ORESTEIA
ORESTEIA
ORESTEIA
AGAMEMNON
LIBATION BEARERS
EUMENIDES
1
Contents
Introduction 16
AGAMEMNON 74
EUMENIDES 290
Glossary 366
2
AESCHYLUS AND THE ATHENIAN THEATER OF HIS TIME
I
Aeschylus was born most likely in 525 B.C.E. and died in the year 456. Although
we are not certain, his birthplace was probably Eleusis, up the coast of Greece, not far
from Athens, the same Eleusis that was the seat of the Eleusinian Mysteries, making it
one of Attica’s most sacred spots and Athens’ most famous deme. We also know that
Aeschylus was born of an aristocratic family and that at the age of forty-five he fought
in one of the decisive battles of the Persian Wars, the Battle of Marathon, in 490, that
conflict between the Athenians and the Persians, and in 480 he either fought in or was
an eyewitness to the final defeat of Persia at Salamis, an island off the western coast of
Attica. His description of that battle in Persians is the only firsthand account that
survives of the historical event that freed the Athenian state to pursue its own agenda
and become one of the cultural pinnacles in the history of Western civilization.
Aeschylus’ first tragic production was in 499, and his first victory with a tragedy
came in 484. Thereafter it is not unlikely that he was almost always victorious in the
competition in Tragedy at the Great or City Dionysia, the annual Athenian religious
festival that centered around the presentation of Tragedy and eventually comedy, as
well as other musical and choreographic events. In any case, he won a total of 13 first
prizes. His first extant play, Persians, was written in 472 and enjoyed so great a success
that he was invited to restage it in Syracuse at the invitation of the Sicilian dynast
Hieron, and also to write for him his Women of Aitna in celebration of the founding of
that city. Seven Against Thebes, Aeschylus’ second extant play, was first produced in
Athens in 467 and was followed in 463 by the Danaïd-tetralogy of which the extant
Suppliants is a part and which won first prize over Sophokles. Aeschylus’ final
produced play, Oresteia, was first produced at Athens in 458, a tetralogy with which he
honored his beloved Athens and its bold experiment in democracy. This behind him, he
again visited Sicily, where he died at Gela in 456. It will likely never be known, but it’s
possible that it was in Sicily that he wrote Promêtheus Bound, the play that was
produced posthumously by his son Euphorion.
3
The extent of Aeschylus’ work is not certain, but is likely to have been somewhere
between seventy and ninety plays, and of the seven that have survived the twenty-five-
hundred years since their creation they come to us not as originals but in the form of
Medieval copies. We do know, however, that a good number of his productions were
tetralogies, three tragedies united by a single theme and followed by a satyr play which
dealt comically with the same material. Just how many such tetralogies he composed is
unknown, though there is certainty regarding at least four: the Oresteia, the Theban-
tetralogy, the Danaïd-tetralogy, and Lycurgia. Only Oresteia survives, though only as a
trilogy (the satyr play having been lost), and one play each from the Theban and Danaïd
tetralogies, with none from Lycurgia. But it is also possible to reconstruct from the
names of the plays that have been lost at least seven additional tetralogies.
The Vita, the ancient source that records the life of Aeschylus, notes that his
epitaph makes no mention of his art, but, as Sommerstein notes in The Oxford Classical
Dictionary, refers “only to his prowess displayed at Marathon; this estimate of what was
most important in Aeschylus’ life—to have been a loyal and courageous citizen of a
free Athens—can hardly be that of the Geloans and will reflect his own death-bed
wishes . . . or those of his family.”
II
One of the fascinating questions in regard to Aeschylus and his work is what was
his theater like? The fact is we know virtually nothing about it, as little as we know
about the origin of Athenian Tragedy. What we do know is that the first performances
of Athenian Tragedy in the mid-sixth century took place in the Agora, the Athenian
market place, a place of general assembly, and that spectators sat on wooden bleachers.
Then, around 500, the theatrical performance site was moved to the Sacred Precinct of
Dionysos on the south side of the Akropolis. At first spectators may have sat on the
natural slope of the hill to watch the performance, an arrangement most likely
superceded by wooden bleachers introduced for greater audience comfort. But even this
is guesswork, logical as it sounds. From here (or perhaps even before we arrive here)
the general public image of the Athenian Theater of Dionysos makes a great and very
wrongheaded leap some one hundred and fifty years into the future to the middle of the
4
fourth century and the most esthetically harmonious of all Greek theaters, that at
Epidauros. There we have a stone skênê building to serve as backing for the action, a
building with from one to three doors and fronted by a line of pillars, the proskênion;
possibly there is a second story to the skênê building and a logeion, the skênê’s roof for
the appearance of gods and even mortals. We then perhaps see a raised terrace or low
stage area in front of the skênê where some if not most of the action takes place, and
then, in front of all that, the most crucial element of all, a perfectly round and very large
orchestra made of pounded earth and circled in stone. And, not least, the vast reaches of
a stone auditorium, in Greek the theatron. Certain as that structure may still be at
Epidauros, it has no precedent in Athens until the 330s when stoa, skênê and theatron
were finally finished in stone. There is evidence, however, that the oldest stone skênê in
Athens dates from sometime between 421 and 415. And we know that for some years
prior to that the skênê was made of wood, torn down at the end of each festival and
rebuilt (perhaps newly designed) the next year. Just when, however, that wooden skênê
was first introduced is a mystery that may never find an answer, if for no other reason
than the fragility of such a structure and/or the fact that it was regularly demolished at
the close of each festival.
About the only thing that is certain in all this speculation is that the earliest extant
plays of the Athenian Theater of Dionysos are those of Aeschylus and that they require
no skênê building, suggesting that none existed. The earliest play, Persians, in 472,
requires only a raised mound to serve as the grave or tomb of Dareios, whereas Seven
Against Thebes needs only a representation of statues and altars of gods, and Suppliants
requires much the same, except in place of statues of gods are symbolic representations
of them. It is frequently believed that a raised area was required for Suppliants, an area
that would serve as a place of sanctuary on which the symbols were placed and to which
the Chorus retired for safety. This, however, is dubious inasmuch as the Chorus could
not with any great facility perform its choreographed dance on such a platform, and
therefore we are left again with a large playing area on a single level as the most logical
possibility. It is not until Oresteia in 458 that an extant play of Aeschylus calls for a
skênê with at least one and perhaps more doors, and in front of that skênê it is possible
that there was a raised acting area, perhaps the first. But it is only in the late fifth and
5
early fourth centuries that there is evidence in the form of vase paintings of a low,
raised platform for the performance of Tragedy, a platform raised about a meter
(roughly forty inches) and mounted via a flight of steps in the center, steps suggesting
that action was not confined to the platform but spilled out into the orchestra. This, of
course, still tells us nothing about the positioning of theatrical action in the earlier
period from the late sixth to well into the fifth century, nor is it conclusive evidence that
such a raised level actually existed in Athens in the fifth century. Nothing short of
archeological evidence could do that, and of that there is none. From a purely practical
standpoint it must be asked what if anything would have been served by such a raised
level, especially considering that the action of the play was looked down upon by a
steeply raked theatron of spectators, and that even the first row of seats, the thrones for
priests and dignitaries, was itself raised above the ground-level playing area.
But there is another issue involved here that goes well beyond a question of sight-
lines, and that is the nature of Aeschylus’ plays. They don’t lend themselves to a
separation between character and chorus, for the simple reason that it is precisely the
relationship between them that is at the heart of the plays, they are inextricably bound
up. Eteoklês in Seven Against Thebes is who and what he is by virtue of his relationship
with the people of his polis, his city; it is how they treat each other that determines the
sort of hero that Eteoklês is, and that relationship has inevitable to be at close quarters.
To see Eteoklês on a raised platform speaking like any orator to the city, or castigating
the chorus from there, is unheard of if one has any real understanding of the nature of
Aeschylus’ play. The same is true of Klytaimnêstra and Agamemnon in Oresteia. For
Agamemnon to enter at ground level and confront Klytaimnêstra situated an entire
meter above him on a platform is to say in semiotic terms that Klytaimnêstra needs
elevation to register (maintain, generate) power: it weakens rather than strengthens her.
Let them meet at ground level and our sight tells us without recourse to words that they
are equals and that Klytaimnêstra knows it even if Agamemnon doesn’t. Tigers don’t
stalk their prey from a distance.
It is also not known what the original shape of the early Athenian orchestra might
have been, that area where the Chorus sang and danced elaborate choreographies.
There are examples of smaller, outlying Attic theaters of the later fifth century, whose
6
orchestras were other than circular. Both Thorikos and Trachones had tiny provincial
deme-theaters in which the audience was seated on wooden benches in a rectangular
arrangement in close proximity to the acting area, which, as well, may have been
loosely rectangular, or, even more likely, trapezoidal, with only two sides being
parallel. It is possible that the early shape of the theater at Athens was the same, with
the exception that it would have been on a much grander scale. Where does all this
lead? Not much of anywhere except more speculation. Some scholars maintain, for
example, that there is no evidence for a circular orchestra in Athens before the 330s,
whereas others argue that the choreography performed by the Chorus required a circular
area and thus there must have been one from the start. Who knows?
III
There are several conventions of Classical Athenian Tragedy that must be
considered, namely masks, the chorus, music and dance.
Whatever the layout of the early Athenian Theater of Dionysos, it is a fair guess
that in order to accommodate the numbers of male citizens of that thriving metropolis
and many from its outlying demes, not to mention important foreign visitors, the
structure could not have been less than sizable. And size brought with it distance from
the theatrical event as the eventual theatron at Athens in the 330s still demonstrates,
rising as it does to touch the fortified walls of the Akropolis some hundreds of feet
away. The capacity of the theater has been judge to be somewhere between fifteen and
twenty thousand.
Whether distance served as an incentive to the use of masks (some have speculated
that they served as a megaphone to project the voice to the farthest rows) is not known,
nor is it the most salient reason for the use of the mask, for there are others. There is
ample evidence, for example, that in Greece the use of the mask in cult ceremonies was
widespread. Adolescent rites of passage, puberty rites, known from Sparta, made use of
masks of considerable grotesqueness. And the cult of Dêmêtêr and Dêspoina at
Lycosura is known for its use of animal masks. Then, of course, there is the mask used
closer to home, in the cult of Dionysos, from which the mask in Greek Tragedy most
likely derives. Whether amplification had any part in the use of masks on the Athenian
7
stage, they at least gave a greater presence to the actor wearing one, for they were large
enough to cover the entire head. Made generally of linen, the fifth-century mask
represented types rather than individuals. Perhaps the most compelling reason for them
is the need for two and later three actors to act out all of the speaking roles.
The rationale might also have been one of economy. Considering that Tragedy was
a masked entertainment, it was only practical to confine the number of speaking parts in
any one scene to three actors, the reason most likely being, as Easterling suggests, to
enable the audience to tell “where the voice is coming from,” inasmuch as facial
movements were obscured by masks. This practical limitation, however, permitted an
actor to be double- and perhaps even triple-cast, a practice much used and most often,
one must assume, to very good effect. In any case, even though the primary reason for
only three actors was very likely a financial consideration, to have a single actor play,
for example, the roles of Klytaimnêstra, Êlektra and Athêna in Oresteia, or, in the same
play, the roles of Agamemnon and Orestês; or in Euripides’ Bakkhai Pentheus and his
mother Agavê, and in Sophokles’ Women of Trachis the roles of Dêianeira and
Heraklês—each of which possibilities offers resonances that are far-reaching and highly
intriguing. One must also not forget that masks were helpful in disguising the male
actor who traditionally assumed female roles, women being excluded from theatrical
performance. As for the numbers of non-speaking actors on stage there was no limit and
exciting stage effects with scores of “extras” would not have been unusual.
IV
Of all the elements of theatrical practice the importance of the Chorus cannot be
overestimated. In Athens especially there was a long tradition (even before Tragedy) of
and emphasis on the competition of dithyramb choruses which consisted of both song
and dance. Even in the days of Tragedy, there were separate competitions devoted to the
dithyramb in which each of the ten demes of Athens participated. In Aeschylus’ day the
tragic Chorus numbered twelve, then Sophokles added three more for a total of fifteen.
In his Tragedy in Athens David Wiles gives a brilliant and convincing exposition of the
degree to which the tragic Chorus participated in the theatrical event. He posits (with
help from other scholars) that not only was the choreographed movement of the Chorus
8
not in straight lines or highly formalized, as previously thought, but that it was often
particularly active. When, for example, the Chorus of Young Theban Women in Seven
Against Thebes makes its first entrance, it is anything but sedate, it is disordered in the
extreme (choreographed disorder, to be sure), but their terror of the encroaching war
outside their city gates is such that it prompts the agitated reentry of Eteoklês who deals
harshly with them for their civic disturbance. In Sophokles’ Oedipus at Kolonos there is
a similar entry by the Chorus of Old Men who dart wildly about the orchestra in search
of the intruder into the Sacred Grove.
Wiles makes a most insightful deduction when he posits that the subject of each
choral ode is acted out by the Chorus in choreographed dance. And even more startling,
that during long narrative speeches, such as the Persian Herald’s speech in Persians, in
which he describes the defeat of the Persian forces in the naval battle at Salamis, the
Chorus was actively acting out a choreography that visually complemented the verbal
narration. The brilliance of this deduction is staggering in indicating the participation of
the Chorus in Athenian Tragedy: they were seldom inactive, and not only did they wear
the persona of their first function as Old Men of Kolonos or Young Theban Women, but
also an abstract or distanced body that acted out the subject of others’ narration of
which in no event could they have had any foreknowledge. It helps to understand why
when Athenians attended the theater at festival times they spoke of going to the
“choreography” rather than to the play.
V
Of music in Archaic and Classical Greece we know very little. Some music scores
survive, but they are largely fragmentary and date from the Hellenistic period or later.
Although the Greeks were knowledgeable about a great many musical instruments,
especially from their eastern neighbors, they adopted only two main sorts: stringed
instrument (lyre) and wind instrument or pipe (aulos), not a flute but sounded with a
reed (single and double). In Tragedy of the fifth century the double-pipe aulos was the
instrument of choice to accompany the musical sections of the dramatic action.
The musical element in the performance of fifth century Tragedy was of primary
importance, and its similarity to modern opera is not unnoticed. Every one of the extant
9
tragedies has built into it a number of choral sections (usually five) that cover generally
short passages of time and in which the singing and dancing Chorus holds the center of
attention in the orchestra. In addition, there are sections in which song is exchanged
between characters, as well as an alternation between spoken dialogue and recitative or
song, the latter often between a character or characters and the Chorus. As Easterling
rightly points out, these sections exist in the same time frame as the scenes of
exclusively spoken dialogue. The rationale behind this practice being “to intensify
emotion or to give a scene a ritual dimension, as in a shared lament or song of
celebration.” To what extent music was employed in performance is not known, but it is
intriguing to speculate that its role was enormous and went far beyond those sections of
the plays that call unequivocally for music.
VI
What we know about the production of Tragedy in Greece is almost totally
confined to Attica, though other areas were also active producers. In any event, from the
close of the sixth and throughout the fifth century, Tragedy was primarily performed as
part of the Great or City Dionysia in Athens, though Tragedy was also a part of the
Rural Dionysia during the winter months when access to Athens was inhibited because
of weather. But Tragedy was not the sole reason for these festivals. They also scheduled
processions, sacrifices in the theater, libations, the parade of war orphans, and the
performance of dithyramb and comedy. And as summary, the final day was devoted to a
review of the conduct of the festival and to the awarding of prizes.
Three tragedians competed with three plays each plus a satyr play, all chosen by the
archon, a state official who also appointed the three chorêgoi who undertook the
expense of equipping and training the choruses, the actors and playwrights being paid
for by the state. One judge from each of the ten tribes or demes of Athens was chosen to
determine the winners of the competition, and the winning playwright was crowned
with a wreath of ivy in the theater. Till about the middle of the fifth century, the three
tragedies of each day’s performance comprised a trilogy; eventually each of the three
plays had a different subject and were independent of one another, but always there was
a satyr play.
10
And then there was Dionysos.
VII
Dionysos. What had the theater to do with Dionysos, and Dionysos with the
theater? How did the two become one and mutually express one another as an
indigenous Athenian institution? What is it that is quintessentially associated with
Dionysos that makes him the appropriate representative of the art of drama, and in
particular of Tragedy?
Some scholars believe that, since the subject of the dithyramb chorus was
Dionysos, Tragedy, developing out of the dithyramb (as Aristotle conjectured), simply
took with it its subject. Now, of course, we are less than certain of that succession,
especially when one considers, as Herington puts it, the “catholicity of the art form” of
Tragedy in the subjects it treats; for, though Dionysos plays a significant part as a
subject, he has considerable competition. Or is it his Otherness that makes him
Tragedy’s apt representative, his transformative aspect (both animate and inanimate), or
simply his inability to be pinned down as being either this or that? Some would say that
his cult ritual, which existed long before Tragedy, possessed aspects that made it
prototypical of drama: the use of masks for disguise, ecstatic possession and the
capacity to assume alternate personalities, mystic initiation. And then there is wine,
discovered by Dionysos, and the wildness of nature, the power of his ambivalent
sexuality, his association with dance in partnership with satyrs and maenads. These are
only a few of the possibilities that may have led to this inexhaustible god’s association
with drama. Which it was, of course, we will never know; but a fair guess might be that
each of these attributes, and perhaps others, had its share.
One thing, however, is certain, that in the early period of Tragedy, from the late
sixth and well into the fifth century, Tragedy was associated with the satyr play, that
light send-up of a classical mythological subject. What’s more, once Tragedy emerged,
the same playwrights who wrote the tragedies also wrote the satyr play that culminated
the day’s dramatic event.
Easterling finds that all three of these forms (dithyramb, satyr play, and tragedy)
share one thing: song and dance, and, as she says,
11
among them it was satyr play that was the most obviously Dionysiac element, since the chorus
of satyrs, far more than any other choral group, was explicitly and by definition part of the
god’s entourage, and satyrs of various types, as we have known from vase-paintings, had been
associated with Dionysus well before the dramatic festivals were established.
The question remains: what made Dionysos the god uniquely suited to drama?
Authentic, testable proof from the time of its formation doesn’t exist and we have only
the extant plays (a small remnant of the total production of those years) to look to for
possibilities.
Perhaps one of the most salient reasons for Dionysos as god of theater is the mask,
for at its core it is the very essence of the Dionysiac, which, ultimately, is escape. But
who would think of Greek Tragedy as escapist fare, the means of leaving reality
behind? And yet, is it so impossible that Tragedy’s removal from real life gave the same
satisfaction, then as now, albeit of a different kind? Greek Tragedy, after all, is filled
with Alienation devises. Just as the Elizabethan playgoer didn’t in the street speak the
language of Shakespeare’s stage, the diction, the vocabulary, the very syntax of Attic
Tragedy (not to mention the emotional manipulation possible through various skillfully
applied metric systems) was even more removed from the daily patter of the Athenian
Agora.
And as far as the mask and its Dionysiac potentialities, it permits an actor to take
on not just one but as many roles as needed in the course of the tragic trilogy and its
culminating satyr play. In the early days of tragedy there was one actor, then Aeschylus
added a second, and Sophokles a third. No matter how many actors (one or three)
he/they were required to play as many speaking roles as the play called for, each time
changing his mask to assume another character. And since only males were permitted to
act, a male would as easily perform a female as a male role. Pentheus, for example, in
Euripides, also plays his mother Agave who at the end enters carrying her son’s severed
head. In other cases an actor could play four or even five roles. Furthermore, each of the
four choruses in a tetralogy would assume another, separate, identity, finally and
inevitably ending up as a band of cavorting and lascivious satyrs. And then, of course,
there is the distancing of the music as well as the elaborate choreography of the chorus.
12
So fictive is this convention of masks in the Attic theater that it is as iconoclastic in
regard to everyday reality as is the Epic, anti-illusionist, theater of Brecht. No Athenian
in that Theater of Dionysos could have failed finally to be aware of the game openly
and unashamedly being played on him and he must have relished it, knowing by subtle
means, by the timbre of a voice, by delivery, or some other telltale sign that Pentheus
was now (in the terrible/wonderful deception that was theater) his mother carrying his
own head. Which doesn’t mean that theater couldn’t also be the bearer of weighty
messages, such as: as you sow, so also shall you reap—a lesson Pentheus learns too
late. In any event, an illusion of reality was deliberately broken that said to that vast
audience that this is not life as you know it, and, besides, there’s always the down-and-
dirty ribaldry of the satyr play to send you home laughing at its unmediated escapist
function, just in case you fell into the trap of taking things a bit too seriously.
One other thing regarding the mask needs saying. As we know from Greek pottery
(in particular large kraters for the storage of wine), in the cult rituals of Dionysos the
god was frequently “present” in the form of a large suspended or supported mask,
suggesting two intriguing possibilities: 1) that he served as an observer, and 2) that he
observed the playing out in the ritual of many of his characteristics. It is fascinating to
associate that spectatorship of the “ritual” Dionysos with the fact that at the beginning
of every City Dionysia at Athens a large statue of Dionysos was placed dead center in
the theatron to oversee the day’s theatrical representation of himself in the form of
mask, transformation, disguise, ecstatic possession, dance (to name only a few), and, in
the satyr play, debauchery, drunkenness, and general ribaldry.
And then there was sex.
VIII
The sexual import of Dionysos and his cult is quite beyond refutation. His most
formidable aspect in absentia is the giant phallus, a sign of generation and fertility, a
ritual instrument that was prominently displayed and carried through the streets in
procession on various holidays, as well as ritually sequestered (in small) in a cradle-like
enclosure and treated at women’s festivals as the product of its fertility, a baby. In
small, it was a piece of polished wood looking like nothing so much as a dildo.
13
As a subject for Attic Tragedy, sex cannot be denied; it appears so often as not only
a motif, but as a catalytic motivational force in one play after another, so significant an
element that Attic Tragedy could scarcely do without it.
One has only to think of Phaidra and Hippolytos, of the Suppliant and their
Egyptian suitors, Medeia and Jason, Laïos, Oedipus and Iokastê, Heraklês and
Dêianeira, Pentheus and Dionysos. In each of these relationships sex is dark, disruptive,
tragic, leading inevitably to the resolution of all problems: count no man happy till he is
dead.
Dionysos and Death? The Dionysos who gives wine, who causes milk to flow from
the earth and honey to spout from his ritual thyrsos, who carouses with his satyrs and
maenads in the mountains? The answer can only be yes, as much death as freedom, as
much death as liberation, as escape, as dissolution, as sex itself—no infrequent carrier
of the death motif as rapture in destruction. Death is, after all, the only total escape, the
only true liberation from pain and distress and dishonor and fear, the only unalloyed
pleasure which ultimately is nothing less than the paradoxical absence of that pleasure
in Nonbeing
When we consider how often the death expedient is invoked in Athenian Tragedy
and how often it is the only answer to the dark shadow of sex that enfolds these plays,
we come to the realization that the Dionysos situated commandingly dead center in that
Athenian theater that bears his name, watching himself onstage in every event that
transpires on it, from the playful to the tragic, is not only watching, not merely
observing from his place of honor, but, like the gods in various of his plays, directing,
manipulating the action and the fate of his characters—like Aphroditê and Artemis in
Hippolytos, like Athêna in Aias, like Dionysos himself in Bakkhai. In the end,
Dionysos is the god of the theater because Dionysos is Everything, All: light-dark, hot-
cold, wet-dry, sound-silence, pleasure-pain, life-death. And if he lures his Athenian
audience unsuspectingly into his theater in order to escape “reality” by raising life to a
level that exceeds, indeed transcends, reality, whether by means of language, or
dimension, or poetry, or the deceptively fictive games he plays with masks and actors
playing not only their own characters but others as well, he does so with a smile (he is,
after all, known as the “smiling god,” though at times demonically, eyes like spiraling
14
pinwheels, tongue hanging lax from tightened lips), knowing what they don’t know,
that that really is life up there on his stage, a mirror of him, and as a mirror of him it is a
mirror of all things, of his all-encompassing fertility (that also includes death), and as
such there can be no question why he is the god of theater, but most specifically of
Tragedy, because in the end death is the only answer, and sex, life’s greatest pleasure,
becomes the catalyst that ultimately leads to death, which is the greatest pleasure of all,
and has everything to do with Dionysos.
C.R.M.
15
Introduction
By Hugh Denard
Oresteia
I. Seeing Things
Poetry is the product either of a man of great natural ability or of one not wholly sane;
the one is highly responsive, the other possessed.
(Aristotle Poetics)
16
known as the Keramikos, the district in which the potters lived and worked. It
proceeded through the Agora, the marketplace – the city’s nerve-center, and then finally
wound its way up the formidable hill to the Akropolis. It was here, from around 461
B.C.E., that the colossal bronze statue of Athêna Promachos stood, so tall that the tip of
her helmet and the point of her spear could be seen as far away as Sunion, the
southernmost point of Attica that ends at the sea. Every four years the Panathenaia
expanded to become the Greater Panathenaia, and it was on this occasion, most likely,
that the city presented its protective goddess with a newly-made robe woven with
scenes of the Battle of Gods and Giants. The Panathenaic procession is still with us,
however, in the form of the frieze that once wound its way around the upper reaches of
the Parthenon, and today rests captive in the British Museum.
The sheer scale, antiquity and architectural eloquence of the Parthenon still seem
to demand of visitors that they measure themselves against some timeless, ineffable
truth or sensed perfection – all the greater because the temple is now a fragment of its
former self. The mastery and mystery of this temple is that this transcendental
perspective is an illusion. Inscribed in every inch of the Parthenon is the paradox that
“timelessness” is the creature of the ephemeral: each line, contour, and detail is dictated
by the vagaries of the fleeting human eye. Columns that seem straight are in fact
slightly curved outward to counteract the eye’s natural tendency to see straight lines as
concave. The very steps upon which the temple rests are subtly arched so that they seem
perfectly straight. Again and again, the apparent unbending assertiveness of this
building is compromised, compensating for our optical system’s determination to distort
and foreshorten all that we behold. A perfect rectangle, for instance, should be twice as
long as it is wide, but the Parthenon is eight columns wide and seventeen long. A closer
look at the spacing of the decorative motifs above the columns reveals that they, too, are
ingeniously distorted so as to seem regular. The apparently natural harmony of the
building is achieved through myriad imperfections; the cold stone of the Parthenon is a
living testament to this great paradox of perfection.
17
Several hours later, we have completed our tour of the Akropolis. We rest on the
long wall that runs the length of the south face of the hill parallel to the Parthenon,
marveling at the size of the pieces of column shaft and capital lying on the ground that
archaeologists have not yet restored to their original positions. Each upturned capital is
taller than a person. The afternoon light has given way to a softer, golden glow that
transforms the stones into mezzotints.
If the Parthenon occupies the summit of Athenian architectural achievement,
then grafted to its slopes is the Oresteia. As we sit on the south wall, we are only a
stone’s throw from the very site upon which Aeschylus’ spectacular dramatic trilogy
was first performed in 458 B.C.E. So, when the last stragglers have caught up, before
starting on the downward journey, I turn their attention to tomorrow’s destination.
Several hundred feet below us, on the far side of the wall, lies a curious stone structure:
a paved, elongated semi-circle truncated by a low platform. Radiating outward on three
sides, like ripples from a disturbance, are the wide-curving lines of cut stone
approaching toward us up the steep hillside. The higher up the slope, the more decrepit
the remains, until they peter out well short of the Akropolis walls. This is where
Western drama began. Theatre, television, cinema, musicals, opera: these and others
among the dramatic forms that dominate cultural and leisure activities across much of
the globe trace their origins to this single space. It is the Theatre of Dionysos.
21
Some time later, resting on ancient seats about a quarter of the way up the hillside, we
read from the final play of the Oresteia of Athêna’s arrival in Athens to resolve the
dispute between Orestês and the Furies. It is eerie to hear Aeschylus’ words in this
space, temporarily liberated from the deathly clutches of World Literature, reading lists,
newspaper reviews and book clubs (the flesh made word). Overlooked by the sacred
citadel in which the scene is set, we seem to sense the ghosts crowding around, willing
us to re-experience for them the wonderment of the trilogy’s first performance.
But instead, we immediately find ourselves caught up in yet more double-takes:
the words we read are no more those of Aeschylus than this theatre is the one for which
he wrote. Like the ruins of the Theatre of Dionysos, the script has been “restored.” Each
edition of the original Greek text is an amalgam of variant texts involving painstaking
scholarship over hundreds of years, with no guarantee that we have got it right: the
variants add up to a million possible versions.
The plays have been captured and colonized, too, by our dictionaries – by
words, ideas and images amenable to our own, very different and (counter-intuitively)
much more ancient culture. Translation is a kind of reconstructive archaeology, with all
the inevitable interpretative distortion and tacit vested interests that this involves. The
analogy is worth pursuing. Should we strip away the remains of the Roman theatre to
reveal the Hellenistic stage? Why stop there? Why not go back to the Lykurgan theatre
of the 330s? But surely we should remove even this: clear the site of all stone, to
recover the pure earth of the golden age of Athenian theatre in the fifth century? In
translation as in archaeology, each decision obscures as much as it reveals: the quest for
“authenticity” can be as destructive as it is creative.
So alien to us are ancient Greek language and theatre that we cannot
simultaneously give equal weight in our own translations to their poetic imagery,
linguistic economy, dramatic pace, linguistic register, and cultural connotations, much
less offer “equivalents” for the ideological, social and religious functions that the
ancient plays may have fulfilled. One thing is clear: whatever we are reading, it is not
the play as written or imagined by Aeschylus or his contemporaries. Insofar as each
translation attempts to be loyal to some particular aspects of our understanding of
Aeschylean tragedy, it will necessarily betray others. If a modern translator’s ethic
22
requires us to renounce the “dream of the master text,” it also requires us to
acknowledge and take responsibility for the partiality of our decisions. What is less
frequently recognized is that it also calls for an equally rigorous reader’s or theatre
practitioner’s ethic that apprehends, even embraces, the partiality of all interpretation.
Does this disorientation, this loss of the “authentic” disappoint us? Only if we
think that “the authentic” is what we are really hoping to find. But perhaps what we are
pursuing (however we may choose to imagine it) is an experience authentic to ourselves
in response to the fragments we assemble as “the past.” The ghosts that we encountered
in the Theatre of Dionysos may be the projections of our own impressionable
imaginations; they are no less moving or provocative for that. Is this an invitation to
“ignominious relativism,” as one scholar has recently phrased it? Not quite. There is
nothing ignominious about recognizing that dialogue with “the past” is a two-way
communication. Or that we are the ones asking all the questions.
