ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIA

ANALECTA
————— 220 —————

THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST,

A LIFE!

Festschrift Karel Van Lerberghe

edited by

TOM BOIY, JOACHIM BRETSCHNEIDER,

ANNE GODDEERIS, HENDRIK HAMEEUW,
GRETA JANS and JAN TAVERNIER

UITGEVERIJ PEETERS en DEPARTEMENT OOSTERSE STUDIES

LEUVEN – PARIS – WALPOLE, MA
2012

95254_Boiy_T_OLA_vw.indd III 27/06/12 11:27

 CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX

TABULA GRATULATORIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XV

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF KAREL VAN LERBERGHE (until 2012) . . . . XVII

Kathleen ABRAHAM and Uri GABBAY

Expenditures by the gu-za-lá Official at Maskan-sapir from
the Time of Rim-Sin of Larsa . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Michel AL-MAQDISSI et Eva ISHAQ
Notes d’archéologie levantine XXXIII: Tête d’un dignitaire en
basalte de Tell Sakka . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Tom BOIY
The Birth of an Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
Joachim BRETSCHNEIDER, Greta JANS, Anne-Sophie VAN VYVE and
Michel DEBRUYNE
The ‘Ochre’ Room: Shedding Some Light on a ‘Dark’ Period
of Transition. Tell Tweini in the Early Iron Age . . . . . 59
Guy BUNNENS
Sealing Practices at Neo-Assyrian Til Barsib. Cylinders –
Stamps – Sissiktu – Seal Box . . . . . . . . . . . 75
Dominique CHARPIN
Une lettre d’un roi inconnu: Nouvelles données sur le début
du règne de Zimri-Lim . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Petr CHARVÁT
Uruk mater urbium: The Sign URU in Proto-Cuneiform Writing 105
Geert DE BREUCKER
Berossos’ Babyloniaca: Purposes and Interpretations . . . 115
Patrick DEGRYSE, Hamdy EL-DESOUKY, Joachim BRETSCHNEIDER,
Greta JANS, Frank VANHAECKE and Philippe MUCHEZ
Lead Isotopic Analysis of Copper Alloy Artifacts from Tell
Tweini. Changing Ore Sources from the Early Bronze Age to
the Iron Age? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131

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 VI CONTENTS

Elena DEVECCHI
The Amarna Letters from Îatti. A palaeographic Analysis . 143
An DE VOS
Remarks on Equative and Comparative Degree in Hittite and
Akkadian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
Manfried DIETRICH
The Chaldeans the Leading People in Babylonian History and
Historiography during the First Half of the First Millennium BCE 171
Jean-Marie DURAND
Vengeance d’un exilé . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Gertrud and Walter FARBER
The “Gibson Collection” at the Oriental Institute, Chicago . 191
Alhena GADOTTI and Alexandra KLEINERMAN
Unfulfilled Destinies. Yet again on the Old Babylonian Sumerian
Scribal Curriculum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 209
Anne GODDEERIS
Sealing in Old Babylonian Nippur . . . . . . . . . 215
Elynn GORRIS
The Clay Rattles from Tell Tweini (Syria) and their Contribution
to the Musical Tradition of the Ancient Near East . . . . 235
Eric GUBEL
Episème de bouclier ou égide (sam’alite?) à inscription ouest
sémitique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253
Hendrik HAMEEUW
1947: Two Tablets as a Christmas Gift to a Leuven Assyriolo-
gist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269
Caroline JANSSEN
The Guard Who Molested Gentlemen… A Letter ana awile,
from the Ur-Utu Archive . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
Theo J. H. KRISPIJN
An Old-Babylonian Version of the Tribute List . . . . . 297
Marc LEBEAU and Marie-Eve STÉNUIT
The Restoration of Temple D at Tell Beydar/Nabada (Field N,
Seasons 2004 and 2005) . . . . . . . . . . . . 305

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 CONTENTS VII

René LEBRUN et Jan TAVERNIER

Deux objets inscrits de Tell Tweini . . . . . . . . . 319
Edward LIPINSKI
Dagan, the Master of Ploughing . . . . . . . . . . 335
Elena MARINOVA, Veerle LINSEELE, Patricia VANDORPE and Jan
VAN DER VALK
Middle Bronze Age Ritual, Subsistence and Environment at
Tell Tweini Inferred from Bioarchaeological Evidence . . . 345
Valérie MATOÏAN
Images de faïence de Tell Tueini et de Ras Shamra (Syrie) . 365
Paolo MATTHIAE
Une nouvelle image de l’Ishtar eblaitu paléosyrienne . . . 387
Rudolf H. MAYR
Seal Impressions on Administrative Tags from the Reign of
Su-Amurru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 409
Piotr MICHALOWSKI and Gary BECKMAN
The Promulgation of the Name of the Third Year of Rim-Anum
of Uruk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425
Hans NEUMANN
Einige neusumerische Texte aus Umma über (Opfer-)Liefe-
rungen (sá-du11) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435
David I. OWEN
Three Early Old Babylonian Accounts . . . . . . . . 445
Jeroen POBLOME
Word versus Dirt. History and Archaeology Applied to Proto-
Historical Sagalassos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 457
Alexander PRUSS
A Closure Ritual at Tell Beydar? . . . . . . . . . 471
Mervyn E. J. RICHARDSON
Baring the Essentials of a Dictionary: Some Precursors of
CDA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 487
Arlette ROOBAERT
Libbali-Sharrat or Naqia? On Queens Portrayed on Assyrian
Reliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 499

