betuix him
and me, I said, that albeit diverse sinister reportis had bene maid of
me, yitt did I never declair any evident tockin of haiterent nor
inmitie against your Grace. For yf it be the office of a verray freind
to geve trew and faythfull counsall to thame whome he seis ryn to
destructioun for lack of the same, I could nott be provin ennemye to
your Grace, bot rather a freind unfeaned.[986] For what counsall I
had gevin to your Grace, my writtingis, alsweall my Letteris and
Additioun to the same, now prented,[987] as diverse otheris quhilkis I
wrait fra Sanct Johnestoun, may testifie. I farther added, that sick
ane ennemye was I unto yow, that my tung did bayth perswaid and
obteane, that your authoritie and regiment should be obeyed of us in
all thingis lawchfull, till ye declaired your self open ennemye to this
commoun-wealth, as now, allace! ye have done. This I willed him
moreover to say to your Grace, that yf ye, following the counsall of
flatterand men, having no God bot this world and thair bellies, did
proceid in your malice against Christ Jesus his religioun, and trew
ministeris, that ye should do nothing ellis but accclerat and haste
Godis plague and vengeance upoun your self and upoun your
posteritie: and that ye, (yf ye did not change your purpose hastelie,)
should bring your self in sick extreame danger, that when ye wold
seak remeady, it should nott be sa easy to be found, as it had bene
befoir. This is the effect and sume of all that I said at that tyme, and
willed him, yf he pleased, to communicat the same to your Grace.
And the same yitt agane I notifie unto your Grace, by this my letter,
writtin and subscryved at Edinburgh, the 26 of October 1559.
(Sic subscribitur,)
"Your Grace's to command in all godlynes.
"JOHN KNOX.
"Postscriptum.—God move your harte[988] yitt in tyme to considder,
that ye feght nott against man, bot against the eternall God, and
against his Sone Jesus Christ, the onlie Prince of the kingis of the
earth."
At whiche answer, the said Maister Robert was so offended, that he wald nott
deliver his letteris, saying, "That we wer ungodlie and injuriouse to the Quene
Regent yf we suspected any craft in hir." To the whiche it was answered, by one
of the preacheouris, "That tyme should declair, whitther he or thei war deceaved.
Yff sche should nott declair hir self ennemye to the trew religioun whiche thei
professed, yf ever sche had the upper hand, then thei wald be content to confesse
that thei had suspected her sinceritie without just cause. Bot and yf sche should
declair her malice no less in tymes cuming than sche had done befoir, thei
required that he should be more moderat then to dampne thame whose
conscience he knew nott." And this was the end of the travaill for that tyme, after
that he had trubled the conscience of many godlie and qwiet personis. For he and
other who war her hyred postes, ceassed nott to blaw in the earis of all man, that
the Quene wes hevelie done to; that sche required nothing bot obedience to her
Doghtter; that sche was content that the trew religioun should go fordwarde, and
that all abuses should be abolished; and be this meane thei broght a gruge and
divisioun amang our selfis. For many (and our brethrene of Lowthiane
especiallie) began to murmur, that we soght another thing than religioun, and so
ceassed to assist us certane dayis, after that we wer cumed to Edinburgh, whiche
we did according to the former diet, the 16 day of October. This grudge and
truble amangis our selfis was not reased by the foirsaid Maister Robert[989]
onlye, bot by those pestilentis whome befoir we have expressed, and Maister
James Balfour especiallie, whose vennemouse tounges against God and his trew
religioun, as thei deserve punishement of men, so shall thei not escheap Godis
vengeance, onless that spedelie thei reapent.
After our cuming to Edinburgh the day foirnamed, we assembled in counsall,
and determined to geve new advertisement to the Quenis Grace Regent, of our
Conventioun, and in suche sorte; and so with commoun consent we send unto
her our requeast, as followis:—
"[MADAME,][990]
"It will pleise your Grace reduce to your remembrance, how at our
last Conventioun at Hammyltoun, we required your
Hienes, in our maist humbill maner, to desist from THE
the fortifeing of this town of Leyth, then interprysed SECOUND
ADMONITIOUN
and begone, quhilk appeared to us (and yitt does) ane TO THE
entree to ane conqueist, and overthrow to our QUENE
 liberties, and altogidder against the lawis and REGENT.
custumes of this realme,[991] seing it was begune,
and yit continewis, without any advise and consent of the Nobilitie
and Counsall of this realme. Quhaifoir now, as of befoir, according
to our dewitie to our commoun-wealth, we most humelie requyre
your Grace to caus your strangearis and soldiouris whatsumever to
departe of the said town of Leyth, and maik the same patent, not
onlye to the inhabitantis, bot also to all Scottishmen, our Soverane
Ladyes liegis. Assureand your Hienes, that yf, refusand the samyn,
ye declair thairby your evill mynd toward the commoun-weill and
libertie of this realme, we will (as of befoir) mene and declair the
caus unto the haill Nobilitie and communaltie of this realme; and
according to the oath quhilk we have sworne for the mantenance of
the commoun-weall, in all maner of thingis to us possible, we will
provid reamedy: thairfoir requyring most humblie your Grace
answer in haist with the berar, becaus in our eyis the act
continewallie proceadis, declaring ane determinatioun of conquest,
quhilk is presumed of all men, and not without caus. And thus, after
our humill commendatioun of service, we pray Almychttie God to
have your Grace in his eternall tuitioun."

These our letteris receaved, our messinger was threatned, and withholdin a
whole day. Thairefter he was dismissed, without ony other answer bot that sche
wald send ane answer when sche thocht expedient.
In this meantyme, becaus the rumour ceassed nott, that the Duke his Grace
usurped the Authoritie, he was compelled, with the sound of trumpete, at the
Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, to maik his purgatioun, in forme as followis, the xix
day of October:
THE PURGATIOUN OF THE DUIK.
"Forsamekle as my Lord Duik of Chastellerault, understanding the
fals reporte maid be the Quene Regent against him,
that he and his sone, my Lord of Arrane, should THE DUIK
pretend usurpatioun of the Croune and Authoritie of LONG
BEFOIR
this realme, when in verray deid he nor his said sone FALSLIE
 never anis mynded sic thingis, bott allanerlie in ACCUSED
OF
simplicitie of heart, movit partlie be the violent USURPATIOUN.
persute of the religioun and trew professouris thairof, [992]
partlie by compassioun of the commoun-wealth and
poore communitie of this realme, oppressed with strangearis, he
joyned him self with the rest of the Nobilitie, with all hasard, to
supporte the commoun caus of that ane and of that uther; hes thoght
expedient to purge him self and his said Sone, in presence of yow
all, as he had done in presence of the Counsall, of that same cryme,
of auld, evin be summondis, laid to his charge the secound year of
the regne of our Soverane Lady. Quhilk malice hes continewed ever
against him, maist innocent of that cryme, as your experience bearis
witness; and planelie protestis, that neather he nor his said Sone
suittis and seikis any pre-eminence,[993] eather to the Croune or
Authoritie, bot als far as his puissance may extend, is readdy, and
ever shalbe, to concur with the rest of the Nobilitie his brethren, and
all otheris whais hartis ar tweichet to manteane the commoun caus of
religioun and liberty of thair native cuntrey, planelie invaded be the
said Regent and hir said soldiouris, wha onlye does forge sick vane
reportis to withdraw the heartis of trew Scottisemen from the
succour thai aught of bound dewitie to thair commoun-weall
opprest. Quharefoir [he] exhortis all men that will manteane the trew
religioun of God, or withstand this oppressioun or plane conquest,
interprysed be strangearis upoun our native Scottisemen, nott to
credyte sick fals and untrew reportis, bot rather concurr with us and
the rest of the Nobilitie, to sett your countree at libertie, expelling
strangearis thairfra; whiche doing, ye shall schaw your self obedient
to the ordinance of God, whiche was establisshed for mantenance of
the commoun-weall, and trew members of the same."
The xxi day of October, cam fra the Quene then Regent Maister Robert Forman,
[994] Lyoun King of Armes, who broght unto us ane writting in this tennour and

credit:—
"Eftir commendatioun: We have receavit your letter of Edinburgh
the xix of this instant, whiche appeared to us rather to have cumit fra
ane Prince to his subjectis, nor fra subjectis to thame that bearis
authoritie: For answer whairof, we have presentlie directed unto yow
this berar, Lyon Herald King of Armes, sufficientlie instructed with
 our mynd, to whome ye shall geve credence.
"At Leyth, the 21 of October 1559.
(Sic subscribitur,)
"MARIE R."
His Credit is this:—
"That sche woundered how any durst presume to
command her in that realme, whiche neaded not to LETT THIS
be conquest by any force, considering that it was BE NOTED,
AND LETT
allready conqueissed by marriage; that Frenche men ALL MEN
could nott be justlie called strangearis, seing that thei JUDGE OF
THE
war naturalized; and thairfoir that sche wald neather PURPOSE OF
maik that Toun patent, neather yitt send any man THE
away, bot as sche thocht expedient. Sche accused the FRENCHE.
Duik of violating his promeise: Sche maid long
protestatioun of her love towardis the commoun-wealth of Scotland;
and in the end commanded, that under pane of treassone, all
assistaris to the Duke and unto us, should departe from the toune of
Edinburgh."[995]
This answer receaved, credite heard, preconceaved malice sufficientlie espyed,
consultatioun was tacken what was expedient to be done. And for the first it was
concluded, that the Herauld should be stayed till farder determinatioun should be
tacken.
The haill Nobilitie, Baronis, and Broughes, then present, wer
commanded to convene in the Tolbuyth of Edinburgh, the THE ORDOUR
same xxj day of October, for deliberatioun of these materis. OF
THE
SUSPENSIOUN
Whare the hole caus being exponed by the Lord Ruthven, the OF THE QUEIN
questioun was proponed, "Whetther sche that so REGENT, FROM
AUTHORITIE
contempteouslie refuissed the most humill requeist of the WITHIN
borne Counsallouris of the realm, being also bott a Regent, SCOTLAND.
whose pretenses threatned the boundage of the hole commoun-
wealth, awght to be sufferred so tyrannouslie to impyre above tham?" And
because that this questioun had nott bene befoir disputed in open assemblie, it
was thoght expedient that the judgement of the Preachearis should be required;
who being called and instructed in the caise, Johne Willok, who befoir had
susteaned the burthen of the Churche in Edinburgh, commanded[996] to speik,
maid discourse, as followeth, affirmyng:—
"First, That albeit Magistratis be Goddes ordinance, having
of him power and authoritie, yitt is not thair power so THE
DISCOURSE OF
largelie extended, but that is bounded and limited by God JOHNE
in his word. WILLOCK.

"And Secundarlie, That as subjectis ar commanded to obey thair

magistratis, so ar magistratis commanded to geve some dewitie to
the subjectis; so that God by his word, hes prescribed the office of
the one and of the other.
"Thridlie, That albeit God hath appointed magistratis his
lievtennentis on earth, and hes honored thame with his awin title,
calling thame goddis, that yitt he did never so establess any, but that
for just causses thei mycht have bene depryved.
"Fourtlie, That in deposing of Princes, and those that had bene in
authoritie, God did nott alwyise use his immediate poware; but
sometymes he used other meanis whiche his wisedome thocht good
and justice approved, as by Asa he removed Maacha his awin
mother from honour and authoritie, whiche befoir sche had brooked;
by Jehu he destroyed Joram, and the haill posteritie of Achab; and
by diverse otheris he had deposed from authoritie those whome
befoir he had establesshed by his awin worde." And
heirupoun concluded he, "That since the Quene THE CAUSES
Regent denyed her cheaf dewitie to the subjectis of
this realme, whiche was to minister justice unto thame indifferentlie,
to preserve thair liberties from invasioun of strangearis, and to suffer
thame have Godis word freelie and openlie preached amanges
thame; seing, moreover, that the Quene Regent wes ane open and
obstinat idolatress, a vehement manteanare of all superstitioun and
idolatrie; and, finallie, that sche utterlie dispysed the counsall and
requeistis of the Nobilitie, he could see no reassone why they, the
borne Counsallouris, Nobilitie, and Baronis of the realme, mycht
nott justlie deprive her from all regiment and authoritie amanges
thame."
Heirefter was the judgement of Johne Knox required, who, approving the
sentence of his Brother, added,—
"First, That the iniquitie of the Quene Regent, and
mysordour owght in nowyis to withdraw neather our THE
JUDGEMENT
heartis, neather yitt the heartis of other subjectis, OF JOHNE
from the obedience dew unto our Soveranis. KNOX, IN
THE
"Secundarly, That and yf we deposed the said Quene DISPOSITIOUN
OF THE
Regent rather of malice and privat invy, than for the QUEIN
preservatioun of the commoun-wealth, and for that REGENT.
her synnes appeared incurable, that we should nott
escheap Godis just punishment, howsoever that sche had deserved
rejectioun from honouris.
"And Thridlie, He required that no suche sentence should be
pronunced against her, bott that upoun her knawin and oppen
reapentance, and upoun her conversioun to the commoun-wealth,
and submissioun to the Nobilitie, place should be granted unto her of
regresse to the same honouris from the whiche, for just causses, sche
justlie might be deprived."
The votes of everie man particularlie by him self required, and everie man
commanded to speik, as he wald ansure to God, what his conscience judged in
that mater, thair was none found, amonges the hole number, who did nott, by his
awin toung consent to her deprivatioun. Thairefter was her process[997]
committed to writt, and registrat, as followeth:—
"At Edinburgh, the twenty one day of October 1559. The Nobilitie,
Baronis, and Broughes convenit to advise upoun the affairis of the
commoun-weall, and to ayde, supporte, and succour
the samyn, perceaving and lamenting the interprysed THE
destructioun of thair said commoun-weall, and ENORMITIES COMMITTED
overthrow of the libertie of thair native cuntree, be BY THE
the meanes of the Quene Regent, and certane QUEIN
REGENT.
strangearis her Prevey Counsallouris, plane contrarie
oure Soveranes Lord and Ladyis mynd, and direct against the
counsall of the Nobilitie, to proceid by litill and litill evin unto the
uttermost, sa that the urgent necessitie of the commoun-weall may
suffer na langare delay, and earnestlie craves our supporte: Seing
heirfoir that the said Quene Regent, (abusing and owir passing our
Soveranes Lord and Ladyis commissioun, gevin and granted to her,)
hes in all her proceidingis, persewit the Baronis and Broughes within
this realme, with weapones and armour of strangearis, butt ony
process or ordour of law, thei being oure Soverane Lord and Ladyis
trew liegis, and never called nor convict in any cryme be ony
judgement lauchfull; as first at Sanct Johnestoun, in the moneyth of
Maij, sche assembled her army against the towne and inhabitantis
thairof, never called nor convict in any cryme, for that thei professed
trew wirschip of God, conforme to his moist sacrat worde; and
lyikwyis in the moneyth of Junij last, without any lauchfull ordour
or calling going befoir, invaded the persones of syndre Noble men
and Baronis with force of armes convenit at Sanctandrois, onlie for
caus of religioun, as is notoriouslie knawin, thei never being callit
nor convict in ony cryme: Attour layed garnisonis the same moneth
upoun the inhabitantis of the said toun of Sanct Johnestoun,
oppressing the liberties of the Quenis trew lieges; for feir of whiche
her garnisones, ane great parte of the inhabitantis thairof, fled of the
towne, and durst nott resorte agane unto thair housses and heretages,
whill thei war restored be armes, thei notwithstanding never being
called nor convict in any cryme. And farder, that samyn tyme did
thrust in upoun the headis of the inhabitantis of the said towne
Provest and Baillies, against all ordour of electioun; as laitlie, in this
last moneth of September, sche had done in the townes of Edinburgh
and Jedburgh, and diverse utheris plaices, in manifest[998]
oppressioun of our liberties. Last of all, declairing her evill mynd
toward the Nobilitie, commountie,[999] and haill natioun, hes brocht
in strangearis, and dalie pretendis to bring in grettar force of the
samyn; pretending ane manifest conqueast of our native rowmes and
countree, as the deid it self declaires: in sa far as sche heaving brocht
in the saidis strangearis, but ony advise of the said Counsall and
Nobilitie, and contrair thair expresse mynd send to her Grace in
writt, hes plaicet and planted her saidis strangearis in ane of the
principall townis and portis of the realme, sending continewallie for
grettar forces, willing thairby to suppress the commoun-weall, and
libertie of our native countree, to mak us and our posteritie slaves to
strangearis for ever: Whiche, as it is intollerable in commoun-
wealthis and free cuntreis, sa is it verray prejudiciall to our Soverane
Ladye, and her airis quhatsumever, in caise our Soverane Lord
deceise butt airis of hir Grace's persone; and to perfurneise hir
wicked interpises,[1000] consavit (as appeiris) of inveterat malice
against our cuntree and natioun, causes (but any consent or advise of
the Counsall and Nobilitie) cunzie layit-money, sa base, and of sick
quantitie, that the hole realme shalbe depauperat, and all traffique
with forane nationis evertit thairby; And attour, her Grace places and
manteanes, contrair the pleasour of the Counsall of this realme, are
strangear in ane of the greattest offices of credite within this realme,
that is, in keaping of the Great Seall[1001] thairof, quhairintill great
parrellis may be ingenerat to the commoun-weall and libertie thairof:
And farder, laitlie send the said Great Seall furth of
this realme be the said strangeare, contrair the advise HIR
DOUGHTER
of the said Counsall, to what effect God knawis; and FOLLOWED
hes ellis be his meanes alterat the auld law and THE SAME;
consuetude of our realme, ever observit in the graces FOR TO
DAVY WAS
and pardonis granted be our Soveranes to all thair DELIVERED
liegis being repentand of thair offenses committed THE GREATT
against thair Hienes or the liegis of the realme; and SEALL.[1002]
hes introducit a new captiouse styill and forme of the
saidis pardonis and remissionis, attending to the practise of France,
tending thairby to draw the saidis liegis of this realme, be process of
tyme, in a deceavable snair; and farder, sall creipe in the haill
subversioun and alteratioun of the remanent lawis of this realme, in
contrair the contentis of the Appointment of Marriage; and als peace
being accordit amanges the Princes, reteanes the great armye of
strangearis after command send be the King of France to reteyre the
same, maiking excuise that thei war reteaned for suppressing of the
attemptatis of the liegis of this realme, albeit the haill subjectis
thairof, of all estaitis, is and ever hes bene reddy to give all debtfull
obedience to thair Soveranis, and thair lawchfull ministeris,
proceiding, be Godis ordinance: And the said armye of strangearis
not being payed of waiges, was layed be her Grace upoun the neckis
of the poore communitie of our native countree, who was compelled
be force to defraude tham selfis, thair wyffis, and barnes, of that
poore substance quhilk thei mycht conqueiss with the sweit of thair
browis, to satisfie thair hungar and necessiteis, and quyte the samyn
to susteane the idill bellies of thir strangearis. Throw the whiche in
all partis raise sick havye lamentatioun, and complaint of the
communitie, accusing the Nobilitie and Counsall of thair slewth, that
as the same oppressioun we dowbt nott hes entered in befoir the
justice-seat of God, sa hes it movit our heartis to rewth and
compassioun. And for redressing of the samyn, with other great
offenses committed against the publict weall of this realme, we have
convened hear, as said is; and as oft tymes of befoir, hes maist
humblie, and with all reverence, desyred and required the said
Quene Regent, to redress the saidis enormities, and especiallie to
remove her strangearis from the neckis of the poore communitie, and
to desist fra interprysing or fortificatioun of strenthis within this
realme, against the express will of the Nobilitie and Counsall of the
same: Yitt we being convened the mair stark for feir of her
strangearis, whome we saw presume na other thing bot with armes
to persew our lyves and possessiounis, besoght hir Grace to remove
the feare of the samyn, and mak the Towne patent to all our
Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis; the same on nawyise wald her
Grace grant unto; but when some of our cumpany in peciable maner
went to view the said towne, thair wes boyth great and small
munitioun schot furth at thame. And seing thairfoir that neather
access was granted to be used, nor yitt her Grace wald joyne her self
to us, to consult upoun the effairis of our commoun-weall, as we that
be borne Counsallouris to the same, be the ancient lawis of the
realme; but fearing the judgement of the Counsall wald reforme, as
necessitie requyred, the foirsaid enormities, sche refuisses all maner
of assistance with us, and be force and violence intendis to suppresse
the liberties of our commoun-weall, and of us the favoraris of the
samyn: WE, thairfoir, sa mony of the Nobilitie, Barones, and Provest
of Burrowes, as ar tweichet with the cair of the commoun-weall,
(unto the whiche we acknowledge our self nott onlie borne, bot
alswa sworne protectouris and defendaris, against all and
whatsomever invaidaris of the same,) and moved be the foirsaidis
proceidingis notorious, and with the lamentable complaynt of
oppressioun of our communitie, our fallow memberis of the samyn:
perceaving farder, that the present necessitie of our commoun-weill
may suffer na delay, being convenit (as said is) presentlie in
Edinburgh, for supporte of our commoun-weall, and ryplie consulted
and advisit, taking the fear of God befoir our eyis, for the causses
foirsaidis, whiche ar notorious, with one consent and commoun vote,
ilk man in ordour his judgement being required, In name and
 authoritie of our Soverane Lord and Lady, Suspendis the said
Commissioun granted be our saidis Soveranis to the said Quene
Dowager; dischargeing her of all administratioun or authoritie sche
hes or may have thairby, unto the nixt Parliament to be sett be our
advise and consent; and that becaus the said Quene, be the foirsaidis
faltis notorious, declairis hir self ennemye to our commoun-weall,
abusing the power of the said authoritie, to the destructioun of the
samyn. And lyikwyise, we discharge all members of her said
authoritie fra thinfurth; and that na cunze be cunzeit fra thinfurth
without expresse consent of the said Counsall and Nobilitie,
conforme to the lawis of this realme, whiche we manteane: And
ordanis this to be notifeid and proclamed be Officiaris of Armes, in
all head Burghis within the realme of Scotland. In witnes of the
whiche, our commoun consent and free vote, we have subscrivit this
present Act of Suspensioun with our handis, day, yeare, and place
foirsaidis."
[(Sic subscribitur,)
BY US, THE NOBILITY AND COMMOUNS OF THE PROTESTANTS
OF THE CHURCHE OF SCOTLAND.][1003]

Keith previously mentions, that the Councillors who signed the Letter to the
Queen, on the 23d October, were twenty-nine in number, viz., The Duke of
Chatelherault; Earls, Arran, Eglinton, Argyll, Rothes, Morton, Glencairn,
Marischal, Sutherland; Lords, Erskine, Ruthven, Home, Athens (Alexander
Gordon, afterwards Bishop of Galloway,) the Prior of St. Andrews (Lord James
Stewart,) Livingston, Master of Maxwell, Boyd, Ochiltree; Barons, Tullibardine,
Glenorchy, Lindsay, Dun, Lauriston, Cunningham, Calder, Pittarrow; Provosts of
Edinburgh, St. Andrews, Dundee. But see the note to the Letter itself, in the
following page 451.
After that this our Act of Suspensioun was by sound of trumpett divulgat at the
Mercat Croce of Edinburgh, we dismissed the Herauld with this answer:—
"PLEIS YOUR GRACE,
"We resavit your answer, and heard the Credit of Lyoun King of
Armes, whairby we gathered sufficientlie your perseverance in evill
mynd toward us, the glorie of God, our commoun-weall, and libertie
of our native countrey. For savetie of the whiche, according to our
 dewitie, We have in our Soverane Lord and Ladyeis name suspended
your Commissioun, and all administratioun of the policey your
Grace may pretend thairby, being maist assuiredlie persuaded, your
proceidingis[1004] ar direct contrair our Soveranes Lord and Ladyis
will, whiche we ever esteame to be for the weall, and nott for the
hurte of this our commoun-wealth. And as your Grace will nott
acknawledge us, our Soverane Lord and Ladyis liegis, trew barones
and liegis, for your subjectis and Counsall, na mair will we
acknawledge yow for any Regent[1005] or lauchfull Magistrat unto
us; seing, gif any auctoritie ye have be reassone of our Soveranis
commissioun granted unto your Grace, the same, for maist wechtie
reassones, is worthelie suspended be us, in the name and authoritie
of our Soveranis, whais counsall we ar of in the effares of this our
commoun-weall. And for als mekle as we ar determinat, with hasard
of our lyves, to sett that towne[1006] at libertie, whairin ye have most
wrangouslie planted[1007] your soldiouris and strangearis, for the
reverence we aucht to your persone, as Mother to our Soverane
Lady, we require your Grace to transporte your persone thairfra,
seing we ar constrayned,[1008] for the necessitie of the commoun-
weall, to sute the samyn be armes, being denyed of the libertie
thairof, be sindree requisitionis maid of befoir. Attour, your Grace
wald caus departe with yow out of the said towne, ony persone
havand commissioun in ambassadore, yf any sick be, or in
lieutennentschip of our Soveranis, together with all Frenchemen,
soldiouris, being within the same, (whais bloode we thrust nott,
becaus of the auld amitie and freindschip betuix the realme of
France, and us, whiche amitie, be occasioun of the mariage of our
Soverane Lady to the King of that realme, should rather increase nor
decrease;) and this we pray your Grace and thame bayth to do within
the space of twenty four houris, for the reverence we awcht unto
your persones. And thus recommending our humill service to your
Grace, we committ your Hienes to the eternall protectioun of God.
"At Edinburgh, the xxiij day[1009] of October 1559. "Your Graces
humile Servitouris."[1010]
The day following, we summoned the towne of Leyth by the sound of trumpet,
in forme as followeth:—
 "I require and charge, in name of oure Soverane Lord and Lady, and
of the Counsall presentlie in Edinburgh, that all Scottis and Frenche
men, of whatsumever estait and degree thai be, that thei departe of
this towne of Leyth within the space of twelf houris, and maik the
samyn patent to all and sindrie our Soverane Ladyis liegis; for seing
we have na sick haitrent at eyther that ane or that other,[1011] that we
thrust the bloode of any of the twa, for that ane is our naturall
brother, borne, nurished, and broght up within the bowellis of ane
commoun countree; and with that other, our natioun hes continewed
lang amitie and allya, and hopis that sa shall do sa lang as swa thei
list to use us, and nott suite to maik slavis of freindis, whiche this
strenthnyng of oure townis pretendis. And thairfoir maist hartlie
desyres that ane and that uther, to desist frome fortifeing and
manteanyng of this towne, in our Soveranis and thair said Counsallis
name, desyres thame to maik the same free within the space of xij
houris."
Defiance gevin, thair was skarmissing, without great
slawchtter. Preparatioun of scailles[1012] and ledderis was maid TREASSON
AMONGIS THE
for the assault, whiche was concluded by commoun consent of COUNSALL.
the Nobilitie and Barones. The scailles war appointed to be
maid in Sanct Gelis Churche, so that preaching was neglected, whiche did nott a
little greve the Preachearis, and many godlie with thame. The Preacharis spared
not openlie to say, "That thei feared the successe of that interpryse should nott be
prosperous, becaus the begynnyng appeired to bring with it some contempt of
God and of his word. Other places, (said thei,) had bene more apt for suche
preparationis, then whare the people convenit to commoun prayeris and unto
preacheing." In verray deid the audience was wounderfullie trubled all that[1013]
tyme, whiche (and other mysordour espyed amanges us) gave occasioun to the
Preachearis to efferme, "That God could nott suffer suche contempt of his
worde, and abuses of his grace, long to be unpunished." The Quene had amangis
us her assured espiallis, who did not onlie signifie unto her what wes our estait,
bot also what was our counsall, purposes, and devises. Borne of our awin
company war vehementlie suspected to be the verray betrayouris of all our
secreattis; for a boy of the Officiallis of Lowthiane, Maister James Balfour,[1014]
was tackin carying a writting, whiche did open the maist secreat thing was
devised in the Counsall; yea, these verray thingis whiche war thocht[1015] to have
bene knawin but to a verray few.
By suche domesticall ennemyis war nott onlie our purposes THE
DUCK
frustrat, bot also our determinationis wer oftyme owerthrowin AND HIS
and changed. The Dukis freindis geve unto him suche FREINDIS
terrouris, that he was greatlie trubled; and by his fear war FEIRFULL.
trubled many otheris. The men of warr (for the maist parte wer
men without God or honestie) made a mutiney, becaus thai THE
lacked a parte of thair waiges: Thei had done the same in UNGODLIE SOLDIOURIS
Lynlythqw befoir, quhair thei maid a proclamatioun, "That thei
wald serve any man to suppress the Congregatioun, and sett up the Messe
agane." Thai maid a fray upoun the Erle of Ergylis Hieland men, and slew one of
the principall children of his chalmer; who notwithstanding behaved him self so
moderatlie, and so studiouse to pacifie that tumult, that many woundered
alsweill of his prudent counsall and stowtness, as of the great obedience of his
cumpany. The ungodlie soldiouris notwithstanding maligned, and continewing in
thair mysordour, thei boasted the Lard of Tullybarne[1016] and uther Noble men,
who cohorted thame to quyetness. All these trubles war
practised by the Quene, and putt in executioun by the tratouris THE QUEIN
REGENTIS
amangis our selff; who, albeit they then lurked, and yitt ar not PRACTISES
manifestlie noted, yitt we dowbt not but God shall utter thame
to thair confusioun, and to the example of utheris. To pacifie the men of warr, a
collectioun was devised. But becaus some wer poore, and some wer nigardis and
avaritiouse, thair could no sufficient sowme be obteined. It was
thocht expedient that a cunze should be erected, that everie THE FACT OF
Noble man should cunzie his silver work to supplie the present THE COUNSALL
necessitie; and thairthrow David Forress, Johne Harte,[1017]
and utheris who befoir had charge of the Cunzie-house,[1018] did promeise thair
faythfull lawbouris. Bot when the mater come to the verray
point, the said Johne Heart, and utheris of his factioun, stall THE
away, and tuk with thame the instrumentis apt for thair TREASOUN JOHNE HEART
OF

purpose. Whetther this was done by the falsheid and feablenes

of the said Johnne, or the practising of otheris, is yitt uncertane. Rested then no
hoip amangis our selfis that any money could be furnessed; and thairfoir it was
concluded, by a few of those whom we judged most secreat, that Schir Raiff
Saidlair, and Schir James Croftis,[1019] then having charge at Berwik, should be
tempted, yf thei wald supporte us with any reassonable soume in that urgent
necessitie. And for that purpose, was the Lard of Ormestoun directed unto thame
in so secreat maner as we could devise. Bot yit our counsall was disclosed to the
Quene, who appointed the Lord Bothwell, (as him selff confessed,) to wait
upoun the returnyng of the said Lard, as that he did with all diligence; and so
being assuredlie informed by what way he came, the said Erle Bothwell
foirsett[1020] his way, and cuming upoun him at unwares, did tack him, after that
he was evill wounded in the heid;[1021] for nether could he gett his led horse, nor
yitt his steall bonet. With him was tacken the sowme of four thowsand crownis
of the sone, whiche the forenammed Schir Raiff and Schir James moist lovinglie
had send for our supporte. The bruit heirof cuming to our earis, oure dolour was
dowbled; not so muche for the loss of the money, as for the tynsall of the
gentilman, whome we suspected to have bene slane, or at the least that he should
be delivered to the Quenis handis. And so upoun the suddane, the Erle of Errane,
the Lord James, the Maister of Maxwell, with the most parte of the horsemen,
took purpose to persew the said Erle Bothwell, yf thei mycht apprehend him in
Creychttoun or Morhame, whittherto (as thei war informed) he had reteared him
self after his treassonable fact: We call his fact treassonable, becaus that thrie
dayis befoir he had send his especiall servand, Maister Michaell Balfour, to us to
Edinburgh, to purchese of the Lordis of the Counsall licence to come and speak
us; whiche we granted, efter that he had promesed, that in the meantyme he
should neather hurte us, neather yitt any till us appertenyng, till that he should
writt his answer agane, whitther that he wald joyne with us or not. He gave us
farder to understand, that he wald discharge him self of the
Quene, and thairefter wald assist us. And yitt in this THE ERLE
BOTHWELL
meantyme, he crewelly and tratorouslie hurte and spuilzeid the FALS IN
noble man foirsaid. Albeit that the departure and counsall of PROMEISE,
the Erle of Arrane and Lord James, with thair cumpany AND HIS
TREASONABLE
foirsaid, wes verray suddane and secreat; yitt was the Erle FACT
Bothwell,[1022] then being in Crychttoun, advertissed, and so
eschaiped with the money, whiche he took with him self, as the Capitane of his
house, John Somervaill, (whiche was tackin without lang persuyte,) confessed
and affermed. Becaus the Noble men that soght redress, soght rather his saiftie
and reconsiliatioun; then destructioun and haitrent thei committed his house to
the custody of a capitane, to witt, Capitane Forbess, to whome, and to all
soldiouris thair left, was gevin a schairpe commandiment, that all thingis found
within the said hous of Crychttoun,[1023] (which war putt in inventorie in
presence of the Lordis,) should be keipt till that the Erle Bothwell should geve
answer, whitther he wald maik restitutioun or nott. Tyme of advertisment was
granted unto him the hole day subsequent, till going doune of the sone.
In absence of the saidis Lordis and horsemen, (we meane the same day that thei
departed, whiche wes the last of October,) the Provest and towne of Dundye,
togetther with some soldiouris, passed furth of the toune of Edinburgh, and
caryed with thame some great ordinance to schuitt at Leyth. The Duck his Grace,
the Erle of Glencarne, and the rest of the Noble men, wer gone to the preacheing,
whair thei continewed to nye twelf houris. The Frenche being advertissed by ane
named[1024] Clerk, (who after was apprehended,) that our horsemen wer absent,
and that the hole companye wer at dennar, issched, and with great expeditioun
came to the place whair our ordinance wes laid. The towne of
Dundye, with a few otheris, resisted a whill, alsweall with thair THE FIRST
[1025]
ordinance as haquebuttis; but being left of our ungodlye and DEFAIR OF
THE
feable soldiouris, who fled without strok offered or gevin, thei CONGREGATIOUN
war compelled to give back, and so to leave the ordinance to
the ennemyis, who did farder persew the fugitives, to witt, to the myddis of the
Cannogaite, and to the fute of Leyth Wynd. Thair crewelty
then began to discover the self; for the decrepit, the aiged, the THE CRUELTIE
women and childrein, fand no greater favouris in thair furye, OF FRENCHE
THE

then did the strang man, who maid resistance.

It was verray appeiring, that amanges our selfis thair wes some treassoun. For
when, upoun the first alarm, all man maid haist for releve of thair brethren,
whome in verray deid we mycht have saved, and at least we mycht have saved
the ordinance, and have keapt the Cannogait from danger; for we wer anis
merched fordwarte with bold curage, but then, (we say,) wes a schowt reased
amonges our selfis, (God will discloise the traytouris one day,) affermyng "That
the hole Frenche cumpanye war entered in at Leyth Wynd upoun our backis."
What clamor and misordour did then suddanelie arryise, we list nott to expresse
with multiplicatioun of wordis. The horsemen, and some of those that aught to
have putt ordour to otheris, over-rod thair poore brethren at the enteress of the
Netthir Bow. The crye of discomforte arose in the toun; the wicked and
malignant blasphemed; the feable, (amanges whome the Justice Clerk, Schir
Johne Bannatyne[1026] was,) fledd without mercye: With great difficultie could
thei be keapt in at the Weast Porte. Maister Gavin Hammyltoun[1027] cryed with
a lowd voce, "Drynk now as ye have browen." The Frenche perceaving, be the
clamour of our fray, followed, as said is, to the myddis of the Cannogait, to no
great nomber, bott a twenty or thretty of thair infantes perdues.[1028] For in that
meantyme the rest reteired thame selves with our ordinance.
The Erle of Ergyle and his men wer the first that stopped the THE ERLE OF
fleying of our men, and compelled the Porte to be opened efter ERGYLE
that it was schoot. Bott in verray deid, Lord Robert Stewarte,
[1029] Abbot of Halyrudehouse, was the first that isched out. LORD ROBERT
After him followed many upoun the backis of the Frenche. At STEWART
last cam my Lord Duck, and then was no man mair frack nor
was Maister Gavin Hammyltoun foirsaid. The Frenche brunt a baikhouse, and
tooke some spuilzie from the poores of the Cannogait. Thei slew a Papist and
dronken preast, named Schir Thomas Sklatter, ane aiged man, a woman gevin
sowk and her child, and of oure soldiouris to the nomber of ten. Certane wer
tane, amongis whome Capitane Mowat was one, [and] Maister Charles Geddes,
servitour to the Maister of Maxwell.

The Castell[1030] that day schot ane schott at the Frenche,

declairing thame thairby freindis to us, and ennemy to thame; THE CASTELL
SCHOT ONE
bott he suddanelie repented of weall-doing. The Queyn glad of SHOTT.
victorye, sat upoun the ramparte to salute and welcome hir
victorious suddartis.[1031] One brought a kirtill, one uther ane THE QUEIN
pettycote, the thrid, a pote or pane; and of invy more then REGENTIS
womanlie lawchtter, sche asked, "Whair bocht ye your ware? REJOSING,
AND
Je pense[1032] que vous l'aves achete sans argent."[1033] This UNWOMANLIE
was the great and motherlie cayre whiche schee tooke for the BEHAVIOUR
truble of the poore subjectis of this realme.
The Erle Bothwell, lifted up in his awin conceat, be reassoun
of this our repulse and disconfitour, utterlie refused any THE
restitutioun; and so within two dayis after was his house COUNSALL THE MAISTER
OF

spulzeid, in whiche war no thingis of ony great importance, his OF MAXWELL.

evidentis and certane clothing excepted. Frome that day back,
the curage of many was dejected. With great difficultie could men be reteaned in
the towne; yea, some of the greatast estimatioun determined with thame selfis to
leave the interpryise. Many fled away secreatlie, and those that did abyd, (a
verray few excepted,) appeared destitut of counsall and manheid. The Maister of
Maxwell,[1034] a man stowt and wittie, foirseing the danger, desyrit moist
gravelie eyther to tak suche ordour that thei mycht remane to the terrour of the
ennemy, or ellis that thei should reteyre thame selfis with thair ordinance and
baneris displeyed in ordour. But the wittis of men being dasched, no counsall
could prevaill. Thus we continewed from the Wednisday, the last of October, till
Mononday the fyft of November,[1035] never two or thrie abyding ferme in one
opinioun the space of twenty-four houris. The pestilent wittis of the Quenis
practisaris did then exercise thame selfis, (God sall recompanse thair maliciouse
craft in thair awin bosome, we dowbt not;) for thei caused two godlie and
fordward young men, the Lardis of Pharnyherst and Cesfurd,[1036] who ones had
glaidlie joyned thame selfis with us, to withdraw thame selfis and thair freindis:
The same thei did to the Erle Mortoun, who promissed to be oures, but did never
planelie joyne. Thei intysed the Capitane of the Castell to deny us supporte, in
caise we war persewed; and, finallie, the counsall of some was no less
pestiferous against us, then was the counsall of Achitophell against David and
his discomforted soldiouris. "Rander, O Lord, to the wicked according to thair
malice."

Upoun Mononday, the fyft[1037] of November, did the Frenche

ische out of Leyth betymes, for kepping[1038] of the victuallis THE LAST
DISCOMFITURE
whiche should have cumed to us. We being trubled amanges UPOUN
our selfis, and, as said is, devided in opinionis, wer neather MONUNDAY.
circumspect when thei did ische, neather yitt did we follow
with suche expeditioun as had bene meitt for men that wald have sought our
advantage. Our soldiouris could skarslie be dong furth of the towne. The Erle of
Arrane, Lord James, and a certane with thame, maid haist. Many honest man
then followed, and maid suche diligence, that thei caused the Frenche ones to
retear somewhat effrayedlie. The rest that ware in Leyth, perceaving the danger
of thair fallowis, isshed out for thair succurse. The Erle of Arrane and Lord
James foirsaid, being more fordward nor prudent and circumspect, did compell
the Capitanes, as is allegeit, to bring thare men so ney, that eyther thei must
neidis have hasarded battell with the hole Frenche men, (and that under the
mercy of thair cannonis also,) or ellis thei must neidis reteyre in a verray narrow
cure.[1039] For our men warr approched ney[1040] to Restalrig. The one parte of
the Frenche wer upoun the north towardis the sea, the other parte marched frome
Leyth to Edinburgh; and yitt thei marched so, that we could have foughten
neather cumpany, befoir that thei should have joyned. We took purpoise thairfoir
to reteire towardis the towne, and that with expeditioun, least that the formare
cumpany of the Frenche should eyther have invaided the towne, befoir that we
could have cumed to the reskew thairof, or ellis have cutted us of from the
entress, at the Abbay of Halyrudhouse, as appeirandlie thei had done, yf that the
Lard of Grange and Alexander Quhytlaw, with a few horsemen, had nott stayed
boith thair horsemen and thair footmen. The cumpany whiche was nixt us,
perceaving that we reteired with speid, send furth thair skyrmissaris, to the
nomber of thre or foure hundreth, who took us att ane disadvantage; befoir us
having the myre of Restalrig[1041] betuix us and thame, so that in no wise we
could charge thame; and we war inclosed by the park dyke,[1042] so that in
nowyse we could avoid thair schott. Thair horsmen followed upoun our taillis,
and slew diverse; our awin[1043] horsemen over-rode our futemen; and so be
reassoun of the narrowness of the place, thair was no resistance maid. The Erle
of Arrane, and Lord James, in great danger, lyghted amanges the footmen,
exhorting thame to have some respect to ordour, and to the saiftie of thair
brethren, whome, by thair fleying, thei exponed to murther, and so war cryminall
of thair deth. Capitane Alexander Halyburtoun, a man that feared God, taryed
with certane of his soldiouris behynd, and maid resistance, till that he was first
schote and tackin. Bot being knawin, those cruell murtheraris wounded him in
diverse partis to the death.[1044] And yit, as it war by the power of God, he was
brocht in to the toun, whair in few, but yit most plane wordis, he gave
confessioun of his fayth, testifeing, "That he dowbted nothing of Godis mercy,
purchassed to him by the bloode of Christ Jesus; neather yit that he repented,
that it pleased God to maik him worthie to sched his bloode, and spend his lyif in
the defence of so just a cause." And thus, with the dolour of
many, he ended his dolour, and did enter, (we dowt nott,) in THE DEATH OF
ALEXANDER
that blessed immortalitie within two houris efter that we war HALYBURTOUN,
defait.[1045] Thare war slane to the nomber of twenty-four or CAPITANE
thretty men, the maist parte poore. Thair war tackin the Lard of
Pitmyllie, the Lard of Pharny youngar, the Maister of Bowchane, George Luvell
of Dundie,[1046] and some otheris of lowar estait; Johnne Dunbar, Lieutennent to
Capitane Mowet.[1047] Capitane David Murray had his horse slane, and him self
hurte[1048] in the leg.
Few dayis befoir oure first defait, whiche was upon Alhallow
Evin,[1049] Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun younger,[1050] HOW AND
WHY WILLIAM
Secreattar to the Quene, perceaving him self not onlye to be MAITLAND
suspected as one that favored our parte, bot also to stand in LEFT LEYTH.
danger of his lyiff, yf he should remane amangis sa ungodlie a
cumpany; for quhensoevir materis came in questioun, he spaired not to speik his
conscience; whiche libertie of toung, and gravitie of judgement, the Frenche did
heyghlie disdane. Whiche perceaved by him, he convoyed him self away in a
mornyng, and randered him self to Maister Kirkcaldye, Lard of Grange, who
cuming to us, did exhorte us to constancie, assuring us, that in the Quene thair
was nothing but craft and deceat. He travailled exceidinglie to have reteaned the
Lordis togidder, and maist prudentlie laid befoir thair eyis the dangearis that
myeht ensew thair departing of the town. Bot fear and dolour had so seazed[1051]
the hartis of all, that thei could admitt no consolatioun. The Erle of Arrane, and
Lord James, offered to abyd, yff any reassonable cumpany wald abyd with
thame. Bott men did so steall away, that the witt of man could not stay thame.
Yea, some of the greatast determined planelie that thei wald not abyd. The
Capitane of the Castell, than Lord Ersken, wald promeise unto
us no favouris. But said, "He most neidis declair himself freind THE LORD
to those that war able to supporte and defend him." Whiche ERSKYN DECLAIRED
answer gevin to the Lord James,[1052] discoraged those that HIM SELF
befoir had determined to have biddin the uttermost, rather then ENNEMYE TO
THE
to have abandoned the towne, so that the Castell wald have CONGREGATIOUN
stand[1053] thair friend. But the contrarie declaired, everie man
took purpose for him self. The complaintis of the brethren within the towne of
Edinburgh was lamentable and sore. The wicked then began to spew furth the
vennoum whiche befoir lurked in thare cankered hearte. The godly, alsweall
those that war departed, as the inhabitants of the towne, wer so trubled, that
some of thame wald have preferred death to lyve, at Godis pleasur. For avoiding
of danger, it was concludit that thei should departe at mydnycht. The Duik maid
provisioun for his ordinance, and caused it to be send befoir; but the rest was left
to the cayr of the Capitane of the Castell, who receaved it, alsweall that whiche
appertenith to Lord James, as that of Dundy. The dispytfull
toungis of the wicked raylled upoun us, calling us traytouris THE DISPYTE
OF THE
and heretiques: everie ane provoked other to cast stanes at us. PAPISTIS OF
One cryed, "Allace, yf I mycht see;" ane other, "Fye, give EDINBURGH
advertisment to the Frenche men that thei may come, and we
shall help thame now to cutt the throttis of these heretiques." And thus, as the
sword of dolour passed throught our heartis, so war the cogitationis and formar
determinationis of many heartis then reveilled. For we wald
never have belevit that our naturall countrey men and wemen THE WORST IS
NOT YIT COME
could have wisshed our destructioun so unmercifullie, and TO OUR
have so rejosed in our adversitie: God move thair heartis to ENNEMYES
repentance! for ellis we fear that He whose caus we susteane
sall lett thame feill the weght of the yock of crewell strangearis, in whose handis
thei wisshed us to have bene betrayed. We stayed nott till that we came to
Striveling, whiche we did the day efter that we departed from Edinburgh; for it
was concluded, that thair consultatioun should be tacken, what was the nixt
remeady in so desperat a mater.

The nixt Wedinsday, whiche was the 7. of November,[1054]

Johnne Knox preached, (Johne Willock was departed to THE SERMOUN
OF JOHNE
England, as befoir he had appointed,) and entreated the 4, 5, 6, KNOX, IN
7, and 8 versicules of the Fourscoir Psalme, whair David, in STRYVELING,
the persoune of the afflicted people of God, speaketh thus:[1055] IN THE
GREATEST OF
The fourt verse: "O thow the Eternall, the God of hostis, how OUR TRUBLES.
long shall thow be angree against the prayer of thy people. 5.
Thow hest fed us with the bread of tearis, and hath gevin to us tearis to drynk in
great measure. 6. Thow hest maid us a stryf unto our nychtbouris, and our
ennemyis laugh us to scorne amangis thame selfis. 7. O God of hostis, turne us
agane: maik thy face to schyne, and we shalbe saved." [8. Thow hes brocht a
vine out of Egypte: thow hes cast out the heathen, and planted it.][1056] &c.
This Psalme had the said Johne begun in Edinburgh, as it war
foirseing our calamitie, of whiche in verray deid he did not THE
obscurelie speik, butt planelie did admonishe us, that he was ARGUMENT
THE
OF
80.
assured of trubles suddanelie to come; and thairfoir exhorted PSALME.
all men to prayeris. He entreated the three first versicles in
Edinburgh, to the conforte of many. He declaired the argument of the Psalme,
affermeing for his judgment, that it was maid by David him self, who, in the
spreitt of prophesye, foirsaw the miserable estait of Godis people, especiallie
after that the Ten Tribes wer devided, and departed frome the obedience of Juda;
for it was nott, (said he,) without caus that Josephe, Ephraim, Benjamin, and
Manasse, war especiallie named, and nott Juda; to witt, becaus that thei came
first to calamitie, and war translaited from thair awin inheritance, whill that Juda
yitt possessed the kingdome. He confessed that justlie thei war punished for
idolatrie committed. But he affirmed, that amanges thame continewalie thair
remaned some trew wirschipparis of God, for whose conforte war the Propheittis
send, alsweill to call thame to reapentance, as to assure thame of deliverance,
and of the promisse of God to be performed unto thame.
He divided the Psalme in three partis, to wit, in a prayer: 2. In
the ground whairupoun thair prayer was founded: 3. And in the THE
lamentable complaintis, and the vow whiche thei maik to God. DIVISIOUN.
Thare prayer was, "That God should convert and turne thame; that he should
maik his face to schyn upoun thame; and that he should restoir thame to thair
formar dignitie." The groundis and fundationis of thair prayeris ware, 1. That
God him self had becum pastour and governour unto thame: 2. That he had
tacken the protectioun of thame in his awin hand: 3. That he had chosin his
habitatioun amangis thame: 4. That he had delivered thame frome bondage and
thraldome: 5. That he had multiplyed and blessed thame with many notable
benedictionis. Upoun those Two partis he gave these notis:—
First, That the felicitie of Godis people may not be measured by any externall
appeirance; for oftyn it is, that the same people, to whome God becumis not
onlye creator, bot also pastour and protectour, is more seveirlie intreated, then
those nationis whair verray ignorance and contempt of God reigneth.
Secondlie, That God never maid his acquentance and leigue with any people by
his worde, bott that thare he had some of his elect; who, albeit thei suffered for a
tyme in the myddis of the wicked, yitt in the end thei fand conforte, and felt in
verray experience, that Godis promisses ar nott in vane.
Thridlie, That these prayeris wer dyted unto the people by the Holy Ghost, befoir
thei came to the uttermost of truble, till assure thame that God, by whose Spreit
the prayare was dited, wald nott contempt the same in the myddis of thair
calamities.
The Thrid parte, conteynyng the lamentable complaynt, he entreated in
Stryveling, in presence of my Lord Duik, and of the hole Counsall. In the
expositioun whairof, he declaired, Whairfoir God somtymes suffered his chosin
flock to be exponed to mockage, to dangearis, and to appeiring destructioun; to
witt, that thei may feill the vehemencye of Godis indignatioun; that thei may
knaw how litill strenth is in thair selfis; that thei may leave a testimony to the
generationis following, alsweill of the malice of the Devill against Goddis
people, as of the mervaillouse werk of God, in preserving his litill flock by far
other meanes then man can espye. In explanyng these wordis, "How long shall
thow be angree, O Lord, against the prayer of thy people?" he declaired, How
dolorouse and fearfull it was to feght against that tentatioun, that God turned
away his face from our prayaris; for that was nothing ellis then to comprehend
and conceave God to be armed to our destructioun: whiche temptatioun no
flesche can abyd nor owercome, onless the mychtie Spreit of God interpone the
self suddanelie.
The example he gave, the impatience of Saule, when God wald nott hear his
prayaris. The difference betuix the elect and reprobate in that temptatioun, he
planelie declaired to be, that the elect, susteaned by the secreat power of Goddis
Spreit, did still call upoun God, albeit that he appeared to contempt thair
prayaris; whiche, (said he,) is the sacrifice most acceptable to God, and is in a
maner evin to feght with God, and to ovircum him, as Jacob did in warsling with
his Angell. Butt the reprobat, (said he,) being denyed of thair requeastis at Godis
hand, do eather cease to pray, and altogitther contempt God, who straitlie
commandeth us to call upoun him in the day of adversitie; or ellis thei seik at the
Devill that whiche thei see thei can nott obteane by God.
In the Secound parte he declared, how hard it was to this corrupt nature of ouris
not to rejose and putt confidence in the self, when God geveth victorye; and
thairfoir how necessare it was that man by afflictioun should be brocht to the
knawledge of his awin infirmitie, least that, puffed up with vane confidence, he
maik ane idoll of his awin strenth, as did King Nabuchadnezzar. He did gravelie
disput upoun the nature of the blynd warld, whiche, in all ages, hath insolentlie
rejosed when God did chasten his awin children, whose glory and honour,
becaus the reprobat can never see, thairfoir thei dispyise thame, and the
wonderouse werk of God in thame. And yit, (said he,) the joy and rejosing of the
warld is but meare sorrow, becaus the end of it tendith to suddane destructioun,
as the ryatouse banquetting of Balthasar declaireth. Applying these headis to the
tyme and personis, (he said,) yf none of Goddis children had suffered befoir us
the same injureis that presentlie we susteane, these our trubles wald appear
intollerable; suche is our tender delicacie, and self luif of our awin flesche, that
those thingis whiche we lychtlie pass over in otheris, we can greatlie complane
of, yf thei tweiche our selfis. I dowbt not bot that some of us have ofter then
ones redd this Psalme, as also that we have redd and heard the travaill and
trubles of our ancient fatheris.[1057] But whiche of us, eather in reading or
hearing thair dolouris and temptationis, did so discend in to oure selfis that we
felt the bitterness of thair passionis? I think none. And thairfoir hes God brocht
us to some experience in our awin personis.
But, yit, because the mater may appeir obscure, onless it be
more propirlie applyed, I can nott bot of conscience use suche SPECIALIS
plainnes as God shall grant unto me. Oure faces ar this day APPLICATIO
confounded, oure ennemyes triumphe, oure heartis have quaiked for fear, and
yitt thei remane oppressed with sorrow and schame. But what shall we think to
be the verray cause that God hath thus dejected us? Yf I shall say, our synnes and
formar unthankfulness to God, I speik the treuth. Butt yitt I spack more generalie
then necessitie required: for when the synnes of men ar rebucked in generall,
seldome it is that man discendeth within him self, accusing and dampnyng in
him self that whiche most displeaseth God. Butt rather he dowttis that to be a
cause, whiche befoir God is no cause in deid. For example, the Israelitis,
feghting against the tribe of Benjamin, wer twise discomfeitted, with the loss of
fourtie thowsand men. Thei lamented and bewailled boyth first and last; but we
fynd nott that thei cam to the knawledge of thair offence and synne, whiche wes
the cause that thei fell in the edge of the sworde; but rather thei dowted that to
have bene a cause of thair mysfortoun, whiche God had commanded: for thei
ask, "Shall we go and feght any more against our brethren, the sonnes of
Benjamin?" By whiche questioun, it is evident, that thei supposed that the caus
of thair overthrow and discomfeit was, becaus thei had lifted the sword against
thair brethren and naturall countreymen. And yitt, the expresse commandiment
of God that wes gevin unto thame, did deliver thame from all cryme in that
caise. And yitt, no dowte but that thare wes some caus in the Israelitis that God
gave thame so over in the handis of those wicked men, against whom he send
thame, by his awin expressed commandiment, till execut his judgementis. Suche
as do weall mark the historye and the estait of that people, may
easilie see the caus why God wes offended. All the haill people LETT
had declyned from God; idolatrie was manteaned by the SCOTLAND YITT TACK
commoun consent of the multitude; and as the text sayeth, HEAD
"Everie man did that whiche appeareth good in his awin eyis."
In this meantyme, the Levite compleaned of the vilanye that was done unto him
self, and unto his wyf, whiche oppressed by the Benjamites of Gibeah, died
under thare fylthy lustis. Whiche horrible fact inflammed the heartis of the hole
people to taik vengeance upoun that abhominatioun: and thairin thei offended
not; but in this thei failled, that thei go to execut judgement against the wicked,
without any reapentance or remorse of conscience of thair formare offenses, and
defectioun from God. And, farther, becaus thei war a great multitude, and the
other war far inferiour unto thame, thei trusted in thair awin strenth, and thought
thame selfis able aneuch to do thair purpose, without any invocatioun of the
name of God. Bot after that thei had twise provin the vanitie of thair awin
strenth, thei fasted and prayed, and being humbled befoir God, thai receaved a
more favorable answer, ane assured promeise of the victorye. The lyik may be
amangis us, albeit suddanelie we do nott espye it. And to the end that everie man
may the bettir examyne him self, I will devide our hole cumpany in two sortes of
men: The one ar those that from the begynnyng of this truble have susteaned the
commoun danger with thair brethren: The other be those whiche laitlie be joyned
to our fallowschip. In the one and in the other, I fear, that just caus shalbe found
that God should thus have humiled us. And albeit, that this appear strange at the
first hearing, yitt yf everie man shall examyn him self, and speik as that his
conscience dites unto him, I dowbt not bot he shall subscrive my sentence. Lett
us begyn at our selves, who longast hes continewed in this battell. When we war
a few nomber, in comparisoun of our ennemyes, when we had neather Erle nor
Lord (a few excepted) to conforte us, we called upoun God; we tooke him for
our protectour, defence, and onlie refuge. Amanges us was heard no braggin of
multitude, of our strenth, nor pollecey: we did onlye sob to God, to have respect
to the equitie of our cause, and to the crewell persute of the tyranefull ennemye.
Butt since that our nomber hath bene thus multiplyed, and cheaflie sen my Lord
Duik[1058] his Grace with his freindis have bene joyned with us, thair was
nothing heard, bot "This Lord will bring these many hundreth spearis: this man
hath the credite to perswaid this cuntrey; yf this Erle be ouris, no man in suche a
boundis will truble us." And thus the best of us all, that befoir felt Godis potent
hand to be our defence, hath of lait dayis putt flesche to be our arme. Butt
whairin yit hathe my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis offended? It may be
that, as we haif trusted in thame, so have thei putt too muche confidence in thair
awin strenth. But granting so be not,[1059] I see a cause most just, why the Duik
and his freindis should thus be confounded amangis the rest of thair brethren. I
have nott yit forgottin what was the dolour and anguishe of my awin hearte,
when at Sanet Johnestoun, Cowper Mure, and Edinburgh Crages, those crewell
murtheraris, that now hath putt us to this dishonour, threatned our present
destructioun: my Lord Duik his Grace and his freindis at all the three jornayes,
wes to thame a great conforte, and unto us a great discorage; for his name and
authoritie did more effray and astonise us, then did the force of the other; yea,
without his assistance, thei could not have compelled us to appoint with the
Quene upoun so unequall conditionis. I am uncertane yf my Lordis Grace hath
unfeanedlie repented of that his assistance to those murtheraris unjustlie
persewing us. Yea, I am uncertane yff he hath reapented of that innocent bloode
of Chrystes blessed Martyres, whiche was sched in his defalt. But lett it be that
so he hath done, (as I hear that he hath confessed his offence befoir the Lordis
and Brethren of the Congregatioun,) yit I am assured, that neather he, nether yit
his freindis, did feall befoir this tyme the anguishe and greaf of heartis whiche
we felt, when in thair blynd furye thei persewed us: And thairfoir hath God
justlie permitted both thame and us to fall in this confusioun at ones: us, for that
we putt our trust and confidence in man; and thame, becaus that thei should feill
in thair awin hearttis how bytter was the coupe which thei maid otheris to drynk
befoir thame. Restis that boith thei and we turne to the Eternall
oure God, (who beattis doun to death, to the intent that he may CONCLUSIO.
raise up agane, to leav the remembrance of his wonderouse
deliverance, to the praise of his awin name,) whiche yf we do unfeanedlie, I no
more dowbt but that this our dolour, confusioun, and feare, shalbe turned into
joy, honour, and boldness, then that I dowt that God gave victorye to the
Israelitis over the Benjamites, after that twise with ignominye thei war repulsed
and doung back. Yea, whatsoever shall become of us and of
our mortall carcasses, I dowt not but that this caus, (in dyspite LETT THE
PAPISTIS AND
of Sathan,) shall prevaill in the realme of Scotland. For, as it is GREATEST
the eternall trewth of the eternall God, so shall it ones prevaill, ENNEMYIS
howsoever for a time it be impugned. It may be that God shall WITNESS
plague some, for that thei delyte nott in the trewth, albeit for
warldlye respectis thei seame to favour it. Yea, God may tak some of his dearest
children away befoir that thair eyis see greattar trubles. Bott neather shall the one
nor the other so hynder this actioun, but in the end it shall triumphe.

This Sermoun ended, in the whiche he did vehementlie exhorte all man to
amendment of lyffe, to prayaris, and to the warkis of charitie, the myndis of men
began wounderouslye to be erected. And immediatlie after dennare, the Lordis
passed to Counsall,[1060] unto the whiche the said Johnne Knox was called to
mack invocatioun of the name of God, (for other preachearis war nane with us at
that tyme.) In the end it was concluded, that Williame Maitland[1061] foirsaid
should pas to Londoun to expone our estait and conditioun to the Quein and
Counsall, and that the Noble men should departe to thair quyett, to the sextene
day of December, whiche tyme was appointed to the nixt Conventioun in
Striveling, as in this our Thrid Booke following shalbe more amplie declaired.
ENDIS THE SECOUND BOOKE OF THE HISTORYE OF THE PROGRESSE OF RELIGIOUN WITHIN
SCOTLAND.[1062]
Look upoun us, O Lorde, in the multitude of thy mercyes; for we ar brought evin
to the deape of the dongeoun.
 APPENDIX.

APPENDIX
No. I. ToC

INTERPOLATIONS AND VARIOUS READINGS IN THE EDITIONS OF KNOX'S HISTORY OF THE

REFORMATION, BY DAVID BUCHANAN, PRINTED AT LONDON, 1644, FOLIO, AND
REPRINTED AT EDINBURGH, 1644, 4TO.

