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Attitudes
The right to education and attitudes toward Hijras
toward Hijras in Bangladesh: in Bangladesh

assessing educational support to

achieve sustainable communities 187
Abul Kalam Received 8 November 2023
Revised 21 June 2024
Department of Islamic History and Culture, University of Rajshahi, Accepted 22 June 2024
Rajshahi, Bangladesh
Md Jahangir Alam
Department of Japanese Studies, University of Dhaka, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Lubaba Basharat
Department of Japanese Studies, University of Dhaka, Dhaka, Bangladesh and
Graduate School of International Development (GSID), Nagoya University,
Nagoya, Japan
Golam Faruk Sarker
Department of Anthropology, University of Rajshahi, Rajshahi, Bangladesh
M. Abdullah Al Mamun
Department of Folklore, University of Rajshahi, Rajshahi, Bangladesh, and
Abu Hossain Muhammad Ahsan
Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social Sciences,
University of Dhaka, Dhaka, Bangladesh

Abstract
Purpose – This study aims to evaluate the current educational opportunities available to hermaphrodite
(Hijra) students, analyze their difficulties while pursuing academic degrees and suggest potential approaches
to address these issues.

© Abul Kalam, Md Jahangir Alam, Lubaba Basharat, Golam Faruk Sarker, M. Abdullah Al Mamun
and Abu Hossain Muhammad Ahsan. Published by Emerald Publishing Limited. This article is
published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) licence. Anyone may reproduce,
distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial & non-
commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full
terms of this licence may be seen at http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode
Data availability statement: The data sets generated during the analysis of the current study are
available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.
Conflict of interest disclosure: The authors reported no potential conflict of interest. Quality Education for All
Vol. 1 No. 1, 2024
Ethics approval statement: The authors certify that they have no conflicts of interest related to this study’s pp. 187-203
content. In addition, the author declares that he has no engagement or affiliations with any organizations or Emerald Publishing Limited
2976-9310
institutions with any financial or non-financial interest in the subject matter of this manuscript. DOI 10.1108/QEA-11-2023-0016
QEA Design/methodology/approach – This research used a qualitative method to analyze the challenges
Hijra individuals face in pursuing education. A total of 20 interviews were conducted with two Hijra groups
1,1 those who are pursuing an education and those who have abandoned it to collect primary data. The purposive
sampling technique was used to identify and choose diverse sources of information. Moreover, the phenomena
have been comprehended using the Access Theory and the Gender Stratification Theory.
Findings – The findings show that although every Bangladeshi has the right to a decent education, few
Hijra youngsters attend schools. Numerous barriers, such as discriminatory views and remarks about third-
188 gender people, physical and mental harassment, a lack of emotional and financial support, family issues,
discrimination in the school community and hostility from classmates and teachers, make it difficult for
hermaphrodite students to receive a proper education.
Originality/value – This research paper fills a gap in the current body of knowledge by presenting
empirical evidence regarding young people’s perceptions of the third-gender, the societal barriers faced by
Hijra individuals in their pursuit of quality education, their future opportunities, the root causes of these
challenges and possible solutions.
Keywords Hijra, Third gender, Equality, Right to education, Human rights, Bangladesh
Paper type Research paper

1. Introduction
The term “Hijra” originates from the Indian subcontinent and is derived from Hindustani, a
vernacular Indo-Aryan language (Kachru, 2008, p. 81). Throughout the Indian subcontinent,
the word “Hijra” was used for hundreds of years to describe transvestites, intersex persons,
eunuchs and transsexual males (Chakrapani, 2010; Al-Mamun et al., 2022). In contemporary
times, the Hijra is identified as the “third gender” or “third sex” (Hossain, 2017; Mirande,
2016; Islam, 2016). In the words of a famous ethnographer, Serena Nanda, the term Hijra is
defined as “Neither men nor Women” (Wadhwa, 2018; Chawla). Hijras are biological males
identifying and expressing themselves as female (Sumra, 2019; Redding, 2019). Bangladesh,
which achieved independence in 1971, has constantly championed the rights of minority
groups and signed international agreements concerning the civil, political, economic, social
and cultural rights of those with third-gender identities. A survey by the Department of
Social Services found that approximately 12,000 Hijras live in Bangladesh (BIDS, 2022).
However, individuals with Hijra identity in Bangladesh have been deprived of certain
essential rights commonly linked with nationality, such as the right to own real estate,
inherit property, work legitimately, attend school and receive health care (Nova et al., 2021;
Islam, 2019; Al-Mamun et al., 2022; Jebin, 2018). As a result of modernity, nations across the
globe have formally begun acknowledging individuals who identify as third-gender.
Consequently, legislation in various nations acknowledges the legal status of individuals
who identify as third-gender. In 2011, Bangladesh began providing nationality options for
those who identify as a gender other than male or female. In 2013, over 10,000 Hijras in
Bangladesh were officially recognized as belonging to a “third gender” category (Mitra,
2018; Fontana, 2020; Hossain, 2022).
As Hijra individuals have been formally acknowledged as the “third gender” and
have Bangladeshi citizenship, they should also be entitled to educational privileges.
Nevertheless, Hijras continue to face discrimination and are deprived of educational
and equitable chances (Islam, 2016). Owing to societal non-acceptance, individuals of
this group are deprived of certain rights, such as access to education (Alam et al., 2023).
Their education is hindered because of the refusal of acknowledgments from academics
or classmates, and their work prospects are limited by their lack of official schooling.
The education system in Bangladesh remains insufficient for those who identify as
third-gender; the majority of Hijras discontinue their education after primary or
secondary school. Hijra children discontinue their education because of several factors, Attitudes
including physical and psychological mistreatment, insufficient financial and toward Hijras
emotional assistance, familial conflicts, bias inside the classroom and institutional
constraints that hinder the educational opportunities available to Hijra individuals
in Bangladesh
(Pandey, 2018; Biswas and Soora, 2021). The state must, therefore, safeguard Hijras
against violence and discrimination and support their citizenship rights (Jebin, 2018).
The main objective of this study is to assess the current availability and significance of
educational opportunities in guaranteeing the right to education for Hijra individuals (those 189
who identify as a third gender) in Bangladesh. The secondary objective is to elucidate the
attitudes held by the young toward the Hijra community and the obstacles that impede Hijra
citizens from obtaining education. Additionally, this study aims to explore possible remedies to
these impediments.

