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GENDERED LIVES:
INTERSECTIONAL
PERSPECTIVES
SEVENTH EDITION

GWYN KIRK AND MARGO OKAZAWA-REY

N E W Y O R K    O X F O R D
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
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Title: Gendered lives : intersectional perspectives / Gwyn Kirk and Margo
Okazawa-Rey.
Other titles: Women’s lives
Description: Seventh edition. | New York : Oxford University Press, [2020]
Identifiers: LCCN 2019017536 | ISBN 9780190928285 (pbk.)
Subjects: LCSH: Women—United States—Social conditions. |
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 To those who connect us to the past,
women who birthed us, raised us,
taught us, inspired us, held us to high standards, and loved us
Edwina Davies, Kazuko Okazawa, Willa Mae Wells, and Yoko Lee.
We also honor Eiko Matsuoka, our extraordinary Bay Area mother,
and the late Maha Abu-Dayyeh, visionary feminist and human rights
defender, who dedicated her life to the liberation of Palestine and
Palestinian women.

To those who connect us to the future

Jeju Daisy Ahn Miles
Charlotte Elizabeth Andrews-Briscoe
Irys Philippa Ewuraba Casey
Zion Neil Akyedzi Casey
Gabrielle Raya Clancy-Humphrey
Jesse Simon Cool
Mitchell Stephen Davies-Munden
William Marshall Davies-Munden
Dominica Rose Edwards (Devecka-Rinear Smiley)
Issac Kana Fukumura-White
Akani Kazuo Ai Lee James
Ayize Kimani Ming Lee James
Hansoo Lim
Maple Elenore McIntire
Uma Talpade Mohanty
Ali Nakhleh, Yasmin Nakhleh, Zaina Nakhleh, Tala Nakhleh,
Ingrid Elisabet Pansini-Jokela
Sara Refai, Adam Refai, Rita Refai
Maven Jude Riding In
May Maha Shamas
Alma Shawa, Hani Shawa
Keziah Sade Story
Camille Celestina Stovall-Ceja
Aya Sato Venet
BRIEF CONTENTS

Preface xvi

PA R T I W O M E N ’ S A N D G E N D E R S T U D I E S: K N O W I N G A N D 01
U N D E R S TA N D I N G

CHAPTER 1 Untangling the “F”-word 02

CHAPTER 2 Creating Knowledge: Integrative Frameworks for
Understanding 43
CHAPTER 3 Identities and Social Locations 89

PA R T I I O U R B O D I E S , O U R S E LV E S 137

CHAPTER 4 Sexuality 138

CHAPTER 5 Bodies, Health, and Wellness 185

CHAPTER 6 Sexualized Violence 245

PA R T I I I HOME AND WORK IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD 289

CHAPTER 7 Making a Home, Making a Living 290

CHAPTER 8 Living in a Globalizing World 336

PA R T I V S E C U R I T Y A N D S U S TA I N A B I L I T Y 385

CHAPTER 9 Gender, Crime, and Criminalization 386

C H A P T E R 10 Gender, Militarism, War, and Peace 437

C H A P T E R 11 Gender and Environment 485

v
vi BRIEF CONTENTS

PA R T V AC T I V I S M A N D C H A N G E 527

C H A P T E R 12 Creating Change: Theories, Visions, and Actions 528

Glossar y 563
References 569
Name Index 597
Subject Index 603
About the Authors 615
CONTENTS

*indicates new to this edition

Preface xvi

W O M E N ’ S A N D G E N D E R S T U D I E S: K N O W I N G A N D 1
PA R T I
U N D E R S TA N D I N G

CHAPTER 1 Untangling the “F”-word 2

Feminist Movements and Frameworks 4
Native American Antecedents 5
Legal Equality for Women 5
Resisting Interlocking Systems of Oppression 9
Queer and Trans Feminisms 10
The Focus of Women’s and Gender Studies 11
Myth 1: Women’s and Gender Studies Is Ideological 12
Myth 2: Women’s and Gender Studies Is Narrow 13
Myth 3: Women’s and Gender Studies Is a White, Middle-Class,
Western Thing 13
Men Doing Feminism 13
Collective Action for a Sustainable Future 14
1. A Matrix of Oppression, Privilege, and Resistance 14
2. From the Personal to the Global 15
3. Linking the Head, Heart, and Hands 15
4. A Secure and Sustainable Future 16
The Scope of This Book 16
Questions for Reflection 17
Finding Out More on the Web 17
Taking Action 17

vii
viii CONTENTS

READINGS
1. Paula Gunn Allen, “Who is Your Mother? Red Roots of White Feminism”
(1986) 18
2. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, “Declaration of Sentiments” (1848) 25
3. Combahee River Collective, “A Black Feminist Statement” (1977) 28
4. Mathangi Subramanian, “The Brown Girl’s Guide to Labels” (2010) 34
5. *Loan Tran, “Does Gender Matter? Notes Toward Gender Liberation”
(2018) 38

CHAPTER 2 Creating Knowledge: Integrative Frameworks

for Understanding 43
What Is a Theory? 44
Creating Knowledge: Epistemologies, Values, and Methods 45
Dominant Perspectives 45
Critiques of Dominant Perspectives 47
The Role of Values 48
Socially Lived Theorizing 48
Standpoint Theory 49
Challenges to Situated Knowledge and Standpoint Theory 50
Purposes of Socially Lived Theorizing 51
Media Representations and the Creation of Knowledge 52
The Stories Behind the Headlines 52
Whose Knowledge? 53
Reading Media Texts 53
Questions for Reflection 55
Finding Out More on the Web 56
Taking Action 56
READINGS
6. *Anne Fausto-Sterling, “The Five Sexes, Revisited” (2000) 57
7. Allan G. Johnson, “Patriarchy, the System: An It, Not a He, a Them, or an Us”
(1997) 62
8. Patricia Hill Collins, Excerpt from “Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge,
Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment” (1990) 71
9. Nadine Naber, “Decolonizing Culture: Beyond Orientalist and Anti-Orientalist
Feminisms” (2010) 76
10. *Whitney Pow, “That’s Not Who I Am: Calling Out and Challenging
Stereotypes of Asian Americans” (2012) 84

CHAPTER 3 Identities and Social Locations 89

Being Myself: The Micro Level 92
Community Recognition and Expectations: The Meso Level 93
Social Categories and Structural Inequalities:
Macro and Global Levels 95
Defining Gender Identities 96
 Content s ix

Maintaining Systems of Structural Inequality 97

Colonization, Immigration, and the US Landscape of Race and Class 99
Multiple Identities and Social Locations 103
Questions for Reflection 104
Finding Out More on the Web 104
Taking Action 105
READINGS
11. Dorothy Allison, “A Question of Class” (1993) 106
12. Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz, “Jews, Class, Color, and the Cost of Whiteness”
(1992) 114
13. *Eli Clare, “Body Shame, Body Pride: Lessons from the Disability Rights
Movement” (2013) 121
14. *Mariko Uechi. “Between Belonging: A Culture of Home” (2018) 126
15. Julia Alvarez, Excerpt from “Once Upon a Quinceñera: Coming of Age in the
USA” (2007) 130

PA R T I I O U R B O D I E S , O U R S E LV E S 137

CHAPTER 4 Sexuality 138

What Does Sexuality Mean to You? 138
Heteropatriarchy Pushes Heterosex . . . 139
. . . and Racist, Ageist, Ableist Stereotypes 141
Objectification and Double Standards 142
Media Representations 144
Queering Sexuality 144
“Queer” as a Catch-All? 146
Queering Economies and Nation-States 146
Defining Sexual Freedom 147
Radical Heterosexuality 148
Eroticizing Consent 149
The Erotic as Power 150
Questions for Reflection 151
Finding Out More on the Web 151
Taking Action 151
READINGS
16. *Daisy Hernández, “Even If I Kiss a Woman” (2014) 153
17. *Ariane Cruz, “(Mis)Playing Blackness: Rendering Black Female Sexuality in
The Misadventures of Awkward Black Girl” (2015) 160
18. *Jennifer Keishin Armstrong, “How Sex and the City Holds Up in the
#MeToo Era” (2018) 169
19. *V. Spike Peterson, “The Intended and Unintended Queering of States/
Nations” (2013) 172
20. Audre Lorde, “Uses of the Erotic: The Erotic as Power” (1984) 181
x CONTENTS

CHAPTER 5 Bodies, Health, and Wellness 185

Human Embodiment 187
Body Ideals and Beauty Standards 188
Body Acceptance 189
Reproductive Health, Reproductive Justice 191
Focusing on Fertility 192
Reproductive Justice: An Intersectional Framework 195
Health and Wellness 197
Health Disparities 197
Mental and Emotional Health 199
Aging and Health 200
Questions for Reflection 201
Finding Out More on the Web 202
Taking Action 202
READINGS
21. *Linda Trinh Vō, “Transnational Beauty Circuits: Asian American Women,
Technology, and Circle Contact Lenses” (2016) 203
22. *Margitte Kristjansson, “Fashion’s ‘Forgotten Woman’: How Fat Bodies Queer
Fashion and Consumption” (2014) 212
23. *Loretta J. Ross, “Understanding Reproductive Justice” (2011) 221
24. *Alison Kafer, “Debating Feminist Futures: Slippery Slopes, Cultural Anxiety,
and the Case of the Deaf Lesbians” (2013) 227
25. Bell hooks, “Living to Love” (1993) 239

CHAPTER 6 Sexualized Violence 245

What Counts as Sexualized Violence? 246
The Incidence of Sexualized Violence 247
Intimate Partner Violence 247
Rape and Sexual Assault 249
Effects of Gender Expression, Race, Class, Nation, Sexuality, and Disability 250
Gender-Based State Violence 251
Explaining Sexualized Violence 252
Explanations Focused on Gender 252
Sexualized Violence Is Not Only About Gender 253
Ending Sexualized Violence 254
Providing Support for Victims/Survivors 255
Public and Professional Education 255
The Importance of a Political Movement 256
Contradictions in Seeking State Support to End Gender-Based Violence 257
Sexualized Violence and Human Rights 258
Questions for Refection 260
Finding Out More on the Web 260
Taking Action 260
 Content s xi

READINGS
26. Aurora Levins Morales, “Radical Pleasure: Sex and the End of Victimhood”
(1998) 261
27. *Alleen Brown, “Indigenous Women Have Been Disappearing for Generations:
Politicians Are Finally Starting to Notice” (2018) 263
28. *Nicola Henry and Anastasia Powell, “Technology-Facilitated Sexual
Violence” (2018) 270
29. *Jonathan Grove, “Engaging Men Against Violence” (2018) 274
30. Rita Laura Segato, “Territory, Sovereignty, and Crimes of the Second State:
The Writing on the Body of Murdered Women” (2010) 281

PA R T I I I HOME AND WORK IN A GLOBALIZING WORLD 289

CHAPTER 7 Making a Home, Making a Living 290

Relationships, Home, and Family 290
Partnership and Marriage 291
The Ideal Nuclear Family 292
Gender and Work 293
Balancing Home and Work 294
The Second Shift 295
Caring for Children 296
Flextime, Part-Time, and Home Working 297
Gender and Economic Security 298
Education and Job Opportunities 298
Organized Labor and Collective Action 300
Working and Poor 301
Pensions, Disability Payments, and Welfare 301
Understanding Class Inequalities 303
Resilience and Sustainability 304
Questions for Reflection 305
Finding Out More on the Web 306
Taking Action 306
READINGS
31. *Claire Cain Miller, “The Costs of Motherhood Are Rising, and Catching
Women Off Guard (2018) 307
32. *Sara Lomax-Reese, “Black Mother/Sons” (2016) 310
33. *Linda Burnham and Nik Theodore, Excerpt from “Home Economics: The
Invisible and Unregulated World of Domestic Work” (2012) 313
34. *Linda Steiner, “Glassy Architectures in Journalism” (2014) 317
35. *Emir Estrada and Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, “Living the Third Shift:
Latina Adolescent Street Vendors in Los Angeles” (2013) 326
xii CONTENTS

CHAPTER 8 Living in a Globalizing World 336

Locations, Circuits, and Flows 336
Migrations and Displacements 337
Migration 337
Migration Patterns 339
Tourism, Trafficking, and Transnational Adoption and Surrogacy 340
Consumption: Goods, Information, and Popular Culture 342
Material Flows 342
Information Flows 344
Cultural Flows 344
Global Factories and Care Chains 347
The International Financial System 349
Assumptions and Ideologies 350
Legacies of Colonization 350
Transnational Alliances for a Secure and Sustainable Future 351
Questions for Refection 352
Finding Out More on the Web 352
Taking Action 352
READINGS
36. Gloria Anzaldúa, “The Homeland: Aztlán/El Otro Mexico” (1987) 353
37. Pun Ngai, Excerpt from “Made in China” (2005) 360
38. *Carolin Schurr, “The Baby Business Booms: Economic Geographies of Assisted
Reproduction” (2018) 368
39. *Moira Birss, “When Defending the Land Becomes a Crime” (2017) 378
40. *Mark Graham and Anasuya Sengupta, “We’re All Connected Now, So Why Is
the Internet So White and Western?” (2017) 382

