Introduction

The Mughal Emperor consisted of the contested, cooperative, and creative

interactions between the imperial dynasty and people with a vast array of
cultures in the various Indian lands currently under its rule.1 This mighty
stands for at least 3 centuries and at its peak, the territory was about 3.2
million square kilometers, extending across most of the subcontinent, and
150 million diverse people. The Empire rose at its peak to be humanity’s
most powerful and richest state (perhaps excepting China’s contemporary
empire) with a vast military force and nearly a quarter of the global GDP.2
All empires share some qualities, but every empire is unique in its own
league. If an empire means a state incorporating and ruling over more than
one people, then the Mughal Empire certainly fits.3 Over time, the ethnic
identity of ‘Mughal’ changed. Originally ‘Mughal’ was the Persian term
for uncultured Mongols, but it eventually became the most widely used
term for Babur’s dynasty in India.4 The Mughal Empire was never an
indigenous national empire with a uniform elite and a predominantly
mono-ethnic army. Rather, the dynasty undergoes a several cultural
exchange with people. So its was continuous tension remained almost
throughout the dynasty’s history about where sovereignty lay. The Empire
faced constant resistance and repeated rebellions throughout the empire.
Kingship and sovereignty evolved over three centuries in the Mughal
Empire, one of the most symbolic in Indian history. The challenges of
imperial expansion, religious pluralism, and administration plagued the
Mughal emperors from the time of Babur's founding of the empire in 1526
until its fall in the 18th century. Autobiographical sources deliver a unique
lens through which to examine the ideas and practices of kingship and
sovereignty during the Mughal era. This article will consult
autobiographical sources, such as Babur's Baburnama Jahangir and Tuzuk-
i-Jahangiri, to examine the development of kingship and sovereignty in the
Mughal Empire.

1
Michael H. Fisher, A Short History of Mughal Empire (London, 2016), p. 1
2
Moin: Millenial
3
Michael H. Fisher, A Short History of Mughal Empire (London, 2016), p. 2
4
Ibid., p. 2
Evolution of Kingship and Sovereignty
under Mughals
In 1519, The Chaghtai conqueror Babur raided India and imperiously
demanded the submission of young Sultan Ibrahim of Delhi. Sultan
Ibrahim’s Lodi Afghan clan had for generations been settled in north India
and had fought its way to rule. Babur came to India with ideas quite
different from those of the early Turkish rulers of Delhi or the Afghans.5
Babur said, “Once you cross the Indus, the land, water, trees, stones,
people, tribes, manners, and customs are all of the Hindu fashion.6 Babur
claimed his ancestry with Changiz Khan and Timur. The Turks, the
Iranians, and the Mongols considered the sovereign position as something
higher than simply a leader. The origin of Changiz Khan indicates the
supernatural elements of his personality. According the myths or some
legends, Changiz Khan was the Son Of Light. This led the Mughals to
worship the star and it will be continued till the 14th century.
The title is called The Mughal Khan(The Great Khan) which was also
compared with Khalifa of Islamic theory although it was different from
that. The Great Khan was purely a political and military and not a religious
leader. The partition of the empire among the princes according to tribes
rather than territory was another significant aspect of Mughal governance.
They established them in their territory and assigned the tribes to live
there. As Babur was proud of his ancestry, he believed in the inherent
rights of the Timurid to rule. Babur was a believer in the hereditary right to
sovereignty. In his letter to Sultan Sa'id regarding the succession to the
authority in Badakhshan he emphasized the 'hereditary rights' of the heir.7
In his letter to Humayun written in 1529. almost at the end of his career, he
summed up his final opinions regarding sovereignty: 'No bondage equals
that of sovereignty; retirement matches not with the rule.'8
I have rarely, even in dreams, seen [Emperor Humayun’s] like for innate
talent. However, since he allowed in his retinue ... self-seeking individuals,

