Name : Tarisa Fitria Fasya

NIM : 205311029

Class : 1A-B.Inggris

No Notes What you do and write on your journal

1 Planning Write:
- Muslim’s life in europe
- I want to know how muslim live their life in
europe
2 Title French Muslim and the Hijab : An Analysis of
Identity and the Islamic Veil in French
Total of words 7065 words
3 What you know French muslim female wear hijab as a religious
about the title of the symbol as a minority
text
4 What questions do - What is hijab?
you have in your - What is the purpose of French government
mind? prohibiting muslim to wear hijab?
- What is identity?
- what is the differences of cultural identitiy and
social identity
- what’s the differnc of individualism and
collectivism
- what’s the effectof the French law to muslim
female?
What predictions do - French muslim wear hijab also as a way to protest
you have? or the law
- Hijab is an important thing for muslim women
- some muslims female use a hijab with a particular
color and a French flag
- the government want to make muslim to act more
“French”

5 Read
6 What do you get - According Al-Munajeed Hijab is from an Arabic word
from the text? meaning a shield or to make an invisible by using a
shield

- First, to ban conspicuous religious symbol preserves

the French ideal of laicite in the French public school
system. Second, the ban is seen as a step forward
integrating muslim into French culture
 - identity or an individual’s self concept is built on
cultural, social and personal identities

- cultural identity is an individual’s sense of belonging to

a particular ethnic group or culture. Social identity
involve different connections individuals to particular
social groups within their culture

- individualism is encourage individual identity over

group identity. Collectivism is asser “we” identity over
“I” identity

- They see it in a positive way such as they have a

reason to unity as a muslim community.

7 Revise - French muslim wear hijab also as a way to protest

the law that prohibiting conspicuous religious
symbol in public school
- Hijab is an important thing for muslim women and
help them to feel comfortable or secure when they
go out in public and as a channel between their
French identities and muslim female identities
- some muslims female use a hijab with a particular
color and a French flag. They wear a purple hijab to
show that they are a Tunisian and they wear a hijab
with a French flag hijab to show that they are a
French and a muslim at the same time
-the government want to make muslim to act more
“French” and a journalist said that “it is not
necessary to wear religious clothes in public
school”.
8 Reference (M.Croucher, 2008)
9 Write the summary We have to respect each other and accept the
of the book differences and do not discriminate other’s ethnic,
culture, and religion.