2. Theoretical framework
Education is an essential asset crucial for developing and sustaining people and
societies. However, the educational system in Bangladesh still encounters challenges
and cultural biases that impede the inclusion and support of people who identify as
third-gender.
Hence, a proficient and multifaceted theoretical structure was adopted to analyze this
research, including the Access Theory and the Gender Stratification Theory. Moreover, this
research employs a layered framework to enable readers to grasp the complex connection
between educational access and cultural views toward individuals who identify as third-
gender. Thus, the main goal is to analyze the intersection of the right to education and
attitudes toward third genders in Bangladesh, specifically focusing on assessing educational
support that fosters the growth of sustainable communities.
“Access” refers to an individual’s unrestricted capacity to access a location or speak with
others or things. It is also defined as “the ability to get advantages from objects” (Ribot and
Peluso, 2003). Ribot and Peluso (2003) highlight the dynamic mechanisms of entry and their
correlation with tools in their “Theory of Access.” Various crucial elements, such as social
interactions, procedures and functions, impact an individual’s capacity to use available
resources. Also, Multiple variables contribute to the complex network of power dynamics
within broader material, socio-economic and political-economic settings. Access is often
determined by the social identity of a group or society, which is influenced by factors such
as age, gender, position, occupation, formal education and other personal attributes. These
more extensive settings often examine broader societal influences when examining the
connection between access and resources.
Gender Stratification Theory, sometimes known as gender hierarchy theory, is a
sociological paradigm that examines the causes and processes underlying the uneven
allocation of values, rights and responsibilities in society based on individuals’ gender
(Fiorentine, 1993). The source of gender stratification is said to stem from feminist ideology
(Duru, 2012). The concept is founded on the degree to which women possess more control
over the means of production and the distribution of surplus money or income compared to
men. Blumberg (1984) suggests that males may see these changes as threatening when
women’s economic power exceeds men’s during a transitional time. As a result, they may
use both physical and political strategies to hinder women’s efforts to achieve equal
authority. Chafetz (1990) reiterated this notion by contending that influential interest groups
in society will consistently see women as a threat when they are well organized. Therefore, it
may be said that this theory seeks to understand and shed light on the unfair distribution of
resources, power and opportunities between genders in various social, economic and
QEA cultural contexts. Hossain (2017) categorizes Hijra as a socio-economic subgroup belonging
1,1 to the working class in Bangladesh. However, Hijra people are not commonly accepted in
legal establishment or by society.
The theory of gender stratification suggests that people in power sustain existing
cultural norms and behaviors, often leading to the continuation of social hierarchies
throughout generations. Within society, an imbalanced allocation of knowledge, skills and
190 attitudes results in disparities in resources, opportunities and access to education. This is
particularly true for marginalized communities, such as those who identify as third-gender.
These individuals have obstacles in obtaining excellent education and are hindered from
becoming skilled professionals because of a lack of recognition. Access Theory explores the
factors that impede or facilitate an individual’s entry and progression in various societal
domains, such as education and employment. Gender Stratification Theory examines how
society manipulates marginalized groups, i.e. the Hijra community, preventing them from
reaching their full potential for the benefit of more dominant social groups. This research
enables the authors to investigate how the lack of recognition and acceptance of third-
gender identities functions as a systemic barrier, restricting the capacity of Hijra individuals
to access high-quality education and follow traditional career trajectories (Figure 1).