(THE PAGES AND LINES AT THE LEFT-HAND SIDE REFER TO THE PRESENT EDITION.)
Page 1, line 5. (This title and Preface are not contained in Buchanan's editions.)
5, l. 20. Instead of the words, "In the Scrollis of Glasgw," &c., it begins, In the
Records of Glasgow is found mention of one whose name was James Resby, an
Englishman by birth, scholler to Wickliff: He was accused as an Heretike, by
one Lawrence Lindors in Scotland, and burnt for having said, That the Pope was
not the Vicar of Christ, and that a man of wicked life was not to be
acknowledged for Pope. This fell out Anno 1422. Farther our Chronicles make
mention, That in the dayis,[1063] &c.
6, l. 23. injust accusatioun and condemnatioun. Both these godly men, Resby
and Craw, suffered Martyrdom for Christ his truth, by Henry Wardlaw, Bishop of
St. Andrewes, whom the Prelates place amongst their Worthies. But that their
wicked practise did not greatly advance, &c.—l. 25.
7, l. 11. Helene Chalmer, Lady Pokellie, Isabelle Chambers, Lady Stairs.
8, l. 4. ar not to be had in the Kyrk, nor to be worshipped.—9. That it is not
lawfull to fight for the faith, nor to defend the faith by the sword, if we be not
driven to it by necessity, which is above all law.—12. gave power to Peter, as
also to the other Apostles, and not to the Pope his pretended successour, to
binde, &c.—14. to consecrate as they do in the Romish Church these many
yeers.—19. were then called, to wit, wholly, but a part to the poor, widow, or
orphans, and other pious uses.
9, l. 5. is a preast, in that sence that they are called by the Apostle Saint John,
Apoc. i. 6, v. 10, xx. 6.—7. coming of Christ; and truely it was but late since
Kings were anointed, namely in Scotland, for Edgar was the first anointed King
in Scotland, about the year 1100.—12. the souls, who in those dayes were said to
be in Purgatory.—25. not to be feared, if there be no true cause for it.—26. to
swear, to wit, idly, rashly, and in vain.—27. Priests may have wives, according
to the constitution of the law, and of the primitive Christian Church.—30. every
day by Faith.—31. be contracted and consummate, the Kyrk may make, &c.—
32. bindes not if unjust.
10, l. 1. to miracles, to such namely as the Romish were then, and are to this day.
—3. to God onely, since he onely hears us, and can help us.—12. are murtherars
of souls.—13. That they which are called Princes and Prelates in the Church, are
theives and robbers.
16, l. 14. upon the morrow after brought forth to judgment.
19, l. 10. into vulgar language.—11. (This title and Fryth's Preface are not
contained in Buchanan's editions.)
36, l. 18. was ane called Will. Arithe.
37, l. 2. his parasites and jackmen.
38, l. 12. and cryes, Anne has lost hir spindle.—13. flaill stollin behinde the
barne.
39, l. 9. he said—she said.—13. that look over our ditch.—17. we hold the
Bishops the cheapest servant.
41, l. 12. for the other Friers fearing.
42, l. 6. in hollow cellars, for the smoke of.
43, l. 2, He leapt up merrily upon the scaffold, and, casting a gambade, said.
49, l. 1. thy Majesties sometime servant.—(In this Letter of Seaton's, your Grace
is uniformly changed to Majestie.)
51, l. 11. to put out thy.
52, l. 15. could greatly availl.—17. fostered the unadvised Prince in all
dissolutenesse, by which means they made him obsequious unto them.
53, l. 7, 8. ten yearis or thereabout.—11. realme in these times.—intestine and
cruell.—15. Levenax—Lenox, who was sisters son to the Earle of Arran.
54, l. 7. of Rome; commanded the Bible to be read in English; suppressed.—8. of
Idolatrie, with their idols, which gave great hope.—(In the margin,) 1534. 1538.
The civil troubles give some rest to God's flock for a time.—20. craftynes of
Gardner, Bishop of.—23. but that God potently had assisted him in all his life,
but.
56, l. 12. maid he them.
57, l. 1. Johnne Stewart of Leyth.—3. Johnestoun, Advocate.
59, l. 11. Laird of Dun, Areskin.—20. as one revived, cast himself.
61, l. 8. whome war those of Dundie.—12. Borthwik, Provost of Lithcow.—(In
the margin,) Lesly writes this done 1540. John Borthwick fled into England,
from whence Henry sent him into Germanie to the Protestant Princes.
62, l. 4. Frearis and Monks, as of Channons.
64, l. 1. Alexander Kennedy.—2. excellent wit in vulgar poesy.
66, l. 17-22. so far had they blinded and corrupted the inconsiderate Prince, that
he gave himself to obey the tyrannie of those bloodie beasts, and he made a
solemne vow.
67, l. 6. suddane punishment.—7. upon him, if he did not repent, and amend his
life.
68, l. 5. and deid, not saying one worde, that same day that, in audience.
70, l. 8. forgevance of the said Thomas.
71, l. 1-4. change or alter the heart of the infortunate and misled Prince, but still
he did proceed in his accustomed wayes. For in the midst of these evills.
72, l. 2. eschaping, (the keepers being asleep, he went out at the window.)—5.
espy and detest.—10. Earle of Glevearne.
76, l. 1-5. After God had given unto that mis-informed Prince sufficient
documents, that his warring against his blessed Gospel should not prosperously
succeed, he raised up against him warres, as he did of old against divers Princes
that would not hear his voice, in the which he lost himself, as we shall hereafter
heare.
77, l. 18. our kingdome of Abbots, Monks, &c., and.
79, l. 9. Forresse war runne upon—Forces were sent up and down to.
80, l. 12. to skaill and sunder.—26. wounded his high stomacke.—29. had not
cut the dayes of his life.
81, l. 9. Preastis—Prelats.
82, l. 2. what tyme—at that time when.—3. Yles, in the yeere 1534.—13.
Jefwellis—Juglers.
83, l. 4. I shall reproove you by sharpe punishments.—16. honour nor
continuance—honour nor countenance.
84, l. 2. Thare concurred ... prophettis, (omitted.)—4. closenes and fidelity
among them.—7. should be theirs.—11. that Raid—that device.—23-25.
amonges whome was the Erle of Arran, notwithstanding his siding with the
current of the Court, and his neernesse in blood to the King. It was bruited.
85, l. 15. The foreward goeth forth, feare rises.—18. thousand men; their
beacons on every side.
86, l. 5, 6. experte. About ten houris—expert, about ten hours.—8, 9. baner; and
he upholden by two spears, lift up.—18. and Mearns. In this mountain did.—27.
array in order.
87, l. 2. softlye—safely.
88, l. 1. to tack the bandis.—7. Somervaill and Oliphant, and many.—9. Worldly
men say that.
89, l. 21. who waited upon news at Lochmaban.—(In the margin,) Others say, at
Carlaverock, neere by the place where the defeat was given, called Solway
Mosse.
90, l. 25. ane of his mistresses.
91, l. 6. for a scourge.—11. it will end with a woman. From Mary, daughter to
Robert Bruse, married to Walter Stuart, he feared that his daughter should be
married to ane of another name and family; but yow see by God's providence,
the Crown remains in one and the same family and name to this day,
notwithstanding the many plots of the pretenders to the Crowne both at home
and abroad.—15. ane fit comforter.—21. that so it should be.
92, l. 3. best. The Cardinal having hired one Henry Balfour, a priest, to make a
false Testament; which was done accordingly, but in vain.—6. (In the margin,)
Marke the Queenes mourning for the King. (And a few lines lower down,) Others
stick not to say, That the King was hastned away by a potion. Levit. 12.—Divers
characters of the King arise: post funera virtus.
93, l. 4, 5. disprased him for being much given to women. The Prelats and
Clergie feared a change in the King's mind, as he had expressed himself some
few years before.—10. cloked. Yet to speak truth of him, his vices may justly be
attributed to the times, and his breedeing, and not any wickednesse in his nature;
for he gave many expressions of a good nature, namely, in his sobriety and
justice, &c. The question.—23. he pretended to succeid.—26. oppones thame,
and are against the governement.
94, l. 16. against God's justice.—17. And so, in despite.
95, l. 1. heirof we will after speak.—8. severed.—9. The Erle of Arran thus being
established in the governement.—11. exalted him to be Governour, out of what
danger he had delivered him, he being in the bloody scroll, as wee saw before;
and what expectation all men of honesty had of him, because they saw him a soft
man, they conceited goodnesse of him.
97, l. 2. drouned—devoured.
98, l. 6. Scriptures in the vulgar tongue.—9. als, (omitted.)—13. the Kirk—the
Church, he means the Prelats, first.—14. thei three—but the three, viz., Hebrew,
Greek, and Latine.
99, l. 3. people used not—people used the Psalmes.—27. old Boses—old
Bishops.
100, l. 5. had of the Old and New.—12, 13. thair awin vulgar toung, and so war.
—19. in the vulgar toung.—22. (In the margin,) Note the hypocrisie of
worldlings.
101, l. 5. to maik courte, and curry favour thairby.—25. (In the margin,) Nothing
could be said against the lawfulnes of Edward's birth. Katharine of Spain and
Anne Bullen being dead before his mother was married to his father.
102, l. 5. ensew to this realme.—18. Maister Radulph Saidlair.
103, l. 5. contract of marriage made betuix.—19. abaide suyre at—abode fast to.
105, l. 10. Abbot of Paislay, called now of late John Hamilton, bastard brother,
&c.—(In the margin there is added,) He was before sometimes called
Cunningham, sometimes Colwan, so uncertaine was it who was his father.—18.
one or the other would go to the pulpit.
107, l. 6. then to have been so used—8. deprehended—followed.—14. his
counterfeit godlynes.—15. heirefter—heirof.—22. any joyt—one jote.—25. his
rycht—his pretended right.—26. For by Goddis word could not be good the
divorcement of his father from Elizabeth Hume, sister to the Lord Hume, his
lawfull wife, and consequently his marriage with Beton, neece to James Beton,
Bishop of St. Andrews, (Elizabeth Hume being alive,) must be null, and he
declared bastard. Caiaphas spake, &c.
109, (To this marginal note is added,) Renouncing his religion in the Gray Friers.
110, l. 23. Governour; First, because he himselfe was borne by Beton, his
father's lawfull wife, Elizabeth Humes being yit alive; Next, because his
grandfather was borne by Mary Stuart to James Hammilton, when her lawfull
husband Thomas Boyd was yet alive. So the Earle of Lennox did not only
pretend to be lawfully next to the Crowne, as the late King James the Fifth did
often declare, That if he died without heire male, he would settle the Crowne
upon him, but also lawfull heire of the Earledome of Arran, as being descended
from Margaret Hamilton, borne to Mary Stuart and James Hammilton after the
death of Thomas Boyd, her former husband, (now by this time the inconstant
Earle of Arran had given himselfe wholly to the Cardinall.) The Cardinall, &c.
—(In the margin,) All this was then said by the Cardinal. Penes authorem fides
esto.
111, l. 4. Ayre—Ayre, Campbell.—6. to Leyth—to light.—18. the sonare—in
time.
112, l. 15. that he wold take.—16. wold not grant.—17. communicat—
communed.
113, l. 4, 5. the Magdelane day—Saint Magdalen's day.—6. Gray tacking—Gray
took.
114, l. 2. had his fortificatioun—had fortification.—5. so much attend—so
attend.—7, 8. play the good servant unto him, was reputed his enemy.—17. thei
war no more then 300.—(In the margin,) As they went to Dundee, they said they
were going to burn the readers of the New Testament, and that they would stick
to the Old, for Luther, said they, had made the New.
115, l. 7. to have kept.—(8. prevented, i.e. anticipated.)—9. thare friend.—13.
was sent to the Bischop of Saint Andrews, the Abbot of Paisley.—20. war on the
place.
116, l. 1. ane certane number.—7. whether to—whereto.—19. his craft
perswaded.
119, l. 6. ower the craig—over the wall.—8. broke his craig—broken his owne
neck.
120, l. 7. thei—the ships.
121, l. 9. other then—after the Castle.
123, l. 9. feallis war—Files war charged to be.
124, l. 1, 2. Hary, sometime husband to our Queen and Mistresse.—8. Eme's
wyiff—enemies wife.—10. in propertie—in povertie.
125, l. 1. he hes had since, and that in common.
126, l. 14. hornyng—burning.—27. with him—with them.
127, l. 8, and 128, l. 4. In anno 1566, (inserted in the text thus,) that now liveth
in the year of our Lord 1566.
129, l. 24. Porte or gate.
130, l. 6. intreat of.—11. neyther eak—neither maid.—18. thame as he could;
being such.—28. wold have used.
131, l. 3. whingar—dagger.—12, 13. may feare, in time to come, we will.—19.
another—another place.
133, l. 3, 4. sound of prayers.—6. prevented—came before.—11, 12. grones;
yea, we heard your bitter—(omitted.)
136, l. 7. awfull—irefull.—11. hypocrisie within this realme; ye shall.
137, l. 26. verray countenance—weary countenance.
138, l. 27. declared fully. The Spirit of Truth.
139, l. 7, 8, and 9. And so the said John Knox, albeit, &c., (the intermediate
words being omitted.)
142, l. 1. premisses—promise.—5. the Larde—Johan Cockburne, Laird.
144, l. 1. transported to Edinburgh, where the Cardinall then had a Convention
of Prelats, wherein somewhat was said of redressing the abuses of the Church,
and reforming the lives of the Clergie; but it took no effect. M. Wischarde
remained but few dayes in Edinburgh: For that bloody wolfe the Cardinall, ever
thirsting after the blood of the servand of God.—8. to be crucified. The
Cardinall, seeing it was forbidden by the Canon Law to Priests to sit as judges
upon life and death, although the crime were heresie, sent to the Governour,
desiring him to name some lay-judge to pronounce sentence against M.
Wischarde. The Governour had freely condescended to the Cardinall's request,
without delay, if David Hamilton of Preston, a godly and wise man, had not
remonstrated unto him, That he could expect no better end then Saul, since he
persecuted the saints of God, for that truth which he professed once with such a
shew of earnestnesse; the profession thereof being the only cause of his
advancement to that high degree wherein he was: The Governour, moved at this
speech of David Hamilton's, answered the Cardinall, That he would not meddle
with the blood of that good man; and told him, That his blood should be on him,
for he himselfe would be free of it. At this the Cardinall was angry, and said he
would proceed, and that he had sent to the Governour of meere civility, without
any need. And so.—28. penult,—the seven and twentieth day.
148, l. 19, have receaved from certaine records, which we relate truely, as neere
as possibly we can. Upon the last.
151, l. 9. as saith Paule to Timothy.—14. be able with wholsome learning, and
to impugne.—23. the Gospell he treated of appeareth not to repugne.—30.
Lawder, a priest.
152, l. 2. full of outrages, threatnings.
156, l. 24. My Lords, it is not so by your pleasures.
159, l. 15. I vanquest him—I witnessed to him.
160, l. 1. and spitted on the ground.—22. Layman—man.
165, l. 3. our Generall or Provinciall Counsells.
168, l. 13. innocent man speak.—19. two feinds, two Gray Friers.—25-28. came
to him with all diligence. And conferred with him a pretty while, at last, burst
forth in tears, but so soon as he was able to speak, he asked him, If he would
receive the Communion? Master Wischarde answered, He would most willingly,
if he could have it according to Christ's institution, under both kinds. The Sub-
Prior went to the Cardinall and his Prelats, he told them, That Master Wischarde
was an innocent man; which he said, not to intercede for his life, but to make
known the innocency of the man unto all men, as it was known to God. At these
words the Cardinall was angry, and said to the Sub-Prior, Long agoe we knew
what you were. Then the Sub-Prior demanded, Whether they would suffer M.
Wischarde to receive the Communion or not? They answered, No. A while after
M. Wischarde had ended with the Sub-Prior, the Captaine of the Castle, with
some other friends, came to him, and asked him, If he would break fast with
them? He answered, Most willingly, for I know you to be most honest and godly
men; so all being ready, he desired them to sit downe, and heare him a while
with patience. Then he discoursed to them about halfe an houre concerning the
Lord's Supper, his sufferings and death for us. He exhorteth them to love one
another, laying aside all rancor, envie, and vengeance, as perfect members of
Christ, who intercedes continually for us to God the Father. After this, he gave
thanks, and blessing the bread and wine, he took the bread and brake it, and gave
to every one of it, bidding each of them, Remember that Christ had died for
them, and feed on it spiritually; so taking the cup, he bade them, Remember that
Christ's blood was shed for them, &c.; and after, he gave thanks and prayed for
them. When he had done, he told them, That he would neither eat nor drink more
in this life; and so retired to his chamber. Immediately after came to him (sent
from the Cardinall) two executioners; one brought him a coat of linnen died
black, and put it upon him; the other brought some bags full of powder, which
they tied to severall parts of his body. Then having dressed him, they brought
him to an outer roome, neere to the gate of the Castle. Then the fire was made
ready, and the stake at the west port of the Castle, neere to the Priory. Over
against the place of execution, the Castle windows were hung with rich
hangings, and velvet cushions, laid for the Cardinall and Prelats, who from
thence did feed their eyes with the torments of this innocent man. The Cardinal
dreading.
169, l. 6. and led—and with sound of trumpet led.—17. tempt me not, I intreat
you. After this.—25. words: I beseik you—words, having obtained leave to speak
a little, I beseech you.
171, l. 3. Then the executioner, that was his tormentor.—8. And then by and by
the trumpet sounding, he was tyed to the stake, and the fire kindled. The
Captaine of the Castle, for the love he bore to M. Wischarde, drew so neer to the
fire, that the flame thereof did him harme; he wished M. Wischarde to be of
good courage, and to beg from God the forgivenesse of his sins; to whom M.
Wischarde answered thus: This fire torments my body, bot no wayes abates my
spirit. Then M. Wischarde, looking towards the Cardinall, said, He who in such
state, from that high place, feedeth his eyes with my torments, within few dayes
shall be hanged out at the same window, to be seen with as much ignominy, as
he now leaneth there in pride. Then with this, the executioner drawing the cord,
stopt his breath; presently after, the fire being great, he was consumed to powder.
The Prelats would not suffer any prayers to be made for him, according to their
custome. After the death of Master Wischarde, the Cardinall was cryed up by his
flatterers, and all the rabble of the corrupt Clergie, as the onely defender of the
Catholike Church, and punisher of Hereticks, neglecting the authority of the
sluggish Governour: And it was said by them, That if the great Prelates of latter
dayes, both at home and abroad, had been so stout and zealous of the credit of
the Catholike Church, they had not onely suppressed all Hereticks, but also kept
under the lay-men, who were so forward and stubborne. On the other side, when
that the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, they could not
withhold from piteous mourning and complaining of the innocent lamb's
slaughter. After the death, &c.
172, l. 3. or else it should cost life for life; and that in a short time they should be
like hogs kept for slaughter, by this vitious Priest, and wicked monster, which
neither minded God, nor cared for men. Amongst those that spake against the
Cardinall's cruelty, John Leslie, brother to the Earle of Rothes, was chief, with
his cozen Norman Lesley, who had been a great follower of the Cardinall, and
very active for him but a little before, fell so foule with him, that they came to
high reproaches one with another. The occasion of their falling out was a private
businesse, wherein Norman Lesley said he was wronged by the Cardinall. On the
other side, the Cardinall said he was not with respect used by Norman Lesley his
inferiour. The said John Lesley, in all companies, spared not to say, That that
same dagger, (shewing forth his dagger,) and that same hand, should be put in
the Cardinall's brest. These brutes came, &c.—14. and promessed amitie with
him, and so he gave his bastard eldest daughter in marriage to the Earle of
Crawford his eldest son and heir, and caused the wedding to be celebrate with
such state, as if she had been a Princes lawfull daughter. He only feared, &c.
173, l. 10. not only say.—12. fead—fooles.—17. Mary that now mischevouslie
regnes—Mary that now, 1566, raignes.—25. but by his secreat counsall,
(omitted.)
175, l. 6. in no great number—in great number.
177, (In the margin,) The fact and words of James Melvin.
178, l. 3. fowseis syde—house side—13, 14. How miserably lay David Betoun,
cairfull Cardinall, (these words are omitted.)
180, l. 15. The death of this aforesaid tyrant, as it was pleasing to some, to wit,
to those who had received the Reformation of religion, for they were mightily
afraid of him, and also to sundry Romanists whom he kept under as slaves; so on
the other side, it was dolorous to the priests.
181, l. 5. besieged. Divers gentlemen of Fife went into the Castle, and abode
there with the Leslies during the first siege; and John Rough was preacher to
them.—7. and for his riches he would not.
184, l. 24. the hole seige, having left the Castle, because he could do little good
upon those that were with him; so addicted were they to their evil wayes, begane
to preach in the city of S. Andrews.
186, l. 22. any man, namely, in the time of need, as that was.
190, l. 17. kynd of doctrine—wind of doctrine.
196, l. 32. Whither may we do the same in matters of religion? (omitted.)
197, l. 18. that God hes ordained.
203, l. 8. for upoun the nine and twentieth day.—10. with a great army.—11. in
that haven before.
204, l. 14. The seige by sea and land was laid about the Castle of S. Andrews, the
three and twentieth day of July.—18. brunt; and some upon the street that leads
to the Castle.—23. ground of the court of the Castle.—27. corrupt lyef, having
fallen into all kinde of licentiousnesse, puft up with pride of their successe, and
relying upon England for help in case of need, could not escape.
205, l. 7. Upone the nine and twentieth of July.—8. xiiij—thirteen cannons.—14.
place. Betwixt ten of the clock and eleven, there fell.
206, l. 17. men without God, (omitted.)—20. gallayis, among others John Knox
was in the galleys all the winter.
212, l. 14. schooting longis—shooting amongst.—17. began to reyll—begin to
faile.
215, l. 12. forfaulted—sore assaulted.
217, l. 11. Ordour of the Cokill, and a pension of 12,000 lib. Turn. with a full
discharge.
218, l. 5. hir finall destruction—her own ruine.—9. Lett men patientlie abyd
God's appointed tyme, and turn unto him with hearty repentance, then God will
surely stop the fire that now comes from her, by sudden changing her heart to
deal favourably with his people; or else by taking her away, or by stopping her to
go on in her course by such meanes as he shall think meet in his wisdom, for he
having all in his hand disposeth of all, and doth with all according to his own
will, unto which we must not onley yeald, but also be heardily pleased with it,
since it is absolutely good, and both by sacred and prophane history we ar taught
to do so; for in them we finde that Princes have been raised up by his hands to
punish his people; but when they turned unto him with hearty repentance, he
either turned the heart of the Prince to deal kindly with his people; or else did
take him away; or at least did stop his violent course against his people. Of this
the examples are so frequent, that we spare to name them heere. But to returne to
our Historie.
222, l. 9. a godly man, (omitted.)
223, l. 24. in the saidis Chappell, &c.—in the Sands, Chappell, &c.
227, l. 1. of a justifeid man: but how it is suppressed, we know nott—of a man
justified, which is extant to this day.—(In the margin,) with a smudge?] Note:
This booke was printed 1584, at Edinburgh, by Tho. Utrover: (in the 4to edit.)
Tho. Voutroler.
229, l. 10. meanes as they looked for.
230, l. 18. discrive—discover.
233, l. 11. the Duck Hamilton: (also, at page 238, l. 4.)
235, l. 20. the temporal Lordis that maintain such abominations as we see, and
flattering Counsellors of State, blasphemous.
238, l. 5. others besydis. The Bishops and their rable, they begin.
239, l. 11. thei will do, or can do.
240, l. 26. Tack you yon—Take heed all you.
242, l. 5. but few were made rich.
244, l. 2. thare patentis—their parents.—9. displeasur, that idolatrous and
mischievous Marie.—24. cruell persecution, used by Queen Marie of England.
247, l. 24. as in doctrin—as in preaching.
251, l. 1. and bent themselves.
252, l. 6. was published, which we have caused to be printed at the end of this
book, and is called.—17 to 20. And tharefor, &c., (the whole of this sentence is
omitted.)
254, l. 16. both realmes were disappointed who.
259, l. 15. Instead of, Thare assembled Preastis—Their asses, bloody Priests,
Friers, &c.
265, l. 1. thareof to this day—thareof to his death.—2. now Erle—after Earle.—
25. Thei lieved as beastis—They left me as beasts.
272, l. 32. to his glorie—to your eternall glorie.
274, l. 13. many others—many other letters.
276, l. 21. and geve attendance to us, your—and to have care to use.
279, l. 5. together ... answer, (omitted.)—27. hes allanerlie—has modestlie
absteaned.
280, l. 8. this pastor, or rather impostour.—18. his Eme's wyff—his cousin's
wife.
283, l. 18. What that man of the law is.
284, l. 2. nether can err.—5. synceir, (omitted.)—20. cannon—common law.
287, l. 10. cummer—rumour.
289, l. 26. by (i.e. beside) us—neer us.
 BOOK SECOND.
ToC
292, l. 17. (In the margin,) Note. Here is a solecisme in State expression, newly
invented by the Court Parasites.
294, l. 20. (In the margin,) Note. To call the Crown-Matrimoniall, is an absurd
solecisme, newly then invented at Court.
297, l. 4. (In the margin,) Note. And now in these latter days it hath pleased God
in his goodnesse to grant the pure and primitive Discipline also unto the Church
of Scotland.—20. long, (omitted.)
298, l. 21. the libertie of, (omitted.)
299, l. 5. the extreme, (omitted.)
300, l. 2. to give the gift of exhortation by sermon.
302, l. 8. to convein us—to make us.
303, l. 10. our presence, or counsell, or petitions.—26. mercifullie—bountifullie.
—28. The first petition—Here beginneth the particular demands.
304, l. 11. of the which, without explanation, hardly can arise any profit to the
hearers.
305, l. 23. to live at their lust.
307, l. 12. a large purse, 40,000 l. Turn. or Scots, gathered, (livres Tournois?)—
20. in things as we thought unlawfull.
309, l. 16. Lords, Barons, and Burgesses of this.
312, l. 27. in Parliament holden at Edinburgh, Anno 1558.
313, l. 28. any other of the godly that list.
315, l. 22. And it appeared, that after that day that malice took more violent and
strong possession in hir then it did before.
318, l. 6. Quenis favour.
319, l. 2. thare rebellioun—high rebellion.
321, l. 2. vehement—very vehement.
324, l. 11. to instruct the people.
325, l. 7. Duke Hamilton.—9, 10. now cheaf, &c., (same reading as in
Vautrollier's edit., quoted in note 4.)—21. best for—best serve for.
327, l. 15. your Grace's—your Princely.
328, l. 11. extreme necessiteis—most great extremities.—13. thair and oure
lyves—their owne lives.
329, l. 15. espyed. The tenour whereof followeth. And.—22. that ye the
Nobilitie.
331, l. 5. Is it nocht, &c.—It is not.—16. judged to be gud treeis.
332, l. 7. doth contrary to this authority.—8, 9. he is cled—it is clothed.
336, l. 28. war thay that first—war there, they that first.—30. platt of ground—
place of ground.
337, l. 6. war erected—were set up.—7, 8. hope of victorie.
339, l. 4. that we in whom she.—24. ar servandis—as servants.
340, l. 20. gart cutt the brigis—caused the bridges to be cut.
345, l. 5. Teringland—Tarmganart.
351, l. 2, 3. Cowper, ... assisted—Cowper, ... was assisted.—28. practised with
us—made shew unto us.
354, l. 1. truble, or disquiet.—7. Subscrived, &c.—
Subscribed, JAMES HAMILTON, MENEITS DOSELL.
356, l. 21. plane—plainly see.
357, l. 16. cast up the portis—open the gates.—25, beirand—bearing, namely.
358, l. 20. departed, as hielie—departed, and was highly.
359, l. 14. the 26—the six and twentieth.—16. four, (omitted.)
360, l. 4. wald vote—would consent.—21. Palace and the Kirk—place, and the
place and the Church.—22. idollis, hid—hid goods.
361, l. 2. unto him, he would that.—8. irruption—interruption.—15. stogged—
thrust.
363, l. 4. in the one—in one of the Colledges.—13. was to be done, and that
ordour—was best to be done, and what order.—18. and yit hir Dochteris is—by
advice of hir Counsell.—30. hir Grace—our Mother.
364, l. 1. to affix—to appoint.—6. our Realme—our religion.
365, l. 6. to suche—that such.—15. Sche—The Queen Regent.—17.
thameselves.—19. advertist, That.
367, l. 25. nothing to the commission, she proposed.
368, l. 5. abused Duke Hamilton, perswading him.—8. his successors of their
pretended title.—16. crymes were ever entred into.—25. should leaf—should
lose.—33. the Duke's Grace—Duke Hamilton.
369, l. 18. small appointment—finall appointment.—26. earthlie treasure.
370, l. 7. outsetting—upsetting.—11. no mo—no man.
371, l. 1. substantious housholdis—chief domesticks.
373, l. 3. bawbie, or fartheing.—13. those of, (omitted.)
374, l. 15. Restalrig—Lestarrig.
376, l. 17. Januar had decreed.
377, l. 2. thai war—they are.—15. In the first Congregation.
378, l. 1. maner—matter.—23. skaithles—harmless.—34. thoill—suffer.
379, l. 1. other haveand spirituall—other, either spiritual.—3. religioun, or any
other.—13. in all such causes.—24. to speak with.
380, l. 12. the Lordis Protestants.—13. unto the chief heads of the Appointment,
whiche be these.—30. this our Proclamatioun.
382, l. 1. adversaries, who trie all maner.—19. and hir, (omitted.)
383, l. 15. quhat tyme—at the time that.
384, l. 7. baith, (omitted.)—Le Roy, (omitted.) (Title inserted,) The King his
letter to the Lord James.—15. bein, (omitted.)
385, l. 1. father, from the Queen my wife, and from me.—5. strange to me, and
so farre against.—6. gudlie well.—19, 20. ye ar declyneit—ye have declined.—
21. attention—intention.—28. thair—your.—thay—ye.
386, l. 7. Vous senteras—Vous en sentires.—15. Schir, (omitted.)—The Lord
James his letter to the King.—16. My most humble dewtie.—17. last, importing.
—18. Majestie doth.—24. hard—had.—28. grevis me very heavilie.
387, l. 8. sould not have.—18, 19. as we were perswaded in our.—21. cair from.
388, l. 14. na man could.
389, l. 2. benefit which.—9. libertie of.—19. Tolbuith—Town.
391, l. 1. nether yet.—19. For schort—For that after.
392, l. 9. deambulatour—deambulation.—18. falt in.—20. worthelie—justlie.—
21. done, (omitted.)
394, l. 7. thair kyn—your kin.—18. contravene—violate.—27. mak first—give
first.
395, l. 1. lippin—trust.—2. to have good.—16. taikin without.—18. saidis,
(omitted.)—23. our pairt. But in case against all reason they should mean any
such thing, We have thocht.—31. furnissing—surmising.
397, l. 3. put fit remedy.—10. could—would.—17. list, so that some asked for.—
19. sche was not ashamed to sett.—22. personis have of malice.—24. stope all
manner of reconciliations.—28. Estaitis—State.—31. ar cumit—came.—ar
myndit—do mind.
398, l. 7. ony part thereof contravenit.—8. communit—commovit.—13. ane,
(omitted.)
399, l. 2. ever, (omitted.)—10. obedience of higher.—13. direct quite.—19. with
reverence.
401, l. 2. simplicitie, and to work your finall.—11. of our posteritie, and to be
short, to our commun-wealth.—15. foirnameit. This is so manifestly.—34. is not
to be—is to be.
403, l. 1. brocht it to such basenesse, and such a deale of strife that all men.—14.
guid and weighty money.
405, l. 9. that wicked man.—10. quha at that tyme.—27. reassonit with all in
the.
406, l. 19. thairin, not only without.—25. the houssis garnissit, (omitted.)
407, l. 24. yea, even of our brethren.
408, l. 29. covetousnes of the Cardinall of Guyse and the Hamiltons. Amen.
409, l. 32. trubill any unjust possession.
410, l. 14. over our heads.—25. tred—course.
411, l. 3. personis ... be God, move Princes to command.—7. of misled Princes.
—13. thair misled Princes.—20. crewell misled Princes, who authorize the
murtherar.
412, l. 20. murther, and such like: Esaias.—32. appelyteis of misled Princeis.
413, l. 12. my Lord Dukis Grace—the Duke.
414, l. 10-12. Hienes, quham ... God, expecting earnestly your answer.
415, l. 29. experimentit—dear.
416, l. 3. lawlie to our.—18. of the same: And that ye would rather.
417, l. 16. Onlie to shew.
418, l. 6. to this commun-wealth.—8. a plain declaratioun.
420, l. 20. Pleis your Grace—Madame.—29, 30. sall treat or deal for himself.
421, l. 14. ye knew fully, and all men else.—20, 21. The Queen's Proclamation.
425, l. 10. thing not of lait—thing of lait.
426, l. 1. as in deed it is.—3. haid Inche, Colme, Dumbar.—4. maid; yet all
these could.—9. the trewth, (omitted.)—12. seiking constantly to possesse the
libertie of Leith, which be donation of ancient Kingis thay have long enjoyed.
427, l. 9. to wit—is.—22. mentenance—mantainers.
428, l. 3, 4. to this day, (omitted.)—8. write to the praise of Goddis.—13.
honour, (omitted.)
429, l. 13. our, (omitted.)—20. be of such reputatioun.
430, l. 14. quhan, (omitted.)
431, l. 7. support—our support.
432, l. 4. presentt day, that.—maist, (omitted.)
433, l. 2. onlie—openlie.—10. deceat, that to lift thair weaponis against thair
brethren.—12. glorie, or yet.
434, l. 26. thame, so they did answer unto her, as by.
435, l. 2. moist, (omitted.)
436, l. 7. self and those that followeth you. And that.
437, l. 28. It will ... remembrance—Your Majestie may call to minde, how at.
438, l. 12. we will (as befoir) move and declair.—20. humbill, (omitted.)
439, l. 3. maid by these about the Quene.—6. never anis hath made any shew of
any such thing, bott only in.—10. poore commonalty.—17. Lady: Which
accusation hath continued ever against him, as guilty of that crime; he therefore
now openly and plainlie protesteth.
---- (Opposite to line 8, the first marginal note begins,) Now the Duke seeing the
Queen's partie decline, and the Protestant party grow strong, he once more
changeth the profession of his religion, and joyneth with the Protestants, as
strongest.—(And at line 24,) How true this is, the constant course of the family
can tell.
440, l. 3. your—our.—(Marginal note,) Let this bee noted, and let all men judge
of the purpose of the Frenche, and how good and wise patriots they were, who
sold our Soveraign to France for their private profit, and they by name were the
Hamiltons.
441, l. 21. so tyranically to domineer over them.
442, l. 3. called and, (omitted.)—9. that it is.—17. never so firmly establish any,
but at his pleasure, he seeing just cause, might deprive them.—22. used—useth
second means.
443, l. 3. idolatrie, as also she openly declares the countrie to be conquest, and
no more free. And finallie.—9. (Marginal note,) in the disposition—in the
deposition.—11, 12. and disorder.—14. our Soveraigne.—31. awin, (omitted.)
444, l. 10. uttermost ruine, so that.—22. for that—only because.—24. lauchfull,
(omitted.)—30. of Sanct Johnestoun, (omitted.)
445, l. 4. in this last moneth.—5. in other townes.—21. Soverane Lord deceased
without heirs of her persone.—24. our whole cuntree.—causes—caused ... to
coine lead-money.
445, l. 28. And attour, her Grace places—Again, she so placeth.
446, l. 5. be his—by this.—11. remissionis, conform to the practise.
448, l. 2. fearing lest the.
449, l. 9. Pleise your Grace—Madame.
450, l. 2. Lord and Lady their true.—7. for worthy reasons.—16. sute—follow.
—17, 18. maid oft before. Again we desire you cause.
451, l. 1. xxiii of October—24 of October.—10. that thei, (omitted.)—18. sa lang
as they use us as friends, and not strive to make.
453, l. 2. name, requiring thame.—15. The ungodlie soldiouris, in hatred of
goodnesse and good men, continuing in their disorder, mocke the Laird.—22.
shall make them know me.
458, l. 9. without delay.
459, l. 6. The Captain of the Castle.—27. desyred, (omitted.)—21. back, the
carriage of money was dejected.
460, l. 21. betimes in the morning for keeping.
461, l. 24, 462, l. 1. so that in no wise we could charge thame, (omitted.)
463, l. 7. after our departure.
464, l. 28. before lurked—there lurked.
465, l. 9. Alas if I might see another defie given: Give advertisement.
466, l. 22. continewalie, (omitted.)
468, l. 18. altogitther, (omitted.)
469, l. 23. I speak more generallie then the present necessity requireth: for.
470, l. 25. thair own formar offences.
471, l. 9. himself, I speik.
472, l. 10 and 12. uncertane—certaine.—19. when their blinde fury pursued us.
—l. 16. (In the margin,) Let the House of Hamilton remember this.
473, l. 20. thair home and quiet.—23. With this we end the Second Book of the
History, &c.

THE END OF THE SECOND BOOK.

 No. II.
ToC
THE LOLLARDS IN SCOTLAND DURING THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
In tracing the History of the Reformation, we must always revert to a much
earlier period than that of Luther. The chief witnesses against the corrupt
ceremonies and discipline of the Church of Rome belonged to two distinct sects,
but entertaining nearly the same sentiments—the Albigenses, who were chiefly
settled about Toulouse and Albigeois, in Languedoc; and the Valdenses, who
inhabited the mountainous tract of country, (known as the Cottian Alps,) in the
provinces of Dauphine and Provence, in the south of France, and in Piedmont, in
the north of Italy. Both sects may be considered as descendants of the primitive
Christians, and the long series of persecutions which they endured, may have
conduced to spread their opinions in other lands, and to keep alive a spirit of
religious inquiry and freedom.
The great English Reformer John Wykliffe, died in the year 1380. The
persecutions which arose after his death, drove many of his adherents into exile,
and brought some of them to the western parts of Scotland, who, having settled
in Ayrshire, obtained the name of the Lollards of Kyle. Any notices respecting
them that have been preserved are unfortunately very scanty, but should not be
overlooked in a work like the present.
Andrew of Wyntoun, Prior of Lochlevin, the author of a Metrical Chronicle,
written about the year 1420, when recording the appointment of Robert Duke of
Albany as Governor of Scotland, in the year 1405, commends him for his
opposition to Lollards and Heretics:—
 "He was a constant Catholike,
All Lollard he hatyt, and Hereticke."—(vol. ii. p. 419.)
It was during his administration, that the first Martyr of the Reformed religion
was committed to the flames at Perth, for alleged heresy, in the year 1406 or
1407. This was eight or nine years previously to the death of John Huss, that
"generous and intrepid Martyr and confessor of Christ," as Luther justly calls
him.
Walter Bower, the continuator of Fordun, is probably the only original historian
who has preserved an account of Resby, of which the following is an extract:—
"LIB. XV. CAP. XX. DE COMBUSTIONE JACOBI RESBY HÆRETICI APUD PERTH.
"Eodem anno [MCCCCVI] die combustus est JACOBUS RESBY, Presbyter Anglicus de
schola Johannis Wykliff, hæreticus condemnatus in concilio cleri sub magistro
Laurentio de Lundoris, inquisitore hæreticæ pravitatis, solidissimo clerico et
famoso theologo, vitæ sanctitate quamplurimum collaudato. Qui quidem
Jacobus, quamvis interdum celeberrimus reputabatur simplicibus prædicatione,
periculosissimas tamen conclusiones intersperserat in sua dogmatizatione.
Quarum prima fuit, quod Papa de facto non est Christi vicarius. Secunda, Nullus
est Papa, nec Christi vicarius, nisi sit sanctus. De consimilibus, vel pejoribus,
tenuit quadraginta conclusiones. Cujus tam Scripta quam auctorem Inquisitor
confutavit, et ad ignem applicavit et incineravit. Hujusmodi errores excerpti sunt
de hæresibus dicti Johannis Wykliff hæresiarchæ, damnati Londoniis in Anglia,
anno Domini MCCCLXXX, per primatem Angliæ, et tredecim episcopos, ae
magistros in sacra theologia triginta, ex dialogo, trialogo, et aliis suis libris.
Conclusiones et libelli istius hæretici adhuc a nonnullis Lolardis habentur in
Scotia, et curiose servantur, ex instinctu Diaboli, per tales quibus aquæ furtivæ
dulciores sunt, et panis absconditus suavior."—(Vol. i. p. 441.)
The several abbreviates of the Scotichronicon notice Resby's fate. Law's MS.
places it in 1406; but the larger "Extracta ex Cronicis Scocie," gives the year
1407, nor omits the circumstance "De talibus et pejoribus xl. Conclusiuncs;
cujus liber adhuc restant curiose servantur per Lolardos in Scocie." Among later
writers who mention Resby, Spotiswood says, "John Wickliffe in England, John
Hus and Jerome of Prague in Bohemia, did openly preach against the tyranny of
the Pope, and the abuses introduced in the Church; and in this countrey, one
called Joannes [James] Resby an Englishman, and de schola Wickliffi, as the
story speaketh, was brought in question for some points of doctrine which he
taught, and condemned to the fire. He was charged by Master Laurence
Lendores with 40 heretical opinions; whereof we have two only mentioned; one,
That the Pope was not Christ's Vicar; the other, That he was not to be esteemed
Pope, if he was a man of wicked life. For maintaining these two points, he
suffered in the year 1407."—(History of the Church, p. 56.) This date is also
given in the Breve Cronicon, (apud Registrum Glasguense, p. 316.) "Combustio
Jacobi Henrici [Resby] apud Perth, A.D. 1407."
The prevalence of such opinions is still more evident from the oath which
Masters of Arts were required to take, in the newly founded University of St.
Andrews; it being enacted at a Congregation, held on the 10th of June 1416, that
all who commenced Masters of Arts should swear, among other things, that they
would resist all adherents of the sect of LOLLARDS. "Item, Jurabitis quod
ecclesiam defendetis contra insultum Lollardorum, et quibuscunque eorum secte
adherentibus pro posse vestro resistetis."—(MS. Records of the University,
quoted by Dr. MʻCrie, Life of Melville, vol. i. p. 419.)
Knox commences his History with referring to some person whose name did not
appear in the Scrollis or Registers of Glasgow, who suffered in that city in the
year 1422. David Buchanan and Petrie have rather hastily concluded that Resby
was the person referred to, overlooking both the difference of time and the place
of his execution.
Another proof of the increase of the Lollards in Scotland, is furnished by an Act
in the Parliament of King James the First, held at Perth, on the 12th March 1424-
5, soon after his return from his long captivity in England:—
"OF HERETICKIS AND LOLLARDIS.
"Item, Anentis Heretikis and Lollardis, that ilk Bischop sall ger inquyr be the
Inquisicione of Heresy, quhar ony sik beis fundyne, ande at thai be punyst as
Lawe of Haly Kirk requiris: Ande, gif it misteris, that Secular power be callyt
tharto in suppowale and helping of Haly Kirk."—(Acta Parl. Scotiæ, vol. ii. p.
7.)
The prevalence of reformed opinions is also clear from the appointment of a
dignified Churchman as Heretical Inquisitor. Such an office would obviously
never have been contemplated, unless for the wide spread of what was deemed
to be heresy. Laurence of Lindores, Abbot of Scone, in 1411, was the first
Professor of Law in the newly erected University of St. Andrews, and he is
described as "solidissimus clericus et famosus theologus, vitæ sanctitate
quamplurimum collaudatus." But the title of HAERETICÆ PRAVITATIS INQUISITOR,
formed his highest distinction; and he is said to have given no peace or rest to
heretics or Lollards. Whether Laurence of Lindores resigned his situation as
Abbot on obtaining other preferment, is uncertain. In July 1432, when elected
Dean of the Faculty of Arts, at St. Andrews, he is styled Rector of Creich,
Master of Arts, Licentiate in Theology, Inquisitor for the Kingdom of Scotland,
&c. This office of Dean he held till his death, when (post mortem felicis
memoriæ Magistri Laurencii de Lundoris,) Mr. George Newton, Provost of the
Collegiate Church of Bothwell, was elected his successor, 16th September 1437.
—(Registers of the University.) Lindores is said to have written "Examen
Hæreticorum Lolardorum, quos toto regno exegit."
The next Martyr was Paul Craw or Crawar, a native of Bohemia, by old Scotish
writers called Beum. As Knox seems to have had before him the brief notice
contained in the first edition of Foxe's "Actes and Monuments," the passage
from that edition may here be quoted:—
"¶ PAULE CRAWS A BOHEMIAN.
"The same yere [1431] also was Paul Craws a Bohemian taken at s. Andrews by
the Bishop Henry, and delivered over to the seculer power to be burnt, for
holdyng contrary opinions vnto the church of Rome, touching the sacrament of
the Lords supper, the worshipping of sainctes, auriculer confessyon, with other
of Wycleffes opinions."—(Foxe, p. 360, first edit., 1564, folio.)
The earlier notices given of this Martyr by Bower the Continuator of Fordun,
and Hector Boece, may also be quoted, the latter in the words of his translator
John Bellenden, Archdean of Murray, in the reign of James the Fifth. It will be
observed that Bower mentions Laurence of Lindores as Inquisitor, whereas
Boece says it was John Fogo, his successor in that office, who acted on this
occasion, which some authorities place in 1431, others in 1432, or in the
following year.
"DE COMBUSTIONE PAULI CRAWAR ARCH-HÆRETICI, ET DE LOLARDIS.
"Anno sequenti [MCCCCXXXIII] accusatus est Paulus Crawar Teutonicus, xxiij. die
mensis Julij, apud Sanctum Andream, et hæreticus obstinatus repertus, convictus
est et condemnatus, et ad ignem applicatus et incineratus. Hic, ut dicitur, missus
fuit ab hæreticis Pragensibus de Bohemia, qui tune in maleficiis nimium
prævalebant, ad inficiendum regnum Scotorum, recommissus per ipsorum
literas, tanquam præcellens arte medicine. Hic in sacris literis et in allegatione
Bibliæ promptus et exercitatus inveniebatur; sed ad insipientiam sibi, omnes
quasi illos articulos erroneos Pragenses et Wiklivienses pertinaciter tenebat: sed
per venerabilem virum magistrum Laurentium de Londoris, inquisitorem
hæreticæ pravitatis, qui nusquam infra regnum requiem dedit hæreticis, vel
Lolardis, confutatus est."—(Scotichronicon, vol. ii. p. 495.)
Bower, after this extract, in the remainder of the chapter, and the two following
ones, has given some account of the rise and opinions of these Heretics, and the
mode of confuting them; which are too long for quotation. Bellenden's briefer
notice is as follows:—
"Nocht lang efter was tane in Sanct Androis ane man of Beum namit Paule
Craw, precheand new and vane superstitionis to the pepyl, specially aganis the
sacrament of the alter, veneration of sanctis, and confession to be maid to
Priestis. At last he was brocht afore the Theologis, and al his opinionis
condampnit. And because he perseuerit obstinatly to the end of his pley, he was
condampnit and brint. He confessit afore his death that he was send out of Beum
to preiche to Scottis the heresyis of Hus and Wiccleif. The King commendit
mekyl this punition, and gaif the Abbacy of Melros to Johne Fogo, for he was
principall convikar of this Paule."—(Bellenden's Cronyklis of Scotland, fol.
ccxlvij of orig. edition.)
It is a mistake, however, to say that Fogo was thus rewarded for the zeal he
displayed in convicting Paul Crawar of heresy in 1432. Dr. John Fogo was
Abbot of Melrose in the year 1425, when he was sent to Rome on an embassy
from King James the First. He was the King's Confessor, and was present at the
Council of Basil in 1433.—(Morton's Monastic Annals, pp. 236, 237.) Sir James
Balfour treats him with very little ceremony:—"This zeire 1433, (he says,) the
King, at the earnist sollicitatione of the clergey, bot especially of Henrey
Wardlaw, Bishope of St. Andrewes, bestowed the Abbey of Melrosse upone a
luberdly mounke of the Cisteauxe order, quho had wretten a blasphemous
pamphlet against Paull Crau's heresy, named Johne Fogo."—(Annals, vol. i. p.
161.)
But it was not obscure men or strangers who were occasionally subjected to the
charge of heresy. In the reign of James the Third, the case of the Primate of
Scotland is worthy of special notice. In 1466, Patrick Graham, son of Lord
Graham, and nephew of James the First, was translated from the See of Brechin
to St. Andrews. Graham proceeded to Rome to obtain his confirmation, but the
enmity of the Boyds during their power at Court occasioned him to delay for
some years his return to Scotland. During this period, the Archbishop of York
having renewed an old contested claim as Metropolitan of the Scotish Church,
Graham succeeded in obtaining from Pope Sixtus the Fourth a sentence,
whereby it was declared "a thing unfitting that an English Prelate should be the
Primate of Scotland, by reason of the warres that might break forth betwixt the
two kingdoms."—The King, in 1470, calls him "Consanguineo nostro
carissimo;" and in the same year is styled as "Conservator Privilegiorum
Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ." He is said to have returned in the year 1472; and both
Buchanan and Spottiswood have given a minute and interesting account of the
troubles in which he was involved.
In 1471, Pope. Sixtus the Fourth erected the See of St. Andrews into an
Archbishoprick, and thus Graham became Primate, Pope's Nuncio, and Legatus
a latere. But his zeal and innovations in reforming abuses, excited the envy and
opposition both of the clergy and persons in civil authority; and darkened the
latter days of his life to such a degree, that he was brought to trial, and by the
Pope's Legate, named Huseman, who came to Scotland for that purpose, he was
degraded from his dignities, and condemned to perpetual imprisonment, as a
HERETIC, schismatic, &c.; and was put under the custody of William Schevez,
Archdean of St. Andrews, who was appointed his coadjutor and successor.
Bishop Lesley (p. 318,) places Graham's trial in 1477, and says, he was first
imprisoned in Inchcolm, then removed to Dunfermling, and soon after to the
Castle of Lochleven, where he died in 1478. See also Sir James Balfour's
Annals, vol. i. p. 200. "This end (says Spottiswood) had that worthy man, in
virtue and learning inferior to none of his time, oppressed by the malice and
calumny of his enemies, chiefly for that they feared reformation of their wicked
abuses by his means."

Of the LOLLARDS mentioned by Knox as summoned for trial before James the
Fourth in 1491, no additional information has been obtained. Alexander Alesius,
in 1534, takes notice of John Campbell of Cesnock having also been summoned
and acquitted: see Rev. Chr. Anderson's Annals, vol. ii. p. 400; John Davidson's
Memoriall of Two Worthie Christians, &c., p. 10, Edinb. 1595, 8vo; and
Calderwood's History, vol. i. p. 54. In "The Praise of Aige," a poem, written
about that time by Walter Kennedy, a younger son of Gilbert Lord Kennedy, the
progenitor of the Earls of Cassilis, we find these lines:—
 "This warld is sett for to dissaive us evin,
Pryde is the nett, and cuvatece is the trane;
For na reward, except the joy of hevin,
Wald I be yung in to this warld agane.
The Schip of Faith, tempestuous wind and rane
Dryvis in the see of Lollerdry that blawis;
My yowth is gane, and I am glaid and fane,
Honour with aige to every vertew drawis."
The same author, in his Flyting or poetical contest with William Dunbar, among
other terms of reproach, styles his antagonist "Lamp Lollardorum;" and also,
"Judas Jow, Juglour, LOLLARD Lawreat."—(Dunbar's Poems, vol. ii. pp. 85, 90,
440.)
 No. III.
PATRICK HAMILTON, ABBOT OF FERNE. ToC

In collecting some notices of this memorable person, it may be remarked, that

Knox has passed over his history much more briefly than likely he would have
done, had he himself been at St. Andrews at the time of his execution. It has
been customary to give a rather exaggerated account of Hamilton's birth and
family connexions. Bishop Burnet says, "The first who suffered in this age (in
Scotland) was Patrick Hamilton, a person of very noble blood: his father was
brother to the Earl of Arran, and his mother sister to the Duke of Albany: so
nearly was he on both sides related to the King. He was provided of the Abbey
of Fern in his youth; and being designed for greater preferments, he was sent to
travel," &c.—(Hist. of the Reform., vol. i. p. 291.) Similar terms are employed
by later writers.
This notion to Hamilton's high descent and parentage requires to be somewhat
modified. His father, Sir Patrick Hamilton of Kincavel, was an illegitimate son
of James first Lord Hamilton, by a daughter of Witherspoon of Brighouse, and
died in 1479. Sir Patrick afterwards obtained a letter of legitimation under the
Great Seal, 20th January 1512-13; and in a charter of the settlement of the
Hamilton estates about the same time, by the Earl of Arran, he was called next in
succession, (failing the Earl's lawful issue,) after Sir James Hamilton of Fynnart,
who was the natural son of James second Lord Hamilton, created Earl of Arran
in 1503, and who was legitimated on the same day with Sir Patrick. The latter
was slain in a conflict on the streets of Edinburgh, 30th April 1520. His wife was
Catharine Stewart, daughter of Alexander Duke of Albany, the second son of
King James the Second. She is also described as a natural daughter; the marriage
of her parents having been dissolved on alleged propinquity of blood, by a
sentence of divorce, pronounced 2d March 1477-8. It is proper however to
observe, that illegitimation caused by the dissolution of such marriages, in
conformity with the complicated rules of the Canon Law, was not considered to
entail disgrace on the children, nor did it always interrupt the succession either in
regard to titles or property. Their children were,—
1. James Hamilton of Kincavel, Sheriff of Linlithgowshire, and Captain of
Blackness in 1525. He was summoned on a charge of heresy in 1534, but
escaped to England. (See note [139].) He obtained permission to return in 1540, and
was the means of accomplishing the downfall of his cousin, Sir James Hamilton
of Fynnart, (ib. p. 66.) The sentence given against him by the Popish Clergy at
Holyrood House, 26th August 1534, was reversed and annulled by the General
Assembly in June 1563.
2. Patrick Hamilton the Martyr.
3. Katharine Hamilton, who is mentioned in a letter, 29th March 1539, (ib. p. 66,
note,) as wife of the late Captain of Dunbar Castle. The reference in that letter
may have been not to her brother Patrick, who was brent in 1528, but to James,
who was condemned for heresy in 1534. The word brent therefore might be read
banished.
PATRICK HAMILTON was born about the year 1503. Being intended for the Church,
he no doubt received a liberal education, and the influence of his family
connexions was sure to obtain for him high preferment. The time when he was
promoted to the Abbacy of Ferne, in the county of Ross, is nowhere stated,
except in the vague, general terms, "in his youth." It is however quite certain that
Ferne was held, along with the Abbacy of Kelso in commendam, by Andrew
Stewart, Bishop of Caithness, who died in 1517. Sir Robert Gordon, in his
Genealogy of the Earls of Sutherland, (p. 93,) says, that on "The 17th day of
June 1518 yeirs, Andrew Stuart, Bishop of Catheneys, commendator of the
Abbayes of Kelso and Ferne, died at his Castle of Skibo," &c. (p. 93.) A
manuscript Calendar of Ferne, which may be held as the best authority, places
the Bishop's death in 1517. But although this benefice was conferred on Patrick
Hamilton, there is no evidence to show that he was ever in Priest's orders, as he
necessarily, at the time of this condemnation, would have been degraded, or
deprived of such orders. He appears however to have prosecuted his studies at
St. Andrews, and to have taken his Master's degree, according to the following
entry in the Registers of that University:—
"Congreg. tenta, 3 Oct. 1524. Magr. Patricius Hamilton Abbas de Ferne Rossen.
Dioc. in facultatem est receptus."
It was probably in the following year that Hamilton went abroad, in the farther
prosecution of his studies, visiting Wittenberg and Marburg, and becoming
acquainted with Luther, Melancthon, and Francis Lambert. From the sentence
pronounced by the Archbishop and his assistants, it is evident that before
Hamilton's visit to the Continent he had been suspected of cherishing heretical
opinions. At the University of Marburg, he publicly set forth certain Conclusions
or Theses for disputation, on the subject of Faith and Good Works. His Theses
may have been printed at the time: they have been preserved, in the English
translation, by John Fryth, of which there are several editions, sometimes under
the title of 'Patrick's Places,' and are also inserted in Knox's History, and in
Foxe's Book of Martyrs.
Hamilton returned to Scotland in 1527, impelled by a zeal to impart to his
countrymen the knowledge of the truth which he had acquired: the result of
which is well known; having been apprehended and taken prisoner to the Castle
of St. Andrews, tried by Archbishop Beaton, and condemned for heresy, and
suffering at the stake on the last of February 1527-8.

Some extracts from contemporary writers, relating to Patrick Hamilton, may

here be quoted. The first extract is taken from the dedication of Lambert's work,
which has been oftener mentioned than examined in recent times. It was first
published in the year 1528; but the following extract is from an edition bearing
the following title, "EXEGESEOS FRANCISCI LAMBERTI Avenionensis, in sanctam
divi Ioannis Apocalypsim, Libri VII. Basileae per Nicolaum Brylingerum. Anno
M.D.XXXIX." 8vo. It occurs in the dedication to "the illustrious Prince Philip,
Landgrave of Hesse." Unfortunately it does not give the date.—
"Habuisti anno supeiriore in tua nova Academia Marpurgensi ex Scotia unum,
qui vere suam in Dei Ecclesiam attulit gloriam, PATRICIUS HAMMILTON, ex
illustrissima Hammiltonum familia, quæ ex summis Regni Scotiæ; ae Regi,
sanguine proximius junctis, est. ls cum esset annorum circiter trium et viginti,
eruditionisque non vulgaris, et in Dei sermonibus, iudicij, et certissimi et
solidissimi, ab illo mundi angulo, nempe Scotia, venit ad tuam Academiam, ut
abundantius in Dei veritate confirmaretur, de quo veruntamen testor, me vix
alium repperisse, qui de eloquiis Dei, spiritualius, ac syncerius loqueretur. Sæpe
enim mecum de cisdem contulit. Præterea et is primus fuit, qui post erectam a
tua sublimitate Academiam, in eadem Christianissima aliquot axiomata palam et
doctissime, me hoc illi consulente, asseruit. Ubi autem robustior in pietatis
doctrina factus est, assumpto uno ex tribus quos secum huc veniens duxerat,
rediit in Scotiam, et palam Christum docuit, factus Scotorum primus et idem
inclytus, +apostolos+. Mox principes Sacerdotum cum Satrapis suis, apud Sancti
Andreæ urbem convenerunt in unum, adversus dominum, et Christum, illiusque
Apostolum Patritium, et ilium quantumvis sanguine clarum, et (ut puto) Rege
adhue puero, ab eis seducto (neque enim metu cognatorum eius quidquam
alioqui ausi fuissent in cum) vocarunt in concilium suum, in Calen. Martias,
huins anni. At ille in Christi confessione ardens totus tempus ipsum prævenit, et
pridie calē. Martij mane, illis pinguibus Samariæ vaccis adfuit, et ab illis velut a
Judæis Christus, damnatus mox, et morti adjudicatus est, atque a prandio
ipsiusmet dici combustus, et factus Deo in hostiam sanctam, et vivam. Is vere
allulit in Dei Ecclesiam non solum gloriam suam, sed et vitam. Hune veluti
suavissimum florem, maturumque fructum, ab ipso initio protulit, noua et foelix
illa Academia tua. Non es fraudatus desiderio tuo. Idcirco enim maxime illam
erexisti, quod cuperes ut intrepidi Christi confessores, et constantes veritatis
assertores ex ea prodirent. Ecce jam unum habes, et eundem quidem inclytum
multis nominibus, alij, cum domino visum fuerit, sequentur."
In a work still less known, and indeed of which only one solitary copy is known
to be preserved, we find an interesting allusion to Hamilton. The author, John
Gau or Gaw, will afterwards be noticed among the Protestant Exiles, Appendix,
No. VI. The volume has this title within an ornamented border:—
"The richt bay to the kingdome of hevine is techit heir in the x
commandis of God / And in the Creid / and Pater noster / In the
quhilk al chrissine man sal find al thing yat is neidful and requirit to
onderstand to the saluation of the saul."
(Colophon,) "Prentit in Malmw / Be me Jhone Rochstraten the xvi
day of October / Anno M.D.XXXiii."
The allusion to Hamilton's fate occurs in "Ane Epistil to the nobil Lordis and
Baronis of Scotland," in which the Author complains of "the blynd giders and
pastors quhilk sekis bot the mylk and wow of the scheip, quhilk alsua thinkkis na
scheyme to cal thayme selff vicars of Christ and successours of the Apostlis,"
and says, "The thrid and principal causs (viz. of the want of religious instruction)
is the sekkis N. and N. quhilk ar rissine laitlie in the Kirk and prechis dremis and
fablis and the tradicions of men, and notht the Vangel, and giff ony amangis
thayme wald prech it and notht thair tradicions thay ar haldine for heritikis, as ye
knaw be experience of PATRIK HAMMILTONE QUHOM THAY PAT CREWELLIE TO THE DEID
BOT NOW HE LIFFIS WITH CHRIST QUHOM HE CONFESSIT BEFOR THE PRINCIS OF THIS
VARDIL, BOT THE VOCE OF HIS BLWID CRYIS YEIT WITH THE BLUID OF ABEL TO THE
HEWINE."

The next extracts are from Foxe's Martyrology; and it may be proper to be more
particular in describing the early editions of that well known work, as Knox's
reference to it, at one period, was held to be a proof that the History of the
Reformation was not composed by him. During Foxe's exile, he published at
Strasburgh a small Latin work, entitled "Commentarii Rerum in Ecclesia
Gestarum, maxi-marumque, per totam Europam persecutionum, a Vuicleui
temporibus ad hanc vsque ætatē descriptio. Liber primus. Autore Ioanne Foxo
Anglo. Argentorati, exc. Vuendelinus Rihelius, Anno M.D.LIIII." Small 8vo.
Dedicated to Christopher Duke of Wurtemberg.
Five years later, at Basil, he published a large folio, also under the title of
"Rerum in Ecclesia Gestarum, &c., Commentarii," dedicated to Thomas Duke of
Norfolk, from Basil, 1st Sept. 1559. In this work, at pages 121-123, is a short
account of Patrick Hamilton, with a reference to Francis Lambert's work on the
Apocalypse. But it is to Foxe's great English work, in 1564, that Knox refers,
and as the First Book of his History was not written until 1566, no anachronism
can be discovered in such a reference. The succession of Queen Elizabeth to the
English Throne, evidently suggested the propriety of putting upon record a
detailed history of the fearful sufferings and persecutions which had been
endured. The first edition bears the following title:—
"ACTES AND MONUMENTS

of these latter and perillous dayes, touching matters of the Church,

wherein ar comprehended and described the great persecutions &
horrible troubles, that have bene wrought and practised by the
Romishe Prelates, speciallye in this Realme of England and
Scotlande, from the yeare of our Lorde a thousande, unto the tyme
nowe present. Gathered and collected according to the true copies &
wrytinges certificatorie, as wel of the parties themselves that
suffered, as also out of the Bishops Registers, which wer the doers
thereof, by IOHN FOXE.
¶ Imprinted at London by Iohn Day, dwellyng ouer Aldersgate. Cum
 priuilegio Regiæ Maiestatis."
This edition has no date; but the "Kalender" and "Almanacke for 31 yeares,"
commencing in 1563, shows that it was printed in that year, although not
actually published till 1564.
The following is a literal copy of the account of Hamilton's trial and execution
contained in this rare edition:—

PATRIKE HAMELTON A SKOT.

"Like as there was no place, neyther of Germanye, Italye, or
Fraunce, wherin there was not some impes or braunches sprōge out
of that mooste frutefull rote and foundation of Luther. So likewise
was not this Ile of Brittaine without his frute and braunches:
amongst whom Patricke Hamelton a skottishman borne, being a
yong man of an excellent nature and towardnes, but muche more
commendable and praise worthye, for that he was of the kynges
bloud and family, being the most ancient and noble stocke and name
in all Scotlande. The tender florishing age of this noble yonge man
made his deathe so muche the more horrible, which of it selfe was
but to muche cruell and detestable, for that skarse xxiii. yeres old,
whē he was burned by Dauid Beton Cardinall of Saint Andrewes,
and his fellow Byshoppes. Which yong manne if he had chosen to
leade his life, after the manner of other Courtiers in all kinde of
licentious riotousnes, he should peradventure haue found praise
without pearill or punishment in that his florishinge age: but for so
much as he joyned godlinesse wyth his stock, and vertue with his
age, he coulde by no meanes escape the hands of the wicked. So that
in all thinges and in al ages, the saying of S. Paule is verified.
Whosoeuer dooth desire and studye to liue godlye in Christe, he
shall suffer persecution as a companion of his godlinesse.
"For there is nothinge safe or sure in thys world, but wickednesse
and synne. Who euer sawe the Cardinals or bishoppes rage wyth
their cruell inquisitions, againste aduoutrye, riot, ambition, unlawfull
gaming, dronkennesse, rapines, and wilfulnesse to doo all kinde of
mischeues. Anye man that list for all them, maye exercise vsurye,
make tumultes, haunt whores, sweare and forsweare, and deceiue at
his owne will and pleasure.
"But if any man were truely addict to the desire and study of
godlines, confessing Christ to be his only patrone and aduocate,
excludynge the merites of saintes, acknowledginge fre iustification
by faith in Christ, denying purgatory (for these articles Hamelton
was burned) in these poyntes they nether spare age or kinred, nether
is there any so great power in ye world that may withstand their
maiesty or autority. How great an ornament might so noble, learned
and excellent a yong man haue bene vnto that realme, being endued
with so great godlines, and such a singular wit and disposition, if the
Skots had not enuied their owne commodity? What and how great
commendation there was of that yong man, what hope of his
disposition, his singuler learning and doctrine, and what a maturitye
and ripenese of iudgemente was in him, did appeare amongste the
Germains whereas he might declare him self. For in the vniuersity of
Marpurge, which was then newlye erect by Phillip prince of Hessia,
he openlye proceding: handled him selfe so, intreating and iudging
matters of the Church, with such praise and commendation,
passynge al expectation for his age, that he made not only the
common people, but also the learned to haue him in great
admiration. Amōgst whych nōber, when as many delighted in his
princely wit, amongest all other, it appeared firste in Fraunces
Lambert, who in the preface dedicatory, of his work vpon the
Apocalips, maketh euident mention of this Patricke.
"At the last whē as by the vse and familiarity of learned men, he
daily profited more and more, his minde being enflamed with
godlinesse, he began to consider with him selfe, touching his returne
into his countrye, thinkinge (as hys mind greatly desired) that it
wold come to pas that like a godly marchaunt he would delyuer
some frute and light of that learning, whyche he had received and
gotten abrode. In this his thought and purpose, taking vnto him a
companion, he returned home without any lōger delay, vpon a godly
and holy purpose and entent, but not with like successe. For this
ingenious yong manne beinge lightened bothe in spirite and
doctrine, not susteining or suffring the filthinesse and blindnes of his
coūtry, was first accused of heresy, and afterward constantly and
stoutly disputing with the cardinal and his band, at the last he was
oppressed by the cōspiracy of his enemies, and efter sentence of
condēnation geuen against him, the same daye after dinner he was
 caried to the fire & burned, the King being yet but a child; wheras by
ye most grave testimony of his bloud, he left the verity & truth of
God, fixed and confirmed in ye harts and mindes of manye." (Page
460.)
Foxe survived till April 1587, and published four successive editions of his
"Actes and Monuments." The second edition appeared in the year 1570, and the
third in 1576. In the passages relating to the Scotish Martyrs, he has furnished
ample details, which are not to be found in the first edition; and for these he
gives as his authority "Ex Scripto testimonio Scotorum." His enlarged account of
Hamilton, from the 1576 edition, may therefore be quoted; although it contains a
few repetitions.

THE STORY OF M. PATRICKE HAMELTON. 1527.

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.

Iames Patrike Hamelton a Scottish man borne, of an
Beton, high and noble stock, and of the kynges bloud,
Archb. of yong and of flourishing age, and excellent
S. Andrew. towardnes, of 23. yeares called Abbot of Ferme
first commyng out of his country with thre
M. Hew companions, to seeke godly learning, went to the
Spens, uniuersitie of Marpurge in Germanye, which
deane of university was then newly erected by Phillip
diuinitie in Lantgraue of Hesse: where he vsing conference
the and familiaritie with learned men, namely M.
vniuersitie Franciscus Lambertus, so profited in knowledge,
of S. and mature iudgement in matters of religion, that
Andrew. he through the incitation of the sayd Lambert,
was the first in al the Vniuersitie of Marpurge,
M. Iohn which publickely dyd set vp conclusions there to
Weddell, be disputed of, concernyng fayth and
Rector of workes:arguyng also no lesse
the learnedly then feruently vppon the same, what
Vniuersitie. these propositions and conclusions were, partly
in his treatise hereafter followyng, called Patrike
Iames Places, may appeare.
Symson,
Officiall. Thus the ingenious wyt of this learned Patrike
increasing haply more and more in knowledge,
Tho. and inflamed with godlynes, at length began to
Ramsay, reuolue with himselffe, touchyng his returne into
Chanō, and his countrey, beyng desirous to importe vnto hys
Deane of countrye men, some fruite of the understandyng,
the Abbey which he had receaued abroad. Wherupon
of S. Patricke persisting in his godly purpose, he toke one of
Andrewes. Hamelton. the iij. whom he brought out of Scotland, and so
returned home without any longer delay.[1064]
Allane Where he, not susteinyng the miserable
Meldrum, ignoraunce and blyndnes of that people, after he
Chanon. At St. had valiauntly taught and preached the truth, and
Andrewes refelled their abuses, was first accused of heresie,
Iolm in and afterward, constantly and stoutly susteinyng
Greson, Scotland. the quarell of Gods Gospell, against the high
Principall An. 1527. priest, and Archbyshop of S. Andrew, named
of the James Beton, was cited to appeare before him
Blacke and his Colledge of
Friers.
Iohn
Dillidaffe,
Warden of
the Gray
Friers.

Martin
Balbur,
Lawyer.

Iohn
Spens,
Lawyer.

Alexander
Young,
baccheler
of
Diuinitie,
 Chanon.

Frier Alex.
Chambell,
Priour of
the Blacke
Friers, &c.

of Priests, the first day of March 1527. But he beyng not onely forward in
knowledge, but also ardent in spirite, not tarying for the houre appoynted,
prenented the time, and came very early in the mornyng, before he was looked
for, and there mightely disputyng against them, when he could not by the
Scriptures be conuicted, by force he was oppressed: and so, the sentence of
condemnation beyng giuen agaynst him, the same day after dyner, in all the
hoate hast, he was had away to the fire, and there burned, the kyng beyng yet but
a child, which made the Byshops more bold. And thus was this noble Hamelton,
the blessed seruaunt of God, without all iust cause, made away by cruell
aduersaries, yet not without great fruite to the Church of Christ, for the graue
testimony of his bloud, left the verity and truth of God, more fixed and
confirmed in the hartes of many, then euer could after be pluckt away: in so
much that diuers afterward standing in his quarel, susteined also the lyke
Martyrdome, as hereafter (Christ willyng) shall appeare, as place and tyme shall
require.
In the meane season we thinke good to expresse here his Articles, and order of
his processe as we receaued them from Scotland, out of the registers.
¶ THE ARTICLES AND OPINIONS OBIECTED AGAYNST M. PATRIKE
HAMELTON,
BY IAMES BETON, ARCHBYSHOP OF S. ANDREWES .
[1065]

That man hath no free will.

That there is no Purgatory.
That the holy Patriarkes were in heauen, before Christes passion.
That the Pope hath no power to loose and bynde: neither any Pope
had that power, after S. Peter.
That the Pope is Antichrist, and that euery Priest hath the power that
 the Pope hath.
That M. Patrike Hamelton was a Byshop.
That it is not necessary to obteine any Bulles from any Byshop.
That the vow of the Popes religion, is a vow of wickednes.
That the Popes lawes be of no strength.
That all Christians worthy to be called Christians, do know that they
be in the state of grace.
That none be saued, but they are before predestinate.
Whosoeuer is in deadly sinne, is vnfaythfull.
That God is the cause of sinne, in this sence, that is, that he
withdraweth hys grace from men, whereby they sinne.
That it is deuilishe doctrine, to enioyne to any sinner, actuall
penaunce for sinne.
That the sayd M. Patrike himself doubteth whether all children
departing incontinent after their Baptisme, are saued or condemned.
That auricular confession is not necessary to saluation.
These Articles aboue written, were geuen in, and layd agaynst M. Hamelton, and
inserted in their registers, for the which also he was condemned, by them which
hated him, to death. But other learned men, which commoned and reasoned with
hym, do testifie, that these Articles folowyng were the very Articles for the
which he suffered.[1066]
1. Man hath no free will.
2. A man is onely iustified by fayth in Christ.
3. A man, so long as he liueth, is not without sinne.
4. He is not worthy to be called a Christian, which beleueth not that he is in
grace.
5. A good man doth good workes: good workes do not make a good man.
6. An euill man bringeth forth euil workes: euil workes, being faithfully
repented, do not make an euill man.
7. Fayth, hope, and charitie be so lynked together, that one of them can not be
without an other, in one man, in this life.
¶ And as touching the other Articles, whereupon the Doctours gaue their
iugementes, as diuers do report, he was not accused of them before the Byshop.
Albeit in priuate disputation, he affirmed and defended the most of them.
HERE FOLOWETH THE SENTENCE PRONOUNCED AGAYNST HYM.
Christi nomine Inuocato: We Iames, by the mercy of God, Archbishop of Saint
Andrew, Primate of Scotland, wyth the counsaile, decree, and authoritie of the
most reuerend fathers in God, and Lordes, Abbottes, Doctoures of Theologie,
professors of the holy Scripture, and maisters of the Uniuersitie, assisting us for
the tyme, sitting in iudgement within our Metropolitane Church of S. Andrew, in
the cause of hereticall prauitie, agaynst M. Patrike Hamelton, Abbot or
pensionarie of Ferne, being summoned to appeare before vs, to aunswere to
certeine Articles affirmed, taught, and preached by hym, and so appearyng
before vs, and accused, the merites of the cause beyng ripely weyde, discussed,
and understanded by faythful inquisition made in Lent last passed: we haue
fonnde the same M. Patrike, many wayes infamed wyth heresie, disputing,
holding, and maintaynyng diuers heresies of Martin Luther, and hys folowers,
repugnant to our fayth, and which is already[1067] condemned by generall
Councels, and most famous Vniuersities. And he being vnder the same infamie,
we decernyng before, hym to be summoned and accused vpon the premisses, he
of euill mynde (as may be presumed) passed to other partes, forth of the Realme,
suspected and noted of heresie. And beyng lately returned, not beyng admitted,
but of his owne head, without licence or priuiledge, hath presumed to preach
wicked heresie.
We have found also, that, he hath affirmed, published, and taught diuers opinions
of Luther, and wicked heresies, after that he was summoned to appeare before vs
and our councell:[1068] That man hath no free wyll: That man is in sinne so long
as he lyueth: That children incontinent after their baptisme, are sinners: All
Christians that be worthy to be called Christians, do know that they are in grace:
No man is iustified by workes, but by fayth onley: Good workes make not a
good man, but a good man doth make good workes: That fayth, hope, and
charitie, are so knit, that he that hath the one, hath the rest, and he that wanteth
the one of them, wanteth the rest, &c., wyth diuers other heresies and detestable
opinions: and hath persisted so obstinate in the same, that by no counsaile nor
perswasion, he may be drawen therefrom, to the way of our right fayth.
All these premisses being considered, we hauing God and the integritie of our
fayth before our eyes, and followyng the counsaile and aduise of the professours
of the holy Scripture, men of law, and others assistyng vs, for the tyme:[1069] do
pronounce, determine, and declare, the sayd M. Patrike Hamelton, for his
affirmyng, confessing, and maintayning of the foresayd heresies, and his
pertinacitie (they beyng condemned already by the Church, general Councels,
and most famous Vniuersities) to be an hereticke, and to haue an euil opinion of
the fayth, and therefore to be condemned and punished, like as we condemne,
and define hym to be punished, by this our sentence definitiue, depriuyng and
sentencyng him, to be depriued of all dignities, honours, orders, offices, and
benefices of the Church: and therfore do iudge and pronounce him to be
deliuered ouer to the secular power,[1070] to be punished, and his goodes to be
confiscate.
This our sentence definitiue, was geuen and read at our Metropolitan Churche of
S. Andrewes, the last day of the moneth of February, an. 1527, beyng present,
the most reuerend fathers in Christ, and Lordes, Gawand Bishop of Glasgow,
George Byshop of Dunkelden. Iohn, Byshop of Brecham. William, Byshop of
Dunblane. Patrike, Prior of Saint Andrew. Dauid, Abbot of Abirbrothok. George,
Abbot of Dunfermelyng. Alexander, Abbot of Caunbuskyneth. Henry, Abbot of
Lendors. Iohn, Prior of Pittynweme. The Deane, and Subdeane of Glasgow. M.
Hew Spens. Thomas Ramsay. Allane Meldrum, &c. In the presence of the
Clergy and the people.
After the condemnation and Martyrdome of this true Saint of God was
dispatched, by the Bishops and Doctours of Scotland, the rulers and Doctours of
the Uniuersitie of Louane hearyng therof, receaued such ioyc and consolation, at
the shedyng of that innocent bloud, that for the aboundance of hart, they could
not stay their penne, to vtter condigne thankes, applaudyng and triumphyng in
their letters, sent to the forcsayd Byshop of S. Andrewes, and Doetours of
Scotland, at the worthy and famous descruynges of their atchieued enterprise, in
that behalfe: as by the tenour of their sayd letter may appeare, which here
foloweth.
¶ THE COPY OF A LETTER CONGRATULATORIE, SENT FROM THE DOCTOURS OF
LOUANE, TO THE ARCHBYSHOP OF S. ANDREWES AND DOCTOURS OF
 SCOTLAND, COMMENDYNG THEM FOR THE DEATH OF M. PATRIKE
HAMELTON.
Your excellent vertue (most honourable Bishop) hath so deserued, that albeit we
be farre distant, both by sea and land, without coniunction of familiaritie, yet we
desire with all our hartes, to thanke you for your worthy deede, by whose
workes, that true faith which, not long ago, was tainted with heresie, not onely
remaineth vnhurt, but also is more confirmed. For as our deare frend M.
Alexander Galoway, Chanon of Aberdon, hath shewed vs, the presumption of
the wicked hereticke Patrike Hamelton, which is expressed in this your example,
in that you haue cut him of, when there was no hope of amendement, &c.
The which thyng, as it is thought commendable to vs, so the manor of the
procedyng was no lesse pleasant, that the matter was performed by so great
consent of so many estates, as of the Clergy, nobility, and vulgare people, not
rashely, but most prudently, the order of law beyng in all poynts obserued. We
haue sene the sentence which ye pronounced, and alway do approue the same,
not doubtyng but that the Articles which be inserted, are erroneous: so that
whosoeuer wil defend for a truth, any one of the same, with pertinacitie, should
be esteemed an enemy to the fayth, and an aduersary to the holy[1071] Scripture.
And albeit one or two of them appeare to be without errour, to them that will
consider onely the bare wordes: as (for example) good workes make not a good
man, but a good man worketh good workes, yet there is no doubt, but they
conteine a Lutheran sense, which, in a maner, they signifie: to witte, that workes
done after fayth, and justification, make not a man the better, nor are worthy of
any reward before God. Beleue not, that this example shall haue place onely
among you, for there shalbe among externe nations, which shall imitate the
same, &c.
Certainly, ye haue geuen vs great courage, so that now we acknowledge your
Vniuersitie,[1072] which was founded accordyng to the example of our
Vniuersitie of Louane, to be equall to ours, or els aboue: and would God
occasion were offered of testifying our myndes toward you. In the meane tyme,
let vs labour with one consent, that the rauenyng Wolues may be expelled from
the shepefold of Christ, while we haue tyme. Let vs study to preach to the people
more learnedly hereafter, and more wisely. Let vs have Inquisitours, and espyers
of bookes, containyng that doctrine, especially that is brought in from farre
countreys, whether by apostatiue Monkes, or by Marchauntes, the most
suspected kynde of men in these dayes. It is sayd, that since Scotland first
embraced the Christian fayth, it was neuer defiled with any heresie. Perseuer
therfore, beyng moued thereunto by the example of England, your next
neighbour, which in this most troublous tyme, is not chaunged, partly by the
workyng of the Byshops, among the which[1073] Roffensis hath shewed hymselfe
an Euangelicall Phoenix, and partly of the Kyng, declaryng hymselfe to be an
other Mathias of the new law: pretermittyng nothyng that may defend the law of
his realme. The which, if your most renowned Kyng of Scotland will follow, he
shall purchase to himselfe eternal glory. Further, as touchyng the condigne
commendation, due for your part (most Reuerend Byshop) in this behalfe, it shal
not be the least part of your prayse, that these heresies haue bene extinct
sometymes in Scotland, you beyng Primate of Scotland and principal authour
therof: Albeit that they also which haue assisted you, are not to be defrauded of
their deserued prayse, as the Reuerend Byshop of Glasgow, of whose erudition,
we haue here geuen vs partly to understand, and also the Reuerend Byshop of
Aberden, a stoute defender of the fayth, together with the rest of the Prelates,
Abbots, Priours, and professours of holy Scripture. Let your reuerend fatherhode
take this litle testificate of our duety toward you, in good part, whom we wish
long and happely well to fare in Christ. From Louane, an. 1528, Aprill 21.
BY THE MAISTERS AND PROFESSOURS OF THEOLOGIE IN THE
VNIUERSITIE OF LOUANE, YOURS TO COMMAUNDE.
¶ In this Epistle of the Louaniane Doctours, I shall not neede (gentle Reader) to
note vnto thee, what a pernitious thyng in a common wealth, is blynd
ignoraunce, when it falleth into cruell hartes. Which may well be compared to a
sword put in the handes of one, that is both blynd and mad. For as the blynd
man, hauyng no sense to see and iudge knoweth not whom he striketh: so the
madde man, beyng cruell and furious, hath no compassion in sparyng any.
Wherupon it happeneth many tymes with these men, as it dyd with the blynd
furious Phariseis, that as they hauyng the sword of authoritie in their handes, in
stede of malefactours and false Prophetes, slue the true Prophetes of God, and at
last crucified the kyng of glory: so these Catholicke Louanians and folowers of
their Messias of Rome, take in their handes the sworde of iurisdiction, who
neither seyng what to spare, nor caryng whom they smite, vnder the stile and
pretense of heretiques, murther and blaspheme without mercy, the true preachers
of the Gospell, and the holy annoynted of the Lord.