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 VIII CONTENTS

Saraa SALEH
The Ancient Theatres of Syria in their Regional Setting . . 507
Jack M. SASSON
‘Nothing So Swift As Calumny’: Slander and Justification at
the Mari Court . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525
Antoon SCHOORS
The Ambiguity of Enjoyment in Qoheleth . . . . . . . 543
Johanna SPAEY
The Secret of Gilgamesh . . . . . . . . . . . . 557
Marten STOL
Renting the Divine Weapon as a Prebend . . . . . . . 561
Michel TANRET
Of Wills and Bills… On Inherited Debts in the Ur-Utu Archive 585
Véronique VAN DER STEDE
De l’usage des figurines et statuettes anthropomorphes dans
les sépultures du Bronze ancien et moyen en Syrie . . . . 599
Wim VAN NEER and Bea DE CUPERE
Bird Feathers for Ceremonial Use in Hellenistic Times at Tell
Beydar, Syria? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 617
Klaas R. VEENHOF
An Old Babylonian Lawsuit on the Property of a Priestess . 627
Juan-Pablo VITA
The Scribal Exercise RS 16.265 from Ugarit in its Near-Eastern
Context . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 645
Caroline WAERZEGGERS
Happy Days: The Babylonian Almanac in Daily Life . . . 653
Tony J. WILKINSON and Emma CUNLIFFE
The Archaeological Landscape of the Tell Beydar Region:
An Update Using Satellite Imagery . . . . . . . . . 665

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT
MASKAN-SAPIR FROM THE TIME OF RIM-SIN OF LARSA

Kathleen ABRAHAM and Uri GABBAY

Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan and Hebrew University, Jerusalem

While cataloguing a group of 341 tablets from the Shlomo Moussaieff

collection that were on temporary loan to Bar-Ilan University for roughly
two years until January 2008, we came across a group of tablets that list
expenditures by an official at Maskan-sapir.1
The thirteen tablets published here belong to one dossier in which the
principal figure is a man by the name of Warad-Nanna, a gu-za-lá-official.2
He was stationed at Maskan-sapir where he administered the disbursals
of beer, flour and barley to various destinations. This is clear from the
phrase that concludes all but one of the tablets (no. 11; but this tablet
surely belongs to the same group). It stands before the date formula and
reads:
ki ìr-dnanna gu-za-lá sà mas-kán-sabraki ba-zi
(Commodities) expenditured by Warad-Nanna, the gu-za-lá official,
at Maskan-sapir

The main destination of these expenditures was the naptanum ceremonial

banquet. It occurs in eleven of the thirteen cases, dated between Rim-Sin’s
sixth and eighth year. Nos. 1 and 13, which lack a reference to naptanum,
happen to be the earliest and latest texts in the dossier.
In this paper we will first edit the tablets in chronological order and then
discuss their content in broad outline, touching upon matters of typology,

1
We thank Dr. Shlomo Moussaieff for giving us the opportunity to study the tablets
and publish them. The administrative texts, which are the majority of this collection, were
catalogued by Kathleen Abraham, Uri Gabbay and Marcel Sigrist. We are grateful to
Marcel Sigrist for his help in the preliminary identification and reading of the tablets. We
would also like to thank Aage Westenholz and Yuval Levavi who were in charge of baking
and restoring the tablets.
2
For gu-za-lá, cf. Goodnick-Westenholz and Westenholz 2006, 124-127. Note that the
gu-zal-lu mentioned in relation to Maskan-sapir in an OB text probably from Larsa dating
to Rim-Sin’s reign (Goodnick-Westenholz and Westenholz 2006, 122, ii:3-5), is probably
to be understood as kuzallu, a profession connected to sheep (Stol 2007, 410).

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 2 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

chronology, and history. We hope with this publication of Old Babylonian

tablets to honor Karel Van Lerberghe, who is to be credited, among his
many achievements, for having identified hundreds of Old Babylonian
legal and administrative tablets in the Rosen Collection at Cornell Uni-
versity and having provided exhaustive editions of the tablets (Van Ler-
berghe and Voet 2009).

Edition of the Texts

1. SM Tablet 281 (27/vi/6 Rim-Sin)

Obv. 1. 10 gur zì-gu
10 + x gur se
[
su-ti]-a ka-ra-na-tum
(vacat)
ki ìr-dnanna gu-za-lá
5. sà mas-kán-sabraki
[ ]

ba-zi
Rev. (vacat)
iti [kin-dinanna] ud-27-kam
mu é [dbára-ul]-e-gar-[ra]
sà ad[a]bki mu-un-dù-[a]
10. [
ù alan] kù-[si22] dEN.ZU-i-din-nam
lugal lars[aki-m]a mu-dím-ma

2. SM Tablet 282 (10+/vii/6 Rim-Sin)

Obv. 1. [2 gur] d[abin]
[0;3.1] z[ì-gu]
[0;0.2 níg-àr]-[ra se]-bi [0;0.3]
[
na-ap-ta]-nu-u[m]
5. 0;1 dabin lú ur-d[ ]
0;2.3 se sà-gal [anse kúnga]
0;1.2 dabin sá-du11 lú[kin]-[gi4-a]
[
2;2.2] gur dabin
0;3.1 zì-gu
10. 0;3 se
(vacat)
Rev. ki ìr-[d][nanna] gu-za-lá
sà mas-[kán-sa]bra[ki]
ba-zi

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 3

(vacat)
iti du6-kù ud-10+x-[kam]
15. [mu] é-dbára-ul-[e-gar]-[ra]
[sà ada]b[ki] [mu-dù-a]