3. Research methods and materials

3.1 Study design
This section is further divided into the following sections: methodology, location, population,
research length, sample size, sampling procedure, data collection techniques and procedures
and data analysis. This study used a qualitative research methodology to examine the topic by
scrutinizing the experiences and conditions of Hijra individuals. Primary data was collected by
using in-depth interviews (IDIs) with 20 Hijra individuals. Purposive sampling was used in the
study to identify and choose diverse sources of information.

3.2 Study area/settings and timeline

The extensive interviews were carried out in the Rajshahi area, which is located in the northern
part of Bangladesh. The area is renowned for its ability to locate well-informed and dependable
people of the Hijra community who can engage in detailed interviews to analyze their obstacles
and difficulties. The researchers included the participants in a discussion and appraisal of their
academic experience to get diverse perspectives and ideas regarding the Hijra lifestyle. A
thorough study was carried out to examine the difficulties encountered by the educational

Figure 1.
Theoretical Source: Created by the Authors based on Ribot and Peluso
framework
(2003) and Fiorentine (1993)
system of the Hijra community through extensive interaction. By conducting comprehensive Attitudes
interviews, researchers gained a deeper understanding of the subtle complexities of the toward Hijras
academic difficulties faced by the Hijra community, as expressed in their own words.
in Bangladesh
3.3 Study population and sampling strategy
A total of 20 IDIs were carried out. The interviews were performed exclusively with selected
Hijra people to get insight into their academic challenges and patterns of social exclusion.
The IDIs included two categories of Hijra individuals: those who are now pursuing their
191
education and those who discontinued schooling.

3.4 Data collection techniques and procedures

The authors collected the qualitative data required for this research. All the authors
provided epistemological evaluations and coordinated all data-gathering operations. The
interviews were conducted in Bangla, as it is the native language of the participants and the
researcher. Each author contributed to the development of the semi-structured guidelines
and questionnaire items. To elicit informative responses from the participants, the
interviews were conducted in a manner that provided a space for interviewees and used
explicit, open-ended questions. The interviews were transcribed and recorded.
Additionally, all the authors assessed the appropriateness and clarity of the paper. The
questions (Table 1) identified the facilities, facilitators, lack of financial support, familial
concerns, social stigma, discrimination and barriers to studying Hijra persons in the school.
The average duration per in-depth interview (IDI) was 40–45 minutes.

3.5 Data analysis

The collected data were assessed in light of the objective and topic of this study. The
theoretical framework and the technique were also chosen accordingly for this research. The

Methods IDI Type-1: Those who are

IDIs [n ¼ 20, using male continuing their study (n ¼ 9)
name ¼ 9, using female IDI Type-2: Those who are already
Characteristics name ¼ 11] dropping out of school (n ¼ 11)

Age in years (mean 6SD) 24.3 6 5.2

Level of education (Hijra)
Primary/middle school (n) 14
High school (n) 10
College or more (n) 5
Family status
Lives with family (n) 6
Separated from family (n) 14
Professional status Table 1.
Employee (n) 7 Study participants
Involved with Hijra culture (n) 13 and socio-
Religious identities
demographic
Muslim (n) 20 attributes of the
participants (IDI:
Source: Created by the authors n ¼ 20)
QEA theoretical framework has been developed based on Gender Stratification Theory and
1,1 Access Theory. “The six phases of thematic analysis” developed by Braun and Clarke (2006)
was followed to conduct a robust thematic analysis for identifying, analyzing and reporting
patterns within the data set. Themes were identified and interpreted to represent the content
of the entire data set and an understanding of predominant themes was given.

192
3.6 Ethical considerations
Given that Hijra is a gender identity that is socially stigmatized, it was exceedingly
challenging to secure sufficient respondents to participate in the study. The Hijra
people expressed their views and concerns about education in this study. Interviews
were analyzed thoroughly to understand the role of Hijra (hermaphrodite) people in the
mainstream education system. Therefore, it is essential to note that informed consent
has been duly acquired from all individuals participating in the survey. Furthermore,
stringent measures are being taken to safeguard their privacy and maintain complete
anonymity throughout the research process. Ethical issues were duly considered while
gathering and analyzing documents, ensuring the conscientious and cautious
treatment of confidential material (Wexler and Largent, 2023, p. 3).

4. Findings
The chosen theoretical framework and the data analysis from the IDIs facilitated
the comprehension of the role of quality education for Hijra (hermaphrodite) individuals
and the obstacles they encounter in pursuing a proper education. Several issues
were identified during the data analysis of the IDIs, which will be addressed in the
subsequent paragraphs.