"But to returne to the matter agayne of M. Hamelton, here is moreouer to be

observed, as a note worthy of memory, that in the yeare of the Lord 1564, in the
which yeare this present history was collected in Scotland, there were certaine
faythfull men of credite then alyue, who beyng present the same tyme, when M.
Patrike Hamelton was in the fire, heard him to cite and appeale the blacke Frier
called Campbel, that accused him, to appeare before the hygh God, as generall
iudge of all men, to aunswere to the innocency of his death, and whether his
accusation was iust or not, betwene that and a certaine day of the next moneth,
which he there named. Moreouer by the same witnes it is testified, that the sayd
Frier dyed immediatly before the sayd day came, without remorse of conscience,
that he had persecuted the Innocent. By the example wherof diuers of the people
the same tyme, much mused, and firmely beleued the doctrine of the foresayd M.
Hamelton, to be good and iust.
"Hereunto I thought good to adioyne a certaine godly and profitable Treatise of
the sayd M. Patrike Hamelton, written first by him in Latine, and afterward
translated by John Frith into English, which he names Patrikes Places; not
vnprofitable in my mynde, to be sene and read of all men, for the pure and
comfortable doctrine conteined in the same, as not onely by the treatise it selfe
may appeare, but also by the preface of the sayd John Frith, prefixed before;
which also I thought not inconuenient to insert with the same, as here foloweth."

The "brief Treatise," translated by John Fryth, which immediately follows the
above extracts from Foxe, has already been included in the present volume: see
pages 19 to 35.
It appears from some payments in the Treasurer's Accounts, in 1543, that Patrick
Hamilton had left an illegitimate daughter named Isobell. Some readers
perchance may think that such a fact should have remained unnoticed, as casting
a blemish on his hitherto pure and immaculate character; but a regard to what
may be called historical justice, will not allow such a circumstance to be
concealed, while the habitual licentious conduct of the highest dignitaries of the
Church at that time are, in the course of the present work, so frequently alluded
to.
"Item, the x day of Aprile deliuerit to be ane gowne to Issobell Hammiltoun,
dochter to umquhill Patrik Abbot of Fern, four elnis Frenche blak, price of the
eln xxxiiij s.... Summa, vj lib. xvj s.
"Item, deliuerit to be hir are kirtill, thre elnis Frenehe brown, price of the eln xxx
s.... Summa, iiij lib. x s.
"Item, deliuerit to hir to walt the samin, and to be hir pertlettis, ane eln blak
veluet, price thairof, ... lvj s."
In the following month of May 1543, another gown was furnished to Isobell
Hamilton.
 No. IV.
ToC
ON THE ROYAL PILGRIMAGES TO THE SHRINE OF ST. DUTHACK,
AT TAIN, IN ROSS-SHIRE.

In a note to page 16, I expressed some doubt as to the accuracy of the statement
that King James the Fifth was sent in pilgrimage to the Shrine of St. Duthack,
immediately previous to the trial and condemnation of Patrick Hamilton. Had the
Treasurer's Accounts for 1528, or the Household Book between July 1526 and
August 1528, been preserved, they might have enabled us to trace the King's
movements. But the statement is highly improbable in itself. Mr. Tytler has
shown that James only escaped from the thraldom of the Douglasses at the end
of May 1528, or nearly three months after Hamilton's sentence; and it was most
unlikely from the vigilant restraint under which the King was kept that he would
have been allowed to traverse a great part of the country upon such an errand. It
may also be kept in view, that if an application had been made to James, before
he assumed the reins of government, it is scarcely probable his interference
would have had any effect in preventing the sentence of the Ecclesiastical Courts
from being carried into execution.

Want of space prevents me from inserting here, as I intended, a series of extracts

from the Treasurer's Accounts during the reign of James the Fourth, in
connexion with his visits to that celebrated shrine. I shall therefore merely
notice, that the public registers furnish some evidence to shew that he made an
annual pilgrimage to St. Duthack's chapel, in Ross-shire. On more than one
occasion the King rode unattended from Stirling across the mountain pass of the
Grampians, leading from Fettercairn to the north side of the Dee, and from
thence to Elgin, Inverness, and Tain. These repeated visits to a distant shrine
may have been performed as an act of penance, the chapel having been founded
by his father, James the Third. Such a journey, with a few attendants, he appears
to have made in August 1513, or only one month previously to his setting out on
his calamitous expedition, when he was slain at Floddon.
 No. V.
FOXE'S ACCOUNT OF HENRY FORREST, AND OTHER MARTYRS IN ToC
SCOTLAND, DURING THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH.

The fate of Henry Forress or Forrest seems to have excited much less attention
than might have been expected. In the note to page 52, I suggested that the
probable time of his martyrdom may be placed in 1532; and he may thus be
regarded as the second victim in the cause of the Reformed faith in Scotland.
The strict inquisition which took place, and caused a number of persons to
forsake their native country, whilst others met with a similar fate as his own in
the course of a few years, may have contributed to this comparative silence.
Even Foxe, to whom we are chiefly indebted for preserving an account of his
fate, seems to have been ignorant of it in 1564; as in the following short
paragraph, from the first edition of his work, he refers to those who suffered in
Edinburgh in 1534, as the next in succession to the Abbot of Ferne:—
"¶ FIVE BURNT IN SKOTLAND.
"Seuen yeres after Patrik Hamelton, whose history is before passed, there were v.
burnte in Skotland, in the city of Edenborow, being the Metropolitike citye of al
Skotlande, of the which fiue two were dominicane Friers, one Priest, one
Gentleman, and the fifthe was a channon: whose iudges and inquisitors were
these: Jhon Maior, Archbishop of S. Androwes, Petrus Chappellanus, and the
Franciscane friers, whose labor and diligence is never wanting in such matters."
(Page 525.)

At the same time I suggested that Henry Forrest was the son of Thomas Forrest
of Linlithgow, who was in the employment of King James the Fourth. Since that
sheet was printed, I find the name of "HENIRICUS FORRUS" in the list of students
who were incorporated, that is, became Bachelors of Arts, at the University of
Glasgow, in the year 1518. If this was the martyr, we may presume that at the
time of his martyrdom he must have been upwards of thirty years of age. This
however may have been another person of the same name, as we find "HENRICUS
FORREST," as a Determinant in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1526,
which leaves no doubt of his having, two years later, witnessed the fate of
Patrick Hamilton.
The following is Foxe's account from his enlarged edition of his "Actes and
Monuments," in 1576:—

"HENRY FOREST, MARTYR.

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.

Iames Within few years after martydome of M. Patrike
Beton, Hamelton, one Henry Forrest, a yong man borne
Archbishop in Lithquow, who a little before, hand receyued
of the orders of Benet and Colet (as they terme
Andrewes. Henry them) affirmed and sayd, that M. Patrike
Forest. Hamelton died a martyr, and that his articles were
Frier true: for the which he was apprehended,
Walter At S.
Laitig, Andrewes
bewrayer in
of the Scotland.
confession
of this
Henry
Forest.

and put in prison by James Beton, Archbishop of Saint Andrewes. Who shortly
after, caused a certaine Frier named Walter Laing, to heare his confession. To
whom when Henry Forest in secret confession had declared his conscience how
he thought M. Patrike to bee a good man and wrongfully to be put to death, and
that his articles were true and not hereticall: the Frier came and vttered to the
Bishop the confession that he had hearde, which before was not thoroughly
known. Whereupon it followed that his confession beyng brought as sufficient
probation agaynst him, he was therfore conuented before the councell of the
clergy and doctors, and there concluded to bee an hereticke, equall in iniquity
with M. Patricke Hamelton, and there decreed to be geuen to the secular indges
to suffer death.
"When the day came of hys death, and that he should first be degraded, and was
brought before the cleargy in a grene place, beyng betwene the castle of S.
Andrews, and another place called Monymaill, as sone as he entred in at the
dore, and saw the face of the Clergy, perceiuing wherunto they tended, he cryed
with a loude voyce, saying: Fie, on falshoode: Fye on false friers, reuealers of
confession: after this day, let no man euer trust any false Friers, contemners of
God's word and deceiuers of men. And so they proceding to degrade him of hys
small orders of Benet and Collet, he sayd with a loud voyce, take from me not
onely your owne orders, but also your owne baptisme, meaning thereby,
whatsoeuer is besides that which Christ hymselfe instituted, whereof there is a
great rablement in Baptisme. Then after hys degradation, they condemned hym
as an heretike equal with M. Patrike aforesaide: and so he suffred death for his
faythfull testimony of the truth of Christ, and of hys Gospell, at the Northchurch
stile of the Abbey church of S. Andrew, to the entent that all the people of
Anguishe [Angus] might see the fire, and so might be the more feared from
falling into the like doctrine, whiche they terme by the name of heresie. Ex
Scripto testimonio Scotorum."

Foxe next proceeds to narrate the persecution of James Hamilton, brother of

Patrick, of Katherine Hamilton, their sister, and of a woman at Leith. This must
have occurred in 1534, as Hamilton was in England early in 1535. See note [157];
and the Rev. Christopher Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii. p. 471.
Foxe joins with this an account of the martyrdom of David Straton and Norman
Gourlay, as follows:—

"JAMES HAMELTON. KATHERINE HAMELTON HIS SISTER. A WIFE OF LYETH,

PERSECUTED.
DAUID STRATON, NORMAN GURLEY, MARTYRS.

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.

Iames Within a yere after the martirdom of Henry
Iames Hay, Hamelton, Forest, or there about, was called James
bishop of brother to Hamelton of Kyntlitgow, hys sister Katherine
Rose and M. Hamelton the spouse of the captain of Dunbar,
commissioner Patrike. also an other honest woman of Leith, Dauid
of Iames
 Beton, Katherine Straton of the house of Lawristonne, and M.
Archbishop Hamelton. Norman Gurlay. These were called the Abbey
of S. A wyfe of Church of Halyrowdhouse in Edenburgh by
Andrewes. Lieth. James Hay, B. of Rose, commissioner to James
Dauid Beton Archbishop,
M. Iohn Straton.
Spens, M.
Lawyer. Norman
Gurlay.

in presence of K. James the V. of that name: who upon the day of theyr
accusation was altogether clad in red apparel. James Hamelton accused as one
that mainteaned the opinions of M. Patricke, hys brother.
To whome the Kyng gaue counsaile to departe, and not to appeare: for in case he
appeared he could not help him, because the Byshops had persuaded him, that
the cause of heresie did in no wise appertayne vnto him, and so James fled and
was condemned as an heretike, and all his goods and landes confiscat, and
disposed vnto others.
Catherine Hamilton hys Sister, appeared vpon the schaffold, and beyng accused
of an horrible heresie, to witte, that her owne workes could not saue her, she
graunted the same, and after longe reasoning betwene her and M. John Spens the
Lawyer, she concluded in this maner: Work here, worke there: what kinde of
workyng is al this? I know perfectly that no kynde of workes can saue mee, but
onely the workes of Christ my Lord and Sauiour. The kyng hearing these
wordes, turned hym about and laught, and called her vnto hym and caused her to
recant, because she was hys aunt, and she escaped.
The woman of Leith was detected hereof, that when the mydwife in tyme of her
labour, bad her say our Ladye helpe mee: She cryed, Christe helpe me, Christ
helpe me, in whose helpe I trust. Shee also was caused to recant, and so escaped,
without confiscation of her goodes, because she was maryed.
Maister Norman Gurlay, for that he sayd, there was no such thyng as Purgatory,
and that the Pope was not a Byshop, but Antichrist, and had no Jurisdiction in
Scotland.
Also Dauid Straton, for that he sayd, there was no Purgatorie, but the Passion of
Christe, and the tribulations of this world, and because that, when M. Robert
Lowson Vicare of Eglesgrig asked his tieth fishe of hym, he dyd cast them to
him out of the boate, so that some of them fell into the Sea: therefore he accused
him, as one that shoulde haue sayd, that no tithes should be payed. These two,
because after great solicitation made by the kyng, they refused to abiure and
recant, were therefore condemned by thee Byshop of Rose as heretickes, and
were burned vpon the grene side, betwene Leith and Edenburgh, to the entent
that the inhabitaunts of Fiffe, seyng the fyre, might be stricken with terrour and
feare, not to fall into the lyke. Ex eodem Scripto.
¶ And thus much touchyng those Martyrs of Scotland, whiche suffered vnder
James Beton, Archbishop of S. Andrewes. After whom succeded Dauid Beton in
the same Archbyshopprike, vnder whom diuers other were also martyred, as
hereafter (God willyng) in their order shall appeare."
"¶ THE HISTORIE TOUCHING THE PERSECUTION IN SCOTLANDE, WITH THE NAMES AND
CAUSES OF SUCHE BLESSED MARTYRS, WHICHE IN THE SAME COUNTREY SUFFERED FOR
THE TRUTH, AFTER THE TYME OF PATRICKE HAMELTON.

"Thus hauyng finished the tyme and rase of kyng Henry the Eight, it remayneth
nowe according to my promise made before, here to place and adjoine so much
as hath come to our handes, touchyng the persecution of Scotland, and of the
blessed Martyrs of Christ, whiche in that countrey likewise suffred for the true
religion of Christ, and testimony of their fayth.
To proccede therefore in the history of these Scotlandc matters, next after the
mention of Dauid Straton and M. Nicholas Gurlay, with whom we ended before,
pag. 956, the order of tyme woulde require nexte to inferre the memorye of Sir
John Borthwike Knight, commonly called Captayne Borthwyke. Who beyng
accused of heresie (as the Papistes call it) and cited therfore, an. 1540, and not
appearyng, and escaping out into other countreys, was condemned for the same,
being absent, by the sentence of Dauid Beaton Archbishop of Saint Andrewes,
and other prelates of Scotland, and all his goodes confiscate, and his picture at
last burned in the open market place, &c. But for so muche as the storye of hym,
with his articles obiected against hym, and his confutation of the same, is already
expressed sufficiently in the Firste edition of Actes and Monuments, and because
he being hapily deliuered out of their handes, had no more but onely his picture
burned, referring the reader to the booke aboue mentioned, we wyll now (the
Lord willing) prosecute suche other as followed, begynnyng firste in order with
Thom. Forret and his felowes. Their story is this.

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.

 Tho. Not long after the burnyng of Dauid Strutton, and
Forret, M. Gurlay aboue mentioned, in the dayes of
priest. Dauid Beaton Bishop and Cardinall of S.
William Andrewes, and George Creichton Bishop of
Dauid Anderson. Dunkelden, a Canon of S. Colmes Inche, and
Beton, Fryer Iohn vicar of Dolone, called Deane Thomas Forret,
Bishop Kelowe. preached euery Sonday to his parishners, the
and Fryer Epistle or Gospel, as it fell for the tyme: whiche
Cardinal Benarage. then was a great noueltie in Scotlande, to see
of St. Duncan anye man preach, except a Blacke fryer, or a gray
Andrewes. Sympson, frier: and therefore the Fryers enuyed hym, and
priest. accused hym to the Bishop of Dunkelden (in
George Robert whose Dioces he remayned) as an heretike and
Creichton, Foster, a one that shewed the mysteries of the scriptures to
Bishop of gentleman, the vulgare people in Englishe, to make the
Dunkelden with three Clergie detestable in the sight of the people.
or foure
other men
of
striuelyng,
Martyrs.

The Bishop of Dunkelden moued by the Fryers instigation, called the sayde
Deane Thomas, and saide to hym: My joye Deane Thomas, I loue you well, and
therefore I must geue you my counsayle, how you shal rule and guide your selfe.
To whom Thomas sayd, I thanke your Lordship hartily. Then the Bishop begun
his counsaile on this manner.
My joy Deane Thomas, 1 am enfourmed that you preache the Epistle or Gospell
euery Sonday to your Parishners, and that you take not the kowe, nor the
vpmoste cloth from your Parishners, whiche thyng is very preiudiciall to the
Churche men: and therefore my joye Deane Thomas, I would you tooke your
kowe and your vpmost cloth, as other church men do, or els it is too much to
preach euery Sonday, for in so doyng you may make the people think that we
shoulde preache likewise. But it is enough for you, when you finde any good
Epistle, or any good Gospel, that setteth foorth the libertie of the holy church, to
preache that, and let the rest be.
Thomas answeared: My Lorde, I thinke that none of my parishners wyl
complaine that I take not the kow nor the vpermost cloth, but wyll gladly geue
me the same together with any other thing that they haue, and I wyll geue and
communicate with them any thyng that I haue, and so my Lord we agree right
wel, and there is no discord among vs.
And where your Lordship sayth, it is too muche to preache euery Sonday: in
deede I thinke it is too litle, and also woulde wishe that your Lordshyp dyd the
like. Nay, nay, Deane Thomas (sayth my Lord) let that bee, for we are not
ordeyned to preache. Then said Thomas, when your Lordship byddeth me
preach, when I finde any good Epistle, or a good Gospell, truely my Lorde, I
haue readde the Newe Testament and the Olde, and all the Epistles and the
Gospels, and among them all I coulde neuer finde any euyl Epistle, or any euyl
Gospel: but if your Lordship wil shewe me the good Epistle and the good
Gospell, and the euyll Epistle and the euyll Gospel, then I shall preache the
good, and omyt the euyl.
Then spake my Lord stoutly, and said, I thanke God that I neuer knewe what the
Olde and Newe Testament was, (and of these wordes rose a Prouerbe which is
common in Scotland: Ye are like the Bishop of Dunkelden, that knewe neither
newe nor olde lawe:) therefore Deane Thomas, I wyll know nothyng but my
Portous and my Pontifical. Go your way, and let be al these fantasies: for if you
perseuer in these erroneous opinions, ye wyl repent it when you may not mende
it.
Thomas said, I trust my cause be iust in the presence of God, and therefore I
passe not muche what doo folowo thereupon, and so my Lorde and he departed
at that tyme. And soone after a Summons was directed from the Cardinall of
Saint Andrewes and the said Bishop of Dunkelden vpon the said Deane Thomas
Forret, vpon two blacke Fryers called fryer John Kelow, and an other called
Benarage, and vpon one priest of Striueling called Duncane Sympson, and one
Gentleman called Robert Foster in Striuelyng, with other three or foure, with
them of the towne of Striuelyng: who at the day of their appearaunce after their
summonyng, were condemned to the death without any place of recantation,
because (as was alleged) they were heresiarkes or chiefe heretikes and teachers
of heresies, and especially because many of them were at the bridal and marriage
of a Priest, who was vicar of Twybodye beside Striuelyng, and dyd eate fleshe in
Lent at the said brydal, and so they were altogether burnt vpon the castle hyll of
Edenbrough, where they that were first bounde to the stake, godly and
marueylously dyd comfort them that came behynde.

HERE FOLOWETH THE MANER OF PERSECUTION VSED BY THE CARDINALL OF

 SCOTLAND, AGAINST CERTAINE PERSONS IN PERTH.

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.

Robert First there was a certayne Acte of Parlamente
Lambe. made in the gouernment of the Lorde Hamleton
William Earle of Arran, and Gouernour of Scotlande,
Dauid Anderson. geuyng priuilege to all men of the Realme of
Beton, Iames Scotlande, to reade the scriptures in their mother
Bishop Hunter. tongue, and language, secluding neuerthelesse all
and Iames resonyng, conference, conuocation of people to
Cardinall Raueleson. heare the scriptures readde or expounded. Which
of St. Iames liberty of priuate reading being graunted by
Andrewes. Founleson. publike
Hellen
Stirke, his
wyfe.

proclamation, lacked not his own fruit, so that in sundry partes of Scotlande
thereby were opened the eyes of the elect of God to see the truth, and abhorre the
papistical abominations. Amongst the which were certane persons in Saint
Johnston, as after is declared.
At this tyme there was a Sermon made by Fryer Spense, in Saint Johnston, alias
called Perth, affirmyng prayer made to saintes to be so necessarye, that without it
there coulde be no hope of saluation to man. Whiche blasphemous doctrine a
Burges of the saide towne called Robert Lambe, could not abide, but accused
hym in open audience, of erroneous doctrine, and adiured hym in Gods name to
vtter the truth. The which the Fryer beyng striken with feare, promised to do, but
the trouble, tumult, and sturre of the people encreased so, that the fryer could
haue no audience, and yet the saide Robert with great daunger of his life escaped
the handes of the multitude, namely of the women, who contrary to nature,
addressed them to extreme cruelty agaynst hym.
At this tyme in the yeare of our Lord, 1543, the enemies of the truth procured
John Chartuous, who fauoured the truth, and was Prouost of the saide citie and
towne of Perth, to be deposed from his office by the sayd Gouernours authoritie,
and a Papist called Master Alexander Marbecke to be chosen in his roum, that
they might bring the more easily their wicked enterprise to an ende.
After the deposing of the former Prouost, and election of the other, in the moneth
of January the yeare aforesaid, on Saint Paules day, came to Saint Johnston, the
Gouernour, the Cardinall, the Earle of Argile Justice, Sir John Campbel of Lunde
knight, and Justice Depute, the Lord Borthwyke, the bishop of Dunblane, and
Orkney, with certeyne others of the Nobilitie. And although there were many
accused for the crime of heresie (as they terme it) yet these persons were only
apprehended vpon the said Saint Paules day, Rob. Lambe, Wil. Anderson, James
Hunter, James Raueleson, James Founleson, and Hellen Stirke his wife, and cast
that night in the Spay tower of the said citie, the morowe to abide judgement.
Upon the morow, when they appeared and wer brought forth to judgement in the
towne, was laid in general to all their charge, the violatyng of the act of
parlament before expressed, and their conference and assemblies in hearing and
expoundyng of scripture against the tenour of the saide acte. Robert Lambe was
accused in speciall for interruptyng of the fryer in the pulpit: which he not only
confessed, but also affirmed constantly, that it was the dutie of no man, which
vnderstood and knew the truth, to heare the same impugned without
contradiction, and therfore sundry which there wer present in judgement, who
hyd the knowledge of the truth, should beare their burden in Gods presence for
consenting to the same.
The said Robert also with William Anderson, and James Raueleson, were
accused for hanging vp the image of Saint Fraunces in a corde, nailyng of
Rammes hornes to his head, and a Cowes rumpe to his taile, and for eating of a
Goose on Alhalow euen.
James Hunter being a simple man, and without learnyng, and a Fletcher by
occupation, so that he coulde be charged with no greate knowledge in Doctrine,
yet because he often vsed the suspect companye of the rest, he was accused.
The woman Hellen Stirke was accused, for that in her chyldbed shee was not
accustomed to cal vpon the name of the virgine Mary, beyng exhorted thereto by
her neighbours, but onely vpon God, for Jesus Christes sake, and because shee
saide in like maner, that if shee her selfe had ben in the tyme of the virgin Mary,
God might haue loked to her humilitie and base estate, as he dyd to the virgins,
in making her the mother of Christe, thereby meaning, that ther was no merites
in the virgin, which procured her that honor, to be made the mother of Christ,
and to be preferred before other women, but Gods only free mercy exalted her to
that estate. Which wordes were counted most execrable in the face of the Clergie
and whole multitude.
James Raueleson aforesaid building a house, set vpon the round of his fourth
stayre, the three crowned Diademe of Peter carued of tree, which the Cardinal
tooke as done in mockage of his Cardinals hat, and this procured no fauor to the
said James at their handes.
These forenamed persons vpon the morow after Saint Paules' day were
condemned and iudged to death, and that by an assise, for violatyng (as was
alleged) the act of parlament, in reasoning and conferring vpon scriptures, for
eatyng flesh vpon dayes forbidden, for interruptyng the holy fryer in the pulpit,
for dishonoring of Images, and blasphemyng of the virgin Mary, as they alleged.
After sentence geuen, their hands were bound, and the men cruelly entreated.
Which thyng the woman beholding desired likwise to be bound by the sergeantes
with her husband for Christes sake.
There was great intercession made by the towne in the meane season for the lyfe
of these persons aforenamed, to the Gouernour, who of him self was wyllyng so
to haue done, that they might haue bene deliuered. But the Gouernour was so
subiect to the appetite of the cruel priestes, that he could not do that which he
would. Yea, they manaced to assist his enemyes, and to depose hym, except he
assisted their cruelty.
There were certaine priestes in the citie, who dyd eate and drinke before in these
honest mens houses, to whom the priestes were much bounden. These priestes
were earnestly desired to entreate for their hostesse, at the Cardinalles handes:
but they altogether refused, desiryng rather their death then preseruation. So
cruell are these beastes from the lowest to the highest.
Then after, they were caryed by a great band of armed men (for they feared
rebellion in the towne, except they had their men of warre) to the place of
execution, whiche was common to al theeues, and that to make their cause
appeare more odious to the people.
Robert Lambe at the gallowes foote made his exhortation to the people, desiryng
them to feare God, and leaue the leauen of papistical abominations, and
manifestly there prophesied of the ruine and plague whiche came vppon the
Cardinall thereafter. So euery one comfortyng an other, and assuring them selues
to sup together in the kingdome of heauen, that nyght commended them selues to
God, and dyed constantly in the Lord.
The woman desired earnestly to dye with her husband, but shee was not
suffered: yet folowyng hym to the place of execution, shee gaue hym comfort,
exhortyng hym to perseuerance and pacience for Christes sake, and partyng from
hym with a kysse, sayd on this maner: Husband, reioyce, for we haue lyued
together many ioyful dayes: but this day, in which we must dye, ought to be
most ioyful to vs both, because we must haue ioy for euer. Therfore I wyll not
byd you good night, for we shall sodaynely meete with ioy in the kyngdome of
heauen.
The woman after was taken to a place to be drowned, and albeit shee had a chyld
sucking on her breast, yet this moued nothyng the vnmerciful hartes of the
enemies. So after she had commended her children to the neighbors of the towne
for Gods sake, and the suckyng barne was geuen to the nurse, shee sealed vp the
truth by her death. Ex Registris et instrumentis a Scotia missis."
 No. VI.
ToC
NOTICES OF THE PROTESTANT EXILES FROM SCOTLAND DURING
THE REIGN OF KING JAMES THE FIFTH.

Dr. MʻCrie, in his Life of Knox, Appendix, vol. i., and the Rev. Christopher
Anderson, in his Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii., have collected nearly all
the information that can be gleaned respecting the chief persons who became
Exiles on account of their religious sentiments at this early period. I shall,
therefore, content myself with giving little more than a simple enumeration of
their names.

ALEXANDER ALESSE , (in Latin, ALESIUS,) as mentioned in a note to page 55, was
a native of Edinburgh, born in the year 1500, and educated at St. Andrews. The
Rev. Christopher Anderson in his Annals of the English Bible, has introduced a
variety of interesting notices of Alexander Alesse, with extracts from some of
his earlier publications. According to a statement in one of his works, he fled
from Scotland in the year 1529, and his conversion was owing to his interviews
with Patrick Hamilton when under confinement. A collection of his writings, if
carefully translated, and accompanied with a detailed Memoir of his life, would
form a very suitable and valuable addition to the series of the Wodrow
publications. He became Professor of Divinity in the University of Leipzig,
where he died on the 17th of March 1565.
JOHN ELDER, according to his own information, was a native of Caithness, and
had spent twelve years as a student at the Universities of Aberdeen, St. Andrews,
and Glasgow. He fled to England probably in 1541 or 1542; and about two years
later, he addressed a letter to Henry the Eighth, with a Plan or Description of
Scotland, containing a project for the Union of the two Kingdoms. The letter
written in 1543 or 1544, contains a bitter invective against Beaton and "the
proud papisticall bishops" in Scotland. It was printed in the Bannatyne
Miscellany, vol. i., from the original MS. preserved in the British Museum. Elder
was patronized by the Earl of Lennox, and became tutor to Henry Lord Darnley.
In 1555, he published a "Letter sent into Scotland, &c.," on occasion of the
marriage of Philip and Mary. This very curious tract, which is now of great
rarity, he dedicated to Robert Stuard, Bishop of Caithness. In 1561, he was in
France, as we learn from a letter respecting him, inserted in Stevenson's
Illustrations of Scotish History, (printed for the Maitland Club,) p. 101; and
which mentions that he had shewn to Queen Mary the hand-writing of Darnley,
when eight years of age. It ends with remarking of Elder, what was probably true
enough: "he hath wit to play the aspye (spy) where he listeth."
JOHN FYFE: see page 55, where it is noticed that he prosecuted his studies under
Gawin Logye, at St. Andrews. He may no doubt be identified with the person
styled JOANNES FIDELIS, a native of Scotland, who obtained considerable
academical distinction abroad. Bishop Burnet, and other writers, state that Fyfe
accompanied Alesse to Leipzig, where he was professor; but, in reference to this
statement, a passage in the Acta Eruditorum, p. 386, Lipsiæ 1684, asserts, that
the Registers of that University having been carefully examined, no mention of
his name could be discovered. If we substitute Francfort instead of Leipzig, the
notice would be substantially correct, as Alesius had for a short time been
Professor there before his removal to Leipzig; and while there he published
amongst other tracts an Academical Oration, "De Restituendis Scholis Oratio,
habita in celebri Academiæ Francofordiana ad Oderam, An. 1540, Mense Iunio."
The name of John Fidelis Scotus, as Professor of Philosophy and Divinity, was
inscribed in the Registers of the University of Francfort, in 1547. He was created
Doctor, and chosen Rector in 1551; and he died on the 28th of March 1562, in
the 72d year of his age. (Notitia Universitatis Francofurtanæ, pp. 49, 56, folio.)
This notice does not confirm the report mentioned by Calderwood, that Fyfe had
returned to Scotland, and died at St. Leonard's, soon after the Reformation, in
1560.
JOHN GAW has already been mentioned at page 504, as author of a rare work
entitled "The Richt Way to Hevin," which bears to have been printed at Malmoe,
(in Sweden,) in the year 1533. Many years ago, in passing through that town, the
seat of a University, I had the curiosity to inquire in their Library if any copy of
that volume was preserved—but it was altogether unknown. The author appears
to have attended the University of St. Andrews; as we find the name of Johannes
Gall, (Scotice Gaw,) among the Determinants, in the year 1510; but of his
subsequent history no information has been obtained.
JAMES HARRYSON, a native of the south of Scotland. The work mentioned under a
Latin title by Dr. MʻCrie, (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 374,) as described by Bale,
was written in English, and printed at the time under this title—"An Exhortation
to the Scottes to conform themselves to the honorable, expedient, and godly
Union betweene the two Realmes of Englande and Scotlande. Lond. in aedibus
Ric. Grafton, 1547," small 8vo. The preface, dedicated to Edward Duke of
Somerset, is signed "James Harryson Scottyshman."

HENRY HENRYSON: see note [129].

WILLIAM JOHNSTONE, Advocate: see note [128]. Dr. Patrick Anderson, in his MS.
History mentions Neill Johnstone, a brother of William Johnstone, among the
persons who were accused of heresy, 1536. Whether the Advocate continued in
his adherence to the Catholic faith may be held doubtful; as after his death, we
find, in the proceedings of the General Assembly, 29th December 1563, that Mr.
Andrew Johnstone, brother-german to umquhill Mr. William Johnstone, required
process for reduction of the sentence pronounced by umquhill James [Beaton]
Archbishop of St. Andrews, against him and his brother for alleged heresies.
This request was referred to the Superintendent of Lothian and the Session of
Edinburgh to follow the same process as had been led in previous cases. On the
27th December 1564, this matter was again brought before the Assembly, when
it was declared that the articles referred to were not heretical, and the judges
formerly appointed were ordained to proceed to a final decision of the said
action. (Booke of the Kirk, vol i. pp. 41, 56.)
GAWIN LOGYE, Principal of St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, from 1523 to
1534, has been noticed at page 36; of his subsequent history no particulars have
been discovered.
DR. JOHN MACALPYNE, who is best known by his Latin name MACHABAEUS,
was born before the close of the 15th century. It is unnecessary to repeat the
notices given by Dr. MʻCrie, (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 372.) He took his Master's
degree at one of the Universities, but I have not observed his name either in the
Registers of St. Andrews, or Glasgow. John Macalpyne was Prior of the
Dominican Convent at Perth, from 1532 to 1534. (Rev. James Scott's MS.
Extracts, and Mr. Parker Lawson's Book of Perth, p. 33.) His flight therefore to
England may be placed in 1535 rather than in 1532. Spottiswood, (Hist. p. 661,)
and Burnet, (Hist, of Reform, vol. i. p. 294,) say he was liberally entertained by
Nicholas Shaxton, Bishop of Salisbury; and Myles Coverdale, some time Bishop
of Exeter, was his brother-in-law. After visiting Wittenberg, he received an
invitation to settle in Denmark, in the year 1542, and became Professor in the
University of Copenhagen, and one of the chaplains of Christian the Second,
King of Denmark. He assisted in translating the Bible into that language, which
was published in the year 1550. Some of his writings are indicated in Nyerup's
Dansk-Norsk Litteratur Lexicon, vol. ii. p. 367. The Earl of Rothes having been
sent as ambassador to Denmark, in the spring of 1550; in the Treasurer's
Accounts, among other payments connected with this embassy, we find 7s. was
paid on the 9th of March that year, to "ane boy sent to Sanctandrois to my Lord
of Rothes thair, with writingis of my Lord Gouernouris, to be given at his
arriving in Denmark to Maister Johne Makcalpyne and Alexander Lyell there."
Dr. Machabaeus, or Macalpyne, died at Copenhagen, 5th December 1557.
JOHN MACKBRAIR is mentioned by Spottiswood as "a gentleman of Galloway,
who forsaking the country for religion, became a preacher in the English
Church; in the time of Queen Marie's persecution he fled to Francford, and
served the English Congregation as Minister. Afterwards called by some
occasion to the charge of a church in the Lower Germany, he continued there the
rest of his days."—(History, p. 97.) It is very certain, however, that Mackbriar
was in Priest's orders before retiring to the Continent. He was incorporated in St.
Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1530, and became a Determinant in 1531. On
the 16th July 1550, John Lokart of Bar, and two others were denounced rebels,
&c., for assistance rendered, in May last, to Mr., alias Sir John MʻBrair,
formerly Canon of Glenluce, in breaking ward of the Lord Governor's Castle of
Hammiltoune, where he was imprisoned, being charged for sundry great and
odious crimes, Heresies, &c., and conducting him to the House of Bar.—
(Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 352*.) This addition to his name signifies an
uncertainty whether he had taken his degree as Master or only that of Bachelor
of Arts. Archbishop Hamilton, in a letter, without date, but probably in 1551,
refers to his having expelled from the house of Ochiltree the apostate Macbraire,
and inflicted heavy fines on his followers. The name of John Makebray is
included in the list of the principal persons who escaped from England to the
Continent, in 1553, after the accession of Queen Mary. In 1554, he appears from
the "Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort," to have taken an active share
in the proceedings of the English Congregation there. He afterwards became
Pastor of a Congregation in Lower Germany, and according to Bale, he wrote an
account of the formation and progress of that Church. On the accession of Queen
Elizabeth, Mackbrair returned to England and officiated as a preacher; and on
the 13th of November 1568, he was inducted to the vicarage of St. Nicholas, in
Newcastle. He survived for many years, and was buried on the 16th of
November 1584.—(See MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 374, and the authorities
there quoted.)

JAMES MACKDOWELL: see note [122].

ROBERT RICHARDSON studied in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, where he
became, in 1520, a Canon Regular and Sacrist of the Holy Cross; and in 1530, a
Canon of the Abbey of Cambuskenneth. In that year he published at Paris a
Latin work, an Exegesis on the Rule of St. Augustine. There is no reason to
doubt that he was the same person as the Sir Robert Richardson, a priest,
mentioned in 1543 by Sadler, (Letters, vol. i. p. 217.) Sadler, in a letter to Henry
VIII, dated 16 November 1543, again commends Richardson who had been
forced to flee from Scotland for fear of persecution, having "done very honestly
and diligently in his calling," "in the setting furth and true preaching of the word
of God."—(State Papers, vol. i. p. 344.) But this Priest must be distinguished
from his namesake, the Prior of St. Mary's Isle, who has been noticed at page
372; and who took his degree as Master of Arts at St. Andrews, in 1533.
JAMES WEDDERBURN, the eldest son of James Wedderburn, a merchant in Dundee,
was one of a family distinguished by their poetical genius. He was educated at
St. Andrews, being incorporated in that University in 1514. In Calderwood's
History, vol. i. p. 141, will be found an interesting account of his life, and notices
of his writings, of which unfortunately there are none preserved.
JOHN WEDDERBURN, a younger brother, was also educated at St. Andrews, being a
Determinant, in 1526, and a Licentiate in 1528. He was appointed Vicar of
Dundee. At a later period, having been licensed of heresy, the escheat of the
goods belonging to Mr. John Wedderburn, "convict. de certis criminibus
heresieos," was granted to his brother Henry Wedderburn, for a composition of
40s. in 1538 or 1539, (MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 358.) In March 1538-9, a
pursuivant was directed to pass to Dundee and search James Rollokkis gudes,
and Maister John Wedderburn, (ib. p. 359.) John Wedderburn is said to have
gone to Germany, where he became acquainted with Luther and Melanethon.
While residing abroad he translated some of their works or "dytements" into
Scotish verse; and the metrical version of various Psalms, included in the
volume of "Gude and Godly Ballates:" see page 139. It is also stated, that after
the death of James the Fifth, he returned to Scotland, but was again compelled to
expatriate himself; and that he died in England, in 1556.—(Calderwood's Hist.
vol. i. p. 14.)
 No. VII.
ALEXANDER SEYTON. ToC

In mentioning Alexander Seyton, Calderwood says, "He was of a quicke ingyne,

and tall stature;" and adds, "I find in Mr. John Davidson's scrolles, that he was
brother to Ninian Seton Laird of Tough."—(Hist. vol. i. p. 93.) In this case he
must have been the youngest son of Sir Alexander Seyton of Touch and
Tillybody in Stirlingshire; and the pedigree of that family may in part be thus
exhibited:—
I. Sir Alexander Seyton of Touch and Tillybody in Stirlingshire.
Married Lady Elizabeth Erskine, daughter of Thomas second Earl of
Mar.
II. Sir Alexander, his son and successor, had a charter of the barony
of Tulchfrasere on the forfeiture of Murdoch Earl of Fyfe, in 1510.
He was killed at Floddon in 1513. He married Elizabeth, daughter of
Alexander Lord Home.
III. Sir Ninian Seyton, his son and successor, on the 26th of August
1516, obtained a divorce from his wife Matilda Grahame. (Liber
Ofliciulis S. Andreæ, p. 8.) He was alive in 1534: David Seyton was
probably another son, as well as Alexander. They prosecuted their
studies at the same time at St. Andrews.
IV. Walter Seyton, son and heir of Sir Ninian Seyton of Tullibody,
had a charter of the barony of Touchfraser and Tullibody, 14th
January 1535-6; and another, 4th May 1546.
Among Wodrow's Biographical Collections at Glasgow, are "Collections upon
the Life of Alexander Seaton, Dominican Frier, Confessor to King James the
Fifth, and afterwards Chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk in England;" which are
printed in the Appendix to "The History of the House of Seytoun," pp. 113-118,
Glasgow 1829, 4to. But Wodrow's account consists of little else than mere
extracts from Knox, Foxe, and Calderwood.
Alexander Seyton, as already stated, was educated at St. Andrews. A person of
the same name became a Licentiate in 1501; but the Confessor may more
probably be identified with Alexander Seyton, who, with David Seyton, appear
among the Determinants in 1516, and the Intrants in 1518, as potentes, who paid
the highest fees.
At page 48 I have suggested that the year of Seyton's flight to England, when he
addressed his Letter to King James the Fifth, may have been 1535 or 1536.
According to Knox, Seyton remained in England, and taught the Gospel in all
sincerity; which drew upon him the power of Gardyner Bishop of Winchester,
and led to his making a recantation or final declaration at Paul's Cross, in
opposition to his former true doctrine. This was published at the time in a small
tract, of which a copy is preserved in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth. It
is entitled, "The Declaracion made at Paules Crosse in the Cytye of London, the
fourth Sonday of Advent, by Alexander Seyton, and Mayster Willyam Tolwyn,
persone of S. Anthonyes in the sayd Cytye of London, the year of our Lord God
M.D.XLI., newly corrected and amended." (The colophon,) "Imprinted at
London in Saynt Sepulchre's parysshe, in the Olde Bayly, by Rychard Lant. Ad
imprimendum solum." 12mo. eight leaves.
An account is given by Foxe of Seyton's examination, or "Certaine places or
articles gathered out of Seyton's sermons by his adversaries;" which, he says, he
"exhibits to the reader, to the intent that men may see, not only what true
doctrine Seyton then preached consonant to the Scriptures, but also what
wrangling cauillers can do, in depraining that is right, or in wrastyng that is well
ment, &c."—1177, edit. 1576.
Bale informs us that Seyton died in the year 1542, in the house of Charles
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, to whose household he officiated as Chaplain.—
(Script. Bryt. Cent. xiv. p. 224.)
 No. VIII.
SIR JOHN BORTHWICK. ToC

Sir John Borthwick was a younger son of William third Lord Borthwick, who
was slain at Floddon in 1513. Sir Ralph Sadler mentions "Captain Borthwick,
Lieutenant of the French King's guard," as one of the persons who were
appointed by James the Fifth, to accompany the English Ambassador when
presented at Court in February 1539-40.—(State Papers, vol. i. p. 19.)
On the 28th of May 1539-40, or immediately after the baptism of Prince James,
and after James the Fifth had purposed setting out on his voyage round the
Western Isles, Borthwick had been cited to appear before Cardinal Beaton and
other prelates at St. Andrews, on a charge of heresy. In the Cardinal's absence,
who accompained the King in this expedition, Gawin Archbishop of Glasgow,
and Lord Chancellor of Scotland, presided; but Borthwick having escaped to
England, he was condemned, and excommunicated, and his effigy burnt at the
market-cross of St. Andrews.
Soon after this Borthwick wrote a defence of himself, in the form of answers to
the several articles of his accusation. It has been preserved by Foxe, in his Latin
Commentaries printed at Basil, in 1559, folio, pp. 166-179, with the title of
"Actio, Processus, seu Articuli contra D. Joan. Borthuicum, Equitem Auratum in
Scotia, &c.," [1540,] to which is prefixed an address "D. Borthuichus ad
Lectorem." In the first edition of Foxe's English "Actes and Monuments," 1564,
pp. 574-586, and in 8vo. edit. 1838, vol. v. pp. 607-621, it occurs under this title,
"The Act or Processe, or certain Articles agaynst Syr Jhon Borthuike knight, in
Scotland; with the answer and confution of the said Borthuicke; whose Preface
to the Reader here followeth, &c." But Foxe, when republishing his work, says,
"For as muche as the storye of hym, with his Articles objected against hym, and
his confutation of the same is already expressed sufficiently in the Firste edition
of Actes and Monuments, and because he being happily deliuered out of their
handes had no more but onely his picture burned, referring the reader to the
booke above mentioned, we wyll now, (the Lord willing,) prosecute such other
as followed, &c."—(3d edition, 1576, p. 1230.)
After the Reformation, Borthwick brought an action of Declarator before John
Wynram, Superintendent of Fife, (who, as Sub-prior of St. Andrews, had sat, in
1540, as one of his judges,) 20th of August 1561, and on the 5th of September
following, the Articles and Sentence were reversed. The Process of Declarator,
embodying the original Sentence and Articles extracted from the Register of
Cardinal Beaton, is printed in the Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 251-263. See
also Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. pp. 114-123; Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 20; Lyon's St.
Andrews, vol. i. pp. 288-290.—"This worthie knight, (says Calderwood,) ended
his aige with fulnesse of daies at St. Andrewes." This took place before 1570,
when William Borthwick is mentioned as son and heir of the late Sir John
Borthwick of Cinery.
 No. IX.
GEORGE WISHART THE MARTYR. ToC

Calderwood states, that "Mr. George Wishart was a gentleman of the house of
Pittarrow."—(Hist. vol. i. p. 185.) And in the Wodrow Miscellany, in an
introductory notice, I have said, "He was born in the early part of the 16th
century, and is believed to have been a younger son of James Wishart of Pittaro,
who was admitted Justice Clerk, in December 1513, and continued till between
1520 and 1521."—(vol. i. p. 5.) Further inquiries have failed in ascertaining this
point; and it must have been through some collateral branch if any such
relationship existed. A note of various early charters relating to the Wisharts of
Pittaro, was most obligingly communicated by Patrick Chalmers of Auldbar,
Esq.; and several others are contained in the Register of the Great Seal; but the
want of space, and their not serving to throw any light upon the Martyr's
parentage, causes me to omit such notices. There is a fine old portrait, not
unworthy of Holbein, said to be of George Wishart, in the possession of
Archibald Wishart, Esq., W.S., Edinburgh, which bears the date, M.D.XLIII. Ætat.
30. If this portrait can be identified, the date would fix his birth to the year 1513.
But his early history and education are quite unknown. The facts discovered
relating to his history may briefly be stated.

1538. Wishart had been employed as master of a school in Montrose; but being
summoned by John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, on a charge of heresy, for
teaching his scholars the Greek New Testament, he fled to England. See Petrie's
History of the Catholick Church, part 2, p. 182. Hague 1662, folio.
1539. He was at Bristol, preaching against the worship and mediation of the
Virgin Mary; but he was led to make a public recantation, and burnt his faggot in
the Church of St. Nicholas in that city, in token of his abjuration. It was probably
immediately after this humiliating act that he went abroad.
1542. He appears to have remained in Germany and Switzerland till after the
death of James the Fifth. He mentions in his Examination, (see supra, page 159,)
a conversation he had with a Jew, while sailing on the Rhine. About the same
time he translated "The Confession of Faith of the Churches of Switzerland,"
which was printed a year or two after his death, and which has been reprinted in
the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 1-23.
1543. This year he was residing us a member of Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge, according to the interesting account of his habits and acquirements
by his pupil Emery Tylney, which is preserved in Foxe's Martyrology.
1544, or in the following year, he returned to Scotland; and he continued to
preach in different parts of the country; at Montrose, Dundee, and in Ayrshire,
and subsequently at Leith, and in East-Lothian.
1546. On the 16th of January he was apprehended at Ormiston, carried prisoner
first to Edinburgh, and then to St. Andrews. His trial was on the 28th of
February, and his execution on the 1st of March: (see supra, page 144.) Three
months later Cardinal Beaton was assassinated.

In a work like the present, it is desirable to avoid all controversial remarks; but I
hope to be excused in offering a few words in regard to what has been
considered a serious charge against George Wishart.
The precise date of Wishart's return to Scotland is very doubtful. Knox, (supra,
page 125,) places it in 1544, but joins this with an explanation which might carry
it back to July 1543, and with the defeat of the Governor, which belongs to a
later period. Mr. Tytler, (Hist. vol. v. p. 343,) says, "From the time of his arrival
in the summer of 1543, for more than two years Wishart appears to have
remained in Scotland, protected by the barons who were then in the interest of
Henry, and who favoured the doctrines of the Reformation." Yet nevertheless,
according to Mr. Tytler, and later authorities, he was employed as a messenger in
May 1544, conveying letters from Crichton of Brunstone to the Earl of Hertford
at Newcastle, and from thence, with other letters, to Henry the Eighth, in relation
to a projected scheme devised by the Laird of Brunstone for the assassination of
Cardinal Beaton; and after having had an interview with the King at Greenwich,
returning first to Newcastle, and then to Scotland. This employment—which has
been held up as a notable discovery—proceeds upon the fact of "a Scotishman,
called Wyshart," being mentioned as the bearer of the letters referred to; and the
Laird of Brunstone having been Wishart's "great friend and protector," in 1546,
hence it is concluded that the person employed was George Wishart the Martyr.
Among the Wisharts of that time the name of George was not peculiar to him.
George Wischart was one of the bailies of Dundee, 3d May 1560, and for several
years previously; and in the Protocol book of Thomas Ireland, notary public in
Dundee, belonging to that borough, I observed the copy of a deed, in which
"Georgius Wischart, frater-germanus Joannis Wischart de Pettarrow," was one of
the procurators in a matter concerning "Georgius Wischart, armiger Crucis regis
Galliæ," 14th June 1565.
Now, in reply to the above argument, I beg to remark, that there is no certain
evidence of George Wishart having returned to Scotland earlier than 1544 or
1545; that if the name of George Wishart had been specified in the letters, there
were other persons of that name who might equally have been employed in such
services; and that if it had been ascertained beyond all doubt that he possessed a
full knowledge of the plots against Beaton devised by Crichton of Brunstone,
even then, according to the terms of the Earl of Hertford's letter, and confirmed
by the letter in reply from the English Council, the attempt was to be confined to
the arrestment of the Cardinal, while passing through Fife—the proposal of
sleeing him, having been suggested only as an alternative, in case of necessity.
But to say nothing of the uncongenial nature of the employment, to a man such
as described by his devoted pupil Emery Tylney, who had been under his tuition
at Cambridge, for twelve months, in 1543, it may further be urged,—
1. That Wishart had no occasion to entertain a personal animosity to the
Cardinal; and that being denounced, or put to the horn, and liable to summary
arrestment and execution, he could not have undertaken the task at such a time,
of carrying letters and messages between the conspirators.
2. That the plots against Beaton being well known, even to the Cardinal himself,
if Wishart had in any way been concerned in them, it would unquestionably have
formed a leading accusation against him in his trial,—but no allusion to such a
charge was ever whispered.
And lastly,—That the actual enterprise, by which the Castle of St. Andrews was
taken, and the Cardinal murdered, on the 29th of May, was in a great measure a
scheme hastily arranged and executed, mainly in revenge of the Martyr's own
fate, and ALTOGETHER UNCONNECTED AND UNINFLUENCED by any former plots
devised by Crichton of Brunstone, but which have been employed to implicate
the irreproachable character of GEORGE WISHART.
 No. X.
JOHN ROUGH. ToC

A brief notice of this very zealous preacher is given at page 187. I regret that
only a portion can be added in this place of the interesting account of his
examination and death in December 1558, as preserved in Foxe's "Actes and
Monuments." Calderwood's account of Rough's martyrdom, (Hist. vol. i. p. 251,)
is abridged from the same authority.
"THE DEATH AND MARTYRDOME OF JOHN ROWGH, MINISTER, AND MARGARET
MEARYNG, BURNED AT LONDON THE XXII. OF DECEMBER.
In this furious time of persecution, were also burned these twoo constaunt and
faithfull Martyrs of Christe, John Rough a Minister, and Margarette Mearyng.
This Rough was borne in Scotland, who (as him selfe confesseth in his
aunsweres to Boners Articles) because some of his kinsfolke woulde haue kept
him from his right of inheritaunce which he had to certaine landes, did at the age
of xvij. yeares, in despite (and the rather to displease his frendes) professe hym
selfe into the order of the blacke Friers at Sterlyng in Scotland: where he
remained the space of xvi. yeares, vntill suche tyme as the Lorde Hamulton,
Earle of Arren, and Gouernour of the Realme of Scotlande aforesaid (castyng a
fauour vnto hym) did sue vnto the Archbishop of S. Andrewes, to haue him out
of his professed order, that as a secular Priest he might serue hym for his
Chaplaine. At whiche request the Archbishop caused the Prouinciall of that
house, hauyng thereto authoritie, to dispence with hym for his habite and order.
This sute beeyng thus by the Earle obtained, the said Rough remained in his
seruice one whole yeare: during which time it pleased God to open his eyes, and
to geue hym some knowledge of his truthe, and thereupon was by the said
Gouernour sent to preache in the freedome of Ayre, where he continued four
yeares, and then after the death of the Cardinall of Scotland, hee was appointed
to abide at S. Andrewes, & there had assigned vnto hym a yearely pension of XX.
pound from kyng Henry the eight, kyng of England. Howbeit, at last waiyng
with him selfe his owne daunger, and also abhorryng the Idolatrie and
superstition of his countrey, and hearyng of the freedome of the Gospell within
this Realme of England, hee determined with hym selfe not to tary any longer
there: And therefore soone after the battaile of Musclebourough, he came first
vnto Carliell, and from thence vnto the Duke of Somerset, then Lord Protectour
of England, and by his assignement had appointed vnto him out of the kinges
treasury XX. poundes of yearely stipend, and was sent (as a preacher) to serue at
Carliell, Barwicke, and Newcastell. From whence (after he had there, according
to the lawes of God, and also of this Realme, taken a countrey woman of his to
wife) he was called by the Archbishop of Yorke that then was, vnto a benefice
nigh in the towne of Hull: where hee continued vntill the death of that blessed
and good king, Edward VI.
But in the beginnyng of the reigne of Queene Mary (perceauyng the alteration of
Religion, and the persecution that would thereupon arise, and feelyng hys owne
weakenes) he fled with his wife into Friseland, and dwelt there at a place culled
Morden, labouryng truely for his liuyng, in knittyng of Cappes, hose, and suche
like thinges, till about the ende of the moneth of October last before his death. At
whiche tyme, lackyng yearne and other such necessary prouision for the
mainteinaunce of his occupation, he came ouer againe into England, here to
prouide for the same, and the x. day of Nouember arriued at London. Where
hearyng of the secrete societie, and holy congregation of Gods children there
assembled, he ioyned himselfe vnto them, and afterwardes beyng elected their
Minister and Preacher, did continue moste vertuously exercised in that Godly
fellowship, teaching and confirmyng them in the truth and Gospell of Christe.
But in the ende such was the prouidence of God, who disposeth all thinges to the
best, the xij. daye of December, he with Cutbert Simson and others, through the
crafty and traiterous suggestion of a false hipocrite and dissembling brother
called Roger Sargeaunt, a taylor, were apprehended by the Vicechamberlaine of
the Queenes house, at the Saracens heade in Islington: where the Congregation
had then purposed to assemble themselues to their godly and accustomable
exercises of prayer, and hearyng the word of God: which pretence, for the
safegard of all the rest, they yet at their examinations, couered and excused by
hearing of a play that was then appointed to be at that place. The Vice
Chamberlaine after he had apprehended them, caried Rough and Simson vnto the
Counsell, who charged them to haue assembled together to celebrate the
communion or supper of the Lord, and therefore after sundry examinations and
aunsweres, they sent the saide Rough vnto Newgate: but his examinations they
sent vnto the Bishop of London, with a Letter signed with their handes, the copy
whereof followeth.
¶ A LETTER SENT FROM THE QUEENES COUNCELL VNTO BONER BISHOP OF
 LONDON,
TOUCHING THE EXAMINATION OF IOHN ROUGH MINISTER.

After our hartye commendations to your good Lordship, we sende

you here inclosed the examination of a Scotish man, named Iohn
Rough, who by the Queenes Maiesties commaundement is presently
sent to Newgate, beeyng of the chief of them that vpon Sondaie
laste, vnder the colour of commyng to see a Play at the Saracen's
head in Islington, had prepared a Communion to be celebrated and
received there among certaine other seditious and hereticall persons.
And forasmuche as by the sayd Roughes examination, contayning
the storie and progresse of his former life, it well appeareth of what
sort he is: the Queenes highnes hath willed vs to remit him vnto your
Lordship, to the end that beyng called before you out of prison, as
oft as your Lordship shall thinke good, ye maie proceede, both to his
further examination, and otherwise orderyng of him, accordyng to
the lawes, as the case shall require.
And thus we bid your Lordship hartely wel to fare. From S. James
the XV. OF DECEMBER, 1557.
Your Lordships louyng frendes.
NICHOLAS EBOR.
F. SHREWSBERY.
EDWARD
HASTINGES.
ANTONY
MOUNTAGUE.
IOHN BOURNE.
HENRY IERNEGAM.
Boner now minding to make quicke dispatch, did within three dayes after the
receite of the letter (the xviij. day of December) send for thys Rough out of
Newgate, and in his palace at London ministered vnto him xij. Articles: Many
whereof because they containe onely questions of the profession and religion of
that age, wherein both he and his parentes were christened (which in sundry
places are already mentioned) I do here for breuitie omit: minding to touch such
onely, as pertayne to matters of faith now in controuersie, and then chiefely
obiected agaynst the Martyrs and Saintes of God, which in effect are these."
For these Articles against John Rough, and his Answers, and also a Letter
written by him in prison, with a further notice of his appearance before Bishop
Bonner, the reader must be referred to Foxe's own work. His fellow-sufferer
Margaret Mearyng, was one of his flock: after being condemned and degraded,
both of them were "led vnto Smithfield the xxij. daye of December 1558, and
there most joyfully gave up their lives for the profession of Christes Gospell."
 No. XI.
NORMAN LESLEY. ToC

Norman Lesley, the eldest son of George Earl of Rothes, (see page 176,) is first
named in the Parliamentary proceedings against the murderers of Cardinal
Beaton; and a dagger, the sheath of silver richly chased, and the handle of ivory,
preserved at Leslie House, according to tradition, was made use of by him on
that occasion. Although he may be considered as the leader in that enterprise,
there is no evidence to shew that he was actually one of the perpetrators. The
cause of his hostility is said to have thus originated. The lands of Easter Wemyss
in Fife, became annexed to the Crown by the forfeiture of Sir James Colville,
(then deceased,) 18th March 1541; and were given by James the Fifth to the
Rothes family. After the King's death, the forfeiture was reduced in Parliament
on the 12th December 1543, under the direction of Cardinal Beaton; which so
offended the Master of Rothes, that it is said to have been the proximate cause of
the Cardinal's murder.—(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 25.)
After Lesley's forfeiture and imprisonment in France, he visited various
countries, and also returned to Scotland. On the 10th of May 1553, the Lairds of
Phillorth, Fyvie, Meldrum, and others, were summoned "to underly the law for
the resset of Normond Leslie."—(Treasurer's Accounts.) His subsequent history
is thus related by Spottiswood:—
"After his release from captivity he returned into Scotland, but fearing the
Governour he went into Denmark, where not finding that kind reception he
expected, he betook himself to England, and had an honourable pension allowed
him; which was thankfully answered during the reign of Edward the Sixt. Queen
Mary succeeding, he found not the like favour, and thereupon went to France,
where he had a company of men of Armes given him, with which he served the
French King in his warres against the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and in
pursuing the enemy whom he had in chase, was wounded with the shot of a
pistoll, whereof he died the day after, at Montreul. He was a man of noble
qualities, and full of courage, but falling unfortunately in the slaughter of the
Cardinal, which he is said at his dying to have sore repented, he lost himself and
the expectation which was generally held of his worth."—(History, p. 90.)
It appears that Norman Lesley at the time he entered the service of the King of
France, had obtained absolution from the Court of Rome for his share in the
Cardinal's murder. A particular account of his death is preserved by Sir James
Melville, and may here be quoted:—
"Bot the King drew langis the frontiers toward a gret strenth callit Renty, wher
he planted his camp and beseigit the said strenth, quhilk I hard the Constable
promyse to delyuer vnto the K. before the end of aucht dayes. Quhilk promyse
was not keped, for themperour cam in persone with his armye for the releif
therof.... At quhilk tym Normond Lesly maister of Rothes wan gret reputation.
For with a thretty Scotis men he raid up the bray vpon a faire grey gelding; he
had aboue his corsellet of blak veluet, his cot of armour with tua braid whyt
croises, the ane before and thother behind, with sleues of mailze, and a red
knappisk bonet vpon his head, wherby he was kend and sean a far aff be the
Constable, Duc of Augien and Prince of Conde. Wher with his thretty he chargit
vpon threscore of ther horsmen with culuerins, not folowed with seuen of his
nomber; wha in our sicht straik v of them fra ther horse with his speir, before it
brak; then he drew his swerd and ran in amang them, not caring ther continuell
schutting, to the admiration of the behalders. He slew dyuers of them; at lenth
when he saw a company of speirmen comming doun against him, he gaif his
horse the spurris, wha carried him to the Constable and fell doun dead, for he
had many schotis: and worthy Normond was also schot in dyuers partis, wherof
he died xv dayes efter. He was first caried to the Kingis awin tent, wher the Duc
of Augyen and Prince of Conde told his Maiestie that Hector of Troy was not
mair vailzeand them the said Normond: whom the K. wald so dressit with his
awen serurgiens, and maid gret mean for him; sa did the Constable and all the
rest of the Princes. Bot na man maid mair dule nor the Lard of Grange, wha cam
to the camp the nyxt day efter, fra a quyet raid wher he had been directed."—
(Memoirs, p. 25, Bannatyne Club edition, Edinb. 1827, 4to.)

Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, married Issobel Lindesay, daughter of John

fifth Lord Lindesay of the Byres, but left no issue; and, as stated in note [588], the
title, on his father's death, in 1558, devolved on Andrew, the son of a second
marriage.
 No. XII.
ADAM WALLACE. ToC

John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley and Bishop-Elect of Dunkeld, was nominated

by his brother the Governor to the See of St. Andrews, as Beaton's successor, in
1546; and after a considerable period, his appointment was confirmed at the
Court of Rome. On the 19th March 1546-7, in the name of the Bishops and
Kirkmen, he presented a Supplication to the Governor and Council, for "help and
remeid against the Sacramentaris and those infected with the pestilential hersie
of Luther;" while others, it is added, "abjurit and relapsit, baneist of auld, now
comes pertlie [openly] without any dreidour, nocht allenarly in the far parts of
the Realme, but als to the Court and presens of your Lordships, and sometimes
preaches opinlie, and instructs utheris in the said dampnable heresies."—(Keith's
History, vol. i. p. 147.) During his negociations with the Court of Rome,
Hamilton transmitted an Information, urging his claims as Primate and Legatus
Natus. He refers in it to the increasing number of heretics in the diocese of
Glasgow, both in the time of the late Archbishop, (Gawin Dunbar, who died in
1547,) and during the vacancy in that See, and assumes credit to himself for
having visited that diocese and purged it of many obnoxious heretics; and in
particular, for having expelled that apostate Macbraire, from the house of
Ochiltree, and inflicted heavy fines on his adherents, and for having caused
(Vallasius) Wallace, a native of that diocese, after he had been convicted and
condemned for heresy, before a convention of the nobility and clergy, to be
delivered over to the secular power, to the flames. (Mackeson's MS. as quoted in
MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. ii. p. 292.)

In addition to note [611], it may be mentioned, that Wallace had been employed in
the family of Cockburn of Ormiston, in teaching his children after they had been
deprived of Knox's instructions, and while Cockburn himself was forfeited and
in exile.
The following account of Wallace's trial and condemnation is copied from Foxe's
Actes and Monuments, and may be compared with that given by Knox, at pages
237-241. In reference to the formidable array of prelates and the nobility
assembled in the Church of the Blackfriars' Monastery, to the trial of this "simple
man," whom Knox celebrates as "zealous in godliness, and of an upright life," I
find in the Treasurer's Accounts, that between July and September 1550, the sum
of £2, 17s. 4d. was paid to James Dalyell, (who was "one of the Masters of
Work,") "quhilk he debursit in preparing of ane scaffald the tyme of the
accusatioun of Wallace."
"THE STORY AND MARTYRDOME OF ADAM WALLACE IN SCOTLAND.
"There was set vpon a scaffold made hard to the Chauncellary wall of the blacke
Friers Church in Edinbrough on seates made thereupon, the Lord Gouernour.
Aboue him at his backe sat M. Gawin Hamelton Deane of Glasgue, representing
the Metropolitane Pastor thereof. Upon a seat on his right hand sat the
Archbishop of S. Andrewes. At his backe, and aside somewhat stoode the
Officiall [of] Lowthaine. Next to the Byshop of S. Andrewes, the bishop of
Dumblane, the byshop of Murray, the Abbot of Dunfermling, the Abbot of
Glenluce, wyth other Churchmen of lower estimation, as the Official of S.
Andrewes and other Doctours of that nest and Citie. And at the other end of the
seat sat Maister [of] Uchiltrie. On his left hand sat the Earle of Argyle Justice,
with his deputye Syr John Campbell of Lundy vnder his feete. Next hym the
Earle of Huntly. Then the Earle of Anguish, the Byshop of Gallaway, the Prior of
S. Andrewes, the Bishop of Orknay, the Lord Forbes, Dane John Wynrime
Suppriour of S. Andrewes, and behinde the seates stoode the whole senate, the
Clarke of the Register, &c.
At the further end of the Chauncelary wall in the pulpit was placed M. John
Lauder Parson of Marbottle, Accuser, clad in a surplice, and a red hood, and a
great Congregation of the whole people in the body of the Church, standing on
the ground. After that, Syr John Ker Prebendary of S. Gyles Church was
accused, conuicted, and condemned, for the false making and geuing forth of a
sentence of diuorce, and thereby falsly diuorced and parted a man and hys
lawfull wyfe, in the name of the Deane of Roscalrige [Restalrig], and certayne
other Judges appointed by the holy Father the Pope. He graunted the falshood,
and that neuer any such thing was done in deede, nor yet ment nor moued by the
foresayd Judges; and was agreed to be banished the realmes of Scotland and
England for hys lyfe tyme, and to lose his right hand if he were found or
apprehended therin hereafter, and in the meane time to leaue his benefices for
euer, and they to be vacant.
After that was brought in Adam Wallace, a simple poore man in appearance,
conueyed by John of Cunnoke seruant to the Bishop of S. Andrewes, and set in
the middest of the scaffold, who was commaunded to looke to the accuser: who
asked him what was hys name. He aunswered, Adam Wallace. The accuser said
he had an other name, which he graunted, and sayd he was commonly called
Feane. Then asked he where he was borne; Within two myle of Fayle (sayd he)
in Kyle. Then sayd the accuser, I repent that euer such a poore man as you
should put these noble Lordes to so great encumbrance thys day by your vayne
speakyng. And I must speake (sayd he) as God geueth me grace, and I beleue I
haue sayd no euill to hurt any body. Would God (sayd the Accuser) ye had neuer
spoken, but you are brought forth for so horrible crimes of heresie, as neuer was
imagined in thys countrey of before, and shall be sufficiently proued, that ye
cannot deny it: and I forethinke that it should be heard, for hurting of weak
consciences. Now I wyll ye thee no more, and thou shalt heare the pointes that
thou art accused of.
Adam Wallace, alias Feane, thou art openly delated and accused for preaching,
saying, and teaching of the blasphemies and abominable heresies vnderwritten.
In the first, thou hast sayd and taught, that the bread and wyne on the altar, after
the wordes of consecration, are not the body and bloud of Jesu Christ. He turned
to the Lord Gouernour, and Lords aforesayd, saying: I sayd neuer nor taught
nothyng, but that I found in this booke and writte (hauyng there a Bible at his
belte, in French, Dutch, and English) which is the worde of God, and if you will
be content that the Lord God and his worde be Judge to me and this his holy
writ, here it is, and where I haue sayd wrong, I shall take what punishment you
will put to me: for I neuer said nothyng concerning this that I am accused of, but
that which I found in this writte.
What diddest thou say, sayd the Accuser? I sayd (quoth he) that after our Lord
Jesus Christ had eaten the Pascall Lambe in hys latter Supper wyth his Apostles,
and fulfilled the ceremonies of the olde law, he instituted a new Sacrament in
remembrance of his death then to come. He tooke bread, he blessed, and brake it,
and gaue it to hys Disciples, and sayde: "Take ye, eate ye, thys is my bodye,
which shall be broken and geuen for you: And lykewise the cuppe, blessed, and
badde them drinke all therof, for that was the cup of the new testament, which
shoulde be shedde for the forgeuing of many. How oft ye do thys, do it in my
remembraunce." (Matth. 26.)
Then sayd the Bishop of S. Andrewes, and the Officiall of Lowthaine, with the
Deane of Glasgue, and many other Prelates: We know this well enough. The
earle of Huntly sayd: Thou aunswerest not to that which is laide to thee: say
either yea or nay therto. He aunswered, If ye wyll admitte God and his word
spoken by the mouth of hys blessed sonne Jesus Christ our Lord and Sauiour, ye
wyll admit that I haue sayd: for I haue sayd or taught nothing, but that the word,
which is the triall and touchstone, sayth, whiche ought to be Judge to me, and to
all the world.
Why (quoth the Earle of Huntly) hast thou not a Judge good enough; and trowest
thou that we know not God and his worde; Aunswere to that is spoken to thee:
and then they made the accuser speake the same thyng ouer agayne. Thou
saydest (quoth the accuser) and hast taught, that the bread and wyne in the
Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the consecration, are not ye body and
bloud of our Sauiour Jesus Christ.
He aunswered: I sayd neuer more then the write sayth, nor yet more then I haue
sayd before. For I know well by S. Paule when he sayth: Whosoeuer eateth this
bread, and drinketh of this cup vnworthely, receaueth to himselfe damnation. (1
Cor. xi.) And therfore when I taught (which was but seldome, and to them onely
which required and desired me) I sayd, that if the Sacrament of the aultar were
truly ministred, and vsed as the sonne of the liuyng God did institute it, where
that was done, there was God himselfe by his divine power, by the which he is
ouer all.
The Byshop of Orkney asked him: Beleuest thou not (sayd he) that the bread and
wyne in the Sacrament of the aultar, after the wordes of the consecration, is the
very body of God, flesh, bloud, and bone?
He aunswered: I wot not what that word consecration meaneth. I haue not much
Latin, but I beleue that the sonne of God was conceaued of the holy Ghost, and
borne of the virgine Mary, and hath a naturall body with handes, feete, and other
members, and in the same body hee walked vp and downe in the world,
preached, and taught, he suffered death vnder Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead,
and buried, and that by his godly power hee raysed that same body agayne the
thyrd day: and the same body ascended into heauen, and sitteth on the right hand
of the Father, whiche shall come agayne to iudge both the quicke and the dead.
And that this body is a naturall body with handes and feete, and can not be in
two places at once, hee sheweth well him selfe: For the whiche euerlastyng
thankes be to hym that maketh this matter cleare. When the woman brake the
oyntment on hym, aunsweryng to some of his Disciples whiche grudged thereat,
hee sayd: The poore shall you haue alwayes with you, but me shall you not haue
alwayes, (Math. 26.) meanyng of his naturall body. And likewise at his
Ascension sayd he to the same Disciples that were fleshly, and would euer haue
had him remainyng with them corporally: It is needefull for you that I passe
away, for if I passe not away, the comforter the holy Ghost shall not come to you
(John 16.) (meanyng that his naturall body behoued to be taken away from
them): But be stoute and of good cheare, for I am with you vnto the worldes end.
(Math. 28. John 16.) And that the eatyng of his very flesh profiteth not, may well
be knowen by his wordes whiche he spake in the vj. of John, where after that he
had sayd: Except ye eate my flesh and drinke my bloud, ye shal not haue life in
you: they murmuryng thereat, he reproued them for their grosse & fleshly takyng
of his wordes, and sayd: What will ye thinke when ye see the sonne of man
ascend to the place that it came fro? It is the spirite that quickneth, the flesh
profiteth nothyng, (John. 6,) to be eaten as they tooke it, and euen so take ye it.
It is an horrible heresie, sayd the Byshop of Orknay. When he began to speake
agayne, and the Lord Gouernour iudge if hee had right by the write, the Accuser
cryed: Ad Secundam. Nunc ad Secundam, aunswered the Archbyshop of S.
Andrewes.
Then was he bidden to heare the Accuser, who propounded the second Article,
and sayd: Thou saydedst lykewise, and openly byddest teach, that the Masse is
very Idolatry, and abhominable in the sight of God.
He aunswered and sayd: I haue read the Bible and word of God in three tounges,
and haue vnderstand them so farre as God gaue me grace, and yet read I neuer
that word Masse in it all: but I found (sayd he) that the thyng that was hyghest
and most in estimation amongest men, and not in the word of God, was Idolatry,
and abhominable in the sight of God. And I say the Masse is holden greatly in
estimation, and hygh amongest men, and is not founded in the word, therefore I
sayd it was Idolatry and abhominable in the sight of God. But if any man will
finde it in the Scripture, and proue it by Gods word, I will graunt myne errour,
and that I haue fayled: otherwise not, and in that case I will submit me to all
lawfull correction and punishment. Ad Tertiam, sayd the Archbyshop.
Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast sayd and openly taught that the GOD which
we worshyp, is but bread, sowen of corne, growyng of the earth, baked of mens
handes, and nothyng els.
He aunswered, I worshyp the Father, the Sonne, and the Holy Ghost, three
persons in one Godhead, whiche made and fashioned the heauen and earth, and
all that is therein of naught, but I know not which God you worship: and if you
will shewe me whom you worship, I shall shewe you, what he is, as I can by my
iudgemene.
Beleuest thou not (sayd the Accuser) that the sacrament of the alter, after the
wordes of the consecration betwixt the Priestes handes, is the very body and
bloud of the sonne of God, & God hymself? What the body of God is, sayd he,
& what kynde of body he hath, I haue shewed you, so farre as I haue found in
scripture.
Then sayd the Accuser: Thou hast preached, sayd, and openly taught diuers and
sundry other great errours and abhominable heresies agaynst all the vij.
sacraments, which for shortnes of tyme I pretermit and ouer pass. Whether doest
thou graunt thy foresayd Articles that thou art accused of, or no, and thou shalt
heare them shortly? and then repeted the accuser the iij. Articles aforesayde
shortly ouer, and asked him whether he graunted or denied them.
He aunswered that before he had said of his aunsweres, and that he sayd
nothyng, but agreeing to the holy word as he vnderstoode, so God iudge him,
and his owne conscience accuse hym, and thereby woulde he abide vnto the
tyme he were better instructed by scripture, and the contrary proued, euen to the
death: and said to the Lord Gouernour and other Lordes: if you condemne me for
holding by Gods word, my innocent bloud shalbe required at your handes, when
ye shalbe brought before the iudgement seat of Christ, who is mightie to defend
my innocent cause, before whome ye shall not denye it, nor yet be able to resiste
hys wrath: to whom I referre the vengeaunce, as it is written: "Vengeaunce is
myne, and I will rewarde." (Heb. 10.)
Then gaue they forth sentence, and condemned him by the lawes, and so left him
to the secular power, in the handes of Syr John Campbell Justice deputie, who
deliuered hym to the Prouost of Edenbrough to be burnt on the Castlehill; who
incontinent made hym to be put in the vppermost house in the towne wyth irons
about his legges and necke, and gaue charge to Syr Hew Terrye to keepe the key
of the sayde house, an ignoraunt minister and impe of Sathan, and of the
Byshops; who by direction, sent to the poore man two Gray Friers to instructe
hym, wyth whom he woulde enter into no commoning. Soone after that was sent
in two blacke Friers, an Englishe Frier & an other subtile sophister called
Arbircromy, with the which Englishe Frier he would haue reasoned and declared
hys fayth by the scriptures. Who aunswered, he had no commission to enter in
disputation with hym, and so departed and left him.
Then was sent to hym a worldly wise man, and not vngodly in the vnderstanding
of the truth, the Deane of Roscalrige,[1074] who gaue hym Christian consolation,
amongest the which he exhorted him to beleue the realtie of the sacrament after
the consecration. But he would consent to nothing that had not euidence in the
holy scripture, and so passed ouer that night in singing, and lauding God to the
eares of diuers hearers, hauing learned the Psalter of Dauid without booke, to his
consolation: For before they had spoyled hym of hys Bible, which alwaies til
after he was condemned, was with him where euer he went. After that, Syr Hew
knew that he had certaine bookes to read and comfort his spirit, who came in a
rage & tooke the same from him, leauing him desolate (to his power) of all
consolation, and gaue diuers vngodly & injurious prouocations by his deuilishe
venome, to haue peruerted him a poore innocent, from the patience & hope he
had in Christ hys Sauiour: but God suffered him not to be moued therewith, as
plainely appeared to the hearers and seers for the tyme.
So all the next morning abode this poore man in yrons, and prouision was
commaunded to be made for his burnyng agaynst the next day. Which day the
Lord Gouernour, and all the principall both spirituall and temporall Lords
departed from Edenbrough to their other busines.
After they were departed, came the Deane of Roscalrige to him againe &
reasoned with him after his wit. Who aunswered as before, he would say nothing
concerning his faith, but as the scripture testifieth, yea though an Aungell came
from heauen to perswade him to the same: sauing that he confessed himselfe to
haue receaued good consolation of the said Deane in other behalfes, as
becommeth a Christian.
Then after came in the said Terry again & examined him after his old maner, and
said he would garre deuils to come forth of him ere euen. To whom he
aunswered: you should be a godly man to geue me rather consolation in my case.
When I knewe you were come, I prayed God I myght resiste your temptations,
which I thanke him, he hath made me able to doe: therefore I pray you let me
alone in peace. Then he asked of one of the Officers that stoode by, Is your fire
makyng ready? Who tolde hym it was. He aunswered, as it pleaseth God: I am
ready soone or late, as it shall please him: and then he spake to one faythfull in
that company, & bad him commend him to all the faythfull, beyng sure to meete
together with them in heauen. From that tyme to his forth commyng to the fire,
spake no man with him.
At his forth commyng, the Prouost with great manasing wordes forbad him to
speake to any man or any to him, as belyke he had commaundement of his
superiours. Commyng from the towne to the Castle hill, the common people
sayd, God haue mercy vpon him. And on you to (sayd he). Beyng beside the fire
he lifted vp his eyn to heauen twise or thrise, and sayd to the people: Let it not
offend you, that I suffer the death this day, for the truthes sake, for the Disciple is
not aboue his Master. Then was the Prouost angry that he spake. Then looked he
to heauen agayne, and sayd: They will not let me speake. The corde beyng about
hys necke, the fire was lighted, and so departed he to God constauntly, and with
good countenaunce to our sightes. Ex testimonijs & literis e Scotia petitis, an.
1550."
 No. XIII.
WALTER MYLN. ToC

The trial and condemnation of this venerable priest has been noticed by all our
ecclesiastical historians—including George Buchanan, and Lindesay of
Pitscottie. See Knox, supra, p. 308; Calderwood, vol. i. p. 337; Spottiswood, p.
95; Howie's Scots Worthies, &c. The account preserved by Foxe, is however the
most minute and interesting.
In his earlier years Myln had travelled in Germany, and afterwards became priest
of the church of Lunan, in Angus. Information having been laid against him for
refusing to say Mass in the time of Cardinal Beaton, he abandoned his cure; but
after many years had elapsed, he was taken in the town of Dysart, in Fife, and
carried to St. Andrews, where after the trial, as recorded in the following
extracts, he was condemned to the flames, on the 28th April 1558. Buchanan,
who calls him "a priest of no great learning," erroneously places his death in
April 1559. All the authorities concur in describing him as a decrepit old man of
eighty-two years of age; but no notice is taken of the circumstance that during
the later period of his life, probably while in retirement, he had married; and that
his widow survived him many years. This appears from a payment in the
Accounts of the Collector General of Thirds of Benefices, 1573, when there was
paid "To the relict of umquhile Walter Myln, according to the allowance of the
old comptis, £6, 13s. 4d."
"THE MARTYRDOME OF THE BLESSED SERUAUNT OF GOD, WALTER MILLE.
"Among the rest of the Martyrs of Scotland, the marueilous constancie of Walter
Mille is not to be passed ouer with silence. Out of whose ashes sprang
thousandes of his opinion and religion in Scotland, who altogether chose rather
to dye, then to be any longer ouertroden by the tyranny of the foresayd, cruell,
ignoraunt, and beastly Byshops, Abbots, Monkes, and Friers, and so began the
congregation of Scotland to debate the True Religion of Christ agaynst the
Frenchmen and Papistes, who sought alwayes to depresse and keepe downe the
same: for it began soon after the Martyrdome of Walter Mille, of the which the
forme hereafter followeth.
In the yeare of our Lord, 1558, in the tyme of Mary Duches of Longawayll
Queene Regent of Scotland, and the sayd John Hamelton beyng Byshop of S.
Andrewes, and Primate of Scotland, this Walter Mille (who in his youth had
bene a papist) after that he had bene in Almaine, & had heard the doctrine of the
Gospell, he returned agayne into Scotland, and setting aside all Papistry and
compelled chastitie, maryed a wife, whiche thyng made him vnto the Byshops of
Scotland to be suspected of heresie: and after long watchyng of hym hee was
taken by two Popishe Priestes, one called sir George Straqwhen, and the other sir
Hew Turry,[1075] seruauntes to the sayd Byshop for the tyme, within the town of
Dysart in Fiffe, and brought to S. Andrewes and imprisoned in the Castle
thereof. He beyng in prison, the Papistes earnestly trauailed and laboured to haue
seduced him, and threatned him with death and corporall tormentes, to the entent
they would cause him to recant and forsake the truth. But seyng they could profit
nothyng thereby, and that he remained still firme and constaunt, they laboured to
perswade him by fayre promises, and offere vnto hym a Monkes portion for all
the dayes of his lyfe, in the Abbaye of Dunfermelyng, so that hee would denye
the thynges he had taught, and graunt that they were heresie: but he continuyng
in the truth euen vnto the end, despised their threatnynges and fayre promises.
Then assembled together the byshops of S. Andrewes, Murray, Brechin, Caitnes,
and Atheins, the Abbots of Dunfermelyng, Landors, Balindrinot, and Cowper,
with Doctours of Theologie of S. Andrewes, as John Greson Blacke Frier, and
Dane John Uynrame Suppriour of S. Andrewes, William Cranston Provost of the
old Colledge, with diuers others, as sondry Friers black & gray. These being
assembled and hauyng consulted together, he was taken out of prison and
brought to the Metropolitane church where he was put in a Pulpit before the
Bishops to be accused, the 20. day of Aprill. Beyng brought vnto the church and
climyng vp to the Pulpit, they seyng him so weake and feeble of person, partly
by age and trauaile, & partly by euill intreatment, that without helpe he could not
clime vp, they were in dispayre not to haue heard him for weakenesse of voyce.
But when he began to speake, he made the Churche to ryng and sounde agayne,
with so great courage & stoutnes, that the Christians which were present, were
no lesse rejoyced, then the aduersaries were confounded and ashamed. He beyng
in the Pulpit, and on his knees at Prayer, sir Andrew Oliphant one of the Byshops
Priestes, commanded hym to arise and to aunswere to his Articles, saying on this
manner: sir Walter Mille, arise and aunswere to the Articles, for you hold my
Lord here ouer long. To whom Walter after he had finished his prayer,
aunswered saying: we ought to obey God more then men, I serue one more
mighty, euen the omnipotent Lord: and where you call me Sir Walter, they call
me Walter, and not Sir Walter, I haue bene ouer long one of the Pope's Knightes.
Now say what thou hast to say.
THESE WERE THE ARTICLES WHEREOF HE WAS ACCUSED, WITH HIS AUNSWERS VNTO THE
SAME.

