SHAN-CHIEN-P'I-P'O-SHA AND THE CODE OF CONDUCT OF THE EARLY BUDDHIST

RELIGIEUX
Author(s): P. V. Bapat
Source: Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute , 1971, Vol. 52, No. 1/4
(1971), pp. 1-30
Published by: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

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 Annals of the

Bhandarkar Oriental

Research Institute

Vol. LII 1971 Parts I-IY

SHAN-CHIEN-P'I-P'O-SHA

AND

THE CODE OF CONDUCT OF THE EARLY

BUDDHIST RELIGIEUX*
By

P. Y. Bapat

Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha is mentioned under No. 1125 in Nan

Catalogue which gives Sudar sana- Vibhãsã as the Sanskrit rende
the title of the text. Hobogirin's Catalogue also mentions this
No. 1462 in the Taisho edition, vol. 24 of the Chinese Tripitaka
by Prof. J. Takakusu, Dr. Watanabe and others. It gives Sam
pãsãdikã as the corresponding title. Prof. J. Takakusu has review
text in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , London
pp. 415-439, and has shown that this text is a Chinese ver
the Pali Samanta-pãsãdikã , which is a commentary on Pali V
The author of this Chinese version is one Sañghabhadra about
little is known except that he came from a foreign country in the
This text alone is put to his credit and is supposed to have been com
ed in 489 A. D. Some sources also mention that his collaborator
one Sãmanera named Sêng-yi and that he worked on this text in
chou ( Canton ) in the temple Chu-lin ( Yeluvana ).

♦ This is substantially the same as the address delivered on R. G. Bhand

Anniversary day ( Rsi-pañcamí ), 5th September, 1970. It is abbreviated fr
author's own Introduction to his book Shan- Chien-P'i-Pfo- Sha, the publicati
which, on that day, by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, was f
announced at the Institute by Mr. Tomihiko Kambara, Minister, Embassy
Jiew Delhi,

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2 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Allied literature on Vinaya in Chinese1

Buddhist literature is very vast and is written mainly in Pali,
Sanskrit, Tibetan and Chinese. Besides, the countries where Buddhism
went have their Buddhist literature in their own languages. It is pro-
posed here to confine ourselves to the related Vinaya literature in
Chinese only.
In the 4th century A. D. , not much of Chinese literature on
Vinaya had appeared. Only a few versions of the Prätimoksa-sütra
and one incomplete translation of 383 A. D. of the Vinaya-pitaka
( Taisho. No. 1464 ) had appeared.
In the 5th century A. D. , however, there appeared four transla-
tions of Vinaya-pitaka and they were soon followed by non-canonical
commentaries or annotations of different schools of Buddhism, as given
below : -

School Text Commentary or Annotation

Sarvãstivãda Daéabhãnavãra ( i ) Sarvãstivãda-Vinaya-
( T. 1435 ; date 404-409 ) Vibhãsã
( T. 1440 ; date 4th
century A. D. )
(ii) Sarvãstivãda-Vinaya -
mãtrJcã
(T. 1441; date 435 A.D.)
Dharmagupta Caturvargika-Vinaya P'i-ni-mou-louen ( Vinaya -
( T. 1428 ; date 410-412 ) mãtrkã )
(T. 1463; date 5th
century A. D.)
Mahãsanghika Mahäsanghika - Vinaya
(T. 1425; date 416-18
A. D. )
Mahxáãsaka Pañcavargika- Vinaya
(T. 1421 ; date 422-23
A.D.)
Kâàyapïya Cie-ť o-ciai-ching
( Prätimoksa-sütra )
(T. 1460 : date 543 A.D. )
Sãmmitxya Lü-erh-shih-erh-ming -
liao'leon
(T. 1461; date 568 A.D.)
Upãli-pariprcchãsútra
( T. 1466 ; date not certain )

I Based on a note from Prof, A. Hir^kawa,

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 Shan-Chien-P'i~P'o-Sha 3

School Text Commentary or Annotation

Pali ( Theravãda ) Shan-chien-p'i-p'o-sha
( T. 1462 ; date 489 A. D. )

Upãli-pariprcchã-sutra closely resembles Prätimolcsa

the Commentaries or Annotations, the last two mention
above were wrongly supposed by a Japanese Vinaya-m
( 1240-1321 A. D. ) to belong to Sarvãstivãda and Caturva
respectively. We have, however, followed the results
researches in this matter.

In the 7th century A. D. Múla-sarvãstivãda-Vinaya (T. 1442-1459)

was translated and its commentary Múla-Sarvãstivãda-sangraha ( T.
1458 ; date 700 A. D. ) followed.
Our Chinese version covers all the main divisions of the Pali
commentary ( 1 ) Bähira-nidäna-vaiinanä ( 2 ) Sutta-vibhañga ( exposi-
tion of the rules of Pãtimokkha of monks and nuns ), ( 3 ) Khandhakas
containing the two divisions of ( a ) Mahãvagga and (b ) Cullavagga;
and finally, ( 4 ) Pari vara which forms the special feature of Pali-Vinaya.
It will be seen that out of the 552 pages of the whole of the English
translation, 492 pages are utilized for the first two divisions. Of these
492 pages, only 78 pages are used for the first division of the semi-
historical Introduction, the remaining 414 pages are used for the expo-
sition of Pãtimokkha Rules. This clearly shows that the author of the
Chinese version gave more importance to the rules of moral and social
behaviour of the monks and nuns and so naturally he devoted more
pages to the precepts about various offences to which a Bhikkhu
is prone.
Various kinds of offences

Let us look more closely into the nature of such offences. The
various kinds of offences that are mentioned in the Vinaya are given
below with their interpretations :
( i ) Pãrãjikã - There are four kinds of offences under this
category and one who is guilty of this offence is to be expelled from the
Buddhist Sañgha. This offence involves, as it were, a defeat in the
religious life, which means dis-association from other members of
the Buddhist Sañgha. This is the only offence for which there is
no atonement.

( ii ) Saňghadisesa - Next in the order of gravity are the thirteen

kinds of Saňghadisesa, an offence which has got to be referred to the
Sañgha for any disciplinary measure, like Pariväsa and Mânatta etc. ,
that it may choose to inflict. The Pali commentaries explain this worcj

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4r Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

as ' Saňgho ãdimhi ca sese ea': Sañgha both at the beginning as well as
at the end. The corresponding Sanskrit word is Sanghãvaéesa and the
Chinese term is just a transliteration of the same.
( iii ) Two Aniyatas - Two offences which are indeterminate ; that
is, which may be classified under either the first or second category
mentioned above, or under the category of Pãcittiya, as recommended
by a reliable Upãsikã.
(iv) Thirty Nissaggiya Pãcittiyas - These are thirty kinds of
offences which involve forfeiture of the thing unlawfully held, along
with some atonement of the nature of confession with the expression
of regret.
( v ) Ninety-two Pãcittiyas are offences against the prescription
of the Buddha, or are offences of morally improper or socially indiscreet
behaviour. This also can be atoned for by confession with the ex-
pression of regret.
( vi ) Four Pãtidesanlyas are offences in connection with very
improper and very indiscreet or unbecoming behaviour for which one
has to make a confession that he has been guilty of a very condem-
nable act.

( vii ) Seventy-five Sekhiyas - These are rules of decorum or of

decent personal behaviour which every Bhikkhu must learn. And lastly,
( viii ) Adhikarana-Samathas - seven rules prescribed for settl-
ing matters of dispute.
Thus we have in all 227 rules in Bhikkhu-vibhaňga. Just as
these rules are prescribed for the Bhikkhus, so also rules are prescribed
in the Bhikkhunïvibhanga for the Bhikkhunxs. They are according to
the social conditions of the time when these rules were laid down, more
stringent and more numerous than those for the Bhikkhus. They are
8 Pãrãjikãs, 17 Sanghãdisesas, 30 Nissaggiyas, 166 Pãcittiyas, 8
Pâtidesanïyas, 75 Sekhiyas and 7 Adhikaraiia-samatha-dhammas-in all
311. The Chinese version mentions here only a few. In addition to these»
Vinaya books use some additional terms also like Thullaccaya, Dukkata
and Dubbhãsita (ill-spoken words). Thullaccaya implies a serious
lapse short of Pãrãjikã or Sanghãdisesa ; Dukkata is simply a bad act
leaning towards the offences. Vin. iv. 9 gives the following list of
offences apparently in the descending order of gravity : Pãrãjikã,
Sanghãdisesa, Thullaccaya, Pãcittiya, Pâtidesanïya, Dukkata and
Dubbhãsita.