4.1 Conflicts within the family

A family has great importance in the life of every individual. Nevertheless, the Hijras
experience a lack of support from their families at their most crucial moments. Hijra
individuals encounter several challenges from their families in pursuing their education
and other aspects of their lives. Initially, their relatives and acquaintances exhibit a
lack of acceptance toward them. They have difficulties pursuing their education
because of familial opposition and lack of financial assistance. In addition, educational
institutions and society often disregard individuals from the Hijra group. Upon
realizing their third-gender identity, individuals often face the harsh reality of being
forcefully expelled from their residences or socially marginalized. The Hijras depart
from their residences because of the abuse inflicted upon them by their families, which
subsequently forces them to abandon their education (Table 2). Consequently, these
circumstances make standard schooling generally inaccessible to them.
A respondent, who was once a student, conveyed their emotions about their experience
inside their family by saying:
My gender identification was a source of constant embarrassment for my family. They mistreated
me severely because they were always afraid that someone else might find out and often placed
the blame on me. I got depressed as a result of my inability to understand their treatment of me as
an adolescent fully. I made two attempts at suicide as a consequence, and I eventually moved out
of my parents’ house. (Former Student, 23, Rajshahi).
Primary codes Key reflections Quotes
Attitudes
toward Hijras
Lack of Hijras are dispelled from the My family gave me support for my studies until they knew in Bangladesh
acceptance family, and their family does I was Hijra (third-gender). However, when they knew I was
not accept them Hijra, they did not accept me. Moreover, finally, they
stopped my educational support. They tortured me so
much that I had to leave my home (Student, 26, Rajshahi)
Lack of moral The family discourages Hijra When my father, brothers and sisters learned that I am 193
support people from studying Hijra, they said, “You are a Hijra person; what will you do
after studying? You do not have to study.” So, my family
has been discouraging me from my studies. My brother
stopped all of my educational support (Student, 21,
Rajshahi)
Lack of Hijra individuals are I did not get any support from my family for my studies.
financial often denied any financial My family could not accept my behavior. That is why they
support assistance from their used to torture me a lot. Therefore, I left home as I could
immediate family not stand the torture (Student, 23, Rajshahi) Table 2.
Thematic analysis of
Source: Created by the authors family problems

4.2 Social persecution toward the third-gender community

In Bangladesh, the third-gender population is often socially marginalized and excluded
from mainstream culture (Jebin, 2018). The Hijra community encounters a multitude of
societal challenges while pursuing their education. Hermaphrodite individuals are not
accepted by society (Table 3). People persistently subject third-gender individuals to
mistreatment and several sorts of prejudice in society. As a result, Hijra entities have
considerable challenges in securing employment and integrating into mainstream society
despite obtaining appropriate schooling.
Hijra people cannot move like other people in society. They feel uncomfortable sitting
next to any other man or woman because they are considered taboo topics in society. When
they go to school or any social gatherings, the people in the community are often scared,
irritated, or hostile to them. As a result, they usually quit general society and join the Hijra
community. Another Hijra participant explained the situation:

Primary codes Key reflections Quotes

Discrimination and Hijra individuals face I was bullied when I went out to play with other
aggression in social discrimination and aggression children. Furthermore, I faced many obstacles
aspect from society when wearing a woman’s dress. Afterward, I
changed my dressing style when I got school
admission. Because society could not tolerate my
dressing as a girl (Student, 23, Rajshahi)
Discrimination in Hijra entities suffer I completed my MBA long ago, but I have not got a
job sector significantly from the lack of job anywhere because of my sexual identity. I am a Table 3.
access to education, and they human; I have many expenses. If I do not get a
are also discriminated against good job, I will have to follow an illegal way to
Thematic analysis of
from getting a good job manage my costs (Former student, 26, Rajshahi) social persecution
toward the Hijra
Source: Created by the authors community
QEA I faced many problems while growing up. Naughty children always bullied me. Sometimes, they
would throw rocks or dust on me and misbehave. Even they bullied me in different manners every
1,1 day. (Student, 29, Rajshahi).
Similarly, another Hijra partaker said this:
I am Hijra; it is known to everyone in my village. They harass me in various ways. I wear girls’
clothes to school and sit with the girls. When I go to school, they treat me differently, like an alien.
194 (Student, 16, Rajshahi).
Based on their early behavior pattern, actions and views, society perceives Hijras as distinct
from others in the community, considering them abnormal. That is why there is a pervasive
skepticism toward the Hijra community. Another school dropout, Hijra respondent stated:
People have understood that I am a Hijra person by observing my behavior since childhood. Since
then, people called me Half-ladies. (High School Dropout, 21, Rajshahi).

4.3 Economic problems related to lack of financial support

One of the substantial impediments to the academic achievement of Hijra individuals in
Bangladesh is economic difficulties. The Hijra entities are typically stripped of their families, as
previously mentioned. Hence, they encountered an economic crisis. As a result, they typically
discontinue their studies. This affects their professional lives as they cannot get white-collar
positions. Moreover, the Hijra individuals cannot obtain blue-collar employment because of the
societal disinclination to provide them with any employment. Companies consistently
demonstrate apprehension toward Hijras (Table 4). Consequently, the Hijra people resort to
engaging in illicit labor. According to a respondent who was previously a primary school dropout:
My family did not support me because they were ashamed of me. As a result, I was compelled to
become a member of the local Hijra society. Given that the majority of us are either illiterate or
possess only a basic level of education, we were unable to secure suitable employment. So, we
frequently solicit donations from local businesses or beg for money in various locations. (Primary
School Dropout, 17, Rajshahi).
Based on the analysis of the above answer, it can be concluded that Hijras face financial
difficulties because of being estranged from their families. They have several challenges when

