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NEW APPROACHES TO
BYZANTINE HISTORY AND CULTURE

The Varangians
In God’s Holy Fire
Sverrir Jakobsson
New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture

Series Editors
Florin Curta
University of Florida
FL, USA

Leonora Neville
University of Wisconsin Madison
WI, USA

Shaun Tougher
Cardiff University
Cardiff, UK
New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture publishes high-quality
scholarship on all aspects of Byzantine culture and society from the fourth
to the fifteenth centuries, presenting fresh approaches to key aspects of
Byzantine civilization and new studies of unexplored topics to a broad
academic audience. The series is a venue for both methodologically inno-
vative work and ground-breaking studies on new topics, seeking to engage
medievalists beyond the narrow confines of Byzantine studies.
The core of the series is original scholarly monographs on various
aspects of Byzantine culture or society, with a particular focus on books
that foster the interdisciplinarity and methodological sophistication of
Byzantine studies. The series editors are interested in works that combine
textual and material sources, that make exemplary use of advanced meth-
ods for the analysis of those sources, and that bring theoretical practices of
other fields, such as gender theory, subaltern studies, religious studies
theory, anthropology, etc. to the study of Byzantine culture and society.

More information about this series at

http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14755
 Sverrir Jakobsson

The Varangians
In God’s Holy Fire
Sverrir Jakobsson
University of Iceland
Reykjavík, Iceland

New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture

ISBN 978-3-030-53796-8    ISBN 978-3-030-53797-5 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53797-5

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
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 Epigraph

Once out of nature I shall never take

My bodily form from any natural thing,
But such a form as Grecian goldsmiths make
Of hammered gold and gold enamelling
To keep a drowsy Emperor awake;
Or set upon a golden bough to sing
To lords and ladies of Byzantium
Of what is past, or passing, or to come.
W. B. Yeats, “Sailing to Byzantium” (1928)
To my daughter Stína Signý, the adornment of her parents
 Preface

Writing books is only one of many ways a scholar has to communicate with
an audience, and not necessarily the most efficient one. Having composed
a few articles on the Varangians, I nevertheless felt a need for a larger can-
vas on which to paint an image of the Varangians which differs so mark-
edly from those usually found in general surveys and textbooks.
As it happens, one of my first publications as a scholar happened to be
on a similar topic. It was called: “A Research Survey on Scholarly Works
Concerning the Varangians and their Relations with the Byzantine Empire
838–1204”. This was published in June 1994 in a brief volume made by
the MA students at the Centre for Medieval Studies at Leeds to celebrate
the twenty-fifth anniversary of the centre. Another twenty-five years were
to pass before I had finished the first draft of the present book in
October 2019.
During the writing of my doctoral thesis, on the topic “The World
View of Medieval Icelanders 1100–1400”, the Varangians made an unex-
pected reappearance. I was looking for examples of Icelandic attitudes
towards the Great Schism and, to my surprise, I discovered that Medieval
Icelanders had little awareness of its existence. I published a brief article on
the topic in an Icelandic journal which was read by another Icelander, the
philosopher Jóhann Páll Árnason. He found this conclusion sufficiently
interesting to report it to Jonathan Shepard, one of the greatest authori-
ties on the Medieval Roman/Byzantine Empire. On his urging, I sent a
more densely argued article on the topic to the Czech journal
Byzantinoslavica in 2008. Since then, I have been involved again with the

ix
x Preface

Varangians, as a sideline from my writings on the political history of

Medieval Iceland.
At that time, more than a decade or so ago, I would never have con-
ceived of a book on the topic of the Varangians. I felt that this would be
an almost unsurmountable task, as my ideas about the Varangians were a
far remove from the ideas then dominant in almost every book or article
on the topic, very much shaped by the work done by Sigfús Blöndal and
Adolf Stender-Petersen in the early twentieth century. However, in the last
decade or so, other scholars have been increasingly challenging those
premises, and I feel that it is now possible to write about the Varangians
without painstaking explanations of why the image of them delineated by
me is so different from that of Blöndal.
As can be inferred from the preceding paragraph, I am indebted to
many scholars of the present generation who have been challenging estab-
lished orthodoxies in the most recent years. I was also fortunate enough
to be a part of a research group devoted to revitalizing studies of the rela-
tions between Scandinavia and the Medieval Roman Empire, the results of
which can be seen in the monograph Byzantium and the Viking World
(from 2016) and other works. If no man is an island, this is especially true
about scholars, and most of the ideas which form the premise of this work
are the results of minds other than my own, doing work which I have
benefitted from.
The bulk of this book has been written in two research sabbaticals I had
from my employer, the University of Iceland, in 2017 and 2019. A
month’s research leave in Copenhagen was invaluable in reacquainting
myself with the voluminous secondary literature on this subject, as well as
editions of primary sources not available in the University Library in
Reykjavík. In addition, it was an unforgettable experience for my family.
This present volume is a part of a research project called Legends of the
Eastern Vikings which has been generously funded by the Icelandic
Research Fund and is still ongoing.
The text and ideas in this book have been moulded by discussions with
many of my colleagues and I have received much assistance in committing
them into words. I can only mention the most important contributions.
The manuscript has been read by my fellow scholars at the University of
Iceland, Þórir Jónsson Hraundal, Daria Segal, and Ármann Jakobsson,
Csete Katona from the Central European University in Budapest, and
Roland Scheel from the Georg-August-Universität in Göttingen. My
research assistants Meghan Anne Korten, Þorsteinn Ö. Vilhjálmsson,
 Preface  xi

