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IDENTITY AND DIALECT
PERFORMANCE

Identity and Dialect Performance discusses the relationship between identity and dia-
lects. It starts from the assumption that the use of dialects is not just a product
of social and demographic factors, but can also be an intentional performance of
identity. Dialect performance is related to identity construction and in a highly
globalised world, the linguistic repertoire has increased rapidly, thereby changing
our conventional assumptions about dialects and their usage.
The key outstanding feature of this particular book is that it spans an exten-
sive range of communities and dialects; Canada, Colombia, Egypt, French Guiana,
Germany, Italy, Japan, Libya, Morocco, Nigeria, Scotland, Senegal, Spain, Syria, The
Netherlands, The Sudan, and the UK and US.

Reem Bassiouney is Professor of Linguistics at The American University of Cairo

Her recent book publications include Functions of Code-Switching in Egypt (2006),
Arabic Sociolinguistics (2008), Arabic and the Media (2010, editor), Arabic Language and
Linguistics (2012, co-editor), Language and Identity in Modern Egypt (2014), and The
Routledge Handbook of Arabic Linguistics (forthcoming, co-editor).
Routledge Studies in Language and Identity
Series Editor: Reem Bassiouney

The Routledge Studies in Language and Identity (RSLI) series aims to examine
the intricate relation between language and identity from different perspectives.
The series straddles fields such as sociolinguistics, discourse analysis, applied lin-
guistics, historical linguistics and linguistic anthropology. It aims to study identity
and language by utilizing novel methods of analysis as well as ground breaking
theoretical approaches.

Titles in series:
Arabic in Israel: Language, Identity and Conflict
Muhammad Amara

Identity and Dialect Performance: A Study of Communities and Dialects

Reem Bassiouney

For more titles, please visit www.routledge.com/languages/series/RSLI

IDENTITY AND DIALECT
PERFORMANCE
A Study of Communities
and Dialects

Edited by Reem Bassiouney

First published 2018
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 selection and editorial matter, Reem Bassiouney; individual
chapters, the contributors
The right of Reem Bassiouney to be identified as the author of the
editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been
asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Bassiouney, Reem, 1973– editor.
Title: Identity and dialect performance : a study of communities and dialects /
edited by Reem Bassiouney.
Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge,
2017. | Includes index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017018132 (print) | LCCN 2017027081 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781315279732 (eBook) | ISBN 9781315279725 (pdf) |
ISBN 9781315279718 (ePub) | ISBN 9781315279701 (Mobipocket) |
ISBN 9781138241756 (hardback : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781138241787
(pbk. : alk. paper)
Subjects: LCSH: Dialectology. | Languages in contact. | Group identity.
Classification: LCC P367 (ebook) | LCC P367 .I33 2017 (print) | DDC
417/.2—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017018132
ISBN: 978-1-138-24175-6 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-24178-7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-27973-2 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
CONTENTS

List of figures viii

List of tables x
List of contributors xi
Acknowledgementsxvii

Introduction 1

PART I
Dialects in localised and delocalised contexts 15

1 Nonstandard dialect and identity 17

John Edwards

2 The elusive dialect border 35

Dick Smakman and Marten van der Meulen

3 Dialect performances in superdiverse communities:

The case for ethnographic approaches to language
variation49
Anna De Fina
vi Contents

PART II
Nation-states and identity construction in relation to
a standard and a dialect 69

4 The construction of linguistic borders and the rise of

national identity in South Sudan: Some insights into Juba
Arabic (Árabi Júba) 71
Stefano Manfredi

5 From language to dialect and back: The case of Piedmontese 86

Mauro Tosco

6 Darija and the construction of “Moroccanness” 99

Dominique Caubet

7 “Sloppy speech is like sloppy dress”: Folk attitudes towards

nonstandard British English 125
Carmen Ebner

PART III
Contact, variation, performance and
metalinguistic discourse 141

8 From varieties in contact to the selection of linguistic

resources in multilingual settings 143
Isabelle Léglise and Santiago Sánchez Moreano

9 “You live in the United States, you speak English,” decían

las maestras: How New Mexican Spanish speakers enact,
ascribe, and reject ethnic identities 160
Katherine O’Donnell Christoffersen and Naomi L. Shin

10 The social meanings of Wolof and French: Contact dialects,

language ideology, and competing modernities in Senegal 179
Fiona Mc Laughlin

11 The social value of linguistic practices in Tetouan and

Ghomara (Northwestern Morocco) 192
Ángeles Vicente and Amina Naciri-Azzouz
 Contents vii

12 New presentations of self in everyday life: Linguistic

transgressions in England, Germany, and Japan 210
Patrick Heinrich

13 Language and identity in Siwa Oasis: Indexing belonging,

localness, and authenticity in a small minority community 226
Valentina Serreli

PART IV
The media, dialect performance, and language variation 243

14 YouTube Yinzers: Stancetaking and the performance of

‘Pittsburghese’245
Scott F. Kiesling

15 Performing identity on screen: Language, identity, and

humour in Scottish television comedy 265
Natalie Braber

16 Identity, repertoire, and performance: The case of

an Egyptian poet 286
Reem Bassiouney

17 Ruination and amusement – dialect, youth, and revolution

in Naija 303
Anne Storch

18 Dialectal variation and identity in post-revolutionary

Libyan media: The case of Dragunov (2014) 321
Luca D’Anna

19 The effect of TV and internal vs. external contact on

variation in Syrian rural child language 340
Rania Habib

Index357
FIGURES

3.1 Percentage of turns with Sicilian by day. 55

3.2 Marked vs. neutral speech acts in Sicilian. 60
3.3 Distribution of marked speech acts (boys and girls). 61
6.1 Telquel magazine, June 2002 © Dominique Caubet.  109
6.2 Le Journal Hebdomadaire; drawing by Beyoud. © Dominique
Caubet.112
8.1 Imbabura and Chimborazo. 149
14.1 Pitch track of an example of the L*+H L% falling question
intonation.255
14.2 Frame of Donny from the ‘Idlewild’ episode. Approximately line
51 in the transcript. 256
14.3 Frame grab of Kreutzer from the ‘Idlewild’ episode.
Approximately line 50 in the transcript. 256
14.4 Frame grab of Greg from the ‘Idlewild’ episode. Approximately
line 50 in the transcript. 257
15.1 Glasgow mug design, used with permission, Sprint Design, Glasgow. 272
15.2 Drinks coaster with local phrase (this is a catch phrase from
Chewin’ the Fat), used with permission, Sprint Design, Glasgow. 272
15.3 Ned (this is not from Chewin’ the Fat as no images were
available, but of a Glaswegian comedian, Neil Bratchpiece,
dressed as a ned). Used with permission, Creative Commons
Attribution Licence. 275
15.4 Banter Boy: Gary, used with copyright permission BBC. 276
17.1 About Naija lingo (Ofunne & Nwokogba 2007: http://www.
naijalingo.com/about).311
17.2 Revolutionary collections of ‘campus slang’ (Chigozie 2015). 312
17.3 Musings of a Crazy Nigerian (Farouk 2012). 313
 Figures ix

17.4 Blasted English (http://www.nairaland.com/2132954/girl-

failed-english-exam).316
19.1 Main effects of the fixed effects TV, internal and external
contacts. Fixed Effects Target: [ʔ] / (q) 350
19.2 The effect of internal contact with friends and relatives who use
[ʔ] predominantly on the use of [q] vs. [ʔ].350
19.3 Coefficients indicating the significant categories within each
fixed factor. Fixed coefficients target: [ʔ] / (q) 351
TABLES

3.1 Class composition. 53

3.2 Children of foreign origins born in Italy. 54
3.3 Children born abroad. 54
3.4 Distribution of turns by participants. 56
4.1 Paradigm types. 75
6.1 Figures of online audiences in Morocco, courtesy of internetworldstats.119
9.1 Participants of the New Mexico and Colorado Spanish Survey. 163
13.1 Interviewees’ information. 230
15.1 Variables for the Neds. 278
15.2 Variables for the Banter Boys. 281
16.1 Stance and linguistic repertoire of the poet in the four
poems analysed. 293
18.1 Demonstratives for near deixis in TA, MA, and BA. 326
18.2 Near-deixis demonstratives in the speech of the five characters
under analysis. 326
18.3 Distribution of the hādv and hēdv variables in pro- and
anti-Ghaddafi characters. 327
19.1 General Distribution of [q] and [ʔ] in the speech of the
50 children and boys and girls. 348
19.2 Gender and age group differences in the use of [q] and [ʔ].348
19.3 Social and linguistic distribution of [q] and [ʔ] in the
speech of individual participants. 348
CONTRIBUTORS

Reem Bassiouney (DPhil, Oxon) is Professor of Linguistics at The American

University of Cairo. Her recent book publications include Functions of code-switching
in Egypt (2006), Arabic sociolinguistics (2008), Arabic and the media (2010 editor), Arabic
language and linguistics (2012 co-editor), Language and identity in modern Egypt (2014)
and The Routledge handbook of Arabic linguistics (2018 co-editor; forthcoming). Her
research focuses on topics in sociolinguistics, including; identity, code-switching,
language and gender, levelling, register and language policy and ideology. She is also
an award-winning novelist.

Dr Natalie Braber is Reader in Linguistics at Nottingham Trent University.