References
M.Croucher, S. (2008). French-muslim and the hijab: an analysis of identity and the islamic veil in french.
journal of intercultural communication, 17.
 French-Muslims and the Hijab: An Analysis of Identity and the Islamic Veil in France
Stephen M. Croucher This article examines how Muslims living in France construct, and negotiate their
identities in the wake of Law 2004–228, a French law banning the wearing of the Islamic veil in French
public schools. This research finds that Muslims deem the Islamic veil or hijab to be a fundamental part
of their identity. Muslims describe the hijab as being an important and salient symbol of Islam that runs
counter to France’s concept of secularism or laı¨cite´. Moreover, French-Muslims assert regulations like
Law 2004–228 represent France attempting to control Muslim identity and forcefully integrate this
population. Keywords: Islam; Laı¨cite´; Identity Negotiation; Hijab; France Seated together on a bench
outside the Paris Mosque on a warm summer day, Fatima and Dalal expressed their feelings about the
hijab. Fatima, a 37-year-old Tunisianborn Muslim, wearing a dark purple headscarf, foulard in French,
stated: When I hijab [pause] I in public feel safe. I feel [pause] like people only see [pause] people only
see what I want them to see. I am free to walk, and people, people uh [pause] they uh [pause] move for
me to walk and I not worry people stare at my body because [pause] I hijab. Dalal, a 21-year-old French-
born Muslim of Algerian ancestry, who was wearing a tricolore drapeau hijab (a hijab made of the
French flag), described different reasons for wearing the hijab. She said that aside from safety and
tradition, the hijab gives her an opportunity to protest against the French government and Christianity.
She said: I agree with Fatima [pause] I feel safe when hijab. But [pause] I also think hijab much more
important for protest and politics. Hijab [pause] hijab give me and Stephen M. Croucher (Ph.D.,
University of Oklahoma, 2006) is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at Bowling
Green State University. Correspondence to: Stephen M. Croucher, PhD, Department of Communication,
School of Communication Studies, Bowling Green State University, 302 West Hall, Bowling Green, OH
43403, USA. Tel: 419-372-4575. Email: [email protected] ISSN 1747-5759 (print)/ISSN 1747-5767
(online) ! 2008 World Communication Association DOI: 10.1080/17475750903135408 Downloaded By:
[Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 other women chance to show we Muslim and [pause] and
chance to say we proud to be Muslim. I wear tricolore hijab [pause] this say I French, I upset with France
and [pause] and I want people to know I have protest thoughts. I upset about many things like ban in
schools, army power and no jobs. Hijab according to Al-Munajeed (1997) is an Arabic word meaning a
shield or to make invisible by using a shield. Croucher (2008) asserts that increasingly, French Muslim
women have taken to the wearing of hijabs as a form of social protest. Specifically, many women have
argued France’s 2004 passage of a law prohibiting ‘‘conspicuous’’ religious symbols in public schools,
Law 2004–228, is a state sponsored attack against Muslim identity and religion (Croucher, 2008, 2009;
Islamic Institute for Human Rights, 2005). The law states: ‘‘Dans les e´coles, les colleges et les lyce´es
publics, le port de signes ou tenues par lesquels les e´le`ves manifestent ostensiblement une
appartenance religieuse est interdit’’ or ‘‘In public school, colleges and universities, the wearing of signs
or behaviors by which pupils express openly a religious membership is prohibited’’ (LegiFrance, 2005).
The French state argues such a ban on the wearing of religious symbols in public domains like schools is
a defense of the French concept of laı¨cite´, or separation of church and state (International Helsinki
Federation for Human Rights, 2005). Numerous religious organizations have stated the Muslim hijab, or
the wearing of a religious headscarf, is a target of anti-Muslim sentiment, hatred and fear (Croucher,
2008), and the ban on religious symbols in the public domain is a racist attempt by the French
government (Bramham, 2004) to eliminate the formation of a Muslim identity in France, and instead
encourage Muslims in France to adapt to French culture and adopt a solely ‘‘French’’ identity (Ganley,
2004). The French government in response to protests against the 2004 law, and previous suspensions
of young girls in French school for wearing the hijab, specifically in 1989 and 1994, has asserted steps to
remove religious symbols from schools serve two purposes. First, bans on ‘‘conspicuous’’ religious
symbols preserves the French ideal of laı¨cite´in the French public school system (Gaspard &
Khosrokhavar, 1995; Jeffries, 2005). Second, the ban is seen as a step toward integrating Muslims into
French culture. However, many Muslims in France question this goal, and assert the ban, and successive
expulsions from school for young girls who defy the law (Bennhold, 2004), promote integration, but also
the elimination of their religious identity, a common occurrence in the assimilation process (Croucher,
2006, 2008, 2009). Isra, a 26-year-old Libyan immigrant to France discussed how she sees the 2004 ban
on wearing religious symbols in schools as a way to ‘‘make’’ Muslims ‘‘act’’ more French in public. She