Cassandra Ruiz, Þuríður Ósk Sigurbjörnsdóttir and Arnór Gunnar

Gunnarsson have contributed a great deal to my efforts. Finally, I would
like to thank my editors at Palgrave, Oliver Dyer, Emily Russell and Joseph
Johnson, for encouraging me to write this book in the first place and for
pressing me to hand it in for publication instead of getting lost in the
many fascinating detours of this history.
Lastly, my inspiration for this work and all others of mine comes from
my wife, Æsa Guðrún Bjarnadóttir, and our three children, Jakobína Lóa,
Stína Signý and Janus Bjarni. They have provided a welcome distraction
from my work and are also the reason why I get up in the morning and
manage to do any work at all.

Reykjavík, Iceland Sverrir Jakobsson

 A Note on Spelling and Translation

For a work which is based on sources in numerous languages and alpha-

bets, there are many decisions to be made on how to spell things, which
things to translate and/or transliterate, and which not to translate and/or
transliterate. Although I have doubtless been inconsistent on many occa-
sions, the general principles are as follow: Arabic names have been
Romanized, mostly without the use of diacritical marks. For Greek names
I use the system used by the Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, for East
Slavonic names I use the Library of Congress system and for Old Norse
names I use a normalized medieval spelling. Titles of medieval works in
Greek and Old Slavonic are mostly translated into English or Latin (in
such cases as that is customary), whereas I have left Latin and Old Norse
titles untranslated, except for a few instances when I felt a translation was
called for. Original quotes have been translated, but in the case of Old
Norse poetry, I have kept the original along with the (very literal) transla-
tion. This was done in order to give my readers some sense of the rhythm
of the poems.

xiii
 Contents

Introduction  1

Incursion  9

Attack 23

Accommodation 35

Engagement 49

Adaptation 63

Adventurer 75

Intermission: History Becomes Legend 89

Expeditions 95

Interconnections109

xv
xvi Contents

Icons123

Empire135

Orthodoxy147

Afterlives159

Conclusion: A Special Relationship171

Bibliographical Essays177

Works Cited193

Index203
 List of Figures

Incursion
Fig. 1 The waterways from Scandinavia to Constantinople 17

Accommodation
Fig. 1 The Halfdan runic inscription—Hagia Sophia 40

Engagement
Fig. 1 The Madrid Skylitzes (Biblioteca Nacional de España in Madrid,
MS Graecus Vitr. 26-2)—Greek fire 50
Fig. 2 The Madrid Skylitzes—Meeting between Emperor John Tzimiskes
and Sviatoslav I of Kiev 59

Adventurer
Fig. 1 The Madrid Skylitzes (Biblioteca Nacional de España in Madrid,
MS Graecus Vitr. 26-2)—Michael IV and the Bulgarian army 77
Fig. 2 The Madrid Skylitzes (Biblioteca Nacional de España in Madrid,
MS Graecus Vitr. 26-2)—A Thrakesian woman kills a Varangian
guard84

Intermission: History Becomes Legend

Fig. 1 The Arinbárðr runic inscription—Hagia Sophia 90

xvii
xviii List of Figures

Expeditions
Fig. 1 The Madrid Skylitzes (Biblioteca Nacional de España in Madrid,
MS Graecus Vitr. 26-2)—Axe-wielding Varangians 104

Interconnections
Fig. 1 The Dagmar Crucifix (Statens Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen) 114

Orthodoxy
Fig. 1 Triumphal arch, Sæby ved Tissø (kalkmalerier.dk) 151
 Introduction

