COUNTRY STUDY

Feminism and the Women's

Movement in the Philippines:
Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

Mylene D. Hega, Veronica C. Alporha

and Meggan S. Evangelista
 Feminism and the Women's Movement in the Philippines: Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

Hega, Mylene D., Veronica C. Alporha, and Meggan S. Evangelista, M.S. (2017). "Historical roots and evolution
of the feminist movement." Pp. 1-7 in Feminism and the Women’s Movement in the Philippines: Struggles,
Advances, and Challenges. Pasig City: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung – Philippine Office.
Historical roots and evolution of the feminist movement

The dynamic women's movement in the Philippines is the babaylan was not just a priestess or a cultural figure, but
product of a long history of struggle and participation in also a community doctor or healer (Salazar, 1994: 213-
various historical conjunctures. As a nation rigged by a 216). The persona of the babaylan embodied the
difficult colonial past, it is important to locate the role of traditional role of women in pre-colonial Philippine
women in the quest for independence. As a society society: They performed vital functions, and were
embezzled by unequal power relations between the recognized for their social and cultural leadership.
masses and the ruling class, it is crucial to place the
women's movement in the struggle for democracy, Chains of Chastity: The Colonization of Women's
equality, and social justice. As part and parcel of the Body in Hispanic Philippines
whole array of social movements in the Philippines, the
women's movement developed and responded to the With the arrival of the Spaniards, the status of the
needs of the time. The changes in the nature of the babaylan was drastically transformed, as they and their
women's movement from one historical period to philosophy were seen as anathema to the colonizers'
another were apt responses to the social conditions and religious beliefs and therefore had to be eradicated for
to the status of their struggle at different points in the the sake of the Christian faith (Gaborro, 2009). The
past. Thus, in understanding the present characteristics Spanish friars demonized them and claimed that the
of the movement, we need first to illustrate the position babaylan were endowed with powers from the black
of women in the history of the country, and their role in magic. Alongside aggressive Christian indoctrination, the
shaping the history of their movement in particular, and friars did not just police the religious and spiritual belief of
the nation in general. women, but also took control of their bodies and libido:
their sexuality was suppressed and controlled through
The Bayan and the Babaylan: Women in practices like the confession. The friars took the liberty to
Pre-Colonial Philippines widen the scope of the Christian doctrine on prohibitions
of adultery and labeled other sexual activities as sinful,
In the pre-colonial Philippine society, the babaylan was unclean and thus must be confessed to a priest. These
the major representation of the status accorded to included masturbation, homosexuality, sexual touching
women in a balangay or barangay.1 The babaylan was ('foreplay' in colloquial terms), among others (Gealogo,
mostly concerned with culture, religion, medicine and 2010: 69-70).
other theoretical knowledge crucial to the conduct of
pre-colonial Philippine society. Salazar (1994) called the Gealogo (2010: 80) concluded that the issue of sexuality
babaylan the 'proto-scientist' among the ancient in the colonial context can very well be assessed as an
Filipinos. Although the role was often given to women, issue of creating perception and consciousness on sex
Salazar noted that there were also biological males who and women's body. The Catholic Church, in hoisting
performed the role of babaylan albeit most of them were itself as the only source of morality for its subjects,
effeminate or blatantly homosexual. The babaylan was transcended the public sphere and penetrated even the
not subservient to the datu, who was considered the most private and individual aspect of the locals' lives. In
wealthiest, the strongest, the wisest, and often the such endeavor, the woman's body was one of the most
bravest, member of the clan – which made him the vulnerable targets, especially in the context of feudal and
rightful head. Instead, the datu and the babaylan worked patriarchal Spanish Catholic Church.
together on important social activities. Being the spiritual
leader, the babaylan was in charge of rituals, including Sisters in Arms: Revolutionaries, suffragists
those of agricultural significance. Through her and guerillas
knowledge in astronomy, she determined the right time
to clear the land, as well as the planting and harvest cycle. Women's participation in affairs dominated by men can
She also studied and took charge of medicine, be traced back to the Philippine Revolution against Spain
developing her knowledge and passing this on. Thus, the (1896-1898) and the Filipino-American War in the years

