Addis Ababa’s

sefer, iddir,
and gebbi
Nuanced reading of complex urban forms

Anteneh Tesfaye Tola

Addis Ababa’s
sefer, iddir,
and gebbi
Nuanced reading of complex urban forms

Anteneh Tesfaye Tola

TOC
  A+BE | Architecture and the Built Environment | TU Delft BK

23#14

Design | Sirene Ontwerpers, Véro Crickx

Cover artwork | Abiy Eshete

Keywords | Addis Ababa, Architectural Anthropology, Cognitive borders, Gebbi,

Iddir, Sefer, Social relations, Trinocular, Transdisciplinary research, Spatial typology

ISBN 978-94-6366-739-5
ISSN 2212-3202

© 2023 Anteneh Tesfaye Tola

This dissertation is open access at https://doi.org/10.7480/abe.2023.14

Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0)

This is a human-readable summary of (and not a substitute for) the license that you'll find at:
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

You are free to:

Share — copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format
Adapt — remix, transform, and build upon the material
for any purpose, even commercially.
This license is acceptable for Free Cultural Works.
The licensor cannot revoke these freedoms as long as you follow the license terms.

Under the following terms:

Attribution — You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were
made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you
or your use.

Unless otherwise specified, all the photographs in this thesis were taken by the author. For the use of
illustrations effort has been made to ask permission for the legal owners as far as possible. We apologize for
those cases in which we did not succeed. These legal owners are kindly requested to contact the author.

TOC
 Addis Ababa’s
sefer, iddir,
and gebbi
Nuanced reading of
complex urban forms

Dissertation

for the purpose of obtaining the degree of doctor

at Delft University of Technology
by the authority of the Rector Magnificus, prof.dr.ir. T.H.J.J. van der Hagen
chair of the Board for Doctorates
to be defended publicly on
Monday 25 September 2023 at 10:00 o’clock

by

Anteneh Tesfaye TOLA

Masters of Advanced Studies in Urban Design,
Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, Switzerland
born in Harer, Ethiopia

TOC
This dissertation has been approved by the promotors.

Composition of the doctoral committee:

Rector Magnificus, chairperson

Prof.ir. D.E. van Gameren Delft University of Technology, promotor
Dr.ir N.J. Amorim Mota Delft University of Technology, copromotor

Independent members:

Prof.dr. B.F. van Eekelen Delft University of Technology

Prof.dr.Ir. T.L.P. Avermaete Swiss Federal Institute of Technology
Assoc.prof. F. Giorghis Ethiopian Institute of Architecture, Building
Construction and City Development
(EiABC), Addis Ababa University
Dr. C.E.L. Newton Delft University of Technology
Prof. dr.ir. M.G. Elsinga Delft University of Technology [reserve
member]

This research is funded by Delft Global Initiative

TOC
to Alemitu Shimelis, Tesfaye Tola, and Abeba Getu

for your unwavering love, trust, and support

TOC
TOC
Preface
The nuances are my abode: it is natural to me that I see and seek purpose in the
nuances. Growing up in-between two cultures, both under poverty, provides me a
degree of comfort within uncertainty. I was born and raised in the charmful city of
Harer in Ethiopia, where I remained until the end of my high school education. The
home culture created by my parents, who are educators themselves, places hard
work, ingenuity, and diligence as cardinals to everyday life while situated in a city
culture of laissez-faire, that is of Harer. Surely navigating such contrasting cultures
at a young age had instilled in me the patience and humility to acknowledge the
sort of in-between state of everyday life—not everything can be ordered and not
everything can be disorder.

In addition to the formal education that I was receiving to be an architect, at Addis

Ababa University, I had the environment to adapt to the dynamic nature of a big city.
But it is what I experienced in the nexus of academics and practice in a drastically
changing city that brought to my attention the incompatibility between curricula
and policy on the one hand, and the everyday life of ingenuity and adaptation by
the majority poor in the city on the other. It is indeed a shock exposure to witness
the callous erasure of living environments in the name of urban development. What
curricula and policies accept to be urban in form and economy stood against what
everyday people understand to be their city.

In my professional career as an architect, I have had the opportunity to work on

large scale housing projects that involved the real estate market in Addis Ababa;
I have worked with government agencies in developing urban design and local
development plans for different parts and scales of the city of Addis Ababa; and I
started my academic career at Addis Ababa University in 2008. These experiences
allowed me to actively partake in the period of drastic changes of a city that was
faced with multiple challenges. As the reader will read within the body of this
dissertation, I shared the frustration of many academics and practitioners of
design, architecture, and planning especially in the housing sector. The context in
which urbanization is led, to a large extent, by economic policies that are mainly
top-down in conception and implementation; the lack of interest by both federal
and local governing bodies to consider social and spatial issues as matters of
legitimate urban policy; and the single-minded assumption by the same that quick
and large scale interventions lead to alleviation of urban poverty and addressing

TOC
the housing shortage; have frustrated many involved. A mass production approach,
that does not recognize contextual variables, has resulted in a redundant application
of limited options, loss of local identities, and disruption of livelihoods. In policy
documents, such as the GTPs (the growth and transformation plans) of the
Ethiopian government, and political discourses that accompany them; there was
little discussion on urbanization as a socio-spatial reality; rather a repetitive use
of words such as sustainability, development, resettlement, renewal, participation
and so on without meaningful articulation of what these mean in context. The rapid,
top-down, and forceful lauding of these words without associated and contextualized
meaning or interpretation leaves many in confusion. I have been at multiple venues
where thought leaders have alarmed of replacing ‘low rise ‘slums’ for high-rise ones’
through such a process.

Such confusion and frustration is the inspiration to this research. With the drive
to unearth the nuances of the complex city of Addis Ababa and re-evaluating—if
not challenging, what is understood as urban, formal, or appropriate development
according to the curricula and policies enacted in it. In order for local governance
operatives and experts to be able to better articulate what is of essence for the
city and its dwellers, I argue that a context driven, and inclusive form of reading
and conception is of paramount importance. By extension, it is my hope that this
dissertation is stimulating to not only those who are interested in the city of Addis
Ababa, but also those who engage with the ‘other’ territories; places that regularly
fall outside of the urban categories as formulated in trans-Atlantic academies and
their cities.

Readers of this dissertation may encounter words and language that they are not
familiar with. Some of this is because of context specific concepts, and some of it is
because of phraseology adopted from one or another epistemic tradition as a result
of the research methodology that is grafted from different scholarly realms. Readers
will also find that architectural research and fieldwork has fertile fields of exploration
in an transdisciplinary manner, especially as it relates to the social sciences.

Furthermore, as an author, although I am embedded in an institute in the

Netherlands, I am linguistically, socially, culturally, and professionally situated in
the context of study. This situatedness has been an advantage for insights that
help capture nuances but I am also aware of the biases it can induce and much
effort and care is invested to alleviate this possibility. I believe further studies and
experimentation on the method of research will help refine the findings and the
method itself for even better outcomes in this regard.

TOC
Acknowledgements
My heartfelt gratitude goes to the residents of Dejach Wube sefer, Serategna
sefer, and Geja sefer. They generously gave me their time and access to their daily
lives during the fieldwork for this research. Their stories are at the core of this
dissertation. This fieldword is also successful because of the brilliant assistance of
Kidus Yohannes Teshager, Negede Samuel, Selome Mekbeb, Yasmin Abdu Bushra,
Sabontu Adisho Tuse, Bezawit Zerayacob Bekele, Daniel Girma, Anteneh Gerachew,
and Ezra Yohannes. I am also grateful for the friendships and insiteful discussions
with Addisalem Feleke, Adeyabeba Taddesse, Brook Teklehaimanot Haileselassie,
Burcu Köken, Elena Martínez Millana, Dr. Elias Yitbarek, Frederique van Andel, Harald
Mooij, Maheder Gebremedhin, Pauline Bezemer, Pierijn van der Putt, Rachel Keeton,
Rebekka Keuss, Rohan Varma, Yeshamber Girma Melesse, Dr. Zegeye Cherenet, and
many more I fail to mention.

I have a special appreciation to Prof.ir. Dick van Gameren both as the promoter of
this research and the kind of person he has been to me personally. He accorded me
abundant space and care to navigate a rather messy research process and journey.
His sustained interest, engagement, and insights in the general context and theme of
the research have filled me with confidence, and I always felt supported. Secondly,
I needed and am ever grateful to the skillful management and support to this
research that was given by the co-promoter of this research Dr.ir. Nelson Mota. I am
greatly thankful to his wise guidance, precise inputs, and patience during the whole
research period.

This research could not have been possible without the generous funding and
continued support by the Delft Global Initiative—I am greatly thankful. I am also
thankful to both the academic and support staff at the Department of Architecture at
TU Delft for the comfortable and inspiring environment they have availed for me.

What would I have been without my ever bright mother? and who would I be without
my compassionate father? Abeb and Gashe, words wont do justice to express my
love and appreciation to what you mean to me. Dagi and Hanni, my brother and
sister, I love and thank you too.

And finally, to my ever gracious wife; Wudde, thank you for allowing me to spend all
this time away from you and for your unwavering support throughout.

TOC
10 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
TOC
 Contents
List of Figures 13
Summary 17
Samenvatting 19

1 Introduction 23

1.1 ‘Burning’ questions 31

1.2 Objectives 35
1.3 Outline 37

2 Addis Ababa’s sefer 39

2.1 General historical events that formed Addis Ababa 40

2.2 A brief history of Addis Ababa’s planning 51
2.3 Sefer: The urban clusters neglected by the plans for Addis Ababa 57

3 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer 63

3.1 Trinocular 65
3.2 A review of expanded readings and methodological explorations 67
3.3 The Frames: Stories, ethnography, and visual evidencing 83
3.4 The Lenses: Cognitive borders, social relationships, and spatial typologies 86
3.5 Sites, fieldwork, and method of analysis 87

4 Cognitive borders of sefer 99

4.1 Dejach wube sefer 103

4.2 Serategna sefer 126
4.3 Geja sefer 142
4.4 Processes and conditions that set cognitive borders 158

11 Contents
TOC
 5 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer 163

5.1 Iddir: A funerary association and more 165

5.2 Häuberer’s formalized concept of social capital 172
5.3 Iddir as a social capital 177
5.4 Serategna sefer’s Iddir: stories and spaces 197
5.5 Re/defining iddir 237

6 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology 241

6.1 Characteristic features of the gebbi 243

6.2 Manifestations of complexity in gebbi 282

7 Conclusion 309

7.1 Sefer, iddir, and gebbi 310

7.2 The trinocular: prospects 311
7.3 Reporting on cross-cutting quality of the trinocular 313

Bibliography 317
Curriculum vitae 323

12 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 List of Figures
2.1 Map showing Ca. 1897 Addis Ababa with 2.10 The view across Bantyiketu river with
hilltop camps as an early evolution—the Serategna Sefer at a distance, as seen
formation of sefer. 42 from the IHDP’s Basha Wolde housing site.
(Photograph by Maartje Holtslag) 50
2.2 Map showing Ca. 1912 Addis Ababa as
garrisons, towns, settlements, foreign 2.11 Encampment as an organizing principle
legations, bank, and hospital emerge. 43 for the sefer of early age Addis Ababa.
(Illustration by P. Degli Esposti, A. de Putti, X.
2.3 Map showing Ca. 1935 Addis Ababa with the Meng, H. Qian, Y. Tarumi.) 58
emergence of three consolidated centers:
the Gebbi negus, Arada market, and La Gare 2.12 View of Biqil Gebbi in Geja Sefer of Addis
train station.. 44 Ababa. Proximity to the major market
(Merkato) allows the community to specialize
2.4 Areal view of Addis Ababa in 1934. Two in the production and sale of biqil/malt. 61
of the consolidated three centers are
visible: the Gebbi Negus and Arada Market. 3.1 An illustration of the trinocular methodology.
(Photograph by Walter Mittelholzer, Flugbild The lenses and frames are integrated parts
von Addis Abeba, [1934]. Courtesy of the to investigate the selected case sefer. 66
ETH-Bibliothek, Zürich.) 45
3.2 A drawing by Jan Rothuizen titled
2.5 Areal view of Arada area, Addis Ababa 1934. ‘Pyjama Days’ shows an interior space
(Photograph by Walter Mittelholzer, of an elderly woman in Amsterdam. (Jan
Abessinienflug, 1934, Abb. 63, Bildlegende: Rothuizen, The Soft Atlas of Amsterdam:
Zentrum von Addis Abeba. In der Mitte Hand Drawn Perspectives From Daily
der Triumphbogen für den Kaiser Hailé Life [Amsterdam: Nieuw Amsterdam
Selassié I. Oben am Waldrand die Uitgevers, 2014], 42-3) 80
Georgiskirche, [1934]. Courtesy of the
ETH-Bibliothek, Zürich.) 45 3.3 Main features of qualitative research with
similar conceptual intents—nuanced
2.6 Areal view of kebele administered houses reading of experiences—as opportunities
with a shared courtyard-like space. 48 for exploration of cross-cutting,
new methods. 82
2.7 Areal view of sefer with the characteristic
pockets of spaces, narrow alleys, and rusty, 3.4 Focus group working session, identifying
corrugated iron sheet roofing. 48 prominent sefer in the larger Arada area of
Addis Ababa. 91
2.8 The ‘sites and services’ scheme of Nefas Silk
area, Addis Ababa. (Illustrated by J. Tenorio 3.5 Map showing sefer in the larger Arada area
de Peroy, L. Spagnol, S. Fan, Y. Haseki). 49 as preliminary finding—a result of focus
group mapping exercise. 92
2.9 The view across Bantyiketu river with IHDP’s
Basha Wolde housing site at a distance, as 3.6 Gebbi (shared compounds) within Dejach
seen from the middle of Serategna Sefer. 50 Wube, Serategna, and Geja sefer selected for
detailed documentation. 96

13 List of Figures
TOC
 4.1 Dejach Wube sefer: Topography, alleys 4.18 Map showing interviewee AT2’s cognitive
and plots. 104 border, Serategna sefer. 136

4.2 Dejach Wube sefer; landmarks, streets and 4.19 Map showing interviewee AK’s cognitive
reference points 105 border, Serategna sefer. 138

4.3 Approach to Axum gebbi, a small, gated 4.20 Diagram showing an area of suspended
compound in Dejach Wube sefer and fenced identity in Serategna sefer. 140
limits of neighboring gebbi. 106
4.21 A case of gebbi-within-gebbi in
4.4 Dejach Wube sefer; exemplar gebbi Serategna sefer. 141
(compounds) as borders. 108
4.22 The three cognitive borders of Serategna
4.5 Map showing Interviewee GA’s cognitive sefer 141
border, Dejach Wube sefer 111
4.23 Geja sefer; topography, streets, alleys
4.6 Map showing Interviewee AA’s cognitive and plots. 143
border, Dejach Wube sefer 113
4.24 Geja sefer; Landmarks and
4.7 Map showing Interviewee TK’s cognitive reference points. 145
border, Dejach Wube sefer 115
4.25 The three ways the borders of Geja sefer are
4.8 Map showing Interviewee TB1’s cognitive cognized by residents. 149
border, Dejach Wube sefer 117
4.26 Map showing interviewee GH’s cognitive
4.9 Map showing Interviewee TB2’s cognitive border, Geja sefer 151
border, Dejach Wube sefer 119
4.27 Map showing interviewee B’s cognitive
4.10 Map showing Interviewee YT’s cognitive border, Geja sefer 153
border, Dejach Wube sefer 121
4.28 Map showing interviewee AK2’s cognitive
4.11 Dejach Wube sefer; Cognitive borders border, Geja sefer 155
maps produced of individual responses
of interviewees. 124 4.29 The four cognitive borders of Geja sefer 157

4.12 The five cognitive borders of Dejach Wube 5.1 A typology of Iddir. 171
sefer 126
5.2 Häuberer’s visualized concept of social
4.13 Serategna sefer; topography, streets, alleys, capital theory. (Redrawn by the author
and identified plots. 127 based on Häuberer’s Refined Social Capital
Model) 176
4.14 The wider Serategna Sefer as seen from
across Bantyiketu river. 128 5.3 Front cover of St. Gabriel iddir’s membership
identification document. It is used for both
4.15 Serategna sefer landmarks and identification and registering fees and fines.
reference points. 129 Text reads “Within Woreda 2, Kebele 13, St.
Gabriel’s mutual support iddir-identification
4.16 Serategna sefer and its document (ID)” 180
conterminous sefer. 133
5.4 Internal pages of iddir members
4.17 Map showing interviewee AB’s cognitive identification and fee registration document.
border, Serategna sefer 135 The four main column texts show date,
monthly fees, monthly fines, various
(specific) fines. 180

14 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 5.5 A standardized form to be filled by members 5.16 A map showing the spaces previously used
for the purpose of documenting their family during circumstances of bereavement within
members into the iddir’s books. Header text AT’s household. 216
reads “Family registration form.” 181
5.17 A map showing the spaces previously used
5.6 Front page of the bylaws of St. Mikael iddir in during circumstances of bereavement within
Serategna sefer. The text reads “St. Mikael Ttn’s household. 221
funerary mutual support iddir: the bylaws as
amended for the third time” 182 5.18 A map showing the spaces previously used
during circumstances of bereavement within
5.7 Illustration of the cover and internal HT’s household. 227
pages of membership identification and
bookkeeping document of five iddir in 5.19 A map showing the spaces previously used
Serategna sefer. 202 during circumstances of bereavement within
DAz’s household. 231
5.8 An Illustration of the small triangular
courtyard space behind the Musie Minas 5.20 A map showing the spaces previously used
building that is considered a central base for during circumstances of bereavement within
four iddir in Serategna sefer. 204 AbFe’s household. 235

5.9 Elders in Serategna sefer leisurely 6.1 Illustration shows the three elements that
enjoying an afternoon playing cards in comprise the gebbi: the domestic spaces in
the shared courtyard space behind Musie white fills, the boundaries in black lines, and
Minas building. 205 the spaces in between in orange fill based on
Geja sefer’s morphology. 242
5.10 Serategna sefer, Kebele 10, community
library set up by an NGO called Christian 6.2 Map showing social function spaces of Tasa
Children’s Fund (CCF) 205 gebbi in Dejach Wube sefer. 245

5.11 Members of Gebriel iddir of Serategna 6.3 Illustration of social function spaces in
sefer taking furniture, cooking utensils, and twelve gebbi studied: four examples from
cutlery out of the iddir’s storage room as each case sefer. 246
they prepare for a funeral procession. 206
6.4 Illustration of utility supply and use in Gash
5.12 Mikael iddir’s storage room. Foldable steel Semmu gebbi in Geja sefer. 249
chairs racked (left), and tent canvas folded
and stored (right). 207 6.5 Illustration showing shared facilities and
their usage among dwellers in Balambaras
5.13 Mikael iddir’s storage room. Large cooking gebbi in Serategna sefer. 249
pots, ceramic coffee cups, steel and plastic
cups, and cutlery stored in a steel-made 6.6 Illustration of service supply points in twelve
closet inside the storage. 208 gebbi studied: four examples from each case
sefer. 250
5.14 Map showing the membership distribution of
iddir in Serategna sefer. 209 6.7 Illustration of shared facilities in twelve
gebbi studied: four examples from each case
5.15 An alley in Serategna sefer is temporarily sefer. 252
blocked for funerary activities. Iddir mount a
tent that usually stands for three days. The 6.8 Illustration shows claimed and appropriated
placement of benches against fences of a spaces in Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer. 255
gebbi is an extension of the activities beyond
the space created under the tent. 210 6.9 Illustration of claimed and privatized spaces
in twelve gebbi studied: four examples from
each case sefer. 256

15 List of Figures
TOC
6.10 Illustration shows vegetation, circulation, 6.24 A cul-de-sac type social space in Meqdela
and topography in Meqdela gebbi of Dejach gebbi of Dejach Wube sefer. 288
Wube sefer. 259
6.25 A cul-de-sac type social space connects
6.11 Illustration of vegetation, circulation, and to the circulation leading to an adjacent
topography of twelve gebbi studied: four social within Meqdela gebbi of Dejach
examples from each case sefer. 260 Wube sefer. 290

6.12 Illustration shows spaces used through 6.26 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna
continued negotiation among residents in sefer I. 292
Beqel gebbi of Geja sefer. 263
6.27 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna
6.13 Illustration of negotiated spaces in twelve sefer II. 293
gebbi studied: four examples from each case
sefer. 264 6.28 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer
III. 294
6.14 Illustration shows building components
and materials used in Basha Mulat gebbi 6.29 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer
of Serategna sefer. 267 IV. 296

6.15 Illustration of building components and 6.30 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer
materials in four gebbi studied in Dejach V. 297
Wube sefer. 268
6.31 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer
6.16 Illustration of building components and VI 298
materials in four gebbi studied in Serategna
sefer. 270 6.32 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer
VII 299
6.17 Illustration of building components and
materials in four gebbi studied in Geja 6.33 The malt producing community of Beqel
sefer. 272 gebbi in Geja Sefer I. 300

6.18 Illustration of evolution through addition 6.34 The malt producing community of Beqel
and adaptation of building spaces in Dejach gebbi in Geja Sefer II. 302
Wube sefer. 276
6.35 The malt producing community of Beqel
6.19 Illustration of evolution through addition and gebbi in Geja Sefer III. 304
adaptation of building spaces in Serategna
sefer. 278 6.36 An illustration of the difference in size,
shape, and form of twelve gebbi documented
6.20 Illustration of evolution through addition and analyzed. 306
and adaptation of building spaces in Geja
sefer. 280

6.21 Illustration of typological features of three

selected gebbi from Dejach Wube sefer. 283

6.22 Illustration of typological features of three

selected gebbi from Serategna sefer. 284

6.23 Illustration of typological features of three

selected gebbi from Geja sefer. 285

16 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Summary
Presently, Africa is experiencing rapid urbanization. The history of urbanization
indicates that the process transformed the European traditional agrarian rural-
based societies into modern urban-based industries, manufacturing and services.1

This dissertation problematizes the above two statements—the frequent

overemphasis on population growth in connection to rapid urbanization in Africa,
the framing of the eminent challenges as solely of economic concerns, and the usual
recommendation that the solution is to build and urbanize fast and inexpensively.
The second statement exemplifies the most usual tendency of policy makers and
governance bodies to pursue European or American references in search of projective
logics—remedies against the challenges of ‘rapid urbanization.’ Such casual disregard
to the context-specific nature of city making, based on the imprecise premise of rapid
urbanization thus seem to keep cities in African countries in a catch-222—a cycle of
urbanization processes that threaten the welfare and livelihood of urban dwellers with
little to no means. Academic discourse regarding cities in Africa has for long been
dominated by development theories that categorize the region in broad strokes as
‘third world,’ ‘developing,’ and recently the ‘global south.’ The contextual variations
and rapidly mutating urbanizations of cities in the region are thus overlooked. Various
epistemic clusters have caught up with this phenomenon and started calling for new
theories, concepts, vocabulary, and analytic tools to be developed.3 Many scholars
hypothesize that transdisciplinary and expansive tactics need to be deployed in
order to capture differences and understand nuances that should be integral to the
production of knowledge about the ‘other’ territories. Towards this objective, there

1 These are the first two statements of the article: Hassan M. Yousif, “Rapid Urbanization in Africa: Impacts
on Housing and Urban Poverty,” Africa’s Sustainable Development Bulletin, 2005, 55.
2 AbdouMaliq Simone and Edgar Pieterse, New Urban Worlds: Inhabiting Dissonant Times (Cambridge,
Medford: Polity Press, 2017), 6.
3 Christian Schmid et al., “Towards a New Vocabulary of Urbanisation Processes: A Comparative
Approach,” Urban Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2018): 19–52, https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098017739750;
Neil Brenner and Christian Schmid, “Towards a New Epistemology of the Urban?,” City 19, no. 2–3 (May
4, 2015): 151–82, https://doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2015.1014712; Jennifer Robinson, “Global and
World Cities: A View from off the Map,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 26, no. 3
(September 1, 2002): 531–54, https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00397; Ananya Roy, “The 21st-
Century Metropolis: New Geographies of Theory,” Regional Studies 43, no. 6 (2009): 819–30, https://doi.
org/10.1080/00343400701809665.

17 Summary
TOC
 are ongoing efforts to generate new theories and methodologies across various
epistemes such as comparative urbanism, grounded theory, and social anthropology.

On the other hand, even though there are longstanding, built-in, cross-disciplinary
traditions in their practices, design and architectural research have lagged in this
effort. While, for instance, design anthropology and architectural anthropology have
been advocated within the field of anthropology as interdisciplinary approaches to
complexity, there exists little drive vise versa. Broadly, architectural fieldwork adopts
ethnographic techniques such as observation and in-depth interviews and has done
so for long; but theories and methodologies that are intent on apprehending the
complex and ever-mutating contexts such as cities in Africa are rare.

This research is thus motivated by the calls for new concepts and analytic tools
for documenting, analysing, and theorizing complex urban territories. With implicit
comparative intent, it takes the case of Addis Ababa city and its old and typifying
places—sefer,4 to develop and test a new architectural transdisciplinary research
methodology referred, in this dissertation, to as the trinocular.5 By way of this
methodology, it unearths and introduces sefer, iddir,6 and gebbi7 of Addis Ababa as
not only socio-spatial phenomena but concepts and vocabulary for a located reading
of the city itself. These concepts and vocabulary, the current dissertation argues,
in both practical and metaphoric sense, should be the starting point of new urban
imaginaries for Addis Ababa. Urban planning and housing projections thus, should
draw inspiration from these notions and phenomena.

The trinocular is a methodology that is grafted from multiple disciplinary traditions

and composed of three conceptual viewing lenses or frames of enquiry: cognitive
borders—dwellers’ understanding of the limits of their communal environs, social
relationships—social networks that are sources of security and social capital for
residents, and spatial typologies that embed and characterize these. These lenses
are agile and can be dislocated beyond Addis Ababa or the continental region of
Africa, especially in research aimed at nuanced reading of urban complexities. In
addition to being an architectural methodological advance, the trinocular provides
researchers in the field a springboard for more productive collaborative and
transdisciplinary engagement and outcomes.

4 See chapter 2.
5 See chapter 3.
6 See chapter 5.
7 See chapter 6.

18 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Samenvatting
Het proces van verstedelijking voltrekt zich momenteel in Afrika in een razend
tempo. De geschiedenis van verstedelijking laat zien hoe dit proces in Europa
traditionele agrarische en landelijke samenlevingsvormen heeft getransformeerd
tot moderne en stedelijke vormen, gebaseerd op industrie, productie en
dienstverlening.8

Dit proefschrift stelt vragen bij de twee bovengenoemde stellingen – de voortdurende

benadrukking van de bevolkingsgroei in relatie tot de snelle verstedelijking
in Afrika, de veronderstelling dat de grote uitdagingen verbonden aan de
verstedelijkingsprocessen louter van economische belang zijn, en de gebruikelijke
aanbeveling dat snel en goedkoop bouwen en verstedelijken het juiste antwoord
is. De tweede stelling illustreert de meest gebruikelijke tendens van beleidsmakers
en bestuursorganen om Europese en Amerikaanse referenties na te streven in de
zoektocht naar antwoorden op de uitdagingen van ‘snelle verstedelijking.’ Het
zodoende negeren van de context-specifieke aard van vorming en ontwikkeling
van steden door zich te baseren op algemene en onnauwkeurige aannames met
betrekking tot processen van snelle verstedelijking, lijkt Afrikaanse steden op deze
manier in een catch-229 te houden – in een cyclus van verstedelijkingsprocessen
die het welzijn en de kostwinning bedreigt van de stedelingen die over weinig tot
geen middelen beschikken. Het academisch discours over Afrikaanse steden wordt
al lange tijd gedomineerd door ontwikkelingstheorieën die de regio categoriseren
aan de hand van brede termen als ‘de derde wereld’, ‘ontwikkelingslanden,’ en
recent, ‘the Global South.’ De context gebonden variaties en snel veranderende
verstedelijking van steden in de regio worden daarmee over het hoofd gezien.
Verschillende kennisdomeinen hebben dit fenomeen inmiddels in het vizier en roepen
om ontwikkeling van nieuwe theorieën, concepten, vocabulaire, en analytische

8 Dit zijn de eerste twee zinnen (hier vertaald naar Nederlands) van het artikel: Hassan M. Yousif, “Rapid
Urbanization in Africa: Impacts on Housing and Urban Poverty,” Africa’s Sustainable Development Bulletin,
2005, 55.
9 AbdouMaliq Simone en Edgar Pieterse, New Urban Worlds: Inhabiting Dissonant Times (Cambridge,
Medford: Polity Press, 2017), 6.

19 Samenvatting
TOC
 middelen.10 Veel wetenschappers veronderstellen dat transdisciplinaire en wijd
uitwaaierende methoden ingezet moeten worden om de verschillen te kunnen
vaststellen en om de nuances te begrijpen die onlosmakelijk horen te zijn bij de
ontwikkeling van kennis over de ‘andere’ gebieden. Om dit te bereiken, zijn er
voortgaande pogingen en inspanningen om nieuwe theorieën en methodologieën
te ontwikkelen vanuit verschillende kennisgebieden, zoals comparative urbanism,
gefundeerde theorie en sociale antropologie.

Hoewel er in de praktijk langdurige en ingewortelde interdisciplinaire tradities

aanwezig zijn, lopen architectonisch ontwerp en onderzoek achter in deze
inspanning. Terwijl bijvoorbeeld ontwerp antropologie en architectonische
antropologie worden bepleit binnen de antropologie als interdisciplinaire
benaderingen van complexiteit, bestaat er vice versa, vanuit ontwerp en architectuur
zelf, weinig motivatie deze benadering verder te ontwikkelen. In grote lijnen
gebruikt architectonisch veldwerk al sinds lange tijd etnografische technieken zoals
observatie en diepgaande interviews; maar er bestaan nauwelijks theorieën en
methodologieën die de intentie hebben om de complexe en continu veranderende
contexten, zoals die van steden in Afrika, te begrijpen.

Dit onderzoek wordt zodoende gemotiveerd door de oproep om nieuwe concepten

en analytische middelen te ontwikkelen voor het documenteren, analyseren,
en theoretiseren van complexe stedelijke gebieden. Met een impliciete intentie
tot vergelijking met andere steden neemt dit onderzoek de stad Addis Abeba
met zijn oorspronkelijke en typerende sefer,11 tot uitgangspunt om een nieuwe
architectonische, transdisciplinaire onderzoeksmethodologie, in dit proefschrift
genoemd de trinocular,12 de trinoculair of drievoudige verrekijker, te ontwikkelen en
te testen. Door middel van deze methodologie worden sefer, iddir,13 en gebbi,14 van
Addis Abeba geïntroduceerd en blootgelegd als sociaal-politieke fenomenen, maar

10 Christian Schmid et al., “Towards a New Vocabulary of Urbanisation Processes: A Comparative Approach,”
Urban Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2018): 19–52, https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098017739750; Neil
Brenner en Christian Schmid, “Towards a New Epistemology of the Urban?,” City 19, no. 2–3 (Mei 4,
2015): 151–82, https://doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2015.1014712; Jennifer Robinson, “Global and
World Cities: A View from off the Map,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 26, no. 3
(September 1, 2002): 531–54, https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00397; Ananya Roy, “The 21st-
Century Metropolis: New Geographies of Theory,” Regional Studies 43, no. 6 (2009): 819–30, https://doi.
org/10.1080/00343400701809665.
11 Zie hoofdstuk 2

12 Zie hoofdstuk 3

13 Zie hoofdstuk 5

14 Zie hoofdstuk 6

20 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 tegelijkertijd als concepten en vocabulaire voor een locatie gebonden en ruimtelijke
lezing van de stad zelf. Dit proefschrift beargumenteert dat deze concepten en
vocabulaire, praktisch en metaforisch, het uitgangspunt zouden moeten zijn voor
nieuwe stedelijke denkbeelden voor Addis Abeba.

De trinoculair is een methodologie die geënt is op meerdere disciplinaire

tradities en samengesteld uit drie conceptuele lenzen of kaders van onderzoek:
cognitieve grenzen (het begrip van de begrenzingen door bewoners van hun
gemeenschappelijke omgeving), sociale relaties (sociale netwerken die bronnen
van veiligheid en sociaal kapitaal zijn voor bewoners) en ruimtelijke typologieën die
deze grenzen en relaties karakteriseren en insluiten. Deze lenzen zijn wendbaar en
kunnen zich verplaatsen buiten Addis Ababa of het Afrikaanse continent, met name
in onderzoek gericht op een genuanceerde interpretatie van stedelijke complexiteit.
Naast betekenis als een stap vooruit in architectonische onderzoeksmethodologiën,
dient de trinoculair als springplank voor wetenschappers om meer productieve en
transdisciplinaire verbindingen en resultaten te bereiken.

21 Samenvatting
TOC
22 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
TOC
1 Introduction
The adequacy of design, architectural, and urban theories to conceptualize the
multitude of experiences in cities across various territories has been under scrutiny
for a while now. Scholars have questioned the conceptual frames of the 20th
century that deal with cities via categories that led to the theoretical exclusion
of territories such as the continental region of Africa.15 And some have alarmed
that new vocabulary are needed to expediate discourse and understanding of
urbanization; and that, terms such as ‘informality’ or ‘urban informality,’ are infused
with negative connotations that marginalize experiences of significant urban
landscapes.16 Such transatlantic lobbed readings result in misguided urbanization,
especially in the said territories, through development policies that rely on their
briefs and recommendations. In addition, and tied to these theoretical inadequacies,
scholars from varying epistemic clusters have raised methodological concerns;
that there exists deficiency in capturing the rapid mutation of conurbations and
communities—a lack of agility to read urbanization in varying temporal, cultural and
spatial contexts.17

15 AbdouMaliq Simone, “On the Worlding of African Cities,” African Studies Review 44, no. 2 (September
2001): 15–41; Robinson, “Global and World Cities”; Jenny Robinson, “Postcolonialising Geography: Tactics
and Pitfalls,” Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 24, no. 3 (November 1, 2003): 273–89, https://doi.
org/10.1111/1467-9493.00159; Ananya Roy, “Urban Informality: Toward an Epistemology of Planning,”
Journal of the American Planning Association 71, no. 2 (2005): 147–58; Roy, “The 21st-Century Metropolis:
New Geographies of Theory”; Ananya Roy, “Urbanisms, Worlding Practices and the Theory of Planning,”
Planning Theory 10, no. 1 (2011): 6–15, https://doi.org/10.1177/1473095210386065; AbdouMaliq
Simone, “The Surfacing of Urban Life: A Response to Colin McFarlane and Neil Brenner, David Madden and
David Wachsmuth,” City 15, no. 3–4 (August 2011): 355–64, https://doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2011
.595108; AbdouMaliq Simone, “Demonstrations at Work: Some Notes from Urban Africa,” in The Ghetto:
Contemporary Global Issues and Controversies, First (Avalon Publishing, 2012), 245–64, http://www.
abdoumaliqsimone.com/files/45663502.pdf; Jennifer Robinson, “Comparative Urbanism: New Geographies
and Cultures of Theorizing the Urban,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 40, no. 1
(January 2016): 187–99, https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.12273; Abdoumaliq Simone, “(Non)Urban
Humans: Questions for a Research Agenda (the Work the Urban Could Do),” International Journal of Urban
and Regional Research 44, no. 4 (2020): 755–67, https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.12875.
16 Schmid et al., “Towards a New Vocabulary of Urbanisation Processes”; Gautam Bhan, “From the Basti
to the ‘House’: Socio-Spatial Readings of Housing Policy in India,” Current Sociology 65, no. 4 (July 2017):
587–602, https://doi.org/10.1177/0011392117697465.
17 Section 1.3 below summarizes further scholarly calls to re/de-center urban theory from the Euro-
American to the southern territories.

23 Introduction
TOC
 These epistemic and methodological critical discourses have for decades been
staple to the fields of behavioral sciences, humanities, and social sciences. Grounded
theory’s introduction in the 1960s conceived as the discovery of theory from
systematically collected and analyzed empirical data, and Comparative Urbanism’s
drive to systematically study similarity and difference among cities and urban
processes are examples of rich critical traditions with pronounced pluralistic
tendencies.18 And, the adoption of photography as an anthropological research
method in the 1960s as visual anthropology,19 and the emergence of visual
ethnography20 in the 1990s with the incorporation of visual material in ethnographic
research also signify interdisciplinary methodological advances as means for
apprehending the spatiality of human and cultural experiences—interdisciplinarity
as means to address the methodological shortcomings under scrutiny.21 In similar
fashion, a number of scholarly drives, especially since the 1970’s, have been made as
anthropology and architecture discover more common areas of interest and operation.

Designers are now as likely to engage in social research as they are in the making
of form: Once an intuitive process, gauging cultural relevance has become part of a
burgeoning area – design anthropology.22

The above declaration by Alison J. Clarke comes at the back of the early to
mid 1990s spatial and material turns in anthropology. Design anthropology
emerged in this period as a subfield that “combines elements from design and
anthropology.”23 Clarke discusses the historical relation of design to anthropology
by referring to the 1976 inaugural exhibition at the Cooper-Hewitt National Design

18 Barney G. Glaser and Anselm L. Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative
Research (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1967); Jan Nijman, “Introduction—Comparative Urbanism,”
Urban Geography 28, no. 1 (2007): 1–6, https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.28.1.1. See also chapter 3 of
this dissertation wherein an in-depth review is presented.
19 John Collier and Malcolm Collier, Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Methodology, Revised
and Expanded (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986).
20 Sarah Pink, Doing Visual Ethnography: Images, Media and Representation in Research (London,
Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2001).
21 Further discussion regarding grounded theory, comparative urbanism, and visual ethnography can be
found in Chapter 3 of this dissertation.
22 Alison J. Clarke, ed., Design Anthropology: Object Culture in the 21st Century, 1st ed., Edition Angewandte
(Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2011), 9, https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-7091-0234-3.
23 Ton Otto and Rachel Charlotte Smith, eds., “Design Anthropology: A Distinct Style of Knowing,” in Design
Anthropology: Theory and Practice (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2020), 1.

24 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Museum in New York titled MAN transFORMS as a venue where the Austrian Architect
Hans Hollein’s installations questioned the definition of “design practice and its
relationship to society” and advocated for a more anthropological understanding
that conceives architectural objects as products of social processes than the “genius
maker.”24 According to Ton Otto and Rachel Charlotte Smith the convergence of
design and anthropology is rooted back to the late 1970s when “designers became
aware of the value of ethnographic data and methodologies.”25 And later, Lucy
Alice Suchman’s embeddedness in an industrial and corporate setting at Xerox
Palo Alto Research Center (PARC) with an anthropological research26 that takes
the photocopier as an object is widely credited for being foundational27 to design
anthropology and having “stretched the bounds of disciplinary orthodoxy.”28

Otto and Smith proclaim design anthropology as a distinct style of knowing that
emerges out of the tension that results from the difference between design and
anthropology.29 Design’s orientation to the collaborative making of the future,
its impulse for intervention—to effect change, and tradition of collaboration,
multidisciplinary teamwork, and cocreation are attributes that are distinct from
anthropology as are anthropology’s function in theory development and cultural
interpretation, systematic study of the past to be able to comprehend the present,
and its key practice—ethnography, as means to sensitively capture the “value
orientation of the various groups affected by design projects”30 from design. Design
anthropology thus is a theoretic position that allows for a productive convergence of
“approaches of social anthropology and design research.”31

24 Clarke, Design Anthropology, 74–75.

25 Otto and Smith, 2.

26 Lucy A. Suchman, Plans and Situated Actions: The Problem of Human-Machine Communication, Learning
in Doing (Cambridge, New York, New Rochelle, Melboune, Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
27 Otto and Smith, “Design Anthropology: A Distinct Style of Knowing,” 5.

28 Lucy Alice Suchman, Human–Machine Reconfigurations: Plans and Situated Actions, 2nd ed. (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2007), 3–4.
29 Otto and Smith, “Design Anthropology: A Distinct Style of Knowing.” See also, Ton Otto and Rachel
Charlotte Smith, “Cultures of the Future: Emergence and Intervention in Design Anthropology,” in Design
Anthropological Futures (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2020), 19, https://www-taylorfrancis-com.
tudelft.idm.oclc.org/books/edit/10.4324/9781003085188/design-anthropological-futures-rachel-
charlotte-smith-kasper-tang-vangkilde-thomas-binder-ton-otto-joachim-halse-mette-gislev-kjaersgaard.
30 Otto and Smith, “Design Anthropology: A Distinct Style of Knowing,” 4.

31 Otto and Smith, “Cultures of the Future: Emergence and Intervention in Design Anthropology,” 19.

25 Introduction
TOC
 Regarding its position as a discipline: Otto and Smith see design anthropology as a
discipline on its own, Suchman argues it should remain as a critical anthropology of
design—”design as a problematic object,”32 and others suggest that anthropology
as a discipline should change by adopting some directions from design practices.33
Concerning disciplinary boundaries and diffusions: Clarke cautions against a “hyper-
inflated design culture” that is disconnected from historiographic foundations for
it may lead to the loss of criticality within design.34 Adam Drazin establishes three
devices; context, values, and futures, as heuristic way of knowing35 wherein design is
to be considered as a “cultural field in itself.”36

As a young field that engages in both analysis and intervention throughout the
production of knowledge, design anthropology is an ongoing exploration of tools and
methods to create located knowledge and particular solutions. Its operations move
knowledge bidirectionally between the design studio and the fields of everyday life.
It is found on interdisciplinarity and collaboration. Its context and value sensitivity,
expansive temporal interests—backward and forward in time, its reflexive and iterative
practices, and heuristic modes of knowledge production open a vast field of possibilities
for the construction of located and pluralistic understanding of complex contexts.

In similar vein, but separate from other design practices, architectural anthropology
is another emergent field of anthropology. Although the preoccupation of
anthropology with architecture specifically is an age-old tradition embedded in
the subfield of anthropological archaeology,37 the explicit mention of architectural
anthropology as a focused field can be traced back to the late 1960s when it was
announced as a “News of general interest”38 on Anthropology News; an American
Anthropological Association publication, saying:

32 Lucy Suchman, “Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design,” Annual Review of Anthropology
40, no. 1 (October 21, 2011): 1, https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.041608.105640.
33 Otto and Smith, “Design Anthropology: A Distinct Style of Knowing,” 10.
34 Alison J. Clarke, “The New Design Ethnographers 1968-1974: Towards a Critical Histography of Design
Anthropology,” in Design Anthropological Futures (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2020), 73, https://www-
taylorfrancis-com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/books/edit/10.4324/9781003085188/design-anthropological-futures-
rachel-charlotte-smith-kasper-tang-vangkilde-thomas-binder-ton-otto-joachim-halse-mette-gislev-kjaersgaard.
35 Adam Drazin, Design Anthropology in Context: An Introduction to Design Materiality (New York:
Routledge, 2021), 127–211, https://www-taylorfrancis-com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/pdfviewer/.
36 Clarke, “The New Design Ethnographers 1968-1974: Towards a Critical Histography of Design Anthropology,” 72.
37 Victor Buchli, An Anthropology of Architecture, 1st ed. (London: Routledge, 2013), 47, https://www-
taylorfrancis-com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/pdfviewer/.
38 “Architectural Anthropology,” Anthropology News: Published Monthly by the American Anthropological
Association, 1968, V–9, N-6 edition, 8.

26 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Unlike much architectural planning, this group of collaborators places man in
the center of its thinking. “Dwelling” ls conceived to be the manner of dwelling
involving activities and achievements, rather than a static, physical concept.39

By contrasting ‘activities and achievements’ against ‘static, physical concepts,’ this

announcement represents the interest of the said ‘group of collaborators’ to be to
explain ‘dwelling’ as an experience rather than an artefact. This remained a thematic
shift; a focus on lived experiences in the decades that followed.

A fundamental push to activate architectural anthropology “as a new field of

interdisciplinary specialization and research,”40 came from mainly non-English
speaking scholars, one of whom is Mari-Jose Amerlinck.41

Yet we have found that the Spanish forma construida and entorno construido
are not only not fully equivalent to their English counterparts built form and built
environment but also lack precision and therefore theoretical content; forma is an
ambiguous term, and there are many other equally ambiguous possible synonyms
for built (edificado) and for environment (entorno, medio ambiente, ambiente).42

Motivated by the advantages it presents in the conceptualization of ‘other’ cultures

of construction and settlement, Amerlinck pursued a definition to architectural
anthropology as an interdisciplinary field—“interdisciplinarity seems to precede the
formation of a new discipline.”43 According to Amerlinck, architectural anthropology
is “anthropologically oriented synchronic and diachronic research” that takes
activities and processes of the production of living environments as its object.44
As a co-discussant of the subject matter at the beginning of the 21st century,
Amos Rapoport argued against the establishment of architectural anthropology
as a separate field and proposed instead for it to remain under the practice of
environmental and behavioral studies.45

39 “Architectural Anthropology,” 8.
40 Mari-Jose Amerlinck, ed., Architectural Anthropology (Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 2001), 1.

41 Amerlinck, 4.

42 Amerlinck, 5.

43 Amerlinck, 11.

44 Amerlinck, 3.

45 Nicholas Jay Watkins, review of Architectural Anthropology, by Mari-Jose Amerlinck, Technology and
Culture 43, no. 2 (April 2002): 405.

27 Introduction
TOC
 An invigorated push in favor of architectural anthropology came almost two
decades later as Marie Stender argued that “the most intriguing contribution to be
expected from future architectural anthropology lies in combining anthropology’s
current material turn with an architectural approach to materiality.”46 Stender
further highlights, because of contemporary architects’ practice of crossing cultural
contexts, “anthropology has become particularly relevant to architecture” as it marks
its deviation from modernism and universalism.47 Design research and especially
architectural research has since increasingly grown toward the development and
use of anthropological tools and techniques intent on capturing what the user,
dweller, or worker wants. By laying out three positional and practical differences that
exist between anthropological and architectural research and practice; in terms as
communication, temporality, and normativity, Stender put forth a strong argument
that, despite their differences that can be turned to “fruitful new ways of developing
both architecture and anthropology,” architects and anthropologists should be
invested in the development of architectural anthropology that applies in more ways
than just the study of the vernacular.48 And, most recently, Tim Ingold pointed to the
possibility for “even melding with one another” of anthropology and architecture
as they open to a “more-than-human world, and to the sheer range of human
experience within it.”49 Considering these discourses are emerging largely from the
field of anthropology, the lingering question would thus be, is architecture ready for
such possibly intricate futures beyond its customary interdisciplinary traditions?

Architecture is a design profession wherein theory and practice co-operate, and

a copious tradition of fieldwork exists.50 And, as stated previously, architectural
research and practice is imbued with cross-disciplinary traditions. Adam Jasper’s
continued search for a conversation between architecture and anthropology51 over

46 Marie Stender, “Towards an Architectural Anthropology—What Architects Can Learn from Anthropology and
Vice Versa,” Architectural Theory Review 21, no. 1 (2017): 28, https://doi.org/10.1080/13264826.2016.1256333.
47 Stender, 28.

48 See also, Marie Stender, Claus Bech-Danielsen, and Aina Landsverk Hagen, eds., Architectural Anthropology:
Exploring Lived Space, Routledge Research in Architecture (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2022). In this
recent book co-edited by Stender et. al. more expansive discussion and exploratory cases are presented.
49 Tim Ingold, “Foreword,” in Architectural Anthropology: Exploring Lived Space, Routledge Research in
Architecture (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2022).
50 Suzanne Ewing et al., eds., Architecture and Field/Work, AHRA Critiques: Critical Studies in Architectural
Humanities 6 (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2011).
51 Adam Jasper, “Anthropology and Architecture: A Misplaced Conversation,” Architectural Theory Review 21,
no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 1, https://doi.org/10.1080/13264826.2017.1289709. “The two fields—architecture
and anthropology—seem to have so much to say to each other.”; Adam Jasper, “Anthropology and Architecture:
A Misplaced Conversation (Part 2),” Architectural Theory Review 21, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 112, https://doi.org/
10.1080/13264826.2017.1373412“Where is the conversation between anthropology and architecture?”

28 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 two issues of Archiectural Theory Review brought forth an assortment of writings
stemming from both fields. Among others, Elena Chestnova’s elaboration of Gottfied
Semper’s concept; Stoffwechsel,52 in the 1850s, how his work was influenced by
contemporary ethnographic and cultural historical ideas, and in turn, how his style
“became a precursor for ethnographic studies of the late nineteenth century,” stands
out as an example of historic overlaps between the two disciplines, especially from the
architects’ perspective. Despite the brilliant contributions to this collection, Jasper
stated that some questions remained unanswered in this conversation—“the host of
papers illustrating how to do urban anthropology never materialized.”53

Suzanne Ewing urges that architecture’s long-standing practice of fieldwork is

underexplored and requires critical attention that does not necessarily rely on the
“paradigms, legacies, and critical frameworks” of other disciplines.54 The fieldwork
in architectural research has yet to establish itself as a viable form of inter and
intra disciplinary research engagement. Jill Seddon acknowledges her fieldwork to
be a dissimilar experience to “the intensive participant observation that remains a
defining criterion of anthropology.”55 Clearly, the critique of Rem Koolhaas’s work56
in Lagos as “as reckless anthropology and as an outsider’s indulgent aesthetic
project”57 has merit but it should not discourage architecture’s anthropological
exploration and tradition of fieldwork. Instead, the articulation of sociality and
its spatiality, and the theorization of the ‘ethnographic turn’ within architectural
research; respondent to the technical and paradigmatic critiques, and confronting
architecture’s anthropological shortcomings in research and practice, emerges as a
theoretic and methodological growth area within the discipline.

52 Jasper, “Anthropology and Architecture: A Misplaced Conversation (Part 2),” 111. “... sometimes
translated as ‘metabolism,’ or the substitution of materials.”; Elena Chestnova, “The House That Semper
Built,” Architectural Theory Review 21, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 45, https://doi.org/10.1080/132648
26.2016.1271343. Chestnova here, quotes Semper’s description of Stoffwechsel that can offer a fuller
understanding of the concept.
53 Jasper, “Anthropology and Architecture: A Misplaced Conversation,” 3.
54 Suzanne Ewing, “Introduction,” in Architecture and Field/Work, AHRA Critiques: Critical Studies in
Architectural Humanities 6 (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2011), 1.
55 Jill Seddon, “Landscape with Statues: Recording the Public Sculpture of Sessex,” in Architecture and Field/Work,
AHRA Critiques: Critical Studies in Architectural Humanities 6 (Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2011), 65.
56 Lagos Wide and Close: Interactive Journey into an Exploding City, Interactive (Amsterdam: Submarine,
2005).
57 Ewing, “Introduction,” 1.

29 Introduction
TOC
 Urban theory’s exclusion of significant global territories problematized at the
beginning of this chapter, the methodological and theoretical quests in academic
disciplines such as humanities, and behavioral and social sciences, and the
emergence of design and architectural anthropology in recent decades as viable
avenues of research that put lived experiences, context, sociocultural values,
speculative attitudes at the center of research and practice are all backgrounds to
the current research. Albeit the cultural, geographic, and academic locations they
may have originated from, they present clear cognizance, both within and outside
of their respective epistemic realms, of either the inadequacy of inclusive reading
of cultures and city-ness, or the potentials in remedy—through interdisciplinary
evolution, for new fields, methods, and modes of practice. Yet, despite the emergence
and progression of design and architectural anthropologies as disciplines on their
own rights, their theories have not yet been formally established. Thus, till date,
strict adherence to their canons remains elusive. Moreover, these interdisciplinary
efforts are seldom presented as growth areas within the discipline of anthropology.
Amerlinck, for instance, cautions her readers of “an unfortunate emphasis on
anthropology than on architecture” in her seminal formulation.58 In Amerlinck’s and
Stender’s formulation of architectural anthropology construction/building process
and activities, and materiality are the objects of its enquiry. But within architectural
research the concerns of sociality remain of interest. Anthropology in this regard
seems to have taken its social studies for granted as it ventures into tectonic matters.

58 Amerlinck, Architectural Anthropology, 1.

30 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
1.1 ‘Burning’ questions

The embedded position in this research is that efficiency driven urbanization—

focused on urgency and financial viability—has brought about uncertainty,
insecurity, and vulnerability of urban communities. The primacy of efficiency as the
‘burning’ concern of urbanization needs to be resisted. After all, “too much efficiency
leads to fragility, which goes together with too little diversity and connectivity.”59
In this dissertation thus, sociality and resilience are posited as metaphoric
antagonists to the discourse of urgency. Considering the decades long intellectual
and institutional agency the notion of efficiency is operationalized with, and that,
socio-spatial concerns have neither the discursive nor the political umph as of yet,
it becomes apparent that urgency, at least in the research arena, should be placed
on such questions as those that relate to sociality and resilience in complex urban
settings—whence the ‘burning’ questions.

Case Addis Ababa

So much of urban Asia and Africa seems caught in a catch-22. The very spatial
products and policies undoing long-honed practices of inhabitation are offered
as the cure for their loss. Customary land arrangements, public guarantees,
forms of tenancy and land- and building-use give way to condominiums, shop-
house complexes, and all-in-one sub-cities, almost always fully sold in advance of
completion, at least in the Asian context.60

Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, is a city gripped with the challenges of
rapid urbanization. A number of development projects had been realized through
a Development-induced Resettlement Program (DiRP) that relocated the low-
income urban population that were dependent on and living in the center of the
city. The dependence on domestic production, micro economic activities, and the
locational advantage of the city center have, for years, availed social and economic
advantages for the urban poor to sustain their livelihoods. The social networks of
inter-dependency such as the equb (community organized savings association),

59 Jan Bredenoord, Paul Van Lindert, and Peer Smets, Affordable Housing in the Urban Global South: Seeking
Sustainable Solutions (London, UNITED KINGDOM: Taylor & Francis Group, 2014), 7, http://ebookcentral.
proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.action?docID=1707386.
60 Simone and Pieterse, New Urban Worlds, 6.

31 Introduction
TOC
 iddir (community based funerary organization), and maheber (religion and/or social
relation based, scheduled communal support, and gatherings) have been sources of
social security, economic resilience, shared identity, and sense of belongingness. It
is such qualities and values that are threatened by the contemporary urbanization
trends, thus putting the livelihoods of the city’s dwellers at risk.61

The case of Addis Ababa is an ever-relevant example to highlight the need for
context sensitive reading of African cities, as it is hailed by many scholars, for its
indigeneity in evolution and structure. In calling for new perspectives in reading
Addis Ababa, Peter P. Garettson pronounces it as “an example of an African
indigenous city in both its formation and growth;” and that, an investigation of
its urbanization should not be based on a “Eurocentric point of view.”62 Anthony
O’Conner further stresses that the “growth and evolving character of Addis Ababa
has depended on indigenous initiatives.”63

Recent studies have documented the socioeconomic challenges urban dwellers

are facing in sustaining a living once they are affected by urbanization that is led
by DiRPs. Regarding the case of Addis Ababa, Sabine Planel and Marie Bridonneau
presented a social and political analysis of access to housing within its urbanization
trend.64 Gebre Yntiso, discussed the impact, especially the socioeconomic ones,
of Addis Ababa’s resettlement projects on low-income households.65 Tesfa Teferi
Gebreegziabher analyzed the experiences of relocated communities and issues
of governance in availing housing in Addis Ababa.66 Ezana Haddis Woldegebriel
discussed the rights and participation of communities in development projects.67

61 Gebre Yntiso, “Urban Development and Displacement in Addis Ababa: The Impact of Resettlement
Projects on Low-Income Households,” Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 24, no. 2 (2008):
53–77, https://doi.org/10.1353/eas.0.0001.
62 Peter P. Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba from Its Foundation in 1886 to 1910 (Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000), xvii.
63 Anthony O’Connor, The African City (London, Melbourne, Sydney, Auckland, Johannesburg: Hutchinson &
Co. Ltd, 1983), 30.
64 Sabine Planel and Marie Bridonneau, “(Re)Making Politics in a New Urban Ethiopia: An Empirical Reading
of the Right to the City in Addis Ababa’s Condominiums,” Journal of Eastern African Studies 11, no. 1
(February 14, 2017): 24–45.
65 Gebre Yntiso, “Urban Development and Displacement in Addis Ababa.”
66 Tesfa Teferi Gebreegziabher, “The Effect of Development Induced Displacement on Relocated Household:
The Case of Addis Ababa,” December 12, 2014, https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/17501.
67 Ezana Haddis Woldegebriel, “Urban Redevelopment Project and Community Participation,” in Movements
in Ethiopia: Ethiopia in Movement, vol. II (18th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa:
Tsehai, 2016).

32 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 In his doctoral thesis, Alazar G. Ejigu presented an ethnographic study of the
“emerging residential environments.”68 A critical documentation and analysis of
processes of urban transformation and urban renewal focusing on the experiences
of the urban poor and the youth is forwarded by Elias Yitbarek Alemayehu and
Laura Stark.69 Through such discussions of politics, governance, economics, rights,
participation, and experiences these works have put forth the emergent risk that low
income families of Addis Ababa are put under as a result of DiRPs.

Are these risks avoidable? Here, we are faced with a situation where not much is
known about the socially and morphologically defining elements of the city of Addis
Ababa—the sefer70, upon which aggressive “re/development” is deployed, based on
the recommendations obtained from contexts external to them. The inner workings
of daily life; the psycho-social makeup of the communities, the physical and material
environments that dwellers construct and adapt in an autochthonous and continuous
manner, and the relationships and exchanges that are sources of resilience for them
are not sufficiently recorded and analyzed. Thus, a persistent question that calls for a
practical and epistemological response is: In such rapidly urbanizing a city as Addis
Ababa, what socioeconomic and spatial values are being compromised to give way
to new forms? In other words, what social, economic, and spatial practices is the
sefer comprised of? How is the sefer cognized and valued by its residents? Do the
places in sefer work for the dwellers? If so, how do they work?

Well then, how does an appropriate understanding of the sefer that answers these
questions help avoid the risks? This dissertation presupposes that the unearthing of
sefer as a socio-spatial phenomenon avails new knowledge that can be theorized and
in turn inform design and planning practices towards the mitigation of the risks that
come with DiRPs. This brings another daunting question forth; How can the sefer be
best read in a theoretically inclusive manner? The dynamic way of living, wherein
there rarely are fixed sets of relationships, exchanges, and everyday practices,
presents a complexion that requires methodological theoretical advances.

68 Alazar G. Ejigu, Places on Becoming an Ethnographic Case Study of a Changing City and Its Emerging
Residential Environments (Stockholm: Architecture and the Built Environment, KTH Royal Institute of
Technology, 2015), http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-165097.
69 Elias Yitbarek Alemayehu and Laura Stark, eds., The Transformation of Addis Ababa: A Multiform African
City (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018).
70 Chapter 2 of this dissertation contains an expansive discussion of the notion of sefer. And, an abridged
definition to it can be found in chapter 7.

33 Introduction
TOC
 Re-centering urban theory?

Current literature in urban theory is also contending the established intellectual

mapping of cities that is based on the Euro-American point of view. In 2002, Jennifer
Robinson put forth an argument for alternative readings of cities that are inclusive
in attitude and wide in coverage.71 Alternatives “without categories and more
inclusive of the diversity of experience in ordinary cities.”72 Pushing this narrative
further, Ananya Roy, declared that a recalibration of urban and regional theory
is necessary.73 She argues that the shift in the center of urban theory from Euro-
American to the theories based on the experiences of cities of the ‘global South’ is
needed. In doing so, she suggests that theories have to be produced within their own
contexts but at the same time should be “appropriated, borrowed, and remapped”
for they need to be both “located and dis-located.” As one of selected ‘world-areas’
she presents Africa for which she highlights the emergence of an ambitious project of
theorizing urban spaces and subjects. AbdouMaliq Simone used a detailed narration
to illustrate the dynamic presence of “simultaneity of the incongruities” in Kinshasa
as “also a demonstration of potentials that are difficult for conventional analysis to
apprehend.”74

Thus far, the debate for the need to re-center urban theory southward remained on
the social, political, and planning spheres. Design and architecture disciplines are yet
to initiate this discourse. Seemingly limited by their inherent normative cultures, they
remain largely uninterested or untrusting of the prospects of knowledge production
out of the ‘informal’ living settings. Beyond the aesthetic of the ‘informal,’ and
discourse of the vernacular, fundamental architectural research that cohabits the
discussion to re-center urban theory is rare to none.

… precarity and uncertainty represent a material and psychic threat, but they may
also provide an opportunity to reimagine and re-enchant the world. In other words,
we cannot access an imaginary about alternative urban futures without confronting
the violent impossibility of that future.75

71 Robinson, “Global and World Cities.”

72 Robinson.

73 Roy, “The 21st-Century Metropolis: New Geographies of Theory.”

74 Simone, “Demonstrations at Work: Some Notes from Urban Africa.”

75 Simone and Pieterse, New Urban Worlds, 31.

34 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 In addition to the interdisciplinary inventions in anthropology, and behavioral and social
sciences discussed at the beginning of this chapter, this research is motivated by the
concept of re-description that AbdouMaliq Simone and Edgar Pieterse dubbed as an
“‘inventive method’ in that it attempts to compose urban knowledge of what can be as
well as of what is.”76 By confronting the physical reality of caducity and lack of resource
in contexts like sefer as the final frontier from where a renewed description/enquiry
emerges—the problematic becomes a place of futures, scenarios, and possibilities.
Simone and Pieterse recognize that this is a tedious endeavor “with enormous
variation and texture, which is hard to hold on to when the urgencies of inequality and
deprivation are overwhelming.”77 The trust in this dissertation thus that, generating
an architectural discussion based on the located case of sefer in Addis Ababa, that
resonates with the re-centering of urban theory, is not only possible but also necessary,
is therefore, a result of these motivations. The remaining question is thus, what method
and theory of method is applicable in the unearthing and re-description of sefer?
And indirectly, what architectural knowledge can be produced as a result?

1.2 Objectives

The current research pursues a theoretical and methodological exploration within

the discipline of architecture. In this dissertation thus, an inclusive and non-
categorical understanding of complex urban contexts, such as the sefer of Addis
Ababa, is argued for in both explicit and implicit manners. Concurring with the calls
from urban theory and architectural anthropology discussed above, new vocabulary
that carry theoretical weight are introduced. A methodology that transgresses into
anthropological practices while maintaining its architectural fieldwork traditions is
introduced and tested for its capacity to unearth located meanings, values, and socio-
spatial practices. By taking the socio-spatial makeup of the sefer as its object and
leaning to the normative and temporal cultures of anthropology and social sciences
in general this methodology expands the tools of architectural research. It is argued
herein that such an exploration and its findings are necessary if not preconditions for
effective trans-disciplinarity and collaborative interdisciplinary work.

76 Simone and Pieterse, 11.

77 Simone and Pieterse, 63.

35 Introduction
TOC
 As such, this dissertation strives to answer the ‘burning’ questions framed above.
Instead of the swift delegitimization of the ‘other’ urban forms as ‘informal,’ ‘slum’ or
in need of repair,78 it proposes a reading that registers and analyses the events and
spaces of incongruities that exist within them. With Addis Ababa’s sefer as its field/
site and socio-spatial phenomena as its objects; to comprehend the complex forms
of relations, networks, and exchanges, dwellers’ cognitive understanding of their
environs, and the spaces these manifest in, a context-driven and nuanced reading of
local neighborhoods and communities is critically pursued. The main objectives of
the dissertation are thus:

1 To present a socio-spatial documentation and analysis of the formational

neighborhoods of Addis Ababa—sefer.

2 To introduce and test a new research methodology for the socio-spatial study of
complex urban contexts such as the sefer. This method is grafted from social/
anthropological and design research methods so as to be able to apprehend nuances
that single epistemes and methods cannot. Three selected sefer that have persevered
since the foundational period of the city through varying political and administrative
regimes are chosen as cases for such an exposition. Using three looking-lenses;
cognitive borders, social relationships, and spatial typologies, this dissertation will
demonstrate the socioeconomic and spatial qualities embedded in sefer.

3 To provide a demonstration and complement the scholarly calls for the need for
inclusive and context driven urban theory and methods by delving into the missing
portion of the discussion; that is, the spatial needs and qualities that boost resilience
for low-income majority dwellers.

78 Repair, in this context, does not refer to one of Gautam Bahn’s three modes of Southern practice. Bahn
brilliantly acknowledged residents’ incremental autoconstruction practices as ‘repair’ and accordingly,
posited it as a mode of home-making practice in contrast to the State’s zeal to “construct, build, and even
upgrade.” Gautam Bhan, “Notes on a Southern Urban Practice,” Environment and Urbanization 31, no. 2
(October 1, 2019): 639–54, https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247818815792. On the contrary, the premature
supposition that such practices and the resulting housing conditions need to be acted on by an external
agent—other than the residents themselves—is what is being referred to here.

36 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
1.3 Outline

This dissertation has four distinct bodies. The first is the current introductory
chapter. The second body; chapters 2 and 3, provides the conceptual framework,
via the introduction of sefer as the defining urban figures of Addis Ababa, and the
methodology of the research conducted respectively. The third body; chapters 4, 5,
and 6, will describe the findings of the research that corelate with the three looking-
lenses indicated earlier. And lastly, Chapter 7 will be the conclusion.