said, ‘‘the ban [pause] it reason it simple. French government and Christians want Muslim women to act
French on streets [pause] in cafe´s and in public. They want to make us act more French by law.’’ Layla
concurred with this statement, and added the law is sexually biased. The French 23-year-old Muslim of
Moroccan ancestry said: The ban [pause] it to make Muslim women be more like French Christian
women. They want me to look [pause] to act and to [pause] to be more like them when I not in my
home. They want to control my body. When they say children cannot 200 S. M. Croucher Downloaded
By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 hijab in schools and I cannot hijab in other places
[pause] they control my body [pause] mind and my soul. As young women are taught culture-specific
body norms and positions (Lengel, 2004), a national mandate over a symbol like the hijab becomes a site
of struggle. Foucault (1978) asserts discourse and social practice sexes the human body, making it a
target for social control and power. Thus, for many French-Muslim women, a way to counter the
perceived attempt at controlling their feminine, Muslim identity is to protest against the French
government with the hijab. Thus, this analysis examines the hijab and how French-Muslim women use it
as a form of protest in shaping their feminine, French, and Islamic identities. The following sections offer
a review of literature about the hijab and identity, define the method of data collection used for this
analysis, analyze sentiments of French-Muslim women, and draw conclusions based on the analysis.
Veils in History The practice of veiling pre-dates the formation of Islam as a religious faith. The veil is
actually a product of Judaism, as women in ancient Judea were required to wear a veil over their heads
when praying to God, or Jehovah (Croucher, 2008). Men on the other hand in Judea could worship
without a veil, since man was created in the image of God (Parshall & Parshall, 2002). Even the Virgin
Mary, the mother of Jesus Christ, the savior in the Christian faith, in all depictions, wears a veil over her
hair. Ancient Assyrian kings introduced the seclusion of women into the royal harem, and also brought
into fashion the wearing of the veil for women in the royal harem. Women in ancient Greece wore linen
veils over the back of their heads. Roman women wore a palliolum, a veil that covers the hair and is
draped over the shoulders (Croucher, 2008). During the reign of Elizabeth I in England, white bridal veils,
similar to the head covering worn by the Virgin Mary and other Christian women became popular
(Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 2003). This symbol of Islam, which did not appear in the Muslim
ummah (community) until approximately 627 C.E., is considered a defining element of modern and
historical Islam (Aslan, 2005). For many women throughout the world (Nashat & Tucker, 1999; Hawkins,
2003), the act of wearing the hijab or veiling identifies or labels a woman as Muslim to the rest of the
world. In the twentieth century, the act of veiling has come under intense scrutiny, especially as more
and more Muslims emigrate and begin to populate non-Muslim nations. Particularly in nations where
secularism is favored over religious affiliations (Turkey and France in particular), the veil has been
‘‘attacked’’ or ‘‘deemed’’ a threat to secular/stable democratic traditions (Croucher, 2005, 2006, 2008).
For example, Mustafa Atatu¨rk, the first president of Turkey banned veiling throughout Turkey in 1925
(Roy, 2004). In France, conflicts over the wearing of the Muslim veil have encapsulated the populace and
signified the growing tensions between the secular French state and Islam. The first Muslim veil affair
took place in 1989 (Cesari, 1994; Journal of Intercultural Communication Research 201 Downloaded By:
[Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 Gaspard & Khosrokhavar, 1995). In Creil, a suburb of
Paris, three school girls (two Moroccans and one Tunisian) were expelled from school for refusing to
remove their hijabs, veils that cover the head and hair, but not the face (Kidd, 2000). The girls argued
wearing the hijab was in observance of their religion, and the headmaster of the school claimed the
wearing of religious clothing was incompatible with the French concept of laı¨cite´ (Gaspard &
Khosrokhavar, 1995). Upon appeal, the Council d’Etat ruled the girls were within their rights to wear
religious attire (Gaspard & Khosrokhavar, 1995). Ultimately, the decision of the Council d’Etat reinforced
laı¨cite´ by reasserting the role of the state as an entity that will not control religion. In 2004, this issue
resurfaced with the passage of Law 2004–228. Muslim groups view this new law as not directed toward
Catholics or Jews, but as a carte blanche way of banning the Muslim faith from public schools through
equal legal restrictions (Croucher, 2005, 2006, 2008, 2009). Since the passage of the law, Muslim groups
have been divided on how to respond. Some members of the Muslim community have argued the veil
ban is an attack on Islam and prevents Muslim women from freely expressing their religious beliefs and
self-identity. While other Muslim and nonMuslim groups have asserted the ban frees Muslim women
from tyrannical Muslim doctrine that objectifies women and prevents Muslim women from forming
independent self-identities. Identity Identity, or an individual’s self concept, is built on cultural, social
