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Emerging Adulthood and
Higher Education

This important book introduces Arnett’s emerging adulthood theory to schol-

ars and practitioners in higher education and student affairs, illuminating how
recent social, cultural, and economic changes have altered the pathway to adult-
hood. Chapters in this edited collection explore how this theory fits alongside
current student development theory, the implications for how college students
learn and develop, and how emerging adulthood theory is uniquely suited to
address challenges facing higher education today. Emerging Adulthood and Higher
Education provides important recommendations for administrators, counsel-
ors, and student affairs personnel to provide effective programs and services to
facilitate their emerging adults’ journeys through this formative stage of life.

Joseph L. Murray is Associate Professor of Education and Director of the

Graduate Program in College Student Personnel at Bucknell University, USA.

Jeffrey Jensen Arnett is Research Professor of Psychology at Clark University,

USA. He is also the Founding President and Executive Director of the Society
for the Study of Emerging Adulthood (www.ssea.org).
Emerging
Adulthood and
Higher Education
A New Student
Development Paradigm

Edited by Joseph L. Murray and

Jeffrey Jensen Arnett
First published 2019
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2019 Taylor & Francis
The right of Joseph L. Murray and Jeffrey Jensen Arnett to be
identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for
their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections
77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval
system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this title has been requested

ISBN: 978-1-138-65412-9 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-138-65413-6 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-62340-5 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by codeMantra
Contents

Preface vii
Acknowledgments x

1 Introduction 1
Joseph L. Murray and Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

2 Conceptual Foundations of Emerging Adulthood 11

Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

3 Emerging Adulthood and Psychosocial Development

in College 25
Joseph L. Murray

4 Emerging Adulthood through the Lens of Social Identity 42

Rosemary J. Perez and Lisa Landreman

5 Generational Theory and Emerging Adulthood 58

Joseph L. Murray

6 Career Development in Emerging Adulthood 75

Lisa Severy

7 Problems Associated with Emerging Adulthood 89

Aimee C. Adams and Bruce Sharkin
vi Contents

8 The Role of Parents in Emerging Adulthood 110

Richard Mullendore, Christina Daniel, and Michael Toney

9 Strategic Enrollment Management for Emerging

Adults: An Organizational and Equity-Based Perspective 127
Jarrett B. Warshaw and James C. Hearn

10 Creating Campus Environments for Emerging Adults 143

C. Carney Strange

11 Student Affairs Programs for Emerging Adults 158

Maureen E. Wilson and Patrick G. Love

12 Cultivating Relationships between the

Institution and Its Emerging Adult Alumni 172
Shelby K. Radcliffe

13 Conclusion and Future Directions 181

Joseph L. Murray and Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

Appendix: Information and Resources on Emerging Adulthood 191

Contributor Biographies 195
Index 203
Preface

As we write these words, it has been almost 12 years to the day since Jeff visited
Bucknell University, at Joe’s invitation, to share his groundbreaking research
on emerging adulthood, a period from the late teens through the twenties,
which he characterized as neither adolescence nor young adulthood but a
new life stage that has arisen in recent decades, with distinctive features of its
own. A casual conversation on a walk between meetings on campus would
ultimately lead to the publication of this book.
It was March 2006, and Jeff had returned to the U.S. for a brief stay, before
resuming his research in Denmark, where he was studying emerging adulthood
with the support of a Fulbright Fellowship. He had recently published the first
edition of his book, Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road from the Late Teens
through the Twenties (Arnett, 2004), which had begun to draw media attention
beyond his more established audience of academics specializing in adolescent
psychology. At the time, Joe was teaching in the Education Department at
Bucknell and had recently launched a fledgling master’s degree program in
college student personnel, his primary area of specialization. Joe had recently
incorporated readings on Jeff’s work into a course on learning and develop-
ment in post-secondary education, and was struck by the degree to which the
readings had resonated on a personal level with the emerging adults enrolled in
the course. Indeed, it was largely at their urging that he invited Jeff to campus
for a speaking engagement that would include a dinner with a very enthusiastic
group of emerging adults preparing for careers in student affairs.
Joe, too, recognized the significance of Jeff’s work to the student affairs
profession, especially at a time when the rapid pace of social and technolog-
ical change had prompted ongoing conversations about the future of higher
education and the ways in which it might need to adapt to the demands of a
changing clientele. Jeff’s theory of emerging adulthood seemed tailor-made for
viii Preface

incorporation into both the literature of student affairs and professional prepa-
ration programs in the field, yet even amidst the attention that it had begun to
garner in academia and in the popular news media, it had generated little to no
comparable “buzz” within student affairs or even higher education generally.
As we speculated about the more limited attention to emerging adulthood the-
ory in higher education, it became clear to us that a need existed for a concise
reference work on the topic specifically for student affairs professionals and
others engaged with emerging adults in college and university settings. We
also agreed on the spot to take on the project ourselves, as soon as our plates
would clear.
Over the decade that followed, neither of our plates cleared, especially Jeff’s.
To the contrary, interest in his theory of emerging adulthood continued to
grow. By 2013, the Society for the Study of Emerging Adulthood (SSEA) was
established, along with its flagship journal, Emerging Adulthood. Two years later,
the second edition of Emerging Adulthood: The Winding Road from the Late Teens
through the Twenties (Arnett, 2015) was released, followed soon thereafter by the
inaugural edition of The Oxford Handbook of Emerging Adulthood (Arnett, 2016).
Even amidst all this activity, the void in the student affairs literature that we had
identified years earlier remained.
In 2015, the time was right for us to take our idea to Routledge, where ed-
itor Heather Jarrow urged us to seek out recognized authorities within student
affairs and higher education to author key chapters, noting that their credibility
within the field would be critical to the receptivity that we would find among
our intended readership. To our good fortune, we were able to assemble an all-
star lineup of contributing authors with unimpeachable credentials pertaining
to their respective topics. We are pleased to share their work with you and hope
that it will inspire robust dialogue within higher education and student affairs,
regarding the role of colleges and universities in facilitating emerging adults’
journeys through this formative stage of life.

Overview
This book comprises 13 chapters, which together introduce emerging adult-
hood theory to scholars and practitioners in higher education and student af-
fairs, examine characteristics of the emerging adult life stage as it is experienced
by students and young alumni of collegiate institutions, and explore implica-
tions of a longer pathway to adulthood for administrative and student affairs
practice. In the first of these chapters, we orient the reader to the book’s con-
tent, situating Jeff’s theory of emerging adulthood within an evolving body of
foundational literature on higher education and student affairs. In the follow-
ing chapter, Jeff presents an overview of his theory, highlighting the societal
conditions that have lengthened the transition to adulthood and introducing
the essential features of emerging adulthood. Joe then reviews the theoretical
 Preface ix