The Varangians were an elusive group of people. For a period of three or

four centuries they existed and then they were gone, seemingly without a
trace. They became a part of the memory of people in various European
countries and cultures, a memory that progressively was shaped by the
rules and requirements of its own metanarrative. The Varangians did not
leave behind any modern institutions and very little material remains can
be traced back to them. Their survival was due to their place in a narrative,
which can be called the Varangian legend.
The Vikings who ventured East have usually been called Varangians, to
differentiate them from their compatriots in the West. This term, however,
appears relatively late, and the first Vikings in the East were known as the
Rus, a term from which the country name Russia and the ethnonym
Russians later evolved. The story of the Varangians has often been traced
back to the year 839, although no such term as Varangian had existed at
that time. However, another group, called the Rus, is mentioned in writ-
ten sources from that year on, and the Rus are generally accepted as pre-
decessors of the Varangians, for reasons which will soon be made clear.
Both groups are an integral part of the history of Nordic people in the East.
The grand narratives about the Varangians had different versions within
different cultures. One of them is the Russian/Ukrainian concerning the
foundation of the earliest Rus state but the one which is the main topic of
this work is the early medieval evolution of a group of people known as the
Rus, its eleventh-century transmutation into the Varangians and the

© The Author(s) 2020 1

S. Jakobsson, The Varangians, New Approaches to Byzantine
History and Culture,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53797-5_1
2 S. JAKOBSSON

development of the Old Norse tradition of the Varangian warriors in the

service of the Roman emperor.
This story has been told before but in a very different form and for a
very different purpose than in the present volume. The seminal work on
the subject is Væringjasaga by Sigfús Blöndal, published posthumously in
1954 and later translated into English by Benedikt Benedikz as The
Varangians of Byzantium. The purpose of Sigfús Blöndal was twofold, to
introduce to his Icelandic readers the rich history of the Medieval Roman
Empire and to establish the facts concerning people either known as
Varangians in Old Norse sources or reported as having visited the Medieval
Roman Empire, generally known as Byzantium in modern scholarly dis-
course. He was thus preoccupied with establishing which sagas can be
trusted as sources and which of them cannot, but he was also prepared to
give more credence to saga evidence than scholars of later times would do.
Currently, 66 years after the publication of this work and 70 years after
the death of Sigfús Blöndal, his work is still the standard work on the
Varangians for an English-speaking audience. This reflects a certain stag-
nation in the field of Varangian studies. In the time of Sigfús Blöndal, the
focus of scholarship on the Varangians was on the period between 800 and
1200 and the purpose was to examine the facts concerning the origin of
the Rus and The Varangians, within a hallowed Rankean paradigm of his-
tory “as it actually happened” (wie es eigentlich gewesen). The result of
this important and ground-breaking research has been the establishment
of a grand narrative which is formed like a mosaic or a quilt, as many het-
erogeneous pieces are placed together to form a greater whole.
In the course of the twentieth century this picture was enriched and
supplemented by archaeological research, which has yielded impressive
results, yet without any substantial challenges to its main premises.
Numismatic studies on the vast quantities of silver coins related to viking
trade unearthed in Eastern Europe and Scandinavia has also made impor-
tant contributions. Some advances towards a reassessment of this narrative
have been made through a more thorough analysis of a large corpus on
Arabic sources on the eastfaring Scandinavians (for instance by Þórir
Jónsson Hraundal), which had previously either been more or less
neglected, or trimmed to fit the narrative governed by the more exten-
sively studied Latin, Greek and Slavonic sources.
In later years, however, there is a certain shift in research on the
Varangians with more focus on how to interpret the sources available to
us, rather than to squeeze minute factual nuggets out of the material
 INTRODUCTION 3