PA R T I V S E C U R I T Y A N D S U S TA I N A B I L I T Y 385

CHAPTER 9 Gender, Crime, and Criminalization 386

Female in the Criminal Justice System 386
People in Women’s Prisons 388
Race and Class Disparities 390
Girls in Detention 391
Women Political Prisoners 392
The National Context: “Tough on Crime” 393
The War on Drugs 393
Incarceration as a Business 394
Criminalization as a Political Process 394
Definitions and Justifications 395
Profiling and Surveillance for “National Security” 396
Criminalization of Migration 397
Inside/Outside Connections 398
 Content s xiii

Support for People in Women’s Prisons 398

Prison Reform, Decriminalization, and Abolition 399
Questions for Reflection 400
Finding Out More on the Web 401
Taking Action 401
READINGS
41. *Susan Burton and Cari Lynn, Excerpts from “Becoming Ms. Burton”
(2017) 402
42. *Julia Sudbury, “From Women Prisoners to People in Women’s Prisons:
Challenging the Gender Binary in Antiprison Work” (2011) 409
43. *Diala Shamas, “Living in Houses without Walls: Muslim Youth in New York
City in the Aftermath of 9/11” (2018) 419
44. *Leslie A. Campos, “Unexpected Borders” (2018) 430
45. *Spanish Federation of Feminist Organizations, “Walls and Enclosures: This Is
Not the Europe in which We Want to Live” (2016) 435

C H A P T E R 10 Gender, Militarism, War, and Peace 437

Women in the US Military 438
Soldier Mothers 439
Women in Combat 440
Militarism as a System 441
Militarism, Patriarchy, and Masculinity 441
Militarism and Histories of Colonization 443
Militarization as a Process 444
Impacts of War and Militarism 445
Vulnerability and Agency 445
Healing from War 447
Redefining Security 447
Women’s Peace Organizing 448
Demilitarization as a Process 450
Demilitarization and Feminist Thinking 450
Questions for Refection 451
Finding Out More on the Web 451
Taking Action 451
READINGS
46. *Julie Pulley, “The Truth about the Military Gender Integration Debate”
(2016) 453
47. *Annie Isabel Fukushima, Ayano Ginoza, Michiko Hase, Gwyn Kirk, Deborah
Lee, and Taeva Shefler, “Disaster Militarism: Rethinking U.S. Relief in the
Asia-Pacific” (2014) 456
48. *Jane Freedman, Zeynep Kivilcim, and Nurcan Özgür Baklacioğlu, “Gender,
Migration and Exile” (2017) 459
49. *Amina Mama and Margo Okazawa-Rey, “Militarism, Conflict and Women’s
Activism in the Global Era: Challenges and Prospects for Women in Three
West African Contexts” (2012) 468
50. Julia Ward Howe, “Mother’s Day Proclamation” (1870) 484
xiv CONTENTS

C H A P T E R 11 Gender and Environment 485

The Body, the First Environment 486
Food and Water 487
The Food Industry 487
Food Security 488
Safeguarding Water 490
Population, Resources, and Climate Change 491
Overpopulation, Overconsumption, or Both? 491
Science, Gender, and Climate Change 491
Gender Perspectives on Environmental Issues 493
Creating a Sustainable Future 494
Defining Sustainability 494
Projects and Models for a Sustainable Future 494
Feminist Thinking for a Sustainable Future 495
Questions for Refection 495
Finding Out More on the Web 495
Taking Action 496
READINGS
51. Sandra Steingraber, “Rose Moon” (2001) 497
52. Betsy Hartmann and Elizabeth Barajas-Román, “Reproductive Justice, Not
Population Control: Breaking the Wrong Links and Making the Right Ones in
the Movement for Climate Justice” (2009) 507
53. Michelle R. Loyd-Paige, “Thinking and Eating at the Same Time: Reflections of
a Sistah Vegan” (2010) 513
54. *Whitney Eulich, “Months after Hurricane Maria, Puerto Ricans Take
Recovery into Their Own Hands” (2018) 518
55. *Vandana Shiva, “Building Water Democracy: People’s Victory Against Coca-
Cola in Plachimada” (2004) 523

PA R T V AC T I V I S M A N D C H A N G E 527

C H A P T E R 12 Creating Change: Theories, Visions, and Actions 528

How Does Social Change Happen? 529
Using the Head: Theories for Social Change 529
Using the Heart: Visions for Social Change 529
Using the Hands: Action for Social Change 530
Evaluating Activism, Refining Theory 531
Identities and Identity-Based Politics 532
Electoral Politics and Political Influence 533
Running for Office 534
Gendered Voting Patterns 536
 Content s xv

Alliances for Challenging Times 538

Some Principles for Alliance Building 538
Overcoming Obstacles to Effective Alliances 539
Transnational Women’s Organizing 540
Next Steps for Feminist Movements 543
Questions for Reflection 543
Finding Out More on the Web 544
Taking Action 544
READINGS
56. Abra Fortune Chernik, “The Body Politic” (1995) 545
57. *Deborah Lee, “Faith as a Tool for Social Change” (2018) 550
58. *Patricia St. Onge, “Two Peoples, One Fire” (2016) 555
59. *Louise Burke, “The #MeToo Shockwave: How the Movement Has
Reverberated around the World” (2018) 557
60. *Association for Women’s Rights in Development, Center for Women’s
Global Leadership, and African Women’s Development and Communications
Network, “Feminist Propositions for a Just Economy: Time for Creative
Imaginations” (2016) 560

Glossar y 563
References 569
Name Index 597
Subject Index 605
About the Authors 621
PREFACE

A n introductory course is perhaps the most challenging women’s and gender studies
(WGS) course to conceptualize and teach. Depending on their overall goals for the
course, instructors must make difficult choices about what to include and what to leave
out. Students come into the course for a variety of reasons and with a range of expecta-
tions and prior knowledge, and most will not major in WGS. The course may fulfill a
distribution requirement for them, or it may be a way of taking one course during their
undergraduate education out of a personal interest in gender. For majors and minors,
the course plays a very different role, offering a foundation for their area of study.
This text started out as two separate readers that we used in our classes at Antioch
College (Gwyn Kirk) and San Francisco State University (Margo Okazawa-Rey) in the
mid-1990s. Since then, we have learned a lot about teaching an introductory course,
and the book has grown and developed as understandings of gender—and the wider
political climate—have changed.
Women’s and gender studies programs continue to build their reputations in terms
of academic rigor and scholarly standards. WGS scholarship is on the cutting edge of
many disciplines and interdisciplinary fields, especially in the arts, humanities, and
social sciences. At the same time, it occupies a marginal position within academia,
challenging male-dominated knowledge and pedagogy, with all the pressures that en-
tails. WGS faculty and allies live with these tensions personally and professionally.
Outside the academy, government policies and economic changes have made many
people’s lives more difficult. This includes the loss of factory and office work as jobs
continue to be moved overseas or become automated; government failure to introduce
and support adequate health care and child care systems; cuts in various social-service
programs and funding for education; hostility toward and greater restriction of gov-
ernment support, when available, to immigrants and their families; large numbers of
people incarcerated; and vast expenditures on war and preparations for war.
In the past decade, the political climate for WGS on campuses and in the wider
society has become more challenging as conservative viewpoints have gained ground
through political rhetoric and the narrow range of public discourse. In addition, a slow
erosion of academic freedom on campuses has made many teachers’ lives more dif-
ficult. Increasingly, faculty may face challenges to their teaching methods and course
content; their work may be written off as “biased,” unscholarly, or politically moti-
vated (Nisenson 2017). Also, academic institutions have become increasingly beholden

xvi
 Preface xvii

to corporate funding and values. Budget cuts, department mergers, and the fact that
more than two-thirds of faculty are on part-time or temporary contracts these days all
affect the organization and viability of interdisciplinary programs like WGS.
The current Federal administration’s destruction of already inadequate “safety
nets,” contempt for the natural environment, support for overtly racist, sexist, trans-
and homophobic attacks, and the daily circulation of distortions, half-truths, and out-
right lies all challenge us profoundly. This is not new, especially for indigenous people
on this continent, for other communities of color, and for those in subjugated nations,
but it has become starker, more clear-cut, and increasingly affects many of us with rela-
tive access and privilege. What to think? Where to focus? How to respond to one crisis
after another? As students, how to support your friends, peers, and families as they ex-
perience direct and indirect impacts? As faculty, how to support students trying to find
their footing in this maelstrom?
We believe that our job as feminist scholars and teachers is to think big, to help
provide spaces where students can think clearly and face current challenges. The strong
tradition of organizing for social justice in the United States needs to be much better
known, as well as the many efforts underway today. They provide lessons, models,
and inspiration. We cannot afford to despair or to nurture despair in others. We must
remember the gains made in the past and continue to work for and hold out the pos-
sibility of progressive change even as past gains are being attacked and unraveled. A
silver lining in this turbulent time is that even as some political spaces are being closed
down, new social movements are opening up others.

WHAT WE WANT IN AN INTRODUCTORY WOMEN’S

AND GENDER STUDIES BOOK
As teachers, we want to present a broad range of gendered experiences to students in
terms of class, race, culture, national origin, dis/ability, age, sexuality, and gender iden-
tity and expression. We want teaching materials that do justice to the diversity of US
women’s lives—whether queer, femme, lesbian, gender nonconforming, or trans, as
well as heterosexual and cisgender women. We also want materials that address the lo-
cation of the United States in a globalizing world. We include some discussion of theory
because a basic understanding of theoretical frameworks is a powerful tool, not only
for WGS courses but also for other courses students take. We also emphasize activism.
There are many women’s and LGBTQI activist and advocacy projects across the United
States, but students may not know about them. Much of the information that students
learn in WGS may be discouraging, but knowing what people are doing to support each
other and to promote feminist values and concerns can be empowering, even in the
face of sometimes daunting realities. This knowledge reinforces the idea that current
inequalities and problems are not fixed but have the potential to be changed.

LINKING INDIVIDUAL EXPERIENCES TO NATIONAL

AND TRANSNATIONAL TRENDS AND ISSUES
We are both trained in sociology, and we have noted that students coming into our
classes are much more familiar with psychological explanations for behaviors and ex-
periences than they are with structural explanations. People in the United States tend
xviii PR EFACE

to see inequality and injustice in terms of low self-esteem, poor identity development,
learned helplessness, or the work of a few “bad apples” that spoil the barrel. Students
invariably enjoy first-person accounts of life experiences, but a series of stories—even
wonderfully insightful stories—are not enough to understand the circumstances and
forces that shape people’s lives. Accordingly, we provide a broader context for the se-
lected readings in the overview essays that open each chapter.
We recognize that many women in the United States—especially white, cisgen-
dered women in higher socioeconomic groups—have greater opportunities for self-
expression, for earning a living, and for engagement in the wider world compared with
in the past. However, humankind faces serious challenges in the twenty-first century:
challenges regarding work and livelihood, personal and family relationships, violence
on many levels, and the mounting pressures on the fragile natural environment. These
issues raise major questions about personal and societal values and the distribution of
resources. How is our society going to provide for people in the years to come? What
are the effects of the increasing polarization between rich and poor in the United States
and between richer and poorer nations? These themes of security and sustainability
provide the wider framework for this book.
As teachers, we are concerned with students’ knowledge and understanding and,
beyond that, with their aspirations, hopes, and values, as well as their fears. One of our
goals for this book is to provide a series of lenses that will help students understand
their own lives and the lives of others. A second goal is that through this understand-
ing, students will be able to participate, in some way, in the creation of a genuinely
secure and sustainable future.

NEW TO THE SEVENTH EDITION

This seventh edition of what was formerly Women’s Lives: Multicultural Perspectives, now
renamed Gendered Lives: Intersectional Perspectives, has undergone a major revision.
We rely on the analyses, principles, and style of earlier editions, but with substantial
changes to take account of recent scholarship and events. Specific changes include:
• A greater emphasis on gender identity and gender variance to show how trans
activists and scholars have challenged, unsettled, and transformed previous un-
derstandings of gender.
• An expanded chapter, “Creating Knowledge,” that includes greater discussion of
media representations and the role of mass media in the creation of knowledge.
In other chapters, we include several articles about media representations to
further this discussion.
• Greater emphasis on the insights of dis/ability activists and scholarship, follow-
ing new developments in this field in recent years.
• Inclusion of materials on Web-based information technologies, especially
their impacts on sexualized violence, transnational surrogacy, and feminist
organizing.
• Greater emphasis on the transnational and global levels of analysis, including
attention to the impact of extractivism in the Global South, barriers to immi-
gration in Europe and the United States, and effects of environmental destruc-
tion, war, and militarism worldwide.
 Preface xix

• Updated statistics throughout, as well as updated information on activist

organizations.
• In our overview essays, reference clusters on particular topics, often spanning
years of feminist scholarship. As well as supporting the arguments we make,
these also serve as suggestions for further reading.
• A revised and updated, password-protected Instructor’s Manual—including al-
ternative Tables of Contents for flexible use of the book—available on our com-
panion website (www.oup.com/us/kirk-okazawa-rey).