literature on psychosocial development in college, noting a trend toward in-

tegration of disciplinary perspectives and growing emphasis on social identity
development.
In the fourth chapter, Rosemary Perez and Lisa Landreman examine social
identity development in greater depth, with attention to the relevance of diver-
sity to experiences of emerging adulthood. In the next chapter, Joe presents an
overview of generational theory and profiles of the two most recent cohorts of
emerging adults to enter higher education (Millennials and Generation Z). In
the first of three chapters focused on specific aspects of emerging adulthood,
Lisa Severy examines issues pertaining to career development. Aimee Adams
and Bruce Sharkin then explore social and emotional problems in emerging
adulthood, differentiated based on their externalizing versus internalizing na-
ture. Richard Mullendore, Christina Daniel, and Michael Toney then discuss
the relationship between emerging adults and their parents and how normative
changes in the quality of these relationships have changed the experience of
going away to college.
In the ninth chapter, the focus of the book shifts more directly to the
practical implications of emerging adulthood theory, as Jarrett Warshaw and
James Hearn discuss the use of Strategic Enrollment Management (SEM) to
promote equity in recruitment, retention, and academic support for diverse
student populations. Carney Strange then presents a model for creating cam-
pus environments for emerging adults, based on the previous work of Sharon
Daloz Parks (2011), as well as his own work with James Banning (Strange &
Banning, 2015). From there, Maureen Wilson and Patrick Love offer guidance
to student affairs professionals on promoting emerging adults’ growth in auton-
omy at three stages of their relationship with the institution. Expanding on this
theme, Shelby Radcliffe calls upon student affairs and alumni relations profes-
sionals to join forces in support of alumni in their continued journeys through
emerging adulthood. In the book’s final chapter, we provide a synthesis of
major themes raised by the contributing authors and offer further recommen-
dations for research and practice.

References
Arnett, J. J. (2004). Emerging adulthood: The winding road from the late teens through the
twenties. New York, NY: Oxford.
Arnett, J. J. (2015). Emerging adulthood: The winding road from the late teens through the
twenties (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Oxford.
Arnett, J. J. (Ed.). (2016). The Oxford handbook of emerging adulthood. New York, NY:
Oxford.
Parks, S. D. (2011). Big questions, worthy dreams: Mentoring emerging adults in their search for
meaning, purpose, and faith (2nd ed.). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Strange, C., & Banning, J. (2015). Designing for learning: Creating campus environments for
student success. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.
Acknowledgments

While this book traces its origin to a conversation between two people, it took
the work of many more to bring it to fruition. First and foremost, we extend
our gratitude to the chapter authors for their diligent and thoughtful analyses of
their respective topics. We are also grateful to the book’s editor, Heather Jarrow,
whose support for the project was key to getting the green light from Routledge
and whose expert advice helped ensure that the finished product would not dis-
appoint. We also appreciate the feedback that we received from the reviewers of
our initial proposal, which helped us fine-tune our vision for the book in ways
that align closely with the needs and interests of our anticipated readership.
Whereas much of Joe’s work on the book was completed while on sabbatical
during the 2016–2017 academic year, he would also like to thank the mem-
bers of Bucknell’s Faculty Development Committee for their approval of his
proposal. He is also grateful to his family for their support and encouragement
throughout the process. This would include his brothers, Jim and John Murray,
his sisters-in-law, Karen Lynn and Taya Murray, and especially his sister and
brother-in-law, Mary and Bill Martin, who generously made their lakeside
cottage available to him as an ideal writer’s retreat. Finally, he would like to
thank Jeff for lending his expertise and good judgment to the production of the
book. Jeff thanks Joe for his affable diligence throughout the process of editing
the book, which made the experience a pleasure.
1
Introduction
Joseph L. Murray and Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

The primary goal of this book is to explore ways that the theory of emerging
adulthood can be applied to student affairs. The theory of emerging adulthood,
first proposed about 20 years ago (Arnett, 2000), has become highly influential
as a framework for understanding development from age 18 to 29. An entire
field of study has been spawned by the theory, including a thriving new So-
ciety for the Study of Emerging Adulthood (SSEA; see www.ssea.org). The
theory underscores the changes over recent decades in how ages 18–29 are ex-
perienced, and consequently, has important implications for understanding the
worlds that today’s students come from prior to entering college as well as the
futures for which students are preparing themselves, through the rest of their
twenties and beyond. However, thus far, the application of emerging adulthood
theory to student affairs has been limited despite the manifest relevance of the
theory to development among students, most of whom fall into the 18–29 age
range. The chapters in this book represent a variety of approaches to making
fruitful use of the theory of emerging adulthood in promoting more effective
student affairs practice. In this chapter, we provide an overview of the history
and present status of the student affairs profession.
A review of the historical and contemporary literature of the student affairs
profession reveals that both its stated philosophy and the theoretical principles
that inform its practice have evolved through a process that has been both ad-
ditive and integrative. The profession itself traces its origins to the late 19th and
early 20th centuries, a time when the faculty role was broadened to include a
growing emphasis on research, even as on-campus residency remained a critical
element of the undergraduate experience. As administrative functions neces-
sarily grew, the student affairs profession quickly came into its own (Cohen &
Kisker, 2010). From its inception, the profession has placed its primary focus
on education of the whole student. However, the prevailing orientation toward
2 Joseph L. Murray and Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

student affairs practice has undergone continuous revision, in response to both

advances in relevant disciplinary knowledge and the changing demands of the
times (Dungy & Gordon, 2011).

Three Eras of Student Affairs Practice

The history of the student affairs profession, as reflected in the philosophi-
cal literature of the field, has generally been portrayed as a sequence of three
major eras, each characterized by a corresponding orientation toward profes-
sional practice: (1) student services, (2) student development, and (3) student learning
(Carpenter, Dean, & Haber-Curran, 2016; Sherman, 2014). The service orien-
tation of the earliest student affairs practitioners was articulated in the American
Council on Education’s (1937/1994) Student Personnel Point of View, which
specified 23 essential student affairs functions, such as “orienting the student
to his [sic] educational environment” and “providing a diagnostic service to
help the student discover his [sic] abilities, aptitudes, and objectives” (p. 69).
A more enduring legacy of this landmark document, however, was its call for
education of the whole student, as an intellectual, emotional, physical, social,
vocational, moral, and spiritual being, whose skills, aptitudes, values, resources,
and aesthetic sensibilities all fell within the purview of collegiate institutions.
The shift from student services to student development reflected the growing
influence of theoretical perspectives on student affairs practice. The prevail-
ing philosophy of the student development era was perhaps best captured in
the Council of Student Personnel Associations in Higher Education’s (COSPA,
1975/1994) Student Development Services in Post-Secondary Education. In the closing
decades of the 20th century, the COSPA document called upon practitioners to
assume the role of student development specialists, drawing upon relevant the-
ories to address individual, group, and organizational issues on their campuses.
A series of subsequent statements, issued by various professional associations
around the turn of the millennium, ushered in the third era by calling upon stu-
dent affairs professionals to form partnerships with faculty and academic admin-
istrators to create seamless campus environments for student learning, broadly
conceived to include both academics and personal development (American
Association for Higher Education, American College Personnel Association, &
National Association of Student Personnel Administrators, 1998; American
College Personnel Association, 1996; National Association of Student Personnel
Administrators & American College Personnel Association, 2004).