3. SM Tablet 312 (7/viii/6 Rim-Sin)

Obv. 1. 3 gur dabin
0;2.1 zì-gu
0;0.2 níg-àr-ra se-bi 0;0.3
na-ap-ta-nu-um
5. 0;2.3 se sà-gal anse kúnga!
0;1.3 dabin 0;0.1 zì-gu
sá-du11 lúkin-gi4-a
3;1.3 gur dabin
0;2.2 zì-gu
10. 0;3 se
Rev. [k]i ìr-[dnanna] gu-za-lá
sà mas-kán-[sabra]ki
ba-zi
(vacat)
iti gisapin-du8-a ud-7-kam
15. mu é dbára-ul-[e]-gar-ra
sà adabki mu-dù-a

4. SM Tablet 300 (13/viii/6 Rim-Sin)

Obv. 1. 3 gur dabin
0;2.1 zì-gu
0;0.2 níg-àr-ra se-bi 0;0.3
na-ap-[ta]-nu-[um]
5. 0;2.3 se sà-gal anse kúnga
2 gur dabin a-na u-bar-d[utu]
[ ]

0;2 dabin 0;0.3 zì-gu dumu-munus lú-ddumu-zi-da

0;2 dabin sá-du11 lúkin-[g]i4-a
5;4 (erasure) gur dabin
10. 0;2.[4 ] zì-gu
0;3 se
Rev. ki ìr-dnanna gu-za-lá
ba-zi
(vacat)

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 4 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

iti gis[apin-du8]-a ud-13-kam

15. mu é dbára-ul-e-gar-ra
sà adabki mu-un-dù-a
ù alan kù-gi [d]EN.ZU-i-din-na[m]
lugal larsaki-ma
mu-un-dím-ma

5. SM Tablet 329 (10/vii/7 Rim-Sin)

[ ?
Obv. 1. 1 gur] [kas]-gin na-ap-ta-nu-um
0;4 sá-du11 érin[Ìi.a] lú unugki
[
0;3? sá-du11] érinÌi.a lú ì-si-inki
0;0.1 [dEN.ZU]-na-wi-[ir]
5. 0;0.1 x x (x)-la-AN
[
0;0.1] ik-[ka?]-nu
[0;0.1] (x x) mi? x
lú murguki
0;0.1 dEN.ZU-is-me-[an-n]i
10. 0;0.1 i-[din]-d[nan]na?
lú [UD?].UNUGki
0;0.1 dEN.ZU-i-din-nam
0;0.1 Ìa-am!?-sú-um
lú an-za-an
15. 0;0.1 bur-ri-ia
0;0.1 ta-ri-bu-um
0;0.1 la-qí-pu-um
0;0.1 dIM-am-mar
0;0.1 dEN.[ZU]-ga-mil
Rev. 20. 0;0.1 mi-in-[ ]
lú ì-si-[in][ki]
0;0.1 DINGIR-su-ba-ni
0;0.1 i-lu-qí?-ba
0;0.1 a-da-ia-tum
25. 0;0.1 a-bu-wa-qar
0;0.1 ì-lí-ma-a-Ìi
0;0.1 a-bu-dwe-er
0;0.1 iÌ-bi-it-ìr-ra
0;0.1 da-aq-qum
30. 0;0.1 ìr-ra-ba-ni
0;0.1 i-ri-ba-am

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 5

0;0.1 a-Ìu-ni
lú ès-nunki
0;0.1 ta-ak-ku-ú-a
35. lú ak-za-aki
[ ]

3;1.[2?] gur kas-gin

[ d
ki ìr- nanna] gu-za-lá
sà mas-kán-sabra[ki]
ba-zi
U.E. 40. iti du6-kù ud-10-kam
mu abul-a 2-bi mas-kán-[sabra]ki
mu-dù-[a]

NOTES

14. An-za-an (see also no. 9:7) is the common spelling for Ansan in Elamite
sources (Vallat 1993, 14-15). Note, however, that most references are later than
our tablet (Middle Elamite period). The Elamite writing with ZA in our line and
in no. 9:7 (rather than the regular writing with SA), points to the close connection
between Maskan-sapir and Elam.
29. For this name see Zadok 1987, 12 (no. 95): daq-qum lú Elamki, and cf.
Hinz and Koch 1987, 248-249, 271: da-ak-ki-ya (derived from da-ak “deponiert”
or “lebendig”).
34. For a similar name construction, see perhaps ta-at-tu-ú-a (Hinz and Koch
1987, 257-258).
35. For ak-za-aki (also in no. 11:10), see Groneberg 1980, 10. Note that the
occurrence of this toponym in TIM 2, 14:24 should probably be dated to the
reign of Rim-Sin of Larsa (Cagni 1980, 11, n. 14a). We suggest that this is a
variant syllabic writing for Aksak. For the use of the sign ZA instead of SA, cf.
the writing of Ansan as an-za-anki (see note to line 14 above). Note also other
syllabic spellings of Aksak without the final consonant (Groneberg 1980, 7-8).

6. SM Tablet 262 (12/vii/7 Rim-Sin)

[
Obv. 1. 3 gur] dabin
0;2.3 zì-gu
0;0.2 níg-àr-ra se-bi [0;0.3]
na-ap-ta-[nu]-um
5. 0;2.1 (se) sà-[ga]l anse kúnga
1 gur zì-gu 1 gur dabin [dumu?] é-dub-ba
0;3 dabin 6 érin lúmá-lá sa [gi]pisag-im-sar-ra
0;0.5 dabin kurum6[Ìi-a] MÍ nam-ra ù 3 érin a-sí-ru
2 gur dabin 2 gur se
10. sá-[du11] érinÌi-a lú ì-si-inki

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 8 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