1
Csapo, Eric and William J. Slater. The Context of Ancient Drama. Ann Arbor: The University of
Michigan Press, 1995, p.139 ff.
26
naked is often referred to by contemporaneous sources as a prime place in which to
observe and be observed by potential social and sexual partners: the vignette at the
opening of Plato’s dialogue, Lysis, is not untypical of such accounts. Within this male-
orientated aesthetic, close friendships between like-aged youths played an important
part in the social and sexual development of future citizens. A more formally codified
form of social-sexual relationship was that between an older man, typically in his
twenties, and younger, beardless boy, enacted through gift-giving rituals, and patrolled
by clear understandings (and in some cases laws) regarding the way in which each
partner (erastes and pais, respectively) was expected to behave. It is quite probable that
these relationships would have been subject to some form of family approval, and in
time the older of the couple might well have been instrumental in helping his younger
protégé find a suitable wife.
The City Dionysia was directly associated with the coming-of-age of warrior-
youths. From at least the middle of the fifth century, part of the triumphal pageant
preceding the theatrical performances was the presentation to the assembled theatai of
those young trainee soldiers, ephebes, whose fathers had died fighting for the city. They
had been brought up and educated at state expense, and were now formally presented by
the city with their weapons. In return, they solemnly swore an oath to fight and die in
the service of Athens as their fathers had done before them.
The festival was thus a time of change: people came of age, changed their
bodies, their status and their roles. Boys’ bodies were transformed in the eyes of the city
into those of men. Acquiring weapons, they became living signs of civic service and
patriotic death.
The festival was about civic regeneration, which is to say, about the annual
succession of life and death. We recall that Dionysos, characteristically resident upon
such borders, was also a fertility god. In the urbanization of the Rural Dionysia, an
ancient, rural fertility ritual was being cast in a civic context, and regeneration thus
acquired new dimensions: economic, political, poetic. Ideas, beliefs, understandings had
to be regenerated too. The city had to be reborn. This involved a fascinating and
complex bifurcation: the festival both looked back to the past: bidding farewell,
27
remembering the dead; and to the future: forging anew its faith, values, forms and
practices.
Much excellent scholarship has concentrated upon the way in which tragedy
increasingly came to incorporate the language of political and legal vocabulary of the
democratic law-courts or citizen’s assembly (ekklesia). It has been argued that tragedy
assumed the role of providing exemplary and persuasive displays of rhetoric, “training”
its citizen-audience to adjudicate the merits of argument and counter-argument. But
tragedy also offered exemplary displays of physical discipline and skill akin to those
required in the “theatres” of war and athletics. Whether the tragic choruses were
composed of ephebes as J.J. Winkler argued, or of older men, theatrical choreography
was a highly-demanding display of group discipline and skill – that is to say precisely
the same virtues that were valued within a highly militarized culture. The martial
connections of dance for the Greeks were clear. Plato, writing around 350 B.C.E.,
describes a type of dance that “has to do with war and beautiful bodies engaged in
violent struggle,” and Plato’s teacher, Sokrates, is said to have written that “those who
honor the gods most beautifully with choruses are best in war.” The correspondence
was so close that, for Athenaeus, dancing was “virtually like military maneuvers.”
During the performances, the ten generals in charge of the city’s armies were present in
honorific seats in the front row of the theatron. They, too, participated in the absorption
of the dramatic performances into the military ideology of the city by collectively
pouring a libation. Theatre, therefore, along with war and athletic competition, was a
time and place in which Athens self-consciously “performed” its citizens’ excellence,
publishing to the Greek world its citizens’ supremacy as warrior-citizens.
In return for receiving lavish funding, high cultural status, and full military
honors, tragedy was expected to add new artistic treasures to the city’s other riches.
New hymns, dances, poems, plays, speeches, ritual practices and monuments entered
the life of the city through the dramatic festivals. Aeschylus, for instance, is reputed not
only to have directed and acted in his own tragedies, but also to have introduced a new
“comeliness and magnificence of dress” that was subsequently absorbed into religious
worship at the Eleusinian Mysteries. According to Athenaeus, Aeschylus invented and
taught his chorus-members many new dance steps. Tragic dance evidently fulfilled an
28
important narrative function within specific plays. “Telestes, Aeschylus’ dancer, was
such a consummate artist, that in dancing the Seven against Thebes he was able to
communicate the events with his dancing”, records Athenaeus.2 But its value also
extended beyond that as new dances became absorbed into the broader social and
cultural life of the city. The texts of the victorious plays themselves were memorized by
Athenian citizens. As “memory-texts”, these plays acted as shared cultural referents,
contributing to a communal experience of Athenian identity. So potent was tragedy as a
sign and agent of cultural regeneration that within his own lifetime Aeschylus’
successor, Euripides, saw certain Athenians reprieved from slavery in Syracuse because
they could recite from memory choruses that he had composed.
By acquiescing to civic control, along with other (athletic, political and military)
forms of public performance, theatrical performances acquired prestige, wealth, and an
enlarged range of official, cultural functions. For its part, tragedy assumed the task of
defining, consolidating and at times challenging the city’s dominant values. By
producing rituals of affirmation and of contestation, tragedy reproduced the city within
a dialectic of critique and congratulation. But by the same token, theatre became an
agent of civic control, with all curtailments and changes attendant upon assuming new
responsibilities. Unfree, implicated in a strident patriotic pageant of military and
economic might, fettered to political patronage, financially and ideologically likened to
a warship, and made to compete for favors before a bench of judges, Tragedy, Comedy
and Satyr Play bowed to necessity and became indentured servants.
DISTANCE
With that strange, Dionysian combination of belonging and not quite belonging, tragedy
generally preferred to confront questions of moment through distanced, “mythistorical”
narratives (“plot,” “myth” and “history” were all “mythos” to the Greeks). Where
recent historical events did appear, as in the Persians of Aeschylus, they were edited to
yield a different order of “truth” – supernatural interventions estranged and elevated
them to the status of myth. Eschewing the politics of directness, tragedy avoided the
2
Athenaeus Deipnosophistae 21d – 22a. Translated (and annotated) in Csapo, Eric and William J. Slater
The Context of Ancient Drama. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1995, p.359-360. All
quotations on dance are from Csapo & Slater, p.367.
29
directness of politics: tragic estrangement offered the city critique without divisiveness.
The Capture of Miletos proves the rule: in 493 B.C.E., Phrynichos’ play allowed its
audience to mourn the previous year’s catastrophe and to set it within a collective frame
of understanding that would strengthen Athens in wisdom and resolve. But in doing so,
it collapsed the crucial distance between tragedy and politics and in turn became a
political casualty. Herodotus’ Histories (6.21.2) records that Phrynichos was fined a
thousand drachmas for distressing the city and his play permanently banned. (Even
katharsis, it seems, has city limits.)
The revisionist mythistoricism of the Oresteia itself is audacious. Allusively
connecting with currents in contemporaneous socio-political discourses—most notably
the reform of the Areopagus court, current gender debates, and military and diplomatic
relationships with Argos—the Oresteia culminates with the invention of a new charter
myth for Athenian democracy based upon the personal intervention of the city’s patron
goddess. There was nothing neutral, safe or routine about tragedy such as this. Each
play was a forceful, persuasive intervention in the material, cultural and ideological life
of the city, serving its citizen masters by simultaneously connecting with and
challenging their most basic assumptions and “reforming” the stuff of their beliefs
according to the pressure of their most urgent needs.
31
Madness took hold.
His mind changed course in the evil blast
and reeled in its utter ruthlessness.
From that moment he could stop at nothing.
His mind, sickened by Necessity,
grew bold with evil.
Only then did he have the heart
to seek his daughter’s death,
first sacrifice to a war to win back a whore,
the life of a child for a fair wind.
The whole gory sacrifice scene is recounted in some detail by the Old Men of
Argos in the opening chorus of the Agamemnon, with a combination of death and sexual
desire that is typical of tragedy, not least of the Oresteia. Agamemnon should have
known better than to sacrifice Klytaimnêstra’s daughter on the altar of his ambition:
from that point on, he is caught in a trap between the twinned hatreds of his cousin,
Aigisthos, and his wife, Klytaimnêstra. This is where the plays begin.
AGAMEMNON
The trilogy opens on the palace roof where a Watchman waits for a signal announcing
the fall of Troy. Ten years have elapsed since the Greeks sailed to war. The signal
arrives and, jubilant, he calls the good news to the household. A Chorus of Old Men of
Argos enters to report that all the altars in the city are ablaze with sacrificial offerings.
Having recounted the story of Iphigeneia at Aulis, they call on Queen Klytaimnêstra,
regent in her husband’s absence, to explain the burning altars. She tells them of the fall
of Troy. At first skeptical, they are won over. They sing of Helen and Paris, the grief
and civil unrest that this empty war has brought to Greece.
A Herald arrives announcing the imminent return of Agamemnon, victorious
from Troy. The Old Men hint darkly that all is not well in Argos, but Klytaimnêstra
sends him back with a message of innocent welcome for Agamemnon. Before going,
the Herald reveals that most of the Greek fleet has been lost in a terrible storm on the
voyage home. The Chorus sing of the evils of Helen.
32
Agamemnon arrives in a chariot, with Kassandra, a Trojan priestess of Apollo,
in tow. The Chorus welcome him, again hinting that those who seem faithful may have
something to hide. Agamemnon salutes the city’s gods, describes his victory at Troy,
and determines to enter the palace. Instantly, Klytaimnêstra stalls him. Having declared
her faithfulness to him, and her loving relief to see him safe and sound, she informs him
that she has sent their son, Orestês, to an ally for safekeeping against possible revolt in
Mykenê. She then orders slaves to lay out a rich purple tapestry carpet between
Agamemnon’s chariot and the palace doors so that Agamemnon can enter in kingly
dignity. Agamemnon appears offended. The tapestries are vastly expensive. To damage
them by stepping on them would be wasteful and arrogant; it would incur the
approbation of the city and the wrath of the gods. Klytaimnêstra persuades him that, as
conqueror of Troy he deserves no less, and enables him to walk upon them by
presenting it as a concession to her. As he does so, she expresses her pleasure at his
homecoming. The Chorus are full of foreboding, however. They sense that something is
terribly wrong.
Klytaimnêstra then instructs Kassandra to enter the palace too. Kassandra is
agitated, but says nothing. Klytaimnêstra enters the palace leaving the Chorus to attempt
to communicate with Kassandra. Kassandra suddenly bursts into sounds of lament,
directed at the god who does not accept laments: Apollo. The Chorus are distressed by
this ill omen. They know that Kassandra is a princess of the royal house of Troy.
Gradually, as Kassandra becomes more comprehensible, she reveals that, because she
accepted and then rejected the god Apollo’s sexual advances, he first gave her the gift
of prophecy, and then cursed her so that, while she would accurately foretell the future,
nobody would believe her. Thus, she was able to foresee the doom of Troy, but not
avert it. She demonstrates that she knows the bloody history of the House of Atreus, and
prophesies that Klytaimnêstra is even now preparing to kill Agamemnon inside the
house, and her with him. She rips from herself the prophetic garments of Apollo and
tramples them underfoot. Knowing that she cannot escape death, she approaches the
palace, but recoils at the horrors within. Steeling herself once again for death, she
finally enters.
33
The Chorus barely have time to draw breath before Agamemnon is heard to cry
out. The Chorus panic. They realize what is happening, but cannot agree on whether to
storm the palace or wait for further information. Klytaimnêstra appears, spattered with
blood, and the bodies of Agamemnon and Kassandra are displayed. He is enmeshed
within a net-like material, having been hacked down with an axe like a sacrificial
animal. Klytaimnêstra now openly declares her hatred for him, and her joy at having
paid him back for the death of Iphigeneia. There is a bitter exchange with the Chorus, in
which she seeks to justify herself in their eyes, not least by invoking the curse upon the
House of Atreus. They are not convinced.
Finally, Aigisthos arrives with a cohort of guards. To justify his part in planning
the killing of Agamemnon, he recounts the gruesome story of the child-banquet in
which all his brothers perished. The Chorus accuse him of cowardice for having left the
killing to a woman. He threatens them with death unless they show him respect. A
massacre is only averted by the intervention of Klytaimnêstra who persuades him to
ignore the old men, and to enter the palace with her to commence their reign.
LIBATION BEARERS
The second play takes place several years later, when Orestês, son of Klytaimnêstra and
Agamemnon, now a young man, returns from exile to avenge his father’s murder. He is
with his companion-mentor-lover, Pylades, whose father has raised Orestês from
childhood. Orestês places a lock of his hair on his father’s grave as a funeral tribute. At
the approach of Êlektra and a Chorus of Women Captives from Troy, Orestês and
Pylades move out of sight. Êlektra and the Chorus have been sent by Klytaimnêstra,
who has had an ominous dream, in order to propitiate the dead king with tomb
offerings. Instead the Chorus convince Êlektra to pray for the return of Orestês as
avenger. Pouring the libations on the grave mound, she notices the lock of hair and
footprints which she believes are those of her brother. Orestês reveals himself to her and
proves his identity when he shows her a piece of tapestry that she had woven for him
when he was a child. He tells her of Apollo’s command that he avenge his father, of the
unspeakable punishments to which he will be subject should he fail to do so. Together,
brother and sister and Chorus pray at length in order to summon the vengeful spirit of
34
their father, Agamemnon, until they are convinced that the dead king has heard them
and will aid them from beyond the grave. Orestês then lays out his murder plan. Left
alone, the Chorus sing of the wickedness of women in the past and of the advent of
Justice.
Following the ode, Orestês and Pylades enter in the disguise of travelers from
Phokis. After a brief encounter with the Gatekeeper, Klytaimnêstra enters and receives
from them the news of Orestês’ death in exile. Believing the tale, she welcomes them
into the palace. Enter then Kilissa, the nurse who tended Orestês as a baby, in tears at
the news. She has been sent to fetch Aigisthos and his bodyguard. The Chorus,
however, have no trouble persuading her to alter her message and have Aigisthos come
alone. Aigisthos arrives following a choral ode and proceeds into the palace. Not long
after, an offstage cry announces his death. Klytaimnêstra enters to face Orestês. With
the encouragement of Pylades (who speaks his only three lines in the entire play at this
point), Orestês forces Klytaimnêstra, step by step, back into the palace.
After an ode of joy sung by the Chorus, the doors open and Orestês is seen
standing over the bodies of Klytaimnêstra and Aigisthos. Orestês orders slaves to throw
down the net-like tapestry robe used in the murder of his father so that all can see it.
Unlike Klytaimnêstra in the Agamemnon, standing over the bodies of her husband and
Kassandra, elated and proud of her conquest, Orestês here betrays no evidence of
triumph, only anger, then sadness, and finally frenzy as in his mind’s eye he sees his
mother’s Furies closing in as the result of her curse. Tortured by the vision, he sets out
for Delphi to seek Apollo’s protection. The Chorus wonder when the end to suffering
will come.
EUMENIDES
The final play of the trilogy opens in front of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. The
Prophetess Pythia prays before commencing the day’s activities, and enters the temple,
only to crawl out a moment later in a state of abject terror. In the god’s sanctuary, she
says, is a man dripping blood, and surrounding him a swarm of sleeping female Furies
too horrible to be endured. She summons Apollo before leaving. Apollo and Orestês
enter. The god sends Orestês on a journey that will last years but will culminate with his
35
arrival at Athens. The vengeful spirit of Klytaimnêstra insinuates herself into the
dreams of the Furies, harshly instructing them to resume pursuit of Orestês. The Furies
awake only to be confronted by Apollo who threatens them with his bow and arrows
and expels them from his sanctuary. They round on him for having created a matricide
and for having ignored their ancient rights. After a brief exchange, the Furies leave in
pursuit of Orestês.
The scene changes to the Athenian Akropolis and the monumental statue of
Athêna where Orestês, after his lengthy wanderings, seeks sanctuary. Almost
immediately the Furies enter and surround him. Ignoring his claims that he has been
purified of all blood-pollution, they begin to sing a song of power that will bind and
destroy him. At this point Athêna enters. Having ascertained the identity of both Furies
and Orestês, she determines that only a trial can settle the issue. She leaves to select a
jury of the best of Athenian male citizens.
Following a song by the Furies, we understand that the scene has now moved to
the Areopagus, the Hill of Ares next to the Akropolis, where the trial commences. The
Furies serve as prosecution, Apollo as defense. The issue is matricide: can a son kill his
mother to avenge his father? Before the vote is taken, Athêna establishes forever the
institution of trial by jury, and principles of justice for all time. The jurors vote but,
hemmed in on one side by the Furies’ threats of terrible curses upon Athens should they
lose the vote, and on the other by the authority of Zeus as represented by Apollo, the
vote is even. Athêna exercises her casting vote, and Orestês is acquitted.
Orestês in gratitude pledges his and his city’s eternal friendship with Athens.
The Furies protest the injustice of the decision, enraged that their age-old rights have
been usurped by the new gods of Olympos. Appealing to Night, their mother, they
threaten to blight the land of Athens. However, over a lengthy scene, Athêna calmly
persuades them to relinquish their claims and accept an honored place in the Athenian
state where they will forever be worshipped as fertility goddesses and protectors of
justice, and live in the rock beneath the Areopagos, the site of the Court. A triumphant
musical dialogue follows between the Furies and Athêna. Now transformed from
Erinyës (Furies) to Eumenides (Kindly Ones), they are dressed in purple robes by a
Chorus of Athenian women and girls. The trilogy ends as they leave in a blaze of
36
flaming torches and a song blessing their new home. Justice has been served, fertility is
the land’s blessing, and civic peace is established.
PROTEUS
There then followed a Satyr play: a burlesque, mock-tragic play involving a
combination of “serious” mythological characters and satyrs (bibulous, sexually
avaricious goat-men). Each tragedian wrote a satyr play to follow their trilogy of
tragedies as a light-hearted end to a long day’s theatre-going. Although we have many
tragedies, only one Satyr play—the Cyclops by Euripides—survives. We know the
Satyr play that Aeschylus wrote to follow the Oresteia was called Proteus. It may have
dramatized the story of how Menelaos and three of his companions disguised
themselves as seals to trap the shape-changing, prophetic sea-divinity, Proteus.
37
not affect the action—does not apply here. The vast expanses of choral odes that seem
to stretch out forever on the page, in performance are spectacular virtuoso displays of
song and dance. And we recall that the chorus may also have been viewed as an
idealized display of quasi-military drilling. The theatai, who in the course of the festival
would watch a total of twenty dithyrambs (sung and danced religious choruses), must
have looked forward to these theatrical choruses as some of the theatrical highlights of
the plays.
It has often been argued that the chorus is simply a vicarious audience on stage,
expressing, amplifying, and shaping the responses of the theatai to the action. There
must be an element of this: if the chorus cannot win the empathy of the theatai, much of
the emotional power of the plays is lost. But that alone is not enough. Are the sovereign
people of Athens really to identify themselves straightforwardly with the Old Men of
Argos who equivocate at every opportunity and who ultimately fail in their resolution to
withstand tyranny? Or are they to be identified with the barbarian slave women who
aggressively encourage the young elites to murder their own mother and the tyrant-king,
and then when the plan is set in motion retreat to the sidelines muttering that they
cannot be held responsible for whatever happens next? And surely they are not to be
identified with the hideous Furies—daughters of Night—upon whom the gods can
barely bear to look, and whom the city of Athens and its patron goddess somehow have
to neutralize? On the contrary, insofar as the choruses do act as a vicarious audience, it
is to present the Athenian citizens with negative models of itself: the choruses of the
Agamemnon and Libation Bearers are examples of slavish behavior that guarantee (and
thus in a sense justify) their subjection to tyranny.
The real counter-image to these unfree choruses is the silent chorus of Athenian
citizens that appear in the Eumenides. Here Athêna calls upon the “best” of the citizens
of Athens to vote in the homicide court and thus to decide the fate of their city: whether
it will incur the wrath of the Furies or defy the Olympian gods; whether it will uphold
justice over self-interest. Here the most admirable citizens of the city’s male order are
displayed hearing out both sides of the case, understanding the implications of rejecting
either plaintiff or accused, and accepting responsibility for their city’s future through
voting. By doing so, they make themselves citizens worthy of mastery over their own
38
affairs. The court system established by their patron goddess thus both recognizes, and
enables Athenians to exercise, their “innate” masterful nature. Sovereign citizens of a
democratic city-state, they are deemed worthy and able to control their own destiny.
And if these Citizen Jurors, who speak only through their votes, are the perfect
response to the verbose but slavish Chorus of Old Men in the Agamemnon, then the
women of Athens, re-dressing the placated Furies in robes of honor and leading them
with song to their new home within the city, are a potent counter-image to the barbarian
slave women of the Libation Bearers. In contrast to these slave women, urging natives
to take violent retribution upon their fellows while seeking to remain immune from the
implications of their actions, the final image of the Oresteia is a patriarchal society’s
idealized vision of “free” women in a democratic state, accepting their role within the
symbolic and religious order of the city by finding songs of rejoicing to placate and win
over ancient, defeated goddesses. Nine years after he had done so for the first time in
the Seven Against Thebes, in the Oresteia Aeschylus again offered the city negative and
positive models of both female and male citizenship.
A THEATRE OF ELITES
No less central to the fashioning of the audience’s citizen-subjectivity, however, were
the roles played by the actors. If the choruses modeled the city as community, those
characters who stand out from the choruses modeled the capacity of the individual
citizen to shape the life of that civic community.
The interplay between collective and individual is perhaps the single most
important axis around which the life of Athens revolved. Each citizen was at once a
member of and an agent within the various collectives that made up the social and
political life of the city. But this axis was also one of the most fraught. While powerful
individuals could lead the city to glory, their very power could equally pose a threat to
the democratic values in whose name and interests they purported to act. An attempt to
neutralize this apparently irreconcilable conflict between individual and collective took
the form of powerful rhetorical and institutional assertions that personal glory in the
eyes of the democratic city was the ultimate attainment to which an individual citizen
could aspire. In practice, relationships between powerful individuals and the collective
39
were less than stable, indicated not least in the extraordinarily high number of the
outstanding men in fifth-century Athens who were sooner or later killed off by the city.
The tension is implicit in tragedy, which addressed itself to the concerns and
interests of the democratic city primarily through producing narratives of elites: heroes
and leaders drawn from the myths of the Homeric age. Athenian tragic representation
was predicated upon the assumption that these troubled, ruling-class figures could
iconically stand for the conflicts and contradictions that were part of the Athenian
male’s citizen life. Invidiously, the ruling-class bias slipped like poison into the
bloodstream of the democratic city.
Take, for instance, the tragic treatment of the Battle of Salamis in Aeschylus’
Persians in 472, seven years after a maritime force led by democratic Athens beat off
the much larger fleet of the great monarchical enemy, Persia. This would seem to be a
natural site upon which to build an encomium of the democratic city-state, and indeed
the play is greatly concerned to assert the superiority of the masterless men of Athens
and their democratically-manned (if elite-funded) navy over the defeated forces of the
Persian monarchy. But the play is set in the court of the Persian monarch, and it is
largely concerned with whether the young king, Xerxês, has proven a worthy successor
to his regal father, Dareios. While on one level a validation of Athenian democracy is
present, what is much more remarkable is that that, even in this most “democratic” of
tragic subjects, the “natural” topic of Tragedy is still to be identified with the fate of the
ruling elites.
A similar structure can be observed in the Oresteia. The Agamemnon opens with
a lowly house slave on night-watch duty on the rooftop:
40
the gatherings of the stars,
those glittering lords,
dazzling in the firmament,
that bring us winter and summer.
Here again the ruling-class bias is evident: the whole scene is set up as a crisis
of leadership that the “great” Agamemnon has to weather in order to be worthy of
command. In this male, military world, those are the only important questions; he must
be capable of tender feelings, but also capable of overcoming them in the course of
duty. But another bias is evident, this time by a notable absence. In this retelling of a
father’s dilemma, no mention is made of the views or feelings of the child’s mother.
And Iphigeneia herself is given no words at all. In fact she is gagged so that she cannot
bring down a curse upon the house as Thyestes had done. Insofar as she is given any
personal characteristics, she is depicted as a dutiful and pretty child who has previously
brought honor to her father.
In this version of the myth by Aeschylus, while “reasonable doubt” is raised
about Agamemnon’s character as a man and father, it is generally allowed that heroes
are troublesome types – sooner or later they, and everyone else, have to pay a price for
the hero’s path to immortal glory. Look at the welcome the Chorus give Agamemnon:
although they retract none of the reservations they had raised about him previously,
there is one crucial difference. Whereas previously he was merely an inhuman general,
now, as Conqueror of Troy, he is an inhuman hero. Note, the only grounds on which the
Chorus surrender to him their right to gripe (though not their gripes) and offer up to him
praise is that he is now a conquering hero:
43
a man gone mad with power,
sending so many young lives to their graves.
The Oresteia is very greatly concerned with “bowing to the yoke of Necessity.” Look
through the text: again and again, Necessity is held up as something that the wise will
do. The whole slave-economy depends upon it. So does the subjugation of women. I’m
not suggesting that heroes were justified on all counts: gods and mortals both reserve
the right to take umbrage at sacrilegious behavior. But in terms of social and political
dominance, the simple law of life in ancient Greece was “winner takes all.” Here, the
Chorus recognize that they are subject to the victor’s rule, and they must bow to it and
give praise where praise is necessary.
Women, however, can have no heroic victories, no glory. A glorious woman is
an oxymoron (the only glorious woman is one who has an ox sitting on her tongue, as
the Watchman might say). A woman, therefore, has never has any justification for being
troublesome. Consequently, Aeschylus allows Klytaimnêstra to bear the full brunt of his
misogynistic narrative. So pervasive and persuasive is this rampant patriarchalism that
the most potently just words in the trilogy are discredited simply because they are
spoken by a women seeking glory for her deeds. Standing over Agamemnon’s dead
body, Aeschylus’ blood-spattered fiend of vengeance, Klytaimnêstra, addresses the
outraged men of the Chorus:
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
My, how pious we are,
so suddenly!
44
Judge and jury all in place.
Passing judgment.
Curses,
hatred,
condemnation,
exile!
Where were you then,
where were they,
these citizens,
when this man,
at Aulis,
raised the knife to his daughter’s throat,
Iphigeneia,
his daughter and mine,
caring not an iota that this was his child—
she was no more to him than a goat
from a flock of thousands!—
this sacrificial creature torn from my womb,
and for what?
To charm away the cutting winds of Thrace
and make some sailors happy!
45
LEADER: (Sings.)
You’re mad, with ambition,
with pride, with arrogance.
This bloody murder has fired your mind.
I see it in your eyes flecked with blood.
So invidious and overwhelming is the pro-male bias in this trilogy that, when
asked to consider the significance of Agamemnon’s dilemma at Aulis, an amazing
number of my students concede that, in Agamemnon’s place, they too would finally,
reluctantly, have surrendered Iphigeneia. I will never forget the chill that gripped a
lecture theatre when one student, a mother of three, said: “I would cut every last
soldier’s throat with a smile on my face before I let one of them lay his hands on a child
of mine.” That small dose of reality was delivered calmly, but with a conviction that
left nobody in any doubt that she meant exactly what she said. The depth of feeling
made it merely a cool statement of fact. Such glimpses allow us to peel back, for a
moment, the rhetorical, cultural, and dramatic layers of the tragedy, and expose its
underlying suave, monstrous, patriarchal brutality.
To sustain one’s own consciousness against the subtlety and beauty of a
masterwork of the intellectual and artistic magnitude of the Oresteia is a difficult task.
It’s not so much that the conclusions are disturbing. In fact it’s doubtful that there are
any hard-and-fast conclusions: nobody in the trilogy concedes that Agamemnon was
right to kill Iphigeneia. On the contrary, the question is posed as a genuine dilemma,
inviting the audience to think about the kind of qualities that a leader must have in order
to command respect. What is disturbing, then, are not conclusions, but the way in which
the structures of the plays formulate the questions. Tragedy’s sole reason for existence
is to reproduce itself. Or to put it differently, it is a story designed to make itself come
true. Before delivering up its pleasures, Tragedy requires its spectators to capitulate to
the naturalness of its tragic vision. (Tragic truth demands tragic assuredness: only an art
form so sure of itself could produce the paradox that naturalness must be acquired
through estrangement.) How, then, should we view these displays that desire to render
themselves invisible; to be discovered to be so “natural” that they enter into Truth? The
46
making of theatre, criticism, approaching the canon, become less a matter of reading
between the lines than between the lies.
In this case, the audience is systematically conditioned by the dramatic narrative
to privilege certain questions which are of interest and importance to males (preferably
socially elite males). The problem of acquiring consciousness is made all the more
difficult given that we ourselves are working within a set of cultural and linguistic
parameters that are frequently gender biased. (Why, for instance, does the term for
“hatred of females” (misogyny) have such widespread cultural currency, while the term
for “hatred of males” (misandry) is a relatively unknown newcomer?)
We saw how, through its concern to ensure that Orestês grows to kingly stature,
the Oresteia promulgates a vision of the world that is very much centered upon the
concerns of social and political elites. Now, too, we can see that Orestês is fully his
father’s son in his willingness to sacrifice family and female rights to those of the
dominant male. Indeed, by the end of the Eumenides not only has he overcome his
mother, but through his petition to Athêna he has also succeeded in having inscribed a
law for all time that females of the family are expendable in the pursuit of male glory.
At the same time, in Athêna’s universalization of Athenian justice, we see the ancient,
powerful female divinities subordinated to the male rule of Zeus, all the more sinister
and final for having been achieved through the agency of Zeus’ warrior-daughter,
Athêna. There’s a curious circularity to all this when we note that in Agamemnon,
Klytaimnêstra was already a protector of paternity: did she not, ultimately, punish
Agamemnon for his failure as father?
47
Both narratives, interestingly, are intimately connected with the human thirst for
knowledge, and its price.
In the Greek version, as related in Hesiod’s Works and Days (53-105), it all
starts with Prometheus, a friendly Titan, who steals fire from Olympus to give to
humans against the express command of Zeus. Fire is the source of all civilization. With
fire, humans suddenly become like little gods (the Greek equivalent of the serpent and
apple in Genesis, although the Greek version at least has the grace to allow that most of
the world’s problems tend to begin with men). Zeus, slightly upset by the frustration of
his grand plan to exterminate the human race, punishes Prometheus by chaining him to
a mountainside for a few thousand years and dispatches an eagle to chew on his liver
every day (don’t mess with Zeus whatever the reason, seems to be the message).