Standards for Preparation and Practice

With the establishment of a commonly held professional philosophy that in-
corporates a commitment to holistic learning, informed by relevant theories,
the student affairs field has since turned its attention to articulation of uniform
 Introduction 3

standards of professional preparation and practice. A major step toward accom-

plishment of this goal came when the American College Personnel Association
(ACPA, 2007) published a statement of professional competencies and corre-
sponding benchmarks for mastery at the basic, intermediate, and advanced lev-
els. Within this statement, eight general areas of competency were identified:
(1) advising and helping; (2) assessment, evaluation, and research; (3) ethics; (4) legal
foundations; (5) leadership, administration, and management; (6) pluralism and inclu-
sion; (7) student learning and development; and (8) teaching. Three years later, the
Association partnered with the National Association of Student Personnel Ad-
ministrators (NASPA) to issue a joint statement of ten professional competency
areas with corresponding benchmarks at each of the original levels: (1) advising
and helping; (2) assessment, evaluation, and research; (3) equity, diversity, and inclu-
sion; (4) ethical professional practice; (5) history, philosophy, and values; (6) human and
organizational resources; (7) law, policy, and governance; (8) leadership; (9) personal
foundations; and (10) student learning and development (ACPA & NASPA, 2010).
While the aforementioned competency statements address general areas of
expertise that are commonly shared across the student affairs profession, they
offer little or no elaboration on application to specific functional areas within
the field. In contrast, the Council for the Advancement of Standards in Higher
Education (CAS), which was founded in 1979 as the Council for the Advance-
ment of Standards in Student Services/Development Programs, offers detailed
standards and guidelines for the provision of programs and services in 43 areas
of practice, developed in conjunction with professional associations specializing
in the respective areas (Wells, 2015).
Another distinctive feature of the CAS standards is the articulation of essen-
tial elements of master’s degree programs designed to prepare individuals for
entry into the student affairs field. In addition to addressing administrative and
pedagogical matters, the document offers guidance on the content of curricula,
thereby lending clarity to the shared body of knowledge that constitutes con-
tent expertise within the field. The subject matter of the curriculum is divided
into two broad categories: (1) foundational studies, which orient the individ-
ual to the history and philosophy of higher education and student affairs and
(2) professional studies, which directly inform student affairs practice. Within
the broad category of professional studies, the document specifies five topic
areas that must be addressed: (1) “student learning and development theories”;
(2) “student characteristics and the effects of college on students”; (3) “indi-
vidual and group strategies”; (4) “organization and administration of student
affairs”; and (5) “assessment, evaluation, and research” (Wells, 2015, p. 348).

An Evolving Body of Knowledge

The substantive knowledge of the student affairs field, as described above, is
by its nature a “moving target,” as both the theories that inform professional
4 Joseph L. Murray and Jeffrey Jensen Arnett

practice and the underlying body of research remain in a state of flux. Adop-
tion of a student learning agenda has prompted interest in developmental and
pedagogical theories more traditionally associated with educational psychology
(Silverman & Casazza, 2000) and adult and continuing education (Hamrick,
Evans, & Schuh, 2002). Meanwhile, perspectives on cognitive and psychosocial
development in college, and indeed, the concurrent processes of learning and
development, have grown more integrative (Baxter Magolda, 2004; Kegan,
1994). A growing body of research on the effects of higher education on
students (Feldman & Newcomb, 1969/1994; Mayhew et al., 2016; Pascarella &
Terenzini, 1991, 2005) offers ever more nuanced understandings of the envi-
ronmental conditions that are most conducive to learning and development
in college. With its deepening embrace of both qualitative ( Jones, Torres, &
Arminio, 2014) and quantitative (Sriram, 2017) research, the student affairs
field has likewise grown increasingly sophisticated and inclusive in its methods
of inquiry. Disciplinary boundaries have also been transcended, as student af-
fairs scholars and practitioners have turned to the literature of such widely var-
ied fields as counseling psychology (Harper & Wilson, 2010; Reynolds, 2009),
management (Bryan, 1996; Ellis, 2010; Varlotta & Jones, 2010), organizational
studies (Kuk, Banning, & Amey, 2010; Manning, 2013), and neuroscience
(Bresciani Ludvik, 2016) to inform their work.
Perhaps nowhere is the dynamic nature of the knowledge base of the profes-
sion more apparent than in the study of student characteristics, where profiles of
one generation make way for those of another on an ongoing basis (Coomes &
DeBard, 2004; DeCoster & Mable, 1981; Seemiller & Grace, 2016). A growing
body of national data from surveys such as the Cooperative Institutional Research
Program (CIRP) Freshman Survey (Higher Education Research Institute, 2017)
and the National Survey of Student Engagement (NSSE) (Center for Postsecondary
Research, Indiana University School of Education, 2017), have allowed even
the most subtle shifts in student characteristics and attitudes to be tracked over
time. As more has become known about such changes, generational theory has
taken its place alongside developmental theory, as a foundation for research and
practice, with findings from each branch of theory lending texture to those
of the other. Studies of generational change lend themselves well to applica-
tion of an interdisciplinary approach, as the relevant literature incorporates
perspectives drawn from such fields as history (Strauss & Howe, 1991), sociol-
ogy (Edmunds & Turner, 2002), psychology (Twenge, 2006, 2017), economics
(Koulopoulos & Keldsen, 2014), and political science (Bessant, 2014).