and personal identities (Lustig & Koester, 2003). Hall (1992) asserts there are three approaches to the
study of identity. The first approach coming from the Enlightenment period sees identity as a relatively
fixed and static sense of self. This sense of self is immune to outside influence. The second approach
places emphasis on the social construction of reality. The third, most recent, approach views identity as
an open and constantly changing sense of self. Ting-Toomey (1993) states identity is ‘‘the mosaic sense
of self-identification that incorporates the interplay of human, cultural, social and personal images as
consciously or unconsciously experiences and enacted by the individual’’ (p. 74). Within this framework,
Ting-Toomey differentiates between cultural, and social identities. Cultural identity is an individual’s
sense of belonging to a particular ethnic group or culture. Carbaugh (1996) explains that cultural identity
stems from three different, and often complimentary idioms: biological identity, psychological identity,
and cultural identity. Biological identity is best equated with a ‘‘blood quantum,’’ such as with Native
American tribes, where an individual must have blood that contains a certain amount of Native
American blood in order to be ‘‘part of the tribe’’ (Carbaugh, 1996). Psychological identity refers to an
individual’s personal psychological traits. Carbaugh uses the example of someone being a bit neurotic,
depressed or obsessive, and identifying himself/herself with film director Woody Allen. 202 S. M.
Croucher Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 The third idiom for Carbaugh is
cultural/social identity. This idiom is where individuals identify themselves with a group based on shared
habits, norms, rules or customs. All three of these idioms often overlap and can in some cases contradict
one another on first analysis (Croucher, 2006). Social identity involves different connections individuals
have to particular social groups within their culture. Ting-Toomey (1993) argues the negotiation of social
identity is integral to effective intercultural communication competence. She states that identity
negotiation, or the effective negotiation ‘‘between two interactants in a novel communication episode’’
is an intricate and varied process (p. 73). These approaches to identity were chosen to analyze how
French-Muslim women negotiate and use the hijab to protest perceived limitations placed on their
Islamic and feminine identities. Thus, the following question is posed regarding French-Muslim women’s
wearing of the hijab: RQ: How does the hijab function as a tool of French-Muslim female identity?
Method Interviews were conducted in France in the summers of 2005 and 2006. The interviews took
place in the following French cities: Lille, Lyon, Bordeaux, Clichysous-Bois (where the November 2005
riots began) and Paris (as well as its suburbs). These cities represent different geographic regions of
France, have a varied number of Muslim inhabitants, and in each city the researcher had contact with a
local imam (religious teacher), and a social network of personal friends in the Muslim community. Roy
(2004) explains how imams are an important part of the Muslim faith and that imams are taking on
increasingly political and leadership roles in the emerging Muslim community or ummah. These men
now carry political influence, and are beginning to serve as intermediaries between Muslims and God.
Having these imams as contacts was vital to the success of this research. Not only did the imams put the
researcher in contact with some of the interview participants (previously established social networks put
the researcher in contact with the majority of the participants), but they also assured some participants
and their male family members that the researcher was respectful and would put their family at no risk.
This assurance was vital to gaining access to some members of the community. Once access was gained
to some members of the community, a few participants brought friends (some regular attendees at the
mosques, some not) into the research process for interviews, a snowball sampling effect took place
(Patton, 1990). Forty-two Muslim women were interviewed for this analysis to gain an understanding of
the hijab and Muslim identity. All participants were of North African descent and all interviewees were
either first or second-generation Algerian (14 interviewees), Tunisian (6 interviewees), Moroccan (8
interviewees), Libyan (3 interviewees) or British (1) immigrants to France, or born in France (13
interviewees). Each interview began with the researcher meeting a participant at a pre-determined
location (chosen by the interviewee), the majority of these Journal of Intercultural Communication
Research 203 Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 locations were public
squares or cafe´s, while some interviews took place in private residences. The interviews consisted of in-
depth open-ended interviews, probing identification. Participants were asked a multitude of questions
about their life experiences, family, religion, perceptions about France, and other issues that organically
developed during the ‘‘conversations.’’ The interviews were conducted in either French or English,
dependent upon the participant’s linguistic ability in either language. Interviews were then transcribed