Her current research interests include sociolinguistics and language variation. In
particular, her research examines language variation in the East Midlands in the
UK. She is author of Nottinghamshire dialect (Bradwell Books, 2015), co-author of
Pit talk of the East Midlands (Bradwell Books, 2017); East Midlands English, in the
Dialects of English Series (De Gruyter, forthcoming) and co-editor of Sociolinguis-
tics in England (Palgrave Macmillan, forthcoming); Exploring language and linguistics
(Cambridge University Press, 2015). She has published research articles in English
Today, Oral History, Journal of Pragmatics and Identity.

Dominique Caubet is Professor Emeritus of Maghribi Arabic at the Institute of

Oriental Languages (INALCO), Paris, and Associate Researcher at the Centre
Jacques Berque, Rabat. Her research interests include general linguistics (aspect,
tense, modality, nominal determination, negation and enunciative particles),
sociolinguistics, from code-switching to youth languages, and the social status of
minority languages in the Maghreb and the European diaspora (France and The
Netherlands). She has published several books and numerous articles, including
Corpus-based studies of lesser described languages, the CorpAfroAs corpus of spoken Afro-
Asiatic languages (2015), Arabic in the city, issues in dialect contact and language variation
xii Contributors

(2007), and ‘Arabic Sociolinguistics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)’
(2009).

Luca D’Anna received his PhD in Arabic Linguistics and Dialectology from the
University of Naples ‘L’Orientale’ in 2014. He currently holds the position of Assis-
tant Professor of Arabic at the University of Mississippi (Oxford, MS). His fields of
interest include Arabic linguistics and dialectology, Libyan Arabic, Sulaymite dia-
lects, Arabic sociolinguistics, and teaching Arabic as a second language.

Anna De Fina is Professor of Italian Language and Linguistics in the Italian Depart-
ment and Affiliated Faculty with the Linguistics Department at Georgetown Uni-
versity. Her research interests and publications focus on identity, narrative, discourse,
and migration, as well as diversity. Her books include Identity in narrative: a study of
immigrant discourse (2003), Analyzing narratives (2012), and the Handbook of narrative
analysis (2015).

Carmen Ebner was a Doctoral Researcher in the project ‘Bridging the unbridge-
able: linguists, prescriptivists and the general public’ at the University of Leiden.
For her PhD thesis, Carmen conducted a sociolinguistic investigation into attitudes
towards usage problems in British English. Her research interests also include lan-
guage ideologies and the field of language and identity. Her publications include
‘Blaming the media? Folk attitudes towards the state of the English language and its
“wrongdoers”’ (2016), ‘Language guardian BBC? Investigating the BBC’s language
advice in its 2003 News Styleguide’ (2015), and ‘The dangling participle – a lan-
guage myth?’ (2014).

John Edwards received his PhD from McGill University in 1974. After working
as a Research Fellow at the Educational Research Centre in Dublin (now part of
Dublin City University), he moved to St Francis Xavier University in Nova Scotia.
He is now Senior Research Professor there, and also Adjunct Professor (Gradu-
ate Studies) at Dalhousie University. He is a member of several psychological and
linguistic societies, as well as scholarly organisations for the study of ethnicity and
nationalism. He is a fellow of the British Psychological Society, the Canadian Psy-
chological Association, and the Royal Society of Canada. His main research interest
is the maintenance and continuity of group identity, with particular reference to
language in both its communicative and symbolic aspects. He has lectured and pre-
sented papers on this topic in thirty countries, and his work has been translated into
half a dozen languages. Edwards is on the editorial boards of a dozen international
language journals and is the editor of the Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural
Development. He is also the editor of the Multilingual Matters book series. Edwards’
books include Multilingualism (1995), Language in Canada (1998), Language and iden-
tity (2009), Multilingualism: understanding linguistic diversity (2012) and Sociolinguistics:
a very short introduction (2013). He is also the author of many articles, chapters, and
reviews.
 Contributors xiii

Rania Habib is Associate Professor of Linguistics and Arabic and Coordinator of

Arabic Program at Syracuse University. Dr. Habib specializes in sociolinguistics,
particularly language variation and change with interests in bilingualism, cross-cul-
tural communication, child and adolescent language and second language/dialect
acquisition, phonology, pragmatics, and syntax. Her research is interdisciplinary and
has applied diverse qualitative and quantitative methods of analyses to sociolinguis-
tic variation and change, including Optimality Theory and the Gradual Learning
Algorithm. Her present research deals with dialectal variation in the colloquial
Syrian Arabic of rural migrant and non-migrant speakers to urban centers and the
change that their speech undergoes due to linguistic, social, and psychological fac-
tors, such as prestige, age, gender, residential area, contact, identity, ideology, social
meanings, social practices, etc. For the past few years, she has been investigating the
spread of urban linguistic features in the speech of rural children, adolescents, and
adults in Syrian Arabic, comparing the speech of children to that of their parents to
inform linguistic theory about whether children’s acquisition of variation is a mere
statistical learning of their parents’ input or is developmental in nature. Her work
has appeared in prestigious journals such as Journal of Pragmatics, Language Variation
and Change, and Journal of Child Language.

Patrick Heinrich is an Associate Professor in the Department of Asian and Mediter-

ranean African Studies at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice. Before joining Ca’ Foscari,
he taught at universities in Germany, France, and Japan. His present research interests
focus on globalising sociolinguistics, language shift dynamics, language policy, and
ideology. His recently edited books include Globalising sociolinguistics (2017), Handbook
of the Ryukyuan languages (2015), Language crisis in the Ryukyus (2014), and Language
life in Japan (2011). His latest monograph is The making of monolingual Japan (2012).

Scott F. Kiesling is Professor in the Linguistics Department at the University of

Pittsburgh. He received his PhD from Georgetown University. His research inter-
ests include stance, language and masculinity, and Pittsburgh speech and society. His
publications include The handbook of intercultural discourse and communication (2012),
Linguistic variation and change (2011), and Intercultural discourse and communication: the
essential readings (2005).

Isabelle Léglise is a Senior Researcher in Linguistics at the French National

Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS, Paris), where she heads programmes on
multilingualism, language variation, and contact at the SeDyL-CNRS (Structure
et Dynamique des Langues). Since 2000, she has been engaged in research projects
in French Guiana, Suriname, and Brazil, with a special focus on multilingualism
related to migration and educational issues. She has published widely on language
variation and contact-induced changes, languaging and heterogeneous corpora, as
well as discourse analysis and language policy related to education and health. Her
most recent publications include Exploring language in a multilingual context: variation,
interaction and ideology in language documentation (2013; with B. Migge), The interplay
xiv Contributors

of variation and change in contact settings (2013), and In and out of Suriname: language,
mobility and identity (2015).

Stefano Manfredi is a Junior CNRS Researcher at SeDyL (Structure et Dynamique

des Langues). His main areas of interest are Arabic-based pidgins and creoles, Arabic
dialectology, the linguistic and sociolinguistic effects of language contact, and lan-
guage policy and planning in Sudan and South Sudan. He has published numerous
articles and chapters on Juba Arabic, as well as on western Sudanic Arabic dialects.
He recently edited, in collaboration with Mauro Tosco (University of Turin), a
special issue of the Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages dedicated to linguistic and
sociolinguistic aspects of Arabic-based pidgins and creoles. He is a member of sev-
eral international projects, such as the Atlas of pidgin and creole structures (Max Planck
Institute, Germany), Pidgins et créoles en contact (TUL, France) and Linguistic and
cultural areas of transition in Africa (FRB, Italy). Notably, he has constructed a corpus
of spoken Juba Arabic for the project CorpAfroAs (ANR, France).

Fiona Mc Laughlin is a Professor of Linguistics and African Languages at the Uni-

versity of Florida. She has worked extensively on the phonology and morphology
of Pulaar, Wolof, and Seereer, and her current research is on language contact and
multilingualism in urban Africa, with a focus on Dakar. She has published widely
in these fields. Her translation of Boubacar Boris Diop’s novel, Murambi, le livre des
ossements, was published by Indiana University Press in 2006, and her edited vol-
ume, The languages of urban Africa, appeared in 2008 with Continuum Press. Fiona’s
work has been supported by fellowships from the National Endowment for the
Humanities, the American Council of Learned Societies, the Camargo Founda-
tion, and Fulbright. She has taught at the Université Abdou Moumouni in Niamey,
Niger and the Université Gaston Berger in Saint-Louis, Senegal and is a former
director of the West Africa Research Center in Dakar.

Amina Naciri-Azzouz is a PhD candidate at the University of Zaragoza (Spain).

She obtained her Bachelor’s degree in Arabic Philology (2006-2011) from the
Complutense University (Madrid, Spain). Her research focuses on the description
of the Ghomara Arabic varieties (Northwestern Morocco) in a context of linguistic
change in progress.Thus, her research interests include Arabic dialectogy and socio-
linguistics, ethnolinguistics, and language contact.