OLIPHANT. What thincke you of Priestes mariage.

MILLE. I hold it a blessed band, for Christ himselfe maintained it, and approued
the same, and also made it free to all men: but ye thinke it not free to you: ye
abhorre it, and in the meane tyme take other mens wiues and daughters, & will
not keepe the bande that God hath made. Ye vow chastitie, & breake the same. S.
Paule had rather marry than burne: the whiche I haue done, for God forbad neuer
mariage to any man, of what state or degree so euer he were.
OLIPH. Thou sayest there is not vij. sacramentes.
MILLE. Geue me the Lordes supper and Baptisme, and take you the rest, & part
them among you: For if there be vij. why haue you omitted one of them, to wit,
mariage, & geue your selues to sclaunderous and ungodly whoredome.
OLIPH. Thou art agaynst the blessed sacrament of the aultar, and sayest, that the
Masse is wrong, and is Idolatry.
MILLE. A Lord or a Kyng sendeth & calleth many to a dyner, and when the dyner
is in readynesse, he causeth to ryng a bell, and the men come to the hall, and sit
downe to be partakers of the dyner, but the Lord turnyng his backe vnto them
eateth all himselfe, and mocked them: so do ye.
OLIPH. Thou denyest the sacrament of the aultar to be the very body of Christ
really in flesh and bloud.
MILLE. The very scripture of God is not to be taken carnally but spiritually, and
standeth in fayth onely: & as for the Masse, it is wrong, for Christ was once
offered on the Crosse for mans trespasse, and will neuer be offered agayne, for
then he ended all sacrifice.
OLIPH. Thou denyest the office of a Byshop.
MILLE. I affirme that they whom ye call Byshops, do no Byshops workes, nor vse
the offices of bishops, (as Paul byddeth writyng to Timothy,) but lyue after their
owne sensuall pleasure and take no care of the flocke, nor yet regarde they the
word of God, but desire to be honored and called, my Lordes.
OLIPH. Thou speakest agaynst pilgrimage, and callest it a pilgrimage to
whoredome.
MILLE. I affirm that, and say that it is not commanded in the scripture, and that
there is no greater whoredome in no places, then at your pilgrimages, except it
be in common brothells.
OLIPH. Thou preachest quietly and priuatly in houses and openly in the fieldes.
MILLE. Yea man, and on the sea also sailyng in shyp.
OLIPH. Wilt thou not recant thyne erroneous opinions, and if thou wilt not, I will
pronounce sentence agaynst thee.
MILLE. I am accused of my lyfe: I know I must dye once, & therfore as Christ
said to Judas: Quod facis, fac citíus. Ye shall know that I wil not recant the truth,
for I am corne, I am no chaffe, I wil not be blowen away with the winde nor
burst with the flaile, but I will abyde both.

These thynges rehearsed they of purpose, with other light trifles, to augment
their finall accusation, and then Sir Andrew Oliphant pronounced sentence
agaynst him that he should be deliuered to the temporall judge, and punished as
an hereticke, which was to be burnt. Notwithstandyng his boldnes and
constauncie moued so the hartes of many, that the Byshop's Stuard of his
regalitie, Prouest of the towne called Patrike Learmond, refused to be his
temporall judge: to whom it appertained if the cause had been just. Also the
Byshop's Chamberlaine beyng therewith charged, would in no wise take vppon
hym so vngodly an office. Yea the whole Towne was so offended with his unjust
condemnation, that the Byshop's seruauntes could not get for their money so
much as one cord to tye him to the stake, or a tarre barrell to burne him, but were
constrained to cut the cordes of their maistors owne pauillon to serue their turne.
Neuerthelesse one seruaunt of the Byshop's more ignoraunt and cruell then the
rest, called Alexander Symmerwyll, enterprising the office of a temporall judge
in that part, conueyed him to the fire, where agaynst all naturall reason of man,
his boldnes and hardynes did more & more increase: so that the spirite of GOD
workyng miraculously in hym, made it manifest to the people that his cause and
Articles were just and he innocently put downe.
Now when all thynges were ready for his death and he conueyed with armed
men to the fire, Oliphant bad hym passe to the stake: and he sayd, nay, but wilt
thou put me vp with thy hand and take part of my death, thou shalt see me passe
vp gladly, for by the law of God I am forbydden to put handes vpon my selfe.
Then Oliphant put him vp with his hand, and he ascended gladly, saying;
Introibo ad altare Dei, and desired that he might haue place to speake to the
people, the which Oliphant and other of the burners denyed, saying that he had
spoken ouer much, for the Bishops were altogether offended that the matter was
so long continued. Then some of the young men committed both the burners, &
the Byshops their maisters to the deuill, saying that they beleued that they should
lament that day, and desired the sayd Walter to speake what he pleased.
And so after he had made his humble supplication to God on his knees, he arose,
and standyng vpon the coales sayd on this wise. Deare frendes, the cause why I
suffer this day is not for any crime layed to my charge (albeit I be a miserable
sinner before God) but onely for the defence of the fayth of Jesus Christ, set
forth in the new and old Testament vnto vs, for which the as the faythful Martyrs
haue offered them selues gladly before, beyng assured after the death of their
bodyes of eternall felicitie, so this day I prayse God that he hath called me of his
mercy among the rest of his seruaunts, to seale vp his truth with my life: which
as I haue receaued it of hym, so willingly I offer it to his glory. Therfore as you
will escape the eternall death, be no more seduced with the lyes of Priestes,
Monkes, Friers, Priours, Abbots, Byshops, and the rest of the sect of Antichrist,
but depend onely vpon Jesus Christ and his mercy, that ye may be deliuered
from condemnation. All that while there was great mournyng and lamentation of
the multitude, for they perceiuyng his patience, stoutnes, and boldnes,
constancie, and hardynes, were not onely moued and styrred vp, but their hartes
also were so inflamed, that hee was the last Martyr that dyed in Scotland for the
Religion.
After his prayer, he was hoysed vp on the stake, and beyng in the fire, he sayd:
Lord haue mercy on me: Pray people while there is tyme, and so constauntly
departed.

EPITAPHIUM.
 Non nostra impietas aut actæ crimina vitæ
Armarunt hostes in mea fata truces.
Sola fides Christi sacris signata libellis,
Quæ vitæ causa est, est mihi causa necis.
After this, by the just judgement of God, in the same place where Walter Mille
was burnt, the Images of the great Church of the Abbey, which passed both in
number and costlynes, were burnt in tyme of reformation. Ex fideli testimonio è
Scotia misso.
And thus much concerning such matters as happened, and such Martyrs as
suffered in the Realme of Scotland for the faith of Christ Jesus, and testimony of
his truth."
The Epitaph, quoted in the above extracts from Foxe, was written by Patrick
Adamson, who became Archbishop of St. Andrews.
 No. XIV.
ON THE TITLE OF SIR, APPLIED TO PRIESTS. ToC

At this period, in England as well as in Scotland, the title of SIR was usually
applied to Priests, obviously derived from the Latin Dominus. But the origin of
this application, or rather the peculiar class of the Priesthood to whom it was
applicable, has not been well defined. It was to distinguish them from persons of
civil or military knighthood that they were popularly called Pope's Knights, and
not as some writers have supposed, because the title was conferred on the secular
clergy by the Bishop of Rome. In the account of the trial of Walter Myln, who
was burnt for heresy in 1558, (see this Appendix, No. XIII.) it is related, that
when his accusers addressed him as "Sir Walter Myln," he answered, "And
where you call me Sir Walter, they call me Walter, and not Sir Walter: I have
been ouer long one of the Pope's Knightes." Sir David Lyndesay says,—
"The pure Priest thinkis he gets na richt
Be he nocht stylit like ane Knicht,
And callit Schir befoir his name,
As Schir Thomas and Schir Williame."
Dr. Jamieson, in his Dictionary, (v. Pope's Knights,) has collected much curious
information on this head, but says, he could assign no reason why this
designation, "is more frequently given to one called a Chapellan than to any
other; sometimes to the exclusion of a parson or parish priest, who is mentioned
at the same time as Maister."
The reason for this, perhaps, may be accounted for without much difficulty, if
the suggestion should be correct, (as I apprehend it is,) that it denoted the
academical rank or degree which had been taken; and was not intended to
designate an inferior order of the priesthood. This title of Sir was never applied
to laymen, and appears to have been given both to the regular and secular clergy,
or persons in Priests orders who had taken their Bachelor's degree; but it was not
an academical title in itself. Those priests who received the appointment of
chaplains, were chiefly persons who, either from want of means or influence,
had not been able to prosecute their studies the full time at a University, to obtain
the higher rank as Master of Arts; and therefore the title of Sir was given them,
but simply to mark the absence of that academical rank, which was long held in
great respect, and led to the practice, both among the clergy and laity, until the
close of the 17th century, of signing Master before their names.
Thus, in the present volume, we have Sir George Clapperton, who was Sub-Dean
of the Chapel Royal, (p. 45,) Sir Duncan Symsoun, (p. 62,) and Sir William
Layng, as Chaplains, (p. 75,) and many others, besides Sir John Knox, (p. xiv.);
and I believe it cannot be shown that any of the persons alluded to had taken the
degree of Master of Arts. On the other hand, ecclesiastics of all ranks, from
Archbishops and Abbots, to Friars and Vicars, who are known to have done so,
are never styled Sir, but have always Master prefixed to their baptismal names,
in addition to the titles of their respective offices. For instance, we have Maister
James Beton, who became Primate, (p. 13,) Maister Patrick Hepburn, Prior of St.
Andrews, (p. 38,) Maister James Beton, Archbishop of Glasgow, (p. 252,)
Maister David Panter, Secretary and Bishop of Ross, (p. 262,) and a hundred
others, who held different ecclesiastical appointments. In one instance, (see page
549,) we find "Sir alias Mr. John Macbrair," from an uncertainty as to his proper
designation. On the institution of the College of Justice, one half of the Judges
belonged to the spiritual side; and at the first Sederunt, 27th May 1532, when
their names and titles are specified, the churchmen have, with one exception,
Magister prefixed to their names,—the exception being Dominus Joannes
Dingwell, Provost of Trinity College, near Edinburgh. It cannot be said he was
so styled from holding any situation in the Church inferior to the Rectors of
Eskirk, and Finevin, or the Provost of Dunglass, three of his brethren who then
took their seats on the bench as Judges. (See note [86].)
The Sederunt of the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, 27th November 1549,
as published by Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 46, exhibits the usual designations and the
order of precedency among the dignitaries of the church. They are, after giving
Archbishop Hamilton his titles, ranked under the following heads:—"Episcopi.
—Vicarii Generales sedium vacantium.—Abbates, Priores, et Commendatarii.—
Doctores in Theologia, Licentiati et Bacalaurei.—Ordines Praedicatorum.—
Ordines Conventualium: Ordines S. Augustini: Ordines Sanctissimae Trinitatis
de redemptione captivorum: Ordines Carmeletarum." In this list the higher
clergy are styled simply William Bishop of, &c., Quintin Abbot of, &c.,
Alexander Prior of, &c., William Commendator of, &c. Among those who had
taken degrees in Theology, as Doctors, Licentiates, or Bachelors, there are seven
with the title of Master, and three with F. or Frater prefixed to their names. Of
the Preaching Friars, there were four, all designed F. or Frater. The Conventual
and other Orders, included Provosts of Collegiate churches, Deans,
Archdeacons, Subdeacons, Rectors, Canons, and Subpriors; of whom there are
fifteen with the title of M. or Magister, and only six with D. or Dominus, so
usual was it to find that a regular academical course of study was requisite for
obtaining promotion in the Church, even when the weight of family interest
might have been supposed sufficient otherwise to have secured it.

This opportunity may be taken to add a few explanatory words on the

Academical designations which so frequently occur in the footnotes to this
volume. There is likewise considerable difficulty in defining such titles; and the
following explanations may require to be modified. The three Universities in
Scotland founded during the course of the 15th century, were formed on the
model of those of Paris and Bologna. The general name applied to students of all
ranks was Supposita, or Supposts; implying that they wore subject to the Provost
and Masters in the University. The Incorporati were persons who upon entering
the College had taken the oaths, and were matriculated in the registers; but this
was not confined to students who first entered upon their studies at College, as it
might include persons of advanced life, who had been educated and obtained
their degrees at some other University. The usual course extended over four
years, and was devoted to the study of philosophy, including rhetoric, dialectics,
ethics, and physics. In the middle of the third year, students were allowed to
propose themselves as candidates for the degree of Bachelor of Arts; and for this
purpose, those who had completed or determined their course of study, during
the trivium or period of three years, obtained the name of Determinantes; and
such as acquitted themselves were confirmed Bachelors by the Dean of Faculty.
The Intrantes or Licentiates were a class farther advanced, and denoted that they
were prepared to enter or take their Master's degree. For obtaining this a more
extended examination took place before they were laureated, or received the title
of Master of Arts, which qualified them to lecture or teach the seven liberal arts.
—See article Universities, in the last edit, of the Encyclopædia Britannica, vol.
xxi.; Statuta Universitatis Oxoniensis; MʻCrie's Life of Melville, 2d edit. vol. ii.
p. 336, et seq.; and Principal Lee's Introduction to the Edinburgh Academic
Annual for 1840.
 No. XV.
ON THE TUMULT IN EDINBURGH, AT THE PROCESSION ON ST.ToC
GILES'S DAY, 1558.

It has not been ascertained in what way ST. ÆGIDIUS or ST. GILES became the
tutelar Saint of our Metropolis. Regarding the Saint himself, as there prevails
less diversity of opinion than usual, we may assume that St. Giles flourished
about the end of the Seventh Century. According to Butler, and other authorities,
—"This Saint, whose name has been held in great veneration for several ages in
France and England, is said to have been an Athenian by birth, and of noble
extraction. His extraordinary piety and learning, (it is added,) drew the
admiration of the world upon him in such a manner, that it was impossible for
him to enjoy, in his own country, that obscurity and retirement which was the
chief object of his desires on earth." Having sailed for France, he spent many
years in the wild deserts near the mouth of the Rhone, and afterwards in a forest
in the diocese of Nismes. The Bollandists have shewn that this district belonged
to the French, towards the beginning of the Eighth Century when St. Giles died;
and that his body remained there till the 13th Century: "when, (as we are
informed by the anonymous author of 'Lives of Saints,' printed at London 1739,
4 vols. 4to.,) "the Albigenses being very troublesome in that country, it was
thought proper to remove it to Toulouse, where it is still kept in St. Saturnin's
Church.... His name occurs on the first of September in the Calendars of the
English Church before the Reformation; that, and two antient churches in
London, are a sufficient proof of his being known and honoured by our devout
ancestors."—(Lives, &c. vol. iv. p. 314.)
Maitland, the historian of Edinburgh, has collected much curious matter
connected with the Metropolitan Church of St. Giles; and observes, it is beyond
dispute that St. Giles's was the first Parish Church in the city, although he was
unable to determine at what time or by whom it was founded. Notices of a
Parish Church, distinct from the more ancient Church of St. Cuthbert's, may be
traced back to the 11th or 12th Century; and there exists a Charter of David II.,
under the Great Seal, 15th December 1359, granting the Lands of Upper
Merchiston to the Chaplain officiating at the Altar of St. Katherine's chapel in
the Parish Church of St. Giles, Edinburgh. It is so designed in subsequent deeds,
in the years 1380 and 1387; the latter being an Indenture for building some
additional chapels and vaults in the Church. In the following Century a great
many separate altarages were endowed; and in the year 1466, it was erected by
James the Third, into a Collegiate Church, consisting of a provost, a curate,
sixteen prebendaries, a sacristan, a minister of the choir, and four choristers.
(Maitland's Hist. p. 272.)
We may easily suppose that the possession of an undoubted relic of the Patron
Saint, would, in those days, be regarded as an inestimable treasure. An
obligation granted by the Provost and Council of Edinburgh, to William Preston
of Gortoun, on the 11th June 1454, is still preserved, and records the fact, that
"the Arme bane of Saint Gele, the quhilk bane he left to our Mother Kirk of
Saint Gele of Edinburgh," had been obtained, after long entreaty and
considerable expense, through the assistance of the King of France.
Another historian of our city in referring to this donation, says—"The
Magistrates of the City, in gratitude for the donation made to their Church,
granted a charter in favour of the heirs of Preston of Gortoun, (whose
descendants, he adds, are to this hour proprietors of that estate in the county of
Edinburgh,) entitling the nearest heir of the donor, being of the name of Preston,
to carry this sacred relique in all processions. The Magistrates at the same time,
obliged themselves to found in this church an altar, and to appoint a chaplain for
celebrating an annual mass of requiem for the soul of the donor; and that a tablet,
displaying his arms, and describing his pious donation, should be put up in the
chapel. The relique, embossed in silver, was kept among the treasure of the
Church till the Reformation."—(Arnot's Hist. of Edinb. p. 268.)
It was customary on the 1st of September, the festival day of the Patron Saint, to
have a solemn procession through the streets of Edinburgh. A figure of St. Giles,
carved in wood, the size of life, had hitherto formed a conspicuous object in this
procession. In the year 1558, notwithstanding the progress which the Reformed
opinions had made, it was resolved to celebrate this festival with more than
ordinary solemnity; and several persons accused of heresy, instead of being sent
to the flames on the Castlehill, were reserved to form part of the procession, and
to abjure their opinions, while the Queen Regent was to countenance it with her
presence. On such occasions it had been customary to deck the image of the
Saint. Thus in September 1554, the Dean of Guild paid 10s. "for paynting of
Sanct Geill;" in 1555, the charge paid to Walter Bynning for doing this was 6s.
In the accounts of 1556, 6s. was paid by the Dean of Guild "for paynting of
Sanct Geill;" and 6d. for "beiring of him to the painter, and fra;" and, at the same
time, "for mending and polishing Sanct Gelis arme, 12d.;" and also a sum "to
Alexander Robesoun tailzeour, for mending of Sanct Gelis capis."
But previously to the day of procession in 1558, Knox states, that "the images
were stollen away in all parts of the countrey; and in Edinburgh was that great
idoll called Sanct Geyle, first drowned in the North Loch, after burnt, which
raised no small trouble in the Town." Sir James Balfour in his Annals, says, this
image "was a grate log of wood or idoll, which the priests called Sant Geilles."
The trouble referred to was no doubt the injunction of the Archbishop of St.
Andrews, to have this image replaced; and various payments by the City
Treasurer, in 1557-8, refer to the appellation by the Town of Edinburgh against
the sentence of Archbishop Hamilton, obliging the Town to have the image of St.
Giles replaced. From this we may infer that the image had been stolen in the year
1557.
Knox's account of the tumult that ensued is by far the most minute and amusing:
see pages 258-261. Bishop Lesley is much more concise. After mentioning the
circumstance that several persons had been accused of heresy at a Convocation
or Provincial Council of the whole Prelates and Clergy assembled at Edinburgh,
at the end of July, he adds—"bot nane was executed or punished in thair bodeis,
bot ordanit to abjure thair errouris at the Mercatt Croce of Edinburgh, apoun
Sainct Gelis day, the first of September; bot thair was so gret a tumult rased that
day on the Hie Street of Edinburgh, that thay quha was appointed to do open
pennance war suddantlie careid away, and the haill processioun of the Clergie
disperced; the image of Sanct Geill being borne in processione, was taikin
perforce fra the beraris thairof, brokin and distroyed; quhairwith the Quene
Regent was heichlie offendit; and for stanchinge of the lyk trouble in tyme
cuming, she appointed the Lorde Setoun to be provest of the Toun of Edinburgh,
quha keped the same in resonable guid ordour quhill the nixt symmer
thaireftir."—(History, p. 266.)
Saint Geill, however, never recovered from his degradation on that day: and in
June 1562, the Magistrates directed the portraiture of the Saint, which had served
as their emblem, to be cut out of the city standard, as an idol, and a Thistle to be
inserted, "emblematical (as a recent writer remarks) of rude reform, but leaving
the Hind which accompanied St. Giles, as one of the heraldic supporters of the
city arms."—(Caledonia, vol. ii. p. 773.)
The jewels, silver-work, vestments, and other articles belonging to the Church of
St. Giles, were sold by authority of the Magistrates, in 1562, as will be taken
notice of in a subsequent volume.
 No. XVI.
PROVINCIAL COUNCILS IN SCOTLAND, IN 1549-1559. ToC

Respecting the Meetings of the Provincial Councils in Scotland before the

Reformation, it may be sufficient in this place to refer to the well known tract by
Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes, entitled "Historical Memorials concerning the
Provincial Councils of the Scottish Clergy, from the earliest accounts to the area
of the Reformation." Edinb. 1769, 4to. It is reprinted in the 3d edition of his
Annals of Scotland, vol. iii. pp. 221-271, Edinb. 1819, 3 vols. 8vo. The reader
may also consult with advantage, Dr. MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 163, 166,
416, &c.; and Bishop Keith's History, vol. i. p. 149, &c.
 No. XVII.
LETTER OF MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS TO LORD JAMES PRIOR OF THE
MONASTERY OF ST. ANDREWS. JULY 1559.

Calderwood, when noticing the arrival of the Sieur de Bethancourt in Scotland,

speaks of his bringing "forged letters" to Lord James Stewart; but the whole of
his account (vol. i. p. 498,) was evidently derived from Knox, but whose words
are, "with letteris, as was allegit:" see supra, page 384. Spottiswood, on the other
hand, throws no doubt on their genuineness, but says the bearer was Monsieur
Crock; and he inserts (Hist. p. 130,) a different version of that of Francis the
Second, from the one which Knox has given, and also the following letter, of
which Knox, at page 386, only makes mention to quote the concluding phrase.
"The letter (says Spottiswood) sent by the Queen, was of the tenor following:—
"MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTLAND AND FRANCE, TO JAMES PRIOR OF THE
MONASTERIE OF S. ANDREWES .
"I cannot, my Cousin, wonder enough, how you that are nighest us
in bloud, and greatly benefitted by our liberality, as yourself
knoweth, should be so presumptuous and wickedly disposed, as by
one and the same fact to violate the Majesty of God and the
authority belonging to me and my husband; for to me it is a wonder
that you, who being with me did complain of the Duke of
Chattellerault, and divers others for dismissing my authority, should
now be the leader of a faction in matters of greatest weight, wherein
not only the honour of God is touched, but my authority all utterly
taken away: which I would have more easily believed of any other
of my subjects than of you, for I had a speciall hope of your fidelity,
and am not a little grieved that you should have deceived me;
Though yet I can scarse be perswaded, that you are gone so far from
truth and reason, as to be carried away with such blinde errours
which I wish were not, as any in the world else, beseeching God to
illuminate you with his light, that returning into the right way you
may shew your self (by doing things contrary to that you have
already performed) a good man, and obedient to our lawes; whereof
by these letters I thought good to admonish you, and withall
earnestly to intreat you to amend your by-gone faults, with better
deeds in time coming; that the anger which I and my husband have
conceived against you, may by that means be mitigated. Otherwise I
would have you understand, that we will take such punishment of
you, that you shall ever remember us, which shall be to me a most
grievous thing. God I beseech to keep you from all danger.
Paris the 24. of July, 1559."
 No. XVIII.
DAVID FORREST, GENERAL OF THE MINT. ToC

David Forrest, General of the Mint, was probably a native of East-Lothian. His
name first occurs in 1546, as entertaining George Wishart, in his house in the
town of Haddington. Knox speaks of him, when mentioning this circumstance,
as "ane man that long hes professed the truth," (p. 137.) He had retired to
England soon afterwards, as Sir Ralph Sadler, when noticing that Forrest had
come to England, along with William Maitland of Lethington, and Mr. Henry
Balnaves, in November 1559, he adds,—"who departed out of England in the
beginning of the reign of Queen Mary for cause of religion, and now retuurneth
agayn because of these troubles in Scotland, as he sayeth."—(Letters, vol. i. p.
585.)
After the Reformation, when the want of qualified persons for the ministry was
deeply felt, Forrest was one of several laymen, who, from having previously
given proofs of their sincere zeal and piety, were nominated at the first General
Assembly, in December 1560, as "thought apt and able to minister." On the 3d
July 1562, David Forrest was specially requested by the Assembly "to tak on the
ministerie." On the next day, his answer to that request "was referred to the
Superintendent of Lothian and Kirk of Edinburgh." Again, on the 29th
December 1562, "David Forrest, notwithstanding he objected his owne inabilitie,
was charged by the whole Assemblie, as he would avoide disobedience to their
voices, without farther delay, to addresse himself to enter in the ministerie,
where he salbe appointed, seeing it was knowen sufficientlie that he was able for
that function."—(Booke of the Universall Kirk, vol. i. pp. 4, 18, 28.)
Although Forrest did not comply with this injunction, he continued to be a
member of Assembly for several years, and was named on committees "for the
decision of questions," and for other matters. His promotion as General of the
Mint may possibly have had its influence in his refusing to take upon himself the
office of the ministry. He appears to have long been connected with the Mint. In
the Treasurer's Accounts, 15 June 1554-5, David Forres is styled "Magister
Cone;" but he must have been superseded, as the office of "Maister Cunzeour,"
was filled by John Achesoun, from at least 1559 to 1563. But Forrest again
appears in 1564-5; and for several years, (between 1565 and 1572,) we find
monthly payments in the Treasurer's Accounts to the principal Officers of the
Mint, viz., to David Forrest, General of the Cunzie-house, £12, 10s. Andrew
Henderson, Wardane, £4, 3s. 4d. Maister John Balfour, Comptar Wardane, £3,
6s. 8d., (who, in October 1570, was succeeded by David Adamesoun, with the
same monthly fee or salary of £3, 6s. 8d.) James Mosman, Assayer, (succeeded
in April 1572, by Thomas Achesoun,) £3, 6s. 8d. And James Gray, Sinckar of
the Irnis, £5, with an additional sum, "for brisseling, grynding, neilling, and
tempering the Irnis," of £3, 6s. 8d. In the Treasurer's Accounts 1572, we also
find that different sums were allowed us "feis extraordinar" to most of these
officials, for services rendered "in the tyme of troubill."
 FOOTNOTES:

That Lord Torphichen's

[1] picture at Calder House is a portrait of Knox, cannot be doubted, and it may have
been copied from an older painting; but at best it is a harsh and disagreeable likeness, painted at least a
century after Knox's death. It was engraved for Dr. MʻCrie's work; and, on a large scale, there is a most
careful engraving of it, by a very ingenious and modest artist, Mr. William Penny of Mid-Calder.
The ornamented[2] border in the original is very rudely cut: here it is given only in outline. A French
translation of Beza's volume appeared in 1581, with several additional portraits; but it is somewhat
remarkable that a totally different portrait should have been substituted in place of that of Knox. This, I
think, may be explained, from the circumstance of the original cut having been either injured or lost; and
not from the other exhibiting a more correct likeness of the Scotish Reformer. From its marked
resemblance, I am convinced, that the portrait substituted was intended for William Tyndale.—When the
engraved pseudo-portraits of Knox are brought together, it is quite ludicrous to compare the diversity of
character which they exhibit. Besides the ordinary likeness, with the long flowing beard, copied from bad
engravings to worse, we have the Holyrood one, not unworthy of Holbein, of a mathematician, with a pair
of compasses; the head at Hamilton Palace, which might serve for the Hermit of Copmanhurst; and others
that would be no unsuitable illustrations to any account of the fools and jesters entertained at the Scotish
Court.
I state this from
[3]having lent him Verheiden's work, for the purpose of his copying Knox's portrait. Perhaps
the fine arts sustained by the death of this eminent Painter, no greater loss than in his leaving unfinished the
most exquisite design of "Knox dispensing the Sacrament," which, in its half-finished state, has fortunately
been secured by the Royal Scotish Academy. His previous painting of "Knox preaching to the Lords of the
Congregation," is sadly disfigured by the extravagant action and expression of the Reformer.
This MS. when [4]rebound, at some early time, was unfortunately too much cut in the edges. Its present
ragged state suggested a minute examination, which shows that the volume consists of seventeen sets or
quires, each of them, with two exceptions, having twenty-two or twenty-four leaves. Six of those quires,
judging from the hand-writing and the colour of the ink, were apparently written somewhat later than the
rest:—viz., the 7th set, fol. 137-158; the 9th and 10th, fol. 181-228; the 12th, fol. 253-272; the 14th, fol.
295-309; and the last set, fol. 359 to the end. What renders this the more evident is, that while the first page
of each set runs on continuously from the previous page, as if there was no interruption, the catchword on
the last page of these rewritten sets or quires, often stops in the middle of the page, or the beginning of a
line, leaving the rest blank, owing to the style of writing, or the matter contained in these sets having varied
from those which they had replaced.
The following[5]is the title of a work on the Harmony of the Gospels, with a fac-simile of the signature
referred to: "In nomine dnj. Nostrj Jesu Chrj Anno Salutis humanæ 1581. Contextus historiæ Euangelicæ
Secundum tres Euangelistas Mat. Mar. et Lucam.—Septembris 4."
App. No. VI. pp.
[6] 358-363. Lond. 1702, 8vo. Nicolson, in giving some account of the History, considers the
question of the Authorship, which was then reckoned doubtful, and referring particularly to the Glasgow
Manuscript, he says, it "was lately presented to the College by Mr. Robert Fleming, a late preacher at
Rotterdam, now at London, Mr. Knox's great-grandchild; who having several of his said ancestor's papers
in his hand, pretends to assure them, that this very Book is penn'd by the person whose name it commonly
bears. For the better proof of this matter he sends them the preface of another book, written in the same
hand, wherein are these words:—'In nomine Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, &c., Septembris 4o, M. Jo. Knox,
August 18, Ao 1581.' There might indeed have been some strength in this evidence, were we not assur'd that
the famed Knox dy'd in 1572; so that nothing could be written by him in 1581. There was one Mr. John
Knox, who was Moderator of the Synod of Merse in 1586; who perhaps is Mr. Fleming's true ancestor, as
well as the transcriber of this book, and might be one of the assistants in the revising of it."—(Ib. p. 192.)
These remarks gave considerable offence to Fleming, who answers them, at some length, but without
throwing any new light on the subject, in the preface to his "Practical Discourse on the Death of King
William III. &c.," p. xii; Lond. 1702, 8vo. Fleming was not a descendant of Knox. It is indeed true that his
grandfather married Knox's daughter; but his father was the issue of a subsequent marriage. These facts are
plainly stated in a letter from R. Fleming to Wodrow, dated at London, on the 6th of June 1702.
In the foot-notes, the errors and mistakes in Vautrollier's edition are occasionally pointed out. A sample of
them may here be brought together:—

P. 40. Aue hes tuit aue spurtill.

41. priests of whordome—trystis of whoredome.
44. Andrewe Balsone—Balfour.
52. Baltlewich, Lyniltquilk, Lemax—Balcleueh, Lynlithgow, Levenax.
54. the time thereof—the teind thereof.
55. paying such losses—paying such teinds.
62. Earle of gleuearne—Earle of Glencarne.
78. appoints—oppones.
97. the Cardinal skipped—the Cardinal scripped.
113. taken from—given to.
116. inversion—intercession.
122. entracted—entreated.
142. enduer him—cummer him.
143. receiving of limes and staues—receiving of lime and stanes.
ib. in great number—in no great number.
144. cryed I am Leslie a priest—cryed, I am a priest.
146. the Queen's daughter—the Queen Dowager.
149. Langundrie—Langnidrie.
166. the Gouernoures—the Gunnar's.
169. should be—should not be.
170. Scotish preachers—Scotish prikers.
177. scarcenesse—scarmishing.
180. some drunken beare, which laye in the saudes chappell and
church—some drynkin bear, which lay in the syidis Chappell and
Kirk.
182. were pressed—were not pressed.
186. Silbard—Sibbald.
187. and for his other William—and for his other villany.
192. Lordes Maxwell flying—Lords Maxwell, Fleming.
195. Wilbock—Willock.
199. Meruses—Mernes.
200. hearie—Harie.
226. according to comely and common lawes—according to the civile and
cannon lawes.
249. auow your graces hart—move your Graces heart.
280. Ancheddirdour—Auchterarder.
281. should be—should not be.
301. estates of our religion—estates of our realme.
See "Areopagitica; a Speech of Mr. JOHN MILTON for the Liberty of Unlicens'd Printing," addressed to the
Parliament of England, London, 1644, 4to. In arguing against the abuses committed by licensers of the
Press, he says, "Nay, which is more lamentable, if the work of any deceased Author, though never so
famous in his lifetime, and even to this day, come to their hands for license to be printed or reprinted, if
there be found in his book one sentence of a venturous edge, uttered in the height of zeal, (and who knows
whether it might not be the dictate of a divine Spirit,) yet, not suiting with every low decrepit humour of
their own, THOUGH IT WERE KNOX HIMSELF, THE REFORMER OF A KINGDOM, that spake it, they will not pardon
him their dash: the sense of that great man shall to all posterity be lost for the fearfulness, or the
presumptuous rashnesse of a prefunctory licenser. And to what an Author this violence hath bin lately done,
and in what book of greatest consequence to be faithfully publisht, I could now instance, but shall forbear
till a more convenient season."—(page 22.)
In following the MS. of 1566, I have discarded all contractions, and generally avoided the old form of using
u and w for v, or v for u; i for j. In order to avoid distracting the attention of an ordinary reader, such words
in the MS. as hie for he, on for one, cane for can, don for done, are printed in the usual form; but indeed the
orthography of the MS. is very irregular, and might have justified much greater innovations.
This Preface is not contained in either of the editions by David Buchanan of the History printed in 1644.
In MS. G, "cloude."
In MS. I, "whairby idolatrie."
In MS. G, "eyis."
Ib.
In the MS. "trawalled."
That is, the year 1558.
Mary Queen of Scots arrived from France on the 19th of August 1561.
The author's original intention, as here stated, was, that the History should merely embrace the limited
period from 1558 to 1561. That portion was probably revised and enlarged, to form Books Second and
Third, when this introductory Book was added in 1566.
This phrase was not uncommon: see page 10. But MS. I. makes it, "some faythfull brethrene, concerning
that which was thought."
That is, the Civil Policy.
In the MS. "wane."
This title occurs as a marginal note in the MS.
In the MS. it was originally written "mentioun of one N.," the words, "whais name is not expressed," being
afterwards added on the margin. The letter N., it may be observed, was an abbreviation of Non nemo, i.e.
aliquis, or Somebody, a mode adopted from the Canon Law, when the name of a person was not
ascertained.
From the collation of David Buchanan's text, it will be seen that he has here inserted the words "One whose
name was James Resby, an Englishman by birth, schollar to Wickliff: he was accused as a hereticke, by one
Laurence Lindores," &c. Buchanan overlooks the circumstance that Resby suffered martyrdom at Perth,
fifteen years before the person referred to by Knox. See Appendix, No. I., "Interpolations in Knox's History
by David Buchanan."—In the Appendix, No. II., some notices will be given of Resby and other Lollards in
Scotland, during the 15th century.
Bower, the continuator of Fordun, calls him Paul Crawar, and fixes the date of his execution on the 23d of
July 1433. (See Appendix No. II.)
In MSS. G, A, &c., "a Bohemian."
In the MS. "wach."
Robert Blackader, on the 5th of June 1480, was styled Prebendary of Cardross, in the Cathedral Church of
Glasgow, (Registrum Episcopatus Glasguenis, p. 443.) On the 23d of that month, he sat among the Lords of
Council, as Bishop elect of Aberdeen, which seems to discredit the statement of Keith and other writers, of
his having been consecrated at Rome by Pope Sixtus IV., upon the death of Bishop Spens. (Registrum
Episcopatus Aberdonensis, Mr. Innes's Preface, page xlii. note.) Blackader, however, was much employed
in public negotiations with England and other countries. He was translated to the See of Glasgow,
previously to February 1484; and during his Episcopate, that See was erected into an Archbishopric. As
stated in a following page, Blackader died on the 28th of July 1508. See page 12.
The shire of Ayr in former times was locally divided into the three districts of Carrick, Kyle, and
Cunningham; and those districts are still retained, but without any political or judicial distinction. Kyle was
the central district, between the rivers Doon and Irvine; and was subdivided into two sections, by the river
Ayr, King's-Kyle lying on the south, and Kyle-Stewart on the north of the river.—(Chalmers's Caledonia,
vol. iii. p. 446.)
In the MS., a blank space had been left for these names, which were apparently added at a somewhat later
period.—The escape of John Campbell of Cesnock at this time is taken notice of by Alexander Alesius in
his Letter to James Fifth, see Appendix No. II.
Mure of Polkellie, the title of Lady being given by courtesy.—From a detailed genealogical account of the
family of Chalmers of Gadgirth in Ayrshire, inserted in the Appendix to Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. i., we find
that John Chalmers, in a charter dated 1491, was styled son and heir of Sir John Chalmers of Galdgirth; and
that one of his daughters, Margaret, was married to George Campbell of Cesnock; and another, Helen, to
Robert Mure of Polkellie. A third daughter is mentioned in the following note.
The baptismal name of Lady Stair is left blank in the MS., and Calderwood, who copied from Knox,
inserted the letter N., to indicate this; while David Buchanan supplied the name of Isabella. On the
supposition that Knox himself had so written it, Professor Forbes, in noticing the Lord President Stair's
descent from one of the Lollards of Kyle, says, "The Historian hath mistaken the Lady's name; for, by
writings in the Earl of Stair's hand, it appears she was called Marion Chalmers, daughter to Mr. John
Chalmers of Gadgirth, whose good family was very steady in the matters of religion."—(Journal of
Decisions, &c., p. 29, Edinb. 1714, folio.)—On the other hand, in the pedigree of the Gadgirth family, in
Nisbet, William Dalrymple of Stair is said to have married Isabella Chalmers.
This "Register," and "the Scrollis" referred to in the former page, were probably the Court-books of the
Official of Glasgow, an office usually held by one of the Canons of the diocese. But no registers of the kind
are known to be preserved.
The additions to Articles 4, 8, 9, 19, and 31, included within a parenthesis, are evidently comments by
Knox.
In MSS. G, A, &c., "bread."
That is, to judge in matters of divine worship.
Vautroullier's suppressed edition of the History commences, on sign. B., page 17, with those three words.
The previous sheet, or 16 pages, containing the title and preface, had no doubt been set up, but the sheet
may have been either delayed at press till the volume was completed, or all the copies carried off and
destroyed when the book was prohibited.
In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "doubtfully spoken."
In this place, the MS. has "Basqueming," and Vautroullier's edition makes it "Adam reade of
blaspheming."—Adam Reid of Stair-White, or Barskyming, the representative of an ancient family in
Ayrshire, probably accompanied James the Fourth, in his first voyage to the Western Isles, in July 1494. He
obtained two charters, under the Great Seal, of the King's fortress of Ardcardane, and some lands near
Tarbert, in North Kintyre, dated 15th September 1498, and 27th August 1499, in which he is designated
"Adam Rede de Sterquhite." The service annexed to the first grant included the maintenance of six archers
sufficiently provided with bows and arrows, upon occasion of the King's curbing the inhabitants of the
Isles, who had long set the royal authority at defiance: "Neenon sustentando sex homines defensivos
architenentes, cum arcubus et sagittis bene suffultos, ad serviendum Regi, et successoribus suis, in guerris
si quas Reges in Insulis contra inhabitantes carundem habere contigerit, cum dictus Adam vel hæredes sui
ad hoc requisitus fuerit."
For "shut up;" in Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "set up."
The erroneous date of 1500 occurs in the MS. and in all the subsequent copies; it is also repeated by
Spotiswood. The actual time of his decease is thus recorded,—"Obitus Roberti Blacader primi
Archiepiscopi Glasguensis, vigesimo octavo die Julij A.D. 1508."—(Regist. Episcop. Glasg., vol. ii. p. 616.)
The place where Blackader died is not ascertained; but Bishop Lesley confirms Knox's statement, that he
had set out on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. "Scotia discedit, paucis post diebus, Episcopus Glasgoensis,
Robertus Blacaderus pio studio illa loca (quæ Christi vestigiis trita, aliisque humilitatis, virtutisque
monumentis illustrata erant) invisendi flagrans Hierosolymitana profectione suscepta; sed mortis impetu
præclusa, ad coelites in itinere migravit."—(De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 349, Romæ, 1578, 4to.) In his English
History, Lesley mentions this more briefly, "About this time, [5th of July 1508,] the Bishop of Glasgow,
quha wes passit to Jerusalem, or he com to the end of his journay, deceissit the xxix [28th] day of July. He
was ane noble, wyse, and godlie man."—(Hist. p. 78, Edinb. 1830, 4to.)
The truth of this remark is very evident, as Beaton, along with his high civil and ecclesiastical
appointments, held several great Church benefices. He was the youngest son of John Beaton of Balfour, and
was educated at St. Andrew's. In 1487, the name "Ja. Betone" occurs among the Intrantes; in 1491, among
the Determinantes; and in 1493, as a Licentiate, he took the degree of Master of Arts. In October 1497,
Maister James Betoun was presented to the Chantry of Cathness, vacant by the decease of Mr. James
Auchinleck.—(Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. ii. p. 162.) In 1503, he was Provost of the collegiate church of
Bothwell, and Prior of Whithorn. In 1504, he was Abbot of Dunfermline, and a Lord of the Session. In the
following year he succeeded his brother as Lord Treasurer. In 1508, he was raised to the See of Galloway;
and within twelve months having been translated to Glasgow, as successor to Blackader, he resigned the
office of Treasurer. In the Rolls of Parliament, 26th November 1513, the Archbishop of Glasgow appears as
Chancellor of the kingdom; and he secured to himself the rich Abbacies of Arbroath and Kilwinning. On
succeeding to the Primacy of S. Andrew's, in 1522, he resigned the commendatory of Arbroath in favour of
his nephew David Beaton, with the reservation to himself of half its revenues during his life. In a letter to
Cardinal Wolsey, Dr. Magnus the English Ambassador, on the 9th of January 1524-5, after referring to the
Archbishop of St. Andrews, as "the gretteste man booth of landes and experience withyne this realme,"
speaks of Beaton as "nooted to be veraye subtill and dissymuling."—(State Papers, vol. iv. p. 286.) But with
all his dignities and wealth, he experienced occasional reverses of fortune; and in 1526, upon a change in
public affairs, he was deprived of the office of Lord Chancellor. He died in 1539.
On the 9th of September 1513.
In the preface to Lambert's "Exegeseos in sanctam diui Ioannis Apocalypsim, Libri vii." The passage will
be given in the Appendix, No. III.
This reference to the well known "Actes and Monumentes" of John Foxe, the English Martyrologist, has
more than once been pointed out as an anachronism. Thus, Spottiswood asserts, that Foxe's work "came not
to light [till] some ten or twelve years after Mr. Knox his death," (p. 267,) and concludes, that "the History
given forth in his name was not of his inditing." But Knox's phrase, "laitlie sett furth," is quite applicable to
the first publication of Foxe's Martyrology; as there is no reason to doubt that Knox wrote this portion of
his History in 1566, and it is certain that Foxe's "Actes and Monumentes," &c., printed at London by John
Daye, was completed in the beginning of 1564, in large folio. In this edition there is an account of Patrick
Hamilton, which (with some other notices) will be given verbatim in the Appendix, No. III. Foxe's
Martyrology was again printed by Daye, "newly recognized by the author," in 1570, 2 vols. folio; a third
time in 1576; and a fourth (being probably the earliest edition of which Spottiswood had any knowledge) in
1583.
Hamilton was merely titular Abbot of Ferne, and was not in holy orders. His predecessor, Andrew Stewart,
was Bishop of Caithness, and Commendator of the two Abbeys of Kelso and Ferne. He died 17th June
1517; and the latter benefice was probably then conferred on Hamilton. Ferne is a parish in the eastern part
of the shire of Ross. The Abbey was founded by Farquhard first Earl of Ross, in the reign of Alexander the
Third. The Church, built or completed by William Earl of Ross, who died in 1371, was a handsome
structure of about 120 feet in length, with chapels on the north and on the south sides. It continued to be
used as the parish Church till Sunday the 10th of October 1742, when, during public service, the flagstone
roof, and part of the side walls fell in, and killed 40 persons, besides others who died in consequence of the
injuries they sustained.—(Scots Magazine, 1742, p. 485.) At a later period (1772), the centre part of the
Church of Ferne, but reduced in its length, was repaired, with a new roof, and still serves as the parish
Church. Unless for some ruined portions of the side chapels attached to the eastern end of the Church,
which were suffered to remain, all marks of its venerable antiquity have now disappeared.
It was at Marburg, the capital of Upper Hesse, and not at Wittemberg, where Lambert was professor.
In the MS. "trawailled." The letters w and v are used indiscriminately by Knox's amanuensis.
This statement, we presume, is incorrect, as there is no evidence to show that James the Fifth visited the
Shrine of St. Duthac at this time. Lesley speaks of the King dealing with Hamilton, which implies at least a
knowledge of his accusation, "adhortante Rege ipso."—(De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 427.) The chapel of St.
Duthac, Bishop of Ross, now in ruins, is situated about half a mile to the north-east of the town of Tain. In
the Appendix No. IV. will be given various extracts from the Treasurer's Accounts relating to the frequent
pilgrimages which James the Fourth made to this Shrine, as illustrative of a superstitious custom of that
period.
In the MS. "lief."
See page 19.
Gilbert Kennedy third Earl of Cassilis. He was probably only at St. Andrews for one session; as his name
does not occur in the Registers of the University. In 1532, he was at Paris, pursuing his studies under
George Buchanan, who dedicated to him his first edition of Linacre's Latin Grammar. Lord Cassilis was
one of the prisoners taken at Solway Moss in 1542. As Knox afterwards mentions, he died at Dieppe in
1558.
The University of St. Andrews, founded by Bishop Wardlaw in the year 1410, was confirmed by Papal
authority in 1413. Its endowments, however, continued to be very limited, until St. Salvator's College was
erected and endowed in 1456 by James Kennedy, his successor in the See. At this time it received the name
of the Old College, to distinguish it from that of St. Leonard's College, created in 1512, and St. Mary's, in
1537.
In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, A, &c., "scorched."
Lindesay of Pitscottie, (circa 1575,) in his detailed account of Hamilton's condemnation, after narrating the
Martyr's last speeches, and his solemn appeal to Campbell, proceeds,—"Then they laid to the fire to him;
but it would no ways burn nor kindle a long while. Then a baxtar, called Myrtoun, ran and brought his arms
full of straw, and cast it in to kindle the fire: but there came such a blast of wind from the East forth of the
sea, and raised the fire so vehemently, that it blew upon the Frier that accused him, that it dang him to the
earth, and brunt all the fore part of his coul; and put him in such a fray, that he never came to his right
spirits again, but wandered about the space of forty days, and then departed."—(Edit. 1728, p. 134; edit.
1776, p. 209.) Pitscottie gives the false date of September 1525. This writer indeed is often very inaccurate
in names and dates; but his details were evidently derived from some contemporary authority.
Foxe, and other authorities, state that Campbell was Prior of the Dominican or Blackfriars Monastery, St.
Andrews.
According to modern computation, the year 1528.
Foxe, in republishing his "Actes and Monumentes," among other additions, has the following paragraph:
—"But to return to the matter of Master Hamelton; here is, moreover, to be observed, as a note worthy of
memory, that in the year of our Lord 1564, in which year this present History was collected in Scotland,
there were certain faithful men of credit then alive, who being present the same time when Master Patrick
Hamelton was in the fire, heard him to cite and appeal the Black Friar called Campbell, that accused him, to
appear before the high God, as general Judge of all men, to answer to the innocency of his death, and
whether his accusation was just or not, between that and a certain day of the next month, which he then
named. Moreover, by the same witness it is testified, that the said Friar had immediately before the said day
come, without remorse of conscience, that he had persecuted the innocent; by the example whereof divers
of the people, the same time much mused, and firmly believed the doctrine of the aforesaid Master
Hamelton to be good and just."—(Third edit. p. 650, Lond. 1576, folio.)
In Vautr. edit. "true fruites;" in MSS. G, &c., "trow fruittis."
The above title, and Fryth's preface are not contained in Knox's MS., but are inserted from Foxe's
Martyrology, p. 949, 3d edit., Lond. 1576.

This evidently refers to Archbishop Beaton; but he had previously been deprived of the Chancellorship: See
note [42].

Hamilton's treatise was probably printed as an academical dissertation, whilst he was at Marburg, in 1526.
It in uncertain whether Fryth's translation was published during his own life. There are at least three early
editions, with this title, "Dyvers frutefull gatherynges of Scripture: And declaryng of fayth and workes."
One was printed at London by Thomas Godfray, and two others by William Copland, each of them without
a date, but probably before 1540.—(Dibdin's Typogr. Antiq., vol. iii. pp. 71, 161, 162.) In 1562-3, Michael
Lobley, a printer in St. Paul's Churchyard, had license to print "The Sermonde in the Wall, thereunto
annexed, The Common Place of Patryk Hamylton."—(ib., p. 540.) Foxe's copy of this Treatise differs from
the present in a number of minute particulars, which would occupy too much space to point out.
John Fryth, as the reward of his zeal in the cause of religion, was confined to the Tower, in 1532, and was
brought to the stake, at Smithfield, on the 4th of July 1533.—(See the Rev. Chr. Anderson's Annals of the
English Bible, vol. i. pp. 339-377.)
This title, with the numbers of the Propositions, and the words included within brackets, are supplied from
Foxe. Also a few trifling corrections in the orthography.
These Propositions are put in a syllogistic form; but the terms Major, Minor, and Conclusion, marked on
the margin of Foxe's copy, except in one or two instances at the beginning, are not contained in Knox's MS.
Such as are marked, being incorrectly given by his transcriber, as well as in Vautr. edit., are here omitted.
In Vautr. edit. and MSS. E, A, and I, is this marginal note—"This is to be understood of circumstance of
worldlie men, and not of them of God; for the neirer that men draw to God, we ar bound the more to love
them." Also a similar note to page 24, Prop. IV., "Christ is the ende and fulfillinge of the lawe to everie one
that beleveth."
Foxe has given this sentence more correctly:—"Now, seying he hath payed thy dette, thou needest, neither
canst thou pay it, but shouldest bee damned, if hys bloud were not."
In republishing his "Actes and Monumentes," Foxe, along with Fryth's translation of "Patrick Hamilton's
Places," has subjoined "Certaine brief Notes or Declarations upon the foresayd Places of M. Patrike." He
says, "This little treatise of M. Patrike's Places, albeit in quantitie it be but short, yet in effect it
comprehendeth matter able to fill large volumes, declaryng to us the true doctrine of the Law, of the
Gospell, of Fayth, and of Workes, with the nature and properties, and also the difference of the same." But
Foxe's Notes are too long to be here inserted, and they have several times been reprinted.
Gawin Logye, under whom so many of the early Reformers had prosecuted their studies, was educated at
St. Andrews, and took his degree of Master of Arts in 1512. In 1518, "Gavinus Logye" was "Regens Coll.
Sancti Leonardi de novo fundati." In the "Acta Fac. Art.," his name occurs as Principal of that College in
1523. Calderwood says, that in the year 1533, Logye "was forced to flee out of the countrie," (vol. i. p.
104.) This date is certainly erroneous. At the election of Martin Balfour, as Dean of Faculty, "Magr.
Gavinus Logye," Principal of St. Leonard's College, was appointed one of his assessors, on the 3d of
November 1534. He probably fled before the close of the year 1535; but of his subsequent history no
particulars have been discovered. Logye's immediate successor was "Dominus Thomas Cunnynghame,"
whose name first occurs as Principal Regent, on the 3d of November 1537.
In MS. G, "novittis;" in other MSS., and in Vautr. edit., "novices."

Probably John Wynrame, see note [395].

In Vautr. edit., "William Archbishop," and also in MSS. A, I, and W. In MS. E, "William Arth." In MS. G,
"William Arithe."
John Hepburn, Bishop of Brechin, was descended of the Hepburns of Bothwell. He held this See from
1517, for upwards of forty years, till his death in August 1558.—(Keith's Catal.)
Best known by his Latin name Major. He was a native of Haddington, and spent many years on the
Continent, where he acquired great reputation by his numerous works, and became a Doctor of the
Sorbonne. After his return to Scotland, he was for a short time (1518-1522) Principal Regent in the College
of Glasgow, where Knox himself was his pupil. He was at this time Vicar of Dunlop; and Treasurer of the
Chapel Royal at Stirling. In 1533, he was incorporated in the University of St. Andrews; and became
Provost of St. Salvator's College; an office which he held till his death in 1550. See MʻCrie's Life of Knox,
vol. i. pp. 7, 339; and Irving's Life of Buchanan, pp. 8, 373.
George Lockhart, Provost of the Collegiate Church of Crichton, in Mid-Lothian, was Rector of the
University of St. Andrews, from 1521 to 1525. He was the author of more than one work, printed at Paris,
on Dialectic Philosophy. He afterwards was Dean of Glasgow, where he died on the 22d of June 1547.—
(Obituary in the Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis, vol. ii. p. 614.)
The Abbot of Cambuskenneth, Alexander Myln, was appointed first President of the College of Justice in
1532. In 1494, Alexander Myl, was a Determinant at St. Andrews. In 1515, he was Official of Dunkeld, and
in that year he wrote a Latin work, Lives of the Bishops of Dunkeld, first printed in 1823, for the
Bannatyne Club. In Brunton and Haig's Historical Account of the Senators, a very accurate notice is given
of his several preferments in the Church. Myln, who died about the close of the year 1548, is acknowledged
to have been a man of great accomplishments, and to have displayed a most commendable zeal for religion
and learning.
In the year 1522, on the death of his Uncle, John Hepburn, Prior of the Metropolitan Church of St.
Andrews, Patrick Hepburn succeeded; and held the Priorate till 1535, when advanced to the See of Moray.
See note [82].

The Scotish Parliament passed an Act on the subject, on the 12th of June 1535, in which the cause of this
disregard of the censures of the Church is mainly attributed to "the dampnable persuasions of heretikis, and
thair perversit doctrine," which, it is added, "gevis occasioun to lichtly (or despise) the process of cursing,
and uther censures of Haly Kirk."—(Acta Parl. vol. ii. p. 342; Keith's Hist., vol. i. p. 28.) There is a singular
production by one of the early Scotish Poets, a priest named Sir John Rowll, called his Cursing, which
exemplifies the abuses to which this process was perverted. It was written between 1492 and 1502, and is
directed chiefly against the stealers, among other articles,
Of fyve fat geiss of Sir Johne Rowllis, With caponis, hennis, and uther fowlis;
but it also contains a general invective against persons who defraud the clergy of their tythes or dues. The
following entries in the Treasurer's Books, shew that ecclesiastical persons were not exempted from such
censures:—
"Item, the thrid day of November [1533], to Sir Johne Smyth, notare, to pass to execut the Process upon the
Abbot of Melross, and Prioress of Eccles, for non payment of thair taxt,. xl. s.
"Item, the first day of Junij [1534], to ane cheplane to pass to Curss the Prioress of North Berwick and
Eccles, for non payment of thair taxtis,. xx. s."
In MS. A, &c., "canon law."
In MS. G, "Kirkmen."—The Church of Rome, however, always performed the ceremony of depriving a
Priest of his holy orders, before being handed over to the secular authorities for punishment; "because (in
the words of a modern writer) she was too watchful over the immunities of the privileged order of Priests,
to deliver them up to temporal jurisdiction, till stripped of the sacerdotal character, and degraded to the
situation of laymen." (Dowling's History of Romanism, p. 551, New York, 1845, 8vo.)
The Abbot of Unreason in Scotland, was a similar character to the Lord of Misrule in England. "This
pageant potentate," as Stowe calls him, "was annually elected, and his rule extended through the greater
part of the holydays conected with the festival days of Christmas." But these "fine and subtle disguisings,
masks, and mummeries," too often degenerated into abuse, as indeed was to be expected, when such
pastimes had for their object to turn all lawful authority into ridicule, and more particularly to burlesque the
services of the Church. On such occasions, "the rude vulgar occupied the Churches, profaned the holy
places by a mock imitation of the sacred rites, and sung indecent parodies of the hymns of the Church;" and
the lively representation of a scene of this kind is familiar to most readers, in a well known work of fiction,
"The Abbot." Part of Sir Walter Scott's comment on his own description may be here quoted:—"The
indifference of the clergy, even when their power was greatest, to the indecent exhibitions, which they
always tolerated, and sometimes encouraged, forms a strong contrast to the sensitiveness with which they
regarded any serious attempt, by preaching or writing, to impeach any of the doctrines of the Church."—
(Waverley Novels.)
Patrick Hepburn, son to Patrick first Earl of Bothwell, was educated at St. Andrews, under his uncle, John
Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, whom he succeeded in 1522. He was Secretary from 1524 to 1527. In 1535,
he was advanced to the See of Moray, and was likewise Commendator of Scone. He retained his bishopric
after the Reformation; and died at his Palace and Castle of Spynic on the 20th of June 1573.
Knox has been blamed for recording this "merry bourd" or jest; but Bishop Hepburn had rendered himself
notorious by his profligacy. This indeed appears on the face of the public records. Under the Great Seal
there passed the following letters of Legitimation;—(1.) "Johanni et Patricio Hepburn, bastardis filiis
naturalibus Patricii Prioris Sancti Andreæ." 18 Dec. 1533.—Also, (2.) "Legitimatio Adami, Patricii,
Georgii, Johannis, et Patricii Hepburn, bastardorum filiorum naturalium Patricii Episcopi Moraviensis." 4
Oct. 1545. And, (3.) "Legitimatio Jonetæ et Agnetis Hepburn, bastardarum filiorum naturalium Patricii
Moraviensis Episcopi." 14 Maij 1550. Here are no less than nine illegitimate children, evidently by
different mothers. (4.) Agnes Hepburn, another daughter of the late Patrick Bishop of Murray, was also
legitimated on 8th Feb. 1587.
In MS. G, "he was imprisonit."
According to Spotiswood, (Hist. p. 65,) these words were spoken at the time when Henry Forrest was to be
burnt for heresy. See note [113].
In Vautr. edit., "Dungwaill." In MS. G, "Dungwell."—Sir John Dingwall was a priest, and evidently a
person of some note. On the 18th of August 1516, his name occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts, when 3s.
8d. was paid to "ane child to bring the auld (Service?) bookis out of Edinburgh fra Sir Johne Dingwall to
Dundie." John Dingwall, Archdeacon of Caithness, was one of the Auditors who signs the Treasurer's
Accounts, in October 1516. In two charters under the Great Seal, 15th September, and 19th November
1524, he is designed Archdeacon of Caithness, and Rector of Strabrok, in Linlithgowshire. In another
charter, 7th April 1529, he is styled "Dominus Johannes Dingwall Præpositus Ecclesim Collegiatæ Sanctre
Trinitatis prope Burgum de Edinburgh." Having been nominated one of the Spiritual Lords at the Institution
of the College of Justice, on the 27th of May 1532, at the first meeting of the Court, he took his seat under
the title of Provost of Trinity College. But he did not long enjoy his judicial office, as he died before the 9th
of July 1533.—(Brunton and Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, p. 11.) Buchanan wrote an epigram
on Dingwall, founded upon some verses of Sir Adam Otterburn of Redhall, King's Advocate, ("argumento
sumpto ex Adami Otterburni Equitis clarissimi hexametris,") from which it may be inferred that Dingwall's
father had been a priest, and left him no patrimony; that he himself had acquired great wealth, accompanied
with pride and luxury, whilst employed at the Court of Rome; and that a monument had been erected to his
memory, containing his titles in high sounding terms.
In MS. G, "Kirkmen." See some notes on the use of the title "Sir," as applied to priests, in Appendix, No.
IV.
In MS. G, "delaittit."
Some notice of Oliphant will be given in a subsequent page.
Gawin Dunbar was the son of Sir Alexander Dunbar of Westfield, and Dame Elizabeth Sutherland; (see
note to Poems of William Dunbar, vol. ii. p. 433, Edinb. 1832, 2 vols. 8vo.) and not son of Sir James
Dunbar of Cumnock, as Keith states. He had been a student at St. Audrews, where he took his Master's
degree in 1475. On the 7th of October 1488, his name occurs as Dean of his native diocese of Moray. He
also held the office of Clerk-Register from 1500 to 1513. In 1503, Dunbar received a presentation to the
Archdeaconry of St. Andrews. (Regist. Secr. Sigil.) On the death of Bishop Gordon, 30th June 1518, being
promoted to the See of Aberdeen, he resigned his Archdeaconry. He died at a very advanced age on the 9th
or 10th of March 1531-2.—(Preface by the Editor, Mr. Cosmo Innes, to the Registrum Episcopatus
Aberdonensis, p. lv.)
In Vautr. edit. and MS. A, &c., "Andro Balsone." He was probably related to Martin Balfour, "Official
Principal" of St. Andrews, Rector of Dunyno, and a Canon of St. Salvator's Church, St. Andrews. The name
of Andrew Balfour occurs among the licentiates of St. Leonard's College in 1524; but we cannot say
whether or not he was the person who is here mentioned.
In MS. "hell."
Richard Carmichael, yet living in Fife; that is, in the year 1566; but these words are literally copied by Dr.
Patrick Anderson in his MS. History of Scotland, (vol. i. p. 187.) This seems sufficiently absurd in a work
which was written as late as 1636, or nearly 100 years subsequent to Carmichael's accusation. "Ane letter
maid to Richard Carmichaell, remittand to him his eschete gudis pertenying to our Soverane, throw being
of the said Richard abjurit of heresy," &c., was passed under the Privy Seal, on the 25th of March 1539.
Clapperton was only Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal of Stirling. The Deanery, which was first conjoined
with the Provostry of Kirkheugh, St. Andrews, was afterwards annexed to the Bishopric of Galloway.
Henry Weemys, Bishop of Galloway, was accordingly Dean of the Chapel Royal, during his incumbency,
from 1526 to 1541.—In MS. G, Clapperton is erroneonsly called Sir John.—From the Treasurer's Accounts
we learn, that Schir George Clappertoun was "Maister Elimosinar to the Kingis Grace," during the latter
years of James the Fifth (1538 to 1542.) "Dominus Georgius Clappertoun," on the 28th of July 1540,
obtained a presentation to the Provostship of Trinity College near Edinburgh.—(Reg. Mag. Sig., vol. xiv.)
He sat in the Provincial Council at Edinburgh in 1549 under this title.—(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46,
where his name is erroneously given as George Cryghton.) He probably resigned this office on being
appointed Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal. After the Reformation, he still retained the designation of Sub-
Dean, and received his two-thirds of the benefice, although John Duncanson was Minister. Sir George
Clapperton, Sub-Dean of the Chapel Royal of Stirling, and Vicar of Kirkinner, granted a life-rent of the
teinds of Kirkinner, 14th September 1562. (Analecta Scotica, vol. i. p. 2.) "Sir George Clappertoun, Sub
Dene of the Kingis Majesties Chapell Royall of Striveling, deceissit in the moneth of Apryle 1574." In his
testament, written at Striviling in his "awin dwelling house," on the 5th of that month, as he nominates Mr.
Robert Pont, Provost of Trinity College, to act as oversman, and one of his assignees, we may infer, that
Clapperton had embraced the reformed doctrines.—(Reg. of Confirmed Testaments, 21st Sept. 1574.)
In MS. G, "Seytoun."
In Vautr. edit. and MSS. G, A, &c., "a whole Lent."
In MS. G, "Lent."
In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "condemned the holie doctrine."
In Vautr. edit. and MS. A, &c., "the whole Lent past." In MS. G, "whatsoever he had taught in all his
sermons before, the hole Lent-tyde preceiding."
James Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrews.
In Vautr. edit. and MSS. G, A, &c., "ye may heir."
In Vautr. edit. "skoffe."
In MS. G, the words "and more easely beleved," are omitted. In Vautr. edit. and MS. A, &c., the passage
reads, "This accusation was easely beleeved of," &c.
In the habit of the Dominican Order to which he belonged.
The exact time of Seaton's flight from Scotland, and the date of his Letter to the King, have not been
ascertained. The probable date is 1535 or 1536. Some particulars of his history will be given in the
Appendix, No. VII.
In MS. G, "thy Grace's."
In MS. G, "thy Grace's."
In MS. G, "bairdit mulls;" in Vautr. edit, and MS. L 2, "barbed mules;" MS. I, has "barbed mooles;" MSS.
A, W, and E, "bardit" or "barded mules"—the meaning of the phrase is, mules with trappings, or richly
caparisoned.
In MS. G, "conceat."
The custom of choosing the King of the Bean on the Vigil of the Epiphany (5th of January), was not
peculiar to this country. The payments in the Treasurer's Accounts show, that a "Queen of the Bene" was
frequently chosen. For the custom itself, see Strutt's Sports and Pastimes; Brand's Popular Antiquities, by
Sir Henry Ellis; and Jamieson's Dictionary, v. Bane. Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromarty, amongst other
remarks, says, the Presbyterians made use of Kings "as we do of card-kings, in playing at the hundred,"
&c., "or, as the French on the Epiphany-day use their Roy de la febre, or King of the Bean; whom, after
they have, honoured with drinking of his health, and shouting aloud Le Roy boit, le Roy boit, they make pay
for all the reckoning; not leaving him sometimes one peny, rather then that the exorbitancie of their debosh
should not be satisfied to the full."—(Most Exquisite Jewell, Lond. 1652, p. 238.)
In MS. L 2, after the words, "of many read," there is added, "for every gentleman at Court was curious to
gett the coppie of the same, as was thocht weill of by the most part; but what," &c. On the other hand, the
transcriber of that MS., in the next paragraph, omits two or three passages, concerning "the bloodie beasts,"
and "bands," in referring to the persecutions at this time, by "Beaton and his Doctors."
In MS. G, "greitlie."
The time of Forresse, or Forrest's imprisonment and martyrdom has not been well ascertained; and Knox's
subsequent remark, "after whose death, the flame of persecution ceased, till the death of Norman Gourlay,
the space of ten years or neirby," is not intelligible, according to the dates usually assigned. Foxe gives no
precise date, but says, that within few years after Hamilton's martyrdom, "ane Henry Forrest, a young man
born in Linlithgow, who a little before had received the orders of Benet and Collet, &c., suffered death at
the North Church stile of the Abbey Church of St. Andrews," (edit. 1576, p. 955.)—Caldorwood has copied
from Foxe, and supposes it might have been in 1529, or the year following. (Hist, vol. i. p. 97.) Keith
conjectures it was about 1533. (Hist, vol. i. p. 15;) and MʻCrie, in 1530. (Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 354.)—As
Knox speaks of Forresse's "long imprisonment," we may conjecture it was in 1532. From the Treasurer's
Accounts, 17th of May 1532, we find that some persons were then under accusation of heresy, letters
having been sent on that day "to the Bishop of St. Andrews, to advertize him of the changing of the dirt of
the accusation of the Lutherans."—Forrest was a Benedictine Monk; and from mention of the town where
he was born, we may conjecture he was the son of "Thomas Forrest of Linlithgow," to whom various sums
were paid by the Treasurer "to the bigging of the dyke about the Paliss of Linlithgow," between April and
July 1505.
Vautr. edit, and all the later MSS. have erroneously "the said tower." The Castle of St. Andrews, originally
built in the year 1200, by Bishop Roger, as an Episcopal residence, stands close to the sea-shore, and one of
the towers projecting into the sea, no doubt obtained for it this name. "A nuik in the bottom of the Sea
tower, a place where many of God's children had been imprisoned before," is again mentioned by Knox in
1547.
See note [113] above: all the MSS. read "ten years."