Arnett’s Theory of Emerging Adulthood

With the changes evident in the traditional aged college student population
over time, it is reasonable to question prior assumptions regarding develop-
mental change in college, as it manifests itself across generations reared under
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The duke of Burgundy, during his residence at Dendermonde, was
very desirous of marching a great force to conquer the country of
Waes, and had sent to Picardy for reinforcements of archers and
cross-bows, which the towns had readily complied with. He ordered
the garrisons of Courtray, Oudenarde, and Alost to join him, and
sent thither the reinforcements from Picardy to supply the place of
these garrisons during the time he should be in the country of Waes.
When the ghent men heard of this great force being assembled,
they ordered a strong detachment to break down a sea dyke, which,
being done, would drown the whole of that country; but the duke,
having timely notice of this, sent thither the count de St Pol with a
large body, who made such diligence that he came up with the
enemy before they could effect their purpose, and discomfited them,
with the loss of more than five hundred men: the rest saved
themselves by flight: and what damage had been done to the dyke
was repaired.
The count marched back to the duke, and found that the duke's
nephew, John duke of Cleves, had arrived during his absence with a
handsome body of german men at arms and cross-bows, at which
the duke was exceedingly well pleased. Charles count de Charolois,
legitimate son to the duke, had also arrived when he was absent on
the last expedition.
 CHAP. XXXIII.
THE BATTLE OF RUPELMONDE, WHERE THE GHENT MEN
ARE DEFEATED BY THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.
On the 6th day of June, in this same year 1452, the duke of
Burgundy marched from Dendermonde with his whole army, to
invade the country of Waes. He formed his army into three divisions:
the van he gave to the count de St Pol, who was accompanied by his
two brothers, sir Cornille the bastard, the lord de Saveuses, sir
James de Lalain, and others. The duke commanded the center,
having with him his son, the knights and esquires of his household,
and a part of the Picards: the count d'Estampes and the duke of
Cleves, his son-in-law, had the command of the rear division.
This arrangement being made, he marched toward Rupelmonde,
which the ghent men had strongly fortified, and were there waiting
his coming with plenty of artillery and warlike stores, to defend a
bulwark they had cast up in front of the place.
When the duke was near to Rupelmonde, he was fearful that if the
ghent men should discover his whole strength they would not issue
out of their intrenchments; and to deceive them as to his numbers,
he detached a considerable body to observe the countenance of the
enemy, to skirmish with them, and to draw them out into the plain.
In the mean time, he advanced his whole army in three divisions,
but in close order, for greater security, so that the ghent men could
not see more than the first division, or at least what appeared to be
such.
The ghent men observing the detachment, and the van of the army,
which was not far behind, not imagining there were any more,
insolently issued forth from their intrenchments to attack them; but,
in pursuance of the duke's orders, his men immediately wheeled
round and fled. The ghent men pursued until they fell in with the
duke's army, drawn up in battle-array, and the archers dismounted.
The battle now raged, and the ghent men made good use of their
culverins; but they could not withstand the arrows of the Picards,
and, turning about, fled. The men at arms followed, and the
slaughter was dreadful. It happened in the pursuit, that sir Cornille,
the bastard, was attacked by a Fleming, who thrust his pike into his
throat, which unluckily was unguarded, and killed him on the spot: it
was a great loss, from the promising expectations he had given of
his future worth.
The ghent men were defeated, and two thousand five hundred were
left dead on the field: the rest retreated to a large village called
Acre, which they had strongly fortified with trenches and ramparts.
The duke, having collected his men together, began his march back,
but not before he had his son, the bastard, raised from the ground,
and sent off, with many honours to Brussels, where he was interred
in the church of St Goule.
 CHAP. XXXIV.
THE GHENT MEN WHO HAD FLED TO ACRE ABANDON
THE PLACE: IT IS BURNT BY THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—
THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS AMBASSADORS TO THE
DUKE IN FLANDERS, TO RESTORE PEACE TO THAT
COUNTRY.
On the morrow of the battle of Rupelmonde, the lord de la Vere, a
Hollander, and knight-companion of the Golden Fleece, and the lord
de Launoy, then governor of Holland, came to offer their services to
the duke of Burgundy, bringing with them three thousand
combatants, mostly cross-bowmen. The duke was well pleased with
them; but remembering the death of his son the bastard, whom he
greatly lamented, he commanded all the villages in the country of
Waes to be set on fire, and, in consequence, very many villages
were burnt; but as several of them contained only poor people, the
inhabitants came in great numbers to beseech their lord's mercy,
barefooted, and in all humility. The good duke had pity on them, and
ordered the fires to cease.
The duke then marched to Acre, where the ghent men were in great
force; but they were afraid to wait his coming, and abandoned the
place, on which the duke had it burnt to the ground.
While these things were going forward, the king of France sent an
embassy to the duke, and appointed the count de St Pol, then with
the duke, as the head of it, who went to meet the other members at
Tournay, where they were grandly feasted. The count returned to
the duke, to know when and where it would be agreeable for him to
see them: he appointed Dendermonde, whither he went for the
purpose, leaving his army in the country of Waes.
The ambassadors remonstrated with the duke on his present
conduct,—and added, that the king was astonished that he could
thus destroy Flanders, which was a dependance on his crown, for
that the ghent men out of revenge, and through pride, might ally
themselves with the English, and admit them into Ghent, to the
great prejudice of his kingdom. They exhorted him to make peace
with Ghent, if possible, and ordered him, in the king's name, to put
an end to the war.
The duke made answer, in person, that he was no way afraid of the
English being admitted into Ghent,—and that for no man living
would he make peace with his rebellious subjects until they had
submitted themselves to his will; for, by the aid of God and of his
good friends, he would force them to submission, if they would not
submit by fair means. The ambassadors, on hearing this answer, did
not make any reply for the present; but they obtained from the
duke, at their entreaties, and out of respect to the king, that he
would consent to a truce for three days, and give passports to such
of the ghent men as might choose to come to him and treat of a
peace.
This being done, the ambassadors, with the exception of the count
de St Pol, went to Ghent, where they were received most
honourably. They informed the townsmen, assembled in numbers at
the town-hall, of the commission they had been intrusted with by
the king of France, and the remonstrances they had in consequence
made to the duke of Burgundy, and his answer. The ghent men, on
hearing this, said, that indeed their lord was too hard and merciless
to them; that he wanted to deprive them of their privileges, which
they would never suffer to be done; and told the ambassadors, that
if they had nothing more to say, they might leave the town instantly.
They therefore immediately departed, and returned to the duke of
Burgundy.
 CHAP. XXXV.
THE CUTLER OF GHENT IS MADE PRISONER IN BATTLE.—
THE GHENT MEN ARE DEFEATED.—THEY ARE AGAIN
DEFEATED AT HULST AND MOERBEKE.
The french ambassadors had scarcely left Ghent, when upward of
five thousand men in arms issued forth to combat the duke's army
wherever they could meet it. They had chosen for their leader a
cutler of Ghent, a large heavy man, who had boasted that he would
overcome the duke; and his townsmen promised, that if he should
succeed, they would make him lord of Waes, and indeed of all
Flanders.
They marched for Hulst, a large village, in which was Anthony
bastard of Burgundy with a strong force of well-tried men at arms,
thinking to surprise him: but he had received intelligence of their
coming, and advanced out to meet them. A sharp engagement took
place, when they were defeated, with the loss of full three thousand
men, and the cutler and several of the ghent men were taken. The
bastard sent them to his father, the duke, who had them all hanged,
or strangled, because they would not ask his pardon; and such was
their obstinate hatred to him that, although they were promised
mercy if they would ask it, they refused. This was surely a wonderful
sign of obstinacy!
Those who had escaped from this battle, to the amount of two
thousand, fled to Moerbeke, wherein was a large company of their
townsmen, then besieged by the Hollanders, ignorant of this defeat
at Hulst. On seeing such numbers approach, the Hollanders drew up
in battle-array, and attacked them with such effect with their cross-
bows that many were slain. In the mean time, the bastard, who had
pursued them, now came up; and they were so severely handled
that, of the two thousand, few, if any, escaped death or being made
prisoners.
The garrison of Moerbeke, witnessing the discomfiture of their
countrymen, abandoned the town and fled to Ghent; so that when
sir Anthony de Bourgogne and the Hollanders were preparing to
attack the intrenchments, they found them empty, and entered the
place without resistance, which they plundered of every thing worth
taking away, and then set the town on fire.
The duke of Burgundy was, at this time, at a large village called
Hoiguemustre[140], in the country of Waes. The french ambassadors
found him there on their return from Ghent, and told him all they
had seen and heard in that town: on which the duke swore, that he
would never make peace with them until they should submit
unconditionally; and that if they would not do so by fair means, he
would force them to it, or die in the attempt.