Katherine O’Donnell Christoffersen is an Assistant Professor of Applied Linguistics

at the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley. She holds a PhD in Second Language
Acquisition & Teaching from the University of Arizona. Her research analyzes the
social contexts of bilingualism, code-switching, and identity construction through
the use of ethnographic and conversation/discourse analytic methodologies. She
has published articles in publications such as the Portuguese Language Journal, Working
Papers on Educational Linguistics, Arizona Working Papers, and GiST Education and Learn-
ing Research Journal.
 Contributors xv

Santiago Sánchez Moreano is a postdoctoral fellow at the SeDyL research center

(Structure et Dynamique des Langues, CNRS, INALCO, IRD) and lecturer in
Spanish Linguistics at the Université Sorbonne Nouvelle in Paris. His main research
interests are Spanish varieties in contact with Amerindian languages in Colombia in
relation to identity construction and language variation and change. He is currently
studying the linguistic and identity consequences of the transnational immigra-
tion of Ecuadorian Quichuas in Cali (Colombia) from a Sociolinguistic, Contact
Linguistics, and Sociocultural Linguistics perspective within the Research Program
LABEX EFL Axe 3 LC1, ‘Multifactorial analysis of language changes’.

Valentina Serreli is Junior Professor of Arabic Studies at the University of Bay-

reuth, Germany. She graduated in Middle Eastern Studies at Ca’ Foscari University
of Venice and she completed a jointly supervised PhD at the University of Sas-
sari, Italy, and the University of Aix-Marseille (IREMAM), France. She conducted
her doctoral research, falling within the framework of Linguistic Anthropology, in
the Amazigh-speaking oasis of Siwa, Egypt, to observe the community’s language
practices and ideologies in context. She is currently working on the Arabic spo-
ken in Siwa, within a Interactional Sociolinguistic framework. Her domains of
research are Arabic sociolinguistics, linguistic anthropology, and language attitudes
and ideologies.

Naomi L. Shin is an Assistant Professor of Linguistics and Spanish at the University

of New Mexico. Her primary interests include bilingualism and child language
acquisition. Her research focuses on patterns of morphosyntactic variation, examin-
ing how these patterns are acquired during childhood and how they change in situ-
ations of language contact. Her articles have appeared in journals such as Language
Variation and Change, Language in Society, Journal of Child Language, the International
Journal of the Sociology of Language, Language Acquisition, and Spanish in Context.

Dick Smakman is a Lecturer at Leiden University. His interests include intra- and
inter-speaker pronunciation variation, the effects of attitudes on language choices,
and the sociolinguistics of second-language acquisition. He has taught courses in
linguistics (sociolinguistics, phonetics), applied linguistics (second-language acquisi-
tion, language teaching didactics), as well as language acquisition courses (English
and Dutch) at universities in the Netherlands, England, Poland, and Japan. His
recently edited books include Globalising sociolinguistics (with Patrick Heinrich;
2015). He is currently writing Discovering sociolinguistics for Macmillan (2017), a prac-
tical introduction to sociolinguistic theory and methodology for undergraduates.

Anne Storch is Professor of African Linguistics at the University of Cologne. Her

principal research has been on various languages of Nigeria, the Atlantic language
region, and on Western Nilotic. Her work combines contributions on cultural
and social contexts of languages, the semiotics of linguistic practices, epistemes
and ontologies of colonial linguistics, as well as linguistic description. She has
xvi Contributors

contributed to the analysis of registers and choices, language as social practice,

ways of speaking and complex repertoires. Presently, she is interested in epistemic
language, metalinguistics, noise and silence, as well as language use in complex
settings such as tourism. Her publications include Secret manipulations (2011), A
grammar of Luwo (2014), and besides several other volumes, Consensus and dissent
(2017). In 2017, she received the prestigious Leibniz Prize for her work in Critical
Africanistics.

Mauro Tosco is Professor of African Linguistics at the University of Turin. His

main area of research is the Horn of Africa, where he has been working on the
analysis and description of underdescribed Cushitic languages from an areal and
typological perspective. His publications include The Gawwada language (forthcom-
ing), The Dhaasanac language (2001), Af Tunni. Grammar, texts and vocabulary of a
Southern Somali Dialect (1997), and A grammatical sketch of Dahalo, including texts and a
glossary (1991). A native speaker of Piedmontese, an endangered language, he works
on the expansion and revitalisation of minority languages, language policy, and ide-
ology.The fields of pidgins, creoles, and language contact (Pidgin and creole languages:
a basic introduction; with Alan S. Kaye; 2001) are his third main domain of research.

Marten van der Meulen is a PhD student at the Radboud University Nijmegen.
In his project, he investigates the interplay between language use and prescriptiv-
ism in Dutch, working on effects, argumentation and development. Before this,
he worked at the Meertens Institute (Amsterdam), first on the evolution of folk
tales, and later on language choice in different domains of Dutch. Marten has (co-)
authored several popular scientific books on language, and was one of the creators
of the Massive Open Online Course Miracles of Human Language. An Introduc-
tion to Linguistics (with Marc van Oostendorp and Inge Otto) on Coursera.

Ángeles Vicente is a tenured Lecturer of Arabic and Islamic Studies at the

Universidad de Zaragoza, Spain. Her works focus on Arabic dialectology and
sociolinguistics, with particular attention to Moroccan Arabic. She has published
several books and articles on these issues, including ‘Glossing in Semitic languages:
a comparison of Moroccan Arabic and Modern Hebrew’ (with Il Malibert and
Alexandrine Barontini; 2015), “The Past and Present of a Conservative Arabic
Dialect: Tetouan (Morocco)” (2017) and La région du Nord-Ouest marocain: Parlers
et pratiques sociales et culturelles (editor with Dominique Caubet and Amina Naciri-
Azzouz; 2017).
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the dynamo of this work, my assistant, colleague, and former
student, Nourhan Sorour, whose efficiency, diligence, and vast knowledge of lin-
guistics is exemplary. She is as always a pleasure to work with.
I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers of the proposal of this book
for their useful suggestions.The anonymous reviewers of individual articles also did
a thorough and detailed job. Thanks for your time and effort.
Andrea Hartill, senior publisher at Routledge, is the ideal publisher to deal with
on all levels. Thanks for working with me on this and other projects. I would also
like to thank the Routledge editorial team, including editorial assistants Camille
Burns and Zoe Meyer.
There are two scholars of linguistics who were not directly involved in prepar-
ing this volume, but with whom I worked closely on other projects while writing
and editing this book. I would like to dedicate this work to both of them.
Keith Walters remains one of the most knowledgeable and integral scholars
I know and his support throughout my career is a blessing.
Amira Agameya is also one of the most knowledgeable and integral scholars of
linguistics. Her integrity, courage, hard work, and grace are exemplary.
This book is dedicated to you both for showing me that it is indeed through an
individual’s performance, linguistic and other, that true identity is revealed.
INTRODUCTION

Identity and dialect performance

This book discusses the relation between identity and dialects. It starts from the
assumption that the use of dialects is not just a product of social and demographic
factors, but can also be an intentional performance of identity. The book provides
case studies of performance and metalinguistic discourse in diverse communities
and contexts. By focusing on different linguistic processes involved in identity con-
struction, it opens up new trajectories in the study of identity in relation to lin-
guistic choices.
The argument that dialect performance is related to identity construction forms
the backbone of this work. In a highly globalised and mobile world, the linguistic
repertoire of individuals has increased rapidly, changing in the process our conven-
tional assumptions about dialects and their usage.

Rationale and themes

This volume takes as its departure point the position that linguistic variation and
code choice are not just the result of a correlation between linguistic and socio-
linguistic variables, but the product of an ideological process in which talk about
language is at times as significant as linguistic choices, and in which an individual’s
linguistic choices are not just natural but performed and at times a result or reflec-
tion of a wider conflict with a specific government or ideology. Over the next
couple of paragraphs, I will provide a brief introduction to the concepts of identity,
performance, and metalinguistic discourse and their roles in linguistic variation, all
of which are examined in detail throughout the book.
One of the main aims of sociolinguistics is to study language variation within or
across communities. Variationist research was first concerned with collecting data
from different social communities, in order to ‘correlate a linguistic variable with
2 Reem Bassiouney

a sociolinguistic one such as gender, social class, age or education’ (Hazen, 2014,
p. 10). Since then, as Hazen argues, the methods and questions that utilise variation-
ist research have developed in complexity and reach ‘[f]rom broader levels of society
to social networks, with different density and multiplexity to communities of prac-
tice to the individual who “(re)create[s] sociolinguistic styles in the ebb and flow
of social meaning and personal identity”’ (Hazen, 2014, p. 14). To give an exam-
ple, in the 1970s, a researcher would ask: ‘How do women speak differently from
men?’ Whereas, in 2010, the question would be modified; instead, the researcher
would ask: ‘How does this speaker in this local context construct gender through
language?’ (Hazen, 2014, p. 17). The difference between first wave (cf. Labov, 1972)
and third wave (cf. Eckert, 2008) variationist research is the focus on the means by
which individuals construct identity and meaning (cf. Hazen, 2014). To tease this
out further, according to Eckert, researchers should be concerned with ‘the social
value of variation’ (2008, p. 473).
Coupland’s seminal work on style argues that variation is ‘multidimensional’
(2001, pp. 198–99) – that is, a quantitative approach to variation does not fully
explain why people use dialects, nor does it fully account for stylistic differences.
Coupland (2001, p. 202) argues that:

Dialect style should be treated, analytically, as a repository of cultural indices,

mediated by individual performance. Its salience will be located not within
any aggregated ‘level’ or ‘range’ of dialect variants, but in the placement of
individual or specifically grouped dialect features relative to other culturally
signifying linguistic and discursive forms – dialect styles operating within
ways of speaking.