A number of considerations, sometimes competing or contradictory, have influ-

enced the decisions we made to ensure this edition meets our goals. Since the be-
ginning, we have been committed to including the work of established scholars and
lesser-known writers from a range of backgrounds. As in previous editions, we have
looked for writers who integrate several levels of analysis (micro, meso, macro, and
global) in their work. Students we have talked with, including those in our own classes,
love first-person accounts, and such narratives help to draw them into more theoreti-
cal discussions. In our experience, teachers invariably want more theory, more history,
and more research-based pieces.
As we searched for materials, we found much more theoretical work by white
women in the US than by women of color. We assume this is because there are fewer
women of color in the academy, because white scholars and writers have greater access
to publishers, and because prevailing ideas about what theory is and what form it
should take tend to exclude cross-genre work by women of color. This can give the
misleading impression that aside from a few notable exceptions, women of color are
not theorists. We have tried not to reproduce this bias in our selection, but we note
this issue here to make this aspect of our process visible. We include personal essays
and narratives that make theoretical points, what scholar and writer Gloria Anzaldúa
(2002) called “autohistoriateoria”—a genre of writing about one’s personal and col-
lective history that may use fictive elements and that also theorizes. In a similar vein,
people living in the United States have limited access to writings by and about women
and gender nonconforming people from the Global South, whether personal accounts,
academic research, journalists’ reports, policy recommendations, or critiques of poli-
cies imposed by countries of the North. Relatively few scholars and fiction writers not
working in English are published widely. Again, structural limitations of the politics of
knowledge affect who has access to book publishers or websites and whose work may
be translated for English-language readers.
This new edition represents our best effort to balance these considerations as we
sought to provide information, analysis, and inspiration concerning the myriad daily
experiences, opportunities, limitations, oppressions and fears, hopes, joys, and satis-
factions that make up gendered lives.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

M any people—especially our students, teachers, colleagues, and friends—made it

possible for us to complete the first edition of this book over twenty years ago. We
acknowledge everyone at Mayfield Publishing who worked on our original manuscript:
Franklin Graham, our editor, whose confidence in our ideas never wavered and whose
light hand on the steering wheel and clear sense of direction got us into print; also
Julianna Scott Fein, production editor; the production team; and Jamie Fuller, copy-
editor extraordinaire. For the second edition, we were fortunate to have the support of
colleagues and librarians at Hamilton College as well as the Mayfield production team
led by editor Serina Beauparlant and assisted by Margaret Moore, another wonderful
copyeditor.
McGraw-Hill published editions two through six. We worked with several produc-
tion teams—too many to name here. Also, for the third edition we benefited from the
support of the Women’s Leadership Institute at Mills College and the Data Center, an
Oakland-based nonprofit that provided research and training to grassroots social jus-
tice organizations across the country.
For this seventh edition, we are deeply indebted to Sherith Pankratz of Oxford
University Press for the chance to revise and update this work. We are honored to
work with her and acknowledge her encouragement, enthusiasm, skills, and deep com-
mitment to publishing. Many thanks to Grace Li, Wesley Morrison, and Brad Rau for
their production and copyediting work and to Lynn Mayo, Hamilton College librarian.
Thanks also to those who reviewed the manuscript for this seventh edition: Padmini
Banerjee, Delaware State University; Laura Brunell, Gonzaga University; Sara Diaz,
Gonzaga University; Molly Ferguson, Ball State University; Meredith Heller, North-
ern Arizona University; Alison Kibler, Franklin and Marshall College; Rachel Lewis,
George Mason University; Stella Oh, Loyola Marymount University; Harleen Singh,
Brandeis University; Barbi Smyser-Fauble, Butler University; Katy Strzepek, St. Am-
brose University; Deborah Wickering, Aquinas College; Tessa Ong Winkelmann, Uni-
versity of Nevada, Las Vegas; and two anonymous reviewers. We greatly appreciate
their insights and suggestions.
As before, this new edition builds on the accumulated work, help, and support
of many people. Thank you to Leslie Campos, Jonathan Grove, Deborah Lee, Loan
Tran, and Mariko Uechi for writing new pieces for this edition. Thanks also to Judith

xx
 Acknowledgment s xxi

Arcana, Joyce Barry, Sarah Bird, Anita Bowen, Charlene Carruthers, SuzyJane Edwards,
Aimee Germain, Priya Kandaswamy, Robin D. G. Kelley, Anne Lacsamana, Miyé Oka
Lamprière, Martha Matsuoka, Anuja Mendiratta, Albie Miles, Aurora Levins Morales,
Jose Plascencia, Catherine Pyun, Elizabeth Reis, Sonya Rifkin, Meredith Staples,
Louisa Stone, Sé Sullivan, Pavitra Sundar, Loan Tran, Ash-Lee Woodard Henderson,
and Kathleen Yep for providing new information and insights. We acknowledge the
feminist scholars, organizations, and activists whose work we have reprinted and all
those whose research and writing have informed our understandings of gendered lives
and shaped the field of WGS. We are grateful for the independent bookstores and small
presses that keep going thanks to dedicated staff and loyal readers. We also rely on
other feminist “institutions”: scholarly journals, the Women’s Review of Books, Ms., and
WMST-L. We have benefited enormously from discussions on the WMST-L list and
suggestions for readings and classroom activities generously shared by teachers. We
are grateful to the undergraduate WGS students in our courses at various institutions
across the country. Their experiences have shown us what has changed in this society
and what has not, what has been gained and what has been lost. Most of all, they have
taught us the importance of seeing them on their own terms as we engage them with
new ideas and encourage them to see beyond themselves and the current sociopolitical
moment.
The world continues to gain brilliant young feminist writers, teachers, organizers,
and artists—some of whose work is included here. We also acknowledge the ground-
breaking contributions made by an older generation of writers and scholars who have
passed on: especially Gloria Anzaldúa, Grace Lee Boggs, Lorraine Hansberry, June
Jordan, Melanie Kaye/Kantrovitz, Yuri Kochiyama, Audre Lorde, Grace Paley, Adri-
enne Rich, and Ntozake Shange.
Lastly, we acknowledge our friendship over twenty-five years, which has provided
a deep foundation for our work together. We continue to be inspired by national trea-
sures, Sweet Honey in the Rock, and the “sociological imagination”—C. Wright Mills’
touchstone concept—that draws on the need for complex social analysis in order to
make change.
To everyone, very many thanks.
— Gwyn Kirk and Margo Okazawa-Rey
We have chosen each other
and the edge of each other’s battles
the war is the same
if we lose
someday women’s blood will congeal
upon a dead planet
if we win
there is no telling
we seek beyond history
for a new and more possible meeting.

—Audre Lorde
 P A R T

Women’s and Gender

Studies
Knowing and Understanding

1
 CHAPTER 1

Untangling the “F”-word

Feminist Movements and Frameworks

The Focus of Women’s and Gender Studies
Collective Action for a Sustainable Future
The Scope of This Book
Questions for Reflection
Finding Out More on the Web
Taking Action
Readings

Keywords: capitalism, discrimination, feminism, genealogy, gender

binary, heteronormativity, ideology, imperialism, intersectionality,
liberalism, patriarchy, prejudice, socialism, transgender

W hether or not you consider yourself a feminist as a matter of personal identity,

political perspective, or both, in women’s and gender studies courses you will
study feminist perspectives because these seek to understand and explain inequali-
ties based on gender. Fundamentally, feminism is about liberation from gender dis-
crimination and other forms of oppression. For some people, this means securing
equal rights within marriage, education, waged work, politics, law, or the military. For
others, it means changing these institutions to create a secure and sustainable future
for all. Still others focus on deconstructing or transforming the gender binary, the as-
sumption that everyone fits neatly into one of two categories labeled male or female.
Sociologist Judith Lorber (1991) argued that “the long-term goal of feminism must be
. . . the eradication of gender as an organizing principle of . . . society” (p. 355) (see the
box feature “Gender: What’s in a Name?”).
For many people, feminist thinking offers compelling ways to understand their
lives, and feminist projects and campaigns have mobilized millions of people in the
United States for over a century. Although serious gender inequalities remain, femi-
nist theorizing and activism have achieved significant gains. Women in the United
States have won the right to speak out on public issues, to vote, to own property in
our own names, to divorce, and to have custody of our children. Women have been
2
 Untangling the “F”-word 3

Gender: What’s in a Name?

In recent years, transgender individuals and activists have these terms. In this book, we straddle and bridge vari-
challenged, unsettled, and transformed understandings ous gender paradigms and perspectives. We use LGBTQI
of gender together with others who identify as gender (lesbian, gay, bi, trans, queer, and intersex) as a short-
variant, nonbinary, or gender nonconforming. They have hand term for the range of people who question or re-
opened up the possibility of gender fluidity as a site of pudiate heteronormativity, which we discuss more fully in
experimentation or a source of personal authenticity. As a ­Chapters 3 and 4. We use woman and women to include
result, increasing numbers of people are not interested in anyone who identifies as or is identified as female. This
identifying with what they see as rigid gender categories. may include those who identify as queer, femme, butch,
At an institutional level, gender is more fixed, though lesbian, gender nonconforming, and trans, as well as het-
this is changing to some extent with the legalization of erosexual and cisgender women (those whose gender
same-sex marriage, for example, and some states are is- identity is the same as they were assigned at birth). Please
suing gender-neutral ID cards. However, most people in keep these definitions in mind as you read on and under-
the USA live according to a male/female binary, some ada- stand that definitions currently in use –both in this book
mantly so. Others may not pay much attention to this issue and in the wider society– may change or be discarded
unless gender markers are missing or ambiguous. in favor of new terminology. Definitions are always being
We note that people are using the language of sex contested and challenged as people’s thinking and prac-
and gender very differently and mean different things by tices develop.

able to attend college, become professionals, and learn skilled trades. Developments
in birth control and reproductive technologies mean that women are freer to decide if
and when to have a child. Also, changing social expectations mean that we can choose
whether to marry and how to express our gender and sexuality. Gender-based violence,
though still widespread, is now discussed openly. In 2017 and 2018, Hollywood celeb-
rities, Congressional staffers, media workers, farmworkers, students, fashion models,
and athletes spoke out about long-standing patterns of sexual harassment as part of the
#MeToo and #TimesUp movements, which reverberated around the world (see Read-
ing 59). Time magazine named these “silence breakers” as its 2017 Person of the Year.
Some of the high-profile men named have faced real consequences: they have been
forced to resign, fired, or prosecuted for these crimes.
These feminist movements illustrate shifts in public opinion and what is con-
sidered appropriate for women—in all our diversity—and for men or people who are
male-identified. However, the term feminism carries a lot of baggage. For some, it is
positive and empowering. For others, it conjures up negative images of females who
do not shave their legs or are considered ugly according to dominant US standards of
beauty. Some assume that feminists are white women, or lesbians, or man-haters, or
all of the above. Feminist ideas and goals have been consistently distorted, trivialized,
and mocked by detractors. In the nineteenth century, suffragists who campaigned for
legal rights for women, including the right to vote, were caricatured as “mannish,”
“castrators,” and “home-wreckers.” Over a century later, Time magazine published no
fewer than 119 negative articles on feminism between the early 1970s and the mid-
1990s (Jong 1998).
Antifeminist ideas continue to be a staple of right-wing talk shows and social
media sites. In a well-known example, Rush Limbaugh maintained that “[f]eminism
4 U N TA N G L I N G T H E “ F ”- W O R D

was established to allow unattractive women easier access to the mainstream of pop
culture” (Media Matters 2015). Feminists are ridiculed and written off as complain-
ing, angry, and humorless. When women speak of gender-based violence—battering,
rape, sexual assault, and child sexual abuse—or of racism, living in poverty, or aging
without health care, detractors describe them as whining critics who are out to destroy
men and the male establishment. In our society, most women are socialized to care for
men and to spare their feelings, but acknowledging institutional inequalities between
females and men as a group is very different from “man-bashing.” Many women are
pushing back by critiquing antifeminist social media and calling out antifeminist per-
spectives (see, e.g., Cohn 2018; Lawrence and Ringrose 2018).
The claim that we are now living in a postfeminist era is part of the opposition to
feminism. It involves a complex maneuver that recognizes the need for feminism in
the past but declares that this is now over because it has been successful. Media critic
Susan Douglas (2010) argued that even though “women’s achievements, or their desire
for achievement, are simply part of the cultural landscape” (p. 9), many contemporary
media images of women are

images of imagined power that mask, even erase, how much still remains to be done
for girls and women, images that make sexism seem fine, even fun, and insist that
feminism is now utterly pointless—even bad for you. (p. 6)

In this chapter, we introduce feminist ideas from different historical periods to

highlight the diversity, breadth, and richness of feminist thinking in the United States.
We hope this will help you to think about how you define feminism and what it means
to you.