10. SM Tablet 319 (9/ix/8 Rim-Sin)

[
Obv. 1. 0;3] kas-gin na-ap-[ta-nu]-um
0;0.1 a-bi-a-sa-ad
0;0.1 dutu-a-bi
0;0.1 su-ni-ia
5. lú ès-[nun]ki
0;3.[3 kas]-gin
(vacat)
[ ] [ d
ki ìr- nanna] [gu-za-lá]
sà mas-kán-[s]abra[ki]
[ ]
[ ]
ba -zi
(vacat)
Rev. 10. iti [gan-gan-è] ud.9.kam
mu é [d]en-ki sà úriki-ma
mu-un-dù-a

11. SM Tablet 293 (20/ix/8 Rim-Sin)

Obv. 1. 0;3 kas-gin na-ap-ta-nu-um
0;0.1 i-lam?-du-[du]
0;0.1 a-da-a-a-tum
0;0.1 a-bi-a-sa-ad
5. 0;0.1 dutu-a-bi
0;0.1 su-ni-ia
0;0.1 x x-bi
lú ès-nun-naki
Rev. 0;0.1 lú ì-si-[inki]
10. lú ak-za-aki
0;4.1 kas-gin
(vacat)
iti [gan-gan-è?] ud-20-kam
mu [é] den-ki sà úriki-ma
mu-un-dù-a

NOTES

10. For ak-za-aki, see note to no. 5:35.

12. SM Tablet 291 (21/ix/8 Rim-Sin)

Obv. 1. [0;4] dabin
0;2 zì-gu

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 9

0;0.1 5 sìla níg-àr-ra se-bi 0;0.2 2 sìla

na-ap-ta-nu-um
5. 0;1.5 se sà-gal anse kúnga
0;0.2 dabin 7 (sìla) zì-gu
sá-du11 lúkin-gi4-a
0;4.2 dabi[n]
0;2.0 7 (sìla) zì-g[u]
10. 0;2.[1] 2 sìla se
(vacat)
ki ìr-dnanna gu-za-lá
sà mas-kán-sabraki
ba-zi
Rev. iti gan-gan-è ud-21-kam
15. mu é den-ki sà úriki-ma
ù é dnin-é-nim-ma
[ ]

[ù] [é] dnin-mar-ki

mu-dù-a

13. SM Tablet 332 (30/ix/13ª Rim-Sin)

Obv. 1. 0;2.3 se 0;1.0 0;0.1 [0;1.5] 0;2.3 [a? -na]

dabin 5 sìla kas-sig5 (se) la-[wi!?-la?]-an
zì-gu se-bi kas-gin
0;2.4
5 sìla
[
0;0.3 0;0.1 0;1.0] 0;0.1 dingir-[na]-Òir
kas-ú-
sa se-bi
0;0.1
0;0.3 0;0.1 [
0;1.0] 0;0.1 puzur4-dmar-tu
kas-ú-
sa se-bi
0;0.1
[ ]
0;0.1 5 sì[la] 0;0.1 a -a-ba-as-di-[nu]-um
5 sìla
d
5. 0;0.1 5 (sìla) 0;0.1 EN.ZU-i-ri-ba-am
5 (sìla)
d
0;0.1 5 (sìla) 0;0.1 we-er-a-bu-su
5 (sìla)

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 10 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

0;0.1 5 (sìla) 0;0.1 ma-a-[ga]

5 (sìla)
0;0.1 5 (sìla) 0;0.1 Ìa-zi-ru-um
5 (sìla)
0;0.1 5 (sìla) 0;0.1 Ìa-am-mu-ra-pi
5 (sìla)
10. 0;0.1 5 (sìla) 0;0.1 a-Ìu-wa-qar
5 (sìla)
Rev. 2;2.2 se gur
0;1.5 5 sìla dabin
0;0.1 5 sìla zì-gu
sá-du11 lúkin-gi4-a ès-nunki
15. ki ìr-dnanna gu-za-lá
sà mas-kán-sabraki
ba-zi
iti gan-gan-è ud-30-kam
20. mu bàd-gal [is]-ku-un-dnè-iri11-gal ba-dù

NOTES
1. If the reading of the PN la-wi-la-an in the last column is correct, this
would perhaps be the same messenger from Esnunna mentioned as a recipient of
a sheep in a tablet dated to the year Rim-Sin 7 (Ali 2009, 16, no. 1:2-3).

Related Texts

A group of similar texts was recently published by M. Ali (2009). These

texts, dated to Rim-Sin 7-9 and 21, list expenditures for the naptanum,
for various individuals and for messengers from Esnunna and Uruk.3
Unlike the texts published here, they record expenditures of sheep and
lambs and not of barley and beer.4
Another group of tablets that may be relevant to the texts published
here is TLB I, nos. 50-54, edited by Leemans (1954, 76-90).5 This is a

3
One of the messengers from Esnunna mentioned in this group may occur in our
tablet 13, see note to no. 13:1 above.
4
Note the term é-gisgu-za in some of these texts (Ali 2009, 16-20, nos. 1:3, 3:3, 4:3,
6:3), which may be connected to the profession gu-za-lá of Warad-Nanna in our texts.
Note especially the related writing lú-gisgu-za in some texts (Goodnick-Westenholz and
Westenholz 2006, 124).
5
For no. 54, see also Robson 2004, 132.