Chapter 2 is a diachronic review and introduction of sefer. Beginning with an

overview of the general historical events that formed Addis Ababa city, and followed
by the successive plans that guided its evolution, it culminates with the revelation
of sefer as urban figures of neglect from and by planning agencies and, to a certain
degree, governance. In chapter 3, a transdisciplinary research method referred,
in this research, to as trinocular will be introduced as a means to generate new
and located insights. As inferred in the word ‘trinocular,’ a set of three looking-
lenses ‘hoisted’ on various inter/disciplinary technics and tactics constitute this
methodology. The three lenses are cognitive borders, social relationships, and spatial
typologies; referring to the mapping of the environs as cognized by the residents—in
almost all cases, contrary to the limits placed by state and other structuring agents,
networks that are social capital to communities, households, and individuals, and the
places that facilitate these and typify the sefer, respectively. Towards the formation
of this method, brief reviews of methodological explorations across different
epistemic clusters—such as grounded theory, comparative urbanism, and visual
ethnography—are discussed. It is by threading through these methodological and
technical discourses that the trinocular emerges as a reflexive and simultaneous
means of documentation, analysis, and theorization of these complex urban sites.

As part of the third body of this dissertation, chapter 4 delves into the cognitive
borders of the case sefer in study. In this chapter, the findings from in-depth
interviews, go-along observation, and visual documentations, regarding the limits
of sefer as comprehended and narrated by their dwellers is presented. Dwellers
are offered with two open ended questions that relate with their understanding of
the limits of the sefer they reside in. These questions probe into the processes and
conditions that establish borders that dwellers themselves ratify, and their sense
of belongingness to and within these limits. Chapter 5 reveals iddir (a primarily
funerary mutual support association) as a social network of social capital order:
a structure that embeds social capital and a social capital on its own right. Based on
in-depth interviews, go-along and mapping fieldworks, this chapter presents a new

37 Introduction
TOC
 understanding of iddir than what has already been discussed among economic and
anthropological scholars. Here thus, social capital theory avails an ideal conceptual
platform to understand iddir as a network of socio-spatial manifestation in sefer.
And Chapter 6 discusses the compounds within sefer that are shared among a
number of households known as gebbi as dwelling typologies where social and
spatial complexities manifest in the form of sharing, interaction, and exchange—
creative forms of adaptation, but also the reality of dilapidation and vulnerability as
precarious living environments.

In chapter 7, the concepts and components explicated through the thematic lenses:
cognitive borders, social relations, and spatial typology—in view of exposing urban
complexity—are summarized. The notions of sefer, iddir, and gebbi are thus brought
together as descriptors of Addis Ababa’s age-old urban communities. Furthermore,
the reports on the trinocular as a tested methodology, and what it holds for future
studies, especially within architecture and design fields, but also for establishing
transdisciplinary grounds of collaboration, are précised.

38 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
2 Addis Ababa’s sefer
Since the turn of the millennium, many African cities have witnessed a rapid
urbanization the rate of which is seen with scepticism. This scepticism is usually
targeted at the risk, that such a fast-tracked urbanization might cause loss of
existing socioeconomic relationships that are sources of income and social security
for low-income dwellers. And the possibility that spatial qualities that accommodate
such pertinent values may be ridden off without an appropriate survey and
consideration. Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, is one such city gripped with
this challenging phenomenon. Over the last decade, a number of housing projects
have been realized through a Development-induced Resettlement Program (DiRP)
that relocated the low-income urban population that were dependent on and living
in the centre of the city. Such a practice has put many livelihoods at risk.79 Thus,
the persistent question that calls for a practical and epistemological response is: In
such rapidly urbanizing cities of Africa, what socioeconomic and spatial values are
being compromised?

This chapter reviews the evolution of Addis Ababa and introduces its historic but
poorly serviced neighbourhoods, locally known as sefer, as products of a process of
self-actualization.80 By illustrating the indigenous aspects of these neighbourhoods,
this chapter brings forth the socioeconomic and spatial values that are threatened by
the looming rapid urbanization. The first section discusses the historical events and
the planned interventions that formed the city. The second section presents sefer
more as the result of reactions of communities to historic events rather than they are
of master planning. And the third section concludes the chapter with a discussion
on the need for an expanded and nuanced socio spatial reading of African cities. In
order to mitigate the discrepancies between planned and unplanned urbanization
of African cities, it is essential that planning is engaged in a legitimate and inclusive
reading of the socioeconomic and spatial values embedded in such communities as
Addis Ababa’s sefer.

79 Gebrenwe Yntiso, “Urban Development and Displacement in Addis Ababa: The Impact of Resettlement
Projects on Low-Income Households,” Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 24, no. 2 (2008):
53–77.
80 Some authors use säfär (e.g. Peter P. Garretson) and others use safar (e.g. Bahru Zewde).

39 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
2.1 General historical events that formed
Addis Ababa

Founded in 1886, Addis Ababa is a young capital city of Ethiopia. Though young,
it has undergone a fast growth to become a prominent city of national, regional
and global relevance.81 Albeit the impact of a brief period of Italian occupation
from 1936-1941, it is a city that grew in an autochthonous manner following
customary practice of military settlements that initially gave it an outlook of a
garrison town.82 Its formation and evolution are of an indigenous process that can
hardly be analysed from a Eurocentric point of view; nor could patterns of other
African or Middle Eastern urban centres be used as references to understand it.83
This section presents a brief account of the historical events that formed the city
and offers a glance into the organic processes that took effect amidst a sequence of
sudden changes in political regimes and administrative structures.

Ethiopia’s Emperor Menelik II (reigned 1889-1913), right after the victory of Adwa
in 1896 over the first Italian colonial invasion,84 opted for a strong, vibrant, and
settled capital. With his consolidated power over the interior territories and further
expansions southward, he broke the preceding practice of “roving capitals” and
forged a rather stationary one signalling an end to the series of civil wars and power
struggles, which were one of the reasons for the wandering political and military
centres.85 He sought to form a city on the relatively vast fields south of mount Entoto
by offering land and property, often on top of hills, to those leaders who gradually
joined his rule and government.86 In such a manner, the foundation of the city

81 Bahru Zewde, “Early Safars of Addis Ababa: Patterns of Evolution,” in Proceedings of the International
Symposium on the Centenary of Addis Ababa (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa
University, 1987), 43–56.
82 Edward Gleichen, With the Mission to Menelik, 1897 (London : E. Arnold, 1898).
83 Peter P. Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba from Its Foundation in 1886 to 1910 (Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000).
84 There are two main wars, not accounting for smaller battles such as the battle of Dogali, fought between
Italy and Ethiopia, the first in 1896 and the second in 1936-41. Both were failed attempts initiated by Italy’s
colonial interest.
85 Ronald J. Horvath, “The Wandering Capitals of Ethiopia,” The Journal of African History 10, no. 2 (1969):
205–19.
86 Fasil Giorghis and Denis Gerard, The City & Its Architectural Heritage, Addis Ababa 1986-1941 (Addis
Ababa: Shama Books, 2007).

40 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 became entwined with the history of the country as is established since Menelik;
serving as a platform for negotiating national territory, and establishing the post
Menelik national order and integrity.

At the outset, it is important to notice that land for settlement (gasha meret) in
Addis Ababa was given by Menelik to the regional rulers and loyal generals solely
at his discretion. Based on traditional practice of setting out an encampment of an
army; high ranked royals were positioned on top of hills with large tracts of property
while smaller plots were allotted to their loyal followers and servants on the sides
of these hills. Such emergence of the city demanded the construction of houses
and palisades, and the laying out of roads and paths following natural features.
This created demand for labour and “produced a further influx of population,
particularly from the southern provinces.”87 The growing population as a result of
labour migration, captivities under the emperor’s custody, and loyal followers of the
regional rulers and generals, led to the erection of temporary dwellings in the form of
tents and huts. As his territorial rule expanded, and more people migrated to the city,
Menelik needed to let go of aspects of his authority over land allocation and start
to exercise a combination of tenure modification and strong taxation to increase
confidence over land for a more stable settlement.88 Starting 1890, by changing
the gasha meret form of land allocation to rest/rist,89 land grants gradually became
permanent allowing for properties to be inherited by descendants.

Addis Ababa quickly grew as an urban centre during Menelik’s reign. It had formed
distinct commercial and political centres, adorned by architectural styles, urban life,
and vibrant trade with both local and international influences.90 By the year 1930,
when Haileselassie was inaugurated as emperor of Ethiopia, the urban centres had
consolidated and prominent streets, open spaces and boulevards had manifested.
Yet, much of the dwelling environs remained rural in character with scattered
clusters of houses embalmed by the dominating figures of the eucalyptus trees.

87 Richard Pankhurst, “Menelik and the Foundation of Addis Ababa,” The Journal of African History 2, no. 01
(January 1961): 103.
88 Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba.
89 Rest/rist is a traditional land tenure system that accords descendants of land owners the right to use a
property. It is practiced strictly based on hereditary lineage.
90 Giorghis and Gerard, The City & Its Architectural Heritage.

41 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
FIG. 2.1 Map showing Ca. 1897 Addis Ababa with hilltop camps as an early evolution—the formation of sefer.

42 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Negadrasse Iyasu 2800
Leg. Francia

Sorgente Minerale
Cascala

Negadrasse Apte Ghiorghis

Ras Micael
Leg. Italia

to Addis Alem Ras Maconnen

I ppodrama
Deg. Burru

Leg. Germania
Quartiere
Societa Coloniale Italiana Armeno Deg. Ibea
Deg. Ubbie
Ospedale
Ponte di Ras Maconnen 2450

Chiesadi
Ghioghis Negad Ras
Leg. Russia
Leg. Italia
Abuna Mateos
Doomia
strada carrozzobile
2150
Telegraph
Ambulanza Deg. Demessie
Leg. Britannica
Italiana Posta
Piazza Mercato
Indiani Deg. Teferi
Fitaurari Apte seuole
Commercianti Chiesa di Sellassie
Ghiorgis Taitu

Bank of Deg. Abba

Abyssinia
T.cabanna
Ras volde hiorghis T.camela Ghebi Negas
Dagizzo vonz
wado

2400

Deg.
Mulu

Ras Tessema Fitawrari Tafo

Filoa

Agafari Bainne
T.Borchienna

FIG. 2.2 Map showing Ca. 1912 Addis Ababa as garrisons, towns, settlements, foreign legations, bank, and hospital emerge.

43 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 Negadrasse Iyasu 2800
Leg. Francia

Sorgente Minerale
Cascala

Negadrasse Apte Ghiorghis

Ras Micael
Leg. Italia

Ras Maconnen

I ppodrama
Deg. Burru

Leg. Germania
Quartiere
Societa Coloniale Italiana Armeno Deg. Ibea
Deg. Ubbie
Ospedale
Ponte di Ras Maconnen 2450

Chiesadi
Ghioghis Negad Ras
Leg. Russia
Leg. Italia
Abuna Mateos
Doomia
strada carrozzobile
2150
Telegraph
Ambulanza Deg. Demessie
Leg. Britannica
Italiana Posta
Piazza Mercato
Indiani Deg. Teferi
Fitaurari Apte seuole
Commercianti Chiesa di Sellassie
Ghiorgis Taitu

Bank of Deg. Abba

Abyssinia
T.cabanna
Ras volde hiorghis T.camela Ghebi Negas
Dagizzo vonz
wado

2400

Deg.
Mulu

Ras Tessema Fitawrari Tafo

Filoa

Agafari Bainne
T.Borchienna

La Gare

FIG. 2.3 Map showing Ca. 1935 Addis Ababa with the emergence of three consolidated centers: the Gebbi negus, Arada market,
and La Gare train station..

44 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 FIG. 2.4 Areal view of Addis Ababa in 1934. Two of the consolidated three centers are visible: the Gebbi
Negus and Arada Market. (Photograph by Walter Mittelholzer, Flugbild von Addis Abeba, [1934]. Courtesy of
the ETH-Bibliothek, Zürich.)

FIG. 2.5 Areal view of Arada area, Addis Ababa 1934. (Photograph by Walter Mittelholzer,
Abessinienflug, 1934, Abb. 63, Bildlegende: Zentrum von Addis Abeba. In der Mitte der Triumphbogen für den
Kaiser Hailé Selassié I. Oben am Waldrand die Georgiskirche, [1934]. Courtesy of the ETH-Bibliothek, Zürich.)

45 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 A period of halt for this prosperous urbanization happened around 1935-36 because
of the second colonial campaign initiated by Italy’s fascist leader Benito Mussolini.
Firstly, Ethiopian patriotic forces destroyed many buildings right before the Italian
army occupied the city, and secondly the Italian army immediately proclaimed that
any form of construction, be it repair works or building anew, was forbidden.91
The short period of Italian occupation, 1935-1941, saw the start of the use of
masterplans in the city. For lack of time and some bureaucratic delays, the various
Italian plans primarily aimed at segregation were not implemented. What was
delineated as local and colonial quarters got appropriated right after the Ethiopian
forces reclaimed the city in 1941 and Emperor Hailesellassie I returned from exile.

The departure of the Italian forces marked an increase in housing demand that was
followed by demographic growth due to migration towards the recently freed city.
This acute shortage of housing motivated the urban dwellers to subdivide their plots,
build more housing structures within their compounds and avail them for rent in the
market. Such a market driven response to provide shelter for the majority of poor
that migrated to the city resulted in a mass of poorly constructed neighbourhoods
that lacked proper provisions and facilities. By the year 1967, different parts of the
city were comprised of about 60 percent of rental houses, and by 1970, “only about
a quarter of the housing units produced in Addis Ababa had municipal permits.”92 It
was only through such subdivision of plots, mass construction of small, substandard,
and poorly serviced houses that the city dealt with its housing crisis of the post-
1941 period. Though not regulated and authorized, it is essential to recognize the
self-building and self-actualization practices that went into effect in this period of the
making of the city. This aspect will be further discussed in section 2.3.

The Land for the Tiller political movement of early 1970’s led to the revolution
that ousted emperor Haileselassie I and resulted in the formation of the pseudo-
communist military government, the Provisional Military Administrative Council
of Ethiopia, also known as the Derg regime. Among many reforms and structural
changes that it enacted, the most consequential in terms of land ownership and

91 Situation Analysis of Informal Settlements in Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa Slum Upgrading Programme,
Cities Without Slums; Sub-Regional Programme for Eastern and Southern Africa (Nairobi: UN-Habitat, 2007).
92 Situation Analysis of Informal Settlements in Addis Ababa.

46 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 urbanization, was the issuance of proclamation no. 47 of July 1975. The aim of this
proclamation was “to provide for government ownership of urban lands and extra
houses.”93 The rental houses that the previous decades formally and informally
produced got nationalized and put under public ownership. The government
established the Agency for the Administration of Rental Houses, under whose
administration the dwellings that rented for over 100 ETB per month were put.
It also formed the Kebele, the urban dwellers’ associations that were in practice
used as the smallest unit of administration and put those houses that rented
below 100 ETB under their administration. The formation of the kebeles was another
significant moment in the city as the number of housing units “brought under kebele
control accounted for about 93 percent of all rental accommodation in the city.”94

With the nationalization of urban land and rental houses came a set of challenges
regarding administration and governance. The strong handed administration of
the period issued a series of notices, formed tiers of administrative offices and
authorities, established a number of institutions such as the Housing and Mortgage
Bank and the National Urban Planning Institute (NUPI), to deal with these challenges.
The attempt of reigning in the informal practices of subdivision of plots and availing
of rental houses and the setting out of state control over the urbanization of the
city was a stressful exercise by the government that faced scrutiny and resulted in
other forms of unauthorised squatter settlements, especially in the peripheral areas
of the city. In many aspects, the practices of the authorities were too stifling and
unable to deal with the rising housing demand. Studies conducted in the late 1970s
advised the need for aided self-help housing programs, which led to the introduction
of some sites-and-services schemes and availing of plots for cooperatives. Some of
these efforts yielded promising results but were either small in scale or short-lived
that did not meet the demands of the time. It is in the middle of such firefighting
mode of actions that in 1991 the military government of the time was toppled down,
and EPRDF (a revolutionary fighters group turned into a political coalition named,
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) came to power.

93 The Provisional Military Administrative Council of Ethiopia, “Proclamation No.47 of 1975: A Proclamation
to Provide for Government Ownership of Urban Lands and Extra Urban Houses,” Negarit Gazetta, July 26,
1975, 41 edition, FAO of UN.
94 Situation Analysis of Informal Settlements in Addis Ababa.

47 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 FIG. 2.6 Areal view of kebele administered houses with a shared courtyard-like space.

FIG. 2.7 Areal view of sefer with the characteristic pockets of spaces, narrow alleys, and rusty, corrugated
iron sheet roofing.

48 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 FIG. 2.8 The ‘sites and services’ scheme of Nefas Silk area, Addis Ababa. (Illustrated by J. Tenorio de Peroy,
L. Spagnol, S. Fan, Y. Haseki).

Though the newly formed government, in theory, ventured a market-oriented

economy as a general policy, it retained the prime practices of the preceding
administration. Land remained to be public property and urbanization was to be led
by the government. It later issued Proclamation No. 3 of 1994 which introduced the
urban land lease policy as means to avail land for development and create means
of revenue for city administrations. This proclamation further kept the process
of urbanization in the grips of city administrations and the federal government.
The issue of raising revenues aside, in its essential practice, urbanization became
more a result of political and administrative decisions than the social, economic
and spatial needs of city dwellers, or even the market itself. The conception of the
city administration as the driver of urbanization can also be witnessed in different
policies and programs that followed. A prime example being the Integrated Housing
Development Program (IHDP) of 2005, which intended to redevelop poor residential
areas and open lands into the housing figures referred to as “condominiums.”
Though it had a quick and effective start as a development project producing
housing, creating jobs and supporting small businesses, the cumulative result to date

49 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 shows that it neither met its own target of alleviating housing shortage nor did it
produce spatial results that can cultivate social and economic growth for dwellers.95

FIG. 2.9 The view across Bantyiketu river with IHDP’s Basha Wolde housing site at a distance, as seen from
the middle of Serategna Sefer.

FIG. 2.10 The view across Bantyiketu river with Serategna Sefer at a distance, as seen from the IHDP’s
Basha Wolde housing site. (Photograph by Maartje Holtslag)

95 Yntiso, “Urban Development and Displacement in Addis Ababa.”

50 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
2.2 A brief history of Addis Ababa’s planning

While Addis Ababa grew primarily through indigenous and organic processes, it
is important to recognize the impact of a series of master plans that attempted
to structure the city as per the political and economic climate of each period of
intervention. The 1936-41 Italian occupation period had the primary interest of
segregating European and native quarters, installing axial centres and functional
zones. The years 1946, 1959, 1965, and early 1980’s had seen foreign professionals
hired by the Ethiopian government to produce successive master plans. Their
impact can mainly be seen in the formation of satellite towns, roads for motorized
traffic, furtherance of functional zoning, and creation of public squares. The years
since 1986 have shown an increased involvement, and later on, full control of
planning works by local professionals. This period is pronounced by the formation of
sub-centres, expanded new residential areas, the introduction of Local Development
Plans (LDP’s) as implementation tools, and targeted projects such as the IHDP.
Overall, along changing political and administrative forms of Ethiopia, urbanization
grew more and more toward a state-controlled process. But the local and communal
actions along or against the different top-down efforts have stronger and sustained
footprint on the morphology of its capital, Addis Ababa.

A review of official plans envisioned to direct the growth of Addis Ababa and their
impact on the city offers a distinct understanding of the spatially intentions of
planners, policy makers, administrators and regimes that reigned through the
history of the city. This section thus delves into a series of these drafted plans and
elaborates on the planning entities, the prime intents of the plans and the physical
and the spatial results on the structure of the city today. Without entering into an
elaborate argument about what constitutes a masterplan, this paper assumes the
position that the first planning attempt happened during the second Italian colonial
attempt. In doing so, it views the 1907 decree and charter that further generated
title deeds deep into the 1910’s as tools of governance and legal acts of private land
allocation that are less intent on spatial organization.

During the Italian occupation of 1936-1941, there have been two distinct attempts
to draw a masterplan for the city. The first and developed attempt is a series of
four proposals and revisions performed under the Governor’s Technical Office
between 1936 and 1939, which started with the establishment of the Central
Committee on Building and City Plans (Consulta centrale per l’edilizia e l’urbanistica)
comprising Alberto Calza-Bini, Plinio Marconi, Ignazio Guidi, and Cezare Valle in

51 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 November 1936.96 In due time, architects such as Enrico Del Debbio and Gio` Ponti
would have taken part at different levels. The discussions at the 1937 conference at
Istituto Nazionale di Urbanistica highlighted the prime target of the Italian plan to be
separation between native and Italian quarters.

Beyond that, the two major concerns were the design of a new commercial and
political centre that would satisfy Italian needs (both of commerce and prestige);
and zoning, both for European and native quarters.97

Italian architects and planners sought to seize this opportunity with the skewed
assumption and repetitive narration that Addis Ababa was a “virgin territory”
without relevant structures to consider, while realities on the ground showed that
in fact Addis Ababa was an already established city with a vibrant market and
defined political, religious and cultural centres. They were prepared to exuberantly
experiment and test their theories of the Italian colonial city to shape Addis Ababa as
the capital of the Italian colonial empire.

The successive plans of Ignazio Guidi, and Cezare Valle display the duos’ strive to
achieve segregation by using topographic features such as riverbeds and greenery
and their struggle on the decision as to where to position the colonial city centre.
The difficult topography and prominent structures such as the Gebbi, St. George
church and the vibrant commercial area forced the decision to move the new city
centre to the south. And the plan ended up on adopting and incorporating such
existent structures than effecting a complete tabula rasa.98

On the other hand, decision on the parts of the plan that had little contestation,
such as the native’s quarter and parts of the Italian quarter were made early enough
for a significant part of them to be constructed. Further, separation depending on
hierarchy can be seen among the Italian residential areas as it is the case between
Kasanchis99 (a neighbourhood of spacious villas and open spaces to the east) and
Populare (the low-ranking officials’ apartments to the south). Whereas further

96 Mia Fuller, “The Italian Imperial City - Addis Ababa,” in Moderns Abroad : Architecture, Cities and Italian
Imperialism (London and New York: Taylor and Francis, 2007), 197–213.
97 Fuller.

98 Rixt Woudstra, “Le Corbusier’s Visions for Fascist Addis Ababa — Failed Architecture,” Failed
Architecture (blog), 2014, https://www.failedarchitecture.com/le-corbusiers-visions-for-fascist-addis-
ababa/.
99 This Ethiopian name originated from Casa-INCIS, which refers to INCIS the Italian housing association

52 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 segregation depending on race, religion and economic class was exercised on the
native’s quarter on the northwest part of the city known today as Merkato.100

The second but less relevant attempt was an August 1936 letter written by Le
Corbusier to Benito Mussolini “to offer his technical services and to comment on
the appropriate design for the new cities of Africa Orientale Italiana, the Italian
colonial empire.”101 This letter was accompanied by a sketch showing his idea as
to how the city of the new Italian empire should be organized. His plan showed a
relatively detailed north-south axial boulevard as a political centre that is primarily
accessed at two points, east and west and four major roads radiating away from
these access points. Further, he introduced various geometric lines for functional
and segregationally zoning purposes. Rixt Woudstra asserts, had this plan been
implemented, Addis Ababa “would have been one of the most ruthlessly planned
cities of the twentieth century.”102

Le Corbusier’s persistent attempts to reach Mussolini fell on deaf ears as the Duce
rather chose to pursue the ongoing efforts of his compatriots. Nevertheless, the
concepts of his plan, especially pertaining to the monumental boulevard from the
Gebbi southward, are clearly visible in the fourth version of the design of Ignazio
Guidi and Cezare Valle.

Due to such elaborate debates, confrontation between plans and reality and
disorganized bureaucracy, the plan for the capital of the Italian colonial empire
was only sufficiently ready by 1939. This meant, there were only two more years of
construction as the Italian occupation of Ethiopia was ended in 1941.

The urban development steered by the two plans discussed above would be
challenged and reconfigured by the masterplan developed by Sir Patrick Abercrombie
in 1946. On the wake of victory over the Italian occupation, the city had faced the
risk of urban sprawl and economic stagnation.103 To arrest such sprawl the proposed
plan used roads for motorized traffic as means to bind cluster of neighbourhoods
within the city and assumed satellite towns on the fringes. These roads would form
rings that would keep neighbourhoods calm off of traffic. In addition, clustered
neighbourhoods would be linked with accessible green belts. Though it did not

100 Dandena Tufa, “Historical Development of Addis Ababa: Plans and Realities,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies
41, no. 1/2 (2008): 27–59.
101 Woudstra, “Le Corbusier’s Visions for Fascist Addis Ababa — Failed Architecture.”

102 Woudstra.

103 Tufa, “Historical Development of Addis Ababa.”

53 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 succeed in dealing with the urban sprawl, the plan did transform the city structure
away from the segregating structures of the period of the Italian occupation.

This restructuring continued through the 1959 masterplan of the British firm called
Bolton Hennessy and Partners. This plan expanded on the work of Abercrombie
by further developing satellite towns which in time would be consumed and be
part of the city structure of Addis Ababa. Together these two plans expanded the
city horizontally and introduced framing road networks. Whereas neighbourhoods
developed in their own original course due to lack of funds to support a
complete implementation.

By 1965 a team called French Mission for Urban Studies and Habitat with the leadership
of Luis De Marien was commissioned the masterplan development task. The development
of the north-south axial boulevard104 that connected Arada with the train station as a
main element in the city is credited to the master plan developed by this team. With the
help of a booming construction industry significant buildings popped up to emphasize
this avenue. The plan envisioned the development of this axis further south culminating
on a longitudinal zone designated for industry. It focused on structuring the city with this
axis while the neighbourhoods still continued to grow naturally.

As discussed in the previous section, the period from 1974 to 1991 is a time in
which Ethiopia underwent a radical change in political landscape from a monarchy
to a pseudo-communist military government. The construction industry that was
booming in the preceding decades came down to what amounted to freezing.105
The most damaging measure taken by the government would be the proclamation
of 1975 that nationalized urban property and extra houses.106 Private sectors
lost the motivation to build structures, especially because of the discouraging
nationalization campaign that was going on. It is only in the late 1980s that
individuals and cooperatives began to be interested in building residential
communities, motivated by an alarming housing shortage. Through highly regulated
schemes, conservative sizes of plots were given for cooperatives to construct at
low costs. These neighbourhoods gained the name ‘quteba,’ an Amharic word for

104 This axis is now called Churchill avenue and is situated to the west of the one proposed by the previous
plans would become the second bold north-south axis in the city.
105 Bahru Zewde, “The City Center: A Shifting Concept in the History of Addis Ababa,” in Urban Africa:
Changing Contours of Survival in the City, ed. AbdouMaliq Simone and Abdelghani Abouhani (Dakar:
CODESRIA, 2005), 120–37.
106 The Provisional Military Administrative Council of Ethiopia, “Proclamation No.47 of 1975: A Proclamation
to Provide for Government Ownership of Urban Lands and Extra Urban Houses,” Negarit Gazetta, July 26,
1975, 41 edition, FAO of UN.

54 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 the frugality in the project and would have a morphologically visible character of
pixelated neighbourhoods most in the south and South-eastern part of the city.

On the other hand, the Hungarian planner C.K. Polonyi in collaboration with the then
Ministry of Urban Development and Housing, generated a masterplan to be implemented
by the government. The outstanding Meskel Square was developed as a public space
where military parades and celebrations would happen as a result of this plan. In
addition, other parts of this masterplan suggested an extended development to the
South and Southeast, but its success was limited to the square and the parade routes in
close link to the axial avenue (Churchill Avenue) of the previous plans within the city.

Another significant master planning effort was initiated in 1986 and performed by
a consortium of Ethiopian and Italian professionals. This plan attempted to create
sub-centres to distribute the urbanization that for decades focused around the
north-south axis of the city to other smaller centres called qatana.107 This became a
reminiscence of the initial poli-centric character of the city. It is also characterized
by strict zoning of functions and planning of services for the city. In addition to
zoning for production and services areas it also suggested new areas for residential
purposes. In continuation to the previous plans, it also illustrated part of the city as
an industrial zone along the axial road southward. Considering political instabilities
and as a result of bureaucratic entanglements its approval got delayed until 1994,
which is after the toppling of the military government in 1991. From its endorsement
till the year 2003, this plan allowed developments such as the ring road, industrious
private developments, housing cooperatives and private allotments for dwellings,
and real estate companies to expand the city considerably.

By the year 1998, a project office known as the Office for the Revision of Addis Ababa
Master Plan (ORAAMP) was established by the Addis Ababa City Administration. This
is the first predominantly Ethiopian team of experts with some foreign consultants to
have worked on the masterplan of Addis Ababa. It generated the revised masterplan
that was endorsed by the year 2003. As the name of the office suggests the main
task of this team was to revise the masterplan of 1986. This meant to reorganize
the city structure so that it can be in alinement with the new market economy and
political system. This also meant to frame the sprawl and informal settlements that
resulted from the loos period of political transition. It resulted in the redevelopment
of some inner-city parts, availing of land for private real estates and public housing
projects, and major infrastructural transformation and construction of roads.

107 Tufa, “Historical Development of Addis Ababa.”

55 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 These developments were guided by Local Development Plans (LDP) and the
Integrated Housing Development Program (IHDP). It is only in the master plan
of 2003 that Addis Ababa started the use of LDP as planning instrument.108 This
instrument serves to bridge the provisions of a structural plan, which is a framing
body of the master plan, and realization through projects by emphasizing on
concrete standards and development criteria. The prime purpose of LDP is to
“present viable development directions to some areas under pressure.”109 The
phrase ‘areas under pressure’ refers to either parts of the city that were identified as
major strategic investment areas or those that need immediate intervention due to a
pertaining urban challenge. A secondary purpose to LDP is to react to requests that
arise from private individuals or investors. Unlike preceding masterplans, it is by the
use of such a tool of implementation that the plan of 2003, was able to impact the
urban tissue including long standing neighbourhoods such as Kasanchis.

Parallel to LDP, the establishment of the IHDP in 2005 and the resultant introduction
of the housing figures referred to as condominiums played a major role in the
transformation of the city. Arkebe Oqubay, mayor of Addis Ababa 2003-2005,
had invited the German Technical Corporation (GTZ), to take part in generating
a project for low cost housing. A pilot project was steered by the GTZ at an area
close to the airport called Bole-Gerji. Based on the success achieved with this
project of availing 750 residential units with some commercial spaces, it got scaled
up on a national level. It is at this point with the recommendation of the GTZ
that the IHDP was formulated. This project is a large scale and ambitious plan to
generate 175,000 housing units within Addis Ababa and 185,000 units in other
cities within the period 2006-2010.110 Its main objective was to address the backlog
in housing stock, targeting the urban poor and with the end goal of expanding home
ownership and dealing with the poor condition 80% of the city’s residential areas
were in. Its primary success is its integrated approach to housing and economic
development by linking job creation, advancement in the construction industry and
creating a cyclic relationship among the stakeholders of the project.

108 “Local Development Plan Manual” (Ministry of Works and Urban Development - Federal Urban Planning
Institute, September 2006), http://www.mwud.gov.et/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=8a35ee84-1de6-
4dbf-93ca-0576aceb292b&groupId=10136.
109 “Local Development Plan Manual.”

110 “Condominium Housing in Ethiopia: The Integrated Housing Development Program,” Housing
Practices (Nairobi: UN-HABITAT, 2011), http://www.iut.nu/Facts%20and%20figures/Africa/Ethiopia_
CondominiumHousingUN-Habitat2011.pdf.

56 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
2.3 Sefer: The urban clusters neglected by
the plans for Addis Ababa

From its foundation until 2003, much of Addis Ababa’s transformation through
plans and policies has been limited to large scale framing, zoning, and networking.
Despite persistent interests in dealing with the organization and development
of the residential areas within the city, masterplans were not able to impact the
main tissue of the city, the neighbourhood clusters. Especially during the military
government of 1974-1991 the city’s bulk of urban structure has not been kept up
with infrastructure and necessary urban services. Hence, at the beginning of 2000s
more than 80% of the city was comprised of poorly serviced primarily residential
areas. Yet, through years of evolution, these same urban structures have developed
into neighbourhoods containing significant socio-economic capital. Attesting to the
fact that they have not been greatly affected by masterplans, they display discernible
layers of self-actualization efforts by their dwellers. In times of challenging
poverty, urban dwellers depended on traditional practices of frugality by the use
of social networks, financial associations and funeral organizations.111 Residential
environments are conceived as multi-purpose enclaves where domestic production
and small-scale trades and exchanges happen. This section discusses the various
values that are embodied by sefer; indigeneity, social associations, micro economic
relations, and belongingness.

As described in the historic overview presented in the previous section, the

settlement of emperor Menelik and his loyal followers was based on military
principles, giving priority to security, and social and military hierarchy. This mode of
settlement is then replicated atop smaller hills, by the royal dignitaries and regional
leaders to whom he granted land in Addis Ababa. With the tents and traditionally
constructed houses spreading over the fields, such pattern of settlement gave
Addis Ababa the look of a garrison town. In Amharic, the local language, these
initial structures of the city were called “sefer.” The original meaning of sefer is
encampment for military purposes or otherwise.112

111 Stefan Dercon et al., “Group-Based Funeral Insurance in Ethiopia and Tanzania,” World Development 34,
no. 4 (April 2006): 685–703.
112 Zewde, “Early Safars of Addis Ababa.”

57 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 Ooerlooking the Gebbi
FIG. 2.11 Encampment as an organizing principle for the sefer of early age Addis Ababa. (Illustration by P.
Degli Esposti, A. de Putti, X. Meng, H. Qian, Y. Tarumi.)

Yet through the past century, sefer has gradually become a term used to describe
a place, community, as the term neighbourhood would. But it also embodies rather
abstract connotations such as association, identity, and belongingness. Such are
the layers of meaning attached to this term, in the social and economic sense, that
making the straightforward substitution with the English alternative, ‘neighbourhood,’
is inadequate. It is then essential to unpack the different aspects that characterize a
sefer to form a critical and contextual understanding of this notion.

Bahru Zewde claims that during the first few decades of the city, three forms of sefer
could be witnessed.113 The first is the sefer of nobilities, named after a dignitary they
settled around, such as Dejazmach Wube sefer and Dejazmach Balcha sefer. They
typically are formed around a palace of the dignitary and a church. The second form
is the occupational sefer, such as Serategna sefer (workers’ sefer) and Tebmenja
Yazh sefer (gun holders sefer, referring to low ranking armed guards). The third
form is, what he calls the community sefer, which are named after the origin of the
community that migrated and settled in such areas. Geja sefer is an example of such,
named after an area in the Southern parts of Ethiopia from where its settlers are.

113 Ibidem.

58 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 In contemporary Addis Ababa, there are various forms of sefer. As the city grew
into new areas the use of the term moved away from meaning ‘garrison’ toward
‘neighbourhood,’ and/or community. The initial pattern of settlement based on the
prime positioning of nobilities gradually faded, especially after the fall of the imperial
regime. Currently, there are hardly any actual ties between a sefer and a nobility
except for the storified notions embedded as heritage, in the names of the old sefer.
Rather new ways of formation and nomenclature of sefer have since flourished. For
instance, some sefer, such as Gullele, maintained the names of the areas prior to the
consolidation of settlements; some are based on physical or geographical features
such as Qebena river leading to the sefer being named after it; and in such cases
as Worku sefer—a community that is initiated in the 1980s by Worku Debelu, a
chairman of a peasants’ association114—persons of prime contribution to the making
of the sefer lent their names. Despite such dynamics, the indigenous social practices
that define the early sefer re-emerged in the new areas that got formed later on
resulting in resilient consolidation of communities.

The fast pace Addis Ababa grew with, the series of political changes, conflict,
disaster and poverty it went through have challenged communities in sefer. The
traditional, adaptive and accommodative means communities coped with such
challenges constitute the various social values of resilience embodied by sefer. For
instance, Iddir is a funeral association in which its members contribute financially,
emotionally and in kind to help console other members who lost a family member or
relative. As Alula Pankhurst put it, they are “essentially an urban phenomenon that
emerged in early 20th century Addis Ababa as a result of urbanization, migration, and
monetization of the economy.”115 Numerous scholars argue that such an association
came into practice especially linked with the deadly period of Italian occupation.
Gradually, Iddir became part of the urban tradition of social support. The other social
institution is Equb, a rotating savings and credit association customarily formed
for the purposes of increasing purchasing ability, savings, starting or expanding
businesses, and personal or family medical emergencies. These organizations are
joined by members who have either financial or social motives. Especially the small
scale neighbourhood Equbs are mostly joined by those with social motives.116 Such
local practices add to the indigeneity and resilience embodied in sefer.

114 Frew Truneh, Institutional Interfaces and Actors’ Behavior in Transitional Real Estate Markets of Addis
Ababa (Ethiopia), Doctoral Dissertation (Rotterdam : Erasmus University, 2013).
115 Alula Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies 41, no. 1–2 (December 2008): 143–86.
116 Agegnehu Bisrat, Karantininis Kostas, and Li Feng, “Are There Financial Benefits to Join RoSCAs?
Empirical Evidence from Equb in Ethiopia,” Procedia Economics and Finance 1 (2012): 229–38.

59 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
 Another important value of sefer is the socioeconomic mix that allowed for micro
economic relations to flourish. People of different income groups, ethnic and
religious backgrounds live in close proximity to one another. The spontaneous
growth and rapid urbanization of the city had resulted in “bizarre juxtaposition of
luxury and squalor.”117 Such a condition has allowed for various forms of exchange
to happen in the day-to-day life. Community dwellers depend on livelihoods
based on small scale, domestic production and exchange. The mixed presence of
commercial and residential areas, high and low-income groups, different financing
systems, and variety of spaces within a district in the city are virtues of the sefer.
The 1975 proclamation that nationalized urban land and property has made
the state a landlord of the houses availed through rent. This makes the houses
administered through the kebele the main body of most centrally located and
historic sefer. Yet, within the frame of sefer are also private residences, warehouses,
neighbourhood markets known as gulits, street side shops and workshops, and in
some occasions, offices. These intricate micro economic and social constellations
are not only means of livelihood but also important structures of social
security for dwellers.118

The political and administrative changes that occurred in Addis Ababa since its
foundation introduced various top-down administrative categories such as ketena,
kebele, woreda, kefetegna, zone, and kifle-ketema, that were used to subdivide and
restructure administratively the city. When the old and initial sefer settled, there
was no clear demarcation of borders except for basic geographic limitations, least
of which are in documents. The subdivisions introduced through time attempted to
assimilate the rather fluid borders of sefer into a structure that used hypothetical
limits such as roads and rivers. Addis Ababa had 10 Administrative units
with 30 smaller sub-divisions in the 1950s. Five out of the 10 units used the name of
an established sefer, but they introduced new borders to them.119

117 Zewde, “Early Safars of Addis Ababa” 22.

118 Sabine Planel and Marie Bridonneau, “(Re)Making Politics in a New Urban Ethiopia: An Empirical Reading
of the Right to the City in Addis Ababa’s Condominiums,” Journal of Eastern African Studies 11, no. 1
(February 14, 2017): 24–45.
119 Some sefer are an agglomeration of smaller sub-sefer. They could have a general sefer name but
containing smaller sefer within.

60 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 FIG. 2.12 View of Biqil Gebbi in Geja Sefer of Addis Ababa. Proximity to the major market (Merkato) allows
the community to specialize in the production and sale of biqil/malt.

Considering the genesis of sefer, it is clear why it is challenging to generate clear-cut

boundaries to it. The transition is gradual, and it is common that in-between zones
representing more than one sefer exist. Though boundaries are non-explicit, the
transition between sefer is grounded in local customs, especially for long time city
residents. None of the bureaucratic decision introduced top-down could contest the
prevalence of the logic of sefer for communities as collective urban memory, source
of identity and main means of wayfinding and orientation.

In conclusion, while many scholars have highlighted the value in the indigeneity of
the organic evolution of Addis Ababa;120 and while sefer is an important kernel in its
genesis—deeply rooted in the psyche of its contemporary residents—currently, both
are under immense pressure as the city government of Addis Ababa pursues rapid
urbanization ventures that aim to replace them with new, and denser urban forms. This
process opens a vast space of enquiry to examine what these new forms should be. Better
yet, what values of sefer should be known and carried into such ‘development’ ventures?
A comprehensive synchronic understanding of the sefer themselves is thus paramount.

120 Anthony O’Connor is a case in point. He contends that “Perhaps the best example of an indigenous
city elsewhere in tropical Africa, and certainly the largest, is Addis Ababa, […] the growth and the evolving
character of Addis Ababa has depended on indigenous initiatives to a far greater extent than that of the great
majority of African Cities.” Anthony O’Connor, The African City (London: Hutchinson & Co. Ltd, 1983).

61 Addis Ababa’s sefer

TOC
62 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
TOC
3 Trinocular:
a methodology for
nuanced reading
of sefer
Unearthing entrenched complex practices and relations in urban communities
such as the sefer of Addis Ababa requires renewed attitudinal and methodological
posture. The arguments for such, especially on reading African cities in general,
and the surrounding theoretical and methodological discussions are laid out in
chapter 1 of this dissertation. Overall, the recommendations of these arguments
are (1) the need to abandon the dominant 20th-century theories of categorizing
and labeling cities primarily based on the experiences of cities in Europe and North
America, (2) the expansion of the frame of theory towards inclusiveness of varying
experiences, identities and histories, and (3) the dislocation/relocation of the center
of theory from the established Euro-American point of view. The methodological
propositions of these arguments call for the development of new tools that cross
disciplinary borders and allow researchers to read complexities through strategized
and at times messy processes. There are two prongs of the challenge that demand
methodological and epistemological response: the inability of 20th-century
epistemological frames and the inadequacy of singular methodologies to grasp
situated differences, and the complexities that manifest in rapidly urbanizing regions.
A methodological probe thus, has to point toward both the theory of methods and
the techniques that need to be developed.

This chapter presents a methodological hypothesis—one that is cutting across

disciplinary boundaries—which, from here on, is referred to as, Trinocular. The
trinocular is a composition of three key concepts of inspection as lenses to look into
communities’ psychosocial, socioeconomic and physical/spatial characteristics.
Across these three lenses, a set of methodological techniques, grafted from varying
disciplines are applied in a tandem operation of data collection and analysis. The
case sefer in this research are selected based on two criteria. The first criterium is

63 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 that they are formed as integral parts of the city since its formation as a garrison
town. The second criterium used is Bahru Zewde’s types of sefer distinct to the
formational period of the city discussed in chapter 2.121 The selected case sefer are
thus characteristic to these three types; nobilities’ sefer, occupational sefer, and
community (origin of settlers) sefer (Deja’ch Wube sefer, Serategna sefer, and Geja
sefer respectively).

A general introduction to the trinocular as a method grafted from varying disciplinary

and theoretic spheres, its elements, and application in this research is presented in
section 3.1. Section 3.2 offers an in-depth discussion of methodologies and theories
of methods that prioritize expanded, located and inclusive reading of urbanization
practices. It lays out the scholarly milieu this particular methodological hypothesis
draws its elements from. It further expounds on the concerns of expanded reading,
as a response to the need for a context driven, inclusive and strategized operation;
and cross-cutting methods, as the means to draw tools and techniques together to
develop the capacity for such strategies. In sections 3.3 and 3.4, two main aspects
of the trinocular are further discussed: the frames, and the lenses of investigation.
The frames; stories, visual evidencing and ethnography, are the tools and techniques
applied to document and analyze what is seen through the lenses. Whereas, the
lenses are concepts of observation formulated to apprehend the multifaceted
nature and complexity of sefer. Finally, section 3.5 is a brief description of the
selected case sites, the fieldwork performed, and the method of analyses employed
towards this dissertation. A deliberate operation of data collection and analyses
performed (sometimes at a time and in some instances sequenced), is introduced in
this section.

121 Bahru Zewde, “Early Safars of Addis Ababa: Patterns of Evolution,” in Proceedings of the International
Symposium on the Centenary of Addis Ababa (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa
University, 1987), 46–47.

64 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
3.1 Trinocular

Trinocular, as a term in this dissertation, is used in relation to the three conceptual

lenses that are used to document and analyze the complexities that are entrenched
in sefer. According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, its first known use is as
an adjective “relating to or being a binocular microscope equipped with a lens for
photographic recording during direct visual observation” dating back to 1960.122
The natural eye-to-lens combination provides two vantage points that work together
to generate one rich picture, that is then recorded or directly observed by the third
lens. The analogic adaptation of this character to the context of this dissertation is
thus, all three lenses are used for viewing and recording as vantage points that work
together at the same time and not in a sequence or hierarchy.

The metaphoric lenses in this research juxtapose three perspectives that are results
of a first round survey and analysis of the three sites. The first lens is a psychosocial
investigation and traces cognitive borders as qualified by residents. The second
lens is an examination into social relationships, and the third lens focuses on spatial
typologies. Except for these three broad conceptual categories, the analytic method
employed is a juxtaposition that provides an implicit form of comparison within and
out of the selected cases and allows for located dissimilarities to be examined in a
transductive manner as introduced by Henri Lefebvre.123

Documentation and analytic methods that are common practice in different

epistemes are laced together to form the frames of the trinocular.124 Disciplinary
enclaves, while they allow for an in-depth expertise to advance within a certain
field, it has also become increasingly clear that they are insufficient in apprehending
contemporary urban complexities.125 Especially, the generation of located and
nuanced knowledge demands for new strategies that escape such disciplinary
entrapments. On one hand, cross-disciplinary collaboration—a coming together of

122 “Definition of TRINOCULAR,” accessed August 26, 2020, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/

trinocular.
123 Henri Lefebvre, The Urban Revolution, trans. Robert Bononno (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 2003).
124 Section 3.2 discusses these epistemic traditions and the thread-through operation that generated the
frames of the trinocular, which themselves are presented in section 3.3.
125 Jo Beall et al., “Understanding Infrastructure Interfaces:Common Ground for Interdisciplinary Urban
Research?,” Journal of the British Academy, no. 7S2 (July 8, 2019): 11–43, https://doi.org/10.5871/
jba/007s2.011.

65 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 various methods and expertise is needed. On the other hand, individual disciplines
themselves should invent new strategies. These are not mutually exclusive endeavors,
rather complementary with the target of generating inclusive urban theories.

In its essence, the trinocular falls in the earlier approach. It is an advancement of

architectural and urban research methodologies toward meeting the challenge of
reading the nuances within emerging urban complexities. It builds on overlapping
scholarly endeavors from different epistemes such as grounded theory, comparative
urbanism and visual ethnography in appreciating dissimilarities and generating
located knowledge and theory. Moreover, it narrows disciplinary gaps, and enriches
the grounds for cross-disciplinarity in research and practice.

In summary, as is shown in FIG. 3.1, the trinocular is an assembly of the lenses and
the frames, and is applied to investigate the three selected sefer. These methods
(frames) are visual evidencing, ethnography, and stories/allegories. When applied
through the three lenses, they allow the researcher to capture nuances, and serve as
means of consistency in data collection and analysis.

FIG. 3.1 An illustration of the

trinocular methodology. The
lenses and frames are integrated
CASE
parts to investigate the selected
SITES
case sefer.

Cognitive Social Spatial

Borders Relations Typologies
LENSES
S
ETHNOGRAPHY
ING

RIE
ENC

E G O
VID

A LL

FRAMES
AL E

S /
RIE
VISU

STO

66 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
3.2 A review of expanded readings and
methodological explorations

In the propositions to either loosen the dominant frames of urban theory to be

more perceptive of varying experiences in different cities and geographies, or to
clearly dislocate theory for the purposes of both a globalized and localized reading
of city-ness; methodologies are presented in realms of grounded theory, peripheral
urbanization, and planetary urbanization. A review of these methodological
discourses from varying epistemological clusters that aim at an expanded
reading, serves as a knowledge base and an opportunity to contemplate grafted
methodological hypotheses—cross-cutting methodologies.

An overview of grounded theory

In the early 1960s, sociologists Glaser and Strauss, introduced grounded theory
as a furtherance of the discovery of theory from systematically collected and
analyzed social data.126 Contrary to the deduction of “testable hypotheses
from existing theories”127 that mainly focused on verifiability and replicability of
research, proponents of grounded theory argued for the formulation of theory
from research grounded in various field data. They advocated for the simultaneous
performance of data collection, analysis and theory development in a strategized
manner. Within the research process, by placing literature review and reference
to existing theory after the development of researchers’ own analysis, and
strategizing the use of memo writing, coding and sampling for the discovery of
theory, not merely for representation purposes; Glaser and Strauss strengthened
the reliability of qualitative research. Building on this initial work, Kathy Charmaz
offers a clearer definition for grounded theory; “a systematic method consisting
of several flexible strategies for constructing theory through analyzing qualitative
data.”128 Furthermore, together with Antony Bryant she provided a revision to

126 Glaser and Strauss, The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative Research.

127 Kathy Charmaz, Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis, Reprint
(London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2006).
128 Kathy Charmaz, “Constructivist Grounded Theory,” The Journal of Positive Psychology 12, no. No. 3
(2017): 299–300, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17439760.2016.1262612.

67 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 grounded theory and developed constructivist grounded theory.129 The revised
theory gives emphasis to the “language, meanings and actions” of researchers
and research participants.130 In doing so, constructivist grounded theory accepts
the methodological strategies of Glaser and Strauss but deviates from their
epistemology.131 In her book, Constructing Grounded Theory, Charmaz pointed out
that though the initial effort of Glaser and Strauss in formulating grounded theory
was to confront the positivist quantitative researches of the time; by 1990, the
evolved form of grounded theory became known for its positivist assumptions.132

In addressing the “positivist tendencies, a lack of reflexivity and

oversimplification”133 that she highlighted as shortcomings of grounded theory, and
aiming at “regenerating and updating”134 it to be able to deal with differences and
complexities; Adele Clarke presented situational analyses as a method in empirical
research projects.

Similar to constructivist grounded theory, situational analyses endorses the

methodological strategies of grounded theory but rejects “the quest for disembodied
and unanchored generalizations.”135 It rather follows and expands Strauss’s own
deviation136 from the conceptual structure of classical grounded theory and offers
three cartographic approaches; situational maps, social worlds/arenas maps,
positional maps.137 The three maps thus, are used to grasp complexities by working
in three domains and refraining from simplifications and generalizations. Situational

129 Antony Bryant and Kathy Charmaz, “Introduction,” in The Sage Handbook of Grounded Theory
(Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore: SAGE Publications, 2007), 1–28; Kathy Charmaz, “A
Constructivist Grounded Theory Analysis of Losing and Regaining a Valued Self,” in Five Ways of Doing
Qualitative Analysis (New York and London: The Guilford Press, 2011), 165–204.
130 Charmaz, “Constructivist Grounded Theory.”

131 Charmaz, “A Constructivist Grounded Theory Analysis of Losing and Regaining a Valued Self.”

132 Charmaz, Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis.

133 Adele E. Clarke, Carrie Friese, and Rachel Washburn, eds., Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping
Research with Grounded Theory, eBook (Walnut Creek, California: Left Coast Press, 2015).
134 Adele E. Clarke, “Situational Analyses: Grounded Theory Mapping After the Postmodern Turn,” Symbolic
Interaction 26, no. 4 (2003): 553–76, https://doi.org/10.1525/si.2003.26.4.553.
135 Kathy Charmaz, “Foreword,” in Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping Research with Grounded Theory,
eBook (Walnut Creek, California: Left Coast Press, 2015), 7–8.
136 Juliet Corbin and Anselm Strauss, “Grounded Theory Research: Procedures, Canons, and Evaluative
Criteria,” Qualitative Sociology 13, no. 1 (1990): 19.
137 Clarke, “Situational Analyses.”

68 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 maps are exploratory outlines indicative of the kind of data that needs to be gathered
to gain an initial insight. They help to identify major elements and relationships that
exist in the context of study. Social worlds/arenas maps lay out collective actors
and the fields they operate in. They are broad clustering of actions, actors and
fields of action; wherein the actions can be discussions, interactions, negotiations,
confrontations, contradictions and possibly coercions. Positional maps outline
major positions taken or not taken, especially regarding key issues of contestation,
variation and difference. These are maps intent to articulate “the full range of
discursive positions on key issues in the broad situation of concern.”138

Clarke argued that this methodology will allow researchers “to draw together studies
of discourse and agency, action and structure, image, text, and context, history and
present moment—to analyze complex situations of inquiry.”139

A particular strength of SA [situational analysis] is that it can be done with

interview, ethnographic, historical, narrative, visual, and/or other discursive
materials. . . .

It is especially useful in multi-site or multi-modal research that can draw together

different kinds of data about a particular phenomenon or sets of data about
different sites, or both.140

Situational analysis makes grounded theory even more relevant in the discussion
of the expanded reading of city-ness. By putting needed emphasis on situatedness,
thus context, widening the situation of inquiry towards diligence to differences and
complexities, including non-human elements, allowing differentiations in data, and
engaging in open ended inquiry; it presents a viable direction to grasping situated
nuances. Situational analysis, as an extension of grounded theory, leans toward
inclusivity, embracing differences and messiness while its methodological structures
allow the researcher to prevent chaos.

138 Clarke, Friese, and Washburn, Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping Research with Grounded Theory,
14.
139 Clarke, “Situational Analyses.”

140 Clarke, Friese, and Washburn, Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping Research with Grounded Theory,
15–17.

69 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 Grounded theory, both as a methodology and theory, had become popular and
crossed different disciplinary margins since its inception in early 1960’s.141
Its evolved forms, constructivist ground theory and situational analysis, invite
application in urban, spatial studies. Yet, such an application is quite limited
largely due to the nature of urban research itself.142 Its main focus on the
physical environment, and its projective tendencies remain the frontiers of
methodological enquiry.

In 2018, Natalie Allen and Mark Davey argued that constructivist grounded theory is
suitable for urban research by saying:

Constructivist grounded theory suits a variety of urban research objectives because

human scaled experiences and responses are constantly being contextualized
within a city or region or theorized to encapsulate notions of civitas.143

Their work presents the value grounded theory in general, and constructivist
grounded theory as selected approach, can add in strengthening the validity of urban
research in the disciplines of architecture, landscape architecture, urban planning,
and urban design.

To conclude, the language of visual narration and evidencing is routine in

architectural and urban studies. These fields usually present complexities as
palimpsests that demand a sequenced investigation. Grounded theories, on the
other hand, are loose methodological frames strategized to capture differences
and simultaneity. One of the methodological hypotheses of this dissertation is thus;
based on the discursive, theoretical and methodological intents of grounded theory,
and by interlacing its techniques (memo-writing, coding and sampling) with the
customary techniques employed in urban research a new methodology and set of
techniques to advance urban and architectural research can be invented.

141 Charmaz, Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis.

142 Chathuranganee Jayakody, Dilanthi Amaratunga, and Richard Haigh, “Grounded Theory as an Approach
to Explore the Use of Public Open Spaces to Enhance the Cities’ Resilience to Disasters,” 2017.
143 Natalie Allen and Mark Davey, “The Value of Constructivist Grounded Theory for Built Environment
Researchers,” Journal of Planning Education and Research 38, no. 2 (June 2018): 225, https://doi.
org/10.1177/0739456X17695195.

70 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 An overview of comparative urbanism

. . .. Nor is my 1 + 1 “method” conducted in the name of a unitary, reductive

answer (1 + 1 = 2)—comparison, say, in the name of a convergent or unified
understanding of urbanization or the urban condition. I have adopted a research
preference for 1 + 1 because I believe in the fact and the political potential of a
world understood as differentiating and contingent; a world built around the open
equation of …+ x + y + a +…144

Can we promote theory cultures which are alert to their own locatedness and
sources of inspiration, open to learning from elsewhere, respectful of different
scholarly traditions and committed to the revisability of theoretical ideas?145

Probably, in recent times, the most dominant voice for the expanded reading of
city-ness in urban research comes from the scholarship in comparative urbanism.146
Jan Nijman defined comparative urbanism as “the systematic study of similarity and
difference among cities or urban processes” that is intent on tackling “descriptive
and explanatory questions” regarding the manner and level of similarity and
difference.147 Furthermore he asserts that the main aim of comparative urbanism is:

. . .developing knowledge, understanding, and generalization at a level between

what is true of all cities and what is true of one city at a given point in time. It
should not surprise us that each and every place is different or even unique in
some ways—this is the idiosyncratic nature of place.148

In the past two decades, such a reorientation by tackling the shortcomings of

comparative urbanism—”scientism, developmentalism fallacies and universalist
categories”149—revitalized and allowed it to regain its appeal and reverse its decline
since late 1970s.

144 Jane M. Jacobs, “Commentary—Comparing Comparative Urbanisms,” Urban Geography 33, no. 6
(August 2012): 904–14, https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.33.6.904.
145 Robinson, “Comparative Urbanism: New Geographies and Cultures of Theorizing the Urban,” 188.

146 Nijman, “Introduction—Comparative Urbanism”; Katherine V. Gough, “Reflections on Conducting

Urban Comparison,” Urban Geography 33, no. 6 (August 2012): 866–78, https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-
3638.33.6.866; Colin McFarlane and Jennifer Robinson, “Introduction—Experiments in Comparative
Urbanism,” Urban Geography 33, no. 6 (August 2012): 765–73, https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-
3638.33.6.765; Robinson, “Comparative Urbanism: New Geographies and Cultures of Theorizing the Urban.”
147 Nijman, “Introduction—Comparative Urbanism.”

148 Nijman.

149 Nijman.

71 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 Colin McFarlane and Jennifer Robinson further attest that scholars who are
interested in working across categories, or originating understanding from other
located scholarships; quickly realize that new analytical strategies need to be
invented.150 They advocate for diligent enquiry into the “figure of ‘difference’
itself”151 as a prominent operative in urban studies. This entails a position of view
that takes difference as a resourceful lens into the complexities of contemporary
urbanism but not as an irritation to much of the ready-made frames and categories.
The pursuit of understanding within and through differences should not be an
exercise of power but rather an open-ended endeavor for an enrichment of theory
and innovation of new methods. It can initially be a large net of enquiry into located
epistemes that should be further debated, compared and contrasted for both
refinement on their own and transnational, dislocated understanding and application.
The openness to new understandings, proactively engaging differences, discursive
flow of located and dislocated theories and methods, as McFarlan and Robinson put
it, “needs to negotiate both old and new approaches to the urban that divide it into
oversimplified polarities or seek to solidify analytical differences.”152

Regarding methods in the realm of comparative urbanism, Nijman depicts a frame

of theory within which multiple approaches are employed. That, various methods
fitting to contextual variabilities and absorbent of temporality and dynamics are in
play instead of a singular and fixed approach. In the tabulated “taxonomy of urban
comparisons,”153 Robinson presented a summary of types, features and examples
of comparisons in contemporary geographies and cultures of theorizing the urban.
In this table are six types of comparisons laid out, three of which are relevant in
illustrating the methodological positioning of this particular research vis-à-vis
comparative urbanism.154

First, the explicit intent of this research is the presentation of a case city in a wider
conversation. In her work that examines the imagination of the Marina beach
in Chennai, Pushpa Arabindoo offered an analysis based on field notes, direct
observation, interviews and analysis of discourses in selected media outlets, and
projected a wider discussion on “fundamental difference between the Western

150 McFarlane and Robinson, “Introduction—Experiments in Comparative Urbanism.”

151 McFarlane and Robinson, 766.

152 McFarlane and Robinson, “Introduction—Experiments in Comparative Urbanism.”

153 Robinson, “Comparative Urbanism: New Geographies and Cultures of Theorizing the Urban,” 196.

154 The comparative gesture, cases in wider conversation, composing comparisons, tracing connections,
launching analyses and the limits of translation are tabulated as types. For detail study see Robinson, 196.

72 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 and indigenous understandings of open spaces.”155 In the same manner, this
dissertation files the case subject of the ‘sefer’ of Addis Ababa with the aim to
strike wider conversations. Secondly, the implicit act of this research is comparison
without explicitly sited other case or cases. Even though comparative urbanism as
methodology of comparison is not directly employed in this research, it definitely is a
“mode of thought” as McFarlane proposes that we venture “to consider what might
be gained from attempting to make our implicit comparative moves more explicit.”156
And thirdly, this research is an ambition of “launching analyses,” as per Robinson’s
types of comparison—”generating concepts in specific contexts, with possible wider
application.”157

Among the urgings for de-centring urban theory, and as an example of comparative
analysis in this context, we find the proposition by Teresa PR Caldeira—the use of
peripheral urbanization to analyse processes of city-making by largely focusing
on autoconstruction by residents—as the main mode of urbanization, especially
in cities of the global south. She argues, such an analysis offers distinct reading
of city-ness, different from those of cities of the North Atlantic.158 Peripheral
urbanization, according to Caldeira, refers to four interrelated processes: operations
“with specific temporality and agency,” transversal engagement with official
logics, generation of “new modes of politics,” and creation of “highly unequal and
heterogeneous cities.”159 These modes of urbanisation enable dwellers develop
ownership of their cities through political astuteness, capabilities to engage directly
with rights talks, and also identify and utilize transversal logics with and around
formal processes, agencies and plans. In addition, peripheral urbanization is not a
single fit-for-all model of analysis, rather a provisional and flexible frame that aims
to register variations in different contexts and also the dynamic changes even within
a city, within a certain period. The word “peripheral” does not necessarily refer to
geographic location, rather emphasises the mode of engagement of residents in the
city making process.

155 Pushpa Arabindoo, “‘City of Sand’: Stately Re-Imagination of Marina Beach in Chennai,” International
Journal of Urban and Regional Research 35, no. 2 (2011): 379–401, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-
2427.2010.00943.x.
156 Colin Mcfarlane, “The Comparative City: Knowledge, Learning, Urbanism,” International Journal of Urban
and Regional Research 34, no. 4 (2010): 726, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2010.00917.x.
157 Robinson, “Comparative Urbanism: New Geographies and Cultures of Theorizing the Urban,” 196; For an
example of launching analyses see Simone, “The Surfacing of Urban Life.”
158 Teresa PR Caldeira, “Peripheral Urbanization: Autoconstruction, Transversal Logics, and Politics in Cities
of the Global South,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 1 (February 2017): 3–20,
https://doi.org/10.1177/0263775816658479.
159 Caldeira.

73 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 Methodologically, Caldeira applies juxtaposition, as “a kind of comparison”160—as a
qualitative logic it puts together “dissimilar, located, and historicized cases brought
together to illuminate one another destabilize unexamined views and generalizations
and opens up new possibilities of understanding.”161 Instead of a statistical
comparative approach that searches for patterns and representations, and a straight
forward comparisons of what is similar or not, such an approach depends on an
inductive exploration of complexities, generating a large inventory of variations to
form a saturated synopsis. Capturing the dynamic nature of peripheral urbanization,
wherein both improvements and impoverishment can be seen at the same time,
demands sufficient time and space for documentation and analyses.

It is essential here, to bring into view the methodological exploration within planetary
urbanisation. As an urban theory, planetary urbanization relies on a theoretical
hypothesis and a methodology offered by Henry Lefebvre—“the urban revolution”162
and “transduction.”163 Its notable advocates Neil Brenner and Christian Schmid164
underline that, Lefebvre’s prediction of the urban revolution is already here, not only
in particular regions but globally.165 Accordingly, they proclaim, urban theory can no
longer be about the features and forms of cities and city-ness, rather an endeavour
of urban processes—of extended and concentrated urbanisations—detaching
urbanisation from the notion of ‘the city’ and accounting for urbanisation that
happens across fields, regions and the globe as a planetary phenomenon. This sets
out a large space of theorization wherein lie multiple explorations between capturing
the global nature of urbanization processes and diagnosing located differences and
variables—from the neighbourhood to the planetary scale.

160 Caldeira, 5.

161 Caldeira, 5.

162 “Similarly, by ‘urban revolution’ I refer to the transformations that affect contemporary society, ranging
from the period when questions of growth and industrialization predominate (model, plans, programs) to
the period when the urban problematic becomes predominant, when the search for solutions and modalities
unique to urban society are foremost.” Henri Lefebvre, The Urban Revolution, 5.
163 “Unlike a fact-filled empirism with its risky extrapolations and fragments of indigestible knowledge,
we can build a theory from a theoretical hypothesis. The development of such a theory is associated with
a methodology. For example, research involving a virtual object, which attempts to define and realize that
object as part of an ongoing project, already has a name: transduction. The term reflects an intellectual
approach toward a possible object, which we can employ alongside the more conventional activities of
deduction and induction. The concept of an urban society, which I introduced above, this implies a hypothesis
and a definition.” Henri Lefebvre, 5.
164 Brenner and Schmid, “Towards a New Epistemology of the Urban?”

165 Philipp Horn, Paola Alfaro d’Alencon, and Ana Claudia Duarte Cardoso, eds., Emerging Urban Spaces, The
Urban Book Series (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018), 3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-
57816-3.