FEMINIST MOVEMENTS AND FRAMEWORKS

Many historians and commentators have divided US feminist movements into dis-
tinctive periods, described as waves. In this formulation, “first wave feminism” de-
notes efforts to gain legal rights for women, including the right to vote, dating from
the 1840s to 1920. “Second wave feminism” refers to the feminist theorizing and
organizing that flourished in the 1960s and 1970s. The next generation, in the 1990s,
described themselves as “third wave” feminists. Some rejected what they knew of the
feminism associated with their mothers’ generation; others emphasized continuities
with earlier feminist work (see, e.g., Dicker and Piepmeier 2003; Findlen 1995; Labaton
and Martin 2004).
Defining historical periods is highly selective, focusing attention on certain events
or perspectives and downplaying or erasing others. The wave metaphor suggests both
continuity and discontinuity with the past as feminists have shaped and reshaped
theoretical understandings for their generation, circumstances, and time in history.
Also, this approach makes complex movements seem much neater and more static
than they really are. Historians Kathleen Laughlin and colleagues (2010) noted: “The
waves metaphor entrenches the perception of a ‘singular’ feminism in which gender
is the predominate category of analysis” (p. 77). It leaves out large areas of wom-
en’s activism, such as nineteenth-century movements of women workers in the New
 Feminist Movements and Frameworks 5

England textile mills, or Black1 women’s opposition to slavery and lynching, and their
struggles for economic improvement. As well as focusing on gender discrimination,
women have campaigned for labor rights, civil rights, welfare rights, and immigrant
rights, where gender is “tied to racial, class, religious, sexual, and other identities”
(Boris 2010, p. 93).

Native American Antecedents

Among many possible pathways into US feminist thought, we chose Paula Gunn Allen’s
article about the “red roots of white feminism” (Reading 1). She discusses c­ enturies-old
practices that gave Native American women policy-making power in the Iroquois Con-
federation, especially the power to decide matters of peace and war. She lists various
Native American principles that overlap with feminist and other progressive ideals:
respect for women and their importance in society, respect for elders, an egalitarian
distribution of goods and power, diverse ideas about beauty, cooperation among peo-
ples, and respect for the earth. She emphasizes the importance in her community of
knowing your ancestry and argues that all “feminists must be aware of our history on
this continent”—a history that varies for different social and racial groups.

Legal Equality for Women

In the mid-nineteenth century, white middle-class women involved in the antislav-
ery movement began to articulate parallels between systems of inequality based on
race and gender. In 1840, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton met at the World
Anti-Slavery Convention in London. Both were passionately opposed to slavery and
were shocked to find that women delegates were not allowed to speak at the conven-
tion (Schneir 1994). The irony of working against the system that enslaved people
of African descent while experiencing discrimination as women prompted them to
work for women’s rights. In 1848, they called a Women’s Rights Convention at Seneca
Falls, New York, where Stanton lived. Stanton drafted the Declaration of Sentiments
­(Reading 2), modeled after the nation’s foundational Declaration of Independence.
This document, which was read and adopted at the convention, rallied women and
men to the cause of legal equality for US women, and this issue was fiercely debated in
newspapers, at public meetings, among churchgoers, in women’s organizations, and at
dinner tables nationwide.
Following the Civil War, three constitutional amendments—the Thirteenth, Four-
teenth, and Fifteenth Amendments—granted all men the right to vote but still allowed
states to deny the vote to women. Suffragists split over whether to support the Fifteenth
Amendment that enfranchised Black men. The American Woman Suffrage Association
supported it and decided to campaign for women’s suffrage state by state. Wyoming
was the first territory to allow women the right to vote in 1869. Elizabeth Cady Stanton
and Susan B. Anthony did not support it. Rather, they formed the National Woman

1
When referring to people, we use Black rather than black. Black is an identity forged in the context of
struggles for self-respect. It replaced Negro in a particular moment of self-assertion and carries that
history with it. Capitalized, it’s a proper noun, a name; lowercase, it’s just an adjective. White does
not carry the same connotations, except in the case of White racist organizations. So, because of the
history of racism and race relations in the United States, white and black are not equivalent.
6 U N TA N G L I N G T H E “ F ”- W O R D

Suffrage Association and worked for a constitutional amendment granting votes for
women. In 1920, seventy-two years after the Seneca Falls convention, the Nineteenth
Amendment to the US Constitution stopped states from denying women the right to
vote. This success had taken enormous effort, focus, and dedication. It spanned the
lives of generations of leaders and activists and included public education campaigns,
lobbying, mass demonstrations, civil disobedience actions, arrests, and hunger strikes
(see, e.g., Free 2015; McConnaughy 2013; Weiss 2018).
This dogged campaign for legal equality grew out of liberalism, a theory of in-
dividual rights and freedom with roots in seventeenth-century European ideas, espe-
cially the writings of political philosopher John Locke. Liberalism has been central to
US political thinking since the founding of the nation, although political and legal
rights were originally limited to white men who owned land and property. Achieving
greater equality among people in the United States has been a long, uneven process
marked by hard work, gains, and setbacks—and a process that is far from complete.
(Some key events are detailed in the box feature “Milestones in US History: Institution-
alizing and Challenging Social Inequalities.”)

Milestones in US History: Institutionalizing and Challenging Social Inequalities

1565 Spanish settlers established the first European In a second compromise, the agreement that cre-
colony in what is now the state of Florida and ated the Senate gave less populous states more
called it St. Augustine. power than they would have had otherwise. These
1584 Walter Raleigh founded Virginia, an English agreements enabled Southern senators to use
colony, at Roanoke Island. their power to preserve slavery before the Civil
1605 A Spanish settlement was established at what is War and Jim Crow during and after Reconstruc-
now Santa Fe, New Mexico. tion. Indian people were not counted for the pur-
1607 Captain Christopher Newport of the London pose of Congressional representation because
Company established an English colony at the US government designated the tribes as
Jamestown, Virginia. ­nation-like entities with whom they had to negoti-
1619 A Dutch “man of war” sailed into Jamestown ate, as with foreign powers.
harbor with twenty Africans on board; the cap- 1820 Missouri entered the Union as the twelfth slave
tain sold his human cargo to the colonists. state “balanced” by Maine as the twelfth free
1691 The first legal ban on interracial marriages was state. Slavery was banned in the Louisiana Terri-
passed in Virginia. Subsequently, other states tory (purchased from France in 1803 for approxi-
prohibited whites from marrying Blacks; mar- mately $15 million).
riages between whites and Native Americans, 1830 Congress passed, the Indian Removal Act, which
Filipinos, and Asians, were also forbidden. moved all Indian tribes from the southeastern
1776 The Second Continental Congress adopted the United States to land west of the Mississippi
Declaration of Independence, written mostly by River and granted them rights to these new
Thomas Jefferson and asserting that “all men lands “in perpetuity.”
are created equal.” 1834 The Department of Indian Affairs was established
1787 In order to ratify the Constitution of the United within the War Department to monitor the cre-
States, the 13 states negotiated a compromise. ation of reservations for Indian tribes. The Depart-
Southern states were allowed to count three out ment was later transferred to the Department of
of every five enslaved people in determining the the Interior as the Bureau of Indian Affairs.
number of representatives to Congress, even 1848 The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo ended the
though they were excluded from the electorate. Mexican-American War (begun in 1846). It
­
 Feminist Movements and Frameworks 7

established the Rio Grande as the international were forced to surrender 40 miles short of the
boundary; ceded Texas to the United States to- border and sent to Oklahoma, where many died.
gether with Arizona, California, Nevada, and New 1887 Congress passed the Dawes Act, providing for
Mexico; and guaranteed existing residents their the dissolution of Indian tribes and division of
land, language, culture, and US citizenship. tribal holdings among the members. Over the
The first Women’s Rights Convention was next fifty years, white settlers took nearly two-
held in Seneca Falls, New York. Delegates issued a thirds of Indian land holdings by deceit and
Declaration of Sentiments, listing inequities faced intimidation.
by women and urging that women be given the 1896 In Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court vali-
right to vote (see Reading 2). dated a Louisiana law requiring Blacks and whites
1857 In Dred Scott v. Sandford, the Supreme Court to ride in separate railroad cars. The law had
argued that as an enslaved man, Dred Scott was been challenged as a violation of the Fourteenth
not a citizen and therefore had no standing to Amendment’s right of equal protection, but the
sue his master for his freedom even though he majority opinion held that “separate but equal”
had been living in free territory for four years. To satisfied the constitutional requirement. This deci-
grant Scott’s petition, the Court argued, would sion led to a spate of segregation laws in southern
deprive his owner of property without compen- states. From 1870 to 1900, twenty-two Black men
sation, violating the Fifth Amendment. This in- served in Congress, but with the introduction of
validated states’ rights to determine whether literacy tests, poll taxes, grandfather clauses, and
slavery should be banned. white primaries, none were left by 1901.
1863 Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proc- 1898 The United States declared war on Spain and
lamation freeing slaves in Alabama, Arkansas, acquired former Spanish colonial territories: the
Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Philippines, Guam, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. Con-
Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and gress also approved US annexation of the Ha-
Virginia. waiian Islands.
1864 US military forces terrorized Indian nations. 1919 Suffragists were arrested in Washington, DC for
Navajo people endured the “long walk” to im- blocking sidewalks during a demonstration in
prisonment at Fort Sumner (New Mexico Terri- support of women’s right to vote.
tory). US troops massacred Cheyenne warriors Fifteen thousand Black people marched si-
(supported by Kiowa, Apache, Comanche, and lently down New York’s Fifth Avenue, protesting
Arapahoe warriors) at Sand Creek. lynching and discrimination against Blacks.
1865 Following the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, The Jones Act granted full US citizenship to
the Civil War was ended after four years. Congress Puerto Ricans and the right to travel freely to the
established the Freedmen’s Bureau, responsible continental United States.
for relief to former slaves and those made des- 1920 The Women’s Suffrage Amendment (Nineteenth
titute by the war. The Thirteenth Amendment to Amendment) barred states from denying women
the Constitution officially ended slavery and invol- the right to vote.
untary servitude. 1924 The Indian Citizenship Act extended citizen-
1869 The first transcontinental railroad was com- ship to Native Americans, previously defined as
pleted. Chinese workers, allowed into the wards of the US government. As late as 1952,
country to work on the railroad, experienced some states still denied Indians voting rights.
increased discrimination and “anti-Oriental” 1935 The National Labor Relations Act protected the
hysteria. right of workers to organize into unions.
1870 Congress ratified the Fifteenth Amendment, The Social Security Act established entitlements
which enfranchised Black men but permitted to government assistance in the form of pensions
states to deny the vote to all women. and health benefit programs.
Julia Ward Howe issued a Mother’s Day 1941 Congress declared war on Japan, Italy, and
Proclamation for peace. Germany.
1877 Ordered off their land in Oregon, the Nez Percé 1942 President Roosevelt issued Executive Order
tribe attempted to flee to Canada, a trek of 9066, permitting military authorities to evacuate
1,600 miles, to avoid war with US troops. They 110,000 people of Japanese ancestry (mostly US
8 U N TA N G L I N G T H E “ F ”- W O R D

citizens) from West Coast states and incarcerate 1994 The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement
them in isolated locations. Act legislated mandatory life imprisonment for
The Bracero Program permitted Mexi- persons convicted in federal court of a “serious
can citizens to work in agricultural areas in the violent felony” and who had two or more prior
United States on a temporary basis and at lower convictions in federal or state courts, at least
wages than US workers. one of which was a “serious violent felony” (the
1945 World War II ended after the United States “three strikes” law). The other prior offense may
dropped atomic bombs on the Japanese cities be a “serious drug offense.” States adopted
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. similar laws.
1954 In Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme 1996 The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportu-
Court reversed its Plessy v. Ferguson decision nity Reconciliation Act replaced families’ entitle-
and declared that segregated schools were in- ment to government assistance with Temporary
herently unequal. In 1955, the Court ordered the Assistance for Needy Families, a time-limited
desegregation of schools “with all deliberate work-based program.
speed.” The Defense of Marriage Act forbade the
1963 The Equal Pay Act mandated that men and federal government from recognizing same-sex
women doing the same work must receive the or polygamous marriages under any circum-
same pay. stances and stipulated that no state, city, or
To gain public support for a comprehensive county is required to recognize a marriage be-
civil rights law, 250,000 people participated in a tween persons of the same sex even if the mar-
March on Washington. riage is recognized in another state.
1964 Congress passed the most comprehensive Civil 2001 The Uniting and Strengthening America by Pro-
Rights Act in the history of the nation. Under viding Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept
Title VII, employment discrimination was prohib- and Obstruct Terrorism Act (USA Patriot Act)
ited on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or greatly increased law enforcement agencies’
national origin. powers of detention, search, and surveillance. It
1965 The Voting Rights Act ended the use of literacy permitted expanded use of secret searches and
tests as a prerequisite for voting. allowed financial institutions to monitor daily
1972 Congress passed the Equal Rights Amendment transactions and academic institutions to share
and sent it to the states for ratification. It had information about students.
been introduced in every session since 1923. 2015 A Supreme Court ruling allowed same-sex mar-
1973 The Rehabilitation Act (Section 504) prohibited riage in all 50 states.
discrimination against people with disabili- 2017 President Trump signed executive orders that
ties in programs that receive federal financial restricted entry of refugees to the United States
assistance. and citizens of various Muslim-majority coun-
1975 The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act tries, including Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan,
guaranteed children with disabilities a free, ap- Syria, and Yemen.
propriate public education. 2018 New immigration guidelines separated children
1982 The Equal Rights Amendment failed, being from parents or other adults at the US-Mexico
ratified by thirty-five rather than the required border. This included families applying for
minimum of thirty-eight states. Subsequent asylum. Due to immense public pressure, these
efforts to revive this campaign have not been guidelines were suspended after more than
successful. 2,300 children had been separated from their
1990 The Americans with Disabilities Act prohibited parents (see Reading 44).
discrimination on the basis of disability by em-
ployers, public accommodations, state and local
Primary source: A. Hernandez (1975, 2002). Also see the box
governments, public and private transportation, feature “A Timeline of Key U.S. Immigration Law and Policy” in
and in telecommunications. Chapter 3.
 Feminist Movements and Frameworks 9