Meanwhile Zeus sets his mind to wreaking the most deadly havoc upon humankind he
can conceive. The gift of fire will soon seem small recompense for what they are about
to suffer. What catastrophe, what cataclysmic devastation does Zeus have in store for
mankind? Fire? Plague? Earthquake? Flood? War? No, much worse: Woman!
Fashioned from earth and water by Hephaistos and Athêna, and armed by each of the
gods in turn with some secret weapon: irresistible beauty, deceit, charm, persuasiveness,
and a kleptomaniac disposition, Pandora is loosed upon the unsuspecting world of men,
and loses no time in distributing from her box the malign gifts with which she has been
endowed:
48
And diseases come upon men by day and by night,
everywhere moving at will, bringing evil to mortals
silently, for Zeus of the Counsels has deprived them of voices.
Thus in no way can anyone escape the purpose of Zeus.3
Tremendously entertaining as this saga of woe is, how does it help us with the
Oresteia? The opening scene of the trilogy is set on the last morning of a Watchman’s
ten-year-long night patrol on the palace roof. He waits for the day he will see a pyre lit
on a distant watchpost that will finally signal that the Greeks have sacked Troy, and will
soon be returning home. This scene establishes many of the conceptual, dramatic and
thematic preoccupations of the trilogy. The Watchman emphasizes that he acts on the
instructions of Queen Klytaimnêstra. It is she who presides over the cunning device of
this relay beacon-signal from Asia to Greece. Fire and woman; woman and fire.
Prometheus and Pandora . . .
The Prometheus myth draws attention to the problem of fire. Fire is a double-
edged gift. It is the source of all that makes life worth living, but it comes with the
terrible price of all that makes life miserable. That’s the tricky thing about fire: it always
carries this dual creative and destructive potential. Fire is the center of human life. It is
the hearth: cooking, warming, protection against wild animals, the central point around
which the life of the house revolves. From the fire of the forge comes the craft of
metalwork: hunting, defense against enemies, the conquest of new territories,
technologies for agriculture, tools and utensils for everyday use, and beautiful things to
adorn private and public spheres: it is the hub of the community’s shared life. In
religious terms, fire comes to signify purification: burning away the impure, and
carrying holy gifts up to the gods in the scent of precious oils, or the smoke of animal
sacrifice. This is why fire is the ultimate symbol of inspiration, enlightenment.
But fire is also the destroyer. It is the uncontrollable blaze that a chance accident
sets tearing through the city. It is the volcanic torrent of molten stone that consumes
town, village and farmland. It is the war-god’s breath: the homestead burnt by
marauding enemies, the distant haze of a smoldering harvest, the black smoke of a
3
Hesiod. The Poems of Hesiod. (Translated by R.M. Frazer.) Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, p.
198, lines 90-105.
49
burning city – a none-too-distant memory for the Athenians, watching their play in the
shadow of the burnt-out Akropolis.
Fire is therefore always symbolically (and thus mythically) ambivalent. Fire
signifies a potential for creation and destruction, defense and attack, culture and its
annihilation, spiritual purification and transgression of divine law. This ambivalence is
written into the social practices surrounding the use of fire. The hearth-fire is the living
flame at the center of the life of the oikos (household), to be kept alight at all times. But
that fire has to be brought into the house from outside. Fire is thus simultaneously an
intimate and an alien element in the oikos; the most creative and enabling, and also the
most potentially destructive and damaging.
The Pandora episode of the Prometheus-Pandora myth suggests a direct
correlation between fire and the female. Woman is indeed a fitting punishment for the
human possession of fire: she, too, is the heart of the life of the oikos. She, too, has to be
brought into the house from outside as a wife. She, too, is simultaneously most intimate
and most alien to the house, most creative and enabling through childbirth and the
fulfillment of her domestic duties, and therefore also the most potentially destructive –
best placed to damage and destroy that interior world.
The Prometheus-Pandora myth encapsulates the insight (if that’s what it is) that
the creative and destructive elements in human life are each the necessary, inextricable
condition of the other. The mythical narrative’s seemingly simple duality of fire
(creative) and female (destructive) is actually embedded within a more complex
symbolic structure: by making the arrival of fire contingent upon the arrival of the
female, the myth draws attention to the underlying duality of creative and destructive
energies that exists within both fire and the female.
When the Athenian audience watches the opening scene of the Oresteia, with its
woman-awaited fire, these theatrical signs are loaded with an ambivalent symbolic
value. The Watchman greets the fire with whoops of exultation, but almost in the same
breath hints darkly that something is rotten in the state of Argos:
50
as the adage has it.
O if these walls had a voice,
what tales they could tell.
The Watchman is a character immersed within the everyday pragmatics of duty, and as
such fails to recognize the dual symbolic potential of the fiery beacon. To him the only
important duality is between the absence and the presence of the King: the fire promises
welcome relief from the Queen’s tyranny. The audience, however, aware of the beacon
as a theatrical, and therefore symbolic construct (rather than a pragmatic reality) will be
mythically and culturally attuned to recognizing that the fire may well both be a
triumphant messenger of destruction abroad and an ominous harbinger of doom at
home.
In the later scene in which Klytaimnêstra jubilantly describes the brilliance of
the relay-beacon system, the audience may have recalled another variant of the Trojan
War homecoming myth, also concerning beacons. The story goes that the Greek fleet
was shipwrecked not, as here, by a storm sent by angry gods, but rather by false beacon
lamps lit by a grudge-bearing Greek. In one version, they are lit by Nauplius, whose
son, Palamedes (associated with the invention of the alphabet – very Promethean), was
stoned by the Greeks at Troy at the instigation of Odysseus on trumped-up charges of
treason. In one telling version, it was also Nauplius who was responsible for persuading
the wives of the Greek commanders to take lovers while their husbands fought at Troy.
This version is particularly suggestive, not least when we discover at the end of
Agamemnon that Klytaimnêstra has formed an intimate alliance with her husband’s
mortal enemy and cousin, Aigisthos. But whether or not the Oresteia’s beacons function
as an ingenious allusion to the story of the shipwrecking father-Fury and of his
promulgation of adultery among Greek wives, the mythically-literate audience would
have been alert to the possibility that beacons do not always contribute to a happy
ending for Greeks returning from Troy.
The Chorus of Old Men are also aware that there is something fishy about
Klytaimnêstra’s behavior. They indicate more than once that they know Klytaimnêstra
has not been behaving as a wife ought. Their description of Klytaimnêstra’s boast of
marital fidelity to the Herald as “innocent words to innocent ears” presses the protective
51
courtesy of ambiguity to its limits. Their muted greeting to Agamemnon is an elaborate
warning: “There are many who are not honest / who play at seeming, /… / And these
transgress against Justice.” The warning culminates in a compliment: “But you can see
through that, Majesty” that they intend to be self-fulfilling. It is also a barely-veiled
threat to Klytaimnêstra: “You will learn soon enough / which of us stay-behinds / have
been loyal to your cause, / and which have not.” After ten years of subjection to this
overweening female’s harsh rule, they pleasure themselves with the prospect of
ensuring that Klytaimnêstra will receive her due reward.
Long before Agamemnon’s entrance, however, Klytaimnêstra’s fabulous
description of the beacon-relay diverts the attention of the Chorus from the important
questions. She focuses their interest and their skepticism only on the beacons as a
wondrous mastery of technology and men, and upon the news of the fall of Troy. The
real question, of course, is not how the beacons work or whether they truly announce
Agamemnon’s return, but whether Klytaimnêstra herself will be true or false to
Agamemnon. Reluctant to credit a woman’s fantasy, the Chorus fail to consider even
for an instant why this particular woman might want advance notice of this particular
man’s return, or why this adulterous wife seems to be so pleased at the prospect of her
husband’s imminent return. By playing on their desires and prejudices, Klytaimnêstra
ensures that the Old Men, obsessed with what the beacons signal, are blind to what they
might signify. She thus acquires sufficient mastery to ensure that she will be able to
transform these apparent symbols of victory into sacrificial flames.
Fire opens and ends the trilogy as an ambivalent sign. In Eumenides, destructive
ambivalence—the deathly symbols of fire and tapestry—is transformed into creative
ambivalence—justice underwritten by violence. This symbolic transformation is a
microcosm of the tragedy’s ambivalence: Tragedy formulates conflicts but refuses to
provide complete (discursive) closure. In that respect, the particular ambivalence of
Eumenides is a microcosm of tragic ambivalence in general. Eumenides serves the
patriarchal city by exemplifying how female voices and duties can be integrated into
the civic order without surrendering male control (indeed, in order to underpin male
control). It serves the blessed city by exemplifying how to worship the gods and accept
their blessing and to keep control of the city in the hands, not of divinely-ordained kings
52
such as Agamemnon or of priests such as Kalchas, but of the people. It serves the
democratic city by exemplifying how to accommodate several competing voices or
points of view within the city without eschewing responsibility to choose between them
when necessary.
TAPESTRY
For the Greeks of the fifth century, woven material had a high cultural value and
significance. Textiles were intimate documents of an individual woman’s expenditure
of time, devotion, duty, expertise, creativity. As a sign of female productivity and duty,
textiles displayed the woman’s subordination to the corporeal needs of the male, and the
good stewardship of the house. Textiles such as those laid out on the command of
Klytaimnêstra for Agamemnon’s return were “public” documents: they were one of the
very few ways in which the female could display herself and enhance her honor without
incurring approbation for having attracted attention to herself. As head of the
household, Klytaimnêstra would have been responsible for supervising the creation of
these tapestries.
But crucially women’s industry and its product belonged to their kurios: their
male, legal guardian (typically their father, brother or husband). The fact that her
industry belonged to husband or the god (for example Athêna’s peplos), ensured that a
woman’s personal pride and honor could only be achieved when refracted through those
of her kurios and his city; females could only acquire glory through the benefit they
brought to the dominant male within their household. Counter-intuitively, textiles were
both a potent symbol of both dutiful female productivity within the male order and
patriarchal control and ownership of the female, her labor, skill and stewardship of the
domestic sphere. The quantity and quality of the labor that a female gave to her male
kurios directly correlated to (and indeed effected) the degree to which that female was
subordinate to that male. Each domestic product was a symbolic (and actual) surrender
of female labor to the male: the greater the labor, skill and artistry, the greater the
surrender.
A kind of social equilibrium was reached: the “dutiful” and “excellent” wife
received honor and respect for her “dutiful” and “excellent” productivity. But note, it
53
was a patriarchally-conceived equilibrium. Female happiness was always measured in
terms primarily amenable to male interests: the productive woman was approved of
exclusively insofar as she contributed herself and her labor to the male. For a woman to
desire personal recognition or glory, rather than the reflected glory of her husband, is
itself systematically represented in Greek literature as the gravest violation of female
propriety. The stories of Klytaimnêstra and Mêdeia, as narrated by Aeschylus and
Euripides, are perhaps the ultimate Greek horror stories of female insubordination. The
ideal woman, then, sought no glory at all: “the greatest glory of a woman is to be least
talked about by men, whether they are praising you or criticizing you”4 as the historian
Thucydides has the Athenian statesman, Perikles, say.
What Klytaimnêstra does is to manipulate the signs of this complex set of socio-
economic transactions. Klytaimnêstra’s tapestries are the antithesis of faithful
Penelopê’s tapestry. Penelopê, wife of Odysseus, fends off the unwelcome host of
importunate suitors during her husband’s long absence following the Trojan War by
winning one concession from them: sufficient time to complete weaving a funeral
shroud for Odysseus’ father, Laertes. By day she weaves; by night, she unpicks what
she has woven. Her tapestry is incomplete, deferring publication. Reversing the
traditional sign of the wanton, wasteful, unindustrious wife, Penelopê’s unfinished
tapestry is a document in which she secretly records her fidelity to her absent husband.
Klytaimnêstra’s tapestries, however, are complete, persuasive. Apparently an
ostentatious display of her good stewardship of the city to her returned husband, they
purport to speak of her wifely obedience working industriously to create wealth and
honor for him even while away. But, in contrast to Penelopê’s perpetually unfinished
tapestry, Klytaimnêstra’s splendid tapestries betray their “lord and master.”
Klytaimnêstra thus exploits a deadly chink in the patriarchal armor. If the male
gained wealth and honor through controlling female labor, this gave the female rather
too much power: if a dutiful, productive wife could add to a man’s wealth and glory, a
“malfunctioning” wife could equally detract from it. A woman’s lack of productivity in
transforming the raw materials produced by male labor into valuable produce meant that
4
Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. (Translated by Rex Warner.) Harmondsworth: Penguin Classics,
1972, p.151.
54
the fortunes of the house would decline. Worse still, an ill-kept house could incur
scandal. But worst of all, an extra-marital affair could introduce a genetic impostor into
the house, thereby threatening male control of inheritance. Of course, through their
exclusive control of the legal systems, males had good ways of protecting their own
interests against dysfunctional wives: they could divorce them by sending them back to
their fathers, or, if caught in the act of adultery possibly even kill them (the male
adulterer could be killed with impunity). But that was never quite enough to eradicate
the danger that women pose. For an Athenian audience, women were always somehow
“outsiders,” dangerously situated at the heart of the family and city-state. Athenian
women, unlike their Spartan counterparts, were barred from citizenship and almost all
forms of public life, so they did not necessarily share the values of male citizens. They
were deemed irrational and susceptible to illicit and excessive desires. Slave-like, they
had to be mastered by men in order to remain healthy in themselves, and to contribute
to the health and wealth of the city.
Having ruled the city in Agamemnon’s absence, Klytaimnêstra has achieved a
degree of personal public status that is abnormal for a woman – even an elite woman.
Although this prominence has been necessary, it has also violated the fundamental
gender codes of this society: public status is, or should be, an exclusively “male”
domain. The ambivalence of this necessary evil is registered in the descriptions of
Klytaimnêstra by the Watchman and the Chorus of Old Men of the Agamemnon as a
women with masculine traits. (An anxiety about the roles of women in a society
deprived of men through military duty figures largely in many of the comedies of
Aristophanes, most notably the Lysistrata and The Women at the Assembly.)
Now, at Agamemnon’s return, Klytaimnêstra seems poised to surrender her
political power and public status to her kurios, Agamemnon, and to return to the private
sphere of the domestic interior. The arrival of Agamemnon in front of the palace marks
a cataclysmic moment in the life of the city: the powerful female will surrender her
labor—her excellent, dutiful stewardship of the city—to her kurios, the king. When he
enters the palace and once again assumes control of household and city, he will in the
same instant transform this sovereign Queen, who has ruled the city with an iron fist for
ten long years, into a subordinate, silent wife – a virtual social and political sub-entity.
55
Purple was precious. It was the most costly dye. In Greece, it was associated
with the truly heroic and regal. As such, Klytaimnêstra’s purple cloths symbolically link
the domestic and the public worlds: they are, in effect, Klytaimnêstra’s dramatic display
of the value of her labor in stewarding the city as an extension of her royal household.
Her request, while she clings onto these last moments of power within the city, that
Agamemnon tread these tapestries, is an insistence that he publicly acknowledge the
excellence of her labor – that he recognize her as a good and faithful wife. That is why
she presses the point: she requires him to accept her token of good faith. That is why he
contests it: as male of the house, he and he alone is responsible for mastering her labor
and the uses to which the wealth it creates will be put. As a concession to her—a reward
for her evident industry—and to his own vanity as general and husband, Agamemnon
finally allows his wife her hard-earned moment of reflected glory, accepting what
simultaneously is a symbolic surrender of her labor to his own greater glory.
If, as I have suggested, each domestic product is a symbolic and actual surrender
of female labor to the male, then Klytaimnêstra’s tapestries, spread under
Agamemnon’s feet such that the very act of treading them will damage or destroy them,
is the ultimate, spectacular display of her total subordination to him, which she demands
he accept.
Agamemnon would have this transaction take place quickly, invisibly, without
ceremony. That the city was left in the hands of his wife was an unfortunate aberration
of war. The sooner it is rectified and his mastery over her and the city is reasserted, the
better. His first words to his wife after ten years are less than heart-warming:
56
I have no need of footwipes and tapestries;
my fame speaks aloud,
speaks for itself,
without the aid of such crutches.
Agamemnon’s message is clear: Klytaimnêstra has never really had any power of her
own; she has but exercised his kingly authority. So while this scene is ostensibly about
an internal conflict within Agamemnon—between desire for approval in the eyes of
men, and desire for the kind of absolute power that renders such approval
unnecessary—for an Athenian audience it is framed upon another conflict, intuitively
understood rather than expressed directly. A rich and complex range of social and
economic significations underlies this exchange making it meaningful to its audience as
a multilevel transaction within the field of gendered power.
At least from Perikles’ citizenship law of 451/0 B.C.E., in order to introduce a
son or adopted son into the honor of citizenship, a father had to swear a sacred vow that
the child had been born of an Athenian woman from a legitimate union. In part, such an
oath functioned as a husband’s public affirmation of his wife’s sexual fidelity, an
acknowledgement that she had fulfilled her duty by providing the household with
children. Control of female sexuality was thus central to the city’s capacity to confer or
withhold the considerable honors and obligations of citizenship. The Oresteia makes no
claim to the historical accuracy of its representation of the heroic age, but for a fifth-
century audience, Klytaimnêstra’s repeated claims of sexual fidelity to Agamemnon are
socially charged. In fifth-century Athenian terms, sexual fidelity of the female was
synonymous with good stewardship of the house and, in Klytaimnêstra’s case, of the
city. These tapestries are the visible sign she offers him of her fidelity, embodied in
dutiful industry on his behalf, dyed in the precious, purple of blood signifying the
perpetuation of life through childbirth into the house.
With the ghost of Iphigeneia hovering between husband and wife, the tapestries
appear to signify Klytaimnêstra’s willing subjection to Agamemnon of her own most
precious labor, and her most intimate product: her flesh and blood, body and offspring.
Just as the Chorus relinquish their criticisms of Agamemnon in the face of his god-
granted victory, so Agamemnon understands her purple path as a belated acceptance of
57
his complete mastery over life and death within the household. So complete is that
acceptance that she invites him symbolically to kill their child all over again: urges him
to exercise his absolute rights by treading the purple underfoot. He must accept it if he
is to accept her belated, but now eloquent, recognition of his right to shed her
daughter’s blood. It is a royal woman offering a face-saving acquiescence. In Katie
Mitchell’s Oresteia for the UK’s National Theatre in 1999, a silent Iphigeneia watched
from the sidelines as Klytaimnêstra’s house slaves laid before the feet of Agamemnon a
purple pathway of young girl’s dresses. It is in this context of Klytaimnêstra’s total,
and yet proud, surrender to a more worthy master that Agamemnon is required by her to
accept all that she has produced for him, and to acknowledge before the people her
claims of fidelity. If those claims are false, then to accept their sign will be fatal.
Agamemnon, riding the crest of his own recent mythologization as Sacker of
Troy, wrongly presumes that his conquest of Klytaimnêstra is as complete as his
conquest abroad. How can any mortal withstand him, before whom the walls of great
Troy itself have fallen?
In a version of the myth later to be taken up by Euripides in his Iphigeneia at
Aulis, Agamemnon lures Iphigeneia to her death at Aulis with a false message,
summoning her on the pretext that she is to marry Achilles. Iphigeneia’s death through
the sign of the false message both enables and symbolically foreshadows Agamemnon’s
conquest of Troy through the false sign of the Trojan Horse. Master of fatal stratagems,
Agamemnon fails to see his wife’s Trojan Horse for what it is. Both of his false
messages are chillingly recalled and inverted by Klytaimnêstra through her own false
sign: the tapestries.
Klytaimnêstra appears to have created this “play,” complete with props and
speeches, in order to perform to Agamemnon her spectacular, proud surrender, with all
the aristocratic vanity he would expect to find in Helen of Troy’s sister. But in fact,
Klytaimnêstra is setting up another play in which he, not she, is the true performer.
Enticing Agamemnon to walk on the costly, delicate tapestries, she makes him perform
before the city the bloodthirsty sacrilegiousness that spurred him to pave his own path
to immortal glory with innocent blood. Destroyer of the household’s and the city’s most
precious possessions, first he killed his own daughter, and then a generation of young
58
men, “the flower of Argos.” The tapestries are the “set” upon which Klytaimnêstra has
Agamemnon to play out his violent nature. By knowing him better than he knows
himself, she acquires control over him, and kills him. (To be mastered by a woman is
already a kind of death for a patriarch). Agamemnon enters the palace, would-be
conqueror carried upon a false sign of victory.
When she has perfected her vengeance—massacred him in the bath and
slaughtered his war-trophy, elite sex-slave Kassandra—she can display to the audiences,
both onstage and offstage, her final tableau. Having had Agamemnon himself perform
to them his violations of civic and familial rights, Klytaimnêstra can now justify her
own actions. Klytaimnêstra’s elaborate performances, both as “actor” and “choregos”,
constitute a symbolic re-enactment of the past in order to shape the present.
In the male Athenian civic order, for a man to kill his daughter is disturbing; but
for a woman to kill her husband is unforgivable. However, Klytaimnêstra’s mastery of
the situation, symbolic and actual, is complete: enter Aigisthos, with all the military
muscle necessary to quell any stirrings of dissent, and a chip on his shoulder large
enough to want to do so.
~
Tapestries recur in all three plays. The story of the Libation Bearers is that of
the return of Agamemnon, as replayed by his son. But this time, it is Orestês who is in
control of the performance, playing the deceiver – the secretly intimate stranger. At the
end of Libation Bearers, Orestês orders slaves to display the net-like tapestries in which
Agamemnon died, and which themselves evoke (if indeed they are not the selfsame
material as) the tapestries upon which Agamemnon trod on his fateful, fatal journey into
the house. Whereas in the Agamemnon they were the portal between past and present, in
Libation Bearers the tapestries become the retrospective justification for Orestês’
murder of Klytaimnêstra in the sight of gods and people, and his passport to kingship.
The first part of the Eumenides is set in Delphi before the temple of Apollo. In
front of the temple is a statue of Athêna. Of all the places that in classical antiquity laid
claim to be the “center of the earth,” Delphi is the most sacred. Marking it is the great
omphalos: the Navel Stone. It is almost invariably depicted in sculptures, vase paintings
59
and later Roman wall-paintings, covered with a net-like weave. When the Pythia enters
the temple, it is at the sacred omphalos that Orestês sits, seeking sanctuary from the
Furies. It is possible that the interior of the temple, with the sleeping Furies surrounding
the omphalos, is displayed after the Pythia exits. This may have been achieved using the
ekkyklema, the same low, wheeled platform eased out of the central doors of the skênê
upon which the dead bodies had been displayed at the end of the Agamemnon and the
Libation Bearers. Indeed, Apollo abuses the Furies in terms reminiscent of the fate of
the House of Atreus: “You belong where / men are slaughtered, heads / chopped,
sentences passed . . .” But whether physically present or not, the omphalos is at the
very least rhetorically and imaginatively present, both through the cultural knowledge
of the play’s audience, and through the words of both the Pythia (“there at the / Navel
Stone, I saw him”) and the Furies:
Omphalos,
Earth Navel,
stained with pollution,
evil blood from evil men,
evil deeds,
evil, evil!
This blood-stained omphalos, covered in its net-like weave, coheres eerily with
the audience’s immediate visual memory of Agamemnon trapped in Klytaimnêstra’s
net. It coheres not least because Delphi is the site of a prior war between chthonic
(subterranean) female divinities and Olympian (sky-dwelling) male divinities, of which
the Oresteia is the mortal aftershock. According to the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, which
dates from the 7th century B.C.E. or earlier, the origins of Apollo’s prophetic priesthood
at Delphi go back to the day that Apollo arrived in Delphi and slew Python, the sacred
serpent that protected the shrine of the Earth Goddess, and appropriated the role of
prophetic intermediary between gods and mortals for himself. Sometimes Python and
the Earth Goddess seem to be one and the same. Euripides (in one of his two Iphigeneia
plays, Iphigeneia in Tauris) calls her Themis. A more ancient divinity than Zeus and his
children, she is the goddess of righteousness. She is also associated with Ge or Gaia, the
60
Earth Mother. (In that sense, Orestês is not only spurred on by, but is fully the mortal
counterpart of, Mother-attacking Apollo.) What is important here is that the power and
influence of the new, male, sky-Gods depends upon the silencing and immolation of the
old, female, earth Goddesses: Apollo does not communicate the will of the Earth
Mother, but that of Zeus: “it is for Zeus he / speaks; for none but Father Zeus.”
We have already seen the grim equations of male speech = female silence and
male power = female death played out in mortal terms in the Agamemnon and Libation
Bearers. So strong are the correspondences between the ancient narrative of cosmic
warfare and the new theatrical narrative of mortal combat, that Aeschylus can weave an
intertextual counterpoint: in Aeschylus’ version, Apollo’s priestess eradicates all trace
of cosmic conflict, tracing the origins of the Oracle to a gladly-given gift from the elder
goddesses to Apollo:
PYTHIA:
To Mother Earth
I give pride of place in my prayer,
Gaia,
prophet,
first of gods;
then to Themis, her daughter,
protector of Law and
Tradition, the second, as legend
tells, to hold her mother’s
prophetic seat;
and third in line is Phoibê,
Bright One, Titaness and
daughter of Earth,
a seat given in peace and
calm.
And she in turn gave it, a birthday
gift, to Apollo, along with her
name:
Phoibos Apollo he is,
god of prophecy and light.
61
This narrative attempts to transform the myth of cosmic conflict and sex-war into one of
happy families exchanging presents of mutual affection and respect. In doing so, it sets
up the pattern that the rest of the Eumenides will enact: the ancient blood-grudge
between male and female, and the catastrophic fissure between the will of Olympians
and the ancient rights of the powerful Chthonic divinities, will be voted into the past by
the smooth mechanism of a new-born Athenian judicial system.
This attempted return to Eden is short-lived, however. The priestess almost
immediately pierces her own serene narrative of Golden Age mythology with nauseous,
horrified howls as the true face of the ancient goddesses is revealed. Nor does Apollo’s
savagery toward the Furies in the ensuing rout do much to win the audience’s
confidence in the Priestess’ revisionist mythology of cosmic harmony:
In his threats we note how absolutely he has usurped the rights and powers of the
primordial goddess and her guardian serpent: “my winged arrows will / sting you like
snakes.”
The middle section of Eumenides is set on the Akropolis in Athens where
Orestês clutches at a statue of Athêna for protection. The statue of Athêna referred to by
the Pythia in the previous scene, now signifies one of the Akropolis statues. It is
possible that, in a moment of creative anachronism, Aeschylus was in part evoking the
great statue of Athêna Promachos by Phidias, commissioned either shortly before or
62
shortly after 461. When the Oresteia was performed in 458, the Akropolis itself was
still a charred ruin, having been sacked by the invading Persian force of Xerxês in 480.
The old temple of Athêna had been witness to sacrilege: citizens who had taken up
defensive positions in the Akropolis were massacred by the Persian army, and the
temples burnt; a painful memory for the audience that is echoed in the Oresteia’s
references to the Greek desecration of Trojan temples. This scene, then, is probably set
before the old temple of Athêna (later superceded by the Parthenon, upon which work
began in 447). The statue of Athêna is perhaps clothed, recalling the peplos that the
women of Athens wove and presented to the goddess every four years at the Greater
Panathenaia. The weaving of the peplos for Athêna signifies the women of the city
surrendering their labor, expertise—not least their children—to the “male” cause of
glory in battle and the city’s well-being. Athêna and her peplos act as the intersection of
male and female, and symbolically display the male order’s victory by inducting female
consciousness into patriarchal ideology. If the weaving and presentation of the peplos to
Athêna represents the acquiescence of Athenian female industry to the public male
order, it is a fitting counterpart to Athêna’s own glad and obedient acquiescence to her
father Zeus, and her judgment in favor of her brother, Apollo, against more ancient
goddesses. When Athêna appears as a character in the Eumenides, she too will have
been clothed in both a peplos and the armor in which she sprang, fully clad, from the
head of Zeus. By transgressing every social convention regarding the role of mortal
women in Athens, Athêna becomes the divine, living sign of the male conquest of the
female, proudly subject in body and mind to patriarchal interests.
At the end of Eumenides, after the action of the play has moved to the
Areopagus, purple tapestries are produced again to transform the Erinyës (Furies) into
Eumenides (Kindly Ones). They thus evoke, if indeed they were not the same as, the
robes used to lure Agamemnon to his death, and the netted weave in which he was
finally trapped – displayed again on the command of Orestês at the end of the Libation
Bearers. The repeated symbolic use of textiles at the end of each play to mediate
between past and present provided a powerful visual mnemonic allowing each instance
to be mapped onto the other in the mind of the audience. Whether the transcendent or
the transformative was emphasized, by the use of different or same textiles,
63
respectively, is not known. In either case, the closure of the Oresteia remains
symbolically ambivalent: that which brings blessing appears hideous, and is robed in
tapestries that recall past bloodshed. This equilibrium of harmony and horror is
achieved through mastery of the symbolic order—not by stripping that order of its
polysemy (“multi-signifyingness”), but by harnessing it: in the new democratic Athens,
order is revealed to be strangely conditional upon ambivalence and contradiction.
VIII. Metatheatre
So we arrive at a law of sorts: within the world of the play, whoever is in control of the
symbolic order—whoever can create signs and manipulate the way in which they will
be interpreted (or even more deadly: whoever can render invisible their capacity to
signify)—thereby acquires control of reality.
What makes this intriguing is the conflation of the symbolic order within the
play and of the play. Let me put that slightly differently: the way in which
Klytaimnêstra, and later Orestês, and finally Athêna master the symbolic order within
the play can be characterized as “theatrical.” Klytaimnêstra lays on a performance for
Agamemnon of the dutiful wife, complete with speech, props and plot (in both senses of
the word). And it is his incapacity to recognize it as a performance that disempowers
him. In the Libation Bearers, Orestês and Pylades act the role of travelers from Phokis,
bringing their tale of the supposed death of Orestês. This time it is Klytaimnêstra who
fails to identify the difference between fact and fiction, and fatally allows them access
to the palace interior. Athêna, in the Eumenides, does not fictionalize herself. But from
the moment she enters, she assumes responsibility for stage-managing events. She
devises the homicide court, populates it with its cast of jurors, and inaugurates it with a
formal speech in which she sets out the charter according to which it will operate. She
also establishes which rhetorical and symbolic languages are appropriate to it: music
and silence, voting tablets and urn, the order of speakers, and the types of
considerations that may be brought to bear on the jurors’ dispensation of justice. What
makes this specifically “theatrical” is that her control of the legal event within the
fiction of the play is produced by and is the same as her control of the theatrical event:
that is to say, her control of Eumenides in which she herself is a character. Having
64
finally determined the outcome of the court’s deliberations, and having pacified the
Furies, she calls forth a new performance: new costumes for the Furies to transform
them, symbolically and thereby actually, into benevolent divinities:
65
its transubstantiation of “the past” into a symbolic order in which the image of possible
futures may be formed.