Without longer delay, he departed for Axel, which he conquered, and
the whole of the country of Waes,—and thence he approached
Ghent, and fixed his quarters at a place called Longpont, not far
from the town. When those in Ghent saw this, they sent to the
French ambassadors to request them to obtain passports from the
duke, for a deputation to wait on him, to propose articles for a
peace.
The good duke at the request of the ambassadors, and in
compliment to the king of France, granted passports, but told the
messengers from Ghent, that he would never conclude any treaty
with them until they had submitted themselves and their town to his
will. While this was passing, the duke's army made daily excursions
to the gates of Ghent, burning and destroying houses, mills, and
farms around, without mercy. In addition to these miseries, there
raged in Ghent an epidemical disorder, which carried off such
numbers that it was terrible to hear of it; insomuch, that those who
remained, fearful of worse happening to them, sent to solicit the
ambassadors to return to their town, which they did,—and, having
assembled in the market-place, displayed the passports from their
lord, and desired that all who wished for peace would stand apart,
and the others on the contrary side. This was done, and the party
for peace amounted to only seven thousand, while those on the
opposite side were upwards of twelve thousand.
The ambassadors, observing so great a difference, desired them to
assemble again on the morrow, when they would endeavour to bring
about an agreement between them; but on the morrow, only those
who wished for peace appeared. They desired that the ambassadors
would return to the duke, with a deputation from them, to
endeavour to mediate a peace by any possible means. The
ambassadors so far prevailed that the duke consented to a truce of
six weeks, on condition that the men of Ghent would deliver to him
good and sufficient hostages (if during this term peace could not be
effected), to indemnify him for the loss he should incur by
disbanding his army and the expense of raising another, and, for the
due payment of the garrisons he should leave round Ghent, and in
Courtray, Oudenarde, Alost, and Dendermonde during these six
weeks. It was also stipulated, that no provision should enter Ghent
in the mean time, but that what was already therein must supply
their wants; nor was any thing to enter the principal towns of
Flanders, without leave first had at the gates.
It was agreed, that the conferences for peace should be holden at
Lille, and that the deputies from Ghent should not amount to more
than fifty. These preliminaries being settled, the truce was
proclaimed throughout the duke's army; and he then gave
permission for his men at arms to return to the places they had
come from, excepting such as he had left in garrison in the towns
aforesaid. The duke went to Brussels, and his ministers to Lille. The
ambassadors from France sent a herald to proclaim the truce in
Ghent; but as his attendant was dressed in a surcoat of the arms of
the duke, namely, the cross of St Andrew, he was seized by the
populace, as he was leading his horses to water, and instantly
hanged, out of pique to the duke, and by way of revenge for the
death of the cutler. The herald returned in safety, but very much
frightened.
 FOOTNOTES:
[140] Hoiguemustre. Q. Waesmustre?
 CHAP. XXXVI.
THE ARTICLES PROPOSED BY THE AMBASSADORS FROM
FRANCE AS THE GROUND-WORK FOR A TREATY OF
PEACE BETWEEN THE MEN OF GHENT AND THEIR LORD,
—BUT WHICH ARE NOT AGREED TO BY THOSE IN
GHENT.
On the 22d day of July in the year 1452, the men of Ghent sent a
deputation of fifty commissioners to Lille, to treat of a peace with
the ministers of the duke of Burgundy and the ambassadors from
France: they were also accompanied by master John de Poupincourt,
advocate in the parliament. The duke refused at first to attend the
conferences, and each party delivered in writing to the ambassadors
their separate proposals; but at the entreaty of the ambassadors and
his ministers, the duke set out from Brussels, and arrived at Lille on
the 27th of August.
When the deputies saw that the time for the expiration of the truce
was near at hand, they were afraid to remain longer, and returned to
Ghent, leaving behind only two heralds and an interpreter.
Notwithstanding the departure of the deputies, the French
ambassadors soon after gave judgment respecting their dissensions
with the duke, and sentenced the men of Ghent to perform the
following articles before they obtained peace.
They were ordered, in the first place, to close up the gate by which
they had marched out to besiege Oudenarde, once every week, on
the same day they passed it.
Item, the gate by which they had marched to the battle of
Rupelmonde was to be shut up for ever.
Item, they were to lay aside their white hoods, as having been their
badge of rebellion.
Item, foreign merchants should no longer be amenable to the bye
laws of Ghent, but only to those of the town and ban lieu.
Item, no one should be in future banished the town without the
cause being specified, which had not been done before.
Item, as to the new regulation of the laws, four noble persons,
officers of the duke, and four of the municipality, shall be selected
for this purpose; and whereas formerly four-and-twenty persons
formed the municipality, twelve of whom were always chosen from
the company of weavers,—this shall now be abolished.
Item, whereas, when any troubles existed in the town, the banners
of the trades were displayed, and the populace assembled in the
market-place: it is ordained, that such proceedings be abolished, and
that the banners be placed in a coffer fastened with five locks,—one
key shall be delivered to the bailiff of Ghent,—the first sheriff shall
have another,—the high deacon of trades the third,—and the other
two shall be given in charge to two discreet persons elected by the
townsmen,—and there shall be no more assembling in the market-
place.
Item, neither the sheriffs nor any gentleman in Ghent shall issue
public mandates in their names.
Item, the whole of the municipality, the deacons, governors, and two
thousand of the commonalty shall advance half a league out of the
town, clad only in their shirts, and humbly on their knees, beg
pardon of their lord, saying, that they had wickedly and wrongfully
made war against him their lord, for which they crave his mercy.
Item, should any of the duke's officers henceforth misbehave, his
offence was not to be cognizable by the municipality,—but it must be
referred to their lord and his council.
Item, whereas formerly the municipality of Ghent had usually
extended their government over the country of Waes, Alost,
Dendermonde and Oudenarde,—it was ordered, that the said
ambassadors should, within the year, make a reformation, either by
new ordinances or by resigning their jurisdiction altogether.
Item, to satisfy their lord for his expenses in this war, they were to
pay him two hundred and fifty thousand riddes[141].
Such was the sentence of the ambassadors on those of Ghent,—
who, however, notwithstanding their promises, refused absolutely to
abide by it.
 CHAP. XXXVII.
THE GHENT MEN RECOMMENCE THE WAR AGAINST
THEIR LORD, AND BURN HULST.—A FRENCH HERALD
ESCAPES FROM GHENT.
The two heralds and their interpreter returned from Lille to Ghent,—
and the proposed articles for a peace with the duke of Burgundy
were publicly read to the people. Great murmurings arose; and they
said that their lord was too hard upon them, and that the conditions
were not to be borne. They separated, however, without declaring
positively against them, nor yet assenting to them,—and in this state
they remained for about a fortnight.
During this time, some of the most turbulent assembled in numbers,
and chose for their captain a wicked fellow, called the bastard of
Blanc-Estain,—and they styled themselves Companions of the Verde
Tente.
Having well armed themselves, they sallied forth out of Ghent one
night, and advanced to Hulst, a large village that had surrendered to
the duke. On their arrival, they lighted torches and brands to deceive
the inhabitants, and make them believe they intended to storm the
place on that side, who indeed hastened thither in a body to defend
themselves; but, in the mean time, these cunning rogues gained an
entrance, without opposition, on the opposite side, and put to death
all they met. They plundered the town completely, set it on fire, and
returned with their booty to Ghent.
The ambassadors from the king of France were impatiently waiting
at Lille, to know whether the ghent men would abide by the articles
of peace. Wondering they received no intelligence from Ghent, they
sent thither a herald, with letters to the principal inhabitants, to
learn their will. The herald, on coming to his lodgings, entreated his
host to assist him in the delivering of his letters; but the host had
compassion on him, and told him, if he valued his life, not to
mention to any one the cause of his coming,—for, were it known, he
would infallibly be put to death. He would not suffer him to quit his
chamber the whole day, and, on the morrow, gave him his servant
to escort him to the gates,—bidding him say to the porters, if any
questions were asked him, that he was a french merchant returning
to Antwerp,—and, for better security, made him put on his coat the
wrong side outward.
The herald, very much alarmed, believed all his host had said, and
set out very early, before the gates were opened. On coming to
them, he was asked who he was, and replied, a french merchant
returning to Antwerp. They asked for something to drink; and as he
was untying his purse, the gates were opened; on seeing this, he
put spurs to his horse, and galloped through without paying any
thing,—but he did not think himself safe until he was arrived at Lille.
He related to the ambassadors all that had passed, who, finding that
the ghent men would not adhere to their promises, took leave of the
duke and returned to king Charles, carrying with them six thousand
golden riddes, which the noble duke Philip had presented to them
for their trouble.
The duke was ignorant of the capture of Hulst, until the ghent men
had taken and burnt Axel. They would have gained Alost, had not sir
Anthony de Wissoc, the governor for the duke, made so gallant a
defence that they were repulsed. On their return to Ghent, they
burnt all the villages that acknowledged the duke's government, and
put men, women, and children, to death without mercy.