1 A settlement organized around the principle of kinship

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Feminism and the Women's Movement in the Philippines: Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

that followed. Camagay (1998: 56) cited the Asociacion The AFF founded the La Proteccion de la Infancia, Inc. and
Filantropica dela Cruz Roja (also known Junta Patriotica later ran the Gota de Leche, which concerned itself with
dela Cruz Roja) as an important association founded in women and children's health based on the recognition of
aid of the revolution, collecting funds for the war and the high maternal and infant mortality rates prevalent
treating wounded revolutionary soldiers. The especially among the poor (Estrada-Claudio, 2005). A
membership of the Cruz Roja was noticeably composed mass-based women's organization was also created in
of prominent ilustrado 2 families and were attached to the name of the Samahang Makabayan ng mga Babaing
important men in the revolution. One of the most Pilipino or National League of Patriotic Women in 1937. It
notable but often unnoticed contributions of women in was composed of women members of the nationalist,
the revolution can be found in the realm of literature. pro-independence, anti-American Sakdalista.. 3

They published poems in revolutionary publications like El organization. The Samahang Makabayan was a curious
Heraldo de la Revolucion and La Independencia case. They were of the belief that women should refrain
(Camagay, 1998: 65). This implies that the contribution from participating in politics. They believed that women's
of women in the revolution was not only logistical but empowerment and gender equality were western values
also intellectual, as seen in the literature that they (Terami-Wada, 2014: 100-101).
produced. Aside from this, women also led troops into
battles themselves. Women who actually fought in the During the Second World War, Filipino women were
battlefield during the Filipino-American war hailed from subjected to war crimes. A number of them became
various parts of the country like Aguada Kahabagan of comfort women and became victims, not just of rape but
Laguna, Trinidad Tecson of Bulacan, and Teresa of the heavier crime of sexual slavery. This phenomenon
Magbanua of Iloilo (Camagay, 1998: 68-69). Still, it was among the worst cases of systematic rape suffered
would be wrong to assume that because women actively by women in war time (Kimura, 2003: 2). Some were
participated in the revolution, they were no longer promised jobs, and subsequently brought to 'comfort
vulnerable to abuse in a society that was steeped in houses' where they experienced repetitive rape by tens of
patriarchal and feudal mindset. Revolutionary leader Japanese soldiers per day. The youngest comfort woman
Apolinario Mabini for example, strongly deplored Filipino was aged at around nine years old (Kimura, 2003: 7-8).
revolutionary soldiers who raped Filipino women Most were forcibly abducted, raped repetitively, and
(Camagay, 1998: 70). were made to do chores for the Japanese soldiers (Yap,
2016).
The dawn of the 20th century witnessed more interesting
developments in the history of the women's movement Amidst rampant victimization, there were women who
in the Philippines. In 1905, Concepcion Felix de Calderon actively participated in the armed resistance against the
founded the first organization which called itself feminist Japanese oppressors. Among these women the most
- the Asociacion Feminista Filipina (AFF). Concepcion popular was Felipa Culala, who was popularly known by
Felix was from the working class, although she was joined her alias, Dayang-dayang. Culala was a female guerilla
by women from the elite such as Trinidad Rizal, Librada commander who led one of the earliest guerilla forces
Avelino, Maria Paz Guanzon, Maria Francisco, the against the Japanese in 1942 as part of the popular
Almeda sisters and Luisa de Silyar (Estrada-Claudio, armed resistance by a group called HUKBALAHAP or
2005). The Asociacion Feminista Ilonga was founded a Hukbong Bayan Laban sa mga Hapon (People's Army
year later, headed by the elite woman Pura Villanueva- Against the Japanese). She led a successful ambush of
Kalaw, and engaged in the struggle for women's right to combined Japanese and Filipino forces, killing some 30-
vote. The women's right to suffrage was approved in a 40 Japanese forces and 68 Filipino police, and capturing
plebiscite on April 30, 1937 with a record 90% in their armaments. Women guerrillas were stereotypically
affirmative votes (Quindoza-Santiago, 1996: 165). labeled as Huk Amazons by the press and the post-war

2 The term 'ilustrado' or 'ilustrados', Spanish for 'enlightened' or 'learned', referred to middle-class Filipinos who were educated in Europe
and who subscribed to European ideals of nationalism and liberalism.
3 The Sakdal movement started as a newspaper that heavily criticized the traditional politicians. It later evolved into an armed organization.
Its only woman member then was Salud Algabre, who hailed from the municipality of Cabuyao. She was hunted by the Philippine
Constabulary after the failed Sakdal uprising in 1935 and was imprisoned more than once because of her subversive activities
(Kintanar & David, 1996: 77-79).