74 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Secondly, planetary urbanisation predominantly employs transduction, rather
than deduction and induction, as a methodological frame. “Transduction assumes
an incessant feedback between the conceptual framework used and empirical
observations.”166 It allows a degree of spontaneity among actors and observers of
urbanisation processes while injecting thoroughness in innovation and knowledge.
It is in such a methodological space of enquiry, that Schmid et al. introduce
a ‘horizontal’ or synchronic analysis and a ‘vertical’ or diachronic analysis as
methodological innovations to apprehend the challenges in urban comparative
projects, that deem cities as ever dynamic and diversified phenomena.167 In short,
synchronic analysis, refers to the investigation of the present conditions, whereas a
diachronic analysis refers to the dig into the historic processes of urbanisation. The
two approaches are then brought together to form an analysis of “succession and
overlapping of various urban processes. In that analysis urban areas do not end – it
is just the analysis that stops.”168

An overview of visual ethnography

Visual ethnography is a methodological innovation of the 1990’s in ethnography and

anthropological research and theory. As early as 1967, John Collier, Jr., and Malcolm
Collier, in their book ‘Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Method,’
which is regarded as a manual of “how to get information on film and how to get
information off film,” laid out the basics of the use of photography in anthropological
research.169 As anthropology and ethnography experienced a period of rediscovery
in the late 1980’s, when “positivist arguments and realist approaches to knowledge,
truth and objectivity were challenged.”170 This resulted in increased acceptability
of the use of the visual in research on par with textual work. Sarah Pink attributed
such gain in credibility of photography and images in research to timely innovations
in visual technology, advances in critical postmodern theory, “reflexive approaches
to ethnographic fieldwork methodology, and an emphasis on interdisciplinarity.”171
Since then, visual materials themselves became important contexts, cases or sites
of research, methodologies of investigation and tools of representation of situated

166 Schmid et al., “Towards a New Vocabulary of Urbanisation Processes,” 31.

167 Schmid et al., 31.

168 Schmid et al., 32.

169 Collier and Collier, Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Methodology.

170 Pink, Doing Visual Ethnography: Images, Media and Representation in Research, 1.

171 Pink, 1–2.

75 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 cultures and phenomena. Similar to the adoption of the visual into ethnographic
research, fields such as visual arts, media, and filmic researches increasingly relied
on ethnographic approaches too. The interdisciplinarity in academic work, especially
referring to visual ethnography, is largely among anthropology, sociology, media
study, photographic studies, and cultural studies.

Albeit shared theoretical and methodological purview, it is difficult to assert a

straightforward interdisciplinarity in visual ethnography that includes research in
architecture, urban design and planning. The usage of visual materials such as,
drawings, maps and photography, is intrinsic to these fields, and ethnographic
approaches are employed regularly, yet their methodologies and tactics are rarely
tied to visual ethnography. Here, in order to better imagine the methodological
nexus, it is important to discuss the nature of and relationship between research
and design.

Architecture, urban design, and planning, as practices, are projection oriented

and generative. They describe what is to become a physical reality by the use of
drawings, images, maps, animations and texts. As part of this projective exercise,
they perform context analyses, which include the study of physical, environmental
and socio-economic conditions of a place. In their book ‘Architectural Research
Methods,’ Linda Groat and David Wang state that there is a “contentious and
complicated” debate regarding the “equivalence—or lack thereof—between
research and design.”172 Responding to the question “does design equal research?,”
they summarise what they find are the “primary differences” between design
and research.173 In a tabular manner, they illustrate that design is a dominantly
generative process with proposals for artifacts, to solve identified problems by
focusing on the future; while, research deals with questions, instead of problems,
and produces generalizable knowledge and/or application through analytic and
systematic processes with temporal focus on the past and/or the present. Based
on Bruno Latour’s rendering of the difference between research and science,174

172 Linda Groat and David Wang, Architectural Research Methods, Second (New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons,
Inc., 2013), 23.
173 Groat and Wang, 21–27.

174 “Science is certainty; research is uncertainty. Science is supposed to be cold, straight, and detached;
research is warm, involving, and risky. Science puts an end to the vagaries of human disputes; research
creates controversies. Science pro-duces objectivity by escaping as much as possible from the shackles of
ideology, passions, and emotions; research feeds on all of those to render objects of inquiry familiar.” Bruno
Latour, “From the World of Science to the World of Research?,” Science 280, no. 5361 (April 10, 1998):
208–9, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.280.5361.208.

76 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 David Salomon points to the “affinity between research and design as similarly
experimental, subjective, and political processes.”175 Similarly, Groat and Wang,
illustrate the “comparable and shared” characters of design and research, among
which are logic-in-use (abduction, induction and deduction), and situatedness of
both research and design practice.

This broad review of research, in the fields of design and planning, portrays its
qualities as a situated and systematized enquiry of a place or artifact, that heavily
relies on visual information. Especially, when dealing with dynamic urban contexts,
ethnographic observation—in-depth exploration of a setting, situated detailing, the
reliance on non-precoded data, analytic method that primes residents’ points of
view176—prove useful. The following is a discussion of various approaches that tie
design and ethnography, and to a less explicit degree visual ethnography.

To bring ethnographic and design approaches together with an orientation to effect

change and intervention, Sarah Pink et. al assembled and elaborated on a list of
tested methods.177 These methods are not presented as templates to pursue but as
a review of the working grounds shared between ethnography and design based on
a number of research examples done on the thematic of ‘home.’ The list of eleven
approaches discussed are not always distinct but are often “used in relations to each
other;” and in some cases “blur into each other.” This list constitutes, a) researching
homes, b) using short-term intensive ethnographic and design research methods,
c) using interview methods in homes, d) touring the home with participants, e)
video-re-enactment, f) in-practice study of everyday human activity, g) participatory
floor plan activity and timeline method, h) art-based methods: the tactile time
collage, i) self-reporting methods, j) self-interviewing methods: the five cups of
tea video method, k) video diaries: the evening times video recording method. For
these methods to function as nexus between the two fields, they propose three
themes as collaborative spaces—temporality, environment and activities and
movements at home.

175 David Salomon, “Experimental Cultures: On the ‘End’ of the Design Thesis and the Rise of the Research
Studio,” Journal of Architectural Education 65, no. 1 (2011): 34, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1531-
314X.2011.01172.x.
176 see also, Groat and Wang, Architectural Research Methods, 225.

177 Sarah Pink et al., Making Homes: Ethnography and Design (London, UNITED KINGDOM: Taylor & Francis
Group, 2017), 93–126, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.action?docID=4835136.

77 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 An ethnographic method and theory that is advocated, by scholars such as Galen
Cranz, as tailored to the needs of design and planning education and practice is
semantic/cognitive ethnography.178 Its proponents argue that it is most useful for
the “jargon-filled world of design because it emphasizes meaning.”179 By relying on
interviews, actively listening and giving due weight to the vocabulary terms ‘clients’
of architecture use to express their experience of a culture, and allowing “theory [to
emerge] from the informants,” the architect can generate a nuanced reading of a
culture and context. Semantic ethnography is best applicable at the programming (at
the beginning) and evaluation (after completion and occupation by users) stages of
the architectural project.

Here it is also important to emphasize drawing as a form of note taking, an object

of analysis, and a technique of representation in ethnographic observation. Doing
so opens possibilities to establish a direct link between research in design and
visual ethnography. Two recent works are key to exemplify the usage of drawings as
prominent tools in visual ethnography. Atelier Bow-Wow’s Momoyo Kaijima describes
the methodology their practice employed as they attempt to draw a recovery plan for
localities affected by the 2011 earthquake, tsunami and the destructions following
the falling of the Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant.

We talked to village residents about the ways of life and the landscapes that had
been washed away by the tsunami, and used the fragments of information collected
in the interviews to make drawings that reconstituted these spaces. The process
was akin to putting together pieces of a puzzle in one‘s memory, and I began to
think that we might call this way of working ‘Architectural Ethnography.’ I thought
that if we could draw up a reconstruction plan based on a thorough understanding
of the village gained through the survey, then it could serve as an effective means
of illustrating and realizing an entire sequence linking past, present, and future.180

178 Galen Cranz, Ethnography for Designers, 1st ed. (London: Routledge, 2016), https://www-taylorfrancis-
com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/pdfviewer/; Galen Cranz et al., “Teaching Semantic Ethnography to Architecture
Students,” International Journal of Architectural Research: ArchNet-IJAR 8, no. 3 (November 30, 2014): 6,
https://doi.org/10.26687/archnet-ijar.v8i3.433.
179 Cranz, Ethnography for Designers, 5.

180 Momoyo Kaijima, “Learning from Architectural Ethnography,” HafenCity University’s Urban Design
master’s programme, Urban Design Reader, accessed September 15, 2020, http://urban-design-reader.de/
atrium-behaviorology/learning-from-architectural-ethnography.

78 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Kaijima further elaborates that architecture has “its own built-in means of critical
evaluation”— an autonomy, upon which, ethnography is overlaid to construct
architectural ethnography.181 In Atelier Bow-Wow’s experiment in architectural
ethnography, four themes of drawing the built environment are forwarded: drawing
of architecture, drawing for architecture, drawing among architecture, and drawing
around architecture.182

Jan Rathuizen’s book, ‘The Soft Atlas of Amsterdam: Hand Drawn Perspectives From
Daily Life,’ is a visually stimulating and ethnographically rich art work. He attributes
the use of the word, soft, in the title of the book to the 1974 book by Jonathan Raban
called ‘Soft City’ by saying:

His idea is that the city is where the solid concrete reality of buildings and asphalt
meets the malleable, subjective experience and expectations of the people who live
and work here.183

I began by simply recording my walks in text, photos, and sketches, and from there
I gradually developed an approach to drawing that combines text and images in
a way that pays equal attention to both. My drawings mostly consist of detailed
graphic and written stories of the places I visit. They are like the windows through
which I observe the everyday.184

As a located observer of an urban context, he relies on diligent and textual note

taking, sketching, interviews, photography (as reference for drawing), printed maps
(to position the notes in space), for gathering as much information as possible at a
time.185 This is then followed by an in-studio drawing process that puts the gathered
information into one rich drawing.

181 Kaijima.

182 Kaijima.

183 Jan Rothuizen, The Soft Atlas of Amsterdam: Hand Drawn Perspectives From Daily Life (Amsterdam:
Nieuw Amsterdam Uitgevers, 2014).
184 Jan Rothuizen, “Club Colombia” (n.d.).

185 Rothuizen.

79 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 FIG. 3.2 A drawing by Jan Rothuizen titled ‘Pyjama Days’ shows an interior space of an elderly woman
in Amsterdam. (Jan Rothuizen, The Soft Atlas of Amsterdam: Hand Drawn Perspectives From Daily Life
[Amsterdam: Nieuw Amsterdam Uitgevers, 2014], 42-3)

Threading through: positions and methods to cross-cut

The cross-disciplinary review of methods and methodological theories discussed

in the preceding section lays the foundation to the methodological hypothesis of
this dissertation. What is common in these theories and methods is their pluralistic
tendency—intent on inclusive reading of experiences and legitimization of
differences. Regardless of their individual disciplinary traditions, and while largely
situated in the pinnacles of Western academia, they offer either direct critics to
the reductive disposition of the trans-Atlantic theorization of the urban or new
possibilities to apprehend, comprehend and forward “other” theories and methods.
This, indeed, should not be seen as a combating effort, rather as a growth area
for knowledge regarding urbanization. Jane M. Jacobs draws our attention to the
weakness of comparative studies in “seeing differences for differences sake.”186

186 Jacobs, “Commentary—Comparing Comparative Urbanisms,” 905.

80 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 A reporting on patterns (seldom presented as evidence or cause) of similarity
among cases while ignoring anomalies and differences, she argues, is “fraught with
difficulty.”187 It discounts what Jennifer Robinson calls ‘ordinary cities,’ as it leads to
predictable conclusions as per the measures of comparison based on Western cities.

The methodological hypothesis of this dissertation is inserted on two tiers: on a

theoretical/positional level, and on intradisciplinary methodological level towards
interdisciplinary ends. First, positionally, it is an alignment with the aforementioned
epistemic drives for accounting for urban phenomena that are used to be considered
anomalies: a theoretic vantage point for the furtherance of methodologies to read
dissimilarities and complexities as they are, for the purposes of generating new
theories and imaginations of city-ness, and for capturing nuances within the sites
themselves. Secondly, advancement of qualitative research methods within individual
disciplines are necessary. To this end, a methodological innovation cross-cutting
disciplinary traditions, either in a collaborative setting or in single disciplinary
research, is needed. These advancements should not only be cognisant of other
disciplinary methods and traditions but develop grafted techniques both to equip
themselves and enhance collaboration in overlapping conceptual territories. In
this regard, research in architecture, design, and planning disciplines needs to
advance further than adopting qualitative approaches such as ethnography and
phenomenology. In areas such as, tactics of fieldwork, methods, and timing of
analysis, reporting and theorization approaches, there are vast areas for improvement.

In summary, threading through the reviewed methodologies and theories of methods

in this section, a fertile ground for the discovery of new and cross-cutting methods
for design research can be found. The main characteristics of this ground are:

1 It stands on the position that theory can be discovered from a ‘systematically

collected and analysed data.’
2 Its data collection, analysis and theory development are performed simultaneously.
3 It is mindful of the languages, meanings and actions used by researchers and
research participants.
4 It accords sufficient care in reporting on dissimilarities and differences, as much
as similarities.
5 It recognizes the use of visual materials and technics as techniques of data
collection, analysis and presentation/description.
6 It is cautious of exclusive comparisons and comfortable with anomalies within and
among different contexts.

187 Jacobs, 905.

81 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 ON/
GROUNDED THEORY

PLORATI
- discovery of theory from social data
- simultaneous performance of data collection
analysis and theory development

L EX
- attending to language, meaning and actions

RCHES
OLOGICA
E RESEA
METHOD
COMPARATIVE URBANISM
IV

- systematic study of similarities & differences

OALITAT

- implicit and explicit comparisons

- use of differences and estrangements
UTTING

as modes of analysis & critique

- contemporary/’horizontal’/ synchronic and
S OF QU

historical/’vertical’/diachronic analysis
CROSS-C
FEATURE
ITIES FOR

VISUAL ETHNOGRAPHY
- the visual material as a form of
note taking, object of analysis, and technique
/OPPORTUN

of representation
- equal attention to textual and visual material

FIG. 3.3 Main features of qualitative research with similar conceptual intents—nuanced reading of
experiences—as opportunities for exploration of cross-cutting, new methods.

82 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
3.3 The Frames: Stories, ethnography,
and visual evidencing

The frames of the trinocular are not merely metaphoric, but they hold the whole
methodology together. They serve as tools of documentation, analysis and
representation or description. They apply to all stages of the fieldwork as discussed
in section 3.5. to document what is seen through all the three viewing lenses.
Threading through the theories of methods reviewed in section 3.2, these three
frames serve as techniques that cross-cut disciplinary traditions and allow the
researcher to probe different aspects of complex urban conditions at a time. Below
are positional discussions and practical applications (within the current research) of
these frames: stories, visual evidencing, and ethnography.

“What the map cuts up, the story cuts across.”188

Stories offer a unique access into lived experiences, practiced lives and places; not
limited in scope or purpose to freezing a once past event but traversing times and
borders. Beyond describing object characteristics, flows, interplays and distinctions
of spaces, stories play more profound role in founding, shaping, and authorizing
them. Inversely, they can also render them inexistent or cause their loss through
exclusion or by reducing them to mere “museographical objects.”189

Michel de Certeau, in The Practice of Everyday Life, illustriously discussed the

unreplaceable role of stories in making, narrating, and enacting the dynamic nature of
spaces and social performances. He states, stories are spatial trajectories that, in similar
fashion as vehicles of mass transport, crisscross and interlink different nodes, “traverse
and organize” places.190 Stories identify places and actualize spaces—they transform
places from still constellation of forms into spaces actuated by practices, and vice versa,

188 Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven F. Rendall, 3rd ed. (Berkerley, UNITED
STATES: University of California Press, 2011), 129, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.
action?docID=922939.
189 de Certeau, 123.

190 “In modern Athens, the vehicles of mass transportation are called metaphoria. To go to work or come
home, one takes ‘metaphor’—a bus or a train. Stories could also take this noble name: every day, they
traverse and organize places; they select and link them together; they make sentences and itineraries out of
them. They are spatial trajectories.” de Certeau, 115.

83 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 and “organize the play of changing relationships between places and spaces.”191 By
identifying places they provide a locating map and in the utterance of successive actions
they provide a tour. Maps are fixed in time and make actions visual and legible; they only
capture what was once, but they deduct the continuum of happenings from discourse.
They draw a ‘route’ that never existed before the act of walking happened, whereas
stories enliven the walking act itself. Everyday stories are treatments of space, they make
its potentials conceivable for the audience; they nudge the fixed lines and symbols on a
plane into imaginations of practices. They go beyond description and unfix phenomena;
they venture into founding and articulating spaces. Stories can also be operations of
marking out boundaries of spaces; they validate, arrange, and rearrange their frontiers.
Furthermore, they privilege a “logic of ambiguity,”192 among the interstices of societal,
metaphorical, or actual limits; they narrate and reveal anomalies and delinquencies.

In discussing the relation of theory to a discourse of composed stories, de

Certeau stated:

In many works, narrativity insinuates itself into scientific discourse as its general
denomination (its title), as one of its parts (“case” studies, “life stories,” or stories
of groups, etc.) or as its counterpoint (quoted fragments, interviews, “sayings,”
etc.). Narrativity haunts such discourses. Shouldn’t we recognize its scientific
legitimacy by assuming that instead of being a remainder that cannot be, or has
not yet been, eliminated from discourse, narrativity has a necessary function in
it, and that a theory of narration is indissociable from a theory of practices, as its
condition as well as its production?193

The truth value that researchers seek out of stories needs to be checked. The role
of stories beyond description is articulated by de Certeau as the creation of fictional
space; and that narration’s pursuit is not the ‘getting close to’ or arresting what is
‘real’ via textualization, but it is an act of hitting a balance in which place, time, and
the speaker partake. Toward this goal, he proposes that, a more explicit scientific
model wherein theory of everyday practices mimics the way of narration is needed.

The writing of the stories itself is allegorical; it is more than just inscription of what
is said. James Clifford urges for the acceptance of the inescapably allegorical nature
of ethnographic text.194 The impulse to redeem phenomena in a certain way and

191 de Certeau, 118.

192 de Certeau, 128.

193 de Certeau, 78.

194 James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography,
Experiments in Contemporary Anthropology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), 99.

84 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 voice for eternity needs to be resisted in writing by “opening ourselves to different
histories.”195 And that, the meanings of cultural accounts are uncontainable as there
exists no means to separate the factual from the allegorical.

The data of ethnography makes sense only within patterned arrangements and
narratives, and these are conventional, political, and meaningful in a more than
referential sense.196

Allegory thus, primes narratives and stories embedded in the writing process and the
resulting text. It adds temporal aspects to the reading process and complicates both
the writing and reading process in a useful manner. Furthermore, awareness of the
implicit and explicit narratives and temporal setups in a culture increases as allegoric
awareness increases. The unrealistic fear that the recognition of allegory may lead to
“a nihilism of reading” should thus be overcome from the get-go.197

Pictorial documentation, and representation are staple techniques to the design

and planning professions. From site study to the projective workings of these
disciplines, visual materials play a major role. As culture is increasingly becoming
the main subject of discourse in such fields, ethnography as an “interdisciplinary
phenomenon”198 is gaining authority and rhetoric momentum. Similarly, visual
representation is credited in social research for its benefits in not only data collection
and analysis but also in “overcoming analytic paralysis;” it is a productive way of
thinking across various types of data, and various scales of research.199 It enables
reflexive social research by exposing the research and researchers situatedness—
sieving through the messy process social research itself.

Such epistemic and methodological intersections avail space for the discovery of
new understandings and methodological innovation. Visual evidencing emerges
advantageous in such a condition where the primacy of stories, and exposition and
writing the allegoric narratives of a complex context is required, as a form of both
visual and textual ethnography.

195 Clifford and Marcus, 119.

196 Clifford and Marcus, 119.

197 Clifford and Marcus, 120.

198 Clifford and Marcus, 3.

199 Clarke, Friese, and Washburn, Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping Research with Grounded Theory,
172.

85 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 Fieldworks of in-depth interviews, go-along observation, and mapping works
constitute the documentation function of the frames. A multi-step analytic process
involving translation, transcription, and situational mapping also employ the
frames in a non-linear manner. And within the writing process, a composition of
stories, maps, and illustrations emerge as visual writings. This includes selection of
sites, themes, voices, and formats that represent the seen through the lenses. For
instance, in chapter 5, the discussion of social networks relies heavily on textual
narration, whereas the spatial-typological discussion in chapter 6 requires greater
use of visual illustrations. These steps are not sequential and any discovery or lack
thereof at one of the steps prompts a move into another at any time and stage.

3.4 The Lenses: Cognitive borders, social

relationships, and spatial typologies

The discovery of the lenses from the exploratory phase of the fieldwork for this
research is introduced in section 3.5 below. The lenses are neither exhaustive nor
exclusive of other features of the sefer or other communities in other contexts. They
are rather specific to the case site conditions and can be taken as exemplary to
what kind of viewing points can be set up to investigate complex urban conditions.
Their validity across various contexts or ability to be extrapolated to other sefer
conditions is not tested in this research. Yet, within the objectives of this research,
since they are extractions from an observed reality with a special focus on features
of peculiarity, they provide competent nuances to other dominant forms of readings
that currently are in practice. The findings through these lenses will be discussed in
chapters 4, 5, and 6. The introduction of the lenses below will be brief.

One of the complexities of sefer, as discussed in the previous chapter, is the

multiplicity of border-making through different regimes and the contradictions
regarding public knowledge of the sefer in its spatiality—its limits as understood
by the dwellers. State agencies have enacted differing territories and labels/names
(including numbers) to identify, locate, and administer communities at different
times. This by itself creates diffused understanding of the sefer limits. Added to
that, members of sefer communities ratify spatial limits and conditions differently
than the state mechanisms. Thus, borders that are cognized by dwellers of sefer
contradict official maps in multiple case areas. Furthermore, what is delineated

86 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 by the communities themselves may vary among groups and individuals. Dwellers
comprehension of spatiality is thus an essential study that, for instance, stories
can expose. Dimensions, orientation, and affinity are aspects of spatiality that the
analysis of stories enriches the study of cognitive borders with.200

The investigation of the types, strength, and spatial manifestation of social

relationships in sefer comprises the second lens of the trinocular—social
relationships. In contexts where welfare mechanisms are weak or absent, risk
mitigation and social security are gained through relationships outside of state
mechanisms. Sefer are rich with such social networks that provide such values
to dwellers. Understanding these networks and their features is thus essential to
comprehend the sefer and its complexities.

Of interest, especially to design and planning disciplines, is the study of spaces

within the sefer that typify it. The organic evolution and morphology, the physical
dilapidation, and visually cluttered appearance of sefer obscure such spaces in sefer. A
typological enquiry thus will uncover qualities essential for comprehending the sefer.

3.5 Sites, fieldwork, and method of analysis

Site sefer

As indicated at the beginning of this chapter, the subjects of this research are three
case sefer in Addis Ababa selected based on two criteria. The first criterium is
time—the basic fact that these sefer have been part of the city since its foundation.
Through time, multiple sefer have been formed, but as young a city Addis Ababa is,
it is important to peak into the historically embedded ones. The second criterium
is the type of sefer as elaborated by Bahru Zewde.201 The ‘sefer of the nobility,’ the
‘occupational’ sefer, and the ‘community’ (based on place of origin, prior moving to
Addis Ababa, or ethnicity of settlers) sefer. These typologies have also been alluded

200 de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, 123.

201 Zewde, “Early Safars of Addis Ababa: Patterns of Evolution,” 46–47.

87 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 to by Fasil Giorghis and Denis Gérard, as they categorise them as named-after
“chief of the land…, main activity of the inhabitants, … name of the parish church,
… dominant ethnic group that settled in the area.”202 In Zewde’s categories, sefer
known for/by the parish church are related to ‘sefer of nobilities.’ In addition, Peter
P. Garretson highlights that it is the military or nobilities’ sefer not the ‘atbiya’ or
parish that was dominant both in forming the city and in identifying locations and
orientation physically.203 Thus, this dissertation follows in not presenting ‘atbiya’ as
a separate type. The following are brief introductions to the selected sefer.

Dejach Wube sefer is named after Dejazmach Wube Atnaf Seged, a military
commander,204 and a son-in-law to Emperor Menelik II, as he was married to
Princess Zewditu Menelik in 1891.205 He was thus, like the few others favoured by the
emperor, offered a large tract of land to settle in the newly founded capital. Similar
to other areas in the city, what was a forest and plain field, is gradually cleared as
new residents built new houses and settled as per the wish of the Dejach. Situated
North of the prominent Kidus Giorgis (St. George) or Arada Giorgis church and Arada
market, this land had major locational significance. During Melinik’s reign Arada, as
an area, would swiftly grow to become the vibrant commercial centre of the city, and
in later times, especially in 1960’s a cultural hub. It is during the later period Dejach
Wube sefer attained the informal name “Wube Bereha” (Wube Desert). Though it is
difficult to find the reasoning for the choice of the word ‘desert’ in this name, during
this period, it had become the place with popular cafés, bars, and night clubs—a
brewing spot for alternative cultures. It was the arena of cultural experimentation
and performance, especially of ‘modern’ Ethiopian literary and entertainment
cultures. Popular figures and celebrities frequented the sefer as it was considered the
place where modernity manifested. Current residents, some of whom are informants
to this research, reminisce about those times with nostalgia as they worry about
its contemporary state. Today, significant portions of the sefer are demolished for
redevelopment purposes and the remaining dwellers anticipate the same will happen
soon to their area.

202 Fasil Giorghis and Denis Gerard, The City & Its Architectural Heritage, Addis Ababa 1986-1941, La Ville
Son Patrimoine Architectural (Addis Ababa: Shama Books, 2007), 42.
203 Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba from Its Foundation in 1886 to 1910, 2.

204 ‘Dejazmach’ is a military title that Peter P. Garretson translates directly as “commander of the door,” and
equivalently as “commander of the rear guard.” In contemporary, colloquial use it is shortened as ‘Dejach.’
Garretson, 2, 177.
205 Giorghis and Gerard, The City & Its Architectural Heritage, Addis Ababa 1986-1941, La Ville Son
Patrimoine Architectural, 234.

88 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Serategna sefer, translates from Amharic as workers’ sefer, thus fitting into the
occupational sefer category. As key informants and literature reveal, the founding
residents of the sefer were those who followed Emperor Menelik from Ankober—his
former seat, and were preoccupied with tasks such as fixing rifles, making horse
saddles, and daily-use tools.

The most numerous of the workers were those working in iron. They were divided
into two groups, the fitters and the more numerous the forgers. The former were
the most skilful, could repair the parts of a rifle, make iron lances, bits, chains
and sabres.206

Similar to Dejach Wube, it is located close to Arada marker, but borders it from
South. In addition to the trade advantage the industrious workers’ quarter enjoys
because of its location, it was also where most foreigners (i.e. Greek, Armenian, and
Indian workers and traders) worked and resided. It was not only the ‘workshop of the
city’ but also the place where active exchange of technology and culture happened.

Even though there were a few noble households living in this sefer,207 the most
known and referred to, till date, by residents, as owning large portion of the land is
Basha208 Mulat Belayneh. Multiple informants stated that he inherited the properties
from his father Belayneh,209 who was deceased at a battle in Maychew, in which both
of them took part. Basha Mulat is rather known as a trader, landowner, and landlord
in the area than his military engagements. He was later killed during the revolution
that toppled the monarchy in 1974 and his properties nationalized in keeping with
the declaration for nationalization of extra properties. Similar to the case of Dejach
Wube sefer, residents in serategna sefer harbour a feeling of uncertainty and
insecurity as they witness neighbouring sefer be cleared for development purposes.

206 Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba from Its Foundation in 1886 to 1910, 98.

207 Multiple interviews show, Fitawrari Yigletu, Balambaras Tilaye, and Basha Yigletu as some notable names
of noble men who resided in the area and whose descendant’s still live in serategna sefer.
208 ‘Basha’ is a title given to low ranking military personnel.

209 This research was not able to identify Belayneh as a noble or military person in relation to Emperor
Menilik II, but an informant has disclosed that both Basha Mulat and Belayneh have been at a battle in
Maychew, where the later was deceased.

89 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 Geja sefer is named after an ethnic group and a place called Geja, 230 kilometres
South of Addis Ababa. The fast pace of settlement in the early years of Addis Ababa
demanded workforce of builders, carpenters, and weavers. Geja sefer was a vast
land administered by Menelik’s Azzazs210—Azzaz Gezaw until 1906 and Azzaz Wolde
Tsadik from 1906-09.211 Especially the later, as he was also the leader of the region
of origin in Southern Ethiopia, facilitated the seasonal migration to the capital to
supply the labour force required by the seat of the empire. Currently, it is a sefer tied
to Merkato, both in proximity and daily trade, as most of its residents heavily rely
on small scale production and exchange based on this locational advantage. Among
residents, the clearing of nearby communities for housing developments, such as the
case in Lideta, pose similar insecurities as the previous two case sefer.

Fieldwork

The fieldwork for this research is done in three separate periods with durations of
two, four and three months each consecutively—a total of nine months. From July to
September of 2017, two forms of explorations were performed. The first is a survey
of Addis Ababa’s sefer, with a mapping exercise to identify and locate the most
notable ones. This included focus group session of mapping, interviews with elders
and urban historians, and periodically walking through six prominent areas: Geja,
Doro Maneqia, Serategna, Gedam, Dejach Wube and Gebar sefer. Together with the
literature review and prior documentations of the conditions of sefer, this survey was
essential to set out the overall story of sefer as individual areas within the city as well
as a connected systems and relations.

210 “The superintendent of the servants, head of the household, either of a noble or the emperor. A
commander or chief.” Garretson, A History of Addis Abäba from Its Foundation in 1886 to 1910, 176.
211 Garretson, 29, 32.

90 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 1 A focus group session, exploration to identify notable sefer in the center of Addis Ababa, 2017. 

2 A sketch output marking sefer in Arada area.

FIG. 3.4 Focus group working session, identifying prominent sefer in the larger Arada area of Addis Ababa.

91 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 DEJACH Addis Ababa
WUBE Restaurant
SEFER Patrice
AA Police Lumemba Ras Mekonnen bridge
Commission Mekdela Hotel 70 Dereja

Soramba Brhane selam

printing press Ras Mekonnen Fountain
DATSON Hotel
SEFER 100 Dereja

Hager Fikir

GEDAM
SEFER Mekonnen Habtewolde

Tesema Eshete
Col. Robinson
DORO
Jurnalists Association MANEKIA
TALIAN Addis Ababa Municipality SEFER
SEFER
Jimma Bar ( Mussie Minas)
Sebara Babur Oumer Kayam
ATKILT
TERA Texas Tea House
Asegedech Alamrewu
Bartolome Mvucci
Indian Community
Shalom Shalom Apartments
Darmar
Sinague Merry Aramde
Tefera Sharewu Wolde Giorgis
SERATEGNA
Tesfaye Kejela SEFER
Cotinental Hotel
First Video Center

Landmarks Brick House

South British Insurance
Popular Residences Company
Mereba Tej
Identified Sefers Bank of Abyssinia Finance

Seasonal River

FIG. 3.5 Map showing sefer in the larger Arada area as preliminary finding—a result of focus group mapping exercise.

The second form of exploration was sharply focused on Dejach Wube sefer. The
main objectives of this phase were observing the environs, establishing rapport with
members of the community, identifying main activities from the domestic to the
common spaces, and preliminary data collection and analysis. It is thus, a first step
in forming the basis for the methodological approach and conceptual frames of this
research. Through repeated visits and non-selective, sefer-wide, in-depth interviews,
go-along observations, mapping and drawing exercises four main conceptual areas

92 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 were noted for further exploration. A series of quick and messy exercises of situational
and relational mapping were useful in deciding which thematic to pursue.212

1 Dwellers’ cognitive understanding of the sefer

As was discussed in chapter 2, the administrative delineation and identification of
sefer and the informal—rather popular—understanding of its limits are seldom
different. A rather practical query into residents understanding of the borders of
the sefer leads to physical, emotional, and historical marks that are not necessarily
the same for all individuals. Through layered mapping of multiple responses and
intervening with reductive and eliminative analyses some common borders can be
identified. In addition to these shared understandings of the surrounding, a more
detailed query into individuals’ experiences, attachments and sense of belongingness
yields personalized spaces that are marked by one’s networks, movements,
and experiences.

2 Social networks and economic relationships

A young man living in one of the compounds in Dejach Wube sefer recycles
newspapers and old books to produce paper trays that he then sells to cafeterias in
the vicinity, which they in turn use to serve cookies and pastries to their customers.
Funeral associations are used to collect and organize resources so as to support
those in dire need of help during mourning of lost ones and in recent practices even
those who need help because of emergent misfortunes of personal and communal
nature. These are only a couple of examples of the type of social networks and
economic relationships that are integral to life in the sefer. The broader Arada
district is a vibrant business area, complemented by the neighboring wholesale
markets such as Merkato and Atikilt Tera,213 residents of the sefer heavily rely on
home-based businesses and relationships to meet ends meet on a daily basis.

3 Physical and spatial landmarks deemed indispensable by residents

Dejach Wube sefer, which is also known as Wube Bereha (Wube desert) for its
vibrant night life during 1960s-80s has been an attraction to many who seek leisure,
business, arts and progressive cultures. Residents constantly refer to that period
with nostalgia to the activities and places. Most informants came to the area during
this ‘high time’ of the sefer. Faced with the threat of relocation they passionately
call for some features of the sefer to be retained as heritage. A bar named after the

212 see also, Clarke, Friese, and Washburn, Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping Research with Grounded
Theory, 171–74.
213 Merkato is a large area of open market at the center of Addis Ababa and Atikilt Tera is a fruits and
vegetable market, the largest in Ethiopia.

93 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 Congolese independence fighter and first prime minister of the then Republic of
the Congo, Patrice Lumumba, was the go-to ‘night club’ where most of Ethiopia’s
popular singers of the time performed. The banquet hall of Dejach Wube Atnaf Seged,
and the current Addis Ababa restaurant is another significant element residents
claim to be a landmark ‘worth fighting for.’ Some residents indicate the whole street
connecting the two as a street full of memories thus a space of significance to them.
Both the stories and the landmarks need to be surveyed further as indicators of the
sense of belongingness residents feel in broader sefer.

4 Claimed, contested and negotiated spaces

Since most of the houses in the sefer are state owned, there is almost no opportunity
to make physical changes to the built houses. Yet, temporary structures such as
fences and walls made of corrugated iron sheets, plants and planters are used to
claim spaces for use by individual household. For lack of infrastructure and services,
families are forced to share amenities such as kitchens, toilets and water taps.
For example, washing clothes is a daily negotiation for the use of shared spaces
and amenities like the tap. A festive event of a family is a responsibility shared by
many as it happens, in many cases, in shared courtyard-like spaces shared among
households. Such dynamic use of space for different purposes by a number of
families is guided by the physical structures but a definitive character that defines
the spaces themselves is also generated because of it.

The second fieldwork (January–May 2018) followed a review of the above conceptual
frames, and the formation of the three lenses of the trinocular. The lenses are thus
an extension of these initial conceptions. Noting the overlapping nature of the frames
discussed in points 3 & 4 above, while formulating the methodology, an inclusive
conception is adopted—spatial typologies. The other development prior to the
second fieldwork was the choice of case sefer as discussed earlier in this section.

This phase of the fieldwork rigorously documented all three selected case sites on
the sefer level and the gebbi (compound) level. The compounds in the sefer are
results of organic growth of the sefer that are situated in; subdivisions of the area
based on different tenure arrangements across many years and regimes. They
reflect the initial organic beginnings of the sefer based on topography of the land
and access but also later developments such as the 1975 nationalization of land
properties that distributed buildings within compounds to new dwellers. This is
reflected both in density and demographic composition of sefer. Most importantly,
within sefer the gebbi are identifiers of a degree of relations lower in scale than the
sefer. In all cases they have names given to them for different reasons—dominant
domestic occupation, names of notable persons, names of the place of origin of some
or most of the dwellers, or a coincidental historic phenomenon within the community.

94 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Documentation of the gebbi is conducted based on accessibility for research and
rapport established in all the three sefer.

The main objective of this phase of the research was thus, to document the selected
sefer by employing the three methodological lenses: cognitive borders, social
relations, and spatial typologies. To this end, further in-depth interviews, go-along
observations, mapping and drawing exercises were conducted.

The third fieldwork was a focus on a single gebbi per sefer, for detailed
documentation and analysis. It expanded on in-depth interviews performed in earlier
phases, and intensified on visual evidencing through videography, photography and
drawings. Meqdela Gebbi, Qibe Gebbi, and Beqel Gebbi are the three compounds
chosen from Dejach Wube, Serategna and Geja Sefer respectively.

In summary, the three phases of fieldwork followed a narrowing-down approach

in scalar terms, from exploring and grasping the sefer as a part in the larger
urban dynamics to the detailed documentation of a compound within sefer. In this
process, the methodology was constantly being updated based on analysis of the
collected information.

Method of analysis—a patchwork of stories

There are five forms of information gathered during the field work for this research—
interviews, videos, photographs, drawings and maps. All interviews are conducted
in the local language Amharic, then translated and transcribed into English. Most of
the videos recorded are done without prior notification of a visit to the sites, while
some of them are planned to capture moments that are peculiar to the settings.
For example, if a home-based economic production, has a specific high time during
the day, this was pointed out by the informants and the recordings are planned as
such. The same applies to photographic documentation. Drawing and mapping were
done as part of the notetaking but also served as means of communication with
informants at the sites. Digitization and further illustration of these initial maps and
drawings is done in later stages, either immediately after a site visit or as part of the
analytic and writing work.

95 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
 Korea
Gebbi

Tasa FIG. 3.6 Gebbi (shared

Gebbi
compounds) within Dejach
Wube, Serategna, and Geja
sefer selected for detailed
documentation.
Saris
Axum Gebbi
Gebbi

Katanga
Gebbi
Mekdela
Gebbi

1 Dejach Wube sefer

50-Beteseb
Qibe Gebbi
Gebbi Balambaras
Gebbi

Basha
Mulat
Gebbi

2 Serategna sefer

Memher
Tesema
Gebbi

Beqel Gash
Gebbi Semmu
Gebbi
Tadesse
Gebbi

Gash
Kidane
Gebbi
3 Geja sefer

96 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Even though all forms of data collection were used while looking through the three
lenses discussed in the previous sections, each carried different weights in different
lenses in the analytic process. For instance, the view through typologies and
morphologies relies heavily on drawings and photographs than the interviews. And
the study of social relationships makes the most use of mapping and interviews than
drawings and photographs. This is further reflected in the discussion chapters that
follow, in which, discussions and analyses as per a lens are presented in some of
these forms than others. In chapters 4 and 5 stories of interviewees are presented
separate from visual illustrations and descriptive text whereas in chapter 6 the
stories are presented as part of the visual narration of the spatial typology. It is an
analytic process by itself, within which the presentation formats vary depending on
the type of information processed and narrated.

As discussed in earlier, the first analytic intervention was done together with
the exploratory fieldwork that led to the discovery of the four conceptual frames
that later became three. These conceptual frames then became the lenses of the
trinocular—integral to the methodology thereafter. The second analytic intervention
is organizing the data according to the three lenses. During analysis, especially of
the stories told by informants, multiple interventions have been taken. First is the
translation (from Amharic to English) and transcription of the recorded interviews.
Translation already introduces the researcher’s role in textualizing and intervention
by infusing meaning to the stories with English speaking audience in mind. Here thus,
cultural and linguistic allegories, even before the writing process begins, appear in
the plot. Not only the storified circumstances (time and place), and the storyteller/
interviewee, but also the interpreter (in this case the researcher) participate in
the construction of the narrative. The second analytic step is situational mapping
(both messy and ordered maps) of the information in the translated and transcribed
text—a multistep process by itself. Thirdly, the situational maps are juxtaposed with
the observational data: field notes, maps, photographs, videos, and drawings. The
contents of the notes are either directly taken from the notes of the fieldwork, or
reiterative and reflective writings in later stages. Recorded videos and audios are
utilized in formulating some of these notes in retrospective evaluation.

97 Trinocular: a methodology for nuanced reading of sefer

TOC
98 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
TOC
4 Cognitive borders
of sefer
Understanding cognition as driven culturally, affectively, and in terms of “embodied
action”214 presents us with an alternative understanding of borders as socially
constructed.215

A recent article by James Wiley Scott begins with the claim; “[l]inking borders to
cognition can widen our understandings of space–society relations.”216 Based on
two case localities in Berlin and Warsaw, the article sought “to associate cognition,
borders, and everyday processes of place-making.”217 It further argues that places
and borders are crucial for “meaning-making;” they are co-constitutive of each
other; border-making is a process of cognition and imagination; and the means
to access these links is tapping into narratives and stories. This chapter builds on
these assertions and argues that the complexity within, and the seeming monotony
in the expansive appearance of Addis Ababa’s sefer can better be untangled;
engrained distinctions can be identified and the scale of meaningful associations
and placeness, as located knowledge can be produced through the lens of cognitive
borders. Consequently, fundamental understanding of an element of space-society
relations that is crucial for design and planning functions—scale, at various levels,
is established.

The notions of ‘placeness,’ ‘thereness’ and ‘belongingness’ in a certain community

are tied to its residents’ spatial comprehension—distinction of parts of the environ,
relations among them, stories that constitute them, and changes and adaptations
that are storified amidst and among them. Cognition, in this case, refers to the act or

214 Francisco J. Varela, Evan Thompson, and Eleanor Rosch, The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Science and
Human Experience (MIT Press, 1991) as cited in; James Wesley Scott, “Cognitive Geographies of Bordering:
The Case of Urban Neighbourhoods in Transition,” Theory & Psychology, October 17, 2020, 1–18, https://
doi.org/10.1177/0959354320964867.
215 Scott, “Cognitive Geographies of Bordering.”

216 Scott.

217 Scott, 12.

99 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 process of knowing or understanding one’s environment. And one essential aspect
of such cognition is identifying limits, components, parts and relations. Contrary to
the linear and demarcating import of the term ‘boundary,’ border as a terminology,
embodies such cognition and the intersubjective meanings of a place in a “bounded,
yet open and dynamic” manner.218 As such borders are complex; their command
goes well beyond the arrestive notion as seldom used by mappers and administrators
of localities, rather it redistributes agency to those who create, endorse and
liven them—the residents. It indeed is true that “borders ‘happen to people’ and
people subsequently accommodate and negotiate borders as part of their lives.”219
Furthermore, through everyday practices, stories and imaginations, communities
encode and bring them to socio-spatial reality. Borders are not merely organizational
tools of governance or political means of fixing limits and relations, they are rather
dynamic expressions of the imagined, experienced and the narrativized practices of
daily lives. Hence, they can be perceptions, ideas and/or imaginations as much as
they can be physical features.

Henk Van Houtum and Ton Van Naerssen state that it is unjust for the word
‘borders’ to assume places as fixed in space and time—instead, borders “symbolize
a social practice of spatial differentiation.”220 Social relations individuals are
rooted in produce their social identity that must be comprehended as collective
“processes of continuous ‘re-writing’ of the self and of social collectives.”221 This
process manifests with thrust in communities where resources are limited and life
circumstances are less predictable. These conditions enforce the “cognitive nature
of bordering”222 that is exhibited in how distinctions and relations are established in
places and communities. In order to understand borders beyond what is physical and
visible, identify meanings that are seldom off the official maps, and account for time
and change that can render or suspend placeness, it is essential to document and
analyze dwellers’ stories and visualize the distinctions and relationalities in sefer.

218 Scott, 6.

219 Scott, 2.

220 Henk Van Houtum and Ton Van Naerssen, “Bordering, Ordering and Othering,” Tijdschrift Voor
Economische En Sociale Geografie 93, no. 2 (2002): 126, https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9663.00189.
221 Houtum and Naerssen, 132.

222 James W. Scott, “Introduction: Bordering, Ordering. Othering (Almost) Twenty Years On,” Tijdschrift
Voor Economische En Sociale Geografie n/a, no. n/a, accessed October 28, 2020, https://doi.org/10.1111/
tesg.12464.

100 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 A pilot observation of Addis Ababa’s sefer reveals some common features as vivid
borders. Regarding the wider sefer areas, varying street sizes and activities that
accompany them signal distinctions, natural features such as rivers give limits to
parts, landmarks provide anchors and reference points. Walking into the interiors
of sefer, while most streets are lively, their limits are framed by fences made up of
a sequence of corrugated iron sheets, masonry, vegetation, and solid facades of
residential buildings. A peek through open gates offers yet another tier of borders in
the form of railings, small scale gardens, floor level differences, and textile or plastic
curtains; an overburdened use of shared spaces is characterized by flexible, small-
scale demarcations.

Such initial observation can only form the basis for more exploration of borders as
they relate to sefer. A few conversations with residents quickly expose that, borders
that one can draw based on what is visible in the form of streets, topography and
landmarks fail to apprehend the nuances that make places. For example, what
was marked as Serategna sefer during the first phase of this research, as mainly
bounded by Haileselassie I street and Bantyiketu river is later discovered to be a
composition of three sefer—Serategna sefer, Gebar sefer, and Menze sefer. In other
words, Serategna sefer covers a smaller area than initially identified. This was further
reinforced with detailed markers through in-depth interviews with residents of the
sefer in later stages.

During different political regimes, administrative borders regarding sefer have

changed a number of times. These are lines drawn for governing reasons, that
form areas with names composed of a generic word (equivalent to district) and
numbers. Except for rare incidents, the dominant phenomenon in Addis Ababa
is that official borders and borders of sefer as residents describe them, hardly
coincide, nor are they part of the everyday narrative. Administrators’ demarcation of
borders invokes residents’ receptive, adaptive, or rejective reaction, which by itself
becomes a dynamic part of everyday practices and stories. For instance, Dejach
Wube sefer includes a part within its larger set up, what residents refer to as Zero
Amst (Zero Five); a name that refers to the administrative border established during
the Derg administration of 1974-91, as Kebele 05. Even though, the administrative
nomenclature has since been changed (currently lower administrative districts are
called ‘Woreda’ instead of ‘kebele’), the borders cover different areas than they used
to, and more specifically, Zero Amst is already demolished and is set to be replaced
by new development, the name Zero Amst still lingers in the nostalgic stories told by
residents who remain in the sefer. Respondents to this research link the prevalence
of Zero Amst as a storified place to the social ties severed because of its demolition,
and not to endorsement of the demarcations of previous regimes.

101 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 In some cases, borders are suspended or undefined due to changing realities.
When changes happen one after the other unpredictability sets in, making residents
uncertain and anxious. Prior to the demolition of Zero Amst, Dejach Wube sefer was
a larger area dissected by Benin street running North-east, and Zero Amst was a
community east of this street. During interviews conducted in the sefer, informants
showed hesitation to respond to the changing environment. Most resorted to
a ‘we will see what is to come but…’ sort of incomplete answers. This is but a
contemporary example that shows the overarching effects of time and change in
defining borders and developing meaning and placeness in communities.

The three sections below are, sefer by sefer descriptions of findings of the research.
They illustrate the multi-scalar manifestation of the cognitive borders in Dejach
Wube, Serategna and Geja sefer consecutively. At the beginning of each section,
pertinent physical border conditions in each sefer are discussed. These play
introductive roles and provide basic orientation to the contexts. Then, they are
followed by description of sefer wide cognitive border conditions based on interviews
and contemporaneous narratives from academic and popular discourses. Thirdly,
selected stories from interviews, and maps that work in tandem with them, bring
forth specific, intra-sefer border conditions. These are based on responses that
interviewees gave to variant forms of the questions:

– Which area would you say is your sefer as a resident?

– What part of this sefer would you say you personally belong to?

Follow up probes within the frame of these questions are used to facilitate multiple
responses and clarifications that are then used to generate maps both on and off the
fieldwork. Section 4.4 then, puts the site specific findings presented in the preceding
three sections, in a broader view and link them back to the comprehension of space-
society relations—the notions of ‘placeness,’ ‘thereness,’ ‘belongingness’ and scale
of cognized sense of places in the sefer.

102 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
4.1 Dejach wube sefer

Before going into the exploration of the cognitive borders, those that are imagined,
experienced and narrativized; it is important to mark those that are physical in nature.
Topography, streets and alleys, fences and walls, and landmarks can be observed as
physical borders at the initial levels of investigation. Locating these features at this stage
helps to spatialize residents’ narratives, as we inspect the non-physical ones in later stages.

Physical border conditions

The most pronounced topographical feature of Dejach Wube sefer is the vertical rise of
about thirty-three meters as one moves from the Northeastern corner (Afencho Ber) to
its Northwestern corner following Botswana Street into Senegal Street. While the sefer’s
average elevation, predominantly, levels with the southernmost tip of Benin street; a
street that dissects the sefer, its Northeastern parts are elevated and retained by a
masonry wall that is six meters tall at its peak point. This topographic condition explains
the frequency of inward access streets that increases as one moves Southward, and
the sefer gradually levels with main streets. Topographic logics in establishing borders
persists as one moves into the smaller alleys that form clusters within the sefer. The
meandering and organic morphology thus, is a result of early days’ footpaths that were
established with minimal attack to the topography. Furthermore, parcels and plots that
became the borders of gebbi arise from the nexus between the topographic features
and the various land tenure systems and property regulations across varying regimes.

Landmarks, especially those embedded in the local narratives and used in everyday
practice by residents, are also important markers of border making and marking.
Places such as the Italian Cultural Institute may have transnational relevance in
demarcation while the Addis Ababa Police Commission building complex can be
taken as a city-wide reference. Whereas, local schools, heritage buildings, and
business establishments such as hotels serve as references to the scope of the
Dejach Wube sefer and its neighboring communities. The further we study the
community, local places, streets and facilities become apparent means of distinction.

A distinct feature to sefer in Addis Ababa is the use of corrugated iron sheet fencing
to create tactile borders to gebbi. In addition to this physical limit, gebbi are distinctly
named borders, with their individual histories and identities. Since these borders are
results of organic evolution processes, they are irregular in size, shape, number of
households, and as will be discussed in Chapter 6 , in their internal spatial logic.

103 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 t.
alS Bots
g
ne wana
Se St.

t.

st
in S

Am
Ben

o
Zer

FIG. 4.1 Dejach Wube sefer: Topography, alleys and plots.

104 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 1

15
3
4 2

7
20
5 6 8

9
10
18
12 11 14

17
13

19

16

1 Afencho Ber park 11 Sheraton restaurant

2 Bilichta school 12 Patrice Lumumba bar
3 Semien hotel 13 Meqdela hotel
4 Italian Cultural Institute 14 Zero Amst - demolished area
5 Addis Ababa Police Commission 15 Retaining wall ca. 6m high at peak
6 Dejach Wube residence 16 Total gas station
7 Regency hotel 17 Datsun sefer
8 Abebe Aregay school 18 Soramba hotel
9 Addis Ababa restaurant 19 Tele club
10 National Metal & Wood Workshop 20 Ras Abebe Aregay primary school

FIG. 4.2 Dejach Wube sefer; landmarks, streets and reference points

105 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 FIG. 4.3 Approach to Axum gebbi, a small, gated compound in Dejach Wube sefer and fenced limits of
neighboring gebbi.

Cognitive border conditions

Particularly after the 1950’s into the 1970’s, there was an attempt to rebel against
the normative cultural order of the autocratic imperial state, and its modernizing
prescriptions and impulses. For instance, ጨዋነት … (respectability) politics … of
this autocratic imperialist state were really … rebelled against. … for instance, in
places like Wube Bereha (Dejach Wube sefer), … which basically, in a sense, re-
evaluated the values of that imperial order.223

As part of a wider discussion regarding Ethiopian sociopolitical dynamics of the third

quarter of the 20th century, Semeneh Ayalew posits that Wube Bereha (Dejach Wube
sefer) as a place, was significant in that, it offered a space for alternative cultures
and resistance of the imperial order of the time. In a national socio-political dialogue,
this is the most spacious definition in terms of space and physicality of the sefer. But
also, it opens up a door to march further than what one identifies with preliminary

223 Tumultuous Times: Ethiopia Revolution and Derg Years, The Africa Institute, 2020, 01:46:49-47:46,
https://youtu.be/L-sWI0rZcD8.

106 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 observations. Dejach Wube sefer was considered the heartbeat of the modernity that
was yet to ingulf Ethiopia. This period defines Dejach Wube sefer larger than both its
foundation, and current restructuring do, as it was then that it quickly transformed
into the city’s most dynamic place, dominant on many aspects of life not only in
Addis Ababa but Ethiopia in general. As can be seen from the irony that a place of
protest, at least in cultural sense, albeit the alteration that avoided the possessive
connotation (the colloquial use of Wube Bereha instead of Dejach Wube sefer), the
sefer retained its imperial landowner’s name till date; it is not a single story or period
but a palimpsest of meanings that characterize the sefer. Multiple histories and
relationships have rendered it the complexity whereby borders are made agile, and
identities and distinctions morph and endure, tested by time and changes.

Dejach Wube sefer is also a place where a sense of pan Africanism was cultured, as
can be detected in the naming of living compounds such as Katanga gebbi or the
popular bar called Patrice Lumumba—named after the Congo’s freedom fighter, who
became its first prime minister after liberation from Belgium. Korea gebbi on the
other hand refers to the Ethiopian military engagement as part of the United Nations
Command in the Korean war, whereby a battalion was deployed in the early 1950s.
With names of gebbi that are borrowed from places within Ethiopia such as Meqdela
and Axum gebbi, and in some cases adopted from other sefer within Addis Ababa
such as, Saris gebbi; multiple degrees of local representation and identification are
witnessed. The numbered identity through the kebele system that was introduced
by the Derg military regime, has also set its marks in areas residents identify with
numbers such as Zero Amst (Zero Five); a now demolished part of Dejach Wube
sefer that persists in everyday popular narratives of nostalgia and loss. The act,
by the state, of physical interventions; the erection of new structures such as the
condominium blocks, and the recent demolition of Zero Amst to give way to new
developments, impregnate the sefer with more narratives of borders as residents
grapple with the changing realities. Thus, there are multiple, intense, chronological
moments that are constant shapers of border narratives and the physical reality
thus far. Its foundation, and introduction of land tenure system and social strata;
social, political and cultural turbulence of the 1950’s-70’s that culminated with
the 1975 nationalization of private properties; and contemporary developmental
interventions are some main examples that are popularized and narrativized.
Accessing these border narratives that influence identities, distinctions and relations
among residents of the sefer demands digging into their lived experiences and
daily practices.

107 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Korea
Gebbi

Tasa
Gebbi

Saris
Axum Gebbi
Gebbi

Katanga
Gebbi
Mekdela
Gebbi

FIG. 4.4 Dejach Wube sefer; exemplar gebbi (compounds) as borders.

108 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Stories and maps tracing cognitive borders

To further illustrate the border making processes and identify both cognitive and
literal logics and features of distinction and demarcation, this section presents a
selection of responses to in-depth interviews, and results of on-site mapping work
that accompanied them. The texts are excerpts from lengthy interviews that pertain
to the lens cognitive borders. With the allegoric nature of the stories the respondents
told, and with the first hand translational and transcriptional intervention by the
researcher in mind, it is useful to enter residents’ ‘own’ description and synthesized
field notes and reflections, all with equivalent weight. The maps presented are
not precision oriented, rather they represent, in some cases verbal and gestural
descriptions, and in other cases walk along mapping work performed with
interviewees who agreed to engage in such.

Interviewee GA is a sixty-eight years old male, a retired lawyer who lived in the
sefer for more than 60 years. He prides himself on being leader of various communal
associations in the community.

…. So, there were a lot of bars and dancing places around here, mostly owned by women such
as W/ro Gadissie. It was fashionable to own a dancing club, it was a big thing to be regarded as
a person who owns a bar or a club. It was also an area known for a lot of bar fights, and some
famous boxers such as Abdissa and some others used to frequent here. Most of this is anchored
around Partice Lumumba bar/club. If you start with the street where Patrice is and go down
toward Zero Amst, but then turn right avoiding it, and you turn up towards St. George round
about, then you turn right again to Tele Club, just by your right, also passing by Soramba and
continuing until the next turn to your right. It will then be a loop, when you continue down the
alley. This is the yolk of this sefer as we know it. This is where Patrice Lumumba is, a number
of other dance places one after the other too, so that is the center. Back then it was a place of
entertainment, where people come for joy.

… [p]eople of all walks of life came here, even shoe shiners, guards, soldiers, and the like. So it was
all about dancing with just a small amount of money. Back then a beer costed only forty five cents
in bars and a birr if it is in the dancing places. You can have an all-night out with just a few birr.

109 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
… My good memories of this sefer are all what I share with my neighbors and friends of many
years. But, all parts of Dejach Wube Sefer are special, you won’t be able to choose. We are very
sad, for example, Zero Amst is demolished just like that. It was a stable community with strong
social relations and a lot of history. It was a lively place in the city where everybody came from
everywhere to enjoy. But also the community is tight and if you go to anyone’s house you are
welcome for a meal or coffee. So all that is denied by time. Times have changed and the sefer
is challenged. Currently, there is Meqdela Hotel, Patrice itself, also Betty Hotel (about 20 years
old hotel), and next to that there is Pankhurst Hotel (named after a British Historian). In front of
Semien hotel there is a place called Hiwot hotel where I spend part of my days playing billiards.
These are sefer wide points that I can mention that I hold dear at my age right now.

… You know what, I associate with many all over the sefer. Indeed, I live in the heart of the sefer,
close to many activities but I am also well connected to the whole sefer. All the landmarks I
mentioned to you earlier have their historical importance to me. There may be good times and
sometimes bad ones, but I can dare say the whole sefer is where I belong. It would be difficult for
me to narrow it down. But, if you insist I can list places like… Betty Hotel, Asres, St George church,
and most importantly the banquet hall. The banquet hall, is like our emblem, it is a significant place
around which the sefer is formed and even today, it’s a tourist attraction for us, so we are proud of it.

GA tells a story which puts the night life of the 1950s-70s as a main drive to forming
the identity of the sefer. In doing so, he places the bar Patrice Lumumba and the
street that runs along it, as the epicenter of this identity—features from where he
started to explain the limits of the sefer. Furthermore, he explains with pride how
people of different background were able to enjoy the sefer, suggesting this identity
is not reserved for locals or rather a shared and elastic one. GA also finds it difficult
to say which specific part of the sefer he feels most attached to. Considering the
weight of the emphasis he gave to the effect of Patrice Lumumba in meaning making,
it may appear his choice would be a straightforward one, but he repeatedly iterates
“you won’t be able to choose,” as he underscores his connection and sentiments
to the wider sefer area. Even though he mentions the Banquette Hall at the end as
the ‘emblem’ of the sefer, his main body of narration had ignored it and much focus
was given to the night life there was and its distinctness in atmosphere and features.
In both instances—not being able to choose a specific place and submitting the
banquette hall as the emblem of the sefer—he presented a grey zone outside of what
he described as ‘the yolk’ of the sefer—the street full of night life. He uses distinct
descriptions to both and establishes between them, but not in the strictest sense.
In addition, he shares his worry with the statement “times have changed and the
sefer is challenged,” especially reacting to the current events of redevelopment and
resettlement. This can be highlighted as a narration of changing borders and identities.

110 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Cognitive borders map
Interviewee - GA

Interviewee’s residence

Frequented function
(School)
Interviewee’s Social
relations’ residences

Favored and frequented

places

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness
2

1 Patrice Lumumba street

1 (locally named)

2 Pass time location

(plays billiards with friends)

FIG. 4.5 Map showing Interviewee GA’s cognitive border, Dejach Wube sefer

111 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee AA is a forty-nine years old unemployed woman who lived in the sefer
for more than forty years.

Most of the people with whom I grew up are either deceased or have recently moved out to
the new condominium projects. Right now, I have a close relationship with just my immediate
neighbors with whom I share the same religion as well. We are protestants. In general, I have a
good relationship with the wide sefer area but it is much tighter with my close neighbors. I have
a sister who lives just behind a wall and I meet with her quite frequently. In good days or bad, of
course, we support and associate with other compounds too.

… My sefer is just this area [points to the shared space within the gebbi], those who are
deceased were good neighbors of mine but I was not as close to them so … On special occasion,
celebration or on incidents of funerals and also just as neighbors we organize to help and support
each other, in these ways we bond.

… It is basically this area [points to gebbi fence]. The one I can say is my sefer is, the part I
told you, it is just below here and then going up and turning around like so [points a looping
area circumscribing Axum gebbi]. Its where I grew up and have attachments with, just along the
street here.

… We share ‘edders’ and ‘equbs’ with the gebbi in front of ours, one down the street and another
one next to [ours], there is a bigger one just when you get out of here, you see the last household
close to our gate is number 299, so the gebbi just next to it.

… we are separated by just a fence, right over here, below the construction site W/ro G’s gebbi
and A’s gebbi, just below the construction. And also there is a shop just up front, when you leave
this gebbi and walk upward the narrow alley, then you will see the shop close to the pension; they
are also members to our iddir. In addition, with my protestant neighbors, I am also part of an iddir
we set up separately. There are members from within this compound, neighboring gebbi and even
as far as Zero Amst, there is a member woman from there. We meet once a month for that iddir.

… We switch among members as to where it should be hosted. One month it can be at my house
and the next can be next door.

112 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The first two sentences of AA present a contemporary reality—shrinking relations
resulting in shrinking imagination of borders. As her relationship circle is affected by
either death or resettlement of companions to new housing project areas, her ties to
the community contracts to just within the gebbi she lives in. In the statements that
follow she asserts her relationships define the area she assumes belongingness to.
In her description of relationship that currently dictate the borders she perceives;
immediate neighbors within gebbi, religion-based relationships, communal
associations such as the iddir and equb, and biological kinship persist. Furthermore,
she insists much of her daily life is tied to the gebbi she lives in, and the space in
the middle of it that she shares with other households. Other than the few incidents
in which she mentions the neighboring gebbi while describing her area-wide
relationships, she hardly referred to the larger Dejach Wube sefer or its landmarks as
anchors, markers, limits or relations.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - AA

Interviewee’s residence

Interviewee’s Social
relations’ residences
Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

FIG. 4.6 Map showing Interviewee AA’s cognitive border, Dejach Wube sefer

113 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee TK is a fifty-eight years old person who earns a living for his family
as a driver in a non-governmental organization and has lived in the sefer for more
than 25 years.

… Primarily, Addis Ababa restaurant, then comes Meqdela Hotel. I have never entered Patrice
Lumumba. We see others partying there but I never went in. Instead, in the demolished area (Zero
Amst) there were nice places like Haile Kitfo that I used to frequent.

… My life is around Saris gebbi, and the Addis Ababa restaurant. That is where I spent the earlier
period of my life in Addis Ababa. Then I moved to this gebbi when I got married. I go to Meqdela
hotel because, I seldom play billiards with friends there. So these places define the sefer for me.

… It is very conveniently located and connected, convenient for mobility in the city; the
social life is good; it is quite a popular area; and it is a historical sefer. It is a sefer you can
mention anywhere in Addis and everyone recognizes it! Haven’t you heard the lyrics to Ketema
Mekonnen’s song?

መገን ደጃች ውቤ እነ ድንጋይ ኳሱ

ከመቼው መጡና ከመቼው ደረሱ

(people of Dejach Wube, who use stones for football

When did they even come, and when did they even arrive)224

TK makes clear distinctions with his first statement, that he likes places such as
Addis Ababa restaurant and Meqdela Hotel and has avoided Patrice Lumumba.
Within the statement “we see others partying there, but I never went in,” he shows
his preferences that instead of the historically dynamic party places, he chooses
to spend his time playing billiards at Meqdela hotel. He later invokes the lyrics of
a popular song by a singer who must have performed at Patrice Lumumba bar, to
express his pride in the sefer, and seeming to embrace the sefer’s popular identity
that he, as a daily practice, avoids. Similar to GA, he showed his personal inclination
to a certain essence of the sefer and in the same sentiment he expands a secondary
territoriality to other parts. Having lived in a gebbi that borders Addis Ababa

224 This song is a sort of bravado about the active, fast-paced and sometimes dangerous kind of life the
sefer was known for. Playing football with stone, refers to the obvious risks taken, while ‘when did they come,
when did they arrive’ refers to its dynamic nature.

114 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 restaurant, before he moved to the house he lives in now, he has good relations and
attachment to that area of the sefer too. Furthermore, he highlights a place in the
demolished part of the sefer, Zero Amst, as a once lost place of his choice. He later
forwards some pragmatic assessment of the sefer—its locational advantage, and
the benefits of its popularity. Within these rather short statements he provided three
distinct borders within a sefer wide identity he embraces. These are a) the Patrice
Lumumba bar and street, 2) Addis Ababa restaurant and Meqdela hotel environs,
and 3) Zero Amst in absentia.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - TK

Interviewee’s residence

Frequented function
(School)
Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences
3
Favored and frequented
1
places

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

1 Addis Ababa Restaurant

(formerly Dejach Wube’s
Banquette Hall)
2 Pass time location
2 (plays billiards with friends)

3 Former gebbi of residence

FIG. 4.7 Map showing Interviewee TK’s cognitive border, Dejach Wube sefer

115 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee TB1 is a sixty-seven years old veteran singer and song writer who lived
in the sefer for more than forty-four years. In the 1960s, he used work for the police
orchestra as a day job, while performing at the night clubs of Dejach Wube sefer
regularly. He moved to the sefer from the fringes of the city, because he preferred to
“get home to sleep in time than commute.”

… My area starts from Meqdela hotel, down to Patrice Lumumba, including Addis Ababa medical
college and making a round, I would say that is my area. Show me Patrice on the map, where are
we now? [interviewer explains]. So, including the police commission office and Soramba as well,
but excluding the Sheraton restaurant area.