FOOTNOTES:
[141] Riddes,—worth 5s. in Flanders, 3s. in Gueldres.
 CHAP. XXXVIII.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY RAISES A LARGE ARMY TO
COMBAT THE GHENT MEN, WHO BURN HARLEBECK[142],
A LARGE VILLAGE NEAR COURTRAY.—OTHER EVENTS OF
THIS WAR.
While the duke of Burgundy, earl of Flanders, was waiting at Lille the
answer from Ghent, he was informed of the loss of Hulst and Axel,
and instantly assembled his army, with the addition of a large
reinforcement from Burgundy; for he had ordered the lord de
Beaumont, marshal of Burgundy, to join him. Before this army could
be ready to take the field, a large body sallied out of Ghent, on the
23d of September, for Harlebeck, a considerable village near to
Courtray, which they set on fire, killing the inhabitants
indiscriminately, without regard to sex or age.
The duke, on hearing this, instantly dispatched his nephew,
Adolphus of Cleves, with a handsome force of men at arms and
archers, to Courtray. On his arrival, he found every one in the utmost
alarm, although the ghent men were returned home. When the
duke's army was ready, he sent to Courtray the marshal of Burgundy
as commander in chief. Sir Anthony, the bastard, was ordered to
Dendermonde,—sir Simon and sir James de Lalain were sent to
Oudenarde,—sir Anthony de Wissoc to Alost,—and sir Adolphus of
Cleves returned to the duke at Lille.
The marshal, on his arrival at Courtray, caused it to be proclaimed
throughout the flat countries, that all who were inclined to the
duke's party should carry their effects to strong places for their
security, and more especially those who were within five leagues of
Ghent. The consequence was, that the greater part withdrew with
their effects to Ghent. The marshal then ordered all the prisoners
from Ghent to be hanged. On the other hand, the ghent men
showed mercy to none, nor would they accept of any ransom,
however great the sum offered, so deadly was this warfare now
become,—but more on the side of Ghent than on that of the duke.
The marshal, learning that all the provision and wealth of the low
countries had been carried into Ghent, gave orders for all the
villages within five leagues of Ghent, and even as far as that town,
to be burnt, more particularly such as were on the roads leading to
or from it; and if the Picards and Burgundians left any undestroyed,
the ghent men burnt them, so that the greatest desolation afflicted
all Flanders.
Among other acts, sir James de Lalain made an inroad to the walls
of Ghent, burnt two of their mills, and carried off to Oudenarde
fifteen waggons laden with corn, that were going to Ghent, for this
time no sally was made against him. At another time, the marshal of
Burgundy marched to Ghent, with the intent of combating the ghent
men, if they would come out, but they refused. He then returned to
Poulcres, a strong castle, took the lower court by storm, and then
set it on fire, because the garrison had retreated into the castle,
which was too strong to be then attempted, and returned to
Courtray.
On the 25th of October, sir Anthony bastard of Burgundy marched
from Dendermonde, together with the garrison of Alost, which he
had summoned to join him, toward Ghent, having dispatched thirty
of his best-mounted horsemen to show themselves before the gates
and endeavour to entice the garrison to come out. The ghent men,
having had intelligence of sir Anthony's coming, were ready to sally
forth, and attacked these thirty men so hardly that they were
astonished. With the ghent men were some english adventurers,
who had come thither to seek fame and wealth, and were on
horseback: the men of Ghent, in great numbers, were on foot, and
pushed forward with such speed that the bastard was surprised at
seeing them so near him. In this difficulty, he earnestly entreated his
men to dismount; but, in spite of his orders and entreaties, only two
men at arms dismounted, and three archers. I know not how it
happened, but they were panicstruck, and all fled, so that with great
difficulty the two men at arms were remounted, but the three
archers were killed.
The bastard, vexed to the soul, collected twenty of his men, and
remained in the rear of his runaways, and saved them from further
loss. It is, however, possible that this flight saved all their lives; for
the ghent men, informed, as I have said, of their intent, had
assembled another body of men, who were to sally from a different
gate, and destroy all the bridges the Picards would have to repass,
and thus inclose them between the two divisions so that none could
escape. Thus did this misfortune preserve from death sir Anthony
and all his men, excepting the three archers.