The visual economy of the ancient theatre was such that highly complex, and
even contradictory, ideas could be suggested by carefully deployed symbols. But reality
too, from the idea of language to the most elaborate rituals of collective social life, is
constituted by signs. In a world of signs, or more to the point, in the world-as-sign, the
limited, fictional world of the theatre expands to become nothing less than a metaphor
for reality. Furthermore, while theatre, as a consciously-created, and self-conscious
sign-system, finds that it has itself become a paradigm for the world at large, it also
discovers that it is itself a part of that world. Theatre is thus hyper-real: refracting and
reflecting upon reality even while conscious of itself as part of reality.
Finally, theatre inexorably reaches the conclusion that it can not reflect upon the
nature of the real without reflecting upon itself. Nor, conversely, can it reflect upon
itself without reflecting upon the world. Out of this self-begetting, self-consuming, loop
of self-conscious reality is born metatheatre: theatre of theatre. Or, to put it more
prosaically: theatre in/or about theatre; self-referential representation.
If the world is constituted, or made meaningful, through signification, the
objectification of signification as such in theatrical representation offers the world a
discourse of signification. In the case of the Oresteia, this tangled relationship between
the theatrical and the real is played out in the form of a thematic concern with
ambivalent signification.
Metatheatricality begets intertextuality. Intertextuality is that associative depth
achieved when one text draws into itself new dimensions of suggested meanings by
hinting or referring in some way to another text. When the bodies of Klytaimnêstra and
Aigisthos are revealed at the end of the Libation Bearers, for instance, the audience,
recalling the bodies of Agamemnon and Kassandra similarly displayed at the end of the
previous play, are implicitly invited to ask whether Orestês’ murders resemble those
perpetrated by his mother more than superficially. This is only the most obvious
example. As Oliver Taplin and others have shown, a fundamental dramatic building-
block of the Oresteia is the parallel scene. Each parallel is, by definition, an intertextual
reference; the plays thus gorge on themselves and each other in an intertextual feeding-
66
frenzy. Each moment of the Agamemnon overlays each other moment in the play, while
the last moments of the Libation Bearers only exist to “re-member” those of the
Agamemnon. This pervasive network of intertextual correspondences allows the
conceptual and theatrical eruptions of the Eumenides to be seen as an emphatic coup
d’état to the fatalism of its parent plays.
But the trilogy’s deep, over-layering of “false signs,” and the machinations of its
cast of powerful “sign-masters”—Klytaimnêstra, Orestês, Athêna—call into question
whether there can ever be such a thing as a “true sign.” If not, then not even the
trilogy’s own status as a “true sign” for the city can be taken for granted. Tragedy thus
both is concerned with and constitutes a questioning of the paradigmatic value of new
mythological narratives, i.e. their value as “true” models of some aspect of reality.
Paradoxically, the tragic problematization of signification itself offers a
paradigm for just such an evaluative process. Through the Oresteia’s insistent self-
referential intertextuality, we see laid out before us not only problematic signs, but the
problem of signs. In this way, the Oresteia affirms its own role, and by implication that
of tragic representation, as a teacher of signs—theatrical and “real”—even as it seems to
subvert the very object, and means (signs) through which it fulfils that role.
Ultimately, however, the Oresteian narrative stipulates that the production and
reception of signs both operate within a dialectic of freedom and responsibility. The
voting, citizen audience must become “true” creators and interpreters of the symbolic
world of the theatre, and of their own ever-shifting world of signs.
67
The dramatic retellings of “Homeric” myths are the most manifest examples and agents
of that dual process: rewriting both past and present, each in the image of the other.
Not only does each play in the Oresteia configure the relationship between past
and present differently, but each is also thematically concerned with the reciprocal
operations of past and present upon each other. The dark daimon pursues the House of
Atreus through the generations. Klytaimnêstra, Aigisthos, Agamemnon, Êlektra,
Orestês . . . these vengeful revenants are the shadows of a seemingly inescapable past,
which in turn shadows them. But tragedy, by reshaping those myths to serve the city,
and by providing new mythological narratives to authorize the present (most
dramatically in the Eumenides’ Areopagus), tames and makes fecund the past. All the
while, the plays themselves compete to win the city’s approval – to become
immortalized as effective, shared memories.
TIMELESSNESS
Like the Parthenon, tragedy strives to create the illusion of “timelessness.” It is not
enough that those men on the hillside should shudder and weep: tragedy insists on
becoming a paradigm for all time. Choral odes labor to yield their gnomic utterances,
while dying words, poised between worlds, instill into civic consciousness “true”
insights into the human condition:
The tragic vision is, it seems, as inescapable as Oedipus’ fate: tragedy will track us
down. Rather than an “historical” effect, tragedy thus produces a “Universality Effect.”
Past and present are conflated into “mythical time.” As with many historically-based
religious narratives, tragedy claims to embody both mythological/historical truths and
immediate spiritual truths. Through performance, the narratives of the past are
experienced fully in the present. The actor speaking through the mask becomes the
68
living sign of a transcendent spiritual truth speaking through the bodily presence of the
merely mortal actor. Finally, as the spiritual truth becomes incarnate, mythical time
elides with universal time. The Universality Effect is rooted in the very premise of
tragic representation: narratives of people and places suspended between the parallel
words of myth and history can be summoned forth by tragedy to produce valid
paradigms of contemporary, fifth-century life and death. In that sense, tragedy is indeed
the true heir to Homer.
These paradigms depend upon a belief in the fixity of human nature: only then
can ancient narratives be deemed universally valid. Whether this essentialist belief is
literally or (“only”) poetically held, it must reproduce itself within the worldview of the
audience if the dramatic performance is to be successful. Ironically, tremendous energy
is required in order to transform these supposedly “transcendental” truths into
“particular” narratives applicable to the fifth-century moment, as the radical revisionism
of the plays of the Oresteia abundantly demonstrates. In Tragedy, seismic cultural
paradigm shifts are represented as seamless elucidations of timeless truths about
humanity. Nevertheless, tragedy’s self-perpetuating myth of universality, compounded
by later assertions such as Aristotle’s influential dictum that “poetry speaks . . . of
universals,” has succeeded in ensuring that positivist-essentialist views have dominated
the historical reception of Greek tragedy in the West even after most of their enabling
philosophical and cultural foundations have been destabilized or dismantled.
By stripping tragedy and the contemporary moment of their historical
specificity, latter-day essentialism too frequently leads to modern performances that are
overwhelmed by the desire to absorb the emotions of the character into the actor’s or
audience member’s own capacity to “feel”. Such productions tend to mark cultural
difference only superficially. It is often difficult for us to concede that the intuitively
felt “authenticity” of our emotions is a fiction, one that masks an altogether less stable
reality: the emotions operate and acquire meaning within a multiplicity of elaborately
constructed, and ever-shifting parameters. If we view the canvas broadly enough, we
can perceive what seem to be trans-temporal, trans-cultural points of connection in
human experience (we all experience “pain,” “fear,” “loss” and so on). But within the
holistic, interlocking mesh of consciousness, even seemingly elemental conditions such
69
as these continually change in inflection and meaning: no one element can change
without changing the aspect and our experiences of every other contingent element.
When we surrender to the illusion that we are connecting with an artwork in
“essentially” the same way as the ancients did, we authorize, by design or default, the
notion of an “essential,” shared, “human nature” existing unchanged across the
boundaries of time, culture, and language. This highly political-aesthetic stance
privileges the capacity to identify association, but erodes the equally generative desire
(perhaps even capacity) to perceive diversity and alterity. Essentialism relies upon
producing and reproducing a fixed view of human nature that, in refusing to
acknowledge the created, and continually “recreated,” nature of consciousness, locks
the creative and critical paradigms through which we invent present, past and future,
into a self-circling spiral of eternal regression.
The illusion or “conceit” of timelessness is a fascinating phenomenon in its own
right. The cultural currency of positivist essentialism is a powerful part of the
ideological and aesthetic “texture” of cultural artefacts within contemporary discourses
surrounding the uses of the past. And we do unquestionably debilitate ourselves when
we cut ourselves off from the capacity to create suggestive associations between past
and present and to wrestle the past into a fertile relationship with the present. But,
equally, we violate ourselves when we attempt to annex the past without paying
sufficient attention to its alienness, and to all the variables that circumscribe the infinite
possibilities of consciousness (the contradiction is only apparent).
Never in or since antiquity has Greek drama been performed as much as in our
own day: tragedy has found its feet and treads the boards. Out of a dream of origins
emerge both atavism and originality, equally molded to the shape of present desires.
Part of our challenge is to recognize that the tragic rhetoric of universality, human
consciousness, even time itself are constructs; that when we read, study, watch or
perform the Oresteia, the way in which we allow past, present and future to shape each
other must be of our own choosing.
Hugh Denard
School of Theatre Studies
70
University of Warwick
71
A NOTE ON THE TRANSLATION
Every translator feels obligated to explain his or her aim in making a translation,
and that is a salutary endeavor, for at least it tells the innocent reader what to expect as
well as what not to expect. As a translator for many years, I have always (perhaps even
before deciding whether or not to buy a particular volume of translations), insinuated
my fingers between the covers to peek briefly at the obligatory NOTE ON THE
TRANSLATION that I know cannot help but be there. What am I looking for? Usually
only one word; the word that must be the bête noire of the true translator:
ACCURACY. What’s accuracy to him or he to accuracy that he should lust for it? A
flippant query perhaps, but perhaps not. For it is a question that boggles the mind of all
but the pedant. And it is in the name of ACCURACY that many a translator’s hour
(lifetime?) has been wasted, not to mention the hours wasted on their product by the
unsuspecting reader who sets out to enjoy a Dante or a Homer or a Goethe, only to plow
his way through by means of will and in the end wonder what all the fuss has been
about.
There is no question that there is a place for literal translation, for translation that is
bound to the word. The most convenient example that comes to mind is the long-lasting
and successful Loeb Classical Library that publishes the original text and the translation
on facing pages. The aim of its volumes is to aid the reader with a little Greek (or
Latin), or a lot of Greek (or Latin) but not quite enough, to read the original by casting a
glance at the translation when knowledge fails or falters. David Kovacs is completing a
new five volume Euripides in that series that admirably fulfils its function as support in
reading the original. He says about his translation: “I have translated into prose, as
literally as respect for English idiom allowed.” And he’s correct. He’s also “accurate.”
But that’s what the series’ mission is to be, and for good reason. Yet what his
translations are not (and I suspect he would agree) are performable versions for the
stage, and for one reason: “accuracy” has destroyed the poetry.
But enough of this.
What is good translation? And the answer to that question is different with each
“good” translator who has ever wrestled with the problem. Listen to St, Jerome, the
great fourth-century translator of the Bible into the Latin Vulgate, in speaking of
Plautus and Terence and of their translations of Greek plays into Latin: “Do they stick
at the literal words? Don’t they try rather to preserve the beauty and style of the
original? What men like you call accuracy in translation, learned men call pedantry . . . I
72
have always aimed at translating sense, not words.” Fourteen hundred years later the
body of translators of the King James Bible of 1611 expressed their thoughts on literal
translation: “Is the kingdom of God become words and syllables? Why should we be in
bondage to them?” And in the seventeenth century, John Dryden, the translator of many
a classical text, from Plutarch to Virgil and Ovid, expressed his theory of translation at
length, but most succinctly when he said: “The translator that would write with any
force or spirit of an original must never dwell on the words of the author.”
To bring it now to our own day and to the prolific translator of many classical and
modern texts, William Arrowsmith: “There are times—far more frequent than most
scholars suppose—when the worst possible treachery is the simple-minded faith in
‘accuracy’ and literal loyalty to the original.” To read an Arrowsmith translation, say, of
a classical Greek play, side by side with the original, is to see a fertile and poetic mind
undaunted by the mere word of the original. He realized that he was translating a fifth-
century B.C. Greek play for a middle- to late-twentieth-century English-speaking
audience and had one obligation: to make that ancient play work on the contemporary
stage for an audience that had few if any ties to the play’s original context or audience.
His duty was to make it work, and to make it work with style and the best poetic means
at his disposal.
And finally the contemporary Roger Shattuck: “The translator must leave behind
dictionary meanings and formal syntax . . . Free translation is often not an indulgence
but a duty.” And to that one must add that dramatic texts require perhaps even greater
freedom than non-verbal texts (and poetry in whatever form is a verbal text). On the
stage, rhythm is every bit as important as what is being said; at times even more
important. A stinging line has to sting not merely with what it says, but with how it says
it, with its rhythm. One phrase, indeed one word, too many in a sentence, destroys a
moment that in the end can destroy an entire scene. Effect on the stage is everything,
whether one is Aeschylus or Tennessee Williams. What to do with that rebellious word
or phrase? Cut it if it adds nothing of importance. And if it is important, and can’t be
cut, then write a new sentence that gets it all in, just be certain that it has grace and style
and wit, or horror if that’s what’s needed, and serves the moment in the best and most
theatrical way possible.
73
AGAMEMNON
[]
74
CAST OF CHARACTERS
WATCHMAN
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA queen of Argos
HERALD of the Greek forces at Troy
AGAMEMNON king of Argos
KASSANDRA Trojan prophetess
AIGISTHOS lover of Klytaimnêstra
GUARDS
ATTENDANTS
SLAVES
CHORUS OF OLD MEN OF ARGOS
FIRST OLD MAN chorus leader
75
AGAMEMNON
Night.
Mykenê, in Argos.
Outside the royal palace.
A WATCHMAN sits on the palace roof.
GUARDS stand below.
WATCHMAN:
Gods, I pray for an end,
an end to my pain,
an end to my yearlong watch!
I crouch here,
dog-like,
on the roof of the palace
of Atreus’ sons,
and know by heart
the gatherings of the stars,
those glittering lords,
dazzling in the firmament,
that bring us winter and summer.
I know them all,
their comings and their goings.
At night
when I wander the roof
to ease my pain,
my boredom,
restlessly, endlessly,
or lie down on my dew-drenched bed,
no dreams come.
But Fear is there,
never leaving,
never relenting,
a cruel guard against flagging eyes,
insidious sleep.
A light!
A light!
There in the dark!
A light in the sky!
A beacon in the night!
Blessèd, blessèd light!
Holy, blessèd light!
Beam of day,
beacon of hope,
bringing dawn to Argos!
Argos will thank you with
dancing for your blessing!
IOOOO! IOOOO!
So Zeus Protector,
Zeus Guardian of Host and Guest,
sends against Paris the sons of Atreus.
And so it begins,
the struggle for Helen,
the woman of many men,
the wrestling,
the grappling,
arms locked in conflict,
bodies torn,
worn down to destruction,
knees broken,
81
bloodied in the dust,
spears splintered in writhing bodies,
the sacrifice begun,
for Greeks and Trojans alike.
Klytaimnêstra,
queen,
daughter of Tyndareos,
what have you heard,
what news that makes you order sacrifice
82
throughout all Argos?
The altars of the city’s gods
are ablaze with offerings,
gods above and below the earth,
gods of the marketplace.
Torches everywhere leap
heaven-high with flames
fed by holy oils from the inner store.
Tell me,
tell me what you can,
what is allowed,
tell me
and end this fear I suffer,
this anxiety,
this pain that
one minute fills me with dread,
and with hope and relief the next.
Am I to see in these victims slaughtered,
these flames that answer on all sides,
the hope that will release me
from the fear that eats at my heart?
Sing sorrow,
sing sorrow,
but let good prevail.
Sing sorrow,
sing sorrow,
85
but let good prevail.
“Fair Artemis,
goddess kind to the cubs of fierce lions,
and the young of all wild beasts
of the fields and forests,
hear our prayer and fulfill these omens,
and let what is evil in them be made good,
for not all the signs are favorable.
And you,
Apollo,
god,
healer,
let her not send gale winds to thwart us,
to prevent the Achaian fleet from sailing,
to delay us in port,
a long delay,
to force another sacrifice,
another!
One not suitable to feasting or song,
unlawful,
vicious,
the victim a child,
a child of the palace,
and source of bitterness
between husband and wife,
a wife’s lost faith.
And Wrath will rule there,
in the royal house,
unforgetting,
86
unforgiving,
unmerciful,
treacherous,
Wrath demanding blood
for the blood of a child.”
Zeus,
whoever he is,
if this is the name pleases him,
this is the name I am pleased to call him.
I know nothing,
nothing to compare him with,
no greater power,
nothing but Zeus,
nothing if this burden of anxiety
is to be lifted from my heart.
Ouranos once,
87
swollen with power,
sky-god,
first of gods,
reigned and is no more.
And he who followed,
Kronos,
met his match,
was thrown,
and is no more.
And so it is to Zeus I pray,
to Zeus who threw him in a triple fall,
Zeus the victor,
for in Zeus I find wisdom.
And so Agamemnon,
elder of the kings,
and lord of the fleet,
lay no blame on the prophet for his words,
but bent with the winds of fortune,
there,
88
at Aulis,
on the shore opposite Chalkis.
And no ship sailed,
long delay,
fierce winds from the Strymon,
hunger,
deprivation,
impatience,
boredom,
that drove men near to madness
in that cruel harbor where cables snapped
and hulls rotted,
unattended.
And the sullen,
angry flower of the Argives
grew more desperate and wasted away
as the tides roared to and fro with no end.
Sing sorrow,
sing sorrow,
but let good prevail.
Majesty.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
As the proverb has it:
“May Dawn,
coming from her mother Night,
bring glad tidings.”
The news I bring beggars all hope.
Troy has fallen.
Priam’s citadel is taken.
The Greeks are in Troy.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Yes, Troy taken. I say what I mean.
95
FIRST OLD MAN:
The joy of this news—my eyes—my tears—
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
The tears of a loyal servant, yes.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
I have; unless some god has deceived me
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
I believe in dreams no more than you.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
I’m not a young girl! I won’t be insulted!
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Last night, I told you!
Last night that gave birth to this
96
burst of light.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Winged?
No, better yet, and faster.
Fire.
A courier of fire,
from peak to peak,
from Troy to Argos,
beacon signals from fire-god Hephaistos.
In the flash of an eye,
it sped from Ida to Hermês Crag on Lêmnos,
then leapt to Athos, where the Rock of Zeus
took flame in the night,
and rising high above the sea’s back,
a speeding torch,
a second sun,
it brought its dazzling news to the heights of Makistos.
The watchers, awake,
waste no time in feeding the flame
and speeding it across the waters of Euripos
to the sentinels waiting on Messapion.
There they kindle an answering flame
with heather and dry brush,
till it blazes to the shame of its predecessor,
then leaps like a brilliant moon,
across the Plains of Asopos
to light on the peaks of Kithairon,
97
igniting fire after fire
that flashes the news on its course.
And the distant flame is not rejected by the watch,
but urged onward beyond the Swamp of the Gorgon
to the Mountain of Roving Goats,
where the watch does itself proud.
Sparing nothing,
they set blazing a mountain of kindling
that shakes its great head of flaming hair
and soars out across the headland
that looks down upon the Gulf of Saron,
then down and down to Spider Peak,
the watchpost nearest our city—
and,
in one final leap,
plunges to the roof of this palace
of the sons of Atreus.
This is my proof!
This my certainty!
Fire upon fire upon fire,
a relay race of flame,
sent me by my king from the blaze at Troy,
my husband,
Agamemnon.
98
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
What is it you don’t grasp?
Troy is taken.
It’s as simple as that.
Taken today.
By the Greeks.
And Troy is today a city of cries,
cries that refuse to blend,
like vinegar and oil,
eternal contestants:
Greek and Trojan,
victor and vanquished,
cries as different as their fortunes differ.
Trojans mourn husbands and brothers,
parents,
children;
a keening lament
from throats no longer free,
mourning the loss of loved ones.
Mourning themselves,
soon to be slaves.
So.
This is my tale, my fable, as you say.
A woman’s words.
Nothing more.
But let good prevail for all to see.
And let it end here,
100
the murders, the evils.
We have much to hope for.
And I have much hope.
I see it now,
see it reveled,
point to it,
there,
see it like a beacon:
Ruin!
Ruin!
Men of conceit,
who dare the undareable;
men of pride,
who prize wealth over honor,
whose houses heave with treasure past knowing,
past what is best:
their end is ruin to many generations,
and we see that now!
102
Let me be moderate,
give me good sense,
let that be enough,
and the gods will be happy.
The man with too much is his own destruction,
he drowns in surfeit,
for he has kicked the altar of Justice
into obscurity.
As bad bronze,
as counterfeit coinage,
turns black in the handling,
in the tear,
in the battering,
the guilty is blackened when he comes to judgment,
and no escape.
So with Paris,
Paris who came to his hosts’ table,
came to the palace of the sons of Atreus,
received in honor,
and repaid that honor with the theft of a wife.
What of Helen?
What does she leave behind for her country?
Hammers pounding,
metals hissing,
shields clashing,
the rattle of spears,
men arming,
ships outfitted,
armadas launched.
And lightly she passes between Troy’s gates,
armed with the dowry she brings to Troy,
Troy’s ruin,
Troy’s destruction,
daring a deed that goes beyond daring.
So mused Menelaos,
silent,
apart,
no word said against her,
dishonored,
shamed,
seeking no vengeance,
that was for others.
And as he rises,
the one he longs for,
beyond the sea,
is there,
a ghost that seems to rule in his empty house.
106
FIRST OLD MAN: (Chants.)
But these are not the only sorrows,
this is not the only house in
Hellas that suffered.
Other homes suffered worse agonies,
agonies that tear the heart,
that gnaw at the soul,
mourning women,
mothers, wives,
who sent off husbands, sons, to Troy,
in stout ships sailing.
And they know the sons,
the husbands they sent,
but the husbands, the sons who
return are not men,
not men return
but urns of ashes that once were men,
that once were sons,
ashes and cinders,
cinders, ashes.
108
OLD MEN OF ARGOS: (Sing.)
Murmur begins,
words are muttered,
complaints,
grievances,
sharp-voiced resentment,
against the sons of Atreus,
Menelaos and Agamemnon,
war-chiefs who tore their men from their beds,
leading them on in their battle for justice.
I wait,
I wait,
anxiously wait,
for something,
something,
hidden in darkness,
shrouded in gloom,
not yet seen,
something,
something.
I am afraid.
Payment will come.
Leaders who lead off hordes of men
into glorious death will pay the price.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
We will know soon
the meaning of those beacons and bonfires.
Did they speak the truth,
or, like dreams,
the fanciful delusion of women,
bring counterfeit joy?
112
(Enter the HERALD from the side.)
HERALD:
My home at last.
My Argos.
Ten years in the wishing.
Here at last,
the least I hoped to see.
Death will find me happy now.
To lie in my native soil,
my motherland.
Earth.
Sun.
Sun’s light.
Sun and earth.
Sunlight on the earth of Argos.
Zeus.
And lord Apollo,
whose arrows cut us down once at Troy,
at Skamander’s banks,
be our healer now,
we’ve had enough of illness.
And all the gods,
and Hermês above all,
guardian god,
master herald,
the master of all heralds,
whom heralds revere,
and heroes whose spirits marched out with us into battle:
113
receive us now,
those who survived the thrust of the bronze spearshaft.
Palace,
halls,
thrones,
altars,
seats of the gods,
and gods whose eyes sparkle in the rising sun,
welcome him after so long a time,
the man who out of darkness brings us a new dawn,
welcome him as kindly as once you wished us farewell,
Agamemnon,
your king,
master of us all.
HERALD:
To die now would be the greatest happiness.
HERALD:
My tears will answer that.
115
HERALD:
I don’t understand.
HERALD:
For us? I don’t—
HERALD:
For us, or for yourselves?
HERALD:
What threatened you while your kings were away?
HERALD:
Yes, because the war’s over and won!
And that’s good.
And yet,
of all that’s happened in the long years,
not everything was good.
Only the gods live lives free of suffering;
116
men are born to it.
And suffer we did.
On shipboard we crowded into narrow gangways
to sleep on hard boards, our bedding
ragged and filthy, our quarters cramped,
decks packed with men—
They’re dead.
Let them be.
Give them that much.
Who needs a headcount?
118
“Argos has taken Troy!
Argos in arms has annihilated
the power and pride of the East!
And we have hung our war-spoils and trophies
in every temple of the land
to the greater glory of Greece!”
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
I first cried out my joy
when the night sky blazed with the news
over leagues of land and sea:
Troy taken.
Troy defeated.
Troy is no more.
119
And they laughed.
Yes, laughed,
called me fool, and—o yes,
credulous creature, was it?
Mumbling in their beards:
“Just like a woman.
Believe anything, they will.
Get carried away.
A spark in the night,
a shepherd’s fire on a hillside,
and Troy has fallen!”
You’d have thought I’d lost my wits.
120
Take him this message.
Tell my husband
to come at the soonest possible,
the city’s darling!
Tell him:
the wife he left behind when he sailed,
awaits him in his house,
faithful as ever,
watchdog at his door,
loyalty itself,
an enemy to his enemies.
HERALD:
A boast it may be,
but so heavy with truth
that it would become any noble lady.
121
FIRST OLD MAN:
Innocent words to innocent ears.
So.
HERALD:
I could lie to please you,
but the gift would soon rot.
HERALD:
Menelaos has vanished from sight,
and his fleet with him.
HERALD:
You’re a good marksman.
Our fears exactly.
122
FIRST OLD MAN:
Dead or alive? Tell me.
Is there anyone who knows?
HERALD:
Only the sun that sees all.
HERALD:
Grudge, anger, hostility?
There are gods and then there are gods!
The gods I choose to avoid,
the gods of the dark world,
avenging Furies,
I’d sooner forget.
But the gods keep these things separate.
Suddenly,
124
in the black of night,
as every living thing slumbered,
the sea rose up beneath us, mountainous
shoulders of waves heaving as blasts from
Thrace collide with seafoam, and
spray whitens the air with a deadly glow as
fire falls from the sky with a thunderous roar.
Hulls gash ragged holes in hulls,
sterns rise and plunge and
mount each other,
crashing,
splintering,
down, down,
dislodging masts that fall like cracked pillars
in the heavy surge,
prows tear into prows like raging bulls
butting wildly in the boiling sea,
and hurricane blasts and pelting rain
swirl our ships like toys on the waves,
a shepherd gone mad,
scattering his sheep,
driving them off a mountain edge
into the abyss.
Dawn.
Then sunrise.
And we saw.
125
The Aegean, like a grizzly garden,
bloomed with the remains of men and of ships.
As for Menelaos,
let’s hope he came through it.
And if he did,
and he’s out there somewhere in the light of the sun,
he’ll make it back.
Unless Zeus intends to wipe out his whole bloodline,
126
which I doubt he has in mind just yet.
An army followed,
legions in arms,
ten thousands of men,
spearsmen,
hunters,
shield bearers,
footmen,
tracking,
tracking the vanishing trail of the lovers’ oar-trace,
tracking, tracking,
till at last they ground a halt,
the hunters,
on the leafy banks of Simoïs,
a chase that would end in blood and strife.
133
But times change, and so do minds.
And I welcome you now in friendship,
and praise you for this victory you have brought us.
AGAMEMNON:
Argos,
it is right and just that I turn first to you
and to your gods, for it is you
who share with me in my safe homecoming,
you who were partners in my triumph over Troy
and the vengeance I took on Priam and his house.
Without hearing charge and counter-charge,
the gods, as one,
cast their vote in the urn of blood,
demanding the death and destruction
of Troy and of Troy’s men.
Only the hope of a hand
hovered over the urn of Mercy,
and left it empty.
Is he alive or dead?
I don’t know.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Citizens,
honored men of Argos gathered here,
I shall feel no shame in speaking openly before you
of my love for my husband.
Once, perhaps, it may have seemed unseemly,
but time overcomes timidity,
and I have known time in superflux.
What I know, I know from experience,
not from stories,
not from reports from the front,
but from pain, ten years of pain,
sitting alone in my house,
my man gone to war,
a terrible grief,
the victim of legions of rumors,
of lines of messengers,
each with news more malignant than the other,
each doling out new sorrow for the house.
If he, my man, had suffered as many wounds
as Rumor channeled to me,
he would be riddled with more holes than a fisherman’s net.
If he had died as many deaths as Rumor told of,
he would be another Geryon
and claim three deaths and three burials.
The number of nooses I knotted and hung from the rafters
I can scarcely count,
and would have used had interfering hands
not interrupted my resolve.
137
It would all have been so much easier.
As for me,
I once gushed fountains of tears,
but now they’re dry.
Night after night I kept vigil,
my eyes raw with weeping,
waiting for the beacon to be lighted,
but it never was.
And when I slept,
when,
the wailing scream of a gnat
would wake me in terror from my dream.
138
I dreamt of you,
of you being butchered,
of you being slaughtered—
ten years of dangers hounded into a nod.
No, wait,
139
the foot that trampled Troy
mustn’t walk on the lowly earth.
You!
Slaves!
What’s this delay?
You have your orders!
Spread out for his feet the robes of many colors!
Prostrate before him
the crimson,
purple,
the vermilion riches
fit for the feet of the gods!
Let Justice lead him to the home
he never thought to see!
AGAMEMNON:
Guardian of my house, of my palace,
queen,
daughter of Lêda—
your speech was like my absence:
long.
And you will never praise me like this again.
That will come from others,
and more properly,
and it will.
140
Do not pamper me as though I were a woman,
an effete barbarian,
hailed with wide-mouthed acclaim and groveling,
you there, prostrate at my feet,
as though I were some effeminate eastern potentate.
AGAMEMNON:
Honestly? Why should I not? Am I ever not honest?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
If the gods had ordered this, would you have done it?
AGAMEMNON:
Yes, if a priest had commanded, I would have done it.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
And what of Priam? If he had won, would he do it?