… By the way, Patrice Lumumba was named after the African freedom fighter. On the occasions of
the assembly of Organization for African Unity, OAU (currently, African Union, AU) here in Addis
Ababa, a lot of journalists from various African countries came to this bar. There were stories of
the brutal killing of this leader and the naming of the bar was in memory of those incidents and
times. This shows you the significance of the bar even on a continental level. Of course the ladies
at the bars were attracting these guests too. A beer in a bar where there is a full band playing
costed two birr, whereas if they are playing from vinyl records, it costs just one birr. There were
beautiful women here, the university is also close by, thus it was also part of the student life back
then. Overall, it was a center of the highest significance.

… There is no area that shouldn’t be demolished in Dejachwube. Be it Gedam sefer, Talian

Sefer and the rest of it all. If you have a look at it from a high building, you feel like you would
be tempted to just plough it with a grader. But I must say Patris Lumumba, Addis Ababa
restaurant, the printing press next to Meqdela hotel, the old metal workshop, these are heritages
that shouldn’t be destroyed. There are some obvious important heritages that should not be
demolished. Also, the two-story building next to the metal workshop should not be removed.
These parts of Dejach Wube are exceptional.

After a short exchange of indicating his most frequented and favored places in the
sefer, TB1 goes on to add more credence to the social and political position of Dejach
Wube sefer. As he introduces a story to the origin of the name of the most popular
bar in the area, and later indicates that it was frequented by the students of the Addis
Ababa university, who were emersed in a consequential political movement in that
period. He provided a view into the significance as an urban spatial, of the sefer at
scales larger and more ambitious than Addis Ababa. His appreciation of the sefer
seems detached from the overall physical conditions and the dilapidation he says needs
to be ridden off. Yet, he offers a list of places he deems should be kept as heritage.

116 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 While he anchors the essence of the sefer on Patrice Lumumba Street, both within and
beyond the sefer, his heritage list set out the limits beyond just that street alone.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - TB1

Interviewee’s residence

Frequented function
(School)
Interviewee’s Social
relations’ residences

Favored and frequented

places

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

1 Patrice Lumumba street

(locally named)
1
2 Pass time location

FIG. 4.8 Map showing Interviewee TB1’s cognitive border, Dejach Wube sefer

117 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee TB2 is a twenty-two years old university student who grew up in the
sefer’s Northern most part. Initially, he resisted the interview and asked if the
interviewer was working for the government to later agree as he learns otherwise.
With the time he can spare from his studies, he engages in small trade activities with
his peers from the sefer to earn a living and support his family.

… Those with whom I grew up live close by, most of them within this gebbi and there are a few
outside of the gebbi. So from within the compound, there is one just behind us, turning the corner,
and also another one up there in front. They are about seven I would say. Then from outside,
there is a friend next to the shop that you find when you are heading toward this compound from
the main streets.

… I have great respect for the sefer. It is the sefer I grew up in but also it is a historical area that
we value. In addition, it is Arada you know.

… Firstly, 04 kebele, and then some friends live close to Addis Ababa restaurant area, another
friend lives close to the Police offices, so if you loop back here encircling the former football field
then I would call that my own sefer.

… I would say, if it was possible to make changes but keep the dwellers here in the same
community, that would be ideal. I worry for my community to be eradicated as did Zero Amst,
no one was left to even tell the history there. When people are disbanded then the history also
gets lost.

The last remarks TB2 gave regarding changes and the fear of ‘eradication’ from the
sefer were boldly present throughout the interview. An argumentative resistance to
the changing borders and the lack of agency for the residents, especially youth, to
push back government policies that seldom ignore their interests. In his comments
regarding the limits of his sefer, he hardly mentioned the places that the sefer is
popular for—those that are in the Southern half of the sefer. When he said “it is
Arada you know” though, he makes clear he recognizes and endorses the overall
identity. The word Arada can be interpreted in different manners, but in this context
the interviewee is projecting a sense of pride with the progressive attitude the larger
area is historically known for. In addition to exposing a less known-about local/
center, this remark further enforces residents good will towards the larger territorial
identity of the area.

118 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 1 Cognitive borders map
1 Interviewee - TB2
2

Interviewee’s residence
3

Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences

Favored and frequented

places

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

1 Afencho Ber park

2 Former playing field

(played football with peers)

3 Frequented street since

childhood

FIG. 4.9 Map showing Interviewee TB2’s cognitive border, Dejach Wube sefer

119 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 The following are responses from interviewee YT, a thirty years old marketing
graduate who grew up in Dejach Wube sefer. The interview was conducted at a local
bar where he was playing cards with his friends from the area. His comments were
influenced by the setting as there were intermittent entries from his peers in the
room—some clarifications and some additions or affirmations.

… Primarily it is the love with the people you spent much of your life with. Growing up, as friends
we enjoyed playing football, as children, we would just block the street to use it as a football
field because we don’t have the appropriate place for that. But as you grow up you go to other
neighborhoods who have a pocket of space. As you grow even older, you go as far and high as
Sululta hill. You love this place because it is where you found people that you fell in love with but it
is difficult for me to spot out a place within the neighborhood as special. On the other hand, when
you know the ins and outs of the sefer, all the noise, chaos itself creates a form of attachment.

… Currently, I don’t think there is an attractive place here, but prior its demolition the
environment in Zero Amst area was great. People come from different parts of the city, you
interact with many who are not necessarily from here. Now we have this place as a gathering
location with friends. It is a small bar, Mebreq Grocery is its name, it resembles those famous
places people came to enjoy. There were some shops, and bars where people gathered for
business or leisure. Now a days, may be you can find one or two similar places. So when that
area got demolished a few small businesses like this one, moved to this side of the street. I
used to spend much of my time in Zero Amst, I hardly came to this side, except to eat or see
my parents, I spent most nights for about fourteen years in that sefer with friends. It had many
options for entertainment, many have found love and got married because of it. Big holidays too,
like celebrating Demera together with bon fire, for epiphany, all of these things. Even though my
residence was on this side of the street, my life was on the other side. So these are the memories
that remain in me when I think of the sefer in general.

… Well my friends are all over this area. Starting with the square in front of St. George church,
from the gas station at the corner, you can find my friends all across this place. Ganchure, and
Merkeb for example are friend who live over there, and Baricho lives here, and some whom I
support Ethiopia Bunna football club with, are over here. And, for deep everyday life context
I have friends like Tofik, Ismael, and Tsega who live on this street. Next to Tsega’s house is
Zelalem a good friend too. All of these places mark our territory as friends and neighbors, we
grew up together, those younger than us also join in every now and then, we have to coach them,
you know.

120 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 By stating that he does not think there is an attractive place in the sefer anymore, YT
creates a contrast, a before and after, to highlight his appreciation to the place that
is lost—Zero Amst. With detail description of relationships, memories, and the daily
struggle, as youth, to find a fitting place for daily practices such as playing football,
he succinctly describes the dynamic nature of space and place in recent history of
the sefer, and how these experiences form their imagined borders within the sefer.
Furthermore, in much stronger ways than other informants, he emphasized the
importance of Zero Amst area, even for those who do not necessary reside in it, such
as himself.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - YT

Interviewee’s residence

Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences

Favored and frequented

places

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

1 1 Zero Amst corner

(recently demolished)

FIG. 4.10 Map showing Interviewee YT’s cognitive border, Dejach Wube sefer

121 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee GT is an eighty-one years old man who came from Tigray region and
settled in Dejach Wube sefer in 1958 EC (1965-66 GC). Upon arrival in the city, he
established a car repair garage, together with his siblings, and worked as a mechanic
until he later joined another private company where he met his wife. Having lived in
the sefer for about fifty-five years, he tells stories that cross three changes in the
political order of the country.

… Well, what is now Addis Ababa banquet hall was owned by lords such as Dejach Wube and later
his son Dejach Mengesha. And also Ras Abebe Aregay school is historic and in close proximity
to it. Behind the banquet hall, a lady called W/ro Ermejachew Hailemariam used to live, there
are also other names I may have forgotten, may be W/ro Rosa, W/ro Meri, and Almaz; it was
an extended family related to the royals back then. I might add, a football player of St. George
football club called Fiseha Woldeamanuel was married to a member of the family, if I remember
correctly. Another feature of the sefer is Tessemae Chakka (Tessemae woods), it is the green area
next to Afencho Ber but on the sefer’s side. It was named after a lady who was a servant to the
lords’ households and became popular as her relatives settled and reproduced in that area. That
is also part of the Dejach Wube then. It is by these two, Dejach Wube and Tessemae Chakka the
story of the sefer is told.

… The owner of the property was Dejazmach Ashebir Gebrehiwot. Currently, there
are 36 households here. The house we live in now, together with three others used to be the
kitchen, we, ourselves, fixed it up into a residence like you see. The rooms upward of ours, leading
to the end of the compound were rented out to the sex workers of the nearby bars and clubs. So,
Dejach Ashebir was the landlord who rent it out to them and later to us as well. He didn’t live here,
I think. The main house was the one right at the entry gate, on the left side. It is now partially
demolished and Meqdela Hotel took it for expansion, but the old house is still partially there. It
Started from where you have entered. And this house, four houses in a row, had served as kitchen
area before we rented it from him. There were two prominent buildings and the rest were rented
out. The whole compound was owned by him and he had servants who administer the renting
business, they collect rent, make renting arrangements and so on. I was working at a private
company, after I quit working as a mechanic, together with my wife, so we rented this house here
and have been living here since.

In the first section of his response, GT establishes two distinct places to view the
sefer from—Addis Ababa banquette hall and Tissemae Chakka. It appears to be
there were two class of residents with specific locations that they settled in. While
the royals and ‘elites’ are associated with the banquette hall and its environs, the
working class, those who serve at the royal establishments were set at Tissemae

122 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Chakka. This is also traceable in the composition of the dwellers of today, as the
ethnic lineage of most of the residents in the Northern most part of the sefer is from
the Southern parts of Ethiopia whereas the Southern parts of the sefer are mostly
composed of those from the central and Northern regions. Though not included in
this excerpt, GT goes to great detail describing the night life and the atmosphere
during 1950s to 1970s surrounding places like Patrice Lumumba bar and street as
well. This makes up a third focal place that he depicts to have a meaningful story
behind historic borders and social orders of the sefer.

Furthermore, in the final section of his statement, he describes the mechanisms

of place-making related to the specific gebbi he resides in. This further enriches
the understanding of borders, property and practices that enact them. By far, his
remarks are the most exhaustive both in space orders and in historicized narratives.

Cognitive borders in Dejach Wube sefer

The excerpts of interviews presented above are selected based on their capacity
of telling one or more border making stories regarding Dejach Wube sefer. Overall,
thirty in-depth interviews were conducted, and fifteen maps were generated during
data collection and analysis work. These individual responses and maps are then
analyzed with the aim of developing a sefer wide account of the cognitive borders of
the sefer. Consequently, while Dejach Wube sefer is accepted as a collective identity,
five forms of collective cognitive borders are identified within its frames.

The smallest form of collective border that exists in all sefer is the gebbi. The
morphology of sefer is a result of autochthonous processes of property demarcation
based on topographic conditions. The streets and alleys within sefer are those that
used to be organic footpaths frequented by the then public. As density increased and
political regimes changed, the shape, size and composition of the gebbi also evolved
to the form it currently has. In this sense, the gebbi is a physical border condition
to begin with. Further observations through the other lenses of the trinocular will
present more detailed account on its current qualities.

It is its omnipresence in daily narratives and identity-making processes that also

qualifies it as a cognitive border. In almost all interviews conducted for this research,
the gebbi is mentioned by respondents as the basis of communality. Some, such as
interviewee AA, describe their personal understanding of limits and distinctions in
the sefer, as conditioned, primarily, around the gebbi they reside in. Thus, the gebbi
is a cognitive border condition that is strongly embedded in the conception of sefer
by inhabitants.

123 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Azeb Areaya Firnus Demissie Senait Abrha Kaleab Henok Temesgen Belay

1
3

1
1

1 Mekdela's Gbi open spaces where different holidays and festivities are celebrated with
1 Patrice Lumemba Street where the night life was at its peak during her youth 1 Katanga Gbi open space where she played with her friends growing up neighbors
2 Area where he usually sits and hangs out with his friends
3 Street corner where he and his frineds usually celebrate 'Demera' 1 Addis Ababa

Getachew Alemu Tadele Bekele Seble Hailemariam Genet Alebachew

Haymanot Alemu

1 1
1

2
2
1

2
3

1 Patrice Lumemba Street where the night life was at its peak during her youth years
1 Patrice Lumemba Street where he used to work as an artist 1 Mekdela's Gbi open spaces where different holidays and festivities are celebrated with
1 Patrice Lumemba Street where the night life was at its peak during his youth years neighbors 2 Mekdela's Gbi open spaces where different holidays and festivities are celebrated with
2 Mekdela Hotel neighbors
2 Area where he ususally plays Billiards Ball with his friends and where they hangout
1 Her Favorite
2 Maqdala Hotel
3 Maqdala Gebbi
Kassahun Berhanu
Tadesse Kassahun Martha Tsegaye Fitsum Kassahun

1 1

1
2 2

1 1
2

1 Patrice Lumemba Street which has a historical significance for Kassahun 1 Patrice Lumemba Street where the night life was at its peak during her youth years 1 Mekdela's Gbi open spaces where different holidays and festivities are celebrated with 1 Mekdela's Gbi open spaces where different holidays and festivities are celebrated with
2 Mekdela Hotel neighbors neighbors
2 Street which he usually uses for his day to day undertakings 2 Street where he usually sits around and hangs out with his friends

FIG. 4.11 Dejach Wube sefer; Cognitive borders maps produced of individual responses of interviewees.

Tissemae Chakka is one of the identities that appeared at the foundation of Dejach
Wube sefer. This is because it was a settlement established at a similar time as the
settling of Wube in this area. Tissemae is the name of a woman who used to work as
a servant at his residence, and Chakka, an Amharic word, can be translated to forest
or woods. Old archival images confirm the suggestion within the name that, this
area was covered with trees, contrary to the density seen today. Popular narrative
among residents of the sefer is that, Tissemae was only the first few of those who
migrated from the Southern Ethiopian region. Elderly respondents point to her as
a bridge for others from her home region to follow suit and settle in the area. By
gradually turning the woodlands into a settlement she is credited for forming a
community that is distinct, especially from the Addis Ababa Restaurant area, in social
class and ethnic composition. As the two earliest-most identities established in the
sefer, the two parts, present both socially and morphologically distinct and storified
border conditions.

124 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The banquette hall of Dejach Wube, the main agent for the establishment of the
sefer as a whole, is also an influence of sub-sefer identity making. With its current
function as a heritage building, a traditional restaurant, and tourist destination,
it sets a specific identity within the sefer. Older residents of the area that do not
associate with the night life stories of the sefer, such as interviewee TK, and those
who recognize the distinction with Tissemae Chakka as discussed above, mark this
area with a sense of belongingness. They enjoy evening walks and playing billiards
at Meqdela hotel or morning coffees at one of the smaller cafés and restaurants
found on the street leading up to the restaurant. Younger respondents appreciate the
broad social exposure and income generation opportunities the restaurant brings to
their locality. With the presence of other less important markers such as Ras Abebe
Aregay primary school and residences of those close to Wube and, by proxy, the then
monarchy; persistent stories possess a communal narrative of pride.

Many residents do not pass a chance of mentioning Zero Amst when talking about their
sefer. Middle aged and young respondents that currently reside in other parts of the
sefer, tell a chain of stories about the good times they spent in that area: a place where
they spent long hours of the day in cafés and bars, met people from all walks of life that
do not reside in the vicinity, and the business opportunities that it pulled to their sefer.
Most importantly, most describe with distraught the number and type of social bonds
that is disrupted because of its demolition for redevelopment. Some hesitantly tell
stories about how they attempted to question the city administration’s redevelopment
intentions from the outset. Overall, sense of loss of a once affectionately held place
and identity, meaningful associations that crossed the Benin street, and passionate
rejection of redevelopment that disrupted neighborhoods and puts livelihoods at risk,
insist on recognition as cognitive border conditions of collective memory.

The fifth cognitive border condition is a reflection of the most consequential stories
related to Patrice Lumumba bar and its surrounding. The reputation of this specific
area, not just in the city, but across the country, as a harbor of popular culture, modern
music, and literature in the 1960s and 1970s gained Dejach Wube sefer national
popularity. Those who lived in the vicinity prior, because of, and since those days share
a nostalgic and continued affection to the place they once “saw life” at. A number of
musicians, street vendors, bar tenders, sex workers, and those who just moved there
for the dynamic life it offered, still reside here and tell the stories of a place that once
was an epicenter of modernity. Even current popular culture, especially in music,
samples and retrofits some of the iconic elements produced in this sefer. While this
remains to be a source of pride in daily interactions, the turn of events from a once
indispensable place in the city to an opportune location of redevelopment consumes
many with uncertainty and frustration. Yet, the sense of belongingness that emanates
from a shared history and identity remain evident popular discourses and local legends.

125 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Cognitive Borders Identified
Dejach Wube Sefer

‘Gebbis’

Tissemae Chakka area

Addis Ababa Restaurant area

Zero Amst area

(demolished part of the sefer)
Partice Lumumba bar
and surrounding area

FIG. 4.12 The five cognitive borders of Dejach Wube sefer

4.2 Serategna sefer

As mentioned in the introduction section of this chapter, locating Serategna sefer’s

limits was a process of reduction whereby the area marked at the outset, based on
popular recognition, was revised because conversations with its residents revealed
rather a located logic that conceives it as one of a cluster of sefer with shared
identity. Serategna is also not a sefer with strong sub-sefer identities as in the
case of Dejach Wube sefer. This section will further expand on these specificities;
beginning with orientating description of physical border conditions of the sefer and
followed by illustrations of the cognitive logics.

126 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Physical border conditions

Serategna sefer is one of a cluster of sefer that are bounded by three rigid borders
in the form of Haileselassie Street, Dejach Jote Street and Bantyqetu river, on the
North-western, South-western and Eastern sides respectively. A series of multi-
purpose buildings that follow the streets strengthen the physical nature of the
border and a lower grade street penetrates the sefer as a main corridor of access
to the communities. Bantyqetu river is a seasonal stream that channels wastewater
for about two third period of the year. Residents at its bank use it either for farming,
such as bee hiving, and false-banana plantation, or as is in most cases, for disposal
of household waste including shared latrines.

There exists a height difference of about sixty-three meters between the highest
point, on the Haileselassie Street, and the bank of Bantyqetu river. In keeping with
the logic of the sefer of Addis Ababa, access and plot parcellation are dictated by
this topographic condition. Compounds are thus defined by erected fences where
the slope allows, while, in steep sloped areas, retained level differences are used to
define properties, thus gebbi. As is the case in all sefer, the gebbi are witnessed as
physical border conditions.
S t.
s ie
as

Ba
el

il nt
es

yq
Ha et
u Ri
ve
r
De
j. J
ot
eS
t.

De
j. J
ot
eS
t.
i ve r
uR
et

yq
Bant

FIG. 4.13 Serategna sefer; topography, streets, alleys, and identified plots.

127 Cognitive borders of sefer NORTH

TOC
 FIG. 4.14 The wider Serategna Sefer as seen from across Bantyiketu river.

Being located at the historic center of the city, Serategna sefer is endowed with
reference buildings and places of heritage; both from within and outside the sefer
limits. Regarded as the first hotel establishment in Ethiopia, Empress Taytu hotel is
one heritage building in close proximity, whereas Mussie Minas residence building,
within the limits of the sefer, is deemed as the first multi-storied building in the
country. Cinema Empire, an establishment of the Italian occupation period, and
Indian International school are testimonies to the cultural and economic exposure
the sefer had experienced. Yekatit ’66 secondary school, named in honor of
the 1974 revolution and briefly used as a Marxist politics training center, stands
between the sefer and the river. And as most recent additions the IHDP housing
condominium blocks herald the current trends of redevelopment.

128 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 KORECHA SEFI
11 SEFER
1 Arsho Medical Laboratory
DORO 1 2 Indian International school
MANEQIA
GEBBAR
SEFER
SEFER 3 Muse Minas Residence
BASHA WOLDE 4 Condominium (IHDP)
CHILOT
10 5 Condominium (IHDP)
2
6 Yekatit ‘66 secondary school

9 7 Erri Bekentu junction

3
8 Taitu Hotel main building
9 Electric building
6 10 De Gaulle Square
4
11 Cinema Empire
8 5 Gathering space (for ‘Demera’)
ERRI
BEKENTU
SEFER

FIG. 4.15 Serategna sefer landmarks and reference points.

Cognitive border conditions

Serategna, as an Amharic word, can be translated as worker(s). With the

establishment of Addis Ababa as Emperor Menelik’s seat, sited at Eka Arara
hill, came the settlement in service of his palace. The popular perception is that
this location, where all workers that are loyal or subjects to the monarchy, is to
collectively be referred to as Serategna sefer. But residents are quick to point that
Serategna sefer is one of a cluster of settlements that indeed served the monarchy
with specialized trades. And, that Serategna sefer refers to only the area where
migrants from Ankober area who are armorers, mending and trading weaponry
settled. Another example of specialized settlement with its own territorial identity but
in cluster with Serategna sefer is Korecha Sefi (saddle makers) sefer located on the
Eastern side of Bantyqetu river.

129 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee DA, a 90 years old resident describes early settlement conditions
as follows:

The first settlers of the area were skilled workers, because of that it was named serategna
sefer. Each, as per their skill were accorded places to settle. When I first came here
in 1950/51 (1943 EC) there were only a few residents. For instance, the owner of this house
I live in now was Basha Mulat, he inherited it from his father. There was also Fitawrary Yiberta
just above here, the residence in front of Arsho. And close to the river, there was Basha Yigletu’s
residence. Balambaras Tilaye was another property owner, they were only a few of them, not even
more than ten households in the whole area. So I knew those early settlers very well, some of
them were alive when I came here. Initially, most of the houses were huts with thatched roofs and
only few building had more than one floor. It is through time that people bought or were granted
land to settle, to densify and urbanize the sefer.

… they were serving the palace, they were providers, they have their division of roles based on
their skills. The military titles they had and the land that they were given by the Emperor was for
these purposes. This is Serategna sefer and the following one is Gebar sefer. Serategna sefer
is for the armorers, so they fixed and mended weapons. And Gebar sefer is named after those
that are obliged to pay taxes [not exempted, thus possibly non-military persons given the land
for their skills and with the condition of taxation]. The sefer names are given based on either
their occupation, or the countryside they came from. For example, the area known as Sefi sefer
is where they make korecha (saddle).There is Menze sefer next to Gebar sefer, and on the Arat
Kilo side there is Jirru sefer. Jirru sefer is an area where people from Jirru settled as is Menze
sefer. And also, down below there is Sodo sefer similarly named after the place from where the
settlers came.

130 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 And interviewee AT, another elderly resident and a community organizer qualifies
three of these sefer by saying:

… Gebar sefer is something else! It is outside the limits of Serategna sefer.. It starts from Arsho
laboratory going to the opposite side of Serategna sefer toward the Ras Mekonnen bridge. And
the sefer across the river, where there is a TVET now, is called Korecha Sefi (Saddle makers) sefer.
All these were settlements of the Ankober people who had ties with the military and came with
the emperor. They would fix weapons and sew the saddles for the military here. So all these are
different sefer with different function to the military and the emperor. So Gebar sefer is next to
Serategna sefer and is of people who worked as craftsmen and blacksmiths.

In addition to the historic accounts, told by the elderly above, current residents
confirm the above stipulated distinctions as present-day conditions.225 Yet, these
conterminous sefer as specialized as they are, and withstanding their individual
identities, co-constitute each other collectively. Thus, Serategna sefer’s cognitive
border conditions can only be fully captured with the broader cluster of early
settlements in mind.

Another cognitive border condition is the emergence of active businesses along

the main street that border Serategna sefer and characterize Arada area as a
whole. These were catalyzed by foreigners who established businesses such as
boutiques, jewelers’ shops, cinema, bakeries, and pastries along the main streets.
The availability of jobs at these businesses added another group of residents who
migrated in pursuit of opportunities.

225 See section 5.3.3

131 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee DD, a 53 years old resident describes this condition as follows:

There were two types of work you could do on the main streets. Either you are selling items on the
streets or you are employed at one of the shops owned by Armenians, Greeks or Italians.

… there were a lot of jobs in the whole area back then. With the population being low,
opportunities were abundant. The foreigners had a lot of jobs to offer; there were bakeries, there
were [Pinocera] those who imported roles of fabric, and Paulos Cordas who brought readymade
clothing articles, there were a lot of such shops to work at. Most of the youth wanted to work for
these shops because it paid well. The more important job with prestige was joining the military
or the police force so my father chose to join the police. So, the fact that the foreigners set up
business here was attracting many to come and stay here even permanently till date. There were
possibilities for people to get land at the then peripheries of the city for really cheap price, but
many, including my father, chose to stay around here because of the business opportunities and
the life style. There was ‘tej’ (traditional alcoholic beverage made of honey) right here, there were
pastries, hotels, it was a very much liked place. In addition, ‘mercato,’ with all its trading intensity
is close by. So what started with my father moving here, led to me growing up and getting married
and raising my children, who have joined college, right here in this sefer.

… The foundation of this sefer is basically laid by those low ranking followers of Emperor Menelik.
His palace is up the hill that used to be called Eka Arara / የእርቅ ስፍራ / and all his followers settled
surrounding his compound. Then the next bright moment of the area came as Italians set out
Piassa area then the Armenians and Indians gradually settled through their kinship with the
royals at the palace. Especially the Armenians are tightly related to the monarchy and the dukes,
and what not. The Arsho clinic family is for example Armenians, the main person being Paulos
Cordas who had close relations with the royal family.

Located between Arada, the commercial center of the city, and the royal palace,
Serategna sefer had been a nexus of political, cultural and economic interactions
among disparate social groups. Basha Mulat Belayneh was an aristocrat, who inherited
properties in Serategna sefer from his father who was an armorer. Currently, he is
well known as a former owner of multiple properties in the sefer and a trader across
distant territories in Ethiopia. He owned large tracts of farmland in areas such as
Ada’a (around present day Bishoftu) and owned a number of houses in Serategna
sefer that he rented out to those who usually are newcomers to the area. Respondents
said that he was killed at the wake of the 1974 revolution. Interviewee DA, moved to
Addis Ababa from a central Ethiopian region called Selale. As a young man who had
just lost both his parents and in need of new beginning to life, he quit his education

132 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 in Debre Libanos monastery and came to Addis Ababa hoping to join the royal palace
guards (ክቡር ዘበኛ) in Addis Ababa. His wish was not granted as he was “too young
and short” as per the standards of the palace guards. He thus, got employed at
Cinema Empire, then under Italian owners, for five years living in the room he rented
from Basha Mulat. Seeking a secure and “dignified” job he became a police officer,
registering the same day and together with Basha Mulat’s son. A number of families
of Italian, Armenian and Greek descent still reside or have businesses to run in and
around the sefer. Meri Armide, a popular singer and fashion icon lived in Serategna
sefer while working in bars and night clubs in Arada area, especially Dejach Wube
sefer. And Interviewee AT2 is one of the residents who came to the sefer after
the 1974 revolution through the redistribution of nationalized properties as per
the 1975 proclamation. Most residents like her engage either in the informal economy
or as civil servants in local administration offices. These are only a few examples of
individuals from the diverse social and economic groups that lived together and formed
a social system driven by diverse forms of economic activities, and daily negotiations.

Serategna Sefer
historical context map
3
1 Gebar Sefer
(the taxed’s sefer / crafts workers)

2 Menze Sefer
(migrants from Menz,
4 Central Ethiopia)
8 2
3 Sodo Sefer
(migrants from Sodo,
Southern Ethiopia)
4 Jirru Sefer
(migrants from Jirru,
5 Central Ethiopia)
5 Korecha Sefi Sefer
1 (Saddle makers and
menders sefer)
6 Basha Wolde Chilot/court/
(Named after a traditional
6 court where Basha Wolde
presided over disputes and cases)

7 Erri Bekentu Sefer

SERATEGNA
SEFER 8 Doro Maneqia Sefer

Street side businesses

(Mostly owned by foreigners)

FIG. 4.16 Serategna sefer and its conterminous sefer.

133 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Stories and maps tracing cognitive borders

The defining aspects of Serategna sefer that are discussed above, and the storified
experiences of residents specific to it, form a strong sefer-wide identity than the
ones they mention as internal distinctions. It required successive probing queries
and encouragements for respondents to highlight a few internal border conditions.
Those who did, assert that they would still say the larger Serategna sefer is where
they belong and what they consider to be their own.

A 50 years old interviewee AB, for instance indicates her association with the gebbi
she lives in, points to specific social events and locations but she insists that it is
Serategna sefer that she calls her sefer.

I celebrate most holidays at home, I invite my neighbors to my house, we eat and feast together.
But on the ‘Mesqel’ celebrations we gather at the small square by the Indian International
school for a larger bon fire. We also arrange smaller ones right here for our own, but the warmer
celebration with all the sefer residents gathers next to the school. The smaller celebrations
happen at the gate or inside of each gebbi.

… Soon we will be celebrating the May St. Mary’s day (Ginbot Lideta/ግንቦት ልደታ) together. We all
chip in some money and make a feast together on the field in front of Asegedech’s house.

…. So my sefer is Serategna sefer, and within Serategna sefer I would say this area, Ketena Amst,
is where I belong. The main name I mention as my sefer is still Serategna sefer as a whole, but in
the narrowest sense I belong to this area; starting from Atsede’s house as you approach from the
place where the charcoal sellers are and all the way here.

134 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Cognitive borders map
Interviewee - AB

Interviewee’s residence

Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences

Favored and frequented

places

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

FIG. 4.17 Map showing interviewee AB’s cognitive border, Serategna sefer

The area pointed out by interviewee AB as a place of belonging, and the street side
markets that she indicated as places that she frequents, point to her connection
to her immediate gebbi. Whereas her conviction for Serategna sefer, as in her
statements, present a larger territory to her belongingness.

135 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Similarly, interviewee AT2, a 65 years old woman, attests to the strength of the
sefer wide identity by making reference to the changing administrative borders that
merged serategna sefer with other localities like Kebele ten; yet insisting what she
calls her sefer is Serategna sefer or Kebele thirteen as in her description below.

This whole area below Arsho clinic, serategna sefer, I know it very well. The whole area is my
sefer. Because we all know each other; we are of the same Kebele, it is Kebele thirteen. Even
though it is merged with others now as Woreda ten, it is still Kebele thirteen; so we are of that
one Kebele. We also meet at the community discount-market (ሸማቾች ማህበር) while shopping for
daily supplies.

… The whole area from the street to the river is my sefer. I know people who reside here and
there across the sefer. Formerly that side was known as Kebele ten; now it is merged with ours
into Woreda ten. So Kebeles thirteen and ten have officially become one into Woreda ten.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - AT2

Interviewee’s residence

Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

FIG. 4.18 Map showing interviewee AT2’s cognitive border, Serategna sefer.

136 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Other respondents, from different parts of the sefer, use reference points and
activities to mark the area they say they belong to. Mostly, these are also landmarks
that make up the sefer as shown in FIG. 4.15. Responses such as ‘my sefer is
across Cinema Empire and covers the area from Arsho all the way to Erri Bekentu
or Yekatit ’66 school,’ are used to such effect. The Indian International and Yekatit
’66 school are also identified as places of social events where residents gather in
celebrations such as demera, thus contributing to enhance a sefer-wide tightening
of communities.

The area, interviewee AT2 pointed to, and said “that side was known as Kebele
ten” is the Northeastern most part of the sefer, placed between a street and
Bantyqetu river. For some who live in this part of the sefer, clarity of distinction is
not as straight forward as it is for the aforementioned interviewees. For instance,
interviewee AK describes it as follows:

… Kebele ten is below this street towards the river and thirteen is what is across it. From Arsho
until Erri Bekentu is kebele thirteen, whereas the left side is Kebele ten. I am not certain if the
whole area till the river is part of kebele ten or thirteen. You see, it is difficult for us to precisely
indicate the borders and tell you where is what.

… This area you can say has no name because we refer to it in many ways. When you go up this
street, those over there call it Arsho area. Here in my area, it is named after the school; either the
former name, Alem Berhan school, or current one Yekatit ’66. So, we say like Yekatit ’66 area.’
Even though the nucleus of Serategna sefer is on the other, parallel street, it includes this area
too. Everything to the bank of the river here is part of the larger Serategna sefer.

The non-definitive description given by interviewee AK is shared with many residents

in this part of Serategna sefer. Many residents had to pause and think before
describing or naming their surroundings, including responses such as “I do not
know.” And different forms of their responses point to the existence of suspended
distinction regarding their neighborhood in comparison to the certainty shown by
dwellers in other sections of the sefer.

137 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Cognitive borders map
Interviewee - AK

Interviewee’s residence

Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences

Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

Favored and frequented

place

Frequented function
(School)

FIG. 4.19 Map showing interviewee AK’s cognitive border, Serategna sefer.

Cognitive borders in Serategna sefer

Three forms of cognitive borders are identified in Serategna sefer. Firstly, its
evolution as a destination of continued in-migration of populations that are of
various ethnic, national, financial, and professional backgrounds, coupled with its
presence among the cluster of sefer discussed above, in close proximity to both the
political and commercial centers of the city, has helped it consolidate an identity that
its residents affectionately associate with. Thus, the sefer itself is one identity that is
cognitively marked by the residents. This is witnessed in the way residents describe
their place of belongingness by using anecdotes, experiences and daily practices
that are not specific to an area within it, but the community at large. Respondents
may use a specific place or building but only to describe the wider sefer than just a
part of it. This is in contrary to, for instance, those in Dejach Wube sefer’s Patrice
Lumumba area, who affectionately describe their association to their area, while, at
the same time, endorsing Dejach Wube as a collective identity.

138 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The limits of the sefer on three sides are straight forward: Haileselassie Street,
Dejach Jote street, and Bantyqetu river. For an outside observer though, the
Northern, and to a certain extent, the Southern limits may not be self-evident. The
residents, on the other hand, have a consistent understanding of where, for example,
the border shared with Gebar sefer is. Internal alleys, perpendicular to the imagined
borders, landmarks such as Arsho and stories are used to point these limits out.

The second cognitive border identified is the loosely cognized area close to the bank
of Bantyqetu river. A number of factors affected such an obscure or unsettled identity
of this part of the sefer. First, the former contiguous administrative areas, Kebele
ten and Kebele thirteen, had a shared border in the form of the curved street that
passed in front of Arsho and ends at the bank of the river, next to Yekatit ’66 school.
The area North of this street, including Gebar sefer and Menze sefer was named as
Kebele ten; and the rest of Serategna sefer that is South of this street was part of
an area labeled as Kebele thirteen. Secondly, this is the only part of the sefer that
reaches the edge of the river. To the residents, this comes with a sense of precarity
in the rainy seasons, and to the river, pollution by direct disposal of household waste.
But it also allows small scale farming as means of income for some of the residents.
And thirdly, it is a late expansion of the sefer towards the river; hence, the furthest
away from the main street businesses and the active center of the sefer itself.

These uncertainties have led to an identity that is either fragmented or suspended.

During interviews, names such as Balambaras area, Arsho area, Yekatit ’66 or Alem
Berhan area, and simply Kebele ten were used to describe this part. Balambaras is
a name taken from Balambaras Tilaye, an early years aristocrat, who is believed to
have owned much of the land prior 1975 and a gebbi, where he lived in, exists in
the area. Arsho (an in site medical laboratory), Yekatit ’66 or Alem Berhan (school)
are names attained because of the daily use of these landmarks merely because of
proximity. Those who call it Kebele ten, do not subscribe to Gebar sefer and clarify
that they call it so, just as a distinction within Serategna sefer. This situation offers
an opportunity to assess the social impact of administratively enacted borders, and
how they are tailored and adapted to everyday use.

139 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 KE
B EL
E1
0

KE
B EL
E1
3

SERATEGNA
SEFER

FIG. 4.20 Diagram showing an area of suspended identity in Serategna sefer.

The third cognitive border is, by now, a straightforward condition—the gebbi. As

in the case of Dejach Wube sefer, the gebbi in Serategna sefer appears as border
conditions of both physical and cognitive nature. Because of the steep slope of
Serategna sefer the spatial definition of the gebbi is relatively loose. Level differences
serve much of the function of fenced borders of gebbi. Most compounds are, at least,
visually accessible from the streets that pass through, and at higher levels than
them. This in turn fosters opportunities for cross-gebbi relationships to advance.
This higher degree of flow of space affects the functional and relational organization
of each gebbi. It is thus usual to see a border condition of a gebbi within another
gebbi, or a group of gebbi forming a larger gebbi with shared access, such as in
Balambaras area shown in FIG. 4.21.

140 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 FIG. 4.21 A case of gebbi-within-gebbi in Serategna sefer.

Cognitive Borders Identified

Serategna Sefer

‘Gebbis’
Balambaras area
Serategna sefer

FIG. 4.22 The three cognitive borders of Serategna sefer

141 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
4.3 Geja sefer

Contrary to the visual appearance of dilapidation and pertinent urban poverty, the
young city that Addis Ababa is, becomes apparent when studying Geja sefer through its
successive socio-spatial changes, the dynamic tradition of work, trade, and ingenuity
that characterize it. Even though, the migration and settlement of people from different
parts of Ethiopia into this area had started during the reign of Emperor Menelik II,
this research has discovered that the formation of the identity known as Geja sefer
happened as recent as the early 1940’s—right after the end of the second Ethio-
Italian war, during the reign of Emperor Haileselassie I. Its location in close proximity to
Merkato, and the residents’ resourcefulness in dealing with socioeconomic uncertainties
with work and trade agility, are recognized by the communities of the sefer, as senses of
identity and livelihood at once. The everyday hustle is thus a source of prideful identity
that is narratived to create inter-sefer distiction instilling cognitive borders.

The role of these conceptions of Geja sefer in establishing cognitive borders, as

discovered from residents’ narratives, will be dilated in this section. Starting with a
description of the basic physical border conditions, in this section, a sefer and sub-
sefer level illustration of cognitive border conditions will be presented. Moreover, the
cognitive borders identified in the sefer will be demonstrated in summary to the section.

Physical border conditions

A walk from the Southern edge to the Northern tip of Geja sefer entails an ascent of
twenty-eight meters. With a consolidated morphology, that has streets and alleys
that do not strictly follow this direction, such a climb is made less steep as a street
level experience. A relatively recent and unnamed street serves as the Southernmost
border: across which, the Lideta Condominium site is found. While on the West
side, it is defined by the Dejach Bekele Weya Street, its Eastern side is framed by
a seasonal stream, that is a tributary to Tinishu Akaki river. And its North-western
limit is Uganda street. Sao Thome and Principe Street provides access through the
sefer: an active corridor with high commercial activity, articulated by intermittent
public spaces such as the Adebabay (community square). Established businesses
with street side shops, street venders, and community open markets, add to its ever-
dynamic character. Auxiliary alleys that lead into the tissue of the sefer continue on
this characteristic with an added function by the residents—an extension of domestic
production activities, such as malt processing; especially typical to an area within the
sefer, known to locals as Dobbi sefer or Beqel Tera.

142 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 .
St
da
an
Ug

Sao
Tho
m e&
Pri
nci
p eS
t.
Weya St.

t.
ncipe S
Dej Bekele

me & Pri
Sao Tho

FIG. 4.23 Geja sefer; topography, streets, alleys and plots.

In a similar manner as the previous case sefer, Geja sefer’s morphology displays
organic settlement patterns; meandering alleys provide access to the inner parts,
where daily activities of dwelling and small-scale production are performed.
Parcellation logics, thus are dictated by topographic conditions and a series of
regulatory attempts by the state. The gebbi, as a physically border condition,
reappears as a place of dwelling and production activities that define the smallest
scale of communal identity. Various forms of fencing, vegetation and building

143 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 arrangements mark its limits. In comparison with the other case sefer, Geja sefer
exhibits the highest degree of home-based production and trade activities whose
starting points are the gebbi.

This characteristic of Geja sefer, according to informants, is made possible by the

presence of the Merkato market bordering it in the North. It is from this large open
market that the residents access resources, such as wheat, that they process into
products to be sold from within their residences, smaller markets nearby, or at the
Merkato itself. Sections of the market known as Min-Alesh Tera, and Chid Tera,
popular for their specialization in the labor-intensive trade of recycling, are found
across Uganda street. Thus, Geja sefer is an identity that marks the end of the
ever-expansive market; standing out as a dominantly residential area yet qualified
by small scale trades that are daily practices of residents. In addition, the proximity
to popular religious institutions such as Lideta St. Mary’s, Teklehaimanot, and Kale/
Meserete-Hiwot churches, and Geja sefer Mosque is repeatedly noted by informants
as a condition of identity formation.

Within the sefer are a number of schools. The most the residents use as a landmark
being Woreda Arat (OXFAM) primary school, and Karamara kindergarten. According
to interviewees, Woreda Arat school was built with participation of the residents
and financial support of the NGO—OXFAM. They say this process of shared
engagement has contributed to a sense of ownership that they pride themselves
with. Currently, the school shares the property with a subsidized community market
that adds functional and social value to the facility. Smaller markets (‘Gulit’/ ጉልቶች),
when they are found in a consolidated manner, are also used as reference points.
The most visible public space, that is considered as the center of the sefer, is a
community square that the residents refer to as Adebabay. It is a nexus point along
the Sao Thome and Principe Street, where an open space links smaller alleys to
the bustling street. Molla Maru warehouse and a YMCA facility are located at the
Southern border of the sefer as prominent reference points marking the current
limits of the sefer. Across the street to these landmarks is the Lideta condominium.
Previously, this area was called Chaffae Meda; a community ground for sports and
festivals and considered by residents as part of the sefer. The recent addition of the
condominiums has resulted in the detachment of this area from the cognized borders
of Geja sefer as the following sections will illustrate in depth.

144 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 1 Gulit (neighborhood market)
CHID TERA
2 Geja Kale(Meserete)-hiwot church
MIN-ALESH
TERA 3 Adebabay (community square)
4 Brilliance Primary School
KEREYU 5 ‘Kebele meznagna’ recreation center
MOLLA SEFER
6 Woreda 04 primary school (OXFAM)
MARU
1
7 ‘Guaro meda’ (former play ground)
16 8 Primary School
8 2 9 Medresa (muslim school)
9
4 10 Karamara Kindergarten
10
11 ‘Shemachoch’ (community market)
3
TURETA
7 5 SEFER
11
12 ‘Kebele’ administration building
12 17 6 13 Molla Maru warehouse
18 14 14 Geja sefer mosque
13
15 YMCA

15
16 ‘Dildiy’ (bridge)
LIDETA 17 School
CONDOMINIUM
NORTH 18 Joshansen area

FIG. 4.24 Geja sefer; Landmarks and reference points.

Cognitive border conditions

The inherent characteristics of Geja sefer are evidence to the consolidation and
rapid densification of Addis Ababa through labor, trade and migration. As the
city expanded South and South-westward, sefer such as Geja became places of
settlement for those who came to the city attracted by the opportunities the new
city availed. Especially, the labor migration of people from the Southern territories
of the country was necessitated by the emerging needs in construction sector—
the building of houses, palisades, and roads. In a later period, as discussed in
Chapter 2 , the housing shortage that arose post-1941, was primarily managed
through subdivision of large plots of land and the construction of privately owned
houses to be made available through rent. These processes have established
communities that are integral to the city today, and Geja sefer is identified as such.

Beyond the realms of scholarly discourse, these notions are part of the stories of
residents that condition a complex identity—a distinction that informs cognized borders
separating it from its immediate environment. The following accounts of interviewees
will give a storified review of the evolution of the sefer, insight into internal conditions of
border making these stories instill, and contemporary status of border cognition.

145 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee YM is an elderly resident of Geja sefer. In the excerpt below, she first
describes a context prior the establishment of Geja sefer and follows it with a story
her own experience as a child after the settlements have emerged.

… before both the Geja and Dobbi people came, the whole area was known as Nigus Woldegiorgis
sefer. From the Balcha area until Molla Maru sefer was all referred to as Nigus Woldegiorgis sefer.
The area beyond the river was known as Etege Mesk. I was not here and do not remember what
exact period the Dobbi and Geja Gurages settled in the area.

… I grew up close to the Molla Maru junction. As I child I used to play with mud and flowers in that
area. When the Oromo people came to Merkato, the mud would be as high as the knees of the donkeys
that carry goods. There were people who used to come from far places such as Geja, Sebeta, and
Tefki, with donkeys loaded with produce to be sold at Merkato. As children, that all was exciting to
me and my peers. When the Gurage people bring cottage-butter for sale they used to wrap it with
false-banana tree leaves. As a child, I would sit and pretend to be selling butter by wrapping random
things with the leaves of caster-seed tree (ጉሎ ቅጠል). When they pick it up and try to bargain with us,
I would run away laughing with my friends. And in the summer, we do the same, but pretending to be
selling sugar, while it is earth that we had wrapped instead of sugar. We just keep making trouble in
the market and we enjoyed it. These are my memories as I grew up in the sefer.

According to informants such as YM, before the 1940s, Gaja sefer did not exist in
the name and shape known today. Rather, they describe a context in which large
tracts of land were owned by and named after aristocrats of the period. Nigus
Woldegiorgis sefer was used to describe a much wider territory, ‘from the Balcha
area until Molla Maru sefer,’ than what Geja sefer covers today and was named after
King Woldegiorgis Aboye of Gondar. YM also points out an adjacent territory as
Etege Mesk (can be translated as Princess’s field) that is in the direction of what is
currently referred to as Tureta sefer and Golla sefer.

This finding, regarding the period prior the foundation of Geja sefer, especially in
contrast to the changed socio-political context, after the 1940s defeat of the Italian
troops, and in the subsequently liberated city, offers an insight into how the sefer
became part and result of the rapid urbanization that emerged. The personal account
YM offers later on, of her childhood memories, paint a picture of flourishing trade
among different territories of the country that Merkato became the center of. She
sets the context of her story on the street that separates Geja sefer and Molla Maru
sefer, the coming and going of people from various ethnic backgrounds and how she
partook in it as a child.

146 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Interviewee TU is an eighty-two years old resident, who lived in Geja sefer since
his birth, during the 1935-41 Italian invasion. His account illustrates the period
after this invasion, during which the Geja people of Gurage settled in the area.
Drawing from his own memory and family history, he narrates the initial processes
of settlement.

… Well, the area where we are in now is called Dobbi sefer. Dobbi is the name of a tribe in the
countryside around Buta Jira. So our fathers came from that area and that tribe. This whole gebbi
was owned by my father.

… The first owner of the larger area was Fitawrary Belayneh. He was awarded the land as a gift-
land (rést meret/ርስት መሬት) for his bravery and skills as a military man. When my father and his
countrymen came here, the whole area was just bare land. From here up until Teklehaimanot area,
and downwards the Geja sefer was all empty land.

… the houses were built with thatched roofs; I was a child when that was the prevailing reality.
So, I have seen and remember it myself. I was born during the war against the Italian forces
in 1929 EC [1938/39 GC]. They were defeated and left four years later. It is after this war, that
Fitawrari Belayneh was awarded the land and my father, and his fellows eventually came to settle
here. My father’s house was the one that you see behind me. He was working as a carpenter for
Fitawrary Belayneh, he built his houses and that is how they knew each other. Then Belayneh told
my father ‘What am I to do with all this open field? Please bring your fellows and make them settle
in this area. I have no use for it other than that.’ So my father agreed and started bringing people
one by one. He first took this area for himself in return for his labor and a small amount of money;
just a symbolic one birr, nothing more. And for the area below here, he brought his friend Ato
Gebre, and let him settle there. And above here there were only three or four houses with large
tracts of land (gasha meret / ጋሻ መሬት) around them. From then on, the area gradually densified
through kinships and friendships, by people pulling each other into the sefer. Even if the land was
almost for free as Belayneh was collecting just one birr from the settlers, some of them did not
want to stay here because they either did not like the city or feel safe in it. So, they chose to keep
farming in the rural area they came from and left. When some left others were coming in numbers.
So those who stayed took land in exchange for different forms of service and a single birr. It is not
just our sefer but Addis Ababa itself was empty back then. That is what we heard.

… Geja sefer is of those who came from Geja and settled here, in that sense it is a specific area
next to ours. But when referring to the sefer in the context of the city, we say it is Geja sefer,
including our Dobbi sefer. And above the main street [Northward], the area is called Sodo sefer,
named after the Sodo tribe and land.

147 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 The setting, among which is Geja sefer, is part of the areas that marked the South and
Southwestern expansion of Addis Ababa. TU’s depiction of a ‘bare land’ scene of the area
fits the images of the cusp of the transition into a bustling city documented by various
historians226—a settlement layout that centers palisades and houses of prominent
figures of the period and characterized by expanses of open fields around them. His
portrayal of Fitawrari Belayneh as the first owner of the land, as awarded to him for his
military service, signifies that post-1941, land ownership has been modified; allowing
the transfer of ownership from Nigus Woldegiorgis to Fitawrary Belayneh. Furthermore,
the exchanges and deals between his father and Fitawrari Belayneh is presented as the
starting moment for the migration of the Dobbi and Geja Gurages towards Addis Ababa.
The simultaneous settlement of the Dobbi and Geja people and the spatial distinction
this phenomenon instills is indicated in his response and continued to inform cognitive
borders among residents as will be discussed later in this section.

Despite highlighting such internal border-making distinctions, overall, respondents

to this research have given consistent descriptions of border conditions towards the
North, West and East sides of the sefer. A relative ambiguity appears regarding its
Southern limits. Different delineations and landmarks have been used to describe
this condition. The most repeated responses concur with the following statements by
interviewees MM and SG respectively.

… for instance, if you go to the corner across Abdella building and ask the residents, some of
them will tell you they are part of Geja sefer and the other half would not identify with Geja sefer.
And if you go upward, it is called Beqil [Dobbi] sefer, and its residents identify so. But we call the
whole area Geja sefer too. So, you can say, Geja is the larger area and there are smaller identities,
for example based on their work and relationship with Merkato as in the case of Beqil Tera.

… For us Geja sefer starts from Amstegna Mazoria, close to Lideta Church, goes all the way to the
Federal High Courts building and up towards Molla Maru, excluding Chid Tera, and moving on to
Teklehaimanot Berbere Berenda; maybe there are some distinctions to be made over there; the
rest is what we call our sefer.

226 Giorghis and Gerard, The City & Its Architectural Heritage, Addis Ababa 1986-1941, La Ville Son
Patrimoine Architectural; Richard Pankhurst, “Menelik and the Foundation of Addis Ababa,” The Journal of
African History 2, no. 01 (January 1961): 103, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021853700002176; Richard
Pankhurst and Denis Gérard, Ethiopia Photographed: Historic Photographs of the Country and Its People
Taken Between 1867 and 1935 (Kegan Paul International, 1996).

148 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 These demarcations are of three forms as illustrated in FIG. 4.25. The redevelopment
of Chaffae Meda area resulted in, what is currently known as Lideta condominium.
The stories fondly told by residents in the remaining Geja sefer are nostalgic to
a once enjoyed place of leisure, sports and festivities that gave way to the new
housing function. Yet, the vibrant trade activity that manage to percolate into the
new settlement and the accompanying job opportunities, have led to a relative
acceptance of the fate of a lost public space.

FIG. 4.25 The three ways the borders of Geja sefer are cognized by residents.

Stories and maps tracing cognitive borders

The prevalent domestic production and in-sefer and extra-sefer exchanges engage
residents in high intensity mobility and interaction. Thus, neighboring sefer including
sections of Merkato are livelihood-driven places of destinations for many residents,
on a daily basis. In addition, religious institutions offer a different purpose of
movement as daily practice. Deriving from personal experiences within the sefer,
and daily, purposeful activities outside of the sefer respondents carve out a distinct
identity to the sefer while cherishing the locational advantages and extra-sefer
networks that they rely on for their livelihoods.

149 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 The following account of interviewee GH, a forty years old resident, exemplifies such
an expansive comprehension of the sefer, that also captures specific distinctions
within the sefer itself.

… There is a recreation center at the community square. When you go downward from there just
before the narrow street; it is a street that starts wide and suddenly becomes narrow, just before
transitioning into the narrow part, on your right; there is where I grew up as a child. Much of my
childhood was there, I played ball games, ‘dimo,’ ‘suzi’ [games played outside in a group] with
my peers and grew old with them. When I grew older the house we lived in was too small for our
family so we moved to this house. It is adjacent to the main street. It was no more convenient
for games to play with others, as it was a busy street, and I was also a bit old and focused on my
education. My movement was just between my school and my home. Thus, the joyful life I had as
a child was in the smaller house we were in earlier.

… Starting from Abdella Building until Molla Maru and following the street from Abdella building,
you would find this area as an island. So, if you walk all the way to Joshansen, and continue all the
way around until the river, then that is what I know to be Geja sefer.

… Except for a brief period when I was working at Lideta Sub-city office, all my life my workplaces
have been within the sefer. I worked as a teacher at a kindergarten owned by the government,
known as Karamara kindergarten. It was previously called Berhane Hiwot, but eventually it
became part of the Karamara Primary school, a well-known primary school on the Joshansen side.
The two are in separate compounds but with the same organization.

… I do all my grocery shopping in Merkato but may be depending on the market prices I may go
to Piassa every now and then. The small neighborhoods (Gilit/ጉልት) is for small things of emergent
need for the everyday.

… I go to both Lideta and Tekleye Churches, but Lideta church is my favored one. I don’t know
why, you know, a church is a church anyway, but residents of the community prefer Lideta
Church, so I do as well. We go to Tekliye on special occasions like its annual celebration, or
specific baptism.

… I live with peace with everyone in the neighborhood. We celebrate holidays according to the
different religions. We do most of the celebrations, such as Demera, everyone makes the fire at
the gates of the gebbi. We also gather all together with people from different parts of the sefer at
the [Adebabay] for a bigger fire. I like standing by the street and watching all the festivities, the
fire and the singing and dancing everywhere.

150 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
… This area, over there, is called Guaro Meda (loosely translated as backyard open space/
field). It was not like you see it now with a lot of buildings. It used to be a big open space, right
there, where the container is. Better than I, those who grew up in this part of the sefer tell very
sentimental stories about how they grew up playing in that open space. Now the government
apportioned it out to new residents that they relocated from another sefer. There was an old
Church/traditional School (ቄስ ትምህርት ቤት) adjacent to the field too. I think it is still running but in
a very narrower plot than it used to have before the resettlement.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - GH

Interviewee’s residence

Frequented function
(School)
Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences
Favored and frequented
places
Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness
2
Merkato (for Shoping)

1 Frequented Churses

1 Guaro Meda and street

2 Karamara kindergarten

FIG. 4.26 Map showing interviewee GH’s cognitive border, Geja sefer

151 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 By spatially describing her upbringing, in the first statement GH, points to an area
where she spent different stages of her childhood. In the second statement she
describes what she deems is the area defined as Geja sefer. Based on the purposes
of work, shopping, and religion as agents she identifies reference points both inside
and outside Geja sefer as places that she says made her life tied to the sefer as a
whole. She also makes reference to a community space as a place of shared identity
where she enjoys communal festivities. And finally refers to an area of distinction
from within Geja sefer called Guaro Meda. Through this successive statement, she
presents a multi-scalar narration of space-society relation that she perceives as a
life-long resident of the sefer.

Even though she gives more weight to the gebbi as a main source of belongingness,
interviewee B, also offers similar, expansive depiction of identity as seen in the
statements above. She is a thirty-five years old resident of the sefer who lived in it for
thirty years.

… I have tight-knit relationship with the families in this gebbi, especially the woman who lives at
the highest level over there. We grew up here, together and we are still close friends.

… As a child I played with other girls just within this gebbi. Right here, we used to dig the earth
and plant some plants or bring some worms and put them there and inspect them every day,
those sort of things. I was never allowed out of the gebbi, so I never played outside of the gebbi.
My grandmother was very strict about this, she never let me go to other friends outside the gebbi.
If I ever left without her permission, she would whip and punish me. I run right back to the gebbi
after any errand outside. So almost any memory I have as a child is within this gebbi. As an adult
of course this has changed.

… I do socialize with others in the sefer now. The sefer for me is, do you know where the Gulit is?
The one next to Abdella Building? The area above that is Geja sefer. Until Molla Maru area towards
the [North] and Meserete Hiwot Church in the middle. And to the side, we call the area Guaro
Meda, towards the YMCA (ወወክማ). YMCA and Guaro Meda are back-to-back, there is no straight
access between them. Thus, the front or access point of Guaro Meda is towards Adebabay. When
we lose sight of our children, sometimes we call out ‘where are the kids? Please call the kids’ and
a common response is ‘they are at Guaro.’ They play there, it’s a good, and trusting community.

152 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 With the use of reference points such as YMCA, Abdella building, Molla Maru, and
Meserete Hiwot church, B indicates the whole Geja sefer as a cognized place of
identity. Yet, the personal and detailed nature the description she uses to explain
her attachment to the gebbi she lives in, emphasizes a rather narrower area of
sentimental belongingness. Later, she reinforces Guaro Meda’s distinctness with the
story about the routine use of ‘they are at Guaro’ response, which features a now lost
playground frequented by children of the neighborhood.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - B

Interviewee’s residence

Frequented function
(Kindergarten)
Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences
Favored and frequented
places
Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

1 1 Adebabay and its

surrounding

FIG. 4.27 Map showing interviewee B’s cognitive border, Geja sefer

153 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 Interviewee AK2 is a sixty years old resident of the sefer who lived there for about
thirty eight years. He had served as a Kebele/woreda administrator in the period of
political transition in 1991.

… There is the kindergarten and also a recreational place next to [Adebabay]. The kindergarten
was built with the support of Oxfam, an English [British] good-will organization. That kindergarten
and the surrounding area was developed with the participation of the community. So we are
proud of it, it is something that we built ourselves. Fortunately, I was a Woreda administrator
during that period. Thus when the construction happened I was coordinating the project: Oxfam
funded it, and the people built it. My role was bringing these together, especially mobilizing the
residents of the sefer. The city municipality forwarded the project to our Woreda and brought me
in contact with the people from Oxfam. Then the rest happened. The initial proposal was to build
the Kindergarten and a community library. We built the kindergarten but we do not know what
happened to the idea of the library; this was during the transition time after the Derg regime was
ousted, so we don’t know.

… So this side you see over there is known as Chid Tera, some even include it in Geja sefer,
but the actual Geja sefer is from the spot where a number of shoe-shiners are sat until the
condominium area there. That is what we call Geja sefer. But all over the sefer, when asked,
residents say they are from Geja sefer, there is no distinction in that sense. There is an area called
biqil tera or Dobbi sefer over here. Most of the residents in that area came from the Dobbi locality
in Gurage. So most of them are guraghe by ethnicity. It is the area below Chid Tera, you know
Chid Tera, right? There is a bridge by the river, right? From that bridge until the gebbi where I
reside, until the church, is known as Dobbi. Geja is a wide area, Dobbi is a small area within. Both
Dobbi and Geja are from the Gurage but in this locality Dobbi is a subset to Geja sefer, which is
a larger sefer the circumscribes even other sub-sefer. Dobbi is a small area and Geja covers the
wider sefer and it includes Dobbi as well.

… this gebbi I live in, is called Erbata gebbi, because of the cows here and the milk selling
business. The old man; the owner of the whole gebbi, is like a father to me, we are very close.
Other than that, outside of this gebbi, my relationship with all the people in the sefer is great.
That is why I feel I belong to the whole sefer. The sefer, for me, is marked by places like, Meserete
Hiwot Church, Yesetoch Baltena (women’s shops selling food and home-made traditional
ingredients), Oxfam area, Meznagna (reacreation center), Chid Tera, Biqil Tera or Dobbi, Chinqillo
Sega Bet [Chinqillo’s Butchery].

154 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 During his role as a local administrator, AK2 had the unique opportunity of working
with an NGO and the community to establish one of the landmarks; a kindergarten, in
the sefer. The first account above elucidates on the process of this task and his pride
in his contribution to the community. In the second statement he offers clarification,
as has also been done by other respondents, regarding the distinct condition of Dobbi
sefer and its comprehension in relation to Geja sefer. Consistent with all the other
interviewees’ responses, he depicts Geja sefer as an overarching identity that engulfs
Dobbi sefer. In other words, he locates Dobbi sefer as an identity within the frame of
Geja sefer. He concludes by affirming that he belongs to the whole sefer, which can be
a result of his role in the community that gained him high regards among residents.
Even though he struggles to maintain relationships he has built across the years,
because of a physical ailment that reduced his mobility, he insists that he enjoys a
sense of belongingness and security among the community in Geja sefer as a whole.

Cognitive borders map

Interviewee - AK2

Interviewee’s residence

Frequented function
(School)
Interviewee’s social
relations’ residences
Favored and frequented
places

4 Interviewee’s assumed
area of belingingness

2
1 Woreda 04 primary
3 school (OXFAM)
2 Adebabay (community
square)
1 3 ‘kebele meznagna’
(recreation center)
4 ‘Yesetoch Baltena’ (diner
owned by women’s
SME)

FIG. 4.28 Map showing interviewee AK2’s cognitive border, Geja sefer

155 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 As can be seen in many of the stories presented so far, the Dobbi sefer distinction,
and its relationship with the Geja sefer identity, is addressed by residents both within
and outside the limits of Dobbi sefer. Those who live outside Dobbi area recognize
this distinctness of Dobbi and those from within embrace the Geja sefer identity.

This can best be seen in the statements of interviewee AA2 below.

… the area below here, close to the church is specifically known to be Geja sefer, our area is
called Dobbi sefer. The common name is Geja sefer, there is no strict distinction between the
two, but you can say Dobbi is a subset of Geja. You see, both Geja and Dobbi are localities in
Gurage zone from where most of the early settlers of the sefer came. I am from another area and
ethnicity, so I adapted to the life and understanding here since I moved into the sefer.

Cognitive borders in Geja sefer

Contrary to the initial assumptions of this research, Geja sefer, as a vibrant and
industrious community, is an identity that is formed after the liberation of Addis
Ababa from the invading Italian forces in 1941. What preceded this identity
was largely forested land and a few settlements under the ownership of Nigus
Woldegiorgis; a relative to Emperor Menelik II. The eventual migration and settlement
of the Geja and Dobbi Gurages from the Southern regions of Ethiopia and the
flourishing trade at both Merkato and Arada markets are credited to have formational
impact on the sefer. Its residents affirm an identity that is distinct from its environs
yet strongly networked through production and exchange.

The Dobbi community and its borders have been set out since the foundation of
the Geja sefer. Beyond ethnic lineages at the period of foundation, this area is
specifically known for the trade of malt. Dominantly performed by women as the main
means of income, the production of malt, has earned the area an alternative name—
Beqel Tera. As one approaches the sefer from Adebabay area going Northward,
the malt production and sale activity that goes well out of the gebbi and onto the
street making its territorial presence apparent. Thus, this storified cognitive border
is a stable identity that is made visually evident through such activities. Though its
residents adopt the general identity of Geja sefer, they are keen to express clear
distinction from it. This is most witnessed especially when discussing the evolution of
the sefer and initial settlement conditions.

156 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Guaro Meda was a name given to an open space and its surrounding settlement
located in the approximate center of the sefer. Even though this open space has
recently been appropriated for new settlements and is rendered insignificant,
communities in a sizable area preserve it as an identity, and spatially iterate it as
cognized place on its own. In this case thus, a former playground has conditioned an
identity that outlasted it and became larger in territoriality and sense of cognition.

Regardless of the acceptance of the Lideta condominium as an apparent reality, the

presence of Chaffae Meda, in local narratives especially told by the youth, calls for its
recognition as a place of value. It is considered by residents as a cut off piece of Geja
sefer identity where a new identity is planted in a top-down manner. Compared to the
Zero Amst area of Dejach Wube sefer, the stories of attachment to a place lost for
redevelopment have to do with an open space than a community that had strong ties
with the rest of the sefer. In addition, the fact that the redevelopment is complete,
and new conditions have already been set, has readied residents to accept current
realities and move on with new relations.

Once again, the gebbi appears as a place of identity and a border of both cognitive
and physical nature. Similar to the previous case sefer, it is a consolidated place
where routine activities of washing clothes, drying spices, and communal events,
such as occasional coffee ceremonies and feasts happen. But what is particular to
Geja sefer is that the gebbi level identity is also a source of livelihood for families.

Cognitive Borders Identified

Geja Sefer

Guaro meda
Dobbi sefer
Chaffae Meda/Condominium
‘Gebbi’

FIG. 4.29 The four cognitive borders of Geja sefer

157 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
4.4 Processes and conditions that set
cognitive borders

In pursuit of untangling the complexity that makes up sefer, this chapter sought to
identify engrained distinctions and meaningful associations among communities
by studying them through the thematic lens of cognitive borders. As a result, it
submitted a list of cognitive borders discovered out of stories told by resident,
and visual materials collected and produced on and off three sites of investigation.
Furthermore, it illustrated on the processes that constitute, and conditions that
characterize such borders. This section restructures the above sefer-by-sefer
illustrations, into four principal categories of processes and conditions that make
cognitive borders apparent.