and translated. The transcripts were then analyzed using a grounded theory approach (Glaser & Strauss,
1967), looking to see what patterns emerged, whether they were limited to a particular individual, or
found across individuals. The Hijab and French-Muslim Identity Throughout the interviews, the French-
Muslim women brought forth four broad functions/reasons for the hijab in France. Women discussed
how the hijab helps some of them blend a North African ancestry or heritage with French culture. Many
spoke of how the hijab helps them feel comfortable or secure in their bodies while out in public. Others
said when they hijab they feel a closeness to the Prophet Muhammad and to the Muslim community, as
if they are his bride and the community’s mother. Finally, many of the Muslim women discussed how
the hijab provides them a silent way to identify themselves as Muslims to others, while at the same time
it gives them a way to publicly and silently protest actions taken by the French government to limit
religious expression. The Hijab and Muslim Heritage Many of the French-Muslim women interviewed for
this project talked about how the act of wearing the hijab is an important cultural/religious tradition
they do not want to abandon. Some equated the hijab as a channel between their French identities and
their Muslim female, and North African identities. Nadya, a 26-year-old Algerianborn immigrant,
described how she is an Algerian, French, and Muslim woman. She said: I am many things. I am woman
[pause] I am Muslim woman [pause] you see my hijab. I am Algerian [pause] and I am French. I am
diverse woman. I think in France and in Islam I can be many things I want to be. Salma, a Tunisian
immigrant expressed similar sentiments. The 37-year-old woman stated: I wear hijab because it tradition
in my religion and culture. I [pause] I know it not tradition and culture in France. France my new home. I
French now. But I also Muslim and Tunisian woman. I will hijab because it part of me and my [pause]
part of my culture and life and me now French will not change it when other parts of life change in
France. 204 S. M. Croucher Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 Amani, a 32-
year-old French-born Muslim of Algerian ancestry further expressed this multi-faceted identity,
facilitated by wearing the hijab. She discussed how growing up wearing a hijab has taught her Islamic,
and Algerian values in France. She said: I know I live in France. But [pause] I am a Muslim woman [pause]
I hijab and I am proud to be Muslim and to hijab. I know about Islam and Algeria because my family
taught me [pause] they taught me when I a child. They taught me values of Islam and of France. I now
show people when I hijab that I Muslim but I show people in France [pause] because I Muslim woman
who live in France. Other women put it very simply. Farida, a 45-year-old Algerian immigrant to France
said, ‘‘yes I born in Algeria [pause] but I also French woman. I also Muslim woman who hijab to show
Islam.’’ Lina, a 37-year-old Algerian female, said, ‘‘I born in Algeria [pause] I Algerian, and I French
[pause] and I Muslim. I many woman with hijab.’’ Many of the women identified themselves with their
nation of birth, where they live currently (they all live in France), and as a Muslim woman who wear
hijabs. Thus their identification is multi-dimensional, deriving from their birthplace, current citizenship
nation, and their religion. The Hijab Brings Bodily Security in Public The word hijaba means ‘‘to shield,’’
and for many of the French-Muslim women interviewed for this project this is a fundamental purpose of
the hijab. This symbol serves as a way to secure identity, reduce uncertainty and enhance self-esteem.
For women who wear the hijab, it offers security from the outside world. Inam, a 23-year-old born in
France of Algerian parents said, ‘‘when I hijab I have a shield. I am safe from people.’’ Manal, a 39-year-
old Algerian immigrant said ‘‘I am shielded, protected when I hijab, I am free to be [pause] woman in
public with hijab.’’ Aziza, a 42-year-old born in France of Algerian and Tunisian parents said, ‘‘I think
hijab make city safer [pause] it make city better for women.’’ Najwa, a 29-year-old Tunisian immigrant
concurred and stated ‘‘I feel good when women in family wear [pause] hijab because [pause] men not
see all her and she not need feel unsafe in public or on the street.’’ Wafa, a 69-year-old Tunisian
immigrant said ‘‘my daughter and granddaughters they hijab and [pause] I uh think that good because
[pause] people not look or question daughter or granddaughters in public with hijab.’’ This security or
‘‘shield’’ also protects their sense of self-identification because many Muslim women do not feel as if
their self-identification can be successfully challenged by outsiders when they wear the hijab. Dima, a
45-year-old Algerian female, said: The veil [pause] or the act of hijab is a way to protect women from the
outside world [pause] and it also is way for women to protect themselves from other people who could
dishonor them. It uh [pause] make women safer. It make us safer from people who not understand us.
Journal of Intercultural Communication Research 205 Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18
August 2009 The concept of security from the outside world while wearing the hijab was further
explained by Lubna, a 42-year-old French-born Muslim of Algerian heritage who said: When I hijab