Yinaya rules came into existence because of actions of body and

tongue.1 Our text also says ( p. 543 para, 30 ) that mind may also be

l Vinayaasa dve mulãm-Kãyo ceva vãçã ca ( Smp. vii. 1381 ).

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 8

Associated with body or with tongue and s

bination, it mentions six causes for becoming

So at the end of several rules, we note

offensive action are mentioned body, tong
each other or with mind, or the combination
But we will never find mind alone leading
according to Yinaya, a mere evil action of
to any disciplinary measure (276 ), thou
morally bad.

As the Pãrãjikã and Sanghãdisesa rules are the gravest offences

( dutthullã ãpattiyo ), we find that there is always a tendency not to
decide them lightly. The Yinaya-master is always careful not to rush
thoughtlessly to any conclusion unfavourable to a defaulter ( 176-177 ).
Care is always taken by him to find the mental condition of the
defaulter.

If an evil action has taken place unintentionally or unwittingly,

or if an evil action is forced upon a person when he has no inclination
or liking for it, or if it is done by a person who is mad, or whose mind
is upset, or who is suffering from acute pain, or if it is done through
bonafide mistake or mis-understanding, then the defaulter is not guilty.
So also the first offender is not guilty, as the rule is prescribed only
after the commission of an offence by the defaulter. Thus in most of
the rules we find that in such cases the defaulters are declared to be not
guilty. At the same time, we also find cases where ignorance of Law is
no excuse ( no sanftãvimokkha ) as in the offence of keeping an extra
garment for more than ten days (416 ), or in that of eating an immoder-
ate measure of food ( 471 ).

The offences are also classified into two main groups ( 206)
( i ) Inherent offences, offences which are so by their inherent nature,
offences which are recognised as such by the whole world ( loka-vajja ) ;
and ( ii ) offences which are declared to be such because of the prescrip-
tion to that effect by the Buddha ( pannatti-vajja ) (471). Offences
like murder (326 ), theft, ( 275 ) violation of celibacy by a Bhikkhu or
BhikkhunI ( 209 ), a deliberate lie ( 445 ) will be placed in the first
group. Offences like receiving any eatable or drink except water and
tooth-sticks without being offered (476), or receiving gold and silver
( 440 ) come under the second group.

Confession

Confession seems to have played an important role in the moral

rearmament of a Buddhist Bhikkhu. Our text mentions ( 545 ) five

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4 Annals of the Bhandarhar Oriental Research Institute

offences : Thullaccaya, Pãcittiya, Pâtidesanïya, Dukkata and Dúbbhâ-

sita, that are to be owned. Confession and consequent expression of
regret is necessary for the rehabilitation of a defaulter.
This confession is also found in the religious life of the Assyro-
Babylonians, the ancient Egyptians, the Vedic people, the Hebrews
and Christians. In the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia , we
have a confession of sinners to their gods and goddesses, without an
intermediary like a priest, of having done something displeasing to
them. In the ancient Egyptian literature like the Book of the Dead,
we have a curious conception of what may be called a negative con-
fession, without any direct acknowledgement of having done something
wrong. A defaulter among them would negatively say : ' I have done
no violence to a child or to a woman ; I have committed no theft, nor
.have I attacked any man ' etc.

In the Vedic literature, Taittirïya Brãhmana ( I. 6. 5. 2 ) refers

to a confession of a sin, which makes one pure. Šat. Brãh. ( II. 5. 2. 20 )
says that sin when confessed becomes less and it becomes truth. A
Vedic student guilty of violating the strict life of celibacy had to admit
his guilt at seven houses while begging his food ( Oaut. Dharma , 23.18;
also cf. Manu . XI. 122 ).
Among the Hebrews, a defaulter who confesses his sins is consi-
dered to be a wise man, while he who does not do so is a fool. A
Hebrew sinner confesses to his god Jehowah ( Yahweh ) the sins which
he has committed. This confession As of course silent, inaudible. If
one has done a sin against any individual, he has to seek his forgiveness,
( as in the Pavãranã ceremony of the Buddhists ) which he is expected
"to grant. If he does not accept the confession even when he is soli-
cited three times, he is deemed to be cruel, except in the case of a
slander, which he is not bound to forgive.
Confession of sins has also played a prominent role in early and
mediaeval Christianity. Mark the following Biblical quotations which
refer to confession and repentance : "If we confess our sins, He is
faithful and just to forgive us our sins and cleanse us from all unright-
eousness" (Epistle of John 1.9); "Repent, for the kingdom of
heaven is at hand " (Matthew, 4.17); "Repentance and remission of
sins should be preached in His name among all nations" (Luke
24.47 ).
Among the Roman Catholics, confession is considered to be a
divine institution. In the earliest time, even in the Roman Catholic
Church, there were some sins like murder, idolatry, fornication, which
were beyond redemption like the four Pãrãjikãs of the Buddhists. But
in Jater times a lenient attitude was taken. In earlier times, public

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha T

confession was necessary before readmissio

but in later times this was modified and individual confession to an
authorised person was permitted. Like the Pãrivãsika of the Buddhists
the sinners were allowed a separate place, and like the Buddhist
defaulter undergoing the penance of Mãnatta when he has to adopt an
attitude of humility and has to cut himself off from all society with no
person to speak to, the sinners were debarred from communion. They
had to undergo penances like offering prayers, wearing sack-cloth, eat
ing plain and simple food, or observing fasts etc. They believed that
confession of sins is vomitting sins. In earlier times, penance wa
observed only once in a lifetime, preceded by a confession. But i
later times, confession from time-to-time became a feature of a devou
life. If confession is not made soon after its commission, it should be
done at least once a year, at the time of the Easter.

In the Anglican Church, the auricular confession is not prescrib

ed, but they advise it to satisfy one's conscience, especially in sicknes
when one feels the biting of conscience.

Islam also re-cognises repentence in those who do evil in ignor

ance and repentence in Servants as can be seen from the followin
quotations from Quran : ( i ) " If any of you do evil in ignorance an
thereafter repented and amended ( his conduct ), lo ! He is forgivin
Most merciful ( Sûra vi. 54 ) : ( ii ) " He is the one that accepts
repentance from His Servants and forgives sing ; and He knows all th
ye do ( Sûra xiii, 25 ) ". Though no confession is expressly mentione
here, it is, I believe, implied in them.

Thus it will be seen that, as in Buddhism, in several other religi

ons confession has a place in the moral re-habilitation. The guilt
person feels relieved of the heavy burden on his mind and with religious
zeal he resolves not to commit that offence again. He is furthe
encouraged to fulfil his normal duties with added vigour. Buddhism
prescribed no other penance than the penance of Parivãsa and Mãnatt
prescribed by the Saňgha in the case of Sanghädisesa offence and in
other cases, to express regret and declare one's resolve not to comm
the offence again, accompanied by the forfeiture of an extra garment or
bowl, if any.
Contents of the text

After having had a glimpse of the various kinds of offences and

of the role of confession in a religious life, let us now try to understand
the nature of the contents of the volume as a whole.

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€ Annals of the Bhandarhar Oriental Research Institute

I. Bahira-nidana-vannanã ♦ ♦

Bãhira-nidána, the External Introduction, giv

account of the first three Councils of Rãjagaha,
Among the texts recited at the First Council,
the death of the Buddha, it is interesting to
mentions that Khuddaka-nikãya contained only
Khuddaka-pãtha being omitted. The second cou
years after the First Council, under the patr
marked a clear cleavage in the unity of the Bud

The Third Council was held under the patro

He sent religious missions to outside-counfcries
of India, far away from Pãtaliputta. These mis
country of Yavanas, to Kashmira and Gandhãra
regions in the north, to the Aparäntaka, (W
adjoining the Arabian Sea ) to Mysore and Mah
Vanavãsí in South-west, to Ceylon in the ext
south-eastern regions (Suvanna-bhümi) of Asia
itself more to the missionary activities in Ceylo
of King Asoka's own son, Mahinda, later fol
Sanghamittã. Our text is further historically u
tells us that 236 years had elapsed between the
and Mahinda's landing in Ceylon and gives lists
of India and Ceylon together with the years of
time of the death of the Buddha to the time of
Devänampiya-Tissa in Ceylon ( 51 ). It also gi
Teachers who brought to Ceylon the Vinayapit
uninterruptedly continued it from teacher to teac

Thus ends the External Introduction after w

commentary on the Vinaya ( 78-79 ).