Primary codes Key reflections Quotes

Lack of earning Hijras do not have The financial crisis is a significant problem for me in continuing my
source the opportunity to studies. I had to go to the market with the gurus (leaders of the Hijra
earn legally community) to earn money. I never liked this job. But I had no other
way to earn money (Dropout student, 23, Rajshahi)
Lack of help Hijra people do I did not have any money to fill out the form at school. I filled the
not get help from form with money from one of my fellow Hijra colleagues, Polly. I
the general people did not get any help from anyone (Student, 22, Rajshahi)
Table 4. Poor financial Hijra people often I left my study and went to Dhaka due to financial problems. I went
condition face financial there and worked in a garment factory and a canteen. Afterward,
Thematic analysis of difficulties, which when I had enough money, I left Dhaka and started studying again
economic problems affects their lives (Student, 26, Rajshahi)
related to lack of
financial support Source: Created by the authors
handling the expenses associated with their basic needs, such as food, living costs or education. Attitudes
Consequently, several Hijras accompany their mentors to the market to extort money. toward Hijras
in Bangladesh
4.4 Impediments in the field of educational endeavors
Hijras who attend school are often subjected to harassment from instructors. Even pupils in
other classes bullied Hijra pupils often while at school. The teachers often feel uneasy with
Hijra students in class and act in a discriminating or abusive manner. This may even 195
escalate to sexual harassment in some instances. Hence, bullying and sexual harassment are
not particularly unusual among Hijra people. When asked about the harassment that Hijra
people encountered in schools, some horrific instances were brought to light (Table 5).
Hijra individuals discontinue their education because their peers do not accept them, and
teachers behave incompetently. The instructors in the class are unwilling to provide them
with the same level of help that they provide for other children. Also, Hijra individuals
endure several forms of harassment from their peers at various intervals. Typically, peers
are unable to accept those who identify as Hijra. Hijra individuals are subjected to varying
treatment. Another participant offered clarification on this subject by stating:
The people of my school still do not know that I am a third-gendered person; I wear girls’ clothes
to school. If they had known, they might have bullied me. I face many obstacles in continuing my
studies every day. (Student, 16, Rajshahi).
The theme analysis in Table 6 illustrates the dynamics between Hijra students and their
classmates, facilitating a deeper comprehension of the subject.
In addition to the themes mentioned above, Hijra students encounter several other daily
challenges and forms of mistreatment, which deter their academic success. As a result, they
drop out of school and engage in various delinquent activities. A school dropout Hijra
participant shared a similar view:
I studied up to class eight. I left the school when my classmates started to comment negatively
against me. My classmates would drop my books or laugh at me. It was very intolerable for me.
(High School Dropout, 26, Rajshahi).

Primary codes Key reflections Quotes

Harassment and abuse Third-genders often The school teachers used to harass me excessively. One
from the teachers face harassment and of the teachers at my school mistreated me (Former
abuse from teachers student, 26, Rajshahi)
Poor behavior from The teachers often Teachers used to discourage me from going to school.
teachers discriminated against On the last day, my school teachers kicked me out of
Hijra people school. They said, “Do not come to the school anymore.
Other students cannot concentrate on their studies
because of you. You are a Hijra person. What will you
do after studying?” (Middle school dropout, 16,
Rajshahi)
Lack of facilities Educational Hijra persons feel many problems using the lavatory.
institutions do not The boys would say, “You are a girl; you go to the girls’ Table 5.
provide adequate washroom.” However, female students also felt
facilities for the Hijra uncomfortable if I used their washroom. So, I could not
Thematic analysis of
students go to the girls’ washroom (Former student, 29, Rajshahi) impediments in the
field of educational
Source: Created by the authors endeavors
QEA 4.5 Facilitating agents in support of Hijra individuals
1,1 Bangladesh has struggled to establish a conducive educational environment for the Hijra
population. Hijra individuals have several challenges in accessing quality education.
Discrimination against Hijra individuals, negative attitudes, offensive comments from
members of society, rejection by their peers and educators, banishment from their
families and monetary constraints render them incapable of pursuing education. Despite
196 being accepted, most students withdraw from elementary and secondary education. The
main reason for this is the harassment from class fellows and the lack of teacher support
in the classroom. The majority of Hijras have discontinued their education and instead
accompany the Hijra gurus to the marketplace to earn money. Despite their challenges,
several Hijra individuals persist in pursuing their education (Table 7).
Hijra individuals with strong mentality continue their education and overcome various
forms of harassment and obstruction. Nowadays, some families are becoming very
supportive toward their third-gender child, which makes the third-gender children more
robust and confident and helps them grow. Another Hijra participant said:
I have continued my study to face my challenges. My elder sister supports me to continue my
study. She always encouraged me (Student, 26, Rajshahi).