[pause] I in public feel safe. I feel [pause] like people only see [pause] people only see what I want them
to see. I am free to walk, and people, people they uh [pause] move for me to walk and I not worry
people stare at my body because [pause] I hijab. They see me and not false person. The protection the
hijab offers for many women is highly regarded. Many of the women interviewed for this project voiced
feeling of ease and comfort when they wear the hijab in public. Other female participants, when talking
about their security and identity, equated the hijab with a ‘‘shroud of protection.’’ Tarub, a 39-year-old
Tunisian immigrant, said, ‘‘I have shroud in public. I uh [pause] have protection from men, people and
the world with hijab. I can be me.’’ Suhair, a 42-year-old Algerian immigrant said, ‘‘I have a shroud of
protection when I in public and private [pause] like your Jesus Christ with the hijab. He proud to be
himself [pause] like me.’’ The fact that this participant includes Jesus Christ in her description is probably
a reference to the shroud of Turin, the cloth in which Christ was wrapped in after his crucifixion.
Relationship with Muhammad and the Community Women also voiced how the hijab shapes their
identity by helping some women feel as if they have become the wife of Muhammad. In fact, Aslan
(2005) described how donning the veil, or darabat al-hijab is a synonym for ‘‘becoming Muhammad’s
wife.’’ Fardoos, a 46-year-old Moroccan female, described this process of becoming Muhammad’s wife.
She said, ‘‘When I wear my hijab I act like the wives of Muhammad acted. I become his wife on Earth.’’
Numerous other women also detailed how the hijab brings them closer to Muhammad. This feelings of
closeness and connection with Muhammad was detailed by a 32-year-old French-born woman of
Algerian ancestry. Abla said: When I hijab I feel good. I feel [pause] near Prophet. I know I can remove
hijab, but [pause] when I wear I show other people that I with him. I teach daughter to do same thing
[pause] to show love for Prophet and hijab. Samira equated her wearing of the hijab with the wearing of
a wedding ring. The French-born Muslim of Moroccan parents said: It custom [pause] it normal for
women and men to wear ring after they married. I wearhijab, it [pause] like ring with Prophet. I not have
ring from Prophet. I uh [pause] havering from husband. Hijab uh [pause] say I respect, that I uh [pause]
follow his word. Zuhair, a 29-year-old Algerian female, discussed how the closeness she feels to the
Prophet is a beautiful way to live her life. She said: I love husband and I love Prophet. I uh [pause] not
think I have choose one as more orother. They uh [pause] different. But I say when I hijab that I uh
[pause] 206 S. M. Croucher Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 beautiful
womanand I uh modest and [pause] safe woman. Hijab is beauty it uh [pause] beautiful relationship.
Aside from the hijab representing the becoming of the Prophet’s wife, participants also said it
represents their transformation from a woman into a mother within their umma, or Muslim community.
Thara, a 38-year-old Tunisian female said: When I wear a hijab I am the wife of Muhammad and I am a
mother to my community. Virtuous women hijab and only a virtuous woman should be a mother. So, a
hijab helps me show my virtue and be a good example for my community. Protest against the Actions of
the French Government The 2004 ban on the wearing of religious symbols in French public schools and
in other public/government buildings in essence banned the hijab in many places. In response to this
action, many French-Muslim women have taken to wearing the hijab as a way to identify themselves as
Muslim women and to silently protest against the 2004 ban. Nihal, a 63-year-old Moroccan female,
discussed how she and her daughter use the hijab as an act of Islamic solidarity and protest. She said:
My daughter and my granddaughters they have many problems in France today. They cannot wear the
hijab at work or in school. They have rules in school and at the office against the hijab because French
people do not like the hijab and do not like Islam. We not like this. We now wear red, white and blue
hijabs like flag. This very strong political thing to do. It say we Muslim women and we proud. Maysa, a
32-year-old woman, who was born in France to Tunisian parents, discussed how she must remove her
daughters’ hijab for school, but she does not do so. She also delivers them to school wearing an
interesting hijab on occasion. She said: I know it law [pause] it law to not wear hijab in school. I think it
wrong. My daughters [pause] they wear hijabs after lunch everyday. I also walk everyday to school with
them [pause] and when I walk to school [pause] I wear purple hijab. Purple important color for
Tunisians. This show to me and [pause] it show to my family that we Tunisians now more than we
French. The law make me love France less [pause] and be less proud of country here. Hikmat, a 37-year-
old French-born woman, of Algerian heritage discussed how she used to not see the hijab as a sign of
unity, and a collective female, Muslim identity, but now does in response to the 2004 ban. She said: I
wear hijab for many years and [pause] and I not think about how it make a community for Muslim
women. Now [pause] now I think more about hijab and what it mean to Muslim women in France and