In his discussion of style and sociolinguistic variation, Coupland (2001) contends

that language variation does not necessarily entail a binary relation between a
standard and a dialect and that variation on the level of the individual is more
intricate and multidimensional. Style is related to identity relations, context and
discourse – in other words, variation cannot be confined to natural ways of speak-
ing in relation to group membership (2001, p. 187). In fact, linguistic variation
itself cannot be limited to dialect variation, but involves other discourse resources,
including politeness resources, terms of address, self-presentation and so on (2001,
p. 190). Coupland’s approach to style places emphasis on the role of performance
as an essential component in linguistic variation research. Performance could refer
to both written and spoken variation. To explain, linguistic variation should be
contextualised in relation to identification processes and identity construction. As
defined by Bauman, identity is ‘an emergent construction, the situated outcome
of a rhetorical and interpretive process in which interactants make situationally
motivated selections from socially constituted repertoires of identificational and
affiliational resources and craft these semiotic resources into identity claims for
presentation to others’ (2001, p. 1). That is, the agency of individuals in manipulat-
ing linguistic choices is essential to gaining a better understanding of identity as
 Introduction 3

related to linguistic diversity. This brings us to the significance of performance in

identification processes and recognising dialect patterns and salient features.
Schilling-Estes defines performance as the ‘register’ speakers use to ‘display’ to
others a linguistic code/variety, whether this code is their own or that of another
‘speech community’ (1998, p. 53).Thus, when a linguistic code or dialect is objecti-
fied and displayed in relation to forms of speaking, then it is ‘performed’. Unlike
natural speech, performance speech is ‘highly self-conscious’ (Schilling-Estes, 1998,
p. 54) and speakers focus on forms/ways of speaking, rather than content. Bauman
contends that performance as ‘an act of expression’ is displayed, objectified by the
performer and then scrutinised and evaluated by an audience (Bauman, 2000, p. 1).
The importance of performed speech or performed written texts in research
on language variation lies in the fact that it illuminates speakers’ ‘perceptions’ of
linguistic variables. For example, when speakers or writers perform a dialect, they
emphasise variables that they consider salient and stereotypical in this dialect (Schil-
ling-Estes, 1998, p. 54). Performance lends insight into the process of identity con-
struction and the shared cultural associations the performer aims to convey by using
salient features of a given code (Bauman, 2000, p. 4).
According to this approach, the role of the individual in a speech community
is proactive rather than reactive (Schilling-Estes, 1998, p. 53). As Coupland (2001)
argues, style switching is a means by which an individual can project an identity
(Coupland, 2007, p. 190). Similarly, Lacoste et al. (2014, p. 8) note that people search
for resources to ‘construct’ and ‘deconstruct’ their identities during an act of com-
munication, as well as ‘stage’ their identity. To draw this out, individuals perform an
authentic identity, for example, by drawing on salient linguistic resources associated
with a known local identity. However, this performance will depend on the percep-
tions of the speaker or author regarding what constitutes a specific code or dialect.
Dialect features in this instance encompass ‘stylistic resources’ (Lacoste et al., 2014,
p. 8). Moll (2014, p. 211) also emphasises the active role of the speaker as an ‘agent’
who utilises linguistic resources to manipulate or highlight facets of his or her identity.
In addition, performance is reflexive in nature and may include both the display
of language features as well as talk about language features (Preston, 1996; Schilling-
Estes, 1998, p. 64). Thus, talk about a language, as well as the conscious use of a
language, are essential in better understanding the use of dialects and code choice
more generally.
Johnstone (2010, p. 30) argues that:

[S]ociolinguists have, in fact, talked about “social meaning” for some time
[. . .] since then, new ways of thinking about identity and new reasons for
talking about it have deepened our understanding of what language can
accomplish in addition to denotation and pragmatic illocution.

This suggests that there is a need to examine the meta-linguistic and dialogical
associations of codes and the manner in which language is correlated with dif-
ferent facets of identity, including national identity. Bassiouney (2014) argues that
4 Reem Bassiouney

identity is performed, as well as being both habitual and ideological. Sometimes

individuals, depending on the context, perform identity through the accumulation
of stance over a period of time. Linguists have already established that linguistic
variation is not just the correlation between social variables and linguistic variants,
but, in fact, has ideological and communal indexes. As Gill contends, individuals
‘fashion authentic identity from the semiotic resources at their disposal and position
themselves in relation to normative associations between linguistic forms and social
meaning’ (2014, p. 326).
Before delving into the topics covered by this book, I would like to make clear
my rationale behind the use of the term ‘dialect’ throughout the book. First, I under-
stand that as a term it is not as precise as that of the term ‘code’. A ‘dialect’ is usually
defined in relation to another dialect, language, or standard code and shows distinct
characteristics in terms of its syntax, morphology, and semantic and phonological
features (see Cameron, 2011; Crystal, 2008; Hudson, 2014). This rough definition
of a ‘dialect’ is, admittedly, limited and prone to valid claims of vagueness. The dif-
ference between a dialect and a language or a standard language is mostly in the
perceptions of speakers of different codes. A language usually has an orthography,
geo-political boundaries, a heritage, and a history, but becomes a language due to
the power and resources available to its speakers or perceived speakers (Lippi-Green,
2012, p. 46). For non-linguist native speakers of languages, the differences between
a dialect and an accent are never clear. For linguists, the difference is at the level of
variation. Accents refer to ways of speaking, in which variation is at the level of pho-
nological features and not morphological, syntactic, or semantic ones. However, as
Lippi-Green argues, an ‘accent’ is also a ‘loose’ term and is mainly based on a listen-
er’s judgement (Derwing & Monro, 2009, p. 478, cited in Lippi-Green, 2012, p. 45).
For the sake of precision, some linguists have employed the neutral term ‘code’ to
refer to dialects, varieties, accents, and languages (Bassiouney, 2009; Myers-Scotton,
1998). However, given the importance of perceptions, ideologies, and attitudes in
discussions about dialects, accents, and languages, and since this book is concerned
with the conscious performance of codes as well as talk about them, it is essential
to use the term utilised predominantly by speakers, which is ‘dialect’. In making
this editorial decision, it is important to recognise that the usage of the term dialect
is loose and not necessarily precise. Discussions throughout the book will further
demonstrate this. So, in sum, for the reasons set out above, the use of the terms
‘dialects’, ‘varieties’, and ‘codes’ will be used interchangeably.
The book will cover the following topics, though this is not an exhaustive list:

1. Dialects in localised and delocalised contexts

2. Dialects and identity construction
3. Dialect, standardisation, and national identity
4. Dialects, contact, and variation in relation to identification
5. Crossing, passing, code choice, and identity construction
6. The ideological indexes of dialects in metalinguistic discourse
7. Performance of dialects in the media more generally
 Introduction 5

The key outstanding feature of this particular book is that it spans an extensive
range of communities and dialects, many of which have been neglected and most
of which are severely under-researched. For an example of the breadth of cover-
age, there are chapters that focus on: Italy, Morocco, Egypt, Syria, Japan, Germany,
The Sudan, The Netherlands, Nigeria, Spain, US, UK, Scotland, French Guiana,
Colombia, Senegal, Canada, and Libya.
This book is significant in that it will move beyond research that focuses on the
field of sociolinguistics from a purely Anglo-American perspective, providing new
perspectives on dialects and innovative methods of analysis. The book uncovers
general patterns and tendencies in the use of dialects in relation to identity con-
struction and performance. In addition to this, the book does not adopt a binary
approach to research on performance, but instead adopts an eclectic and holistic
approach, in which quantitative and qualitative methods can, and are, combined to
give a thorough and systematic account of the process of performance in the con-
text of identity manifestations.

Detailed discussion of the issues explored in Parts I–IV

Part I: dialects in localised and delocalised contexts

Conventionally, dialects are associated with a local area and/or a particular social
group (Hudson, 2014). As was mentioned earlier, variationist research and dialectol-
ogy were concerned with exploring the relation between independent variables,
such as locality, social class or political context, and linguistic variables (see Labov,
1972). However, given the highly globalised and politically troubled environment
we now live in, mobility has become a common luxury for some and a necessity
for others. As Heller (2011, pp. 7–10) argues, with mobility and diversity comes
inequality. Consequently, linguistic features become resources that are distributed
unequally between members of different communities. Today, for a growing num-
ber of migrants, identity is not taken for granted and is rarely connected to the
local area they inhabit. Coupland (2014, p. 33) contends that, given the insecurity
that has resulted from losing traditional social structure and local area, individuals
have become more ‘more reflexive and less confident’. To tease this out, they have
become more reflexive, both about their identity and linguistic features, and less
confident regarding how to maintain their linguistic features and perceived identity
(Lacoste et al., 2014).
The book opens with Part I, ‘Dialects in localized and delocalised contexts’. In
this section, each author challenges the conventional definition of dialect bounda-
ries and the correlation between dialects and locality. As a whole, it moves towards
the argument that dialect features which form resources are deeply embedded
in the process of identity construction and can be intentionally used by speakers
in different contexts in relation to different social variables. In the contemporary
moment, with the increase in linguistic resources, dialects cannot simply be studied
in relation to social variables such as ethnicity, locality, and religion, but they must
6 Reem Bassiouney

be engaged with in relation to concepts of identity, ideologies, and perceptions.