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Feminism and the Women's Movement in the Philippines: Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

Philippine government. Lanzona (2009: 134) argues that Marxist-inspired lines. The Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong
the existence of female guerillas, of rank commander no Kababaihan (Movement for Freedom by Progressive
less, altered the discussion and the gender dynamics of Women) or MAKIBAKA, established in July 1969,
the Huk rebellion in the Philippines and other peasant 'attempted to situate women's liberation within the
uprising in Southeast Asia. Further, the story of women context of the struggle against foreign domination and
guerillas showed that, in times of oppression and deceit, class oppression' (Valte, 1992: 53). Elumbre (2010: 212)
women could also be found fighting in the frontlines. related that the most memorable act of MAKIBAKA was
the protest it staged against the annual Miss Philippines
Women Comrades: Resisting A Dictator and beauty pageant in 1970. MAKIBAKA was reorganized
Persisting with the Struggle
sometime in the late 1970s by the Communist-led
national democratic movement, and the original
As the postwar years were, relatively speaking, years of
autonomously-formed organization was reoriented into
peace for the Filipinos, many of whom considered the
an 'arm' of the National Democratic Front (NDF) (Estrada-
establishment of the electoral process as a manifestation
Claudio, 2005). The organization dwindled due to the
of democracy, there seemed little need for women to
dilution of the women's issues in the national democratic
agitate for new reforms, much less for structural changes
framework of the CPP, which asserted that women's
within society (Santos, 2004: 34). Generally, the
empowerment would come only when the class
women's organizations that time were concerned with
revolution had been won. MAKIBAKA found itself
becoming social partners of men. It was in the late sixties
primarily occupied with national issues, and attempts to
that another social upheaval formed. The Vietnam War
forge a link between women's concerns and national
galvanized students into protesting against imperialism,
issues, 'proved to be ambitious, and perhaps, untimely'
while Vatican II gave rise to progressive Catholic activists
(Santos, 2004: 36).
(priests, laity, students) who demanded social justice and
who started questioning authoritarianism in the
In 1975, the Katipunan ng Bagong Pilipina (KABAPA) was
classroom. Internally, there was the widening gap
founded by women who had been active in the
between the rich and the poor, intensifying economic
HUKBALAHAP and subsequent peasant-based
distress and political instability bred by the country's
formations. KABAPA's constitution had the flavor of
dependence on foreign capital, and unbridled graft and
Third World feminism in that it addressed national, class,
corruption (Santos, 2004: 35). Things got worse after the
and gender issues under its goals of equality,
1969 elections – supposedly the dirtiest in Philippine
development, peace, freedom and the happiness of
history: Protests escalated in multiple folds, and the
children (Estrada-Claudio, 2005). In the eighties, two
government was threatened with the momentum of
more women's organizations were founded: the
organizing led by the newly established Communist Party
Kilusang Kababaihang Pilipina (Philippines Women's
of the Philippines or CPP in 1969 (Abinales, 2005:193).
Movement) or PILIPINA in 1981, and the Katipunan ng
Then came the First Quarter Storm (FQS) of 1970 — a
Kalayaan para sa Kababaihan (Organization of Women
period of ferment characterized by massive protests
for Freedom) or KALAYAAN in 1983. Both of these new
marches and violent confrontation with the police, and
organizations saw the need for a separate and
propelled largely by a radicalized student movement
autonomous women's movement with respect to the
whose agenda called for drastic changes in societal
national democratic framework (Elumbre, 2010: 211-
structures by means of raising the collective
212). Sobritchea (2004a: 46-47) noted that:
consciousness of the Filipino people with respect to the
'three evils' supposedly plaguing the exploited masses, PILIPINA and the KALAYAAN were the first
namely, 'imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat groups to focus on women's issues, both on
capitalism' (Santos, 2004). Various nationalist the personal and societal levels. Both groups
organizations were established precisely to rally around launched study sessions and campaigns
the cause and to call for genuine sovereignty and against sexism in media, the violation of
democracy (Santos, 2004: 35). women's reproductive rights, gender
violence, prostitution and gender inequality in
Along with the rise of the students, workers, peasants
access to employment as well as income. By
and other social movements, the women's movement
tackling these issues, discourses on the
gained new momentum as it started to develop along