which might have been missed by earlier generations of scholars. As it

turns out, these sources have their own peculiarities and a cultural setting
particular to them. If the historiography of the Eastern Vikings was for a
long time characterized by emphasis on establishing the murky facts of
Rus and Varangian activity in the East, the level of interest has begun to
move towards different subjects of research, such as the interaction of dif-
ferent cultures, the formation of identities, and the development of a par-
ticular grand narrative concerning the Rus and the Varangians. Among
examples of a more recent trend in Varangian historiography only few can
be singled out, such as the collected volume Byzantium and the Viking
World, appearing in 2016, and, especially, the German doctoral thesis
Skandinavien und Byzanz by Roland Scheel.
The present volume aims to take note of this shift in studies on the
Varangians. Its main purpose is to re-examine medieval sources on the
Eastern Vikings and to highlight the ongoing “debate” (to use a term
made popular in this context by Jan and Aleida Assmann) on the Rus and
the Varangians in the medieval period. The aim is to compare and contrast
sources emanating from different cultures, such as Byzantium, the Abbasid
Caliphate and its successor states, the early kingdoms of the Rus and the
high medieval Scandinavian kingdoms, and analyse what significance these
sources attached to the Rus and the Varangians in different contexts.
These sources will be analysed with regard to the cultural and political
context in which they were written and the purpose behind the narrative,
always with particular attention to the sections connected to the Rus and
the Varangians in these accounts. An important part of this debate on the
Rus and the Varangians was the fashioning of identities and how different
cultures define themselves in comparison and contrast with the other. This
comparison fuels the main research questions of this work, encompassed
in the overarching theme on the formation of medieval identities.
A key element to address is the traditional emphasis on narrative history
as a historical method which “consist in the investigation of the docu-
ments in order to determine what is the true or most plausible story that
can be told about the events of which they are evidence”.1 The interest in
the documents themselves is limited to the information which can be
gathered from them concerning the events they relate which are to the
interest of a particular narrative. However, these pieces of information
which have been fitted into the grand narrative of Rus and Varangian his-
tory have often been removed from their context within narratives devoted
4 S. JAKOBSSON

only coincidentally to the Rus and the Varangians. It is time to re-examine

this context and focus on the sources for the history of the Eastern Vikings.
An important element of Rus and Varangian history is the portrayal of
Rus and Varangians in Old Icelandic narrative sources, which have been
neglected in later years. In Sigfús Blöndal’s grand oeuvre on the Varangians,
twelfth and thirteenth century Old Norse narratives in which they appear
were assessed according to their value as sources for actual events, with
some lauded as reliable but many others dismissed as legendary. Their rela-
tive devaluation as sources for the history of events has resulted in their
disappearance from the grand narrative history of the Eastern Vikings,
although with some important exceptions. A new research paradigm is
needed to re-integrate the study of these texts into the mainstream of
research on the Eastern Vikings, and there is a need of a new emphasis on
the continued debate on the “Scandinavian experience” in Byzantium and
the Eastern World and the role which the Varangians played within the
cultural memory of Medieval Iceland and Norway.
The historiography on the Eastern Vikings has been multiform and
varied but the main thrust of it has been a focus on actual historical events
and how these might or might not be reflected accurately in the sources.
In contrast, very little emphasis has been placed on the narrators of the
medieval accounts of the Rus and the Varangians, the context in which
these writings took place and the motive behind these narratives. An anal-
ysis of medieval sources has to take into account the cultural and political
context in which they were written and the purpose behind their narrative,
with particular attention to the sections connected to the Rus and the
Varangians in these accounts. An important part of this debate on the Rus
and the Varangians was the fashioning of identities, and how different
cultures defined themselves.
The main research questions of this volume stem from this contrast and
belong to an overarching discussion of the formation of medieval identi-
ties. Employing a theory of cultural memory defined by Jan Assmann,
memory (the contemporized past), culture, and the group (society) will
be discussed in connection to each other. According to Assmann, the con-
cept of cultural memory comprises that body of reusable texts, images,
and rituals specific to each society in each epoch, whose cultivation serves
to stabilize and convey that society’s self-image. Upon such collective
knowledge of the past, each group bases its awareness of unity and par-
ticularity. The content of such knowledge varies from culture to culture as
well as from epoch to epoch but what is common is that through its
 INTRODUCTION 5