Heritage and identity as active ‘meaning making’

Among residents, heritage and identity are active means of making distinctions
and meaning to places in and around sefer. In some cases, these identities are
imported to location when rural cultures and practices are adopted to the urban
context. This is exemplified by the case of Beqil Tera in Geja sefer, where a rural
practice of producing malt is brought to the city, passes through two generations,
and now, beyond being a means of income for households, is a distinctive character
of the wider area. In other cases, a person; as in the case of Tissemae Chakka area,
a place; as in the case of Patrice Lumumba area, or a phenomenon as in the case
of Gebar sefer (neighboring Serategna sefer) can cause identities to be formed
on-site. Whereas, in some other cases, identity and heritage can be adapted. The
Addis Ababa restaurant area of Dejach Wube sefer presents both a literal and
figurative case of adaptation of heritage. What used to be the banquet hall of the
royal Wube, and the surrounding settlements of his followers is now functioning as
a tourist destination as a traditional restaurant. The previous identity is treated as
a legacy whereas the current state is considered an attractive opportunity, and the
community prides itself with both.

It is relatively easy to identify cognitive borders whose identities are archived in

their names. One just needs to ask, “who is Tissemae?” once they are told of the
place by name and learn of its heritage. Patrice Lumumba area, on the other hand,
is an un-named vicinity, that only becomes visible through the stories told of the
bar and its historic impact in forming a cognizable place. It is active narratives, and

158 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 their application by residents, as markers of cognized places on a daily basis, that
keep them discernible. Through such application, heritage and identity values are
harbored in communal narratives that consolidate cognitive borders that can be
discovered through such ethnographic work.

Physically conditioned cognitive borders

The gebbi is both a physical and cognitive border that is present in all the sefer
under study. What was intended to demarcate individual property prior the
nationalization of land and property in 1975, is since then, a spatially defined
communal living environment for an average of 17 households per gebbi. In this
case, the border precedes the formation of the community, but its prevalence as a
cognized place of meaningful association qualifies it as a cognitive border.

The organic process the gebbi is shaped by, following topographic conditions and
accessibility, also creates variations in the type of gebbi themselves. In simple terms,
when the location is of gentle slope, additional border defining materials, such as the
corrugated iron sheet fence, are needed. And, when there is steep slope, retaining
walls that are built to shore up soil that is dug to create a leveled ground for building
houses, and the level difference that it is separating serves the purpose of space
definition. This form of definition is sufficient as physical barrier, but the possibility
of visual access, characterizes the level of publicness of the gebbi differently. Such
processes of altering topography thus create variations such as the condition
whereby a number of gebbi agglomerate, define a larger gebbi with shared border
and access and establish gebbi within gebbi conditions, such as in Serategna sefer.
This in turn forms a variant of the gebbi as cognitive border.

Conterminous cognitive borders

Cognitive borders in close proximity, that are defined together or against one
another, form conterminous places that validate each other. As discussed in detail
in section 4.2, co-constitutive meanings are shared among the cluster of sefer that
Serategna sefer is one of. These sefer that are found on either bank of Bantyqetu
river, give meaning to and validate each other as settlements that are established
in service of the monarchy. Their shared history afterwards, of urbanizing by
taking advantage of their location between the royal palace (South-east) and
Arada, the commercial center (North-west), further enhanced both collective and
individual identities.

159 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
 In Dejach Wube sefer, on the other hand, Wube’s former banquette hall, or Addis
Ababa restaurant as it is today, and the surrounding settlers’ residences caused
the establishment of Tissemae Chakka area by those who migrated to the sefer as
servants at the formers’ households. Added to the social structure that happened on
the site, the fact that these groups originate from different regions in Ethiopia and
differ in ethnic and cultural background furthers the differentiation. The distinction
that resulted from this initial socio-economic setup is active in today’s narratives as
communities define one against the other.

Suspended cognitive borders

Successive and socially oblivion changes in delineation of administrative borders,

and aggressive redevelopment ambitions pursued by governance policies have
caused a state of cognitive ambivalence in sefer. This is illustrated in the cases
of Balambaras area of Serategna sefer and Zero Amst area of Dejach Wube sefer
respectively. Balambaras area is in a physically present but cognitively fragmented
state; while Zero Amst area of Dejach Wube sefer is physically absent but, alive in
collective memory and communal narratives. The implementation of numbers-based
identification of areas, especially when the community, already has an established
sense of place, disrupts the development of cognitive awareness of the environment.
All interviewed residents of Balambaras area are certain that their neighborhood is
not part of Gebar sefer, but former administrative demarcations associate them with
it while their preferred and reasoned association is better aligned towards Serategna
sefer. Against the facts on the ground that Zero Amst area is demolished, dwellers
of Dejach Wube sefer adamantly storify and keep it and its relocated communities in
collective memory and narration.

In the case of Dejach Wube sefer, narratives are actively used to archive and
advocate for a sense of identity that is disturbed by the state. As a form of resistance
against actions by the government and frustrated with the uncertainty that their
current sefer is also under similar threat, residents’ narratives are used as socio-
political agency and advocacy. Whereas, in Balambaras area of Serategna sefer
narratives are found in an uncertain and disintegrated state. Respondents to this
research recognize the area as a cognitively present agglomerate but name it
differently based on where in this area they reside and what landmark is closer to
them. They also consider it part of Serategna sefer but refer to it as Kebele ten to
inject a distinction. These transient processes of narrativizing an uncertain condition
due to change or disruption suspend a sense of place and enforce a cognized state
of border.

160 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Embedded in the discussions of location-specific processes and conditions
of cognitive borders discussed above, are implicit and explicit manifestations
of sociality in spatial terms. Through two forms of inquisitions of borders as
narrativized by residents; one that asks for the markers from a resident’s house
towards the limits, and another locating borders through walking-along and mapping
exercises, these findings have illustrated the notions of ‘thereness,’ ‘placeness’ and
‘belongingness’ by paying due attention to the cognitive nature of border making, as
James Wiley Scott invites us to do.

Furthermore, studying cognitive borders as practices of place making is useful to

understand scale in spatial terms. Scale of a community is an element of space-
society relation that, disciplines tasked with the making of the built environment
strive to comprehend in the contexts they engage in. Such empirically demonstrated
findings inform design and planning practices with contextual insights that capture
nuances and enable projective efforts to be extensive. Understanding the size,
density, socio-spatial make up, and its relevance as an identity on its own, and
together with neighboring areas, can apprise planners of the now demolished Zero
Amst area to steer their efforts towards context specific imaginations.

161 Cognitive borders of sefer

TOC
162 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
TOC
5 Iddir:
a social relation
and a social capital
in sefer
In order to comprehend sefer and its complexity, it is vital to form a critical
understanding of iddir. It is the most ubiquitous and prevalent form of social network
in all the case of this dissertation. In nearly all interviews conducted, respondents
have noted the relevance of iddir in community identity, economic support, social
security, and shared objectives of development of sefer in general. Be the questions
of concerns such as borders, activities, or physical structures, residents of ’s
responses make a direct or indirect link to membership to an iddir or more. Iddir
is repeatedly presented as one of the most essential types of social networks that
foster a sense of community and belonginess among members. Its basic function
relates to funerary events in a sefer during which, the financial and emotional burden
befalling members who are bereaved is shared among members. But, as will be
illustrated further in this chapter, it is instrumental in maximizing both individual and
shared gains to members in other aspects of communality.

The second form of relationships, and those that are driven by household level
economic needs are those of domestic production and exchange—home-based
enterprises. Families employ financial, labor, and spatial resources to generate
income through economic exchanges that are embedded in social structures. The
home-enterprises as family mode of production227 (FMP) and extended fungibility

227 Michael Lipton, “Family, Fungibility and Formality: Rural Advantages of Informal Non-Farm Enterprise
versus the Urban-Formal State,” in Human Resources, Employment and Development Volume 5: Developing
Countries: Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of the International Economic Association Held
in Mexico City, 1980, ed. Samir Amin (London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1984), 189–242, https://doi.
org/10.1007/978-1-349-17461-4_10.

163 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 (in reference to the “extension of fungibility between the economic and domestic
spheres”)228 have been discussed in economics for long. But the notion of
embeddedness in social structures and by extension the character of communality—
communal resource, is of peculiar interest in revealing the practices in sefer. It is
important to view the home-based enterprises in sefer as more than mere non-
formal economic acts that are part and parcel of the networks and practices that
duplicate social capital.

On a third degree, a notion especially related to social and economic relations,

that residents point to as means of saving, credits and investing in betterments
of households. As the Ethiopian form of rotating savings and credit association
(RoSCA), the serves a means to advance purchasing capacity of its members and
allows households to function with short and long terms household financial plans.229

These three practices are social capital for residents in sefer.230 Members join them
motivated by both individual and shared interests, to make the most out of social,
economic, and spatial resources (in various forms and scales) that are rooted in
their communal networks. For this dissertation, the focus of detailed discussion will
be the iddir. The current chapter will reveal iddir as communal institutions of social
capital order, that are integral to the. It will show further that iddir are a sefer-tied
socio-economic institution that can manifestly be mapped as a spatial reality in
communities of sefer. As a result of the exposition of iddir at the nexus of social
capital and urban theories, an original reading of s and their complex social and
spatial make up is made possible.

Section 5.1 introduces iddir through a review of the literature and first-hand
accounts of informants to this research as a voluntary mutual support association
among communities in Ethiopia. Here, an argument is also made that, iddir is sefer-
tied—that it is an integral part of sefer, and sefer is a defining context for iddir as

228 Peter Kellett and A Graham Tipple, “The Home as Workplace: A Study of Income-Generating Activities
within Domestic Setting,” Environment and Urbanization 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 205.
229 Agegnehu Bisrat, Karantininis Kostas, and Li Feng, “Are There Financial Benefits to Join RoSCAs?
Empirical Evidence from Equb in Ethiopia,” Procedia Economics and Finance 1 (2012): 229–38, https://doi.
org/10.1016/S2212-5671(12)00027-5; Abbi M. Kedir and Gamal Ibrahim, “ROSCAs in Urban Ethiopia: Are
the Characteristics of the Institutions More Important than Those of Members?,” Journal of Development
Studies 47, no. 7 (July 2011): 998–1016, https://doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2010.536219.
230 Dejene Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” in Iddirs Participation and Development
(ACORD, Ethiopian National Conference, 20-21 December, 2001, Addis Ababa: ACORD Ethiopia, 2003), 43–
61; Dejene Aredo, “The Iddir: An Informal Insurance Arrangement in Ethiopia,” SAVINGS AND DEVELOPMENT
34, no. 1 (2010): 58.

164 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 a type of social network. And categorization of iddir into types needs to be based
on an understanding of the function of iddir; access to steadfast support and its
reliance on the social network structures within sefer. This section further introduces
an understanding of iddir as social capital that was hinted by scholars such as
Dejene Aredo and Alula Pankhurst.231 A brief introduction to social capital theory
thus becomes important at this juncture and is so presented in section 5.2. Via a
general review of social capital theory and based on Julia Häuberer’s formalized
conception of it,232 this section brings forth the conceptual areas where iddir can
be epistemically located and elaborated as a viable form of social capital. These
conceptual areas are used in section 5.3 to further elucidate iddir’s characteristics
and to generate a new definition for it based on its social capital features.
Such description and definition of iddir as a social and economic phenomenon
simultaneously, is an essential foundation to the spatial and storified illustration of
iddir in sefer that follows in section 5.4. This section presents interviewees’ stories,
and a mapping of the spatiality of iddir in sefer and displays iddir and sefer as co-
defining entities. Section 5.5 is a summary of findings and concludes this chapter.

5.1 Iddir: A funerary association and more

Beginning with a brief introduction, in 1958, by Richard Pankhurst and Endreas

Eshete,233 many scholars of sociology and social anthropology have discussed Iddir
for more than 60 years. Among these discussants, Alemayehu Seifu, defined it as “a
voluntary association established for the purpose of mutual aid in matters of burial
and other community concerns.”234 Later, Alula Pankhurst affirmed the funerary
function and the voluntary aspect as defining characteristics of Iddir, and furthered
an understanding of Iddir as “sub-type of local organizations which are prevalent

231 Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” 58; Alula Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and
Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban Ethiopia,” Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Special
Thematic Issue on Contemporary Urban Dynamics, 41, no. 1/2 (December 2008): 145.
232 Julia Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” VS Research (Wiesbaden,
VS Verl. für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011).
233 Dr. Richard Pankhurst and Endreas Eshete, “Self-Help in Ethiopia,” Ethiopia Observer, 1958, 8.

234 Alemayehu Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” Ethiopia Observer, 1968, 8.

165 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 form of social capital worldwide.”235 Furthermore, he distinctly highlighted the
individuals’ willingness for membership and deliberate voluntary choice as crucial
characteristics of Iddir.236 Scholars of economics, such as Arnaldo Mauri and Dejene
Aredo, also offered definitions to iddir. Mauri depicts it as a “sort of insurance
programme run by a community or a group to meet emergency situations.”237 A
definition on which Aredo expands by defining it as an insurance institution that
is utilized during risk phenomena such as “funeral ceremonies, death of major
productive assets (such as draft oxen), medical expenses, food shortage, and so
on.”238 Among community-based organizations in Ethiopia, Aredo finds Iddir to be
“the most egalitarian, broad-based, transparent, and accountable.”239

Many others, including the scholars aforementioned, have described Iddir via its
ubiquity in, and indigeneity to Ethiopia. Even though there remains debate about the
origin of Iddir; meaning, if it is a rural tradition that evolved into an urban practice, or
if it is a result of urbanization that gradually expanded into rural areas, its ubiquitous
presence across communities in Ethiopia is generally agreed upon. Both economists
and anthropologists have also argued that it is an indigenous practice to Ethiopia.
For example, Aredo said, Iddir is different from other similar associations in Africa
in the performance of “regular and ex-ante payment of fixed amount of money to
a common pool set up by a group.”240 And A. Pankhurst stated that “the particular
way in which iddir emerged was particular to the Ethiopian context;” and that in
comparison, the Iddir of Ethiopia have “much longer history, greater endurance and
are larger groups with asset holdings.”241

235 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” 145.
236 Pankhurst, 148.

237 Arnaldo Mauri, “The Role of Financial Intermediation in the Mobilisation and Allocation of Household
Savings in Ethiopia: Interlinks between Organized and Informal Circuits” (Giordano Dell’Amore Working Paper
No. 2/1987, 1987), 7, https://ssrn.com/abstract=943426 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.943426.
238 Aredo, “The Iddir: An Informal Insurance Arrangement in Ethiopia,” 57.

239 Aredo, 58.

240 Aredo, 58.

241 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” 145.

166 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 A. Pankhurst further examined the historic root of the term Iddir itself. 242 He laid out
an evolution of the use and meaning of the word Iddir from “a general reference to
custom, to one relating to decisions and sanctions, and then to refer specifically to
funeral association,” from the late 19th century through the 1920s and to the post-
Italian occupation periods respectively.243 Attesting to the communal bondage that
is embedded in iddir, the word iddirtegna (እድርተኛ) is used to describe, in its basic
sense, membership to a common iddir,244 and in its affective sense, an expression of
cherished relationship or sense of belongingness.245

In their publication in 1958, R. Pankhurst and Eshete, discussed iddir as having three
distinct types—community iddir, tribal iddir, and institutional iddir.246 A decade
later, Seifu argued against such typology by stating that in the beginning iddir “was
invariable based on vicinity; it was an association with almost all its members drawn
from the same neighbourhood.”247 And that it is only gradually the other forms of
association came about. Except for borrowing the name iddir briefly upon their arrival
to the social scene, “almost all institutional and tribal associations” were rather
referred to as “meredaja maheber,” meaning mutual aid associations in its literal
sense. Thus, explicitly stating that, in the context of his contribution, iddir referred
to only those based on neighbourhood or community. Regardless, other scholars
continued introducing typologies in their discourses. For instance, Aredo insisted that
there are various types of iddir, of which he discussed four in his 1993 contribution,
and later, a typology of ten (in Addis Ababa) in his 2001 contribution.248

242 Alula Pankhurst, “The Role and Space for Iddirs to Participate in the Development of Ethiopia,” in Iddirs
Participation and Development: Proceedings of the Ethiopian National Conference: 20-21 December 2001
(Addis Ababa: ACORD Ethiopia, 2003), 16–17.
243 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” 151.
244 Thomas Leiper Kane, Amharic-English Dictionary, vol. I (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 1990),
1304.
245 Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” 14.

246 Pankhurst and Eshete, “Self-Help in Ethiopia,” 358.

247 Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” 8.

248 Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” 44–45.

167 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 During the same period, Elias Yitbarek cautiously stated that, “out of the many types
of iddir…the most dominant is community iddir, also called, yesefer iddir [iddir of
the sefer] or yekebele iddir [iddir of the kebele, the smallest administrative district].
It is formed by households living in the same neighbourhood (sefer or kebele).”249
Perhaps, the boldest presentation of typologies of iddir is A. Pankhurst’s tabulation
of ten types of iddir based on locality, ethnicity, institution, gender, age, friendship,
kinship, religion, displacement and resettlement.250

The attempts to capture iddir in typologies, especially beyond the context of the
sefer, have shown to be evolving and problematic. What almost all discussants
agree on is that there is an innate function to iddir, which is the funerary function.
Towards this function, members of an iddir pay dues, assemble for meetings, attend
funerals by accompanying the coffin as it is carried to the place of burial, support
the bereaved by availing their time, food, and drinks to mourners, in most cases, for
a minimum of three days. These activities are supported by resources such as tents,
temporary kitchens, cutlery, chairs, tables and mattresses that are administered by
the iddir. The logistics of these activities is thus, tied to proximity to the residence of
the bereaved. In addition, one of the most popular values of iddir is its promptness
to respond to incidents of bereavement. Another point of agreement among scholars
is that the proliferation of iddir; the growth in its popularity across Ethiopia right at
the outset, has inspired its adoption, in one form or another, into other spheres of
society, such as the place of work. Both the term iddir, and its organisational and
operational mechanisms have been transposed into such relatively recent contexts.

The logistics and proximity aspects discussed above, and the understanding that
the other forms of associations are transpositions of the sefer-tied iddir, are also
used as arguments by informants to this research who assert that, it is primarily the
-tied iddir that they assuredly consider to be iddir. In concurrence to Seifu’s position
stated earlier, the interviewees disclose that they consider the associations that are
formed outside of the context of the sefer as maheber (association) or meredaja
maheber (mutual aid association).

249 Elias Yitbarek, “The Role of Iddir in Neighborhood Upgrading in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,” Journal of
Ethiopian Studies 41, no. 1–2 (December 2008): 188.
250 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” 167.

168 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
I would call these Mahebers (Associations), may be the ethnic ones are structured more like iddir
than the others. … You see there are different associations, but if you ask me, I would not call
them iddir. It is maheber, but they are transforming it into iddir. … So, they support each other
within those kinds of smaller circles, and those would not be referred to as iddir.251

I am also a member to another iddir called Gonderie iddir which is of those of us who are from
Gondar. But it is not iddir per se, it is just to maintain social life and for that purpose you organize
it in the shape of an iddir…. It is only when there is sefer that an iddir can exist. If sefer is there,
then iddir is there.252

It is hence prudent to set out the distinction that, especially in an urban setting
such as Addis Ababa, iddir is a voluntary association that is tied to the sefer. Be
it in popular understanding as seen in the interviews, or in its innate function and
operations as discussed earlier, this distinction is evident. Those associations of
mutual aid that are not related to the sefer, regardless of their resemblance to
the iddir, can be classified and studied as transpositions or replicas, rather than
typologies, of iddir itself—or more conveniently as maheber or meredaja maheber
as was suggested by Seifu. Since the term sefer may not apply to rural contexts,
further enquiry into mutual aid associations in rural areas need to be conducted to
determine whether iddir is location related or not. With the clarity though, that iddir
in urban settings is sefer-tied, we can proceed to discuss the different types or “sub-
groups”253 of iddir that exist within the sefer.

Broadly, iddir are classified into two gender-based groups: ye wendoch (men’s’)
iddir and ye setoch (women’s) iddir. The men’s iddir is further classified into two:
those that are based on or affiliated to religion and those that are generic or open in
character. Examples to these types of iddir are discussed in the interviewees’ stories
in section 5.4 below. In some implicit cases, iddir may be formed as an evolution
of a network of people gathered around religious interests, sentiments, or figures.
Though these iddir can technically be open to those that are not members of a certain
religion, their names, customs, and religious symbols used on documents can keep
the sentiments of that specific religion and be exclusive in character. In other explicit
cases, iddir are formed specially to keep practices within the ethics and ethos of a

251 For the context of this discussion with interviewee AbFe see section 5.4.

252 For the context of this discussion with interviewee M see section 5.4.

253 Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” 49.

169 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 certain religion. In this case, membership is specifically accessible to residents of a
sefer that are from a specific religious identity. Even though both types of iddir are
named as the males’ iddir, they are not gender exclusive in membership. Women
or matriarchal households are not excluded from membership.254 These iddir are
characteristically large (in membership size and capital) and functionally broad.
Starting with the announcement of a funeral by the blowing of bugles through the
alleys of the sefer; the setting up of tents, organizing the funeral procession in general,
and mobilizing and keeping records of attendance, the organizational aspects of the
funerary event are taken care, primarily, of by the males’ iddir. The females’ iddir, on
the other hand, are small in size and specific in function. They are primarily responsible
for the keeping up of the domestic space of the bereaved, and catering throughout the
period of mourning. The women’s iddir is a relatively gender exclusive iddir.

Overall, majority of households in sefer are members to almost all the three types of
iddir discussed. Within a family, individuals are able to choose and become a member
of any of the types of iddir. There are various reasons for a choice of membership,
such as religious affiliation and gender as stated above, but also monthly
contribution, financial status of individuals, financial benefits the iddir avails, and
families’ interest and projection of social status are some more reasons. The degree
of structural and membership openness, and the advantages individuals and families
seek to maximize through membership to iddir are further discussed in section 5.3.

A spatial documentation and/or discussion of iddir has not been done to date.
There exist literature illustrating the role of iddir in urban development projects
such as neighbourhood upgrading and services maintenance255 and as grass roots
mobilization in the campaign against HIV/AIDS256, but a description of iddir’s
spatiality has not been done so far. This may be because of the overbearing
position to define s as slums, and their physical reality as nothing more
than in need of redevelopment. Or it may be that iddir’s innate character of
operating outside formal mechanisms that decrease its accessibility for research.

254 Pankhurst and Eshete, “Self-Help in Ethiopia,” 360.

255 Yitbarek, “The Role of Iddir in Neighborhood Upgrading in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia”; Municipality of Addis
Ababa, The Kolfe Low-Cost Housing Project (Addis Ababa: Municipality of Addis Ababa with the Cooperation
of the other donors, 1968), 16; Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” 13–14; Pankhurst,
“The Role and Space for Iddirs to Participate in the Development of Ethiopia”; Pankhurst, “The Emergence,
Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban Ethiopia.”
256 Alula Pankhurst and Damen Haile Mariam, “The ‘Iddir’ in Ethiopia: Historical Development, Social
Function, and Potential Role in HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control,” Northeast African Studies 7, no. 2 (2000):
35–57.

170 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 IDDIR

Men’s Iddir

Religion-based Generic/secular Women’s Iddir

Men’s Iddir Men’s Iddir
FIG. 5.1 A typology of Iddir.

Or it may be that the values of iddir in society have not been exposed enough to earn
validation as spatial entities. Whichever of these or other reasons may be responsible
for the lack of spatial documentation of iddir, the task of unearthing iddir as a spatial
reality of sefer demands a framework that sets out its socioeconomic and spatial values.

A. Pankhurst remarked on the social capital aspect of iddir, as a feature it shares

with other local organizations worldwide, but he did not expand on this notion.
Neither was it clear if he intended to engage social capital theory in discussing
iddir at all. But a much more obvious attempt was the contribution by Aredo
entitled ‘Iddir: a look at a form of social capital’ in which he said “[i]n a sense,
Iddir can be considered as a social capital, because it is built upon the principles
of collective action for mutual benefit, relations of trust, reciprocity, common rules
(bylaws), social sanctions, and social networks”257 Further, he presented a matrix
that juxtaposed defining features of social capital and illustrations from iddir to
demonstrate his consideration of iddir as a social capital.258

As it will become evident going forward, the leap from the sociological and economic
expositions of iddir done so far, towards the spatial exposition this research intends
to do, is well served with the introduction of social capital theory. Considering social
capital theory was and still is evolving, and that there have been advancements in
the field since Aredo’s proposition in 2003, it is apparent that a renewed reading
of social capital theory be introduced at this juncture. Thus, the following sections
will affirm and further illustrate Aredo’s position that iddir is a social network of
social capital order and present, not a juxtaposition anymore, but an explanation of
iddir through the conceptual framework of social capital theory. This will form the
foundation as we bridge towards the illustration of iddir’s spatiality in sefer.

257 Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” 58.

258 Aredo, 51–53.

171 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
5.2 Häuberer’s formalized concept
of social capital

A comprehensive enquiry into both the founders’ and other scholars’ arguments
regarding social capital theory, to formalize and visualize the “current social
capital theory”259 is provided by Julia Häuberer, in a monograph that inspects
their concepts, axioms and theorems. Before presenting the formalized concept
of social capital that she forwarded, it is useful to review the main concepts and
arguments discussed.

Pierre Bourdieu developed one of the foundational theories to social capital, that
refers to the economic term of capital,260 as it is read in his contribution The Forms
of Capital.261

Social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked
to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships
of mutual acquaintance and recognition—or in other words, to membership in a
group—which provides each of its members with the backing of the collectively-
owned capital, a “credential” which entitles them to credit, in the various senses of
the word.262

In doing so, he establishes a distinction from the other forms of capital; economic
and cultural. Both economic and cultural capital are individual properties, whereas,
social capital emanates from relationships and “provides useful support when it
is needed.”263 Some goods and services are readily exchangeable with economic
capital; but “others can be obtained only by virtue of a social capital of relationships
(or social obligations),”264 which are built over a long period in the form of, for
example gratitude—during which the exchange may not even be conceived or
needed. The duplication of social capital assumes an unrelenting effort with

259 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 147.

260 Häuberer, 35.

261 Pierre Bourdieu, “THE FORMS OF CAPITAL,” in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of
Education (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1986), 241–58.
262 Bourdieu.

263 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 38.

264 Bourdieu, “THE FORMS OF CAPITAL.”

172 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 continuous exchanges, and sustained sociability, that should yield recognition
and affirmation. And the amount of an individual’s social capital depends on the
amount of network of connections that individual can readily mobilize and the capital
embedded in each member to these connections that the individual has claim to.

The other foundational introduction to social capital is by James S. Coleman,

who theorized it within the context of rational choice theory;265 in that, social
interdependencies are a result of individual actors’ rational choices based on their
interest in “events and resources controlled by other actors.”266 He further argued
for social relationships not to be seen as mere components of social structures that
emerge when individuals come together to make the best use of their individual
resources, rather as resources on their own, for the individuals.267 It is this idea of
social relationships as resources for individuals that Glenn Loury introduced as a
concept of social capital into economics to argue against what Coleman referred
to as the individualist bias of neoclassical economics.268 Coleman also invokes the
critique of Mark Granovetter269 against the new institutional economics for failing “to
recognize the importance of concrete personal relations and networks of relations—
what [Granovetter] calls the embeddedness of economic transactions in social
relations—in generating trust, in establishing expectations, and in creating and
enforcing norms.”270 These social-structural resources are conceived by Coleman as
“a capital asset for the individual, that is, as social capital.”271

Social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity, but a variety of
different entities having two characteristics in common: They all consist of some
aspect of a social structure, and they facilitate certain actions of individuals who
are within the structure. Like other forms of capital, social capital is productive,
making possible the achievement of certain ends that would not be attainable in its
absence.272

265 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 35,39.

266 Häuberer, 39.

267 James S. Coleman, Foundation of Social Theory (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press, 1990), 300.
268 Coleman, 301.

269 Mark Granovetter, “Economic Action and Social Structure: The Problem of Embeddedness,” American
Journal of Sociology 91, no. 3 (1985): 481–510.
270 Coleman, Foundation of Social Theory, 302.

271 Coleman, 302.

272 Coleman, 302.

173 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 The function identified by the concept “social capital” is the value of those aspects
of social structure to actors, as resources that can be used by the actors to realize
their interests.273

For Coleman, social capital is not privately owned by any of the members of a social
structure who benefit from it—rendering it uneasy to exchange.274 It is a public
good275 that is only evident in relationships among persons.

Regarding the creation, maintenance and destruction of social capital Coleman

highlights three main driving factors, one of which is stability.276 Stability is an
essential aspect of social capital. “Disruptions in social organization or social
relations destroy social capital.”277 Furthermore, the maintenance of social capital
demands the fulfilment of incurred obligations, but characteristically, there is
underinvestment in its creation,278 that it can only be improved through time and
effort as expectations and obligations manifest only in due time and interaction.

Bourdieu and Coleman have structurally theorized social capital from two
perspectives. Bourdieu’s emphasis is on the individual’s gained support from social
relations; thus, social capital is seen primarily as an individual resource.279 Whereas
Coleman calls attention to the public goodness aspect of social capital, and that both
individuals and the social structure they are embedded in reap benefits from various
forms of social capital. A number of scholars have since, critically engaged with their
contributions to further refine social capital theory.

For example, Häuberer discusses Robert D. Putnam’s “civic perspective on social

capital,”280 that defines social capital as “connection among individuals—social
networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arises from them;”281

273 Coleman, 305.

274 Coleman, 315.

275 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 40.

276 Coleman, Foundation of Social Theory, 318–21.

277 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 41.

278 Häuberer, 41.

279 Häuberer, 46.

280 Häuberer, 53.

281 Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, Revised and
updated (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001), 16, http://ebook.3m.com/library/BCPL-document_id-
anc9zz9.

174 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 and introduces the bonding (inward looking form of social capital) and bridging
(outward looking form of social capital).282 A bonding social capital is of social
groups with individuals having similar background like gender, religion, class or
ethnicity. It facilitates solidarity and reciprocity with relative ease and is most useful
for “getting through.”283 A bridging social capital on the other hand, is embedded in
networks across differences, characterised by diverse identities and reciprocity, and
the capacity to tap into external advantages. And it “helps to get ahead.”284

Ronald S. Burt’s “network approach to social capital,”285 emphasizes an actor’s

position in a network and how this impacts this actor’s access to social capital.
With the concept that he refers to as “structural holes,”286—”a relationship of non-
redundancy between two contacts,”287 he discusses efficiency and effectiveness
aspects of social networks. For Burt, beneficial flow of information within a network
is made possible when the network is optimized for structural holes, meaning when
a good balance is set between network size and diversity of contacts—its contacts
providing additive rather than redundant or overlapping benefits and bridging access
to other clusters too—“the nonredundant ties are your bridges to other clusters.”288

And Nan Lin’s “resource perspective,”289 brings forth resources’ embeddedness,

accessibility, and use into the discourse of social capital. He explains the success of
social capital, in instrumental and expressive actions, is a result of four elements;
information, influence, social credentials, and reinforcement.290 Instrumental and
expressive actions are two forms of purposive action an actor performs to either
gain resources or retain them, respectively. According to Lin, the structural position
in a hierarchical network (pyramidal hierarchy), location in a network (which defines
strength of ties and bridging capabilities), and purpose of action (instrumental or
expressive) build up social capital for actors. He defines; valued resources embedded

282 Putnam, 20–22.

283 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 58.

284 Häuberer, 58.

285 Häuberer, 87.

286 Ronald S. Burt, Structural Holes: The Social Structure of Competition (Cambridge, Massachusetts:
Harvard Univeristy Press, 1992), 18–30.
287 Burt, 18.

288 Burt, 28.

289 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 117.

290 For further discussion on these elements, see also Nan Lin and John Smith, Social Capital: A Theory of
Social Structure and Action (Cambridge, UNITED KINGDOM: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 19–20,
http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.action?docID=201839.

175 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 in social structures, similarity of resource characteristics, resources embedded in an
actor’s contacts or structural positions in a network that an actor has access to “are
social capital for the actors in the networks.”291

After methodically discussing the above concepts, Häuberer provides a preliminary,

formalized concept of social capital. First, a refinement to the definition of social
capital: “Social capital is a property of relationships among individuals that are a
resource actors can use and benefit from.”292 It is thus, a means to access social
resources and it appears only in networks among actors. The networks can be open
(bridging), thus, more suitable for instrumental actions (actions aimed at gaining
resources) or actions with competitive character; or they can be closed (bonding),
thus, more suitable for expressive actions (actions aimed at retaining resources)
or actions characterized by cooperation. Cultural societal aspects, such as norms
of reciprocity, generalized trust and collective assets, are both preconditions and
products of social capital.

PRECONDITIONS ACCESS TO ACCESSED OUTCOMES

SOCIAL CAPITAL SOCIAL CAPITAL

CULTURAL SOCIETAL ASPECTS NETWORK RESOURCE CULTURAL SOCIETAL ASPECTS

(norms of reciprocity, CHARACTER TYPE (norms of reciprocity,
generalized trust) ( / ) generalized trust)
Size For expressive
COLLECTIVE ASSETS action EXPRESSIVE OUTCOMES
(economy, technology, (retained resources)
historical background) Range/Diversity
Openness/Structural For instrumental
INDIVIDUAL CHARACTERISTICS holes action INSTRUMENTAL OUTCOMES
(age, gender, ethnicity) Closure/Density (gained resources)

FIG. 5.2 Häuberer’s visualized concept of social capital theory. (Redrawn by the author based on Häuberer’s
Refined Social Capital Model293)

291 Lin and Smith, 75; Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 123.

292 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 249.

293 Häuberer, 150.

176 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
5.3 Iddir as a social capital

“… the most succinct definition of reciprocity: ‘If you don’t go to somebody’s

funeral, they won’t come to yours.’”294

Iddir is a result of the deep-rooted tradition in various Ethiopian communities that

attendance to funerary processions is regarded as an essential event of expression
of solidarity to the deceased and their relatives.295 The processions are conceived,
not only as consolation to the bereaved, but also as a display of the amount of social,
economic, and cultural capital the deceased, and relatives of the deceased, as a
collective, have to their credit. A common blessing among communities, as it refers
to this tradition is ‘qebari ayasatah/sh’ (ቀባሪ አያሳጣህ/ሽ), which can be translated as
to say “‘may God not deprive you of people to bury you.’ Implied in this blessing
is having a large number of people for the burial.”296 Hence, individuals spend
considerable amount of resources and effort, through a long period of time, in
building and maintaining these capital. Iddir, in this regard, is both a carrier of the
social capital and a social capital on its own. The social and emotional benefits of
iddir to individuals are best represented by Seifu as follows.

Undeniably the presence of people at the funeral and at the deceased’s home
during the few days after the funeral gives psychological support for the bereaved
member and helps him to rehabilitate and repair the broken web of social
relationships and prevents his isolation from meaningful participation in society.
Gatherings in such cases also serve to reaffirm the social solidarity of the [iddir].297

Generally, iddir consists of both authority and trust relations among members.
Elders, for instance, play significant role in the establishment and operation of
iddir. This is mainly because they are trusted by the community as they have “more
prestige, more influence and more say in common affairs.”298 Elders are trusted to
make judgement and mediation to the benefit of the larger community. As can be

294 Putnam, Bowling Alone, 18 The full quote credits Yogi Berra for this statement: “It was, however, neither
a novelist not an economist, but Yogi Berra who offered the most succinct definition of reciprocity: ‘If you
don’t go to somebody’s funeral, they won’t come to yours.’”
295 Pankhurst and Eshete, “Self-Help in Ethiopia,” 359.

296 Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” 12.

297 Seifu, 12.

298 Seifu, 9.

177 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 seen in section 5.4, interviewee AT exerts his credential as a respected member of
the community to mobilize his community to form, not only one, but two iddir in
his sefer. Such form of trust is gained mainly because of one’s age, life experience,
length of time they have been part of the community, and active participation in
the interest of the community. For an iddir to be established, a sizable number
of founding members are needed, which means, the elders will have to invest the
social capital they possess to initiate interest among the community. Once an iddir
is established, new membership is made possible through a process of vetting that
fits the type of iddir that is established (generic, religion related, or women’s iddir).
In general, the more socially involved a person is, the more trust there is for them
to be accepted as a new member. It is also possible to be accepted if a credible
member can vouch for an applicant. The accumulation such trust comes handy
during the daily operation of iddir that demands exchange of support and favours.
In its structured format, iddir has regulations to balance expectations, obligations,
and reciprocal exchange of favours. But informally, iddir instils a sense of comradery
through social norms that encourage social relationships. Members are encouraged
to visit each other and keep each other company in good times and bad.299 All these
formal and informal operations are governed by an executive body of elected officials
to whom control is transferred periodically through elections and appointments.
Hence, the executive group hold temporary authority, which they are trusted to
employ towards common good. And within the executives there exists further
hierarchy and relationship of authority based on the official positions. Considering
iddir, regardless of successive efforts by the state,300 has maintained an operation
uncaptured by government, the trust among members is of high importance for it
to survive and thrive. To this end, it is important that individual expectations, and
obligations are reciprocally met. For the success of the iddir then, all its members
should maintain active and productive engagement in a continuous manner, but the
public good nature of iddir makes such continuous investment unrealistic. Which
begs the question, what sustains iddir as a function of, primarily, reciprocity and
secondarily, altruism?301

299 Seifu, 12–13.

300 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia.”
301 Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” 44. In addition, the altruistic character of iddir is not
exhaustively documented. Yet, while iddir’s involvement in supporting non-members, availing membership
possibilities to those that cannot afford the fees, and engagement in charitable operations and campaigns
can be taken as examples, in more conceptual sense, the traditional root of iddir for mutual support retains a
degree of the altruistic character to iddir.

178 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Iddir is strictly governed.302 There are bylaws that constitute the iddir and enable
it to regulate itself through the maintenance of obligations and reciprocity. Elected
group of executives hold authority for a term/s dictated by the bylaws, while
reciprocity is maintained through trust relations among the community, including
the executives. Contributions in the forms of fees, in-kind inputs, time, and labour
are regulated as obligations to maintain the network at high function of reciprocity.
Warnings are issued to those members who fail to fulfil their responsibilities.
Monetary penalties, in the form of fines can be sanctioned against those who
persist on underinvesting in the iddir’s function;303 and over-persistence in such
underinvestment leads to potential rejection of and ejection from membership which
deprives the individual of, not only membership to the same iddir, but also the
credibility that would otherwise be useful for them to join other iddir in the sefer.304
If it was not for such strict governance, the maintenance of high level of investment
and engagement into the iddir by individual members would have been difficult.
Such strict governance contributes to the durability of iddir and nurtures trust
among the community. The balance between trust and authority relations within
iddir are different from iddir to iddir. But what is consistent among iddir is that their
governance is “most egalitarian, broad-based, transparent, and accountable” and
their bylaws embed the “principles of checks and balances.”305

302 Pankhurst and Eshete, “Self-Help in Ethiopia,” 359.

303 As can be seen on the internal pages of an exemplary identification, and fees and fines registration
document in FIG. 5.4 of st. Gabriel’s iddir of Serategna sefer; fines of penalty are documented in two
columns, third and fourth columns. The third columns are for fines regarding generic, unfulfilled duties of
iddir, such as absence at monthly meetings. Whereas the fourth column is divided into three specific fines,
translated from the Amharic texts as “mounting of tents,”” burial,” and “evenings.” These three activities
of mounting tent/s at or near to the residence of the bereaved, the attendance of the burial process, and
spending evenings with the mourning family are considered the standard of minimum expected obligations
that need to be reciprocated among members. If a member of the iddir fails to attend or perform these
activities as per the schedule the iddir’s officials set out for individual members, that member shall be
indebted to the iddir a standardized amount as fine.
304 Pankhurst and Eshete, “Self-Help in Ethiopia,” 359.

305 Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” 46.

179 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 FIG. 5.3 Front cover of St. Gabriel iddir’s membership identification document. It is used for both
identification and registering fees and fines. Text reads “Within Woreda 2, Kebele 13, St. Gabriel’s mutual
support iddir-identification document (ID)”

FIG. 5.4 Internal pages of iddir members identification and fee registration document. The four main column
texts show date, monthly fees, monthly fines, various (specific) fines.

180 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 FIG. 5.5 A standardized form to be filled by members for the purpose of documenting their family members
into the iddir’s books. Header text reads “Family registration form.”

181 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 FIG. 5.6 Front page of the bylaws of St. Mikael iddir in Serategna sefer. The text reads “St. Mikael funerary
mutual support iddir: the bylaws as amended for the third time”

182 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 In addition to regulating obligations, the bylaws set out the rules that pertain to
amount to be contributed at regular time intervals (mostly monthly) and amounts
to be given out to members at the time of need, such as a funeral. As such, these
amounts are fixed prior to the occurrence of risk that necessitates support. The
amounts vary among iddir and this variation avails options for individuals to make
choices that meet their desires and financial abilities. The deposition of minimal
amounts at fixed intervals makes budgeting and planning possible. This in turn
provides predictability of expenses for families most of whom operate with little
means. At the most unpredictable occurrence of risk such as the death, illness, or
loss of job, a larger sum of money is availed for the individual members. This makes
iddir a profitable financial operation, similar to insurance, to the benefit of the
individual in that “premiums are paid in a weak currency and that rewards are paid in
a strong one.”306

Following the brief discussion of social capital theory, in the previous section, a
step-by-step evaluation of iddir and its characteristic features discussed above vis á
vis social capital theory, emerges as a viable avenue to lead to an understanding of
it that is an improvement to the mainly anthropological and economical descriptions
provided so far. In line with Aredo’s attempt to introduce iddir as a form of social
capital, this section provides updated discussion elaborating the nexus between
iddir and social capital and provides a new definition to iddir that derives from social
capital theory. The main objectives of this segment of the research are thus; (1)
to submit iddir as a viable case of social capital, (2) to contend that social capital
theory provides a better avenue for the study and representation, especial for the
purposes of spatial analysis, of complex social relations that exist in , and (3) to
generate appropriate thematic; a focus area, for the urban, spatial analyses of
complexities in sefer.

Iddir through Bourdieu- and Coleman’s concepts of social capital

Bourdieu defined social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources
which are linked to possession of a durable network or more or less institutionalized
relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition.”307 As discussed above
iddir, as a social network, requires acquaintance among members in the form of
neighbourly relation, religious membership, or based on gender. These relationships

306 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 43.

307 See section 5.3.1

183 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 are recognized through, in addition to individuals’ daily engagements, the provision
of membership identifying documents, as constituted in the bylaws of iddir. In
addition, iddir is a highly regulated and structured institution. This contributes to its
resilience, agility, and longevity. The relationships in iddir are thus institutionalized
through membership and executive arrangements with both authority and trust-
based relations among members. One of the prime qualities of iddir is the collection
of monthly monetary contribution by individual members to the iddir. This
continuous contribution is done regardless of funerary activities that may or may
not happen at the time of contribution—in other words it is collected prior to any
incident requiring support from the iddir as a collective. The amount of time needed
to build and maintain relationships, to administer activities of shared interest, and
to avail social, and emotional support needed by members constitutes the resource
individuals deliberately avail through the iddir. Furthermore, members bring their
cultural capital in the form of knowledge and skills, and cultural goods and practices
into the iddir as potential resources accessible to members through the iddir.
Bourdieu further qualifies the “aggregation of the actual or potential resources” as
linked to “membership in a group—which provides each of its members with the
backing of the collectively-owned capital, a ‘credential’ which entitles them to credit,
in the various senses of the word.”308 Here, the resources of iddir stated above are
the “collectively-owned capital” that individual members have access to when in
need. The credit, in the context of the iddir, can be of social (such as information
access), cultural, emotional, and/or financial nature.

Thus, looking at iddir through Bourdieu’s definition of social capital which puts
emphasis on the resources individuals can access in a social relationship, it can be
said that iddir is an institutionalized and durable form of social network of mutual,
neighbourly acquaintance and recognition that is linked to an aggregate of social,
emotional, and financial resources, that its members can benefit from in times of
bereavement, illness, or loss of job. Such a definition suggests that the aggregated
resources make up the social capital whose exchange and transfer is harboured and
facilitated by the iddir as an institution.

Coleman, on the other hand, defined social capital as multiple entities that
characteristically consist of “some aspect of a social structure” and “facilitate certain
actions of individuals who are within the structure.” Furthermore, he highlights that
social capital makes “the achievement of certain ends that would not be attainable in

308 See section 5.3.1

184 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 its absence”309 possible. As it has been elaborated earlier, iddir is made up of a social
structure and it employs the resources it accumulates to facilitate, primarily funerary,
but also other functions that individual members partake in. But for the social capital
iddir avails, these activities, funerary or otherwise, will not happen as per the norms,
and wishes of the community. The funerary tradition that iddir is rooted into, as
stated earlier, in an urban context such as sefer, obliges that burial and mourning are
not left just for the mourner. Even in the rare case of a loner among the community,
the iddir is steadfast in making sure the dead receive a dignified burial. Of course, the
state through its municipalities may be able to bury the deceased in this case, but
the funerary function as a social and cultural display of dignity and social solidarity
will not be possible. This notion is best described by an informant to this research
who lives in Serategna sefer as follows.

… if someone who is not from here, someone who may be homeless, or if someone
dies of accidents like heart attack, whatsoever the case may be, we never allowed
the municipality to bury them, never! This is the value we have in Serategna sefer!
We don’t even wish for our own dead bodies to be taken anywhere else. So, some
four or five women will come out and cover the body of the deceased with some
cloth; we collect donations right away from everyone available, the iddir will quickly
avail some support, and a dignified funeral will be performed by the community.
We do not have the practice of allowing the municipality to bury the dead, it is
unacceptable!310

Befitting to the description of social capital by Coleman as a public good out of

which both the individual members and the social structure they are embedded
in rip benefits, in the case of the iddir, individual members benefit from the social,
emotional, and financial support they gain and the iddir as a collective grows
in size, complexity, solidarity, and financial capability. Iddir and the capital it
accumulates are not private goods for any of its members individually, they are
rather collectively owned. The understanding of social capital as a public good, and
Coleman’s definition of it as multiple entities that exhibit the two characteristics;
social structure, and facilitation of actions by individuals within the structure, brings
iddir to the centre, affording it the credence to be considered a social capital by
itself rather than an institute for the exchange of social capital as a separate subject.
It is the accumulation of resources of social, emotional, and financial quality that
is referred to as iddir as a package, and it emerges within the relations that exist

309 See section 5.3.1

310 For the context of this discussion with interviewee AT see section 5.4.

185 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 among residents in a sefer. Respondents express their membership to an iddir
by saying ‘I have iddir’ rather than ‘I am a member of an iddir.’311 Iddir, among
communities, is perceived as not just an institution but as a beneficial entity they
possess and belong to at once.

On account to Coleman’s definition of social capital, iddir can thus be defined as a

form of social capital linked, primarily but not exclusively, to funerary functions;
within which mutual exchange of financial, emotional, and social support is made
possible for individuals to cope with bereavement or risk.

Furthermore, Coleman listed relation of mutual trust, authority relations, information

potential, effective norms, and appropriable social organizations as “kinds of social
capital.”312 This list is useful to further illustrate iddir as a social capital—that at
varying degrees iddir displays all the listed kinds. As was discussed earlier, there
exists a relationship of mutual trust among members of an iddir. This implies that
a wilful participant member of an iddir, for instance, in the funerary procession of a
deceased relative of another member, trusts the later to reciprocate and justify this
trust at some point in the future. In such a way, expectations and obligations are
established. While such relations clearly exist in iddir, their strength varies depending
on the size of the iddir, physical proximity, and the type of relationship, other than
membership, the individuals may or may not have. It also has been discussed that
an authority relation exists in iddir as members transfer the administration of the
iddir, to the elected few, who then temporarily possess “social capital in the form
rights of control.”313 Although iddir are always established with specific purpose,
they also make it possible for members to exchange information that can be useful
to them. This possibility is thus an information potential iddir and its members can
benefit from.

More evidently, iddir exhibit effective norms and appropriable social organization
kinds of social capital. It, as a collective, benefits from the prescriptive nature of the
bylaws and accepted norms that direct individual members to perform or behave in
the interest of the group as a whole and prevent the same individuals from engaging
self-servingly. The public good character of iddir is thus protected, as effective or
prescriptive norms put individuals under considerable pressure to invest in the iddir,
thus deterring against underinvestment.

311 The Amharic expressions are ‘እድር አለኝ/iddir alegn,’ translated as ‘I have iddir,’ and ‘የእድር አባል ነኝ/ye iddir
abal negn,’ translated as ‘I am a member of an iddir,’ respectively.
312 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 42–46.

313 Häuberer, 44.

186 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Iddir’s utility to advance other social and developmental objectives had been a
matter of discussion among scholars for a while.314 This utility of iddir makes it
an appropriable social organization, in which case, it represents a social capital
that produces results for the community at large—beyond its members. The
appropriability of iddir as a social organization is an embedded social capital—a
potential of iddir that it (as a collective) can employ.315 This potential is of interest to
the state as well, since it is apparent that appropriability is also iddir’s sociopolitical
agency: as such, it dictates how governments engage with iddir.

The civic, network, and resource characteristics of iddir

Social trust, as discussed so far, is an essential aspect of social capital, and Putnam
stated that it “can grow from two closely tied sources: norms of reciprocity and
networks of civic engagement.”316 He inserted the ‘networks of civic engagement’
notion to the discourse of social capital, and likened it to political participation in
that, local associations play an important role to reinforce democratic functioning of
the state by developing “solidarity and participation among citizens.”317

Iddir is neither territorially nor functionally related to or dependent on political

or governance institutions, hence not a form of political participation. It is
rather embedded in social relationships. This characteristic makes a ‘network of
civic engagement’ as Putnam qualifies social capital as different from political
participation. Different governments and political entities have for a long-time
maintained interest in utilizing iddir for their benefit. Seifu pointed to the use of iddir,
by the government, as channels of communication to pass “notices, information and
orders” to the public.318 He further stated that they were utilized by candidates of
parliamentary elections, as forums for political campaigns. A. Pankhurst provided a
detailed account on how different regimes in Ethiopia engaged with iddir legislatively,

314 Pankhurst, “The Role and Space for Iddirs to Participate in the Development of Ethiopia”; Pankhurst and
Mariam, “The ‘Iddir’ in Ethiopia”; Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral
Associations in Urban Ethiopia”; Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” 13–14; Aredo, “The Iddir:
An Informal Insurance Arrangement in Ethiopia”; Aredo, “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital,” 53–56;
Yitbarek, “The Role of Iddir in Neighborhood Upgrading in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.”
315 This character of iddir has been a cause for the typological misrepresentations of iddir discussed in
section 6.1. The application of this embedded potential for other objectives and contexts than what is innate
to iddir should not be understood as an emergence of a new typology of iddir.
316 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 54.

317 Häuberer, 54.

318 Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study,” 13.

187 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 politically, and in development endeavors.319 Despite continued meddling and
cooptation by governments and political entities, iddir remained, by and large, in the
realm of social relationships. Yet, much remains to be enquired into how much, the
acts of political and governance institutions, have impacted the willful use, by iddir
themselves, of their own potential and agency for sociopolitical outcomes.

Putnam further asserted that social capital can simultaneously be a “’private good’
and a ‘public good.’” The community as a whole, regardless of membership to a
network, benefits from the investments in the social capital made by members in
a group who, themselves, collect the benefits.320 As discussed earlier, iddir is an
appropriable social organization which members can employ for collective gains such
as investing in the upgrading of local sanitary lines, or pavements of alleys. Such
auxiliary works result in a collective advantage for the sefer residents regardless
of membership to any or none of the iddir. Further, regular functions of iddir are
also made available to those who can afford the monetary contributions, either in
an altruistic manner or in exchange for in-kind or labor contribution. It also avails
job opportunities for small-scale, and home-based businesses such as those who
produce recipes for the food to be cooked at a funeral, and direct labor work for
cooks, and daily laborers. Consequently, as an appropriable social organization, and
in its altruistic and exchange-based involvements, iddir benefits non-members, thus
displaying a public-goodness character.

According to Putnam, there are bonding (or exclusive) and bridging (or inclusive)
forms of social capital.321 Bonding forms of social capital are “inward looking
and tend to reinforce exclusive identities and homogeneous groups,”322 whereas
bridging form of networks are ‘outward looking’ and comprise individuals from
various social groups. The exclusiveness of bonding social capital is most useful for
the maintenance of reciprocity and solidarity within the network. It allows for vital
support and interdependent financing and located, small-scale market to flourish
among those who are in such a relationship. It “constitutes a kind of sociological
superglue,”323 that strengthens narrower identities. However, such deep internal
loyalty can harbor and display adversary posture against those outside of it. In

319 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” 154–59.
320 Putnam, Bowling Alone, 17–18.

321 Putnam, 20.

322 Putnam, 20.

323 Putnam, 21.

188 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 contrast, bridging social capital are beneficial for associating with external entities
and gaining access to resources and information that are not embedded within
one’s tight-knit group: weak ties are useful for accessing assets outside the limits
of one’s strong ties.324 External linkages are also capable of establishing broader
identities and reciprocity. Many social groups though, exhibit both bonding and
bridging properties.

Iddir are a case in point to illustrate both bonding and bridging social capital. The
religion-based men’s and the women’s iddir are exclusive in character: membership
is based on single form of identity, religion325 and gender respectively. Informants,
for instance, have indicated that, among different religions, there exists difference
in the practice of burial ceremonies. Those who intend to maintain these traditions
or be recognized among those who do choose to join these kinds of iddir.326 The
women’s iddir is usually formed among women who live in a sefer at closer proximity
than other types of iddir that tend to expand across the sefer. It is common practice
among their members to gather, outside of the formal activity of their iddir, for coffee
and engage in casual conversation—essential for strengthening bonds. Compared
to these two types of iddir, in the generic or secular types of men’s iddir, although
there is a gender suggestion in its naming; and although there exists clear privilege
in leadership and control of the whole iddir preserved primarily for the men in the
network; membership is open to all residents in a .327 Because of this open character,
not only men or the religiously indifferent but also individuals who are members to
the exclusive types of iddir join these ‘secular’ men’s iddir.

Based on such understanding of the three types of iddir it can be said that religion-
based men’s iddir and women’s iddir exhibit a bonding social capital characteristic,
while the ‘secular’ men’s iddir can exemplify a bridging form of social capital. It is
important to note that all these types of iddir are ubiquitous in the s of Addis Ababa.
And most residents are members to all these types, because of which a layer of
bridging social capital that is above the individual iddir types discussed above is
made possible. , in such a way, can be seen as a patchwork of multilevel exchange of
social capital in the form of and facilitated by the different types of iddir.

324 Mark S Granovetter, “The Strength of Weak Ties,” American Journal of Sociology 78, no. 6 (May 1973):
1360–80.
325 Although religion-based men’s iddir has a gender dynamic issue within it, similar to the ‘secular’ men’s
iddir, membership is open, with the only criteria being religion or religious affiliation.
326 See also section 5.1

327 The same is true for the religion-based men’s iddir: the only exclusivity in membership is based on
religion and not gender.

189 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Granovetter, in 1973, uncovered the benefit of weak ties in social networks for
bridging social capital.328 In 1992, Burt argued that, though corelated, the weakness
of the tie is not the cause of the bridging phenomenon of access to benefits.329
Instead, he offers the structural hole argument which draws attention to the chasm
between tight-knit network clusters, and away from the strength or weakness
of the tie across them. “Whether a relationship is strong or weak, it generates
information benefits when it is a bridge over a structural hole.”330 Thus, regardless
of the strength of the relationship between two individuals; be it weak or strong, if
they belong to two separate clusters of strongly interconnected actors, a structural
hole manifests as the chasm between the two clusters and benefits are generated.
If we take a family as an example, there is a redundant tie between its members.
Resources such as beneficial information can redundantly circulate among members
of this family. If we then take another similar family within which there exists a
member who has ties with a member of the previous family, this tie is nonredundant
as there is no other connection between the two families. Regardless of the strength
of the relation between the two individuals from the two families, resource shared
between them bridges the structural hole between the families. Burt defines a
structural hole as follows:

A structural hole is a relationship of nonredundancy between two contacts. The

hole is a buffer, like an insulator in an electric circuit. As a result of the hole
between them, the two contacts provide network benefits that are in some degree
additive rather than overlapping.331

As network size of a network increases, the number of structural holes increases.

Burt proposes, to achieve balance between the size and diversity of a network,
structural holes need to be optimized based on two design principles: efficiency and
effectiveness.332 Efficiency implies, the higher the number of nonredundant relations
within a network, the greater the benefits from its structural holes. And effectiveness
implies, “instead of maintaining relations with all contacts, the task of maintaining
the total network is delegated to primary contacts.”333

328 Granovetter, “The Strength of Weak Ties.”

329 Burt, Structural Holes: The Social Structure of Competition, 27–28.

330 Burt, 28.

331 Burt, 18.

332 Burt, 20–23.

333 Burt, 21.

190 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 As stated in the previous section, iddir is a voluntary association: individuals choose
among iddir in the sefer. Usually, among adult members of a family, the choice is a
strategic affair. It is customary, in ordinary circumstances, that the patriarch of the
family joins the men’s iddir and the matriarch joins women’s iddir. Among the iddir
available in the sefer, both can choose to join more than one iddir. This depends
on factors such as financial ability, proximity to place of residence, familiarity and
trust in other members and officials of the iddir. And it is motivated by their wish to
maximize benefits as a family. If for example, the patriarch is a member of two men’s
iddir and the matriarch is a member of two women’s iddir, they will have access to
the social, emotional, and financial supports available in all the five iddir.

The registration of other adults in the family into an iddir is an even greater strategic
decision. Informants have iterated the wisdom in joining an iddir that others in the
family are not a member of so as to diversify their benefits. Some iddir have bylaws
that limit the number of members of a family that can join them. Such rules are
placed to protect the iddir from redundant expense as support during bereavement
of a family will duplicate by the number of members within that family.

These intentional acts of moderation by individuals and families by their voluntary

membership, and the iddir through their bylaws generate and regulate the structural
holes in the network. Even though further network analysis is necessary to quantify
the exchanges in social capital, and the level of optimization for structural holes,
the patchwork of iddir equipped with articulate bylaws, and decisions on an
individual and family level produce a number of bridged structural holes among iddir
and households.

Individuals’ act of joining an iddir immensely duplicates their access to resources.

They are not only accessing the resources of the iddir as an organization but also the
resources embedded in the networks of the iddir itself. Beyond the stated objectives
of an iddir, be it funerary or otherwise, because of the social ties it is born out of
and nurtures to flourish, multitude of benefits, that are not formally constituted in
the bylaws, arise for individual members. Daily engagement of an individual with
associates in an iddir make exchange of useful information possible. Influential
contacts within the sefer, who, based on their personal resources, or social or
political authority become easily accessible to a member through an iddir. Such
social ties add social credibility to an individual which can be used both within and
outside of the context of iddir and their operation.

191 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Lin and John Smith offer four explanations as to why the outcomes of individuals’
actions are boosted by the resources embedded in social networks: information,
influence, credentials, and reinforcement.334 Social networks expedite the flow of
information. Information accessed in such fashion can thus be utilized by individual
actors to take an informed choice, decision, or action. Secondly, an actor can
utilize existing social ties that carry more valued resources (because of proximity
to structural holes, or because of positions of authority) to influence agents who
make decisions that involve the actor. Thirdly, the acknowledgement of relationship
to an actor by a social tie may be conceive by organizations or agents as social
credentials—a sort of certification to the benefit of the actor. The assurance given
through acknowledgement to the credibility of an actor reflects the actor’s social
capital. And finally, social relations reinforce identity and recognition. The assurance
and recognition of one’s worthiness as member of a community that shares similar
interests and resources provides to an actor emotional support and entitlement to
shared resources.335 The affective notion of iddirtegna (እድርተኛ) describes a valued
relationship to a social group, an identity, and is also a declaration of claim to the
resources that are embedded in the iddir, its members, and its affiliates, that are
social capital for a member.

Commonly, iddir, their officials, and members perform actions that can be conceived
as conservation of existing valued resources such as tradition and social ties, or those
that aim to strengthen the social, emotional and financial wellbeing of both the iddir
and its members. As a collective, iddir deliver on the objectives they are set up for. A
funerary iddir for instance, provides support which can be considered as a gain for the
bereaved family, and a maintenance of tradition at a societal level. Officials of the iddir,
in addition to supervising these activities, administer the social, financial, and material
resources. They also encourage members to keep up their social relationships, make
occasional decisions to, for instance, expand membership, determine, or revise fees,
purchase or renew the iddir’s material resources. Members, in addition to performing
the minimum expectation of fulfilling their funerary obligations and contributions,
they engage in activities that are deemed beneficial to their specific iddir and the
community of the sefer at large. Lin and Smith explain these actions as purposive
actions. Meaning, “it is assumed that actions are rational and are motivated to
maintain or gain valued resources in order to survive or persist.”336 Purposive actions
that aim “to maintain valued resources promote expressive action,” whereas those

334 Lin and Smith, Social Capital, 19–20.

335 Lin and Smith, 20.

336 Lin and Smith, 45.

192 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 that are aimed at seeking and gaining “additional valued resources primarily evoke
instrumental action.” These purposive actions allow individuals or groups to “access
and use one another’s resources for their own purposes.”337

Lin states that acknowledging individuals’ property right or sharing their sentiments
are, for instance, considered expressive actions; whereas instrumental actions are
“actions resulting in a greater allocation of resources to the actor.”338 Expressive
elements are also embedded in instrumental action. The returns of instrumental actions
are economic, political, and social gains. And the returns of expressive action are:

physical health in terms of body functioning and medical condition; mental

health like the capacity to deal with stress representing cognitive and emotional
balance; and life satisfaction or optimism and satisfaction with life domains (family,
marriage, work, and community and neighborhood environments.)339

Iddir provide the ideal pool of individual members who have shared interests and
control similar and shared resources that they can deploy for expressive returns.
It is a well-structured social network into which members can bring their existing
resources and preserve and protect them too. Expressive and instrumental returns in
tandem contribute to the wellbeing, in many aspects of the person, or individuals in a
social network.

Iddir through Häuberer’s formalized concept of social capital

Based on detailed discussion of preceding concepts of social capital offered by

various authors, Häuberer offers four critiques and calls for remedy. First, she warns
that the conceptualization of social capital at both the micro- and macro-levels at
the same time makes the danger of assuming conclusions drawn on one level apply
on the other possible. Hence, she argues, the inclusion of a structural (networks) and
a cultural (generalized trust, norms of reciprocity) aspects into the conceptualization
of social capital separates it “both from its capital character and from the relations
it emerges from.”340 In remedy she excludes the cultural elements, generalized
trust and norms of reciprocity, from the social capital concepts and defines it as

337 Lin and Smith, 46.

338 Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation,” 123.

339 Häuberer, 124.

340 Häuberer, 147.

193 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 solely a structural entity. Instead, considering cultural and societal aspects’ role
in the formation and preservation of relationships and that they are also facilitated
by relationships themselves, she concludes that cultural societal aspects are both
preconditions and outcomes of social capital.

Such distinction strengthens the conception of iddir as a social capital by itself. The
cultural societal aspects are thus forming and maintaining agents that in turn are
also fostered and bolstered by iddir. FIG. 5.2 displays the cultural societal aspects,
norms of reciprocity and generalized trust, in both preconditions and outcomes
columns. The cultural condition that makes funerary processions essential elements
of individual and collective identity in various communities in Ethiopia provides
the cultural basis for the formation of iddir in sefer. In complement with existing
neighborly acquaintances and relations, this basis enables trust and norms of
reciprocity to occur. Frequent interaction, such as those that happen daily among
residents of sefer, tend to produce norms of generalized reciprocity.341 In due
process, the preconditions, cultural societal aspects, for the formation of iddir
are thus established with the sefer as a host. Iddir eventually emerges out of the
social relations and networks within sefer facilitated by elders342 who possess the
necessary social credentials. The elders are the initial investors of their personal
social credential at the formation stage of iddir. The formational acts include (1)
the narrowing down of items of reciprocity from general, as it existed within the
neighborly relations, to relatively specific ones; emotional, financial and social types
of reciprocity; (2) the drafting of bylaws, and preparation of membership registry,
and documents (3) enlisting of members, out of the existent social networks, that
can be persuaded to join, and (4) election and appointment of officials. This stage of
an iddir is thus a concentration, specialization, and institutionalization of the social
capital that existed within sefer into a focused group. It is an act of duplication of
social capital for those who join the subgroup and not, in anyway, a reduction for
those who do not.

Cultural societal aspects are then maintained through formal (administrative)

structures and informal (communal) structures of the iddir. For example, officials
of iddir utilize their authority and social credential to influence members to fulfill
obligations as do elders and respected members of the community with only social
rather than structural authority and influence. Generalized reciprocity entails the
performance of a certain favor without the expectation of a return of the same favor

341 Putnam, Bowling Alone, 18.

342 The term ‘elders’ implies not only age, but also life experience, educational status, economic status, and
general social recognition. It is a private resource that the individual acquires and utilizes.

194 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 from the same person, rather, generally trusting that something will be done in
return to a performed favor, by someone else and in due time.343 Though the scope
of items of reciprocity is reduced at its formation (social, emotional, and financial
support), Iddir is not necessarily based on a specific reciprocity: a member does
not necessarily expect a specific person to whom they provided support to return
it themselves or in the same format. The iddir as an organization is trusted with the
facilitation of the type, timing, and providers of the supports to be reciprocated.
These norms of reciprocity are further maintained and reinforced by the provisions
of the bylaws of iddir. Yet, it is common for members to informally track the overall
engagement of individual members, and present individual experiences as case
in points to, directly or indirectly, discourage underinvestment by a member or
members. This can formally be entered as complaint in case there is significant
underinvestment that invites formal attention by officials and elders in the
community. As Putnam states, “dense social ties facilitate gossip and other valuable
ways of cultivating reputation—an essential foundation for trust in a complex
society.”344 These processes result in the refinement and growth of iddir as a social
network, thus yielding both expressive and instrumental outcomes.