A speaker in a delocalised context provides rich material for the study of dialects.
In such a context, where there are no tangible borders for speakers, the relationship
between identity, ideologies, perceptions, and political contexts is salient. Metalin-
guistic discourse reflects more than just linguistic practices and language attitudes; it
may also reflect political affiliations, identity construction processes, and ideologies.
This part has three chapters.
In chapter one, Edwards sets the scene for the coming chapters by emphasis-
ing the relation between dialects and identities. He demonstrates that it is not
only dialects with powerful social status that reflect and construct identity, but also
stigmatised ones. This may explain the maintenance of such dialects in different
communities.
In chapter two, Smakman and van der Meulen challenge the conventional ways
of drawing dialect borders. In this chapter the authors review the methods used to
demarcate dialect borders and delineate the flaws in such methods given the high
degree of mobility and contact in our times.
De Fina, in chapter three, also challenges the conventional definitions of dialect
borders. Drawing on data from a fifth-grade classroom in Palermo in which the
linguistic repertoire of students does not just include the local varieties of Italian
and the local dialects but also Arabic, Tamil, and Bangla. De Fina posits that what is
needed in research about dialects is an ethnography-based approach that acknowl-
edges the entrenched context-dependent identity claims.

Part II: nation-states and identity construction in

relation to a standard and a dialect
After the essential roles of ideology, agency and linguistic resources have been thor-
oughly established in Part I, Part II builds upon these concepts by providing an
extensive range of examples and data, in which ideology plays a crucial role in
dialect use and identity construction. Dialects that survive in spite of stigmatisation
have previously been touched upon in the works of both Trudgill (1974) and Mil-
roy (1987). However, in contrast to these two perspectives, Part II offers a complex
picture of the ambivalent attitude towards stigmatised dialects and talk about these
dialects, as well as the different contexts in which they are used to mark identity.
With the increasing pressure of a standard and the rise of nation-states, survival of
stigmatised dialects is related not simply to identity, but also to recurring talk and
indexes of this identity in relation to dialects and the unique political conflicts that
are at times dormant and at others clear.
In Part II, the reader is provided with numerous examples of different political
contexts in which talk about dialects is prevalent. For example, in contexts wherein
a nation imposes a monolingual identity on individuals whose communities are
pluralistic in nature, how do individuals oppose this monolingual policy? Here,
positive talk about dialects and performance of dialects are a means of resistance.
In addition, how does the rise of a nation-state lead to dialect death? Ideologies,
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 We had a fairly good run to the Equator, and then met with very
strong south-east trades and squally weather. Our ship spread an
immense area of canvas. Being a new ship, with sails, ropes, spars,
etc., all new, and a thorough seaman in charge, we sped along gaily
with every stitch of canvas spread. We soon ran through the trades,
then had variable winds for a few days, and sighted the Island of
Tristan d’Acunha on the forty-second day out. There were great
discussions and betting as to what the ship would do when she got
the westerly winds, and started on her long run of six thousand
miles.
There is no place in the world that tries the ability, courage, and
nerve of a seaman like running the Easting down. Captain Scobie
was an old veteran in the trade, and he paced up and down the poop
like a wild beast in a cage, while the winds were baffling about. No
one dare go near him, he was so irritable, his eyes were never off
the western horizon; he was just hungering for the westerlies, to see
what his new ship would do. The light, fitful easterly airs only irritated
him. The great sails were flapping themselves against the masts,
and then bulging out to every movement of the ship. Men and boys
were aloft all the time examining every hook and block, to see if they
were well fast and ready for instant use. Spare gaskets were sent up
into the tops, and everything got ready for the coming breeze.
At midnight of the forty-seventh day the easterly wind died away,
and a long rolling swell came up from the westward, and very soon
afterwards a long, low bank of clouds began to rise in the west.
The old captain rubbed his hands with glee when he saw it, and
turning to the chief officer he said, “I’ll go below now, let me know if
you get any change,” but before he lay down, he noted the
barometer was falling fast, so, calling the steward, he told him to see
that everything in his pantry and in the passenger’s cabins was well
secured.
Two or three gentlemen passengers were still sitting up in the
cabin as the captain passed through to his room. One of them said,
“where are we now, Captain Scobie?”
With a dry smile he replied, “Just turning the corner of Melbourne
Road, gentlemen. It’s a grand road, six thousand miles long very
straight, but very uneven at present. Wants a sight of levelling down
as some of you will find before another forty-eight hours are past.
Good-night all.”
Towards four a.m., the bank of cloud astern had risen until it was
nearly overhead. Then a slight puff of cold air came from the
westward. The chief officer on the alert cried out “Stand by the
watch.” Ere a few seconds had passed every man was at his post
ready for the next order. “Square the after yards,” shouted the mate.
With a roar, a rattle and a shout round went the yards as the big ship
payed off with her head to the eastward. “Square away the foreyard,”
gleefully called out the mate again. Although up to the present there
was hardly a breath of air a big swell was rising from the westward, a
sure forerunner of a storm. For over an hour the ship lay rolling
gunwales under, until we expected every moment to see the masts
roll over the side. It was a fearful time for all on board, but at last a
low, murmuring sound was heard coming up astern of us, “stand by,
everybody!” called out the mate. The order was no sooner given than
with a roar the west wind struck us, the ship staggered for a moment,
and every rope and sail fairly cracked again with the pressure; then,
with a leap and a plunge, the noble vessel bounded forward on her
long run to the eastward, she had entered Melbourne Road in
earnest.
The captain came on deck with a broad smile on his face, even his
cross eye seemed to twinkle merrily, he was happy now. The breeze
freshened rapidly and the sea rose to a fearful height.
The following day it was blowing with the force of a hurricane; the
royals were made fast and all the upper fore and aft sails taken in
and secured. Everything about the deck was doubly lashed, the
booby hatch aft was secured with wire lashing, and all the
passengers fastened below. By noon the next day the ship had run
three hundred and eighty-two miles in twenty-four hours. The whole
surface of the ocean was one mass of white foam, like carded wool,
and when a sea broke the spray would fly as high as the topsail yard.
It was a grand, yet an awful sight, when the great ship was in the
trough of the sea, the mountainous waves seemed on a level with
the topsail yard, and it looked utterly impossible for the ship to climb
over them; but nobly she rose to her duty, though the decks were
constantly swept by the quartering seas, as the ship yawed in spite
of her helm.
For ten days did the westerly gales continue, and everybody on
board was sore with tumbling about. To cheer us, the captain
reported on that day that the ship had made 3,480 miles, an average
speed of 14½ knots per hour, a splendid piece of work. And still the
gale howled and shrieked, and still the noble ship sped onward
through the wild angry seas, which every moment threatened to
engulf her. The heart of every seaman on board throbbed with joy
and pride at the splendid behaviour of the ship, as she rode over the
mountainous sea, and shook herself free from the inrushing waters.
Not a rope had parted, not a sail had split so far. But alas, there was
sorrow and trouble in store for us, and that soon. At midnight on the
eleventh day, the gale suddenly moderated, and before daylight it
had died away, leaving a fearful sea running after her, and at times
tremendous seas would break on board. The heavily rigged ship
rolled from side to side, having no wind to steady her. No rigging that
was ever made could stand such a strain long, and the following
night the foremast, with yards and sails went over the side. The
chain-plates drew out of the ship’s side with the enormous strain on
them; the lower mast carried away about one foot below the main
deck; and in its fall the immense fore-yard cut the bulwarks down to
the deck on each side. We all thought she was gone, but soon we
heard the captain’s voice roaring above the noise of the sea:
“Stand clear of the deck!”
Every man sprang to shelter, not a moment too soon either, as a
tremendous sea broke on board. The ship broached to, it smashed
the boats and washed away everything moveable from the decks.
The noble ship shuddered and paused like a frightened thing, then,
crippled as she was, again shook herself free, but she was in a sad
plight.
“All hands clear away the wreck!”
With axes, knives and chisels the rigging was cut to let the broken
mast and yards drift clear of the ship. The steerage passengers were
battened down in the steerage, and their cries were heartrending.
After the wreckage was got clear, the captain ordered the main
topmast backstays to be cut away on the lee roll, as there was a
danger of the whole mast falling aft on the deck, but before the men
could carry out his orders the mast was carried away and came
down with a crash on the port side.
The upper masts went clear over the side, but the topsail yards
came down on to the deck end on, crashed through the deck,
through the steerage amongst the passengers and struck a bale of
blankets in the lower hold. The upper part then broke off, leaving
about twenty feet of the iron yard standing above the deck, ripping
away the main deck each time the ship rolled, the water meanwhile
pouring in tons through the torn decks into the steerage amongst the
already terrified passengers.
“Get that yard out of that as quick as possible!” roared the captain,
who was as cool as a cucumber.
A tackle was made fast to the stump of the mainmast, and hooked
on to the yard and the fall stretched right aft, and all hands, male
passengers too, laid hold of it, and waited for a steady moment. The
chief officer called out “Stand by! Haul!” and with a wild frantic pull
the broken yard was hauled out of the deck and lowered over the
side.
The deck for about thirty feet had been ripped up, and the seas
had poured down the gap. The carpenter reported five feet of water
in the hold. After some difficulty the donkey pump was started, and
all hands were set to work cutting away the wreckage and spars, and
nailing boards and sails over the broken deck. What a time we spent,
all day and all night we toiled without ceasing. The captain and mate
were here, there and everywhere, helping this one, relieving that
one, watching the horizon for a sail, watching the water in the well,
cheering this one and that one, giving their orders as coolly as
though they were in the dock at home, always the same, no trace of
anxiety on their faces it was impossible to judge the real state of their
feelings.
The water rose in the holds in spite of the pumps, and our plight
was very serious. The cabin was packed full of passengers, the
children, poor mites, crying from sheer terror, the women praying,
many of them beyond tears, the men shouting to be let out; but
beyond a dozen of them who had been seamen in their younger
days, and who had been helping, it was felt that the rest were best
out of the way.
All day and all night the work went on. When daylight came again
our case seemed worse than ever, the real state of the damage
became more apparent. Old bronzed sailors, who had spent their
whole lives at sea battling with the ocean in all her moods, turned
fairly white when they looked around, and heard the despairing cry of
the women and children huddled together aft. Strong men, and we
had some strong men amongst the crew, flung themselves down on
the deck, utterly exhausted, rolling about as the ship laboured in the
heavy seas, even the ship herself seemed to give up struggling. One
of the spars in falling had struck my right foot breaking three of my
toes, but there was no time to see to them or to bind them up. Only
the captain and mate seemed unchanged. They never flinched,
never seemed tired—true British seamen, staunch to the back-bone.
For five days and nights we battled for our lives, and on the sixth
day after the disaster the wind and sea began to abate, and the
pumps got the water under. The captain then ordered all hands eight
hours complete rest, and they needed it. Every man forrard rolled
into his berth just as he stood—oilskins and sea-boots too.
The wind and sea were still moderating, and by the following day
the sea was fairly smooth, and the wind had died away to a light
easterly air, and promised to be a fine clear day. Just after daylight
the mate’s voice rang out loud and clear “all hands on deck.” The
fourth mate was ordered to take several male passengers with him,
and lash some planks across the broken bulwark, to prevent anyone
from falling over the side. The carpenter also took several
passengers and set about patching the broken decks temporarily.
The captain and the other officers then set all the sailors to work
clearing up the wreck of the rigging, and securing the remaining
spars. Three of the boats had been stove in by the falling spars, and
a young man amongst the passengers, who was a joiner, was set to
work to repair them.
As the foremast was carried away just below the main deck the
first job was to get a jury mast up. We had several large spare spars
on deck, and five lighter spars on the forward house. As there was
twenty feet of the old foremast left in the hold, it was decided to use
this as a step for the jurymast. A spar was cut about eighteen feet
long, and dropped inside the stump of the old iron mast, to rest the
heel of the jurymast on. Two large spars were with difficulty raised up
for shears, and well secured.
The third mate and four of the apprentices were then told off to
keep watch at night, and all hands sent below to rest after a hard
day’s work. The following day, as soon as the first streaks of daylight
appeared, “All hands on deck!” was heard reverberating from one
end of the ship to the other. The men turned out fairly lively, and
were soon hard at work. There was need to make good use of the
fine weather, and to get a jury mast up before the breeze and sea
sprang up again. One of the spare spars was then fitted up for a
jurymast. After some real hard dangerous work, which brought out
the true grit of the British seamen, this large spar was hove up on
end and secured. The crossjack yard was hove forward, and used on
the jurymast for a foreyard. A sail was bent and set and the ship with
difficulty put on her course again. The steerage was repaired
temporarily, and the passengers put below once more. Many of them
were half dead with fright, but the fine weather lasted for ten days,
and by that time we had all things well secured about the deck.
Twenty-one days after losing our masts we sighted King’s Island,
where a few days before, unknown to us, the ship “British Admiral”
was wrecked and ninety-seven lives lost, so that bad as our case
was, there were others far worse. Three days after sighting King’s
Island we spoke the sailing vessel “Windsor Castle.” Her captain
asked if we wanted assistance. Our captain told him he would like to
be reported, as he feared she would be unmanageable when she got
near the coast. The captain of the “Windsor Castle” then very
generously sailed back to Cape Otway, and reported us disabled.
The Government at Melbourne at once despatched the tug
“Warhawk” to look for us. Just as her coal was about used up she
came near us and told the captain she had not coal enough to take
us in tow, but would go into port to coal, and come out again for us.
That night, however, after the tug had left us, the Government
despatch boat, which had been sent out to look for us along the
coast; sighted us and at once took us in tow. What joy filled the
hearts of all on board when we found ourselves in tow and nearing
Melbourne. All our suffering was forgotten in the joy of our safety.
On arrival in dock we heard that the “Rooperal,” “Chrisonomy,”
“Dallam Tower,” “Loch Ard,” and “Cambridgeshire” had all arrived
crippled like ourselves, but the “British Admiral” as already
mentioned, had been lost on King’s Island, and ninety-seven lives
with her.
The passengers, you may be sure, lost no time in getting ashore.
The bulk of the crew was paid off as the ship would most likely be
five or six months there, as the new masts and rigging had to be sent
out from England. I was not among those paid off, but of that, and
what came of it shall be told in the next chapter.
 CHAPTER XVIII