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 11

group of expenditures of barley and flour for naptanum, animal fodder

(sà-gal), maintenance (suku ÒuÌare, suku PN [no. 51], suku é [no. 54])
and named individuals. The texts in this group are set in non-tabulated
(nos. 50-51) and tabulated (nos. 52-54) form. None of the texts has a
year date, but it is generally assumed that they are from the later years
of Rim-Sin (Leemans 1954, 71; Robson 2004, 131-132).
A group of ten small tablets was found in house B.59 in Larsa (Charpin
2003, 314). They record an amount of flour (dabin), followed by napta-
num and the name of the month and day, but not the year. D. Charpin
suggests to compare the naptanum in these Larsa tablets to the naptan
sarrim from Mari, but previously he linked them to texts from Tell-ed-Der
where the same kind of disbursals are categorized as “food provision”
(suku lú) (Charpin 1996, 222).
Lastly, an unpublished text related to our group is mentioned by Civil
(2000, 675). During a discussion of a different issue, Civil refers to an
unpublished administrative text, dated to Rim-Sin 7: “Among supplies
for the naptanu of Kudur-Mabuk, and other ritual occasions, the tablet
lists several equids, among them the ‘horse of Inanna’.”6

Text Typology

Type A: Flour expenditures (nos. 2-4, 6-7, 12). These documents mention
types of flour and groats (dabin, zì-gu, níg-àr-ra) for the ceremonial ban-
quet (naptanum) and for the regular supplies to the messengers (sá-du11
lú
kin-gi4-a), as well as barley (se) for the fodder of the mules (anse kúnga).
Texts nos. 3 and 12 mention these three destinations. The other texts in
this group are more elaborate than texts nos. 3 and 12. They add to the
above mentioned destinations also disbursals to named and unnamed
individuals, workmen, and prisoners.7
Text no. 1 is also a flour and barley expenditure by Warad-Nanna,
but the only beneficiary mentioned is a woman named Karanatum.8 It is
therefore different from the above texts in that no banquet, mules or mes-
sengers are mentioned. It is also the earliest text in the dossier.
Type B: Beer expenditures (nos. 5, 8-11). These documents mention
beer for the naptanum and for various individuals from different local-
ities (PN lú GN).

6
Or is this another reference to anse kúnga! as in our texts?
7
For details on the beneficiaries, see below.
8
For this feminine personal name, cf. CAD K, 202b.

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 12 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

Type C: Tabular expenditure of flour and beer (text 13). The latest text
in the dossier mentions both beer and flour expenditures which were
dispensed “for the regular deliveries of the messengers from Esnunna.”
The nine recipients in question are listed by name. The “landscape” orien-
tation of the tablet, as well as its tabular nature, are characteristic to the
early years of the reign of Rim-Sin (Robson 2004, 128-130). Unlike other
tabulated tablets of this period, there is no heading to the table in text
no. 13. The first row functions as heading to the first five columns by
naming the types of commodities that are dispensed, but also specifies
the amounts that are dispensed to the persons who are mentioned in the
sixth and final column.

Chronological Framework

Warad-Nanna administered the disbursal of beer, flour and barley at

Maskan-sapir in the reign of Rim-Sin. All but one of the texts are dated
in autumn or early winter (months vi-ix) of this king’s sixth, seventh and
eighth year. The table below orders the texts in chronological order and
summarizes the evidence that they provide regarding the types of disbur-
sals that fell under Warad-Nanna’s responsibility and the date on which
he reported about them.

Text No Disbursals from naptanum day Month year King

Maskan-sapir
1 flour + barley (Type A) – 26 vi 06 Rim-Sin
2 flour + barley (Type A) + 10+ vii 06 Rim-Sin
3 flour + barley (Type A) + 07 viii 06 Rim-Sin
4 flour + barley (Type A) + 13 viii 06 Rim-Sin
5 beer (Type B) + 10 vii 07 Rim-Sin
6 flour + barley (Type A) + 12 vii 07 Rim-Sin
7 flour + barley (Type A) + 01 vii 08 Rim-Sin
8 beer (Type B) + 03 vii 08 Rim-Sin
9 beer (Type B) + 02 viii 08 Rim-Sin
10 beer (Type B) + 09 ix 08 Rim-Sin
11 beer (Type B) + 20 ix 08 Rim-Sin
12 flour + barley (Type A) + 21 ix 08 Rim-Sin
13 flour + barley and beer – 30 ix 13a Rim-Sin
(Type C)

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 13

As can be seen, Warad-Nanna’s first attested report on an expenditure

took place in Rim-Sin’s sixth year, on the 27th day of month vi (no. 1).
It is exceptional in that it mentions only one individual as beneficiary,
whereas all future expenditures of barley or flour (also) refer to a banquet
(naptanum), mules and messengers. Soon afterwards, namely on the
10+th day of month vii, another expenditure followed (no. 2), this time of
the usual type A. About 3-4 weeks later two more expenditures of type A
were organized by Warad-Nanna, separated from each other by six days,
namely on the 7th and 13th days of month viii (nos. 3 and 4).
In Rim-Sin’s seventh year Warad-Nanna is in charge of two expenditures
which are separated from each other by two days. On the 10th of month vii
he dispensed beer (no. 5, type B), and on the 12th — flour and barley
(no. 6, type A). The beer was for the naptanum, as well as for workers
and individuals from a variety of cities; the flour and barley were for the
usual Type A beneficiaries (naptanum, fodder for mules, and messengers),
as well as for a scribe, a team of workers in charge of rafts carrying tablet
containers, workers from Isin and Uruk, prisoners and captive women.
The first two expenditures in Rim-Sin’s eighth year are separated
from each other by two days, namely on the 1st and 3rd days of month
vii (nos. 7 and 8). The first of these two expenditures is of flour (type A)
and the second is of beer (type B). One month later, an additional
expenditure of beer takes place (type B), namely on the 2nd day of
month viii (no. 9). This time men from various cities are mentioned
besides the banquet. Five weeks later, a similar expenditure of beer is
recorded (type B), namely on the 9th day of month ix (no. 10). The
next expenditure, of beer as well (type B), occurs eleven days later,
namely on the 20th of month ix (no. 11), for the naptanum and for
people from various localities, including six individuals from Esnunna,
three of them identical to the ones listed in no. 10. Finally, one day
later, an expenditure of flour and barley (type A) is recorded, namely
from the 21st day of month ix (no. 12), destined for the usual banquet,
mules and messengers.
A gap of five years occurs before the next known tablet of expendi-
tures by Warad-Nanna. No. 13 (Type C), from the end of month ix of
Rim-Sin’s 13th year, is different from the previous texts not only in chrono-
logical terms, but also in its format (tabular) and to some degree even its
content. It combines expenditures of barley, flour and barley for beer9 on

9
That barley for the preparation of beer is meant also in the column that only mentions
kas-gin is seen by the total amount of barley noted at the end of the tablet, which also
includes the amounts for kas-gin beer.