2. Sutta-vibhanga

( a ) Bhikkhu- vibhanga
( ¿ ) PãrãjiJcã8
First Pãrãjikâ
In the explanation of the first Pãrãjikâ precept, we are told
a Bhikkhu becomes guilty if he indulges in a sexual act with an
the twelve types of individuals and the act can take place in
their thirty sex-centres ( 197-198 ).

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 9

Among the stories there are mention

Bhikkhu is forced to violate his vow of ce
if the Bhikkhu finds no relish in any of the
then the Bhikkhu is not guilty.

Among the stories are mentioned all sor

ed types of sex-acts with human beings,
she-monkey, or cows, water-buffaloes, mu
cases, if the defaulters are not guilty o
become guilty of Thullaccaya or a Duk
gravity of their offence. We have also re
( 211 ) where it is said that on account of s
disappears and the female sex takes its
account of some good actions, the female s
to the male sex. Male sex is considered superi

Among the cases of non-violence of th

one who is unaware at the time of the pe
action, and one who, even if one becom
relish in the act. In these cases there is n
included the case of Uppalavamiã Bhikk
violated by a rogue who previously lay co
her cot when she entered her room from outside ( 210-211 ). A
mad man, or one who is deranged in his mind, or who suffers from
acute pain on account of some disease, or the first offender before the
precept was laid down, on account of whom the precept is prescribed -
all these are not considered guilty ( 205-206 ).

Second Pãrãjikã
The Second Pãrãjikã precept is with regard to taking away,
without being given, a thing worth one jpãda , that is, five mãsakas .
A thing worth less than that does not involve the offence of a Pãrãjikã.
Later, in the last division of our book, we are told that if it is a theft
of four mãsakas, it involves the offence of Thullaccaya, and if it is a
theft of three2 or even upto one mãsaka , it means the offence of
Dukkata [ 346-47 para. 37 ( 12 ) ].
In this connection we get an interesting information given by the
original Pali Smp . that this pãda or a quarter is said with reference to
a Kahãpana or Kãrsãpana of ancient Rãjagaha and not with reference
to one of the time of King Rudra, which is called, the 4 Present ' This

1 See my paper on 6 Change of Sex in Buddhist Literature ' in the S. K. Belvalkar

Felicitation volume, 1957.
2 But this is inconsistent with what we have later ; see p. 29 below,

2 [ Annals, B. O. R. X, ]

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lö Annals of the Bhandárkàr Oriental Research institute

coin of Rudra, or Rudra-dãmaka as it was called, was a depreciated1

coin. Manusmrti ( 8. 135-36 ) refers to one coin called Dharana
which was worth sixteen mãsakas . Panini also mentions ( 5. 1. 30 ) this
depreciated coin as against one of ancient times, which was an equiva-
lent of 20 mãsakas ( 5. 1. 32 ).
Vajirabuddhi-Tïkâ, a sub-commentary on Smp . , further men-
tions that this Rudra-dãmaka was equal to three-fourth in value of the
blue Kahãpana ( Burm ed. of Chattha-Sangãyana 123. 34. Sãrattha -
dipani ( Sinh, ed. 493 ) and Vimati-vinodanï also confirm the same.
They say that in countries where the old blue Kahãpana is not current
an offence will be established only when the value of the thing stolen is
equal to the fourth part of the old gold ( coin ) ( 143-44 ).

The text explains what is meant by theft by giving examples.

One cannot establish the charge of a theft unless the following
conditions are satisfied : (i ) the thing removed must belong to others
and that there must be awareness that it does not belong to oneself ; ( ii )
there must be no awareness that it has been handed over as a trust; (iii)
there must be no awareness that it has been handed over for temporary
use; (iv)the thing must have some value; ( v ) there must be the
thought of stealing in the mind of the defaulter ; and ( vi ) that there
must be actual removal of the thing from its place ( 272-74 ). It may
be noted that these conditions mostly satisfy the principles of even
modern jurisprudence.

If all these conditions are not satisfied then one may be guilty of
only a Dukkata or Thullaccaya. It is interesting to note that these
pre-conditions for establishing a crime like theft had become a butt of
ridicule among the opponents of Buddhism like the Jains. This is
noticeable even in a very late Tamil work, a Commentary by Samaya
Divãkara Vämana Muni on a Tamil poem NeelakesL The Jain exponent
there is shown to argue : " Yon can take away somebody's property
under the impression that it is your own ; you can have sex ual inter-
course with some other woman under the impression that she is your
own wife." On the same line, they argued that a stranger may even be
murdered under the impression that he is an enemy.2
The Vinaya-master, before he pronounces his judgement in
cases of theft has also to bear in mind the following considerations
(231-38 ):-
i On this interesting subject, see D. R. Bhandarkar's Carmichel Lectures ( 1921 )
on Ancient Indian Numismatics, particularly, lectures III-V, pp. 76-123. Also see
Atthasãlinl ( Dev. ed. ), Introd. p. xxii.
2 See my paper: Vimati-vinodanï , a Vinaya Commentary And Kundallcesi-
vatthu , a Tqmil poem in the Journal of Indian History , vol. XLV, part iii, No. 135,
Pec. 1967 ; also Neelakesï by Prof. A Cakravarty, Introduction pp. 211-12.

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 8han-Chien-Pi-P'o-Sha il

(i) The nature of the thing ( vatthu ) st

the thing had cast it away, as he had no lon
mental attachment for it, then the defa
Pãrãjikã. Only it may be returned to the o
story is given of a Bhikkhu who with th
away a piece of cloth that had fallen down fro
Bhikkhu in the midst of a large crowd that
of that piece of cloth had lost all hopes of
master decided that the defaulter would
though he would be guilty of a Dukkata offen
by an expression of regret. The owner of th
the request of the Yinaya-master, made a gift
ing Bhikkhu, as the former had already lost a
( ii ) The time - One has to consider th
the time when it is stolen.

(iii) The place - One has also to consider

from where it is stolen. Another story is
away a coconut-shell with some designs ca
sited by another Bhikkhu in a monaster
used as a goblet. The owner of the shell re
other with theft. When the matter came for decision and before the
Vinaya-master could pronounce any judgement, an Abhidhammika-
master, Godatta by name, pointed out that the shell had no value, as it
was cast away in the island from where it was recovered and further
that the hand-work that was done on it was worth no more than a
mäsaka and so the defaulter cannot be guilty of any Pãrãjikã offence.
( iv ) The use to which the thing has been already put - A thing
which has been put to use for some time will necessarily have less value
than a brand new one. So this has got to be taken into consideration.
And lastly,
( v ) The valuation of the thing [ as related to a pada ] when it
is stolen.

Having taken into consideration these five things, the Vinaya-

master will assess the gravity or lightness of the offence with which the
defaulter is charged.
An illustration of legal intricacies, which goes to prove that Law
is sometimes an " ass " is found in the quotation from " Questions ón
difficult Points " (269 ) where we find that the teacher goes scot-free of
the grave offence, while his pupils get involved, because they become
guilty of instructing others to steal what amounts to five mãsakas ,
. while the teachers instruction to his three pupils is to steal one mãsaJca
each, that is, only three mãsakas in all.

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12 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research institute

An interesting case of stealing water from another's tank is

mentioned. If there are two tanks of a man, one dry and another full
of water, on each side of another man's tank that also, is full, and if he
bores a hole between his full tank and another man's full tank, then
water from his own tank flows into another man's tank, which then
overflows with the result that his dry tank gets that over-flown water.
The neighbour's tank also may lose some water and it has got to be
compensated for ( 257 ).
If one takes away a slave or even instigates him to leave his
master and run away into freedom, then he does become guilty. But if
he takes away a person who is kept as a hostage by his parents who
are dead, or who have gone away for work elsewhere, or a person who
has contracted his debt, or a slave who has no master, then he is not
guilty ( 266 ). Evidently, the underlying idea is that he is not depriving
any body of his property.