Lost in the Bush

During the five months we lay at Williamstown Wharf, replacing the

disabled masts and rigging, I spent what I consider the happiest time
of my life. The rigging work was placed in the hands of the well-
known firm of Messrs. Johnson Bros., of Melbourne, and well they
carried out their contract. I was employed with them all the time, and
learnt to be a thorough practical seaman, especially in the handling
and splicing of wire, which, in after years, stood me in good service.
The working hours for the riggers were from eight in the morning to
five in the evening, but the four apprentices and I worked from six in
the morning until six in the evening, as we cleaned and washed the
decks both before and after the riggers had been working. The
master rigger paid me five shillings every Saturday out of his own
pocket for working with them; so that I always had a little pocket
money to go on with. I went ashore every evening and had a right
good time. It was here that I found what a good thing it was to belong
to the Order of Good Templars. I attached myself to a lodge near the
dock, and at once found myself in a circle of friends, who vied with
each other in making me welcome in their homes, and at the various
lodges. Needless to say that the young sisters in the lodges played
sad havoc with my, at that time, susceptible heart, and I was more or
less madly in love during my stay there, and scarcely a night passed
without a social gathering at one or other of the lodges in Melbourne.
But my happy time was drawing to a close, and the “John Kerr”
was again ready for sea, but I had made up my mind she should sail
without me, the fascination of the gold fields had laid its hold on me,
and I only waited for a favourable opportunity to set out and try my
fortune in this direction, having made up my mind to leave her before
she left the wharf.
The opportunity offered itself the night before we were to haul out
into the bay. A coasting barque, hailing from Newcastle, New South
Wales, was lying at the other side of the wharf. It was bound for
Newcastle. I had arranged with one of her crew, whom I had become
acquainted with, to stow away in her the night before she sailed. I
also knew that the officers and the watchman of the “John Kerr” were
carefully watching the two apprentices and myself to prevent us
deserting, but the old saying, “where there’s a will there’s a way,”
was borne out in my case, although I had to use every caution to
circumvent them. However, I did manage it. The barque “Woodville”
was to sail from the jetty at midnight. About an hour before she cast
off, I saw our watchman standing beside the gangway, so, without
more ado, I slipped over the side and down a rope, and landed on
one of the crossbeams under the jetty. I crawled along the piles until
I got to the other side of the jetty and just abreast of the bows of the
“Woodville.” Seizing the bow-head lines, I climbed on board and
slipped into the forecastle. The sailors welcomed me with a laugh,
and shewed me where to hide, but there was no need for me to do
this, as I had barely got on board before the order was given to loose
the topsails, and when these were set, the lines were cast off, and
the vessel at once got under weigh.
By daylight we had cleared the heads and were running before a
strong breeze for Bass Straits. I then went on deck and reported
myself to Captain Conely, who did not shew any surprise at my
appearance, even if he felt it, but just said:
“All right, just go along to the mate, and no doubt he will find you
some work to do.”
I immediately did this, and he at once sent me amongst the crew,
and they at once made me one of themselves. I was delighted with
the social spirit and friendly feeling that existed between the captain,
officers, and the men in this colonial vessel. What a difference
between her and the other vessels I had sailed in. For instance, the
seamen on the “John Kerr” were paid two pounds ten per month, and
got the Board of Trade scale of provisions, their pound and pint, or,
as was once said to me by an old Welsh skipper, when I and the rest
of the crew were half dead with thirst, and there was plenty on board,
“they get their whack, and they’ll get no more.” But the sailors on the
“Woodville” were paid seven pounds per month. They did not sign for
any scale of provisions, but for full and plenty; they got soft bread,
fresh soup and stores every day, and no restriction as to water. No
wonder they were contented and cheerful.
We had a fair passage to Newcastle, and there I landed with my
few belongings and a heart full of hope at the prospect before me,
and the sense of freedom from restraint that had always been a
passion with me. I was anxious to see the country, so, after making a
few enquiries, I decided to go on the “Wallaby” (or tramp), and on the
following morning, having got together five pounds of ship’s bread,
and a billy, or can, to hold two quarts of water, I rolled up my few
things in a swag, slung it over my shoulder, and started for my first
tramp through the bush, intending to make for Lake McQuarrie.
It was a lovely morning when I started, the sky overhead was
bright and clear, my heart was light, and I had no fear for the future,
being full of the confidence of ignorance and already used to
hardships.
Having been advised to follow the freshest bullock track, I entered
the bush at Minmi, a small village about twelve miles from
Newcastle. For several hours I tramped on, but not a human creature
did I meet, but at present I was too interested to notice this, stopping
frequently to look at the great pine trees that were growing in the Ti
tree scrub, while here and there the common fern grew luxuriantly,
reminding me of the parks one sees surrounding some of the large
estates in the old country. So far the track had been of fine white
dust that got into my eyes and throat, but I was so delighted with the
bush that I pressed on, new beauties unfolding themselves before
my eyes at every step; the beautiful tall gum trees and the numerous
and wonderful plants and ferns that I met with, the birds, too, many
of them singing gaily in the trees.
My feet began to feel tired and, thinking a rest would do me no
harm, I sat down and made a meal, and had a good drink of the
water I had with me. Now Lake McQuarrie lay due south from Minmi.
I had noticed that the sun was on my left side when I started, and
having been warned against wandering into the bush away from the
track, I had kept the sun on my left side until midday, when I could
not say which way it was moving, so I lay down under some tall gum
trees, and, looking up through the branches for about half-an-hour I
noted the sun’s altitude was decreasing, this shewing me that it was
now past noon.
After a good rest I started again on my journey, keeping the sun
now on my right side. As night drew near my steps lagged a little and
I began to feel a bit nervous, which was a new experience for me,
and I feared that I had lost my way. So engrossed was I in this
thought that I failed to notice that night had suddenly closed down
upon me, without any warning, as it does in these tropics, so I picked
out a place where there were a lot of dry leaves and sat down
completely tired out, feeling it was useless to try and go any further
on my journey until daylight, when I should again have the sun to
guide me. I began to wish I had not started alone on my trip.
However, I soon fell asleep and slept soundly throughout the night—
the sleep of the tired.
How long I slept I cannot say, but I was awakened by the sound of
coarse loud laughter close beside me. The night was pitch dark, I
could not see ten feet in front of me. Springing to my feet, I drew my
sheath knife from my belt, and gripping it tightly in my right hand
stood on the defensive. I thought I was surrounded by a lot of native
blacks, who had come upon me, and were laughing at the easy
capture they would make of me. Although I could not see anything
moving I determined to sell my life dearly. My legs were shaking
under me, if I could have seen anything it would not have felt so bad,
but the intense darkness appalled me. Again the coarse laughter
resounded through the bush, just as though there were a lot of men
near. After a few minutes my nerve returned, and I gave a loud coo-
ee. Immediately there was a loud laugh just above my head, and it
slowly dawned upon me that the cause of my fright had been some
laughing jackasses in the trees, the relief was great, but it was some
time before I felt like sleeping again.
I was just quietly dosing off when I heard the most pitiful wailing of
a child. Up I sprang again, and halloed again and again, but got no
answer. I dared not leave the tree for fear of losing my bearings.
Time after time the pitiful crying went on. Oh, how I prayed for
daylight, surely no child was astray in this awful place, or was it
being tortured or what. I felt quite unstrung, every cry and moan went
to my heart, and to feel so helpless, to stand there whilst that pitiful
cry went out into the darkness and loneliness, and not to be able to
help; it was with difficulty I restrained myself from rushing to where I
thought the cry came from. At last it got fainter and fainter, then
ceased altogether, as though it had either given out or wandered
farther away. Then sinking down once more at the foot of the tree I
fell asleep from sheer weariness of mind and body.
When I awoke, the sun was high in the heavens, so that for a little
while I could not tell which was the south point. I lay on my back, and
again looking up through the tall trees, noted that the sun was still
increasing his altitude, so I at once faced south and proceeded on
my way, looking on every side for signs of the baby I had heard
crying. I was greatly refreshed by my night’s rest but very uneasy in
my mind when I looked into the billy, and found there was very little
water in it, and I was almost choking with thirst.
After tramping on for another two hours, I came across the dead
body of a man lying in the grass. The undergrowth being so thick, I
put my foot on the body before I noticed it. This gave me a bit of a
shock for a moment, but not being troubled with nerves I soon got
over it. The body was that of a man about thirty years of age, with
fair hair and moustache, and was nearly nude. The tongue was
protruding and quite blue, and on the breast and forearm there were
tattoo marks. There he lay stretched upon the ground, with sightless
eyes gazing up to the pitiless sky. A blue flannel shirt was lying near
the body, this I picked up and tied to the tree just over the body, so
that it could be found later on.
Continuing my tramp, what I had just seen not being in any way
likely to raise my spirits or give me much encouragement, I came
across a patch of Ti tree scrub that was too thick for me to make my
way through, so I kept away to the right for a few miles, until the
country was clearer. The sun was almost overhead, and I was
suffering agony from thirst; eagerly I looked into the billy to see if by
chance I had left a mouthful of water, but no, I had drunk the last
drop some hours ago; how my throat ached with the thirst, then I
began to think of the dead man, who no doubt had lost his way in the
bush and died of thirst, surely that would not be my fate. I must not
think of these things, but press on, and look for water.
Suddenly I came across a tiny creek, almost out of sight, with a
beautiful clear stream of running water. Oh, how my heart leaped
with joy as I hurried towards it. Flinging myself on my knees I filled
the billy, and fairly poured it down my parched throat. Then again
filling it I plunged my head, face and neck into the sweet cool water,