The number of iddir that can be born out of social relations in a certain sefer
depends on population density, diversity among residents, and the overall age of the
sefer (the time it took to consolidate). In general, the younger a sefer is, the more
likely the existence of a small range of diversity among residents. Such condition
allows for a few small-sized iddir with bonding type of relation and cooperative
character to emerge. As population size and diversity increase the size and
number of iddir also increases. This allows for bridging type of social networks and
competitive characters to emerge. The differing types of iddir enable optimization for
structural holes that arise from such competitive conditions.

Secondly, except for Lin, Häuberer explains, that authors of social capital theory
overemphasized one or the other of two assumptions regarding other features of
relations that form social capital. The first emphasis is of Bourdieu, Coleman, and
Putnam’s that “closed and dense social structures generate the highest benefit,”
and the second emphasis is by Burt’s on weak ties. Häuberer highlights that Lin’s
concept includes both features. Hence, FIG. 5.2 contains a list illustrating both these
aspects; size, range/diversity, openness/structural holes, and closure/density, as
characteristics of the network.

343 Putnam, Bowling Alone, 18.

344 Putnam, 19.

195 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Following the discussions so far, it is evident that these are also characteristics of
iddir. The different types of iddir exhibit these characters at varying degrees. And this
variation is a decisive feature as to which iddir are more suitable or applicable for
which purposive action: expressive or instrumental, thus for which outcome retaining
or gaining resources respectively. For instance, the men’s religion-based iddir is
more useful for expressive actions and results than instrumental ones. But this does
not exclude the possible applicability of such iddir for instrumental outcomes.

The third and fourth critiques by Häuberer of social capital theories are targeted at
areas of future theoretical development. By recognizing that social capital theory is
still under development, she highlighted two gaps: the persistent lack of discussion
on how social capital can be used to tackle inequality, and the absence of concepts
regarding negative social capital. Iddir is an informal organization in that, it remains
on the fringes of formal economy discourse and planning. It is a collective act
by residents of sefer to cope with adversities. It, at a symbolic level, represents
recognition among residents of sefer, of shared history, identity, and resilience. Its
role in mitigating inequality on a midi-level (citywide) and macro-level (nationwide)
is a available area for further exploration. On a local level, it is categorized in types
of gender and religion, thus prone to further scrutiny regarding social justice and
equality. In addition, the potential negative effects of the use of iddir for expressive
goals; that it can result in the exclusion of certain sects of the community presents
an opportune area of study. More importantly, the advantages of recognizing the
social capital identity of iddir to address social inequality; its agency to deploy its
appropriability feature, to engage governance agencies for its own instrumental
purposes (not for the state’s “developmental” goals) needs to be studied.
Notwithstanding the theoretic gaps highlighted by Häuberer, this much is of purview
to this dissertation; the exploration and exposition of iddir as a viable form of social
capital. Future studies are likely to unearth and discuss the inequality and negative
social capital aspects of iddir in detail.

In summary, testing iddir with the different conceptual frames of social capital
theory allows to locate and expand on the various aspect that constitute it. So far,
working definitions of iddir as a social capital based on Bourdieu, and Coleman’s
conceptions of social capital theory have been presented separately. And Putnam,
Burt, Lin, and Häuberer’s concepts were used to further uncover iddir and its
structural relation with sefer. Nevertheless, there exists an epistemological threshold
this research is limited to. For instance, it is not in the purview of this dissertation to
evaluate the different hypotheses of social capital in a statistical manner and opine
on their applicability in the Ethiopian context. Neither is the objective to develop
an appropriate measure; a network analysis, to quantify network strengths, and
compute for instance, accessed social capital or resources.

196 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Instead, there are three objectives stated at the beginning of this section. Out of these
three, the acknowledgement of iddir as a viable case of social capital is explicitly
argued for in this chapter. This would not be complete though, without a refined
definition of iddir as a social capital. First, it has to be noted that iddir is conditioned
on sefer and sefer is a hierarchically structured network of mutual, neighborly
acquaintance and recognition among its residents. The hierarchy can, for example, be
seen in the social network position elders claim among the community. Iddir is thus,
a form of social capital embedded in sefer; it appears in the structure of relations
or networks among residents of a sefer. Members of iddir are actors in pursuit of (1)
emotional, and to a certain extent social, supports as expressive goals and (2) social
and financial support as instrumental goals. Since, it remains embedded in sefer, and
since its organization may result in new forms of social relations, Iddir has a potential
to be a host structure for other forms of social capital that can result in other benefits.

The second and third objectives have implicitly been argued for so far. It will
become even more apparent in the following section that, the reading of the spatial
manifestation of social relations is enhanced when relations are identified through
their socioeconomic value. The social capital-based understanding of iddir, better than
purely economic (as a form of insurance) or social (only focused on relationships and
practices), makes the nexus between social relations and spatial practices in sefer,
vivid and comprehendible. The stories of residents, the spaces their practices create
and appropriate, the located resources ’s iddir benefit from, are better discovered,
interpreted, and discussed once cognizance of embedded social capitals is established.

5.4 Serategna sefer’s Iddir: stories and spaces

Official, verifiable records regarding iddir remain scarce. This may partially be caused
by the apprehensive nature of the relationship between iddir and the state; the fact
that iddir remain a grass roots form of social organization despite repeated efforts
by different regimes to record, regulate, and in some instances override or exploit
them. In the 1940s and 1950s, the state did not have legal avenues for registering
iddir as any form of association, and “people gathering for iddir could be viewed as
having subversive motives.”345 Despite the Civil Code of 1960 and the Associations

345 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban Ethiopia,” 154.

197 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Registration Regulation of 1966346 that made it “an absolute prerequisite for
the legal existence of any associations,” to be registered and certified by the
Office of Associations within the Ministry of Interior,347 there remained some
iddir, especially those that existed prior 1960, that evaded the government’s
regulatory interventions.348 Following this regulation, A. Pankhurst accounts
that, 27 associations were banned.349 In November 1972, the Municipality of Addis
Ababa organized a three-day seminar proposing for the confederation of 396 iddir
into an overarching organization that would then be coordinated by a commission
that the mayor would set up.350 Post the 1974 revolution that resulted in the Derg
regime’s rule for 17 years, iddir were seen as “controlled by reactionary forces” and
were “either bypassed and ignored, or were coopted and exploited for government
purposes.”351 The government pushed on to organize communities through kebele,
and housing cooperatives and viewed iddir, right from the beginning, as adverse
to this ambition. Faced with the threat of HIV/AIDS health threat, in the late 1990s
to 2000s, iddir in Addis Ababa were mobilized by the EPRDF led government and
became instrumental in the awareness and prevention campaign that followed. This
rapport between the iddir and the City Government also allowed for the later to
revisit the idea of the formation of an overarching council of iddir from the 1970s. It
conducted a survey of iddir and established contacts with iddir cascading sub-city
regions, for gathering information and mobilization towards forming the overarching
council. Eventually, the Addis Ababa Iddir Council was founded in 1997 E.C.
(ca 2004/05 G.C.). However, A. Pankhurst points out that a degree of mistrust of the
government persists among iddir and their members.352

346 The enactment of this regulation came, according to Seifu, 9, as a result of the emergence of different
types of associations; and, according to Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of
Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban Ethiopia,” 155, in response to the failed attempt of a coup “against the
Emperor in 1966 in which some leaders of the [Mecha Tulama] Association were allegedly involved.”
347 The government inscribed that it “can dissolve any registered association and the association has no
legal right to appeal against such dissolution to the court.” Seifu, “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological
Study,” 9–10.
348 Seifu, 10.

349 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” 155.
350 Pankhurst, 156. “These suggestions did not materialize and were taken over by the political turmoil
at the time of the revolution. However, out of the 30 members of the committee most were government
representatives from various ministries, and it would seem that the interest of controlling iddir was greater
than a genuine concern with involving them.”
351 Pankhurst, 156.

352 Pankhurst, 159.

198 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Such changes in the dynamics between iddir and the state have made it possible for
the Labor and Social Affairs Bureau of Addis Ababa City Administration to generate
a certain statistic regarding the iddir in the city. A report by the Advocacy and
Public Participation Directorate of the bureau states that there are 7,212 registered
and 644 nonregistered active iddir as recent as the year 2021 with an estimated
general capital of 4,350,803,965 ETB.353 Furthermore, it reports that, out
of 4.7 million residents of the city, 1,642,516 are active members of iddir with a
gender composition of 1,282,064 male and 361,452 female members.

Serategna sefer is located in the Arada sub-city of Addis Ababa. The statistics from
the Addis Ababa Iddir Council show that there are a total of 444 iddir in the sub-city,
out of which 143 are registered and 301 are nonregistered active iddir. Compared
to the 9 other sub-cities’ recorded data, Arada is the only sub-city with the
unregistered number of iddir higher than the registered ones. The total capital of the
iddir in Arada sub-city is estimated at 64,370,000 ETB. It is a host for 65,712 male
and 131,424 female; a total of 197,136, members of iddir, which makes it the only
sub-city with a higher number of female than male members of iddir. In general,
the data does not show the particular types of iddir it registered. Considering, for
instance, the women’s iddir are usually small in size and many in number, it is not
clear if this documentation takes them into account. On the other hand, since the
men’s iddir are usually large in number and capital, the documentation runs the risk
of having only accounted for them. In addition, except for the fact that it is the data
that is promoted by both the Addis Ababa Iddir Council and the Labor and Social
Affairs Bureau, it is difficult to ascertain its cogency.

As discussed in previous chapters, Serategna sefer is one of the oldest

neighborhoods in the city. Within its bounds illustrated in Chapter 4 , there are
seven men’s iddir and a number of women’s iddir. Distinguishing and recording the
men’s iddir is made easier with the fact that they are named differently, they are
big in membership and financial size, they are territorially spread across the sefer,
and they typically have strict documentation and regulation practices. In contrast,
as interviewee DAz states in later in this section, women’s iddir are not specifically

353 “የአድቮኬሲና የማህበረሰብ ተሳትፎ ዳይሬክቶሬት የ2013 በጀት ዓመት የ9 ወር ሪፖርት: ለህዝብ ክንፍ አመራሮች፣ ማኔጅመንት አባላት፣ ክፍለ
ከተማ ቡድን መሪዎችና ለማህበራዊ ዘርፍ ባለሙያዎች የቀረበ” (ግሎባል ሆቴል አዲስ አበባ: በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር የሠራተኛና ማህበራዊ
ጉዳይ ቢሮ, 2013) Translation: “Advocacy and public participation directorate, the 2013 E.C. budget year
ninth month report; presented for public organizers, managers, sub-city team leaders and social affairs
professionals” (Global Hotel Addis Ababa: Labor and social affairs bureau of Addis Ababa city administration,
2021).

199 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 named. They are small in membership size; thus members distinguish among them
based on notable names in membership such as the chairwoman, the founding
woman, or by listing few names of members. Though small in size, in general, there
are more women’s iddir than men’s. The identified seven men’s iddir are Serategna
/Tallaqu iddir, Andinet iddir, Adwa Godana iddir, Nural Hidiya iddir, Mikael iddir,
Gebriel Iddir, and Giorgis Iddir.

In discussing iddir’s relations with the state and non-governmental organizations, A.

Pankhurst depended on a story told by Ato Sahlä Maryam Dästa, a founding member
of an iddir called Tallaqu iddir (the Great iddir) as a storified evidence of the first
few encounters between iddir and state officials—in this case the Emperor Haile
Selassie himself.

An elderly woman without relatives died. Our iddir decided to bury her. Being close
to the palace Jan hoy [referring to Emperor Haile Selassie] was woken up early
in the morning by the herald with his trumpet. When he enquired about what was
happening and found out the reason he gave orders for Abba Hanna to have a tent
made of abujedid cloth to be made for them and sent 100 birr.354

Informants to this research have also stated that one of the seven iddir that exist
in Serategna sefer is called Serategna sefer iddir and Tallaqu iddir interchangeably.
They specifically add that it is one of the oldest iddir in the city. Considering
Serategna ’s proximity and relation to the Gebbi (the Imperial palace) discussed
in previous chapters, and the proximity implied by Ato Sahlä Maryam Dästa, in
the awakening of the Emperor caused by the sound of the trumpet/bugle, it is
reasonable to assume that the Tallaqu iddir in Serategna sefer is the same iddir that
Ato Sahlä Maryam Dästa described.355

354 Pankhurst, “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban
Ethiopia,” 154.
355 Alula Pankhurst, “Research Update and Verification Request,” October 11, 2022 The author of this
dissertation has received an affirmation in favor of this assumption from A. Pankhurst as he responded to the
question “…Since I read from this quote that Jan hoy was woken up by the trumpet, I gathered it is close to
the Gebbi; and from the interviews I did with the residents of Serategna sefer, I learnt that there is an iddir
called Tilliqu or Tallaqu iddir. I wanted to verify if these two were one and the same. Is it possible that Ato
Sahlä is from Serategna sefer, or close by? Would you say my assumption that the tallaqu iddir mentioned
by Ato Sahlä is the same as the one mentioned by my informants is a correct assumption?” Via an email, his
response reads as “…I believe your assumption is right that these are indeed the same. At the time there
were not many iddir and so most unlikely that there would be two called Tallaqu or Tilliqu and the link with
the Emperor was the reason.”

200 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Serategna sefer, and Andinet iddirs are secular type of men’s iddir. They have
members that come from different religious, ethnic, gender, and income groups of
the community. An informant from a religion-based type of men’s iddir stated that
he also is a member of Andinet iddir and that it offers him the possibility to associate
with the rest of the community in the sefer; that, membership to the differing types of
iddir gives balance to his social network.

As stated earlier, religion-based iddir can be implicit or explicit in the inclusion and
exclusion of certain groups in the community. For instance, Adwa Godana (Avenue)
iddir, presents a case wherein membership is not exclusive but by the presence
of a cross, a religious symbol, as an emblem, on its documents, it is perceived as
religion specific or affiliated. There exists a degree of preference exhibited in such
implicit way. Gebriel iddir, in contrary, is explicit in its name that it is based on the
Christian religion, while its emblem is a figure of two hands shaking, displaying a
coming together or agreement of parties. The most explicitly religion-based iddir are
Nural Hidiya, and Mikael iddir, an association of Muslim and Christian members of
the community respectively. The earlier has statements in its bylaws that declare it
to be of Muslim members of the community and for funerary and financial practices
consistent to the religion. The later presents an exclusivity to members who follow
the Christian religion both in name and emblem with a figure of St. Michael explicitly
displayed on its documents. The seventh and youngest iddir is Giorgis iddir for
which documents were not accessed by this research but since it is named after
the Christian St. George it can be deducted that it is either based on or affiliated to
the religion.

A membership identification and bookkeeping booklets are given by iddir to members

upon registration. FIG. 5.7 shows such documents of five out of the seven iddir in
Serategna . As discussed above these documents contain identifying names and
emblems on their cover, and importantly, the internal pages show a tabulation of
different fees reflecting the type, and function of the iddir. With a degree of variation,
all the documents show monthly contributions and penalty fees for not fulfilling
obligations. Adwa Godana iddir’s document is the most specific in what it penalizes;
absence or nonfulfillment of the funerary activities, mounting of tent/s, burial of the
deceased, and accompaniment of the bereaved in the evenings, usually three, that
follow the burial.

201 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 COLLOQUIAL FRONT SAMPLE TRANSLATION
NAME OF IDDIR COVER PAGES OF TEXTS
Front Cover:
A. Andinet Iddir Woreda 2 Kebele 13’s
Andinet’s Funerary Mutual Support Iddir
Money collection book

Sample Page - column titles:

Monthly contribution
Penalty fee
Special fee

Front Cover:
B. Mikael Iddir Within Woreda 2 Kebele 13/10
St. Mikael’s Funerary Mutual Support Iddir,
Addis Ababa
Money contribution book

Sample Page - column titles:

Monthly fee
Accummulated fee
Penalty fee

Front Cover:
C. Nural Hidiya Iddir Nural Hidiya Mutual Support Iddir
Addis Ababa
Money contribution book

Sample Page - column titles:

Monthly contribution
Penalty fee
Various

Front Cover:
D. Gebriel Iddir Within Woreda 2 Kebele 13
St. Gebriel’s Mutual Support Iddir
Identification Document

Sample Page - column titles:

Monthly collection
Total penalty
Total

Front Cover:
E. Adwa Godana Iddir Adwa Avenue, Central Serategna Sefer
Iddir’s Mutual Support Association
Monthly, iddir’s money collection book

Sample Page - column titles:

Monthly fee
Monthly Penalty
Various Penalties (for absence in):
- Mounting of tents
- Burial
- Evenings

FIG. 5.7 Illustration of the cover and internal pages of membership identification and bookkeeping document of five iddir in
Serategna sefer.

202 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The most resourceful iddir have a meeting hall, a tent/s, cooking utensils and
cutlery, furniture (portable benches or chairs), an office, and storage space. But
most of them have either a sharing arrangement where a some iddir share a common
space for gathering, or a storage that also is appropriated for an office. There are
seven locations identified within Serategna sefer that are used as either storage
or gathering spaces. These locations are considered as the main or central place
of operation for each iddir. As illustrated in FIG. 5.8, Andinet, Mikael, Gebriel and
Giorgis iddir share a common multi-functional space, in a triangular courtyard
behind the Musie Minas heritage building, around which there are storage rooms. The
other three iddir have storage rooms located sparsely. Residents of the sefer, when
asked where an iddir is, point to these facilities as identifying locations.

Obtaining these spaces for gathering, storage, or office functions is a constant

struggle for all iddir. According to informants, this is primarily because of lack of
support from local and city administrators with whom they constantly negotiate.
Considering most iddir are limited in financial means, and the city’s relatively
affordable kebele houses, are administered by the local and city administrators,
and in the context of the relationship between iddir and the state discussed earlier;
access to such facilities is usually conditioned on the iddir’s willingness to participate
in what the state deems necessary.

As FIG. 5.9 - 5.13 illustrate, the small courtyard space shared among the four
iddir for storage, gathering, and as their offices presents a case of mitigation
of resource constraints by the iddir. In addition to the storage rooms, there is
a community library and a community discount/subsidized shop (ሸማቾች ማህበር/
consumers association) surrounding this courtyard. On a regular day it is used
by children and youth who visit the library and elders playing cards and spending
leisurely afternoons. In the situation of funerary processions, the courtyard is used
to mobilize the stored materials in order to transport them to a place in the proximity
of the residence of the bereaved. In a typically organized storage space, foldable
chairs, portable benches, and tent canvases are placed in an open setting whereas
the cutlery and cooking utensils are stored in a designated cupboard. Regularly, the
customer’s association’s discount shop is visited by residents shopping for basic
grocery items. In general, this courtyard is a functionally and socially charged space
with high intensity of social and financial interaction.

203 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Iddir storage and gathering place
Serategna sefer
[Musie Minas compound]

A
Social gathering space
B ‘Shemachoch mahber’ (community
discount shop) waiting area
C
D Shared toilet

‘Shemachoch mahber’
Iddir storage
Local library
Musie Minas residence:
Heritage building, currently kebele
housing

Note:
Mikael, Giorgis, Gebriel, and Andi-
net iddir are shared-users of this
community space.

A Mikael Iddir Storage

B Giorgis Iddir Storage
C Gebriel Iddir Storage

D Andinet Iddir Storage

D
C
B
A

FIG. 5.8 An Illustration of the small triangular courtyard space behind the Musie Minas building that is considered a central
base for four iddir in Serategna sefer.

204 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 FIG. 5.9 Elders in Serategna sefer leisurely enjoying an afternoon playing cards in the shared courtyard
space behind Musie Minas building.

FIG. 5.10 Serategna sefer, Kebele 10, community library set up by an NGO called Christian Children’s Fund
(CCF)

205 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 FIG. 5.11 Members of Gebriel iddir of Serategna sefer taking furniture, cooking utensils, and cutlery out of
the iddir’s storage room as they prepare for a funeral procession.

206 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 FIG. 5.12 Mikael iddir’s storage room. Foldable steel chairs racked (left), and tent canvas folded and stored
(right).

207 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 FIG. 5.13 Mikael iddir’s storage room. Large cooking pots, ceramic coffee cups, steel and plastic cups, and
cutlery stored in a steel-made closet inside the storage.

208 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The sefer-wide locational mapping and documentation of membership to
the different iddir is a complicated matter. Even though each iddir has clear
membersship structure, households have individuals who are members to different
iddir. Since choices are made either on a personal or household level, generating a
precise map of membership distribution across a sefer is almost impossible. Yet, a
partial mapping of the Southern and Western parts of Serategna sefer, shown in FIG.
5.14; a membership distribution map based on gebbi and households who identify
affiliation or strong ties to one or few iddir, serves a purpose. While understanding
the internal operations of an iddir helps to comprehend the social ties that are
strengthened, such a visualization, on the other hand, is helpful to grasp the number
of weak ties and bridged structural holes across both the metaphoric and real
structure of the sefer.

Iddir distribution map

Serategna sefer [partial]

Andinet Iddir
B
Mikael Iddir
Gebriel Iddir
Adwa Godana Iddir
Giorgis Iddir
Serategna sefer Iddir
Yeset (women’s) Iddir

Note:
1. The diameters of colored
circles are proportional to the
frequency of member house-
holds interviewed in a location
(seldom a gebbi).

2. Households are usually A

members to multiple iddirs (see
zoomed in diagrams A and B.)

FIG. 5.14 Map showing the membership distribution of iddir in Serategna sefer.

209 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Funerary processions create temporary transformation of sefer’s spatial
configuration and utility. Streets, compounds, and domestic spaces such as kitchens
get adjusted during the mourning period to accommodate the cultural rituals and
support needed to comfort the bereaved. The lack of planned and convenient spaces
tailored for the funerary function results in the adaptation of existing infrastructure
to the spatial demand of the occasion. The stories gathered through in-depth
interviews, coupled with the mapping of activities performed during funerals are
presented below. By responding to probing, and follow-up queries, interviewees
provide personal accounts of iddir and funerary events as they appear in their
immediate environs.

FIG. 5.15 An alley in Serategna sefer is temporarily blocked for funerary activities. Iddir mount a tent that
usually stands for three days. The placement of benches against fences of a gebbi is an extension of the
activities beyond the space created under the tent.

210 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Interviewee AT is a well-regarded elder in the Serategna sefer community. As his
story shall narrate, he is responsible for the foundation of two relatively young
and successful iddir in the sefer. He has been dedicated in establishing, leading
and seeing over multiple iddir for more than ten years. Currently, he engages in
the administration of discount shops of the customer’s association and provides
advisory and oversight services to different iddir in the sefer. Two separate times of
in-depth interviews were conducted to capture his story presented below.

Q: Are you a member of any iddir?

Yes, I am a member to two iddir that I myself established. The oldest iddir though, the one that
was established in the earlier times by people like Kegnazmach Gezahegn and Kelkile is the one
called Ye iddir, a very old iddir. But recently, I have established two iddir, Gebriel and Mikael iddir.
When I say, ‘I established,’ I mean going around and talking to people to come together and
start it, that is what I did. We established the first one right after the EPRDF government came to
power. Then we set up Mikael iddir some four or five years later.

Q: Why did you need to form two iddir?

The main thing is that my social network gets wider. Getting to know the residents in the area,
getting along, being there for people when there is time of sadness, mourning, things like that.
So it has a wide range of use for social relations. For example I, within this sefer, with every part
of the community and with every resident, I have great level of communication. Majority of the
residents are members of both of the iddir that I established. You see, because of that everyone
loves and respects me. That is because, first of all, it is my personal character, but secondly, the
main importance of the iddir is that it widens my social life. That is the reason.

There is historic background in all the established iddir. When we established Gabriel iddir, it was at
the time when the Derg regime lost the war against rebels in 1983 (1991 G.C) on Gimbot 20 (May 28).
You see, on Gimbot 19 (May 27), the city was in such a chaos, you could not move outside of your
sefer. There were gunshots at the Gebbi palace, there was shots at Jan Meda, there were shots at the
Defence Ministry and military bases; it was not possible to move. So we, the residents of the sefer,
within our sefer, sat down and; because it was St. Gabriel’s day (according to Ethiopian Orthodox
Church traditions), and the city was already surrounded, we prayed ‘Gabriel, if we all make it out of
this chaos, with no one missing among us …’ so we said we shall commemorate him (St. Gabriel).
We agreed on this. God was generous, on Sene 19 (June 26) without losing anyone among us, we
feasted, we collected money contributions, we bought bread, and we celebrated that day. Then on that
day, people said, this gathering should continue in Hamle (July), then in August too. By August, the
idea of transforming this gathering into an iddir was proposed. We agreed and went to our immediate
neighborhoods and told residents that we intend to form this iddir and informed them where to come

211 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
to register. Around the 10th of Meskerem (September 21), those of us who were already in agreement
gathered, and then people flooded in for registration. That was how we founded it; thus, it became an
iddir. Then after, we drafted a bylaw, regulations for the iddir, then it became formal.

And, regarding how I established Mikael iddir, we were part of the electoral board, a few years
later, after the change of government, around 1986/87 (1994 G.C), we were registering voters,
being considered as independent citizens, individuals who were not part of any political party.
While on that duty, another member of the electoral board whom I was working with, said ‘what
are those who are not members of an iddir going to do?,’ I said ‘ there are a lot of iddir, why
don’t you join any one of them?,’ then he said, ‘why don’t we start a new one?,’ ‘but we have
our own iddir!’ I said, ‘No, for those who were not able to join any yet, there needs to be a new
one, and you are better at organizing than us, why don’t you help us organize?’ ‘Well, go around
the neighborhood and tell others, I will do the registration works for you.’ He said ‘ok.’ Every
individual who was a member of the electoral board in the area, went around and announced
to the residents, and the community likes iddir, so they came right away. We registered
around 300 people, we went on to elect committee members to lead the iddir, the members said,
‘since you were registering us, you should be a chairperson.’ I started with that role and served
more than ten years. To both these iddir, I worked for more than ten years, and even now, I do
advisory, and oversight works for them.

Q: How does the iddir look like in terms of organizational structure?

Basically, the structure of iddir can be arranged and rearranged by those who are leading it for a
period that they are elected to lead it for. There are elections every two or three years, according
to the bylaws of the specific iddir. And those elected organize as they wish, based on their
knowledge and how they want to work. But, as it is a committee, it shall have a chairperson and
a vice chairperson, a secretary, accountant, treasurer, members, one discipline control person,
and then storekeeper, bugle blower (announcer), and security personnel for the iddir equipment
are hired members of the structure. Those paid members of the organization may not be changed
for a long time, but the committee is changed every two or three years unless they are re-elected,
and they accept the role. This will then be notified to bureau of labor and social affairs (at Addis
Ababa city administration), which then will write a letter to the bank, so that the new committee
is authorized to access the capital of the iddir. But these are customary practices and not
structurally bound roles within the bylaws.

Q: What forms of documentation do the iddir use?

We have internal income receipt, expenses receipt, every member has a membership card on
which we also record monthly contributions. So, for instance, the first Sunday of every month is
fees collection day, this is decided within the bylaw. So, when you go to pay, there is a records
book, with rows of names, and columns of months. Your payment gets recorded on the collective
book and also your personal membership card. There is petty cash at the hands of the treasurer
and bank withdrawals, all these are recoded. Every year, finances are audited.

212 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
The statute also contains aspects of the activities, responsibilities, obligations and fines
associated with its services. For instance, members have to be present at meetings, at burial
ceremonies, night shifts of consoling mourners and the like. This is detailed in the bylaws then.

When someone dies, first the bugle of announcement will be blown, and all members are asked to
come [to the mourner’s residence]. To verify attendance, names will be registered. Immediately,
members gather to erect the tents, bring out the necessary equipment such as cooking pots
and chairs. All members take part in this task. Then, upon discussion with the mourning family,
time for burial will be decided. Once that is known, based on the grouping list of members we
have on our books, a certain number of members will be informed to attend the funeral on that
time. On the third day, the same group that attended the burial will also collect and return all the
equipment to the storage. So, there are three nights in between. If, for example, the first group
was assigned from the bottom end of our list books, then another group, perhaps from the top
of the list will be responsible for the first night. Another group then follows on the second night
and another one for the third night. Members who were not present at these assigned times
and activities are thus fined. Fines are not much, may be 10 or 20 ETB, basically as a gesture to
punish bad practice. Because ‘እድር ብድር ነው’ (iddir is debt). If you provide for others, then you get
to be provided for too. If the absentee provides a valid reason or explanation for the absence,
then the fine will be waived.

But, if it is a case wherein the member has received news of death of a relative (መርዶ) whose burial
need not happen here, the bugle will not be used for announcement. You will only hear of it via
word of mouth. But there is a certain amount of money that is given to the family. When a main
member dies there is a certain amount that is given to the family. And, when an offspring, parent,
or sibling of a member is deceased, and the burial is expected to be based at the member’s
residence, there is another amount to be given. In our iddir for instance, when a main member
dies, the payable amount is 6000 ETB. For close families at residence, the amount is 1500 ETB
and for a news received from distance we pay 300 ETB. All such protocols are approved by all
members in the form of the bylaws.

Q: What does iddir mean?

It is an Amharic word, similar to equb, but in relation to death and mourning. It is a social process
that is used to console and support people who are in challenging life-circumstances such as the
death of family members. In addition, it is based on monthly collection of membership fees.

213 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
Q: Where do you gather for the purposes of the iddir?
It is the place where you were a moment ago. In that specific place there is St. Mikael iddir, St.
Gebriel iddir, and Andinet (unity) iddir. When you enter the [courtyard like] space there are walls
on both sides made of corrugated iron sheets, and narrowing as you move forward to where there
is a pile of items, right there the three rooms are the rooms for these three iddir. To acquire those
places for the iddir, we had to struggle, gradually convincing people, it is a place we got hold of
as leaders to the iddir. Otherwise, there is no place, on whose land can you place it.

Q: Where do you hold periodical meetings?

We gather in that same space. We bring out chairs [to the courtyard], some sit and some stand at
the back; that is how we do it. Otherwise, we do not have a proper and convenient meeting place.

Q: How many members do these iddir have?

Well, of my two iddir, Gebriel has about one hundred eighty five members; the numbers have
been decreasing recently, because some people died and some moved to the new condominium
houses and left the sefer. And St. Mikael iddir had more than three hundred members when it
was founded, but as some died and some left for the condominiums, currently it has about two
hundred thirty members.

Q: Beyond the iddir’s’ main, funerary purpose, are there any other functions to it?
We have made a lot of efforts to extend the function beyond funerary activities. But the community
didn’t embrace them as we would have wished for. For example, during holiday times, most iddir
around here give out money for families to be able to buy chicken. But other than that, our wish
was, even before the occurrence of death, if there are members who desperately need medical
treatment, we would be able to support them. What limits us is the capital of the iddir, since
most of our members are poor. The monthly fees when we started the iddir are different from
what we collect now. Say, when we started, when we didn’t have any capital in reserve, while
establishing both iddir, we called the community and asked about the means to manage that
period. So, we started by stating ‘if a person is deceased in the community, lets collect instant
contributions of two birr per member; and if it is merdo (መርዶ/a member receives news of death
of a relative who lives somewhere else and is mourning) then lets collect one birr per member.’
[these are contributions other than the membership fees constituted]. As we proceeded with this
arrangement; after a year or two, because the iddir were still young and weak in capital, we also
started deducting from the collected funds for a funerary incident, just to save some money and
build capital for the iddir. Through these steps, as we started to grow, we put out regulations for
the iddir and the monthly contributions grew to ten birr per member. Gradually, after about ten
years, we realized the cost of funerary services was becoming very expensive, something members
could not afford anymore. Initially, we were giving out below a thousand birr for mourners and later
grew above a thousand. But when that became insufficient, we raised the monthly fee from ten birr
to fifteen birr; we managed somehow at the time. But it is still a challenge these days, we lacked the
means to even buy some basic food items for the events. Therefore, we once more raised the fees

214 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
to twenty birr. We had to convince the community, it is basically because they lack the finances,
but we managed to convince them anyway. At least now, on holidays we pay families a certain
amount, and give out more than two thousand birr when there is a funeral, and a lesser amount
for merdo. Oh, and there is also something called ‘engida derash’ (እንግዳ ደራሽ/funerary service
for a person deceased while being hosted as a guest by a member of an iddir). We take care of
costs and activities for such an event with a smaller amount. So, in this way, the community loves
being part of the iddir. To tell you the truth, even when the government wants to order people, or
inform people to do this and not do that; instead of doing it themselves and communicating to the
community directly, they come and say to us ‘please inform the community about this and that.’
When a call comes from the iddir, the community quickly gets on board with it. So, the government
also uses it for this kind of things. The community loves and takes care of the iddir.

Recently, in the past year or two, we were told the whole neighborhood will be demolished for
development. Even I was chosen as a committee for this, it was a time we were in distress,
thinking about our fates. Now came another argument saying ‘this is an old part of the city, in
cities of other countries abroad, old parts of cities are deemed heritage and retained for their
historical significance. Rather by making such places centers of tourism activities, you can tell
stories about the genesis of Addis Ababa through this neighborhood.’ And thanks to be God, now
we are told that we will be remaining in place, we are living in relief, as you can see.

Q: Are all members of the iddir from Serategna sefer or do you also …?
It is only people from Serategna sefer that use them.

Q: What is the source of income for most dwellers in the sefer today?
Well, most of the residents are petty traders like small shops and those who chase for any small
work that earns them a living; some are civil servants, daily jobs, security guards, I mean when
you go down and see, this is a very much impoverished community. Shall I tell you something
amazing though, there was a song that was sang in the old days ‘ሰራተኛ ሰፈር ወድቄ ብነሳ አካላቴ ሁሉ ወርቅ
ይዞ ተነሳ’ (loose translation: Once I fell down in Serategna Sefer, and when I got up, I was covered
in gold). It was sung in many night clubs around here. So, the amazing thing is, if someone who
is not from here, someone who may be homeless, or if someone dies of accidents like heart
attack, whatsoever the case may be, we never allowed the city hall to bury them, never! This is
the value we have in Serategna Sefer; we don’t even wish for our own dead bodies to be taken
anywhere else. So, some four or five women will come out and cover the body of the deceased
with some cloth; we collect donations right away from everyone available, the iddir will quickly
avail some support, and a dignified funeral will be performed by the community. We do not have
the practice of allowing the city hall to bury the dead, it is unacceptable. We are not measured
by the poverty of the community rather with the love we give to each other. Everyone knows each
other; everyone respects each other; and everyone supports one another. And I have not seen a
more beautiful sefer than Serategna Sefer. I have lived in different cities in Ethiopia, but there is
no other that, I enjoyed life and loved my neighbors in. It is a very good sefer.

215 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
Q: Are you happy with how the iddir are now?
Yes, I am very happy (‘let alone him, we are all happy.’ said his wife in the background). After
serving for more than ten years, both iddir awarded me and my wife, golden rings as a way of
thanking us. Furthermore, both iddir have recently bought stakes, worth hundred thousand ETB
each, of Amhara Bank; there are also plans to merge the two iddir now. That way, the capital
of the iddir concentrates and the amount we give out for incidents of mourning will increase,
especially since current circumstances should be considered; that things are more expensive
now. The digging of burial grounds was about 80 ETB back in the days, but nowadays it cost
around 500 or 600 ETB. So, the old amounts that we made part of the bylaws are not sufficient
anymore. So, these are progresses that are going on.

Funerary Function mapping

Interviewee AT
Adwa Godana Iddir
Andinet Iddir
Gebriel Iddir
Giorgis Iddir
Residence Gebbi
Mikael Iddir Tent Location 1
(Inside Gebbi)
Nural Hidiya Iddir Kitchen
Serategna sefer Iddir
Yesetoch (Women’s) Iddir Tent Location 2
(Outside Gebbi)
Funeral Tent Location

Cooking Location (during funeral)

Food serving area

FIG. 5.16 A map showing the spaces previously used during circumstances of bereavement within
AT’s household.

216 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The mapping of Interviewee AT’s personal experience as he mourned the death
of his two relatives is shown in FIG. 5.16. Within the gebbi he resides in, there are
households that are members of three iddir; Gebriel, Mikael, and Yesetoch (women’s)
iddir. As the map shows, two locations had been appropriated for the mounting of
tents; on within the gebbi he lives in, and another on wider space at the center of
junction of three alleys in the middle of the sefer. Furthermore, since his gebbi is
equipped with a kitchen sufficient for the preparation of food during his mourning
period, additional or appropriated space for this function was not needed. Overall,
because of the placement of the tents and the activities a portion of the streets
shaded in grey, according to his estimation, was used as an extension for the
funerary function.

While he expresses pride in his achievement to acquire the storage and

gathering space at the courtyard behind the Musie Minas building for use
by the iddir he is affiliated with, he complained at its insufficiency for the
purpose of general assemblies of members of the Gebriel or Mikael iddir, with
about 150 and 200 members each, clearly stating that the iddir do not have a
convenient place for meetings of such sizes.

In two separate instances, he mentioned the insecurity and disadvantage of

relocation through the condominium housing projects of the government. First, he
made a direct link between the decrease in membership size of both iddir and the
relocation of residents to the condominium housing projects at the fringes of the
city. And secondly, he expressed the distress among the community that was caused
when there were rumors that the entire sefer would be demolished for redevelopment
and the relief they got once it was saved, credit to the heritage protection argument
he had heard saved the sefer.

During the foundational stages of the two iddir, AT had invested his social capital—
his credibility, to garner interest among the community in establishing them. He
said it is his personal character to be invested in building social relations. And he
cherished the benefits he gained in the form of love and respect from “everyone”
in the sefer. He further explains that the main benefit of engaging in more than one
iddir is that his social network gets wider, he gets to get along with members of
his larger community—the sefer. Beginning with the saying in Amharic, እድር ብድር
ነው/’iddir biddir naw’ that can be translated as ‘iddir is debt,’ he further illustrated
the social capital nature of iddir. “If you provide for others, then you get to be
provided for too,” he said. And that ‘bad practice;’ lack of reciprocation, is punished
with small penalty fees as gestures to discourage underinvestment.

217 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 AT is also a special case for this research not only for his role as an organizer but
also because of his positional role as a negotiator with local administrators on
matters of interest to the iddir and his community. He stated, the foundation of
Gebriel iddir was inspired by the insecurity caused by the urban warfare in Addis
Ababa at historical juncture of the country, and that the Mikael iddir was a result
of those, including himself, who were involved in electoral works in 1994. He later
explained that the government seldom utilizes the iddir as a channel to reach the
community of the sefer. Regarding the storage and operation space of the iddir he
was chairing, he mentioned that acquiring them for the use of the iddir took a lot
of negotiation with local officials. This sequence of incidents implies the existence
of largely cooperative, or at least a give-and-take sort of relationship between
government entities and the iddir he is chairing.

Interviewee Ttn is a bugle blower in Serategna sefer. He is hired by four of the

seven iddir in the sefer, earning a total of 500 ETB per month, to walk every alley in
the sefer, make stops where his voice would be audible for as many households as
possible and make announcements to the residents. Even though the most common
announcements are of funerals for which the community has to mobilize, in some
cases, announcements, such as a call for general assembly of all members of an
iddir, are also within his responsibility. In addition, he is hired by Andinet iddir as
a storekeeper.

… The first and oldest iddir in the sefer is called talaqu iddir. The second iddir is called Gabriel,
the third iddir is Giorgis, the fourth iddir is called Andinet, and the fifth iddir is Mikael. Thus,
their formation is basically, to live socially. When someone dies, the bugle is blown on time
(announcement), members come out and erect tents, members whose turn it is to attend the
burial are assigned, they do the burial and come back. I am a bugle blower (announcer), and also
storekeeper to Andinet iddir. I am a member of Mikael and Andinet iddir. The other iddir were
founded way before I came to this area after military service, since I knew iddir is important, I
joined these ones when I arrived. I was born and grew up in Gojam, in an area called Mota kidus
Giorgis, then I joined the military, and it is after that military life that I came here, joined the iddir,
and became a servant to four iddir; Gebriel, Serategna sefer, Mikael, and Andinet iddir, as a bugle
blower (announcer).

Q: What is the purpose of joining more than one iddir for you?
The purpose is basically to use it in times of despair, when someone in your family passes away, it
doesn’t produce much more than that to me.

218 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Q: Do you have support among peers or neighbors?
In earlier times, the iddir used to give money out to members, for holidays, but now … that is not
available … In my capacity I serve the iddir as it is.

Q: What benefit does it have to your family?

It is not much, about 150 ETB from every iddir, I earn about 500 ETB per month. I work closely
with, the judges of the iddir, we discuss current items of attention almost every day. Now that
there are condominium houses, many of those we had relations with, are now at the outskirts of
the city.

Q: What else do you contribute to the iddir?

I pay my monthly dues like any other member. As I told you, I also work as storekeeper to one of
the iddir. When there is a funerary even, I put the items out and when it is done, I get it all back in
the storage room.

Q: What would you say should improve regarding the iddir?

For example, when there is a news of passing of a relative, the iddir gives you about 300 ETB,
this is not enough to even buy beans. This needs to improve; thus the monthly contribution has
to increase… What is the price of coffee today? You see it is too expensive these days. So that is
the issue we are debating on these days, we even had a meeting yesterday. It is proposed now for
the payable amount for when you receive news of a relative passing up to 1000 ETB, and when a
member dies for that amount to be 10000 ETB. We have decided now on these amounts and the
monthly contribution by members to become 50 ETB. We also asked, yesterday, to be relieved of
our duties as a committee, but the assembly insisted we remain, and we accepted in the end. If
the community says it then, you cannot do away the community, so you accept.

Q: How close are you with the leaders of the iddir? And do you trust each other?
I am close with them because I work with them. And trust is necessary, so we do trust each other.
In addition, everything is done on account of receipts, income or expense, all is accounted for,
thus we don’t have much problem regarding that.

Q: What exactly do you do on your job as announcer?

Well, I go around the sefer, alley by alley, there is not much to it really. You go around the sefer,
blow the bugle [inform the residents the identity of the deceased and what is to be done as a
community], then you go with the community members to put up tents. The activities then are, to
set up the tent [at or close to the house of mourners], second is conducting the burial procession,
followed by accompanying the mourners in the evening, the iddir portions and assigns the tasks
among members. Members who did not perform the assigned tasks get fined, and those who keep
behaving against these norms for a continued period of time, may even be expelled from the iddir.

219 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Ttn, has four types of relationships with six iddir: he is a bugle blower to four iddir
(Gebriel, Serategna sefer, Mikael, and Andinet iddirs), a storekeeper to Andinet iddir,
a regular member to Mikael and Andinet iddir, and tangentially related to Giorgis
and a women’s iddir through his wife’s membership to the latter two. He explains,
at an occurrence of a funeral in his household, all these relations were mobilized
to support his family. This also meant the space needed for the mounting of a tent
and the overall function of the funeral was expansive. Thus, the tent got erected at
a junction of three roads where the layout allowed for a better space than anywhere
close to the gebbi he resides in. The cooking activities were also performed at two
different kitchens in other gebbi, and one make-shift kitchen along the alley between
the erected tent and his residence.

From the clusters of social networks that Ttn is affiliated to, and his role, and activities
being non-redundant within each network; it can be said that he has high level of
positional social capital. He is well informed of happenings across many iddir in the
sefer. He understands the sefer both in spatial and social aspects as he physically and
socially navigates the larger sefer ensemble. His position at multiple structural holes
makes him one of the wealthiest persons in personal and carried social capital.

Ttn also stressed the importance of trust and how it is maintained through cordial
relationships among the officials of iddir, and highlighted the importance of the
financial documentation, sanctions, fines, and the possibility of expulsion for
repeated disregard for the setout norms, as essential tools to maintain trust through
mechanisms of accountability.

220 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Funerary Function mapping
Interviewee Ttn

Adwa Godana Iddir Residence Gebbi

Andinet Iddir
Gebriel Iddir Shared Kitchen 1

Giorgis Iddir Shared Kitchen 2

Mikael Iddir Shared Kitchen 3

Nural Hidiya Iddir Tent Location

Serategna sefer Iddir
Yesetoch (Women’s) Iddir

Funeral Tent Location

Cooking Location (during funeral)

Food serving area

FIG. 5.17 A map showing the spaces previously used during circumstances of bereavement within
Ttn’s household.

221 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Interviewee HT is born and raised in Serategna . She is currently living in a kebele
house she has inherited from her parents. Being young and actively engaged in
women’s iddir, while being a member of Adwa Godana iddir, she presents a detailed
accounts of the women’s iddir operations as follows:

Q: How many iddir are there in setategna sefer?

Let’s see, there is Adwa Godana iddir, Serategna sefer iddir, Gebar iddir356, there is Mikael,
Gabriel, Ato Taye iddir357, let’s say, I know at least six or seven iddir in Serategna sefer.

Q: Which iddir are you a member of?

I am a member at Adwa Godana iddir. It used to be called Ato Sihne iddir in earlier times, named after
the man who founded it, but now it is called Adwa Godana. The elders of that time have passed now,
there are children and grandchildren now a days. I also inherited my father’s house and iddir too.

Q: Why did your father choose to join this specific iddir?

That is because the members then were his friends, they were of similar age, so he joined them.
All of them have passed away now.

Q: Are you also a member of another iddir?

Yes, I have women’s iddir membership too. Similarly, the members were our mothers, now they
are all gone, and we the children and grandchildren have inherited what they left us. My neighbors
… are also part of it, almost every one of us are members through our mothers. So, the two iddir;
Adwa Godana and Yeset (women’s) are the ones I am a member of.

Q: What is the benefit of being a member to more than one iddir?

You see, in times of sorrow, for example my brother died recently. When I left for work in the
morning, he was quite healthy, when I returned, he was feeling low [and passed abruptly]. So, in
that situation, I didn’t know what to hold on to. But my iddirtegnas (people of the same iddir as
one), bought everything that was necessary and took care of me during that mourning period.
This is what iddir is useful for. You may have money in the bank, but the iddir swiftly come to your
aid better, they clean and dust off your house, especially the women’s iddir is quite useful in this
regard, better than the Men’s iddir.

356 This iddir is from a neighboring sefer called Gebar Sefer, thus does not fall within the category of
iddir in Serategna sefer. Yet, considering interviewee HT lives on the Eastern part of Serategna sefer, it is
understandable for her to be aware of it being in the vicinity.
357 This name of an iddir needed a follow up clarification but based on HT consistent reference to old names
of an iddir, especially in relation to their founders, as in the case of Adwa Godana iddir, it is possible that this
is also a similar case for which a recent name needs to be found out.

222 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Being a member to more than one iddir is helpful. Different iddir have different types of resources.
For instance, one iddir may have its own tent, and the other has other things like cooking items.
So, to make the most of this situation, you decide to be a member of both iddir. The other factor
for being a member of multiple iddir is the money that is paid to individuals who are mourning.
May be one iddir pays a certain amount and another one pays another amount, being a member
to both offers the possibility to earn larger than what one would earn from just one membership.
And the third reason is the accompaniment at nights, members of one iddir stay over for, maybe,
one night and the others will come the next one. Thus, to have as many a number of people
accompanying you on the first difficult days of a loss of a dear one is an advantage. Nowadays,
this reason is not very prevalent because of inflation.

Q: What happens on these nights?

You basically accompany those that are grieving, console them. There may as well be some
consolatory preaching from scripture. It is mainly to not let the grieving individual be alone and
that they remain accompanied. But I oppose this practice nowadays, because it has become
expensive to feed those who stay the nights. But the practice perseveres regardless.

Q: Is it also the same in women’s iddir?

Yes, it is, there are some who join two or three. Because, if, for example, one iddir caters for the
first three days, then the others will come the following day or two. Similar to the men’s iddir, the
money is also an incentive.

Q: What is the difference between men’s iddir and women’s iddir?

Women’s iddir provides spices, lentils, shiro, berbere and such food items. It also prepares the
food, cleaning the vicinity and the like. Men’s iddir, it just provides the money, chairs and they are
gone, whereas the women’s iddir takes over your domestic work with sensitivity to your in-house
privacy and stays close to the mourners. For example, when I was grieving, since the loss of my
brother was quite sudden, I didn’t have my house kept up to have people over—I was not ready.
But the women’s iddir came in, put me and my family to the side and took over all the domestic
work. So, all that is covered by my iddir, my neighbors, my mother’s iddir. They clean your house
and everything. Even if you don’t have money at the moment, or anything else, the iddir covers
for you. The women’s iddir thus, makes coffee, prepares lunches, wash dishes and so on. There is
also something called yeélet (daily, implying a daily schedule), everyone appointed by the iddir to
be there will be there to work and accompany the mourners. Even if there is a cook to prepare the
main food, the rest of the task is taken care of by the hosting of the community at the location.
After the first day, a list of names and hours of the day is posted. This is for members who are
supposed to be at the mourner’s residence at what time of the day. The day is divided by hours.
The morning shift is from 7:00am till 2:00pm, the afternoon shift is from 2:00pm till 6:00pm, then
the evening is from 6:00pm on. Thus, through these shifts members will be on duty.

223 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
Q: Which iddir is close to you, the men’s or women’s?
The women’s one is closer. Indeed, the men’s iddir pays more. Women’s iddir pays a small
amount. For example, for my brother’s funeral, the women’s iddir gave me 800 ETB, including
the injera and all. The men’s iddir gives out membership books for record keeping of individual
members. My women’s iddir does not have a membership book, but a friend living in another area
has told me her women’s iddir gives out membership book.

Q: With whom, among members to your iddir, do you have close connection with?
My neighbor over there, you see, we grew up together and we all inherited the iddir from our
mothers. Both her parents died, as did mine, too. I was living somewhere else before they passed.
But I moved back right after their passing. Since then, I was able to host weddings of my siblings
in this exact house.

Q: What do you contribute to the iddir?

There is the regular monthly fee that I contribute. There is also something called special fees that
we contribute, right on the day, when someone dies in the neighborhood. It used to be 25 ETB,
but now that things are much expensive, the special fee contribution has also increased. In
general, the iddir provides for the food items needed. In earlier times, it used to avail lentils, shiro,
berbere, and even mattresses and blankets too. The iddir was well organized and equipped with
all necessary items. But when the news of possible demolition of the sefer came to us, we decided
to disband the items reserved for emergency among members and closed the storing functions.
Now we only store large utensils for cooking. So now a days, we do the fees collection as I said,
and provide what is necessary for three days of the mourning process.

Q: What other specific responsibilities do you have …?

We work in cooperation. The members are quite young nowadays, they are all good people. You
would really like them, they have love. So, we gather and share the works together, there are also
machines that help reduce the burden of large-scale cooking, such as the onion grinder. We also
have a cooking lady. The cook gets the benefit of the iddir like any member, but she is relieved
of contributions in money because she contributes through the labor of cooking at all funerals.
She has moved out of the sefer to a condominium in the outskirts. She cooks for other events like
weddings too, and since we like her work, we like keeping her in the iddir.

Q: Are there any things you would like to see improve in the iddir?
For example, there is a bit of lack of urgency in picking up responsibilities. It is not a major
problem, and we do not see it as a challenge. But we discuss about it. Just recently, an elderly
woman passed away. After the funerary process was done, the daughter of this elderly woman
raised complaints about the service the iddir provided. We had a gathering and discussed it.
Sometimes there is carelessness among members, this raises dissatisfaction for members and
becomes an issue of discussion like this one. Well, it is a process.

224 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
The other issue is money capital. We usually gather money impromptu because we do not
have a capital to rely on. Our treasurer makes phone calls and asks for the special fees to be
collected from everyone. This is tedious process. If we, at least for one year, make larger monthly
contributions, to strengthen the capital, then it will even give us the ability to store some items
so that we avoid the inflationary cost of goods. This was all how it was in earlier times, but once
they told us the sefer was planned for demolition that all went down. So, we need to build that
capacity again. For example, just recently, we had a funeral, but there was no wheat! What you
buy for 25 ETB today will be 30 tomorrow. Had we had a reserve capital, then we can purchase
some of these items in bulk and store them for such situations. Our mothers used to do it like
that, they used to gather all together and prepare all the spices, purchase what might be needed
and have them stored. In my sister’s sefer, they do it just like our parents used to do it. They rent
a storage and store all that is needed. They don’t go to the market on the day of the incidents.
Of course, this is part of the fact that we are poor. But there is a practice in the men’s iddir called
Diggoma; when too many funerals happen the iddir’s capital gets weakened and to replenish this
capital we do diggoma. The regular monthly fee for the men’s iddir is 50 ETB and it is 20 ETB for
the women’s iddir. But for diggoma, the amount is raised to, may be 100 ETB for six months that
follow. Now, if we do the same to the women’s iddir and make the fees, for example 50 ETB, for a
certain period of time, that will really improve the iddir. We are discussing these ideas nowadays.

The gebbi HT resides in is elevated from the main street by over two meters; and it is
accessed through a sloped and stepped ground. It has a relatively bigger courtyard
space than other neighboring gebbi. This courtyard space, according to HT, was
utilized by her family funerary functions. In a rather recent incident of the funeral for
her brother, she stated that the tent was mounted rather on the main street (outside
her gebbi) as indicated in FIG. 5.18. The kitchen that she shares, on a daily basis,
with other residents of the gebbi, was sufficient for the cooking activities during
this funeral.

HT stated that she has inherited membership to the iddir from her parents. This
highlights the quality of iddir that social credit can be transferred; but within the
condition that the beneficiary is related to the owner but also exhibits the necessary
individual characteristics to be accepted as a legitimate member. Some iddir place
a condition in their bylaws that membership is only limited to a certain number
of individuals per family, may even be just one. This is done in order to conserve
resources that may otherwise be expendable to multiple members of a family that
mourn a loss simultaneously. HT’s cherished inheritance of her parent’s social
credits lays such a condition.

225 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 HT also succinctly stated three main advantages to being a member of more than
one iddir in a sefer. The first is access to material resources that different iddir
may possess, such as tents and mattresses. The second is the financial benefits
that are increased with membership to multiple iddir. And thirdly, she discussed
the emotional support, especially in the first few days of loss of a loved one, she
described based on her own experience. She said all these three advantages also
apply when choosing to join more than one women’s iddir. She further provided
that the women’s iddir, in comparison to the men’s iddir, is a more intimate and
helpful iddir in both emotional and labor aspects. According to her, while the men’s
iddir provides larger sum for funerary functions, the women’s iddir is more privacy
compatible and invests more time to care for the vulnerable mourners.

Similar to interviewee AT, HT is concerned about the instability caused by the plan
by city administrators to demolish her sefer, as it resulted in social and financial
precarity of iddir. Based on her experience in the women’s iddir, she explained that
prior the rumor of such plans, the iddir had organized storage of grocery items that
are needed for cooking functions of the iddir. And that, once they became aware of
the relocation, they disbanded this storage and opted for impromptu contributions at
the moment of bereavement. This has caused vulnerability and unwanted expenses
that the women’s iddir otherwise would have been able to avoid through prediction,
planning, and storage.

226 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Funerary Function mapping
Interviewee HT
Shared Kitchen
Adwa Godana Iddir
Tent Location
Andinet Iddir (Outside Gebbi)
Gebriel Iddir Tent Location
(Inside Gebbi)
Giorgis Iddir
Residence
Mikael Iddir

Nural Hidiya Iddir

Serategna sefer Iddir
Yesetoch (Women’s) Iddir

Funeral Tent Location

Cooking Location (during funeral)

Food serving area

FIG. 5.18 A map showing the spaces previously used during circumstances of bereavement within
HT’s household.

227 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Interviewee DAz is an elderly, community leader in Serategna sefer. She is well
regarded among Serategna sefer community as a founding member of a few women’s
iddir. Currently, she is a chairwoman to one of these iddir she helped establish. As
her story below reveals, at the time of this interview, she carries sorrow from the
death of her daughter and feels uneasy about changing demography within the
iddir she is leading. Her experience and leadership position among women in the
neighborhood makes her an important informant to this research.

Q: Which iddir are you a member to?

I am a member of several iddir; Gabriel iddir, Tallaqu iddir, also called iddir, an iddir at Atkilt Tera
(vegetable market), and a women’s iddir here.

Q: Why did you become a member to all of these iddir?

Just one iddir is not enough. The money I get from just one iddir is not enough, but if I have more
then I will have access to more money and that is important. In earlier times, what you get from
one iddir was quite small, these days you can collect about 2000 or 3000 ETB from just one iddir.
Earlier it was about 400 or 300. So, the iddir at Atikilt Tera gives out more that 5000 ETB even
in earlier times, it gives out good money. The ones in our sefer, they used to pay small amounts
but these days they give out even 3000 or 4000. This helps cover expenses during mourning
times. Every month we gather at the St George church to pay our monthly contributions. When
something bad happens, the Chairman and Secretary of the iddir come with the money to the
residence of those mourning.

Q: What kind of role do you play in iddir?

I have a women’s iddir and I am a judge/chairwoman of it.

Q: What is the name of this women’s iddir?

There is no name for women’s iddir, it is just called yeset (women’s) iddir. It has a small
membership size, may be 20 or 30 women is optimal membership size. My role as judge
(chairwoman) of our iddir is thus, to allocate resources on funeral events, and general monthly
expenses, follow up on treasurers and storekeepers’ duties on collection, deposition, withdrawal,
and expenditure of money from the iddir’s account. I also assign members’ to be of service to
mourners in shifts. For example, I will ask five women for today, and another five for tomorrow
to be at the service. Based on the relationship of the deceased to the member, if it is a child, a
spouse, a sibling, or members themselves, I decide on the amount to be given to the mourning
member or family. All the funerary service is taken care of by this amount.

228 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Q: What is the difference between women’s and men’s iddir?
Men’s iddir, early in the morning announces, meaning blows the bugle, the news of death
and the family of attention. It deliberates on the time of burial with the family, usually
at 12:00 or 3:00 pm. It also allocates and brings out the necessary amount of cooking tools,
erects tents, and arrange the chairs. It plans and coordinates the funerary journey to church,
either Giorgis (St. George) or Qechene Medhanealem church, and back to the sefer. All men and
women members of the men’s iddir, except for women who are on domestic work duty assigned
to them by the women’s iddir, attend the funeral. And after three days, it takes down the tent.

Women’s iddir, is informed, early in the morning, of details of the occurrence of death. Right away,
it heads to the kitchen, purchases food items and groceries, and the cooking starts immediately.
Thus, lunch will be served on time. This catering continues the next day. Women’s iddir supports
both with money and domestic work. In the old days, women’s iddir used to store cooking recipes
such as grains and spices but now a days it has stopped.

Overall, the men’s iddir contributes with the larger money and the funerary process. But the
women iddir is more laborious. The domestic work must start at the earliest possible time, and
it continues until the end of the mourning period. It has less capital than the men’s iddir but it
invests higher labor towards the mourning process.

Q: Who among iddir members do you have strong relationship with?

Well, among the women in this area, if anything worrisome happens, we come together … but
I do not have dependable people around me as I used to in the old days. Some got the housing
lottery and left the sefer, those who were dependable and well to do, have died. I, now, do not
have strong relations with whom I confide with, as I used to, but I still manage as it is.

Back then, I had such fine women who were my friends. There was a lady just in front of here, her
name was Asegedech; she has passed away now. And below here, over there was a woman called
Kittenesh, gentle like a mother to me and my children, she practically raised them. She has also
died. All these, three or four, friends of mine had properties. If I had important guests visiting
at my house, I had everything around me to host them properly. If I got ill, they would take care
of my family, bathing my children, feeding the family, all of that is gone now. On top of that, my
daughter, on whom I deeply rely on, has recently passed away and I still suffer from that loss. I do
not have people that I rely on these days; people who can speak on my behalf, those who can be
my support in the sefer.

229 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
Q: Since when have you been a chairwoman of the iddir?
When the iddir got established, there were important women such as Asegedech and an elder
woman W/ro (Ms.) Mulu, who were leading it. As they get older and some eventually died, about
seven years ago, the members said we should have a surviving elder woman as a chairperson,
and they elected me. There are some who have recently moved into the sefer and have become
members. I have appointed a couple of them, like Seble, to be store and bookkeepers now.
[Compared to] the capital we had, and the members from as far as Arsho area, we are weaker
now. We have some members from faraway places too: those who were living here but eventually
moved out. For example, a woman called Birke, who lived at the library area, has moved to an
area called Lege Dhadi. Even from as far place they are living at, they come here for the iddir
gatherings. For those members, labor work is not provided. The monthly contributed money is
portioned to them when they are in need.

DAz is a member of Tallaqu/Serategna sefer iddir and Gebriel iddir from within
Serategna sefer. She also mentioned membership to another iddir at Atikilt Tera.
Atikilt Tera is a vegetable marketplace in close proximity to Serategna sefer. It is not
clear if this is an iddir with members who live in and around the market or if she is
referring to a transposition of iddir; a form of association among traders that work
at the market. It is even more unclear if she chose it for its proximity to Serategna
sefer or because she owns a shop at the market. But it is clear that it is a funerary
association much similar to the other iddir in Serategna sefer, with better financial
standing than the iddir she is a member of.

The residence DAz lives in is accompanied by a small compound which makes it

insufficient to host large gatherings in such cases as a funeral. Hence, the tent
for the funeral of her daughter was set up in a distant location where four streets
converge. She neither had sufficient cooking facility within her gebbi that fits the
demand of the funerary service. Hence, a temporary kitchen that was setup on an
alley that provides access to her residence, and a shared kitchen in another gebbi in
the sefer were used for the service.

In discussing the operations of the men’s iddir, she states that Serategna sefer iddir
members gather, monthly, on the grounds of St. George church; 0.7 kilometers away
from Serategna sefer. And that burials are customarily done at the cemeteries of
either the same church or Qechene Medhanealem church which is 3.2 kilometers
away. It is common for Christian members of the iddir in Serategna sefer to perform
burials at these two locations. Similar to what HT stated earlier, DAz mentions that
the women iddir used to own or rent storage spaces for the storage of cooking
ingredients and cereals, but that, this is no more the custom.

230 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 At the foundational stage of the women’s iddir that DAz is a chairperson of, her
neighbors and friends, with whom, she reminisces, to have had a tight relationship
with, were the designated leaders. They brought their individual social capital
to establish the iddir. Even though, she is the chairwoman of this iddir, she has
complaints regarding trust and affective relations in the changing demography of
the iddir. It is apparent that she is experiencing shrinkage of her social capital due
to natural phenomena, such as in death of contacts, evolutionary phenomena, in the
case of the emergence of new age and social groups in the network, and governance
related phenomena, in the case of those who got relocated out of the sefer through
government housing programs. It is also apparent from testimonies of her current
contacts, and the fact that they elected her to chair the iddir, that she is trusted by
members of the iddir. Within a network, individuals may experience increase and
decrease of their social, positional capital. With the phrase “I still manage as it is,”
and the detailed accounts of her role and actions based on her position in the social
network, she expresses, despite of the vulnerability she feels, associating with her
neighbors through the iddir remains valuable to her.

Funerary Function mapping

Interviewee DAz

Adwa Godana Iddir

Outdoor Cooking Location
Andinet Iddir
Residence
Gebriel Iddir
Shared Kitchen
Giorgis Iddir
Tent Location
Mikael Iddir

Nural Hidiya Iddir

Serategna sefer Iddir
Yesetoch (Women’s) Iddir

Funeral Tent Location

Cooking Location (during funeral)

Food serving area

FIG. 5.19 A map showing the spaces previously used during circumstances of bereavement within
DAz’s household.

231 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 Interviewee AbFe is the chairperson of a Muslim-religion-based men’s iddir in
Serategna sefer called Nural Hidiya iddir. He is also an active member of the
community as his involvements at various social and spatial developments suggest.
Both in name and practice, the iddir he chairs is exclusively based on a religion. As
seen in his story below, he makes distinction between the exclusive character and the
expressive or bonding purposes of the iddir; and explains the bridging opportunity
other secular forms of iddir provide.

Q: When was your iddir established?

In 1996 E.C (2003/04 G.C.)

Q: How many members does it have?

About a hundred and ninety-six

Q: How is the iddir set up, is it exclusive to the Muslim …?

Well, basically the iddir is not just for the sake of specifying it on religion and to separate from
the community. Sheria law has its communal guides, we just wanted to abide by those. Otherwise,
there is no intention to separate. For example, there is an Iddir called Andinet which we are a
member of too, together with our Christian neighbors. But [this iddir] differs in that, for burial,
there is a Sheria law that we need to follow, that’s basically why. So, I have the Andinet iddir as
well us this (Nural Hidiya iddir) memberships. Be it for burial or support we need the social life,
Andinet iddir is thus our choice for relationship with our community.

Q: Where do you store your items, and hold gatherings?

For our items, we asked for cooperation from wereda 10, and they gave us a storage place just
above Arsho clinic.

Q: Can you say more about your iddir?

Our iddir collects the highest amount from individual families than other iddir in the sefer, we
have recently increased the amount as well. Because the price of food items such as grains and
legumes has increased. Now members pay fifty birr per month. Since our previous amounts are
not anymore sufficient help, we all agreed to increase the individual contributions as well as the
payable amount to grieving members.