5
Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Muzaffar Alam, The Mughal State 1526-1750(Delhi,1998), p-115
6
Babur, Baburnama, p.332
7
Tarilch-i Rashidi, Abu'I Fazl, Akbar Nama, pp-II5-16.
8
Ibid, pp-625-7
evil, vile, and profligate men ... he had contracted some bad habits ... that
have occasioned talk on the part of the people ...9
After being crowned Mughal Padshah and emperor of Hindustan in 1530,
Humayun was unable to maintain stability in his government. Humayun
had lived outside of India for eighty percent of his life when he became
acceded at the age of twenty-two. The early Turks believed that the King
was the shadow of God on earth. But it doesn’t emphasize more to
Humayun. His first official historian, Khwand Mir, calls him a
personification of the spiritual and temporal sovereignty (Jiim'ai Sultanati
Haqiqi va Majiizt)10 and. his Majesty the King, the shadow of God (Hauati
Piidshiih Zill-i-llahi).11He was believed to receive institutions and
inspiration from God ((llhiimiiti Rubbani va Varidati Subhani).12 His rival
Sher Shah also appears to have believed that his mind received special
suggestions and directions from God.13 The latter had better justification to
think so than the former! With all this, there is little wonder that Abu! Faz)
in his exuberance uses the word insan-i kamil, or the perfect man, for
him.14 There was a showdown between Humayun and his rival, As
Humayun's beleaguered army advanced westward from Bengal in June
1539, they came face to face with Sher Khan's superior army at Chausa.
Humayun's muddy, disheartened, and outwitted Mughal army suffered a
severe defeat; numerous leaders and one of his wives were slain, while
another was taken prisoner (Sher Khan bravely gave back this wife, Hajji
Begum). Only a poor water carrier named Nizam saved Humayun as he
struggled to cross the Ganges while fleeing with his dispersed army. As he
fled to Agra, Humayun futilely attempted to reorganize his demoralized
and significantly reduced army. By giving Nizam the title of emperor for a
day, Humayun dramatically rewarded Nizam, further alienating a great
number of commanders and courtiers. For many leading courtiers, this
raised fundamental questions about Humayun’s conception of sovereignty:
if he could transfer sovereignty at will (especially to a man of low birth),
was it inherent in his person either as the unique embodiment of divine
authority or as a Timurid? Further, Humayun’s military disaster, loss of

9
Tarikh, Dughlat, p.283b
10
Kh. Mir, Humayun Nama, Or., 1762 f. 126r.
11
Kh. Mir, Humayun Nama, f.133r.
12
Kh. Mir, Humayun Nama, f. 133v. Also see Akbar Nama, 1, 120
13
Abdullah, Tarikh-i-Daudi(Aligarh,1969)
14
Akbar Nama
territories with which to reward followers, challenges by his half-brothers,
and periodic opium-induced withdrawals from active rule all spread doubts
about his reign’s future among his supporters and Hindustanis generally.
Humayun led his army from Kabul back to the northern Indian plain in late
1554. A hard-fought battle won by Humayun. Mughal restoration was
completed. But within 7 months, he met a fatal accident on the steps of his
library in the fortress at Delhi. Humayun’s nobles concealed the fact of his
death for 17 days until they could secure a stable arrangement for the
succession. The succession goes with Humayun’s young son Akbar, then
12 years of age, to be crowned under the title of Jalal-ud-din Muhammad
Akbar.

[Emperor Akbar] was of middle height, but inclining to be tall; he was of

the hue of wheat; his eyes and eyebrows were black, and his complexion
rather dark than fair; he was lion-bodied, with a broad chest, and his hands
and arms long. On the left side of his nose, he has a fleshy mole, very
agreeable in appearance, of the size of half a pea. Those skilled in the
science of physiognomy considered this mole a sign of great prosperity
and exceeding good fortune. His august voice was very loud, and in
speaking and explaining had a particular richness. In his actions and
movements, he was not like the people of the world, and the glory of God
manifested itself in him.15

Following the eventual security of his succession and his release from the
regency, Akbar and his close advisors devised important new policies.
Through extensive recruitment, especially through numerous political
marriage alliances and cultural policies that drew in a variety of Muslim
and non-Muslim Indians, Akbar was able to grow his household, court,
administration, and army. Through the creation of more centralized
financial and administrative structures, he and his courtiers reorganized the
Empire. Up until shortly before his passing, Akbar led military campaigns
directly and participated in combat for the majority of his life. Thus, the
Mughal Empire was founded and grew by Akbar and his allies as a
complex synthesis of Islamic, Central Asian, and various Indian processes,

15
Jahangir, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, vol.2, p.141
cultures, and people. A crucial stage in the evolution of Mughal kingship
and sovereignty was reached during his rule. The crown (taj) of Humayun
was mentioned only once, and then only as a unique relic from his time as
a prince and not as a representation of his sovereignty.16 Abul Fazl, Akbar's
court historian, wrote his autobiography, the Akbarnama, which provides
insights into Akbar's conception of monarchy as well as his attempts to
promote religious unity and consolidate authority. Also, non-Muslims
received unprecedented state patronage in the form of revenue-free grants
for many of these shrines. Akbar was the Perfect Man (Insan-i Kamil) for
Abu'l Fazl.