The events here mentioned were all connected with the sway of the Douglasses in the minority of James the
Fifth. The first was the attempt by Sir Walter Scott of Buccleuch, at the head of 1000 horse, at Melrose, to
rescue the King from the Earl of Angus, on the 25th of January 1526. The second was an equally
unsuccessful attempt, for the same end, by the Earl of Lennox, at Kirkliston, on the 4th of September that
year, where Lennox was cruelly slain by Sir James Hamilton of Finnart. But the King at length made his
escape from Falkland in July 1528, (or, as Mr. Tytler conjectures, on the 22d or 23d of May.) On the 5th of
September that year, an act of forfeiture was passed against Archibald Earl of Angus, his uncle, and his
brother Sir George Douglas. They had retired to England, and continued in exile till the death of James in
1542.
Wyncester, that is Stephen Gardyner, Bishop of Winchester. He became Lord Chancellor of England in the
reign of Mary, and died in November 1555. See Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, vol. ii. pp. 40-
71.
Both Foxe and Calderwood have preserved a detailed account of Seaton's accusation in 1541, in which year
his "Declaration made at Poules Crosse," was printed at London. A notice of this rare tract, and some
further particulars of his history will be added in the Appendix, No. VII.
"Duch land," Deutschland—means Germany, not Holland.
See Appendix, No. VI.—Protestant Exiles from Scotland.
In MS. G, "providence."
Steidis, Stadts—probably one of the States in North Holland. Calderwood has strangely confounded
Macdowall and Macchabeus, as one person. Macdowall's Christian name is not given by any of our writers;
but there is, I think, little doubt that he was James Mackdowell, one of the Determinants in St. Leonard's
College, St. Andrews, in the year 1515.
Alexander Alesius, or Alesse, was a native of Edinburgh, born in 1500, and educated at St. Andrews.
Calderwood, Bayle, the Biographia Britannica, Dr. MʻCrie, and, in particular, the Rev. Christopher
Anderson, (Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii. pp. 427-468,) have given detailed accounts of his
subsequent life and writings. He was imprisoned, and narrowly escaped the persecuting violence of his
Superior, Patrick Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, in the year 1529. Alesse has the merit of being among the
first who contended for the translation of the Scriptures into the vernacular tongue. He died at Leipzig on
the 17th of March 1565.
John Fyfe prosecuted his studies in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, under Gawin Logye. His name
occurs as a Determinant, in 1522, and a Licentiate in 1524. Dr. MʻCrie says, that Fyfe having fled from St.
Andrews, accompanied Alesse to Germany, and shared in his honours at Leipzig.—(Life of Knox, vol. i. p.
371.) He is said to have returned to Scotland, and died in St. Leonard's, about the beginning of the
Reformation, or soon after.—(Calderwood's Hist. vol. i. p. 96.) He seems however to have been a Professor
at Frankfort. See Appendix, No. VI.
Dr. MʻCrie has brought together a number of particulars respecting Dr. John Macchabeus.—(Life of Knox,
vol. i. p. 372.) Some additional notices will be given in the Appendix, No. VI. But it may here be noticed,
in connexion with the following footnote, that Macchabeus was brought from Wittemburg to Copenhagen,
in the year 1542; that he was one of the translators of the Bible into Danish, first printed at Kiobenhaffn, in
1550, folio; and that he died on the 5th of December 1557.
In Vautr. edit., and MSS. G, W, &c., "Cawpmanhowen;" in MS. G, "Capmanhoven." This name joined with
the words "and famous men," might suggest that an individual was meant. It is however Copenhagen, (in
Danish, Kiobenhaven, i.e. the Merchant's haven,) the city in which Macchabeus attained great distinction.
Sir David Lyndesay of the Mount, in his official character as Lyon-King at Arms, visited Denmark in 1550;
and his acquaintance with Macchabeus might have led to the first publication of his Dialog, or Four Books
of the Monarchie, under a fictitious designation, although actually printed by John Scot, either at St.
Andrews or Edinburgh in 1554: it bears on the title, "Imprintit at the command and expensis of DOCTOR
MACHABEVS in Capmanhovin." There is a later edition, apparently in 1558 and 1559, with a similar imprint,
but the name is rendered "Nachabeus."
The 26th of August 1534, is the date assigned for the trial, "befoir the Bishop of Ross, be ane commission
of the Bischope of Sanctandrois," of Kirk and others. (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 18.) Of these persons,
Calderwood informs us, that Sir William Kirk, as his name denotes, was a priest; but "whether he
compeared and abjured, or fled, we can find no certaintie;" that Adam Dayes, or Dease, was "a ship-wright
that dwelt on the north side of the bridge of Leith;" that Henry Cairnes, "skipper in Leith, fled out of the
countrie to the Easter seas;" and that "John Stewart, indweller in Leith, died in exile." (Hist. vol. i. p. 108.)
—"Henricus Cairnys, incola de Leith," was denounced as a fugitive, and condemned for heresy, in 1538-9;
and on the 8th of April 1539, the names of seven sons and five daughters of Henry Carnis in Leith, are
specified in a letter under the Privy Seal, granting them the escheat of the various goods and property which
belonged to their father.—(MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 358-366.)
In Vautr. edit., MS. A. &c., is added, "our advocate."—Johnstone studied at St. Andrews, and his name
appears among the Determinants, in St. Leonard's College, in 1525. Mr. William Johnstone was the last of
nine Advocates who were admitted at the insitution of the Court of Session, 27th May 1532. The time when
he fled appears to have been two years later. But after the death of James V, he returned to Scotland,
probably with the Governor, and apostatized from the Reformed faith. This we learn from a letter, written
to the Pope, in the Queen's name, which states, "that the bearer, Mr. William Johnstone, a layman, had ten
years previously imbibed the new doctrines; that after much distress of mind, he earnestly longed to be
reunited to the mystical body of Christ, but no opportunity had hitherto presented itself. Wherefore James
Earl of Arran, Governor of our kingdom, supplicates that his Holiness the Pope might receive the said
William into the bosom of the Church." This letter is dated the 18th of April 1544.—(Epistolæ Regum
Scotorum, vol. ii. p. 200.)
Henryson, or Henderson, appears in the list of Licentiates in St. Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1524.
He had previously been employed as an assistant to Mr. David Vocat, principal Master and Tutour of the
Grammar School of the burgh of Edinburgh, who having chosen "his kind freend and discipill, Master
Henry Henrison, to be con-master;" this nomination was approved of by George Bishop of Dunkeld and
Abbot of Holyroodhouse; and (apparently on the death of Vocat,) it was further confirmed by a royal
charter, dated 21st of March 1529, enjoyning that "the said Master Henry Henrysoun be at hie solempne
festivale tymes with ws, the said Abbot and our successouris, at Hie Mass and Ewin sang, with his surples
upoun him, to do ws service the time that we sall doe devyne service within our said Abbey, as efferis."
(Reg. Mag. Sigilli, lib. xxiii. No. 157.—See MʻCrie's Life of Melville, vol. ii. p. 479,) Calderwood, in
mentioning that Henryson had fled, and been condemned as a heretic, adds, that he died in England.—
(Hist. vol. i. p. 108.) The escheat of his goods was granted to James Bannatyne, according to an entry in the
Treasurer's Accounts, 1539, 1540, "Compositio bonorum eschætorum Magistri Henrici Henderson convict.
de crimine heresieos, ab antiquo concess. Jacobo Bannatyne," &c. (MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 359.)
To burn one's bill, was a sign of recantation. "The form of burning one's bill, (says Keith,) or recanting, was
this—The person accused was to bring a faggot of dry sticks and burn it publicly, by which ceremony he
signified that he destroyed that which should have been the instrument of his death." (Hist. vol. i. p. 15.)

David Stratoun is described by Calderwood and other writers, as a brother of the Laird of Lauriston. (See
note [135].) On the 10th of March 1538-9, for the sum of £20, the composition of a tenement in Dundee,
falling to the King, "per decessum Davidis Straitoun in Quhitstoun, justificati ad mortem pro certis
criminibus heresieos," was granted to David Gardyne and Mariote Erskyn. Pitscottie erroneously places the
execution of Stratoun and Gourlay under the year 1530. Their trial took place in Holyroodhouse, in the
King's presence; James Hay, Bishop of Ross, (from 1525 to 1538,) acting as Commissioner for Archbishop
Beaton.—(See Foxe's Martyrs; Cald. Hist. vol. i. p. 106; Keith's Hist. vol. i., p. 16.)
Norman Gourlay was in priest's orders, and had been a student at St. Andrews. His name occurs in the list
of Determinants, in 1513, and of Licentiates, in 1515.
These words are added in the margin of the MS., probably in Knox's own hand.
See note [77].—The Rev. C. Anderson shows, from Foxe, that it was the Vicar of Ecclesgreig, and not Prior
Hepburn, with whom Stratoun had a dispute about tythes. (Annals, vol. ii. p. 470.)
From the Register of the Great Seal, it is evident that the Stratouns of Stratoun and the Stratouns of
Lauriston in Kincardineshire, were one and the same family. Thus we find that charters were granted to
(1.) Alexander Stratoun de eodem, and Agnes Ogilvy his spouse, in 1507; and to Alexander Stratoun de
Lauranstoun, (of the barony of Stratoun,) in 1509.
(2.) Andrew Stratoun de eodem, and Isobel Lindsay his spouse, in 1541.
(3.) George Stratoun, son and heir of Andrew Stratoun de eodem, in 1539; and George Stratoun de
Lauriston, in 1547. (The last will of George Stratoun of that ilk, is recorded 5th April 1576, in the Register
of Confirmed Testaments.)
(4.) Alexander Stratoun, son and heir of George Stratoun de eodem, in 1553. This Alexander Stratoun de
eodem was served heir of George Stratoun de eodem, his father, 3d June 1580.
David Stratoun, who suffered martyrdom, was probably a younger son of the first Alexander Stratoun
above mentioned.
In MS. G, "cast himself."
The Rood or cross of Greenside. The actual site of the gibbet, where criminals were executed, is somewhat
doubtful; (Maitland's Edinburgh, p. 215;) but it was near the road leading from the Calton towards Leith.
James the Second, in 1456, had granted a piece, on the eastern side of this road, in the place which still
retains the name of the Greenside, for holding public sports and tournaments.
In MS. G, "Church."
Among the persons who fled at this time to England, was James Hamilton, Sheriff of Linlithgow, and
brother of Patrick Hamilton; also his sister Katherine. In August 1535, Cranmer introduces him to
Crumwell as a gentleman who had left his country for no cause, but "that he favoured the truth of God's
word;" and on the 24th of April 1536, he sent to Crumwell a copy of the sentence given against him by the
Bishops at Holyrood, praying that Henry would write to his nephew on his behalf. See the Rev. Chr.
Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol. ii. pp. 471, 472. Hamilton obtained permission to return in
1540.
The exact dates of the several persons accused of heresy, or who suffered martyrdom in Scotland during the
reign of James the Fifth, in many instances cannot be ascertained; but it is evident that while many persons
were accused between 1534 and 1537, the flames of persecution were rekindled with greater fury, at the
time that David Beaton became Coadjutor of St. Andrews, and was raised to the dignity of a Cardinal, at
the close of the year 1538.
Knox has here mistaken the time when Sir John Borthwick, being accused, but having made his escape to
England, was burned in effigy. The date was the 28th of May 1540, or two days after the baptism of Prince
James. See Appendix, No. VIII.
Mary of Lorraine, daughter of the Duke of Guyse, and widow of the Duke of Longueville, became James
the Fifth's second Queen. On her arrival from France, she landed at Balcomie, near Crail, in Fife, on the
14th of June 1538. She was conveyed to St. Andrews with great pomp; and Pitscottie has furnished an
interesting account of the pageants, &c., represented on that festive occasion. See also Lyon's Hist, of St.
Andrews, vol. i. p. 273.
In Vautr. edit., "Killor." Unfortunately his play, which probably was represented in 1535 or 1536, has not
been preserved. Neither has any information respecting Friar Kyllour himself been discovered.
The property of persons convicted of heresy and other penal crimes, became escheated to the Crown; and
the escheat was usually bestowed by a special grant from the King under the Privy Seal, upon payment of a
composition to the High Treasurer. On the 1st of March 1538-9, such a grant was made to James Menteith,
"of all gudis quhilkis pertenit to uniquhile Sir Duncane Symsoun, Chaplane, and pertenyis to our Soverane
Lord be reason of eschete, through justifying of the said Sir Duncane to the deid for certane crymes of
heresy imput to him."—(MʻCrie's Knox, vol. i. p. 363.)
In Vautr. edit. and the later MSS. "Forrester." Robert Forrester was "brother to Thomas Forrestare of
Arngibbonne." Along with "William Forrestare, son to John Forrestare, burgess of Stirling," and three other
persons, he found surety to underly the law, on the ground of "haifing and using of sic bukis as ar suspect of
heresy," &c. 10th January 1538-9.—(Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 216.) It appears from Knox and
other authorities, that he was condemned, and suffered on the 1st of March that year; and after their death,
the goods of Robert Forrester, and of William Forrester, were confiscated 23d March 1538-9.
Of Thomas Forret, Canon-regular in the Monastery of St. Colm's Inch, and Vicar of Dollar, who finished
his education at Cologne, an interesting account is preserved in Foxe's Martyrs, and has been copied into
"The Scots Worthies." His father is said to have been Master of the King's Stables, in the reign of James the
Fourth. In the Treasurer's Accounts, in February 1501, we find the name of Thomas Forret, as one of the
persons at Court to whom dresses were furnished at the King's expense. In like manner,—
"1507, July 9. Item, to Thome Foret, in bredil-silver of ane hors send furth of Sanct Johnstoun to the King,
ix s.
"1512, July 10. Item, to Thome Foret, to pas to Fast Castle, to see the Inglis schippis, xiiij s."
In MS. G, is added, "Upoun the Castell Hill."
That is 1538-9, the year then being reckoned to commence on the 25th of March. But the actual date of
their martyrdom, instead of the last day of February, seems to have been the 1st of March, according to an
incidental notice in the Household Books of James the Fifth; as, in order to render the example more
striking, the King himself was present:—
"1 Mar. 1539. Accusatio Hæreticorum et eorum Combustio, apud Edinburgh, REGE PRESENTE."—
(Archæologia, vol. xxii. p. 7.) The next day the King returned to Linlithgow. A corresponding notice is
furnished by the Treasurer's Accounts, 1st of March 1539.
"Item, deliverit to Archibald Heriot messinger, to pas and search their goods who were abjured and
declared heretics in Edinburgh and Stirling, xij s."
That is, the Cardinal Beaton; Gawin Dunbar, Archbishop of Glasgow and Lord Chancellor; and George
Crichton, Bishop of Dunkeld.
In a letter from Sir Thomas Wharton, at Carlisle, 7th November 1538, to Lord Crumwell, it is said, "There
was at Dumfreis laitlie one Frere Jerom, callid a well lernid man, taken by the Lorde Maxvell upon
commandment from the Bishopis, and lyith in sore yerons, like to suffre for the Inglish menes opynyons, as
thai saie, anenpst the lawis of Gode. Hit passeth abrode daylie, thankes be to God, there, all that same
notwithstandinge."—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 141.)
Petrie the Church Historian, says, "The summer following (1539,) Jerome Russell, a Gray friar, and
Thomas Kennedy, a young man of Aire, not above 18 years of age, were at Glascow, accused of heresy."—
(Hist. p. 179.) Whether he had any authority for calling him Thomas, can only be conjectured. Calderwood
names him N. Kennedy; hence he has been called Ninian; but see note [23].
Of Mr. John Lauder mention will afterwards be made, in connexion with Knox's account of George
Wishart's trial.
Oliphant was educated at St. Andrews, his name occurring among the Determinants, in 1525. Having taken
his Master's degree, he obtained preferment in the Church, as Vicar of Foulis and Innertig; and was
employed by Cardinal Beaton as his confidential agent at Rome. In Sadler's State Papers is an intercepted
letter from Beaton to him, dated 11th November 1539, (vol. i. p. 13.) In May 1540, in the proceedings
against Sir John Borthwick, he is styled Notary Public, and Secretary to Cardinal Beaton. Oliphant,
(misnamed Eliphant,) in the Provincial Council, held at Edinburgh in 1549, is styled "Secretarius et
Notarius in Concilio."—(Wilkins, Conc. vol. i. p. 46.) In 1553 and 1554, he was again employed at Rome,
in the affairs of the Governor and of Archbishop Hamilton; and in 1558, he appeared as the accuser of
Walter Myll, when tried for heresy. See next note. The name of Mr. Andro Oliphant, Notary Public, also
occurs in November 1559, in the Acts of Parliament, (vol. ii. p. 508.)
In MS. G, "servantis." In Vautr. edit. "servantes;" and Vautr. edit., MSS. A, E, &c., read "Meitman." Of this
Friar, who with Lauder and Oliphant, are emphatically styled "servants of Satan," not much is known.
According to Pitscottie, whilst Schir Andrew Oliphant stood forth as the public accuser of Walter Myln, in
April 1558, Friar Maltman preached a sermon on the same occasion, previously to his trial in the Abbey
Kirk of St. Andrews.
Petrie, in his notice of their trial, says, "because Bishop Gawin Dunbar was thought cold in the business,
Messrs. John Lauder, and Andro Oliphant, and Frier Maltman, were sent from Edinburgh to assist him."—
(Hist. Part ii, p. 179.) We may indeed conclude, that unless for the zeal of these Inquisitors, Russell and
Kennedy might have escaped martyrdom.
In MS. G, "trod:" in Vautr. edit. "taken."
Thomas Duke of Norfolk, in a letter to Lord Crumwell from Berwick, 29th of March 1639, says, "Dayly
commeth unto me, some gentlemen and some clerkes, wich do flee owte of Scotland, as they saie, for
redyng of Scripture in Inglishe; saying that, if they were taken, they sholde be put to execution. I geve them
gentle wordes; and to some, money." In the same letter, he adds, "Here is nowe in this toune, and hath
be[ne] a good season, she that was wife to the late capitaigne of Donbar, and dare not retorne, for holding
our waies, as she saithe. She was in Englande, and sawe Quene Jane. She was Sir Patricke Hamelton's
doughter, and her brother was brent in Scotlande 3 or 4 yeres past."—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 155.) This last
reference as to date is an obvious mistake. See extract from Foxe's Martyrs, in Appendix, No. V., respecting
Katherine Hamilton, and her brother, James Hamilton of Kincavel, who returned in 1540, and is mentioned
in the following note.
Sir James Hamilton of Finnart was a bastard son of James first Earl of Arran; but he obtained letters of
legitimation, 20 Jan. 1512-13. His slaughter of the Earl of Lennox in 1526, (see note [116],) was rewarded
by the Captaincy of Linlithgow Palace. In Buchanan's Admonition, written in 1570, after the Regent Earl of
Murray's death, to expose "the practises of the Hamiltons," there is a detailed account of the several
conspiracies against James the Fifth, in which Sir James was concerned. But Hamilton latterly became a
favourite of the King, and acquired large possessions. In 1533, he was appointed an Extraordinary Lord of
Session; and, as Master of Works, he superintended the building or additions made to the Palace of
Linlithgow, Blackness Castle, and other royal edifices.—(Treasurer's Accounts, Sept. 1538, and April
1539.) On the 9th of October 1539, is this entry,—
"Item, gevin to Schir James Hammiltoun, Master of Wark, to compleit the Kingis wark in Striveling, as the
appointment and contract maid betuix the Compt and him thairupon beris, iiijm. lib." (£4000.)
"Item, (in April 1540,) gevin to Schir James Hammyltoun, in parte payment of the rest of his comptis for
the warkis of Lynlythqw and Blakness, at the Kingis command, be ane precept, iijc. lib." (£300.)
But his fate was not less sudden than it must have been unexpected. In the same record, we find that on the
16th of August 1540, a messenger was employed "for summonyng of ane assiss to Schir James
Hammiltoun, and for wyne brocht into the Lordis, being upoun his inqueist, xv s. x d."—His accuser was
James Hamilton of Kincavel, Sheriff of Linlithgow, and being convicted of treason, which had been long
concealed, his sentenco was carried into immediate execution.
Pitscottie has given a more detailed narrative of Sir James Hamilton's condemnation and of the King's
vision.

The birth of a Prince, named James after his father, on 22d of May 1540, is mentioned at note [201]. The
younger son, named Arthur, Duke of Rothesay, &c., was born at Stirling, in April 1541, where he died,
according to Lesley, eight days after his baptism.—(Hist. p. 188.) In the Treasurer's Accounts, about the
end of April 1541, there was paid "to Andre Zare in Striviling, for ane cap of leid that my Lord Duke was
buried in." Prince James died within six hours of Arthur. Mr. Tytler falls into a strange mistake in placing
their death subsequently to that of Queen Margaret, widow of James the Fourth. In a letter to her brother
Henry the Eighth, written from Stirling, on the 12th of May 1541, she mentions the great distress "for the
death of the Prynce and hys brothar, both with the Kyng my derrest son, and the Quene hys wyffe."—(State
Papers, vol. v. p. 188.) The Queen Dowager died, however, within a few months; the "Diurnal of
Occurrents" says on the 24th of November. This date is evidently incorrect, as on the 1st of that month,
messengers were despatched with letters "to divers Lordis and gentilmen to cum to the Quenis tyrement."
(Treasurer's Accounts.) A letter, describing her last illness, is preserved among the State Papers, vol. v. p.
193, written in December, by Ray the pursuevant, who had been sent by the Privy Council to Scotland
specially to report on the subject.
His death may be referred to the end of the year 1541, or early in 1542; as the Treasurer paid "to David
Hardy, be ane tykket of George Steilis, for hinging of the tapescherie in Halyrudhouse, and doun taking of
the samin, vij s." on the 16 Oct. 1541.—The name of George Steill is occasionally met with in the
Treasurer's Accounts, during the reign of James the Fifth. We may conjecture that he was the son of John
Steill, one of the servitors to James the Fourth, (apparently King's tailor,) from 1495 to 1502. George, who
was a burgess of Edinburgh, had acquired the lands of Houston, and other property. He had a charter under
the Great Seal, of the office of Coquet Clerk of the borough: "Officii Clericatus Coketæ Burgi de
Edinburgo," 3 Sept. 1523. The charters of the lands of Houston, in Linlithgowshire, were granted to himself
and Christian Wilson his spouse, 31 July 1530, and 22 Sept. 1532. He had also a charter of "the Common-
myre near Duddingston Loch," in the County of Edinburgh, 24 July 1540. In the year 1672, the Common-
myre is described as extending to 52 acres, in the barony of Preistfield, now Prestonfield, (Retours, Edin.
No. 1196.)
Thomas Scott of Pitgorno, in Fife, was the second son of Sir William Scott of Balweary, (Douglas's
Baronage, p. 304.) A person of the same name was a Licentiate at St. Andrews in 1501. He seems to have
held some situation at Court, as, among other persons of the Royal Household, he received £40, at
Christmas 1530, for their "fealis and pensionis." In 1533, the Treasurer also paid "Thomas Scot for his fee,
be the Kingis precept," the sum of £133, 2s. 8d. On the 19th of October 1532, Scott was admitted an
Ordinary Lord of Session, in the room of his father, who was then deceased—(Senators of the College of
Justice, p. 40.) As a further mark of Royal favour, he was appointed Justice Clerk in 1535. A letter, signed
by him, "Thomas Scott of Pitgorno," on the 1st of December 1537, addressed to Crumwell, complains of
the resetting of traitors who had escaped to England, (some of them, we may suppose, were persons
accused of heresy;) and he concludes with suggesting that Henry the Eighth would make an acceptable
"propyne" to his nephew, by sending James a young lion, brought from Flanders.—(State Papers, vol. v. p.
125.)
Scott's death must have taken place about the close of 1539, the office of Justice-Clerk having been
conferred on Thomas Bellenden of Auchinoul, 26th December that year. In a letter written by Mr.
Alexander Colvile, Justice-Depute, 20th December 1622, the above confession of Scott is thus mentioned
in connection with the appointment of suitable persons to the office of Justice-Clerk, "If he, I say, be not a
sound, conscientious man, and free of baise bribrie, he may prove a pernitious instrument, and to the cawse
that iniquitie may be committed; as we have yit in memorie of one Thomas Scot of Abotishall, quho was
Justice Clerk to James the Fift, of happie memorie, quho being strukin with a terror of conscience, at the
hour of his death, for his evill cariage in that place, dyed in desperation, crying, 'I am damned! I am
damned!'"—(Pitcairn's Criminal Trials, vol. iii. p. 596.) A proof of Scott's iniquitous proceedings is
embodied in the Act of Parliament rescinding the forfeiture of John Lord Glammys, on the 15th of March
1542-3, upon a pretended Confession, being "fraudfullie indusit be umquhile Thomas Scot, Justice-Clerk,
and utheris familiaris to our said umquhile Soverane Lord, to mak the said pretendit Confessioune, sayand
to him, that his life, landis, gudis, movabill and ummovabill, suld be saif to him; and that na process nor
sentence of forfaultor sould be led aganis him."—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 422.)
Mr. Thomas Marjoribanks of Ratho, was one of the ten Advocates admitted at the institution of the College
of Justice, 7th of May 1532. He acquired the lands of Ratho in 1540; and in that year, he was Provost of
Edinburgh, and sat in the Parliaments 1540 and 1546. He was admitted a Lord of Session, and Clerk-
Register, on the 8th of February 1548-9, as successor to Sir James Foulis. "Maister Thomas Marjoribankis,
now Clerk of oure Soverane Ladyes Register, for his feyes in the yeris of God 1549 and 1550," received
"for ilk year 20 merkis, Summa £26, 13s. 4d." He was deprived of the office of Clerk-Register in 1554, and
died before 1560.—(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 98.)
Mr. Hugh Rigg was admitted an Advocate, on the 16th of November 1537. He obtained a Charter of
Confirmation to himself and Janet Hopper his spouse, of the lands of Carberry, in the shire of Edinbuigh,
21st July 1543. The old baronial mansion-house of Carberry stands in the eastern part of the parish of
Inveresk.—(New Statistical Account.) Hugh Rigg is again mentioned by Knox, and also by Pitscottie, as
one of the four persons to whom the Governor of Scotland communicated the overtures of the Duke of
Somerset, immediately previous to the battle of Pinkie. He was succeeded by his son James Rig of
Carberry, whose name occurs, in 1577 and 1580, in lists of Assize (Pitcairn's Crim. Trials); and "Magr.
Quintigernus Rig," was served heir to his father, James Rig of Carbarry, 29 Jan. 1600.—(Retours, Edinb.
No. 30.)
Mr. Thomas Bellenden, or Bannatyne, of Auchinoul, was the son of Patrick Bellenden. He was admitted an
Ordinary Judge on the 22d of June 1535. He was appointed Director of Chancery, 10th of September 1538;
and on the 26th of December 1539, he succeeded Scott of Pitgorno, as Justice-Clerk. He was one of the
Commissioners who met for redress, on the Border; and Sir William Eure informs Crumwell, on the 26th of
January 1540, that he had "hade diverse commynyages with Mr. Thomas Bellendyn, one of the said
Counsellours for Scotlande, a man by estymatioun apperaunte to be of th'age of fiftye zeres or above, and
of gentle and sage conversatioun, specially touching the staye of the spiritualitie of Scotland."—(State
Papers, vol. v. p. 169.) He died in 1546, and was succeeded in his offices of Justice-Clerk and Director of
Chancery, by his eldest son, Sir John Bellenden.
Buchanan was born in the year 1506. Having taken his Bachelor's degree at St. Andrews, 3d Oct. 1525, he
completed his academical course at Paris. It is usually stated that he returned to Scotland, along with
Gilbert Earle of Cassilis, in 1537. The following notices from the Treasurer's Accounts, prove that date to
be incorrect.
"Item, the xvj day of Februar [1535-6,] be the Kingis gracis precept and speciale command to Maister
George Balquhannan and Andro Myln, servandis to Lord James, to be thame twa gounis," &c., and various
other "leverays," viz., "hoiss, bonettis, hugtonis, and doublettis."
"Item, [the xxj day of August 1537,] to Master George Balquhannan, at the Kingis command, xx lib."
In July 1538, upon occasion of "the Quenis (Magdalene's) saull mess and dirige, quham God assolze,"
Maister George Balquhanan received a goun of Paryse blak, lyned with blak satyne, &c. Also £20, at the
King's command.
Lord James Stewart, to whom Buchanan acted as tutor, was the King's natural son, by Elizabeth Shaw, of
the family of Sauchie.—(Dr. Irving's Life of Buchanan, p. 17.) He had the Abbacies of Kelso and Melrose
conferred on him; but he died at an early age, in the year 1548.
On the title of the first edition of Buchanan's Paraphrase of the Psalms, he is characterized as Poetarum
nostri sæculi facile princeps. It was printed at Paris, by Henry Stephanus, in 8vo, without date; but
apparently in 1564. A second edition has the date 1566. But the same printer had published a selection of
18 Psalms by Buchanan, with corresponding versions by other Poets, at Paris in 1556, 4to.
The date of Buchanan's escape from Scotland is fixed by his own statement to the beginning of the year
1539, when he says five persons (Symson, Forrester, &c., see note [145]) were condemned to the flames,
whilst nine others made a formal recantation of their Lutheran errors, and many more were driven into
exile; among whom was George Buchanan, who escaped by the window of his bed-chamber, while his
keepers were asleep: "In his fuit Georgius Buchananus qui, sopitis custodibus, per cubiculi fenestram
evaserat."—(Hist. lib. xiv.)
These words seem to belong to the last paragraph; but all the copies place them as here printed.
In MS. G, "espy and detest."
Alexander Lord Kilmauris, third son of the fourth Earl of Glencairn. In 1543, he was in England as a
hostage for his father's sincerity; and Sir Ralph Sadler says, in a letter to Henry the Eighth, "Furthermore,
he hath written to your Majesty to have his son home, entring other pledges for him. He is called the Lord
of Kilmaurs, and the Master of Glencairn; and in my poor opinion, they be few such Scots in Scotland, both
for his wisdom and learning, and well dedicate to the truth of Christ's word and doctrine."—(Sadler's
Papers, vol. i. p. 83.) "The acute Sadler," as Sir Walter Scott remarks, "discerned the germ of those qualities
which afterwards made this nobleman the great promoter of the Reformation, and in consequence a steady
adherent of the English interest." (ib.) Both the Earl of Glencairn, and his son Lord Kilmaurs, received
pensions from Henry the Eighth. Owing to the death of his brothers, he succeeded to the Earldom in 1547,
and survived till 1574.

Thomas Douchtie, Hermit of Alareit, or Loretto, near Musselburgh—see note [186].

In MS. G, "Francis Ordour dos."
In MS. G, "gud."
In MS. L 2, "stayed."
In Vautr. edit. "Such lasie scamleris."
In MS. G, "Christis glorie."
In MS. G, "to."
In MS. G, "fra treuth."
To turse, or carry. In MS. G, and all the other copies, it is "to curse," which has no sense.
In MS. G, "on craftie."
Friar Walter is apparently a mistake for Friar William Laing. (See the following note.) Foxe has stated it
was through this Friar William Laing, "bewrayer of the confession to Archbishop James Beaton," that
Henry Forrest, whose fate is mentioned at page 52, was condemned and given over to the secular judges to
suffer death. See the extract from Foxe's Martyrs, in Appendix, No. V.
Calderwood says, "Frier Laing had been confessor to the King," (Hist. vol. i. p. 142;) and the Treasurer's
Accounts in 1540, show that "Schir William Layng, Chaplane," was then attached to the Court. On the 6th
of February 1539-40, he received various articles of dress, viz., a gown of French black, a hugtoun of
Parise black, a doublet of black sattin, and a black bonnet. On the 22d Dec. 1540, "abbis, towellis," &c.,
were furnished "to his chapell." In 1511, "Schir William Layng," is described as "Maister Elymosinar in the
Princes house;" £13, 6s. 8d. having been previously paid "for his liveray clathis, be ane precept, above the
ordinar, admittit to him in my Lord Prince house;" and in July that year, £20 was "gevin to Schir William
Layng, Chaplane, enterit this zere (in the Household)."—"Willelmus Laynge, studens," was incorporated in
the University of Glasgow, in 1493; and another "Willelmus Layng, clericus Parochialis Glasguensis," in
1501.
According to a contemporary chronicler, the Chapel of our Lady of Loretto was founded so late as 1533, by
Thomas Douchtie, here styled the Hermit of Alareit. "In this mene tyme (1533,) thair come ane heremeit
callit Thomas Douchtie, in Scotland, quha had bein lang Capitane [captive?] befoir the Turk, as was allegit,
and brocht ane ymage of our Lady with him, and foundit the Cheppil of Laureit besyid Musselburgh."—
(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 17, Edinb. 1833, 4to.) In like manner Buchanan says, this impostor Douchtye,
having returned from Italy, built a church to the Virgin Mary, and made great gain by his fictitious miracles.
—(Hist. lib. xiv. p. 41.) The Chapel dedicated to our Lady of Loretto, (sometimes called Alareit,) stood
beyond the eastern gate of Musselburgh, near the Links; and the name for the locality is still retained. It was
connected with the Nunnery of the Sciennes, and became one of the most noted shrines in Scotland, during
the reign of James the Fifth. Lesley says, that the King, previously to his marriage, having sailed for
France, (24th July 1536,) the vessel in which he had embarked, after sailing by the north of Scotland, and
the west, was driven by a storm, and that he landed at St. Ninians, in Galloway, "and sua returnit to
Strivilinge, and thairfra passit on his feet in pilgrimage to the Chapell of Lorrett, besid Mussilburgh."—
(Hist. p. 150.) Queen Margaret, in a letter to Henry the Eighth, printed in the State Papers, vol. v. p. 181,
(where it is placed under the year 1540, instead of 1536,) thus mentions her son's voyage, saying that his
nephew had been "in grete dangere of seyis, be contrare wyndis, quhilk agane his mynd, be extreme
stormis, compellit to mak course furth of this Est sey northward, compassing the maist parte of this realme
throuch the occeane seyis, and be the grace of God arryvit in the port of St. Ninianis callit Quhithorne."
James, after his pilgrimage on foot from Stirling, sailed from Leith, with a squadron of seven vessels, and
had a more fortunate voyage. On the 7th of September 1536, the Treasurer paid £13, 6s. 8d. to Sir Henry
Balfour, in part of £40, "to be gevin to puir houshuldarris to pray for his Hienes prosperous returnyng."
Proposals for such a meeting had been made in 1534, and again in 1536. The above meeting was to have
taken place on the 15th of January 1541-2, according to Articles agreed upon the previous month.—(State
Papers, vol. v. p. 199; Tytler's Hist. vol. v. p. 242.)
Henry the Eighth, says Sir Walter Scott, "insulted James by the threat, that he had still the name rod in in
keeping which had chastized his father. By that rod, the Duke of Norfolk was intimated, who, while yet
Earl of Surrey, commanded at Flodden, where James IV. fell."—(Hist. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 31.) See note
[193].

Pitscottie says, that the Bishops, in apprehension that James might follow his uncle's example, in casting
down the Abbeys, "budded (bribed) the King to bide at home, and gave him three thousand pounds by year
to sustain his house, off their benefices." At a later date, the Clergy, we are told, offered to contribute and
assign to him of yearly rent of their benefices, the sum of thirty thousand pounds; or to enlarge the sum to
£100,000, provided the King gave them a secular judge to their mind, to execute justice on the wicked
heretics whom they had delated to the King, in the list or scroll elsewhere referred to.—(Hist. pp. 230, 255,
256, edit. 1778.) It was but proper that the Clergy, to whom the King had sacrificed so much, should thus
manifest their liberality; but indeed such contributions were not unusual, on the part of the beneficed clergy
and dignitaries of the Church. In August 1513, previously to the calamitous expedition which had such a
fatal catastrophe at Floddon, the Clergy contributed the sum of £10,275, 10s. 9d. (Treasurer's Accounts.)
The 24th of August 1542.
In MS. G, "Malberie." The name should be Mowbray.
Halden Rig, or Hawden Rig, in Roxburghshire, a few miles to the east of Kelso. In the MS. it was originally
written "Maxwell heucht," but this is corrected to Haldane Rig. In the later MSS. "Reade," is written more
intelligibly "raid."
Thomas Howard, second Duke of Norfolk, when Earl of Surrey, convoyed the Princess Margaret from
England, to her marriage with James the Fourth, at Holyrood, in 1503; and he commanded the English
army at Floddon, in 1513, when the rashness of that gallant but unfortunate Monarch proved fatal to
himself, and so disastrous to his country. He died in 1524; and was succeeded by his eldest son, Thomas
third Duke of Norfolk, who was Lieutenant-General in the North, and had also been at Floddon. He
commanded the English troops which invaded the southern parts of Scotland, in August 1542 and died in
1554, upwards of eighty years of age.
Now Smailholm.
Fala Muir, a plain near the western termination of the Lammermuir hills.
In Vautr. edit. "Hallow-evin." The Eve of Hallowmass; in Scotland, Halloween, the 31st of October;
Hallowmass, or All Saints, of course, being the 1st of November.
This alludes to the summary execution by the Scotish nobles of Cochrane and other favourites of James the
Third, in hanging them over the bridge of Lauder, in the year 1479, as related by all our Historians.
In Vautr. edit. "had he runne."
See note [210], respecting this Scroll.

In the later copies, "once."

The date of the King's voyage round the Isles has been mistaken by most of the older writers, such as
Buchanan, Lesley, and others. This may have partly arisen from confounding it with his previous voyage in
1536. (See note [186].) James purposed to have sailed on the 14th of May 1540, but he deferred setting out
till after the birth of his son, who was born at St. Andrews on the 22d of May. This happy event James
communicated in a letter to his uncle, the King of England, on the same day: "It hes liket God of his great
gudnes to have send unto us, this 22 day of May instant, ane sone and Prince, fair and lillik to succeid to ws
and this our Realme. We think it accordis ws weill to mak you participant with ws of sic joyus gud
novellis," &c.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 177.) The baptism of the Prince took place on the 28th of May, and
the King is said to have sailed on the day following. The Treasurer's Accounts for 1540 and 1541, which
furnish a number of interesting notices connected with the expense of this voyage, show that the
arrangements for sailing were not compleated before the 11th or 12th of June, which may be held as the
actual date of the expedition. In the collection of State Papers referred to, are two letters, conveying reports
of the preparations for the voyage, furnished by some of "the espiallis," or English spies; and also another
letter from James himself to Henry the Eighth, on his return, dated at Edinburgh the 29th of July 1540, in
which he says, that "all thingis standyng at gude poynt and ordour, we addressit us, as we thought
expedient, to visie our Ilis, North and Southt, for ordouring of thame in justice and good policy," &c. (ib. p.
182.)
James Kirkcaldy of Grange held the office of High Treasurer from the 20th March 1537, till the death of
James in 1542; but his Accounts during the latter months of the King's reign are not preserved. Having
accompanied James to France, the Laird of Grange had also acted as Treasurer Extraordinary from 11th
September 1536, until the King's return in May 1537.
In the MS. "propheit."
In MS. G, "josrellis;" MS. A, "jesuits;" MS. L2, "jeffells."
In Vautr. edit., MS. L 2, &c., "I shall reprove you by sharpe punishmentes."—From an interesting letter of
Sir William Eure to Crumwell, dated from Berwick, 26th January 1539-40, it seems, that this answer or
reprimand was uttered at Linlithgow, rather than Holyrood; and was occasioned by his witnessing the
representation of Sir David Lyndesay's play, called, "Ane Satire on the Three Estates," which evidently
produced a strong, but unfortunately no lasting impression on the King's mind. After describing "the
Enterlude," Eure proceeds, "My Lorde, the same Maister Bellenden shewed me, that after the said
Enterluyd fynished, the King of Scottes did call upon the Bischope of Glasgow [Gawin Dunbar], being
Chauncelour, and diverse other Buschopes, exorting thaym to reforme thair facions and maners of lyving,
saying, that oneles thay soe did, He wolde send sex of the proudeste of thayme unto his Uncle of England,
and, as those were ordoured, soe He wold ordour all the reste that wolde not amende: And therunto the
Chauncelour should [did] aunsuer, and say unto the King, that one worde of his Graces mouthe should
suffice thayme to be at commaundement: And the King haistely and angrely answered, that he wold gladely
bestowe any wordes of his mouthe that could amend thaym."—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 170.)
John Ross of Craigie, near Perth, was one of the prisoners taken at Solway Moss, in 1542.—(State Papers,
vol. v. p. 233.)
In the later copies, "once."

Oliver Sinclair, see note [224].

In Vautr. edit. "minion."
Knox has previously alluded to this scroll or list of names. See pages 81 and 82. Sir Ralph Sadler, in a letter
to Henry the Eighth, dated 27th of March 1543, details a conversation he had with the Governor, who told
him, "That a number of noblemen and gentlemen the late King had gotten written in a Roll, which were all
accused of Heresy; of the which, (he said,) he was the first, and the Earl of Cassilis, the Earl of Glencairn
and his son, the Earl Marishal, and a great many gentlemen, to the number of eighteen score, because they
were all well minded to God's Word, which then they durst not avow; but now, (quoth he,) I shall do mine
endeavour to set forth the glory of God with the assistance of the King's Majesty."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i.
p. 94.)
Herbert Lord Maxwell, Warden of the West Marches, was taken prisoner at the battle of Solway. Sir Ralph
Sadler, in a letter dated 4th April 1543, reports a detailed conversation he had with him on the state of
Scotland.—(State Papers, vol. i. p. 117.) He died in 1546.

Lochmaben—see note [225].

That is, the foray. In Vautr. edit. this sentence, reads, "The forward goeth forth, feare ryses, daunger might
have bin scene on every side." The later MSS. are equally unintelligible.
The words, "cornes and houses," connecting the foot of p. 71, and the top of p. 72, in Vautr. edit, have been
omitted; and this omission occurs also in MSS. I, and L 2.
In Vautr. edit. "fentes."
In Vautr. edit. "slaked."
In Vautr. edit., and MS. G, &c., "the regiment of things."
In MS. G, "gritter."
In Vautr. edit. "were mired, and lost their horses."
In MS. G, "proik;" MS. A, "pricke."
In MS. G, "of futemen soldeors."
In Vautr. edit. "his own sluggard;" in MSS. G, I, and L 2, "slughorne."
In MS. A, "Solloway Mosse;" in Vautr. edit. "the slimy mosse." Solway Moss derives its name from the
Solway Frith, a well known arm of the sea, which forms the boundary between England and Scotland for
upwards of fifty miles. The Moss lies on the Cumberland side of the small river Sark, in the tract of land
formerly known as the Debateable Ground.
Oliver Sinclair of Pitcairns was the third son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin. He was a favourite of James
the Fifth; and Pitscottie says the King placed him as Governor of Temptallon or Tautallon Castle, when the
powerful family of the Douglasses were driven into exile.—(Hist. p. 224.) It is more probable it was some
years later that he received the command of this stronghold, which is on a cliff overhanging the sea, about
two miles to the east of North Berwick. In the Treasurer's Accounts, June 1537, we find £120 "was
delivered to Olivere Sinclare, in Cowper, to pay the Kingis gentillmen with." In the following month, £20
was paid "to Olivere inclare, in compleat payment of his lyveray clathis." And on the 6th Oct. 1540, there
was "gevin to Olipher Sinclar at the Kingis command, to the warkis of Tamtalloun," £66, 13s. 4d. In
November 1541, when the Queen Dowager died at Methven, he and John Tennant, two of the gentlemen of
the King's Privy Chamber, were sent to take and lock up all her goods.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 194.) He
was taken prisoner after his shameful defeat at Solway; but obtained his liberty in 1543. Sadler mentions,
that when he was about to repair to Tantallon Castle, at the end of that year, as a place of security, under the
protection of Sir George Douglas, Sinclair was lying in wait, in a small village near hand, in the hope of
seizing him and his retinue.—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp. 220, 329, 333.)
Lochmaben, in the parish of that name in Annandale. Lesley, however, says, "During the tyme of this Raid,
the King of Scotland remanit in Carlaverock upoun the Bordour, not far from Soloway Moss."—(Hist. p.
165.) The distance of either place from the scene of this disgraceful defeat was not considerable.
Lochmaben was a Royal Castle; and Pitscottie, like Knox, says, that the King "was in the Castle of
Lochmaben."—(Hist. p. 174.) But Pinkerton and Tytler follow Lesley.
Hand, or hold: in MS. G, "hald."
In Vautr. edit., MS. G, &c., "and so went."
25th of November.—James was still at Edinburgh on the 30th of November, when he wrote a letter to
Henry the Eighth.—(State Papers, vol. v. p. 228.)
See note [245].

Hallyards, in the parish of Auchtertool.

In Vautr. edit., MS. G, &c., "the Lady of Grange." This was Janet Melville, daughter of Sir John Melville of
Raith, and Helen Napier. She married James Kirkcaldy of Grange, High Treasurer, from 1537 to 1542. See
note [202].

Yule, or Christmas; as in Vautr. edit., MSS. E, I, and L 2.

In Vautr. edit. "Christmas daye."
Castle of Carny, in the parish of Moonzie, in the shire of Fife.
These words are omitted in MS. G.
Lesley and later writers say that Mary was born on the 7th of December. Prince Labanoff, however, proves
that it was the 8th, "C'est la véritable date.—J'ai trouvé dans le State Paper Office de Londres, une lettre
autographe de Marie Stuart de 1584, dans laquello elle dit: le viij Décembre, xlije de ma naissance."—
(Lettres de Marie Stuart, vol. i. p. 1.)
This story of Cardinal Beaton having forged, or caused the King, in his last moments, to subscribe his name
to a paper, which he afterwards filled up as a Will, constituting Beaton Regent during the minority of Mary,
has been discredited; (see note in Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 63;) but it undoubtedly obtained credence at the
time, as Sadler reports a conversation he had with the Governor on the 12th April 1543, who said, "We
have other matters to charge the Cardinal with; for he did counterfeit, (quoth he,) the late King's Testament;
and when the King was even almost dead, (quoth he,) he took his hand in his, and so caused him to
subscribe a blank paper."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 138.) Lesley also says the Cardinal made some
impediment to Arran's appointment as Governor, "alleging that the King be his Testament nominat four
Regentis: bot the same on no wise could be verefeit nor provin."—(Hist. p. 169.) Buchanan further confirms
this by asserting, that Beaton "having bribed Henry Balfour, a mercenary priest, he, with his assistance,
forged a false Will for the King," &c.—(Hist. lib. xv. 1.) This Henry Balfour is the Priest or Chaplain who
is mentioned at the end of note [186].
In MS. G, this sentence occurs on the margin, having been omitted in the text by the transcriber.
James the Fifth died at Falkland, and was buried in the Chapel of the Palace of Holyroodhouse. The day of
his death is variously stated. Some writers, as Knox, calling it the 13th, others the 14th of December; but in
the Treasurer's Accounts, there are various payments connected with his obsequies, under this head,—
"The Expensis debursit be the Compter fra the tyme of the Kingis Grace decess quhoine God assolze,
quhilk ves the xxj day of December, anno etc. xlije" &c.
See note [237].

Buchanan states, that the three persons who were joined with Beaton, when the King's pretended Will was
proclaimed, were the Earls of Huntly, Argyle, and Arran. Knox and Spottiswood, instead of Arran, name
the Earl of Murray, who was bastard brother of James the Fifth.—(Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 64.)
James Hamilton,
[242] Earl of Arran, failing Mary Queen of Scots, then an infant, was next heir to the Crown.
In MS. G, "successors."
[243]
In Vautr. edit.
[244]
"appoints;" the same blunder is copied in MSS. I, and L 2.
On the last [245]
of February 1542-3, the Treasurer's Accounts exhibits this "Item, gevin to Henry Wardlaw, for
the writing of the Inventour Buke of all the Kingis clething, jowellis, and uther gere, for his laubouris, xl s."
The infant Queen
[246] remained in the Palace of Linlithgow, under the nominal charge of the Queen Dowager.
Parliament, in March 1543, nominated the Earls Marishal and Montrose, Lords Erskine, Ruthven,
Livingstone, Lindesay of Byres, and Seton, and Sir James Sandilands of Calder, "as keepers of the Quenis
Grace," or any two of them quarterly.—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 414.)
On the 22d [247]
of December 1542, after the death of James the Fifth, James Hamilton, 2d Earl of Arran, was
chosen Regent or Governor of Scotland during the minority of the infant Princess. At the first meeting of
the Estates of Parliament, on the 12th of March 1543, his appointment was confirmed, with a declaration of
his being second person of the realm, and nearest to succeed to the Crown, "failing our Sovereign Lady, and
the children lawfully to be gotten of hir body."—(Acta Parl. Scot, vol. ii. p. 411.)
Friar Thomas[248]
Guilliam, (or Williams,) is described as a native of Athelstaneford in East Lothian; and is said
to have attained considerable distinction in his Order of Dominican or Black Friars in Scotland. The
Governor entertained him as his Chaplain, until the return of his brother the Abbot of Paisley from France,
had the effect of withdrawing him from the English interest, and disowning the new doctrines. The Friar's
name occurs in the Treasurer's Accounts:—
1542-3, On the 23d of February, there was furnished "to be ryding gownis, with hudis, to Freir Thomas
Gilzame, and Freir Alexander Lindsay, of Scottis black," &c. Also, "cottis, ryding sokkis," &c.
1543, 21st April, "Gevin to Freir Thomas Gilzem, at his Grace command, at his passing to Hamilton, v lib.
x s."
On the following day, the 22d of April, Sir Ralph Sadler communicates to Henry the Eighth the
information, "that the Governor was clearly altered from your Majesty, and will surely revolt to the
Cardinal, the Earls of Lennox, Huntley, Argyle, and Murray, and the clergy, to his own utter confusion.... In
so much as the said Governor hath not only put away his Friers preachers, which he hath all this while
defended, and kept about him to preach the Word of God, but also hath secretly sent to the said Cardinal
and Earls," &c. (vol. i. p. 158.)
In Vautr. edit.,
[249]MSS. G, &c., the words "in the dayis of Marie of curssed memorie," are omitted.
Calderwood,[250]
under the year 1531, says, "A landed man, named Johne Scot, after he had travelled through
Italie, France, and the Holie Land, returneth home. He brought with him from Jerusalem some date-tree
leaves, and a pocke full of stones, which he fained were taken out of the pillar to which Christ was bound,
when he was scourged." He then records some instances of Scot's extraordinary fasting, first in Scotland,
and afterwards at Rome, Venice, and London; and also of his deceptions.—(Hist. vol. i. p. 102.) In April
1532, John Scot "was wardit in the Castle of Edinburgh, for not obeying a decreit against him be James
Lawson of Hieriggs; the quhilk Johne Scot fastit without meat or drink of veritie xxxij dayes, exceptand ane
drink of water." And on the 6th of October, "he was brocht nakit to the Croce of Edinburgh, quhair he
preichit publictlie, the samyne quhilk fasting was be helpe of the Virgin Marye."—(Diurnal of Occurrents,
pp. 14,16.) In 1541, on the 11th of July, there was paid "to Johne Scot, callit the Santt, at the Kingis
command, xxij s."—(Treasurer's Accounts.) In George Makeson's MS., among his "Recollectionis of my
Lordis G[racis] missives," &c., is this note, "To let Freir Johne Scott vant [want] na thing for his bukis and
pensioun: at command quhairof I gaif him xxiij lib. 3 Septembris 1553."
Edward Hope,
[251]
in 1560, was one of the Bailies of Edinburgh.
[252]
This Patrick Lyndesay was probably the same person whose name appears in the Treasurer's Accounts, as
follows:—
1543, April 21. "Item, gevin to Patrick Lindsay, goldsmyth, for making of the Quenis Grace selis, and
graving thairof, and for service and laubouris done he him to our Soverane Lord, quham God assolze, as the
precept direct thairupoun beris, xxxj lib."
In Vautr. edit., &c., "at length by notice given."
Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, near Haddington, whose name is honourably associated with the early
poetical literature of Scotland, was born in 1496, and studied at St. Andrews. He then went to France to
study the laws. He was admitted as a Judge in 1551, and was often employed in public commissions. He
died at the advanced age of 90, on the 20th of March 1586.—(Brunton and Haig's Senators of the College
of Justice, p. 97.)
Cardinal Beaton was arrested in the end of January 1542-43, and imprisoned by the Governor first in the
Castle of Dalkeith, from whence he was transferred to Blackness. He at last obtained permission to go to
his own Castle of St. Andrews, under the guard of George fifth Lord Seaton, (who died in 1545.) Sir Ralph
Sadler confirms the above statement by Knox, of Seaton having been bribed by the Cardinal. In a letter to
Henry the Eighth, 12th April 1543, he says the Governor told him of the proposal to have the Castle of St.
Andrews delivered to the Lord Seaton, and all the Cardinal's retainers put out, "Nevertheless, (quoth he,)
the Lord Seton being corrupt by the Cardinal with great sums of money and other gifts, brought the
Cardinal into his own strength, in the said Castle of St. Andrews. And whereas the Lord Seton, (quoth he,)
hath not twelve or sixteen men within the Castle, the Cardinal hath three hundred; so that he is plainly at his
own liberty," &c. Sadler adds, "I told him he had been very evil served, and that the Lord Seton had a great
matter to answer unto. Whereunto he said, That he should answer to it," &c.—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp.
70, 107, 131, 136, and 137.)
Pasche, or Easter: the Parliament met on the 12th of March 1542-43.
Knox apparently refers to various Acts passed in the Parliament held at Edinburgh, 14th of March 1540-41,
at which the King was present. These Acts prohibited all discussion on matters of religion; and persons
from arguing against the Pope's authority, under the pain of death and confiscation of their goods; suspected
heretics were declared to be incapable of exercising any office; and such as had fled to avoid the censures
of the Church, were held to be condemned.—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 370.) There were still earlier Acts
against Heresy, and the importation of Heretical books. The Act 17th July 1525, contains some additions in
the original record, on the 5th September 1527, (see fac-simile plate, vol. ii. p. 295;) and the Act so
enlarged was renewed, 12th June 1535, (ib. p. 341.) There is also preserved a letter written by James the
Fifth, addressed to the Lords of Council and Session, dated at Aberdeen, 3d May 1534, in reference to
"diverse tractatis and bukes translatit out of Latin in our Scottis toung be Heretikis, favouraris and of the
secte of Luther," which were sent to various parts of the realm; and the Lords, on the 8th of May, passed
some stringent rules, for destroying all such books, and for punishing trespassers and suspected persons.—
(Acts of Sederunt, p. 21, Edinb. 1811, folio.) But the Acts alluded to were in part nullified by the additions
made to them on the 15th March 1542-43, (Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 415.) On the same day, Parliament
sanctioned the "haifing the Haly Write, in the vulgar toung," as mentioned in note [265].
These words, "Now, yf" &c., are omitted in MSS. A and W.
The words, "and to hear it preached," are omitted in MS. G.
In MS. G. "[Greek: agapê.]"
David Rizzio.
Henry, Lord Darnley.
It may be remarked, that either Hay's name, or Dean of Restalrig, appear to be a mistake; and the marginal
note may have had reference to this.—In 1540, Thomas Gibson, Dean of Restalrig, was conjoined with
Cardinal Beaton as his suffragan; and it was proposed, that whilst acting in that capacity, Gibson should
retain the benefices which he then held. At the Provincial Council in 1549, Mr. John Sinclair, afterwards
Bishop of Brechin, and Lord President, sat as Dean of Restalrig.—(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46.)
In MS. G, "lesoun," (lesum.) In Vautr. edit. "lawfull."
The Act of Parliament, 15th March 1542-3, allowing the translation of the Scriptures "in the vulgar tongue,
in the English or Scotish, of a good translation," was proclaimed on the 19th of that month. It has been
doubted whether, during the short interval which this Act was allowed to remain in force, any edition was
printed in Scotland; most probably there was. But we know that Parliamentary enactments of a previous
date were insufficient to prevent the importation of copies of Tyndale's translation of the New Testament, so
early as 1526, as well as in subsequent years: See the Rev. C. Anderson's Annals of the English Bible, vol.
ii.
Sir Ralph Sadler was born in the year 1507. Having gained a situation in the family of Thomas Lord
Crumwell, he was brought under the notice of Henry the Eighth, and after various other engagements, he
commenced his diplomatic career in 1537, by an embassy to Scotland. He was again in this country as
ambassador on seveval subsequent occasions. His "State Papers and Letters," edited by Arthur Clifford,
with a Memoir by Sir Walter Scott, Edinb. 1809, 2 vols. 4to, is a work of great importance for illustrating
the history of the period to which they relate.
Lady Jane Seymour.
In Vautr. edit., and in MS. G, Hamilton's name is omitted.
The Commissioners sent to England in March 1542-43, were Sir James Learmonth of Balcomie, Treasurer;
Sir William Hamilton of Sanquhar; and Henry Balnaves of Halhill, Secretary. Their names frequently occur
in the political transactions of the period. They returned to Edinburgh sometime between the 10th and 31st
of July 1543. In the course of their negotiation, (in May,) the Earl of Glencairn and Sir George Douglas
wore joined with them. See Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. pp. 59-63, 83, 90.
Alluding to the pensions granted by the English Monarch, as an effectual mode of securing such persons to
his interest.
In Vautr. edit. "Solon mosse." The rout of the Scotch forces at Solway took place on the 26th of November
1542. Among the State Papers (vol. v. p. 232) recently published, is a document intitled, "The yerely value
of the lands, and also the value and substance in goodis, of the Scottish prisoners lately taken at Salone
Mosse." The principal persons were the Earls of Cassilis and Glencairne, Lords Somerville, Maxwell, Gray,
Oliphant, and Flemyng, Oliver Sinclair, George Hume of Eyton, Robert Erskine son of Lord Erskine,
Walter Seton of Tough, Patrick Hepburn of Waughton, and John Ross of Craigie.
In Vautr. edit. "immediately."
The treaty of pacification between the two kingdoms, and the projected alliance of Edward the Sixth with
Queen Mary, when she had attained the age of ten years, sanctioned by the Parliament of Scotland, 8th of
June, was concluded at Greenwich on the 1st of July 1543. But this proceeding, as stated in the text, was
opposed by Cardinal Beaton and the French faction. (See note [274].) The Commissioners, however, as
mentioned in the preceding note, having returned, this treaty, on the 25th of August, was solemnly ratified
by the Governor, "at the High Mass, solemnly sung with shalms and sack-buts, in the Abbey Church of the
Holyroodhouse," and the Great Seal of Scotland appended to the treaty.—(Rymer's Foedera, vol. xiv. pp.
786-791; Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 425, 426; Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 270.)
In Vautr. edit. the words, "and they made a brag to depose the Governour," are omitted.—Sadler, on the
16th of July 1543, writes to the English Monarch, that the Governor had informed him of the intention of
the Cardinal and his party "to come to Linlithgow to surprize the young Queen, and afterwards, (if they
can,) to depose and put him downe."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 233.) And in another letter from
Edinburgh, dated the 23d of July, he says, "I thinke they woll not fight, for all their bragges. The Cardynall
and his complices do lye at Lythcoo, with the nomber of 5 or 6000; and the Governour and his frendes and
adherentes, with 7 or 8000, do lye here in this toune, not 12 myle a sonder; and ambassadours go bytwen
them to treate the matiers, so that, by treatie, it is thought they shall agree, and no hurte done."—(State
Papers, vol. v. p. 326.)
This sentence, on to the words "confouud all," is written on the margin of the MS. with this addition, "as
after follows;" which, I presume, has reference to the concluding part of the sentence, although it is
partially deleted. The statement is not only correct in itself, but is required for the context. In MS. G, Vautr.
edit., and all the other copies, while the marginal addition, "The Papists raged," &c., and also the words, "as
after follows," are incorporated with the text, the clause, "And without delay," &c., is wholly omitted.
Sir James Foulis of Colinton was appointed Clerk-Register in 1531, and was also admitted a Lord of
Session, at the first meeting of the Court, on the 27th of May 1532. He held the office of Clerk-Register till
1548, the year before his death. The Treasurer paid "to Maister Henry Foullis, for his umquhill fatheris
feyes, in the yeris of God 1547 and 1548, £26, 13s. 4d."
In Vautr. edit. "preparation."
John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley. He arrived in Scotland between the 2d and 18th of April 1543.
George Crichton, a son of Crichton of Naughton, (Keith's Bishops, p. 94,) must have been far advanced in
life at this time. He was a fellow-student with Dunbar the poet at St. Andrews, having taken his Master's
degree in the year 1479. He was Abbot of Holyroodhouse, which he probably resigned on obtaining
possession of the See of Dunkeld, previously to November 1520. In 1533, he was nominated an
Extraordinary Lord of Session, (Senators of the College of Justice, p. 45;) and died on the 24th of January
1545.
See note [30].

Or, Bellenden, Justice-Clerk. See note [166].

It is surprising that Sir David Lyndesay, among the various persons who were accused of heresy, should
have escaped all persecution. For a time, the personal attachment of James the Fifth may explain this
exemption, having been in his service since the King's infancy; but the effects of Lyndesay's satirical
writings must have rendered him peculiarly obnoxious to the clergy. Yet we find him officially employed in
foreign missions, as Lyon-King at Arms, till within a short time of his death, which took place about the
year 1555.
Michael Durham appears among the Determinants in St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1527, and the
Licentiates in 1529. It is probable he then went abroad, and took a degree in medicine at some foreign
University. From the Treasurer's Accounts, we learn that for a short period before the death of James the
Fifth, he was King's physician:—
1542, July or August, "Item, to Maister Michaell Durehame, doctour in medecyne, (enterit before the last
feist of Whitsunday,) for his half yearis fee, £50."
1543, Jan., "Item, gevin to Maister Michael Durehame, doctour in medecyne, be one precept in
recompensatioun of service done be him to our Sovernne Lord, quhome God assolze, and for the rest of his
feis, as his said precept beris, £200."
The name of David Borthwick occurs among the Determinants in the Pedagogy of St. Andrews, in 1515.
He became King's Advocate, and will be afterwards noticed.
In MS. G, "to the uter point of ruyne."
James second Earl of Arran was the grandson of Sir James Hamilton of Cadzow, created Lord Hamilton in
1445, and the Princess Mary, daughter of James the Second, and relict of Thomas Boyd, Earl of Arran. His
father was thrice married. His first wife was Beatrix Drummond, by whom he had one daughter, married to
Andrew Stewart Lord Evandale and Ochiltree. His second wife was Lady Elizabeth Home, sister of
Alexander Earl of Home, from whom he obtained a divorce in 1511. Janet, daughter of Sir David Beaton of
Creich, Comptroller of Scotland, was his third wife, by whom he had his son James, second Earl of Arran;
but who being born during the life of his father's divorced wife, his legitimacy depended on the validity of
his divorce. Had he, in such a case, been set aside, Matthew Earl of Lennox would have been next in
succession.

The infant Queen, who had hitherto been kept in the Palace of Linlithgow, (note [246]) was brought to
Stirling on the 23d of July 1543, (note [274].) After the Governor's very inconsistent proceedings in the
month of August, and his reconciliation with the Cardinal, Queen Mary was crowned with great ceremony,
on the 9th of September 1543. The following entries are from the Treasurer's Accounts:—
1543. "Item, the fourth day of August, be my Lord Governoris precept and speciall command, deliverrit to
Mathew Hammiltoun, capitane and kepar of the Palice of Linlithqw, for furnesyng of the said Palice, the
sowme of £55.
"Item, to the Lord Levingstoun, for keping of the Princes[s] in Linlithqw, quhilk was awin him the sum of
£93, 6s. 8d.
October. "Item, to the Lord Levingstoun, for keping of the Princes[s] in Striveling, fra the xxiij day of Julij
in anno Domini etc. xliijo to the last day of this moneth of October inclusive, £180."
In MS. G, "with him than in."
All this took place about the 3d of September, or within nine days of the Governor's ratification of the
English alliance, mentioned in note [273], and six days of his having issued a proclamation against the
Cardinal.—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp. 277, 278, 282.)

On the 9th of September 1543: see note [287].

Sadler, in this embassy, arrived in Edinburgh in March 1543. Notwithstanding the treaty referred to in a
previous note, he did not succeed in the great object of his mission at this time, that of gaining the Governor
to a steady adherence to his original policy of favouring the Reformed doctrines, and adhering to the
English in opposition to the French interest. Sadler was recalled in December 1543; and the country was
speedily invaded and devastated by the English troops.
Matthew Earl of Lennox returned to Scotland, by the advice of Cardinal Beaton, and landed at Dumbarton
on the last day of March 1543.
A blank in the MS. and in all the copies. The name of Somerville is supplied on the authority of letters from
Sir Ralph Sadler to Henry the Eighth, and from the Privy Council of England to Sadler.—(Sadler, vol. i. p.
161; State Papers, vol. v. p. 280.)
Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudon.
In MS. G, "was efter tane in the Lenterne, at the siege of Glasgw."
John Charteris of Couthilgourdy had been elected Provost of Perth, 1st October 1543, but was discharged,
by appointment of the Governor, 26th January 1543-44, when Mr. Alexander MʻBreck was chosen. Patrick
Lord Ruthven, who was chosen Provost on the 7th October 1544, was attempted to be discharged on the
26th January 1544-45, and to be replaced by John Charteris; but the Ruthven party prevailing, Charteris
was not admitted.
The skirmish of which Knox here gives a minute and accurate description, took place on the 22d of July
1544, when Lord Gray's partizans were repulsed with a loss of upwards of sixty men.—(Adamson's Muses
Threnodie, by Cant, pp. 70, 71, 112.) Lord Gray, in October that year, received from the Cardinal a grant of
part of the lands of Rescobie in Forfarshire, for his "ready and faithful help and assistance in these
dangerous times of the Church."
Patrick Master of Ruthven was the oldest son of Patrick third Lord Ruthven, the principal actor in Rizzio's
murder, on the 9th March 1566, and who fled into England, where he died on the 13th June that year.
Having predeceased his father, and leaving no issue, Patrick was succeeded by his next brother, William,
who is styled Master of Ruthven, in a charter, 9th April 1565. This son, who was afterwards created Earl of
Gowrye, was also concerned with his father in the murder of Rizzio.
Moncrieffe of Moncrieffe, in the parish of Dunbarny, Perthshire.