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 14 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

one and the same tablet and organizes the relevant data in a six-column
table. The beneficiaries are ten men, messengers of Esnunna.

Historical Framework

The noun naptanum may refer to various types of banquets: cultic banquets
to the gods, royal banquets, military banquets and private banquets.10 In
some cases there is only a fine line separating disbursals for a “banquet”
from those for the so-called “maintenance” of certain individuals,11 even
to the point that the former are simply categorized as “food provisions”
(suku lú) (Charpin 1996, 222). It is quite possible that the naptanum
banquets for which Warad-Nanna had to supply various kinds of flour
were held in honor of members of the royal family and their entourage.
Maskan-sapir is known to have been the residence of members of the
royal family of Larsa. Kudur-Mabuk had probably already taken up resi-
dence in Maskan-sapir during the end of the reign of Sin-iddinam and he
remained firmly in control of Maskan-sapir until the end of Warad-Sin’s
reign and the beginning of the reign of Rim-Sin (Steinkeller 2004a, 33).
Kudur-Mabuk must have died during the first years of Rim-Sin’s reign.
Since an inscription of Rim-Sin, dealing with the building of Enki’s temple
in Ur, does not mention Kudur-Mabuk (Frayne 1990, 278-279, no. 6),
and since the eighth year name of Rim-Sin mentions the same act (Sigrist
1990, 40-41), Frayne (1990, 270, 278) concluded that Kudur-Mabuk was
dead by Rim-Sin 8. According to Steinkeller (2004a, 41, n. 77), Kudur-
Mabuk died even earlier, since the installation of statues of Kudur-
Mabuk in the year names of Rim-Sin 3 and 5 (Sigrist 1990, 38-39), may
indicate that he was dead by then, at least in Rim-Sin 5 which mentions
that the statues were brought into é-gal-bar-ra, perhaps a royal funerary
chapel (George 1993, 87, no. 311). Therefore, Steinkeller concludes that
Kudur-Mabuk died not later than the year Rim-Sin 5.12
Our group of texts (excluding no. 13) range between Rim-Sin 6 and 8.
Although this may be a coincidence, perhaps one should connect this
to the possible death of Kudur-Mabuk just before or during this period.
The termination of the naptanum texts in Rim-Sin 8 may indicate the
decline of Maskan-sapir as a place of political residence in these years,

10
For naptanum, cf. CAD N/I, 319-324; Glassner 1987-1990, 259-267; Charpin,
1996, 222; Lafont 2008, 93-98; Ali 2009, 8-27.
11
Cf. CAD N/I, 323.
12
Steinkeller gives the date as Warad-Sin 5, but this must be a mistake for Rim-Sin 5.

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 15

and therefore the royal naptanum did not take place there anymore. Later,
Rim-Sin seems to have assigned his brother Sin-muballi† to be in charge
of Maskan-sapir (Steinkeller 2004a, 28-29).13
The dates of the Maskan-sapir expenditures may have other historical
implications. It may be mere coincidence, but Warad-Nanna’s most active
years in Maskan-sapir (Rim-Sin 6-8) concur with fortification and irriga-
tion works at Maskan-sapir done by Rim-Sin in this period. Thus, the
seventh year of Rim-Sin’s reign was named after such works: “Year:
He had two large doors built in Maskan-sapir and had a four mile long
canal dug for the fields and the pastures” (Sigrist 1990, 40).

Beneficiaries

The following destinations and beneficiaries are found in the texts:

(1) Naptanum (all texts, except nos. 1 and 13)

The ceremonial banquet (naptanum) for which Warad-Nanna had to
supply various kinds of flour, barley and beer were probably held in
honor of members of the royal family and their entourage. The flour
and barley transactions (Type A) always contain three ingredients: dabin
(semolina), zì-gu flour, and groats of barley (níg-àr-ra). In the three docu-
mented expenditures in months vii-viii of Rim-Sin 6 (nos. 2-4, all Type A)
and in the only Type A transaction of the year Rim-Sin 7 which occurred
in month vii (no. 6), the amounts of these ingredients are equal or simi-
lar, ranging between 2-3 kor of semolina, 130-190 sila of zì-gu flour,
and 30 sila of barley for the production of 20 sila of groats. The amounts
change in the two naptanum Type A documents of year 8 of Rim-Sin
(nos. 7 and 12): the amount of semolina ranges only between 180-240
sila, the amount of zì-gu flour is only slightly smaller than in the previ-
ous years (120 sila), and the amount of barley goes down to 18-22 sila
for the production of 12-15 sila of groats.
One tablet lists beer expenditures for the naptanum (Type B) in year
Rim-Sin 7 and four tablets list this for year 8. In the document from year
Rim-Sin 7 (no. 5), dated to month vii, probably 1 kor of beer is listed.
Again, the amounts in year 8 of Rim-Sin (nos. 8-11) seem to be consid-
erably smaller, ranging between 160-210 sila of beer.