Primary codes Key reflections Quotes

Existential crisis Neither girls nor boys I could never find a good place to sit in class. When I sat with
accept Hijra people as the boys, they would say, “You are half-lady; you should sit
a part of them. They with the girls.” When I would sit with the girls, they would
treat them as look confused (Former student, 26, Rajshahi)
nonhumans
Table 6. Unsupportive The classmates often No one will sit next to me if I sit in the classroom. If I missed
classmates mistreat the Hijra some lessons in the class, then my classmates would not give
Thematic analysis of children me notes from that class. They constantly avoid me (student,
interaction with 23, Rajshahi)
peers in the
classroom Source: Created by the authors

Primary codes Key reflections Quotes

Impact of self- Some third genders have I created a beauty parlor as a beautician when I was
confidence overcome all the obstacles studying. I carry my educational expenses with my income
with their confidence from the beauty parlor (Student, 23, Rajshahi)
Emotional Support from close family My mother encouraged me to study from a young age. My
support from or friends encourages the family wants me to continue my studies. However, my
loved ones Hijra entities to confront family cannot support me because of financial problems. So
obstacles I am working in a tailor shop now. I use the income from
there to cover the cost of my education (Student, 22,
Rajshahi)
Supportive Hijra Some Hijra gurus are Our Hijra guru is very supportive of continuing our study.
Table 7. guru very supportive of the They understand that education is a part of human life.
Thematic analysis of lives of the Hijra people Our Guru encourages us to learn (Student, 23, Rajshahi)
facilitating agents for
Hijra individuals Source: Created by the authors
Nevertheless, sometimes, even a family that provides encouragement and assistance may Attitudes
not be sufficient. Owing to the prevailing financial crisis, several families cannot provide toward Hijras
financial assistance to the Hijra children despite their desire to do so. As a result, Hijras face
discouragement from their family when it comes to pursuing education. Moreover, although
in Bangladesh
some Hijras get psychological assistance from their teachers, they do not receive any
monetary assistance. They must independently handle their school expenses. A college-
going Hijra participant discussed their employment and the financial burden of their
education: 197
I got support from teachers mentally but not financially. I manage my educational expenses by
arranging some dance programs. (Student, 21, Rajshahi).
In addition, on some occasions, their Gurus (a Hijra leader who supervises a limited number
of apprentices and is responsible for providing guidance, supervision and support in many
parts of everyday life) significantly aids them in completing their education.