Q: Among members of the iddir who do you have a strong relationship with?
I socialize with everyone. I am the chairperson of this iddir. For example, even outside of
Serategna Sefer , I am the chairperson of a council of iddir in the locality that includes iddir such
as Afework Menged, Adwa Godana, Asir Dereja, Genete Tsigie, Yeshufer iddir, and also another
iddir called Andinet, across the street but a namesake to the one within our sefer. We all work in
collaboration, and I thus have a range of connections across the area.

232 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Q: What is your specific role in the idder then?
I am the chairperson, it used to be called ‘Dagna’ (Judge), but nowadays it is called chairperson.

Q: What kind of services are provided by your iddir?

Firstly, and beyond burial functions, we contribute a lot, in many ways, to the development of the
country. Secondly, before even death, while alive, we support members. We support them when
they are in dire situations of health, so that the ill person gets treatment in time. Of course, if it is
the Creator’s will, death is inevitable, but till then, we deliver the support needed. And also, we
enlist people who cannot afford a membership, or are in too precarious circumstances, for free.
Since they have the will but not the means to join the iddir, even if not many in number, we allow
some to join for free. Whenever, the government requests for support from the community, we
deliver all the time; in-kind or money, be it in security issues, development issues, infrastructure
works like the GERD dam project, HIV alleviation campaigns, caring for orphans; in a number of
ways, we deliver our support continuously.

Q: How can your iddir improve?

It needs to be supported; you see. Way before the government came with the Consumers
Association (ሸማቾች ማህበር) structure, our iddir were already contemplating on expanding their
services into such ventures. So that our members could afford daily consumables, we intended
to set up affordable markets. We thought of is quite early but had no access to a place to set it
up on.

Q: How about the storage spaces that was provided to you?

Yes, that was given to us recently. It was built by an NGO named CCF that supports children
in feeding programs and providing clothing and school items, all for children. But when they
suspended their function, the building became vacant, thus we begged for the government to give
it to us. Now it is our storage space.

Q: How would you define iddir?

From the beginning, it was mainly about burial services, but nowadays there is a wider
perspective to it. Beyond that specific service, iddir participates in other useful activities. By
focusing on the benefit of the majority than the individual, like they say ‘ከአንድ ብርቱ ሁለት መድሓኒቱ’
(Amharic saying that can be loosely translated as: Two [average persons] are better than a single
strong [person]). And now the cooperation and unity are particularly good.

233 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
Q: Would you say an iddir is strictly associated with sefer?
We cannot say it is completely tied with sefer. When we establish iddir, it is of course true,
because you want to have your support close in your sefer. But the sefer also gets demolished for
redevelopment. If a person that gets relocated to another area wants to keep his membership, he
can. And many are still paying fees from a distance. But we could not provide steadfast support
and companionship when they needed it. We cannot also apply sanctions to this type of members
because of the distance. If that member wants some of our stored items during mourning, they
can take them, the payable amount during time of mourning is also provided.

They are relocated to and live in really far places such as Jemo, where the condominiums are. So,
because of this distance, we cannot fine them for not attending a funeral of a member that lives
in the sefer. We cannot fine them for not being present to provide solace for mourners. Thus, they
are free of those obligations, and they also do not blame us for not being there during times of
bereavement. They pay the monthly fee, we provide them with the items they want to use, and
they take them covering the transportation cost themselves. Based on understanding and free
will, as long as they want to keep the membership and the services, we keep them as members.
They can deregister whenever they want to.

Q: Are there any other forms of iddir that you know of?
There are different associations, old schoolmates, friends, or ethnically inclined and so on. There
is also those who establish tribal, or national ones. I would call these Mahebers (Associations),
may be the ethnic ones are structured more like iddir than others. They perform funerary
activities, support each other with money and the like. Nevertheless, they have narrowed it to one
specific set of relationship; for instance, those who speak the same language. You see, there are
different associations, but if you ask me, I would not call them iddir. It is maheber, but they are
transforming it into iddir.

Q: What is the difference, in your opinion …?

Well, it is an exclusive form of association. As I told you, maybe they have graduated from the
same school, or they are friends, or they are working in a smaller unit of a big institution/office.
So, they support each other with that kind of smaller circles, and it would not be referred to as
iddir. They set out regulations, that fit their needs, such as in case a member goes into prison,
how can we visit them; if there is an offspring of a member that is graduating from school, how to
organize a celebration; including in the case of death and funerals.

Q: According to your iddir, how is the placement of the tent decided during funerals?
That depends on the immediate environment where the mourning member resides. In some areas
they have wider space that is fit for mounting the tents. Other may not. For example, here in my
compound, we have, as you can see, a wider space over there where we previously erected tents
at. But there are houses with narrow spaces and alleys. In that scenario, we choose the closest
possible space, may be on streets too.

234 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
For cooking too, it all depends on what the living situation is like in the specific areas. If there is a
shared kitchen; or if there is a larger kitchen used by an individual family that is seldom willing to
share for such social events, it all depends on the exact conditions. Here in my gebbi for example,
there is a shared kitchen right there. There is also another one over there. And we set up the tents
in the space in the front. If, for example, there are two incidents in our gebbi, then we also use
the cobble-stone street outside. Whenever such sad occasion happens, no questions are asked, it
will be dedicated for that service. Over here, if we set up for men’s coffee ceremony, then we set
up that other side for the women. However narrow the kitchen be, everyone accommodates the
needs of a family in distress. Overall, we make do with the limited spaces available when it comes
to cooking or erecting tents.

Funerary Function mapping

Interviewee AbFe

Adwa Godana Iddir Shared Kitchen

Andinet Iddir Residence

Gebriel Iddir
Shared Kitchen
Giorgis Iddir

Mikael Iddir Tent Location 1(Inside Gebbi)

Nural Hidiya Iddir Tent Location 2 ( Outside Gebbi)

Serategna sefer Iddir

Yesetoch (Women’s) Iddir

Funeral Tent Location

Cooking Location (during funeral)

Food serving area

FIG. 5.20 A map showing the spaces previously used during circumstances of bereavement within
AbFe’s household.

235 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 In this example, AbFe is a member of two iddir that can exemplify bonding and bridging
type of social relations; Nural Hidiya and Andinet iddir respectively. As he explains, the
Nural Hidiya iddir is useful to reinforce his religious identity and create association with
others who have similar interest. Such an association that is rich in bonding networks
has allowed for expressive outcomes wherein higher contribution and disbursement
fees, pre-risk support, and enlistment of those who cannot afford the fees of the iddir
but are Muslims in religion, are made possible. Such outcomes enhance solidarity as
inward-looking forms of association, but also make instrumental outcomes possible
for sub-groups within the iddir. Through Andinet iddir, AbFe explains, he maintains
a sefer-wide bonding type association; a larger identity, and attains instrumental
benefits that complement the expressive outcomes of the previous iddir.

In addition to his position as the chairman of Nural Hidiya iddir, AbFe is also the
chairman of the local council of iddir. Local councils of iddir are subdivisions
of the Addis Ababa iddir council that is established under the Labor and Social
Affairs Bureau of the city administration. This positional nexus is a structural hole
advantage for AbFe personally. It allows him increase credentials, for instance, within
Nural Hidiya iddir as a person who is able to acquire a storage space for the iddir
through his contacts to the Wereda 10 local administration. As he mentioned, the
iddir continuously delivers for the government’s developmental requests through in-
kind and monetary support. Similar to interviewee AT, AbFe is thus, in a position with
multiple levers of negotiation with the state and among iddir within the sefer. As he
stated, he has a “range of connections across the area.” He further attests that iddir
is instrumental in establishing cooperation and unity among residents in the sefer.
In stating that, by definition iddir focuses on the benefit of the majority than the
individual, he highlighted the public goodness of iddir as a social network.

Based on recent developments and experiences in reference to the relocation of

a portion of the community through the condominium housing program of the
government that resulted in membership from distant locations, AbFe says that
iddir is not necessarily tied to sefer. Yet, he explains, the bylaws and norms that
sustain reciprocity are challenged because of such long-distance membership as
fines cannot be sanctioned and expectations of emotional support cannot be fulfilled
to the standard practice of the iddir and the wish of its members. The continuation
of contact based on the will of those who relocated out of the sefer to sustain
membership and the resulting adaptation of iddir to sustain this relationship, he
reasons, means iddir can function without sefer. Nevertheless, he clarifies that
mutual support associations that are established in other spheres of life, such as
among classmates, workmates, and friends, would be considered as associations but
not iddir. Even though they imitate iddir, he insists, that they remain as associations
differing in size and range from iddir.

236 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The funerary processions are accommodated through appropriation of streets
in the case where there is not enough space within a gebbi. Custom provides
that the community adapts to the situation as all regular functions are altered to
accommodate a family in distress. The erection of the tent and the cooking activities,
as AbFe explains, are customarily decided taking the size and type of space in the
vicinity of the mourning members of the community.

AbFe also believes in the exploitation of the appropriability capacity of iddir for other
benefits such as for the establishment of affordable community-based markets. He
highlights the lack of access to a place (land or property) as a constraint for iddir to
venture into such activities. Beyond the storage space that his iddir was granted by the
local administration, he aspires for more spatial provision for instrumental purposes.

5.5 Re/defining iddir

In summary, the concepts of social capital theory make possible the exposition of
incongruities in complex urban contexts, such as sefer, in both the theoretical and
spatial/physical sense. The existence of financial exchange in the operations of iddir
clearly invites an economic interrogation, and the traditions and social practices
surrounding it invite social and anthropological enquiry, but social capital theory
captures both these realms sufficiently and provides a productive avenue to register
and illustrate the spatiality of iddir in sefer. Accordingly, this chapter has introduced
iddir as social capital, and within the case of Serategna sefer’s iddir; it has brought
forth spatial and functional components that make up iddir. To this end, the following
are found:

Iddir can be defined as an indigenous voluntary association in Ethiopia to which

members subscribe upon deliberate, voluntary choice to gain emotional, social,
cultural, and financial benefits during times of risk such as bereavement. Members
of iddir pursue these benefits to achieve expressive and instrumental goals; to retain
resources they already possess or to gain new ones respectively. Iddir emerges out
of the social networks that exist within sefer. In urban contexts such as Addis Ababa,
iddir is a sefer-tied social network that is fundamental to the creation of shared
sense of belongingness among its members. Iddir is thus, a form of social capital
embedded in sefer and it appears in the structure of relations or networks among
residents of a sefer. The three types of iddir, religion-based men’s iddir, secular

237 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 men’s iddir, and women’s iddir, avail choices of network types that individuals can
utilize to their benefit. They are also clusters of networks among which weak social
ties emerge as structural holes. The emergence of structural holes establishes a
bridging type of social network structure across the bonding type of networks that
exist within the clusters.

Rhetorical questions such as “who lives without iddir?”358 are seldom forwarded by
residents who were asked if they are a member to an iddir, and the “I have an iddir”
instead of “I am a member of an iddir” response that informants use to indicate
membership or relationship to an iddir; makes the term ‘association’ insufficient to
capture what iddir means in everyday use, while at the same time it adds credence to
the notion that iddir can be both a social structure and social resource/social capital
at the same time. This understanding requires further investigation to reach a refined
understanding of iddir as a concept. Is iddir a network structure within which social
resources; both symbolic and concrete supports that help members ‘get by and
get through,’ are accumulated?359 Or is it a social capital, on its own, defined as an
aggregation of resources? Or is it both?

As the base structure out of which iddir grows, sefer is also defined by the iddir
within. Sefer is thus an assembly of intricate, multi-layer social relationships,
of which iddir is one, that are social capital for both individual residents and
the community at large. At different scales and stages both sefer and iddir can
simultaneously be the social structures out of which other forms of social capital
emerge. Iddir’s character of appropriability is a potential for it to be used for
instrumental purposes that benefit individuals, iddir, a cluster of iddir, and non-iddir-
members in a sefer concurrently.

There is a prevailing lack of predictability in the fate of communities in sefer that

is caused by development-induced displacement and resettlement. Informants
repeatedly express the distress such unpredictability causes to them and their
relations in the sefer. Iddir in serategna sefer are forced to disband, downsize, or
adapt to uncertainties caused by public housing programs that do not consider
their social capital value and embeddedness in the sefer. Women’s iddir that used

358 Different versions to this rhetoric question in Amharic are: ‘ማን ያለ እድር ይኖራል? / Man yale iddir yenoral?’
translated as ‘Who lives without iddir?,’ ‘ያለ እድር ይኖራል እንዴ? / yale iddir yenoral endie?’ translated as ‘Is it
possible to live without iddir?,’ ‘እድር የሌለው ሰው አለ? / iddir yelelew sew alle?’ translated as ‘is there anyone
without iddir?,’ and ‘ሰው እንዴት ያለ እድር ይኖራል? / sew endet yale iddir yenoral?’ translated as ‘how can a person
live without iddir?’
359 Julia Häuberer, “Social Capital in Voluntary Associations: Localizing Social Resources,” European
Societies 16, no. 4 (August 8, 2014): 570–93, https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2014.880497.

238 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 to save money, purchase, and store cooking items and ingredients in a planned and
structured manner have resorted to discarding this practice based on news and
gossip that their sefer is prone to redevelopment that, they believe, would ultimately
disband their iddir. Members of Serategna sefer community that have relocated
to other areas of the city through the said development projects are exposed to
larger expenses and social and emotional costs; the iddir they associate and wish
to maintain relationship with are forced to adapt their bylaws and procedures and
as a result become poorer in social capital. Involvement in bridging and apolitical
bonding associations, such as iddir, increases social capital access.360 But the
instability of iddir, and disruptions in the social organization and relations (caused by
development-induced resettlement programs) destroy social capital of communities
in sefer.361

The spatial mapping of iddir performed in this research is based on partial sampling.
As FIG. 5.14 shows, the residents in the Western and South-Western areas of
Serategna sefer were accessed for one-stop query to generate a representative
map of distribution of sefer. It remains possible, to perform this task in a more
detailed manner so that nuances regarding territorial networks and overlaps can
be identified. Such mapping can help further an understanding of the structural
and spatial relationship between iddir and sefer. On the other hand, the stories and
storified maps generated through the in-depth interview of individual residents
has exposed the essential functional components of iddir: the tent (a portable
mourning hall), the storage space, the kitchen, gathering space (for general
assemblies of iddir), and an administrative office. These are the minimum spatial
requirements for an iddir which most iddir are not sufficiently equipped with. The
socially dynamic character of iddir, the difference in size among them, the sefer
context they are embedded in, and their appropriability for purposes other than their
foundational goals, make precise quantification in size and number of these functions
unattainable. But site analysis and further prescriptions can be left for those involved
in design and planning.

There exist conceptual and spatial overlaps among the notions of iddir, equb, and
the home-based businesses, when are a palimpsest of intricacies that form an
understanding of sefer. Equb, the Rotating Savings and Credit Association (RoSCA)
is introduced at the beginning of this chapter as a form of social relation that

360 Häuberer, 586.

361 “Every kind of social capital depends on the stability of the social structure or the relations. Disruptions
in social organization or social relations destroy social capital.” Häuberer, “Social Capital Theory towards a
Methodological Foundation,” 41–42.

239 Iddir: a social relation and a social capital in sefer

TOC
 generates social capital among communities in Ethiopia. Unlike iddir, equb is not
sefer-tied and can be found in other social relations such as the workplace. It is
much more dynamic than iddir as it can be initiated and liquidated for a short period
of time, and for targeted, seldom instrumental purposes. Coleman states that it is
unimaginable for such a “rotating credit association operating successfully in urban
areas marked by a high degree of social disorganization—or, in other words, by a
lack of social capital.”362 Thus, social capital is a precondition for associations like
equb since they rely heavily on trustworthiness to maintain reciprocity. In partial
similarity to iddir, it seems social capital is both a precondition and a product of
equb interactions. An exploration of equb vis à vis social capital is thus necessary
as it is a form of social network that sefer residents indicate of being helpful to them
to ‘get by and get through.’ For instance, it is conceivable for equb to not only be
preconditioned on social capital but also to enhance it because of the existence of
purposeful social interaction.

Home-based businesses, such as the production of malt in multiple gebbi in

Geja sefer, is reliant on non-structured but sustained social relations on which
business and resource exchange is made possible. The communities benefit from
being located at the central areas of the city, especially close to the big market
of Merkato and the active business areas in Piassa. An informant from Geja sefer
stated that it is because of the long-standing, trust-based relationship that she
has with persons that delivers grains (wheat and barley) to her house, that she
remains able to operate the home-based malt production business from within her
gebbi. The malt that is produced is then sold to small-scale, artisanal brewers of
traditional, alcoholic beverages located in different parts within Addis Ababa and
Sululta town (20km North of Addis Ababa). Price negotiations and payment scheme
compromises that are made possible because of the social capital exchange that
interjects the seemingly purely commercial exchange, make such small-scale, non-
formal businesses, possible. The central location of Geja sefer is advantageous to
the residents in both logistical and market access senses. Social capital in this case
is thus utilized to mitigate against market values that are set by the formal economy
that would otherwise exclude all involved parties in this trade.

362 James S. Coleman, “Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital,” American Journal of Sociology 94
(1988): S103.

240 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
6 Gebbi:
an urban-spatial
typology
The gebbi, the defining entities of sefer, in literal sense can be conceived as
compounds within which multiple households reside, and that as a collective
they make up the sefer. Yet, the social, economic, and spatial complexities that it
embodies require us to deviate from such literal conception and pursue a more
delicate reading. So far, the gebbi has been discussed as a physical border condition
and as an enclave of social relations in Chapter 4 and Chapter 5 respectively.
These two qualities of the gebbi remain the focus of this dissertation; meaning, the
domestic configuration and functions within the households are not within the view
of this research. Instead, the main question that this chapter intends to respond
to is: What constitutes the complexity of the gebbi? Further, by elucidating on
this complexity, this chapter submits the gebbi as a spatial typology of particular
scale: somewhere in between the urban and the dwelling scale.363 Based on this
understanding, together with the social and spatial insights presented in the two
preceding chapters, the current chapter argues that the gebbi is a typology in its
spatial sense, and a building block of the morphology of the sefer.

363 Michael Pike, “Scale and Identity in the Housing Projects of Coderch,” in Scale: Imagination, Perception
and Practice in Architecture (New York: Routledge, 2012), 194–205, In discussing José Antonio Coderch’s
“preoccupation with scale and his critique of the post-war approach to housing” through his projects, the
author structured this section in four parts: house and city, urban scale, dwelling scale, and detail scale.

241 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 FIG. 6.1 Illustration shows the three elements that comprise the gebbi: the domestic spaces in white fills, the
boundaries in black lines, and the spaces in between in orange fill based on Geja sefer’s morphology.

FIG. 6.1 above shows the three basic elements that comprise the gebbi, and the
focus of study here is the orange-colored fields and their edges as defined by either
the residences within a gebbi or fences that limit it. This chapter is divided into two
graphically illustrated sections. In section 6.1, the defined space within the bounds
of a gebbi is discussed through seven separate features that define it beyond the
basic elements stated above: communality, scarcity and sharing practices, claiming
norms, organicity, negotiation of space, caducity in material, and evolution and
adaptation. In the metaphoric sense, the gebbi in this section is thus taken apart for
in-depth inspection. In section 6.2, all these characteristic features are illustrated
as coincident phenomena—manifestations of the complexity in a gebbi. The
elements discussed separately in the preceding section are thus juxtaposed and
illustrated by means of in-depth interviews and observational documentation ergo
visual ethnography.

242 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
6.1 Characteristic features of the gebbi

Sefer are introduced in Chapter 2 as places founded as garrison towns in the late 19th
century based on military consideration of existing topography and physical delineated
by natural features such as rivers and hills. And that the growth of Addis Ababa since
has been organic, especially since the sefer have been neglected by planning efforts in
the 20th century. Consequently, it is common to observe indistinct geometric patterns and
sequences when morphologically studying sefer. Gebbi, as a result, are variant in size,
shape, slope, and the number of households in their bounds. There are similar activities
that take place within gebbi in different sefer, such as the funerary use of open spaces.
But there also exist peculiarities such as the predominance of the malt production home-
based businesses in Geja sefer, which identity them from gebbi in other sefer.

By taking four case gebbi from each of the three case sefer under study, meaning Dejach
Wube sefer, Serategna sefer, and Geja sefer, the sections that follow shall illustrate the
seven characteristics of the gebbi as mentioned. The choice of gebbi is random and the
method of mapping is based on in-depth interviews, walk-along and visual evidencing
that were performed on site, followed by analytic mapping performed off site.

Communality

The elaboration of the gebbi as a space of communal activity is leveraged on the

idea that human beings are social beings with relational capacities; in other words,
communality.364 Communality and privacy are corollary concepts365 but since the
distinction of the space within the gebbi as shared among households has already
been set, the focus primarily is thus on exposing the spaces of communality. The
gebbi organizes social behavior of variant degrees into space. Especially, heightened
communal engagements for either mitigation or celebration of personal or shared
risk or gain respectively, are represented henceforth as social function (for instance,
weddings and funerals). And the daily interactions observed by the researcher, and
illustrated in FIG. 6.2 and FIG. 6.3, are represented by the dominant activity, children
playing, but is inclusive of events such as friends chatting or gossiping.

364 Charles Chu and Ashley E. Martin, “The Primacy of Communality in Humanization,” Journal of
Experimental Social Psychology 97 (November 1, 2021): 1, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2021.104224.
365 Aristide H. Esser and Barrie B. Greenbie, eds., Design for Communality and Privacy (New York: Plenum
Press, 1978), 2,10.

243 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 As can be seen in FIG. 6.2, an illustration of the social function spaces of Tasa
Gebbi of Dejach Wube sefer, there are two main locations of intensive social activity.
The gentle slope within the gebbi allows smooth transition of activities of various
characters across the gebbi but it is these two spaces identified by informants
and observation as spaces of intensive social activity. Topography plays important
role in dictating the size and activity that takes place in such spaces. For instance,
Serategna sefer’s steep slope towards Bantyiketu river, which in turn dictates the
configuration of the spaces within gebbi resulting in small pockets of spaces for
social activity. As illustrated in FIG. 6.3, in such contexts, communal activities that
demand larger space are performed outside of the gebbi premise; either by blocking
streets, as in the case of Balambaras gebbi, or using interstitial spaces among gebbi
in the sefer, as in the case of Basha Mulat gebbi. In compact situations, such as
in the case of Gash Tadesse gebbi of Geja sefer, spaces for communal activity are
fragmented and insufficient. Parents and elders communicate to the children playing
in these areas by giving restrictive instructions or commands intended to protect
other activities that take place in the gebbi, such as the drying of clothes or spices
spread over plastic mats on the gebbi floor. Otherwise, the play areas are conceived
and perceived as left-over spaces from other activities and not intended for play.

244 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 CHILDREN’S PLAY AREA SOCIAL FUNCTION SPACE
FIG. 6.2 Map showing social function spaces of Tasa gebbi in Dejach Wube sefer.

245 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 DEJACH WUBE SEFER

Korea Gebbi Meqdela Gebbi

SERATEGNA SEFER

50 Beteseb Gebbi Balambaras Gebbi

1
GEJA SEFER

1
1

2
1

5
2

4
4 5
3 5
4

5
4

3
4
5
3

INFRUSTRUCTURE MAP LEGEND

WATER SUPPLY TAPS
NORTH ELECTRIC POLES
GREY WATER REMOVAL
EXPOSED DITCH

Beqel Gebbi Gash Semmu Gebbi

CHILDREN’S PLAY AREA SOCIAL FUNCTION SPACE

FIG. 6.3 Illustration of social function spaces in twelve gebbi studied: four examples from each case sefer.

246 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Saris Gebbi Tasa Gebbi

Basha Mulat Gebbi Qibe Gebbi

2386 2385

Memher Tesemma Gebbi Gash Tadesse Gebbi

247 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Scarcity and Sharing practices

Insufficient provision of utilities such as, electricity, water, and sewage disposal,
and domestic use spaces such as kitchens, toilets and storage spaces are evident
in all sefer. Electric poles are positioned in a spontaneous manner pursuant to the
morphology of gebbi. Cables stretching among poles create a web across gebbi and
sefer. Lack of consistent access to electricity is one of the complaints informants
raise frequently. Similarly, water supply is neither consistent nor sufficient. In most
cases a common supply point is seen per gebbi with multiple households. In some
cases, this provision is supplemented by individual access to tap water for which
households pay individually. An informant from Meqdela gebbi of Dejach Wube
sefer stated that these provisions are billed in the name of the owners of a cluster
of houses before the 1974 nationalization of properties. Such is the bureaucratic
and provisional neglect in terms of access to such necessities. Sewage disposal in
Serategna sefer is particularly concerning as the waste matter is channeled into
Bantyiketu river as municipal provision is absent.

Most households perform daily cooking activities in close to, seldom in front of,
the entrances to their residences. In occasions such as holidays or gatherings,
when large scale cooking is needed, or when preparing injera or baking traditional
bread, they use shared kitchens that are apportioned among residents of a gebbi.
Most concerningly, toilets are in dire shortage and when available, they are poorly
provided with water or proper maintenance. In some cases, kitchens are also
storage places and in other cases storage places are appropriated for large scale
cooking purposes. FIG. 6.4 illustrates the supply points of services at Gash Semmu
gebbi of Geja sefer. There are five tap water supply points shared among nineteen
families. There exists an electric pole within the gebbi that connects multiple gebbi
in the area. In FIG. 6.5, the facilities shared among residents of Balambaras gebbi
in Serategna sefer are illustrated. There are four kitchens, two store/kitchens, two
storages, and two toilets shared among fifteen households that reside in it. The
allotment of usage of space is partially decided by the local administration as part of
rent agreement, and partially negotiated among gebbi neighbors.

Sharing the available utilities and facilities is helps to cope with the lack otherwise
would have been unbearable to residents. While these remain concerns that
residents wish to be resolved by any means, informants express their pride and
solidarity in being able to collectively deal with such circumstances.

248 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 1

2
2
1

2
1
2
2 5

2 5

4
4 5 5

43
4 5

4 3 5
3

0
WATER SUPPLY TAPS ELECTRIC POLES GREY WATER REMOVAL EXPOSED DITCH
0 USER HOUSEHOLD

FIG. 6.4 Illustration of utility supply and use in Gash Semmu gebbi in Geja sefer.

1
1

4
2 1
1
4 4

1 1
4
2 1 2
4 4 2
2
4 2 1
2 4 2 4 1 3
3

2 1
3 3

1 3
1 2 2 4 3
6 2 3 3
1 2 4
1
1
2 5 4
1 5 6

5 6 2
1 5
1 2
6
1

SHARED KITCHEN SHARED TOILET SHARED STORAGE SHARED STORAGE / OCCASIONAL KITCHEN

SHARED KITCHEN / OCCASIONAL STORAGE

FIG. 6.5 Illustration showing shared facilities and their usage among dwellers in
Balambaras gebbi in Serategna sefer.

249 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 DEJACH WUBE SEFER
4

3
4 3 2

4 4
2
4

2
2 2
4
4

4 4 4
4 4 4
1 2 1
2 2 1 1 4
1 2 2 1 4
1 1 2
2 3
2 3
3 3
1 3 33
1 3

1 1

1
1

Korea Gebbi Meqdela Gebbi

SERATEGNA SEFER

7
2 4
2
1
1

4
5
1
4
5 1
5 1
1 4

5
3 5
5 5 4
1
5
1 4 4 5
1
6
1
6 5
5
6

5
2

2 1

3 1
2
3

50 Beteseb Gebbi Balambaras Gebbi

2
GEJA SEFER

2
1
6

6
5 6 6 2
1
4
4
5
7
8
2
2 5
7
9 10
4
5 8
10
3 2 5
9

2
3 10 4
2 1
4 5 5
11 12

43
13
1
11
12 13 4 5

13
13 4 3 5
13 3
13

Beqel Gebbi Gash Semmu Gebbi

WATER SUPPLY TAPS ELECTRIC POLES GREY WATER REMOVAL EXPOSED DITCH

FIG. 6.6 Illustration of service supply points in twelve gebbi studied: four examples from each case sefer.

250 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 1
1

1
1
1

2 1
2 2
1
1 3
2
1 1 4
2 3 1
4
2
2 2
2
2
2
2
2 2 2 2
2
2

Saris Gebbi Tasa Gebbi

1
1
1
1

1 1

1
2 1
1

3
2
3 1
2
3
2
2
1 3

1
2

2 2

2
2

Basha Mulat Gebbi Qibe Gebbi

4
4

4
4
4

1
4
2

1 3

2
2
2 2
1 3
1
2

3 2
3

1 1

1
3
2
2

Memher Tesemma Gebbi Gash Tadesse Gebbi

251 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 DEJACH WUBE SEFER
1

1
2

1 1 1
2
2
2

2 1
2
1
1
1 2
1 1
2
2
1
1 2
1
1 2
1
1 2 1 2
1 2 1 2
2 1 2
2
22
2
2
2 2 1 2
1 1 1 2
1 2
2
1
2 2 1 2 2
1
1
1 2 2
1 2
2 2 1 2 1 2 1
11 2 2
2 11 2 1 1
2 1
1 2 1
2 1
1
1
1 1
2
2
2
1 1 1 2
1 1
1 1 2
1 2 1 2
1 1 1 2
1 2 1 2

1 1 1 1
1 1
1
2
1 2
2
2

1 1 1 1
1 1

1
1 1 1

1 1
1 1
1
1

Korea Gebbi Meqdela Gebbi

SERATEGNA SEFER

1 1 1 1
3
1 1
1
1
3 1 1 1 1

3 4
2 1
2 1
4 4
3
2 1
1
1
1 1
4
2 1 1 1 1
1 2
2
2
2
1
2
2 3 1 1 4 4 2
2
2 3
3 2
1 1
4 2 1
1 1 1
2 4 2 4 1 3
1
1
3
1
1

2 1
3 3

1 3
1 2 2 4 3
6 2 3 3
1 2 4
1
1
2 5 4
1 5 6

5 6 2
1 5
1 2
6
1

50 Beteseb Gebbi Balambaras Gebbi

3
1 3
3
1
2
GEJA SEFER

2 1
2 1 2
2
1

2 1
2 2 1 1 2
2 2 1
3 1 1
PARTITIOINED STORAGE 3
3 1 3
1 SHARED BY HOUSEHOLDS
1 2
2 1
3 1 1 2 1
3 2
1
1
3 2 1 1
1
3 2 1

4 4 1 1 2
1 1 2 2
1 4 1
1 1 1
1 1

1
1 1 1 1
1
1 1
1 1 1 1
1
1 1 1

1 1 1 1 1
1
1 1 1 1 1
1 1
1 1 1 1
1 1
1 1 1
1 1 1
1 1 1 1
1

Beqel Gebbi Gash Semmu Gebbi

SHARED KITCHEN SHARED TOILET SHARED STORAGE SHARED STORAGE MAINLY, OCCASIONALLY KITCHEN

FIG. 6.7 Illustration of shared facilities in twelve gebbi studied: four examples from each case sefer.

252 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 1

2
1
2
1
1
2
2

1
2
2
1
1
2
1
1
2
1

2
2
1 2 1
1
2
2 1
1 1
1 1
2
2 1
1
1
1
1
2 1

1 1 2
2
1 2 2
1 1
2
1 2 2
2
2
1 2 2
2
2 2
2 2
2
2
2
2
2
2

Saris Gebbi Tasa Gebbi

4
2
1
4 2 2 5
1
4 1 5
1 1
2
3 1
3 2 2
1
1 2
1 1

1 2

1 2 1 2
1 1 2 4
1 1
1 2 1
1 2 1
1 2
1
4 1 3 1
1
1
2
4

3
5

1 1
4 1
1 1 5
6 2
2

6
1
2
1
6

7 1
7

7
1

7
1
1

Basha Mulat Gebbi Qibe Gebbi

1
1 2
2 1 2 1
1
2
1
1 1 1
2
1 2
2 1
2 1

1 1
1

1
3
1 1
1
1
1

3
3 2
1 1
1 1
1
1 2
2
1
3
1

1 2

1 2
1
1
1

2386 2385

Memher Tesemma Gebbi Gash Tadesse Gebbi

SHARED KITCHEN MAINLY, OCCASIONALLY STORAGE

253 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Claiming norms

Individual houses in sefer are typically of narrow and multipurpose rooms. Thus, it
is usual for domestic activities to flow out into the shared space within the gebbi
premises. Local administrators either forbid or pace stringent regulations against
maintenance, expansion, or modification of houses in gebbi. Thus, residents opt to
use temporary space defining methods to claim a portion of space found immediately
in front of their residences for private use. Impermanency leads to the investment
to be minimal and demolition, in case administrators demand it, relatively easy. The
spaces are delineated in different ways. A change flooring material that differentiates
between the shared open space and the claimed space may suffice in some cases.
In other cases, plants, planted in pots or on the ground, are deliberately put to
define spaces. Level differences, either an elevated platform, or a recessed and tiled
space can be appropriated for cooking activities. FIG. 6.8 below shows Qibe gebbi in
Serategna sefer and the spaces claimed by residents for various domestic functions:
washing/laundry, cooking, storages, and easy seating areas, by applying the
different technics of space definition mentioned. These spaces are not a complete
encroachment into the common space but only conceived as extensions at the edge
or as a threshold between the private and public areas. In some cases, the social
capital an individual possesses among gebbi residents can be employed to gain
space. In Qibe gebbi, a space that resulted from the demolition of houses after a
fire accident is currently used as a garden appropriated by a woman who uses parts
of it as a private storage space too. This woman is well regarded among the gebbi
community, and she shares the produce of the garden with her neighbors while, at
the same time, claims important space for private storage use.

254 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 WASHING AREA ELEVATED COOKING AREA VERTICALLY DEFINED/BORDERED COOKING AREA DEPRESSED SPACE FOR COOKING

ELEVATED WASHING AREA VERTICALLY DEFINED/BORDERED WASHING AREA DEPRESSED SPACE FOR WASHING POTTED PLANTS

ELEVATED STORAGE AREA VERTICALLY DEFINED/BORDERED STORAGE AREA DEPRESSED SPACE FOR STORE ELEVATED SITTING AREA

FIG. 6.8 Illustration shows claimed and appropriated spaces in Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer.

255 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 DEJACH WUBE SEFER

Korea Gebbi Meqdela Gebbi

SERATEGNA SEFER

50 Beteseb Gebbi Balambaras Gebbi

2
GEJA SEFER

1
1

2
1

5
2

4
4 5
3 5
4

5
4

3
4
5
3

INFRUSTRUCTURE MAP LEGEND

WATER SUPPLY TAPS
NORTH ELECTRIC POLES
GREY WATER REMOVAL
EXPOSED DITCH

Beqel Gebbi Gash Semmu Gebbi

WASHING AREA ELEVATED COOKING AREA
ELEVATED WASHING AREA VERTICALLY DEFINED/BORDERED WASHING AREA
ELEVATED STORAGE AREA VERTICALLY DEFINED/BORDERED STORAGE AREA

FIG. 6.9 Illustration of claimed and privatized spaces in twelve gebbi studied: four examples from each case sefer.

256 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Saris Gebbi Tasa Gebbi

Basha Mulat Gebbi Qibe Gebbi

2386 2385

Memher Tesemma Gebbi Gash Tadesse Gebbi

VERTICALLY DEFINED/BORDERED COOKING AREA DEPRESSED SPACE FOR COOKING
DEPRESSED SPACE FOR WASHING POTTED PLANTS
DEPRESSED SPACE FOR STORE ELEVATED SITTING AREA

257 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Organicity

The gradual emergence of sefer as urban clusters is discussed in Chapter 2 of

this dissertation. Their spontaneous formation as spatial assemblies is an organic
process. Natural features have played a foundational role and remain to be
characteristic features of gebbi. Topographic conditions command the spaces
within gebbi while transitional spaces such as gentle ramps, stairs, and cascading
floors placed by dwellers enable navigation across them. The placement and type
of this transitions may not be dictated by planning and design standards and are
characterized by irregularities. Such irregular process also resulted in irregular
tenancy arrangements, for instance, renting of adjacent rooms that are individually
accessed from the gebbi common space, or rooms that are accessed through other
tenants’ private spaces. Considering the large number of households residing in a
gebbi and their individual wishes on what to plant in their immediate environs, the
vegetation of gebbi is also a spontaneous process. Trees, shrubs, vegetable and
herb gardens, and flowers planted either on the ground or in pots of different size
embellish the common space in gebbi. In addition to the edibility and space-claiming
purpose such plants serve for families, they are also expressions that render gebbi
with identity.

Thus, the foundational process, the resulting topographic condition and its
manipulation, and the vegetation and landscaping of gebbi are not standardized,
or repeating patterns or sequences—each gebbi is different in its organicity. As
shown in FIG. 6.10, Meqdela gebbi of Dejach Wube sefer has forty-five doors that
are fully or partially accessible from the common space, but the number of residing
households is only thirty-six. The topography gradually increases as one navigates
from the main access gate on the East side towards the Western end.

258 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 2477 2476 2475 2474
2473
2478

2472

2471

2470

PLANTED TREES CONTOUR LINES POTTED PLANTS 0000 ALTITUDE ABOVE SEA LEVEL CIRCULATION

FIG. 6.10 Illustration shows vegetation, circulation, and topography in Meqdela gebbi of Dejach Wube sefer.

259 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 DEJACH WUBE SEFER
2477 2476 2475 2474
2473
2478

2472
2476

2477

2478

2471
2479

2480

2481

2482 2470

2483

2484

2485

Korea Gebbi 2486

Meqdela Gebbi
SERATEGNA SEFER

2391

50 Beteseb Gebbi Balambaras Gebbi

2382
GEJA SEFER

2384

2383

Beqel Gebbi Gash Semmu Gebbi

PLANTED TREES CONTOUR LINES POTTED PLANTS CIRCULATION

FIG. 6.11 Illustration of vegetation, circulation, and topography of twelve gebbi studied: four examples from each case sefer.

260 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 2496

2395

2394

Saris Gebbi Tasa Gebbi

Basha Mulat Gebbi Qibe Gebbi

Memher Tesemma Gebbi Gash Tadesse Gebbi

0000 ALTITUDE ABOVE SEA LEVEL

261 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Negotiation of space

Major laundry and cloth drying, income generation activities, and spices and grains
drying activities are the most common activities that tend to take up the largest
portion of the common spaces within gibbi. In almost all cases, this space, when
compared to the number of households arranged around it, is not sufficient to
provide every household with spaces needed for these activities. The use of this
space is thus subject to constant negotiation among residents. There are no fixed
schedules as to who uses the cloth drying cables in a gebbi when. But usage pattern
develops through time based on repeated communication-based use of the space.

FIG. 6.12 shows Beqel gebbi of Geja sefer and the spaces that are used by the
residents through continued negotiation and consideration of the needs of each
household. This gebbi is part of an area in Geja sefer that is known to engage in the
home-based, income generation activity of producing malt used for brewing artisanal
alcoholic beverages. In addition to the basic needs for laundry and drying area, this
function requires the dwellers to develop an informal arrangement of space usage.
Informant state that this has not been a source of contestation but required daily,
weekly, and seasonal negotiations based on domestic needs, production demands,
and weather conditions. Though the common space usually appears insufficient to
meet the demands of all residents, it is the most efficiently utilized space of sefer.

262 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 RECIPE/SPICES PREPARATION AREA CLOTH DRYING HANGERS CLOTH WASHING TYRES

FIG. 6.12 Illustration shows spaces used through continued negotiation among residents in Beqel gebbi of Geja sefer.

263 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 DEJACH WUBE SEFER

Korea Gebbi Meqdela Gebbi

SERATEGNA SEFER

50 Beteseb Gebbi Balambaras Gebbi

2
GEJA SEFER

1
1

2
1

5
2

4
4 5
3 5
4

5
4

3
4
5
3

INFRUSTRUCTURE MAP LEGEND

WATER SUPPLY TAPS
NORTH ELECTRIC POLES
GREY WATER REMOVAL
EXPOSED DITCH

Beqel Gebbi Gash Semmu Gebbi

RECIPE/SPICES PREPARATION AREA CLOTH DRYING HANGERS CLOTH WASHING TYRES

FIG. 6.13 Illustration of negotiated spaces in twelve gebbi studied: four examples from each case sefer.

264 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Saris Gebbi Tasa Gebbi

Basha Mulat Gebbi Qibe Gebbi

Memher Tesemma Gebbi Gash Tadesse Gebbi

265 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Caducity in material

The majority of the structures in sefer are administered and rented out to tenants
by the local administrative units known as kebele. While remaining the landlord of
these properties, they rarely engage in the improvement of the buildings in sefer and
this task is tacitly left to the dwellers. However, the rental arrangement as a tenure
system itself—without responsible upkeeping—reduces the sense of ownership for
dwellers, which leads to diminished interest in investing in the built forms in sefer.
Further, the little upkeeping performed by residents is limited to the use of temporary
and affordable/cheap materials. Among dwellers thus, material choices are dictated
by (a) regulations at local administration level, (b) affordability, and (c) sense of
impermanence caused by development trends as it regards to sefer. The stringent
regulations at the local administrative level restrict the possibility to maintain or
change parts of the buildings. A family needs to file for a permit to engage in any
form of maintenance work and make the case that their residence is in an unlivable
condition to be allowed to do so. The evaluation of livability is thus left to the
discretion of the officials at the local offices and a lot of room is left for subjectivity.
Occasionally, these offices set up demolition task forces that go door-to-door among
the community to enforce the setout regulations. Such bureaucratic processes
and administrative mechanisms discourage residents from engaging in significant
improvement of the building structures. Secondly, in the event a household is able
to maintain or make changes to the structures, they prefer to use materials that
are affordable. Most informants indicate that since the threat of demolition by the
local administrators remains a concern, they do not wish to invest too much in the
material quality of the buildings. And thirdly, the development trend that demolishes
large areas of sefer instils tenure insecurity within the community, and thus keeping
residents in a sense of precarity that discourages them from maintenance or
improvement works.

Built structures in gebbi have walls with a patchwork of various building materials—a
sort of visual clutter. Roofs are predominantly made of corrugated iron sheets (CIS)
except for few incidents where shared spaces are covered with plastic sheets. The
open spaces within sefer are mostly paved with large stonework and in few cases are
left as exposed earth. FIG. 6.14 below shows a catalog of building components and
materials documented from Basha Mulat gebbi in Serategna sefer. It demonstrates
the individual elements that together form the visual clutter and state of caducity
discussed above.

266 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 05
BM
22
BM

BM
11
BM
11
BM
04

12
05 BM

BM
08
BM 01
BM BM

BM
BM 11
22

04 B
01 BM
BM 22

M
BM

BM

15
24

BM
06

11
14

04
BM
BM

BM
07

BM
BM

04
04
BM
BM11

15 B
BM10

BM

M
01

04
BM
BM

01

11
11

11
BM

BM

BM
01 BM08

17
BM
01
BM
18
BM

BM
13
19

BM
BM
11
13
BM

18
BM

BM
16
24 03 BM
BM

01 BM

BM BM
11

15
02 BM
09

BM

11
BM

11
BM

Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type
Steel framed glass door (Black) Steel framed glass door (White) Steel framed glass door (Green) CIS Door Grey Painted Chipwood Wall
Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number
BM01 BM02 BM03 BM04 BM05

Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type
Wooden Wall Plastic sheet & steel mesh fencing Wooden Shade (White) Straw/Mud & Cement Screed finish Wooden Frames of Str-Mud Wall
Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number
BM06 [upper floor] BM07 BM08 BM09 BM10

Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type
CIS Wall Metal Sheet all Stone/earth/cement Aggregate Wall Plastered & Painted Str-mud Wall HCB Wall
Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number
BM11 BM12 BM13 BM14 BM15

Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type
Plastered & Painted Earthen Wall Plastered & Painted Earthen Wall Cement Finished Earthen Wall Cement Screed Floor Masonry Floor
Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number
BM16 BM17 BM18 BM19 BM20

Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type Material Name/type
Masonry Floor Pebble & Concrete Aggregate Floor Masonry Floor Earth Earth and Stone
Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number Refrence Number
BM20 BM21 BM22 BM23 BM24

FIG. 6.14 Illustration shows building components and materials used in Basha Mulat gebbi
of Serategna sefer.

267 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
FIG. 6.15 Illustration of building components and materials in four gebbi studied in Dejach Wube sefer.

268 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
269 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology
TOC
FIG. 6.16 Illustration of building components and materials in four gebbi studied in Serategna sefer.

270 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
271 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology
TOC
FIG. 6.17 Illustration of building components and materials in four gebbi studied in Geja sefer.

272 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
273 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology
TOC
 Evolution and adaptation

As the history of sefer informs, the gebbi with multiple households is a result
of regulatory, spatial, and demographic evolution Addis Ababa city underwent.
Generally stating, at the beginning they were compounds with single-family owners.
In the late 1940s and 1950s the rise in housing demand led such owners to develop
and avail housing through rent. And the 1974 nationalization of extra land and
properties transferred ownership of significant portion of the city to the state that
consequently rented it to those who do not own houses at subsidized prices. The
evolution since, has been mostly densification and consolidation within the confines
of the gebbi.

It is a tasking effort to trace these changes back to the first structure of the gebbi.
Instead, current residents, especially elders, can only trace major changes that
occurred within two to four decades. Modifications are not necessarily regulated,
planned, or sanctioned by the state but they do happen at various times. As
discussed in section 7.1.6, these adaptations are done with temporary and
affordable materials by encroaching on existing open spaces within the gebbi in an
incremental manner. Since little amount of space is available and any significant
additions are closely monitors by the state, increments are done in small sized
forms. It is thus possible to visually identify such additions based on their size and
materiality as they appear distinct from the older, bigger, and more permanent
structures. Therefore, with the limitation in tracing the additions or adaptations done
to gebbi at all the case sefer documented, both

FIG. 6.18 to FIG. 6.20 could only represent changes as testified to by current
residents of the gebbi and based on what the built size, structure, and building
materials suggest.

As the case of Meqdela gebbi of Dejach Wube sefer illustrated below shows, two
structures; one to the left of the entrance of the gebbi and another at the center of
the gebbi that is accessed by approach stairs, are the primary structures built in
the gebbi. This is confirmed by residents who started living in the gebbi before the
nationalization of the gebbi, and during its ownership by an individual called Ashebir
Gebrehiwot. Available open spaces are thus adapted to accommodate the temporal
needs of dwellers at different times. As density increases and the need for additional
spaces presses, residents add structures in temporary manner. This gradual process
of evolution leads, in most circumstances, to the spatial clutter that is visible
in gebbi.

274 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
275 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology
TOC
 DEJACH WUBE SEFER

Korea Gebbi Meqdela Gebbi

FIG. 6.18 Illustration of evolution through addition and adaptation of building spaces in Dejach Wube sefer.

276 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Saris Gebbi Tasa Gebbi

277 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 SERATEGNA SEFER

50 Beteseb Gebbi Balambaras Gebbi

FIG. 6.19 Illustration of evolution through addition and adaptation of building spaces in Serategna sefer.

278 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Basha Mulat Gebbi Qibe Gebbi

279 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 GEJA SEFER

Beqel Gebbi Gash Semmu Gebbi

FIG. 6.20 Illustration of evolution through addition and adaptation of building spaces in Geja sefer.

280 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Memher Tesemma Gebbi Gash Tadesse Gebbi

281 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
6.2 Manifestations of complexity in gebbi

This section is a visual illustration that exposes the typological attributes of the
gebbi as urban components in Addis Ababa. The features of gebbi discussed
separately in the previous section are composed and presented in two parts as
visual summaries. The first part presents three gebbi from each of the three case
sefer to illustrate their spatial and functional features. Using axonometric drawings
it elaborates the courtyard-like spaces within gebbi as typifying platforms where
complexity manifests. The second part of this section is a visual-ethnographic
presentation of complexity as a composite of stories told by dwellers and the
site observations documented by the researcher. Three example gebbi; Meqdela,
Qibe, and Beqel gebbi are selected from Dejach Wube, Serategna, and Geja sefer
respectively for such an exposition.

Typological features of gebbi

The survey of the gebbi is done by making use of a cadaster map that is referred to,
among local professional communities, as Nortec map that is updated in 2010.366
The following typological presentation contains five types of information (area,
perimeter, number of households embedded, number of social spaces within, and
number of households at the social spaces) and further description of spatial
qualities. Area and perimeter information offer a scalar understanding of the gebbi;
added to which the number of households embedded provide a density conception.
What is described as the ‘social space’ in such mapping is the shared space within
gebbi where sharing, negotiation, social interaction, and home-based production
activities are observed to be intense. These spaces are defined by the households
that circumscribe them and have direct access and use for them. Such households
are thus quantified as ‘households at the social spaces.’ Some households within
gebbi may not have direct access to such spaces but the sharing, claiming, and
negotiation practices grant them indirect access and utility.

366 The absence or inaccessibility of up to date and appropriate cadaster or GIS data is a prevailing restraint
to spatial research in Ethiopia. Spatial practices and research on Addis Ababa are thus limited in precision
information.

282 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 like
idor- e
Corr ss spac
e
acc

KOREA GEBBI
ce
so ntr
cia al
l s ly l
pa oc
Area: ~700m2
ce ate
d Perimeter: ~160m
No. of Households: 15
No. of Socia Spaces: 1
No. Households at social space: 4
Description:
Korea gebbi is a compact compound with a
continuous circulatory route through the
built forms and a central social space
midway to accommodate shared needs of
the gebbi community.

ce MEQDELA GEBBI
l spa
Socia l-de-sac
at cu
Area: ~1800m2
Perimeter: ~205m
No. of Households: 36
No. of Socia Spaces: 2
No. Households at social space: 9 & 9
Social space near
entry gate
Description:
Meqdela gebbi is a compound with two wide
social spaces connected with an access route.
One of these spaces is close to entry gate
whereas the other is a sort of cul-de-sac. Nine
households have direct access to each space.

TASA GEBBI
ike
r-l ce
do pa
rri s s Area: ~900m2
Co ces
a c Perimeter: ~125m
No. of Households: ~21
No. of Socia Spaces: 1
No. Households at social space: 2
Description:
Social space near Tasa gebbi is a dense compound that has two
entry gate corridor-like access spaces that connect to a
wider social space close to an access gate. One
of the corridors is separated by an internal
gate creating a gebbi-within-gebbi situation.

FIG. 6.21 Illustration of typological features of three selected gebbi from Dejach Wube sefer.

283 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 BALAMBARAS GEBBI
Social space
near entry

Area: ~1000m2
Perimeter: ~140m
No. of Households: 15
No. of Socia Spaces: 1
No. Households at social space: 5
Description:
Bambaras gebbi is located at the edge of a
river. The space within is thus sloped down-
ward from West to East. The wider space at
the entry area is a social space, and access
spaces cascade down to the rear/river bank.

QIBE GEBBI
cent
n-adja
Garde ace
sp
Social Area: ~1000m2
Perimeter: ~155m
No. of Households: 12
No. of Socia Spaces: 1
No. Households at social space: 2
Description:
Qibe gebbi has a social space adjacent to a
vegetable garden. This allows the residents
with a flexibility to expand it when the need
for gathering arises. Tentacles of access
routes lead to dwelling units.

in
Gebb-with
-gebbi

50 BETESEB GEBBI

Ge
Area: ~1500m2
bb
i-w Perimeter: ~195m
ith
in
-g
No. of Households: 50
eb
bi No. of Socia Spaces: 1
Small scale No. Households at social space: --
Social space
Description:
50 Beteseb gebbi is a dense community
with little social space thus, main gathering
is done outside the gebbi. An access space
connects two main gates (South & East).
There are 5 gated gebbi-within-gebbi.

FIG. 6.22 Illustration of typological features of three selected gebbi from Serategna sefer.

284 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 ided
i-div
Sem l space
Soc
ia GASH SEMMU GEBBI
Area: ~1000m2
Perimeter: ~145m
No. of Households: 19
No. of Socia Spaces: 2
No. Households at social space: 6 & 9
Description:
There are two social spaces devided by two
Social space near
kitchens and a storage room under one roof
entry gate placed at an angle in the middle. The social
space near to the entry gate is encroached on
by a temporaryly canvas covered storage
whereas a partial wall, in the second social
space seems to create a third division.

Continuous
social space

BEQEL GEBBI
Area: ~1300m2
Perimeter: ~160m
No. of Households: 22
No. of Socia Spaces: 1
No. Households at social space: 14
Main malt production
Description:
activity area Beqel gebbi’s social space is a continuous
one. As malt producing community, the
main working area is close to the entry gate,
but the intensity of social and economic ac-
tivities is relatively consistent throughout.

Sandal
production
space
MEMHER TESEMMA GEBBI
Area: ~600m2
Perimeter: ~104m
No. of Households: 13
No. of Socia Spaces: 2
No. Households at social space: 8 & 2
Description:
A continuous social space and a shaded work-
Socia
l
entry space ne
shop area for the production of sandals out of
gate ar
used tyres are the two social spaces in Memher
Tesemma gebbi. The sandal production is
home-based income generation activity involv-
ing at least two families in the gebbi.

FIG. 6.23 Illustration of typological features of three selected gebbi from Geja sefer.

285 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Mapping the storified complexity of gebbi

The material dilapidation and visual clutter discussed in the previous section are
relatively straightforward perceptions than the social complexity entrenched in gebbi.
Hence, to understand what is visible, it is important to study what is the lived and
storified experience of residents. This section presents visual illustrations of three
gebbi through the stories of residents and on-site documentation. The use of visual
documentation of both respondents’ stories and the researcher’s observation have
thus both analytic and synthetic application. As stated in Chapter 3 and exemplified
in Jan Rothuizen’s work, drawing is a form of note taking, an object of analysis, and
a technique of representation. Textual and visual information capture the place,
stories, and the moment of documentation, and are processed and presented here
in tandem. FIG. 6.24 and FIG. 6.25 are illustrations of a social space within Meqdela
gebbi of Dejack Wube sefer. As shown earlier, this gebbi has two social spaces one
of which is located at the deepest position away from the entry gate of the gebbi. It
is a sort of cul-de-sac around which a number of households are clustered; nine of
which have direct access to it. FIG. 6.26 to FIG. 6.32 narrate a morning in Qibe gebbi
of Serategna sefer; a vibrant common space hosting a variety of social and economic
activities. And FIG. 6.33 to FIG. 6.35 represent Beqel gebbi of Geja sefer; a dynamic
space of production and social interaction. These illustrations are first documented
on site as quick sketches, photographs, and audio and video recordings followed by
redrawing, translation, transcription, and visual analysis works.

286 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
287 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology
TOC
“We are very much used to
who is washing clothes when.
We don’t even have to talk
about it. But if there are some
changes we inform eachother
and that is that.”
Glass window
protected by a frame
of metal bars.

plants serve as space defining

elements, articulating corners,
and claiming semi-private
spaces off of the common space
for private use by a family. Corrugated Iron
sheet wall

Concrete plastered wall

plants grown in
plastic bags and
buckets include
herbs used for
cooking and coffee
making.

former wooden building

parts now collected as
“firewood for cooking”
Rubble of cobble stones
and broken building parts
indicates recent building used tyre being reused as
modification elevated base for washing
clothes.

‘mesob’(straw made trough)

regularly used to store ‘injera’
used here for drying
‘beqel’/malt.

FIG. 6.24 A cul-de-sac type social space in Meqdela gebbi of Dejach Wube sefer.

288 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Hanging cables
shared among
neighbors for drying
clothes
majority of the clothes
hanging are hand woven
traditional womens’ wear

an about 1 sq.m. ceramic tile

flooring defines entry way to
a private residence.

‘There are 36 households in this gebbi. At the

entrance, on your left side there is the oldest
building in the gebbi that was built by the former
owner of the whole property; Ashebir Gebrehiwot.
The second and bigger house is the one in the
grains and ‘berbere’ laid middle. He rented out the rest of the structures in
out for sun drying on
the gebbi and hired a property manager who
plastic sheets.
controlled the finances and maintenance of the
gebbi in those days. So, it is through this manager
that I rented this house here. Then the whole
property was nationalized by the Derg regime and
those of us who were already living here were
transferred as tenants from Ashebir to the govern-
ment. Only a few have recently left the gebbi
Chiselled river stone floor through the condominium housing project. We have
laid on earth, no mortar or lived together for many years, so we still keep the
pointing. relationship and visit each other. Our relationship is
more that blood relation. In this gebbi we really love
each other, we have a strong relationship. We have
iddir, but iddir is not even necessary because the
social bond we have is already sufficient.’

289 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Recently washed clothes are
almost all corners are hung to dry
covered with vegetation

‘My brother works on what you see A child is playing with a

here set out to dry. These are mop and a girl is
cookie-trays in-the-making. He splashing her face with
has a machine to press and mold water as two women
them into shape. He collects paper spread spices and grains
on a plastic sheet
waste such as used newsletters,
stretched on the stone
tears them into pieces and uses herbs and flowers pavement of the gebbi.
home-made adhesive to mix them planted in pots adjacent
together. Then he sets it out to dry to entry door
in plane shapes that he later puts
through the machine as I told you.
He was employed at a business
doing the same job. But not he
bought the machine himself and
works for himself based here.’ Recently washed clothes are spread out to dry

FIG. 6.25 A cul-de-sac type social space connects to the circulation leading to an adjacent social within Meqdela gebbi of Dejach Wube sefer.

290 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 A number of cloth
hanging chords,
electrical wires, and
A number of satelite dishes telecom cables
are mounted on roofs of criss-cross the shared
houses. space
External wall
made of
corrugated iron
sheet

Steel stair system

to access elevated
residence.
A narrow corridor/alley
connects two social
spaces with Mekdela
gebbi.

Large stone pavement

Malt spread out to

dry under the sun

Boards of recycled
paper, in the process
to be made into cookie
trays for sale.

291 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Washed cloth
hung to dry Corrugated iron
Wooden stud hoists
Corrugated iron ropes that are used for sheet roofing
sheet roofing hanging cloth. Washed cloth
hung to dry

Serategna
sefer iddir’s
mattreses Corrugated iron Gypsum plastered
sheet wall and painted mud
wall y
A ca. 50m long alle
bi
connects the geb
et
with the main stre

Common water Six youngsters take Iddir members

supply point turns to carry sorting Serategna
“bono” with serategna sefer sefer Iddir’s
seating around it. iddir’s benches reused tires for utencils, tent, pots,
towards a mourner’s washing support cups, benches and
residence. such items.
washing
trough Buckets

iddir tent
Steel Frames of
Portable cooking stove of
Cement screed pointed stone pavement Serategna sefer iddir.

A morning at Qibe Gebbi of Serategna sefer:

Two households are doing laundry; a woman is cooking outdoors;
children are running around and playing; three young women are sat by
the water supply and chatting; a matress mender is fixing an old
matress owned by one of the families; a young woman is cleaning the
cement screed and stone mixed floor of the gebbi; a group of young-
sters, led by an elder, are putting out benches, tents, matresses and
tent materials that belong to Serategna sefer iddir for a funenrary
service that is about to begin in another part of the sefer.

FIG. 6.26 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer I.

292 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 ‘As a child, I used to play
football next to the teahouse
Rough outside the gebbi, and
A web of electric wires concrete sometimes we also kick
hanging and entangled finished around within this
wall compound. We don’t have
Clothes hung on loosely
ipe appropriate place for
s
p
tied ropes across the pp
ly
passageway to the ter
su football.
Wa
gebbi We used to put up the
‘demera’ (bon fire) celebra-
tions either on the space in
front of the burnt buildings
or close to the access alley
that connects to our gebbi.
Nowadays, we do it together
Pointed with other gebbi on the main
HCB streets outside the gebbi.’
wall.
Cement po
inted stone
wall
A patchwork of
re-used, rusting Grey water A woman who
and run-down runs on the hired a matress
corrugated iron walkway repair person
sheet exterior closely supervises
wall. the repair work
Weeds and large stones
pave the approach to
Qibe gebbi
‘It is called Qibe (butter) gebbi because of what my
mother does here. She brings butter from Sebeta
A mattress repairs man
town and sells it from here. Cheese costs 175 ETB
hired by a resident of
and the butter costs around 100 ETB. It is all Qibe gebbi: he routinely
processed and readymade in Sebeta and she is only goes around the sefer
distributing it here. She started it even before I was shouting ‘ferash
born, she has been doing it as a business for a long adash,’ meaning
time now. From Monday to Saturday, she sells it ‘matress repairs’ until
from within our home, but on Sundays, she takes it he is hired for the task.
to St. George church area to sell it to on the streets. A cooking pots’ repairs
man did the same but,
She has a lot of customers but is he business is
there was no job for
dwindling these days because houses are being him on this day.
demolished and people are moving out of this area
into the condominiums. Since the beginning of the
demolition of parts of the sefer, the business has
gradually declined. There was also another compet-
ing trader who was selling butter as well, but now ‘Starting from the approach to the narrow
she has moved to one of the condominiums herself. I alley the whole compound is called Qibe
also have friends who used to live here, in the part of gebbi. That is because qibe (butter) is sold
the gebbi that is burnt down. Even though they have by our neighbors. The butter comes from
moved out to places like Jemo and Yeka Abado, they Sululta and Sheno towns outside of the city.
still come here, almost every day, to hang out with The neighbor buys it in bulk from Merkato
us who remained here.’ and sells it from her house.’
FIG. 6.27 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer II.

293 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
‘I was born in North Shewa and I came to I have both women’s and men’s iddir.
the city during the last year of Emperor Serategna sefer iddir is one of them and
Haileselassie’s rain and the beginning of the storage you see there is of that iddir…
the Derg regime. I and some of my friends I like the holidays and feasts I celebrate
came here secretly [hidden from our together with my neighbors. We call each
families]. When I first arrived in the city, other and gather in different houses in
I sheltered at a household that hired me turns and have coffee, eat, drink and feast
as a maid for a while. Then, a friend asked together. I like that about this gebbi. I
me to live together in a rented house don’t want to move out of it; I can’t even
and I moved with her. It is at that time walk the stairs of the condominiums since
that I met my husband to be. We started I have problems with my leg. Currently, I
living in a rented house somewhere in don’t feel safe anywhere else, I don’t feel
this sefer. Eventually we rented this insured. I worry a lot about that. Right
house here, got married and raised four now, I prefer not to move out of here; the
children. They are now adults with their place I lived for a long-time in. I have iddir
own families. I used to work as a maid in here and St. George church is close by
different households during that time. The all these are important to me. Those who
salary was small, 10 to 15 ETB per month. have moved to the condominiums do not
Thus, I also prepared and sold food at have these privileges. I cannot walk for a
my home, like a small restaurant. I also long distance too, you see.’
sold ‘injera’ (staple food in Ethiopia). My
husband passed away seven years ago at
the age of 72. Once my children became
independent, they asked me to retire, and Bed sheets hanging
currently, they support me, and I don’t to dry in the midday
have to work anymore. sun. Sealed
window. Lamp

Painted
We rented this house from W/ro Negatua, corrugated
a very caring lady, including her husband. Water
iron sheet
She used to live here too. But when Derg supply
wall
came to power, she died of misery, as all line
her property got taken by the government
and became seriously ill and suffered to Wall forming
death. They were never compensated for algae from
A mother sits by the shared
the property. She was a good lady; she moisture.
water source (bono) and
used to prepare food for the events at
chats with her daughter
St. George church. She had a number of
maids who tended for the domestic works
of cooking and brewing. After her death, Laundry waste water
some of those maids remained here by openly flows on the
renting parts of the compound from the ground.
government. The lady took care of me
when I gave birth back in the days. She
provided for all the food I and my family
needed during my post pregnancy period.
I am basically a customer renting a house
‘‘We have a shared kitchen for twelve
here, but she was very kind to me, such a
households of the gebbi. I only use it for
kind person.
big events, to bake bread and to brew
‘tella.’ For everyday cooking I use a
charcoal stove at my home.

FIG. 6.28 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer III.

294 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 ‘We have a shared water source in the
middle of the gebbi. But also, we have tap
‘Our home was quite small. About a year water for example for three households
ago, we acquired the permit from the including mine separately. We also share
‘kebele’ (local administration) to modify the kitchen you see there for all the
it a little bit. So, we added a floor as you households in the gebbi. When there
can see. We have a small sleeping and is a feast or a holiday, that is where we
storage area added up there. That gives all bake and cook. For example, if we
us more space in the living area as you bake bread, it will be two at a time and
can see, and we are able to partition it to we follow turns to do so. It is mainly for
have another bedroom behind there too. bigger events that we cook there, but for
daily consumption we cook at our own
places. There is love and understanding
Electric supply lines
and we accommodate each other’s needs
enter houses through
and wishes.
windows or ceilings.

Wood-framed CIS door

Vertically Space infront
extended of their living
/added room where
space. the twins were
having
breakfast.

Abandoned
Serategna
shelf.
sefer iddir
storage

For a funeral we seldom use the open space in the

Woman middle to mount the tent. And the women’s iddir uses
Washing the shared kitchen to prepare the food for the funeral.
cloths.
We have shared toilets; a toilet per four households. We
have water source to be shared among all, but we also
have individual taps for every home too.

The ropes that are suspended for drying cloth is for

common use. There is no one saying this is mine or that
I had hosted the wedding of my son here. is mine. We don’t quarrel on such shared utilities.
All the cooking and preparation was done
here in the gebbi and transported to a We benefit from a strong social life in our sefer. Even
venue we privately rented for the event. when there is a funeral and the three days have already
All the neighbors and singers came here passed. Neighbors keep visiting the bereaved, we
in the morning, we sang and danced as gather extra money to their benefit. We make sure the
we accompanied my son when he left, on mourning family is well taken care of. This is thus, even
the wedding day, to the bride’s home. beyond the customary function of the iddir.’