13
Van de Mieroop (1993, 51) raises the possibility that a brother of Rim-Sin, perhaps
Sin-muballi†, succeeded their father Kudur-Mabuk in Maskan-sapir after his death.

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 16 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

Is it possible that the diminishing quantities of flour and beer seen

in the chronological framework of the various expenditures should be
connected to the death of Kudur-Mabuk and consequently to the decline
of Maskan-åapir as a place of royal and political residence (see above)?

(2) Messengers (lúkin-gi4-a)

Messengers are listed in the corpus in two ways:
• in general, namely in the form of “regular deliveries to the messengers”
(sá-du11 lúkin-gi4-a, nos. 2-4, 6-7, 12)
• in particular, namely in the form of “regular deliveries to the messengers
from Esnunna” (sá-du11 lúkin-gi4-a ès-nunki, no. 13)14

In the general listing, without the mention of the toponym, the messengers
receive various amounts of semolina (ranging between 10-120 sila), as well
as zì-gu flour (ranging between 7-10 sila). In tablet no. 13 the ten messen-
gers of Esnunna receive rations of semolina, zì-gu flour, barley and beer.

(3) Fodder for mules

The amounts of barley for fodder for mules decline from year to year
during the three years such transactions are attested. The three tablets
from the year Rim-Sin 6 (nos. 2-4) list the same amount of barley for
fodder for mules: 150 sila. The tablet from the year Rim-Sin 7 (no. 6)
lists a slightly smaller amount: 130 sila. Both transactions of fodder from
year Rim-Sin 8 (nos. 7 and 12) list the amount of 110 sila.

(4) Individuals
Six individuals, three women and three men, are mentioned in the tablets
as receiving flour, four of whom are not identified by name but rather by
their affiliation to other named individuals (man of PN, daughter of PN,
and wife of PN), or by their affiliation to an administrative or military
establishment (dumu é-dub-ba):15
• Karanatum (no. 1; she receives flour and barley)
• Ubar-Samas (no. 4)
• Man (lú) of Ur-d[…] (no. 2)

14
Note sà-du11 lúkin-gi4-a ès-nun-naki in a document dated to Rim-Sin 22 (TCL 10,
54:4-5). Further note lines 6-9 in the same document: i-nu-ú-ma érinÌi-a ia-mu-ut-ba-lum
i-na mas-kán-sabraki a-na kaskal ès-nun-naki ip-Ìu-ú-ru, cf. Edzard 1987-1990, 448.
15
See note to no. 6:6 above.

95254_Boiy_T_OLA_01_Abraham.indd 16 27/06/12 11:29

 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 17

• Daughter (dumu-munus) of Lu-Dumuzida (no. 4)

• Wife of Sin-mupasser (dam PN, no. 7)
• Scribe ([dumu?] é-dub-ba, no. 6)

(5) Group of men from various localities (lú GN)

Individuals identified by their place of origin, and often also by their
personal name, are mentioned in four tablets (nos. 5, 9-11) as recipients
of beer (Type B), always 10 sila. The three named individuals from
Esnunna in no. 10 are also listed in no. 11 (both from month ix of year
Rim-Sin 8). One of the persons from Esnunna mentioned in no. 11
(month ix of year Rim-Sin 8) is also mentioned more than a year earlier
in no. 5 (month vii of year Rim-Sin 7). Following are the various topo-
graphic affiliations mentioned in the corpus:
• from Aksa(k) (nos. 5, 11)
• from Ansan (nos. 5, 9)
• from Esnunna (nos. 5, 10, 11)
• from Isin (nos. 5, 11)
• from Malgium (no. 5 and possibly no. 9)
• from Larsa(?) or Uruk(?) (no. 5)
The mention of Aksak, Ansan, Esnunna and Malgium, all in the Baby-
lonian (north-)eastern frontier, as well as the central and southern Baby-
lonian cities of Isin and Uruk, and perhaps Larsa, reflect the geographi-
cal and strategic importance of Maskan-sapir, situated on the road from
Larsa to Der, Esnunna and Elam.
Note that Isin, as well as Uruk, were not yet part of the kingdom of
Rim-Sin when the documents mentioning the expenditure of commodi-
ties to some of the persons associated with them were written. Accord-
ing to the year name of Rim-Sin 14, he defeated a coalition of forces,
among them from Uruk and Isin (Sigrist 1990, 43-44; Van de Mieroop
1993, 51), and according to the year names of Rim-Sin 21 and 29, he
captured Uruk and Isin respectively (Sigrist 1990, 49, 58-59; Van de
Mieroop 1993, 53). As mentioned, these events occurred after the docu-
ments were written.

(6) Workmen (érin)

Workmen from Uruk and Isin are mentioned in two tablets of Type A
and B dated to month vii of year Rim-Sin 7 (nos. 5-6), as receiving regu-
lar deliveries (sá-du11) of beer, semolina and barley. For the mention of
these two cities, see above.

95254_Boiy_T_OLA_01_Abraham.indd 17 27/06/12 11:29

 18 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

Tablet no. 6 also lists deliveries of semolina to a team of six raft-men

in charge of the transportation of reed tablet containers (6 érin lú má.lá
sa gipisag-im-sar-ra).