Mary Magdalene's day, the 22d of July. But the year was 1544, and not 1543: see note [296]; and the
Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 84, where forty persons are said to have been slain.
In MS. G, "a pretty spaice fra the Fische-Yet."
Sadler, on the 13th of November 1543, states that "the Governor and Cardinal are now gone over the water
of Forth, into Fife and Angus," to gain the Earl of Rothes, the Lords Gray, Ogilvy, and Glammis, to their
party, "either by force or policy."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 340.)
Castle Huntley, in the parish of Longforgan, built by the second Lord Gray of Foulis. He had extensive
possessions in the Carse of Gowrye, and according to tradition, he named the Castle after his Lady, a
daughter of the Earl of Huntley.
In MS. G, "Balgawy." The place referred to is Balgavie, near Innergowrye, two or three miles from
Dundee, on the road to Perth.
The old name of the city of Perth.
The Provost of St. Andrews in 1544, was Sir James Learmonth of Balcomie, or Dairsye.
In Vautr. edit. "their friend."
The marginal explanation having been taken into the text, the later copies read as if the Bishop of St.
Andrews and the Abbot of Paisley were different persons. John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, became
Cardinal Beaton's successor in the Metropolitan See. In MS. G, the passage reads, "This answer reported,
was send to thame the Bishop of Sanct Andrewes, the Abbot of Pasley, Mr. David Panter," &c., "to desyre,"
&c. In Vautr. edit. it is still further from the correct reading, by the omission of thame, "This answer
reported, was sent to the Bishop of Sainct Andrewes, the Abbot of Pasley," &c.
This proverbial phrase, "Ay rynnis the fox, quhill he fute hes," occurs at the end of a poem "againis
Treason," by Dunbar.—(Poems, vol. i. p. 136.)
The Parliament met at Edinburgh, in December 1543, and the following Act against Hereticks was passed
on the 15th; which may be quoted in connexion with the proceedings at Perth in the following month,—
"The quhilk day, My Lord Governour causit to be schewin and proponit in plane Parliament to all Estatis
being thair gaderit, how thair is gret murmure that Heretikis mair and mair risis and spredis within this
Realme, sawand dampnable opinionis incontrar the fayth and lawis of Haly Kirk, actis and constitutionis of
this Realme: Exhortand thairfor all Prelatis and Ordinaris, ilkane within thair awin diocy and jurisdictioun,
to inquir apoun all sic manor of personis, and proceid aganis thame according to the lawis of Haly Kirk;
and My said Lord Governour salbe rady at all tymes to do thairin that accordis him of his office."—(Acta
Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 443.)
St. Paul's day was the 25th of January, and the year 1543-4, is fixed by the reference to "the first burning of
Edinburgh," by the English troops under the Earl of Hertford, in May 1544. (See note [320].) Keith, and his
editor Mr. Parker Lawson, are at a loss to reconcile the dates of the Governor and Cardinal's visit to Perth,
and the execution of the persons mentioned by Knox. Knox's account of these martyrs at Perth is
corroborated not only by the more detailed account given in Foxe's Martyrs, (p. 1230,) but by the following
extracts from the Treasurer's Accounts. The Governor spent his Yule or Christmas, 1543, not at St.
Andrews, but at Stirling. The following were payments made by the Treasurer:—
1543, December. "Item, in the tyme of Zule, deliverit to my Lord Governour, to play at the cartis with the
Quenis Grace in Striviling, in ane hundreth crownis of the Sonn, £110."
1543-4, "Item, the xij day of Januar, efter the aggreance maid betuix my Lord Governour and the saidis
Lordis, (Earl of Levinox, &c.,) at convenit in Leith againis his Grace, hyrit liiij cart hors, quhilk past agane
to Striveling with the said artalze, and fra Striveling to Sanct Jhonstoun [and] Dunde, for punising certane
Heretikis within the saidis townis, and payit to the saidis hors viij dayis wagis, to every hors on the day iij
s.... Summa, lxiiij lib. xvj s.
"Item, xx Jannarij, after the Counsale and Convention haldin at Striviling, at my Lord Governoris departing
towart Sanct Johnstoun for punischment as said is, hyrit to turs certane small artalze with his Grace thair,
xxvj cart hors, to ilk hors the day iij s.... Summa, xxxj lib. iiij s.
"Item, to xij pyoneris, quhilkis past and convoyit the said small artalze, viij dayis wagis, to every man in the
day ij s. Summa, ix lib. xij s."
In Mercer's Chronicle of Perth, is this brief notice, "The execution of James Hunter, Robert Lambe, James
Ronaldstone, and his spouse, at Perth, in Januar, in Sanct Pawlis day. 1543[-4] yeiris."
His name was Robert, not William Lamb, burgess of Perth. Calderwood has given a detailed account, as
related by "Mr. John Davidson, a diligent searcher in the last acts of our Martyrs," of the manner in which
Lamb interrupted Friar Spence, when preaching on All-hallow-day. See Wodrow Society edit, of his
History, vol. i. p. 174. He also states that Knox's account of these Perth Martyrs "is confirmed by the
Registers of the Justice-Court, where it is registered, that Robert Lamb, merchant in Perth, James
Ranoldsone, skinner, William Andersone, maltman, James Hunter, fleshour, were convicted of art and part
in breaking the Act of Parliament, by holding an assemblie and convention in Sanct Anne's Chappell, in the
Spey-yards, upon Sanct Andrewes day [30th Nov.] last by past, conferring and disputing there upon the
Holie Scriptures.... Item, Helen Stirk, spous to James Ranoldsone, convicted Becaus of art and part in
breaking the Acts of Parliament, in dishonouring the Virgin Marie." See also Foxe's Martyrs, p. 1230. The
executions at this time are thus very summarily noticed in the Diurnal of Occurrents, (p. 30,)—
"Upoun the xxviij day of Januare [1543-4,] the Governour with his Lordis past to Sanct Johnstoun and
Dundie, and brunt mony limmaris in the said tolbuis [townis]."
Sir Henry Elder, as his name denotes, was in Priest's orders; and John Elder, we may suppose, was his
brother. In a list of the Magistrates of Perth, elected 7th Oct. 1541, we find "John Elder, Treasurer;" and, as
a burgess of the town, he is to be distinguished from John Elder "the Redshank," who fled at this time into
England. (See Appendix, No. VI.) In the Treasurer's Accounts, 1543-46, there was £200 paid as the
composition for the remission granted to John Elder, burgess of Perth, and also £40 for the similar
exemption given to Laurence Pillour, "pro disputatione in Sacris Scripturis contra tenorem Acti
Parliamenti."—(MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 359.)
In the MS. "broking."
In MS. G, &c., "eye."
In Vautr. edit. "Granton hilles."
In Vautr. edit. "the hilles."
In MS. G, "Sir George." Sir George Douglas of Pittendreich was brother of the Earl of Angus.
Blackness Castle, in the parish of Carriden, Linlithgowshire, close to the river Forth, about five or six miles
above South Queensferry. This is one of the four fortresses which were stipulated in the Act of Union, in
1707, to be kept in repair.
In Vautr. edit. "between one and two of the clock."
During this Expedition under the Earl of Hertford, the town of Edinburgh, with the exception of the Castle,
was "utterly ruinate and destroyed with fire," during the space of four successive days; "Also, we brent
th'abbey called Holy Rode-house, and the Pallice adjonynge to the same." This took place in the beginning
of May 1544.—(Dalyell's Fragments of Scotish History, p. 7.)
In MS. G, the word "judged" is omitted.—Craigmillar Castle, now a picturesque ruin, in the parish of
Libberton, is about three miles south from Edinburgh. The English forces, on the 8th of May 1544, "past to
Craiginillar, quhilk was haistilie gevin to thame: promesed to keip the samyne without skaith; quhilk
promes thai break, and brunt and destroyit the said Hous."—(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 32.)
Sir Simon Preston of Craigmillar. He was Provost of Edinburgh in 1565, and three following years. His
father, Simon Preston, had been Provost in 1536.
The Tron, or beam, used for weighing merchandize, stood in the High Street, nearly opposite what is now
called the Tron Church. But the Butter-Tron was probably at the building afterwards called the Weigh-
House, which stood nearly in the middle of the street, at the head of the West Bow, leading to the Castle.
Among the spoils, it is stated, that the furniture and library in the Palace of Holyrood were carried off;
including a fine brazen font from the Abbey. (See Archæologia Scotica, vol. iv. p. 13.) But some of the
books and furniture had previously been removed by the Governor to Hamilton Palace, where probably
they are still preserved. On the 8th of May the Treasurer paid, "be his Gracis speciall command, to certane
pure men quhilkis tursit (carried) his Gracis cofferis out of the Palice of Halyrudhous to the Castell of
Edinburgh, and fra thare to the Castell of Hammiltoun, the soume of xj lib."
"Item, (on the 16th of May,) to ane pure man of Edinburgh, quhilkis savit fifty-pece of weschell of my Lord
Governouris, the tyme of the Inglische menis being thair, and deliverit the samyn to Sir David Hammiltoun,
x s."
Ancrum Moor, about a mile and a half to the north of the village of that name, in the county of Roxburgh.
The battle took place on the 17th of February 1544-45, when Sir Ralph Evers was slain, and the English
forces routed.
Captain de Lorge Montgomery, with about 3500 men, arrived from France in May or June 1545.—(Acta
Parl. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 594-596.)
The Castle of Wark, a border fortress, on the bank of the river Tyne in Northumberland, near Coldstream.
In Vautr. edit. "great slaverie."
In MS. G, "the Frenche Captane."
Matthew Stewart fourth Earl of Lennox, had retired to England in 1545. He married Lady Margaret
Douglas, daughter of the Earl of Angus and Margaret, widow of King James the Fourth. She was thus niece
of the English Monarch, at whose Court she resided until her marriage. Their son was Henry Lord Darnley,
who married Mary Queen of Scots. The Earl of Lennox became Regent of Scotland in 1570, upon the death
of the Earl of Murray.
John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was a natural son of James first Earl of Arran. He pursued his
studies first at Glasgow, and afterwards at Paris. In 1525, he obtained the rich Abbacy of Paisley; and as
Abbot he sat in the Parliaments of 1535 and 1540. His relationship to the Governor, over whom he obtained
great influence, led to his rapid promotion. He was successively Lord Privy Seal, High Treasurer, Bishop of
Dunkeld, and a Judge in the Court of Session. On the death of Cardinal Beaton, he became his successor as
Primate. The "Catechisme," which usually passes under his name, from having been printed at his expense,
at St. Andrews, in 1552, exhibits a solitary instance on the part of the Roman Catholic clergy to convey
spiritual instruction, and is most creditable to his memory.
That is, the Abbot of Paisley now began, &c.
In the MS. this word Eme's, at first inaccurately written, was corrected, but not distinctly, and led to the
substitution of Enemies wyfe, in all the other copies. Eme usually means Uncle; here it merely signifies
kinsman.
Lady Grizell Sempill was the eldest daughter of Robert third Lord Sempill, and was the second wife of
James Hamilton of Stenhouse, Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh. A charter under the Great Seal was
granted of the lands of Kittiemuir, on the 10th of March 1539, "Jacobi Hamilton de Stanehouse et Grizeldi
Sempill ejus conjugi." Her husband, who was Provost of Edinburgh, was slain in endeavouring to quell a
tumult between some of the auxiliary troops quartered in the Canongate, and the inhabitants, on the 1st of
October 1548.
In MS. G, "Gilston;" and in Vautr. edit., &c., "haldin in povertie." It probably means, that her connexion
with the Archbishop always continued. Some further notice of this Lady will be given in a subsequent note.
George Martine, in his "Reliquiæ Divi Andreæ," written in 1683, has given an account of Hamilton, in
which, in reference to the Archbishop and this Lady, he says, "I have seen copies of charters granted by this
Archbishop to William, John, and James Hamiltons, his three naturall sones born of this Grizzell Sempill;
and they are designed her naturall sones, but they came all to be forfeited." (P. 244.) Letters of Legitimation
of John and William Hammylton, bastard sons of Grissel Sempill, daughter of Robert Master of Sempill,
were dated 9th Oct. 1551.—(Reg. Mag. Sigill.)
Knox places Wishart's return to Scotland in 1544, although the Commissionars to whom he alludes came
back in July 1543. The exact time has not been well ascertained: see Appendix, No. IX.
In MS. G, "a litill space."
William fourth Earl Marishall, according to Sadler's report to Henry, 27th March 1543, was "a goodly
young gentleman, well given to your Majesty, as I take him." He was friendly to the Reformation, and
survived till about the year 1581.—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 99.)
In MS. G, "Locnoreis." The person referred to was George Crawfurd of Leifnorris, or Loch Norris, now
called Dumfries House, the seat of the Marquess of Bute, in the parish of Old Cumnock, Ayrshire.
Gaston, or Galston, a parish in the district of Kyle.
This phrase, "used much in the Bar," signifies that he frequented the house of Barr, the seat of John
Lockhart of Barr, in the parish of Galston.
Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, was hereditary Sheriff of the county of Ayr.
The persons here named were all proprietors of lands in Ayrshire. Mongarswood, or Monkgarswood, is in
the parish of Mauchline; Bronnsyde, in Sorne; Dawdeling, (in Vautr. edit. "Dawdilling,") or Daldilling, also
in the parish of Sorne; and Tempilland, in that of Auchinleck. The Crawfurds were proprietors of
Templeland; and the Reids of Daldilling, appear in the Retours 1651 and 1673, in the succession of their
property.—(Ayr, Nos. 449 and 679.)
Kinyeancleuch is in the parish of Mauchline. Hugh Campbell was a cadet of the Campbells of Loudoun;
and his son Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, who is afterwards mentioned, was a special friend of
Knox, and much distinguished himself by his singular zeal and devotedness in promoting the Reformation.
In Vautr. edit. "Shaw." Laurence Rankin, laird of Sheill, in the parish of Ochiltree, Ayrshire.
The year 1544 is the date usually assigned for the ravages of the plague in Dundee. It would seem to have
prevailed in different parts of the country for two or three successive years. The probable time of Wishart's
visit on that occasion may have been in August 1545, as we are told, "In this tyme the pest was wonder
greit in all burrowis townis of this realme, quhair mony peipill deit with great skant and want of
victuallis."—(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 39.)
In MS. G, "at lycht parte."
During the sixteenth century, the town of Dundee was surrounded by a double wall, with ports or gates,
which were all removed about sixty years ago, with the exception of the East Gate, called the Cowgate
Port, which was then "allowed to stand, from respect to Wishart's memory, and his services to the
inhabitants of Dundee, during the plague of 1544; and it is still kept in good preservation."—(New Stat.
Account, Forfarshire, p. 17.)
In MS. G, "thay thrist in."
John Kynneir of Kynneir, in the parish of Kilmany, in Fife. He was served heir to his father David Kynneir
de eodem, in the lands and barony of Kynneir, 30th July 1543.—(Retours, Fife, No. 2.)
In Vautr. edit., MSS. G, A, &c., "I shall ende my lyfe."
John Erskine of Dun, near Montrose, a zealous and consistent friend of the Reformation. After the
establishment of the Reformation, in July 1560, although a layman, he was admitted to the office of
Superintendent of Angus and Mearns.
In MS. G, "with money siches and deip grones, he plat doun." In Vautr. edit. "he fell upon."
In MS. G, "keape-stone:" Vautr. edit. has "keepe stone."
The words following "to meitt him," are a subsequent marginal addition by the author.
In MS. G, "and this the fyftein day befoir Yuill." Vautr. reads, "the xv day before Christmas."
That is, Alexander Crichton of Brunstone, Hugh Douglas of Long-Niddry, and John Cockburn of Ormiston.
—As there are two places of the name of Brunstone in Mid-Lothian, it may be proper to notice, that it must
have been the old Castle now in ruins, in the parish of Pennycuik, where Wishart occasionally resided, and
not the house of that name, at the eastern extremity of Libberton parish, which was built, or afterwards
belonged to the Lauderdale family. See a subsequent note respecting the Crichtons of Brunstone.
Or Inveresk, six miles from Edinburgh.
Sir George Douglas of Pittendreich, was a younger son of George, Master of Angus, who was killed at
Floddon in 1513, and brother of Archibald, seventh Earl of Angus. "He was, (says Sir Walter Scott,) a man
of spirit and talents; shared with his brother in the power which he possessed during the minority of James
V.; was banished with him, and almost all the name of Douglas, into England, where they remained till the
death of the King; and were then sent by Henry back to their native country, along with the Solway
prisoners, in order to strengthen the English party in Scotland."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 66, note.) His
name appears on the 1st of April 1549, as an Extraordinary Lord of Session, which disproves the account in
Douglas's Peerage of his having been killed at Pinkie, in September 1547. Having predeceased his brother,
his eldest son, in 1556, became eighth Earl of Angus.
In MS. G, "audience."
In MS. G, "auditors."
David Forres, or Forrest, is several times mentioned by Knox: he afterwards held the office of General of
the Conzie House or Mint.

Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington: see note [254].—The house of Lethington, being a massive old tower,
with some modern additions, and now called Lennox Love, is rather more than a mile to the south of
Haddington.
This is the first occasion on which Knox introduces himself.
In MS. G, the words after "world," are omitted.
Clerk Plays was another name for those dramatic entertainments, which in France and England were known
under the title of Mysteries, and which were usually founded on some passage of Scripture.
Long-Niddry is situated in the parish of Gladsmuir, East-Lothian, about four miles from Tranent, near the
shore of the Firth.
In MS. G, "mirrelie."
These lines occur in a metrical version of some of the Psalms, visually, and no doubt correctly, attributed to
John Wedderburn, Vicar of Dundee. Whether there was any printed edition so early as 1546, cannot be
ascertained; but there was a large impression (1034 copies) of what was culled "the Dundee Psalms,"
printed in Scotland before 1603, in the stock of Robert Smyth, bookseller in Edinburgh.—(Bannatyne
Miscellany, vol. ii. pp. 189, 234.) The collection of Psalms and Sacred Poems, known by the title of "The
Gude and Godly Ballates," may have been the Psalms alluded to; and of this collection there still exist one
copy at least of editions printed at Edinburgh, by John Ross, in 1578; by Robert Smyth, in 1600; and again
by Andre Hart, in 1621.
In this collection is found the version of the 51st Psalm, mentioned by Knox as having been sung by
Wishart. It extends to 40 verses: the first four may serve as a specimen. The reader may consult
Calderwood's History, vol. i. pp. 141-143, for an interesting account of the family of James Wedderburn,
merchant in Dundee, his eldest son James, and another son, as well as John the translator of the Psalms,
having distinguished themselves by their "good gifts of poesie."
Miserere mei Deus. PSAL. 51.
Have mercy on me, God of might,
Of mercy Lord and King;
For thy mercy is set full right
Above all eirdly thing.
Therefore I cry baith day and night,
And with my hert sail sing:
To thy mercy with thee will I go.
Have mercy on me, (O gude Lord,)
Efter thy greit mercy.
My sinfull life does me remord,
Quhilk sair hes grevit thee:
Bot thy greit grace hes mee restord,
Throw grace, to libertie:
To thy mercy with thee will I go.
Et secundum multitudinem.
Gude Lord I knaw my wickednes,
Contrair to thy command,
Rebelland ay with cruelnes,
 And led me in ane band
To Sathan, quha is merciles;
Zit, Lord, heir me cryand:
To thy mercy with thee will I go.
Quhat king can tell the multitude,
Lord, of thy greit mercy,
Sen sinners hes thy celsitude
Resisted cruellie.
Zit na sinner will thou seclude,
That this will cry to thee:
To thy mercie with thee will I go.
Patrick third Earl of Bothwell succeeded his father in 1513, when an infant. In 1543, he was Lord of
Liddesdale, and Keeper of the Royal Castle of Hermitage. Sir Ralph Sadler, on the 5th of May that year,
says of him, "As to the Earl of Bothwell, who, as ye know, hath the rule of Liddersdale, I think him the
most vain and insolent man in the world, full of pride and folly, and here, I assure you, nothing at all
esteemed."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 184.) At the time of Wishart's apprehension, he was High Sheriff of
the county of Haddington. In Douglas and Wood's Peerage of Scotland, (vol. i. pp. 227-229,) will be found
a detailed account of his subsequent fortunes. He died, probably in exile, in September 1550.
Elphingstone Tower is situated in the parish of Tranent, about two miles from the village of that name.
In MS. G, "over you."
In MS. G, "persuasion."
In MS. G, "promeis."
This name Drundallon, or Dwndallon, is not very distinct in the MS., and no such place is now known.
John Cockburn of Ormiston.—In the Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 41, it is stated, that "Upoun the xvj day of
Januar, the Governour and the Cardinall, to the nomber of 500 men, past to Ormestoun, [some words here
omitted?] and the yong laird of Calder; they war all brocht and put in the Castell of Edinburgh; and the laird
of Ormestoun, and the yong laird of Calder followand, was tane be the Capitane, callit James Hamiltoun of
Stanehous." Wishart's name may have been omitted in this paragraph, but it fixes the date of his
apprehension at Ormiston. The following entries occur in the Treasurer's Accounts, on the 10th of March
1545-6,—
"Item, to Jhonne Patersoun, pursevant letters direct furth of Edinburgh to Ormistoun and Haddingtoun, to
summond the Laird of Ormistoun to underly the law in Edinburgh the xiij day of Apprile nyxt to cum, for
resetting of Maister George Wischeart, he being at the horne, etc. And for breking of the waird within the
Castell of Edinburgh, etc. Togydder with ane other letter to arreist the saiddis Lairdis gudis, etc., x s."
"Item, (7th of April,) with ane memoriall of the principall Lordis and Baronis namys of Est Louthiane, to
summond thame to be in Edinburgh xiijth Aprilis instant, to pass upon the assiss of the Laird of Ormistoiin,
quho was to thoill law that day for brekking of our Souerane Ladyis waird within the Castell of Edinburgh."
Hailes Castle is situated in a secluded spot on the banks of the Tyne, in the parish of Prestonkirk, East
Lothian. It belonged at this time to the Earl of Bothwell. The ruins still shew that it must have been of
considerable extent and strength, like most buildings of the kind intended for a place of defence.
In MS. G, "keipit."
The following is an Act of Council, obliging Bothwell to deliver to the Governor the person of George
Wishart, on the 19th of January 1545-6,—
"The quhilk day, in presens of my Lord Governour and Lords of Counsel, comperit Patrick Erle Bothuell,
and hes bundin and oblist him to deliver Maister George Wischart to my Lord Governour, or ony utheris in
his behalf, quham he will depute to ressave him betuix this and the penult day of Januar instant inclusive,
and sal kepe him surelie, and answer for him in the meyn tyme, under all the hiest pane and charge that he
may incur, giff he falzies herintill."—(Regist. Concil. fol. 25; Epist. Regum Scotorum, vol. ii. p. 342.)
There seems no reason to question the accuracy of these dates; although Spotiswood marks Wishart's
execution as having taken place on the 2d of March 1546; and Mr. Tytler says the 28th, adopting an evident
blunder in the "Diurnal of Occurrents," where the 28th of March, instead of the 28th of February, is given
as the day when the Council was held for Wishart's trial and condemnation. His execution took place on the
following day. I observe that at page 6 of the Miscellany of the Wodrow Society, I have fallen into the same
mistake.
This word is omitted in MS. G.
Pitscottie mentions, that the Cardinal having sent to the Governor for a "commissioun and ane Judge
criminall to give doom on Maister George, if the Clergie fand him guiltie;" the Governor, upon the
remonstrance of Sir David Hamilton, was persuaded to write to the Cardinal "to continue (or postpone) the
accusatioun of Maister George Wisehart quhyll he and he spoke togidder; and if he wold not, his awin
blood be upon his awin head, for he would not consent that any man sould suffer persecutioun at that
tyme."—(Dalyell's edit., p. 454.)
Gawin Dunbar was a younger son of Sir John Dunbar of Mochrun. He pursued his studies at Glasgow. In
1514 he was appointed Dean of Moray. In the following year obtained the Priory of Whithorn in Galloway;
and was intrusted with the education of James the Fifth. In the Treasurer's Accounts, 1517, are the
following entries:—

"Item, xvjto Februarij [1516-17,] gevin to Maister Gawin Dunbar, the Kingis Maister, to by necessar thingis
for the Kingis chamer, ix lib.
"Item, (the 28th day of August,) to Maister Gawan Dunbar, the Kingis Maister, for expensis maid be him in
reparaling of the chamer in the quhilk the King leris now, in the Castell, iij lib."
On the translation of James Beaton to the Primacy, Dunbar was promoted to the See of Glasgow; and he
continued to enjoy the favour of his royal pupil during the whole of his reign. He held the office of Lord
Chancellor from 1528 to 1543; and died on the 30th of April 1547. A detailed account of this Prelate is
given in Brunton and Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, pp. 1-5.
See note [391].

The Castle and Episcopal Palace of Glasgow stood a little to the westward of the Cathedral Church. The
building, with its site and garden, having been vested in the Crown, when Episcopacy was abolished, were
granted in the year 1791, for the purpose of erecting an Infirmary; and the ancient but ruinous building was
then removed.—(Caledonia, vol. iii. p. 638.)
In MS. G, "knypsed."
In MS. G, "as sum bold men."
In Vautr. edit. "merilie."
In Vautr. edit. "bitter mirth."
This ludicrous but unbecoming contest seems to have taken place on the 4th of June 1545, when Mons.
Lorge de Montgomery arrived from France with auxiliary troops: "Upon the same day, the Bischope of
Glasgow pleit with the Cardinall about the bering of his croce in his dyocie, and boith thair croccis war
brokin, in the Kirk of Glasgow, through thair stryving for the samin."—(Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 39.)
Bishop Lesley mentions it as having occurred at an earlier period, when the Patriarch of Venice, who was
sent by the Pope, first came to Glasgow, when "the Cardinall and the principall Bischoppes come thair and
ressaved him with gret honour. Bot in the meintyme, (he adds,) thair happinned ane suddane discord within
the Kirk of Glasgw, betuix the Cardinall and Bischoppe of Glasgw, for thair pre-heminence of the bering of
the Cardinallis crosse within that Kirk, quhair boith the Archebischoppes crosses was brokin, and diverse of
thair gentill men and servandis wes hurt."—(Hist. p. 178.) Cornelius Le Brun, a Dutch traveller, describes a
similar contest which took place, whilst he was at Rome during the Jubilee of 1675, between two
processions meeting first in a narrow street, near Monte Cavallo, and afterwards in the Church of St. John,
in Laterano, in which several persons were killed, to the great scandal of religion. But the Italians, he says,
"qui sont plaisans de leur naturel et encline à la raillerie se mocquoient furieusement de cette avanture."—
(Voyage en Levant, p. 6. Delft, 1700, folio.)
This, according to tradition, was the Eastern tower or corner, and the place of Wishart's execution was
nearly opposite, at the foot of what is called Castle Wynd. Spotiswood says, "A scaffold in the meantime
erecting on the east part of the Castle towards the Abbey, with a great tree in the middest, in manner of a
gibbet, into which the prisoner was to be tied.... The fore tower was hanged with tapestry, and rich cushions
laid for case of the Cardinal and Prelates, who were to behold that spectacle."—(History, p. 81.)

As stated in note [45], "The Actes and Monumentes of Martyrs," by John Foxe, was originally printed at
London, by John Daye, in 1564, in a large volume in folio. It was "newly recognized and enlarged by the
Author," in 1570, when he incorporated a number of passages relating to Martyrs in Scotland, which he
gives on this authority, "Ex Scripto Testimonio Scotorum." In many places of these additions, the details are
more minute than the corresponding passages in Knox's History; yet there is such a coincidence in the
information, that Foxe may possibly have been indebted for some of them to the Scotish Reformer. The
account of Wishart, however, is copied from a printed book: see notes [397], [434].
The title of the Accusation and the introductory paragraph, are not contained in Knox's MS., but are
supplied from Foxe, edit. 1576.
Dean John Wynrame was born in 1492, and educated at St. Andrews. In 1515, his name occurs among the
Determinants in St. Salvator's College. The date of his appointment as Sub-Prior of the Monastery of St.
Andrews has not been ascertained. But on the 10th of Nov. 1537, he is styled in the "Regist. Fac. Art.,"
Dominus Joh. Wynrame, Supr. Sancti Andree Coenobii. His name often occurs in Knox, in connexion with
transactions of a later date. See MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 424; Bannatyne Miscellany, vol. i. p. 241.
In MS. G, "as sayis the Apostle Paull."
It will be observed that all these opprobrious terms applied to Lauder are copied from Foxe, or rather from
the black-letter tract, printed by John Daye, of which Dr. MʻCrie has given a description in his Life of
Knox, vol. i. p. 382.
In MS. G, the words "writtin," &c., to "cursingis," are omitted.
Mr. John Lauder, who acted as public accuser or prosecutor on other occasions, as well as this of Wishart,
was educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs among the Licentiates "in Pedagogio," in the year 1508. In a
Decree Arbitral, dated at St. Andrews, 16th October 1518, he thus designates himself: "Ego JOHANNES
LAUDER, artium magister, clericus Sancti Andreæ diocesis, publicus sacris Apostolica et Imperiali
auctoritatibus notarius, ac in officio Scriptoris archivii Romane Curie matriculatus ac descriptus."—(Rental
Book of St. Andrews, 1550.) From the Treasurer's Accounts we find that he was frequently employed in
Ecclesiastical negotiations. Thus in 1533,—

"Item, to Maister Johne Lauder, to pass to Rome in the Kingis erandis, maid in fynance vc [500] frankis,
price of ilk frank x s. vi d., Scottis money, £262, 10s.
"Item, gevin to him at his departing, to by him horse and other necessaris, £40.
"Item, to Robene Bertoun, for the fraucht of ane litill schip, in the quhilk the said Maister Johne past in
Flanderes, £25.
"Item, dresses to his twa servandis," &c. Again, in 1534,—

"Item, to Maister Johne Lauder, to performeis certaine the Kingis Grace's erandis in Rome, Jm [1000]
frankis, Summa, £525."
In July 1541,—
"Item, to Maister Johnne Lauder, for his [laubours] in writing of directionis to the Courte of [Rome?] for
promotioun of the Abbayis of Coldinghame, [Kelso, and] Melros, to the Kingis; Grace sonis."
In Foxe, "your doctrine uttereth many blasphemous," &c.
In Foxe, "with."
In Foxe, "high voyce."
The words inclosed in brackets, are omitted in Knox's MS., and in all the subsequent copies, such as MS.
G, Vautr. edit., &c. They are however necessary for the context, and are supplied from Foxe.
See note [383].

See a subsequent note respecting Cardinal Beaton.

The Bishop of Brechin (John Hepburn, see page 37) hearing that George Wishart taught the Greek New
Testament in the School of Montrose, summoned him to appear on a charge of heresy, upon which Wishart
fled the kingdom. This was in the year 1538. See Appendix, No. IX.
In Foxe, and Vautr. edit., "Gospell."
In Knox's MS., and Vautr. edit., "it is."
In Foxe, and Vautr. edit., "Gospell."
In Foxe, "punishment;" in Vautr. edit. "trespasse."
Foxe gives the passage as follows: "Knowledge your faultes one to an other, and praye one for an other,
that you may be healed."
The whole of this sentence, after the quotation from the Epistle of James, is omitted in Foxe, edit. 1576.—It
may have been an explanatory remark by Knox.
In Foxe, "grynned;" and the word "horned" before "Bischopis," is omitted. In Vautr. edit. "gyrned."
In Vautr. edit. "Bleitter Chaplin;" and in MS. G, "Blecter." Pitscottie has "Blaitter:" it may be only a term of
reproach, and not the name of a person.
In Vautr. edit. "child." Pitscottie, who introduces Wishart's Accusation, but somewhat condensed, in this
place makes it, "Than answered ane yong scoller boy, 'It is a devillish taill to say so: for the Devill can not
move a man to speik as yon man dois.'"
Sailing on the Rhine. It may have been during this visit to Germany, and probably Switzerland, that Wishart
employed himself in translating the first CONFESSION OF FAITH of the Helvetian Churches. This
Confession was printed after Wishart's death, about the year 1548, and has been reprinted, for the first time,
in the "Miscellany of the Wodrow Society," Vol. I. pp. 1-23.
In the MS. "Jew," and "Jewes," are written "Jow," and "Jowes."
The concluding words of this sentence from "earth: And" &c., are omitted in the printing, by Vautroullier,
at the foot of page 129, or the top of page 130. A similar omission occurs in MSS. I, A, and W: The two
latter keeping out the words "and spitted into the."
In Foxe, "auditorie."
In Foxe, "dumbe as a beetle."
[421] In Foxe, "hold my peace"
In Foxe, "dumbe."
As in Foxe, and in MS. G, &c., this evidently should be "Provinciall."
In Foxe, "woodnes."
See some notices of Scot, at page 96.—In Foxe, "called Joh. Gray-finde Scot."
In Foxe, "dumbe."
In Foxe, "to voyde away."
In Foxe, "warders."

Dean John Wynrame: see note [395].

David Buchanan has an interpolation in this place, (See Appendix, No. I.,) respecting Wishart's dispensing
the Sacrament, on the morning of his execution, to the Captain of the Castle. It is nearly the same as in
George Buchanan's History, and Pitscottie's Chronicle, but somewhat condensed.
In Foxe, "sup."
In Foxe, there is this marginal note: "M. George Wyscheart prophesieth of the death of the Cardinall, what
followed after."—David Buchanan has here another interpolation, containing the alleged prediction by
George Wishart of Cardinal Beaton's death. It was probably copied from George Buchanan: See the passage
in Appendix, No. I.—Pitscottie also relates such a prediction, in the following words: "Captain, God
forgive yon man that lies so glorious on yon wall-head; but within few days, he shall lye as shamefull as he
lyis glorious now."—(Dalyell's edit. p. 481.)
In Foxe's work is introduced a wood-cut representation of "The Martyrdome of M. George Wiseheart;" he
is suspended on a gibbet, in the midst of flames. It is evidently an imaginary portrait.
The account of Wishart, contained in Foxe's Martyrs, ends with the above words. It is followed by a
paragraph, described in the margin as "The just judgment of God upon David Beaton, a bloudy murtherer
of God's Saintes,"—which the reader will find copied into note [451]. Foxe acknowledges that he followed
a printed work, (Ex histor. impressa;) having in fact introduced a literal copy of the latter portion of a very
rare tract, of which Dr. MʻCrie has given a description in his Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 382. The general title
is, "The tragicall death of Dauid Beatō, Bishoppe of Sainct Andrewes in Scotland; Whereunto is joyned the
Martyrdom of Maister George Wyseharte, gentleman, for whose sake the aforesayd Bishoppe was not long
after slayne," &c. The preface of "Robert Burrant to the reader," extends to twelve leaves. Next follows Sir
David Lyndesay's poem on the Cardinall's death; and then "The Accusation" of Wishart, which Foxe
incorporates in his Martyrology, from whence Knox's copy is taken, as well as the abridged copy inserted in
Pitscottie's Chronicle. The volume extends to signature F vi. in eights, black letter, without date, "Imprinted
at London, by John Day and William Seres." Lyndesay's poem, under the title of "The Tragedy," &c., is
included in all the subsequent editions of his poems. See it quoted in a subsequent page.
John Lesley was the second son of William Lesley, who was killed at Floddon, along with his brother
George second Earl of Rothes; William's eldest son, George, succeeding to the title in 1513, as third Earl.
John Lesley is styled late of Parkhill in the summons of treason for the Cardinal's slaughter; and we find
that John Lesley, Rector of Kynnore, and brother-german of George Earl of Rothes, had a charter of the
King's lands of Parkhill in Fife, 24th March 1537. He also held some office at Court, as the Treasurer, in
December 1533, paid "John Leslie, bruther to the Erle Rothwes, be the Kingis command, for his liveray,"
£30. Again on the 22d Oct. 1541, there was "gevin to Johnne Leslye, broder to my Lord of Rothes, to by
him clathis to his mariage," £50. He was taken prisoner at Solway in 1542, and released 1st July 1543, upon
payment of 200 merks sterling. Along with his nephew Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, and the other
conspirators, he was forfeited, 14th August 1546; and died without issue.—(Douglas and Wood's Peerage,
vol. ii. p. 427.)
In Vautr. edit. "diet;" Seinzie, is Synod or Assembly.—A Provincial Council or Synod was appointed to be
held in the Black Friars at Edinburgh, on the 13th January 1545-6. Knox says that the Cardinal came to
attend it, "after the Pasche," or Easter, (25th April 1546;) the meeting, therefore, had probably been
adjourned. The Archbishop of St. Andrews, as Lord Hailes remarks, "was, at that period, understood to be
perpetual President in Provincial Councils.... This may be imputed to the title of Legate, which the
Archbishops of St. Andrews had obtained from the Papal See."—(Histor. Memorials, p. 27.)
See note [459].

Norman Lesley, as heir apparent to his father, is here called Sheriff of Fife. His father, George Earl of
Rothes, was constituted Hereditary Sheriff of the County, by James the Fifth, in the year 1531.
Sir James Leirmonth of Balcomy and Dairsye, in Fife, was the son of David Leirmonth of Clatta, who
acquired the estate of Dairsye, in 1520. He was for many years Provost of St. Andrews, between 1532 and
1547. Patrick Leirmonth of Dairsye, was served heir of his father, Sir James Leirmonth of Balcomy, 13th
March 1547-8.—(Retours, Fife, No. 7.)
Sir John Melville of Raith, Knight: see a subsequent note.
Marion Ogilvy was the daughter of Sir James Ogilvy, who was created Lord Ogilvy of Airly, in the year
1491, and who died about 1504. Her son, by Cardinal Beaton, was the ancestor of the Beatons, or Bethunes,
of Nether Tarvet, (Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. i. p. 210;) and it was her daughter, Margaret Beaton, whose
marriage with David Lindesay Master of Crawfurd, (and afterwards ninth Earl,) the Cardinal celebrated at
Finhaven in Angus, almost immediately after Wishart's death.—On the 26th November 1549, letters were
sent by a pursuevant, "chargeing Marioun Ogilby to find soverte to underly the lawis for interlyning of the
Quenis Grace letteris." Marion Ogilvy, designed as Lady Melgund, died in June 1575. In her testament,
mention is made of her son, David Betoun of Melgund, and Mr. Alexander Betoun, Archdene of Lothian.
This Alexander, it is said, became a Protestant minister.
In Vautr. edit. "a morning sleepe."
In Vautr. edit. "into the foule sea;" in MS. G, "fowsie;" that is, the fosse, or ditch, which extended round the
Castle, except towards the sea.
In MS. G, these three words are omitted.
In Vautr. edit. "the wicked gate;" in MS. G, "wickit yet."
Norman Lesley, Master of Rothes, usually considered as having been the principal actor in the Cardinal's
slaughter, was the eldest son of George third Earl of Rothes. In June 1537, there was furnished a gown of
black satin, lined with black velvet, a doublet of black velvet, hose of Paris black, a black bonnet, &c., "to
Normond Leslie."—(Treasurer's Accounts.) And in August that year, at the King's command, the Treasurer
paid him £40. In December 1539, dresses being also furnished to him, shews that he held some situation at
Court. After his forfeiture, he entered the service of the King of France, and died of his wounds, in the year
1554, as will be related in a subsequent note.
In Vautr edit. "James Melvin;" in MS. G, "Melvell."
In the summons of treason, he is styled Peter Carmichael of Balmadie. How long this "stout gentleman"
survived, is uncertain; but he appears to have been succeeded by his brother. A charter of confirmation
under the Great Seal was passed, "quondam Petro Carmichaell de Balmadie, Euphemiæ Wymes ejus
conjugi, et quondam Jacobo Carmichaell de Balmadie suo fratri," of the lands of Kirkdrone, Easter Drone,
Balmadie, and Quhelphill, in the shires of Perth and Lanark, 13th December 1593. The next in succession
seems to have been David, who died before 1646: David Carmichael of Balmadie, on the 14th November
1646, having been served heir of his father, David Carmichael of Balmadie. Two years later, in another
service, he is styled "Dom. David Carmichael de Balmadie miles."—(Retours, Fife, No. 575, 747; Perth,
557, 575.) The lands of Balmadie are in the lordship and regality of Abernethy.
In the summons of treason, he is called James Melville elder. See footnote, where Knox makes mention of
his death, in France, under the year 1549.
Knox must certainly be held responsible for this marginal note, which has given rise to so much abuse. But
after all, this phrase, "the godly fact and words," applies to the manner of putting Beaton to death, as a just
punishment inflicted on a persecutor of God's saints, rather than an express commendation of the act itself.
David Beaton was a younger son of John Beaton of Balfour, in Fife. He was born in 1494, and his name
occurs in the Registers of the University of St. Andrews in 1509, and of Glasgow, in 1511. He afterwards
went to France, where he studied the Civil and Canon Law. His first preferment was the Rectorship of
Campsie, in 1519, when he was designed "Clericus S. Andreæ Diocesis;" and in that year he was made
Resident for Scotland in the Court of France. In 1523, his uncle, James Beaton, being made Primate of St.
Andrews, resigned in his favour the Commendatory of Arbroath, or Aberbrothock, reserving to himself,
during life, the half of its revenues. David Beaton sat, as Abbot of Arbroath, in the Parliament 1525. He
was afterwards employed in public services abroad. In December 1537, he was consecrated Bishop of
Mirepoix in Languedoc. The King of France contributed to Beaton's advancement to the Cardinalate, to
which he was promoted by the title of "Sti. Stephani in Monte Coelio." In the same month he was made
Coadjutor of St. Andrews, and declared future successor to his uncle, James Beaton.—(Keith's Catalogue of
Bishops, p. 37; Senators of the College of Justice, p. 71.) In a letter, dated 29th March 1539, "the Abbot of
Arbroath, now Bushope of Sanct Andrewes," is mentioned, his uncle having died in the beginning of 1539.
On the 13th December 1543, the Cardinal Archbishop was created Lord High Chancellor. He was
assassinated upon Saturday the 29th of May 1546.

Sir James Leirmonth of Dairsye: see note [439]. He had filled the office of Master of the Household in the
reign of James the Fifth, (Holinshed's Chronicle, p. 448, edit. 1577,) and not Treasurer, as previously stated
at page 102, and in Tytler's Scotland, vol. v. p. 270, when mentioned as one of the Commissioners sent to
England in March 1543, to treat of the marriage of the infant Princess with Edward the Sixth.
These words, "How miserably," &c., are scored, as if deleted, and are omitted in all the other copies.
In Vautr. edit. "a corner;" in MS. G, "a neuk."
The following paragraph is given by Foxe, in connexion with his account of Wishart's martyrdom, as
mentioned in note [434]:—
"A note of the just punishment of God upon the cruell Cardinall Archbyshop of Saint Andrewes, named
Beaton.
"It was not long after the Martyrdome of the blessed man of God, M. George Wischeart aforesayd, who was
put to death by David Beaton, the bloudy Archbyshop and Cardinall of Scotland, as is above specified, an.
1546, the first day of March, but the sayd Dauid Beaton, Archbyshop of S. Andrewes, by the just revenge
of God's mighty judgement, was slayen within his own Castle of S. Andrewes, by the handes of one Lech
[Leslie] and other gentlemen; who, by the Lord styrred vp, brake in sodeinly into his Castle upon him, and
in his bed murthered him the same yeare, the last day of May, crying out, 'Alas, alas, slay me not, I am a
Priest.' And so lyke a butcher he lyved, and like a butcher he dyed, and lay 7 monethes and more unburyed,
and at last, like a carion, buryed in a dunghill. An. 1546, Maij ult. Ex historia impressa."—(Foxe, edit.
1576, p. 1235.) Sir David Lyndesay thus alludes to the Cardinal's fate, in his poem entitled "The Tragedie
of the umquhyle maist reverend Father David, be the mercy of God, Cardinal, and Archebischop of Sanct
Androis," &c.,—
"Quhen every man had judgit as him list,
They saltit me, syne closit me in ane kist.
I lay unburyit sevin monethis, and more
Or I was borne, to closter, kirk, or queir,
In are midding, quhilk pane bene to deplore,
Without suffrage of chanoun, monk, or freir;
All proud Prelatis at me may lessonis leir,
Quhilk rang so lang, and so triumphantlye,
Syne in the dust doung doun so dolefullye."
Foxe's statement respecting the Cardinal's burial, is evidently incorrect. Sir James Balfour, in his MS.
Account of the Bishops of St. Andrews, says of Cardinal Beaton, that "His corpse, after he had lyne salted
in the bottom of the Sea-tower, within the Castell, was nine months thereafter taken from thence, and
obscurely interred in the Convent of the Black Friars of St. Andrews, in anno 1547." Holinshed, in some
measure, reconciles these apparent contradictions: After referring to what Knox has called "the coloured
Appointment," (see page 183,) entered into by the Governor, in the view of having his son released, it is
added, "They delivered also the dead bodye of the Cardinall, after it had layne buried in a dunghill, within
the Castell, ever sithence the daye which they slew him."—(Chron. of Scotland, p. 466, edit. 1577.) This
must have been either in December 1546, or in January 1546-7, immediately after the Governor had raised
the siege of the Castle.
In Vautr. edit. "merily."

John Hamilton: See note [331]. Immediately after the quotation in the previous note, Foxe continues: "After
this David Beaton, succeeded John Hamelton, Archbyshop of S. Andrewes, an. 1549; who to the extent that
he would in no wayes appeare inferiour to his predecessour in augmentyng the number of the holy Martyrs
of God, in the next yeare following called a certaine poore man to judgement, whose name was Adam
Wallace. The order and maner of whose story here foloweth." (See note [611].)
In Vautr. edit. and the later MSS., "dolorous to the Queen's daughter."
George Douglas was a natural son of Archibald Earl of Angus. To qualify him for preferment in the
Church, a letter of legitimation was passed under the Great Seal, 14th March 1542-3. On the death of
Cardinal Beaton, in the contest for his several preferments, the Abbacy of Arberbrothick, (now Arbroath,)
had been conferred on Douglas by the Governor. Hume of Godscroft, alluding to his title of Postulate of
Aberbrothock, says, he "not only did postulate it, but apprehended it also, and used it as his own."—(Hist.
of the House of Douglas and Angus, vol. ii. p. 63, edit. 1743.) Yet James Beaton obtained possession of the
Abbacy, and retained it till 1551, when he was raised to the See of Glasgow. In the Treasurer's Accounts for
November 1549, we find that "Maister James Betoun, Postulat of Aberbrothock," was ordered to find
surety "to underly the lawis, for tressonable intercommunyng with Schir Jhonn Dudlie Inglisman, sumtyme
Capitane of the Fort of Brochty;" and persons were sent "to Aberbrothok to requyre the place thairof to be
gevin oure to my Lord Governouris Grace, becaus Maister James Betoun wes at the horne."—Douglas took
an active share in devising the murder of Rizzio, in 1566. Upon the death of Patrick Hepburn, Bishop of
Moray, Douglas became his successor, and was consecrated 5th February 1573-4. Keith says he was Bishop
of Moray for sixteen years; and that he was buried in the church of Holyroodhouse.
The summons of treason against the conspirators in the Castle of St. Andrews, is contained in the Acts of
Parliament. It was passed under the Great Seal on the 10th of June 1546, and it cited them to compear
before the Parliament on the 30th of July, within the City of Edinburgh. On the 29th of July the Parliament
met, and continued the summons until the 4th of August. On the same day, were "Letters direct to Fyf,
chargeing all maner of man that nane of thame tak upone hande to molest, trouble, or mak onye
impediment to Normound Leslie or his complicies, that thai may frelie cum to Edinburgh to the Parliament
and allege thair defensis, and frelie to pas and repas," &c.—(Treasurer's Accounts.) Some overtures to
Parliament for their remission having proved abortive, the persons referred to were declared guilty of high
treason, and their lands and goods forfeited. The chief persons mentioned in the summons were—Norman
Lesley, Fear of Rothes; Peter Carmichael of Balmadie; James Kirkaldy of the Grange; William Kirkaldy,
his eldest son; David Kirkaldy, his brother; John, Patrick, and George Kirkaldy, brothers to the said James
Kirkaldy of the Grange; John Leslie of Parkhill; Alexander Inglis; James Melville elder; John Melville,
bastard son to the Laird of Raith; Alexander Melville; David Balfour, son to the Laird of Mountquhanny;
William Guthrie; Sir John Auchinleck, Chaplain; and Sir John Young, Chaplain.—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii.
pp. 467, 468.)
Pitscottie, after stating that the conspirators at the end of six days were put to the horn, thus proceeds in his
narrative:—"So they keipit still the Castle of Sanct Andros, and furnished it with all neccssar; and all sie as
suspected thamselffis guiltie of the said slauchter, past into the said Castle for thair defence, to witt, the
Laird of Grange, Maister Hendrie Prymros, [err. for Balnaves,] the Laird of Pitmillie, the old persone
George Leslie, Sir Johne Auchinleck, with many utheris, who wer nocht at the slauchter, but suspected
thamselffis to be borne at evill will; thairfoir they lap in to the Castle, and remained thair the space of halfe
ane yeir, and would not obey the authoritie, nor yitt hear of no appoyntment nor offerris which was offerred
unto thame be the authoritie. But still malignant aganis the Queine and Governour, thinked thamselffis
strong enough againes thame both; and send thair messingeris to Ingland to seik support; but quhat they
gott, I cannot tell."—(Dalyell's edit. p. 435.) Spotiswood is much more concise. He says, "Diverse persons,
upon the news of the Cardinal's death, came and joyned with those that had killed him, especially Maister
Henry Balnaves, the Melvilles of the house of Raith, and some gentlemen of Fife, to the number of seven
score persons, who all entered into the Castle the day after the slaughter, and abode there during the term of
the first siege. John Rough, he that had attended the Governour as Chaplain in the beginning of his
regiment, came also thither, and became their preacher."—(History, p. 84.)
James Lord Hamilton, afterwards third Earl of Arran, and eldest son of the Governor, was kept as a hostage
in the Castle of St. Andrews at the time of the Cardinal's slaughter. He was retained by the conspirators as a
pledge for their own advantage. In the event of his being delivered to the English, the Parliament, on the
14th of August 1546, passed an Act, excluding Lord Hamilton from all right of succession to the family
estates and the Crown, (being then regarded as presumptive heir to the Crown,) during the time of his
captivity.
This was George Durie. George, Abbot of Dunfermline, was present at the sentence against Patrick
Hamilton in February 1527-8, yet it appears that his kinsman, James Beaton, Archbishop of St. Andrews,
was actually Commemdator. Durie, however, who was Archdeacon of St. Andrews, styles himself Abbot in
1530, and continued to act as subordinate to Beaton during the Primate's Life. Beaton died in 1539; and
Durie's appointment to the Abbacy of Dunfermline was confirmed by James the Fifth. He was nominated
an Extraordinary Lord of Session, 2d July 1541. Durie continued to act as Commendator, or Abbot, till
1560, when he went to France, and died on the 27th January 1560-61: his successor on the bench took his
seat on the 12th November that year. According to Dempster, two years after his death he was canonized by
the Church of Rome.—(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 67; Keith's Hist. vol. i. p. 331; Registrum de
Dunfermlyn, p. xvi.)
Montquhanie is in the parish of Kilmany, and was the seat of Sir Michael Balfour.
"Nor by the law," omitted in Vautr. edit.
In Vautr. edit. "enjoy."

In MS. G, and other copies, "Arran:" see note [462].

In Vautr. edit. "esperance", here and elsewhere, is rendered "hope."
See note [474].

Pasche, or Easter. In 1547, this festival fell on the 10th of April. Thus it was upwards of ten months after
the Cardinal's death before Knox took shelter in the Castle of St. Andrews. As this notice fixes the duration
of Knox's abode within the Castle to less than four months, we may suppose that his vocation to the
ministry, by John Rough, was in the end of May, or early in June 1547. The Castle had been besieged by
the Governor, without any success, from the end of August till December 1546. But the French fleet, to
assist the Governor in its reduction, arrived in June 1547, and the Castle being again invested both by sea
and land, and receiving no expected aid from England, the besieged were forced to capitulate on the last of
July that year.
Hugh Douglas of Long-Niddry, in the parish of Gladsmuir, East-Lothian, about four miles from Tranent.
(See Patten's Expedition, sig. D ii. for a notice of his wife, when the English came "to Lang Nuddrey.") The
mansion-house of Long-Niddry "is now known only by a circular mound, rising a few feet above the
ground, containing the subterraneous vaults which were connected with the building."—(Stat. Acc.
Haddington, p. 184.) Near it is the ruinous Chapel which still bears the name of John Knox's Kirk. Hugh
Douglas, the father of Knox's pupils, Francis and George, was a cadet of the Douglasses of Dalkeith. He
must have died before the year 1567; as his son, Francis Douglas of Langnudry, is named as third in the line
of succession to James Earl of Morton, failing his lawful male issue, in the deed of ratification, dated 19th
April 1567.—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 564.)
Alexander Cockburn, Knox's pupil, according to the inscription on a brazen tablet, erected to his memory in
the aisle of the old Church of Ormiston, was born in the year 1535-6.—(Collection of Epitaphs, &c., p. 342,
Glasgow, 1834, 12mo; Stat. Acc. Haddington, p. 179.) The following is the inscription alluded to, as still
extant at Ormiston:—
"Hic conditur Mag. ALEXANDER COCKBURN, Primogenitus Joannis Domini Ormiston et Alisonæ Sandilands,
ex preclara familia Calder, qui natus 13 Januarij 1535: Post insignem Linguarum Professionem, Obiit anno
ætatis suæ 28, cal. Sept."
As Cockburn was born in 1535-6, he must have died in 1564. The tablet referred to also contains
Buchanan's lines. Omnia quæ longa, &c., celebrating his learning, and lamenting his premature fate.
Dempster likewise quotes these lines and another elegy on his death, by Buchanan. (Opera, vol. ii. pp. 106,
120,) and says, that Alexander Cockburn, who had spent several years abroad, published various works, of
which he had only seen three, the titles of which he specifies; but he mistakes the date of his death, in
placing it in 1572, and his age, as 25.—(Hist. Eccles. p. 182.)
In MS. G, "in cumpany."
John Rough is said to have been born in 1510. It must have been previous to that date, as his name,
"Johannes Rouch," occurs in the second class or division of persons who were Incorporated in St. Leonard's
College, in the year 1521. He entered a monastery at Stirling, when only seventeen years of age. The
reputation he had acquired as a preacher, induced the Governor to procure a dispensation for him to leave
the monastery, and become one of his chaplains. In the Treasurer's Accounts, February 1512-3, he is called
"Maister Johnne Ra, Chaplane to my Lord Governour," upon occasion of receaving "ane goun, doublet,
hoiss, and bonet." Foxe mentions that Rough visited Rome twice, and was very much shocked with what he
witnessed in that city, which he had been taught to regard as the fountain of sanctity. He entered the Castle
of St. Andrews, as Knox states, soon after the Cardinal's slaughter; but he retired to England before the
capitulation in 1547. (See Calderwood's account of him, vol. i. p. 251.) He continued to preach till the death
of Edward the Sixth; when he crossed to Narden in Friesland. But having come over to London, he was
informed against to Bishop Bonner, by whose orders he was committed to the flames at Smithfield, on the
22d of December 1557. "An account of his examination, and two of his letters, (says Dr. MʻCrie,) breathing
the true spirit of a Christian Martyr, may be seen in Foxe, p. 1840-41."—(Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 51, 52,
67.) Rough's fate is thus commemorated, in a rare poetical tract by Thomas Bryce, entitled "A
Compendeous Register in Metre, conteigning the names and pacient suffryngs of the Membres of Jesus
Christ; and the tormented and cruelly burned within England, since the death of our famous Kyng of
immortal memory, Edwarde the Sixte," &c. London, 1559, 8vo.
DECEMBER[1557.]
When Jhon Roughe, a minister weke,
And Margaret Mering, with corage died,
Because Christ onely they did seeke,
With fier of force they must bee fried;
When these in Smithfield were put to death,
We wishte for our Elizabeth.
In Vautr. edit. "M. Iohne."
In Vautr. edit. the name Annand having been omitted, he is spoken of as "Dean John."
Dean John Annand was an ecclesiastic of some note. In a decreet arbitral, dated 16th Oct. 1518, as well as
in the sentence pronounced against Sir John Borthwick, in 1540, he is styled a Canon of the Metropolitan
Church of St. Andrews. He became Principal of St. Leonard's College in 1544, and he held that office till
1550, when he was succeeded by John Law.
In Vautr. edit. "preaching."
In Vautr. edit. "briefly."
In Vautr. edit. "other new names."
In MS. G, "names."

Or Major: (see note [74].) He was born in 1469, and consequently at this time was far advanced in years. At
the Provincial Council held in 1549, "M. Johannes Mayr, decanus facultatis theologicæ Universitatis Sancti
Andrete, et Martinus Balfour, Doctores in theologia, annosi, grandævi, et debiles, comparuerunt per
procuratores."—(Wilkins, Concil., vol. iv. p. 46.) He died in 1550.

John Wynrame: See note 395.

In Vautr. edit. "others hewed;" in MS. G, "utheris hued."
In MS. G, "Nydre."—The person referred to was James Forsyth of Nydie, who had a charter of the salmon
fishings pertaining to the King, in the water of Edyn, in Fyfe, 25th September 1541. The name of James
Forsyth of Nydie in the regality of St. Andrews, between 1533 and 1552, occurs in an old Rental book
belonging to the City of St. Andrews. One of his descendants was Alexander Forsyth, who was served heir
of his father James Forsyth, in the lands of Nydie Easter, in the regality of St. Andrews, 16th April 1634.—
(Retours, Fife, No. 142.)
John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley, as already stated, was appointed High Treasurer in 1543, when Kirkaldy
of Grange was superseded. The Abbot's Accounts, under his designation of Bishop of Dunkeld, were
rendered on the 1st October 1546, having commenced 13th August 1543. In the title of his Accounts,
commencing 1st October 1546, and rendered on the 16th of September 1550, he is styled Archbishop of St.
Andrews. He may therefore have been promoted to the Primacy in October 1546; but he was not inducted
until the year 1549. This date is fixed by the Archbishop himself, in a deed, 31st March 1558, as "the 12th
year of our Consecration, and the 9th of our Translation to the Primacy."—(Lyons Hist. of St. Andrews, vol.
ii. p. 262.) Keith has shown that Hamilton, who had been presented to the See of Dunkeld on the death of
George Crichton, in January 1543-4, was not consecrated until 1545, or more probably the beginning of
1546. In like manner he continued to be styled John Bishop of Dunkeld, until the 14th June 1549;
immediately after which date his translation to St. Andrews no doubt took place.—(Catal. of Bishops, pp.
38, 96.)
In MS. G, "unfaythfull."
That is, as in MS. G, &c., "our youth;" Vautr. edit. has "your thoughtes."
This Friar may probably be identified with Alexander Arbuckylle, whose name appears in the list of
Determinants, in the fourth class (4tus actus) "in Pedagogio," at St. Andrews, in 1525. There was a
Franciscan Monastery of Observantines at St. Andrews, to which he doubtless belonged.
In MS. G, and in Vautr. edit., "abashed."
In MS. G, "his fault."
In Vautr. edit. "hinder."
In Vautr. edit. "were merily skoft ower."
The Treatise which Knox wrote on board the French galley, containing a Confession of his Faith, and which
he sent to his friends in Scotland, is not known to be preserved. The substance of it was probably embodied
in some of his subsequent writings. Knox might, however, have had some reference to the Epistle which he
addressed to his brethren in Scotland, in 1548, in connexion with Balnaves's Confession, or treatise on
Justification, (see note [575].)
Mr. John Spittal, Official Principal of St. Andrews, held the office of Rector of the University, from 1547 to
1550. In the "Liber Officialis S. Andree Principalis," from which extracts were printed for the Abbotsford
Club, Edinb. 1845, 4to, his name occasionally occurs: thus, "Joannes Spittal a Niuibus rector, in utroque
Jure Licentiatus, Officialis Sancti Andree Principalis," &c., 24 Aprilis 1547; and on the 20th February
1548-9, he has the additional title of Provost of the Collegiate Church of St. Mary in the Fields, near
Edinburgh—"Prepositus Ecclesie Collegiate diui Virginis Marie de Campis prope Edinburgh," (pp. 97, 101,
112; Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46.)
Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich, eldest son of Balfour of Montquhanie, (see before, p. 183,) is styled by
Principal Robertson, and not unjustly, us "the most corrupt man of his age." Having joined the conspirators
at St. Andrews, he was, when the Castle was surrendered to the French, sent on board the same galley with
Knox. According to Spotiswood, he obtained his freedom before the other prisoners were released, by
abjuring his profession; and upon his return to Scotland, he was appointed Official of Lothian, by the
Archbishop of St. Andrews.—(Hist. p. 90.) At a subsequent time, when raised to the bench, he took his seat
under the title of Parson of Flisk.
That is, Martin Luther's.
In MS. G, "lat the godlie bewar of that race and progeny." So in Vautr. edit., with this addition, "progenie
by eschewing." The obvious meaning of the words is, "let the person of that race who lives godly be
shown."
Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich, eldest son of Balfour of Montquhanie, (see before, p. 183,) is styled by
Principal Robertson, and not unjustly, us "the most corrupt man of his age." Having joined the conspirators
at St. Andrews, he was, when the Castle was surrendered to the French, sent on board the same galley with
Knox. According to Spotiswood, he obtained his freedom before the other prisoners were released, by
abjuring his profession; and upon his return to Scotland, he was appointed Official of Lothian, by the
Archbishop of St. Andrews.—(Hist. p. 90.) At a subsequent time, when raised to the bench, he took his seat
under the title of Parson of Flisk.
That is, Martin Luther's.
In MS. G, "lat the godlie bewar of that race and progeny." So in Vautr. edit., with this addition, "progenie
by eschewing." The obvious meaning of the words is, "let the person of that race who lives godly be
shown."
Langhope, a castle on the Borders, belonging to Lord Maxwell, which the English had obtained possession
of.
In Vautr. edit. "court."
In Vautr. edit. "plague."
In the MS. "age."
In Vautr. edit. "The xxix of July."
In Vautr. edit. "comming with the Priour," &c.
Leon Strozzi, a Knight of Malta, Prior of Capua, and Captain-General of the galleys of France. His brother,
Peter Strozzi, was Captain of the French galleys which came to Scotland in 1549.
In MS. G, Vautr. edit., &c., "Felcam."—That is, the vessels arrived at Fecamp, a sea-port of Normandy,
about half-way between Dieppe and Havre.
The water of Sequane, or the river Seine, is one of the four great rivers of France. It rises in Burgundy, and
passing the cities of Paris and Rouen, (called by Knox, Rowane,) flows into the English Channel at Havre.
This John Hamilton of Milburn is not mentioned by the Historian of the Hamiltons. The earliest of the
family mentioned is Matthew, in 1549. His name, however, is correctly given by Knox, as we find in the
Treasurer's Accounts, these three payments:—
1545, January. "Item, be my Lord Governouris precept deliverit to my Lord Cardinale, quhilk he lent to
Maister Jhonn Hammyltoun of Mylburne, to set furth the artailze at Birgen raid, £600."
1547, November. "Item, to Maister Jhonn Hammyltoun of Mylburn, Maister of Wark for the tyme to the
Quenys Grace's bigingis, quhilk he debursit upoun hir Grace's warkis befoir his departing towart France, as
his tiket of compt, heir present to schaw, beris, £1238, 17s. 6d."
"Item, to Maister Jhonn Hammyltoun of Mylburne, direct to the Kingis Grace of France, in the effaris of
this Realme, £400."
That Knox is also correct in regard to the time of his death, may be inferred from the date of these
payments, and from the circumstance that (his son, no doubt) Matthew Hamilton of Mylburn, had a charter
under the Great Seal of the lands of Houston in Linlithgowshire, dated in 1549. This Matthew had another
charter of the same lands to himself, and to Agnes Livingstone his spouse, and to Henry Hamilton his son
and heir apparent, 20th November 1553. His son predeceased him, and the property came to Robert, fratri
quondam Mathæi Hamilton de Melburne. See Anderson's House of Hamilton, p. 323*.
In Vautr. edit. "mountain." Craig, a rock, is in other passages also erroneously made mountain.
[512]
The city of Rouen,
[513] in Normandy.
Nantes in Bartanze,
[514] or Britanny, the large commercial city in the west of France. It is situated in the
department of the Loire Inferieure, about twenty-seven miles from the mouth of the river Loire.
In MS. G, and
[515]
Vautr. edit., "went."
The Castle and[516]
Episcopal Palace of St. Andrews is now in ruins. It stands on a detached point of land to the
north of the town, and is bounded on two sides by the sea. It entered from the south side by a drawbridge,
across a deep fosse or ditch, which being now removed and filled up with rubbish, very much injures the
picturesque appearance of the Castle. After its surrender, on the last of July 1547, the Castle was ordered by
an Act of Council to be rased to the ground. The fortress and "block-houses" were no doubt partially
demolished, but the building itself was speedily repaired and inhabited by Archbishop Hamilton, whose
arms cut in stone still remain over one of the windows at the south-east corner. The north-west corner or
keep was surmounted by a tower, and is the place mentioned by Knox at pages 53, 179, as "the Sea-tower."
On entering it, after descending a few steps, the dungeon is shewn to visitors by letting down a light, till it
nearly reaches the bottom, at about 20 feet. The diameter at the top may be 7 feet, and after a descent of 7
or 8 feet, it gradually widens to 18 or 20 feet diameter, cut out of the solid rock. There is no appearance of
any similar excavation at the north-east corner. The Castle, when surrendered, was abundantly supplied
with provisions, and it contained the Cardinal's money and furniture, to the value, it is said, of £100,000;
and also the property of other persons, which had been brought hither as to a place of security.
The Earl of[517]
Hertford, created Duke of Somerset, was Lord Protector of England. Of his Expedition into
Scotland, there was published at the time a minute and interesting account. See note [535].
Preston is near
[518]the village of Prestonpans, in the parish of that name, being about eight miles east from
Edinburgh.
In this place[519]
in the MS., half a page on the reverse of fol. 70, and nearly as much at the top of the next leaf,
are left blank, us if for the purpose of afterwards inserting the letter here mentioned.—There is still
preserved among the "State Papers, in the reign of Henry the Eighth," a letter addressed by that Monarch to
the Governor and Council of Scotland, on the 20th December 1546, (vol. v. p. 576.) It expresses his desire
for peace and tranquillity; but stipulates that the siege of St. Andrews shall be relinquished, as he formerly
had made promise to the gentlemen in the Castle "to helpe them in their necessities." The English Monarch
died on the 28th of January 1546-7; and it is scarcely necessary to add, that the expected aid was not sent.
In all the copies,
[520]"Friday the 7th."
Or Inveresk.[521]
In MS. G, "playand;"
[522] in Vautr. edit., "playing."
In Vautr. edit.
[523]
"preachers."
Hume Castle, [524]
in Roxburghshire, in the united parishes of Stitchell and Hume, was a celebrated border
fortress, often besieged by the English.—Alexander fifth Lord Home, succeeded his father in 1547, a few
days after the battle of Pinkie. It was in order to save his life, he being then a prisoner, that his mother, Lady
Home, was influenced to surrender the Castle to the English, 20th September 1547; from whom it was
recovered by stratagem, in 1548, as minutely detailed by Beaugué, in his History of the Campaigns, &c.,
pp. 77-82. Lord Home was appointed Warden of the East Marches; and was a supporter of the Reformation.
He died in 1575.
Falside hill or
[525]
bray, is in the parish of Inveresk, near Carberry hill.

[526]
[527]

[528]
The battle of Pinkie took place in a field to the east of Musselburgh, and adjacent to Pinkie house.

George Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline: see note [463].

Hugh Rigg of Carberry: see note [165]. Buchanan mentions him as one of the persons by whose advice the
Governor suppressed the Duke of Somerset's letters; and calls him "a lawyer, more remarkable for his large
body and personal strength, than for any knowledge of military affairs."
Archibald Douglas seventh Earl of Angus, succeeded his grandfather, the sixth Earl, who was slain at
Floddon, along with his son George Master of Angus. He married Margaret, the Queen Dowager, mother of
James the Fifth, and during the King's minority he obtained and exercised great power; but was banished
when James had assumed the Royal authority. His daughter, Lady Margaret Douglas, by the Queen
Dowager, became Countess of Lennox, and mother of Darnley. The Earl of Angus died at Tantallon Castle
in the year 1556.
Archibald Campbell, fifth Earl of Argyle: see a subsequent note near the end of Book First.
MS. G, has "the armie."
The word "host," omitted in the MS., is supplied from MS. G.
In MS. G, "frayed thame grettumlie." Vautr. edit. has, "affraied them wonderouslie."
In MS. G, "the Erle of Huntlie."
Dr. Patrick Anderson, in his MS. History of Scotland, in describing the disastrous flight at Pinkie, says, "it
was owing more to lack of good and prudent government, than by any manhood of the enemie. For it was
plainly reported, that some were traitors amongst us, and that they received gold from England; whereupon
the following distich was said,
It was your gold, and our traitors wanne
The field of Pinkie, and noe Englishman."
The date of this calamitous defeat at Pinkie, near Musselburgh, was the 10th of September 1547. The
English forces were accompanied by William Patten, who, from his notes or diary, published his curious
and interesting work, intituled, "The Expedicion into Scotlande of the most woorthely fortunate prince
Edward, Duke of Soomerset, vncle vnto our most noble souereign lord the kinges Maiestie Edvvard the VI.
Goouernour of hys hyghnes persone, and Protectour of hys graces Realmes, dominions, & subiectes: made
in the first yere of his Maiesties most prosperous reign, and set out by way of diarie, by W. Patten,
Londoner. VIVAT VICTOR ."—Colophon, "Imprinted in London, by Richard Grafton, &c., M.D.XLVIII." Small
8vo, bl. 1.
In MS. G, "many ransomes;" in Vautr. edit., "many reasons, Honestie or unhonestie."
Robert Master of Erskine, eldest son of John fourth Lord Erskine, (and fifth Earl of Mar, who died in 1552.)
As stated in the text, he was slain at Pinkie, 10th September 1547; and leaving no issue, his next brother
Thomas, Master of Erskine, having also predeceased his father, John Erskine, originally intended for the
Church, became sixth Earl of Mar, in 1552.
In Vautr. edit. craig is rendered "mountains."—Broughty Craig, now known as Broughty Ferry, at the
mouth of the river Tay, four miles below Dundee. The old Castle, now in ruins, forms a conspicuous object
from the opposite side of the river.—Among other disbursements for "resisting of our old enemies," are the
following:—
"Item, (Jan. 1547-8,) at my Lord of Argilys passing to Dunde, Lieutenant for the tyme, for the recovering of
the said toun and fort of Brochty furth of the Inglismennis bandis, rasit ane band of Jo [100 men] of weyr,
send with him, and put under the governance of Duncan Dundass; and to the said men of weyr, ... iijm lib."
"Item, (Feb. 1548-9,) to summound Alexander Quhitlaw of New Grange, to underly the law for his
tressonable art, part, and counsale geving to the putting of the House of Brouchtye in the Englische mennis
handis, continewall remanying with thame, conveying of thame to the byrnyng of Dunde and Forfair,
rydand and gangand with thame in all thair dedis and heir-schippis upoun our Souerane Ladyis landis and
subjectis, etc."
Probably in January or February 1547-8. Bishop Lesley mentioning Gawin Hamilton's death, calls him
"Gubernatoris cognato," (De Rebus, &c., p. 489,) and "awin tender kynisman" of the Governor.—(Hist. p.
203.) We may therefore suppose he was the same person with Gawin Hamilton of Orbiston, who was
named in the settlement of the Hamilton estates in 1540.—(Anderson's House of Hamilton, p. 271.) In
October 1547, the Treasurer repaid "to Maister Gawyne Hammyltoun, quhilk he debursit in the Castle of
Edinburgh, the tyme of the field (of Pynkeclouch) xxvi lib." He had previously been engaged in conducting
the siege of St. Andrews, as in December 1547, "The Compttar, (or Treasurer,) discharges him in this
moneth, quhairwith he sowld have been dischargeit in the moneth of December, in Anno 1546, quhilk was
deliverit to Jc lxxx culvering men, under the governaunce of Capitane Gawyne Hammylton and Robert
Lindesay, parson of Covingtoun; quhilk band was rasit for recovering of the Castell of Sanctandrois, and
indurit v monethis, to ilkane of thir culvering men in the moneth, iiij lib. Summa to the said space, ... iijm
vjc lib." (£3600.)