Liberal feminism is part of this liberal tradition and explains the oppression of
women in terms of unequal access to political, economic, and social institutions (see,
e.g., Eisenstein 1981; Friedan 1963; Steinem 1983). Much feminist organizing in the
United States—including campaigns for women’s rights to vote, to divorce, to enter
universities and professions, to run for political office, and to train for combat—has
been and continues to be based on this view. You may hold liberal feminist opinions
even though you may not realize it. Despite the disclaimer “I’m not a feminist . . . ,” the
comment “but I do believe in equal pay” is a liberal feminist position. Liberal feminism
may be criticized because it accepts existing institutions as they are, only seeking equal
access for women within them. However, as the decades-long campaign for women’s
legal rights shows, this goal should not be underestimated given the strength of patri-
archy, or male dominance, as a system of power.

Resisting Interlocking Systems of Oppression

The Combahee River Collective, a group of young Black feminists active in the Boston
area in the 1970s, offered a very different view of feminism generated by their experiences
of interlocking systems of oppression based on race, class, gender, and sexuality (Read-
ing 3). As Black feminists and lesbians, Collective members found many white feminists
too focused on male domination at the expense of oppressions based on race and class.
Group members did not advocate equal rights for women within current institutions
but argued for the transformation of the political and economic system as essential for
women’s liberation. They defined themselves as socialists and believed that “work must
be organized for the collective benefit of those who do the work and create the products,
and not for the profit of the bosses,” as argued by German philosophers Frederick Engels
and Karl Marx during the 1840s (shortly before the Seneca Falls convention). Collective
members offered a strong critique of capitalism and imperialism and stood in solidarity
with liberation struggles then being waged in colonized nations of Africa and Asia. Such
transnational feminist thinking is both relevant and necessary today to understand the
impacts of the global economic system, a point we take up in later chapters.
Socialist feminism views the oppression of women in terms of two interconnected
and reinforcing systems: patriarchy and capitalism (see, e.g., Federici 2012; Hennessy
and Ingraham 1997; Radical Women 2001; S. Smith 2005). The post–World War II
rivalry between the West and the Soviet Union led to the discrediting of socialist think-
ing in the United States, although interest in it is reviving as more people experience
the inequalities and insecurities generated by capitalism.
Theoretical perspectives that integrate gender with other systems of inequality
have become known by the shorthand term intersectionality. For African American
women, this has a long history. From the 1830s onward, Black speakers and writers like
Frances E. W. Harper, Maria Stewart, and Sojourner Truth explicitly linked oppressions
based on race and gender (Guy-Sheftall 1995). More recently, organizer and writer
Linda Burnham (2001) noted that

Black women’s experience as women is indivisible from their experiences as African

Americans. They are always “both/and,” so analyses that claim to examine gender
while neglecting a critical stance towards race and class inevitably do so at the expense
of African American women’s experiences. (p. 1)
10 U N TA N G L I N G T H E “ F ”- W O R D

An emphasis on intersectionality is not solely the prerogative of women of color.

Since the writings of Aphra Behn in the early 1600s, some white women have been
concerned with race and class as well as gender. White feminists worked against slavery
in the nineteenth century; they organized against lynching and the activities of the Ku
Klux Klan in the 1920s and 1930s; and they participated in labor movements, the wel-
fare rights movement, and the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s (see, e.g.,
Bush 2004; Frankenberg 1993; Pratt 1984; Rich 1986c; Segrest 1994). An intersectional
approach is central to women’s and gender studies, as exemplified by the readings in
this book and in our overview essays.
Many media accounts of “second wave” feminism have ignored or erased alliances
among women across lines of race and class. They have focused on the thinking and
organizing of white middle-class feminists who were in the media spotlight, like Betty
Friedan (1963) and Gloria Steinem (1983). This distorted view still circulates among
antifeminist commentators even though more nuanced histories show the limitations
of those skewed accounts (see, e.g., Baxandall and Gordon 2000; ­L aughlin et al. 2010;
Moraga and Anzaldúa 1981; Roth 2003; Springer 2005; B. Thompson 2002). Unfortu-
nately, students and activists who do not know this history also repeat inaccurate ver-
sions of feminism as the province of white middle-class women and erase the feminist
thinking and organizing by a whole generation of women of color. Mathangi Subra-
manian, whose parents immigrated to the United States from India, had assumed that
feminism was a white, Western thing, incompatible with her South Asian American
identity, and wondered, “What does feminism have to do with me?” (Reading 4). She
was excited to discover the intersectional writings of South Asian feminists like Chan-
dra Talpade Mohanty (2003b; also see Alcoff 2013) that focused on “families and
religion and food and history” and found that “[t]his feminism fit.”

Queer and Trans Feminisms

Like members of the Combahee River Collective, many feminist writers and activ-
ists of the 1970s and 1980s were lesbians who rejected what Adrienne Rich (1986a)
called “compulsory heterosexuality.” Literary critic Michael Warner (1999) introduced
a related term—heteronormativity—the belief that heterosexuality is the normal and
natural way to express sexuality. Lesbians and gay men challenged this view, as did
those who reclaimed the word queer, which had been used as a hateful term to oppress
lesbians and gay men. This revamped notion of queer emphasized fluidity, experimenta-
tion, and playfulness, and it generated new political movements like ACT UP and Queer
Nation (see, e.g., Gage, Richards, and Wilmot 2002; Nestle, Howell, and Wilchins 2002;
Rodríguez 2003). The development of gay and lesbian studies and queer theory has in-
fluenced women’s and gender studies over the past twenty years, especially in analyzing
heteronormativity. Also, trans individuals and activists have challenged, unsettled, and
transformed understandings of gender.
Loan Tran questions whether gender still matters and, if so, what it means these days
when “technological, linguistic, and cultural shifts are allowing us to think about gender
in a way that was unimaginable just a few decades ago” (Reading 5). They (Loan Tran’s
preferred pronoun) see that the way “gender is embodied indicates a tremendous blos-
soming of human possibility” and argue for a trans feminism that is both broad and based
in daily material realities. For Tran, this means that feminists must be concerned with the
lives of trans people as well as capitalism, white supremacy, displacement, and war.
 The Focus of Women’s and Gender Studies 11

THE FOCUS OF WOMEN’S AND GENDER STUDIES

Women’s studies programs in United States date from the early 1970s and grew out
of the vibrant women’s liberation movements of those times. Early courses had titles
like “Women’s Liberation,” “The Power of Patriarchy,” and “Sexist Oppression and
Women’s Empowerment.” Texts often included mimeographed articles from news-
letters and pamphlets because there was so little material available in books. Over
the years, scholars and activists have generated new understandings about gender
with extensive bodies of literature and hundreds of programs in the United States
and around the world, including Master’s and PhD programs. Some departments
have shifted their emphasis to women’s and gender studies, or to women’s, gender,
and sexuality studies. Interdisciplinary fields like gay and lesbian studies, queer
studies, ethnic studies, masculinity studies, cultural studies, and media studies have
all shaped and benefitted from gender scholarship, as have older disciplines like
literature, history, and sociology. As authors and editors, we draw on a wide range
of sources to illustrate the breadth and vitality of women’s and gender studies today.
The readings in this chapter provide a tiny sampling of the richness and diver-
sity of US feminist thought. Over the generations, feminist writers and activists have
drawn on their life experiences and beliefs in human liberation, evolving new per-
spectives that were often shocking at the time. Some arguments put forward by earlier
generations might seem self-evident these days, but it is important to consider them in
context. Earlier feminist thought provides foundations for current thinking and prac-
tice, which will also develop and change as others make their contributions to this
ongoing endeavor.
These introductory readings are also in dialogue with those in the rest of this book.
A key issue that links feminist thinking and movements internationally is violence
against women in its many forms. This includes the #MeToo movement (Reading 59),
Mexican women’s protests against the killing of young women in the border region
(Reading 30), West African women’s efforts to heal from the turmoil and sexual vio-
lence of war (Reading 49), and those working to support Syrian refugees (Reading 47).
Another theme concerns environmental justice: women in South India campaigning to
stop Coca-Cola from plundering local water supplies (Reading 55); indigenous women
in Latin America opposing mining, logging, and big dams that destroy their lands and
livelihoods (Reading 39); and international organizations that are developing feminist
principles for a just economy (Reading 60).
For students, women’s and gender studies courses provide perspectives on individual
experience and on other college courses in ways that are often life-changing. Many stu-
dents report that these courses are both informative and empowering. Critical reading and
integrative thinking, which are emphasized in women’s and gender studies, are important
academic and workplace skills. Graduates go on to work in business, community organiz-
ing, education, electoral politics, feminist advocacy projects, filmmaking, health, interna-
tional policy, journalism, law, library work, publishing, social and human services, and
more (see, e.g., Berger and Radeloff 2011; Luebke and Reilly 1995; Stewart 2007).
Women’s and gender studies started as a critique of scholarship that ignored gender
or treated women in stereotypical ways. It sought to provide missing information, new
theoretical perspectives, and new ways of teaching. This kind of study can evoke strong
emotions because you may be deeply affected by topics under discussion. Readings and
class discussions may make you angry at the many forms of gender oppression, at other
12 U N TA N G L I N G T H E “ F ”- W O R D

students’ ignorance or lack of concern, or at being female in a male-dominated world.

You may be challenged to rethink some of your assumptions and experiences as well as
your views on various issues.
Most feminist teachers do not use what Brazilian educator Paulo Freire (1970)
called the “banking method” of education, common in many fields, where students
are like banks and teachers deposit information—historical facts, dates, definitions,
formulae—and withdraw it in quizzes and exams. Regardless of its relevance for other
subjects, this method is not appropriate for women’s and gender studies, where stu-
dents come into class with life experience and views on many of the topics discussed.
As students, you are familiar with opinions circulating in social media, for example, or
how your spiritual community views matters you care about. In women’s and gender
studies classes, you are encouraged to reflect on your experiences and to relate the
readings and class discussions to your own life. At the end of each chapter, we raise
questions and suggest activities to help do this. We believe that you should understand
how your experiences are connected to wider social and historical contexts so that you
are part of your own system of knowledge.
Although not always explicit, education has always been a political matter: who
has been allowed to learn, and what kinds of learning (basic literacy, skilled trades, or
abstract thinking) are deemed appropriate for different groups. For several generations,
important goals in US women’s education concerned equality: to study alongside men,
to have access to the same curriculum, and to be admitted to male-dominated profes-
sions. Beyond this, feminist thinking has called into question the gendered nature
of knowledge itself, with its focus on white, male, elite perspectives that are deemed
to be universal, as we discuss in Chapter 2. As women’s and gender studies programs
continue to build their scholarly work and academic rigor, they occupy a contradictory
position within academia, challenging male-dominated knowledge. Many myths and
misunderstandings about feminism and women’s and gender studies circulate on cam-
puses and in the wider society. We consider three of these myths here, and then look
at the related topic of men in women’s and gender studies.