(7) Prisoners
• female prisoners of war (munusnam-ra) (no. 6)
• prisoner-workmen (3 érin a-sí-ru) (no. 6)

Origin of the tablets

The tablets were written in Maskan-sapir, where the transactions occurred,
as indicated by the remark sà mas-kán-sabraki towards the end of the
tablets, before the date formula. It is therefore possible that the tablets
originated from illicit excavations in Tell Abu Duwari, the modern site
which was identified since 1989 as Maskan-sapir (Stone and Zimansky
2004).16 Charpin (1994, 214) has already speculated, based on prosopog-
raphy, that some of the texts considered to stem from Larsa, actually
originated in illicit excavations in Tell Abu Duwari.
However, it is possible that the tablets published here, although surely
written in Maskan-sapir, were found in Larsa rather than Tell Abu Duwari.
Indeed, they could have been removed from the archives of Maskan-sapir
already in antiquity, in order to have them shipped to Larsa, where the
central administration was located, especially after the death of Kudur-
Mabuk in the beginning of the reign of Rim-Sin (see above), when royal
residence in Maskan-sapir seems to have ended. In fact, there is a slight
possibility that tablet no. 6 published here may contain a clue to such
a transfer. Line 7 of this document mentions a group of six workmen
in charge of a raft carrying tablet containers (6 érin lú má-lá sa gipisag-im-
sar-ra). Could this be an indication of the transfer of the discussed tablets?17

Index of Personal Names

(Note the following abbreviations: An = Ansan; Ak = Aksak; E = Esnunna;
I = Isin; L = Larsa; M = Malgium; U = Uruk)
Abi-asad (E)
a-bi-a-sa-ad no. 10: 2; 11: 4

16
The only texts from this site which originated in an excavation are royal building
inscriptions (Steinkeller 2004b).
17
Note that the pairing of boats (má) with tablet containers (gipisag-im-sar-ra) occurs
also in some Ur III administrative texts, e.g., Ozaki and Sigrist 2006, 140, no. 362:3.

95254_Boiy_T_OLA_01_Abraham.indd 18 27/06/12 11:29

 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 19

Abu-waqar (E)
a-bu-wa-qar no. 5: 25
Abu-Wer (E)
a-bu-dwe-er no. 5: 27
Adad-ammar (I)
d
IM-am-mar no. 5: 18
Adayatum (E)
a-da-ia-tum no. 5: 24
a-da-a-a-tum no. 11: 3
AÌuni (E)
a-Ìu-ni no. 5: 32
AÌu-waqar (E)
a-Ìu-wa-qar no. 13: 10
Ay-abâs-dinum (E)
a-a-ba-as-di-nu-um no. 13: 4
Burriya (I)
bur-ri-ia no. 5: 15
Daqqum (E)
da-aq-qum no. 5: 29
Erra-bani (E)
ìr-ra-ba-ni no. 5: 31
Îammu-rapi (E)
Ìa-am-mu-ra-pi no. 13: 9
Îamsum? (An)
Ìa-am!?-sú-um no. 5: 13
Îazirum (E)
Ìa-zi-ru-um no. 13: 8
Iddin-Nanna (U/L?)
i-[din]-d[nan]na no. 5: 10
IÌbit-Erra (E)
iÌ-bi-it-ìr-ra no. 5: 28
Ikkanu? (M)
ik-[ka?]-nu no. 5: 6
Ilam-dudu? (E)
i-lam?-du-[du] no. 11: 2
Ilima-aÌi (E)
ì-lí-ma-a-Ìi no. 5: 26
Ilu-naÒir (E)
dingir-na-Òir no. 13: 2
Ilu-qibâ (E)
i-lu-qí?-ba no. 5: 23
Iribam (E)
i-ri-ba-am no. 5: 31
Ilsu-bani (E)
dingir-su-ba-ni no. 5: 22
Karanatum
ka-ra-na-tum no. 1: 3

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 20 K. ABRAHAM AND U. GABBAY

La-qipum (I)
la-qí-pu-um no. 5: 17
Lawilan? (E)
la-[wi!?-la?]-an no. 13: 1
Lu-Dumuzida
lú-ddumu-zi-da no. 4: 7
Maga (E)
ma-a-[ga] no. 13: 7
Min[…] (I)
mi-in-[…] no. 5: 20
Puzur-Amurru (E)
puzur4-dmar-tu no. 13: 3
Samas-abi (E)
d
utu-a-bi no. 10: 3; 11: 5
Sin-[…]
d
EN.ZU-[…] no. 9: 3
Sin-eribam (E)
d
EN.ZU-i-ri-ba-am no. 13: 5
Sin-gamil (I)
d
EN.[ZU]-ga-mil no. 5: 19
Sin-iddinam (An)
d
EN.ZU-i-din-nam no. 5: 12
Sin-ismeanni (U/L?)
d
EN.ZU-is-me-[an-n]i no. 5: 9
Sin-malik (An)
d
EN.ZU-ma-lik no. 9: 6
Sin-mupasser
d
EN.ZU-mu-pa-se-er no. 7: 6
Sin-nawir (M)
[d
EN.ZU]-na-w[i]-[ir] no. 5: 4
Suniya (E)
su-ni-ia no.10: 4; 11: 6
Takkua (Ak)
ta-ak-ku-ú-a no. 5: 34
Taribum (I)
ta-ri-bu-um no. 5: 16
Ubar-Samas
u-bar-d[utu] no. 4: 6
Ur-[…]
ur-d[…] no. 2: 5
Warad-Nanna
ìr-dnanna no. 1: 4; 2: 11; 3: 11; 4: 12; 5: 36; 6: 18; 7: 12; 8: 3; 9: 9;
10: 7; 12: 11; 13: 15
Warad-Nanna (An)
ìr-dnanna no. 9: 5
Wer-abusu (E)
d
we-er-a-bu-su no. 13: 6

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 EXPENDITURES BY THE GU-ZA-LÁ OFFICIAL AT MASKAN-SAPIR 21

[…]
[…]-la-an no. 5: 5 (M)
[…]-mi-[…] no. 5: 7 (M)
[…]-bi no. 11: 7 (E)
[…] no. 9: 2

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