AkbarNama
The official record of the reign of Akbar, the third Mughal Emperor
(1556–1605), is called the Akbarnama, or the Book of Akbar. Written by
Abu'l-Fazl ibn Mubarak, who served as both Akbar's court historian and
biographer, it was commissioned by the monarch himself. The "Book of
Akbar" was the name given to the Akbarnama. It is written in Persian, the
Mughals' literary language, and it offers rich and in-depth accounts of his
life and the times he lived. It was written following Baburnama, a more
intimate memoir penned by his grandfather, Babur, the dynasty's founder.
In this way, it was created as ornately illustrated manuscripts.
The first volume of the Akbarnama covers the events leading up to Akbar's
birth, the history of Timur's family, the reigns of Babur and Humayun, and
the Suri sultans of Delhi. Akbar's birth and early life are the subject of
Akbarnama's first volume. Abul Fazl claims that Humayun, the father of
Akbar and the second Mughal emperor, prayed for a son or daughter to
take over the throne of the Mughal empire at the Kaaba, a sacred site for
Muslims. After this prayer, Maryam Makani begins to show signs that she
is expecting Akbar. She has a shining forehead that people mistake for a
mirror on her face, and when a light is shone on her, she feels joy and
warmth enter her bosom. These signals suggest that Maryam Makani is
expressing her expectations. Miryam believes the light is a gift from God
intended for her unborn child as well as herself. Nine months later, under

16
Moin A. Azfar, The Millennial Sovereign, Primus Book, Delhi, 2017, p. 138
what is thought to be a lucky star, Maryam gives birth to Akbar while
Humayuan is away on business. The event is joyfully celebrated.
The second volume provides a comprehensive account of the history of
Akbar’s reign up until 1602 and a record of the events that took place
during that time. In addition to that, it describes how Bairam Khan and
Akbar prevailed over Hemu, an Indian warrior, during the battle of
Panipat.
The third volume, 'Ain-i-Akbar, provides a descriptive view of the
administrative structure of the Empire, including the "Account of the
Hindu Sciences." It also discusses Akbar's household, army, revenues, and
land geography. The book is known for its extensive statistical information
on topics such as crop yields, prices, wages, and revenues. Abu'l Fazl aims
to document the views held by the majority of Hindu intellectuals and
describe the general conditions in India. He discusses the fundamental
tenets of six influential Hindu philosophical schools of thought, as well as
those of the Jains, Buddhists, and Nastikas.

The majority of this information comes from Sanskrit texts and other
knowledge systems, likely obtained through intermediaries, most likely
Jains who were favorably treated at Akbar's court. Abu'l Fazl admits that
he did not know Sanskrit.

In his explanation of Hinduism, he draws parallels between Hindu beliefs

and Islamic concepts. Many traditional Muslims believed that Hinduism
was plagued with idolatry and polytheism. He asserts that Hindu symbols
and images are not idols but serve to prevent their minds from wandering
away from the topic at hand.

Abul Fazl also explains the Caste system, listing the name, rank, and
responsibilities of every caste and the sixteen subclasses that result from
intermarrying between the four primary groups.
Conclusion
The Mughal Empire's development of kingship and sovereignty is a
complex narrative that combines political evolution, cultural influences,
and religious ideologies. Rooted in Timurid traditions and Islamic
governance principles, the Mughal rulers established a unique blend of
authority that resonated throughout their vast empire. The concept of
divine authority, expressed through the ideology of "Padshah-i-Islam,"
portrayed the Mughal ruler as the guardian of Islam and the rightful leader
of the Muslim community. This synthesis of religious and political
authority allowed the Mughals to establish unity and stability across their
empire.

The Mughal conception of kingship also included notions of justice,

benevolence, and patronage. Emperors like Akbar the Great pursued
policies of religious tolerance and cultural syncretism, fostering inclusivity
and pluralism within their empire. By patronizing arts, literature, and
architecture, the Mughal emperors enriched their courtly culture and
cultivated a sense of pride and identity among their subjects.

However, the Mughal Empire faced challenges and eventual decline,

leading to its eventual disintegration in the 18th century. Despite this, the
legacy of Mughal kingship continues to resonate in the collective memory
of the region, serving as a testament to the enduring power of their vision
and ideology.
 References

Richards, John F. The Mughal Empire. Cambridge University Press,

1993.
Habib Irfan, Medieval India; The Study of a Civilization, New Delhi,
2007.
Michael H. Fisher, A Short History of Mughal Empire, London, 2016.
Alam, Muzaffar, and Sanjay Subrahmanyam. The Mug̲ h̲ al State,
1526-1750. Oxford University Press, USA, 1998
M.Athar Ali , The Evolution of the Perception of India: Akbar and
Abu'l Fazl, 1996