"Item, the samyne tyme, under the governaunce of the saidis Capitanis Jc xx pikmen, quhilkis alsua remanit
the tyme of the said assege, to every ane of thame in the moneth, iij lib. x s. Summa be the said space, ...
ijm lib." (£2000.)
"Item, to the saidis twa Capitanis, for thair awin feis, thair hand-seinze lieutenant, provest, clerk, and
officiaris of band, ilkane of the said Capitanis in the moneth, Jc lib. Summa in the saidis v monethis, Jm
lib." (£1000.)
In Vautr. edit. "That Lent."
John Cockburn, (who has been already noticed, and will be again met with under the year 1559,) was
forfeited 14th December 1548.
Alexander Crichton of Brunstone was a leading agent in the English schemes for assassinating Cardinal
Beaton, although eventually accomplished without his aid. From his connexion with George Wishart, some
fruitless attempts have been made to implicate Wishart in such schemes. See Appendix, No. IX.—The
situation of Brunstone, in the barony of Pennycuik, is already noticed at page 135. A charter under the
Great Seal of the lands of Gilberton, was granted to Alexander Creichtoun of Burnstoun, and John
Creichtoun his son and heir, 19th November 1542. On the 8th November 1545, there was paid, "be my
Lord Governouris speciall command, to the Laird of Brounstoun, in support of his expensis maid in tyme of
his being in Ingland, lauborand for redres of certane Scottis schippis tane be the Inglische men, &c., 44 lib."
He was forfeited, and escaped from Scotland in the year 1548. His death must have taken place before the
5th December 1558, as on that day the process of forfeiture against him was reduced by the Scotish
Parliament, at the instance of John Creichton, eldest lawful son and heir of umquhile Alexander Creichton
of Burnstane.—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 520.) On the 26th February 1564-5, John Creichton of
Brunstone, had a charter of confirmation of the lands of Gilbertoun; and another, on the 12th February
1565-6, of the lands of Stanyhill, in the shire of Edinburgh. In the Retours we find the names of James
Creichton junior, as heir of his brother John, of lands in the barony of Pennycuik, 30th May 1604; and
James Creichton, as heir of John Creichton of Brunstone, his father, of the lands of Brunstone, &c., in the
barony of Pennycuik, 17th May 1608.
In Vautr. edit. "after sore assalted."
Knox has evidently mistaken the year. Mons. de Dessé, Mons. Dandelot, and Pierre Strozzi, Captain of the
galleys, arrived in Scotland, about June 1548; and Mons. de Térmes, in the year following: see note [555].
Bishop Lesley has given a detailed account of their proceedings.—(History, p. 206, &c.) See also
"L'Histoire de la Guerre d'Escosse, traitant comme le Royaume fut assailly, & en grand' partie occupé par
les Anglois, & depuis rendu paisible à sa Reyne, & reduit en son ancien estat & dignité, Par Ian de
Beaugué, gentilhomme François. A Paris, 1556," 8vo. A translation of this work, ascribed to Dr. P.
Abercromby, was published at Edinburgh in 1707, 8vo, with an historical preface. A MS. note by the
celebrated Dr. Archibald Pitcairne, in a copy in my possession, asserts that the preface was written by
Crawford the Historiographer, although claimed by the translator as his own; "but poor Crawford," he adds,
was then dead.
This meeting of Parliament referred to, was "holdin at the Abbay of Hadingtoun," on the 7th July 1548; of
which the only proceedings recorded are the "Propositioun by the maist Christian King of France; and the
determinatioun of the Three Estatis, concerning the mariage of our Soverane Lady with the Dolphin of
France."—(Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 481.)
Sir Walter Scott of Branxholm, was served heir of his father, Sir Walter, in October 1517. He was slain in
Edinburgh by Sir Walter Ker of Cessfurd, and Andrew Kerr of Fernyhurst, in October 1552.—(Acta Parl.
Scot. vol. ii. p. 461.) In the Diurnal of Occurrents, the writer noticing his slaughter, calls him "ane valzeand
guid Knycht," (p. 51.) Knox simply styles him "a bloody man."—(See Douglas and Wood's Peerage, vol. i.
p. 240; and Scott's Lay of the Last Minstrel.)
The proposed alliance between Queen Mary and the Dauphin of France having been agreed to at Stirling,
on the 8th February 1547-8, the same day, the Governor, James Earl of Arran, was created Duke of
Chatellerault, by the King of France and the letters patent of his nomination were registered by the
Parliament of France, on the 22d of April.
The Order of St. Michael was instituted by Louis XI., King of France, in 1469. The number of Knights was
limited to thirty-six. It received the name of the Cockle, from the escalop-shells of gold with which the
collar of the Order was ornamented.—In September 1548, is this payment by the Treasurer, "Item, for
paintting of my Lord Governoures armes setting furth of the Collar that day that my Lord of Angus and
Argyle had ressavit the Ordour, xlv s." From the date, we might have concluded that this referred to the
Order of the Cockle, had it not been that three years previously mention is made, in a letter from one of the
English "espialles," in Scotland, (communicated to Lord Wharton, on the 12th June 1545,) that "the Order
of the Cocle," with a collar of gold, had then been sent from France to the Earl of Angus.—(State Papers,
vol. v. p. 460.)
In the MS. this marginal note is scored through, as if to be deleted; but this seems to have been done by a
later hand. A few of the letters are cut away by the binder, but the note itself occurs in Vautrollier's edition,
p. 176; which does not contain the marginal words that follow, marking the precise time when this portion
of the History was written. It is worthy of notice, that on the 15th June 1567, Bothwell having escaped to
Dunbar, Queen Mary surrendered herself to the Nobles at Carberry Hill, and two days later, she was
imprisoned in Lochleven Castle. The marginal words, therefore, to this purport, "Finish what thou hast
begun, O my God, for the glory of thy name: 15th June 1567," may be regarded as if the author had viewed
that event as being a partial accomplishment of his prediction which he states to have been written in April
1566. But the language here used by Knox, it is impossible to vindicate.
On the 26th November 1549, a pursuevant was sent to Stirling "with letters to the Maister of Arskine,
charging him to keip Sir Robert Bowes, Inglisman, untransportit hame in his awin cuntré, quhill my Lord
Governour and Counsale be farder avisit."—(Treasurer's Accounts.)
Sir James Wilford was taken prisoner by the French at Dunbar, in the year 1549: See Holinshed's
Chronicles, England, vol. ii. p. 996; Scotland, p. 349, edit. 1586.
Prince Alexander Labanoff, in his collection of the Letters of Mary Queen of Scots, states, that at the end of
July 1548, M. de Brézé, who arrived for that end, and Villegaignon, commander of the French squadron,
received the young Queen and her suite, at Dumbarton. On the 13th August, he adds, Mary Stuart
disembarked at the port of Brest, and was immediately conducted to St. Germain-en-Laye, where she was
educated as one of the Royal family.—(Lettres de Marie Stuart, &c., vol. i.)
The following entries from the Treasurer's Accounts, as relating to the young Queen, are not devoid of
interest, in connexion with the similar payments quoted in note [287],—
"Item, (March 1548,) the Comptar dischargis him, gevyn to my Lord Erskyn and Lord Levingstoun, to ane
compte of thair feyes restand awyn thame for keping of the Quenis Grace persoun, the sowme of Jc lxxvi
lib. vi s. viij d.
"Item, mair to thame, in compleit pament of all feyes restand awyn thame for the causis forsaid, (fra the last
day of November in the zeir of God 1545 zeris,) unto the last day of Februar, in the zeir of God Jm Vc and
fortye sevyn zeris, [1547-8,] quhilk was the day of thair departing with the Quenis Grace to Dumbartane,
and sa dischargit the sowme of ijm (2000) lib.
"Item, (July 1548,) to Johnne Patersoun, to pas for marinaris to be pylattis, and to pas about in the galayes
to the Vest seyes, that past to France with the Quenis Grace, xxij s."
In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "I assure yow."
Cramond, a village on the south side of the Frith of Forth, five or six miles higher up than Leith.
In October 1547, a messenger was directed "to charge the maister capitane, quarter maisterris, and
skippares of the schip callit the Schallop, chargeing thame to prepair and mak hir reddye for the recovering
of Sanct Colmys Inche."—(Treasurer's Accounts.) St. Colme's Inch is a small island in the Frith of Forth,
within two miles of the shore from Aberdour. There are still some remains of fortifications of a recent date.
The island of Inch-Colme is chiefly remarkable for the ruins of an Abbey founded by King Alexander the
First, about the year 1123, and dedicated to St. Columba. The inmates were Canon-Regulars of St.
Augustine.
Although the name is apparently "De Arfe" in the MS., it might be read "De Aese." But the name "De
Arfe" is found in Vautr. edit., and in MSS. A, E, I, and W. MS. L 2, has "De Anfe." In the MS. as originally
written it stood, "That wynter remaned Monsieur de Termes in Scotland," &c. This name was afterwards
deleted, and that of "De Arfe" interlined; and it so appears in the copies above specified. But in MS. G, the
original words are retained, thus indicating that the intermediate MS. from which MS. G was transcribed,
may have been made previously to the correction of the name.—On the 12th June 1548, £4. 10s. was paid
by the Treasurer "to Alexander Ross, pursevante, to attend upoun Monsieur Darse and the Frenche bande."
The name, however, should be Mons. de Dessé, who continued in command of the French troops in
Scotland, during 1548. Mons. de Termes arrived at Dumbarton with reinforcements, early in 1549, when
Dessé returned to France.—(Beaugué, Histoire, fol. 107, 119.)
In Vautr. edit. "scarcenesse."
Niddry's Wynd, is now called Niddry Street, its former character of a wynd or close having been changed,
when the houses at the top of it were removed in 1785, and the street called South Bridge was built, which
connects the Old Town of Edinburgh with the Southern districts.
The Nether bow Port or gate was a large building, with houses on each side, dividing or forming a barrier
between the High Street of Edinburgh, and the street in continuation still known as the Canongate, where
the French troops were quartered during the Winter 1548-9. The building alluded to was removed as an
obstruction to the street, in the year 1764.
In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "violentlie repulsit him."
James Hamilton, Laird of Stenhouse, already alluded to at page 124, was Provost of the City as well as
Captain of the Castle. Bishop Lesley says the occurrence which led to his death, took place early in October
1548. It must have been on or before the first of that month, as Sir William Hamilton of Sanquhar was on
that day appointed Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, with the salary of £533, 6s. 8d.—(Treasurer's
Accounts.)
James Hamilton was his father's deputy as Captain of the Castle; and was also Director of the Chancery.
In MS. G, "Mr. Walter Stewart."
The town of Haddington was strongly garrisoned by Lord Grey of Wilton and the English forces, in April
1548; and was soon after besieged by the French auxiliaries, and likewise in the following year, but on both
occasions without success. The Friar Kirk belonged to the Franciscan or Gray Friars; the choir of which,
from its beautiful structure, was called Lucerna Laudoniæ, (the Lamp of Lothian.) Notwithstanding all the
changes this church has undergone in the course of five or six centuries, it still exhibits the outlines of an
imposing building, about 210 feet long, surmounted by a handsome square tower. No traces are now
preserved of St. Catherine's Chapel.
According to Beaugué, this was a French soldier "corrupted by the enemy," who had served them as a spy.
In other copies, "aneughe,"—"enough."
See note [524].—Bishop Lesley says, the Castle, which had been left in charge of Sir Edward Dudley, was
recovered on St. Stephen's night, (26th December,) 1548.—(Hist. pp. 201, 222.)
The Laird of Raith was Sir John Melville, Knight. Charters of the lands of Murdocairney, in Fife, were
granted to him and his wife Helen Napier, in 1536 and 1542. James the Fifth, who conferred on him the
honour of knighthood, appointed him Captain of the Castle of Dunbar. He was accused of heresy by
Cardinal Beaton; but was not convicted. It may have been in reference to this charge that he obtained from
the King a remission "for all crimes, excepting treason," which he may have committed prior to the 15th
August 1538.—(Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 250*.) Subsequently being in favour of the English
alliance, when all correspondence with England had been interdicted, an intercepted letter, addressed by Sir
John Melville to his son, was laid hold of, and formed the ground of accusation for treason. On the 3d
December 1548, writings were sent from Edinburgh "to all the lairdis and gentilmen of Fyfe to be heir Dec.
5to. upoun the Laird of Rathis assise;" and on that day, the Treasurer paid 34s. "to Adame MʻCullo,
pursewant, send agane to Fyfe to summond ane assiss to the Laird of Raith; and to execute summoundis of
tressoun upoun the Laird of Petmille, and Maister Henry Balnavis, to the xxj day of Februar [1548-9.]" He
was accordingly tried and executed in 1548-9, and his forfeited estates were bestowed on David Hamilton,
youngest son of the Governor.—(Buchan. Hist. lib. xv. c. 65.) The forfeited estates, however, were restored
by Queen Mary to his eldest son John Melville, by a special gift dated 12th Feb. 1562-3.—(Criminal Trials,
vol. i. p. 341*.) He survived till the 13th July 1583.
In Vautr. edit. "prankes."
Ninian Cockburn, called Captain Ringan. In Vautr. edit. "Reingzein," and "Rengzeane," being a common or
vulgar pronunciation of the name Ninian.
In order not to crowd the pages unnecessarily, some further particulars respecting Norman Lesley are
reserved for the Appendix, No. XI.
Monypenny of Pitmilly, in the parish of Kingsbarns, in Fife, is a family of old standing. The mother of
Cardinal Beaton was Isabell Monypenny of Pitmilly. David Monypenny, heir apparent of Petmillie, had a
charter under the Great Seal, dated 30th March 1549. It is noticed at note [568], that summons of treason
upon the Laird of Petmille, to the 21st February 1548-9, had been served on the 5th December 1548. But
one of his daughters, as well as the "Laird," was implicated in countenancing the conspirators. On the last
of November 1546, "a messinger was sent with ane letter direct to summound Jonet Monypenie, douchtor
to the Laird of Petmylle, for hir remanyng in the Castell of Sanctandrois, and intercommonyng and
assistance gevin be hir to Normound Leslie and his complices, slaares of my Lord Cardinall."—(Treasurer's
Accounts.)
Sherisburg, is evidently Cherburg or Cherbourg, a well known sea-port in France, in Lower Normandy,
(near Cape La Hogue.)
Henry Balnaves of Halhill raised himself to distinction by his talents and application. After pursuing his
studies abroad for several years, he returned to Scotland, and was admitted an Advocate in November 1537.
In July 1538, he was appointed a Lord of Session; and survived till the year 1570. A more minute account
of his history will be given in Vol. III., in connexion with extracts from the Treatise mentioned in the
following note, to which Knox prefixed an Epistle, in the year 1548.
This treatise on Justification, of which Knox, we are informed, had expressed an earnest desire, as almost
nothing more, that it should be diligently sought after, and preserved from perishing, was discovered in MS.
at Ormiston, subsequently to the death both of Knox and the Author. Yet David Buchanan, instead of these
words, makes Knox to say, "which is extant to this day." It was first published under the following title:—
"The Confession of Faith, conteining how the troubled man should seeke refuge at his God, thereto led by
Faith: with the Declaration of the article of Justification at length, &c. Compiled by M. Henry Balnaves of
Halhill, and one of the Lords of Session and Counsell of Scotland, being a prisoner within the old Pallaice
of Roane: In the year of our Lord 1548. Imprinted at Edinburgh, by Thomas Vautrollier. 1584." Small 8vo.
In Vautr. edit. the words, "the Messe was said in the gallay, or ellis heard upoun the schoar, in," are omitted
by the printer, at the foot of page 181. The words are likewise omitted in MSS. L2 and 1.

The City of Nantes: see note [514].

MS. G reads correctly, "such an idolle;" but Vautr. edit. has, "such a jewell is accursed;" and this blunder is
retained in MSS. A, E, I, ("javel,") L2, and W.—Although no name is given in regard to the incident
alluded to, this "merry fact" evidently happened to Knox himself.

Official of Lothian: see notes [496] and [603].

In MS. G, "a kape."
Probably in June 1548.
Mont St. Michel is a Benedictine Abbey, with a village strongly fortified, on a rocky island, surrounded
with quicksands, and only accessible at low water. It is sixteen miles S.W. of Avranches, in Normandy. Its
situation is highly picturesque; and many chivalrous associations are connected with the place; which,
during the fifteenth century, had often been besieged, but unsuccessfully, by the English. From its strong
and isolated position, it had probably been chosen for that purpose, and it still continues to be used for a
State prison.
In MS. G, "eyes."
See note [202].

The King's Even, is evidently meant for the Eve of Epiphany, and the King of the Bean: see footnote to
page 51. David Buchanan, aware of this allusion, from his long residence in France, has this marginal
illustration: "Le jour de Roys au soir, quand ils crient 'Le Roy boit.'" The mention of this fête may show,
that Kirkaldy and his companions had made their escape on the 5th of January, and in the year 1549-50.
Sir John Masone, Ambassador for England at the French Court, on the 14th June 1550, says, "Touching the
Scots at St. Andrews, he (the Constable of France) told me that the Lord Grange and his brother are flown
he wist not whither, and two others were already set at liberty; and that the rest, at the King (Edward VI.)
my master's contentation, should out of hand be put at large."—(Tytler's Edward VI., &c., vol. i. p. 295.)
In Vautr. edit. "they purposed."
The names of these brethren are very much overlooked by the different Peerage writers of Scotland, in their
pedigrees of the Rothes family. The first marriage of George Earl of Rothes with Margaret Crichton,
daughter of William Lord Crichton, was declared before 1524 to be uncanonical. But by this lady, "his
affidate spouse," he had four sons: the eldest was George, who died unmarried; the others were Norman,
William, and Robert. The reader may be referred to the Appendix of Nisbet's Heraldry, vol. ii. p. 141, to
explain the grounds upon which the two latter, as heirs-male, were passed over in the succession, at their
father's death, in 1558, when Andrew Lesley, the eldest son by subsequent marriage, and who had married a
niece of the Governor the Earl of Arran, became Earl of Rothes. Of these two brethren, William is styled in
Macfarlane's Genealogical Collections, "Laird of Cairnie, and, (it is added,) as some say, he died without
succession." Bishop Lesley, in noticing the death of Norman Lesley in France, in 1554, says, "The King of
France, for recompence of his service, received his eldest brodir William in favour, and maid him gentill
man of his chalmer."—(History, p. 249.) Knox's words in the text imply that he was alive in 1566. The
other brother Robert, is perhaps the same who was admitted an Advocate in the Court of Session, in May
1537. He settled in Morayshire, in the parish of Spynie, and became founder of the Fendrassie family. He
married Janet Elphingstone, a daughter of Robert Lord Elphingstone, and left three sons and two daughters.
An inscription, in Latin verse, in the Cathedral Church of Elgin, while it commemorates their virtues and
attachment, records that he and his wife were interred in the same grave.—(Monteith's Theatre of Mortality,
p. 222, Edinb., 1713, 8vo.)
Le Conquet, a small town of Britanny, with a good harbour, opposite the island of Ushant, sixteen miles
west of Brest.
He was probably the same person with Alexander Clark of Balbirnie, who became Lord Provost of
Edinburgh from 1579 to 1583 inclusive.
In this paragraph Knox sums up briefly his own history between February 1548-9, when he was delivered
from the French galley, and his first return to Scotland, in the end of harvest 1555.
Edward died on the 6th July 1553.
The word "English" is omitted in Vautr. edit.
Knox has abstained from entering upon any statement of the disputes which took place in the English
congregation at Francfort, in 1554, in consequence of the introduction, by Dr. Coxe and others, of the Book
of Common Prayer, and the use of various ceremonies. A short paper by Knox himself, connected with the
charge brought against him before the Magistrates of Francfort, has been preserved by Calderwood, (Hist.,
vol. i. p. 120,) and will naturally fall to be included in Vol. III. of the present work. But a detailed account
of the transactions at that time was drawn up and published anonymously, three years after Knox's death, by
one of the Nonconformists. It is entitled, "A Brieff Discours off the Troubles begunne at Franckford in
Germany, Anno Domini 1554. Abowte the booke off Common Prayer and Ceremonies, and continued by
the Englishe men theyre, to thame off Q. Maries Reigne," and was originally published (at Geneva) in
1575, 4to. There is an accurate reprint of it at London, by John Petheram, 1846, 8vo, in which it is
suggested, by the Rev. Thomas MʻCrie, with great probability, the author may have been Dr. William
Whittingham.
There were two editions of Knox's Admonition printed in 1554, within a few months of each other, under a
fictitious imprint, and both of them abroad, as will be fully described in Vol. III.
In printing these names, Vautr. edit. is very incorrect; instead of John Sibbald, John Gray, William Guthrie,
&c., it has "John Sibbard, John Gray, within gathered, and Stevin Bell." Yet this unintelligible nonsense is
literally copied in MSS. L 2 and 1. MSS. A, W, and E, have "Sibbard," but give Guthry's name correctly. In
the summons of treason against the conspirators, John Sibbald is called "brother of the Laird of Cukiston;"
and Auchinleck is styled Sir John Auchinleck, chaplain. For mention of Guthrey, in connexion with an
indignity offered to the Cardinal's body, the reader may be referred to Pitscottie. In the Treasurer's
Accounts, we find 10s. was paid to a messenger, sent on the 3d of December 1547, with "Letters to serche
and seik the gudes of Maister Jhonne Gray, persoun of Sanct Nycholace Kirk, beside Cowper, quhilkis
pertenis to our Souerane Lady be resoun of eschete, throu the said Maister Jhonnis being fugitive fra the
lawes for art and part of the slauchter of the Cardinall."—Gray's name, however, is not included in the list
of persons forfeited by the Parliament on the 14th August 1546.
From the above paragraph in Knox, it appears that the prisoners were liberated at different periods between
the Winter of 1548-9, and July 1550.
This statement of Knox, written in 1566, or twenty years after the event, is certainly very much opposed to
assertions which are easier made than proved, that all the persons concerned in Cardinal Beaton's
assassination came to a violent death. There is no doubt that Bishop Lesley says, "Cædis ujus auctores
violenta morte Deo vindice mulctantur;" (De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 482;) but he passes this over in silence,
in his English History. Dempster also asserts "Nam nullus nefariorum percussorum non violenta morte
extinctus est."—(Hist. Eccles. p. 89.) "So, 'tis observed by the Protestants, that there was not one of his
(Beaton's) murderers but afterwards died a violent, and, for the most part, an ignominious death."—
(Preface to Beaugué's History, p. 50.) It is not necessary to quote similar assertions reiterated by writers of
the present day. James Melville died, it is true, during his imprisonment, in 1548 or 1549, but certainly not
a violent death. Norman Lesley died of his wounds, but in no inglorious manner, in 1554; and nineteen
years later, in August 1573, Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange, after his gallant defence of the Castle of
Edinburgh, suffered an ignominious death. Any other instance of a violent death remains to be proven.

James Melvin or Melville. See note [449]. Spotiswood says he was "one of the house of Carnbee." In this
way, we may conjecture he was brother of John Mailvile of Carnbee, who had charters of the lands of
Granton, 21st February 1508-9, and to his wife Margaret Leirmonth, 26th May 1513. Their son, John
Mailvile of Carnbee junior, and his wife Janet Inglis, had a charter of half of these lands, 26th June 1509.
The person who acted such a prominent part in Cardinal Beaton's murder, was called Senior, probably to
distinguish him from James, "naturali et legitimo filio" of John Mailvile of Carnbee, who had a charter of
half the lands of Carnbee, 15th November 1528.—Brist in Bartanzea, is the same as Brest, the well known
sea-port of France, one of the best harbours in Europe, on the west coast of Britanny.
MS. G, "Gif we, I say, or they."
In Vautr. edit. "yeare of our Lord."
In Vautr. edit. the word villain was mistaken for the name of a person, and thus we have "his other
William;" and in the marginal note, "The slaughter of that Williame Davie."—The date of this event, so
memorable in Scotish history, from its relation to Queen Mary, was the 9th of March 1565-6.
Balfour, as stated at page 202, was Official of Lothian, and he still retained his ecclesiastical denomination,
Parson of Flisk, when raised to the bench, 12th November 1561. Immediately after Rizzio's murder, in
March 1566, he was knighted, and appointed Lord Clerk-Register, in place of Mr. James Macgill, one of
the conspirators. And on the 6th December 1567, Balfour became Lord President, by the title of
Pettendreich.
John Sinclair, Bishop of Brechin, died in April 1560: see subsequent note.
The person here referred to, and whose baptismal name is left blank in the MS., and in all the later copies,
was John Lesley, Bishop of Ross. This eminent and learned Prelate, whom Knox calls "a priest's gett," or
illegitimate child, was the natural son of Gawin Lesley, parson of Kingussie, as Keith, in his Catalogue of
Bishops, has shown from original documents. Lesley's several preferments will afterwards be noticed. He
survived till the year 1596.
In Vautr. edit. "gate;" MS. G, "geitt."

Sir Symon Preston of Craigmillar: see note [322].

In the MS. "keape."
A treaty of peace between England and France, comprising Scotland, was concluded at Boulogne, on the
24th March, and proclaimed at Edinburgh in April 1550.
There was concluded a commercial treaty between France and the Low Countries, 26th April 1550; and a
treaty of peace between the Emperor Charles the Fifth and Mary Queen of Scots, 15th December 1550.
From Foxe's account, of Wallace's trial, we learn that he was a native of Fail, in Ayrshire; and there was a
family of Wallace of Feale. Fail, or Failford, in the parish of Torbolton, was the site of a Monastery founded
in 1252, which belonged to the Red Friars. (See the notices in New Stat. Account, Ayrshire, p. 748, &c.)
The manner in which Knox speaks of Wallace as "a simple man without learning," may mean, without
much pretension to learning, or not having enjoyed a learned education. Yet we find two persons of the
same name, Adam Wallace, incorporated at Glasgow in 1536 and 1539.—His trial and execution took place
in 1550; yet in the Latin verses by John Johnston of St. Andrews, on the Scotish Martyrs, the date given is
17th July 1549. ("Constantissime demum pro testimonio Christi mortuus, Edinburgi xvii Julij 1549.")
The wife of John Cockburn of Ormiston, called in those days Lady Ormiston, was Alison Sandilands,
daughter of Sir James Sandilands of Calder. Her son Alexander, was Knox's pupil: see note [472]. She was
still alive in 1584, when Vautrollier dedicated "To the Honourable and vertuous Ladie Alison Sandilands,
Lady of Hormiston," the treatise called "The Confession of Faith," by Henry Balnaves, (see note [575],) the
MS. of which had been fortunately discovered at Ormiston, by Richard Bannatyne, Knox's Secretary.
Winton Castle, in the parish of Pencaitland, East Lothian, about five miles west from Haddington, appears
to have been a place of great splendour, according to the glowing description of it by Sir Richard Maitland,
in his "Historie and Cronicle of the House of Seyton," p. 35. Winton House or Castle, "biggit, with the yard
and garding thereof," by George second Lord Seaton, we are informed, was burned, and the policy
destroyed, "by the English of old;" but the house was re-edified by George tenth Lord Seaton, and third
Earl of Winton, in 1620.
The monastery of the Dominican or Black Friars was one of the largest establishments in Edinburgh, with
extensive gardens, occupying the site of the building which formerly was the High School, on the rising
ground to the south of the Cowgate. The close, or "le Venelle," still known as the Blackfriars Wynd, formed
a connexion between the Monastery and the High Street, and had been granted to the Friars by Alexander
the Second. The Convent was burned to the ground by a sudden fire, on the 25th April 1528, and had only
been partially rebuilt at the time of the Reformation.
To the notices at page 152, respecting John Lauder, it may be added, that being one of the Auditors of the
Chamberlain's Accounts for the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews, from 1540 to 1549, he is styled
Archdeacon of Teviotdale.—(MS. Rental Book, Advocates Library.) In Foxe's account of the trial of Adam
Wallace, 1550, Lauder is called Parson of Morebattle. In February 1551, he is styled Archidene of
Teviotdale, and Notary Public of St. Andrews.—(Acta Parl. Scot., vol. ii. p. 489.) In the same year, Lauder
signs a deed as "Secretarius" of Archbishop Hamilton, (MS. Rental Book, at St. Andrews;) as the deed
referred to was cancelled, and reconfirmed in 1556, without any notice of Lauder's name, it may be
conjectured that he had died during that interval.
In MS. G, "bindeth."
George Gordon, fourth Earl of Huntley, succeeded his grandfather in the year 1524. In 1546, after Cardinal
Beaton's death, he became Lord High Chancellor. His subsequent history is well known; and he was killed
fighting against the Earl of Murray, at Corrichie, about twelve miles from Aberdeen, 28th October 1562.—
(Douglas and Wood's Peerage, vol. i. p. 648; Senators of the College of Justice, p. 83-87.)
See note [173].

Robert Reid: see subsequent note.

In Vautr. edit. "Take yon all, my Lordis, of the clergie."

Foxe, in his Book of Martyrs, as already noticed in note [457], has given a minute account of the trial and
execution of Adam Wallace. It will be inserted as No. XII. in the Appendix to this volume, every
contemporary narrative of such proceedings, at this early period, being possessed of more than ordinary
interest.
The Queen Dowager of Scotland embarked at Leith on the 7th, reached Dieppe on the 19th, and Rouen on
the 25th September 1550. In this visit to her daughter in France, she was absent for upwards of twelve
months. On her return, she landed at Portsmouth, about the middle of October 1551, and proceeded to
London, where she was welcomed by Edward the Sixth and the English Court. See note [627].
In December 1553, Henry the Second, King of France, wrote to the Duke of Chatelherault, to induce him to
resign the Regency of Scotland in favour of the Queen Dowager; and on the 22d March 1553-4, the young
Queen addressed an order to the Duke to that effect. This led to his resignation, and on the 12th April 1554,
Mary of Guise, Queen Dowager, was proclaimed Regent of Scotland, with great solemnity and public
rejoicings.
In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "all understanding or expectatioun of men."
According to the Journal by the English Monarch, which contains a description of the Queen Dowager's
sumptuous entertainment during the period she remained at the Court of Edward, from the 22d of October
to the 6th of November 1551.—(Tytler's Edward VI., &c., vol. ii. pp. 5, 6.) Bishop Lesley also takes notice
of the "gret banqueting and honorabill pastyme maid for intertenement of the Quene Douarier;" and "of the
honorabill convoye" she had in returning through England, until she reached Berwick, (Hist. p. 239;) when
some of the Scotish Nobility escorted her to Holyrood, where she arrived at the end of November that year.
In MS. G, "Martin Luther."
In the MS. a blank space is left, as if for the purpose of filling in some other names; such as Paulus Fagius,
Francis Dryander, and Justus Jonas, who, like the three above mentioned, were eminent Foreign divines,
and came to England during the reign of Edward the Sixth.
In adding the name Emanuel Gualterus, Knox has evidently confounded two persons: Emanuel Tremelius,
a learned Italian, who succeeded Fagius as King's Reader of Hebrew, (Strype's Eccl. Memorials, vol. ii. p.
206,) and Rudolphus Gualterus of Zurich, who had visited England in 1537.—(Strype's Life of Cranmer, p.
449.)—Martin Bucer died in 1551; Peter Martyr, in 1562; and John a Lasco, in 1560.
It is scarcely necessary to add that Queen Mary of England was the daughter of Henry the Eighth, by
Catharine of Arragon. Her accession to the throne is reckoned from the death of Edward the Sixth, 6th July
1553. She married Philip, King of Spain, 25th July 1554; and died 17th November 1558.
During the short reign of Queen Mary, it has been reckoned that not less than upwards of 300 persons were
committed to the flames, on account of their religious sentiments.
See page 242.
William Harlaw was born soon after the year 1500; and, as we are informed by Calderwood, "first was a
taylour in Edinburgh; thereafter went to England, and preached some times as a Deacoun, according to the
corrupt custome of that Kirk, under the reigne of King Edward. Howbeit he was not verie learned, yet his
doctrine was plaine and sound, and worthie of commendatioun."—(History, vol. i. p. 303.) On the death of
Edward, he returned to Scotland in 1551, and in 1556, began "publicly to exhort in Edinburgh," and also in
other parts of the country. He was one of the preachers, at Perth, who were denounced as rebels for
usurping the authority of the Church, 10th May 1559.—(See page 257.) Harlaw, in 1560, became minister
of the parish of St. Cuthberts, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, and he continued there till his death. Robert
Pont, who had for four years been his colleague, was presented to "the vicaraige of St. Cuthbert's Kirk,
vaicand be the deceise of William Harlaw," in December 1578.
John Willock was a native of Ayrshire. Spotiswood says, he became a Franciscan, and Lesley, a Dominican
Friar. Having at an early period relinquished his monastic habit, he went to England, and was employed as
a preacher in St. Catherine's, London, and also as chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk. On the accession of
Queen Mary to the throne of England, he escaped to the Continent, and practised as a physician at Embden,
in Friesland. In 1555, and in 1556, he twice visited Scotland, on a mission to the Queen Regent, respecting
trade; and having returned in October 1558, he undertook the public office of the ministry. See the notices
in the Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 261-264, and the authorities there quoted.
Knox's arrival in Scotland may be placed about the end of September 1555. He set out from Geneva in the
previous month, and came to Dieppe, from whence he sailed, and landed on the east coast of Scotland, not
far from Berwick.
see note [700].

This was apparently a metrical version of Psalm 103, but the line does not correspond with any of the
known versions of the Psalms in metre. The Wedderburns, however, may have versified a greater number
of Psalms than those contained in the volume best known as "The Gude and Godly Ballates:" see note
[370].

In MS. A, "then if all."

In MS. G, "servantis."
In Vautr. edit. "that might serve for the purpose."
John Erskine of Dun.—The house of Dun is in the parish of that name, in Forfarshire, about half-way
between Montrose and Brechin.
Calder house, near Mid-Calder, in West-Lothian, was the seat of Sir James Sandilands.—His second son
James, in 1543, succeeded "Schir Walter Lyndesay, Knycht of the Roddis, and Lord of Sanct Johns," (he is
so styled in Sir David Lyndesay's Register of Armes, 1542, fol. 57,) as Preceptor of Torphichen, and thus
became head of the Knights Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem in Scotland. In 1563, Lord St. John
having resigned the possessions of the Order to the Crown, he obtained a new charter of the lands
belonging to the Knights Templars and Hospitallers in Scotland, erected into a barony, with the title of Lord
Torphichen.—(Spottiswoode Miscellany, vol. ii. pp. 6, 17-32.)
John fifth Lord Erskine, and afterwards sixth Earl of Mar, at this time was Governor of Edinburgh Castle.
Archibald Campbell, Lord Lorne, succeeded his father, the fourth Earl of Argyle, in 1558.
Lord James Stewart was the natural son of James the Fifth, by Margaret Erskine, daughter of John fifth Earl
of Mar, and fourth Lord Erskine. This lady afterwards married Sir Robert Douglas of Lochleven; and she
appears to have enjoyed a pension from the King; as the Treasurer, in September 1539, in his "Exoneratio,"
has, "Item, gevin to the Lady Lochlevin, in contentatioun of her pensioun, awing to her zerelie, be ane
precept,
vjclxvj lib. xiij s. iiij d." (£666, 13s. 4d.)
Her son Lord James Stewart was born in 1533, and when five years of age, in 1538, the King conferred on
him the Priory of St. Andrews. In the Treasurer's Accounts, March 1539, are various entries for dresses to
the Kingis Grace sonis, Lord James of Kelso, and Lord James of Sanctandrois; and in May, to "the Abbot of
Kelso, and the Priour of Sanctandrois." He was also Prior of Maçon, in France. As Prior of St. Andrews, he
sat in the Provincial Council held at Edinburgh, in October 1549.—(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 46.) He
was sent to France in March 1561, to invite Queen Mary to return to Scotland; by whom, on the 30th
January 1561-2, he was raised to the Peerage by the title of Earl of Murray.
That is, the winter of 1555.
Most of these places in Kyle, in which Knox taught or officiated, have already been noticed; being the seats
of John Lockhart of Barr, Hugh Wallace of Carnell, Robert Campbell of Kingyeancleuch, Andrew Stewart
Lord Ochiltree, and James Chalmers of Gadgirth.
Easter fell on the 5th of April, in 1556.
Finlayston in the parish of Kilmalcolm, near the Clyde, to the east of Port-Glasgow. The silver cups which
were used by Knox on this occasion, are still carefully preserved; and the use of them was given at the time
of dispensing the Sacrament in the Parish Church of Kilmalcolm, so long as the Glencairn family resided at
Finlayston.—The title of Earl of Glencairn has been dormant since the death of James 15th Earl in 1796.
Dr. MʻCrie, on the authority of this passage, says, that most of the gentlemen of the Mearns "entered into a
solemn and mutual bond, in which they renounced the Popish communion, and engaged to maintain and
promote the pure preaching of the Gospel, as Providence should favour them with opportunities. This
seems to have been the first of those religious Bonds or Covenants, by which the confederation of the
Protestants in Scotland was so frequently ratified."—(Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 179.)—I do not think,
however, that Knox's words are quite conclusive on this point: that the mutual agreement or resolution of
the gentlemen of the Mearns, had assumed the form of a Band or Covenant, such as "the Common Band,"
signed on the 3d December 1557, (see page 273,) or those of a later date, which Knox has inserted in the
Second Book of his History.
William Keith, fourth Earl Marischall, succeeded his grandfather, in 1530. He accompanied James the Fifth
in his visit to France, in 1536; and was nominated an Extraordinary Lord of Session in 1541. See note 339,
for Sir Ralph Sadler's opinion of him. It was at his request that Knox, in the year 1556, addressed his Letter
to the Queen Dowager. He died 7th October 1581.
We find that at the siege of Leith, in 1560, "young Henry Drummond" was slain.—(Lesley's Hist. p. 286;
Holinshed's Chron. p. 492.)
This Letter to the Queen Dowager was originally printed in a very small volume, without date, or name of
the place or printer, but apparently on the Continent: It is entitled "The Copie of a Letter sent to the Ladye
Mary Dowagire Regent of Scotland, by John Knox, in the yeare 1556."
James Beaton was nephew of the Cardinal, and was preferred to the See of Glasgow in 1551. He has been
incidentally mentioned in note [459]; and in reference to this, Lesley says that the Governor, after Cardinal
Beaton's death, "disponed the Archbishoprike of Sanct Androis to his owne broder, the Abbot of Paisley,
and gaif ane gift of the Abbay [abbacy] of Arbroith to George Douglas, bastard sone to the Erle of Angus,
notwithstanding that Maister James Beatoun, tender cousing to the Cardinall, was lawfullie provydit thairto
of befoir; quhilk maid gret trubill in the countrey eftirwart."—(Hist. p. 193.) It may be added, that when
Beaton was translated to Glasgow in 1551, the abbacy of Arbroath was conferred on Lord John Hamilton,
second son of the Governor.—(Ib. p. 241.)

The Letter addressed by Knox to the Queen Dowager in 1556, (as above, note [652],) was reprinted at
Geneva, "nowe augmented and explained by the Author, in the yeare of our Lord 1558." It will be included
in Volume Third.
Elizabeth Bowes, mother-in-law of the Reformer, sent before him to Dieppe. She was the daughter and co-
heiress of Sir Roger Aske of Aske in Yorkshire, and by her husband, Richard Bowes, youngest son of Sir
Ralph Bowes of Streathan, had two sons and ten daughters. See Pedigree of the family, in MʻCrie's Life of
Knox, vol. ii. p. 407. Knox's first letter addressed "to his mother in law, Mistres Bowis," is dated from
London, 23d June 1553.

This very zealous and disinterested friend of the Reformer, as stated in note [345], was a cadet of the
ancient family of Campbell of Loudon.
Archibald Campbell, "the old" Earl of Argyle, was fourth Earl, and died in the year 1558.
Castle Campbell, now in ruins, is situated in the Ochil hills, immediately above the village of Dollar. It was
burned and destroyed by Montrose, during the Civil Wars, in 1645.
Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy, the ancestor of the Breadalbane family. He was a younger son, but by the
death of two elder brothers, he succeeded to the family estates in 1551. He became a stedfast friend to the
Reformed religion; and survived till the year 1584.
This date should evidently be 1556. Knox having remained in Scotland till after Spring, he arrived at
Dieppe, in the month of July 1556.
Knox's Appellation against the sentence of the Bishops, in 1556, was first printed in the year 1558.
There seems to be a confusion in the dates of the events recorded in this paragraph. Knox, as stated above,
had left Scotland in July 1556, and returned in May 1559; yet the Comet he mentions was evidently that
which made its appearance in September 1558.—(Hevelii Cometographia, p. 853. See also next note.)
Christian the Third, King of Denmark, died at the Castle of Coldinghuus, 1st January 1559, aged 56. The
Commissioners for a treaty with England met at Dunse, in July 1556; and afterwards at Carlisle, for settling
matters in the Borders. This treaty was concluded in July 1557. Yet the Queen Regent, before November
1557, at the instigation of France, was prevailed upon to declare war with England. But the Nobility and
Barons would not consent to the proposed invasion.
Bishop Lesley, at the close of 1558, among other "portenta," describes this "flammivomus et barbatus
Cometa."—(De Rebus, &c. p. 540.) Sir James Balfour also says, "A fearfull Comett appeired this zeire
[1558,] which not only, as the sequell proved, protendit change in Government, but in Religione
lykwayes."—(Annals, vol. i. p. 312.) In those days Comets were regarded as the harbingers of disastrous
events. Thus Shakespeare, in the First Part of his Henry VI.,—
"Comets importing change of times and states;"
and again,—
"Now shine it like a Comet of revenge, A prophet to the fall of
all our foes;"
and Milton, in Paradise Lost,—
"and like a Comet burn'd,
That fires the length of Ophiuchus huge
In th' Artick sky, and from his horrid hair
Shakes pestilence and war."
Newbattle, in the parish of that name in Mid-Lothian, was the site of an Abbey founded by David the First,
in the year 1140.
Wark Castle: see note [327].
Maxwell-heugh, is a village on a height to the south of the Tweed, nearly opposite the eastern part of the
town of Kelso.

Hume Castle: See note [524].

In MS. G, "pavilion."
This was in November 1557.
MS. G, instead of "breath," substitutes very oddly, "This put an affray in Monsieur D'Oysell's breaches."
Of these preachers, Harlaw has been noticed at page 245: Douglas and Methven will afterwards be
mentioned.

John Willock returned to Scotland from Embden in Friesland, (see note [633],) in October 1558. He
continued to preach in different parts of the country, and to officiate publicly in Edinburgh, in the year
1559, when it was unsafe for Knox to remain.—(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 213.)
George, sixth Lord Seatoun.
Sanct Geill, or St. Giles, was the tutelar Saint of the Metropolis, whose name is still retained in connexion
with the collegiate Church in the Old Town of Edinburgh.
The North Loch formed a kind of boundary of the City towards the north, in the hollow ground, between
Princes Street and the Old Town, and extended nearly from St. Cuthbert's Church to the Trinity College
Church, in former times.
In Pitcairn's Criminal Trials will be found some interesting details, respecting four of the preachers
mentioned by Knox, who were denounced "as rebels for usurping the authority of the Church," 10th May
1559, viz., John Christison and William Harlaw, at Perth; John Willock, at Ayr; and Paul Methven, at
Dundee; along with the names of the persons who became cautioners for their appearance, (vol. i. p. 406*,
&c.)

Andrew Durie: see note [687].

James, son of Robert Chalmer of Gadgirth, by Margaret, daughter of Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun. He
had several charters under the Great Seal in 1548, of parts of his estate in the shires of Ayr and Wigtoun. He
married Annabella, daughter of John Cunninghame of Caprintoun, in Ayrshire. (Nisbet's Heraldry, App.
*20, vol. i. p. 4.)
This use of "Me," instead of "I," or "We," occurs in all the copies.
This Appellation, according to some payments made by authority of the Town Council, was not later than
February 1557-8.
St. Giles's day was the 1st of September. In the Appendix, No. XIII., some contemporary notices will be
given of the disturbances which were occasioned in September 1558, by this idolatrous procession.
James Carmichael was for many years one of the Magistrates of Edinburgh. He filled the office of Dean of
Guild from October 1552 to 1553, again, from 1555 to 1556, and from 1557 to 1559. In his official
capacity, he had the charge of the "Kirk werk," that is of looking after the preservation of St. Giles's
Church, and taking charge of the jewels, the gold and silver candlesticks, eucharists, chalices, and other
precious things belonging to that Church; but these were all ruthlessly disposed of, by order of the Council,
(including the arm-bane of Sanct Geill, or rather the ring with "ane dyamant stane, quhilk wes on the fingar
of the forsaid arme of Sanct Geill,") in October 1560. See Appendix, No. XIII.
In MS. G, "the comone Crose."—Probably the Girth Cross, at the foot of the Canongate, near Holyrood.
But Arnot also makes mention of St. John's Cross, and of a third, near the Tolbooth in that street.—(Hist. of
Edinburgh, p. 304.)
Between the Bowes, must mean the West-Bow and the Nether-Bow; or the two principal gates of the Old
Town.

David Forress: see note [363].

See pages 209-213.

Andrew Durie, Bishop of Galloway, was brother of George Durie, Abbot of Dunfermline, (note [463],) and
was born before the year 1500. His name, "Andreas Durie," occurs in the Registers of both Colleges, as
having been Incorporated at St. Andrews, in the year 1511; and at Glasgow, in 1513. He probably
completed his studies abroad. Upon a vacancy in the Abbacy of Melrose, he had sufficient interest to
procure the King's letters of commendation to the Pope, in the year 1526, and notwithstanding powerful
rival claims, he succeeded in the following year in obtaining the benefice. Andrew, Abbot of Melrose, was
present at the trial of Sir John Borthwick, in 1540; and he appears as an Extraordinary Lord of Session on
the 2d of July 1541. On the following day, he was recommended to be successor to Henry Wemyss as
Bishop of Galloway, conjoined with the Deanery of the Chapel Royal, and the Abbacy of Tungland upon
his resigning that of Melrose, but retaining a pension of 1000 marks, and some other emoluments. In the
Provincial Council at Edinburgh, 1549, his name is enrolled as "Andreas Episcopus Candidæ Casæ et
Capellæ Regiæ Strivilingensis."—He was the bearer of a letter from Queen Mary, in France, to her Mother,
in June 1554.—(Lettres de Marie Stuart, vol. i. p. 24.) Bishop Durie died at Edinburgh, in September 1558.
His name occurs in the list of Scottish Poets; but none of his writings are known to be preserved, although
his sayings recorded by Knox, indicate a rhyming propensity. John Rolland of Dalkeith, in the prologue of
his "Seven Sages," a kind of poetical romance, alludes to the poets who flourished at the Scotish Court, and
after naming Lyndsay, Bellenden, and William Stewart, who he says,
To mak in Scottis, richt weill he knew that art,
he immediately adds,
BISHOP DURIE, sum tyme of Galloway,
For his pleasure sum tymes wald tak thair part.
This has an evident allusion to the name of Mons. de Ruby, one of the Frenchmen patronized at this time by
the Queen Dowager. Bishop Lesley, in noticing the several appointments made by the Queen Regent, in
1554, says, there was "Ane callit Monsieur Rubie, Frenchman, a procutour of Paris, appointit to keip the
Greit Seill, and to be as Vice-Chancelar and assistar to the Erle of Huntlie, then Chancelar."—(History, p.
250.) He was Controller of her Household, in 1557: see note [730].
David Panter, or Panyter, who held several Church livings, was much employed in public negotiations
abroad. His uncle Patrick Panter, Abbot of Cambuskenneth, and David Panter, were successively
Secretaries of State in the reigns of James the Fourth and Fifth, and "being admirably versed in the Latin
tongue," their names are honourably distinguished by the series of Letters of our Kings, addressed to
Foreign Princes, which Ruddiman published under the title of "Epistolæ Regum Scotorum," &c., in the
years 1722 and 1724, in 2 vols. 8vo. In the Treasurer's Accounts, 1544, we find this entry,—

"Item, the thrid day of Aprile, gevin for vjc. (600) crownis of the Sonn, of fynance deliverit in France to
Maister David Panyter, Secretar Ambassatour thair, the sowme of viijc. x lib." (£810.)
On the same day, a similar payment of 400 crowns (or £540) was delivered to Sir John Campbell of Lundy,
Ambassador in France. Panter was promoted to the See of Ross in the latter part of 1545. Sir James Balfour,
in his Annals, calls him "a notable adulterer."—(Annals, vol. i. p. 312.) He died, says Holinshed, of a
lingering illness, at Stirling, on the 1st of October 1558.—(Keith's Catal. of Bishops, p. 192.)
Bishop Lesley, in noticing the return of the Commissioners from the Queen's marriage, says, "they came to
Deip about the ende of (August,) quhair suddantlie all the principall Nobillmen and Prelatis became seik.
But shortlie thairefter, the most of thame, being of the wysest and most valyeant of the realme of Scotland,
deceissit their, to the gret hurt of the commoun weill of the realme."—(Hist. p. 266.) The dates of their
death are, however, not accurately given, either by Lesley or more recent historians. The Commissioners
who were appointed on the 25th and 26th of June 1558, were James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow; Lord
James Stewart, Prior of St. Andrews; George Lord Seaton, Provost of Edinburgh; and John Erskine of Dun,
Provost of Montrose; along with Robert Reid, Bishop of Orkney; George Earl of Rothes; Gilbert Earl of
Cassillis, Lord Treasurer; and James Lord Flemyng, Great Chamberlain. The first four being present in the
Parliament held at Edinburgh 29th November 1558, to report their proceedings, it was then mentioned, that
the Bishop of Orkney was "deceissit, and the Earls of Rothes, Cassillis, and the Lord Flemyng yit
remannand in the partis of France."—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 505.) This shows that no tidings of their
death had then reached this country: see the three following notes.
Gilbert Kennedy, third Earl of Cassilis, as already noticed at page 16, completed his studies under George
Buchanan at Paris. In 1554, he was appointed High Treasurer; and was one of the eight Commissioners sent
from Scotland as representatives of the Scottish nation, at the marriage of Mary and the Dauphin of France.
He died on his return, at Dieppe, on the 28th November 1558.
George Lesley, third Earl of Rothes, the father of Norman Lesley, was tried before the Governor for his
accession to the murder of Cardinal Beaton, but wan unanimously acquitted. He was the son of William
Lesley and Margaret daughter of Sir Michael Balfour of Mountquhannie; and this relationship may have
induced James Balfour and his brothers to join their cousin, Norman Lesley, in the Castlo of St. Andrews.
The Earl of Rothes had been appointed one of the Lords of Council and Session 11th November 1532; and
he attended James the Fifth, in his journey to France in 1536. He was employed in various public
commissions; and was sent as Ambassador to Denmark in 1550. He died at Dieppe on the 28th November
1558. His son Andrew succeeded to the title as fourth Earl of Rothes, and was served heir of his father, 20th
February 1558-9.—(Burgh Court-Book of Dundee, marked Vol. iv.)
James Lord Flemyng, hereditary Great Chamberlain of Scotland, was the third of his family in succession
who held that office, having succeeded his father, Malcolm, Lord Flemyng, who was slain at Pinkie, in
1547. James, as mentioned above, was one of the Commissioners who were seized with illness at Dieppe.
On the 8th November, he made his testament; and having returned to Paris for the benefit of medical aid, he
lingered there till he died on the 15th December 1558, aged 24.—(Crawfurd's Officers of State, p. 329.)
Robert Reid, although accused by Knox of avarice, applied at least his wealth to laudable purposes; and in
the words of Keith, was "a man of great learning, and a most accomplished politician." He entered St.
Salvator's College, St. Andrews, in 1511, and took his Master's degree in 1515; and then proceeded to Paris.
On his return to Scotland, he became successively Sub-Dean and Official of Moray; Abbot of Kinloss, in
1526; Commendator of Beaulieu, in 1530; one of the Lords of Council and Session, in 1532; Bishop of
Orkney, in 1540; and Lord President of the Court of Session, about the end of 1548. During all this time, he
was frequently employed in foreign embassies, and other diplomatic affairs. A variety of liberal
benefactions on his part have been recorded, such as the foundation of bursaries, the adornment of the
buildings at Kinloss, which he enriched with what was considered an ample library, and the endowment of
a school at Kirkwall. He also erected an addition to the Bishop's Palace in Kirkwall; and the Cathedral
Church of St. Magnus, in that town, still exhibits the fine porch and some additional pillars erected at his
expense; and had he survived for a few years, he no doubt would have put a finishing hand to this venerable
edifice; the choir or chancel of which serves for the parish Church, (fitted up as usual in defiance of all
good taste.) Bishop Reid's munificence was not limited to his own diocese, as a bequest of 8000 merks
towards founding a College for the education of youth in Edinburgh, enabled the Magistrates, in 1581, to
purchase from the Provost of the Kirk of Field, (St. Mary's in the Fields,) the ground on which were erected
the buildings of our University. Lesley styles Bishop Reid a man "of singular wit, judgment, guid learning,
and lyve, with lang experience," (Hist. p. 267;) and says he died at Dieppe on the 6th, but according to
other authorities, it was the 15th September 1558.—(Keith's Catal. pp. 223-226; Senators of the College of
Justice, pp. 14-19.)
In MS. G, "lickit of the same buist."
To this marginal note there was added, "INSIGNIA QUIDEM ELOGIUM;" but those words are deleted.
John Sinclair was the fourth son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin, and a younger brother of Henry Sinclair,
Bishop of Ross. He was admitted one of the Lords of Council and Session, under the title of Rector of
Snaw, 27th April 1510. In 1549, he sat in the Provincial Council at Edinburgh, as Dean of Restalrig. In
1565, he was promoted to the See of Brechin. His brother Henry, Bishop of Ross and President of the Court
of Session, having died in 1564-5, the Bishop of Brechin was, on the 13th November, advanced to the
Presidentship of the Session. But he did not long enjoy his judicial and prelatic dignities, as he was seized
with fever, and died in the month of April 1566. This we learn from Ferrerius, the Continuator of Hector
Boethius, who, mentioning that Henry Sinclair, Bishop of Ross, had collected materials for writing a
History of Scotland, which were in the hands of John Sinclair, Bishop of Brechin, says, "Sed idem (Præsul)
quoque pauculos post menses in febrem peracutam decidit, ex qua derepente o virorum in terris numero
exemptus est."—(H. Boethii Hist. App. p. 384, Paris, 1574, folio.)
See note [689].

That is, 10th of March 1556-7.

Sym and Barron were citizen burgesses of Edinburgh, and zealous friends of the Reformer. As here
intimated, James Sym, in whose house Knox resided, on his return to Scotland, had died before 1566. At
page 245, Knox has given an account of the death of Elizabeth Adamson, Barron's wife, in 1566. James
Barron was one of the Magistrates of Edinburgh, and filled the office of Dean of Guild from Michaelmas
1555, to the same term in 1556; and again in 1560 and 1561. At the first General Assembly, held at
Edinburgh 20th December 1560, James Barron and Edward Hope were the commissioners appointed for
the town, along with John Knox, as minister. His name also occurs in the proceedings of the Assemblies in
the years 1562, 1565, and 1569—(Booke of the Universall Kirk, pp. 3, 13, 60, 145.)
In MS. G, "afflictioun;" Vautr. edit. has "affection."
The "Band" subscribed by the Earls of Argyle, Glencairn, Morton, and others, dated 3d December 1557,
has been considered as the First Covenant or engagement of the Scottish Reformers, for their mutual
defence, in which they engage "to maintain, set forward, and establish the Word of God, and his
Congregation." See, however, note [649].
Keith supposes it was Erskine of Dun who signed the letter at page 268, "for the Lord Erskine (he says) had
not yet joined himself to that party."—(Hist. vol. i. p. 153.)
There was a John Gray who took his Master's degree at St. Andrews, in the year 1523. It is uncertain
whether the person mentioned in the text can be identified with Mr. John Gray, who held the office of Clerk
to the General Assembly, from 1560 till his death, which took place in April 1574.—(Register of Conf.
Testaments; Booke of the Univ. Kirk, vol. i. pp. 299, 311.)
That is, to procure the Papal Bulls, confirming Sinclair's appointment to the See of Ross, upon the death of
David Panter, in October 1558: (See note [688].) But it appears that Sinclair was not consecrated until
1560.
Henry Sinclair, a younger son of Sir Oliver Sinclair of Roslin, was born in the year 1508. He studied at St.
Andrews, and was incorporated in St. Leonard's College in 1521. He obtained the favour of James the Fifth,
who appointed him a Lord of Session; and he was admitted on the 13th November 1537, as Rector of
Glasgow. In 1541, he was Commendator of the Abbey of Kilwinning; which benefice he exchanged with
Gawin Hamilton for the Deanery of Glasgow. He was employed in various public matters abroad; and
during the absence of Bishop Reid, he acted as Vice-President of the Court of Session. On Reid's death, he
was admitted, on the 2d December 1558, as Lord President; and in 1560, he succeeded David Panter in the
See of Ross. He died at Paris, after undergoing a painful surgical operation, on the 2d January 1565. Lesley
calls him "ane wyse and lernit prelate," (Hist. p. 252,) and Ferrerius refers to his MS. collections for writing
a History of Scotland. His name written upon various books and manuscripts preserved in the Advocates
Library, and in other collections, evince his great love of literature, in common with several other members
of his family.
It has generally been supposed that the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England, known as the
Liturgy of Edward the Sixth, was the one here recommended; and the mention of "the Lessonis of the New
and Old Testament, conforme to the ordour," &c., renders this most probable. Dr. MʻCrie has considered
this point very fully in his life of Knox, (Note DD, vol. i. p. 437-441,) and comes to a similar conclusion. If,
however, the English Prayer Book was then used, it was soon afterwards replaced by "The Forme of
Prayers and Ministrations of the Sacraments, &c., vsed in the Englishe Congregation at Geneva: and
approved, by the famous and godly learned man, Iohn Caluyn." This volume was originally "Imprinted at
Geneva, by Iohn Crespin, M.D.LVI." Small 8vo. There were later impressions at Geneva, in 1558 and 1561.
It was very frequently reprinted in this country between 1562 and 1643, and was usually prefixed to the
metrical version of the Psalms.
Sir David Hamilton of Preston, as heir of his father Robert Hamilton, had charters of the lands of Priestgill
and Langkype, in 1541 and 1545. He was one of the attendants of James the Fifth in his voyage to France
in 1536.—He survived till November 1584: see the detailed account given in Anderson's House of
Hamilton, p. 346.
In MS. G, "how heavy and displeasing a thing."
Not one who belonged to the law, but a person whom the law had rendered infamous.—The reference here
is to John Douglas: see page 286.
Vautr. edit. makes this "how well," which changes the sense.
In MS. G, "waver from:" Vautr. edit. has "vary of his faith."
In the other copies, the signature is simply "Sanct Androis."
The Archbishop here alludes to his being Legatus Natus, or Pope's Legate, as well as Primate of the
Scottish Church.
That is, John Douglas.

In a former page, mention is made of this Lady, who obtained in her days sufficient notoriety. (See notes
[333] and [334[.) Grizzel Sempill was the daughter of Robert Master of Sempill, who succeeded his father,
William, as third Lord Sempill, in 1548. The death of her husband, James Hamilton of Stanehouse, is also
mentioned by Knox at page 222. He had been appointed Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, about
September 1543; (Lesley's Hist. p. 174;) and five years later, when he lost his life, he also filled the office
of Provost of the City. His eldest son and heir, James, who was slain at the same time, was his father's
Deputy, and Director of the Chancery. Notwithstanding the ambiguity of Knox's statement at page 124, we
may charitably conclude, it was only subsequent to her husband's death that she became the avowed
mistress of John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews, by whom she had several children: (see note [336].)
Two of her sons are thus styled in the Register of the Great Seal: "Legitimatio Johannis Hammyltoun
junioris bastardi filii naturalis Grissillidis Sempill filiæ Roberti Magistri de Sempill, et Willielmi
Hammyltoun ejus fratris etiam bastardi." 9 Oct. 1551. See also note by George Crawfurd, in his Officers of
State, p. 381.—It was probably in virtue of some property she may have acquired that she obtained the title
of Lady Gilton; as there is no evidence of her having contracted any second marriage. On the 11th July
1550, (not 1553, as usually stated,) William third Lord Creichton of Sanquhar, was slain in the Governor's
chamber by Robert Master of Sempill; who was acquitted by the Governor, on the 10th September 1550.—
(Pitcairn's Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. 354*.) "He escaped punishment, (says Pitscottie,) by means of John
Hamilton, Bishop of St. Andrews, brother to the Governor, who entertained the Lady Stenhouse, commonly
called Lady Gilton, daughter to this Robert Lord Semple, as his concubine." From the date of the remission,
it must have been her brother who had committed this murder. Buchanan and other authorities likewise
attribute his acquittal to the same influence; and one compiler says of the Archbishop, in very plain terms,
"Amangis many utheris his harlottis, he interteayned this harlot Semple, nather bewtifull, of good fame, or
utherwayis in any sort notable, except his awin kynsman, and followed him as scho had bene his lauchfull
wyffe."—(Johnston's Hist, of Scotland, MS., Advocates Library.)
Archibald fourth Earl of Argyle, in 1529, married to his first wife, Lady Helen Hamilton, second daughter
of James first Earl of Arran, and sister of the Duke of Chattelherault. Their son Archibald succeeded as fifth
Earl of Argyle about the end of 1558. See page 290.
See note [710].

In MS. G, "waver from."

Spotiswood says that Douglas was a Carmelite or White Friar.—(Hist. p. 94.) It is not improbable he may
have been the same person whose name appears as a Determinant in St. Salvator's College in 1554. In that
year another John Douglas had the same rank in St. Mary's College, where he became a Licentiate in 1555.
It is, I think, quite certain that John Douglas, who was Chaplain to the Earl of Argyle in 1558, and who may
have assumed the name of Grant to escape apprehension, should not be confounded with the Provost of St.
Mary's College, as Keith and other writers have done. The latter was born about the year 1494, and was
descended from the Douglasses of Pettendreich. He studied at St. Andrews at the same time with John
Wynrame, and was a Determinant in St. Leonard's College in 1515, and a Licentiate in 1517. Whether he
was the person who entered the Carmelite Order, may be left to conjecture; but on 1st October 1547, he was
elected Provost of St. Mary's College. In 1551, "Magister Joannes Douglas Prepositus Novi Collegii
Mariani," was elected Rector of the University; and being annually elected to this office for the
unprecedented period of twenty-three successive years, (1572-3, being called "Vigesimus tertius Rectoratus
Johannis Douglas,) and being a constant resident in St. Andrews, it is obvious he could not have been the
obscure person who was protected by the Earl of Argyle.
"How the Bishop's conscience (says Dr. MʻCrie) stood affected as to these points, we know not; but it is
certain that his practice was very far from being immaculate."—(Wilkins, Concilia, vol. iv. p. 209; Life of
Knox, vol. i. p. 320.)
Archibald fourth Earl of Argyle, in 1525, was designed son and heir-apparent of Colin Earl of Argyle. He
succeeded to the title before 1533. In 1543, he was opposed to the proposed alliance of Edward the Sixth
and Mary Queen of Scots; and distinguished himself at the battle of Pinkie, in 1547, and at the siege of
Haddington, in the following year. The precise time of his death is not ascertained; and his Testament is not
known to be preserved. But he died towards the close of 1558, as on the 21st August that year he granted a
charter to his son Archibald, then Lord Lorne; on the 2d December following, in the confirmation of the
same charter, it is expressed that he was then deceased.
Knox in thus alluding to the conduct of Archibald fifth Earl of Argyle, evidently points at his continued
adherence to Queen Mary, at the time when the above passage was written.
In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., this date is introduced into the text, as 10th of May 1568. If this was not a
clerical mistake, it might be held to indicate that the intermediate MS., from which Vautrollier's edition, as
well as the Glasgow MS. was taken, had been transcribed in that year.
On the margin of the MS. is written, apparently in Knox's own hand, and then deleted, "Here tak in the
Beggars Summonds warning the Freres." In Vautr. edit., in MS. G, and in all the other copies, it is
introduced in this place, where it stands wholly unconnected. The paper referred to occurs at the end of the
original MS., (fol. 388,) as a single leaf, entitled "The Blind, Crooked, &c., to the Flockis of all Friars
within this realme," &c. It will be seen that the Author had finally resolved upon inserting it near the
beginning of Book Second.
See note [768], and Appendix, No. XIV. for some notices of this Provincial Council, in 1558-9.

Knox himself fixes the date of his arrival in Scotland to the 2d of May 1559: see page 318.
In the MS. it was originally "The Threepenny Faith." Spottiswood and other writers, (see Keith, vol. i. pp.
5, 149,) have erroneously imagined that this refers to the ATECHISME, "set furth, in his Provincial Counsale,"
by Archbishop Hamilton; which has this colophon, "Prentit at Sanct Androus, be the command and
expensis of the maist reuerend father in God, Iohne Archbischop of Sanct Androus, and Primat of ye hail
Kirk of Scotland, the xxix. day of August, the zeir of our Lord M.D. lii." 4to, 220 leaves. But besides the
difference of six years in the date, and the absurdity of supposing that a volume of that size could have been
sold for such a price, the Catechism was never intended for the laity, but was specially enjoyned to be used
by "all and sindry Personis, Vicars and Curattis," both for their own edification, and for reading a portion of
it to "thair awin parochianaris,"—"quhen thair cummis na precheour to thame to schaw thame the word of
God."—Of the Twopenny Faith, published in 1559, no copy is known to be preserved.
It is said that Hepburn, Bishop of Moray, imagining that the last of the enactments which Knox has
specified had a special reference to his licentious conduct, justified himself, not by an appeal to the Canon
Law, but to example set by Archbishop Hamilton, who presided in the Council.
At page 262, notice is taken of the appointment of Monsieur de Ruby, in 1554, as Keeper of the Great Seal;
and he is there said to have been Comptroller in 1557. For this we have the authority of Lindsay of
Pitscottie, who says, "Soone thairefter, she (the Queen Regent) changed her Officeris of State, and maid ane
Maister Ruby Comptroller, quho used sick rigour in his office, that incontinent he was deposed."—
(Chronicles, sub anno 1557.) But it must be added, that Pitscottie is very inaccurate in many of his
statements; as Vielmort, according both to Knox and Lesley, held the office of Comptroller; and the latter
expressly says, that Ruby "kepit the Great Seill during the hoill time of the Queen Regent's government,"
(Hist. p. 252;) that is, from 1554 till 1560. And in 1558, in an Act of Parliament, he is styled "Mc Ynes de
Rubbay Garde des Seaulx dicelle Dame," apparently meaning Queen Mary.—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p.
513.) According to another authority, he held the Great Seal until 1564, when he was succeeded by David
Rizzio.—(Scott's Staggering State, App. p. 175. See Tytler's Hist. vol. vi. p. 60.)
Bartholomew Villemore, it is said, had been named Comptroller by Queen Mary, in March 1560-1, but he
was never admitted.—(Scott's Staggering State, App. p. 144.) But Bishop Lesley mentions his appointment
as Comptroller by the Queen Regent in the year 1554.—(History, p. 250.)
Lord James Stewart, the eldest of the natural sons of James the Fifth, is noticed at page 71, as having been
educated under George Buchanan, and as Commendator of the Monasteries of Kelso and Melrose: see also
note [644]. But the date of his death is there erroneously stated. Instead of 1548, it happened in August or
September 1558. The Queen Dowager nominated her uncle, Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, and brother of
Francis Duke of Guyse, to be his successor, "be vertue of the Acte of Naturalization," (Lesley's History, p.
267;) but the Cardinal never obtained possession of these lucrative benefices. The Commendatorship of
Melrose was afterwards conferred on James Douglas, a cadet of the Morton family.
Parliament did not meet till the 29th of November 1558.
The Duke of Chattelherault gave in, at the Parliament held at Edinburgh on the 14th December 1557, a
protestation "tuiching the marriage of our Souerane Lady;" and another protest, on the 29th November
1558, "tuiching the Crowne Matrimoniale."—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 605, 507.)
In MS. G, "except the Duke for his interest."
In MS. G, "professed;" and in the second next line, "profess;" but the words are corrected to "possessed,"
and "possess," in edit. 1732.
In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "Harlawe."
These early and zealous friends of the Reformation, who undertook the office of Exhorters, were all
laymen, with perhaps the exception of Robert Hamilton, who afterwards became minister of St. Andrews.
Robert Lockhart is mentioned by Knox in October 1559, as endeavouring to make an agreement between
the Queen Regent, and the Congregation, without success.
In MS. G, "Meffen."
Paul Methven, after the Reformation, was appointed minister of Jedburgh; but to the scandal of his brethren
in the ministry, and according to the account of "this horrible fact," related by Knox in his Fourth Book, he
was found guilty of adultery, and deposed and excommunicated, June 1563.

Respecting Willock, see notes [633], [672].

"Sacrate authoritie," here, and in other places, may mean the constituted rather than "sacred authority," as in
MS. G, and Vautr. edit.
Sir James Sandilands of Calder, the ancestor of the Torphichen family. His pedigree is fully detailed in
Douglas and Wood's Peerage of Scotland, vol. ii. pp. 590-595. He was born about the year 1480; and had a
charter of lands to himself and Margaret Forrester, only daughter of Archibald Forrester of Corstorphine,
23d August 1510. In the Peerage, Sir James is said to have "died after 1553." This date may have misled
Mr. Tytler, in stating that it was the Preceptor of the Knights of St. John, commonly called Lord St. John,
who made this appearance in Parliament.—(History, vol. vi. pp. 79, 90.) But Dr. MʻCrie has in like manner
confounded the father with his second son.—(Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 176.) Sir James probably survived till
the beginning of 1560. On the 12th July 1559, his eldest son and successor was styled "John Sandilands of
Calder, younger," which proves that his father was still alive. James Sandilands, his second son, became
Lord St. John, and, as stated in note [641], he obtained the temporal lordship of Lord Torphichen, in 1563;
but leaving no issue, the title, on his death, devolved on his grand-nephew, James Sandilands of Calder,
29th November 1596.
This permission to read the Scriptures "in our common tongue," refers to the Act of Parliament 15th March
1542-3: see page 100.
In Vautr. edit. "in severitie of prayer;" MS. G has "in fervent and oft prayers."
MS. G has "stabilitie;" Vautr. edit. "abilitie."
In MS. G, "lavacrie."
The Council of Constance, in 1415, whilst acknowledging that "Christ instituted the venerable Sacrament
of the Eucharist, after the Supper, and administered it to his Disciples under the forms of bread and wine;"
nevertheless decreed that the laity should not be allowed to partake of the cup. This prohibition by the
Romish Church, was the occasion of great discontent in some of the foreign Churches, more especially in
Bohemia and Switzerland, from the time of John Huss to that of Luther.—As both George Wishart and
Knox had previously dispensed the Sacrament, according to the original institution, this may have led to
this demand for such a privilege to the Protestants in Scotland, in 1558.
It is not unlikely that this last demand, and the increasing strength of the Reformers, may have led the
Catholic Prelates and Clergy to enact some of the Canons in their last Provincial Council, for reforming the
lives of their own body.
In MS. G, "a longe purs."
Vautr. edit. omits the important words, "sayis the Chronicle," and reads, "40,000 powndes gathered by the
Laird of Earles haule."—In the anonymous "Historie of the Estate of Scotland," the sum to be paid, it is
said, "was within 15,000 lib."—(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 56.)
This Chronicle is not known to be extant; but Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, in his Chronicles of Scotland
compiled about 1575, enumerates, as one of his authors, "SIR WILLIAM BRUCE OF EARLESHALL, Knight, who
hath written very justly all the deeds since Floudoun Field."—In Douglas's Baronage, pp. 510-513, there is
a genealogy of this family, from which we learn that Sir William was the heir of his father, Sir Alexander
Bruce of Earlshall, who had the honour of knighthood conferred on him by James the Fourth. Sir William
succeeded his father in 1504, and is said to have been knighted by the same Monarch. This is apparently a
mistake; but his name appears as Miles, in a charter dated 1539. In May 1563, Sir William Bruce became
surety for Maxwell of Teling, (Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. *427;) but how long after this he may have
survived, is uncertain.
Pitscottie, Calderwood, Spottiswood, and other writers, have given an account of the fate of this aged
priest, who suffered martyrdom at St. Andrews, in the eighty-second year of his age. But Foxe's account of
his trial and sentence is the earliest and most minute, and will be inserted as No. XIV. of the Appendix to
the present volume. Myln himself expressed a hope, which was realized, that he would be the last person in
this country thus to suffer for the cause of truth.
Although this cairn was not allowed to remain, there has lately been erected, within sight of the Castle of
St. Andrews, a granite obelisk, to commemorate the names of the more eminent Scotish Martyrs. It bears
the following inscription:—
"IN MEMORY OF THE MARTYRS PATRICK HAMILTON, HENRY FORREST, GEORGE WISHART, WALTER MILL, WHO,
IN SUPPORT OF THE PROTESTANT FAITH, SUFFERED BY FIRE AT ST. ANDREWS, BETWEEN THE YEARS MDXXVIII AND
MDLVIII.