5. Discussion
In modern culture, Hijra persons are often called hermaphrodites or third gender (Bouman
et al., 2017). People who identify as Hijra frequently associate them with transgender people;
however, the two terms are not interchangeable. The first group includes those who are
unable to identify as either male or female at birth for medical or genetic reasons; this
condition is known as a sexual impairment. In contrast, the second group includes people
whose biological sex does not match their self-identified gender (Akter and Saha, 2024).
Moreover, Hijra individuals are distinct from intersex individuals. Intersex individuals grow
abnormally concerned with one’s biological sex, while Hijra individuals grow with
mismatched sex characteristics, which let them be a third gender in society and the human
environment.
A Hijra individual suffers mentally, physically, well and spiritually in many terms as the
families of the Hijra people and culture are not ready to cordially accept them for who they
are; thus, they harass them mentally and exploit them economically. Cultural and religious
conventions in Bangladesh provide considerable obstacles to the integration and recognition
of third-gender people, especially in the realm of academia. In Bangladesh, the conventional
cultural standards are defined by a strict binary classification of gender that categorizes
persons as either male or female. The binary outlook restricts the acknowledgment and
support of third-gender identities, resulting in the marginalization and lack of exposure of
those who identify as third-gender in society. Furthermore, Bangladeshi culture is deeply
entrenched in conservative ideals, which prescribe strict gender stereotypes and obligations.
Departures from these responsibilities are often seen in a negative light. This problem is
made worse by the focus on family reputation and social standing, as having a third-gender
person in a family may be seen as a cause of shame, leading to being rejected and excluded
by both family members and the community.
Marginalization deprives individuals of the opportunity to exercise their inherent rights
as citizens of a country. Owing to inadequate community support, marginalized persons
often have limited access to the necessary resources for personal development and well-
being (Al-Mamun et al., 2022). The Hijra community is subject to social stigma and often
encounters harsh views from others. Marginalized persons have fewer chances than others
yet nevertheless make significant contributions to society. Furthermore, in the specific
context of Bangladesh, it is evident that individuals also suffer from a lack of self-assurance
as they experience social isolation, both from their family and peers. In Bangladesh, the
marginalization of Hijra individuals originates inside the family unit, where they encounter
QEA a dearth of psychological, economic, educational and acknowledgment-based assistance,
1,1 among other challenges. Familial marginalization encompasses the act of discriminating
between third-gender children and other children (Hossen, 2019). When a family becomes
aware that their child identifies as Hijra, they typically fail to assume the responsibility of
offering assistance in areas such as education, employment, health and other domains. As a
result, Hijra individuals are left susceptible to societal challenges and cannot fully realize
198 their capabilities.
Bangladesh’s Government established a policy in November 2013 acknowledging the
Hijra people as a third gender (Hossain, 2017). The Hijra community faces persistent societal
discrimination because of the non-acceptance of their physical appearance and behaviors as
third-gender individuals, resulting in widespread animosity against them. Society often
stigmatizes individuals of the third gender by labeling them as Hijra, as they see the term
“Hijra” as derogatory and hold prejudice against them based on their appearance. Owing to
societal disapproval, Hijra individuals often have a mostly aggressive character or often
display their violent tendencies to others. As a result, they have acquired an unfavorable
reputation, leading to limited employment opportunities and a lack of monetary self-
sufficiency. Typically, as an outcome, individuals who identify as third-gender traditionally
resort to engaging in illicit activities to get funds for their basic needs. This problem is
attributed to society’s lack of sympathy in employing them and its failure to promote their
admittance into any white-collar or blue-collar jobs. They also transmit this mindset to their
offspring; hence, children also subject Hijra adolescents to harassment at educational
institutions. The relentless cycle of hostility persists on both sides. Therefore, these
sociocultural problems generate obstacles to third-gender acknowledgment.
Financial stability is essential in all aspects of life to fulfill an individual’s fundamental
needs. Thus, financial issues pose a significant obstacle for third-gender individuals to
achieve full freedom. Many families with children who identify as third-gender lack the
necessary optimistic mindset to provide them with financial assistance, therefore hindering
their ability to access fundamental rights such as education. Family members often have
misgivings over the worthiness of the Hijra children. Usually, the family members of third-
gender individuals tend to see investing in the education of their third-gender children as
unproductive and lack the motivation to provide them with financial assistance. Therefore, a
significant number of third-gender individuals either lack basic literacy skills or only get a
fundamental level of schooling. Moreover, they experience embarrassment while sending
their child to schools because of a lack of cooperation from teachers who are unwilling to
educate third-gender children alongside other youngsters.
Besides, teachers often exhibit unsupportive behavior toward Hijra students and their
families, leading to their exclusion from educational institutions (Syed, 2019). Hijra entities are
often discouraged by others who assert that they would be unable to get employment or that
pursuing education will not be beneficial, urging them to abandon their educational pursuits.
Moreover, the teachers believe that interacting with youths who identify as third-gender will
have an adverse effect on children who identify as cisgender (Islam, 2016). Owing to their
apprehensions, some parents of third-gender children may choose to refrain from sending their
third-gender children to school or providing financial assistance for their child’s schooling. This
choice has profound implications, establishing a substantial obstacle to their child’s ability to
get a high-quality education. Additionally, despite the determination of certain third-gender
children to work and generate income to cover their educational expenses, they often face
substantial obstacles to finding well-paying employment that matches their skills and
qualifications because of employers’ reluctance to hire individuals who identify as third-gender.
Occasionally, they are only employed for dangerous tasks (Roy, 2022). Frequently, teenagers Attitudes
who identify as third-gender encounter Hijra gurus and get involved in illicit activities. toward Hijras
In some cases, despite the monetary and emotional assistance that several households
provide to their third-gender children for their academic pursuits, the school atmosphere fails to
in Bangladesh
give the necessary support and collaboration for third-gender individuals to feel inspired and
encouraged to study (Bouman et al., 2017). Individuals who identify as third-gender encounter
several challenges, including instances of sexual harassment perpetrated by students as well as
teachers, as well as bullying, disdain and negative responses from their instructors, fellow
199
students and the families of their peers. Harassment of third-gender students is a prevalent
occurrence. They are often derided as effeminate because of their physical features and
mannerisms. They experience mistreatment, condemnation and harassment from their peers
and older students at educational establishments. Furthermore, if individuals report these
instances to the authorities, their complaints are often disregarded.
Individuals who identify as third-gender frequently feel alone and suffer from
ongoing depression as a result of several circumstances. Consequently, the suicide rate
among those identifying as third-gender in Bangladesh remains one of the highest.
Research indicates that 32 to 50% of Hijra persons perished by suicide as a result of
social marginalization, barriers to acceptance, lack of acknowledgment, hopelessness
and several other difficulties (Faruk et al., 2023). Research done by Austin et al. (2020)
revealed that 40% of third-gender persons had engaged in suicide attempts, with a
notably elevated occurrence among young third-gender individuals on a global scale.
According to another research, the suicide rate among third-gender persons in India is
around 31%, with 50% of them having made at least one suicide attempt before turning
20 (Virupaksha et al., 2016). It is apparent what caused the problem. Although Hijra
persons possess the knowledge and skills to be established in society, they encounter
prejudice and endure significant psychological distress, which sometimes results in
suicidal behavior. Therefore, it is essential to provide emotional support to third-gender
persons. Their families, friends, teachers and society as a whole can create a nurturing
atmosphere that enables them to flourish.