Third Päräjikä

The Third Precept is about abstaining from ending one's life, or

commending it, or abetting it ( 285-835 ).
There is a detailed discussion on ending one's life by throwing
oneself over a precipice, or using implements like a sword or a knife,
or prescribing poison, or abstaining from food, or sending a written
document commending death, or digging a deep pit a fall in which would
lead to death.

Death is induced by six methods : ( i ) by one's own self, ( ii ) by

instructing others, (iii)by hurling a weapon, (iv)by effecting it
quietly, ( v ) by a magic spell like that of a mantra of Atharvaveda>
and finally, (vi) by some superhuman power of some yakkha or
Garuda ( 320-321 ).
Among stories illustrating the guilt or no guilt may be mentioned
the story oí cutting no rock or grass except for the erection of a stupa,
the story of a Bhikkhu being guilty of an abortion only when a woman
effects it according to the details of his instruction ; if she departs from
his instruction, he is not guilty ( 328 ).

It is interesting to find that a Bhikkhu has been debarred from

being a physician when it was found that the medicine which he gave
to a woman to establish the foetus in her womb led to its death instead
of helping it to be established ( 329 ). If he prescribes medicine, he is
guilty of a Dukkata offence. But he has been allowed to prepare
medicaments for his five co-sharers in religion, that is, a Bhikkhu,
Bhikkhum, Sikkhamãnã, Sâmaiieri and Sãmanera.

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 13

He is also permitted to arrange for medi

for bis father, mother, spiritual teacher or h
vaccakara ) or Pandu- Palãsa - who is awaiting
garments - but also for his immediate relati
elder brothers, or younger or elder sisters, o
of his mother, or the younger or elder brothers
or elder brothers of his mother1 ( 329 ). If a
thief who is ill visits his monastery, he has
them. Though he cannot directly prescribe any
to use a device that a particular medicine w
patient and he was then cured. If a relation o
it and gives that medicine to his patient, th
wife of King Vasabha of Ceylon ( 127-177
manner ( 330-331 ).
Fourth Pãrãjikã
Then follows the Fourth Pãrãjikã precept
are guilty of vain boasts of having attained s
or some super-human power. The Buddha
living on the Vaggumudä river when he com
living a life of luxury and of all comforts
material things from laymen when they comme
Bhikkhus as possessing some religious distinc
powers ( uttari-manussa-dhamma ).
Such boasts are considered to be deliberate falsehood which the
Buddha has all along condemned.
If there is no intention to utter vain boastful words, but, by
mistake, or through over-confidence, one utters such words, then there
is no offence. So also a madman, the first offender and one who reveals
to his companion in holy life the distinctions which he has truly
attained - all these persons are not guilty.
Among illustrating stories, there is one of a person suffering
from hydrocele as a result of his evil action in his past life when he as
a judge took bribes from litigants. All these who are guilty of Pãrãjikãs
are not fit to be associated with and so they are to be expelled.
(ii) Saúghãdisesas
Next comes the section of thirteen 2 Sanghãdises
first is with regard to deliberate seminal discharge, s

1 Also see p. 19 below.

2 It may be noted in passing that the newly discovered San
late Shrl Rãhula Sãnkrtyãyana of the Vinaya-Sütra gives only 12 Sanghãdisesas. It
combines the 6th and 7th rules of building a cottage and a vihãra into one. For the
names of the chapters in this text, see my paper in the Proceedings of the XXYIth
International Congress of Orientalists, New Delhi, Vol. Ill, part i, pp. 342-344,

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!^4 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

with regard to indiscreet behaviour with women, fifth is with regard to

acting as a go-between for a man or a woman, sixth and seventh deal
with building a cottage or a monastery of certain specified measure-
ments with a previous intimation of the same to Bhikkhus, the eighth
and ninth deal with a false accusation through hatred of a Bhikkhu,
of a Päräjikä offence. The tenth and eleventh deal with the threefold
expostulation of a Bhikkhu or his followers who are trying to break the
unity of the Saňgha. The twelfth deals with threefold expostulation
of a Bhikkhu who makes himself impossible to be spoken to, by his
habitual evil words, and the last, the thirteenth, deals with the
threefold expostulation of a Bhikkhu for his evil behaviour with the
lay families who are his followers. In all these cases, the Saňgha is the
final authority to decide how these cases are to be dealt with. We
have a clear explanation of this offence ( 358 ) when it is said that
as a first step, the defaulter approaches the Sañgha that gives him the
punishment of suspension ( parivãsa ), then mãnatta for six nights
ànd finally he approaches the Saňgha again for abbhãna ( restitution by
the Saňgha ).
I pass over other offences of Bhikkhus as they are of a minor
nature when compared with those mentioned above.

( b ) Bhikkhunï-vibhanga
The Bhikkhunx-Vibhaňga detailed here mentions only additional
rules which are not applicable to Bhikkhus. The rules for the Bhik-
khus under Päräjikä and Saňghádisesa offences are applicable with
suitable changes where necessary.
A Bhikkhunx is not permitted to eat garlic of a larger variety
( 492 ), nor is she permitted to beg principal grains ( pubbanna ). But if
she begs secondary grain like pulses, or vegetables ( aparanna ), or if she
begs even principal grains like wheat or paddy for building a room,
apparently in her nunnery, she is not guilty of any Päcittiya offence
(492). This exception is not accepted by the Pali Text and it seems to
be an indication of leniency sanctioned by Dharmagupta school. She
cannot go to dancing or sportive games of monkeys or cocks, but she can
attend a show of magic tricks arranged in a monastery ( 493 ).

3. Khandhakas

Among the Khandhakas, our text takes notice fof all the ch
of Mahãvagga except the chapter on Pavãranã which should
the chapter on Vassöpanäyikä ( 517 ). Another interesting thin
we have to note in this connection is that our text follows th
of chapters as given in the Vinaya of Dharmagupta school and

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 15

different from that of Pali school. From

taken only a few passages from three ch
dhaka, Bhikkhunï-Khandhaka and Sen
respectively 16th, 17th and 19th Kha
Dharmagupta school.

( a ) Mahãvagga
The chapter on Medicines ( 524-525 ) gives a number of
transliterated names of medicines or plants. The Chinese translator
occasionally mentions that a particular tree or a plant is also available
in Indo-China ( 452 ), or in Kuang Chou or Canton ( 452, 525 ), or not
available in China ( 525 ). It also mentions some fruits or drinks
which are permissible or not permissible to be taken outside the
prescribed hours ( 526-27 ).
The chapter Kosambaka-khandhaka ( 532-33 ) gives us the origin
of a big quarrel that took place in the community of the Bhikkhus.
A small incident of a Bhikkhu, who had mastered only the Sutta and
not the Vinaya provided an occasion for that quarrel. When he had
come out of a privy-room, he had left some water in the mug of that
room. This was discovered by another Bhikkhu who was a master of
the Vinaya. The latter asked the former whether he did not know
that it was an offence. The former admitted that he did not know and
added that if it was an offence, he was prepared to confess it and
express regret for it.

The Vinaya-master asked him whether he left the water in the

mug deliberately. The latter said that he did not do it deliberately,
upon which the Vinaya-master assured him that under the circumstance,
he was not guilty.
Although this assurance was given, the Vinaya-master spoke to
his disciples that the sutta-master did not know this simple fact that
his action involved an offence. The same matter was discussed between
the pupils of both the masters of the Vinaya and the Sutta, which cast
a reflection on the master of the Sutta. Later, the matter was taken to
the Sañgha by the master of the Vinaya ( 533 ).
The Buddha heard about this matter, but without expressing any
opinion in favour of one or the other side, he left Kosambï and went
away, for fear that he would be charged of partiality if he expressed
his opinion in favour of one or the other side ( 533 ).
( b ) Cullavagga
The procedure given in Samatha-khandhaka of settling dispute
face to face or by the decision of majority is mentioned, We are ajs q

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16 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

told that the procedure of settling it by reminding a person ( sati -

vinaya ) is meant for one who has destroyed the Asavas ( depravities ),
or for Anãgãmís. There is also the mention of deciding it by means of
the use of salãkã ( voting-stick ). It is also interesting to note that
those who are taking the voting-sticks to the voter-Bhikkhus are
shown to be shrewd. If they find that the majority of the Bhikkhus
are choosing the voting-stick indicating a wrong choice, they can
withdraw the whole process of voting. In the meanwhile, they can
privately approach the senior Bhikkhus requesting them to make a
proper choice ( 534 ).