cultural heritage a society becomes visible to itself and to others. Which

past becomes evident in that heritage and which values emerge in its iden-
tificatory appropriation tells us much about the constitution and tenden-
cies of a society.2 Here the intention is to examine the representations of
the Rus and Varangians from this angle, as this group was important for
the construction of the identity of both Russians and Scandinavians.
An important paradigm of cultural memory is “the concretion of iden-
tity” or how a group derives an awareness of its unity and peculiarity. The
objective manifestations of cultural memory are defined through a kind of
identificatory determination in a positive (“We are this”) or in a negative
(“That’s our opposite”) sense. Through such a concretion of identity the
constitution of horizons evolves, as the supply of knowledge in the cul-
tural memory is characterized by sharp distinctions made between those
who belong and those who do not, that is, between what appertains to
oneself and what is foreign. This knowledge is not controlled by epistemo-
logical curiosity but rather by a need for identity. The concretion of the
identity of the Varangians through their manifestation in the cultural
memory in different societies as parts of the Self or the Other will be an
important hypothesis. For the Romans and the Arabs, the Rus and the
Varangians were the Other but they gradually became parts of a common
environment and common experience. For Russians and Scandinavians,
they were, on the contrary, a part of Us, but a part that belonged in a
distant and legendary past.
A second important characteristic of cultural memory is its capacity to
reconstruct. No memory can preserve the past. What remains is only that
which society in each era can reconstruct within its contemporary frame of
reference. Cultural memory relates its knowledge to an actual and con-
temporary situation, sometimes by appropriation, sometimes by criticism,
sometimes by preservation or by transformation. Cultural memory exists
in two modes: first in the mode of potentiality of the archive whose accu-
mulated texts, images, and rules of conduct act as a total horizon, and
second in the mode of actuality, whereby each contemporary context puts
the objectivized meaning into its own perspective, giving it its own rele-
vance. An examination of the debate about the Rus and the Varangians
will bring to light the potential modes as well as the actual modes of the
knowledge about their history in different cultures.
Formation and organization of the shared knowledge about the Eastern
Vikings are also important characteristics of the debate. The objectifica-
tion or crystallization of communicated meaning and collectively shared
Another random document with
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 Both the large capitalist and the trade union boss I should class
among the Commanders, and I should assign them a high rank in
human progressive elements. The former is often a Pathfinder in
commerce and industry, and the latter often points the way to the
betterment of manual workers. Both are in a position of great power,
but are exposed to the temptation to abuse it. The financier may
succeed in restricting the free market in an important human
community for his own enrichment and aggrandizement. The trade
union boss may make a “corner” in a certain form of labour and so
deprive the community of some essential commodity, such as
housing accommodation. When this degeneration takes place, both
these types must be put into the Vulture class.
The same judgment must be passed on those who use the
machinery of the medium of exchange to further objects contrary to
the interests of the community, such as usurers, and purveyors of
intoxicant drugs. These also are among the Vultures.
When the first armed man transferred a method employed by
nature into a new medium, and derived his armour from the outer
world instead of growing it in his own organism, he took a step
which led to many similar re-interpretations. One of the most
important of such steps was Organization. The very word recalls its
“organic” origin. The organs of the human body form an
interdependent community with a common interest. The organs
again are composed of tissues, and the tissues of individual cells
having, as many biologists believe, a rudimentary consciousness of
their own. All these—some millions of millions of millions—form a
vast and closely-organized community consisting of many more
distinct individuals than there are human beings on earth. The
human race is such an organized community. A swarm of bees is
another, but while the latter only deals with “natural” food-supplies
and housing materials, the human community, thanks primarily to
the use of fire, gathers its resources from realms utterly inaccessible
to the ordinary animal, and establishes an unassailable superiority.