6. Recommendation to associate Hijra persons for the right to education

This research offers substantial suggestions for promoting constructive societal transformation,
drawing upon its findings and discussions. These concepts aim to illuminate the social disparity
between those identifying as third-gender and the broader population and provide strategies to
alleviate this gap. The recommendations are as follows.
At first, the state should develop targeted initiatives to enhance community
awareness and empathy toward individuals with third-gender orientations. This may
be achieved by collaborating with local groups, legislators and media platforms to
disseminate positive narratives and counter harmful stereotypes. To foster a sense of
inclusion and security for students who identify as third-gender, educational
institutions should establish designated safe spaces and support networks. Also, the
government and non-government organizations must provide counseling sessions for
families with Hijra members because these individuals are often abandoned by their
family members in the initial stage of their lives. Family counseling may help in
promoting the acceptance of Hijras as ordinary individuals by their families, fostering
connections with those who identify as third-gender and providing emotional, physical
and monetary support to them. This will help change people’s views of the Hijra people.
Third-gender individuals will have a greater opportunity to reach their maximum
QEA capabilities if they are not subjected to neglect from their families and discrimination
1,1 from society.
Furthermore, teachers, staff, parents and students must recognize and address the
problems of individuals who identify as Hijra, a third-gender category. Seminars,
symposiums and commercials should specifically focus on addressing the Hijra
community’s problems. In addition, it is essential to participate in discussions and
200 encourage comprehensive interpretations of cultural and religious principles by active
involvement with religious and community leaders. To foster a more inclusive and
accepting atmosphere, it is imperative to arrange workshops and seminars for those
who identify as third gender, including teachers, religious leaders and activists. It is
advisable to incorporate gender diversity education into the school curriculum to
motivate students to critically evaluate societal norms at an early age. Also,
government and non-government organizations should train teachers to teach third-
gender children effectively in integrated classrooms, promoting equitable educational
opportunities. To increase knowledge and understanding of Hijras, it is suggested that
elementary school textbooks have a chapter or narrative about Hijra people. This will
enhance the way Hijra is perceived. As a result, Hijra students who identify as a third
gender will have a more direct and personally meaningful educational experience.
In addition, the government should ensure that every institutional form has the
option to indicate the third gender. This would enable teachers to be aware of students’
gender identification, promoting their confidence and preventing any feelings of
embarrassment over their identity. Educating students at home and school about the
need to treat everyone with respect is important, making them feel valued and included.
Furthermore, it is essential to establish explicit protocols to mitigate any bias or
prejudice related to an individual’s gender identification throughout the recruitment
process. All persons must adhere to the regulations to prevent any instances of
harassment or discrimination against third-gender individuals. Additionally, the
government must establish specific allocations for Hijra individuals in terms of higher
education and provide financial aid only for Hijra (third-gender) individuals.
Prospective students should possess the ability to seek further education to enhance
their skills and contribute to the betterment of society.
In the end, it is of utmost importance to actively raise understanding and cultivate a
nurturing atmosphere for children who identify as third-gender. Recognizing the
presence of many gender identities, it is imperative to provide secure and inclusive
bathroom facilities specifically designed for third-gender students to minimize abuse
and guarantee their well-being. Furthermore, it is crucial to establish inclusive anti-
bullying measures that safeguard all pupils, irrespective of their gender identification.
These measures regarding privacy, dignity and adherence to legal and policy
obligations should be implemented, guaranteeing everyone a nurturing and inclusive
educational setting.

7. Conclusion
Hijras are acknowledged as third-gender individuals in Bangladesh. Despite
Bangladesh officially recognizing the Hijra community in November 2013, the Hijra
individuals continue to encounter several obstacles in areas such as education, health
care, housing and societal acceptance. Currently, children who identify as third-gender
continue to experience discrimination, harassment and bullying from their teachers and
other pupils in the classroom, leading to their decision to discontinue attending school.
Alternatively, certain households oppose their third-gender children from engaging in
public activities or pursuing education because of the perception that it brings disgrace to the Attitudes
family and is a financial burden. Their ostracism within their family, educational institution and toward Hijras
local society often pushes individuals to contemplate suicide. Therefore, the Hijra community in
Bangladesh needs empathy, cooperation, assistance and appropriate oversight. It is important to
in Bangladesh
increase awareness to enable them to live an ordinary life. Hence, providing high-quality
education is essential, as it enables individuals to develop into valuable resources for the nation
without imposing any financial or social burdens on society or the country. Through
comprehensive education, individuals will develop the necessary expertise to get stable jobs, 201
enabling them to meet their financial obligations adequately and have a generally prosperous life
in their future careers. Nevertheless, Bangladeshi Hijras continue to be deprived of their right to
education because of societal attitudes. Hijras face the many challenges listed above that prevent
them from finishing their education. Therefore, it is necessary to implement both governmental
and non-governmental interventions to address the challenges Hijra students face in accessing
education. Instead of providing financial assistance to Hijras, society should collaborate with
stakeholders to empower them as valuable contributors rather than see them as liabilities to
create a more inclusive, sustainable and thriving society.

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Corresponding author
Md Jahangir Alam can be contacted at: [email protected]

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