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Feminism and the Women's Movement in the Philippines: Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

woman question” expanded to include in- (Estrada-Claudio, 2005) that later on led to its feminist
depth analysis of the various manifestations politics of 'the personal is political', which meant that the
of patriarchy. More importantly, women's personal experiences of the members could form the
groups underscored the need to resolve basis for the various issues and problems that feminism
gender problems at the personal level. They would like to address such as discrimination, exploitation
provided support to friends, both within and and oppression of women. KALAYAAN was indeed a
outside the movement, who were either direct predecessor of the largest women's network
victims of sexual abuse by the military during alliance in the contemporary history: GABRIELA
the Martial Law period or who had problems (Elumbre, 2010: 213-214).
with their marriages and family members.
GABRIELA or General Assembly Binding Women for
PILIPINA, founded by social development advocates, Reforms, Integrity, Equality, Leadership, and Action was
envisioned a 'Philippine society where women possess founded in 1984 by women's groups of various political
dignity, autonomy, and equality' (Santos, Perrena and persuasions and class composition from the politically
Fabros, 2007: 11) and proactively engaged in social work and ideologically inclined, to civic associations. It was the
and capacity-building for women. It has always seen first attempt at unifying the women's organizations
development work as an arena for its advocacy, where around a feminist agenda, 'even as political differences
the private issues of women intersected with the public [were] recognized and yet disallowed to derail the effort
realm (Santos, et al., 2007:11). PILIPINA defines women's towards the building of an autonomous women's
liberation in many ways: liberation from sexual and movement' (Valte, 1992: 54). Estrada-Claudio (2005)
domestic violence, 'liberation from the dominance of noted that GABRIELA 'faced the challenge of sharpening
global capitalism, which relegates Third World countries and deepening of feminist issues as opposed to merely
to the status of wage labor, and Third World women to integrating women's issues into its dominant class-
the lowest end of this labor: piece work, sexual services;' oriented political perspective.' GABRIELA's membership
liberation from unemployment; liberation from the began to dwindle when some members questioned how
prospect of environmental disaster (Estrada-Claudio, the coalition was managed. From the original 41
2005). The leadership of the organization was member-organizations, at least half decided to leave and
instrumental in the formation of the Women's Action only those closely identified with the national democrats
Network for Development (WAND) 4 and of the party-list remained. Valte (1992: 55) observed that '[w]hat was
Abanse! Pinay. originally envisaged as a genuine coalition of forces of
women, became reduced to simply another association
KALAYAAN, on the other hand, was more similar to of organizations influenced by a single ideological
MAKIBAKA in its active engagement on issues of national tendency.' GABRIELA is now referred to as the GABRIELA
importance. Estrada-Claudio (2005) noted that 'the Women's Network with a party-list group called Gabriela
major call “Kalayaan ng Bayan, Kalayaan ng Kababaihan, Women's Party. It 'has maintained the position that class
Sabay Nating Ipaglaban!” (Let us simultaneously fight for oppression remains the primary enemy of the people
the freedom of the land and of women) was to a large even as it has taken on feminist issues like violence
extent a veering away from the primacy of class struggle against women' (Estrada-Claudio, 2005).
and a broadening and deepening of the Marxist/socialist
perspective that had imbued the national democratic With the toppling of the dictator Marcos in 1986 and the
struggle.' Further, Estrada-Claudio (2005) observed that subsequent restoration of democracy under the Corazon
while the founders were all activists and cadres of the “Cory” Aquino administration, civil society organizations
national democratic movement, it accepted members and non-traditional political parties blossomed. Political
from various political streams as well as women from activists decided to set-up non-governmental
neutral political positions. These broad types of organizations (NGOs) or social development agencies as
members contributed to a 'delightful tension of politics' an extension of their commitment to democratic

4 The Women's Action Network for Development (WAND) was founded as a coalition of NGOs and POs working on women's issues in
January 1990. Its precursor, the “Women's Forum” had convened a year earlier to provide women NGOs and POs with venues for
information exchange, support and collective action (https://wandphilippines.wordpress.com/wand-profiles-2/wand-history/)