4. Parivãra
Now we come to the last division, Parivãra. Here we get stanzas
from the original Vinaya text of Parivãra, chapter 19 on Dutiya-gãthã-
Sañganika. We have here a very fine catechism - questions and brief
answers - on the various kinds of offences mentioned in the Vinaya.
They are very useful in that they give in one place a brief summary of
the various offences in the Vinaya. This catechism is followed by a
detailed exposition (543-552) of the same given in Smp. vii. 1380-1388.
The first twenty-nine questions and answers exactly correspond to
those given in the Parivãra ; 30th corresponds to 32nd and 31st to 35th.
The last one described as 32nd question is no question at all. It
corresponds to the concluding stanza of the original Pali chapter and is
the concluding remark of the author. This division also contains some
inconsistencies which we have discussed towards the end.1

This suggests that our text here is very corrupt. The text
comes to an abrupt end with no concluding remarks by Sañghabhadra.
This possibly suggests that the translator would have liked to continue
but could not on account of some unexpected difficulties, of which we
have no knowledge.

Social conditions, customs and beliefs

We must remember that our text is a Chinese version of the ori-
ginal Smp . and so when we find in our text references to the beliefs,
customs and social conditions, they may as well be to those referred to
in Smp . , unless our translator introduces something new due to his
Chinese leanings.
Here we find a reference to an Indian custom of keeping a tuft of
hair on one's head ( 292 ) until one becomes a recluse. Our text also
mentions the different ways prevalent in India, of paying respects to
one another : joining palms of hands before each other ( 410, 542, 552 ),
squatting before a spiritual teacher (414, 415), or putting head and
I Pf 29 below,

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 17

face at the feet of the person to be resp

mentions that in the month of Kattika
when early crops are ready, thieves are s
booty wherever they can find it (444 ).
a personal property and so it was conside
was whisked away from his master ( 50
been very careful to see that his Saňgha
regard from the common people and so
Saňgha diseased people, or people with un
will invoke disrespect or contempt f
wanted to secure sympathies of the pub
the public demand that he would not con
below 20 years of age and that too he
anybody without the permission of
mentions some exceptions as when one is
person under some threat of burning hi
renunciation far way from his native p
bility of securing the permission of p
however, allows no such exception w
an emergency conversion, the permiss
( 510n5-5 ).
The life of Bhikkhus, at the time of the composition of the
original Vinaya, was a life of plain simplicity without any expectations
of luxuries as is proved by the Four Reliances1 (Nissayas) tobe
communicated at the time of renunciation of a young entrant (513 ).
In times of famine , it was very difficult for the Bhikkhus to get alms
when, as in the cities of the present-day-India, food was rationed out
on production of ration-slips of wood ( salakam likhitvã ) ( 128 ). The
life that is projected in commentaries like Smp . had not remained so
simple. We have here a picture of Buddhist Bhikkhus living in rich
monasteries endowed with parks, fields, tanks, fisheries, and temples
of the images of the Buddha. We are told that as the Bhikkhus
could not themselves accept anything that savoured of the nature of
precious metals like gold or silver, or precious jewels or pearls,
or they could not put in their mouth anything that was not given to
them, they devised, even in the period of the composition of the original
Vinaya, a creation of new posts like those of kappiya-kãraka - who
would make things permissible for acceptance by the Bhikkhus - or
veyyãvacca-kara ( 432 ) - an attendant. These office-bearers accepted,
on behalf of an individual or the Sañgha, gifts even of gold, silver,
fields, parks, tanks, etc. and utilised them for procuring the four essen-
tial things like clothes, food, dwelling-places or medicaments for the

i See p. XLIV of the text.

3 [ Annals^B. O. R. I, ]

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Í8 Annals of the BhandarJcar Oriental Research Institute

Bhikkhus. In times of illness, a Bhikkhu was permitted to accept ghee,

butter, oil, honey or jaggery as a part of his medicaments (414). It is
interesting to note that our text says that, by way of a device, it is
possible to accept gold or silver ( 430 ). So also if it is accepted for the
Saňgha, or for a temple of the image of the Buddha one would be guilty
of only a minor offence like Dukkata. Gold, silver, or pearls may be
accepted by a Bhikkhu for preparing some medicine ( 368 ). As against
this, our original Smp. declares that gold and silver are un-touchable
( Smp. iii 544 ). The monasteries are provided with not only parks
and tanks, but also with movable properties like cots, carepts, large
vessels, wooden furniture, which is called heavy things ( garu-bhanda)
and which can in no way be divided among the inmates ( 535 ). The
land or trees belonging to the monasteries could be let out to tenants on
a hire fee which, however, they would not accept in the form of gold or
silver. Cases are mentioned of transferring water1 from one's full tank
to another that was dry through any intermediate tank belonging to
another party ( 257 ). The watchmen of the orchards were given their
emoluments in the form of some trees assigned to them, without any
formal written agreement. The orchards were also let out to persons
who would take the fruit and sell them in the open market. In all
cases, the interest of monasteries is to be guarded, for which, if ne-
cessary, one has to undergo even an un- palatable action forced on one
( 510, 334 ).
Slavery was commonly practised even at the time of the Buddha.
We are told of four kinds of slaves: (i)one born in a slave family;
( ii ) one obtained by purchase : (iii) one obtained after a defeat in a
battle-field ; and lastly, (iv) one who has chosen to become a slave for
food and clothing ( 266, 502 ). A slave could not be initiated into the
Order of Buddhist monks, without the permission of his master. The
Buddha was also careful to see that Qovernment of the land would in
no way be offended. The toll-tax to be paid to the Government was
not allowed to be evaded ( 232, 265 ). If any Bhikkhu would do it,
he would be dealt with, according to Law, by being inflicted with even
the highest punishment of expulsion from the Sañgha ( 265 ). There is
also a mention of judges taking an illegal gratification from litigants.
A case occurred of the destruction of the foetus of a woman due
to the prescription by an ignorant Bhikkhu. As a result of this we
are told the Buddha prohibited a Bhikkhu from acting as a physician,
though he could prepare medicaments ( 329 ). A Bhikkhu was free to
beg for a sick person milk, curds, fish and meat ( 474 ). He cannot
prescribe any medicine to a patient, but he was free to convey to
another person that in a particular kind of a disease of a patient, such
and such a medicine was used with the result that he got cured. In
* See j>. 12 above,

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 19

Ceylon, we have said above, King Vasab

manner, when one of her attendants heard such an indirect remark
from an Elder Mahãpaduma by name ( 330 ). We have also mentioned 1
that he is permitted to arrange for medicine, not only for his
father and mother but also for his other ten immediate relations such as
an elder and younger brother, elder and younger sister, elder or younger
sister of the mother, elder and younger brother of the father and elder or
younger brother of the mother (329). He also considers it as obligatory
to arrange for the medicament for the parents of his spiritual preceptor,
his own attendant, a wounded soldier, or even a diseased thief, in the
last two cases of which he is perhaps prompted more by kindness or
pity than by his sense of duty ( 329-30 ). When requested by some
house-holder, he may recite some sutta supposed to have some magic
effect and for that purpose to sprinkle water over a piece of thread and
give it to him, thinking that if he would not do it, the house-holder may
think ill of him. This seems to be a concession to the popular belief,
the Bhikkhu all the time thinking that people do not know the real
Dhamma. When a king or a big house-holder is ill and when he is
requested, he may recite a sutta like the Atãnãtiya-sutta (331 ). He may
not do it at his own initiative. There is also a reference ( 333 ) to the
practice of black magic of chasing away a spirit by beating, while
reciting a magic sutta like the Batana- sutta. There is also the mention
of another case. A man is possessed by a yakkha. An image of the
yakkha is prepared out of rice-flour or mud. While reciting a magic
spell, if the hands, legs or neck of the image are cut off, we are told, the
same thing happens to the yakkha and he dies ( 332 ).