other countries. Here [pause] here we not allowed to have children hijab. So [pause] so when I hijab it
show people I Muslim [pause] and I proud Muslim woman who not afraid of government. Safa, a 26-
year-old French-born Muslim of Tunisian parents said she never thought of herself as anything but
French and Muslim, until the 2004 ban was passed. Journal of Intercultural Communication Research
207 Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 She said now she has a much
stronger sense of being a Muslim and a stronger feeling of respect for her hijab. French Catholic friend
[pause] she said where you born? I [pause] say France. She said [pause] where were your parents born?
[pause] I say Tunis. She said you Tunisian not French, you only French citizen, but I more French than
you are, that what people think she said. I not understand why she say that to me. I always think I
French. After we talk at store, I uh [pause] think maybe I not French [pause] maybe I Tunisian. But I born
in France. I more proud now to be Muslim and [pause] and I show I Muslim with my hijab. Other women
voiced similar sentiments, of feeling a stronger sense of ethnic or religious identification and being more
empowered to show it. Zakiya, a 47-year-old Algerian female, claimed the anti-hijab feelings of many
French people are based on misunderstood stories and history. She said: Many people in France not
understand hijab. They [pause] uh think hijab bad [pause] but it not bad. It part of history and women
choose to wear it. It uh [pause] not something French people understand [pause] so they say it bad and
hate Muslim women who hijab. So [pause] I hijab to show all women who hijab not evil women [pause]
but good and [pause] normal women. Overall, most in the Muslim community equated policies against
the hijab such as the 2004 ban on wearing religious symbols in schools, and other private regulations as
results of the French Christian population and the government not wanting to understand Muslim
culture, or wanting to stop the development of a developed Muslim-French identity, an expression of
French perspectival modernity (Gebser, 1985). Thus, the realization that wearing the hijab can be an act
of protest or solidarity offers some of the women in this community empowerment. Michel, a 42-year-
old French journalist who writes about minority issues in France and also researches immigrant groups
for Le Monde said he increasingly sees more Muslim women on French streets in Paris. While he admits
the Muslim population is increasing, he also knows from talking with members of the Muslim
community that many women are purposely out in public to ‘‘show they are Muslim to the rest of
Paris.’’ He added: We are secular here and [pause] that is France. Muslims can be Muslims but it is not
necessary to wear religious clothes in public schools. School is a location to learn [pause] and not a
location to be religious. However, I know many more Muslim women now are protesting the 2004 ban
by [pause] by wearing hijabs and by having their children and infants wear hijabs in public places. It is a
rather clever, and silent way to show community togetherness. I think it also helps them not adapt to
French culture, but that is my opinion. Discussion Cultural Uniqueness via the Hijab Many of the Muslim
women said they see the hijab as a channel between their articulated and unarticulated (Ting-Toomey,
1993) French identities and their 208 S. M. Croucher Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18
August 2009 Muslim, female, and North African identities. The overwhelming majority of the Muslims
interviewed for this project expressed a desire to be included as part of the French culture. They also
discussed how they want to retain some level of religious and cultural identity freedom/difference from
the French culture. A physical symbol that embodies this desire for inclusion and differentiation is the
Islamic hijab. This symbol serves as a way to secure identity, reduce uncertainty and enhance
selfesteem. The hijab symbolically includes the Muslim women who wear it into Muslim culture while at
the same time it differentiates them from French-Christian culture. Those Muslim women who choose
not to wear the hijab are also differentiated from traditional Muslim culture. Locus of Self-Identification
Cultural variability influences an individual’s locus of self-identification. A key cultural variable, as argued
by Ting-Toomey, is the individualism-collectivism continuum. Individualistic cultures typically encourage
individual identity over group identity, while collectivistic cultures normally emphasize a ‘‘we’’ identity
over an ‘‘I’’ identity (Hall, 1989; Gudykunst & Kim, 1997, 2003). France is in the middle of this
individualism and collectivism continuum (Hofstede, 1991; Jandt, 2000; Croucher, 2005, 2008, 2009).
The emphasis on ‘‘Frenchness,’’ the emphasis on all citizens following and upholding a French ideal, and
the staunch governmental disregard for ethnic differences reveals a tendency toward collectivism.
Moreover, the Muslim faith lends itself toward a more collectivistic mindset (Roy, 2004) because it
encourages the importance of community and family over individual and personal achievement (Aslan,
2005). This difference between the French ideal and the Muslim community is the essence of racial
conflicts between Muslim and Christians in France (Croucher, 2006, 2008). The Muslim community