Myth 1: Women’s and Gender Studies Is Ideological

Some people assume that women’s and gender studies is feminist propaganda, not
“real” scholarship. They may believe that such courses are too “touchy-feely” or consti-
tute extended gripe sessions against men. Feminist inquiry, analysis, and activism have
arisen from women’s life experiences and from well-researched inequalities and dis-
crimination. One example is the fact that, on average, US women’s wages for full-time,
year-round work are 77 percent to 80 percent of what men earn on average, meaning
that women earn between 77 and 80 cents (depending on age) for every dollar earned
by men. For African American women, this is 63 cents—and for Latinas, 54 cents—
compared to white men (AAUW 2018). Knowledge is never neutral, and in women’s
and gender studies, this is made explicit.
Given its movement origins, the field has valued scholarly work that is relevant to
activist concerns. Women’s and gender studies courses seek to link intellectual, expe-
riential, and emotional forms of knowing with the goal of improving everyone’s lives.
This is a rigorous endeavor, but it differs from much traditional scholarship, which
values abstract knowledge, narrowly defined, as discussed in Chapter 2. By contrast,
 The Focus of Women’s and Gender Studies 13

women’s and gender studies scholarship places a high value on breadth and connected-
ness. This kind of rigor requires broad understandings grounded in diverse experiences
and the ability to make connections between insights from different perspectives.
To some people, feminism is more than an area of study. It is a cause to believe in
because it provides cogent ways to understand the world, which may be personally em-
powering. In the face of egregious gender-based discrimination, it may be tempting to
blame everything on “the patriarchy” or “rich white men” without taking the trouble to
read or think critically. Students who do this are being anti-intellectual; they limit their
own understanding and inadvertently reinforce the notion that women’s and gender
studies is anti-intellectual.

Myth 2: Women’s and Gender Studies Is Narrow

Women’s and gender studies seeks to understand and explain the significance of in-
tersecting inequalities based on gender, race, class, dis/ability, sexuality, age, national
origin, and so on. Feminist analyses provide a series of lenses to examine many topics
and contribute to a long list of academic disciplines, from anthropology to ethnic
studies, history, law, literature, psychology, and more. Feminist scholarship is on the
cutting edge of many fields and raises crucial questions about teaching and learning,
research design and methodologies, and theories of knowledge. Thus, far from being
narrow, women’s and gender studies is concerned with thinking critically about the
world in all its complexity, as illustrated in this book.

Myth 3: Women’s and Gender Studies Is a White,

Middle-Class, Western Thing
Many notable scholars, writers, and activists of color identify as feminists. Among them
are Julia Alvarez, Gloria Anzaldúa, Patricia Hill Collins, bell hooks, Aurora Levins
­Morales, Nadine Naber, Loan Tran, and others whose work is included in this anthology.
They link analyses of gender with race, class, and other systems of power and inequality,
as do homegrown feminist movements in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean
(see, e.g., Basu 2016; Moghadam 2005; Naples and Desai 2002). As African American
writer and cultural critic bell hooks (2000) argued: “there should be billboards; ads in
magazines; ads on buses, subways, trains; television commercials spreading the word, let-
ting the world know more about feminism” because “feminism is for everybody” (p. x).

Men Doing Feminism

Women’s and gender studies classes include a growing number of men, and courses
increasingly include scholarly work on masculinities. There is a long history of men’s
support for women’s rights in the United States (see, e.g., Digby 1998; Kaufman and
Kimmel 2011; Tarrant 2007; also see Reading 29). Indeed, the changes we discuss
in this book cannot be achieved without men’s full participation—whether as sons,
brothers, fathers, partners, lovers, friends, classmates, coworkers, supervisors, labor
organizers, spiritual leaders, teachers, doctors, lawyers, police officers, judges, legisla-
tors, and more. Women’s and gender studies courses provide a strong grounding for
this. Moreover, the #MeToo and #TimesUp movements have prompted discussions of
manliness and masculinities, which hopefully will continue.
14 U N TA N G L I N G T H E “ F ”- W O R D

Because masculinities are socially constructed and highly constrained in this soci-
ety, as in others, we assume that there is something for men in feminism beyond being
allies to women (see, e.g., A. Johnson 2005; Tarrant 2007). People in dominant posi-
tions on any social dimension (gender, race, class, ability, nation, and so forth) have
obvious benefits, and those with privilege may be afraid of losing it. At the same time,
such structures of power and inequality are limiting for everyone. Privilege separates
people and makes those of us in dominant positions ignorant of important truths. To
be able to look others fully in the eye, we have to work to end systems of inequality.
This repudiation of privilege is not a sacrifice, we believe, but rather the possibility of
entering into genuine community where we can all be more truly human.

COLLECTIVE ACTION FOR A SUSTAINABLE FUTURE

In the past forty years or so, there has been a proliferation of popular and scholarly
books, journals, magazines, websites, and blog posts on gender issues. When opin-
ion polls, academic studies, government data, public debates, grassroots research, and
personal narratives are added, it is easy to be swamped with information and vary-
ing perspectives. In making our selections as writers and editors, we have filtered this
wealth of material according to four main principles—our particular road map, which
provides the framework for this book.

1. A Matrix of Oppression, Privilege, and Resistance

Underlying our analysis is the concept of oppression, which we see as a group phenom-
enon even though individuals in specific groups many not think they are oppressed
or want to be in positions of dominance. Every form of oppression—such as sexism,
racism, classism, heterosexism, anti-Arabism, anti-Semitism, and able-bodyism—is
rooted in social institutions like the family, education, religion, government, law, and
media. Those who are dominant in this society, as in others, use their relative power
and privilege to rule, control, and exploit other groups—those who are ­subordinate—
for the benefit of the dominant group.
Oppression works through systems of power and inequality, including the domi-
nance of certain values, beliefs, and assumptions about people and how society should be
organized. Members of dominant groups generally have built-in economic, political, and
cultural power and benefits regardless of whether they are aware of, or even want, these
advantages. This process of accruing benefits is often referred to as privilege. Those most
privileged may be least able to recognize it. Men, as a group, are advantaged by sexism,
whereas women, as a group, are disadvantaged, though there are significant differences
within these groups based on race, class, dis/ability, sexuality or gender expression.
Oppression involves prejudice, which we define as unreasonable, unfair, and hos-
tile attitudes and judgments toward people, and discrimination, or differential treatment
favoring those who are in positions of dominance. But oppression reaches beyond indi-
vidual behavior. It is promoted by every social institution and cannot be fully changed
without fundamental changes in institutional practices and ideologies—the ideas, at-
titudes, and values that institutions embody and perpetuate. Our definition of oppres-
sion assumes that everyone learns to participate in oppressive practices, thus helping to
maintain them. People may be involved as perpetrators or passive beneficiaries, or they
 Collec tive Ac tion for a Sustainable Future 15

may direct internalized oppression at members of their own group. Oppression results
in appropriation and the loss—both voluntary and involuntary—of voice, identity, and
agency of oppressed peoples. What examples can you think of to illustrate this?
It is important to think about oppression as a system, at times blatantly obvious
and at others subtly nuanced, rather than as an either/or dichotomy of privileged/­
disadvantaged or oppressor/oppressed. People may be privileged in some respects (­ e.g.,
in terms of race or gender) and disadvantaged in others (e.g., class or sexual expres-
sion). We use the phrase matrix of oppression, privilege, and resistance to describe
the interrelatedness of various forms of oppression, the fact that people may be privi-
leged on certain dimensions and disadvantaged on others, and to recognize both op-
pression and privilege as potentially powerful sources of resistance and change. We
note that people of different groups learn what is considered appropriate behavior for
them in their families, in school, or from media representations and popular culture.
As a result, people may internalize dominant ideas so that we “police” ourselves with-
out the need for overt oppression from outside.

2. From the Personal to the Global

Throughout this book, we make connections between people’s personal experiences
and wider social systems that we are part of. We use the analytical terms micro level
(personal or individual), meso level (community, neighborhood, or school), macro
level (national or institutional), and global level to make these links. To understand
people’s experiences or the complexity of a particular issue, it is necessary to look at all
of these levels and how they interconnect. Take a personal relationship, for instance.
This operates on a micro level. However, both partners bring all of themselves to the
relationship. So in addition to individual factors like being funny, generous, or “hot,”
there are meso-level aspects—like where you live and what high school you went to,
which are affected by economic inequalities and segregation in housing—and macro-
level factors—like the obvious or hidden ways in which men or white people are privi-
leged in this society. As editors, we make connections between these levels of analysis
in our overview essays and have chosen readings that also make these links.
Given the diversity and complexity of US society, we have chosen to focus on the
United States in this book. However, we also discuss the preeminence of the United States
in the world. This is evident through the dominance of the English language and the wide-
spread distribution of US movies, news media, TV shows, music, books, and websites. It
manifests through the power of the dollar as an international currency and the impact of
US-based corporations abroad, especially in poorer countries of the Global South. Domi-
nance is also apparent in the broad reach of US foreign and military policy. Students who
have lived in other parts of the world often know this from their own experience. We
see “nation” as an analytical category like race or gender, and in some places, we refer to
gender issues and feminist thinking and activism in other nations. A global level of analy-
sis recognizes that patriarchy, heteronormativity, and militarism are global phenomena,
although with differences in practice from nation to nation.

3. Linking the Head, Heart, and Hands

Humankind faces serious challenges if we are to sustain ourselves, our children, their chil-
dren, and the environment that supports all life. Although some women in the United
Another random document with
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they are most strange, and must be probed to the bottom." He also says that
this woman—Madelon Galbraith—visited Craigengowan in my absence.
Did such a visit take place?'

'Yes,' said Lady Fettercairn.

'And she was expelled very roughly.'

'Well—I believe so—rather.'

'Why?'

'Because she was mad or intoxicated—most insolent, at all events,'

replied Shafto, with a choking sensation in his throat.

'To you?'

'Yes—to me.'

'Well,' resumed Lord Fettercairn, who evidently seemed very much

perturbed, 'she has been with Mr. Kippilaw, as I tell you, and has made
some strange revelations requiring immediate and close investigation.'

'May I know what they are?' asked Shafto with a sinking heart, that only
rose when spite and hate and fury gathered in it.

'No—you may not, yet,' replied Lord Fettercairn, as he folded up the

letter and abruptly left the table; and that same forenoon his lordship took
an early train for Edinburgh.

Shafto heard of this with growing alarm, which all the brandy and soda
of which he partook freely in the smoking-room, and more than one huge
cabana, could not soothe. Though fearing the worst, through Madelon
Galbraith, he thought that perhaps in the meantime Kippilaw's business
referred to his gambling debts, his bills and promissory notes, and too
probably to his 'row with that cad, Garallan,' as he mentally termed the
affair of the loaded die.
 He rambled long alone in the same stately avenue down which Lennard
Melfort had passed so many years before, when, with a gallant heart full of
anger, wounded pride, and undeserved sorrow, he turned his back for ever
on lordly Craigengowan.

There he loitered, full of anxious and most unenviable thoughts, sulkily

dragging down his fair moustache; and it has been remarked by
physiognomists that good-natured men always twirl their moustaches
upwards, whereas a morose or suspicious man does just the reverse.

From the avenue he wandered across the lawn and under the trees, like a
restless or unquiet spirit, his unpleasant face wearing an uneasy expression,
and his eyes, which were seldom raised from the ground, shifted always
from side to side.

'I may have to make a clean bolt for it,' he muttered as Finella came
suddenly upon him, and, though detesting him, she was too gentle not to
feel some pity for his crushed appearance.

'Shafto, why are you so disturbed?' she asked. 'Of what are you afraid?'

'Of what?' he queried almost savagely.

'Yes.'

'I don't know.'

'Who then can know?'

'I tell you I don't know what to fear, but things are looking infernally
dark for me. I am going down the hill at a devil of a pace, and with no skid
on.'

'I do not understand your phraseology,' said Finella coldly.

'Understand, then, that many of my troubles lie at your door,' said Shafto,
turning abruptly from her, as he thus referred to her aversion to himself and
certainly not unnatural preference for Vivian Hammersley, and that much of
the money he had raised had been advanced on the chances of his lucrative
marriage with her.

'What is about to happen? When will old Fettercairn return, and in what
mood? What the devil is up—perhaps by this time?' thought Shafto, as he
resumed his solitary promenade. 'I would rather face a hundred perils in the
light of day, than have one, with a nameless dread, overhanging me in the
dark.'

And as he muttered and thought of Madelon Galbraith, his shifty eyes

gleamed with that savage expression which comes with a thirst for blood.

Meanwhile Lord Fettercairn, a man of strict honour in his own way,

though utterly destitute of proper patriotism or love of country, was being
swept on to Edinburgh by an express train; he was full of bitter thoughts,
vexation, pain, even grief and shame, for all that Shafto was evidently
bringing upon his house and home.

He had secured, he thought, an heir to his ill-gotten title and estates, and
with that knowledge would ever have to drain the bitter cup of
disappointment to the dregs.