Thus the human army, consisting of Pathfinders, Organizers, Rank
and File, and Stragglers, with a trail of Vultures behind, presses ever
forward on its victorious march of progress.
Its general procedure may be represented as follows:
The Pathfinders are in front, seeking out new avenues of advance.
They may discover a new coal mine or oil well or mineral deposit; a
more economical method of lighting and heating; an improved
method of weaving or printing; a new medicine; a new formula for
expressing numerical relations; an improved method of transmitting
news; or merely a simplified method of mending socks. Whatever it
may be, the new discovery is passed on to the organizers, the
captains of industry, the capitalists and financiers, and the trade
unions. In a well-organized community, the discovery or invention is
given every opportunity of proving its value. Where vested interests
and monopolies stand in the way, either in the camp of the
capitalists and property holders or in the ranks of labour, much
opposition may be encountered, and the community may be
deprived of the advantages of the new discovery. But if there is no
such opposition, the work incidental to the utilization of the
discovery is distributed by the organizers among the rank and file,
consisting of mechanics, clerks, and small investors. As soon as the
industry is successfully established, the Vultures begin to hover
round. Some of them seek to drive the industry into a corner where
it can only exist by serving the interests of the Vultures. Other
Vultures endeavour to corner the labour trained by the pathfinders
and pioneers and hold the new industry to ransom. But in a well-
organized community these nefarious activities are kept within
bounds. The pathfinders, the organizers, and the rank and file are
given their due credit and reward, and the community reaps the full
benefit of the discovery.
And now let us examine the activities of the Pathfinders. In
classical times the most audacious and renowned of these were the
Phœnicians, who, armed with their shields and corselets of “oak and
triple bronze,” sailed through the Pillars of Hercules out from the
tideless Mediterranean into the unknown terrors of the Atlantic.
Their ships were seen in the Baltic, trading woven purple garments
for amber, and on the British coasts in search of tin. At the request
of an Egyptian Pharao, they circumnavigated Africa, and brought
back wildly improbable but, nevertheless, true stories about new
constellations and the sun culminating in the north.
In Egypt itself explorers and discoverers of another kind were
busy. The science of Chemistry was born there, and named after
“Chem,” the native name of Egypt. In Greece and its colonies the
science of Geometry attained a high standard, while Syracuse stands
out as the home of Archimedes, one of the greatest mathematicians,
physicists, and inventors of all time. These Pathfinders enriched
humanity with priceless gifts. They surveyed the field of possible
discovery from a high altitude, and their clear vision traced out the
paths to higher achievement, to be trodden by their successors.
Had they lived in better-organized communities, their labours
would have been turned to greater advantage, and would have
benefited a greater number of their fellow men. But the day of
capitalism and mass-production had not yet come. The splendid
achievements of an Archimedes only served to benefit a tyrant, and
his single-handed scientific fight against the Romans ended in
disaster to his beloved city.
In Greek and Roman days, owing to the lop-sided organization of
human society, scientific discoveries could only benefit a few
powerful people. The downtrodden underlings were unaffected by
the work of the Pathfinders. They had to await the dawn of the
Industrial Age before they could take part in the progress of the
élite. Yet it must be put to the credit of the Hieros, the Medicis, and
the greater of the Bourbon and Stuart Kings that they fostered the
advancement of science and protected the Pathfinders from the
persecution of ecclesiastical and other vultures.
The invention of gunpowder laid low the chivalry of the Middle
Ages. The Hobbling God triumphed over the mail-clad monopolist on
horseback. The Sudden Fire armed the foot-soldier with a winged
shaft of death. The stone-thrower had became the unerring sharp-
shooter. The range of human power increased apace. The glass-
blower with his fiery furnace produced cunning contrivances of glass
which increased the range of the human eye twenty or thirty-fold. A
free philosopher like Spinoza could discourse of the fundamental
substance without fear or favour, since the grinding of optical glasses
assured him an independent livelihood. Then came the French
Revolution with its clarion call to a wider organization of humanity,
which was eventually brought about, not by speeches and