Buddhism in early times was mainly a religion of asceticism and

as such we do not find women in general being held in high esteem. They
were considered as impediments in the religious life of the Bhikkhus
( 367 ) and were given an inferior position in the religious oi^anisa-
tion. Courtezans enjoyed a certain recognition in society and king's
court. These venal beauties kept with them daughters born of them,
but male children were rejected and cast away (519). The Buddha
was not very much in favour of admitting women to the organised
religious life, but at the intercession of Sfnanda, who espoused the
request of Mahapajapatï Gotamaï, he permitted women into his reli-
gious organisation on the condition that they may be subjected to eight
weighty provisos ( garudhammã ). He thought that thereby the
Buddhist religion would last at least for one thousand years, instead of
five hundred years if they were admitted without such provisos. The
eight conditions are not detailed in our text, but they are implied as

i P. J3 abovet

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20 Annals of the Bhandarlcar Oriental Research Institute

given in the original Yinaya text (iv. 52). Those provisos areas
follows : -

( i ) A Bhikkhunx must pay respects to a Bhikkhu in spite of

age-consideration of any of them.
(ii) A Bhikkhunx cannot stay in a place where there is no
Bhikkhu to preach to her.
( iii ) A Bhikkhunx has to approach a Bhikkhu for asking about
the Uposatha day and for religious instruction.
( iv ) A Bhikkhunx has to secure pavãranã from both the
Saňghas with regard to what is seen, heard or suspected by them.
(v) A Bhikkhunx has to secure mänatta at the hands of both
the Saňghas for a fortnight.
( vi ) One aspiring to be a Bhikkhunx has to learn for two years the
six dhammas before she can get upasampadã from both the Saňghas.
( vii ) A Bhikkhunx can in no way abuse a Bhikkhu.
( viii ) A Bhikkhunx cannot speak to a Bhikkhu, though he can
speak to her, by way of admonition.
On account of these conditions, we note, they are given an in-
ferior position in the religious organisation. Howsoever old a Bhikkhunx
may be, she has to pay respects to even the youngest Bhikkhu, wherever
she meets him. Before being admitted as a Bhikkhunx, she has to be on a
probation, as it were, for two years as a Sikkhamãnã ( 33nl ). Then she
can become a Bhikkhunx. Even when she is to be admitted as a
Bhikkhunx, she has to undergo the initiation-cermony at the hands of
not only the Bhikkhunx-Saňgha but also of the Great Saňgha, that is, the
Bhikkhu-Saňgha. Even when she is admitted as a full-member of the
Saňgh#, she labours under certain disabilities. There are restrictions on
her movements. , She cannot remain, alone or go alone in a town, but
must be accompanied by some one else. She has to seek religious instruc-
tion from a Bhikkhu. Even when she goes into a summer-retreat, she is
careful to see that there is at least one Bhikkhu, who would give her
religious instruction. Rules about her residence, clothing, food, mo-
vements are many more. As we have shown above ( p. 4 ), the rules of
the Bhikkhunx-Pätimokkha are 311 instead of 217 of Bhikkhu-Pãti-
mokkha. Taking into consideration the social conditions at the time of
the Pitakas, some of the rules can be justified in the interest of the
personal security of Bhikkhunxs, as otherwise there was danger to the
security of life and chastity, as in the case of Uppalavamiã, whose chastity
was violated, when she was living alone in her cottage, by a rogue who
was lying concealed below her cot ( 210 ). Lacking in knowledge, an
ordinary Bhikkhunx had to ask a Bhikkhu about the Uposatha days

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 2Í

and had to seek a religious admonition from

are described as very fond of a religions pre
rous voice nnd has a flow of speech : for,
Bhikkhunls are more attached to voice (
Bhikkhu, is not permitted to see the fights of
can see magic tricks exhibited in a monastery

Religious Life and Organisation

The first step in accepting a religious li
shave off one's head and accept the Three
priest ( upajjhãya ) ( 495 ). After this he is
of the ten rules of conduct : He has to abst
theft, ( 3 ) violation of celibacy, ( 4 ) fal
drinks, (6) eating food after mid-day, ( 7 )
dscent shows, or fights like those of cock
garlands of flowers or using scents, (9) h
and lastly, ( 10 ) accepting gold and silv
recluse but is not entitled to a membership
When his conduct is found to be satisfac
to become a Bhikkhu by undergoing a form
( upasampadã ) for which he has to find ou
and a begging-bowl. This is done in a form
consisting of at least ten Bhikkhus. The pr
the Sañgha, is made by a Bhikkhu of at lea
repeated three times and when there is no one
it is taken as sanctioned. This official act is called ñatti-catuttha -
¡camma, an act in which the proposal forms the fourth item (498-99 ).
When this is done, he has to measure his shadow. He is also told the
season, the time and the number of Bhikkhus present at the meeting of
the Sañgha. He should also be told that in his henceforth life he has to
depend upon four basic Reliances ( nissaya 513 ) which, however, are
not detailed in our text. But in the original Vinaya text ( i. 95-96 ),
they are given thus : - ( i ) that for his food he may not be holding any
expectations of receiving anything higher than what he gets in the alms
dropped in his begging-bowl; ( ii ) for clothes anything more than
garments made of useless cast-off rags ; ( iii ) for his residence any-
thing better than the base of a tree; and (iv ) for medicine anything
richer than urine and dung ( say of a cow ). If he gets anything better
than these, they should be considered as something extra, upon which
one does not count.

When he has thus accepted the religious life, he has to be careful to

see that he observes everything that has been commended by the Buddha
and to see that he does not do anything which has been prohibited by

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.22 Annals of the Bhanâartear Oriental Research Institute

Kim. His life is meant for the good of the vast masses, for their hap-
piness and for showing compassion towards them. He observes all
the rules of Pãtimokkha expounded in the Sutta-vibhaňga which has
formed a substantial part of our volume. He observes normally 4 or 6 1
XJposathas, which are days set apart- 8th, 14th or 15th of each fort-
night - for special religious observances, even for lay people. On these
days there is the recitation by the Bhikkhus of the rules of Pãtimokkha
and the declaration of purity after a previous confession of offences that
can be thus atoned for. In the months of the rainy season, he confines
himself to one place with a roof on the top. This period of residence in
the rainy season ( vassãvãsa ) begins on the 16th day of the Indian
month Ssãdha. This is called the Earlier Retreat. But those who
cannot join the Saňgha in their Earlier Retreat may join a month later
i.e. on the 16th day of ' Srãvana '. This period of Retreat which is to be
spent as ' extraordinarily holy ' is terminated by a ceremony called
Great Pavãranã at the end of three months, on the full:moon day of
Sávina ( 221 ). Those who have joined the later Retreat have their
Pavãranã on the Full Moon day of Kãrtika ( Kattika ). This Pavãranã
ceremony is the ceremony of begging pardon of each other for any faults
of commission or omission, during the period of Retreat, before the
Bhikkhus go out for their travel after rains. Nine kinds of Uposathas
and nine kinds of Pavãranãs held on special occasions are also men-
tioned ( 481-482 ). After the completion of the period of Earlier Retreat,
on the next day is the ceremony of preparing by Bhikkhus a Kathina
garment - a garment of coarse cloth, cut, sewn and dyed, within one
day out of material presented by lay- men. It is prepared for the
Saňgha who, in turn, presents it to the senior-most among those who
need it most. This is accompanied by large gifts of clothes from the
laity to the Bhikkhus. This ceremony is observed in the company of
all the Bhikkhus in a parish ( 528-31 ). Except for the period of rainy
season, the Bhikkhus are expected to be always on the move,
from village to village,8 and from town to town, doing preaching to
the laity and seeking food from them. While dealing with the laity,
. there are likely to be some offences for which they should be on their
guard.
One who has murdered his parents, or an Árhat, one who has
spoiled a Bhikkhuni, a hermaphrodite, or people who are suffering
from fell diseases or from deficiencies of sense-organs, debtors, slaves,
king's servants, or robbers cannot be admitted to the Buddhist
Saňgha.
1 According to non~Pali tradition.
2 Incidentally we are told that if there is even one house as in a Malaya village
(229 ), it is called a village which has no market-place. If a place has a market, it is
-a town ( 521 ).