The righteous shall be held in everlasting remembrance.

In Vautr. edit. "Officiall."
See note [760].

In Vautr. edit. "becommeth."

In Vautr. edit. "officers."
See page 294.
No notice of this Protest occurs in the Acts and Proceedings of the Parliament held at Edinburgh on the
29th November 1558, when, from the reference to the Crown Matrimonial, at page 312, it must have been
presented. Knox indeed says it was refused; but the proceedings of that Parliament, which also sat on the
5th December, seem not to have been fully recorded, or at least preserved.
The treaty of peace referred to was concluded at Cateau-Cambrésis, between France, England, and Spain,
on the 2d April 1559. The evident design of the Courts of France and Spain at this time was to endeavour
the extirpation of heresy, or the Protestant Faith in England, as well as in other countries.
In MS. G, "in hir hairt."
It has already been noticed that the preachers summoned were Paul Methven, John Christison, William
Harlaw, and John Willock. As they did not appear on the day finally fixed, they and their cautioners were
denounced as rebels, on the 10th of May 1559. See the sentence, in MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. p. 447.
In the outer margin, (fol. III,) Knox had written some words which have been scored through, and are partly
cut away by the binder. As well as I can decipher the words, the sentence may be thus read:—"Luik
quhether it be best to tak in heir the Beggars Warning, or in the place befoir appoynted." See note [725];
[770].
Patrick Lord[765]
Ruthven held the Provostship of Perth for many successive years: see note [787].
Mr. James Halyburton
[766] is usually styled Tuter of Pitcur. At the siege of Brochty, in 1547-8, he was left in
command of certain companies of horse.—(Lesley's Hist. p. 203.) He filled the office of Provost of Dundee
for a considerable period, as will afterwards be noticed. His name, as Provost, occurs in Parliamentary
proceedings, 1554 and 1563.—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. pp. 536, 603.)
In MS. G, "Meffen."
[767]
At page 291,[768]
Knox says that the meeting of Provincial Council in 1558-9, continued till the day of his
arrival; whilst according to Bishop Lesley, this Provincial Council, held at Edinburgh in 1559, "endit apoun
the x daye of Apryle. Efter the quhilk, the Quene Regent immediatelie caused summounde John Knox,
John Willox, John Douglas, and Paule Meffane, to compeir before the Justice in Striveling the x day of
Maij, onder the pane of rebellioun."—(Hist, p. 271.) To reconcile this with the date of Knox's arrival in
Scotland, Dr. MʻCrie has remarked, that "though the Acts were concluded on the 10th April, it was not
agreed to close the Council on that day."
Sir John Maxwell,
[769] second son of Robert fourth Lord Maxwell, being presumptive heir of his brother, was
called Master of Maxwell, in charters granted to him and his wife Agnes, eldest daughter and co-heiress of
William fourth Lord Herreis of Terregles, 1st February 1549-50. His elder brother Robert was served heir
of his father, 1st August 1550, and married Lady Beatrix Douglas, second daughter of James Earl of
Morton; but he died 14th September 1552; and his posthumous son John became sixth Lord Maxwell. But
Sir John Maxwell of Terregles still retained his designation as Master, and was actively employed in public
affairs. In December 1552, and again in 1557, he was one of the Commissioners for a treaty of peace with
England; and was Warden of the West Marches.—(Lesley's Hist. p. 258.) From the above statement by
Knox, it appears he had been committed to ward by order of the Queen Regent. Bishop Lesley thus makes
mention of his having escaped from the Castle of Edinburgh. Although the date 1558, appears in the printed
copy as supplied by the Editor, the events recorded from page 273 to page 277, belong to 1559:—"About
this tyme, the Master of Maxwell, quho was keped presoner in the Castell of Edinburgh, departed furth of
the same be ane corde our the wall thairof, quhair thair was certane horsis in redines with frendis of his
owne, quho receaved and convoyide him in his owne countrey; and sone thaireftir he joyned him selfe with
the Lordis of the Congregatione."—(Hist. p. 276.)

[In note [725]

[770]
, it is stated that Knox had changed his intention of inserting "The Beggars Summonds," at
the end of Book First; and purposed introducing it into this place, with a sentence which was written on the
top margin of the MS. The Glasgow Manuscript, fol. 83, b, in reference to this alteration, has this marginal
note: "Thair is in this place, in the uther copie, inserted the Summoundis against the Freris, quhilk is in the
end of the First Buke." Unfortunately the binder has cut away two lines at the top of the page, and the
deficiency cannot be supplied from any other copy. In order, however, not to interrupt the narrative in the
text, the Summonds is here inserted in a different type.]
....................... "Zealous Brether.................
upon the gaittis and ports of all the Freiris places within this realme, in the moneth of Januar 1558,
preceding that Whitsunday that they delodged, which is this, etc. And so tak in heir the Beggars Warning.
"THE BLYND, CRUKED, BEDRELLES, WEDOWIS, ORPHELINGIS, AND ALL UTHER PURE, SA VISEIT
BE THE HAND OF GOD , AS MAY NOT WORKE,

TO THE FLOCKES OF ALL FREIRES WITHIN THIS REALME, WE WISHE RESTITUTIOUN OF WRANGES
BYPAST, AND REFORMATIOUN IN TYME CUMING, FOR SALUATIOUN.
"Ye yourselfes ar not ignorant, and thocht ye wald be, it is now, thankes to God, knawen to the haill warlde,
be his infallible worde, that the benignitie or almes of all Christian pepill perteynis to us allanerly; quhilk
ye, being hale of bodye, stark, sturdye, and abill to wyrk, quhat under pretence of povertie, (and nevirtheles
possessing maist easelie all abundance,) quhat throw cloiket and huided simplicitie, thoght your proudnes is
knawen, and quhat be feynzeit holines, quhilk now is declared superstitioun and idolatrie, hes thir many
yeirs, exprese against Godis word, and the practeis of his holie Apostles, to our great torment, (allace!)
maist falslie stowen fra us. And als ye have, be your fals doctryne and wresting of Godis worde, (lerned of
your father Sathan,) induced the hale people, hie and law, in sure hoip and beleif, that to cloith, feid, and
nurreis yow, is the onlie maist acceptable almouss allowit before God; and to gif ane penny, or ane peice of
bread anis in the oulk, is aneuch for us. Evin swa ye have perswaded thame to bigge to yow great
Hospitalis, and manteyne yow thairin be thair purs, quhilk onlie perteinis now to us be all law, as biggit and
dottat to the pure, of whois number ye are not, nor can be repute, nether be the law of God, nor yit be na
uther law proceiding of nature, reasoun, or civile policie. Quhairfore seing our number is sa greate, sa
indigent, and sa heavilie oppressit be your false meanis, that nane takes care of oure miserie; and that it is
better for us to provyde thir our impotent members, quhilk God hes gevin us, to oppone to yow in plaine
contraversie, than to see yow heirefter (as ye have done afoir) steill fra us our lodgeings, and our selfis, in
the meintyme, to perreis and die for want of the same. We have thocht gude thairfoir, or we enter with yow
in conflict, to warne yow, in the name of the grit God, be this publick wryting, aflixt on your yettis quhair
ye now dwell, that ye remove furthe of our said Hospitalis, betuix this and the Feist of Whitsunday next,
sua that we the onelie lawfull proprietaris thairof may enter thairto, and efterward injoye thai commodities
of the Kyrk, quhilke ye have heirunto wranguslie halden fra us. Certifying yow, gif ye failye, we will at the
said terme, in haile number, (with the helpe of God, and assistance of his sanctis in eirthe, of quhais reddie
supporte we dout not,) enter and tak possessioun of our said patrimony, and eject yow utterlie furthe of the
same.
"Lat him thairfor that befoir hes stollen, steill na mair; but rather lat him wyrk wyth his handes, that he
may be helpefull to the pure.
"FRA HE HAILL CITIES, TOWNIS, AND VILLAGES OF SCOTLAND, THE FYRST DAY OF JANUARE 1558."
The Monastery of the Observantine order of Franciscan or Grey Friars of Perth, is said to have been
founded in the year 1460, by the Lord Oliphant.—(App. to Keith's Bishops, p. 452.) This was Sir Lawrence
Oliphant of Aberdalgy, created Lord Oliphant, before 1458. According to Dempster, the founder was
Hieronymus Lyndesay, Doctor of Laws, and brother to the Earl of Crawfurd.—(See. also Hay's Scotia
Sacra, MS. p. 553.) It was situated near the walls, on the south side of the City of Perth; and after the
destruction of the building, the ground was converted into a public burial place.
The Monastery of the Dominican or Black Friars of Perth, was situated near the walls, on the north side of
the town, and was founded by Alexander the Second, in the year 1231. In this building the Scotish
Monarchs usually resided when at Perth; and meetings of Parliament were sometimes held within the
Church, as well as several of the Provincial Councils. It was here where James the First met with his
tragical fate, 20th February 1437-8.
Adam Forman, last Prior of the Charter-House, along with the rest of his brethren, retired to Errol, of which
Church they were patrons, carrying with them, no doubt, as much of the treasures they possessed as they
were able to appropriate. He afterwards granted a feu to his relation, John Forman, of some lands belonging
to the Monastery. In 1572, George Hay of Nethirlyff was created Commendator, and the lands erected into
a lordship; but eventually, in 1598, he resigned his title, and the name of Lord and Prior of the Charter-
House of Perth became extinct.
In MS. G, "the Blak and Gray Freiris;" Vautr. edit. has "theeves."
Bishop Lesley, in describing the ruthless manner in which "the multitude of the people and craftismen"
proceeded in demolishing the altars, images, &c., in the parish Kirk of Perth, says, they then "passed strait
way to the Abbay of the Charter House, and pullit the hoill place downe, alsweill the Kirk thairof as uther
housses, places, and all the coastlie bigginnis quhilkis was maid be King James the First, fundatour thairof,
quhilk was the farest Abbay and best biggit of any within the realme of Scotlande; and cuttit downe the hoill
growing trees and all uther policies."—(History, p. 272.) The destruction seems to have been very
complete. But the Prior and his brethren were allowed to retire in safety: see note [773].
The Charter-House, or, as it was called, "Monasterium Vallis Virtutis," at Perth, was a splendid edifice,
founded and richly endowed by King James the First, in the year 1429. It was the only religious
establishment of any extent in Scotland of the Order of Carthusians, or White Friars. Holinshed says it "was
not as yet throughly finished" at the time of that Monarch's barbarous murder, in 1437-8; but he was buried
there with great solemnity. James the Second, in the General Council held at Perth, 12th May 1450, granted
a charter of several lands in Perthshire to the Prior and Convent of the Carthusian Monastery of the Valley
of Virtue, near Perth.—(Reg. Magni Sigilli: Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 65.) A century later, in November
1541, Margaret, the mother of James the Fifth, having died at Methven, in the vicinity of Perth, was also
"buried in the Charterhouse Church of Saint Johns Towne, by [beside] the tombe of King James the First.
The King himself and many Nobles of the Realme were present at the funeralles, which were kept in most
solemne and pompous maner."—(Holinshed's Chronicles, Scotland, p. 445; Chronicle of Perth, p. 2. Edinb.
1830.)
James Duke of Chattelherault.
Gawin Hamilton, the fourth son of James Hamilton of Raploch, was born about the year 1515, and
educated at St. Andrews. His name occurs as a Determinant of St. Leonard's College in 1534, and a
Licentiate in 1536. His connexions early secured for him promotion in the Church; and in 1549, he sat as
Dean of the Metropolitan Church of Glasgow, and as Vicar-General during the vacancy in that See. As
already mentioned, (page 274,) Hamilton, in the year 1550, exchanged the Deanery of Glasgow for the
Abbacy of Kilwinning. In 1552-3, he was sent in embassy to the King of France.—(Treas. Accounts.) In
Anderson's House of Hamilton, p. 364; Keith's Catal. of Bishops, p. 408; and in Brunton and Haig's
Senators, p. 101, his subsequent history is somewhat fully detailed.
Matthew Hamilton of Mylburne has already been noticed, at page 207, as the son of John Hamilton of
Mylburne, who had been sent to France in 1547. He was succeeded by his brother Robert, who had a
charter under the Great Seal, "Roberto Hamilton, fratri quondam Mathei Hamilton de Milburne, terrarum
de Livingstone, in vic. de Linlithgow," dated 6th June 1569.
Vautr. edit. omits six words, and reads, "two chiefe enemies to the Duke."
Monsieur D'Oysel, who had been resident Ambassador in Scotland from the King of France, in 1547, till
his return in 1551, (see page 203,) was again sent in that capacity in 1554.—(Lesley's Hist. pp. 203, 250.)
He continued from that time, as formerly, to be one of the Queen Dowager's principal counsellors in all her
affairs. In 1555, he is called "Lord Dosell, Lieutenant of the King of France," (Crim. Trials, vol. i. p. *375;)
and under this title he will be noticed in a subsequent page. But here I may add, that Doysel must have
returned to France when the French troops left Scotland, in 1560, as, in the following year, he was a third
time about to proceed to this country, "to haif remanit in the Castle of Dunbar and fort of Inchekeith, to the
cuming of the Quenes Hienes, (Queen Mary, from France,) and than to haif randerit these strenthis at hir
command. Notwithstanding, (Bishop Lesley continues,) whosone he come to London, the Queen of Ingland
wald not suffer him to pas farder, but causit him returne agane in France, for that she affermit that he and
Monsieur Rubie was the principall aucthoris of all the trubles quhilkis was in Scotland, betuix the Quene
Regent and the Nobilitie thairof, and that it was to be fearit he wald do the lyke in tyme cuming, gif he war
permittit to pas in thair cuntrey."—(History, p. 298.)
In MS. G, "Kirkmen."
In MS. G, "particularitie."
Craigie, a parish of that name in Ayrshire.
In the MS. "decryed."
In MS. G, "a piece of ground."
Patrick Lord Ruthven held the Provostship of Perth during the year 1554, (his father, William Lord
Ruthven, having been Provost in 1552 and 1553,) and he was annually re-elected, without intermission,
until the year of his death, 1566.
Vautr. edit. has "comfort them;" and MS. G, "comfort his."
Patrick Master of Lindesay, afterwards sixth Lord Lindesay of Byres; Walter Lundy of Lundy; and Sir
Andrew Murray of Balvaird.
For, "understood."
In MS. G, "Balwaird;" in Vautr. edit. "Balwarde."—Sir Andrew Murray of Balvaird succeeded his father,
Sir David Murray, who died in December 1550.
In MS. G, "flattering hir Grace, ar servandis of," &c., "or else inflame."
Robert third Lord Semple, who succeeded his father in 1548.
Robert Forman, at this time, was Lyon-King at Arms.
Sunday the 27th May. Keith (p. 199) takes notice, that if the proclamation was "done on a Sunday, it must
have been on the 28th." In his other reference to the days of the week, during May and June 1559, Knox
has fallen into a similar discrepancy.
These Ayrshire gentlemen were Matthew Campbell, Sheriff of Ayr; John Wallace of Craigie; George
Campbell of Cesnock; Hugh Wallace of Carnell; John Lockhart of Barr; and James Chalmer of Gadgirth.
The water of Goodie flows from the lake of Monteath in Strathern, and falls into the Forth, about nine miles
above Stirling. The Teith is a beautiful stream connected with some of the Perthshire lakes, (Lochs Katrine,
Achray, &c.,) and loses its name, at its junction with the Forth, thirteen miles from Callander.
In MS. G, "was of good compt, fyve and twentie hundreth men," &c.
Auchterarder, a village, in the parish of that name, in Perthshire, about fourteen miles from Perth, on the
road to Stirling.
John Erskine of Dun.
John Ogilvy of Inverquharity, in the parish of Kirriemuir, Forfarshire.
He is afterwards mentioned as one of the sons of Sir William Scott of Balwearie.
In Vautr. edit. "nocht" is omitted.
In the MS. "dimisshed."
See note [778].

In the MS. "swaid the argument."

In Vautr. edit. "and that, that hole powers."
In the MS. "number."
Or Terinzean: in Vautr. edit. "Teringland."—At page 340, he is called young Sheriff of Ayr. He succeeded
his father, Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, in 1561.
This was no doubt Patrick Murray of Tibbermuir, in Perthshire, who became cautioner for William Harlaw,
and was amerciated for his non-appearance to underly the law, &c., on the 10th May 1559.
In Vautr. edit. "dizardes;" in MS. G, "dycearis," that is, players at cards and dice.
The Queen Regent, upon the tumults in Perth, and the destruction of the religious houses there, in May
1559, may have intended to supersede Patrick Lord Ruthven, as Provost of Perth; but it does not appear that
either Thomas Charteris, or his son John Charteris of Kinfauns, ever held the office during the reign of
Queen Mary.
Sir William Murray of Tullibardin, ancestor of the Atholl family. He died in 1562.
James Halyburton, as formerly noticed, was Provost of Dundee.
Vautr. edit. reads, "in Anguish."
In MS. G, "the fourt."
In MS. G, "mynding the Sonday, quhilk was the thrid, to preiche in Sanct Androis." Sunday was the 4th of
June.
Vautr. edit. makes this "colledges."
Robert Colville of Cleish was a natural son of Sir James Colville of Easter Wemyss. He had a charter of the
barony of Cleish, 15th July 1537. He was forfeited by Parliament, 10th December 1540; but his forfeiture
was rescinded, 12th December 1543. He was killed at the siege of Leith, 7th May 1560, and was succeeded
by his son Robert Colville, the ancestor of the Lord Colvilles of Ochiltree.
In MS. G, "quhen God of his mercie offereth."
In MS. G, "At these wordis, quhilk he spak;" in Vautr. edit. "At these wordes, the Lordes."
In MS. G, and Vautr. edit. "that was then."
MS. G, has "the comonalty of the town;" but the edit. 1732 omits the words, "of the town."
The Earl of Argyle, and Lord James Stewart.
In MS. G, "curriors were send before, and lugeingis war assignit." In Vautr. edit. "Lodgings were assigned,
and furriers were," &c.
The persons here named, were John Cockburn of Ormiston, John Sandilands of Calder, William Lauder of
Halton, Robert Logan of Restalrig, and George Brown of Colstoun.
To the west of the town of Cupar; but now all under tillage or planting.
In MS. G, "yit we to have standin in saiftie."
MS. G omits "with the ordinance."
Patrick Hepburn of Wauchton.
The MSS. and printed copies give the name of this place variously, as Gartabank, Gartabanks, Garlebank,
Garlie Bank, &c.—This place, of which no other mention occurs in Scotish History, may be called a hill-
farm, situated about a mile to the south of Cupar of Fife, and the highest ground in the parish. "The hostile
camps, (says the author of the Stat. Account of that parish, in 1796,) were only separated by the river
Eden.... The principal men in both armies repaired to the highest eminence of the Garlie Bank, a spot
known by the name of the Howlet, or Owl Hill, and which commanded a full view of the whole plain,
wherein the troops were now drawn up in order of battle, and there adjusted and signed that truce," &c.
(vol. xvii. p. 161.)
This memorandum, "The uther subscriptioun," &c., evidently shows that Knox's amanuensis must have had
the original paper before him; although it is possible he has failed in giving a minutely accurate fac-simile.
In Vautr. edit. the above words are retained; but instead of any fac-simile, the name is printed "Meneits."
MSS. A, E, and W, follow Vautrollier's edit. in copying this unmeaning name, "Meneits;" MS. I, makes it
"Menetis." In MS. L2, only the first half of the paper is transcribed. In MS. G, a different reading appears,
the names being given, without any explanation,
"JAMES DUCKE. L.L. ENNEN J."
The above Assurance, which is only known to have been preserved by Knox, has been often reprinted.
Calderwood, for instance, (Hist. vol. i. p. 463,) includes it, and evidently upon conjecture he gives the
signatures as
"JAMES DUKE. L. LIEUTENANT ETC.."
I have tried the sagacity of many skilful persons of the present day, to decipher the fac-simile; and I think
the only plausible interpretation is, that since it must necessarily have been D'Oysel's signature, it may be
the initials of his name, joined with his title as Locum tenens, or Lieutenant of Henry the Second, King of
France, For this explanation I am indebted to John Riddell, Esq., Advocate; accompanied with notices of a
contract, dated Edinburgh, March 1556, between George Lord Seyton and some of his connexions, which
begins, "We MARIE be the Grace of God Quene Dowerar, and Regent of Scotland, being riplie and at lenth
advisit wyth our deir cousingis and counsalaris LORD HENRY CLEWTYNE, LORD VILE PAREISE, DOYSEL and
Sanct Augnen, LIEUTENANT GENERAL to the Kingis Majestie of France, in thir partis of Scotland; Monsieur
Ruber, Keipar of the Grete Seill of Scotlande," &c. Further, in Anselme's "Histoire Genealogique," &c.,
vol. iv. p. 334, among the Peers of France, in the account of Gaspard de Schomberg, we find that his wife
was "Jeanne Chasteigneir," whom he married 15th July 1573. She survived till the 83d year of her age, in
1622, and is described as D'Oysel's widow: "Veuve d' HENRY CLUTIN, SEIGNEUR DE VILLEPARISIS, D'OYSEL et
de S. Aignan au Maine, VICE ROY EN ESCOCE; depuis Ambassadeur pour le Roy Charles IX. a Rome, et fille
de Jean Chasteignier III. du nom, Seigneur de le Rocheposay," &c.
In MS. G, the words "what shuld be done," are omitted.
In MS. G, "contentment."
William (Graham) 5th Earl of Menteith, succeeded his father, John, 4th Earl, who was killed in a scuffle
with the tutor of Appin, in October 1547. He married, while under age, the daughter of Sir James Douglas
of Drumlanrig, relict of Edward Lord Crichton of Sanquhar. He survived till 1587.

Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy: see note [659].

John Charteris of Kinfauns, near Perth: see notes [787], [812].

Sir John Bannatyne, or Bellenden, eldest son of Thomas Bellenden of Auchinoul, whom he succeeded as
Lord Justice Clerk, 25th June 1547. At this time he was employed by the Queen Regent to negotiate
between her and the Lords of the Congregation; whom he afterwards joined.
In MS. G., "assistance."
In Vautr. edit. "four" omitted.
Patrick Hepburn, whom Knox introduces in an earlier part of his History, as Prior of St. Andrews (see page
41,) was advanced to the See of Moray in 1535; and at the same time he held the Abbacy of Scone in
perpetual Commendam. In all his assedations or leases of lands, as Keith makes mention, the Bishop of
Moray, until his death, 20th June 1573, employed his additional title of "Monasterii de Scone
Commendatarius perpetuus." Various charters, showing his alienation of the Church lands, will be seen in
the "Registrum Episcopatus Moraviensis," printed for the Bannatyne Club, bu the Duke of Sutherland.
Edinb. 1837, 4to.
MS. G, has, "in the Abbay of Scone." This Monastery of Canon-Regulars of St. Augustine, situated about a
mile above Perth, was founded by King Alexander the First, in the year 1114. It was long used as a Royal
residence; and the famous Stone, or Chair of Coronation, having been brought to Scone at a remote period,
it continued for several centuries to be the place where our Kings were accustomed to be crowned.
In MS. G, "lay in the said Abbay, quhilk was within."
MS. G, omits "Sir" before the name of Adam Brown. This title indicates his having been in priest's orders.
In MS. G, "The brute heirof."
In the MS. "alarmezand."
Knox in this place not only disclaims any share in the destruction of the Abbey; but he expressly states he
exerted himself for its preservation. According to "The Chronicle of Perth," the burning of Scone, took
place "on Tuysday efter Midsomer day, the 27th of Junij 1660 zeiris;" and the same authority says, "the
Reformation of the Charter House and Freiris beside Perth," was on the 10th of May 1660, (pp. 2, 3. Edinb.
1831, 4to.)
In MS. G, "messingers." Vautr. edit. has "message."
In MS. G, "in armour." Vautr. edit. has "in armes."
In Vautr. edit. "of our religion."
"Estates" omitted in the orig. MS., and supplied from Vautr. edit. It is "Statis" in MS. G.
Vautr. edit. reads, "have violently intermitted withtaken, and yet withholdes the irones of our counsell
house:" see subsequent note.
In MS. G, "numbers of Lions (alias called Hardheids) prented;" that is, a particular kind of coin struck.
Some explanation will be given in a subsequent note of the coins here mentioned, which were in ordinary
circulation.
Irons, or instruments made use of in coining money.
John Wishart of Pittaro, and William Cunningham of Cunninghamhead, in the parish of Dreghorn,
Ayrshire. Respecting the latter, it may be mentioned, that he sat in the Parliament, August 1560; and that his
name occurs in the proceedings of the General Assembly, June 1565, and August 1570.—(Booke of the
Universall Kirk, vol. i. pp. 38, 60, 200.)
In the MS. "bonds."
In MS. G, "dutifull;" in Vautr. edit. "dutiefull."

Sir John Bellenden of Anchinoul, Justice-Clerk: See note [838].

In MS. G, "the Kirk." Vautr. edit. has "the Church there."
In MS. G, "it was thought expedient and necessarie." Vautr. edit. is the same as the text, but omits "to
thame," before the word "pertaining."
A reference to the History of France will explain Knox's allusion to the treacherous conduct of Henry the
Second, in the arrestment and execution of two of his councillors who had avowed their attachment to the
Protestant faith. The death of the French King, which followed almost immediately after, was occasioned in
a tournament held in honour of the marriage of his daughter with the King of Spain. In jousting with the
Count de Montgomery, a splinter of his lance inflicted a deep wound over the King's left eye, and after
lingering for twelve days, he expired on the 10th July 1559. His son the Dauphin, and husband of Mary
Queen of Scots, was only sixteen years of age when he succeeded to the throne, under the name of Francis
the Second.
Mr. Robert Richardson, according to one of the most accurate of our Antiquarian Genealogists, "was
descended of a stock of ancient and opulent burgesses of Edinburgh, where they had long remained in
reputation and respect;" and he being "a person of great wealth and credit, was upon the fame of his
integrity preferred to the Treasurer's place by the Queen Regent, on the death of the Earl of Cussilis, anno
1558, and made also General of the Mint. When Mr.Richardson came first to the office, he designs himself
Burgense de Edinburgh; but soon after that, having got the Commendatory of St. Mary Isle, which was a
cell of Holyroodhouse Abbay, from that he henceforth took his title."—(Crawfurd's Officers of State, p.
383.)
A bawbee, the vulgar name for a halfpenny. In the reign of Queen Mary, it was equivalent to three pennies
Scotish money, but was afterwards raised to six pennies. The particular coins so designated, were billon or
copper, and are described in Lindsay's "Coinage of Scotland," p. 183. Cork, 1844, 4to.
Robert Logan of Restalrig, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, and parish of South Leith. This ancient family
possessed considerable influence, from their connexion with Leith, of which they held the superiority; as
will be more fully detailed in a subsequent note.
In MS. G, "and yit, notwithstanding."
This name is probably a corruption of Craig-end gate. The Calton Hill was then known as the North Craigs,
and the street called the Low Calton, the road leading from Edinburgh to Leith, was also known by that
name; although the Easter Road would better suit the localities, as elsewhere described.—(Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 65-67.)
Better known as Sir Alexander Erskine of Gogar, fourth son of John fourth Lord Erskine. He was born
about the year 1521; and was Captain of the Castle of Edinburgh, under his brother Lord Erskine, Earl of
Mar, who became Regent of Scotland. After the Regent's death, in 1572, he had the charge of Stirling
Castle, and the custody of James the Sixth. In 1578, he was Constable of Edinburgh Castle; and died
sometime between 1588 and 1594. His eldest surviving son was created Earl of Kelly, in 1619.
In Vautr. edit. "passed."
Lord James Stewart, as already noticed, was son of James the Fifth, by Lady Margaret Erskine, daughter of
John fourth Lord Erskine: see note [644]. He was thus sister's son of the Governor of the Castle of
Edinburgh, who maintained at this time a strict neutrality between the Queen Regent's party and the
Reformers. "There is something very gallant, (says Sir Walter Scott,) in the conduct of this Nobleman, who,
during such a period, was determined to refuse admittance either to French or English, the two powerful
allies of the contending factions."—(Sadler's Papers, vol. i. p. 712.)
MS. G reads, "the uther Nobillmen that war with us."
He was no doubt the same person who appears at page 251, as the Earl Marischal's "counsaillour," in 1556;
but it may be doubted whether it was not his son who was killed at the seige of Leith, in May 1560. General
Drummond, afterwards Lord Strathallan, in his "Genealogie of the House of Drummond," refers to the
former passage in Knox, as an incident in the life of Henry Drummond of Riccarton, the second son of Sir
John Drummond of Innerpeffrey. Having married Janet Creichton, who was heiress of the property of
Riccarton, (in the parish of Linlithgow,) he became the founder of the family of Drummond of Riccarton.
Lord Strathallan says, "He was a valiant gentleman, and of good breeding, and served the French King
Henrie the Second, as Capitane of his Archer-Guard," (p. 152. Edinb. 1831, 4to.) In the Appendix to that
volume, the Editor says, "This 'Counsaillour' was certainly no great clerk, as among the Balcarras Letters
and Papers in the Advocates Library, is an original receipt, in French, for 500 crowns, (Cinq cens cscuz,)
which is thus signed, 'Hary Drōmond, wyt my hand at the pen, led be my Lord Marschallis servand,
Maister Jhone Elder.' It has no date, but was probably about the year 1560." (Ib. p. 291.)—On the 18th July
1555, the Treasurer paid 8s. to a boy "passand to Dumblane to Hairie Drummond with ane clois writting of
the Quenis Grace, with deligence."
Bishop Lesley has given the articles of this pacification in a different form from Knox: see Keith's History,
(vol. i. p. 220,) whose remarks, however, apply to the Latin History, De Rebus Gestis, &c., p. 552. Romæ,
1578, 4to. In the corresponding passage of his English History, Lesley has given the erroneous date 23d
July; and says the Appointment took place "be mediatione and labouris of the Erle of Huntlie, quha
travelled ernistlie for stanching of bluidshed that day."—(Hist. p. 276.)
In MS. G, "and in ane uther forme disposed, as efter followis."
The office of the Mint, of which Richardson was then General. See subsequent note.
In MS. G, "hir Palace."
In Vautr. edit. "garrisons."
The Quarrel or Quarry Holes, afterwards called the "Upper Quarries," towards the east declivity of the
Calton Hill, at the head of the Easter Road to Leith, opposite Maryfield.
In MS. G, "and haill Protestantis."
In MS. G, "murmuirs." Vautr. edit. also has "murmures."
Queen Elizabeth ascended the throne of England 17th November 1558. At the beginning of Book Third,
Knox has entered more into detail respecting the application which was made by the Protestants of Scotland
for aid at this time.
James third Earl of Arran was the eldest son of the Duke of Chatetherault. About the year 1554, he went to
France, and obtained the command of the Scotish Guard, at the Court of Henry the Second. In 1559, he fell
into so much disgrace, on account of his expressing himself to the Duke of Guise in favour of the Reformed
doctrines, that, as stated in the next note, his life was in danger. Having made his escape from Paris, he
came to Geneva, and returning by the north of Germany to England, he was received with much distinction
by Queen Elizabeth. He arrived in Scotland, on the 7th September 1559, (Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p.
435,) and openly joined the Reformers.
Lord David Hamilton was the third son of the Duke of Chatelherault. He had a charter of lands in Fife,
granted to him 31st August 1547. He was in France, along with his eldest brother the Earl of Arran, in
1559, as mentioned in the previous note. Secretary Cecil, in a letter dated 28th July 1559, as quoted by Mr.
Tytler, says, "What may the Duke's Grace there (in France) look for, when his eldest son was so persecuted,
as, to save his life, he was forced to flee France and go to Geneva, not without great difficulty; his second
brother, the Lord David, now cruelly imprisoned by Monsieur Chevigny, one chosen out to show cruelty to
your nation; divers Scots of the Earl's (Arran's) family put to torture; and, finally, all the Duchy of
Chastelherault seised to the Crown."—(Hist. vol. vi. p. 124.)
In Vautr. edit. "the other cast in vile prison."
The Sieur de Béthencourt arrived from France about the end of July 1559. A letter of recommendation from
Mary Queen of Scots, addressed to the Duke of Chatelherault, dated at Paris (16th) July, is contained in
Prince A. Labanoff's collection of "Lettres de Marie Stuart," vol. i. p. 67. He was sent to this country, in the
view to ascertain and use all means that were necessary, for restoring matters to the good estate in which
they had previously been. After thanking the Duke for his good offices rendered to the Queen Regent her
mother, in circumstances of great difficulty, her words are,—"S'estant pour ceste cause delibéré y mectre la
main et chercher tous moïens pour réduire les choses au bon estat ou elles estoient, il a advisé dépescher par
dela le Sieur de Béthencourt, présent porteur, par lequel j'ay bien voullu vous faire entendre le
contentement quo j'ay du service quo vous vous este essayé m'y faire, et prier, mon Cousin, emploïer tous
moïens pour faire rabiller les faultes doulcement et oster l'occasion de faire par autre voye sentir aux
mauvais combien ils ont offencé le Roy, mondit Seigneur, et moy: estant asseurée que jamais vous ne
sçaurez faire chose qui me soit plus agréable."—(Lettres, &c., vol. i. p. 68.)—Among various payments by
the Treasurer, after the Queen Regent's death, (in June 1560,) to her attendants and other persons, we find,
"Item, to Monsieur Buttonecourt and his wife, lxxx lib."
In MS. G, "plesour;" in Vautr. edit. "displeasure."
In MS. G, "duetifullie," Vautr. edit. has "dewly amendid."
In this marginal note, Vautr. edit. has "Brages inough."
In MS. G, "that yow and all they that hes done, and dois as ye do, sall."
These words may be rendered, "You will feel the point of it for ever." The letter referred to is not contained
in Prince A. Labanoff's collection of Queen Mary's Letters; but an English copy of it is preserved in
Spotiswood's History, p. 130, and will be inserted in the Appendix to the present volume.
In MS. G, "be certaine effectis."
In MS. G, "dewtiefull;" Vautr. edit. "duteifull obedience."
In MS. G, "towards us your."
"Mot" is omitted both in MS. G. and Vautr. edit.
The inhabitants or Congregation of Edinburgh, met in the Tolbooth or Council House, on the 7th July 1559,
and publickly elected Knox as their Minister.—(Historie of the Estate of Scotland, in Wodrow Miscellany,
p. 63.) "With this choice, (Dr. MʻCrie remarks,) which was approved by his brethren, Knox judged it his
duty to comply, and immediately began his labours in the City." He was soon afterwards obliged to leave
Edinburgh, but John Willock, who became his colleague, supplied his place, and in the month of August
dispensed the Sacrament in St. Giles's Church.—(ib. p. 67.)
In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "began."
The Tolbooth or Council House must not be confounded with the Old Tollbooth or Jail, which was
described in 1561 as ruinous, and ordered to be demolished. It was, however, repaired, and has been
immortalized as "The Heart of Mid-Lothian." In Chambers's "Reekiana," a number of curious and
interesting notices are collected regarding this building, which was situated at the west-end of St. Giles's
Church, and encroached so much on that part of the High Street, called the Luckenbooths, as to leave only a
kind of lane to the north, of 14 feet wide. Further to the south, and connected with the south-west corner of
St. Giles's Church, with a covered passage to the Parliament Square, there was a large mass of buildings,
which included what was known as the New Tolbooth or Council House, the Goldsmith's Hall, &c. All
these were pulled down when the Signet Library was built, and the ornamented exterior of the Parliament
House, (begun in 1632, and completed in 1640,) was so unfortunately sacrificed. The Old Tolbooth or Jail
was demolished in 1817; and the changes which took place in and around the Parliament Square at that
time, completely altered the singularly picturesque character of the Old Town of Edinburgh.
Here, and in other places, Vautr. edit. has "Church."
In Vautr. edit. the word "Kirk" or "Church" is omitted.
The Abbey of Cambuskenneth was founded by King David the First, in the year 1147. This House, of the
order of Canon-Regulars of St. Augustine, although connected with Stirling, is in the parish of Logie, and
shire of Clackmannan. It was situated on the north side of the river Forth, about one mile N.E. from the
town of Stirling. During the wars with England, it was often plundered, but in 1569, it was nearly all
demolished; and there now remains little besides a square tower of fine proportions, to indicate its site.—
See Sir J.G. Dalyell's "Brief Analysis of the Chartularies of the Abbey of Cambuskenneth, Chapel Royal of
Stirling," &c. Edinb. 1828. 8vo.
In Vautr. edit. "Lyndors."—The Abbey of Lindores, in the parish of Newburgh, Fife, was, like most of our
monastic buildings, finely situated, overlooking the fertile shores of the Tay. It was founded by David Earl
of Huntingdon, brother to King William the Lion, upon his return from the Holy Land, about the year 1178.
It was erected into a temporal lordship by King James the Sixth, 20th December 1600, in favour of Sir
Patrick Lesley of Pitcairly, son of Andrew fifth Earl of Rothes, who had held the Abbacy in Commendam,
since 1581.—John Abbot of Lindores who is here mentioned, must have been a person of some importance;
yet his name has not been discovered, although he sat in Parliament in 1542 and subsequent years, and he
appears in the Sederunt of the Lords of Session, in November 1544. Some further particulars respecting
him will be given in a subsequent note.
MS. G, "sould not be."
In MS. G, and Vautr. edit., "procurement was the preiching stooll."
Alexander Whitelaw of New Grange, had been a pensioner in England so early as the time of Edward the
Sixth, for which the Earl of Huntly caused him to be forfeited, 5th July 1549. See before, Note 538. At a
later period, he became an active and confidential agent of Knox and the Reformed party; and his name
frequently occurs in their correspondence in Sir Ralph Sadler's State Papers. Knox speaks of Whitelaw as a
man who had often hazarded himself, and all he had, for the cause of God. Throgmorton calls him "a very
honest, sober, and godly man, and the most truly affectionate to England of any Scotsman." Accordingly, he
gave him a letter of recommendation to Elizabeth's Council, and, as he was very religious, he counsels them
to let him see as little sin in England as possible.—(Note by Sir Walter Scott, in Sadler's Papers, vol. i. pp.
468, 537.) In the Account of the Collector of the Thirds of Benefices, 1561, two bolls of wheat are
deducted—or "defalkit for the teindis of the Newgrange of Aberbrothock, be reasone the same was nocht
lauborit the zeir compted, be occasion of the pley dependand thairupon, betuix Alexander Quhytlaw and
William Stewart." Three bolls of bear, and eight bolls of meal, were deducted for the same cause.
William Knox, a younger brother of the Reformer, was then a merchant. In September 1552, the English
Council, out of respect to his brother, granted a patent "to William Knox, a merchant, giving him liberty, for
a limited time, to trade to any port of England, in a vessel of one hundred tons burden."—(Strype's
Memorials, vol. ii. p. 299.) And Knox himself, in a letter written in 1553, says, "My brother, William Knox,
is presentlie with me. What ye wold haif frome Scotland, let me know this Monunday at nycht; for hie must
depart on Tyisday."—(MʻCrie's Life of Knox, vol. i. pp. 90, 91.) He afterwards became a preacher, and was
for many years minister of Cockpen in Mid-Lothian.—(MS. Books of Assignation of Stipends; Wodrow
Miscellany, vol. i. pp. 369, 408.)
In MS. G, "in four pieces."
In the MS. "wald nott weir."
In MS. G, this marginal note, and that on the next page, are taken into the text.
In the MS. the date is left blank, "the &c. day." Vautr. edit. and MS. G, read, "the 28th day of August."
In MS. G, "we can skairslie beleve."
In MS. G, "was maid against, or without our advyse." In Vautr. edit. "was made by."
In MS. G, "in na cais."
Monsieur de la Brosse, and the Bishop of Amiens, arrived in Scotland on the 24th September 1559. Sir
Ralph Sadler, on the 27th, says, "the Bishop arrived in Leith three days previously, with three vessels, and
800 men." On the 29th he writes, "La Brosse, and the Bishop of Amyens, are arrived at Leyth, with so gret
company, besyds ther housholde men, as far as we can lerne. And the Bishop, as they say, cometh to curse,
and also to dispute with the Protestants, and to reconcile them, if it wolbe," &c.—(Sadler's Letters, vol. i. p.
470.) "Jacques de la Brosse, knycht," had been one of the French ambassadors, who were present at the
Parliament, 11th December 1543, for treating of a renewal of the amity between the two kingdoms.—(Acta
Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 432.) When again sent to this country, in September 1559, on the accession of Francis
the Second to the throne of France, Bishop Lesley calls him "Monsieur de La Broche."—(History, p. 278.)
The Bishop of Amiens was Nicholas de Pellevé, who was afterwards Archbishop of Sens, and elected
Cardinal. He came in the character of Legate a latere from the Pope, and was accompanied by three
Doctors of the Sorbonne, whom Spotiswood calls Dr. Furmer, Dr. Brochet, and Dr. Ferretier.—(Hist. p.
133.)
In Vautr. edit. "Ammiance."
In MS. G, "The arryval of 1000 Franchemen and ma." Vautr. edit. corresponds with the text.
This marginal note is taken into the text in MS. G.
In MS. G, this marginal note ends, "witness how this was kept;" but Vautr. edit. is the same with the text.
The Letters here referred to as having been sent to France, are not contained in any printed collection.
In the orig. MS. and in Vautr. edit. "proclamation."
In MS. G, "inriche."
In MS. G, "our liberties," and "our laws."
In MS. G, "as obedient."
In MS. G, "And seing ye have presently." Vautr. edit. has, "And seeing you have presently."
A genealogical account of the ancient family of the Scots of Balweary, in Fife, is inserted in Douglas's
Baronage, pp. 302-306. From this we learn, that there were five persons of the same name, in regular
succession, at the end of the 15th, and during the 16th century. Sir William Scott, who was taken prisoner at
Floddon, was nominated the first of the Lords of Session on the Temporal side, at the institution of the
College of Justice in May 1532; but he died very soon after; as Thomas Scott of Petgormo, his second son,
was appointed his successor, 19th November that year. This Thomas Scott was Justice-Clerk, whose death,
in 1539, Knox has recorded: see page 69. Another Thomas Scott of Petgormo, probably a younger son of
his brother Sir William, had a charter of the lands of Petgormo, confirmed 22d March 1551. I have some
old deeds, between the years of 1570 and 1574, in some of which he is styled of Abbotshall, in others, of
Petgormo.
See note [197].

In the MS. "laid;" Vautr. edit. has "laied money;" MS. G, "layit mony." In September 1554, the Treasurer
delivered to an English miner, "aucht unce of siluer, to mak ane assay of siluer and layit mony." In 1587, it
is called "allayed" (alloyed) money.
During the minority of Queen Mary, great quantities of base money had been struck, or brought from
France and Flanders, and obtaining circulation, had the effect of raising the prices of provisions and other
necessaries in this country. Many enactments were made in regard to the currency at this time, apparently
without much effect; at length, in the year 1574, all such money was called in by public proclamation, to
prevent the further circulation of false, counterfeit, and clipped money. The particular kinds here named,
were Hard-heads, or Lions, a small coin with the royal cypher crowned, on one side, and a Lion rampant
on the other. The Non Sunts, so called in Acts of Parliament, had the arms of Francis and Mary, mostly
bearing the date 1559. This name was given them from the legend, on the obverse, IAM. NON. SVNT. DVO.
SED . VNA . CARO . The comparative value of these coins is determined by an Act of Parliament, December
1567, by which "all Non Sunts were proclamit to 6d., Bawbies to 3d., Plakis to 2d., and Hard-heidis to half-
penyis; and the penneis to stand as thai ar."—(Acta Parl. Scot. vol. ii. p. 43; Lindsay's Coinage of Scotland,
p. 239.)
See page 372.
In MS. G, "thair clippit and rongit sollis." Vautr. edit. has "clippit and rounged souses." That is, clipped or
ronged sols or sous, (a kind of small French money well known,) worn away, or reduced in size by a file:
the sou being equivalent to 10 centimes, and 10 sous to a franc.
In MS. G, "derthning of all victuillis;" Vautr. edit. has "vivaris."
In MS. G, "and how are they cum?"
In MS. G, "townes;" in Vautr. edit. "roomes."
In the other copies "garrisouns."
In MS. G, "see to it;" in Vautr. edit. as above.
In MS. G, "realme;" in Vautr. edit. "roomes."
In MS. G, "further."
"Quhen thy neighbours house is on fire, take tent to thy awn."—("Scottish Proverbs: Gathered together by
David Fergusson, sometime Minister at Dunfermline," &c. Edinburgh, 1641, 4to.)
In MS. G, "Guysianis;" in Vautr. edit. "Guisians."
In MS. G, "gevin to Princes."
In MS. G, "Becaus this accusatioun is layd against;" Vautr. edit. has, "Because this occasion is layd
against."
This marginal note occurs both in MS. G, and in Vautr. edit.; but MS. G, makes it, "Let sick as this day live,
witness if God hes wrocht since the writting of this."—The precise time when this note was written is
doubtful, as several leaves of the original MS., (folios 137 to 158,) corresponding with pages 381 to 432 of
the present edition, seem to have been rewritten, after 1566, but before Knox's death, in 1572, and in all
probability in the hand of his Secretary, Richard Bannatyne. In this portion of the MS. the colour of the ink,
&c., resembles the latter part of Book Fourth; but it exhibits a peculiar orthography, and is transcribed with
much less accuracy than usual.
In MS. G, "haldis;" in Vautr. edit. "had."
In the MS. "subjit."
In MS. G, this marginal note reads, "The hame cuming of the Erie of Arran out of France."
In the MS. "discryve;" Vautr. edit. and MS. G, have "discover."
In Vautr. edit. "the xxix day."
Robert Carnegy of Kynnaird, in Fife, was the son of John Carnegy, who was killed at Floddon. On the 4th
July 1547, he was nominated a Lord of Session.—(Senators of the College of Justice, p. 90.) He was sent to
England in 1548, to treat for the ransom of the Earl of Huntley, Lord Chancellor, who had been taken
prisoner at the Battle of Pinkie. In 1549 and 1550, Carnegy filled the office of "Clerk of our Soueraine
Ladyis Thesaurar," for which he had a yearly pension of £26, 13s. 4d.—(Treasurer's Accounts.) In February
1551-2, the Treasurer paid "to Robert Carnegy, for his expensis passand to France and England, in our
Soueraine Ladyis and my Lord Governouris service, quhen he remanit the space of xv weekis, in iiijc
crounis of the sone, vc lib." (£500.)—He was frequently employed in public negotiations; and had the
honour of knighthood conferred on him for his services.
Mr. David Borthwick of Lochill, Advocate, will be afterwards noticed. In 1578, he became Lord Advocate,
and one of the Judges in the Court of Session.
In MS. G, "cut-throattis."
The charge of the royal family became a kind of hereditary employment for the Erskines of Mar. John,
fourth Lord Erskine, had the keeping of James the Fifth in his youth; and was appointed Governor of
Stirling Castle. In May 1525, he had a charter constituting him and his heirs Captain and Constable of the
Castle of Stirling. He was likewise one of two noblemen to whom the charge of Queen Mary, in her
infancy, was entrusted. He was afterwards made Keeper of Edinburgh Castle, and died in 1552. He was
succeeded by his third son, John fifth Lord Erskine, (as already noticed at page 213,) both in his title and
heritable offices. When the Duke of Chatelherault resigned the Regency to the Queen Dowager, the Castle
of Edinburgh was put in the hands of Lord Erskine. In 1559, as Governor of this important fortress, he
maintained a strict neutrality between the two contending parties, as Knox mentions at the beginning of
Book Third of his History. And James the Sixth, while yet an infant, was entrusted to his care.
In MS. G, "within it."
In Vautr. edit. "your eyis of."
In Vautr. edit. "the 29 day."
In the other MSS. "men."
Sir John Bellenden of Auchinoul, who, for thirty years, from 1547, was Justice-Clerk, appears to have been
twice married. The above reference is to his first wife; and from a charter dated 12th May 1559, we learn
that her name was Barbara Kennedy. She was thus the daughter of Sir Hugh Kennedy of Girvan-mains, by
Lady Janet Stewart, eldest daughter of John second Earl of Atholl, who was killed at Floddon in 1513. This
lady was four times married: first, to Alexander Master of Sutherland, who died in 1529; then, in 1532, to
Sir Hugh Kennedy; next, in 1545, to Henry Lord Methven, who was killed at Pinkie in 1547. Her fourth
husband was Patrick Lord Ruthven; and in a charter, granted in the prospect of this marriage in 1557, she is
styled Lady Methven. She was Lord Ruthven's second wife, and probably survived him. Sir John
Bellenden's second wife, according to a charter, 20th July 1574, was Janet Seyton. She survived him, as we
learn from his Confirmed Testament: he having died on the 6th October 1576.—(Register of Conf. Test.,
&c., vol. vi. 19th August 1578.)
He was the son of John Spens of Condie, in the county of Perth, and was born about the year 1520. He was
educated at St. Andrews, and became a Determinant, in St. Salvator's College, in 1543. In 1549, he was one
of nine Advocates selected by the Court of Session, to procure before them in all actions. He was joined
with Henry Lauder as Advocate to our Soueraine Lady, in 1558, and had the salary of £40; and on Lauder's
death in 1560, he became his successor, and at the same time was raised to the Bench. He joined the
Reformers, and is frequently noticed in the proceedings of the General Assembly.
In MS. G, "that the Quenis Grace favour."
In Vautr edit. "craftie flatterer:" in MS. G, this marginal note is omitted.
In MS. G, and Vautr. edit. "poore."
In MS. G, the name is written in full, "James Stewart;" in Vautr. edit. it is contracted as above, "J. St."
This word, omitted in the MS., is supplied from Vautr. edit.
In the orig. MS. "as."
In Vautr. edit. and MS. G, "than the pretended."
In MS. G, "mony uther thingis."
In MS. G, "and the Quein Regent in this cais." Vautr. edit. has, "in this cause."
Vautr. edit. has here in the margin, "Nota."
This feeling of jealousy between the Towns of Edinburgh and Leith, originating in narrow-minded policy,
was of an old standing. The harbour and mills of Lieth, then known as Inverleith, were granted by Robert
the First, in the year 1329, to the community of Edinburgh; and in 1398, they acquired other rights and
privileges by purchase from Logan of Restalrig, who possessed the banks of the river. During the 15th and
following century, the Magistrates of Edinburgh passed some Acts of a very oppressive and illiberal kind,
against the inhabitants of Leith. In 1547, during the English invasion, the town and harbour were
completely destroyed; but the Queen Regent, in favour of the inhabitants, purchased anew the superiority in
1555, from Robert Logan of Restalrig, for £3000 Scotish money; it was strongly fortified in 1559; and was
taken possession of by the French auxiliary troops, on behalf of the Queen Regent, who proposed to have
erected the Town into a Royal Burgh. Her death, in June 1560, defeated this project; and the citizens of
Edinburgh afterwards obtained the superiority from Mary Queen of Scots, for the sum of 10,000 marks.
In the MS. "had" is omitted; in MS. G, it is "hes or had;" in Vautr. edit. "hath or had."
The Logans of Restalrig were an ancient family of great influence, from their possessions at Leith and
Restalrig. The factious person to whom Knox alludes was Robert Logan, who was arrested by order of the
Magistrates of Edinburgh, and committed to prison, 9th September 1560.
In MS. G, "lawfull heirs and borne counsallers." Vautr. edit. omits "heirs," or "heidis," and reads, "the
lawfull and borne counsellers."
In Vautr. edit. on the margin, "Nota."
Not inserted in MS. G.
See note [538].

In the orig. MS. it is, apparently, "neir us:" MS. G. has "micht most noy us;" Vautr. edit. reads, "might most
annoy us."
In MS. G, "The caus of the taking of Brochtie Craig."
In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "dutifull."
In MS. G, "forced with the Frenchmen, and reullit with be the counsaill of France;" Vautr. edit. has, "forced
with the strength, and ruled by the counsell of France."
This alludes to the emphatic phrase in the absolution sent from Rome, to Cardinal Beaton's murderers,
remittimus irremissibile; but which was rejected by the parties who were concerned as not being the
"sufficient assured absolution," which had been promised should be obtained for them: see page 203.
George fifth Lord Seaton, was elected Provost of Edinburgh at Michaelmas 1558, by command of the
Queen Regent; and he conducted the affairs of the City in such an arbitrary manner, that in April 1559 he
committed one of the Bailies and the Town-Clerk to prison. On another occasion he threatened all the
Bailies with a similar imprisonment, if, during his absence, they failed in securing certain persons whom he
named.—(Maitland's Hist. of Edinburgh, p. 15.)
In MS. G, "The Lord Seytounis unworthie regiment:" and it omits the three following marginal notes.
In MS. G, "to steir;" Vautr. edit., as above, has, "to saile a schippe."
In the orig. MS. "baith we and sche."
In MS. G, "debtfull;" in Vautr. edit. "dutifull."
In Vautr. edit. "forged."
Mr. Robert Lockhart has already been mentioned by Knox, (page 300,) among the laymen who undertook
the office of exhorters. He appears to have been gained over to her views by the Queen Regent; and the
Treasurer's Accounts exhibit the following payments made to him by her special command. On the 16th
January 1559-60, "be the Quenis Grace precept to Master Robert Lockhart, xxx lib." "Item, the xxiij day of
Februar, be the Quenis Grace precept to Maister Robert Lockhart, xl lib."
In MS. G, "unto Hir Grace the Quein Regent, may be understude."
Supplied from MS. G.
In MS. G, these words are thus transposed,—"I culd not be proven enemie, bot rather an unfayned freind to
your Grace." Vautr. edit. follows the text, except "proved" for "proven."

In the year 1558, at Geneva: see note[654].

In MS. G, "your Graces hairt." Vautr. edit. has, "your hearte."
Robert Lockhart, see page 434.
Supplied from MS. G.
In MS. G, "of this cuntrey." Vautr. edit. has, "realme."
Vautr. edit. omits this marginal note; but it occurs in MS. G.
In MS. G, "seikes or sutes ony pre-eminence, eyther to." Vautr. edit. makes it, "sues nor seekes anie pre-
heminence."
"Maister Robert Foirman," in 1551, was Ross Herald; and in that capacity, on the 7th May 1552, he was
"direct fra the Counsale, with certain Articulis to be schawand to the King of France; and frathin to the
Empriour," the Treasurer on that day having paid "to hym, to be his expenses in his jornay, £400."—On the
death of the celebrated poet, Sir David Lyndesay of the Mount, Forman, in 1558, became his successor as
Lyon King-at-Arms.
Keith has copied from Knox the "Credeit" or Commission from the Queen Regent; but in the Appendix to
his History he says, "I make little doubt he (Knox) has curtailed the same, and formed it so as to serve his
own purpose: And had this Credit been contained in as few words as this author relates it, the Regent might
have easily inserted the whole of it in her letter, without any unbecoming prolixity. I do, therefore,
recommend to my readers not to satisfy themselves with this account of the Credit, but to look into that
which Archbishop Spottiswood narrates; which, as it is much more distinct in answering to each part of
complaint from the Congregationers, so it has all the air of ingenuity, and seems fully to answer the
character of that wise and worthy Princess." He then proceeds to quote from Spottiswood's MS. some
remarks, differing from the corresponding passage in the printed History; but these are too long to be here
quoted: see Keith, Hist. vol. i. pp. 232, 400-492.
In MS. G, "of the Kirk of Edinburgh, being commanded." Vautr. edit. is the same as the text.
In MS. G, "was thair protest." Vautr. edit. has, "process."
In MS. G, "in sygne of manifest oppresioun." Vautr. edit., as in the text, omits the words "sygne of."
In MS. G, "commonaltie."
In MS. G, "and to performance of thir hir wicked nterprises." Vautr. edit. reads, "to performe these her
wicked interprises."
The stranger referred to, was Monsieur de Ruby, who has already been noticed: see pages 262, 292.
Secretary Cecil, in a letter to Sir Ralph Sadler, from London, 25th November 1559, says, "At this present
Monsieur Ruby is here, and hath spoken with the Quenes Majestye this daye. His errand, I thynke, be to
goe into Fraunce, and, by the waye here, to expostulate upon certain greeffs in that Quenes name. He telleth
many tales, and wold very fayne have the Queenes Majestye beleve that he sayth truth." Some of these
"tales" are specified—such as, that the Scotts report they have had £6000 in ayde from England, &c. It is
afterwards added, "Ruby departeth to-morrow."—(Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. p. 630.)
This marginal note, in MS. G, reads, "Hir dauchter followis the same, for to Davie was the Greitt Seill
gevin."—In the List of Officers of State, appended to Scott's Staggering State, (see note, [731],) Riccio is
said to have succeeded Mons. de Ruby; but the public records furnish no evidence to show that David
Riccio ever was intrusted with the Great Seal. His highest promotion was Private Secretary to the Queen
and Darnley; as will more particularly be noticed in the next volume, towards the conclusion of the History.
The words enclosed within brackets, occur both in MS. G. and Vautr. edit.; but neither copy has any
signatures. Keith, in his remarks on this Act of Deposition of the Queen Regent, says, "And for this reason,
(the few persons present at framing it,) perhaps, they thought fit not to sign the Act man by man, but to
wrap it up after this general manner, viz., By us the Nobility," &c.—(Hist. vol. i. p. 237.) This evidently is a
mistake, as the Act itself concludes with the express statement, "subscrivit with our handis," &c.—In the
MS. of 1566, a blank space of half a page at the end of the above Act, has been left for the purpose of
inserting the signatures, we may suppose, in a kind of fac-simile.
In MS. G, "your doingis." Vautr. edit. has, "proceedings."
In MS. G, "for our Regent." Vautr. edit. has, "anie."
The town of Leith.
In MS. G, "placed." Vautr. edit. has, "planted."
In MS. G, "accustomed."
In Vautr. edit. "the 24 day;" and this date is followed in all the copies, excepting MS. G.
In the British Museum (MSS. Cotton. Calig., B. x., f. 42.) there is a contemporary transcript of this Letter,
which contains the signatures, or rather the names of the persons who signed it, as follows:
"Your Grace's humble Serviteurs,
THE COUNCIL, having the authority unto the next Parliament, erected by common election of the Earls,
Lords, and Barons, convened at Edinburgh, of the Protestant faction.
(Earls.) My Lord Duke's Grace and Earl of Arran. The E. of Argile. The E. of Glencairn.
(Lords.) James of St. Andrews. The Lord Ruthven. The Master of Maxwell.
(Barons.) Tullibardine. The Laird of Dun. The Laird of Pittarrow. The Provost of Aberdeen, for the
Burrows."
In MS. G, "the ane and the other." Vautr. edit. has, "either the one or the other." Some other trivial
differences in this Summonds occur in MS. G.
In the MS. of 1566, "scalles."
In MS. G, "at that."
In May 1555, we find him styled, "Maister James Balfoure, Officiall of Sanctandrois, within the
Archedenerie of Lowthiane."—(Criminal Trials, vol. i. p. 378.)
In MS. G, "quhilk we thocht."
Sir William Murray of Tullibardine.
John Hart was connected with the Mint in some subordinate capacity. His name does not occur among the
Officers of the Mint, in the Treasurer's Accounts, at this time; but it occurs in a proclamation, dated 5th
March 1574, respecting the false and adulterated coins (placks and hard-heads) which were ordered to be
brought to the Mint.—(Lindsay's Coinage of Scotland, pp. 184, 239.)
The Cunyie House, or Scotish Mint, was near the foot of Gray's Close, entering from the Cowgate, and
formed a kind of small court or square. But these buildings bear the date of having been erected in 1574.
The Mint had previously been moved from one place to another, such as Edinburgh Castle, Holyrood
House, Dalkeith, &c. Thus we find in the Treasurer's Accounts, February 1562-3, is the following payment:
—"Item, allowit to the Comptar, be payment maid be Johne Achesoun, Maister Cwnzeour, to Maister
William MʻDowgale, Maister of Werk, for expensis maid be him vpon the bigging of the Cwnze-house,
within the Castell of Edinburgh, and beting of the Cwnze-house within the Palace of Halierudhouse, fra the
xi day of Februar 1559 zeris, to the 21 of April 1560, &c., £460, 4s. 1d."
In the view of affording aid to the Lords of the Congregation, a commission was granted to the Earl of
Northumberland, Sir Ralph Sadler, and Sir James Crofts. The ostensible object was the settlement of some
Border disputes, which were arranged on the 22d September; but by remaining at Berwick, they were able,
with greater facility and secrecy, to hold communication with the Protestant party in Scotland, without
apparently infringing the Treaty of Peace which had previously been concluded. Sadler's private
instructions to this effect are dated 8th August 1559, and he was empowered to treat with any persons he
thought advisable, and to distribute, with all due discretion and secrecy, money to the extent of £3000.—
(Sadler's State Papers, vol. i. pp. xxix. 391.) The arrival of the French troops in aid of the Queen Regent,
led to a more direct and ostensible assistance on the part of England, in sending auxiliary forces to support
the Scotish Reformers.
In MS. G, "beset;" in Vautr. edit. "foreset."
John Cockburn of Ormistoun has already been noticed, in the notes to pages 142, 215, 237, &c. In October
1559, he received at Berwick, from Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir James Crofts, £1000 sterling, in French
crowns, for the present relief of the Lords of the Congregation; and also 200 crowns (or £63, 6s. 8d.) which
was given to him for his own use. But the Earl of Bothwell, and some of the French troops, being informed
of this booty, waylaid him near Dunpendar-law, in East Lothian, on the last of October, and robbed him of
this treasure, wounding him severely.—(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 70.) On the 5th November, Sadler
and Crofts wrote to Secretary Cecil, with the information of the "mishap" which "hath chaunced to the
saide Ormestoun, to our no little grief and displeasure."—(State Papers, vol. i. pp. 528, 538, 542, 600.)
Cockburn is introduced among the "Scotish Worthies," in a work written in verse, by Alexander Garden of
Aberdeen, before the year 1620, but which seems never to have been printed, and the MS. unfortunately
cannot now be traced. Garden calls him "ane honourable and religious gentleman, very dilligent and
zealous in the work of Reformation:"
"For perrels, promises, expense nor pains,
From thy firm faith no not a grain weight gains."
And, in reference to Bothwell's attack, he says,—
"Thy blood-shed sooth'd and taught this time, I know,
When curtfoot Bothwell like a limmer lay,
(A traytor try'd, yea, and a tirrant too,)
And unawarrs did wound thee on the way."
(MS. Hist. of the Family of Cockburn of Ormistoun, circa 1722.)
James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, succeeded his father, Patrick third Earl, in September 1556: see page
140. At this time he was in secret correspondence with the Reformers, and had professed attachment to
their cause; but being gained over by the Queen Dowager, this spoliation of Cockburn of Ormistoun
displayed the insincerity of his character. The Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart proceeded with 2000
men "to revenge the said injury, thinking to find the Earl Bothwell in Creichtoun; but a little before their
coming to the said place, he was depairted," &c.—(Wodrow Miscellany, vol. i. p. 70.)
Crichton Castle, now in ruins, was formerly a place of considerable strength, with an interior quadrangle.
At this time it belonged to the Earl of Bothwell. It is situated in the parish of that name, in the east part of
Mid-Lothian, about eleven miles from Edinburgh.
The name is left blank in all the MSS.
In Vautr. edit. "The first departing of."
In Vautr. edit. "Bannantine;" in MS. G, "Bellenden." Sir John Bellenden has frequently been mentioned: see
pages 358, 400.

Mr. Gawyn Hamilton: in MS. G. is added, "Abbote of Kilwynning:" See note [778].
Vautr. edit. makes this, "of their infants losse." It is the French phrase, "Les enfans perdus d'une armée," the
forlorn hope of an army.
Lord Robert Stewart was the natural son of James the Fifth, by Euphemia Elphinstone. He had a grant of
the Abbacy of Holyrood in 1539, while yet an infant; Alexander Myln, Commendator of Cambuskenneth,
being administrator. He joined the Reformers, and approved of the Confession of Faith in 1560. In 1569, he
exchanged his Abbacy with Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney, for the temporalities of that Bishoprick.
His lands in Orkney and Zetland were erected into an Earldom in his favour, 28th October 1581.
In MS. G, "The Capitain of the Castell." Vautr. edit. is the same as the text, in omitting these words.
In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "victorious souldiours," or "soldiers."
In the MS. of 1566, "pause."
Or, "I think you have bought it without money."

Sir John Maxwell, who afterwards, in his wife's right, as co-heiress, assumed the title of Lord Herries. See
note [769].

Knox has here mistaken the particular days: Wednesday was the first, and Monday the sixth of November.
The persons here named were Ker of Cessfurd, and Ker of Pharnihurst.
Monday was the sixth of November: see above, note 1035.
In MS. G, "for keiping;" in Vautr. edit. "keeping."
In MS. G. and Vautr. edit. "corner."
In MS. G, "neir."
The village of Restalrig is situated about half a mile to the north-east of Holyrood House. It was formerly a
place of some importance, and contained a collegiate Church, founded by King James the Second, with a
Dean, nine prebendaries, and two singing-boys. A portion of this Church has been restored, and fitted up as
a place of worship in connexion with the Parish Church of South Leith. The myre was no doubt that low
marshy ground, formerly covered with water, which extended to the precincts, or "the park-dyke," of the
Palace and Abbey of Holyrood. In a lease of the Park of Holyroodhouse, to "John Huntar, burgess of the
Cannogait," a special charge is included "for uphalding and repairing of our said Park dyke, and casteing
and redding of the fowseis about the medowis," &c.; and also for "the keping of the said Park, the Abbotis
medow, and groundless myre within the same." 20th March 1564-5.—(Register of Signatures, vol. i.)
Sadler and Crofts, in a letter written about the 7th of November 1559, (vol. i. p. 554,) have given an
account of this skirmish, fought at Restalrig on the previous day, on which occasion the Protestant party,
commanded by the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart, were surrounded in the marshy ground, and their
retreat to Edinburgh only accomplished with a loss of thirty men slain, and forty taken prisoners.
In Vautr. edit. "parke dich."
MS. G. omits "awin;" in Vautr. edit. it is, "owne."
Captain Alexander Halyburton, at page 360, is mentioned by Knox as the brother of James Halyburton,
Provost of Dundee, with whom he is by some modern writers confounded. He had previously been in the
Queen's service, as in August 1555, he received £75, for his pension of the Whitsunday term.—(Treasurer's
Accounts.) Bishop Lesley, in his account of this skirmish, which he places about the end of September,
says, that the French troops were "not content to be sieged within the toun" of Leith; "at last, thay come
fordwarte with their hoill forces, purposing to invayde the toune of Edinburgh; bot the Scottis men come
furth of the toun, albeit out of ordour, and encontered the Frenche men apoun the croftis besyde the Abbay
of Holieruidhous, betuix Leithe and Edinburgh; quhair the Scottis men war put to flyte, and Capitane
Alexander Halieburton with mony utheris was slayne, and the Frenche men persewit the chase evin to the
poirtis of Edinburgh, and had maid gret slauchter, war not thair was twa gret cannonis schot furth of the
Castell at the Frenche army, quhilk stayed thame frome forder persuit; so they retered agane to Leithe."—
(History, p. 279.)
This sentence in MS. G. reads, "And thus with dolour of many, he ended his dolour within two hours efter
the defate, and enter, we doubt not, in that blissit immortality, quhilk abydes all that beleve in Christ Jesus
trewly." All the later MSS. correspond verbatim with Vautrollier's edit., which is the same with the text
above, except the latter words, "within two hours after our departure."
The persons here mentioned as having been taken prisoners, were probably David Monypenny of Pitmilly,
or his son David; Andrew Fernie of Fernie, in the parish of Monimail, the property having afterwards come
by marriage into the family of Arnot; James Stewart, Master of Buchan, second son of John third Earl of
Buchan, (his elder brother John having been killed at Pinkie in 1547); and George Lovell, a burgess of
Dundee. On the 4th November 1555, George Lovell, burgess of Dundee, and Margaret Rollok, his wife,
had a charter under the Great Seal, of certain acres of land in the lordship of Dudhope, Forfarshire. On the
previous month, he obtained a letter of legitimation for his bastard son Alexander. In May 1559, Lovell was
fined £40, by the Justice Depute, as security for Paul Methven, in consequence of his non-appearance at
trial.
In the MS. of 1566, a blank space is left here, and at the end of the next sentence, as if for the purpose of
adding some farther details, which may explain the apparent want of connexion.
In MS. G, "schote." Vautr. edit. has "hurte."
All-hallow even, the last day of October, being the eve of Hallowmas, of All-Saints.
William Maitland, the eldest son of Sir Richard Maitland of Lethington, became Secretary to Queen Mary,
in 1561.
In the orig. MS. "ceased."
MS. G. adds, "his Sister-son." Vautr. edit. omits these additional words.
In MS. G, "have stude;" in Vautr. edit. "wold have stood."
Wednesday was the 8th of November.
In the MS. of 1566, "this."
Verse 8, supplied from MS. G, is omitted in the MS. of 1566, and in Vautr. edit.
In MS. G, "forefathers;" in Vautr. edit. "auncient fathers."
In the MS. of 1566, "Duik" is often written "Duck."
In MS. G, "it be not so."
Vautr. edit. makes it, "passed to Comishall."
See Sadler's Letters and State Papers, vol. i. pp. 601-604, for the instructions and other matters connected
with the mission of William Maitland of Lethington to London at this time.
In MS. G, "The End of the Secund Buik:" Vautr. edit. has "Endeth," &c.
The words in italics are usually those in the text, quoted for greater facility in shewing the connexion.—In
Buchanan's editions there are numerous marginal notes. Many of these are literally copied from
Vautrollier's suppressed edition; and of those which the Editor has added, only such as might be mistaken as
Knox's, are here taken notice of.
"The godly zeal of M. Hamelton towardes his countrey."
"Articles out of the Registers."—(Marginal note.)
"His Articles otherwise more truely collected."—(Marginal note.)
"Condemned by councelles and Uniuersities, but here is no mention of the Scripture."—(Marginal note.)
"Note here that these Articles agree not wyth the Articles in the Register before mentioned."
"Wolues in Lambes skinnes."
"M. Patricke geuen to the secular power."
"If ye coulde shew to what place of the scripture, we would gladly heare you."
"The Vniuersitie of S. Andrewes was founded about the yeare of our Lord 1416, in the reigne of kyng
James the first, who brought into Scotland, out of other countreyes, 8. Doctors of Diuinitie, and 8. Doctours
of Decrees, wyth diuers other. Hect. Boet. lib. 16. cap. 17." (Marginal note.)
"He meaneth Fysher B. of Rochester, who wrote agaynst Oecolampadius and Luther, and at length was
beheaded for treason." (Marginal note.)
Mr. John Sinclair, Dean of Restalrig, who became Bishop of Brechin. See supra, p. 265.
Evidently the same person named Terrye, in the previous account of Wallace. See page 548. Pitscottie calls
him Sir Hugh Curry.