pamphlets, but by the harnessing of coal to inaugurate the
Mechanical Age.
The nineteenth century saw the fulfilment of the dream of an
organized Humanity, a human world unified, not by the spread of
humanitarian philosophies, but by the material bonds of progress.
Some of my critics have ridiculed my “robust” belief in the reality
of progress through invention and the use of machinery. I see no
reason to modify my view. A generation ago, Ruskin deplored the
spread of railways which scored their lines through “bleeding
landscapes.” To me a railway line is a thing of beauty, wherever it
may be found. It is a symbol of a higher will and of a purpose
transcending the puny sphere of the individual. To see the rails is as
if the sinews and muscles of some supernatural being were made
visible and accessible to me. And who shall say that I am wrong in
that feeling? A railway is an organization superior to man.
“Societies,” says Edward Carpenter,[3] “not only of bees (as
Maeterlinck has shown), but of all creatures up to man, have, qua
societies, a life of their own, inclusive of and superadded to that of
their individual members.” And so a railway appears to me as an
individual of a higher order, closely organized and endowed with a
life of its own. Its mental equipment is its personnel, its directors,
clerks, drivers, guards and porters. Its body consists of rails, bridges,
tunnels, stations and rolling stock. It has a soul and a living purpose.
It has a power of self-maintenance and self-preservation and a
rudimentary memory.
[3] The Art of Creation.
 I heartily sympathize with the child who adores a locomotive
engine. To him, nothing could be more lavishly fraught with beauty. I
saw a little while ago a powerful engine at Waterloo Station at the
head of an express train for Bournemouth. It was a thing of perfect
and satisfying beauty. Its lines suggested calmness and strength and
speed. The wisp of steam about its safety valve spoke of well-
controlled powers within its massive frame. The driver, a clear-eyed
man with trusty hands and sturdy body, was a noble representative
of Hephæstus. One felt that the load of health-seeking humanity
behind him was in safe hands, that his nerves and muscles would
work as perfectly as the engine he regarded with such loving
attention, and that the 108 miles of the non-stop journey would be
accomplished without a hitch. The beneficent monster lay there in
the morning sun, ready to spring forward on its swift trajectory
across the “bleeding landscape”! And there are people who can look
upon the eager children in the train, armed with their spades and
buckets for playing in the health-giving southern sunshine, and deny
the progressiveness of the Mechanical Age!
They will probably argue, of course, that if it were not for the
smoke of the city, due to the “fires of Hephæstus,” there would be
no necessity to have trains to carry the children to the seaside. But
the smoke of cities is due mainly to incomplete combustion in
domestic hearths, and the remedy lies not in the discouragement of
mechanical invention but in its further extension until it provides us
with a smokeless city.
The fires of Hephæstus are fashioning a new world. They are
welding humanity into a coherent mass. All the metals, all the ninety
chemical elements, are being pressed into service. Whose service?
The service of a race whose destiny we can as yet only dimly
appreciate. Already we command temperatures varying from a
region within a few degrees of the absolute zero to within a few
hundred degrees of the heat of the sun. The sight of our eyes has
been supplemented to such an extent that we can appreciate and
deal with some fifteen octaves of visible and invisible light instead of
the single octave “naturally” accessible to our sight. We command
pressures of tons per square millimetre and degrees of vacuum
down to a hundred-millionth of an atmosphere. We can photograph
the track of a single atom tearing its way through moist air. We can
print 500,000 copies of a paper of 150,000 words daily and sell it for
a penny. We have banished bears and wolves from our home
countries and have learnt to wage war against invisible germs of
disease. We have acquired the power of bringing beautiful music
into the homes of our humblest citizens. The luxuries of our forbears
are the common possessions of our own generation. If we are not
happier than our ancestors, the fault lies in ourselves, in our
ingratitude and lack of imagination. Or must we conclude that
happiness is a negligible thing in the great scheme of progress, and
that that scheme does not concern itself with our individual feelings?
I for one believe that happiness is on the up-grade, too.
Hephæstus is not only a strong and a clever god, but a god with a
sense of humour and a very lovable character.
 IV
Forerun thy peers, thy time, and let
Thy feet, millenniums hence be set
In midst of knowledge, dreamt not yet.