and taking off my shoes and socks let the water wander over my hot
and tired and badly blistered feet. Oh, the relief to mind and body
that that stream brought, then dropping on my knees I thanked God
for leading me to it. There I sat loth to leave—several snakes and
lizards were crawling about near the water, but their presence did not
mar its sweetness. Then, feeling rested and refreshed, I had another
good drink and filling up the billy I set off again on my journey, and
after tramping through the dense bush and wondering still about the
pitiful cries I had heard, suddenly, without a moment’s warning, the
precious billy of water was snatched out of my hand. Swinging
quickly round, a horrible sight met my eyes. There standing before
me was a tall naked man. His eyes were all bloodshot, his whole
body scratched and bleeding, his hair matted and covered with furze
and grass. He had my billy of water to his mouth and was pouring it
down his throat. At his feet lay a small native bear with its stomach
cut open. The man’s face was a terrible sight, all covered with the
blood he had been sucking from the bear. I could see at a glance
that the poor fellow was stark mad, and, being a big powerful man, I
felt that if he chose to attack me, I should stand a very poor chance.
All these thoughts passed through my mind quicker than I can relate
them. However, I drew my knife, which was still in my belt, but my
precautions were needless for before I could decide on any action,
he had drunk all my water, and dropped down in a senseless heap
on the ground. I sprang forward and grasped the billy, and, not
knowing what to do under the circumstances, went back to the creek
as quickly as possible and refilled the billy with water, drinking as
much as I could besides. I then retraced my steps towards the lake
district. I had lost two good hours over that poor lost creature, and
was not sure how soon I might be in the same condition.
 Towards sunset the track seemed to have disappeared. I had lost
sight of all bullock-dray ruts, and I began to think that I, too, was lost,
but hope urged me on. I kept on working south by the sun, and I
knew Lake McQuarrie was due south. If I could only hold out I was
bound to get there sooner or later.
At sunset I ate my last biscuit and lay down at the foot of a large
blue gum tree. Worn out with my tramp I was soon in a sound sleep,
from which I did not wake until broad daylight. Still feeling tired and
hungry my first thought was when I should again get something to
eat. Suddenly the welcome tinkling of bells fell on my ears. I knew
that all cattle, when grazing in the colonies, have a small bell
attached to them, so that they can be heard in the bush, even when
they cannot be seen. My spirits rose like magic, and I sprang to my
feet. Just at that moment, I heard the sound of some heavy body
crushing its way through the bush, and the next minute two large
kangaroos went leaping past, and in a couple of minutes afterwards
a young man on horseback dashed up. On seeing me he pulled up
his horse at once, his face full of astonishment.
“Jehoshaphat!” he cried, “where the devil did you spring from?”
I told him how I had been sleeping there all night and had tramped
from Newcastle.
“Alone?” he asked. “Well, all I can say is you are very lucky to find
your way here. You might have been lost in the bush. As it is, there
are several men missing. The police have sent in a notice from
Maitland saying that several sailors have disappeared between
Newcastle and Wallsend coal mines, where they were making for.”
I told him about the dead sailor I had seen, also about the one who
had stolen my can of water.
“By jove!” he exclaimed, “we must save that chap if it is possible,”
and placing his hands to his mouth in the shape of a funnel he
called, “coo-ee! coo-ee!” with a voice of such penetrating power, that
I am sure he could be heard for miles around. The note was clear as
a bell and as resonant. Then, for a moment or two, he stood in a
listening attitude, and from a long distance away could be heard the
answering cry “coo-ee! coo-ee!” twice repeated. My new found friend
again gave the same call three times, which was answered by a
single call.
 “That’s all right,” he said, “they’ll be here in a minute or two.”
In about five minutes we heard the sound of horses galloping, and
in another few minutes two horsemen dashed up to us.
“What’s up, Frank?” said they, almost before they had pulled up
their horses. Then, catching sight of me, “oh, found one of the lost
ones—eh, that’s good.”
Matters were explained to them, and they at once mounted again.
“Jerusalem, Frank, we must try and find that poor chap, and save
him if it is possible.”
I gave them the direction I had come, as near as I could. The one
named Frank then pointed to a cluster of grey gum trees in the
distance, and told me to make my way there, and just to the right of
them I should find a bullock track; then to follow this track for about
two miles and I would come across a solitary house in the bush. I
was to call there and say, Frank sent me, and to tell Harry, who was
at the house, that they had gone to look after a poor fellow who was
lost in the bush. They then put spurs to their horses and galloped off
and were quickly out of sight.
I made my way with a light heart and tired feet to the gum trees.
Found the bullock track, and following this for quite three miles I
came across the blockhouse just by the side of the track. At the door,
but with his back towards me, stood a splendid specimen of
manhood. He must have been quite six feet in height, a mass of
bone and muscle, with not an ounce of spare flesh on him, and as
straight as a reed. As I approached the house, I trod on some dry
twigs, making a noise. The young man heard it, and, without turning
his head sprang into the house and out again in an instant with a gun
in his hands. Looking round he saw me, and I found that he was
about twenty years of age, with an open kindly face that could be
trusted at first sight.
“Sold again,” he remarked. “Hello, young man, where do you come
from?”
“Newcastle,” I replied.
“Are you by yourself?” he asked.
I told him I was, and also about the dead man and the other that
his mates had gone to try and rescue.
 “Poor chap,” he said, “but Frank will find him if any man can. There
have been a lot of men lost in the bush this last season, owing to the
drought drying up all the creeks. And when they are without water
their tramping soon ends in madness or death. But come along
inside and have something to eat, for you must be nearly starving.
Do you like kangaroo steak?”
“I don’t know,” I said, “I have never tasted it.”
“Well, sit down, and I’ll soon fix you a nice one up that will make
you smack your lips.”
There were two large hind-quarters of kangaroo hanging up in the
outhouse in a large perforated zinc safe that was standing on four
legs, and each leg stood in a dish of water to prevent the swarms of
ants from getting into the safe. While he was frying the steak I looked
round the house. It was a square block-house, divided into two
apartments, one being used as a bedroom, in it were two camp
beds, and two hammocks slung from the overhead beams. There
were two wooden boxes and a few small stools, no chairs or
lounges, no luxury here, spartan simplicity was the order of the day.
The other room in which I was sitting contained a miscellaneous
assortment of articles dear to the heart of a sportsman—guns,
revolvers, axes, picks, and two or three spades, some fishing tackle,
saddles and bridles, several pairs of spurs, and a quantity of
kangaroo, opossum, squirrel, and native bear skins.
“There you are mate,” said Harry, as he placed about a three
pound steak and about two pounds of damper, and a huge billy of
tea before me. “Wire away, and make a good square meal.”
I started to thank him, but whether it was from being without food
for twenty-four hours and the excitement I had passed through on my
tramp through the bush, and my meeting that unfortunate mad fellow,
or some other cause I know not, but while he was speaking I
collapsed in a dead faint. When I came to I was lying on the ground
and he was bathing my head and face with water. I soon felt better
again, and was able to eat a good breakfast of the steak and
damper, washed down with the tea, and by this time I felt like a new
man. After breakfast I thanked him heartily and was about to
continue my journey, but Harry would not hear of it:
 “Oh, no you don’t,” he said. “You must stay where you are for a
few days, and rest yourself, and we will take you on to the lake
afterwards, and I have no doubt we can find you employment.”
You may guess how glad I was to hear this, and I renewed my
thanks.
“We don’t often get visitors from the Old Country this way,” he
said, “so we make the most of those who do come.”
I asked him why when first he heard me approaching he sprang for
his gun, before looking to see who it was?
“Oh,” he laughed, “I thought it was a kangaroo, and if I had waited
to see him, before getting the gun, he would have been out of range
before I got a shot at him. My mates were after kangaroos this
morning.”
The day passed quickly in pleasant chat, and just about sundown
the three horsemen returned from their search for the lost man. They
had found his body beside the creek where I had filled my billy in the
morning. The poor fellow had apparently found the water and in his
delirium had thrown himself down beside it, and must then have
been bitten by a snake, for when they found him his body was much
swollen and going bluish. The three friends had at once dug a hole
just below the surface, and buried the body, and had then cut a large
cross on one of the gum trees to mark the spot, then, continuing their
search for the body of the other poor fellow, had buried it in the same
way.
Poor fellows! Theirs was a sad end. Only a few days ago they
were on board their ship, no doubt full of health and strength, but a
restless roving spirit had led them like myself to desert their vessel,
and now they were sleeping their last long sleep in the lone
Australian bush, and I had only narrowly escaped a like fate.
I stayed with my new friends for two weeks, and it was a happy
restful time. They were employed splitting rails and fence posts, and
making trunnels for shipbuilders, and they had more orders than they
could execute. They only worked four days a week. I was very
surprised at this, and said so.
“My friend,” said Frank, “in this country we work to live, as you will
soon find, not live to work, and we find that four days hard work per
week will supply us with all we need. Then we have two days to
improve ourselves in learning, hunting, fishing, trading, visiting, etc.,
and on Sunday we lie back and rest, and if we have a visitor like you,
we talk about other lands, and the Homeland, which none of us have
seen yet, but hope to, as we are all natives of New South Wales.”
During my stay with them, I learnt much that was useful to me
afterwards, such as cutting rails and felling large trees. At other times
I would help in splicing ropes and making traces for the bullock
teams that took the rails and trunnels to the Lake McQuarrie for
shipment to Sidney and Newcastle.
At the end of my pleasant stay, Frank took me over to the house of
Mr. Williams, at Belmont, on the banks of the lake, who was in want
of a man to look after a sailing yacht and several rowing boats, to
teach his children swimming, and to make himself generally useful.
He at once engaged me, and I felt that the place would suit me very
well until I had become thoroughly acquainted with that part of the
country.
 CHAPTER XIX