AGAMEMNON:
He’d have walked your embroidered [woven] path without question.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Then why be so afraid of what people think?
AGAMEMNON:
The voice of the people is a harsh and powerful weapon.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
And people envy great men. What else is greatness?
AGAMEMNON:
This lust for conquest of yours is most unwomanlike.
142
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Still, a conqueror can concede without disgrace.
AGAMEMNON:
Is it so important to you, this conquest?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Concede of your own free will and you lose nothing.
AGAMEMNON:
Well, if this is your pleasure.
Slave,
help me off with these boots!
They’ve served me well.
Constant companions that trod down Troy.
Well, then.
One step from my chariot
onto these sea-red vestments of the gods,
and I trust no envious god will see from afar.
As for her,
take her into the house.
And be kind.
The gods favor the conqueror who is kind.
And no one willingly bows to the yoke of slavery.
Pick of the lot from fallen Troy.
They gave her to me,
the men,
for my own,
the army’s gift,
from all the wealth of Troy.
But now,
since I am the conquered, and you the conqueror,
I will do as you say and
tread your purple path into my palace.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
The sea.
There is the sea.
Who can drain it dry?
Endless store,
endless gush of purple
144
to dye such vestments.
Crimson rich as silver.
Inexhaustible.
145
O Zeus, Great Zeus Fulfiller of Prayers,
fulfill my prayers, and bring to pass
what is your will!
(Music out.)
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Kassandra, you too.
Come inside, dear. Yes, you,
I mean you.
Think of how kind Zeus has been
to make you part of our house,
part of our worship.
Come inside, wash yourself.
We have many slaves, many,
just like you, and you will
join us and them round our altar.
Come, dear,
now is not the time for pride.
Why, they say that even Heraklês once
broke the bread of servitude.
So there you are.
Come down from the car now.
Fate is fate:
one has only to endure it.
Consider your good fortune:
147
you’re enslaved to an ancient house.
The newly-rich
have no class, they’re cruel,
insensitive to slaves.
But not here. Not in our house.
Here we respect custom.
You will be treated accordingly.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
What’s this?
Is she an idiot?
I don’t understand?
Has she no more Greek than some
bird of the air?
My words are plain.
I insist she obey.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
148
I don’t have time for this,
outside here with this girl.
The victims are ready.
Inside. At the fire. At the altar.
Ready for sacrifice.
O! A joy I never hoped to see.
You.
Will you obey?
Will you join us at the altar?
The sacrifice?
If so, then hurry.
Very well.
If you don’t understand, you at least
know what I want. Make some gesture,
yes or no.
Even a Barbarian can do that.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
She’s mad is what she is. Her mind
as wild as her actions.
Her father’s city only now destroyed,
her mind went with it.
She’s new to the bridle.
149
She’ll chomp at the chain-bit first
till her madness foams her spirit away in blood.
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
OTOTOTOI POPOI DA!
Apollo!
Apollo!
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
OTOTOTOI POPOI DA!
150
Apollo!
Apollo!
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
Apollo!
Apollo!
Apollo Agyeios!
God of the Ways!
Destroyer god!
You destroy me,
destroy me,
so easily,
again.
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
Apollo!
Apollo!
God of the Ways!
Destroyer!
What is this house of horror?
151
FIRST OLD MAN: (Chants.)
The house of Atreus.
The house of the sons of Atreus.
That much is true.
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
No!
A house of hatred!
House that hates the gods!
God hater!
Murder!
Slaughter!
Kindred slain!
Men butchered!
Floors run bloody!
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
In there,
I know,
my evidence,
there,
behind,
behind doors!
I hear them,
screaming,
children slaughtered,
sons,
152
torn,
ripped,
their flesh,
roasted,
dished up,
for their father to feast on!
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
IO POPOI POPOI!
What—
what is she—
what new plot,
what new horror—
horror, horror!
Agony, new agony!
Evil in the house!
Pain without cure!
And help so far away!
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
IOOOOO!
153
IOOOOO!
IO TALAINA!
Evil woman!
Evil! Evil!
In the house!
You!
He shared your bed—
your man, your husband—
you bathed him—
his body naked,
you tended,
o,
o,
slick with firelight—
o then—
o then—
o how do I end—
do I end?
It will come,
it will be,
soon, soon,
come,
will be!
Her hand,
stretching,
hand stretching out,
first one,
then the other, then—
o, o, then—
o, then, reaching out—
154
FIRST OLD MAN: (Chants.)
Her prophecies, confusion,
obscure riddles,
shadowy sayings.
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
É!
É!
PAPAI!
PAPAIIIIIIII!
I see—
I see—
so clear, so clear now—
there—
a net—
a net from Hell—
a snare,
snare, no,
she is the snare,
she is the net,
she the snare-net,
shares the guilt shares the bed the
woman the wife evil evil and they
come come they come flooding the
house evil come
DISCORD
WRATH
RETRIBUTION
FURY
raise a SHOUT to the heavens
SCREAM to the gods
155
RAGE
RAGE over the sacrifice
sacrifice sacrifice
that death only death that death death death
only death only death by storing death by stoning
alone death by stoning can avenge—
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
É!
É!
There!
Look there! Drag her,
drag the bull from the cow!
She has him,
look,
156
wrapped-trapped,
robe,
robe-net,
wrapping,
grappling,
lunging,
stumbling,
totters,
bull horn gores,
black horn gouges,
into flesh,
flesh receiving,
manflesh-husbandflesh,
striking,
plunging, bull’s horn gory,
falling,
tumbling,
down,
down,
falling,
turning,
writhing,
ecstatic—
bath blood-crimson—
KASSANDRA: (Sings)
IOOOOOO!
IOOOOOO!
IO TALAINA!
With him,
with him,
not my own pain now,
not alone, his and mine,
one cup, one pain!
Apollo,
Apollo, why have you brought me?
(Speaks.)
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
IOOOOOO!
IOOOOOO!
Not pain, not lament.
The gods gave her freedom,
feathered flight,
no pain, no lament.
Her life is sweetness.
(Speaks.)
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
O Paris, Paris, I sing of you now,
and your marriage that destroyed us!
159
You killed,
killed all you loved!
And you, Skamander, blessèd stream,
I sing of you.
I grew up beside you, I was happy there.
But soon I will sing beside the Kokytos,
prophesy beside the Acheron’s banks.
(Speaks.)
KASSANDRA: (Sings.)
IOOOOOO!
IOOOOOO!
My city destroyed!
No sacrifice enough to save your towers!
Fields emptied,
cattle slain,
never enough, never,
never!
160
Troy is dead.
The city fallen.
And I, too, must die,
must fall, like Troy’s towers,
my mind aflame,
my heart on fire,
(Speaks.)
down, down,
to the bitter earth.
(Music out.)
KASSANDRA:
No hiding now,
no bride behind the veil.
No riddles now,
but searing truth,
like mountainous waves blown by a sea-squall
into the sun’s flaming cauldron,
161
a monstrous truth far greater than what you know.
Bear me witness, hunt as I hunt,
hard on the scent of ancient evils
done in this sad house.
Listen.
On the roof.
A choir that will not depart.
Hovering, hovering,
they sing in concert a deadly hymn,
a deadly text.
Bloated on blood of generations,
they drink the house’s lifeblood dry.
And bolder, too, they grow on blood, these
Furies bred up with the house’s brood.
More boldly they range the house’s halls,
this band of ancient, fiendish debauchers
that will not be dismissed,
that infects the rooms with its evil song,
a song of destruction,
the song of the original evil,
a brother’s bed defiled by a brother,
a bed they spit on in disgust.
KASSANDRA:
Prophet Apollo gave me this power.
KASSANDRA:
Yes. I can say so now, not before.
KASSANDRA:
He took me like a wrestler, his body on mine.
KASSANDRA:
At first I consented, then—cheated him.
163
FIRST OLD MAN:
You had the gift of prophecy beforehand?
KASSANDRA:
I had already foretold Troy’s fall.
KASSANDRA:
No revenge? No one believed me again.
KASSANDRA:
AIIIIIIIIII!
AIIIIIIIIII!
Again,
again!
The pain,
the agony,
the horror of prophecy!
The whirlwind in my mind,
storm waves
crashing, breaking,
swirling!
AIIIIII!
Evil coming,
evil, evil!
O, o there!
164
There!
By the door!
By the palace!
Children, the children,
dream-children,
house’s children!
Horror, horror!
AIIIIIII!
Killed by kin,
by kin killed,
flesh in hands,
children’s flesh,
their flesh,
offering,
holding up,
serving handfuls,
hearts,
livers, innards,
guts for father to taste,
father to gnaw,
eating, tearing flesh,
sons’ flesh,
devouring!
AIIIIIIII!
Incarnation of evil!
The female slays the male!
How does she dare!
What do I call the fiendish
beast with a Fury in her blood?
Monster snake,
hated of the gods,
rock-dwelling Scylla, ruin of sailors,
166
raging hell-mother, merciless war-maker
on those she loves!
KASSANDRA:
The body of Agamemnon dead.
KASSANDRA:
Too late for that. Silence can’t help.
167
FIRST OLD MAN:
If that’s true, then I pray the gods prevent it.
KASSANDRA:
While you pray, they slit his throat.
KASSANDRA:
Man? You didn’t understand a word.
KASSANDRA:
I spoke clearly. I spoke clear Greek.
KASSANDRA:
PAPAIIIII!
Again, again,
the fire,
the fire,
burns me,
burns,
searing,
blinding!
168
AIIIII!
Apollo!
Lykeian Apollo!
AIIII!
AIIII!
The pain,
the pain!
My hands?
My hands?
Tearing at me?
At my prophetic robes?
Not mine, not mine!
No!
Apollo’s!
Apollo’s hands!
Tearing,
ripping,
stripping me of my raiment!
Apollo who made me a fool in these
robes,
who saw me
mocked, who made
friends into enemies who
reviled me with their
laughter, who
made me a beggar,
wandering, homeless,
in misery, starving,
skin and bones,
170
and I endured it,
bore it for the god,
his prophet, to serve
his glory; the same god who
undoes me now,
who drags me off to my deadly fate.
KASSANDRA:
There’s no escape.
KASSANDRA:
No. The time is now.
172
FIRST OLD MAN:
How strong you are.
KASSANDRA:
Praise for the doomed.
KASSANDRA:
Like my father’s and brothers’?
KASSANDRA:
FÉU! FÉU!
KASSANDRA:
Death. I smell it. Blood in the house.
173
KASSANDRA:
Corpses. An open tomb. I smell.
KASSANDRA:
Well.
I’ll go in now.
I have my fate and Agamemnon’s to lament.
I’ve had enough of life.
I’m no bird startled by a quivering leaf.
KASSANDRA:
I have one more word to say,
this one perhaps a dirge,
my own.
I pray to the last light of the sun I will see,
that when the avengers come to pay back the murderers,
they avenge my murder as well,
though I was only a slave,
an easy conquest.
174
I weep for man and his destiny.
Success, good fortune,
is only a shadow,
and man’s grief the scribble of chalk on a board,
cancelled by a wet
sponge.
AGAMEMNON:
AIIIIIIIIIIII!
AGAMEMNON:
AIIIIIIIIIIII!
OLD MAN 1:
Raise an alarm,
every man to the palace.
OLD MAN 2:
No, we break in,
catch them in the act
with the bloody sword.
OLD MAN 3:
And now.
Whatever we do,
176
do it now.
OLD MAN 4:
It couldn’t be clearer:
Kill a king,
start a tyranny.
OLD MAN 5:
We’re wasting time,
while they’re acting.
OLD MAN 6:
What do we do?
We need a plan.
OLD MAN 7:
Talking never brought a
dead man to life.
OLD MAN 8:
Do we save our own skins
and bow to the murderers?
OLD MAN 9:
Not me!
I’ll take death before tyranny!
177
OLD MAN 11:
Certainty is everything.
We must know before we act.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Words.
Many.
Many, many words have I
spoken, words to suit the
moment, cautious
words, but here’s an
end,
an end without
shame.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
180
Don’t treat me like some witless girl.
I’m not on trial here.
Praise or blame me,
it’s all one to me.
This is Agamemnon.
And this is my husband.
And that husband is now a corpse.
The work of this right hand that killed him justly.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
My, how pious we are,
so suddenly!
Judge and jury all in place.
Passing judgment.
Curses,
hatred,
condemnation,
181
exile!
Where were you then,
where were they,
these citizens,
when this man,
at Aulis,
raised the knife to his daughter’s throat,
Iphigeneia,
his daughter and mine,
caring not an iota that this was his child—
she was no more to him than a goat
from a flock of thousands!—
this sacrificial creature torn from my womb,
and for what?
To charm away the cutting winds of Thrace
and make some sailors happy!
All right.
But let me warn you.
Menace me all you want,
but know that our scores are even.
Prove yourself the stronger,
and I’ll be your slave,
182
and the throne is yours.
But if the gods decide otherwise and give me the victory,
and the throne remains mine,
you,
all of you,
old as you are,
will finally learn wisdom and where discretion lies.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
I, too, have the solemn power to swear an oath.
Witness for me, then.
Look at him,
the beast who wronged me, the rapist
of all Troy’s nubile sweet young things,
how low he lies.
And she,
his captive prophetess, his soothsaying
concubine, who made the trip from Troy
less a burden in his bed,
public whore for rowdy sailors.
Both now have the honor due them.
Here he lies,
and she beside him, as is only proper,
her swan song sung, his belovèd Kassandra:
side-dish for his bed,
grand satisfaction for mine!
Helen,
mad, raging Helen,
you who destroyed those thousands at Troy,
you are crowned with your final victory in this.
But the blood remains.
The blood is forever.
Ruin and Destruction thrive in this house,
an agony so deep it cannot be sounded.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
Why pray for death?
Why surrender to grief?
And don’t turn your wrath against Helen.
Did she alone drag Greeks to their ruin?
Did she alone cause the Greeks anguish?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
185
Now you have it right.
Now you blame the spirit,
the curse that has gorged on this family
for three generations.
Slaughter, feud, vengeance,
each wrong paid in full.
And with each payment,
a new thirst,
for new blood.
Always new pus before the old wound heals.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
I killed him, you say.
I am his wife, you say.
No.
But you said better when you saw in me
the destructive Fury raging through this house,
the Spirit of Vengeance, ancient avenger
of Atreus’ cruel banquet.
That Fury killed him, not me.
I was the instrument of Justice that
slew this victim as payment for
children slaughtered.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks)
And how was his death shameful?
What of the treachery,
the guile,
the lies he brought to this house,
and with it the house’s destruction?
What of that?
What of my child, my Iphigeneia,
his child, too,
what he did to her,
evil what he did to her,
and he suffered evil justly in return,
blow for blow.
188
Let him not boast of anything in Hell-house;
he paid for what he did,
for what he began,
death for death.
O earth,
o Argos,
o earth of Argos,
why didn’t you take me,
wrap me in your folds,
before I saw my king dead,
laid low in a silver bath?
Who will bury him?
Who will mourn him?
You?
Will you bury him;
Will you mourn him?
Will you dare?
189
First slay, then mourn?
You?
Your husband?
Unkindly kindness for his great deeds?
Who will sing praise at his tomb
with honor and truth,
with greatness of heart?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
His burial is no concern of yours.
My hand killed him,
my hand will bury him.
And there will be no mourning in this house.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: (Speaks.)
Finally you begin to understand.
The future,
the truth of all this.
I am ready,
ready here and now,
to swear a pact with the Fury that haunts this house.
What is done is done, never to be undone,
and I will accept that, hard as it may be.
AIGISTHOS:
191
O blessèd, blessèd day, to see justice done!
I know now that there are gods
who watch over man, who
punish his crimes.
Here lies Agamemnon, dead,
caught up in a crimson robe-net
woven by Furies—now, finally,
here at my feet.
And he has paid. He has paid
dearly for his father’s evil
doings.
King Atreus,
the dead man’s father,
clashed with his brother,
my father, Thyestes, and
drove him into exile. My father
had challenged Atreus for his throne.
But Thyestes in time made his way back
home, a broken man,
on his last legs, despondent,
defeated,
and threw himself as a suppliant
at his brother Atreus’ feet.
Atreus then,
this man’s father,
godless Atreus, showed his brother
mercy.
Instead of spilling his blood as retribution,
he kissed him,
welcomed him into his
192
house, the rescuer of his starving brother’s life.
In celebration, he called for a feast.
Atreus feasted my father Thyestes,
his own brother. A feast to
cancel recriminations,
to wipe out bad blood, so to speak,
a feast of reconciliation.
AIGISTHOS:
What’s this?
Murmur and muttering of mutiny below the decks?
Make no mistake,
we have the tiller in hand,
we guide the ship.
For such old cockers to learn new
tricks can’t be easy. But you’ll learn.
Starvation and chains
are apt at teaching manners.
Can you have eyes and not see?
Kick at the pricks and you will be
pricked.
195
FIRST OLD MAN:
Woman!
For that’s what you are!
You skulked behind while
others went to war! You
wallowed in his bed, you
plowed his wife, our king,
our general,
planning his death!
AIGISTHOS:
Words can lead to tears.
Beware yours.
Orpheus singing tamed wild beasts;
your raucous song only
infuriates me. It will take
stronger tactics to tame you.
AIGISTHOS:
Not true!
Deception was for the woman.
It was her role.
Given our history,
his and mine, I would have been
196
smelled out at the start. We were
blood enemies. He would have seen
right through it.
AIGISTHOS:
Eager to start our lessons, are we?
AIGISTHOS:
Guards! Draw your swords!
AIGISTHOS:
Then I’ll see you’re not disappointed!
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
No! Stop!
Stop! You mustn’t!
Beloved Aigisthos, we’ve had
enough of killing. We’ve reaped
too much death already,
a sad harvest.
Let us shed no more blood.
198
AIGISTHOS:
But you can’t!
Listen to them!
Their foul mouths spitting out
flowers of evil! Testing their luck—
how far they can go!
I’m in charge here!
The new leader!
Master!
AIGISTHOS:
Then real Argives will have to be taught.
AIGISTHOS:
Exiles feed on hope. I know.
AIGISTHOS:
Fool! You’ll pay for this one day!
199
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Ignore them. They’re nothing.
Idle barkers.
We rule here now.
We have the power.
Together you and I will set all things
right.
200
LIBATION BEARERS
[]
201
CAST OF CHARACTERS
202
LIBATION BEARERS
ORESTÊS:
I’m home, Pylades.
Home at last.
So many years.
Away from my country, my land.
My kingdom—
not yet my kingdom.
Home from exile, here at my father’s grave.
I’ll pray.
Hermês, earth-god,
guide to the world of the dead,
son of Zeus;
Hermês, guardian of my father’s rights,
help me in my struggle, my need is great,
hear my prayer, for I am returned.
Hermês, hear me.
Hear me, father.
An exile,
I wasn’t here to weep your death,
to defend you, father, from your enemies,
from the butchers who slaughtered you.
I wasn’t here to reach out to you my hand in farewell
as your corpse was borne away for burial.
Pylades! Look!
There!
Who are they?
What do they want?
A procession of women in black.
Has someone died?
Some new disaster for the house?
No,
they’re headed here, with grave offerings,
libations for my father, to appease the dead.
204
What else could it be?
O god!
Look there!
Êlektra! My sister!
I know her by her grief.
Hurry, Pylades!
We mustn’t be seen!
Out of the way, hurry!
I want to know the meaning of these rites.
A cry,
piercing,
terror-striking,
shrilled through the house from the depths of the dark,
from troubled sleep,
ominous dream,
nightmare-making,
hair-on-end-standing.
Terror woke screaming,
and women trembled in their chambers.
Dream-readers,
armed with god’s meaning,
told that in earth dead men were stirring,
raging anger against the killers.
(Music out.)
ÊLEKTRA:
Dear women,
slaves of the palace—
you have come here with me to my
father’s grave to help me in this ritual,
and I need your advice.
Tell me what to say.
I know I pour the offerings on his grave,
yes, and I will,
208
I know that,
but what words can I say to
cheer my father’s spirit?
What prayer do I make
to the gods? Do I say these
gifts are from a loving wife
to a loved husband?
How can I do that?
She’s my mother.
I would be lying.
Or do I repeat the usual words men say:
to give in return to the giver—yes, a gift
worthy of their crimes.
Or shall I do it in silence,
as silently as when my father
died, and in that silence
disgrace him?
Do I pour it out for the earth to drink
as it drank his blood? Do I
leave the scene as one who has just
emptied the polluted remains of a sacrifice,
tossing the vessel behind her with
averted eyes?
Please,
please help me, my dears.
Share with me in this decision.
Share as surely as we share
a hatred in this house.
Tell me.
Don’t be afraid,
not afraid to speak.
209
Not of anyone.
We’re all of us slaves, slaves and
freemen alike. Fate pays his visit
to us all.
But tell me what you think.
If you have anything better than this to say.
Tell me, please.
ÊLEKTRA:
Yes, speak out of honor for his grave.
ÊLEKTRA:
But which of my friends, or his, are loyal any longer?
ÊLEKTRA:
Pray for you and me, then—for all of us here?
210
ÊLEKTRA:
Who else can I add? Who else is loyal to us?
ÊLEKTRA:
Orestês! Yes, Orestês! How could I forget!
ÊLEKTRA:
The killers! Yes! What do I pray for them?
ÊLEKTRA:
Yes, to do what, sit in judgment, punish them?
ÊLEKTRA:
Kill? Can I ask such a thing of the gods?
ÊLEKTRA:
211
I’ll pray.
Hermês, earth-god,
guide to the world of the dead,
help me.
Call up for me the gods below
to hear my prayers.
Come, daimon,
infernal spirit,
spirit of this house
who witnessed my father’s murder!
And call to me Great Earth,
Great Mother,
fountain of life who takes all
back in its fullness
when the course is run!
Pouring these lustral offerings for the dead,
I call to my father:
Father—
father have pity!
Kindle in our house the light that is Orestês!
The dearest of lights, our beacon!
For we are children sold in the market by our mother
in return for a man,
a mate,
a husband,
Aigisthos,
who murdered you.
As for me,
I am a slave, no better,
live the life of a slave.
212
And Orestês—Orestês has nothing,
an outcast, penniless, an exile,
while they wallow in the luxury your
labor brought them. But Orestês,
father, I beg you, I pray you,
let him come home,
let him be happy in his fortune.
And for myself
I ask that I never be like my mother,
in mind, in body, in act.
213
These are my prayers.
And after them, this last of libations.
Now make my words flower with your songs of lament.
OTOTOTOTOTOTOTOI!
Where is he,
where is the man,
the spear-wielding man,
the man, like Ares War-god,
to deliver this house,
the man with Scythian weapons
in close combat?
214
(Music out.)
ÊLEKTRA:
He has our libations now.
The earth has drunk them.
ÊLEKTRA:
A lock of hair laid here on the tomb.
ÊLEKTRA:
That’s easy enough to see. No guessing here.
ÊLEKTRA:
No one in Argos could have left this here but me.
ÊLEKTRA:
Yes, and yet it looks very like—
215
FIRST LIBATION BEARER:
Like what?
ÊLEKTRA:
My own.
ÊLEKTRA:
Nothing looks more like.
ÊLEKTRA:
He sent it, this—this, to honor his father.
ÊLEKTRA:
I can’t, I can’t—
it overwhelms me, my tears,
a wave of bitterness rising against me,
sword ripping my heart,
my anguish!
My tears flow like floods of winter
216
rain beating down the
gates of my eyes when I see this
lock!
No!
ORESTÊS:
Your prayers are answered, my dear.
May the gods treat you as well in the future.
218
ÊLEKTRA:
What have the gods ever given me?
ORESTÊS:
The sight of someone you most long for.
ÊLEKTRA:
And who would that be, I wonder?
ORESTÊS:
Orestês. I know him. I know how you love him.
ÊLEKTRA:
And how does that answer my prayer?
ORESTÊS:
I am Orestês.
ÊLEKTRA:
Is this some trap?
ORESTÊS:
If it is, then I’m trapping myself.
ÊLEKTRA:
Don’t mock my pain, stranger
ORESTÊS:
Your pain and mine are one.
ÊLEKTRA:
219
Yes, well—then I’m to call you Orestês, is that it?
ORESTÊS:
So slow to see the truth when it
stands in front of you.
How is that possible?
And yet when you saw the
hair I cut in mourning, your heart
soared as if there could be no question.
Here.
Match the lock to my hair.
It’s no different.
It’s mine.
It’s your brother’s.
And how like it is to yours.
And look. My cloak.
The animals woven into it.
This is your weaving. You wove it for me
when I was taken to safety,
years ago.
ÊLEKTRA:
O dearest, dearest darling of your father’s
220
house!
How much I’ve hoped, how much I’ve
wept,
the seed to renew this house!
You’ll win it back, you will,
your father’s house! Your
strength will win it back!
Orestês bright light of this house,
I have four loves to give you!
The love for a father,
for that’s what you are to me now;
the love I should have for my mother—
the woman I so justly hate,
despise;
the love I had for my sister, ruthlessly
slaughtered; and the love that’s only your own,
the love for a brother,
mine, my own,
who loved and honored me!
O Orestês!
ORESTÊS:
Zeus!
Zeus, hear us!
Be faithful to our cause,
two fledglings, the eagle’s brood,
orphans of the father eagle dead,
netted in the viper’s vicious
coils, starving, weak, too young yet to
lift to their nest their father’s prey!
See in us these fugitives,
221
fatherless, robbed of our home!
Agamemnon,
who revered you, offered you countless
sacrifices, rich banquets in your
honor.
Who will do so now, Great Zeus,
who in all of Argos,
if you bring us to perdition?
ÊLEKTRA:
Destroy the eagle’s brood,
and there dies with it
omens sent to men, signs
to win men’s belief, and who will
again believe your word, Zeus?
But destroy the royal stock of Argos,
let it wither, and there will be
no more parades of bulls to the land’s altars,
no more sacrifice.
Hear us, Zeus,
hear our plea!
Our house lies humbled in the dust:
raise it again to greatness.
ORESTÊS:
Apollo will never betray me,
not the oracle of Great Pythia.
He charges me to endure the coming
trial, whatever the danger, and
threatens with calamities that
freeze my heart’s blood if I
fail to obey.
He shrieked so his voice
shrilled through the temple, to
kill them as they killed my father,
by deceit and duplicity.
He said like a bull I should rage,
charge in my fury, gore them
for having stolen my birthright.
And if I refuse him, if I
disobey the god,
I pay with a life of unspeakable misery.
ORESTÊS: (Sings.)
O father,
unhappy father,
father
who fathered our
grief,
what word of
226
love
I can speak,
what deed of
love
I can do,
will reach you
in your
dark grave,
will make its way to your
world of
darkness?
What will bring
light to you
and
light to us?
I will lament in
hope you can
hear,
lament for a dear dead
father,
lament to
bring you gladness,
lament,
lament
to bring you to us,
you who lie here
beneath this
stone,
you who must give us
hope.
227
FIRST LIBATION BEARER: (Sings.)
O child,
dear son,
no fire that
tears with its
jaws
at a dead man’s
flesh
can ever burn away
his
anger;
his will for
vengeance
lives on in death;
his spirit of revenge
never
dies,
but grows ever stronger.
What once was
bitter
is more bitter still.
Hatred seethes
for the murderer’s
deed.
And then come the children,
to weep,
to mourn,
to lament the
dead father.
And he hears,
he hears the
228
song
for the dead,
and light bright as
fire
sailing the
sky
shines down on the
doer,
hunts down the
killer.
Let us raise our
voices to
waken the
dead
and the guilty
will be
hunted,
the guilty will
pay.
ÊLEKTRA: (Sings.)
Hear me, father,
hear your children!
Here at your
grave we
sing
our lament,
our song for
the dead,
for a
dead father.
229
Your grave is our
love,
your grave is our
house.
We have nothing else.
Exiled and suppliants,
we beg at
your tomb,
we cry for
protection,
sing our
lament,
pour out our
sorrow.
But what is
good here?
What is not
evil?
Rise, dear father,
rise from your
grave,
rise and be
with us.
For all we know
now is
ruin
and
despair.
ORESTÊS: (Sings.)
O father,
why didn’t you
die at
Troy,
there under
Troy’s walls,
slain in
battle by a Lykian
spear?
Your halls would now
resounded in
glory,
your fame soar
high in its
majesty
by all who
remember
Troy,
and your children
honored.
Your tomb would
tower on
231
Troy’s coast,
a landmark for
sailors.
ÊLEKTRA: (Sings.)
No,
he should not have
died at Troy,
or be
buried beside
Skamander’s banks
with the legions who
lie there in
death!
Those who killed him
should have
died as he did,
died at the hands of
those they
loved,
232
the hands of kin,
and be
rotting now
in dark earth.
And men in far off
lands would have
learned of their
deadly
fate.
ORESTÊS: (Sings.)
The arrow hits
home!
We hear!
Have we roused you,
sleeping Vengeance?
Zeus,
Zeus of the world of the
dead,
send up Vengeance
from the world below,
Vengeance,
though late,
bringing
Justice,
and smite with
evil the
evil
heart,
234
smite with
evil the
evil hand!
The parents will be
avenged!
ÊLEKTRA: (Sings.)
Zeus!
Zeus!
Give us our rights!
Smash them,
crush,
break in their
skulls!
Kill!
Kill!
Show us your power!
235
Let the land
believe once more.
I demand
justice from
injustice.
Great Earth,
Great Mother,
hear me,
and hear me,
lords of the
earth below!
ORESTÊS: (Sings.)
236
Lords of the underworld,
infernal gods,
hear us!
O hear us,
exalted
Curses of the dead!
Behold in us the
end of the race of
Atreus,
helpless,
dishonored,
despairing,
shamed,
with only bare
life to cling to,
adrift on a
shoreless sea.
Where can we
turn,
Great Zeus?
Where?
ÊLEKTRA: (Sings.)
IOOO!
IOOO!
Cruel mother!
Reckless mother!
Evil wife!
You buried him,
buried,
but a savage
farewell,
savage,
no eyes to
weep,
no people to
mourn,
no lamentation for the
239
slain warrior!
ÊLEKTRA: (Sings.)
You’ve heard how he
died, what they
did to his
240
body.
They did the same
to my
life.
They shut me away,
no funeral mourning for me.
Locked me in a room
deep in the
house,
like a rabid bitch
chained in a kennel.
Laughter died in me
that day, and
tears ran
channels
in my cheeks.
A secret
mourning,
a private
lament.
You know now, brother,
you know now,
Orestês.