The empire of Hephæstus is expanding before our eyes. His

bellows blow through our blast furnaces. His anvils ring in thousands
of factories. His engines career over the land, and his steamers over
the sea. His internal-combustion cars are strung out along the
roadways, and his avions run their furrows through the clouds.
Wherever he goes, he lightens the burdens of humanity and
gladdens all hearts with his gifts. He brings warmth and light into
dark places. He draws mankind closer and closer together. He draws
them together without diminishing the distance between them. He
simply makes that distance impotent to hold them apart. He enables
the city children to leave their slums and gather fresh health in the
open country. He gives the grimed city worker fresh clear air wherein
to sleep. His lorries, thundering along the highways, tighten the
bonds between the farmer who gathers the fruit and the town
dweller who consumes it.
Nor is Hephæstus satisfied yet. His task is but half finished. The
whole earth must be Vulcanized.
The God of Fire and of Iron hobbles over the broad earth, seeking
and finding new paths of advancement towards a better and fuller
life.
Man has become less and less limited by his permanent organism,
that Body which in the beginning was all he possessed. He has now
as many different shapes as ever Proteus had, and he can assume
any of them at will. At one time he has the shape of a rowing boat,
his arms prolonged seven feet or more till his blades skim the water.
Again, his legs will be two wheels, and his body will be like those
steeds with fire-breathing nostrils which Hephæstus made for the
King of Colchis. Again, the pupil of his eye will grow until its
diameter measures 100 inches and then he will sound the depths of
the heavens with the power of 100,000 eyes in one. When he goes
to war, he throws his “stone” some seventy miles and arms it with
vast destruction. He belches forth deadly vapours which choke and
strangle his enemies. He becomes an armed slug creeping over all
obstacles and destroying as he creeps.
In times of peace he dresses in various garbs to suit his changing
occupation. His womenfolk emphasize and glorify their variety of
personal presentation and expression. Protea shines in all the
colours and shades of the rainbow, and invents new colours and new
forms every day, forms of dress, of outline, and of her very bodily
figure.
The resignations and renunciations of former ages are forgotten.
Music, travel, pictures, education—the luxuries of past generations
are the common property of all to-day. That is the sort of
Communism which is feasible and reasonable. Take all the luxuries
and good things of this life and bring them within reach of all by
cheapening their cost of production. Travel at a pound a mile is a
luxury. Travel at a penny a mile becomes a “necessity” as soon as
people get used to it and take it for granted.
Security and seclusion are privileges cherished by what used to be
called the “aristocrats.” Place both within reach of the masses by
insurance and by transport facilities. Make all these luxuries and
privileges common property. It is not so many centuries ago that a
mariner’s compass was bartered for diamonds. To-day it costs a
penny. And then we come upon a difficulty. When a thing becomes
common property, or so cheap as to be of practically no price, it
ceases to be coveted. There is a tendency deep-rooted in the human
heart to reach out beyond the things of to-day for something not yet
attained. When Communism has shared out the earth, it will ask for
the moon. Humanity will never assume a “dead level of mediocrity.”
There will always be the Thyroid Type, energetic, inquisitive,
sensitive, inventive, and restless. The class of Pathfinders will be
recruited from that type. The Pituitary Type will furnish commanders
and organizers, while the Adrenal Type will furnish the rank and file.
But the intermixture of the various types will bring out special
constitutions and varieties in unexpected quarters, and it behoves us
to keep “la carrière ouverte aux talents.”
Thus the human army will march forward, led by a Pillar of Fire.
Its pace will be constantly accelerated, but we shall hardly be aware
of it, for our methods of measuring time will change in the same
ratio. A well-made motor-car on a smooth road can hum along
sweetly at sixty miles an hour, and its occupants will be less
impressed and excited than they would be by the horse careering at
20 miles per hour! And what are all these speeds to the absolutely
smooth planetary speed of nineteen miles per second!
It has been asserted that the tremendous powers conferred upon
man by machinery have produced the terrific wars of recent times by
placing power in the wrong hands. There may be some justice in
this, but the amount of destruction is negligible in comparison with
the amount of construction and reparation. When Kitchener saved a
few hundred casualties at Paardeberg by sparing his men, he lost
10,000 at Bloemfontein by enteric fever. The bloodiest war is
sometimes the least costly on balance. The greatest war of all
history ended but seven years ago, and already the beaten nations
have healed up their wounds and are looking forward to the future
with greater confidence than many of the “victorious” nations.
Mankind is increasing the rapidity of its nervous reaction to
emergencies and injuries. The leucocytes of the body politic set to
work sooner and more effectively to heal the damage. Mankind as
an organism is daily improving its circulatory system, alias its
transport facilities. Its nervous system closely imitates organic
nerves by its cables and land-lines, and it improves upon nature by
adding wireless communication and resonance to the organic
devices of the body.
 Mankind is being moulded into a single compact self-contained
body on the anvil of Hephæstus. It is still subject to feverish
ailments and some chronic diseases. But the general outlines of
future development are clearly discernible. There must be pauses
and set-backs. The brilliant scientific and artistic development of
classical Hellenism was all but lost in the destruction of the Roman
civilization. But the Arabs kept the flickering flame alive until Europe
awoke from its torpor and lit its torch once more. Since then there
has been no turning back. The age of science, discovery, and
invention, the age of mechanism and machinery and power, has
come and come to stay. Man, liberated from mechanical drudgery by
the machine, has time to develop his intellectual and artistic powers.
His necessities being supplied by pressing a button, he is liberated to
enjoy a more varied existence. If some men and women are still
bound to monotonous tasks, it does not necessarily mean
unhappiness, for the Pathfinders’ life is one of constant care and
much anxiety. Discovery is 90 per cent. failure, and something like a
daily routine of regular and monotonous work sometimes appears in
the light of a blissful refuge. Besides, the human heart and organism
easily falls into a routine in which daily work is hardly felt, being
done without conscious effort. This fact is often forgotten by those
who envy the life of the organizer and financier, which is one of
much risk and anxiety, relieved by an occasional big prize.
The ideal state of things would be attained if those of an
adventurous disposition could be given the adventurous part of
human activity, and if those who are plodders by nature could be left
to do the plodding.
That is a matter for future development, either consciously
fostered by wise leaders of our race, or unconsciously evolved from
the depths of wisdom hidden below the threshold of the racial
consciousness.
But the goal is in sight. The earth is being organized and unified
under the ægis of the human race, the protoplasm of this planet, the
race which, transcending the mechanism and long-established
traditions of its own germ-plasm, enlarged and multiplied its
functions until it acquired the use of, fire. Upon that achievement it
built an unprecedented form of life, a super-“natural” edifice of
infinite power, as yet but dimly realized, but which in its full beauty
and perfection will be nothing less than Divine.

The End.

Transcriber’s Notes:
A List of Chapters has been provided for the convenience of
the reader, and is granted to the public domain.
Punctuation and spelling inaccuracies were silently corrected.
Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.
Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been
preserved.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HEPHÆSTUS; OR,
THE SOUL OF THE MACHINE ***

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