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha Ì2§

The Sañgha is the highest Governing body

they are the final authority in offences which
Sañghadisesa offences, the Sañgha may inf
punishments of Parivãsa and Mãnatta whi
on pages xxxvii-xxxvm. After undergoing
one becomes ready for re-habilitation. Oth
atoned for by confession with regret and prom
offences again. The Pãrãjikã is the only offen
remedy. The Vinaya-master is naturally the
expert knowledge of the Yinaya in arriving at

Every Bhikkhu has to see that the Sañ

obeyed and he has to make every endeavour to
and united. The gifts intended for the Sañgh
the personal use of any single individual-mem
that no damage is done to Sañgha's propert
has to observe the rules about bounds - fiftee
here ( 520-21 ) - about garments including
the preparation of which everybody has to
matter how high his attainments be. ( 529 ).

The affairs of the Sañgha are decided by t

are any matters of dispute, they are to
speaking face to face with the defaulter,
majority. ' Eeminding a person of his o
to be used only in the case of higher p
have destroyed the asavas or the Anãgãmís.
tion other methods of settling disputes detai
( ii. 150-192 ). The persons who are in char
salabas ( voting-sticks ) for ascertaining the o
to be very skilful. If they foresee greater ch
decided unlawfully, they can withdraw the
sálãkãs will go round on the next day and in
speak to the elders and see that the lawful d
is assured. If there is a split in the Sañgha,
like the farms, parks, tanks, wells an
property of the Sañgha like cots, mats, or
implements cannot be divided ; only small thi

There are some variations due to some de

by Sañghabhadra (a) on' account of his be
Vinaya of Dharmagupta school ; or ( b ) on a
tions made during the course of transmissio
ing new copies of the text.

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£4 Annal 8 of the BhandarJcar Oriental Research Institute

( a ) Influence of Dharmagupta school1

The influence of Dharmagupta school is noticed in several points
of contact between our text and the Caturvargika-Vinaya of the
Dharmagupta school.
(i) Pali Sm.p.2 uses the word Nikãyas for the divisions of
the Suttapitaka, while our text uses the word Agamas which had
become current in the literature of the various schools of northern
Buddhism.

( ii ) Our author is wavering between 92 Pãcittiyas3 of Pali

Smp. (8) and 90 of the Dharmagupta school, which number he
mentions in two places ( 389, 445 ). Mahäsanghika and Upäli-pariprcchä
support the number 92, while the number 90 is supported by
Caturvargika, Daáabhãnavãra, Múla-Sarvãstivãda and Kãáyapíya
Vinayas.

( iii ) The order of some of the Pãcittiya rules from 85-91 of

Smp. is disturbed and we have rules given ( 485-86 ) in the order
followed by the Caturvargika-Vinaya. Similar change is also noticed
in the order of the Saiighädisesa rules in the Bhikkhunï-Vibhariga
( 491 ). Besides, our text gives no explanation, although the Smp . does4
(485-86,491-92 ).
(iv) Among the Sekhiya rules in our text, we find 24 rules in-
serted ( 481-82 ), which are not found in the Smp. They are borrowed
from the Caturvargika-Vinaya of the Dharmagupta school ( Šaiksya-
dharmas 60-85, barring 64 and 69 ). They deal with one's behaviour
towards a stupa or an image of the Buddha. But in No. 85 of the
Caturvargika Vinaya or Prätimoksa, there is no mention of the image of
the Buddha as we have in our text. In its place there is the mention
of a stupa.

(v) As against ten kincis of semen mentioned in Smp. (iii. 112 ),

our text mentions seven kinds of semen ( 356 ). Pañcavargika men-
tions ten kinds, Mahäsanghika eight kinds, Daáabhãnavãra and Müla-
Sarvãstivãdins five kinds. Caturvargika alone mentions seven kinds.

( vi ) The eight calamities mentioned in our text (455 ) correspond

to those of Caturvargika-Vinaya, while the original Pali has nothing
corresponding to the same.

1 Based on a note from Prof. A. Hirakawa.

2 Smp. i. 20-27*
8 Smp. iv. 785-885.
* Smp. iv. 882-85,

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha

(vii) Our text mentions thirteen difficult persons ( 510 ), who

cannot have proper conduct, even if they are initiated. Pali Vinay
mentions1 several persons who cannot be given initiation into the orde
of Buddhist Bhikkhus. Caturvargika-Vinaya mentions twenty-three
persons under this category, divided into two groups - one of ten and
the other of thirteen who are called " difficult Evidently our tex
borrows this term from Caturvargika-Vinaya.
( viii) Instead of the title Mahäkhandhaka of the first chapter of
the Mahãvagga in Pali ( Smp . v. 1034 ), our text reads the ' Khandhaka
of receiving initiation ' which title is exactly found in the correspond
ing portion of Caturvargika-Vinaya. The title of the same in othe
Vinayas does not agree with it.
( ix ) The explanation of an elephant-command as given in our
text is different from that of Smp. but agrees with that of Caturvargika-
Vinaya.
( X ) Our text mentions ( 518 ) A-lo-li shoes which are also found
in Caturvargika-Vinaya.
( xi ) The transliterations of the names of various medicines or
medical plants are noticed in the same form in Caturvargika-Vinaya.
(xii ) Saňghabhadra being more familiar with Sanskrit termino-
logy accepts ( 358 ) for Pali word Sanghãdisesa the transliteration Sang-
kia-p'o-se-sa, which corresponds to SaÈghãvaáesa in Sanskrit and
which was accepted first by Daáabhãnavãra. This lands him into the
difficult and absurd situation of explaining p'o (ava ) as ãdi} beginning.
This is perhaps due to the undue influence of Caturvargika-Vinaya,
which, along with Daáabhãnavãra and Pañcavargika-Vinaya, accepts
that term. Mahäsaiighikas and the Sâmmitïyas accept the term
Sanghãtiáesa where also the sense of ť remnant ' is lingering. The inter-
pretation given by the Mahãsanghikas does not appear to be sound
when it says : " Sañg-kia means four Pãrãjikãs and p'o-se-sa indicates
that these transgressions have their remnants which may be decided by
the act of the Saňgha ". How can one accept this interpretation of
the word Saňgha ? The Pali interpretation already given above ( p. 4 )
seems to be more reasonable.

( b ) Interpolations2
There appear to be some marginal remarks by pupils creeping
into the body of the text. We often have in our text the use of the
word Teacher ( Lit. Dhamma-master, Fa-shih ). This word used by the

i Vin. i. 86-91.
2 Based on a note from Prof. A. Hirakawa.

4 [ Annale, B. O. R. 1, ]

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26 Ânnals of the BhandarJcar Oriental Research Institute

Translator Saňghabhadra often refers to the author of the original

Smp.1 It is also used for ãcariya ( 172 ), a recognised teacher of the
Dhamma, as in ãcariyavãda. It is also used for a teacher who is giving
instruction to pupils under training, as is obvious from the following : -
On p. 129 para. 45 we have : The Teacher says - "I do not understand
the meaning of this Unless there is some corruption of the text
of the omission of certain words which would imply that these
words are said by a pupil, we cannot explain these words except
by saying that a side- remark made by a teacher to the pupils in his
class has been recorded by a pupil in the margin of his copy of the text
and a future ignorant copyist has faithfully copied this remark and
put it in the body of the text. It cannot be ascribed to the author of
the original Smp. or of our translation. They will not make any
statement of such ignorance on their part.
There appears to be another case of a similar interpolation on
p. 196 ( 7.15&.5 ). In the exposition of the First Pãrãjikã, it is said
that while the teacher is explaining in all seriousness some delicate
passages regarding sexual matters, one should listen to him with all
gravity, without expressing any light-heartedness by giggling, or
exhibiting one's teeth, or horse-play of any kind. Now follows a
remark which is not found in Smp. ( i.258 ) : "If there is one who is
given to horse-play, he should be driven out". Obviously this isa
casual remark made by a teacher, while expounding the text to his
pupils. It was perhaps recorded by a pupil on the margin of his copy
and a future copyist included it in the body of the text. Thus it is
' an unauthorised interpolation.

There are some remarks made about medicines or plants ( 452,

525 ), as to whether they are or are not found in Canton, China or
• Indo-China. These remarks may have been made by Saňghabhadra
himself or by some one else later during the transmission of this
text in China.