Carve it in your
heart
forever.
ORESTÊS: (Sings.)
Your tale is a tale of
dishonor!
His,
yours,
the people!
My father’s body,
naked,
mangled!
And her hands did it!
Dishonored his body,
dishonored his
memory!
She’ll pay!
By god she’ll pay!
The gods are with us!
And my hands with them!
And when I have
slain her,
I can die happy!
Come, father,
come,
join us in battle!
ÊLEKTRA: (Sings.)
242
Bathed in tears, I call on you, father!
ORESTÊS: (Sings.)
Let force battle
force,
let Justice battle
Justice!
ÊLEKTRA: (Sings.)
Bring Retribution in a way that is just!
(Music out.)
ORESTÊS:
Father, who died an unkingly death,
answer my prayer:
give me your throne.
ÊLEKTRA:
244
I ask, too, father: let me escape
when I have brought ruin
down on Aigisthos.
ORESTÊS:
For then when men feast the dead
you will get your share of honor.
If not, and I fail,
you will lose both feast and honor.
ÊLEKTRA:
And on my wedding day I will bring you
the best my father’s house has to offer.
But first, father,
I will honor this tomb.
ORESTÊS:
Earth, send up my father to witness my battle.
ÊLEKTRA:
Persephonê, Queen of the Underworld, give him victory.
ORESTÊS:
Remember the bath, father, that robbed you of life.
ÊLEKTRA:
Remember the net they fashioned to catch you up.
ORESTÊS:
The fetters that caught you up were made in no smithy.
245
ÊLEKTRA:
They plotted to trap you in a web of shame.
ORESTÊS:
Father, how can you sleep through these taunts?
ÊLEKTRA:
Lift your head, come up to us, father.
ORESTÊS:
Either send Justice to fight on our side,
the side of those you love and
who love you, or let us kill them
by their own means,
grip for grip,
cunning for cunning.
They threw you, won’t you help
us throw them?
ÊLEKTRA:
This is our last cry to you, father,
your eagle’s brood,
your fledglings,
here at your tomb.
Pity us,
Orestês,
Êlektra,
pity your children.
ORESTÊS:
Don’t blot out the race of Pelops.
246
While we live, you live,
even in death.
ÊLEKTRA:
Listen, father, it’s for your sake we do this.
Honor our prayer.
Save your name.
ORESTÊS:
And we will.
But first a question.
Why has she sent these libations
now, after so long, after
years,
and too late?
What was she thinking?
A futile gift to heal a wound past curing,
to a man who’s dead and hates her?
What sense does it make? And so
247
paltry an offering as that? A mockery
to the enormity of her offence! No act,
however great, can ever atone
for the taking of a life.
Why did she do this? Why?
What’s her reason?
ORESTÊS:
What was this dream? Tell me.
ORESTÊS:
And?
ORESTÊS:
Surely it didn’t bite her?
ORESTÊS:
This is no empty dream. This was a man.
ORESTÊS:
I pray to Earth, and the infernal Powers below,
and to you spirits that summon up
dreams to men, and my father’s
tomb!
249
Let this dream be made flesh in me!
This is all of a piece.
I see it now. Born from the same place
I was born, wrapped in the same
cloths I was wrapped in, fed by the same
breast that fed me, and drew from that breast
milk with clots of
blood; and then she shrieks out in
terror—what can it be,
that the horrendous portent,
but that the woman who nursed a monstrous
vision, must also die a
monstrous death!
I am that snake.
My sword is my sting.
The dream is true.
ORESTÊS:
It’s simple.
Êlektra,
you go inside. And say nothing.
All of you.
You know nothing of what’s
happened here. Not a word.
They who killed by cunning will die by
250
cunning, one noose for both.
How can it not be so if Apollo said it,
and who calls Apollo a liar?
Pretending to be a stranger,
I’ll approach the gates of the courtyard
with Pylades, a stranger and
spear-friend to this house.
We’ll pretend we’re from Parnassos,
and speak like Phokians.
But if a sentry turns us away and
denies us—after all,
an evil Curse lives in that house—
we’ll wait till someone
comes by and sees, and says:
252
But what of man and his high conceit,
what do we know of that,
does it have an end?
And worse is woman
and her reckless passions,
unscrupled woman crazed for man’s destruction,
the female perverting marriage
with her shameless lust,
uniting man and beast in their loveless ways!
Of all tales,
the worst, most evil of crimes is
Lemnos!
Men tremble to hear it and gods are appalled.
They killed them,
their men,
the women of Lemnos,
in one short hour.
All the men of Lemnos, dead.
Give no honor to what gods detest.
Which of these tales should I not have told?
ORESTÊS:
Hello in there!
Is there anyone there?
Anyone at the gates?
Boy! Slave! Anyone!
How long do I have to knock?
Boy!
Here’s a third time! Or has Aigisthos
forgotten the meaning of hospitality?
Now.
255
I have to ask
where are you from, stranger,
and what’s your business?
ORESTÊS:
Tell the masters of the house
there are strangers come with news.
Hurry.
Night’s chariot is racing
westward, and for travelers it’s
time to drop anchor at a friendly inn.
Bring someone in authority.
Your mistress, or better
yet, your master.
A woman takes tact to speak to;
with a man you can say what you
mean and not mince words.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Strangers, you are welcome.
Whatever you want is yours;
you have only to ask.
This is a house friendly to strangers.
Hot baths to sooth tired bodies,
beds to charm away the pains of travel,
and honest, caring eyes that Justice herself
256
would be proud of.
But if more weighty matters
concern you, some action better
dealt with by men,
I can bring you to them without delay.
ORESTÊS:
I’m a foreigner, madam,
from Daulia, in Phokis.
On my way here to Argos—I’m here on
business—I met a man who
walked a distance with me, and in
talking I learned he also came from Phokis.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
OI’GOOOOOOO!
Now our house is ruined to its roots!
O Curse upon this house that we
wrestle in vain, how you
search us out, how you
shoot your cunning arrows at
even what is hidden!
You pick us off from afar,
laying low those we love, leaving me
naked in my misery!
And now Orestês—Orestês who showed
good sense.
He kept himself out of the mire of
ruin that is this house.
Safe!
And now he is dead, our only hope.
No end now to the Furies’ evil revelry.
The physic is spilled that was to be our cure.
258
ORESTÊS:
I regret I haven’t come with better news.
With a house so prosperous in its good fortune,
a guest does well to deliver good news
and be entertained for his troubles.
For what is better than good humor between
host and guest?
But I thought it wrong not to do as I
did for Orestês’ friends.
I had promised them, and am also
bound to this house by the rules of hospitality.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
You will receive your due
no matter what.
Good news or bad, anyone could have
brought it. And you are no
less a friend to this house for that.
(To an ATTENDANT.)
The time,
260
the time is now,
the time for cunning Persuasion
to stand beside him in battle,
and for Hermês god of Death and Night
to guide the deadly
thrust of his sword.
KILISSA:
I’m to bring Aigisthos for the strangers.
Mistress’ orders.
Fast as I can. He’s to face
the strangers man to man and
hear the news, she says.
Her face is all
tears—all for the
slaves—but I saw it there, I
saw it, the smile she
hides beneath her pain-mask, her
eyes, her mouth, smiling
inside for how well it has all worked
261
out for her.
But not well for the house where
everything is evil now with the
strangers’ news. And how overjoyed
with the news he’ll be.
O TALAIN’ EGO!
KILISSA:
How? Come to her? I don’t understand.
KILISSA:
What? This news pleases you?
KILISSA:
But how? Orestês is dead. The hope of the house.
KILISSA:
What is it? You have other news?
264
FIRST LIBATION BEARER:
Go. Take this message.
The one I gave you.
The gods look after whatever they look after.
KILISSA:
I’ll go and do as you say.
The gods willing,
all may turn out well.
He is in his halls,
home in his house,
the house’s prince,
its rightful ruler.
Place him face to face with his enemies;
let him win, Zeus,
265
make him strong,
and in double measure,
no, in triple,
he will pay you with heartfelt thanks.
And you,
gods of this house,
gods who dwell in rooms of gold,
hear us, join us,
and with your will
wash clean this house of its ancient stain
in the new blood that Justice spills.
Cut off Death!
Let him breed no more!
Apollo,
lord of the deep cavern,
lord of light,
give us light,
lead us from this night of darkness,
let this house lift its head once more!
Give us freedom’s light!
Tear from our eyes this veil of doom.
266
And Hermês help,
bring winds to blow us to a swift end,
belly our sails to a happy conclusion.
God of deception,
god of cunning,
guide Orestês’ tongue and design,
help him net the tyrants with words.
AIGISTHOS:
I was brought a message to come.
For what I don’t know; for some
unfortunate news, I take it.
Strangers, I hear? The death of Orestês?
Something. Another blood-stained
burden for this house to bear.
Aren’t there enough festering wounds of
disasters?
AIGISTHOS:
I will, yes. The only way.
268
Did he see the death himself,
Orestês? Or is he mouthing some
vague hearsay?
One thing’s for certain.
No one deceives a man whose eyes are open.
AIGISTHOS:
É! É! OTOTOTOIIIIIIIII!
270
(A SLAVE cries out from inside
the palace.)
SLAVE:
OIMOI PANOIMOIIIIIII!
He’s dead!
He’s dead!
The master’s dead!
Killed!
Aigisthos!
Open! Open!
Open in there!
Open!
Unbar the door to the women’s quarters!
Hurry! A strong arm’s need!
Not for him, not for Aigisthos,
he’s dead!
Are you deaf in there?
Asleep? Open! Open!
Call Klytaimnêstra!
Hurry!
Where is she?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
What’s this shouting?
What’s the matter here?
SLAVE:
The dead—the dead are living!
The dead!
Killing!
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
OI ‘GOOOOO!
I know this riddle.
By treachery we killed,
by treachery we are killed.
Give me an axe!
Quickly!
ORESTÊS:
Your turn now. The one in there
had all he could handle.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
O dear Aigisthos! Dead, dead!
ORESTÊS:
You loved him in life?
Now lie beside him in death.
Never to part.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
O son, have pity!
These breasts cradled you asleep,
These breasts nursed you—
ORESTÊS:
Pylades!
She’s my mother!
Do I kill my mother—?
PYLADES:
Remember Apollo. You swore
oaths at Delphi.
It’s better to have no friends
than the gods hate you.
ORESTÊS:
273
I accept your words, my friend.
You!
Inside!
I’ll kill you beside your “man”!
Your Aigisthos!
You preferred him to my father once,
a greater man than Agamemnon!
You loved him, and
hated the man you should have loved.
Sleep with him now in death!
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
I raised you, Orestês; take care of me in my age.
ORESTÊS:
You kill my father, and now you want to live with me?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
No, son, no. Fate must share the blame for this.
ORESTÊS:
Yes, and that same Fate sends you your death.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Are you so uncaring of a mother’s curse?
ORESTÊS:
Mother? You gave me birth, then flung me out
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
274
Flung you out? I sent you to an ally.
ORESTÊS:
I was born free, and you sold me for a price.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Price? What price? Tell me what price I got!
ORESTÊS:
I can’t. I won’t. It shames me to taunt you with it.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
You think your father was a paragon of fidelity?
ORESTÊS:
While he was away at war, you dangled your manikin.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Life is cruel on a woman with her man gone.
ORESTÊS:
Cruel? While the man fights? And you dawdle at home?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Orestês, son, you’re murdering your own mother.
ORESTÊS:
You’re murdering yourself, mother, with your own guilt.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Remember the hellhounds of a mother’s curse.
275
ORESTÊS:
And forget my father’s hounds if I fail in this?
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
I see my words falling on deaf ears.
ORESTÊS:
You began to bleed when you murdered my father.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
OI ‘GOOOOO!
This was the snake I bore and gave my breast!
ORESTÊS:
The terror you dreamed prophesied the truth.
Your murder was wrong, now suffer a wrongful murder.
Time,
great Time that fulfills all things,
will roar through the halls,
278
a purifying flood,
scouring evil and fetid pollution.
Then will Humiliation be banished,
Disaster and Ruin and Vengeance exiled,
and the house’s age-old unwelcome guests
will shriek in headlong flight,
the scourging Furies!
Fortune’s dice have fallen out well!
Fortune has thrown us triple sixes!
The house is free at last!
ORESTÊS:
Behold the land’s tyrants!
Behold the double tyranny of Argos!
The demons who raped my house,
279
who plundered my rights, and murdered my father!
Slaves!
Throw it down!
Down where he once walked to his death!
Let everyone see!
Let everyone look at this woman’s devious
device for trapping her husband.
Let the father see—not mine, but the father
280
of the skies that sees all—Hêlios, Sun-god!
Let him see the godless work of my
mother’s hands.
Let him witness on the day of judgment
that my hand acted in league with
Justice to do this bloody
deed,
my mother’s death.
No.
No, a net. A net.
A hunting-net, would you say?
A highwayman’s trick?
A snare to drop on travelers, steal them
blind, then run them through
till his heart bursts with
good fellowship?
ORESTÊS:
Did she do it? Did she?
She did it!
Did it!
282
My proof is here!
This robe!
Crimsoned with his blood,
blood drawn by this woman with the sword of Aigisthos!
Did it!
She did it!
Look, here,
the blood, and
here, here, where the
blade dipped in, again,
again, darkened with
time, with time the colors
mottled, the grand
embroidery of this robe netted for
kings.
Now he is here.
ORESTÊS:
I feel it.
Coming, coming.
I know.
Where does it end?
Pulled, dragged, no reins,
storm, confusion,
reins whirling, team, wild,
off course, dragging,
heart racing, pounding,
pounding, terror beating,
beating down, chariot plunging, horses,
wild, mind, frothing, fear, mind, terror, horses,
terror close, close to heart, singing, dancing, anger
rising, anger, charioteer, no
reins!
Listen!
Listen! Time,
while there’s time—time—
listen—o listen.
What I did, I did with Justice,
Justice at my side,
my mother’s murder.
She killed my father, hands bloody, polluted, foul,
mother hated of heaven. My guide
284
was Apollo, prophet Pythia,
tongue of Loxias.
“Do this deed and be free of guilt!”
So said Apollo.
But if I failed, if I refused, if terror gripped me and
crippled me, there would be horrors no
mind could conceive.
Behold me now,
behold me here, armed with this olive
branch and a flock of wool.
ORESTÊS:
AIIII! AIIII!
Coming!
Coming!
There! There!
Look!
Gorgons! Black,
all black, in
black! Women of
Argos,
look! Serpents,
twining, hair, faces!
I can’t!
Can’t stay!
ORESTÊS:
No!
No fantasies!
I know them! See them!
My mother’s! My mother’s
hellhounds!
After me!
ORESTÊS:
Apollo!
Help me!
More!
There!
More! More!
Around me! Closing!
Eyes dripping
blood! Help!
Apollo!
ORESTÊS:
No!
You can’t
see them!
I see them!
Hellhounds! Hounding!
I can’t—can’t
stay!
(Exit ORESTÊS.)
289
EUMENIDES
[]
290
CAST OF CHARACTERS
291
EUMENIDES
Sunrise.
Delphi.
The sanctuary of Pythian Apollo.
PYTHIA, dressed in white, stands at the central door.
PYTHIA:
To Mother Earth
I give pride of place in my prayer,
Gaia,
prophet,
first of gods;
then to Themis, her daughter,
protector of Law and
Tradition, the second, as legend
tells, to hold her mother’s
prophetic seat;
and third in line is Phoibê,
Bright One, Titaness and
daughter of Earth,
a seat given in peace and
calm.
And she in turn gave it, a birthday
gift, to Apollo, along with her
name:
Phoibos Apollo he is,
god of prophecy and light.
Horror!
Horror!
Horror for any eyes, what I saw!
Horrible!
Too weak to stand with my
fright! I scrabble on
hands and knees! A feeble old
woman—a nothing—a babbling
baby with what I’ve
seen!
Foul!
Foul!
In the temple—there in the
temple—there—
(Exit PYTHIA.)
APOLLO:
I’m with you, Orestês,
now and to the end of your
suffering, no matter where, near or
far, I’m at your side to protect you.
Nor will I be gentle with your enemies.
You see them here. Savage,
despicable creatures,
loathsome to god, man and beast. Who would
touch them? Ancient virgin maidens, senile
children.
As you see, I’ve overcome them with
297
sleep, these maddened females
who exist for one reason only,
ruin and destruction.
Evil darkness is their home, Tartaros,
Earth’s bowels, that they range at
will, hated both by men and the
gods of Olympos.
ORESTÊS:
Apollo, my lord,
you and Justice go hand in hand.
Therefore find compassion in your
heart, compassion for me, and
298
never neglect me.
You have the power to do good.
Save me.
APOLLO:
And remember.
You must never allow fear to destroy you.
Go.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA’s GHOST:
Asleep?
Asleep?
What use are you asleep?
299
Why am I forgotten?
AIIII!
You forget me, forget me!
AIIII!
Dishonored!
You have dishonored me.
Dishonored among the dead.
Murderess, they cry, and pursue me.
Murderess!
The dead!
Scorn me, every one, for my bloody
deeds among the living.
I wander, wander, disgraced, among the
dead. I who suffered so,
suffered,
treated so heartlessly by my most loved.
Cut down, slaughtered, butchered by my
own turned evil
serpent. And none among the
gods, none, to take my side.
Killed his mother, and gods are
silent. Here, here the stab went through.
Straight to the heart. A mother’s heart.
And still you sleep! You who have
lapped up so many an offering,
so many libations, water and honey,
no wine among them, sober
appeasements for you who drink no wine.
And majestic midnight banquets I made you
at fiery hearths, an hour not shared by
other gods.
300
I see them now,
trampled on,
my offerings, my libations,
while like a fawn in one light leap
he speeds away, out of your net,
making a mockery of you as he goes!
Furies!
Hear me!
Goddesses of Night and Dark!
I am a dream who speaks!
I! Klytaimnêstra!
Dream Klytaimnêstra invokes you now!
Still asleep?
Still?
No pity for me? None?
None? Killed his mother
and the murderer’s fled!
301
(The FURIES begin to moan.)
FURIES:
Hunt!
Hunt him!
Hunt him!
Hunt!
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA:
Dreamers!
Fools!
In dreams you
chase him! On, on,
never off the scent!
Awake, you idlers!
302
My pain is great!
My disgrace! Remember!
Feel it, my
pain! Feel it! Let my
pain sting you! Sting in your
heart!
Don’t be undone by
weariness! My goad is
just!
Blast him with your gory
breath, char him, shrivel him with the
fire of your womb!
After him! Run—
run him—
run him down!
Run—
(KLYTAIMNÊSTRA’S GHOST
disappears as the FIRST FURY
wakens and rouses the FURY
beside her.)
(Song. Dance.)
FURIES: (Sing.)
IOOOOOOO!
IOOOOOOOOO!
IOOOOOOOOOOO!
Betrayed! Betrayed!
All our work, our suffering, in vain!
Unbearable pain!
IOOOO POPOIIIIIIIII!
Out of the net!
Vanished!
My prey!
Drugged by sleep, I’ve lost my quarry!
Apollo!
God Apollo!
Thievish Apollo!
You’re young,
you’re a man,
you owe us respect,
ancient powers,
but you ride us down!
304
You saved him,
saved the matricide,
the suppliant,
the godless man who spat on the gods!
And you stole him from us,
and call this justice!
Guilty, both of you!
Guilty! Guilty!
A god who steals from gods!
AIIIIIII!
A dream,
a dream came,
a dream scourged me like a charioteer,
deep in my heart,
her goad in my vitals,
under my ribs!
The pain! The pain!
The hard goad sticks!
You,
god of prophets,
you,
god Apollo,
defiled your own temple,
polluted your altar!
Your own hands did it!
Honored man more than Law allows!
Guarded one man from age-old divinities!
Struck down Destiny’s Laws old as Time!
And all for one man!
APOLLO:
Out of this temple,
out of this precinct,
away from here, all of you,
this ground is a place of prophecy!
Out!
Get out!
Now!
Or my winged arrows will
sting you like snakes and fire your
bowels to disgorge black curds of
blood that you suck from your victims!
This is no place for you,
filthy, unfit for this
house of holiness! You belong where
men are slaughtered, heads
chopped, sentences passed, where
eyes are gouged, a place of
murders where screams of castrated boys and
mutilations pollute the air,
hands, feet, ears, noses tossed to
yapping hounds and bitches, death by
stoning, and the endless groans of
men skewered naked onto spikes,
their quivering flesh ripped by nails,
hung high for all to behold their
long, humiliating agonies!
Blood, gore, screams are your delight!
This is your feast,
307
your kitchen,
your dining table!
This is what you love, and
this is why the gods detest you!
Even the sight of you shows your evil!
The den of a blood-lapping lion is your haunt!
Out!
Get out!
And never come here again to rub off
pollution onto those near you!
You’re a flock with no shepherd!
No god could love such a herd!
FIRST FURY:
It’s for you, now, to listen to us, Lord Apollo.
The blame for all this is yours,
yours alone. Everything that has happened
is your responsibility.
APOLLO:
I presume you can explain that?
FIRST FURY:
You commanded him to kill his mother.
APOLLO:
As vengeance for his father’s death.
FIRST FURY:
And with blood still fresh on his hands you gave him shelter.
308
APOLLO:
I ordered him here to be purified.
FIRST FURY:
And we escorted him here. And you revile us?
APOLLO:
You’re not fit to approach this temple.
FIRST FURY:
But this is our duty, our right.
APOLLO:
Right? What right? Tell me this precious right of yours!
FIRST FURY:
To run matricides from their homes.
APOLLO:
And the wife who kills her husband?
FIRST FURY:
Where there’s no blood-kinship, there’s no blood-guilt.
APOLLO:
Ah, well!
So much, then, for Hera and Zeus!
So much for the sacredness of
marriage, and Hera the protector of that
bond!
And you in your bargain dishonor
309
Aphroditê herself, the giver of
life’s greatest pleasure!
No oath is more
sacred than the bond between
man and woman; it’s loyalty
itself, and has Justice herself to
guard it.
And yet you close your eyes, you
refuse to punish with wrath and
vengeance a mate who murders a
mate?
Well, then, I say to
you, your pursuit of Orestês is
unjust.
How can you be so rabid about
one crime, as you are in this, and
disregard another, done in open
daylight, murder plain and simple?
Only the goddess Athêna can decide this case.
FIRST FURY:
This man will never go free, never!
APOLLO:
Then pursue to your heart’s content—but it will cost you.
FIRST FURY:
No words of yours will ever destroy my privilege!
APOLLO:
Privilege? I wouldn’t have it as a gift.
310
FIRST FURY:
Yes, well, you don’t need it, I dare say.
Such an important god!
Throned beside Zeus, I suppose!
But I’ll sniff out this Orestês wherever he is.
His mother’s blood leaves a long trail,
and the hounds of vengeance will
hunt down their man.
APOLLO:
And I’ll protect and save him.
He came as a suppliant, and the
wrath of a suppliant
rejected is a terror for both
men and gods.
ORESTÊS:
Athêna,
great goddess, hear me!
On Apollo’s instruction, I made my
311
way here to Athens and your temple.
Be kind.
I’m no longer a suppliant. My hands are
cleansed of my mother’s blood, my guilt
blunted and worn away at other
shrines and by dealings with
men.
I have fled across continents and
seas as Apollo decreed, and so I come to your
shrine, great goddess, and your
statue.
I will wait here the outcome of my trial.
FIRST FURY:
He’s here!
We have him!
Somewhere!
Look, his tracks! Silent witnesses!
Like hounds, we track the wounded fawn,
hot on the trail of spilt
blood! Ah,
the labor I’ve endured!
Man-killing! My lungs
about to burst! I’ve ranged
every region of
earth, and pursued him in
wingless flight across
312
seas, faster than
ships!
But he’s here!
Here! I’ll find him!
He’s crouching!
Somewhere!
I smell it!
Human blood!
And I smile.
FURIES: (Sing.)
Look! Look!
Everywhere!
Look again!
Don’t let him escape!
The mother-killer!
Find him!
There he is!
There!
Arms around her statue!
The goddess!
Waiting to stand trial!
Never!
That will never be!
Her blood is spilled,
the earth has drunk it,
too late,
never!
Blood for blood is my demand.
313
Living blood licked from your limbs,
sucked from your flesh,
clotted blood drunk from your veins,
a cruel drink,
a vile draft!
I’ll drain you dry,
I’ll shrivel your body and drag you down,
down,
drag you living down,
down where you will pay your debt,
agony for agony,
for a mother’s death.
And you’ll see them there,
see them all,
the violators of gods, of guests, of parents,
paying their debts to Justice.
And Hades is a strict accountant,
a mighty corrector of men,
whom nothing escapes.
ORESTÊS: (Speaks.)
I’ve suffered much,
and in suffering I’ve learned much,
and I know the many ways of purification.
I’ve learned when and when not to speak,
and now a wise teacher commands me
to speak of this.
The blood on my hand falls asleep, and the
guilt for my mother’s death has faded.
The stain is washed clean.
Apollo at his shrine cleansed me of matricide
314
with the blood of a slaughtered swine.
Nothing to say?
You spit back my words, you who were
fatted for me? I’ll feed on your
living flesh. No throat cut on the
altar, no easy death.
(Chants.)
FURIES: (Sing.)
Hear me, Great Mother!
Hear me, Mother who bore me!
Mother Night, hear me!
You bore me to avenge the living and the dead,
the sighted, the blind,
those in darkness and in light!
God Apollo, now, Leto’s son,
dishonors us.
317
He steals our prey,
this cowering hare,
the mother-murderer
who must pay with his blood.
By Fate assigned,
by Destiny given,
we hold as right our inalienable trust:
to pursue to the death
below the earth
the man who knowingly spills kindred blood.
And not even in death is he free.
And as he falls,
he senses nothing,
blind,
blinded with pollution’s evil;
darkness covers the man and his house,
the darkness of guilt,
the darkness of death;
and legend tells his tale through tears.
Where is he,
where is the man,
who fails to reverence the Law we uphold,
who fails to fear the power Fate gives us,
the power of Law allowed by the gods,
indelible to the far reaches of time?
Our power abides,
our ancient rights.
Honor us, give us your grace,
who live in the earth
in sunless night!
ATHÊNA:
I heard your call from beside the Skamander.
I was taking possession of Troy,
the hero’s share of the war-loot
given me by the Greeks for all
time, a rare gift to the sons of
Thêseus.
I came from there sped on by the swift
stallions of the winds and my
billowing aegis.
But what is this I see?
An odd gathering, to be sure, far less
frightening than surprising.
322
Who are you?
I address you all together.
This stranger here,
clinging to my statue—and you who are
surely the like of no other race, no mortals
bred by mortals, goddesses
unknown to the gods.
But, no,
I beg your pardon,
prejudice is unworthy of anyone,
least of all a goddess.
You’ve done nothing wrong.
I must be impartial.
FIRST FURY:
Daughter of Zeus,
you will learn of us in few words.
We are the children of endless Night,
our mother, and in our
home beneath the earth we are called
Curses.
ATHÊNA:
I now know your name and lineage.
FIRST FURY:
And yet you know nothing of our powers.
ATHÊNA:
Then tell them to me, but tell me clearly.
323
FIRST FURY:
We drive from their homes men who take other men’s lives.
ATHÊNA:
And where does the murderer’s flight end?
FIRST FURY:
Where no joy is.
ATHÊNA:
Is that where your screeching pursuit will drive this man?
FIRST FURY:
He murdered his mother and called it just.
ATHÊNA:
Was he forced? Did someone’s anger goad him?
FIRST FURY:
What could spur a man to kill his mother?
ATHÊNA:
There are two parties here; we’ve heard only half.
FIRST FURY:
He refuses to swear his innocence or admit to guilt.
ATHÊNA:
You claim to be just, and yet you act unjustly.
FIRST FURY:
324
Your words are subtle. Explain. You have wisdom.
ATHÊNA:
Injustice must never win by technicalities.
FIRST FURY:
Then question him for yourself, and judge.
ATHÊNA:
You resign to me the right to judge this man?
FIRST FURY:
As you respect us, we respect you and your birth.
ATHÊNA:
It’s your turn now, stranger.
Speak.
Tell us your name, your country, and your
circumstance. Defend yourself
against this accusation.
You came as a suppliant seeking protection,
took up a place at my
idol, like Ixion.
If it is justice you want,
then speak, speak the truth,
and clearly.
ORESTÊS:
Athêna, lady, guardian of Athens,
let me remove first
any misgiving you may have.
325
It isn’t as a suppliant for
purification that I’ve come here to your temple.
Nor have I approached your image with
polluted hands. And I have powerful
proof of this.
A murderer is forbidden to speak
until he has been purged of
blood-guilt by a priest who washes it away
with the blood of a slaughtered
suckling.
My hands are clean.
I was purified long ago and many times,
at other shrines and swift-flowing rivers.
As for me,
my home is Argos, and my father
is one you know well,
Agamemnon, who marshaled the fleet
that together with you at their
side toppled Troy,
destroying the city and its people.
He died a shameful death on his return.
Killed by my black-hearted
mother who caught him up in a net of
cunning design then hacked him to
death as he stood naked in his bath.
ATHÊNA:
This is a matter too difficult for any mortal;
nor is it right even for me to decide
in a case of murder that excites such
intemperate passions.
All the more so since,
schooled by your sufferings, you come here
unpolluted, infection-free, a suppliant who
brings no danger to my house.
I respect your rights.
But these women cannot be dismissed.
They have a duty to Destiny that cannot be put off lightly.
And if they fail in gaining the victory,
there will come a time when the
venom of their wounded pride will
seep into the land and poison it, and all my
country and its future will suffer a dreadful and
unbearable pestilence.
327
So there we are.
A crisis no matter what.
On both sides.
Do I accept the case, or do I reject it?
Do I let you stay or do I send you off?
Disaster either way.
Choice or no choice, I still must choose.
The matter must be faced and dealt with.
Very well.
I will establish here in Athens
a court to hold jurisdiction over homicide.
A tribunal to last for all time.
(ATHÊNA disappears.)
(Music. Song. Dance.)
FURIES: (Sing.)
Now all is revolution!
328
New laws prevail and ancient laws destroyed!
Eternal laws of Justice are no more!
And it is just, they say, it is just.
A mother murdered, and it is just.
The matricide goes free, and crime is easy.
A new harmony reigns, and crime is the victor.
A bloody sanction.
An evil license.
Wound upon wound,
at children’s hands,
await parents in time to come.