295 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 Sealed top
window; a
sole source Metal
of lighting Sheet
the interior door of a
private
residence

Metal Sheet door

Thinly plastered and
of Serategna sefer
painted HCB wall
Iddir Store.

Washing trough
Old/reused tyres
for washing
support Cleaning items
(Garbage spade,
Mop, and
Metal support for Garbage sack)
washing trough

waste water drains

through river stone washing troughs
Portable metal
tiles
Wooden benches stove (for fire
of Serategna wood based
sefer iddir cooking), owned
by Serategna
sefer iddir

‘Before the Derg regime W/ro Nigatwa

used to be the landlord of this gebbi, some
current inhabitants of the compound used ‘Recently, a fire accident destroyed
to be her servants. She was then dispos- some houses in this gebbi. Those
sessed of this probetrty by the derg residents who lost their houses
government, who subsiquently rented it because of that have been relocated
out to those who had no houses for cheap to Jemo, Yeka abado and places like
prices. The kitchen is communal, but we that. Since then we are using the
use the communal kitchen only for heavy land as a garder to grow some
cooking, for the day-to-day cooking we vegetables.’
use our own living space. I’ve had a
wedding ceremony for my son at this
gebbi, we have women’s association too;
we have a lot of history in this gebbi.’

FIG. 6.29 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer IV.

296 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
Behind the steel frames Another
on the left is the larger a large shading
tree is seen at Wood work from gebbi
common space of Qibe
the background the burnt-down
gebbi.
houses remain
Electric visible
A garden fenced with pole and
abandoned shelves, cables
couches and an outer
most layer of plastic Patches of rusting
sheet. Rugs and old sheets CIS and wooden
hanging on wire. frame fence
Young residents’ around the
trial to utilize the vacated land
space for income
Abandoned
(woodwork and
metal work.
tailoring) was an
unsuccessful
investment.
Currently, the
gebbi dwellers led ws
gro
by a woman w eed False-banana trees are
r
rde rs commonly used as foil
produce vegeta- Ga orne
bles for household at c for the baking of
growing vegetables
use. (kale, tomatoes, traditional bread and
elf
h
ds Space in the Qibe Gebbi as cultural cutlery
one 13 years ago used to
lettus, and occasion-
and presentation for meals.
Ab ally some onions and
house 11 families.
garlic.)
(destroyed by fire
accident)
‘My mother was born and raised in Fiche town. Her don’t eat it alone. In addition, whenever
mother, my grandmother died when she was only there is a big event, be it a graduation,
seven. Berhanesellassie, who was the landlord of wedding, or funeral, that space now serves
the gebbi and others in this area, also had around as an extension to the open space here and
60 ‘gasha meret’ land property in Fiche and he and allows us to erect the tent needed.’
his wife W/ro Negatua adopted her there and
brought and raised her here. So I was born and
raised afterward in this house.
I have four iddir; two women’s and two men’s ‘The fire started at about 8:00 or 9:00 PM,
iddir—Mikael and Giorgis iddir. Some of my iddir some were asleep, but most were still
co-members (iddirtegna) have left the gebbi and fortunately awake. Otherwise, we would all
moved to the condominiums such as Jemo, Gelan, have died of the fire. When my neighbor
Tulu Dimtu, and Yeka Abado areas. You see, about came out of her house and turned around,
thirteen years ago, a fire incident burnt down the she saw the fire. I was tired of a long journey
houses that used to be over there, the empty from another town back here, so I had gone
space that you see up front now. The first building, to sleep early. Then when we heard the cries
out of all the houses in the gebbi, was part of those ‘fire, fire, fire’ we all ran out into the streets.
that got burnt. We really don’t know what caused It didn’t reach my house, but it destroyed a
it; it just happened on one unfortunate night while lot of property. Those who left the gebbi
we were all asleep. Because of that, eleven because of the fire were temporarily hosted
households moved out of the gebbi. The govern- at a place close to Shewa hotel area. But
ment gave them houses in different parts of the another incident of fire destroyed that place
city. Since it became empty, we planted kale and too; any of the property that was saved from
cabbage and now it’s a small farm. Whatever I the previous fire was destroyed by the
produce from it, I share it with the whole gebbi, I second one there.’
FIG. 6.30 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer V.

297 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 The rear facade of an
apartment building lini
Haileselassie I street ng the
and toweing over Qib
e gebbi
Hung cloth can be see
n
through open window The rear
s of
apartments Multiple facade of an
satelite apartment
dishes building
anchored to
roofs
HCB
wall
Recently added floor makes ire
a double story house. nd w
s h ed a
wa fa ded floor
g so Recently ad
hun ery a do uble story
p m akes
dra
house. Wooden
The girls wash Folded
galvanized cloth collaboratively; mattress Ladies chatting posts hoist
as one girl soap washes cloth
CIS wall sitting by
the other one rinses Shared hanging
water supply
and hangs the clean water cables
clean cloth. supply
water soaping
filled stone
barrel pavement
rinse stone
trough waste
Sound of children playing, pavement
clean w basket
ater rinse and elders shouting comands
filled
bucket bucket across can be heard

‘Well, it would be nice if our homes are repaired

and maintained (by the government as the entity
that collects the rent money). If it was allowed for
us to expand our houses vertically, we can add
bedrooms for the children up there. These are
small rooms and the local administrators do not
allow any changes to the structure. They forbid us
from adding floors and change the structure but,
maintaining things as they are is allowed. A few
years ago, they were a bit lenient with those rules,
and I used that opportunity to expand a little bit,
on my own expense, and have an extra bedroom
for myself on the ground level, and a couple of
rooms, as a mezzanine floor, for two of my
children.’

FIG. 6.31 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer VI

298 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Multiple shoes
Layers of plastic mats and
placed on top
corrugated iron sheet make up roof
Lightu of roof
bulb

The space immediately AD Poster

infront of an entry to a
residence is customarily
Plug switch used for domestic
Entance to
resdidence 2
activities such as cooking
on the daily basis. In some A dweller here
corrugated Entance to instances, it is also runs a recipe
iron sheet residence 1 claimed and appropriated- preparation
forming wall business with
for income generation weighing device
of house A dweller here small
old avctivities. hooked to wooden
runs the restaurants as
wooden log used to measure
machine used vegetable customers vegetables to be
to finely dice
grinding doors charcoal diced or minced by
business
vegetables. CIS wall stove machine

drapery
covers
small a sack
plastic
plastic buckets
aluminum mat floor
pot covering steps
lea
up to E ding
n
house tance of charcoal
stove

‘The grinder you see here is a

small business I do. I charge 2
ETB per a kilogram of vegeta-
bles such as tomato and onion
that people bring to be
ground.’

FIG. 6.32 A morning at Qibe gebbi of Serategna sefer VII

299 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
‘My grandparent used to own Elec
the whole Gebbi [before the cab tric an
l d
1975 nationalization of geb es stre cloth
bi tch d
properties]. My grandfather acr rying
used to bring and trade oss
the
leather and spices from the
Southern region. Once they
settled here, he changed his
business into the production
and distribution of mirrors.
The warehouse, where they Plastic shade
used to produce it in is still covering
here. And my grandmother storage area.
started producing malt and
selling it to those who brew.
Ever since, the males down the
generation line continued the
mirror production business,
and the females continued the
malt production. We support
our families based on these.
The mirror production is now
expanded to the sale and
fitting of large glass panels for
buildings and such and the
Wheat stored outdoor,
malt production has now
yet to be processed to
expanded to the whole sefer.’
Beqel.

Drying baskets.

Central space is used for

malt production on a daily
basis. On occasions itis used
for iddir events, weddings,
and feasts.

FIG. 6.33 The malt producing community of Beqel gebbi in Geja Sefer I.

300 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 This building is the first structure built
in the Gebbi by the owners of the
property before its nationalization in
1975.

False banana trees

Drying Families most often

‘The Old House’.’ plastic use their immediate
bag. exterior space for daily
chores, shared
kitchens are used for
bigger events.

‘The wheat for the malt comes

from Kolfe area. We call delivery
people on the phone, and they
bring it to us on donkeys.
Depending on the season and
weather, the malt production
takes from 3 to 15 days. The
rainy seasons are particularly
challenging. We sell it to small
scale traders from Merkato who
will then distribute it further. The
Households customize
relationship between the delivery
floor materials in front
people, the traders, and
of their house to claim
ourselves is old and we rely on
space for private use.
each other a lot. This relation-
White painted rocks ship allows us to avoid brokers
fence gardens and middlemen and makes our
business relatively affordable.
Wooden boxes and
Here, everything is close by. If
pallets for storage. Wa you then move out everything
lkw
ay becomes too far. The transport
lef becomes impossible. ’
tf
or
cir
cu
lat
ion
The ‘beqel’ production .
utilizes recycled plastic
sheets at different
stages—for storage,
spreading and drying
out-doors, or covering
during rain.

301 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
‘I came from a village called Dach
within Buta Jira area in Gurage in
1977 E.C. as I followed my husband
whom I married in the rural area
then. My husband was widowed but
was living here before marrying me.
I have heard that, back in the days,
the malt production was based on
‘profit-to-be-shared’ arrangement
with the then landlord of the gebbi. Mops and
Fifty percent of the profit was given brooms placed
to the landlord and the rest was for on top of
the producers themselves. So, his the roof
deceased wife used to work with this
arrangement with the landlords.

Donkeys bring the grains from the

market to us here. We then put the
grain into barrels and soak it in water.
It stays soaking overnight and on A series of partitioned and shaded space used by households
the next morning, we drain it with for production and storage the malt-in-process, materials and
equipment.
the two baskets you see over there
and put it into clean sacks. On the Run-down corrugated
third morning, we put it back into iron sheet covered
barrels and wash and drain it again. with a layer of plastic
Then we lay it on the ground on top shade in the front.
of paper-mats and put rocks on top
of it. It stays buried up to five days
maximum. After five days, we unearth
Platform made of wooden crates and palets
it and break it into pieces. We only prepared for storage overnight to keep the dried
break it into large pieces so that we malt off of ground moisture and rain drains.
can put it in vertical position and save
as much working space as possible.
Gradually, it dries and becomes ready
for sale. Just one quintal of grain can
take about 15 days of work during
the rainy season, but on average it is Rough river rocks used to apply pressure on the
a nine days’ process. Overall, during burried, wet grains become smooth in due time
the rainy season we are only able to upon sustained use.
work on two quintals and in the dry
season we can produce a quintal per
week.
Wheat processed into malt, laid out to dry in the sun, brought out
There is no money that we save aside at dawn and collected at dusk every day for 4-15 days depending
out of this work, but we are barely on the season.
able to feed ourselves. I borrow the
grains needed to start the process
from traders at ‘ehil berenda’ (grains
market) in Merkato, and return or
pay them back afterwards, then
borrow again. It is a cycle of debt, not
much profit in it. It is also very much
labor-intensive.’

FIG. 6.34 The malt producing community of Beqel gebbi in Geja Sefer II.

302 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 ‘I came from a village called Dach
within Buta Jira area in Gurage in
1977 E.C. as I followed my husband
whom I married in the rural area
then. My husband was widowed but
In addition to the corrugated was living here before marrying me.
iron sheet fence, trees mark I have heard that, back in the days,
the borders between gebbi the malt production was based on
‘profit-to-be-shared’ arrangement
with the then landlord of the gebbi.
Fifty percent of the profit was given
Clothes hanging on the edges to the landlord and the rest was for
of the gebbi so as to avoid the
the producers themselves. So, his
dripping of water onto the malt
that is ready to be sold deceased wife used to work with this
arrangement with the landlords.

Donkeys bring the grains from the

market to us here. We then put the
grain into barrels and soak it in water.
It stays soaking overnight and on
the next morning, we drain it with
the two baskets you see over there
and put it into clean sacks. On the
Basket made of third morning, we put it back into
bamboo used to barrels and wash and drain it again.
filter wheat from Then we lay it on the ground on top
water before of paper-mats and put rocks on top
fermentation begins. of it. It stays buried up to five days
maximum. After five days, we unearth
it and break it into pieces. We only
break it into large pieces so that we
can put it in vertical position and save
as much working space as possible.
Though small in Gradually, it dries and becomes ready
amount, dark colored for sale. Just one quintal of grain can
malt made of barley is
seen. This is
take about 15 days of work during
sometimes produced the rainy season, but on average it is
upon special request a nine days’ process. Overall, during
by customers. the rainy season we are only able to
work on two quintals and in the dry
season we can produce a quintal per
week.
Plastic mat laid
underneath the
drying malt. There is no money that we save aside
out of this work, but we are barely
able to feed ourselves. I borrow the
grains needed to start the process
from traders at ‘ehil berenda’ (grains
market) in Merkato, and return or
pay them back afterwards, then
borrow again. It is a cycle of debt, not
much profit in it. It is also very much
labor-intensive.’

303 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
‘When I moved to this gebbi; I
came from a town called
Ginchi, the residents were
already producing and selling
malt. I learnt the tread quickly.
Those who are healthy and
strong take the product to the A number of women living in the gebbi wake
market themselves, without up early in the morning everyday to attend to
any intermediaries. I used to the malt production process, either to bury it
or to set it out to dry. They keep tending for
do that in my early days. the malt during the day and in response to the
Those people whom I met in position and intensity of the sun and the
that period, my customers, possibility of rain.
never left me. Now that I am
old and ill, I cannot take my
product to the market, so Mud and straw wall with exposed
those customers come to my wooden beams.
doorsteps to pick it up
themselves. They then take it
to different markets and sell it;
even as far as Sululta and
Sebeta towns. I raised my four
children as a single mother
based on this work.’ Rusted CIS
partition.
Water tap at the
corner is used for
the malt produc-
tion.

Barrel to store
water in

Malt just taken out of four days of burial; the wheat

has now transformed into a bread like form entangled Cat keeps watch for mice from eating
with fibers. When laid out in the open, usually at dawn, away the burried malt in its
it comes out with heat that is produced by the processing stage.
fermenation process.

FIG. 6.35 The malt producing community of Beqel gebbi in Geja Sefer III.

304 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 ‘The gebbi has hardly changed since I came here. There is no space to
either expand or we don’t have the finance to do much anyway. The
space for the beqel work is divided among all who do it. Though small,
there is space allocated to each producer. The amount of space each
has decides the weight of the wheat we start the process with. Mostly a
single batch is from 100 to 200 kilograms. The main working space is
the wider space close to the main gate of the gebbi. We seldom use the
space in front of our houses as well based on the position of the sun and
without blocking circulation.
It is a spectacle to watch if you came early in the morning. Everyone
grabbing their baskets and just working. It helps to get by, just to feed
out families.
If there is a wedding or a funeral, we use the same space that you saw
at the gate. We share the kitchen near to it with the houses all the way
toward the gate, starting from my house. But every household has its
own water taps.’

Plastic cover for Shed made to serve as malt process-

storage space, ing space and equipment storage;
to keep out rain made of wooden posts, corrugated
water. iron sheet and plastic covers.

washed wheat to be
filterred and burried
under rocks

Filtering basket.

Fresh wheat
is soaked in A woman burying wheat
water in this below rocks at the
trough. beginning of the malt
Re-used tyre serves production process
as a cushion below
the trough

Plastic mats to protect the

malt from contacting the
ground.

305 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
 To summarize, it is impossible to capture the gebbi as fixed architypes. They are
geometrical and spatially variant—every sefer is different, and every gebbi exhibits
differences in size, shape, and form. Thus, a typological discussion, as in the purely
architectural sense, can hardly be done based solely on the physical features of the
gebbi. It is based on the conception of them as palimpsests of the various features
illustrated so far; both of social and spatial characters, that a certain defining
parameter for gebbi can be established.

Saris Gebbi
~1400m2
Meqdela Gebbi
~1800m2 Tasa Gebbi
~900m2
Korea Gebbi Qibe Gebbi
~700m2 ~1000m2
Basha Mulat Gebbi
50 Beteseb Gebbi ~900m2
~1500m2 Balambaras Gebbi
~1000m2
Gash Tadesse Gebbi
~650m2
Beqel Gebbi Memher Tesemma Gebbi
~1300m2 ~600m2
Gash Semmu Gebbi
~1000m2

FIG. 6.36 An illustration of the difference in size, shape, and form of twelve gebbi documented and analyzed.

It is determined so far that the sefer are a cluster of gebbi. The gebbi are thus an
urban spatial typology that constitute sefer’s morphology. Firstly, the gebbi is a
continuum of space bound by residential buildings and circumscribing fencing,
that serves circulatory, social-interaction, and income-generation functions.
The buildings and fences are the spatial limits that yield a common space that is
identified as the gebbi.

306 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Secondly, the gebbi are organic compositions of space and form. The spontaneous
process through which the sefer emerged has resulted in irregular forms and spaces
within the gebbi.

Thirdly, the gebbi have at least one distinct, compactly defined main social space
that exhibits intensified social and economic activities, and tight knit social
relationships. Even though these spaces are generally open and accessible to those
who reside in a gebbi, proximity and having direct access to them, creates variation
in the degree of ownership and utility of it among dwellers in a gebbi.

Fourthly, as the size of a gebbi and the number of households increases the number
of such spaces increases too. And when the size of a gebbi and the number of
households within it is significantly high, such as in the case of 50 Beteseb Gebbi
of Serategna sefer, separate gebbi within the larger gebbi tend to be established
by placing hard (limited access) or soft (permeable) borders. The gebbi-within-
gebbi are indicative of dwellers’ need for a degree of privacy or separation within
the shared mode of daily practices. In some cases, gates within a gebbi that deter
access result from the tenure modality that was in place prior the nationalization of
properties in 1974. Meaning, what used to be residences of owners or landlords of
the larger gebbi in that period are separately defined with borders of various types:
fences, gates, shrubs, or stairs. In other cases, these borders are placed to limit the
number of households and relationship size to a certain amount. Further enquiry is
needed to qualify and quantify the network sizes that dwellers find appropriate to the
size and form of a social space within gebbi.

Fifthly, the gebbi is defined by the socio-spatial sharing, negotiation, and

claiming acts that constantly structure and define it. These social practices are
autochthonously developed means of moderation of use of space among dwellers.
Many dwellers declare their pride in the ability of their gebbi community to coexist,
collaborate and cooperate to make the most out of the limited space and resources
and state that these practices define their gebbi.

And sixthly, the scarce provision of utility, visual clutter, and material caducity
of gebbi are results of continued neglect by planning and governance bodies
of the temporal needs of communities. Demands arising from rise in density
are not met and are rather aggravated by vague regulations and inconsistent
administrative practices.

307 Gebbi: an urban-spatial typology

TOC
308 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
TOC
7 Conclusion
The introduction in chapter 1 of this dissertation brought forth methodological and
theoretical gaps and nexuses towards inclusive theorization of non-Euro-American
urban contexts through cross-disciplinary exploration. To this end, it further
highlighted the need for methodological innovation in architectural research, an
exploration that can enhance research in architecture itself that simultaneously
equips it with the means for transdisciplinary collaboration and outputs. In the
chapter that followed, the specific case of the sefer of Addis Ababa as urban forms
of neglect, both in the historical accounts of the city and in the formal planning
and governance actions of the state across different regimes is expounded. These
discussions highlighted the need for expanded and nuanced reading of the sefer
to apprehend its complex make up—socially, economically, and spatially. Thus,
pursuing methodological and theoretical opening for such urban conditions as
the sefer that, existing research (especially generated via the study of mainly
transatlantic cities) and development mechanisms either ignore or lack the tools
to diligently capture, became the primary aim of this research. Towards this aim,
this dissertation; renders a detailed account of the sefer of Addis Ababa city as an
exemplary case, introduces and tests the trinocular as a new socio-spatial research
method, and in doing so, interjects in the scholarly discourse regarding architectural
and interdisciplinary research methods and context driven urban theory.

This research finds that the sefer, iddir, and gebbi are socio-spatial conditions and
systems that boost resilience for majority urban communities in Addis Ababa. A
transdisciplinary research method that utilizes the three viewing lenses of cognitive
borders, social networks and relations, and spatial typologies is also found to
be a productive means to understand these urban conditions and systems. The
trinocular is thus a methodological advancement to those that would lead to either
obscure or simplistic reading of complex urban contexts toward an expansive and
inclusive one. The two sections that follow will summarize these two findings: the
socio-spatial conditions and systems that the research identified, and the trinocular
as a tested methodology. And in section 7.3, a review of recent developments in
transdisciplinary research and the cross-cutting qualities and potentials of the
trinocular are summarized.

309 Conclusion
TOC
7.1 Sefer, iddir, and gebbi

Sefer are flexible boundary conditions that are primarily cognized by their dwellers.
They are results of indigenous and autochthonous foundation and continued
processes of self-actualization by communities that construct them. The neglect by
and deviation from formal administrative delimitation and administration exhibited
in sefer has led to its existence more in a cognized manner among dwellers than in
the formal logics and documents. It is thus among the stories told and practices
observed in the case sites that the cognitive borders of the respective sefer emerged
as discussed in chapter 4.

Narratives, legends, and stories that are embedded in the names of sefer and their
landmarks and in daily use by residents establish cognitive borders as heritage and
identity are deployed as active means of ‘meaning making.’ Some cognitive borders
are physically conditioned, meaning natural/topographic and artificial hard limits
such as fences establish borders within and out of the limits they mark. The social and
symbolic relevance of such physical limits are thus the conditions in which the cognized
identities develop. Other borders are conterminous cognitive borders—they co-define
each other either in reference to another external prevalent condition such as the
Imperial palace in the case of Serategna sefer and its neighboring sefer, or among/
against each other based on historicized communal relations therein. And in some
instances, cognitive borders can be suspended because of cognitive ambivalence
caused by perceived or real uncertainties and actual demolition of places of favored
relations among communities. These borders are retained in communal narratives
and identity making processes.

The sefer are also a collective of intricate, multi-layered socio-economic relations

such as the iddir that are social capital for dwellers. Iddir is thus, a form of social
capital embedded in sefer and appears in the structures of relations among
residents, and it is also a structure by itself upon which other forms of social
relations, and thus social capital, emerge. Development programs that threaten the
social networks and relations that are embedded in sefer and iddir disrupt or destroy
the social capital that residents invest in thus, causing socioeconomic insecurity or
bankruptcy. In its elemental, and functional sense iddir is a socio-spatial activity
that requires five types of spaces: portable shelter/tent, storage, kitchen, periodical
gathering space, and administrative space/office.

310 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 The gebbi is an urban spatial typology that constitutes the sefer’s morphology. It
is also the last frontier of communality just prior domestic spaces which, in many
cases, can be a single multi-functional room. Territorially speaking, the term gebbi
represents the aggregate of three elements; the fence, built forms/structures,
and the circumscribed space. But it is essentially identified by the latest, while the
houses and the fence are conceived as its spatial containments. Characteristically,
and as a result of its formation and evolution, the gebbi is a composition of irregular
shapes, forms, and spaces with at least one main social space. The number of social
spaces tends to increase based on topography, size of the gebbi, and the number of
households embedded in it. The social spaces are dynamic in size and shape because
of the continued practices of claiming, sharing, and negotiation by and among
residents regarding its utility, materiality, and aesthetics. The visual clutter and
physical caducity that is present in almost all gebbi is a result of the temporariness,
tenure insecurity, and neglect that sefer in general are under. This does not exclude
the possibility of poverty present at local-administrative, communal, or individual
levels, being possible causes, but such assessment is not in the purview of the
current research and none of the findings within this research point to such a thesis.

7.2 The trinocular: prospects

The trinocular is a methodological device for research in the fields of design and
planning. It engages and aligns with other disciplinary traditions that have pluralistic
tendencies intended for inclusive reading of urban conditions that are regularly
referred to as different, ‘informal,’ at times non-urban, or places that need to
‘develop.’ Research practices in grounded theory, comparative urbanism, and visual
ethnography provided the positional and technical ground for the trinocular, but
methodologically it remains in the realm of design research as it does not strictly
follow the analytic practices of any of these epistemic traditions. Systematically
collected data are analyzed in a continuous mode of feedback to make the discovery
of wider concepts and theories possible; as such, it is not a linear, step-by-step,
or layer-by-layer enquiry. Data collection, analysis and theorization are performed
simultaneously as is notable, for instance, in the theoretic discussion and data
analysis that is present across, and as part of, the presentation of findings in

311 Conclusion
TOC
 chapters 4, 5, and 6. Language and meanings are essential aspects of the collection
and analysis of data. The allegoric nature of speech, and the cultural roots of words,
phrases, sayings, and stories required mindful engagement from the researcher
during observation, interviews, translation, transcription, and non-precoded,
cyclic analysis. In both the language, and the object of research, dissimilarities or
anomalies are treated as matters of fact in the context, and seamlessly adopted in
analysis and representation. And visual materials are used in data collection, analysis
and reporting or representation on equivalent standing as textual information.

Such an agile and scrupulous methodology resulted in the exposition of sefer,

iddir, and gebbi as spatial realities, social constructs, and socio-spatial concepts of
adaptation, resilience, and socioeconomic security for the majority poor communities
in Addis Ababa. The focus on the specific case of the sefer in Addis Ababa is thus
an implicit comparative move. There are no other case sites for comparison but the
concepts and findings in this research have potential for comparative and projective
application. The methods and concepts thus can be dislocated and used to read and
conceptualize other complex urban conditions in different geographies. This is thus a
possible area of further application boosted by the heuristic nature and spontaneity
embedded in the trinocular as a methodology. They can also be applied in projective
research and practice; as is the tendency of design research, within the context
itself. Since the research places residents at the center of the enquiry and positions
self-actualization as the main mode of placemaking and by extension, urbanization,
its findings can be used in ‘user-centered,’ and ‘participatory’ innovative research
and practice. Future housing policies and projects in Addis Ababa, for instance, must
start from the acknowledgement and legitimization of the sefer as a pragmatic mode
of urbanization. Its spatial and social organs then can be the starting point of new
imaginaries—they can be metaphors, or can be abstracted, adopted, appropriated,
mimicked, scaled-up and in some cases trans-positioned.

Considering this methodology is only tested in the context of Addis Ababa and this
dissertation alone there remain some questions as to its efficacy across contexts
and design disciplines. For instance, the three lenses are a result of a process of
initial observation, interviews, and analyses, but then, it would be fair to ask if the
framework is too site specific. In addition, the test of the trinocular in the context
has benefitted from the researcher's cultural and liguistic locatedness. The allegoric
nature of stories and language was better explored because of this fact. Thus,
another question would be if the methodology is too reliant on cultural and liguistic
familiarity. It is clear thus, further experimentation and trans-position, as stated
above, is needed to address such uncertainties and refine the efficiency of the
trinocular.

312 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
7.3 Reporting on cross-cutting quality
of the trinocular

This dissertation in essence is a methodological and theoretical move within design

research practices to unearth the ‘different.’ And it is imbued with anthropological
disciplinary tools, traditions, and attitudes. Cognitive borders, social relations, and
spatial typologies; the three thematic lenses of the trinocular, are deployed in this
research as concepts of concern for cross-disciplinary research. As such, there is no
limitation in context to their utility for reading context specific complexities in other
locations. Size, borders, and scale are spatial; social relations are humanistic; and
the typologies are formal and spatial concerns of architecture and place making. The
trinocular thus, advances conceptual, technical, and tactical means of inter-, intra-,
trans-, and cross- disciplinary collaboration between architecture and other fields.

Various epistemic domains have been referenced as generative, cooperative, and

operational devices of this move throughout this research. Recognized in different
terms and theoretical perspectives such as “’a spatial turn,’ ‘a topographical turn,’
‘a material turn,’ ‘an ontological turn,’ or even ‘a post human turn,’” anthropology,
since the 1980’s, has shown increased interest in “space, place, material
surroundings, and how the human and non-human interact and entangle.”367 And
recent developments such as design anthropology, and architectural anthropology,
have moved towards either cross-disciplinary or collaborative overlaps between
anthropology and design research and practice. They are theorized depending on
their perspective or proximity to design research—whether they are tangential to
or transgressing its disciplinary borders. Amerlinck’s interdisciplinary definition of
architectural anthropology, Stender’s advocacy for a more transgressive approach to
it, and Ingold’s prophecy of the melding of architecture and anthropology symbolize
these varying tendencies.

The trinocular, when assessed against these recent developments, differs in that it
is not working between or across the sites of everyday life and the design office—it
solely operates within the earlier. Even though it can provide a steppingstone for

367 Stender, “Towards an Architectural Anthropology—What Architects Can Learn from Anthropology and
Vice Versa,” 28, 32.; See also, Deborah Reed-Danahay, “Social Space: Distance, Proximity and Thresholds
of Affinity,” in Thinking through Sociality: An Anthropological Interrogation of Key Concepts (New York and
Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2015), 69, 91.

313 Conclusion
TOC
 collaborative outcomes, it is a specific progression within the realms of design
research. A fruitful cooperation though, demands an alignment in thought, methods,
and posture. Hence, architecture, its interdisciplinary practices, and fieldwork
traditions needed to be reevaluated. The devotion to understanding complex urban
forms, their located meanings, and values requires both lateral and longitudinal
expansion of architectural research, and theory. In this regard, the trinocular
provides laterality through the incorporation of principles and techniques that are
staple to other disciplines, and longitudinally, it advances the ways of fieldwork in
complexity that is founded on its comfortableness with anomalies.

This can best be made visible if the trinocular is also evaluated against the three
challenges, identified by Stender, for architecture and anthropology to develop
fruitfully—communication, temporality, and normativity. In communication,
especially referring to the use of visual material, she states, architectural and
anthropologic researchers differ radically. The projective tendencies of architectural
research also differ from the ‘life as it takes place’ approach of anthropologists.
And most importantly, there exists difference in normativity: in that, architects tend
to make qualitative judgements while anthropologists are trained to refrain from
them. When evaluated against these challenges: (1) communication: the trinocular
advances the use and treatment of visual material equivalent to textual material, (2)
temporality: it significantly tapers projective enquiry and focuses on narrativized
experiences and historicized accounts, and (3) normativity: its objective of capturing
the ‘different’ through nuanced reading of the anomaly show that design research
can and should make bold anthropological moves by tapering its instinct for
qualitative judgements.

Going forward, and especially in alignment with the drive to re-center and dislocate
urban and architectural theory, the trinocular can be developed as a pedagogic tool
in architectural education. Even though design pedagogies in the so-called Global
South encourage site visits as a form of fieldwork, they are seldom casual and
lack structures that advance inquiry and active learning.368 To his disappointment,
Elias Yitbarek Alemayehu, found that the design studio that he was leading with a
design brief to develop context-specific housing typologies resulted in “nothing
different from previous studios—it was non-contextual.”369 Here thus, the trinocular

368 Ashraf M. Salama, “‘LEARNING ABOUT’ AND ‘LEARNING FROM’: Enabling Approaches for Decolonizing
Architectural Pedagogy in the Global South,” in The Routledge Companion to Architectural Pedagogies of the
Global South (London: Routledge, 2022), 27, https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003018841.
369 Elias Yitbarek Alemayehu, “Foreword,” in Global Housing: Dwelling in Addis Ababa (Prinsenbeek: Jap Sam
Books, 2020), 7–9.

314 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 can be used as a structured tool for architectural education, within the context of
complexity, as in this case, Addis Ababa. One can thus anticipate the growth of
located critical scholarship helpful for the generation of in-context knowledge and
know how—re-centering architectural theory.

Efforts such as that of the Global Housing educational program developed at the
Department of Architecture of Delft University of Technology (TU Delft) wherein,
a diverse cohort of students and educators are engaged in intense cross-cultural
exchanges within the studio, while at the same time are dislocated into complex
urban contexts such as Addis Ababa, Nalasopara, and Dhaka,370 can benefit from
the structures of the trinocular as a means to explore context specific knowledge.
Meaning, the trinocular in this situation, can be a framing tool to cross-pollinate
concepts that are unearthed from a specific location. Through sustained engagement
of this kind, it can thus be anticipated that cross-cultural scholarship can grow in a
manner that diffuses established categories and cartographies—dislocating urban
and architectural theory. These pedagogical experimentations at various scholastic
environments can also be further testing grounds for the trinocular itself.

And finally, this research started in 2016 with the interest to conceptualize a
counter proposition to the housing programs such as the IHDP discussed in chapter
2 —to generate alternative housing solutions through bottom-up research. The
top-down tilt of the IHDP and the primacy of efficiency and speed of construction
in its formation are thus problematized at the outset of this research. Placeness,
belongingness, and autochthonous practices of place making in the city were found
to be essential concepts that were missing in the drafting of such housing policies
and programs. These concepts were since found to be difficult to be apprehended
with only the tools and methods of architectural research, especially considering the
object of query was a complex urban context—the sefer of Addis Ababa.

The proposition of the trinocular as a cross-disciplinary methodology of architectural

research is thus needed to fill this gap. In due course, the projective ambition to
conceptualize alternative housing solutions through this research is intentionally
curtailed. The counter proposition since became knowledge production and research
methodological innovation against the prevailing means that led to the tilt identified
in programs such as the IHDP. Its findings discussed in section 7.1—the sefer, iddir,

370 Mota Nelson and Dick van Gameren, “DWELLING BEYOND CULTURAL DIFFERENCES: Architectural
Education for Peripheral Urbanization in Bangladesh, Ethiopia and India,” in The Routledge Companion
to Architectural Pedagogies of the Global South (London: Routledge, 2022), 419–32, https://doi.
org/10.4324/9781003018841.

315 Conclusion
TOC
 and gebbi—are necessary knowledge foundation now for the development of design
alternatives. The exposition of community and placeness in the borders cognized by
the residents, their socioeconomic daily practices, and the spatial typologies that
facilitate them was hence a necessary step—essential for new design explorations
and ideations. In the future, application of the trinocular in analytic work within
housing design practices, similar to its prospects in education discussed above, will
further be useful to uncover concepts that relate to, for instance, domestic spaces
in sefer. In line with, and as a spin-off of this research, the Addis Ababa Living Lab
(2ALL), a research project funded by NWO-WOTRO has now taken up the projective
exploration of housing solutions within the sefer of Addis Ababa.

316 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Bibliography
Alemayehu, Elias Yitbarek. “Foreword.” In Global Housing: Dwelling in Addis Ababa, 7–9. Prinsenbeek: Jap
Sam Books, 2020.
Alemayehu, Elias Yitbarek, and Laura Stark, eds. The Transformation of Addis Ababa: A Multiform African
City. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018.
Allen, Natalie, and Mark Davey. “The Value of Constructivist Grounded Theory for Built Environment
Researchers.” Journal of Planning Education and Research 38, no. 2 (June 2018): 222–32. https://doi.
org/10.1177/0739456X17695195.
Amerlinck, Mari-Jose, ed. Architectural Anthropology. Westport, CT: Bergin & Garvey, 2001.
Arabindoo, Pushpa. “‘City of Sand’: Stately Re-Imagination of Marina Beach in Chennai.” International
Journal of Urban and Regional Research 35, no. 2 (2011): 379–401. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-
2427.2010.00943.x.
Anthropology News: published monthly by the American Anthropological Association. “Architectural
Anthropology.” 1968, V–9, N-6 edition.
Aredo, Dejene. “Iddir: A Look at a Form of Social Capital.” In Iddirs Participation and Development, 43–61.
Addis Ababa: ACORD Ethiopia, 2003.
–––. “The Iddir: An Informal Insurance Arrangement in Ethiopia.” SAVINGS AND DEVELOPMENT 34,
no. 1 (2010): 53–72.
Beall, Jo, Zegeye Cherenet, Lisa Cirolia, Nuno da Cruz, Susan Parnell, and Philipp Rode. “Understanding
Infrastructure Interfaces:Common Ground for Interdisciplinary Urban Research?” Journal of the British
Academy, no. 7S2 (July 8, 2019): 11–43. https://doi.org/10.5871/jba/007s2.011.
Bhan, Gautam. “From the Basti to the ‘House’: Socio-Spatial Readings of Housing Policy in India.” Current
Sociology 65, no. 4 (July 2017): 587–602. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011392117697465.
———. “Notes on a Southern Urban Practice.” Environment and Urbanization 31, no. 2 (October 1, 2019):
639–54. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956247818815792.
Bisrat, Agegnehu, Karantininis Kostas, and Li Feng. “Are There Financial Benefits to Join RoSCAs? Empirical
Evidence from Equb in Ethiopia.” Procedia Economics and Finance 1 (2012): 229–38. https://doi.
org/10.1016/S2212-5671(12)00027-5.
Bourdieu, Pierre. “THE FORMS OF CAPITAL.” In Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of
Education, 241–58. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1986.
Bredenoord, Jan, Paul Van Lindert, and Peer Smets. Affordable Housing in the Urban Global South: Seeking
Sustainable Solutions. London, UNITED KINGDOM: Taylor & Francis Group, 2014. http://ebookcentral.
proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.action?docID=1707386.
Brenner, Neil, and Christian Schmid. “Towards a New Epistemology of the Urban?” City 19,
no. 2–3 (May 4, 2015): 151–82. https://doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2015.1014712.
Bryant, Antony, and Kathy Charmaz. “Introduction.” In The Sage Handbook of Grounded Theory, 1–28. Los
Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore: SAGE Publications, 2007.
Buchli, Victor. An Anthropology of Architecture. 1st ed. London: Routledge, 2013. https://www-taylorfrancis-
com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/pdfviewer/.
Burt, Ronald S. Structural Holes: The Social Structure of Competition. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard
Univeristy Press, 1992.
Caldeira, Teresa PR. “Peripheral Urbanization: Autoconstruction, Transversal Logics, and Politics in Cities of
the Global South.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 1 (February 2017): 3–20.
https://doi.org/10.1177/0263775816658479.
Certeau, Michel de. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven F. Rendall. 3rd ed. Berkerley, UNITED
STATES: University of California Press, 2011. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.
action?docID=922939.

317 Bibliography
TOC
 Charmaz, Kathy. “A Constructivist Grounded Theory Analysis of Losing and Regaining a Valued Self.” In Five
Ways of Doing Qualitative Analysis, 165–204. New York and London: The Guilford Press, 2011.
–––. Constructing Grounded Theory: A Practical Guide Through Qualitative Analysis. Reprint. London,
Thousand Oaks, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2006.
–––. “Constructivist Grounded Theory.” The Journal of Positive Psychology 12, no. No. 3 (2017): 299–300.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17439760.2016.1262612.
–––. “Foreword.” In Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping Research with Grounded Theory, EBook., 7–8.
Walnut Creek, California: Left Coast Press, 2015.
Chestnova, Elena. “The House That Semper Built.” Architectural Theory Review 21,
no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 44–61. https://doi.org/10.1080/13264826.2016.1271343.
Chu, Charles, and Ashley E. Martin. “The Primacy of Communality in Humanization.” Journal of Experimental
Social Psychology 97 (November 1, 2021): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jesp.2021.104224.
Clarke, Adele E. “Situational Analyses: Grounded Theory Mapping After the Postmodern Turn.” Symbolic
Interaction 26, no. 4 (2003): 553–76. https://doi.org/10.1525/si.2003.26.4.553.
Clarke, Adele E., Carrie Friese, and Rachel Washburn, eds. Situational Analysis in Practice: Mapping Research
with Grounded Theory. EBook. Walnut Creek, California: Left Coast Press, 2015.
Clarke, Alison J., ed. Design Anthropology: Object Culture in the 21st Century. 1st ed. Edition Angewandte.
Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2011. https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-3-7091-0234-3.
–––. “The New Design Ethnographers 1968-1974: Towards a Critical Histography of Design Anthropology.”
In Design Anthropological Futures, 71–85. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2020. https://www-
taylorfrancis-com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/books/edit/10.4324/9781003085188/design-anthropological-
futures-rachel-charlotte-smith-kasper-tang-vangkilde-thomas-binder-ton-otto-joachim-halse-mette-
gislev-kjaersgaard.
Clifford, James, and George E. Marcus, eds. Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography.
Experiments in Contemporary Anthropology. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California
Press, 1986.
Coleman, James S. Foundation of Social Theory. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard
University Press, 1990.
–––. “Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital.” American Journal of Sociology 94 (1988): S95–120.
Collier, John, and Malcolm Collier. Visual Anthropology: Photography as a Research Methodology. Revised
and Expanded. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986.
“Condominium Housing in Ethiopia: The Integrated Housing Development Program.” Housing Practices.
Nairobi: UN-HABITAT, 2011. http://www.iut.nu/Facts%20and%20figures/Africa/Ethiopia_
CondominiumHousingUN-Habitat2011.pdf.
Corbin, Juliet, and Anselm Strauss. “Grounded Theory Research: Procedures, Canons, and Evaluative
Criteria.” Qualitative Sociology 13, no. 1 (1990): 19.
Cranz, Galen. Ethnography for Designers. 1st ed. London: Routledge, 2016. https://www-taylorfrancis-com.
tudelft.idm.oclc.org/pdfviewer/.
Cranz, Galen, Georgia Lindsay, Lusi Morhayim, and Hans Sagan. “Teaching Semantic Ethnography
to Architecture Students.” International Journal of Architectural Research: ArchNet-IJAR 8,
no. 3 (November 30, 2014): 6. https://doi.org/10.26687/archnet-ijar.v8i3.433.
“Definition of TRINOCULAR.” Accessed August 26, 2020. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/
trinocular.
Drazin, Adam. Design Anthropology in Context: An Introduction to Design Materiality. New York:
Routledge, 2021. https://www-taylorfrancis-com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/pdfviewer/.
Ejigu, Alazar G. Places on Becoming an Ethnographic Case Study of a Changing City and Its Emerging
Residential Environments. Stockholm: Architecture and the Built Environment, KTH Royal Institute of
Technology, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-165097.
Esser, Aristide H., and Barrie B. Greenbie, eds. Design for Communality and Privacy. New York: Plenum
Press, 1978.
Ewing, Suzanne. “Introduction.” In Architecture and Field/Work, 1–21. AHRA Critiques: Critical Studies in
Architectural Humanities 6. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2011.
Ewing, Suzanne, Jérémie Michael McGowan, Chris Speed, and Victoria Clare Bernie, eds. Architecture and
Field/Work. AHRA Critiques: Critical Studies in Architectural Humanities 6. Abingdon and New York:
Routledge, 2011.

318 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Fuller, Mia. “The Italian Imperial City - Addis Ababa.” In Moderns Abroad : Architecture, Cities and Italian
Imperialism, 197–213. London and New York: Taylor and Francis, 2007.
Gameren, Dirk van, and Anteneh Tesfaye Tola. “A City Shaped by Diplomacy. The Case of Ethiopia’s Capital
Addis Ababa.” ABE Journal. Architecture beyond Europe, no. 12 (December 26, 2017). https://doi.
org/10.4000/abe.4038.
Garretson, Peter P. A History of Addis Abäba from Its Foundation in 1886 to 1910. Wiesbaden: Otto
Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000.
Gebre Yntiso. “Urban Development and Displacement in Addis Ababa: The Impact of Resettlement Projects
on Low-Income Households.” Eastern Africa Social Science Research Review 24, no. 2 (2008): 53–77.
https://doi.org/10.1353/eas.0.0001.
Gebreegziabher, Tesfa Teferi. “The Effect of Development Induced Displacement on Relocated Household: The
Case of Addis Ababa,” December 12, 2014. https://thesis.eur.nl/pub/17501.
Giorghis, Fasil, and Denis Gerard. The City & Its Architectural Heritage, Addis Ababa 1986-1941, La Ville Son
Patrimoine Architectural. Addis Ababa: Shama Books, 2007.
Glaser, Barney G., and Anselm L. Strauss. The Discovery of Grounded Theory: Strategies for Qualitative
Research. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1967.
Gough, Katherine V. “Reflections on Conducting Urban Comparison.” Urban Geography 33,
no. 6 (August 2012): 866–78. https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.33.6.866.
Granovetter, Mark. “Economic Action and Social Structure: The Problem of Embeddedness.” American Journal
of Sociology 91, no. 3 (1985): 481–510.
Granovetter, Mark S. “The Strength of Weak Ties.” American Journal of Sociology 78,
no. 6 (May 1973): 1360–80.
Groat, Linda, and David Wang. Architectural Research Methods. Second. New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons,
Inc., 2013.
Häuberer, Julia. “Social Capital in Voluntary Associations: Localizing Social Resources.” European
Societies 16, no. 4 (August 8, 2014): 570–93. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2014.880497.
–––. “Social Capital Theory towards a Methodological Foundation.” VS Research. VS Verl. für
Sozialwissenschaften, 2011.
Horn, Philipp, Paola Alfaro d’Alencon, and Ana Claudia Duarte Cardoso, eds. Emerging Urban Spaces. The
Urban Book Series. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-
319-57816-3.
Houtum, Henk Van, and Ton Van Naerssen. “Bordering, Ordering and Othering.” Tijdschrift Voor Economische
En Sociale Geografie 93, no. 2 (2002): 125–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9663.00189.
Ingold, Tim. “Foreword.” In Architectural Anthropology: Exploring Lived Space. Routledge Research in
Architecture. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2022.
Jacobs, Jane M. “Commentary—Comparing Comparative Urbanisms.” Urban Geography 33,
no. 6 (August 2012): 904–14. https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.33.6.904.
Jasper, Adam. “Anthropology and Architecture: A Misplaced Conversation.” Architectural Theory Review 21,
no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 1–3. https://doi.org/10.1080/13264826.2017.1289709.
–––. “Anthropology and Architecture: A Misplaced Conversation (Part 2).” Architectural Theory Review 21,
no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 111–13. https://doi.org/10.1080/13264826.2017.1373412.
Jayakody, Chathuranganee, Dilanthi Amaratunga, and Richard Haigh. “Grounded Theory as an Approach to
Explore the Use of Public Open Spaces to Enhance the Cities’ Resilience to Disasters,” 2017.
Kaijima, Momoyo. “Learning from Architectural Ethnography.” HafenCity University’s Urban Design master’s
programme. Urban Design Reader. Accessed September 15, 2020. http://urban-design-reader.de/
atrium-behaviorology/learning-from-architectural-ethnography.
Kane, Thomas Leiper. Amharic-English Dictionary. Vol. I. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, 1990.
Kedir, Abbi M., and Gamal Ibrahim. “ROSCAs in Urban Ethiopia: Are the Characteristics of the Institutions
More Important than Those of Members?” Journal of Development Studies 47, no. 7 (July 2011): 998–
1016. https://doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2010.536219.
Kellett, Peter, and A Graham Tipple. “The Home as Workplace: A Study of Income-Generating Activities within
Domestic Setting.” Environment and Urbanization 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2000): 203–14.
Lagos Wide and Close: Interactive Journey into an Exploding City. Interactive. Amsterdam: Submarine, 2005.
Latour, Bruno. “From the World of Science to the World of Research?” Science 280,
no. 5361 (April 10, 1998): 208–9. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.280.5361.208.

319 Bibliography
TOC
 Lefebvre, Henri. The Urban Revolution. Translated by Robert Bononno. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press, 2003.
Lin, Nan, and John Smith. Social Capital: A Theory of Social Structure and Action. Cambridge, UNITED
KINGDOM: Cambridge University Press, 2001. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.
action?docID=201839.
Lipton, Michael. “Family, Fungibility and Formality: Rural Advantages of Informal Non-Farm Enterprise versus
the Urban-Formal State.” In Human Resources, Employment and Development Volume 5: Developing
Countries: Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of the International Economic Association Held in
Mexico City, 1980, edited by Samir Amin, 189–242. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1984. https://doi.
org/10.1007/978-1-349-17461-4_10.
“Local Development Plan Manual.” Ministry of Works and Urban Development - Federal Urban Planning
Institute, September 2006. http://www.mwud.gov.et/c/document_library/get_file?uuid=8a35ee84-
1de6-4dbf-93ca-0576aceb292b&groupId=10136.
Mauri, Arnaldo. “The Role of Financial Intermediation in the Mobilisation and Allocation of Household Savings
in Ethiopia: Interlinks between Organized and Informal Circuits.” Giordano Dell’Amore Working Paper
No. 2/1987, 1987. https://ssrn.com/abstract=943426 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.943426.
Mcfarlane, Colin. “The Comparative City: Knowledge, Learning, Urbanism.” International Journal of Urban and
Regional Research 34, no. 4 (2010): 725–42. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2010.00917.x.
McFarlane, Colin, and Jennifer Robinson. “Introduction—Experiments in Comparative Urbanism.” Urban
Geography 33, no. 6 (August 2012): 765–73. https://doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.33.6.765.
Municipality of Addis Ababa. The Kolfe Low-Cost Housing Project. Addis Ababa: Municipality of Addis Ababa
with the Cooperation of the other donors, 1968.
Nelson, Mota, and Dick van Gameren. “DWELLING BEYOND CULTURAL DIFFERENCES: Architectural
Education for Peripheral Urbanization in Bangladesh, Ethiopia and India.” In The Routledge Companion
to Architectural Pedagogies of the Global South, 419–32. London: Routledge, 2022. https://doi.
org/10.4324/9781003018841.
Nijman, Jan. “Introduction—Comparative Urbanism.” Urban Geography 28, no. 1 (2007): 1–6. https://doi.
org/10.2747/0272-3638.28.1.1.
O’Connor, Anthony. The African City. London, Melbourne, Sydney, Auckland, Johannesburg: Hutchinson & Co.
Ltd, 1983.
Otto, Ton, and Rachel Charlotte Smith. “Cultures of the Future: Emergence and Intervention in Design
Anthropology.” In Design Anthropological Futures. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2020.
https://www-taylorfrancis-com.tudelft.idm.oclc.org/books/edit/10.4324/9781003085188/design-
anthropological-futures-rachel-charlotte-smith-kasper-tang-vangkilde-thomas-binder-ton-otto-
joachim-halse-mette-gislev-kjaersgaard.
–––, eds. “Design Anthropology: A Distinct Style of Knowing.” In Design Anthropology: Theory and
Practice, 1–29. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2020.
Pankhurst, Alula. “Research Update and Verification Request,” October 11, 2022.
–––. “The Emergence, Evolution and Transformations of Iddir Funeral Associations in Urban Ethiopia.”
Journal of Ethiopian Studies, Special Thematic Issue on Contemporary Urban Dynamics, 41,
no. 1/2 (December 2008): 143–86.
–––. “The Role and Space for Iddirs to Participate in the Development of Ethiopia.” In Iddirs Participation and
Development: Proceedings of the Ethiopian National Conference: 20-21 December 2001, 2–41. Addis
Ababa: ACORD Ethiopia, 2003.
Pankhurst, Alula, and Damen Haile Mariam. “The ‘Iddir’ in Ethiopia: Historical Development, Social Function,
and Potential Role in HIV/AIDS Prevention and Control.” Northeast African Studies 7, no. 2 (2000): 35–
57.
Pankhurst, Dr. Richard, and Endreas Eshete. “Self-Help in Ethiopia.” Ethiopia Observer, 1958.
Pankhurst, Richard. “Menelik and the Foundation of Addis Ababa.” The Journal of African History 2,
no. 01 (January 1961): 103. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021853700002176.
Pankhurst, Richard, and Denis Gérard. Ethiopia Photographed: Historic Photographs of the Country and Its
People Taken Between 1867 and 1935. Kegan Paul International, 1996.
Pike, Michael. “Scale and Identity in the Housing Projects of Coderch.” In Scale: Imagination, Perception and
Practice in Architecture, 194–205. New York: Routledge, 2012.

320 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Pink, Sarah. Doing Visual Ethnography: Images, Media and Representation in Research. London, Thousand
Oaks, New Delhi: SAGE Publications, 2001.
Pink, Sarah, Kerstin Leder Mackley, Roxana Morosanu, Val Mitchell, Tracy Bhamra, Rosie Cox, and Victor
Buchli. Making Homes: Ethnography and Design. London, UNITED KINGDOM: Taylor & Francis
Group, 2017. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/delft/detail.action?docID=4835136.
Planel, Sabine, and Marie Bridonneau. “(Re)Making Politics in a New Urban Ethiopia: An Empirical Reading
of the Right to the City in Addis Ababa’s Condominiums.” Journal of Eastern African Studies 11,
no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 24–45.
Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Revised and
Updated. 1 online resource vols. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2001. http://ebook.3m.com/library/
BCPL-document_id-anc9zz9.
Reed-Danahay, Deborah. “Social Space: Distance, Proximity and Thresholds of Affinity.” In Thinking through
Sociality: An Anthropological Interrogation of Key Concepts, 69–96. New York and Oxford: Berghahn
Books, 2015.
Robinson, Jennifer. “Comparative Urbanism: New Geographies and Cultures of Theorizing the Urban.”
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 40, no. 1 (January 2016): 187–99. https://doi.
org/10.1111/1468-2427.12273.
–––. “Global and World Cities: A View from off the Map.” International Journal of Urban and Regional
Research 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 531–54. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00397.
Robinson, Jenny. “Postcolonialising Geography: Tactics and Pitfalls.” Singapore Journal of Tropical
Geography 24, no. 3 (November 1, 2003): 273–89. https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9493.00159.
Rothuizen, Jan. “Club Colombia,” n.d.
–––. The Soft Atlas of Amsterdam: Hand Drawn Perspectives From Daily Life. Amsterdam: Nieuw Amsterdam
Uitgevers, 2014.
Roy, Ananya. “The 21st-Century Metropolis: New Geographies of Theory.” Regional Studies 43,
no. 6 (2009): 819–30. https://doi.org/10.1080/00343400701809665.
–––. “Urban Informality: Toward an Epistemology of Planning.” Journal of the American Planning
Association 71, no. 2 (2005): 147–58.
–––. “Urbanisms, Worlding Practices and the Theory of Planning.” Planning Theory 10, no. 1 (2011): 6–15.
https://doi.org/10.1177/1473095210386065.
Salama, Ashraf M. “‘LEARNING ABOUT’ AND ‘LEARNING FROM’: Enabling Approaches for Decolonizing
Architectural Pedagogy in the Global South.” In The Routledge Companion to Architectural Pedagogies of
the Global South, 24–33. London: Routledge, 2022. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003018841.
Salomon, David. “Experimental Cultures: On the ‘End’ of the Design Thesis and the Rise of the Research
Studio.” Journal of Architectural Education 65, no. 1 (2011): 33–44. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1531-
314X.2011.01172.x.
Schmid, Christian, Ozan Karaman, Naomi C Hanakata, Pascal Kallenberger, Anne Kockelkorn,
Lindsay Sawyer, Monika Streule, and Kit Ping Wong. “Towards a New Vocabulary of Urbanisation
Processes: A Comparative Approach.” Urban Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2018): 19–52. https://doi.
org/10.1177/0042098017739750.
Scott, James W. “Introduction: Bordering, Ordering. Othering (Almost) Twenty Years On.” Tijdschrift Voor
Economische En Sociale Geografie n/a, no. n/a. Accessed October 28, 2020. https://doi.org/10.1111/
tesg.12464.
Scott, James Wesley. “Cognitive Geographies of Bordering: The Case of Urban Neighbourhoods in Transition.”
Theory & Psychology, October 17, 2020, 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1177/0959354320964867.
Seddon, Jill. “Landscape with Statues: Recording the Public Sculpture of Sessex.” In Architecture and Field/
Work, 65–71. AHRA Critiques: Critical Studies in Architectural Humanities 6. Abingdon and New York:
Routledge, 2011.
Seifu, Alemayehu. “Eder in Addis Ababa: A Sociological Study.” Ethiopia Observer, 1968.
Simone, AbdouMaliq. “Demonstrations at Work: Some Notes from Urban Africa.” In The Ghetto:
Contemporary Global Issues and Controversies, First., 245–64. Avalon Publishing, 2012. http://www.
abdoumaliqsimone.com/files/45663502.pdf.
Simone, Abdoumaliq. “(Non)Urban Humans: Questions for a Research Agenda (the Work the Urban Could
Do).” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 44, no. 4 (2020): 755–67. https://doi.
org/10.1111/1468-2427.12875.

321 Bibliography
TOC
 Simone, AbdouMaliq. “On the Worlding of African Cities.” African Studies Review 44,
no. 2 (September 2001): 15–41.
–––. “The Surfacing of Urban Life: A Response to Colin McFarlane and Neil Brenner, David Madden and David
Wachsmuth.” City 15, no. 3–4 (August 2011): 355–64. https://doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2011.595
108.
Simone, AbdouMaliq, and Edgar Pieterse. New Urban Worlds: Inhabiting Dissonant Times. Cambridge,
Medford: Polity Press, 2017.
Stender, Marie. “Towards an Architectural Anthropology—What Architects Can Learn from Anthropology and
Vice Versa.” Architectural Theory Review 21, no. 1 (2017): 27–43. https://doi.org/10.1080/13264826.
2016.1256333.
Stender, Marie, Claus Bech-Danielsen, and Aina Landsverk Hagen, eds. Architectural Anthropology: Exploring
Lived Space. Routledge Research in Architecture. Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2022.
Suchman, Lucy. “Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design.” Annual Review of Anthropology 40,
no. 1 (October 21, 2011): 1–18. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.041608.105640.
Suchman, Lucy A. Plans and Situated Actions: The Problem of Human-Machine Communication. Learning in
Doing. Cambridge, New York, New Rochelle, Melboune, Sydney: Cambridge University Press, 1987.
Suchman, Lucy Alice. Human–Machine Reconfigurations: Plans and Situated Actions. 2nd ed. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2007.
The Provisional Military Administrative Council of Ethiopia. “Proclamation No.47 of 1975: A Proclamation
to Provide for Government Ownership of Urban Lands and Extra Urban Houses.” Negarit Gazetta.
July 26, 1975, 41 edition. FAO of UN.
Tola, Anteneh Tesfaye. “Places of Transit - The Entries to Addis Ababa.” In Building Ethiopia - Sustainability
and Innovation in Architecture and Design, First Edition., 1:138–43. Addis Ababa: EiABC, 2012.
Tola, Anteneh Tesfaye, and Brook Teklehaimanot Haileselassie. “Addis Ababa’s Sefers: Communities in
Transformation.” In Global Housing: Dwelling in Addis Ababa, 49–68. Prinsenbeek: Jap Sam Books, 2020.
Tufa, Dandena. “Historical Development of Addis Ababa: Plans and Realities.” Journal of Ethiopian Studies 41,
no. 1/2 (2008): 27–59.
Tumultuous Times: Ethiopia Revolution and Derg Years. The Africa Institute, 2020. https://youtu.be/L-
sWI0rZcD8.
Varela, Francisco J., Evan Thompson, and Eleanor Rosch. The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Science and Human
Experience. MIT Press, 1991.
Watkins, Nicholas Jay. Review of Architectural Anthropology, by Mari-Jose Amerlinck. Technology and
Culture 43, no. 2 (April 2002): 404–6.
Woldegebriel, Ezana Haddis. “Urban Redevelopment Project and Community Participation.” In Movements in
Ethiopia: Ethiopia in Movement, Vol. II. Addis Ababa: Tsehai, 2016.
Woudstra, Rixt. “Le Corbusier’s Visions for Fascist Addis Ababa — Failed Architecture.” Failed Architecture
(blog), 2014. https://www.failedarchitecture.com/le-corbusiers-visions-for-fascist-addis-ababa/.
Yitbarek, Elias. “The Role of Iddir in Neighborhood Upgrading in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.” Journal of Ethiopian
Studies 41, no. 1–2 (December 2008): 187–98.
Yousif, Hassan M. “Rapid Urbanization in Africa: Impacts on Housing and Urban Poverty.” Africa’s Sustainable
Development Bulletin, 2005, 55–59.
Zewde, Bahru. “Early Safars of Addis Ababa: Patterns of Evolution.” In Proceedings of the International
Symposium on the Centenary of Addis Ababa, 43–56. Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis
Ababa University, 1987.
–––. “The City Center: A Shifting Concept in the History of Addis Ababa.” In Urban Africa: Changing Contours
of Survival in the City, edited by AbdouMaliq Simone and Abdelghani Abouhani, 120–37. Dakar:
CODESRIA, 2005.
“የአድቮኬሲና የማህበረሰብ ተሳትፎ ዳይሬክቶሬት የ2013 በጀት ዓመት የ9 ወር ሪፖርት: ለህዝብ ክንፍ አመራሮች፣ ማኔጅመንት አባላት፣ ክፍለ ከተማ
ቡድን መሪዎችና ለማህበራዊ ዘርፍ ባለሙያዎች የቀረበ.” ግሎባል ሆቴል አዲስ አበባ: በአዲስ አበባ ከተማ አስተዳደር የሠራተኛና ማህበራዊ ጉዳይ
ቢሮ, 2013.

322 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Curriculum vitae
Anteneh Tesfaye Tola

ORCHID iD: 0000-0002-7569-7522

Architecture,
Urban Design and Urban Planning

Born in Ethiopia, 1983

[email protected]
[email protected]
[email protected]

Education

2010/11
The Swiss Federal Institute of Technology, ETH Zurich, Switzerland. Masters of
Advanced Studies in Urban Design (MAS)

2001-2006
Addis Ababa University (AAU) - Ethiopian Institute of Architecture Building
Construction and City Development (EiABC), Ethiopia. Bachelor of Science (BSc) in
Architecture and Urban Planning.

323 Curriculum vitae

TOC
 Work experience

Practice

2005
Intern Architect at EDIT Plc. Consulting Architects and Engineers and S7 Consulting
Architects and Engineers.

2006-2008
Architect at SKAS Consulting Architects and Engineers.

2008-2016 (Part time)

Jury Member for the adjudication of Architectural Design competitions: Federal
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia New Parliament Building, Ethiopian National
Stadium, Ethiopian National Theatre.

Promoter of the Architectural Design Competition for the Head Office of the Addis
Ababa Chamber of Commerce Sectoral Associations (AACCSA).

Academic

2008-2010
Assistant Lecturer at Addis Ababa University (AAU) - Ethiopian Institute of
Architecture Building Construction and City Development (EiABC)

2012-2016
Lecturer and Chair Holder at Addis Ababa University (AAU) - Ethiopian Institute of
Architecture Building Construction and City Development (EiABC)

2016
Guest Lecturer at Delft University of Technology

2016 - present
Doctoral candidate at Delft University of Technology

324 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi

TOC
 Publications

“Hybrid District,” in Building Brazil (Berlin: Ruby Press, 2011), 182-197

“Pedregulho Revisited,” in Building Brazil (Berlin: Ruby Press, 2011), 434-445

“Places of Transit,” in Building Ethiopia (Addis Ababa: EiABC, 2012), 138-143

“A City Shaped by Diplomacy. The Case of Ethiopia’s Capital Addis Ababa,” ABE
Journal. Architecture beyond Europe, no. 12 (December 26, 2017)

“Coen Beeker’s ‘Urban Fields’ for Addis Ababa,” in The Beeker Method: Planning and
Working on the Redevelopment of the African City, Occasional Publication, vol. 27
(Leiden: African Studies Centre Leiden, 2017), 109–22

“Fasil Giorghis and Zegeye Cherenet, Members of the NESTown Group,” in To Build
a City in Africa: A History and a Manual (Rotterdam: nai010 publishers, 2019),
388–95.

“Shaping Addis Ababa: The Formative Role of Diplomacy," in Global Housing:

Dwelling in Addis Ababa (Prinsenbeek: Jap Sam Books, 2020) 29-48

“Addis Ababa’s Sefers: Communities in Transformation," in Global Housing: Dwelling

in Addis Ababa (Prinsenbeek: Jap Sam Books, 2020) 49-68

Notable practices

2015-2016 - Project Coordinator and Urban Designer for the Urban Design Work
of the Main City Centre of Addis Ababa in collaboration with the Addis Ababa and
Surrounding Oromia Integrated Development Plan Project office (AASOID) of the
Addis Ababa City Administration.

2016 - Coordinating Architect for the Architectural Design Works of Institute for
Elder’s Retirement and Institute for Rehabilitation and Medication of Physically
Challenged People for the Addis Ababa Bureau of Labor and Social Affairs.

325 Curriculum vitae

TOC
326 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
TOC
23#14 Addis Ababa’s sefer, iddir, and gebbi
Nuanced reading of complex urban forms

Anteneh Tesfaye Tola

This research is motivated by the scholarly calls for new concepts and analytic tools for
documenting, analysing, and theorizing complex urban territories such as those of cities in
Africa. With implicit comparative intent, it takes the case of Addis Ababa city and its old and
typifying places—the sefer, to develop and test a new architectural transdisciplinary research
methodology referred to as the trinocular. By way of this methodology, it unearths and introduces
sefer, iddir, and gebbi of Addis Ababa as not only socio-spatial phenomena but concepts and
vocabulary for a located and nuanced reading of the city itself. Sefer are introduced as flexible
boundary conditions that are primarily cognized by their dwellers—results of indigenous and
autochthonous foundation and continued processes of self-actualization by communities that
construct them. Iddir is unearthed as a form of social capital embedded in sefer that appears
in the structures of relations among residents. And the gebbi as an urban spatial typology that
constitutes the sefer’s morphology—the last frontier of communality just prior domestic spaces
which, in many cases, can be a single multi-functional room.

These concepts and vocabulary, it is argued, in both practical and metaphoric sense, should
be the starting point of new urban imaginaries for Addis Ababa. Urban planning and housing
projections thus, should draw inspiration from these notions, elements, and phenomena.
Furthermore, lessons learnt from the trinocular and the findings are presented as new avenues
for architectural research in similar, less-known, and complex urban conditions as the sefer of
Addis Ababa.

A+BE | Architecture and the Built Environment | TU Delft BK