Finella never doubted that, owing to their great mutual regard, Dulcie
would write to her, and tell of her own welfare, safety, and prospects; but
weary, long, and solitary days passed on and became weeks, and Dulcie
never did so. She had perhaps nothing pleasant to relate of herself, and thus
the tenor or spirit of her letters to a friend so rich might be liable to
misconstruction. If written, perhaps they were intercepted. So, regarding
Shafto and Lady Fettercairn as the mutual cause of the poor girl's flight, and
perhaps destruction, Finella now resolved to leave Craigengowan, and go
on a visit to her maternal grandmother, Lady Drumshoddy, then in London,
when that matron, having now her favourite nephew with her, began to
mature some schemes of her own; but carefully, as she had read that 'the
number of marriages that come to nothing annually because one or other or
both of the innocent victims suddenly discover they are being thrown
together with intention, is inconceivable.'
 CHAPTER XI.

THE PURSUIT OF CETEWAYO.

Mail after mail came to head-quarters, brought by post-carts and

orderlies, from the rear, but they brought no letters from Dulcie Carlyon.
So, whether she had, as she threatened she would do, fled from
Craigengowan, or remained there, found friends elsewhere with happiness
or grief, Florian could not know, and the doubt was a source of torment to
him.

Horseback has been considered a famous place for reflection, but one
could scarcely find it so when serving as a Mounted Infantry-man, scouting
on the outlook for lurking Zulus, with every energy of ear and eye watching
donga, boulder, bush, and tuft of reedy grass.

Sir Garnet Wolseley's orders to the army reached the camp of Lord
Chelmsford at Entonjaneni on the 8th July, and the latter prepared at once to
resign his command and return home.

Two days afterwards, that retrograde movement which so puzzled and

elated the Zulus began, and after four days' marching the Second Division
and the Flying Column reached Fort Marshall, on the Upoko River, whence
a long train of sick and wounded were sent to the village of Ladysmith, in
Kannaland, escorted by two companies of the Scots Fusiliers and Major
Bengough's Natives, attired in all their fighting bravery—cowtails, copper
anklets and armlets, necklaces of monkeys' teeth, and plumes of feathers.

'Great changes are on the tapis,' said Villiers, as he lay on the grass in
Florian's tent, smoking, and sharing with him some hard biscuits with
'square-face' and water. 'The 17th Lancers start for India; Newdigate's
column is to be broken up, and chiefly to garrison that chain of forts which
Chelmsford has so skilfully constructed along the whole Zulu frontier from
the Blood River to the Indian Ocean; but Cetewayo is yet to be captured. Sir
Evelyn Wood and the heroic Buller are going home, and so is your humble
servant.'

'You—why?' asked Florian.

'Sir Garnet has brought out his entire staff, and I have not the good luck
to be one of the Wolseley ring,' replied Villiers, with a haughty smile, as he
twirled up his moustache and applied himself for consolation to the 'square-
face.'

When, on an evening in July, Sir Garnet, with his new staff, amid a
storm of wind and rain, rode into the camp of the First Division under
General Crealock, the appearance of his party, with their smoothly shaven
chins, brilliant new uniforms, and spotless white helmets, formed a strong
contrast to the war and weather worn soldiers of Crealock, in their patched
and stained attire, with their unkempt beards; for the use of the razor had
long been eschewed in South Africa, where, however, the officers and men
of each column trimmed their hirsute appendages after the fashion adopted
by their leaders; thus, as General Newdigate affected the style of Henry
VIII., so did his troops; Sir Evelyn Wood trimmed his beard in a peak,
pointed like Philip II. of Spain, and so, we are told, did all the Flying
Column.

Sir Garnet Wolseley now arranged his future plans for the final conquest
of Zululand, and stationed troops to hold certain lines and rivers, while the
rest were formed in two great columns, under Colonels Clarke of the 57th
and Baker Russell of the 13th Hussars, two officers of experience, the
former having served in Central India and the Maori War, and the latter in
the war of the Mutiny, when he covered himself with honours at Kurnaul
and elsewhere.

With Clarke's column were five companies of Mounted Infantry, led by

Major Barrow, and one of them was led by Florian, who had now earned a
high reputation as an active scouting officer.
 Clarke's orders were to march northwards and occupy Ulundi, or all that
was left of it.

Without the capture of the now luckless Cetewayo, the permanent

settlement of the country was deemed impossible; thus a kind of circle was
formed round the district in which he was known to be lurking, to preclude
his escape.

The traitor Uhamu, with his followers, occupied a district near the Black
Umvolosi; the savage Swazis in thousands under Captain M'Leod held the
bank of the Pongola River, armed with heavy lances and knobkeries;
Russell advanced on a third quarter, and Clarke on a fourth; thus the sure
capture of the fugitive King was deemed only a matter of time.

At a steep rocky hill overhanging the Idongo River the column of the
latter, which included three battalions of infantry, was reinforced by five
companies of the 80th (or Staffordshire Volunteers), the Natal Pioneers, and
two Gatling guns, to which were added two nine-pounders on reaching once
more the Entonjaneni Mountain.

It was now reported that Cetewayo had found shelter in a little kraal in
the recesses of the Ngome forest, a dense primeval wilderness of giant
wood and deep jungle. But the meshes of the net were closing fast around
him.

Leaving the main body of his column at a redoubt named Fort George, at
the head of only three hundred and forty mounted infantry Colonel Russell,
at daybreak on the 13th of August, rode westward beyond the Black
Umvolosi, into a district occupied by many Zulus, in the hope of picking up
the royal fugitive.

The scouting advanced guard he entrusted to Florian, whose men rode

forward in loose and open formation, with loaded rifles unslung.

The country through which they proceeded was very wild, steep, woody,
and rugged, and on seeing how slender his force appeared to be, the Zulus
began to gather in numbers, preparatory to disputing his further advance.
 'My intention,' said Baker Russell, 'is to reach Umkondo, where
Cetewayo is said to be lurking; you will therefore show a bold front and
clear the way at all hazards.'

This left Florian no alternative but to fight his opponents, whatever their
strength perhaps, and the region into which they were now penetrating had
the new and most unusual danger of being infested by lions, as the 1st
King's Dragoon Guards found to their cost.

Manning a narrow gorge fringed with thornwood trees and date palms,
with brandished rifle and assegai and their grey shields uplifted in defiance,
a strong party of the enemy appeared, led by a tall and powerful-looking
chief, whose large armlets and anklets of burnished copper shone in the
evening sunshine, and it was but too evident that, under his auspices,
mischief was at hand.

That they remarked Florian was an officer was soon apparent, when two
shots were fired from each flank of the gorge; but these whistled harmlessly
past, and starred with white a boulder in his rear.

'Pick off that fellow who is making himself so prominent,' said Florian,
with some irritation, as his two escapes were narrow ones.

One of the 24th fired and missed the leader.

'What distance did you sight your rifle at?' asked Florian.

'Four hundred yards, sir,' replied the soldier.

'Absurd! He is certainly six hundred yards off. Do you try, Tyrrell.'

Then Tom, who was a deadly shot, reined up, held his rifle straight
between his horse's ears, sighted at six hundred yards, and pressing the butt
firmly against his right shoulder and restraining his breath, took aim
steadily at the chief, who stood prominently on a fragment of rock, his
figure defined clearly against the blue sky like that of a dark bronze statue.
 He fired; the bullet pierced the Zulu's forehead, as was afterwards
discovered; he fell backward and vanished from sight.

'By Jove, he's knocked over, sir,' said Tom, with a quiet laugh, as he
dropped another cartridge into his breech-block, and closed it with a snap.

'Bravo, Tom—a good shot!' said the men of the 24th, while, with a yell
of rage that reverberated in the gorge, the Zulus fled, and Florian's scouting
party rode on at a canter, and ultimately reached a deserted German mission
station at a place called Rhinstorf.

As they rode through the gorge, with the indifference that is born of war
and its details, Tom Tyrrell looked with perfect composure on the man he
had shot, and remarked to Florian, with a smile:

'These Zulus are certainly one of the connecting links that old Darwin
writes about, but links with the devil himself, I think.'

At the station of Rhinstorf Colonel Russell now ascertained that fully

thirty-five miles of wild and rugged country would have to be traversed ere
he could reach Umkondo, where Cetewayo was reported to be in
concealment. To add to the difficulties of proceeding further, night had
fallen, the native guide, having lost heart, had deserted, and many of the
horses had fallen lame by the roughness of the route from Fort George; thus
Baker Russell came to the conclusion that to proceed further then would be
rash, if not impossible.

Cetewayo still resisted all the terms offered him, acting under the
influence of Dabulamanzi, who urged him to distrust the British, in the hope
that if the fugitive died of despair in the forest of Ngome, he himself might
succeed to the throne of the Zulus.

While on this patrol duty our Mounted Infantry came upon the remains
of some of our fellows who had fallen after the attack on the Inhlobane
Mountain in March and lain unburied for nearly six months, exposed to the
weather and the Kaffir vultures.
 CHAPTER XII.

AT THE 'RAG.'

We now turn to a very different scene and locality—to Regent Street,

still deemed the architectural chef d'œuvre of the celebrated Mr. Nash,
though it is all mere brick and plaster.

The London season was past and over, but one would hardly have
thought so, as the broad pavements seemed still so crowded, and so many
vehicles of every kind were passing in close lines along the thoroughfare
from Waterloo Place to the Langham Hotel.

It was a bright sunny forenoon, and as Vivian Hammersley, now a

convalescent, and in accurate morning mufti, looked on the well-dressed
throng, the shops filled with everything the mind could desire or the world
produce, and at the entire aspect of the well-swept street, he thought, after
his recent experience of forest and donga, of rocky mountain and pathless
karoo, that there was nothing like it in Europe for an idler—that it surpassed
alike the Broadway of Uncle Sam and the Grand Boulevard of Paris.

Enjoying the situation and his surroundings to the fullest extent, he was
walking slowly down towards where the colonnades stood of old, when
suddenly he experienced something between an electric shock and a cold
douche.

Both well mounted, a handsome fellow attired in excellent taste, with a

tea rose and a green sprig in his lapel, and a graceful girl in a well-fitting
dark blue habit, a dainty hat and short veil, ambled slowly past him—so
slowly that he could observe them well—and in the latter he recognised
Finella!
 Finella Melfort, mounted on her favourite pad Fern; but who was this
with whom she seemed on such easy and laughing terms, and with whom
she was riding through the streets of London, without even the escort of a
groom?

Erelong quickening their pace to a trot, they turned westward along

Conduit Street, as if intending to 'do a bit of Park,' and he lost sight of them.

Her companion was one whom Hammersley had never seen before, but
he could remark that he had all the manner and appearance of a man of
good birth; but there was even something more than that in his bearing—an
undefinable and indescribable air of interest seemed to hover about them,
and Hammersley thought he might prove a very formidable rival. But surely
matters had not come to that!

To letters that he had addressed to Finella at Craigengowan, under cover

to 'Miss Carlyon,' no answer had ever been returned. He knew not that
Dulcie was no longer there, and that the letters referred to had gone back to
the Post Office. And so Finella's silence—was it indifference—seemed
unpleasantly accounted for now.

He knew not her address in London. The house of the Fettercairn family
was shut up, and he could not accost her while escorted by 'that fellow,' as
she seemed ever to be, for on two occasions he saw them again in the Row;
nor could he prosecute any inquiries, as most of the mutual friends at whose
dances and garden parties he had been wont to meet her in the past times
were now out of town.

It was tantalizing—exasperating!

Did she suppose he had been killed, and had already forgotten him? Did
her heart shrink from a vacuum, or what? Thus pride soon supplemented
jealousy.

A few days after the third occasion on which he had seen them, he was
idling in the reading-room of 'The Rag'—as the Army and Navy Club is
colloquially known, from a joke in Punch, and the smoking-room of which
has the reputation of being the best in London; and few, perhaps none, of
those who lounge therein are aware that the stately edifice occupies what
was the site till 1790 of Nell Gwynne's house in Pall Mall.

'How goes it, Hammersley?' said Villiers, the aide-de-camp, who was
also home on leave, and en route to join his regiment, being yet—as he
grumblingly said—out of 'the Wolseley ring.' 'Has no Belgravian belle
succeeded in capturing you yet—a hero, like myself, fresh from the assegais
of Ulundi and all that sort of thing?'

'No—I am still at large; but you forget that by the time I reached town
the season was over.'

'Talking of belles,' said an officer who was lounging in a window, 'here

comes one worth looking at.'

Finella and her cavalier, mounted again, were quietly rambling into the
square from Pall Mall.

'Ah—she is with Garallan of the Bengal Cavalry,' said Villiers; 'he has
come in for a good thing—has picked up an heiress, I hear.'

'About the most useful thing a fellow can pick up nowadays,' replied a
tall officer named Gore.