FOOTNOTES:
[142] Harlebeck,—on the Lys, four leagues NE. from Courtray.
 CHAP. XXXIX.
THE MARSHAL OF BURGUNDY BURNS THE SMALL TOWN
OF ECKELOO.—THE GHENT MEN ARE DEFEATED BEFORE
ALOST, WHICH THEY INTENDED TO BESIEGE.
The garrisons in Courtray and Oudenarde, knowing that there was a
strong company of ghent men in Eckeloo, which is a considerable
village, three leagues from Ghent, assembled under the command of
the marshal and sir James de Lalain, and marched thither in
handsome array. The ghent men no sooner saw them approach than
they fled into the wood that was hard by. All could not escape, so
that upwards of forty were left dead in the village. The place was
then burnt, because the inhabitants would not desist from carrying
provisions to Ghent, nor from ringing the alarm bell whenever they
perceived any Burgundians appear. It was for this that all the villages
five leagues round were set on fire,—and such as the Picards left,
the ghent men burnt themselves.
On the 13th of November, the ghent men, having heard that sir
Anthony de Wissoc, governor of Alost, was gone into Artois,
assembled to the amount of twenty thousand on foot, under the
conduct of a few English on horseback, and marched to lay siege to
Alost. Sir Anthony the bastard and sir Francis the Arragonian had
early intelligence of this at Dendermonde; and by orders of the
bastard, sir Francis threw himself into Alost with three hundred
hardy combatants.
Soon afterward, the ghent men appeared to commence their siege;
but sir Francis, like a valiant knight, sallied forth with all he could
collect, leaving a sufficient garrison in the town, and fell on the
ghent men so vigorously that he soon threw them into disorder,—
and they wheeled about and fled toward Ghent. All were not so
fortunate, for there remained dead on the field eighteen English and
seventeen ghent men; and had it not been for night coming on so
soon, many more would have been slain.
On the ensuing Saturday, the marshal of Burgundy advanced to the
gates of Ghent, but none issued forth to combat him. On his return,
twelve picardy archers remained in his rear, with the intent of
plundering whatever they could find. Having crossed a small bridge,
they saw no one; but they had not advanced far before they
perceived, right before them, a large body of the enemy, and some
English with them. They turned about, intending to retreat, but they
saw the bridge covered with a number of peasants waiting for them.
On this they took heart, thinking it better to die honourably than be
taken and hanged: dismounting, they fastened their horses together,
and then made such good use of their bows that no ghent man was
bold enough to approach them. One of the English couched his
lance, and advanced to the charge, thinking to put them into
disorder; but they instantly opened their ranks for him to pass
through, and then shot so briskly that his horse was wounded in
several places,—and he was very glad to get out of their reach.
The Picards now blew their horns, as if their friends were within
hearing, which frightened the ghent men so much that they instantly
ran off for their town; and the twelve archers, looking toward the
bridge, saw no one, for the peasants had fled to the woods. They
then remounted their horses, and returned to their companions in
safety, having gained much honour by their defence against such
numbers.
Another company of Picards made an excursion to Ghent, and took
some of the Companions of the Verde Tente, and one of their
captains, whose body was quartered, and the rest hanged.
 CHAP. XL.
MENTION MADE OF DIFFERENT ENCOUNTERS BETWEEN
THE PICARDS AND GHENT MEN.—THE LATTER ATTEMPT
TO SET FIRE TO SOME PARTS OF HAINAULT.—THEY ARE
MET BY THE PICARDS SOON AFTERWARD.
On the 2d day of December, sir Philip de Lalain, a young, bold and
enterprising knight, made an excursion to the walls of Ghent with
the garrison of Oudenarde. Two hundred men on horseback sallied
forth out of Ghent, and a combat commenced; when one of the
principal townsmen was killed at the onset, who had, a little before,
taken a youth of the duke's party prisoner, and made him his page.
The page, seeing his master dead, hastened to surrender himself to
sir Philip, and assured him that upwards of four thousand men had
sallied out at different gates to surround and make him and his party
prisoners: it therefore behoved him to secure a retreat. At this
moment, full three hundred men on horseback issued out of the
gates, on which sir Philip began to retreat, often wheeling round to
skirmish and check the enemy. Sir Philip de Lalain, his brother,
having heard of his danger, hastened out of Oudenarde, with all he
could collect at the moment, to his succour: he was then within a
league of Oudenarde, skirmishing all the time with the ghent men,
who pursued him with great caution, that their other divisions might
arrive to their support; but the Picards, noticing this, made their
retreat good into Oudenarde,—and the ghent men took up their
quarters for the night at an abbey half a league from that town, and
on the morrow returned to Ghent.
Not long afterward, the Companions of the Verde Tente, to the
amount of ten thousand, advanced into Hainault, killed many of the
peasantry, and burnt from sixteen to seventeen villages without any
molestation. A few days prior to this excursion, about fifty English
marched out of Ghent on pretence of attacking the Picards, but they
went to Dendermonde and surrendered themselves to sir Anthony,
the bastard, who received them very graciously, and enrolled them
among his own men.
One of the duke's commanders, hearing that the ghent men were
marching back from Hainault, hastened toward Ghent to meet them
on their return,—and, being in great force, attacked them, and slew
more than two hundred: the rest saved themselves in Ghent, except
some prisoners the Picards had made and carried to Dendermonde.
 CHAP. XLI.
THE GHENT MEN SEND A DEPUTATION TO THE COUNT
D'ESTAMPES, TO MEDIATE A PEACE.—IMMEDIATELY
AFTER THEY BESIEGE COURTRAY, BUT WITHOUT
SUCCESS.—THEY ARE NEAR TAKING PRISONER THE
DUCHESS OF BURGUNDY, ON HER ROAD TO BRUGES.
While the Companions of the Verde Tente were thus employed in the
field, the municipality of Ghent sent to entreat the count d'Estampes
to procure passports from the duke their lord, that a deputation
might wait on him respecting a peace. The count succeeded in
obtaining them passports,—and the place of conference was fixed at
Bruges, whither the duke sent some of his ministers, and the count
d'Estampes as his representative.
The ghent men sent thither a deputation, with a carthusian friar, and
an ancient knight called sir Baudouin de Bos, whom they had long
kept prisoner on account of their suspicions of his fidelity to them,
he having declared an opinion contrary to their proceedings; and
they even had him carried, with his eyes banded, to the scaffold to
behead him: he would have suffered death, had not some steady
friends, by their exertions, prevented it. These ghent commissioners
behaved with the greatest insolence and pride on their arrival at
Bruges, as if they had no way acted wrong toward their prince; and
on their departure, they received no answer. They all returned
except the knight and the Carthusian, who refused to accompany
them back and remained in Bruges. The other commissioners staid
so long on their road to Ghent that the term of their passports
expired, and, falling in with a body of Picards, they were made
prisoners and carried back to Bruges: among them were two of the
greatest enemies the duke had in Ghent.
When the men of Ghent learnt that their deputies were prisoners,
they sallied forth, on the 17th of February, in great numbers, and in
three divisions. In this array they came before Courtray, the marshal
of Burgundy being then absent with the duke at Lille. There was at
this time in the town a very valiant and adventurous knight from
Picardy, called Gauvain Quieret, who, fearless of their numbers,
issued out with the few people he had, and began a sharp skirmish;
but he was soon forced to retreat into the town, as the ghent men
were too many: he could not, however, retire without the loss of two
of his men at arms and one archer. The ghent men then attacked
the suburbs; but they were so well defended that they gained
nothing, except killing one man at arms: they now returned to
Ghent.
On the 2d of March following, sir Anthony, the bastard, on his
advance toward Ghent, fell in with a considerable body of the
enemy, and charged them so rapidly that he slew more than fifty,
and took many prisoners, whom he carried to Dendermonde.
On the 5th day of this same month, the duchess of Burgundy left
Lille, by orders from the duke, to go to Bruges. The ghent men soon
had intelligence of this,—and, supposing that she would travel the
strait road, they posted a strong ambuscade near that road,
intending to overpower her escort, and put those who composed it
to death. The duchess was informed of their plan, and consequently
took a different road, and arrived safely at Bruges.
Sir Simon de Lalain, governor of Sluys, hearing that the duchess was
to travel from Lille to Bruges, set out with two hundred combatants
to escort her thither, and followed the main road, ignorant of the
ghent men being there. In his company was the lord de Maldeghen,
a flemish knight, well acquainted with all the roads and passes.
Happening to ride at some little distance from the great road, he
espied the ambush of ghent men, who were watching the coming of
the duchess, and also of sir Simon, whom they had perceived. The
lord de Maldeghen instantly sounded his trumpets, as loudly as he
could, that sir Simon, on hearing them, might retire,—but he was
too far advanced for this, being already in the midst of his enemies
without perceiving it. He was sharply attacked on all sides, his
banner beaten down,—and he and his men were forced to show all
their courage, to save their lives. They exerted themselves so
manfully that, with the aid of the lord de Maldeghen, who hastened
to their succour, the ghent men were repulsed,—and they continued
their march in safety to Bruges, having only lost three or four men at
arms, and from twelve to sixteen archers, which was not much,
considering how severe the attack had been.
Three or four days before this skirmish took place, the ghent men in
Poulcres burnt Englemonstier, a considerable village belonging to the
count d'Estampes, in right of his countess. They could do no harm to
the castle, for it was strong and well garrisoned. A few days after
this, the ghent men again demanded passports from the duke for
twenty commissioners to meet his ministers any where he should
appoint, to consider if they could find means to put an end to this
disastrous war. The good duke complied with their request, and fixed
on Seclin[143] as the place of conference, whither he sent the count
d'Estampes as his representative, and some of his ministers,—but
nothing was done, by reason of the insolent pride of the ghent
deputies.
Not long after the return of the deputies from Seclin, a french man
at arms, who had offered his services to Ghent for gain, called Pierre
Moreau, who also was one of their captains, collected a large
company, and marched to attack Dendermonde, wherein was sir
Anthony of Burgundy. The knight, having had notice of their coming,
issued out to meet them, and, after killing several, forced them to
retreat to Ghent.