Destruction is everywhere,
Ruin runs wild,
Murder never sleeps.
329
Let no man cry for Justice,
for Justice’s house is falling,
the throne of the Furies is tumbled,
majesty is no more.
Fathers, mothers may cry for judgment,
but Justice—Justice is dead.
(Music.)
(The scene changes to the Areopagos.
Enter ATHÊNA in procession with a
TRUMPETER and the twelve MEN
OF THE JURY who take their places,
the ESCORT OF ATHENIAN WOMEN
and the CITIZENS OF ATHENS.
Simultaneously ATHÊNA places ORESTÊS
on the Stone of Outrage at one side
of the area and the FIRST FURY on the
Stone of Unmercifulness on the other, with
the chorus of FURIES near her. The two
voting urns, one for conviction, one for
acquital, are prominently placed.)
(Music out.)
ATHÊNA:
Order in the Court!
And let the piercing Etruscan battle-trumpet
sound to crack the heavens and
shake to its foundations the City of Athens!
ATHÊNA:
Silence! Silence! Silence in the Court!
ATHÊNA:
Lord Apollo, this is not your jurisdiction!
Please state what part you play in this affair!
APOLLO:
I come to bear witness.
As custom has it, this man was a
suppliant at my hearth and I have
cleansed his murderous hands of blood-guilt.
As the one responsible for his mother’s killing,
I am here to plead for him.
I called for it.
I commanded it.
When you try him,
332
you try me. And so, lady,
bring on the trial. Let justice be done,
as best you know how.
The Court is in session!
It is for you the prosecutors to speak first.
State the charges so that all may hear.
FIRST FURY:
We are many heads, but speak with one voice:
we will be brief.
I call on you, Orestês.
You will answer our questions, one by one.
First: did you kill your mother?
ORESTÊS:
I killed her. There’s no denying it.
FIRST FURY:
Ah! There’s the first of three falls!
ORESTÊS:
You boast, but your man isn’t yet on his back.
FIRST FURY:
Answer to how you killed her.
ORESTÊS:
With a sword. I slit her throat.
FIRST FURY:
And who persuaded you? Who planned the deed?
333
ORESTÊS:
Apollo’s oracle. Apollo is my witness.
FIRST FURY:
The god of prophecy ordered the killing?
ORESTÊS:
He did, and to this moment I regret nothing.
FIRST FURY:
When the verdict comes in you’ll soon sing another tune.
ORESTÊS:
I’m confident. My father will help from the grave.
FIRST FURY:
You killed your mother, and you have trust in corpses?
ORESTÊS:
I do. She was tainted with a double pollution.
FIRST FURY:
Double? You can explain?
ORESTÊS:
When she killed her husband, she killed my father.
FIRST FURY:
You killed her; she paid her dues. Now it’s your turn.
334
ORESTÊS:
Did you hound her when she was alive?
FIRST FURY:
The blood of the man she killed was not her own.
ORESTÊS:
And my blood and my mother’s are one and the same?
FIRST FURY:
How else could she have
bred you in her womb?
The blood you shed was yours!
Do you disown it?
ORESTÊS:
It’s your turn now, Apollo!
Be my witness!
Testify if I had Justice on my side.
I killed her, yes,
I slit her throat. How can I
deny that? But this matter of
bloodshed. Was it just or unjust?
Decide so I may prove my point to this court.
APOLLO:
Gentlemen of the Court!
High Tribunal of Athens!
Protective goddess of this great city,
Athêna!
As god’s prophet, I, who see all
335
things, Apollo, I speak only
truth, I cannot speak falsely.
Every word delivered from my mantic
throne to man, woman, or city is
beyond being questioned, for it is first ordained
by Zeus, father of Olympos.
Just is my answer.
FIRST FURY:
This is Zeus’ will, you say?
That this man here, Orestês, should
avenge his father and ignore totally any
claims his mother might have,
his mother’s rights?
APOLLO:
Rights?
You speak of rights?
336
What rights?
This man is charged with killing a woman who
killed a king, a nobleman whose scepter, whose
authority, was god-given, whose birth was
blest by Zeus himself; and what’s
more, she killed her husband,
a wife killing her husband, a man!
There’s no comparison.
Killed, a king,
a husband, a man, but not in battle, not by a
far-reaching arrow, even of an Amazon,
but by a woman,
at the hands of a—woman!
FIRST FURY:
You claim that Zeus puts greater store
in a father’s death. Then how do you explain
that Zeus threw into chains his own father,
the aged Kronos?
Is it possible we have a contradiction here?
I call upon the jurors to take note.
APOLLO:
Evil, creatures!
Loathsome!
Hated by the gods!
Chains can be undone! There are
keys for every lock! But when the
earth has drunk deep of a man’s blood,
there is no remedy, none, to raise him up.
For this Zeus has made no healing charms,
338
no spells to bring him back,
not even Zeus. All other things
he turns topsy-turvy at will
without even straining for breath.
FIRST FURY:
Be careful how you plead for his
acquittal! Is a son who has
spilt his mother’s blood then to
live in his father’s house in Argos?
What public altars of worship will he use?
What brotherhood will accept him into their
rites?
APOLLO:
Then hear the truth and
note the correctness of my argument.
The woman you call the mother is
not the child’s parent. She’s a nurse, rather,
a stranger who shelters a stranger for the
true parent,
the male who mounts and sows the seed.
He is the begetter.
She protects and preserves the offspring,
unless some god blights the birth.
I offer as proof for the truth of this assertion,
that a father can father a child independent of a woman,
a witness close at hand:
the divine child of Olympian Zeus.
No dark womb nurtured her; rather, she
emerged full-blown from the head of Zeus.
339
No goddess could have born such an offspring.
ATHÊNA:
Is there anymore to be said?
Shall I ask the Court to cast its vote
as justly and fairly as conscience permits?
APOLLO:
Our arrows are all shot.
I wait here only to learn the
Court’s decision.
ATHÊNA:
And you? What must I do
to avoid your censure?
APOLLO:
You have heard what you have heard.
Let the jury cast its votes,
and respect the oath they have sworn.
ATHÊNA:
340
Hear me, men of Athens,
and hear the law I establish for you and for
all the people of Attika.
It is your privilege, now, as jury,
to try the first case of
bloodshed.
And this assembly of judges will
endure for all time.
It was here that the Amazon women
descended in fury against Thêseus and
pitched their camp, erecting a new city to
rival his, building wall against wall,
tower against tower. And it was here they
sacrificed to Arês and called this hill the Areopagos,
the Hill of Arês.
It is here, too, that I establish this court,
a place where fear and reverence will
reign and rescue our people from injustice
day and night as long as no evil influx
perverts the laws of Athens.
Once a pure well is fouled,
a man must go begging for drink.
Gentlemen,
rise now, take up your ballots, and
vote with respect for the oath,
for my words now are ended.
FIRST FURY:
Beware, we can be a danger to your land.
Don’t dishonor us.
342
APOLLO:
And you beware in respect of
my oracles and those of Zeus.
Don’t interfere.
FIRST FURY:
You dabble in deeds of blood that are
none of your right! Your oracles will be
pure no longer!
APOLLO:
And was Zeus wrong to pardon Ixion,
the first one to murder?
FIRST FURY:
The words are yours!
But let us lose, deny us
justice, and this land will suffer.
APOLLO:
You are nothing to us, nothing to the
gods of Olympos, nothing to the
older gods!
I’ll take the victory here!
FIRST FURY:
This is nothing new to you! You did it
in the house of Admêtos! Persuading the Fates
to give men immortality!
APOLLO:
343
It was a crime, then, to help that pious
man in mortal need?
FIRST FURY:
You violated age-old dispensations!
You fuddled the minds of ancient
goddesses with wine, mocking their primeval
privileges!
APOLLO:
You’ll lose this case soon enough, so
spew your poisonous venom at your
enemies,
you’re harmless!
FIRST FURY:
You, young god, you, you
trample me underfoot with your indignities,
me, your elder! But I’ll wait, I’ll
wait to hear the outcome, and then I’ll
act, then I’ll decide do I blast this land
or not.
ATHÊNA:
Since the last vote is mine,
I cast it for Orestês.
No mother gave me birth, and so I honor
the male principle above all.
Except for my virginity,
I am in all things my father’s child.
And so I will give no preference to the
344
death of a woman who kills her husband,
the master of the house.
Orestês wins even if the vote is even.
ORESTÊS:
Apollo, god, how will the verdict fall?
FIRST FURY:
Night, dark mother, do you see this scene?
ORESTÊS:
Death by hanging awaits me, or the light of life!
FIRST FURY:
Destruction awaits me now, or renewed honor.
APOLLO:
Count them fairly, friends,
honor Justice in your division!
One error can cause disaster, and a single
vote bring life to a fallen house.
ATHÊNA:
The votes are even.
The man is acquitted,
345
cleared of the charge of
bloodshed.
(Exit APOLLO.)
ORESTÊS:
Athêna, you have saved my house!
I was an exile and you
brought me home! The Greeks will say:
“This man is an Argive again, restored once
more to his father’s halls, thanks to
Athêna, Apollo, and Zeus Savior, who brings
all things to pass.”
Zeus saw the horror of my father’s death,
he saw these champions of my mother’s cause, and
preserved me from them.
It is time for me now to return home to Argos.
But before I go, I swear a solemn oath to the
city of Athens and its people, an oath
that will be for all time.
No lord,
no ruler of my land will ever approach
Athens with military might and lowered spear.
I swear this.
And if he does, and I am in my grave, as may well
be, I will rise from the tomb and wreak
vengeance on him of such magnitude that it will
thrust him into blind confusion and stake out his
march with ill omens so dire that he will
curse the very choice he made.
But those who remain loyal to our oath,
346
who strive to uphold this city and its people forever,
comrades in arms, them I will
bless from the fullness of my heart.
(Exit ORESTÊS.)
(Music. Song. Dance.)
FURIES: (Sing.)
Gods of Light!
Gods of the New!
Younger gods,
younger,
you, you,
you trample,
you ride roughshod
our ancient laws,
you snatch,
tear,
rip them from my grasp!
Gods of Light,
gods of the New,
where is your shame?
I am dishonored!
I suffer bitter loss!
AIIIII!
347
In my rage,
in my wrath,
I will destroy this land!
My grieving heart will spill its venom,
drop by drop,
to lay waste the land!
The land will not yield!
Cancer spreads,
blight descends,
crops die,
children dead,
nothing grows!
Ah, Justice! Justice!
Infections spread to destroy the people!
AIIIII!
I weep! I groan!
What’s left to do?
Mockery, unendurable mockery,
the city’s fool!
We the ill-fated Daughters of Night
who bear what none can bear.
ATHÊNA: (Speaks.)
Great Daughters of Darkness,
listen,
why all this anguish, this
grief? What defeat did you
suffer?
None.
348
The vote was equal. Fairly decided
in the spirit of truth with no
dishonor to you.
Zeus himself gave shining testimony through
Apollo that even though Orestês
did the deed he should not suffer
harm.
And now you
threaten your anger against the land,
to spread your venom across it and
blight the soil with senseless fury,
cruel spears, destroying plant and seed.
I swear in Justice’s name and by my rights
that you will have honor here,
a seat and dwelling in this just land.
You will
sit enthroned at lustrous hearths,
sacred caverns in the earth.
And all of Athens will
honor you.
FURIES: (Sing.)
Gods of Light!
Gods of the New!
Younger gods,
younger,
you, you,
you trample,
you ride roughshod
our ancient laws,
you snatch,
349
tear,
rip them from my grasp!
Gods of Light,
gods of the New,
where is your shame?
I am dishonored!
I suffer bitter loss!
AIIIII!
In my rage,
in my wrath,
I will destroy this land!
My grieving heart will spill its venom,
drop by drop,
to lay waste the land!
The land will not yield!
Cancer spreads,
blight descends,
crops die,
children dead,
nothing grows!
Ah, Justice! Justice!
Infections spread to destroy the people!
AIIIII!
I weep! I groan!
What’s left to do?
Mockery, unendurable mockery,
the city’s fool!
We the ill-fated Daughters of Night
who bear what none can bear.
ATHÊNA: (Speaks.)
350
Dishonor?
No.
No, not dishonor. You’ve suffered
no dishonor.
You are goddesses, why visit your
rage on this land, why
destroy it with blight?
As for myself,
I place my trust in Zeus and—
need I say it?—
I alone of the gods hold the key to the
secret place where Zeus stores his lightning.
But why speak of that?
Better to let me persuade you.
Why parch this land with malicious
curses that destroy every living thing?
A foolish thought.
Hold back force. Lull to sleep
the dark flood of your
fury, and know that together,
co-residents,
we will share honor and reverence.
You will approve my words when this
city will offer and sacrifice to you forever
its first fruits in thanks for
birth and marriage.
FURIES: (Sing.)
Am I to suffer this outrage?
Wisdom, knowledge,
conscience of ages,
351
dug deep in earth,
outcast,
condemned,
like dread pollution!
I loath you,
hate you,
my rage runs wild,
I rise in anger!
OI OI DA, FÉU!
The pain,
the pain,
stabbing my sides!
AIIII!
Night, hear me!
Hear me, Mother Night!
Help me, I suffer!
Treacherous gods,
gods of light,
usurping gods,
gods of the new,
they rape my powers,
cunning gods,
they make me nothing,
make me count for nothing!
ATHÊNA: (Speaks.)
I understand and forgive your anger.
You are older and therefore
wiser than I. And yet, Zeus gave
me some sense and insight, too.
352
But I’ll tell you this:
go anywhere else, set yourself up in a
foreign land, and in time you will
find you long for Athens like a lover.
Time will bring even greater honor to my people,
and with you enthroned near by the house of Erechtheus,
you will know these people to be more
generous to you than all the rest of the
world combined.
But never sow in our land the greed for blood,
for young men’s lives are always the cost,
young men
whose rage is not the rage of wine
but of your venom.
Not here,
not in my city.
Never plant in their breasts the
hearts of fighting-cocks, and with them
the spirit of war, of civil
strife, turning brother against
brother.
Foreign wars, yes,
and easy to find, too, wars to
satisfy our passionate lust for
fame.
But the violence of civil strife I will not
tolerate.
FURIES: (Sing.)
Am I to suffer this outrage?
Wisdom, knowledge,
conscience of ages,
dug deep in earth,
outcast,
condemned,
like dread pollution!
I loath you,
hate you,
my rage runs wild,
I rise in anger!
OI OI DA, FÉU!
The pain,
the pain,
stabbing my sides!
AIIII!
Night, hear me!
Hear me, Mother Night!
Help me, I suffer!
Treacherous gods,
gods of light,
usurping gods,
gods of the new,
they rape my powers,
cunning gods,
they make me nothing,
make me count for nothing!
354
(Music out.)
ATHÊNA:
No, I will never tire repeating to you
the gifts and blessings I offer.
You must never say that I, a younger goddess,
and this city’s people, drove you off,
you, an ancient goddess,
dishonored,
exiled from this land.
No!
But if you honor Persuasion,
the majesty of Persuasion, and if my
voice has the power to soothe and
charm you, you will stay.
But if not, and you leave,
you could not in Justice’s name bring down on this
city and its people any degree of destruction,
vengeance, or wrath.
No.
For I offer you a royal share of this land,
and honor and glory for all time.
FIRST FURY:
Lady, what is this place that will be mine?
ATHÊNA:
One free of pain and suffering. Won’t you accept it?
FIRST FURY:
And if I do, what honor will be mine?
355
ATHÊNA:
Such that no house will prosper without your approval.
FIRST FURY:
You would really do this; give me so much power?
ATHÊNA:
Whoever honors you will always flourish.
FIRST FURY:
I have your promise of this for all time?
ATHÊNA:
I never promise what I can’t fulfil.
FIRST FURY:
Your persuasion is working its magic. My rage is fading.
ATHÊNA:
Live here, then, and help us, and we’ll be friends.
FIRST FURY:
What song will you have me sing to bless this land?
ATHÊNA:
Sing of victory—
a song of victory with honor.
Sing of the earth and the sea and the
blessings they give; of the sky and gentle
rain, and of soft winds blowing the
356
land on sun-drenched days,
sing of these blessings.
Sing of the beasts of the fields, of endless
herds and of grain-rich harvests,
abundance of earth’s fruits,
blessings unending,
sing of them,
of their blessings,
for our city’s people,
blessings that will know no end.
And sing of the preservation of human seed,
the sowing of new life, and piety
cultivated to make the good man thrive.
For like a loving gardener, I tend the good and
pluck out the bad, and save the honest man
from sorrow.
FURIES: (Sing.)
Goddess,
I accept,
I choose to live here,
side by side with you,
to share in your house.
357
No harm will come through us,
no pain, no suffering
no dishonor to Athens:
Athens will never suffer at our hands:
Athens ruled by Zeus Almighty
and war-proud Arês;
Athens defender of gods and the gods’ altars.
For Athens I pray.
For Athens I make my kindly prophecies.
May life’s blessings abound for her,
may the radiant sun smile on her fields
and make them flourish,
and may prosperity rule.
ATHÊNA: (Chants.)
I welcome these powers,
terrible goddesses,
implacable, unappeasable,
in my city’s name
I welcome them,
I welcome them
for my city’s good.
Their fate is to order
the ways of man.
FURIES: (Sings.)
These are my gifts,
the gifts I bring you.
No bitter wind to blast your trees,
no scorching heat to sear the buds,
no pestilence to blight your crops.
May Pan bless your sheepfolds
and make them thrive,
and earth give up riches
hidden in her womb.
ATHÊNA: (Chants.)
Guardians of Athens,
do you hear? Do you
hear their promises, the blessings
they bring? The Furies’ power is
great in the earth, with
gods above and gods below,
dread goddesses who
decide man’s fate.
Laughter is theirs
to give, as well as tears.
FURIES: (Sing.)
I banish chance that takes men’s lives,
young men dead before their time.
359
Give every lovely girl a husband,
and a marriage happy and rich in fulfillment.
Give it, gods who hold the power,
and sister Fates,
daughters of Night,
hear us,
grant our prayers,
for you are great in every house,
you the keepers of Justice and Right,
you who are known to every season,
you who bear the burden of Justice,
you,
most honored by the gods.
ATHÊNA: (Chants.)
Rejoice!
I rejoice at your
gifts, the blessings you
rain on me and my land!
You turned away, you
scorned my offer,
but Persuasion,
kindly Persuasion,
came to guide my tongue:
Zeus Persuader
has won the day.
Our rivalry now will be for good,
and Athens will be
blest in our contest.
FURIES: (Sings.)
360
Let Civil Strife,
forever hungry for evil,
never divide fair Athens.
Let Attic dust not drink our people’s blood,
let revenge not breed revenge
in an orgy of slaughter.
But let them rejoice in joy,
each to each,
united in love for the good,
united in hate for the evil.
Here is a cure for many human ills.
ATHÊNA: (Chants.)
Listen! Listen!
They’re finding words,
words of blessing, words for
happiness! Fearful faces
alight with hopeful promise!
Be kind, kind to these
Kindly Ones, honor them
always, and you will be
beacons on the straight course
of Justice, and your city
will be great in all eyes!
FURIES: (Sing.)
Rejoice! Rejoice!
Rejoice, Athens and its glorious citizens!
361
Wealth will be yours,
and joy,
you sitting close to Zeus’ throne,
you beloved of beloved Athêna,
you to whom wisdom comes in time,
you whom Father Zeus loves,
you, you,
beneath the watchful wing of Pallas.
ATHÊNA: (Chants.)
Rejoice with me,
great goddesses!
Rejoice as by this procession’s
sacred light, I lead you down to your
chambers deep in this rock.
Go now,
sped on by our solemn sacrifice.
Protect us from harm,
give us good fortune,
lead us to victory.
Sons of Kranaos,
keepers of Athens,
lead them, lead down our sacred
guests. Give them kindness
362
who give kindness to you.
FURIES: (Sings.)
Rejoice,
rejoice once more for the city!
For all in the city!
Gods and mortals!
Twin pillars of Athêna’s proud land!
Give us reverence,
your immigrant guests,
and happy fortune is yours forever.
ATHÊNA: (Chants.)
I thank you for your prayers and blessings.
Now in the dazzling light of flaming torches,
I will lead you to your cave in this rock,
deep down in the cool earth.
Come with me to the core of my city,
the heart of Athens.
These women who guard my image
will escort us. For this is your right,
this is your privilege.
Go under earth,
to earth’s dark caverns,
where honor is yours,
and sacrifice yours,
and holy reverence!
Silence,
silence,
let no one speak!
365
GLOSSARY
366
GLOSSARY
367
AREOPAGOS: “Hill of Arês” in Athena northwest of the Akropolis; the location of the
supreme and most ancient court of Athens; the site of the final scene of the
Oresteia.
ARÊS: god of war unpopular among the Greeks; son of Zeus and Hera; lover of
Aphroditê and probably father of Eros.
ARGOS: ancient city in southeastern Greece in the northeastern Peloponnesos; in
general terms mainland Greece.
ARTEMIS: daughter of Zeus and Hers; twin sister of Apollo born on the island of
Delos; virgin huntress associated with wild places and animals; primitive birth
goddess; known as an archer.
ATHÊNA: daughter of Zeus who sprang fully armed from his head; goddess of
wisdom, skills, and warfare; chief defender of the Greeks at Troy; particular
defender of Odysseus; in competition with Poseidon, who produced the horse, she
won the favor of the Greeks by producing the olive tree, considered the more
valuable, for which she was made patron of Athens, her namesake.
ATREUS: king of Mykenê; father of Agamemnon and Menelaos; to avenge the
treachery of his brother Thyestes, he killed Thyestes’ sons and served their flesh to
him at a banquet.
ATTIKA: a peninsula of southeastern Greece; in ancient times a region dominated by
Athens, its chief city.
AULIS: ancient town in east central Greece, Boiotia; traditionally the harbor from
which the Greeks set sail against Troy.
368
DAIMON: divine being; an attendant or ministering spirit; frequently associated with
bad luck that shadows an individual or a house from birth; fate; what is unexpected
and outside of one’s control.
DAULIS: a small town in Phokis, near Apollo’s shrine in Delphi, originally Pylos.
DELOS: Greek island in the southwest Aegean Sea; traditional birthplace of Apollo and
Artemis.
DELPHI: Greek city on the southern slopes of Mount Parnassos; site of the most
famous oracle of Apollo.
DELPHIC ORACLE: the primary source of oracles in Greece; sacred to the Earth
Mother and passed down through her to Apollo; located on the southern slopes of
Mount Parnassos at Delphi.
DELPHOS: according to legend, the eponymous king of Delphi.
DIONYSOS: god of divine inspiration and the release of mass emotion; associated with
wine, fruitfulness, and vegetation; son of Zeus and Semelê; leader of the Bakkhai;
bestower of ecstasy; worshipped in a cult centered around orgiastic rites and veiled
in great mystery; also known as Iakkhos and Bakkhos.
FATES: the three goddesses who ultimately control the destinies of humans; also
known as the Moirai; their powers and those of Zeus overlapped.
369
FURIES: see Erinyës above.
HADES: underworld abode of the souls of the dead; also lord of the kingdom bearing
his name; known also as Pluto; son of Kronos and Rhea; brother of Zeus, Dêmêter
and Poseidon; husband of Persephonê.
HARPIES: foul, winged female demons.
HELEN: daughter of Zeus and Lêda; half-sister of Klytaimnêstra; her abduction by
Paris began the Trojan War.
HELLAS: classical Greek name for Greece.
HEPHAISTOS: god of fire; son of Zeus and Hera; husband of Aphroditê.
HERA: goddess; daughter of Kronos and Rhea; sister and wife of Zeus; associated with
women and marriage.
HERAKLÊS: son of Zeus and Alkmênê; of outstanding strength, size and courage;
known for the performance of twelve immense labors imposed upon him.
HERMÊS: god; son of Zeus and Maia; messenger and herald of the gods; associated
with commerce, cunning, theft, travelers, and rascals.
IDA: a mountain and range southeast of ancient Troy; a favored seat of Zeus.
ILION: another name for Troy.
INACHOS: principal river of Argos.
IPHIGENEIA: daughter of Agamemnon and Klytaimnêstra; sister of Orestês and
Êlektra; sacrificed by Agamemnon at Aulis so the Greek fleet could sail to Troy.
ITYS: son of Aëdon, accidentally killed by her while she tried to kill a son of Niobê.
370
IXION: a Thessalian king punished by Zeus for his love of Hera by being bound to a
perpetually revolving wheel.
KALCHAS: seer and priest of Apollo who accompanied the Greek forces to Troy.
KASSANDRA: daughter of Priam and Hêkabê of Troy; priestess of Apollo; taken as a
captive by Agamemnon to Argos and killed along with him by Klytaimnêstra.
KILISSA: old wet-nurse of Orestês.
KITHAIRON: a vast range of mountains stretching between Korinth and Thebes.
KLYTAIMNÊSTRA: wife of Agamemnon; half-sister of Helen; mother of Orestês and
Êlektra.
KOKYTOS: river in the underworld whose name means “wailing.”
KRANAOS: early ancestor of the Athenians.
KRONOS: Titan; son of Ouranos and Gaia; father of Zeus who dethroned him.
KYPRIS: Greek name for Aphroditê.
LÊDA: wife of Tyndareos; mother of Klytaimnêstra; with Zeus the mother of Helen.
LEMNOS: island in the northeastern Aegean Sea; famous for its medicinal earth.
LÊTO: Titaness; daughter of Phoibê; mother of Apollo and Artemis.
LIBYA: north African country on the Mediterranean.
LOXIAS: Apollo; a cult epithet that probably refers to him as one who speaks in
riddles, indirectly, through his oracle at Delphi.
LYKEIAN: epithet for Apollo; wrongly believed to be derived from the Greek word for
light, an attribute of Apollo; as Apollo Lykêios he was supposed to protect
shepherds from wolves and pestilence.
371
NAVELSTONE: the Omphalos in the temple of Apollo at Delphi; regarded as the earth
navel.
NIGHT: born of Chaos; mother of Day and the Furies.
NIOBÊ: queen of Phrygia whose six sons and six daughters (in some versions seven)
were killed by the gods Apollo and Artemis because she boasted they were more
beautiful than the two gods.
NISOS: King of Megara; father of Scylla
ZEUS: King of the Olympian god; son of Kronos and Rhea; brother and husband of
Hera; brother of Poseidon; father of man of the gods and mortals as well; has many
epithets arising from his many functions.
374
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
375
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Arnott, Peter. Public and Performance in the Greek Theatre. London: Routledge, 1901.
Arnott, Peter. Greek Scenic Conventions in the Fifth Century BC. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1962.
Bieber, Margarete. The History of the Greek and Roman Theater. 2nd ed. Revised.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961.
Burkert, Walter. Greek Religion. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985.
Buxton, R. G. Persuasion in Greek Tragedy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1982.
Denniston, J. D. and Page, D. Agamemnon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957.
Else, Gerald F. The Origin and Early Form of Greek Tragedy. Martin Classical
Lectures, Vol. 20. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965.
Ewans, Michael. Aeschylean Inevitability: a Study of the Oresteia. Ann Arbor:
University of Michigan Press, 1971.
Ewans, Michael. Wagner and Aeschylus: the Ring and the Oresteia. New York:
Cambridge University Press, 1982.
Fergusson, Francis. The Idea of Theater: A Study of Ten Plays, The Art of Drama in
Changing Perspective. Princeton: Princeton University Press; London: Oxford
University Press, 1949.
Fraenkel, E. Agamemnon. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1950.
Garvie, A. F. Libation-Bearers. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986.
Goldhill, Simon. Reading Greek Tragedy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1986.
Goldhill, Simon. Aeschylus: The Oresteia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1992.
Goldhill, Simon. Language, Sexuality, Narrative: The Oresteia. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1984.
Herington, J. Aeschylus. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986.
Hornblower, Simon and Spawforth, Antony, eds. The Oxford Classical Dictionary. 3rd
ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996.
376
Hornby, Richard. Script into Performance. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1977.
Jones, John. On Aristotle and Greek Tragedy. London and New York, 1962.
Kitto, H. D. F. Form and Meaning in Drama: A Study of Six Greek Plays and of
Hamlet. 2nd ed. London: Methuen, 1964; New York: Barnes and Noble, 1968.
Kitto, H. D. F. Greek Tragedy: A Literary Study. 2nd ed. New York: Doubleday, 1964;
3rd ed. London: Methuen, 1966.
Kitto, H. D. F. Word and Action: Essays on the Ancient Theater. Baltimore and
London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979.
Kott, Jan. The Eating of the Gods: An Interpretation of Greek Tragedy. New York:
Random House, 1973.
Kuhns, Richard F. The House, the City and the Judge: the growth of moral awareness
in the Oresteia. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1962.
Lattimore, Richmond. The Poetry of Greek Tragedy. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1958.
Lattimore, Richmond. The Story-Patterns in Greek Tragedy. Ann Arbor: The
University of Michigan Press, 1964.
Lax, Batya Casper. Elektra: A Gender Sensitive Study of the Plays Based on the Myth.
North Carolina and London: McFarland and Company, Inc, 1995.
Lloyd-Jones, Hugh. The Justice of Zeus. Sather Gate Lectures, Vol. 41. Berkeley and
Los Angeles: The University of California Press, 1971.
Mastronarde, D. Contact and Disunity: Some Conventions of Speech and Action on the
Greek Tragic Stage. Berkeley and Los Angeles: The University of California Press,
1979.
Neils, Jenifer. Goddess and Polis: The Panathenaic Festival in Ancient Athens.
Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992.
Neuberg, M. An Aeschylean Universe. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press,
1981.
Pickard-Cambridge, A. W. The Dramatic Festivals of Athens, 2nd edition. Oxford: The
Clarendon Press, 1968.
Pickard-Cambridge, A. W. The Theatre of Dionysus in Athens. Oxford: The Clarendon
Press, 1946.
377
Podlecki, Anthony. Eumenides. Warminster: Aris and Phillips, Ltd., 1992.
Podlecki, Anthony J. The Political Background of Aeschylean Tragedy. Ann Arbor: The
University of Michigan Press, 1966.
Rehm, R. The Greek Tragic Theatre. London, 1992.
Scott, William C. Musical Design in Aeschylean Theatre. Hanover: The University
Press of New England, 1984.
Smyth, Herbert Weir. Aeschylus. Vol. 2. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963.