'That girl is said to be always ahead of the London season.'

'How?'

'Dresses direct from Paris.'

'Garallan?' said Hammersley, turning from the window, as the pair had
disappeared.

'A Major of the old Second Irregular Cavalry, and gained the V.C. when
serving on the Staff at the storming of Jummoo.'

'Jummoo—where the devil is that?' asked one.

 'On the Peshawur frontier,' replied another; 'he is now in luck's way,
certainly.'

'They say,' resumed Villiers in his laughing off-hand way, and who really
knew nothing of Finella, but was merely ventilating some club gossip, to
the intense annoyance of Hammersley; 'they say that she is a coquette from
her finger-tips to her tiny balmorals, and would flirt with his Grace of
Canterbury if she got a chance; and yet, with all that, she can be most
sentimental. There is Gore of ours—a passed practitioner in the art of
philandering——'

'Villiers, please to shut up,' said Hammersley impatiently in a sotto voce;

'I know the young lady, and you don't.'

'The deuce you do?'

'Intimately.'

Villiers coloured, and lapsed into silence.

'I always look upon flirtation as playing with fire,' said Gore; 'never
attempt it, but I get into some deuced scrape.'

'How much money is muddled up with matrimony in the world

nowadays!' said Villiers, thinking probably of the heiress's thousands; 'I
suppose it was different in the days of our grandfathers.'

'Not much, I fancy,' said Gore.

Hammersley had now occasion for much and somewhat bitter thought.
Finella and this officer were evidently the subjects of club gossip and not
very well-bred banter; the conviction galled him.

'Where the deuce or with whom does she reside?' he thought; 'but to find
anyone you want, I don't know a more difficult place than this big village
on Thames.'

The wrong person—like himself apparently—turning up at the wrong

time is no new experience to anyone; but this intimacy of Finella and her
cavalier seemed to be a daily matter, as Hammersley had seen them so
often; and how often were they too probably together on occasions that he
could know nothing of?

The germ of jealousy was now planted in his heart, and 'such germs by
force of circumstances sometimes flourish and bear bitter fruit; at others,
nothing assisting, they perish in the mind that gave them birth;' but a new
force was given to the remarks of Villiers by some that Hammersley
overheard the same evening in the same place—the 'Rag.'

There he suddenly recognised Finella's cavalier in full evening costume,

eating his dinner alone in a corner of the great dining-room, and all unaware
that he was sternly and closely scrutinized by one man, and the subject of
conversation for other two, whose somewhat flippant remarks from behind
a newspaper reached the ears of the former.

'Who is he, do you say? His face is new to me.'

'Ronald Garallan, of the Bengal Cavalry—a lucky dog.'

'How so?'

'Is going in for a good thing, I hear.'

'For what?'

'His cousin with no end of tin.'

'His cousin?' questioned the other and Hammersley's heart at the same
time.

'Yes—the handsome Miss Melfort with the funny name—Finella

Melfort.'

'So they are engaged?'

'I believe so; but I don't think from all I hear that the Major has much of
a vocation for domesticity.'
 'Even with Finella?'

'Even with Finella,' replied the other, laughing.

Hammersley felt a dark frown gather on his brow to hear her Christian
name—his property as he deemed it—used in this off-hand fashion, and he
felt a violent inclination to punch his brother-officer's head. However, he
only moved his chair away from the vicinity of the speakers, but not before
he heard one of them say to Garallan:

'Been to many dances since your return? England, you know, expects
every marriageable bachelor to do his duty.'

'The season is over,' replied the Major curtly; and then added, 'you forget
that I am on leave—the sick list, with a Medical Board before me yet.'

'What a bore! But you are bound for some festive scene to-night, I
presume?'

'Only to the Lyceum.'

'The Lyceum—with her perhaps,' thought Hammersley; and to see the

affair out to the bitter end, he resolved to go there too.

He was cut to the heart again, and bit his nether lip to preserve his self-
control. He had never heard of this cousin, Ronald Garallan; he certainly
found his name in the Army List, but did not believe he was any cousin at
all; and this only served to make matters look more and more black.

Hammersley in his natural pride of spirit rather revolted at going to the

theatre, feeling as if he was acting somewhat like a spy, but he had a right to
learn for himself what was on the tapis with regard to Finella; and the
Lyceum was as free a theatre to him as to anyone else; so a few minutes
after saw him bowling along the Strand in a hansom cab.

He got a seat on the grand tier, but with difficulty, and, fortunately for
his purpose, a little back and well out of sight; and, oblivious of the stage
and all the usual scenic splendours there, he swept 'the house' again and
again, with the same powerful field-glass he had so lately used on many a
scouting expedition, but in vain, till the crimson satin curtain of a private
box was suddenly drawn back, and Finella in a perfect costume, yet not
quite full dress, sat there like a little queen, with many a sparkling jewel,
and Garallan half leaning on the back of her chair, as she consulted the
programme, after depositing a beautiful bouquet and her opera-glass on the
front of the box before her.

Hammersley's heart seemed to give a leap, and then stood still, while he
actually felt an ache in the bullet wound which had so nearly cost him his
life.

There they were, in a private box together, and without a chaperone,

which certainly looked like cousinship, though every way distasteful to
Hammersley; and Garallan leant over her chair, ignoring the performance
entirely, and evidently entertaining her in 'that original and delicious strain
in which Adam and Eve were probably the first proficients.'

And Finella was smiling upwards at times with her radiant eyes and
riant face, with the bright and happy expression of one who had nothing left
to wish for in the world; while he—Vivian Hammersley—might be, for all
she knew or seemed to care, lying unburied by the banks of the Umvolosi or
the Lower Tugela!

He recalled the words of her letter, so long and so loving, which he

received so unexpectedly in Zululand, in which she urged him to be brave
of heart for her sake, and not to be discouraged by any opposition on the
part of Lady Fettercairn, as she was rich enough to please herself, adding:

'Let us have perfect confidence in each other! Oh, you passionate silly!
to run away in a rage as you did without seeking an explanation. How much
it has cost me Heaven alone knows!'

'Now,' thought he, 'suppose all the explanation she gave Miss Carlyon at
Craigengowan of that remarkable scene in the shrubbery, or that she was
lured into a scrape with that cub Shafto, were mere humbug after all. It
looks deuced like it from what I see going on here in London. And then the
rings I gave her—one a marriage hoop to keep—an unlucky gift—ha! ha!
what a precious ass I have been!'

Vivian Hammersley, though a tough-looking and well set-up linesman,

was of an imaginative cast, and of a highly sensitive nature, and such are
usually well skilled in the art of elaborate self-torture.

He now perceived that for a moment she had drawn the glove from off
her left hand—what a lovely little white hand it was! He turned his
powerful field-glass thereon, with more interest and curiosity than he had
done while watching for Zulu warriors, and there—yes—there by Jove!—
his heart gave a bound—was his engagement ring upon her engaged finger
still—there was no doubt about that!

So what did all this too apparent philandering with another mean, if not
the most arrant coquetry? Had her character changed within a few short
months? It almost seemed so.

But Hammersley thought that, 'tide what may,' he had seen enough of the
Lyceum for that night, and hurried away to the smoking-room of the 'Rag.'

CHAPTER XIII.

A REVELATION.

We have written somewhat ahead of our general narrative, and must now
recur to Lord Fettercairn's visit to Mr. Kenneth Kippilaw in Edinburgh, at
that gentleman's request—one which filled the old Peer with some surprise.

'Why the deuce did not his agent visit him?' he thought.

Smarting under Shafto's insolence, and acting on information given to

him readily by Madelon Galbraith, Mr. Kippilaw took certain measures to
obtain some light on a matter which he should have taken before.

'You look somewhat unhinged, Kippilaw,' said Lord Fettercairn, as he

seated himself in the former's private business room.

'I feel so, my lord,' replied the lawyer, in a fidgety way, as he breathed
upon and wiped his spectacles; 'I have to talk over an unpleasant matter
with you.'

'Business?'

'Yes; perhaps you would defer it till after dinner?'

'Not at all—what the deuce is it? Debts of Shafto's?'

'Worse, my lord!'

'Worse! You actually seem unwell; have a glass of sherry, if I may press
you in your own house.'

'No thanks; I am in positive distress.'

'How—about what?' asked the Peer impatiently.

'The fact is, my lord, I don't know how to go about it and explain; but for
the first time since I began my career as a W.S.—some forty years ago now
—I have made a great professional blunder, I fear.'

'Sorry to hear it—but what have I to do with all that?'

'Much.'

Lord Fettercairn changed colour.

'You wrote strangely of Shafto?'

'No wonder!' groaned Mr. Kippilaw.

'How?'
 'The matter very nearly affects your lordship's dearest interests—the
honour of your house and title.'

'The devil!' exclaimed the Peer, starting up, and touched upon his most
tender point.

'I have had more than one long conversation with the old nurse, Madelon
Galbraith, and therefore instituted certain inquiries, which I should have
done before, and have come to the undoubted and legal conclusion that—
that——'

'What?' asked Fettercairn, striking the floor with his right heel.

'That the person who passes as your grandson is not your grandson at
all!'

'What—how—who the devil is he then?'

'The son of a Miss MacIan who married a Mr. Shafto Gyle.'

'D—n the name! Then who and where is my grandson and heir?'

'One who was lately or is now serving as a soldier in Zululand.'

'My God! and you tell me all this now—now?'

'When Lennard Melfort lay dying at Revelstoke he entrusted the proofs

of his only son's birth with his older nephew, Shafto, who, with amazing
cunning, used them to usurp his rights and position. I blame myself much. I
should have made closer inquiries at the time; but the documents seemed all
and every way to the point, and I could not doubt the handwriting or the
signatures of your poor dead son. The result, however, has rather stunned
me.'

'And, d—n it, Kippilaw, it rather stuns me!' exclaimed Lord Fettercairn,
in high wrath. 'May it not be a mistake, this last idea?'

'No—everything is too well authenticated.'

 'But, Kippilaw,' said Lord Fettercairn, after a pause, caused by dire
perplexity, 'we had the certificate of birth.'

'Yes—but not in Shafto's name. The document was mutilated and

without the baptismal certificate, of which I have got this copy from the
Rev. Mr. Paul Pentreath. The name in both is, as you see,' added Mr.
Kippilaw, laying the document on the table, 'Florian, only son of the Hon.
Lennard Melfort (otherwise MacIan) and Flora, his wife—Florian, called so
after her.'

'You have seen this young man?'

'Yes—once in this room, and I was struck with his likeness to Lennard.
He is dark, Shafto fair. The true heir has a peculiar mark on his right arm,
says Madelon Galbraith, his nurse. Here is a letter from a doctor of the
regiment stating that Florian has such a mark, which Shafto has not; and
mother-marks, as they are called, never change, like the two marks of the
famous "Claimant."

'I cannot realize it all—that we have been so befooled!' exclaimed Lord

Fettercairn, walking up and down the room.

'But you must; it will come home to you soon enough.'

'Egad, so far as bills and debts go, it has come home to me sharply
enough already. It is a terrible story—a startling one.'

'Few families have stories like it.'

'And one does not wish such in one's own experience, Kippilaw. It is
difficult of belief—monstrous, Kippilaw!'

'Monstrous, indeed, my Lord Fettercairn!' chimed in Mr. Kippilaw, who

then proceeded to unfold a terrible tale of the results of Shafto's periodical
visits to Edinburgh and London—his bills and post-obits with the money-
lenders, who would all be 'diddled' now, as he proved not to be the heir at
all; and though last, not least, his late disgraceful affair of the loaded die,
and the fracas with Major Garallan.
 'Garallan! that old woman Drumshoddy's nephew—whew!' His lordship
perspired with pure vexation. 'I have to thank you, however, for finding out
the true heir at last.'

'When there are a fortune and a title in the case, people are easily found,
my lord.'

'Things come right generally, as they always do, if one waits and trusts in
God,' said Madelon Galbraith, when she was admitted to an audience, in
which, with the garrulity of years, she supplemented all that Mr. Kippilaw
had advanced; and, as she laughed with exultation, she showed—despite
her age—two rows of magnificent teeth—teeth that were bright as her eyes
were dark.

'Laoghe mo chri! Laoghe mo chri!' she murmured to herself; 'your only

son will be righted yet.'

Every nation has its own peculiar terms of endearment, so Madelon

naturally referred to Flora in her own native Gaelic.

'And Florian is—as you say, Kippilaw—serving in Zululand?' said Lord

Fettercairn.

'Yes.'

'Serving as a private soldier?'

'He was——'

'Was—is he dead?' interrupted the Peer sharply.

'No; he is now an officer, and a distinguished one—an officer of the

gallant but most unfortunate 24th. I have learned that much.'

'Write to him at once, and meanwhile telegraph to the Adjutant-General

—no matter what the expense—for immediate intelligence about him. You
will also write to Shafto—you know what to say to him.'