generally emphasizes family and community more than the Christian-French. This emphasis also places
greater importance on the concepts of obligation and honor to family, and history, which are more a
part of the Muslim moral than Christian moral (Lewis, 1998). In numerous interviews, participants
suggested their self-identification as linked to the identification of their family and community. For many
of the Muslims in fact, they identified their family and community as the Muslim community. The
collectivistic nature of the Muslim-French community greatly impacts upon their selfidentification. This
group/community is more apt to refer to itself by using ‘‘we’’ instead of ‘‘I.’’ The usage of ‘‘we’’ reveals
the interconnectedness of this community and the interdependent construals of self. Moreover, the
more connected an individual is to his group/community, the more likely that person is to feel secure in
his sense of self-identification (Ting-Toomey, 1993). Sense of Identity Attack Many Muslim women said
their Muslim, female identities became stronger after their religion and culture were placed under
‘‘attack’’ by French secularism and Journal of Intercultural Communication Research 209 Downloaded
By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 legal policies. Many of the participants said after Law
2004–228 was passed they began to look at themselves in the mirror and realize that they were indeed
different from the rest of French culture. While this group also stated they were always considered
different and treated differently, since Law 2004–228 was passed they have had a common reason to
unite as a Muslim community. Uniting in protest to Law 2004–228 and arguing their Muslim selves
cannot and should not be excluded from French society brought forth a mainly subconscious and
unarticulated self-identity. Therefore, the hijab, whether or not it is worn by every French-Muslim (as a
symbol of Islam and protest), has become a visible and tangible way for the Muslim-French community
to exclude or to include themselves with mainstream French culture. French Identity Crisis France is in
the midst of an identity crisis. France has a strong sense of ‘‘nation’’ that goes all the way back to the
French Revolution, when the modern-day French state was established (Carlyle, 2002; Kedward, 2006).
Since the fall of the French monarchy, the idea of a French ‘‘nation’’ has been synonymous with French
identity (Hargreaves, 1995, 2000). However, that identity has been splintered in recent years as France
experiences a rapid influx in immigration from nations that are predominantly non-Western and non-
Christian. With this influx, French Christians are afraid of losing their French culture and identity to
encroaching minority populations (ethnic and religious). Minority populations on the other hand,
especially the Muslim populations from North Africa and Turkey, want to retain part of their Muslim
selves, while also becoming and participating in French culture (Croucher, 2005, 2008, 2009; Kastoryano,
2002; Keaton, 2006; Laurence & Vaisse, 2006; Sifaoui, 2002; Venner, 2005). Muslims in France are also in
the midst of an identity crisis that not only pertains to their religion and nation of birth, but also to their
concept of sexuality, freedom of expression and the family. Gaspard and Khosrokhavar (1995)
conducted interviews with young Muslim girls and found that their idea of what it means to be a Muslim
woman is changing. Girls described how they were torn between their Muslim sense of self, and their
ability to be a modern French girl. Women interviewed for this project expressed similar sentiments.
Siham, a 31-year-old French-born Muslim of Algerian parents said: I can be Muslim woman in France
[pause] and I also [pause] I want to be French. I think it possible [pause] but I want be modern French
woman and also modern Muslim woman too at same time. I want [pause] Muslim family and French
family. I have both things I want. Conclusion The hijab is a vehicle through which many French-Muslim
women assert aspects of their identity. Throughout interviews with French-Muslim women, these
women identified four broad functions/reasons for the hijab in France: to blend their French, 210 S. M.
Croucher Downloaded By: [Croucher, Stephen] At: 13:12 18 August 2009 Muslim and North-African
identities; to help them feel comfortable or secure in their bodies while out in public; to aid in feeling a
closeness to the Prophet Muhammad and to the Muslim community; and it provides a silent way to
protest and identify themselves as Muslims to others. The hijab is a way for French-Muslim women to
assert cultural uniqueness; it helps explain the collective nature of this particular community ‘‘under
attack,’’ and is a symbol of an identity crisis gripping France and many of its people. Ultimately, the
misguided assertion by the French government that it must quickly control the spread of Islamic ideas,
in schools for example via Law 2004–228, or else face further terrorist attacks or a diminishing of a
French identity, illustrates the conflict between Islam and Christianity and the inability of a government
institution to control identity formation and negotiation effectively. Both of these issues are visually
represented by the hijab. This increasingly important symbol (the hijab) and its effect on the formation
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