FOOTNOTES:
[143] Seclin,—an ancient town in Flanders, four miles south of
Lille.
 [a.d. 1453.]
CHAP. XLII.
PIERRE MOREAU MAKES ANOTHER ATTACK ON
DENDERMONDE.—THE GHENT MEN INVADE HAINAULT,
AND COMMIT GREAT RAVAGES THERE.
On the 3d day of April, in the year 1453, immediately after Easter,
Pierre Moreau collected a greater force than before, and made
another attempt on Dendermonde, but with no better success than
formerly, and, having lost from nine to ten of his men, returned to
Ghent.
On the 14th of the same month, the ghent men made another
irruption into Hainault, with a very numerous army, as far as Tournay
and Enghien, setting fire to all the villages, and slaying every one
they met without opposition. To this they were incited, as it was
said, by the duke's not having paid his soldiers, on which account
very many had refused to serve him.
When this came to the knowledge of the duke, he issued his
summons for greater levies of men than he had raised during the
war, every vassal was summoned, and all who had been used to
arms,—for he was determined to put an end to the war,—and all
were to be ready by the 15th day of May. The artillery which the
duke meant to carry with him to Flanders was kept in the great hall
of the town-house at Lille. It happened, but it was never known
how, that fire was thrown through a crack in a tower, the cellar of
which served as the magazine of powder for this artillery; but
mischief was prevented by a person going accidentally into the
cellar, and putting it out, as it was burning the hoops of a barrel of
powder. Had not this person fortunately gone thither, the town-
house, artillery, and probably the whole town would have been
destroyed.
 CHAP. XLIII.
THE GHENT MEN WOULD HAVE TAKEN ALOST BY STORM,
HAD IT NOT BEEN WELL DEFENDED.—THE THREE
ESTATES OF FLANDERS ARE URGENT FOR PEACE.
On the 8th day of May, upwards of fourteen thousand infantry, and
two hundred cavalry, marched out of Ghent to besiege Alost,
wherein were no more than three hundred fighting men,
commanded by sir Louis de la Viefville, as lieutenant to the governor,
sir Anthony de Wissoc, who had that day gone to Dendermonde.
Sir Louis sallied forth to meet the cavalry of Ghent, which had
advanced before the infantry: a combat ensued, when some were
killed, and the cavalry forced to fall back on their main body,—after
which the Picards retreated into the town, and the ghent men
encamped before it. When day broke, they attacked the town at four
different places, and made so severe an attempt on one of the
bulwarks that six men at arms were killed; but sir Louis hastening to
its relief, he fought so valiantly that the enemy were obliged to
retire, with the loss of twenty of their men. These attacks lasted full
three hours,—and many were killed on each side; but the ghent men
found it prudent to return to their encampment of the preceding
night.
When sir Anthony de Wissoc heard of this attack at Dendermonde,
he collected about six hundred Picards, and marched to offer battle
to the ghent men; but on perceiving their superior numbers and
order of battle, he dissembled his intentions, and lodged his army
near them for the night, intending to combat them on the morrow if
he should see it advantageous for him. This same night, however,
the ghent men decamped and returned with all their baggage in
safety to their town.
While these things were passing, a deputation of the three estates of
Flanders, in conjunction with those of Bruges, waited on the duke at
Lille, to request passports for certain of the ghent men to come to
him, and treat of putting an end to the war. The noble duke, from
his affection to them, granted their request; and soon after, twenty
commissioners arrived at Lille from Ghent, who laboured so
earnestly in the business that it was imagined peace must now be
concluded. In this expectation, the ambassadors returned to Ghent;
but when they had reported the preliminary terms, the commonalty
refused to abide by them, and thus was the treaty broken off.
While this negotiation was going forward, the men at arms whom
the duke had raised were doing all possible mischiefs to his country,
—and no person could venture abroad without being robbed, even
to the very gates of the principal towns; and this plague lasted for
upwards of six weeks.
 CHAP. XLIV.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS AN ARMY INTO
LUXEMBOURG AGAINST SOME GERMANS, WHO, FROM
THIONVILLE[144], WERE WASTING THAT COUNTRY.—THE
DUKE ENTERS FLANDERS WITH A LARGE FORCE, TO
MAKE WAR ON GHENT.
About Easter, in this year, some Germans, who had possessed
themselves of the strong town of Thionville, overran, at different
times, the duchy of Luxembourg, which was under obedience to the
duke, and all its towns, excepting this town of Thionville. These
Germans continuing their incessant inroads, the duke was
constrained to send thither the lord de Rubempré, a Picard, with one
hundred men at arms and four hundred archers: but he found the
enemy in such strength that he was unable to oppose them. The
duke, although hard pressed to find men to carry on his war against
Ghent, was forced to send reinforcements into Luxembourg. He
therefore ordered thither the lord de Croy, his first chamberlain, and
governor of Luxembourg, with one hundred lances and eight
hundred archers, whose principal captains were the lord of Hames,
the lord of Mareuil, the lord of Dommarcq[145], and others.
The ghent men, on the other hand, did not cease from carrying fire
and sword into Hainault and the defenceless parts of Flanders. On
the 15th day of June, they advanced toward Ath[146], to burn that
part of the country; but sir John de Croy lord of Chimay, having had
early notice of their intentions, defeated them completely, killing
three hundred, and taking numbers of prisoners, whom he carried
off without molestation.
The duke of Burgundy marched from Lille on the 20th day of June,
with a most numerous army to Courtray: he had a large train of
artillery, and plenty of pioneers to open the woods and clear the
roads, and numbers of carpenters to construct warlike engines.
These pioneers and carpenters had been sent thither at the expense
of the countries under the duke's obedience.
The principal nobles in this army were the count d'Estampes, sir
James de St Pol, brother to the count de St Pol, who was then
employed by the king of France in the Bordelois against the English.
The marshal of Burgundy was also with the duke, having with him
three hundred men at arms, whom he had brought from Burgundy,
and many other great lords and esquires from the territories of the
duke.
The duke marched his whole army from Oudenarde the 25th day of
June, to besiege the castle of Helsebecque, and a strong monastery
hard by. The monastery was instantly won by storm, and thirty-two
ghent men taken within it, whom the duke caused to be hanged.
The castle surrendered unconditionally the second day afterward,
when about one hundred and fifty men, that were made prisoners,
suffered a similar fate, by command of the duke.

FOOTNOTES:
[144] Thionville,—a strong town of Luxembourg on the Moselle,
12 leagues from Treves.
[145] Dommarcq.——Du Cange, Dormnast.
[146] Ath,—a town in Hainault, nine miles north-west of Mons.