Saňghabhadra» the Author

Saňghabhadra reveals himself to be a follower of the Dharma-
gupta school as noted above in detail. The followers of this school
were not prepared to be strict like the Theravãdins. They had a lenient
attitude towards acceptance of gold and silver ( 368. 430 ), the Bhikkhu-
n!s begging principal food for erecting a hat or cottage (492 ), or in the
matter of getting permission of parents by one who is seeking per-
mission to be admitted to the Sañgha ( 510 ). They were more practi-
' cal than the Theravãdins.

1 See pp. 172 § 66 ; 176 S 61 ; 358 8 61 of the text.

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 Shan- Chien- P' i- P'o-Sha 27

Às Sañghabhadra translated this book for

he naturally adopts the Chinese ways of sayin
This we note in the following : -
( 1 ) The names of Indian months are indi
ponding numbers of months of the Chine
there are certain irregularities due t
between the commencement of the Chinese New Year and
Indian Year with its double system of Šaka and Yikrama
Samvat.

( 2 ) For Kainy season of India, he always uses the word

' summer ' season which substantially corresponded to
that period.
( 3 ) He refers to the circle of six relations according to the
Chinese social system instead of ' seven generations ' of
Indian social system ( 464n2 ).
( 4 ) He refers to, what perhaps appeared to him to be strange,
the various modes of paying one's respect to one another
prevalent in India. They have been already detailed above.
He refers to the practice of squatting as one of distant land
( India ) ( 414, 495 ) and to c sesame ' as a product of distant
land ( India ) ( 7. 14b. 3 ).
( 5 ) He uses the Chinese euphemism " smelling at the nose "
for kissing ( 365 ).
( 6 ) He calls Hosaii ( upajjhãya 513 ), Mo-hie ( Magadha 514 ),
Lo-yue ( Räjagha 514 ) and Che-p'o ( Jlvaka 319 ) foreign
words or foreign sounds and is at pains to explain in
Chinese the meaniug of technical terms like Mãnatta and
Abbhãna ( 404 ).
( 7 ) He calls the original Vinaya Fan-pen ( 16. 16a. 8 : 487 ),
the text of Brahmanical India.

His non-Pali tradition is observed in the following : -

( 1 ) His mention of six uposatha days ( 459 ) asjagainst the
four of the Pali school of the Theravãdins. It is also
observed that in this he is supported by Mahíáãsaka
school ( 459n37 ).
( 2 ) Instead of the usual Pali expression 1 Rãhula-mãtã he
gives the name Yaáodharã, which is rarely found in th
Pali tradition.

( 8 ) He has predilection for transliterations of Sanskrit words

and interpretations according to the tradition of BuddhiBfc
Sanskrit texts.

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28 Annals of the Bhandarhar Oriental Research institute

( 4 ) Sañghabhadra advocates 12 dhutagunas as against 13 of

the Pali text. We have also noted there other variations
in the number of Kammatthãnas, the number of the con-
stituent books of the Khuddakanikãya, the number of
Sütras in the Dïrghâgama and Madhyamagama.

( 5 ) He follows the non-Pali tradition, when he treats each of

Mettiya-Bhummajaka, Pandu-Lohita as one individuality
and not a pair.

He is not very well conversant with the geography of India

Following Smp. i. 91 and Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga ( xii. 123 ) h
considers Pãtaliputta to be on a sea-shore ( 67n3 ). He probably con-
siders Uttara-kuru and the Himalayas to be in the vicinity of Rãjagah
when he includes these names ( not found in the Pali original ) amon
places where visting Bhikkhus of Rãjagaha expressed to Dabbamal
putta their wishes to be accommodated for temporary residence ( 385 ).

We also note that he belonged to a school which, for practical

reasons, did not like to be strict like the Pali school of the Theravãdin
He had no objection to accept gold and silver by way of some device
for the purpose of medicine ( 430, 368 ). A Bhikkhuni can according
him, beg principal grains if it is for building a cottage (in her nunnery )
( 442 ). So also he would not mind if a man cannot secure permission
his parents and still he forces a thera to convert him under a threat
burning his monastery, or when he is being initiated as a member of the
Saňgha, far away from his home ( 510 ).

As regards his position as a literateur, we may say that his

renderings are not sometimes correct, because of his mis-understandi
of the original. We may, however, say that he tries to make his writi
, more attractive by introducing some narratives like the story of t
foundation of Sãvatthx ( 365 ), or of Yesãlx (285-87), or the story o
Cùlapanthaka and Mahä-panthaka ( 463-67 ). These he did not fin
in the original, still he took them from different commentarie
On account of his different tradition, he seems to be waverin
when he once calls Yesãkha 2nd month, while at another place
he calls it third month. Kattika is sometimes called eighth
and at other times ninth. The enumeration of Pãcittiyas is once
given as 90 (339,445) and at another time it is 92 (8). But he
is also found to be giving some original rendering of Pali expressions
like saUpatthãna , sammappadhãna etc. ( 189 ). It is very encouraging
to find that he is giving a correct interpretation of padhãna , as
1 application/ (189) or 'exertion' and not giving wrong renderings of the
word padhãna as found in other Chinese texts like the Chinese version

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 Shan-Chien-P'i-P'o-Sha 29

of the Madhyamãgama,1 which takes

variation pahãna and translates it a
14 strokes ) meaning abandonment or
similarity, our author seems to be ve
like.... ..in no way different" ( 19, 73, 20

As the aim of our author was limited

main rules governing the life and conduc
he naturally was not interested in the m
tioned in the Pali Khandhakas, that is,
extraneous matter that was not relevan
controversies mentioned in Smp. We do
the worship of Šiva-liriga for which flowe
to Smp . iii. 626, were not to be utilised
several passages2 quoted from various c
various masters given ia Smp. We have
has devoted 414 pages to the Book of
All the remaining three volumes of the Vi
than 60 pages, not forgetting the Parivä
the Pali Vinaya.
He seems to be un-mindful of certain inconsistencies. In one
place ( 269 ), he quotes a passage from " Questions on Difficult Poi
There it is said that a theft of three mãsakas involves the offence of
Thullaccaya, while in the last division, while giving an exposition o
gãthã from Parivära, he states ( 546 ) that a theft of four mãsakas in
volves Thullaccaya but the theft of three, two, or one mãsaka involv
the offence of Dukkata. This is in conflict with the original text of
Parivära ( Vin. v. 38 ) and Smp. vii. 1385, which clearly state that o
becomes guilty of Thullaccaya if he commits a theft of what is wort
less than a päda ( i. e. 5 mäsalcas ) but more than a mäsaka. If th
theft is of what is worth a mãsaka or less, then the offence involved in
Dukkata only.3 It is worth investigating whether this last statemen
of Sařighabhadra has anything to do with a statement in that behalf
Caturvargika-Vinaya of Dharmaguptakas.

Though there are variations from the Pali text on account of th

author's Chinese leanings and on account of the Sanskrit tradition
of Dharmagupta school, this text is helpful in confirming the

1 Thich Minh Chau : * The Chinese Madhyamãgama and the Pali Majjhima -
nihãya ' p. 95 ; also see my article : * Chinese Madhyamãgama and the language of
its baeie text ' in Dr. Satkari Mookerji Felicitation Volume ( 1969 ), pp. 5-6.
2 Smp. iii. 615-630, 698-99 ; iv. 747-49, 843-854 ; v. 969-70, 1098-1100, etcf
3 See p. 9 above,

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30 Annals of the Bhandarìear Oriental Research Institute

interpretation of Pali Commentaries, or clarifying some obscure

expressions.

On the whole, the impression left on our mind by Saňghabhadra

is that he is divided in his mind due to his effort in being loyal to his
original text, Pali Smp. and also trying to be loyal to his Dharmagupta
school. In several places the latter got the upper hand and he made
compromises with his text. This last landed him into difficulties, as we
saw in the interpretation of Sanghãdisesa. And in some cases under
the influence of his school he made deliberate changes, which also we
have noted.1 He has even changed the title into Sudarsana-Vibhäsä or
Samyag-drsti ( or daaáana )-Vibhãsã. The former rendering is given by
Nanjio as mentioned at the beginning of this Introduction. Thus
probably he wants to show that he is giving a new version of his own
of Vinaya-Commentary.

1 Pp. 24-25 above,

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