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Feminism and the Women's Movement in the Philippines: Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

this time in the arena of development work. At the same Women's Health for reproductive health and rights
time, women's groups benefitted from the popularity of issues, which strengthened the capacity of the
Cory Aquino, who attracted huge amounts of foreign movement to respond to specific problems of women.
and local funding for development projects The campaign for reproductive rights generated interest
(Constantino-David, 1990 cited in Valte, 1992: 55). By in other gender-related issues, such as sexuality, sexual
the late eighties, many women's organizations emerged orientation and sexual preference.
and took on specific issues that, according to Estrada-
Claudio (2005), could be understood based on the Specific concerns were also taken up by women's
following general observations: organizations in urban poor communities, rural areas,
among migrant women, and the like. In the same period,
(1) There was a need to translate feminist feminist advocates gained a critical mass and started
theoretical understanding into concrete conducting regular gender sensitivity seminars for
programmatic actions, (2) The issue-focus communities, schools, government offices, and NGOs
approach was a necessity since there was a that led to increased awareness on women's issues and
felt need to put emphasis on feminist issues, women's rights. By the early nineties, some colleges and
e.g. sexual violence/rape, reproductive rights, universities had established women's studies.
sexuality, legislative reforms for women — Meanwhile, the national government adopted gender
issues that social movements would usually mainstreaming as a strategy to make the bureaucracy
consider as being outside of the broad gender-responsive, which led to a number of feminist
national concerns, and (3) interests of donors academics and women's rights advocates becoming
to address gender issues also propelled a consultants to government's programs on gender
number of women's groups to set-up mainstreaming (Estrada-Claudio, 2005).
programs addressing these issues, propelled
and inspired by the declaration of the UN At the policy level, the post-dictatorship years was
Decade of Women in 1995, and with the marked by significant achievements as well. The 1987
massively attended Beijing Conference in Philippine Constitution mandates that the State
1985. 'recognizes the role of women in national building and
shall ensure the fundamental equality before the law of
In 1990, the Canadian International Development women and men' (Art. 11, Sec 14), recognizes women's
Agency (CIDA), one of the first foreign agencies to direct maternal and economic role (Art. XIII, Sec. 14) and
aid to Philippine NGOs, decided to establish a Women in women's special health needs (Art. XIII, Sec 11), and
Development (WID) Fund. After a year of discussions and allows Filipino women married to aliens to retain their
negotiations, it was resolved that the Women's Forum citizenship if they chose to do so (Art. IV). Not long after
(later on transformed into the formal network WAND) the ratification of the Constitution, President Aquino
co-manage the WID Fund with the Group of 10 (G-10), issued Executive Order 227 (s. 1987) or The New Family
another women's network (WAND, n.d.). This joint Code of the Philippines, which eliminated many of the
venture was institutionalized under the foundation called discriminatory provisions in the Civil Code of the
Development Initiative for Women's Alternative and Philippines that had been based on Spanish colonial law.
Transformative Action or DIWATA. WAND and Lakas ng
Kababaihan (Women's Strength) Group of 10 or G-10 Also in 1987, the National Commission on the Role of
'influenced the nature and type of discourse generated Filipino Women (NCRFW),5 held various consultation-
by feminist activists' (Sobritchea, 2004a: 50). These two workshops among different women's groups that
formations which had, at one point, some 200 organized resulted in the crafting of the Philippine Development
women's groups as members, including approximately Plan for Women (PDPW) 1989-1992, which became a
30 women's networks, initiated the formation of other companion volume to the Medium-Term Philippine
issue-specific alliances (Sobritchea, 2004a: 51) such as Development Plan (MTPDP) 1987-1992. The PDPW
SIBOL for legislative advocacy and the Alliance for served as the government's blueprint for integrating