Sommerstein, A. H. Eumenides. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
Steiner, George. The Death of Tragedy. New York: Alfred A. Knopf; London: Faber
and Faber, 1961.
Taplin, Oliver. Greek Tragedy in Action. Berkeley and Los Angeles: The University of
California Press; London: Methuen, 1978.
Taplin, Oliver. The Stagecraft of Aeschylus. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1977.
Vernant, Jean-Pierre and Vidal-Naquet, Pierre, eds. Myth and Tragedy in Ancient
Greece. New York: Zone Books, 1990.
Vickers, Brian. Towards Greek Tragedy. London: Longman, 1973.
Walcot, Peter. Greek Drama in Its Theatrical and Social Context. Cardiff: The
University of Wales Press, 1976.
Walton, J. Michael. The Greek Sense of Theatre: Tragedy Reviewed. London and New
York: Methuen, 1984.
Walton, J. Michael. Greek Theatre Practice. Westport and London: Greenwood Press,
1980.
Wiles, David. Tragedy in Athens. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1997.
Winkler, John, and Zeitlin, Froma I., eds. Nothing to Do with Dionysus. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1990.
Winnington-Ingram. Studies in Aeschylus. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1983.
378
APPENDIX
By Hugh Denard
Little by little tragedy advanced, each new element being developed as it came into use, until after
many changes it attained its natural form and came to a standstill. Aeschylus was the first to
increase the number of actors from one to two, cut down the role of the chorus, and give the first
place to the dialogue. Sophocles introduced three actors and painted scenery.
(Aristotle Poetics. Tr. T. S. Dorsch.)
Aristotle was not born until seventy-five years after the Oresteia’s first performance,
and the Poetics is probably a late work, written in his mid fifties. Given that there was
no “scientific” discipline of history (much less theatre history) as we would recognize it
today, and that most of the surviving Greek tragedies do not accord with Aristotle’s
account of tragedy, we have to approach what he says cautiously.
If we look at the first sentence of the translated extract from Aristotle’s Poetics
above, we can see that Aristotle is working overtime to make the history of tragedy fit
into his neat teleological scheme whereby the primitive gradually develops into the
perfect. In other words, if time had revealed to Aristotle and his contemporaries that the
“perfect” number of actors for tragedy is three, then tragedy must have evolved into this
state from an earlier, “imperfect” state of one, and later two, actors. But the Oresteia
required three actors, and some have argued that it even requires a fourth! Aristotelian
acolytes, do not despair: by 458 B.C.E., Sophokles had already been competing against
Aeschylus and his peers for a decade, so Aeschylus’ use of a third actor could well have
been following an earlier, Sophoclean innovation.
I am not going to get into the arguments for or against a fourth actor here, which
largely center on the difficulty of one actor in Libation Bearers having to change from
house slave to Orestês’ companion-mentor-lover, Pylades in somewhere between three
and thirteen lines. Let’s work on the assumption that Aristotle is right and there are just
379
three (very dexterous) actors at work. Does this information make any difference to the
way in which we think about or perform the plays?
The first thing to be said is that there are several different theories about how the
different parts were distributed among the three actors. They all start with the basic
arithmetic (if Actor A and Actor B are already in the playing area when another
character enters, then Actor C must play that other character, and so on). They then use
different kinds of arguments to distribute the roles that math alone can’t decide. The
intriguing “problem” about Greek tragedy, they agree, is that the actors all wore masks
that entirely covered their head, and that the costumes covered the rest of them, so that
any actor could play any role. Not only that, but they could even swap roles in the
course of a performance: Klytaimnêstra could be played by Actor A in Scene 1, but by
Actor C in scene 6!
My difficulty with these arguments is that they often tend to base their reasoning
primarily on “literary” and “thematic” considerations rather than thinking about what is
involved in having three specific actors in performance. It’s one of the unhappy facts of
theatre-historical research that, in order to gain a sense of the four-dimensions of
theatrical performance, we have to spend much of our time looking at a medium (paper)
that exists only in two (or at a stretch three) dimensions, and does not visually, aurally
or temporally resemble what it documents (i.e. a chapter in a book does not look or
sound like a performance, nor does the act of reading it produce the same effects of
time). One of the dangers of such research is that we can become so absorbed by the
particular properties and conventions that are attached to the acquisition of paper-
knowledge, that we lose sight of the (quite different) properties and conventions that
performance-knowledge demands. The casting of the three actors in Greek tragedy is
where we could easily fall into this trap: what seem, in theory, like compelling thematic
arguments for or against certain actors playing certain roles, unfortunately require us to
treat the dynamic play of the particular, live actor’s body and voice in time and space as
if it were a merely mechanical function. This is problematic because, while masks and
costumes may be interchangeable, actors’ bodies, voices and performances are not.
That is why I want to reverse the common approach by starting from an “actorly
logic,” and then working out from that to thematic concerns. I propose that we try out
380
two simple additional “rules” that seem reasonably obvious corollaries of thinking
about actors in performance (rather than characters on the page), and then see what kind
of thematic patterns emerge from the probable casting patterns that these rules produce.
Rule 1. Each role is played by the same actor throughout the trilogy.
This eliminates the fun scholars have had for so many years with the interchangeable
actor. Why? Each role in the trilogy, requires a particular physical, gestic and vocal
style and vocabulary, not only to denote general factors such as gender and status, but
also to particularize each role as a specific instance of these (and other) factors.
Regardless of how “formalized” we imagine characterization in Greek theatre to have
been (and Greek tragic acting was by no means “naturalistic” or “realistic” in our sense
of the words), no amount of mask and costume can conceal the particular body-shape or
nuances of voice and body of an individual actor, all of which are non-interchangeable,
inalienable elements of what would have gone into making up a particular role in
performance. Nor would it have made sense for several actors to have trained
themselves to play the same role when the plays do not require it of them. Indeed, the
fact that they do not require it is perhaps the most direct indication of the practice of
“consistent casting.”
We also know that as time went on, acting became highly prestigious in the
Greek-speaking world: the “protagonist” (lead actor and impresario) was commissioned
by other cities and rulers to bring his company (the deuteragonist and tritagonist:
second and third actors) to perform at local festivals and other special occasions such as
royal weddings. Before 449, only the playwright and choregos (producer) were awarded
prizes at the City Dionysia. But in that year, just nine years after the Oresteia’s first
outing, the city also instituted a prize for “Best Actor.” This suggests that these
performances must have been attracting attention in their own right and that the work of
the actor was acquiring prestige. How do actors and acting win such prestige? Through
particular celebrated performances, and the actor’s mastery would (very) arguably have
been best displayed by his virtuosity in creating and delivering particular lead roles. If
those lead roles were played by several actors, it is difficult to see how those memorable
“star” performances could have taken place.
381
There are a number of objections that could be raised to this approach, above all,
that, in an acting system not based on psychological realism, continuity of actor and role
is not important. What is important is that the star actor gets a chance to show off his
versatility in dealing with several different roles, rather than playing just one role or
range of roles. Other traditions of performance do successfully interchange actors and
roles, and this would make perfect sense for the evidence that we have for Greek
performance. These arguments lead to a different sense of the performance aesthetics,
and provide a different, and at times highly attractive, way of reading the plays. While
both theories can equally be argued from the efficacy and attractiveness of their
different outcomes, and both can be equally well defended from the evidence, neither
set of outcomes or arguments is sufficiently definitive conclusively to disprove the
other. That is not, however, to say that the exercise is futile. Our investigations may not
result in “the truth” (even if we were to get it right, we would have no way of knowing)
but they do enable us to understand more clearly the kinds of variables with which we
are faced, and to identify some of the broader implications of the different decisions we
make.
That is not to say that I am entirely neutral: I inevitably have reasons for
preferring my theories above those of others. Nor am I arguing for actor-role continuity
in the Greek theatre out of some latent desire to impose contemporary notions of acting
upon the ancient world, but rather out of considerations arising directly out of the kinds
of theatrical and metatheatrical mappings of performative elements that are observable
within the plays. (It is also worth noting that arguments for interchangeable actors and
roles based on examples from other performance traditions are no less potentially
anachronistic as evidence of theatre practice in Greece than the retro-imposition of
contemporary norms of dramatic representation.) I do think that it is highly likely that,
as tragedy increasingly became a highly prestigious international export in the course of
the fourth century B.C.E., with companies of actors doing star-turns of the “highlights”
of tragedy for various patrons (rather like the 1990s phenomenon of the “Three
Tenors”), the case for a different kind of casting in response to these changes becomes
stronger. That is quite different, however, from the decisions that might have applied to
the casting of an entire play or trilogy for its original setting in the City Dionysia. In that
382
context, it makes sense for the body and voice of the actor to recur in thematically-
connected roles in much the same way that other elements do in the Oresteia.
Immediately we note that each actor takes either the leading female or the lead
male roles in the trilogy, so in addition to a logistical solution, each actor also has a
primary range of roles which draws on a consistent set of skills. This is encouraging. If
we look a little closer at each of these two sets of roles, we notice that there are much
more striking similarities between the roles that each actor would have played. Most
obviously, both female and male roles are in positions of authority. But, interestingly, of
the female roles, all but the relatively small part of the Pythia are portrayed in some way
as “mannish,” while the men are portrayed as “womanish.” Arguably, the Pythia, too, in
authoritatively addressing men in public also falls into the range of behaviors that the
Greeks would have deemed “mannish.” Aeschylus, as a practical man of the theatre
(Athênaeus, in about 200 C.E., reports earlier writers who recorded that Aeschylus
acted in and choreographed his own plays), and conscious of the resources available to
383
him, certainly wrote with particular role-alignments in mind. This casting arrangement
would have allowed each actor primarily to concentrate on perfecting a particular kind
of role: strong women and weak men, respectively.
If Aeschylus had not only particular role-alignments, but specific actors in mind
to play these roles (and the actors may have included Aeschylus himself, along with two
actors called Kleandros and Mynniskos)5 it is possible that this casting scheme may
even be one of the few surviving traces of the particular acting skills and talents for
which these individuals were known. This can be neither proved nor disproved. Nor
does it even aspire, in this context, to fulfill the necessary conditions of “scholarly
argument from evidence.” But Aeschylus and his actors were real people working
together in Athens in 458 B.C.E., and we can say with absolute scholarly certainty that
the dearth of evidence imposes its own distortions: that where we have gaps, there was
something. Speculative attempts to fill the gaps may not bring us any closer to the
“verifiable truth,” but it may help us more acutely to sense the presence and contours of
those gaps.
To return to the actor-role alignments, it does no harm at all to the strength of
this “actor-first” approach to casting that we find these role-groups also offering a
strong, thematic symmetry between the two main sets of characters—one that accords
well with the trilogy’s major preoccupation with questions of gender. If Actor A plays
both Klytaimnêstra and Êlektra, for instance, the shared body and voice will become a
signal to the audience that helps them to recognize that these two characters are
perilously alike. Both are driven by the ghosts of the past to commit murder against
their closest kin. Both enlist the dead as their silent justifiers. The coincidence is so
great that Êlektra even prays:
5
Pickard-Cambridge, Sir Arthur. The Dramatic Festivals of Athens. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1988, p. 93.
384
This reference does little to detract from the theatai’s awareness of the correspondence
between the two characters (or actors). The final play, the Eumenides, is one in which
negative, deathly patterns on several levels are transformed into positive, regenerative
patterns. In this scheme, some positive version of the deadly, city-destroying, mannish-
women of the House of Atreus is required: warrior-goddess, civic-guardian Athêna,
who breaks the cycle of revenge by placating Furies, rather than raising them, and by
putting the needs of the city and its citizens above those of the royal house, provides the
perfect answer. For their parts, Êlektra and the Pythia can be seen as moral staging posts
between the negative pole of Klytaimnêstra and the positive pole of Athêna.
AIGISTHOS
Moving on, here is where our “actorly” logic begins to help out in casting other roles.
Mathematically speaking, Aigisthos, for instance, could be played by either Actor B or
Actor C. But if we take these alignments of roles as first and foremost alignments of
actors, then there are good reasons for thinking that Aigisthos, who is also a lead male
in position of authority and a “womanish man,” should be played by the same actor that
plays the similar role-types of Agamemnon and Orestês. So:
Once we have done this, we can again observe that this will also provide a much
stronger thematic doubling between these three roles, which accords with a veritable
obsession for doubling that the trilogy displays in a variety of other ways (more about
this later). So, again, the actorly logic also coincides with a persuasive thematic logic.
For instance, given that the subject of the trilogy is this tangled, sordid history of
killings within the House of Atreus, it is fitting that Agamemnon, Aigisthos and Orestês
are brought together in one actor. There’s an even more sinister, ironic symmetry to
seeing the Agamemnon actor also play Agamemnon’s (albeit indirect) killer, Aigisthos;
and then in the next play seeing the Aigisthos actor also play his killer: Orestês. It also
seems appropriate that Klytaimnêstra’s two men—Agamemnon and Aigisthos—should
be played by the same actor, to allow the obvious differences between them to be
385
disrupted by the possibility of observing, through the actor’s single body, disturbing
similarities. This is then twisted into a further degree of ambivalence when the same
actor returns as her son, Orestês whom she has cause both to fear (as she feared
Agamemnon) and to love (as she loved Aigisthos).
Indeed, all three men are worryingly alike. The theatai may have sensed a
challenge to each of these three characters’ masculinity when they saw how each has
achieved victory by “feminine” means—namely, deception. We may have very
different ideas about gender, but for the Greeks, deception was always primarily to be
associated with the feminine. It might (as in the case of the Homeric “wily Odysseus”)
bring successes that could be measured in terms of male glory—but it was no less
suspect (at the very best, ambiguous) for that. Half a century later, Sophokles would
bring the problem into even sharper focus in his play, Philoktêtês. Here, in the Oresteia,
the Old Men of Argos recount, graphically and at length, how Agamemnon used
deception to lure his own daughter to her sacrifice in Aulis to maintain his own
generalship over the Greek army. At the end of the same play, the Old Men openly jeer
Aigisthos for having defeated Agamemnon by deception, and through the intermediary
of a woman, rather than facing him “man to man.” Even Orestês is not exempt: he, too,
enters the house to do his bloody work by deception, on the advice, it might be pointed
out, of Apollo: one of the decidedly less butch gods in Olympus (unlike Athêna). And
what is his chief task? To kill a woman.
The masculinity of these three male characters is called into question in other
ways. On his return to Argos as triumphant king, Agamemnon allows himself to be
overruled by a woman. This demasculinization is then played out in gore inside the
house: his body is violently penetrated like a sacrificial beast (apt recompense for his
sacrifice of Iphigeneia), but by a “mannish woman” who describes killing him and his
concubine as a sexual delicacy (“side-dish for his bed, / grand satisfaction for mine!”):
their blood spurting onto her:
In the play that follows, we learn that before burying him, Klytaimnêstra has mutilated
Agamemnon’s body to deny his angry spirit power: the catalogue of savagery as
recounted to Orestês by the Chorus includes the “detail” that even his “manhood” has
been cut off:
The she-wolf
who
murdered also
mutilated.
Hands, feet,
ears,
manhood,
lopped away,
tied to his neck,
slung through the
armpits!
While this does not render his body “female” (unless you follow the rather
unsatisfactory Freudian line that the “female” is to be defined in terms of absence of
male genitalia, rather than the presence of female genitalia), it does certainly physically
strip it of most of what constitutes its masculinity.
Aigisthos, in his brutality and deception, is the mirror image of the Agamemnon
described by the Chorus in the early part of the Agamemnon: the Agamemnon who by
guile stole and slaughtered his daughter Iphigeneia so that he might lead the army to
war. But moments after Agamemnon has been killed, Aigisthos allows Klytaimnêstra to
overrule him just as she overruled Agamemnon—he is persuaded to permit the Old Men
to impugn his honor with impunity. In Libation Bearers, Orestês has to “learn” how to
become as deceitful and brutal as Aigisthos in order, like him, to kill a king and seize
power. He, too, wins by deception, entering the house with a false story, and needs his
friend Pylades to help him steel his nerve for the task by warning: “It’s better to have no
friends / than the gods hate you.” The difference between Orestês and the previous two
387
is that, despite the strongest possible claim, that of maternity, he does not allow
Klytaimnêstra to overrule him. In this, he acquires a degree of “masculine” power that
had eluded his father and his uncle: thus he survives, and she dies.
But what ultimately conjoins all three sinister figures, and is carried through the
shared body-voice-presence of a single actor, is their willingness to sacrifice
members—especially female members—of their own family in order to further their
own ambition.
So beyond the “actorly” logic of having one actor play all the males in the
House of Atreus, there are sufficient overlaps between the way in which the three roles
are characterized in the trilogy, and how they would have had to have been performed,
to make it worth arguing: the application of “actorly” logic is entirely congruent with a
strong theatrical and thematic logic.
ACTOR C
If we work on the assumption of these actor-role alignments, then the math dictates that
Actor C must play Kassandra, Pylades, and Apollo. These are all significant “tragic”
roles, but subsidiary or auxiliary to the lead roles—all quite appropriate to a tritagonist.
All three roles are predominantly concerned with Apollo: Kassandra is his priestess.
Because she denied him sex, he blighted her with a curse that her prophecies would
never be believed. Pylades’ only words in the entire trilogy are to remind Orestês of
Apollo’s instructions—that he should kill his mother on pain of terrible punishment:
Finally, Actor C arrives in the person of Apollo himself, whose terrible justice we have
seen, to justify himself by his own testimony at the trial convened (rather conveniently)
by none other than his sister, Athêna.
Thematically, we find again that this actorly logic gives good theatrical and
thematic results. For instance, although not explicit, the relationship between Pylades
388
and Orestês would have been recognized by the theatai as an instance of the kind of
highly-respectable, homoerotic companionship that existed in Athenian society, and
other later classical sources explicitly list Orestês and Pylades as exemplary among such
relationships. The casting allows the sexual link between Agamemnon and Kassandra to
be echoed in the link between Orestês and Pylades: the same two actors (B and C) play
out both of these relationships, enabling the theatai imaginatively to superimpose,
compare and contrast them. In the case of Actors A and B, we saw how the proposed
role-groupings allow a disturbing casting of victors and their victims in the same actor’s
body. Here, too, we see one single actor play both Kassandra and her victimizer,
Apollo.
BIT PARTS
There has been a lot of discussion about the casting of the five remaining minor roles,
and again, I am going to try to apply an “actorly” logic to see if this gives us any insight
into how the trilogy may have been performed and what kinds of theatrical and thematic
patterns this might have enabled. The five roles are: Watchman and Herald
(Agamemnon); Gatekeeper, Kilissa and Slave (Libation Bearers). Let’s start with the
observation that, among these roles, three are remarkably similar in range: Watchman,
Gatekeeper and Kilissa. All three are house slaves. All three, however briefly they
appear, are given strong “earthy” characterization that mediates between pain and comic
potential. Take, for instance, the Watchman’s patter at the opening of the Agamemnon:
Or the Gatekeeper at a high-tension point in the Libation Bearers when we are about to
see whether Orestês will be recognized and killed, or whether he will succeed in his
deceit and become the killer:
389
All right, all right, I hear you!
Don’t knock down the door!
Again, it is a momentary comic puncture in the high, tragic fabric. Or take the house
slave Kilissa talking about nursing Orestês as a baby:
All three put into immediate physical terms the suffering of the House of Atreus, to
which they are subject. These slave roles would then seem to suggest an actor who
excels in “colorful” low-status characters—perhaps something of a comic talent. But
also one capable of blending the comic potential into a tragic texture. Linking these
three as a group of roles for a single actor might even suggest something about the way
in which these roles were to be performed. And if the suggestion of comic elements
seems too undignified for The Great Aeschylus, it is worth remembering that the
selfsame Great Aeschylus is also a celebrated author of satyr plays!
If we check our math, we see that one of these is already decided for us: the role
of the Gatekeeper must be played by Actor A. On paper, all four remaining minor roles
could be distributed in various ways between all three actors, but if we stick with the
390
idea that each actor is likely to have specialized in certain types of roles, then the roles
of Watchman and Kilissa should also go to Actor A. This actor’s profile would then
encompass two role-types: (i) lead, “mannish” women (ii) tragi-comic slaves. This
would also distinguish this actor from the other two in both the power and range of his
roles, which might point toward an identification of Actor A as the star-actor, or
protagonist.
But thematically speaking, doesn’t this confuse, or at best dilute, the kinds of
associations between the lead-female roles that we have previously noticed? And
doesn’t it weaken the theatrical impact of the plays? On the contrary, I think if we look
at this distribution of roles we can see that it would actually have served to accentuate
the thematic and theatrical structure of the plays.
The relationships between these three slave roles and Klytaimnêstra, all played
by the status-actor, the protagonist, are strikingly similar. The Watchman starts off the
trilogy, and the same actor will bring it to its conclusion in the role of Athêna. The
Watchman is Klytaimnêstra’s minion, set by her to give her advance warning of
Agamemnon’s triumph at Troy and immanent return: if she has been waiting and
plotting for this moment for all these years, his is the actual, physical manifestation of
that watch, so he acts as a kind of extension of her fears and desires. And in Greek
social terms, that is all he—her slave—actually is. The connection is made even more
direct when he describes himself as lying on the roof like a dog; it is a recurrent motif in
the trilogy that Klytaimnêstra is the hound keeping watch over the door to the palace.
(Perhaps this is a kind of negative Argus, Odysseus’ faithful dog, whom Homer has die
with pleasure on his master’s return: Hell Hound Klytaimnêstra ensures that it is her
“master” who dies on his homecoming.) It is also the Watchman who introduces the
motif of fire, the beacon-signals set up by Klytaimnêstra, which is also the sign that
Klytaimnêstra gives as prelude to her own entrance, as the perplexed Chorus exclaim:
Fire returns again at the end of the trilogy—on the instructions of none other than
Athêna! There is also a nice irony that the Watchman is the first to comment on
Klytaimnêstra’s gender:
As this same male actor will go on to play Klytaimnêstra, the “mannish woman” of
which this Watchman is the anticipatory (male) extension, her gender is thus not only
described, but in a sense performed by the casting coincidence.
The value of these kinds of connections is, as elsewhere in the trilogy, only fully
realized when combined with significant disjunctions, contrasts, dissimilarities. This
“compare and contrast” structure is used by Aeschylus over and over again to generate a
multi-layered texture of ambivalence, tension, and irony. In this case, although the
Watchman acts as a precursive extension of Klytaimnêstra, he is also a foil. His
spontaneous joy at the prospect of his King’s return (“If only he were here now, / my
master, Agamemnon, / and I could hold his dear hand in mine”) stands in illuminating
contrast to the calculating pleasure of Klytaimnêstra behind which, Goneril-like, lies
only malice.
The theatrical logic is also compelling: Klytaimnêstra enters the playing area a
long time before she first speaks to tell the Chorus about her beacon signal, a silence
that gives her character mystique and power. But the theatai have already heard this
actor in the role of Klytaimnêstra’s “extension,” the Watchman. Likewise, they have
already heard all about the beacons, having themselves watched the moment the
message arrived. These previews give the theatai an advantage over the other characters
in the play, offering them the illusion of omniscience—an illusion that is always useful
392
for an Athenian poet to cede to his sovereign, democratic audience. Rather than
diminish in any way the dramatic suspense of Klytaimnêstra’s silence, it creates a
wonderful anticipatory effect: the theatai see the male slave transform into the female
queen linked by shared but ambivalent tokens: the fire and actor.
These are then the main patterns that we will see repeated strongly in the
Libation Bearers in the roles of Kilissa and the Gatekeeper: like the Watchman, the
parts will (i) in some way anticipate entrances by Klytaimnêstra, and (ii) act as both
extensions and foils to certain important aspects of her character.
Like that of the Watchman, the appearance of the Gatekeeper in Libation
Bearers becomes the occasion for attention to be drawn to Klytaimnêstra’s ambivalent
gender: Orestês instructs him:
This in itself is a tenuous, “on paper” connection. But if the Gatekeeper and
Klytaimnêstra are both played by the same actor, with only moments between the two
appearing (the next lines after Orestês finishes speaking to the Gatekeeper are by
Klytaimnêstra), then these otherwise arbitrary comments by Orestês assume a more
complex layering of associations. The Gatekeeper and Klytaimnêstra must, in any case,
be in almost exactly the same place at the same time backstage for this scene, and a
mask-switch makes this simple to achieve—with two actors already onstage (as Orestês
and Pylades), and the third having exited into the house (as Êlektra) it would be
perverse to imagine that the author would have considered casting anyone other than the
Klytaimnêstra-Êlektra actor for the role of Gatekeeper. The scene might have been
played as follows: wearing the mask of the Gatekeeper, and perhaps an over-garment
covering the costume of Klytaimnêstra beneath, the actor opens a hatch in the wall or
door to address Orestês. Following Orestês’ words, he withdraws. While stagehands
393
slowly swing open the central doors, he switches masks and discards the over-garment,
and then makes an unhurried, queenly entrance as Klytaimnêstra.
The visual difference between the opening of a minor hatch and the opening of
both central doors, distinguishes dramatically between the status of slave and Queen.
The immediacy of the juxtaposition of his and her arrivals at the door also heightens the
thematic connection between the two characters, the Gatekeeper acting as an
amplification of Klytaimnêstra’s role as guardian of the door. The theatai would recall
that she had conquered Agamemnon in the previous play by controlling access to this
door; they would now sense that her failure to do so in this play—allowing the son of
Agamemnon entrance on his own terms—would cost her her life.
As a slave nurse, Kilissa is the extension of Klytaimnêstra’s maternal role
toward Orestês, just as the Watchman and Gatekeeper have been extensions of other of
her roles. In this case too, she has delegated these roles to subordinates but continues to
depend upon their successful execution for her own success and survival. Her failed
maternal relationship to Orestês, however, will prove critical to her downfall, as her
dream foretells:
ORESTÊS:
And?
ORESTÊS:
Did this monster cry for food?
ORESTÊS:
Surely it didn’t bite her?
394
FIRST LIBATION BEARER:
No, but it sucked a clot of blood in the milk.
This duplicitous Klytaimnêstra with her crocodile tears contrasts starkly with Kilissa’s
own spontaneous response of pain:
The disjunction between the slave’s spontaneous grief and the mistress’ false grief
closely resembles the spontaneous and false joy of slave and mistress at the opening of
395
the Agamemnon: the different responses of the Watchman and Klytaimnêstra to news of
Agamemnon’s immanent return from Troy. And the correspondence between the
dramatic technique and thematic functions of these two foil scenes does nothing to
diminish the likelihood that they were identically cast, or that such a casting would have
helped the correspondences to stand out. But the playwright does not merely reiterate
the earlier scene. He “masterfully” turns the true grief of the slave into a false sign to
Aigisthos, summoning him to his death at the hands of the “dead”; the dialectic of
similarity and differentiation operates between, as well as within, scenes and plays.
HERALD
There remains the role of the Herald in the Agamemnon to cast. He could be played by
either Actor B (the Deuteragonist) or Actor C (the Tritagonist), and it is clear from the
other casting decisions that either of these actors could have played this reasonably
extended, serious role. That he is a military man returning home would tend to identify
him as a similar role-type to that of Agamemnon, Aigisthos and, perhaps to a lesser
extent, Orestês, to whom the homecoming motif is so central. This would all tend to
identify the role as the type played by the Deuteragonist.
As we have seen, the overall casting pattern that I am proposing tends to give to
a single actor the roles of both victors and their victims, both masters and their slaves.
So in this scheme, the Protagonist plays Klytaimnêstra, who will be (indirectly)
conquered by Êlektra. So, too, he plays the house slaves who are subject to
Klytaimnêstra. Likewise, the Deuteragonist plays Agamemnon, who will be (indirectly)
conquered by Aigisthos, in turn to be conquered by Orestês. And likewise, he plays the
soldier who is subject to Agamemnon. Only the very minor bit-part of a Slave calling in
panic in the Libation Bearers, which the Tritagonist must almost certainly play, escapes
this symmetry, and the designation of this minor slave role to the most junior of the
actors seems a good gradation of both high-status and lower-status characters, between
the three actors in order of their range of roles and seniority.
This may be as far as actor-role typing alone can take us. However, if we
conjoin it with other approaches, we can now see if this casting would be consistent
with what we have learnt from the dramatic and thematic patterns created by the other
396
casting decisions. Dramatically speaking, by bringing all the essential news from Troy,
for instance, the Herald allows Agamemnon to make a grand, silent entrance
unencumbered of all but mystique and power. Agamemnon’s arrival can thus focus on
the question of how he will deal with the city and how he will enter the house; the
division of labor between the Herald and Agamemnon is a good means of providing
dramatic focus upon these central issues. In this regard, the Herald plays a dramatic
function in relation to Agamemnon that closely mirrors the dramatic function played by
the Watchman in relation to Klytaimnêstra. Also, just as the Watchman’s spontaneous
joy at Agamemnon’s return acts as a foil to Klytaimnêstra’s false joy, the Herald’s
openly emotional homecoming acts as a useful foil to the imperious Agamemnon, who
as general and king must conceal his emotions, and anticipates the emotional return of
Orestês at the beginning of the Libation Bearers. Thematically speaking, the Herald’s
account of the storm at sea in which the greater part of the victorious fleet was lost
figures as an ominous premonition of the disastrous homecoming of Agamemnon that
the theatai are about to see. This ironic juxtaposition may also gain something from
shared casting.
So, here is the proposed casting for each of the three plays:
In order to allow this proposed distribution of roles, and something of its logic, to be
seen at a glance, I have included a scene-by-scene table (Table 1) showing the basic
configurations of roles “onstage” at any one time, or those that follow each other so
closely that it is highly unlikely that they could have been played by the same actor. For
ease of reference, I have put in normal typeface the alignments that automatically
follow if we accept the first of my two proposed additional “rules,” i.e. that each role is
played by the same actor throughout the trilogy. The italic sections show the casting
consequences of the second “rule” about type casting, leaving only the Herald and
House Slave, in bold type, to be argued from other (e.g. thematic) considerations.
397
Table 1: Casting hypothesis for the Oresteia
Protagonist Deuteragonist Tritagonist
Agamemnon Watchman
Klytaimnêstra Herald
Klytaimnêstra Agamemnon Kassandra
Klytaimnêstra Kassandra
Klytaimnêstra Aigisthos
Eumenides Pythia
Orestês Apollo
Klytaimnêstra
Apollo
Athêna Orestês Apollo
Key: Normal = Rule 1. Italics = Rule 2. Bold = Argued from other considerations.
398