Life at Belmont—Sharks and Flying Foxes

Belmont was a well known and prettily situated pleasure resort in

those days on one of the beautiful bays in Lake McQuarrie. The
homestead of Mr. Williams stood on the top of a hill overlooking the
lake and the surrounding country, and was about sixteen miles from
Newcastle through the bush in which I was lost, as stated in the
preceding chapter. On the hillside there were splendid fruit orchards
teeming with all manner of fruits. Here in rich abundance grew
oranges, apples, pears, bananas, figs, apricots, grapes, quinces and
water melons galore, besides many others, while beyond the
orchards there was again the bush with its magnificent red, blue and
grey gum trees, some of them towering to the height of two hundred
and fifty feet with a girth above the ground of thirty feet—monarchs
of the bush, whilst around their feet grew the sweet-scented
honeysuckle, sarsaparilla, bush oak, stringy bark, ti tree and various
others almost too numerous to mention. The bay formed between
the headlands of Belmont and Southlands, where there is a large
steam saw mill, had a lovely white sandy beach, and the bay itself
was alive with fish, while the shores were thronged with wild duck,
curlews, quail, black swans and penguins. On the lake were several
rowing boats and a sailing yacht, the house was large with extensive
grounds and was a constant rendezvous for large parties of ladies
and gentlemen from Sydney and other places who came for both
pleasure and sport. My work lay chiefly in looking after the boats,
teaching Mr. Williams’ children to swim and also any visitors wishing
to learn, and making myself generally useful.
One day while out in the lake with three young lady visitors whom I
was giving swimming lessons to, and who had for the first time that
morning ventured some thirty yards from the shore, I saw the dorsal
fin of a large shark not more than fifty feet outside of us. For the
moment I was almost paralysed with fear for my charges, then to my
relief I realized that as yet they knew nothing of the danger that
threatened them, so I sang out:
“Now ladies, this way, a race, a race for the shore; away, away,
see who will win it.”
The young ladies at once took up the challenge and struck out for
the beach. I followed them, urging them on with words of
encouragement, although my heart was in my mouth until we all
stood safely on the shore. I looked out across the waters, but the
shark, through God’s great mercy had not followed us, and was
nowhere to be seen, one of us, to say the least of it, had just
escaped a horrible death.
As the young ladies knew nothing about the narrow escape we
had just had, I thought it better not to tell them, as they would have
been terribly upset, and, as I afterwards learnt, this was the first time
a shark had been seen in this part of the lake, but I kept a sharper
look out when I had occasion to be in the water either for pleasure or
duty.
About a week afterwards a fisherman on the other side of the lake
caught a large shark which had one eye torn out and the other
seemed to be injured. This, no doubt, was the shark that I saw, and
owing to its defective sight we all escaped.
Our providential escape, however, was brought forcibly back to my
mind some three months later by a dreadful tragedy that happened
in a fisherman’s family named Boyd living in a cottage at the
entrance of the lake, their cottage standing about thirty feet from the
water’s edge.
On the day it happened, just about sunset, Mr. Boyd and his wife
were sitting at their cottage door facing the lake and watching their
two youngest children playing on the sands; presently their eldest
daughter Nellie, a girl about eighteen years of age came out of the
cottage in a loose wrapper and went down to the water for a bathe. A
large Newfoundland dog followed her, and swam about with her. The
girl had swum about seventy or eighty feet from the shore when her
father whistled to the dog, who immediately started to swim back to