5 Now the Philippine Commission on Women or PCW

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Feminism and the Women's Movement in the Philippines: Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

women in development processes. The single statement The formulation and subsequent adoption of the PDPW
in the MTPDP ('Women, who constitute half of the as well as the broader effort to mainstream gender in
nation's population, shall be effectively mobilized.') government were championed by several feminist
provided the base upon which the PDPW could spring officials inside the Aquino administration: Remedios
(National Commission on the Role of Filipino Women, Rikken (NRCFW Executive Director), Solita Monsod
n.d.: 19). The National Economic and Development (NEDA Director-General and Economic Planning
Authority (NEDA) provided crucial support not only in Secretary), Jurgette Honculada (NCRFW Commissioner
integrating portions of the PDPW into the 1990-1992 for Labor) and Patricia Licuanan (NCRFW chair who
update of the MTPDP, but also in including the NCRFW in succeeded Leticia Ramos-Shahani 6 after the latter's
various development planning sub-committees as well as election to the Senate in 1987).
in mainstreaming the Country Program for Women
through various mechanisms that expanded access to The growing concern to improve the conditions of
resources (National Commission on the Role of Filipino women during the first Aquino administration resulted in
Women, n.d.: 30). the enactment of important laws, shown in Table 1:

Table 1. Legislative Victories, 1989-June 1992

Republic Act (RA)

Year Description
Number

An Act Strengthening the Prohibition on Discrimination Against Women

1989 6725 with Respect to Terms and Conditions of Employment

An Act To Declare March Eight of Every Year as A Working Special

6949
Holiday To Be Known As National Women's Day

Anti-Mail Order Bride Law that outlaws the practice of matching Filipino
1990 6955
women for marriage to foreign nationals on a mail-order basis

Barangay-Level Total Development and Protection of Children Act that

6972
mandates the establishment of day care centers in every barangay

Local Government Code of 1991 which introduced a mechanism for

1991 7160
women's participation at the local government level

6 Senator Leticia Ramos-Shahani authored landmark laws (otherwise known as the “Shahani Laws”) such as 'Strengthening the Prohibition
of Discrimination Against Women in the Workplace', the 'Anti-Rape Law of 1997', and the 'Rape Victim Assistance and Protection Act of
1998', among others. She also introduced the mandatory five (5%) percent allocation for gender and development (better known as the
'GAD budget') in the budget of every government department and agency. Her advocacy began much earlier in her career, when she
joined the Philippine Mission to the United Nations (UN) in 1964, and later the UN Secretariat. She was the first co-author of the UN
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), in her capacity as a member of the Philippine
Mission. Shahani held various positions at the UN, including Assistant Secretary General for Social Development and Humanitarian Affairs,
and chair of the UN Commission on the Status of Women.

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Feminism and the Women's Movement in the Philippines: Struggles, Advances, and Challenges

Women in Development and Nation Building Act provided the legal basis
7192
for equal opportunities for women and men

Act increasing maternity benefits in favor of women workers in the

1992 7322
private sector

Rooming-in and Breast-Feeding Act that provides incentives to all

7600 government and private health institutions with rooming-in and
breastfeeding practices

It is worth emphasizing that Republic Act (RA) 7192 or

the Women in Development and Nation-Building Act of
1992 provided the legal basis for equal opportunity for
women and men in political and civic life. It specifically
mandated the formulation of a Philippine Plan for
Gender-Responsive Development (PPGD) 1995-2025.
Designed to continue the initiatives under PDPW, the
PPGD provided development strategies that would guide
government investment and expenditures, and laid the
foundation for the establishment of a Gender and
Development (GAD) Budget to address gender inequality
within the bureaucracy and in various government
programs and services.

The period following the overthrow of the dictator

showed how feminists found spaces for feminist
articulation with state and civil society; thus, political
democratization was also about feminists trying to push
the bounds of patriarchal liberal democracy. Feminist
organizations flourished and became more productive
when they were no longer hindered by the dominant Left
movement that prioritized national and class-based
agenda. The post-Marcos transition enabled feminists to
conduct their activism independent from other
movements and gave them space for more creative and
innovative actions (Sobritchea 2004b: 49). While some
groups continued to use class and ethnic concepts as the
main analytical tools to understand the manifestations
and reproduction of patriarchy, others, especially the
young feminists, explored other equally important issues
such as sexual and identity politics, and the inscription of
sexism in language, communication, discourse, and the
production of knowledge (Sobritchea, 2000 cited in
Sobritchea, 2004b: 48). Indeed, the feminist movement
has evolved, yet the legacy of history (both political and
ideological) and the feminist activists' contemporaneous
responses to the unfolding of history continue to
generate tensions that prevent 'strategic unity' of key
feminist groups even as substantive gains have been
made.